Acts: A Commentary (The New Testament Library) 9780664221195, 9780664262815, 066422119X

Table of contents :
Cover
Series Page
Title Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
List of Tables and Charts
Preface
Abbreviations
Bibliography
Introduction
Index of Scripture and Other Ancient Sources
Index of Subjects and Authors

Citation preview

The New Testament Library

“Based on a lifetime of reading Acts and texts from both the Jewish and GrecoRoman worlds, Carl Holladay has produced a commentary on both Acts and the world in which it was set. This is erudition devoted to a contemporary reader. It is historical-critical scholarship at its very best. I highly recommend it to all who take the text seriously.”

MATTHEW. BY R. ALAN CULPEPPER, MCAFEE SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY, MERCER UNIVERSITY MARK. BY M. EUGENE BORING, BRITE DIVINITY SCHOOL, TEXAS CHRISTIAN UNIVERSITY LUKE. BY JOHN T. CARROLL, UNION PRESBYTERIAN SEMINARY JOHN. BY MARIANNE MEYE THOMPSON, FULLER THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ACTS. BY CARL R. HOLLADAY, CANDLER SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY, EMORY UNIVERSITY ROMANS. BY BEVERLY ROBERTS GAVENTA, BAYLOR UNIVERSITY I CORINTHIANS. BY ALEXANDRA R. BROWN, WASHINGTON & LEE UNIVERSITY II CORINTHIANS. BY FRANK J. MATERA, THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA GALATIANS. BY MARTINUS C. DE BOER, VU UNIVERSITY AMSTERDAM EPHESIANS. BY STEPHEN E. FOWL, LOYOLA UNIVERSITY MARYLAND PHILIPPIANS AND PHILEMON. BY CHARLES B. COUSAR, COLUMBIA THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY COLOSSIANS. BY JERRY L. SUMNEY, LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY I & II THESSALONIANS. BY M. EUGENE BORING, BRITE DIVINITY SCHOOL, TEXAS CHRISTIAN UNIVERSITY

Acts

CLASSICS HISTORY AND THEOLOGY IN THE FOURTH GOSPEL. BY J. LOUIS MARTYN, UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK

IMAGES OF THE CHURCH IN THE NEW TESTAMENT. BY PAUL S. MINEAR, YALE DIVINITY SCHOOL

UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA, CHAPEL HILL

CARL R. HOLLADAY is Charles Howard Candler Professor of New Testament at Candler School of Theology, Emory University. He is the author of several books and coauthor of Biblical Exegesis: A Beginner’s Handbook. He is the 2016 President of the Society of New Testament Studies.

Carl R. Holladay

I & II TIMOTHY AND TITUS. BY RAYMOND F. COLLINS, THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA HEBREWS. BY LUKE TIMOTHY JOHNSON, CANDLER SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY, EMORY UNIVERSITY JAMES. BY JOEL B. GREEN, FULLER THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY I & II PETER AND JUDE. BY LEWIS R. DONELSON, AUSTIN PRESBYTERIAN THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY I, II, & III JOHN. BY JUDITH M. LIEU, UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE REVELATION. BY BRIAN K. BLOUNT, UNION PRESBYTERIAN SEMINARY

PAUL AND THE ANATOMY OF APOSTOLIC AUTHORITY. BY JOHN HOWARD SCHÜTZ, THEOLOGY AND ETHICS IN PAUL. BY VICTOR PAUL FURNISH, PERKINS SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY, SOUTHERN METHODIST UNIVERSITY

THE WORD IN THIS WORLD: ESSAYS IN NEW TESTAMENT EXEGESIS AND THEOLOGY. BY PAUL W. MEYER, PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

GENERAL STUDIES THE LAW AND THE PROPHETS BEAR WITNESS: THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE NEW. BY J. ROSS WAGNER, PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

NEW TESTAMENT BACKGROUNDS. BY CARL R. HOLLADAY, CANDLER SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY,

A COMMENTARY

www.wjkbooks.com

Ë|xHSKGQEy2 1 95zv*:+!:+!

“Professor Holladay’s reputation for precision while simultaneously entertaining his audiences with spellbinding episodes from the past continues unabated in his magnificent retelling of Luke’s account of the continuation of the life-transforming events of Jesus, Lord and Christ, into the movement of his apostles from the center of Jewish faith in Jerusalem to the vortex of the nations in Rome. In his own inimitable way, Carl Holladay combines accuracy of description in summoning events and personages and cultural-classical texts critical to Luke’s telling, while at the same time extracting with magnetic-like force their importance in the much larger theologicalmissional intent of Luke’s interactive narrative arc. As a highly skilled historian, Holladay enables the lasting significance of Luke’s kerygmatic message to present itself from within the historical-literary-cultural contexts that he highlights so well. His new telling will soon become the commentary of choice for scholars of antiquity and people of faith.” —DAVID P. MOESSNER, A. A. Bradford Chair of Religion, Texas Christian University

EMORY UNIVERSITY

ISBN-13: 978-0-664-22119-5

Acts A Commentary

A Commentary by CARL R. HOLLADAY

—GREGORY E. STERLING, The Reverend Henry L. Slack Dean and Lillian Claus Professor of New Testament, Yale Divinity School

The New Testament Library

COMMENTARY SERIES

ACTS

. . . offers authoritative commentary on every book and major aspect of the New Testament, providing fresh translations based on the best available ancient manuscripts, critical portrayals of the historical world in which the books were created, careful attention to their literary design, and a theologically perceptive exposition of the biblical text. The editorial board consists of C. Clifton Black, Princeton Theological Seminary; M. Eugene Boring, Brite Divinity School; and John T. Carroll, Union Presbyterian Seminary.

The New Testament Library

The New Testament Library

CARL R. HOLLADAY

ACTS

THE NEW TESTAMENT LIBRARY Editorial Advisory Board C. Clifton Black M. Eugene Boring John T. Carroll

Carl R. Holladay

A Commentary

© 2016 Carl R. Holladay First edition Published by Westminster John Knox Press Louisville, Kentucky 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25—10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Westminster John Knox Press, 100 Witherspoon Street, Louisville, Kentucky 40202-1396. Or contact us online at www.wjkbooks.com. Unless otherwise indicated, Scripture quotations outside Acts are from the New Revised Standard Version of the Bible, copyright © 1989 by the Division of Christian Education of the National Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S.A., and are used by permission. Translations of Acts are by the author unless otherwise noted. Material from Nestle-Aland, Novum Testamentum Graece, 28th ed., is used herein with the permission of Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Book design by Jennifer K. Cox Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Holladay, Carl R., author. Title: Acts : a commentary / Carl R. Holladay. Description: First edition. | Louisville, KY : Westminster John Knox Press, 2016. | Series: The New Testament library Identifiers: LCCN 2016013579 | ISBN 9780664221195 (hbk. : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780664262815 (pbk. : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Bible. Acts—Commentaries. Classification: LCC BS2625.53 .H65 2016 | DDC 226.607/7—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016013579 c The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992. Most Westminster John Knox Press books are available at special quantity discounts when purchased in bulk by corporations, organizations, and special-interest groups. For more information, please e-mail [email protected].

For Kate and Matthew

CONTENTS

List of Tables and Charts Preface Abbreviations Ancient Sources Journals, Reference Works, Series, Versions Bibliography Other Reference Works Commentaries on Acts Monographs and Articles Introduction

xv xvii xx xx xxvi xxxv xxxv xxxviii xli 1

Authorship 1 Date 4 Genre 7 Diēgēsis 7 “Acts”—Praxis and Praxeis 8 What Kind of History? 11 The Textual History of Acts 13 Manuscripts and Textual Witnesses Relating to Acts 14 Papyri 14 Majuscules 16 Minuscules 19 Chronological List of Acts Manuscripts   (Third through Sixteenth Century) 20 Versions 21 Patristic Witnesses 22

viii

Contents

Four Textual Groups Textual Group A Textual Group B Textual Group C Textual Group D Codex Bezae (D) and the D-Text Tradition Theories about the Two Textual Traditions of Acts Literary Structure Literary Style as an Expression of Theological Purpose Biblicism Speeches Other Features: Summaries, Episodes, Travel, Itineraries, Journeys Major Themes Fulfillment of God’s Purpose Faithful Christian Witness The Church as Politically Harmless and Socially Redemptive The Church as the Extension of Jesus’s Ministry The Church as Divinely Favored Narrative Unity of Luke-Acts Continuity of Themes Literary Connections

1:1–8:3 1:1–26 1:1–8

1:9–11 1:12–14



1:15–26



COMMENTARY Part 1: The Beginning of the Church in Jerusalem From Easter to Pentecost The Risen Lord Instructs the Apostles and Promises the Holy Spirit Jesus’s Ascension The Apostles, Some Women, and Jesus’s Family Gather in Jerusalem Reconstituting the Twelve: The Death of Judas and the Selection of Matthias Excursus 1: Luke’s Use of Pss 68:26 LXX and 108:8 LXX

23 24 24 24 25 26 29 30 34 37 40 46 48 48 52 55 58 61 67 68 68

71 71 72 74 76 79 80

Contents  ix

2:1–47 2:1–4 2:5–13 2:14–36 2:37–41 2:42–47 3:1–4:31 3:1–10 3:11–26 4:1–4 4:5–22 4:23–31 4:32–5:42 4:32–37 5:1–11 5:12–16 5:17–26 5:27–32 5:33–42 6:1–8:3 6:1–7

6:8–15 7:1–53 7:54–8:3

A New Era Begins at Pentecost The Coming of the Spirit The Worldwide Audience Peter’s Inaugural Sermon Response to Peter’s Sermon The Apostolic Community Apostolic Testimony in the Temple Peter and John Heal a Lame Beggar in the Temple Peter’s Sermon in the Temple Peter and John Arrested by Temple Authorities Peter and John before the Sanhedrin The Church’s Prayer for Peter and John The Apostolic Church: Community Solidarity, Resistance, and Vindication The Church’s Generosity: Barnabas Misguided Generosity: Ananias and Sapphira Apostolic Signs and Wonders in the Temple The Apostles’ Arrest and Miraculous Escape The Apostles’ Defense before the Sanhedrin The Apostles Vindicated: Gamaliel Apostolic Witness Extended Resolving the Hellenist-Hebrew Dispute: Choosing Seven Apostolic Assistants Stephen’s Arrest Stephen’s Defense Speech Response to Stephen’s Speech: His Death and Its Impact

89 90 92 98 105 107 109 112 114 121 124 129 133 133 135 138 140 143 144 149 150 155 159 175

8:4–12:25

Part 2: The Word Spreads: Jerusalem to Syrian Antioch

178

8:4–40 8:4–8 8:9–13 8:14–25 8:26–40

Philip’s Ministry Philip Preaches in Samaria Simon the Magician Becomes a Believer The Apostles Confirm the Samaritan Mission The Ethiopian Eunuch’s Conversion

178 178 180 183 186

x

 Contents

9:1–31 9:1–9

9:10–19a 9:19b–25 9:26–30

9:31 9:32–11:18

9:32–35 9:36–43 10:1–8 10:9–16 10:17–23a 10:23b–33



10:34–43



10:44–48

11:1–18 11:19–30 11:19–26 11:27–30 12:1–25

12:1–5 12:6–10 12:11–19 12:20–23 12:24–25

Saul’s Conversion/Call Saul’s Encounter with Jesus En Route to Damascus Ananias’s Vision and Commissioning of Saul Saul’s Activity in Damascus Saul’s Activity in Jerusalem and His Move to Tarsus Summary Excursus 2: Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) Chart: Saul’s Conversion/Call in Acts Peter’s Ministry in Judea and the Coastland: Apostolic Witness to the Gentiles Peter Heals Aeneas in Lydda Peter Raises Tabitha in Joppa Cornelius’s Vision in Caesarea Peter’s Vision in Joppa Peter Receives the Messengers of Cornelius Peter Travels to Caesarea and Meets with Cornelius Peter’s Sermon to Cornelius’s Family and Friends Gentiles Receive the Holy Spirit and Are Baptized Peter Answers Jerusalem Critics The Word Spreads to Antioch in Syria Mission to Gentiles Establishes Christianity in Syrian Antioch Antioch’s Relief Fund for Judean Christians Herod Acts against the Church and Dies Miserably Herod Executes James and Imprisons Peter Peter Escapes from Prison Peter Meets with Believers at Mary’s House The Death of Herod Summary: Barnabas, Saul, and John Mark Travel to Antioch of Syria

192 192 195 199 201 202 203 219 222 222 224 226 231 232 233 235 240 241 244 244 246 248 248 250 251 254 255

Contents xi

13:1–14:28

Part 3: The Word Spreads Westward: Paul’s Mission in Cyprus and SouthCentral Asia Minor

257



13:1–3

The Church in Antioch of Syria: Commissioning Barnabas and Saul

257



13:4–13

Cyprus: Conversion of Sergius Paulus

259



13:14–52

Antioch of Pisidia

263



13:14–15

Paul in the Synagogue

263



13:16–41

Paul’s Sermon in the Synagogue

265



Chart: Paul’s Sermon at Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:16–41)

275



Responses to Paul’s Sermon

279

13:42–52



14:1–7

Resistance in Iconium, Fleeing to Lystra and Derbe

283



14:8–20a

Lystra: Healing a Lame Man, Preaching the Creator God, and Being Attacked

286



14:20b–28

Preaching in Derbe and Returning to Syrian Antioch

290

15:1–35

Part 4: The Jerusalem Council Decides Terms of Admission for Gentiles

294



Convening the Council

294

15:6–12

Peter’s Speech and the Report of Barnabas and Paul

297



15:13–21

James’s Speech

299



15:22–35

The Jerusalem Agreement and Its Positive Effects

304

15:36–20:38

Part 5: The Word Spreads Farther West: Paul’s Mission around the Aegean

309



Transition: From Antioch to Troas

311

15:1–5

15:36–16:10



15:36–41

Paul’s Split with Barnabas

311



16:1–5

Paul and Silas Strengthen Churches in South-Central Asia Minor; Timothy’s Circumcision

312

A New Mission Emerges: Macedonian Vision at Troas

315



16:6–10

xii

16:11–40 16:11–15 16:16–18 16:19–34

Contents

Philippi Conversion of Lydia and Her Household Paul’s Exorcism of the Slave Girl Paul and Silas’s Imprisonment and the Jailer’s Conversion 16:35–40 Paul and Silas’s Release 17:1–15 Thessalonica and Beroea 17:1–9 Thessalonica 17:10–15 Beroea 17:16–34 Athens 17:16–21 Paul’s Discussions in Athens 17:22–31 Paul’s Areopagus Sermon 17:32–34 Responses to Paul’s Preaching 18:1–17 Corinth 18:1–11 Paul’s Preaching in Corinth 18:12–17 Paul’s Appearance before Gallio 18:18–23 From Corinth to Ephesus via Caesarea, Jerusalem, Syrian Antioch, Galatia, and Phrygia 18:24–19:41 Ephesus 18:24–28 Apollos Instructed by Priscilla and Aquila 19:1–7 Paul Arrives in Ephesus and Baptizes Twelve Disciples of John 19:8–10 Paul’s Ministry in Ephesus 19:11–17 Paul’s Healing Miracles and the Seven Sons of Sceva 19:18–20 Magic Books Burned 19:21–22 Paul’s Travel Plans 19:23–27 Disturbance Incited by Demetrius the Silversmith 19:28–34 Riot in the Theater at Ephesus 19:35–41 Crisis Averted: Town Clerk Calms the Crowd 20:1–38 Concluding the Aegean Mission 20:1–6 Paul’s Travels around the Aegean 20:7–12 Christian Meeting in Troas, Paul Revives Eutychus

318 318 322 324 327 330 330 334 337 337 340 346 347 348 353 356 360 360 364 368 370 373 375 377 382 384 386 386 390

Contents xiii

20:13–16 20:17–35 20:36–38 21:1–26:32

Paul Travels to Miletus Paul’s Speech to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus Paul’s Farewell Part 6: Paul in Jerusalem and Caesarea: His Arrest and Trials

392 394 400

21:1–26 21:1–6 21:7–14

Journey to Jerusalem Sailing from the Aegean to Palestine via Tyre Traveling to Ptolemais and Caesarea: Agabus’s Prophecy Paul Welcomed in Jerusalem The Jerusalem Church’s Proposal: Four Men with a Vow Paul’s Arrest in Jerusalem and His Speech before the Crowd in the Temple Asian Jews Charge Paul with Temple Defilement Roman Tribune Rescues Paul, Permits Paul to Address the Crowd Paul’s Defense Speech before the Crowd in the Temple Response to Paul’s Speech: Paul’s Exchange with the Roman Tribune about Citizenship Paul before the Sanhedrin, Plot against Paul, Transfer to Caesarea, Felix Receives the Tribune’s Letter Paul before the Sanhedrin Jewish Plot to Kill Paul, Discovered by Paul’s Nephew Paul’s Transfer to Caesarea; Tribune’s Letter to Felix Paul before Felix Tertullus’s Formal Charges against Paul Paul’s Defense Speech before Felix Felix’s Response and Paul’s Two-Year Imprisonment in Caesarea Paul before Festus Festus Hears Charges against Paul in Jerusalem

403 403



21:15–19 21:20–26

21:27–22:30



21:27–30 21:31–40



22:1–21



22:22–30



23:1–25



23:1–11 23:12–22



23:23–35

24:1–27 24:1–9 24:10–21 24:22–27 25:1–22 25:1–5

402

405 407 409 414 414 416 419 428

430 430 437 439 443 443 447 452 455 455

xiv

Contents

25:6–8 25:9–12 25:13–22 25:23–26:32 25:23–27 26:1–23 26:24–29 26:30–32

Paul Answers Jewish Charges in Caesarea Paul Appeals to Caesar Festus Consults with Agrippa in Caesarea Paul before Agrippa Festus Summarizes the Charges against Paul Paul’s Defense Speech before Agrippa Paul’s Interchanges with Festus and Agrippa Agrippa Declares Paul’s Innocence

458 459 461 466 466 467 479 481

27:1–28:31

Part 7: Paul Reaches Rome

483

27:1–28:15 27:1–12

Paul’s Journey to Rome Getting Under Way: Sailing from Caesarea to Crete The Storm at Sea Shipwreck and Getting to Shore Paul on the Island of Malta Completing the Journey: From Syracuse to Rome Paul in Rome Arrival in Rome, House Arrest, Initial Meeting with Jewish Leaders Paul’s Discussions with Roman Jews, Prophetic Rebuke, Two-Year Ministry in Rome

483



27:13–38 27:39–44 28:1–10 28:11–15

28:16–31 28:16–22

28:23–31

484 489 497 499 503 506 506 509

Index of Scripture and Other Ancient Sources

515

Index of Subjects and Authors

561

LIST OF TABLES AND CHARTS

1. Manuscripts and Textual Witnesses Relating to Acts (from Nestle-Aland, 28th ed.) Papyri Majuscules Minuscules Chronological List of Acts Manuscripts   (Third through Sixteenth Century) Versions Patristic Witnesses 2. Table of Nations (Acts 2) and Zodiac Signs

14 14 16 19 20 21 22 98

3. Saul’s Conversion/Call in Acts

219

4. Paul’s Sermon at Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:16–41)

275

PREFACE

One of the most vivid memories of my youth is studying the book of Acts in my hometown church—the Church of Christ in Huntingdon, Tennessee. In many ways, Acts was the canon within the canon for my church and for other Stone-Campbell churches that emerged from the nineteenth-century American religious tradition known as the Restoration Movement. Besides reporting numerous cases of conversion that served as models for aspiring followers of Jesus, Acts was full of excitement. Not only did we read the adventures of Paul’s three missionary journeys, but we also memorized the details about them—the cities he visited, what took place in each location, and even the distances traveled. Little did I know that readers, for centuries, had thoroughly enjoyed Paul’s voyage to Rome—the “chase scene” in Acts—for its climactic sense of adventure just as we did. The drama of Paul’s trials also stuck with us as did the many other memorable characters that populated the narrative. Who could ever forget the conspiratorial couple Ananias and Sapphira? Or the soothing exhorter Barnabas? Or the first Christian martyr, Stephen? Or the map of the Mediterranean world found in church classrooms? In an article I once wrote for the American Turkish Friendship Council in Atlanta, I observed that, growing up in West Tennessee, I was far more familiar with the geography of Anatolia than some parts of the American Midwest. For me, Minneapolis, Detroit, and Chicago were cities located in some formless geographical mass, but Ephesus, Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe were specific locations in my mental map of the world. They were familiar to me in ways that many American towns were not. These memories are even richer because many of them are associated with my father, Ben R. Holladay, an elder of the church and perennial favorite as a Bible class teacher. I can still see and hear him teaching Sunday and Wednesday night classes on the book of Acts. I was as riveted by his confident, informed, and easy teaching style as others were, and like all brilliant teachers, he knew and observed the two great commandments of good teaching: Tell the truth, and make it interesting. It is no surprise, then, that once I decided to study for the ministry, Acts would continue to occupy me. At Freed-Hardeman College, located fifty miles

xviii

Preface

from my hometown, one of my first courses was on Acts, taught by Frank Van Dyke, a mesmerizing teacher who had just the right mix of humor and seriousness yet who was an extraordinarily gifted preacher as well. One of the first books I purchased in college was J. W. McGarvey’s commentary on Acts. As my studies progressed, I soon purchased McGarvey’s more advanced Acts commentary. I still have them both and consulted them occasionally in writing this commentary. In the early 1960s I had no idea that much of my professional life would be preoccupied with the study of Acts. Through many unexpected opportunities, I have been able to participate in scholarly seminars on Acts and consult with colleagues at universities in which I have taught (Yale and Emory) and in my two main professional societies, the Society of Biblical Literature and the Society for New Testament Studies. Over the years at Emory, one of my regular PhD seminars has been devoted to Acts, and out of this seminar have come several dissertations that were later published in scholarly monograph series. From the many students who have participated in these seminars, I have learned much, and my debt to them is reflected in numerous footnotes in this commentary. In the New Testament Library, authors are asked to provide their own interpretation of the text rather than rehearse various scholarly views on each exegetical issue. But no responsible commentator can ignore the broader scholarly conversation. Some mention of dialogue partners is inevitable, even if kept to a minimum. In my exposition readers will see heavy dependence on basic reference works—lexica, encyclopedias, dictionaries—all evidence, I hope, of my efforts to craft a translation that is both fresh and idiomatic and yet based on sound philology, lexicography, and grammar. In writing the commentary, I have regularly consulted—and often worked carefully through—Kirsopp Lake and Henry J. Cadbury’s commentary in the classic five-volume Beginnings of Christianity (BegC). Though produced almost a century ago, this work remains foundational and referential, in spite of numerous archaeological discoveries, along with significant advances in papyrology and epigraphy, that have occurred since then. Readers will also recognize how much I have learned from other Luke-Acts specialists, whom I have tried to acknowledge in the notes. With the completion of this commentary comes the end of an intensive period of concentrated study on Acts. In many ways my exegetical notes and comments are comparable to Philo of Alexandria’s Questions and Answers on Genesis and Exodus, two works in which he laid the exegetical groundwork for his more famous Allegorical Commentary. I now have a better sense of what is required to move from these exegetical scribblings to a grander, bolder synthesis, but one eventually realizes how high the bar has been set by the likes of Haenchen, Conzelmann, and Schneider, to mention some of the most prominent German commentators; by Dupont and Marguerat in French; and by Bruce, Barrett, and Pervo in the English-speaking world. Perhaps in another lifetime!

Preface xix

I have accumulated many debts in writing this commentary. My Emory colleagues have been wonderful conversation partners, beginning with Hendrikus Boers and John Hayes, both of blessed memory. Essentially a theologian, Hendrik pressed all of us to pursue questions of meaning, as he himself did so passionately. Early on, John, who generously invited me to coauthor Biblical Exegesis: A Beginner’s Handbook, pointed me to the article he coauthored with Jürgen Roloff in Abingdon’s Dictionary of Biblical Interpretation, in which they noted the seminal influence of the English Deists as critical readers of Acts. And speaking of critical readers, Steve Kraftchick, my ever-constant scholarly dialogue partner, has listened to me talk about “the commentary” countless times, always pushing me to think more deeply and write more clearly. My other Emory New Testament colleagues Luke Johnson, Vernon Robbins, Walter Wilson, and Susan Hylen have also been generative conversation partners in many different settings. A word of thanks also to Eldon Epp and Juan Hernandez, with whom I consulted about the textual history of Acts. Several students deserve mention. I am grateful to three Candler students— Tyler Dunstan, David Basham, and Zane McGee—for their editorial assistance and proofreading. Emory doctoral students have also lent their valuable assistance. Devin White assisted in working through the translation, offering insightful suggestions to sharpen my often-clumsy attempts to capture the nuance of a Lukan phrase; he also assisted with other editorial matters. In a directed study in textual criticism, Jarrett Knight helped me work through and refine the section on the textual history of Acts in the introduction. I also owe special thanks to Gene Boring, my supervising editor for this project. His careful reading of my manuscript, along with his marginal arrows noting numerous simple and sometimes silly mistakes, also offering insightful exegetical suggestions, saved me from numerous errors. I am also grateful for his detailed e-mails in which he made substantive suggestions and gently urged me to conform to WJK’s stylistic protocols, that doing so sooner rather than later would be in my best interest. I have also benefited greatly from the generous editorial assistance of Dan Braden, Bridgett Green, and others at Westminster John Knox Press who helped bring the manuscript to its final form. Since the first publication of Biblical Exegesis by John Knox Press in 1983, I have benefited enormously from my relationship with this distinguished press, and I am delighted to renew these ties once again. As always, finishing a project of this scope requires being absent even when one is ostensibly present, as DJ well knows, and to her I am deeply grateful.

ABBREVIATIONS

Ancient Sources Abbreviations of titles of ancient sources conform mostly to The SBL Handbook of Style for Biblical Studies and Related Disciplines, 2nd ed. (Atlanta: SBL Press, 2014). This applies mainly to the OT, NT, apocryphal, deuterocanonical, rabbinic, Josephus, and patristic writings. Abbreviations of English titles for other writings are included in the following list. Only abbreviated titles are included here. Achilles Tatius, Leucippe Leucippe and Clitophon Aelian, Hist. Misc. Historical Miscellany Aelius Aristides, Or. Orations Aelius Aristides, Tales Sacred Tales Aeschylus, Ag. Agamemnon Aeschylus, Penth. Pentheus Aeschylus, Prom. Prometheus Bound Aeschylus, Seven Theb. Seven against Thebes Apollodorus, Libr. Library Apollonius of Rhodes, Argon. Argonautica Appian, Civ. W. Civil Wars Apuleius, Gold. Ass The Golden Ass (Metamorphoses) Aratus, Phaen. Phaenomena Aristotle, Nic. Eth. Nicomachean Ethics Aristotle, Pol. Politics Arrian, Perip. Eux. Periplus of the Euxine (Black) Sea Athenaeus, Learn. Banq. Learned Banqueters Athenagoras, Apol. Apology Aulus Gellius, Att. N. Attic Nights b. ʿErub. ʿErubin, tractate in the Babylonian Talmud Callimachus, Hymn Art. Hymn to Artemis Chariton, Chaer. Chaereas and Callirhoe

Abbreviations xxi

Cicero, Att. Letters to Atticus Cicero, Def. Rabir. In Defense of Rabirius Cicero, Duties On Duties Cicero, Flacc. Pro Flaccus Cicero, Friends Letters to Friends Cicero, Friendship On Friendship Cicero, Nat. Gods On the Nature of the Gods Cicero, Orat. On the Making of an Orator Cicero, Phil. Philippic Orations Cicero, Piso Against Piso Cicero, Rep. Republic Cicero, Tusc. Disp. Tusculan Disputations Cicero, Verr. Second Speech against G. Verres Cleanthes, Zeus Hymn to Zeus Clement of Alexandria, Adumbrations in 1 Peter   Adumbr. 1 Pet. Clement of Alexandria, Christ the Educator   Christ Educ. Clement of Alexandria, Frag. Fragments Clement of Alexandria, Misc. Miscellanies Cyprian, Ep. Epistles Demetrius, Style On Style Demosthenes, Or. Orations Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. Roman History Dio Chrysostom, Or. Orations Diodorus S., Hist. Diodorus Siculus, Library of History Diogenes Laertius, Lives Lives of the Philosophers Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Demosthenes   Demosth. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Isoc. Isocrates Dionysius of Halicarnassus, On Literary Composition   Lit. Comp. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Lys. Lysias Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities   Rom. Ant. Epictetus, Disc. Discourses Euripides, Androm. Andromache Euripides, Bacch. Bacchanals Euripides, Hipp. Hippolytus Euripides, Iphig. Taur. Iphigenia among the Taurians Euripides, Mad. Herc. Madness of Hercules Euripides, Ores. Orestes

xxii

Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. Grk. Anthol.

Abbreviations

Ecclesiastical History The Greek Anthology. Translated by W. R. Paton. 5 vols. LCL 67. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1916–18. Herodotus, Hist. Histories Hesiod, W&D Works and Days Hippolytus, Her. Refutation of All Heresies Hom. Hymn Dem. Homeric Hymn to Demeter Homer, Il. Iliad Homer, Od. Odyssey Horace, Sat. Satires Hyginus, Fab. Fabulae Iamblichus, Myst. Mysteries Iamblichus, Pythag. Life of Pythagoras (Pythagorean Way of Life) Irenaeus, AH Against Heresies Jerome, Comm. Matt. Commentary on Matthew Jerome, Comm. Phlm. Commentary on Philemon Jerome, Illustr. Men On Illustrious Men Josephus, Ag. Ap. Against Apion Josephus, Ant. Antiquities Josephus, J.W. Jewish War Josephus, Life The Life Julian, Or. Orations Julius Caesar, Gall. W. Gallic War Justin, 1 Apol. First Apology Justin, Dial. Dialogue with Trypho Juvenal, Sat. Satires Livy, Hist. History of Rome Longus, Daph. Chl. Daphnis and Chloe Lucan, Civ. W. Civil War (Pharsalia) Lucian, Alex. Proph. Alexander the False Prophet Lucian, Demon. Demonax Lucian, Hist. How to Write History Lucian, Lies Lover of Lies Lucian, Menip. Menippus Lucian, Nigr. Nigrinus Lucian, Parliam. Parliament of the Gods Lucian, Peregr. Passing of Peregrinus Lucian, Philos. Philosophies for Sale Lucian, Podag. Podagra (Gout) Lucian, Tox. Toxaris (Friendship)

Abbreviations  xxiii

Lucian, Zeus Lucretius, Nat. Things m.

Zeus Rants On the Nature of Things Mishnah, with some tractates listed below m. ʿAbod. Zar. ʿAbodah Zarah m. ʾAbot ʾAbot m. Ber. Berakot m. Bik. Bikkurim m. ʿErub. ʿErubin m. Giṭ. Giṭṭin m. Ker. Keritot m. Mid. Middot m. Naz. Nazir m. Nid. Niddah m. ʾOhal. ʾOhalot m. ʿOr. ʿOrlah m. Pesaḥ. Pesaḥim m. Qidd. Qiddušin m. Roš Haš. Roš Haššanah m. Šabb. Šabbat m. Sanh. Sanhedrin m. Šeq. Šeqalim m. Soṭ. Soṭah m. Tem. Temurah m. Yad. Yadayim m. Yebam. Yebamot Martial, Epig. Epigrams Maximus of Tyre, Phil. Or. Philosophical Orations Nonnus, Dionys. Dionysiaca Origen, Cels. Against Celsus Origen, Comm. John Commentary on the Gospel of John Origen, Ep. Afric. Epistle to Africanus Origen, Frag. John Fragments on the Gospel of John Origen, Hom. Luke Homilies on the Gospel of Luke Ovid, Metam. Metamorphoses Pacuvius, Penth. Pentheus Pausanias, Descr. Greece Description of Greece Petronius, Sat. Satyricon Philo, Abr. On Abraham Philo, Agr. On Agriculture Philo, Allegor. Interp. Allegorical Interpretation Philo, Cher. Cherubim

xxiv

Abbreviations

Philo, Conf. Tong. Confusion of Tongues Philo, Creat. On the Creation of the World Philo, Decal. Decalogue Philo, Drunk. Drunkenness Philo, Emb. Gaius Embassy to Gaius Philo, Flacc. Against Flaccus Philo, Free Every Good Person Is Free Philo, Hypoth. Hypothetica Philo, Migr. Abr. Migration of Abraham Philo, Mos. Life of Moses Philo, Prov. On Providence Philo, Spec. Laws Special Laws Philo, Virt. On the Virtues Philostratus, Ep. Epistles Philostratus, Life Apollon. T. Life of Apollonius of Tyana Philostratus, Lives Soph. Lives of the Sophists Pindar, Isthm. Isthmian Odes Pindar, Pyth. Pythian Odes Plato, Apol. Apology of Socrates Plato, Gorg. Gorgias Plato, Phaedr. Phaedrus Plato, Phlb. Philebus Plato, Prot. Protagoras Plato, Rep. Republic Plato, Tim. Timaeus Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. Natural History Pliny the Younger, Ep. Epistles Plutarch, Advice Well Advice about Keeping Well Plutarch, Alex. Alexander Plutarch, Borrowing On Borrowing Plutarch, Brav. Wom. Bravery of Women Plutarch, Bro. Love Brotherly Love Plutarch, Busybody On Being a Busybody Plutarch, Caes. Julius Caesar Plutarch, Cic. Cicero Plutarch, Demetr. Demetrius Plutarch, Dial. Love Dialogue on Love Plutarch, Dinner Dinner of the Seven Wise Men Plutarch, Exile On Exile Plutarch, Fame Athen. On the Fame of the Athenians Plutarch, Is. Osir. Isis and Osiris Plutarch, Listen. Lect. On Listening to Lectures

Abbreviations xxv

Plutarch, Mor. Moralia Plutarch, Obsoles. Or. On the Obsolescence of Oracles Plutarch, Philos. Philosophers and Men in Power Plutarch, Phoc. Phocion Plutarch, Pomp. Pompey Plutarch, Publ. Life of Publicola Plutarch, Rom. Quest. Roman Questions Plutarch, Statecraft Precepts of Statecraft Plutarch, Superst. On Superstition Plutarch, Talk. Talkativeness Plutarch, Timol. Timoleon Plutarch, Tranq. On Tranquillity of Mind Polybius, Hist. Histories Ps.- Pseudo- (a combining form) Ps.-Aristotle, Rhet. Alex. Rhetoric to Alexander Ps.-Diogenes, Ep. Epistle Ps.-Heraclitus, Fourth Ep. Fourth Epistle Ps.-Hippocrates, Ep. Epistles Ps.-Lucian Lucius (The Ass) Ps.-Plato, Greater Alcib. Greater Alcibiades Quintilian, Orat. Educ. The Orator’s Education (Institutio Oratoria) Sallust, War Cat. War with Catiline Seneca, Ben. On Benefits Seneca, Ep. Moral Epistles Seneca, Polyb. On Consolation (To Polybius) Sent. Paul. Sententiae Pauli, attributed to Julius Paulus Prudentissimus Servius, Aen. On the Aeneid Sophocles, Ant. Antigone Sophocles, Oed. K. Oedipus the King Statius, Silv. Silvae Statius, Theb. Thebaid Strabo, Geog. Geography Strabo, Historical Notes Historica hypomnēmata Suetonius, Aug. The Deified Augustus Suetonius, Claud. The Deified Claudius Suetonius, Dom. Domitian Suetonius, G. Calig. Gaius Caligula Suetonius, Galb. Galba Suetonius, Jul. The Deified Julius Suetonius, Tib. Tiberius

xxvi

Abbreviations

Suetonius, Titus The Deified Titus Tacitus, Agr. Agricola Tacitus, Ann. Annals Tacitus, Hist. Histories Terence, Bro. Brothers Terence, Phorm. Phormio Tertullian, Apol. Apology Tertullian, Bapt. Baptism Tertullian, Fast. On Fasting Tertullian, Flesh The Flesh of Christ Tertullian, Mod. Modesty Tertullian, Monog. Monogamy Tertullian, Prax. Against Praxeas Tertullian, Prescr. Her. Prescription against Heretics Tertullian, Soul The Soul Tertullian, Virg. Veiling of Virgins Themistius, Or. Orations Theon, Progymn. Theon, Aelius of Alexandria, Progymnasmata Theophilus, Autolyc. To Autolycus Thucydides, Hist. History of the Peloponnesian War Ulpian, Digest Roman Digest Valerius Maximus, Mem. Memorable Doings and Sayings Vegetius, Mil. Concerning Military Matters Velleius Paterculus, Rom. Hist. Compendium of Roman History Vergil (Virgil), Aen. Aeneid Vitruvius, Arch. Architecture Xenophon of Athens, Anab. Anabasis Xenophon of Athens, Cyr. Cyropaedia Xenophon of Athens, Hell. Hellenica Xenophon of Athens, Mem. Memorabilia Xenophon of Ephesus, Eph. Tale An Ephesian Tale y. Yoma Yoma, tractate in the Jerusalem Talmud Journals, Reference Works, Series, Versions AB ABD AcBib

Anchor Bible The Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by David Noel Freedman, Gary A. Herion, David F. Graf, John David Pleins, and Astrid Beck. 6 vols. New York: Doubleday, 1992 Academia Biblica

Abbreviations xxvii

AE AGJU AGRL AJEC AnBib ANF ANRW

ANTC ANTF APOT ArBib ASTI AYBRL BAFCS BDAG

BDF

BegC

BETL BETS BEUU BibInt BJS

L’Année épigraphique (Paris, 1893–) Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums Aspects of Greek and Roman Life Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity Analecta Biblica Ante-Nicene Fathers Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Edited by Hildegard Temporini and Wolfgang Haase. 41 vols. in many parts. Berlin: de Gruyter. 1972– Abingdon New Testament Commentaries Arbeiten zur neutestamentlichen Textforschung The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English. Edited by R. H. Charles. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1913 The Aramaic Bible Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute. Leiden: Brill, 1963–83 Anchor Yale Bible Reference Library The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting. Edited by Bruce W. Winter. 5 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993–96 A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. Edited by Walter Bauer, Frederick W. Danker, William F. Arndt, and F. Wilbur Gingrich. 3rd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000 A Greek Grammar of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. Edited by Friedrich Blass and Albert Debrunner. Translated by Robert W. Funk. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961 The Beginnings of Christianity. Part 1, The Acts of the Apostles. Edited by Frederick J. Foakes Jackson, Kirsopp Lake, Henry J. Cadbury, and James H. Ropes. 5 vols. London: Macmillan, 1920–33. Repr., Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2002 Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium Bulletin of the Evangelical Theological Society Bibliotheca Ekmaniana Universitatis Upsaliensis Biblical Interpretation Series Brown Judaic Studies

xxviii

BNTC BZNW CAGN CAH CCSS CHJ CIG

CIL ClassQ CLC CNT CPJ

CRINT CTL DBI ÉBib EKKNT ESEC ET ExpTim FF FGH

FHG FHJA

Abbreviations

Black’s New Testament Commentaries Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft Collected Ancient Greek Novels. Edited by B. P. Reardon. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989 Cambridge Ancient History Catholic Commentary on Sacred Scripture The Cambridge History of Judaism Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. Edited by August Boeckh, Johannes Franz, Ernst Curtius, and Adolf Kirchhoff. 4 vols. Berlin: 1828–77. Repr., Hildesheim: Olms, 1977 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Edited by Theodor Mommsen et al. Berlin, 1862– Classical Quarterly Cambridge Library Collection Commentaire du Nouveau Testament Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum. Edited by Victor A. Tche­ rik­over, Alexander Fuks, and Menahem Stern. 3 vols. ­Cambridge: Harvard University Press (for the Magnes Press, Hebrew University), 1957–64 Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum Crown Theological Library Dictionary of Biblical Interpretation. Edited by John H. Hayes. 2 vols. Nashville: Abingdon, 1999 Études bibliques Evangelisch-katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament Emory Studies in Early Christianity versification of most English translations Expository Times Foundations and Facets Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Edited by Felix Jacoby. 5 parts planned, in many vols. Berlin: Weidmann, 1923–. Leiden: Brill, 1954–. Updated and expanded edition now available at referenceworks.brillonline.com in Brill’s Jacoby Online Fragmenta historicorum graecorum. Edited by Karl Otfried Müller and Theodor Müller. 5 vols. Paris: Didot, 1841– Fragments from Hellenistic Jewish Authors. Edited and translated by Carl R. Holladay. 4 vols. SBLTT 20, 30, 39, 40. Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1983–95

Abbreviations xxix

GMP

The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Including the Demotic Spells. Edited by Hans Dieter Betz. 2nd ed., with updated bibliography. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996 The Greek New Testament. Edited by Barbara Aland, Kurt GNT5 Aland, Johannes Karavidopoulos, Carlo M. Martini, and Bruce Metzger. 5th rev. ed. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, American Bible Society, and United Bible Societies, 2014 HBS Herders biblische Studien HCS Hellenistic Culture and Society HDB Dictionary of the Bible. Edited by James Hastings. 5 vols. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1898–1904 HSNT Die Heilige Schrift des Neuen Testaments HT Harper Torchbooks HThKNT Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament HTrans Helps for Translators HTS Harvard Theological Studies IEph Die Inschriften von Ephesos. Edited by Hermann Wankel and Helmut Engelmann. Bonn: Habelt, 1979–84 IG Inscriptiones Graecae. Editio Minor. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1924– IGR Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes. Edited by René Cagnat et al. 4 vols. Paris: Leroux, 1906–27 ILS Inscriptiones Latinae selectae. Edited by Hermann Dessau. 3 vols. 2nd ed. Berlin: Weidmann, 1892–1916. Repr., 1955 Int Interpretation JAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum. Edited by Franz Joseph Dölger-Institut, University of Bonn. 55 vols. Mün­ ster: Aschendorff, 1958–2012 JBL Journal of Biblical Literature JJS Journal of Jewish Studies JRS Journal of Roman Studies JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series KEK Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar über das Neue Testament (Meyer-Kommentar) KJV King James Version Knox NT Knox, Ronald Arbuthnott. The New Testament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ: Newly Translated from the Vulgate Latin at the Request of Their Lordships, the

xxx

Abbreviations

­ rchbishops and Bishops of England and Wales. London: A Burns, Oates & Washbourne, 1944 KNT Kommentar zum Neuen Testament LCL Loeb Classical Library LDT Luke’s Demonstration to Theophilus: The Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles according to Codex Bezae. Edited by Jenny Read-Heimerdinger and Josep Rius-Camps. Translated by Helen Dunn and Jenny Read-Heimerdinger. London: Bloomsbury, 2013 LEC Library of Early Christianity LectD Lectio Divina LNTS Library of New Testament Studies LSJ Greek-English Lexicon, with a Revised Supplement. Edited by Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, Henry Stuart Jones, and Roderick McKenzie. 9th ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1996 LXX Septuagint MM Moulton, James H., and George Milligan. The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament. London, 1930. Repr., Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997 MS(S) manuscript(s) MT Masoretic Text of the Hebrew Bible NA28 Nestle-Aland, Novum Testamentum Graece. Edited by the Institute for New Testament Textual Criticism, Münster, under the direction of Holger Strutwolf. 28th ed. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2012 NEB New English Bible NEBNT Die neue Echter Bibel NT NETS A New English Translation of the Septuagint and the Other Greek Translations Traditionally Included under That Title. Edited by Albert Pietersma and Benjamin G. Wright. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007 http://ccat.sas .upenn.edu/nets/edition/ NewDocs New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity. Edited by G. H. R. Horsley, S. R. Llewelyn, and J. R. Harrison. 10 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1981–2012 NICNT New International Commentary on the New Testament NIDB New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible. Edited by Katharine Doob Sakenfeld. 5 vols. Nashville: Abingdon, 2006–9 NIV New International Version NKJV New King James Version NovT Novum Testamentum NovTSup Novum Testamentum Supplements

Abbreviations xxxi

NRSV NTB

NTD NTM NTS NTT NTTS OCD ODJR OECT OGIS OMCA ORBIS ÖTK OTM OTP PGM

PW

RA RAC

REB RGRW

New Revised Standard Version Barrett, C. K., ed. The New Testament Background: Writings from Ancient Greece and the Roman Empire That Illuminate Christian Origins. Rev. ed. San Francisco: ­HarperSanFrancisco, 1989 Das Neue Testament Deutsch New Testament Monographs New Testament Studies New Testament Theology New Testament Tools and Studies The Oxford Classical Dictionary. Edited by Simon Hornblower, Antony Spawforth, and Esther Eidinow. 4th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012 The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion. Edited by R. J. Zwi Werblowsky and Geoffrey Wigoder. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997 Oxford Early Christian Texts Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae. Edited by Wilhelm Dittenberger. 2 vols. Leipzig: Hirzel, 1903–5 Oxford Monographs on Classical Archaeology ORBIS: The Stanford Geospatial Network Model of the Roman World. http://orbis.stanford.edu Ökumenischer Taschenbuch-Kommentar Oxford Theological Monographs The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Edited by James H. Charlesworth. 2 vols. New York: Doubleday, 1983–85. Repr., Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2009 Papyri Graecae Magicae = Die griechischen Zauberpapyri. Edited by Karl Preisendanz and Albert Henrichs. 2nd ed. Sammlung wissenschaftlicher Commentare. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1973–74 Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Edited by August Friedrich von Pauly, Georg Wissowa, Wilhelm Kroll, and Kurt Witte. 50 vols. in 84 parts. New ed. Stuttgart: Metzler & Druckenmüller, 1894– Revealing Antiquity Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum: Sachwörterbuch zur Auseinandersetzung des Christentums mit der antiken Welt. Edited by Theodor Klauser, Georg Schöllgen, et al. 26 vols. Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1950– Revised English Bible Religions in the Graeco-Roman World

xxxii

RHPR RNT RNTS RP RPP

RSV SBLDS SBLHS2 SBLMS SBLSBS SBLSP SBLSS SBLTT SBT SD SEG SIG SJLA SNTSMS SNTW SP SQE

SSC STAC SUNT SVTP TAPA TBAW TDNT

Abbreviations

Revue d’histoire et de philosophie religieuses Regensburger Neues Testament Reading the New Testament Series Religious Perspectives Religion Past and Present: Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion. Edited by Hans Dieter Betz, Don Browning, Bernd Janowski, and Eberhard Jüngel. 4th ed., English ed. 14 vols. Leiden: Brill, 2007–13 Revised Standard Version Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series The SBL Handbook of Style. Edited by Billie Jean Collins, Bob Buller, and John Kutsko. 2nd ed. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2014 Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series Society of Biblical Literature Sources for Biblical Study Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers Society of Biblical Literature Symposium Series Society of Biblical Literature Texts and Translations Studies in Biblical Theology Studies and Documents Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Leiden: Brill, 1923– Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum. Edited by Wilhelm Dittenberger. 3rd ed. 4 vols. Leipzig: Hirzel, 1915–24 Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series Studies of the New Testament and Its World Sacra Pagina Synopsis quattuor evangeliorum: Locis parallelis evangeliorum apocryphorum et patrum adhibitis edidit. Edited by Kurt Aland. 15th ed., 3rd corrected and expanded ed. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2001 Social-Science Commentary Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigraphica Transactions of the American Philological Association Tübinger Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Edited by Gerhard Kittel and Gerhard Friedrich. Translated by Geoffrey W. Bromiley. 10 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964–76

Abbreviations xxxiii

THKNT TLG TPINTC TR TSAJ TZ UOSAM v.l. WBC WGRW WUNT ZBK ZNW ZPE

Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament Thesaurus Linguae Graecae. Packard Humanities Institute. University of California, 1980. https://stephanus.tlg.uci .edu/index.prev.php Trinity Press International New Testament Commentaries Textus Receptus Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum Theologische Zeitschrift University of Oxford School of Archaeology Monographs varia lectio, variant reading Word Biblical Commentary Writings from the Greco-Roman World Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Zürcher Bibelkommentare Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Other Reference Works Note: Also see Abbreviations: Journals, Reference Works, Series, Versions (above) Barrett, C. K. 1989. The New Testament Background. See NTB. Behr, Charles Allison, ed. 1981. Aelius Aristides: The Complete Works. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill. Boring, M. Eugene, Klaus Berger, and Carsten Colpe. 1995. Hellenistic Commentary to the New Testament. Nashville: Abingdon. Butts, James. 1986. “Progymnasmata of Theon: A New Text with Translation and Commentary.” PhD diss., Claremont Graduate School. Campbell, Brian. 1994. The Roman Army, 31 BC–AD 337: A Sourcebook. London: Routledge. Repr., 2003. Dana, Harvey Eugene, and Julius R. Mantey. 1927. A Manual Grammar of the Greek New Testament. New York: Macmillan. Danby, Herbert, trans. 1933. The Mishnah. London: Oxford University Press. Dillon, John, and Jackson Hershbell, eds. 1991. Iamblichus: On the Pythagorean Way of Life; Text, Translation, and Notes. SBLTT 29. Graeco-Roman Religion Series 11. Atlanta: Scholars Press. Elliott, James Keith. 1993. The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation Based on M. R. James. Oxford: Clarendon. Ferguson, Everett. 2003. Backgrounds of Early Christianity. 3rd ed. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Fraser, P. M. 1972. Ptolemaic Alexandria. 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon. Repr., 2001. Grenfell, Bernard P., and Arthur S. Hunt. 1898–. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. London: Egypt Exploration Fund. Harland, Philip. 2014. Greco-Roman Associations. Vol. 2, North Coast of the Black Sea, Asia Minor: Texts, Translations, and Commentary. BZNW 204. Berlin: de Gruyter. Hennecke, Edgar, and Wilhelm Schneemelcher. 1963. New Testament Apocrypha. Translated by Robert McL. Wilson. 2 vols. London: Lutterworth.

xxxvi

Bibliography

Holladay, Carl R. 1983. Fragments from Hellenistic Jewish Authors. Vol. 1, Historians. SBLTT 20. Pseudepigrapha 10. Chico, CA: Scholars Press. ———. 1989. Fragments from Hellenistic Jewish Authors. Vol. 2, Poets. SBLTT 30. Pseudepigrapha 12. Atlanta: Scholars Press. ———. 1995. Fragments from Hellenistic Jewish Authors. Vol. 3, Aristobulus. SBLTT 39. Pseudepigrapha 13. Atlanta: Scholars Press. ———. 1996. Fragments from Hellenistic Jewish Authors. Vol. 4, Orphica. SBLTT 40. Pseudepigrapha 14. Atlanta: Scholars Press. Horbury, William, W. D. Davies, and John Sturdy, eds. 1999. The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 3, The Early Roman Period. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Johnson, Allan Chester, Paul Robinson Coleman-Norton, and Frank Card Bourne. 1961. Ancient Roman Statutes. Corpus of Roman Law 2. Austin: University of Texas. Jones, A. H. M. 1971. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon. Katz, Steven T., ed. 2006. The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kennedy, George A. 2003. Progymnasmata: Greek Textbooks of Prose Composition and Rhetoric. WGRW 10. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. Kirk, G. S., and J. E. Raven. 2010. The Presocratic Philosophers: A Critical History with a Selection of Texts. Edited by M. Schofield. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Klauck, Hans-Josef. 2003. The Religious Context of Early Christianity: A Guide to Graeco-Roman Religions. Translated by Brian McNeil. SNTW. Minneapolis: Fortress. Kloppenborg, John S., and Richard S. Ascough. 2011. Greco-Roman Associations. Vol. 1, Attica, Central Greece, Macedonia, Thrace: Texts, Translations, and Commentary. BZNW 181. Berlin: de Gruyter. Lausberg, Heinrich. 1998. Handbook of Literary Rhetoric: A Foundation for Literary Study. Edited by D. E. Orton and R. D. Anderson. Translated by M. T. Bliss, A. Jansen, and D. E. Orton. Leiden: Brill. Lawlor, Hugh J., and John E. L. Oulton, eds. 1954. Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History. 2 vols. London: SPCK. Levine, Lee I. 2000. The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years. New Haven: Yale University Press. Lewis, Naphtali, and Meyer Reinhold. 1990. Roman Civilization: Selected Readings. 3rd ed. 2 vols. New York: Columbia University Press. Louw, Johannes P., and Eugene A Nida, eds. 1989. Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament: Based on Semantic Domains. 2nd ed. 2 vols. New York: United Bible Societies.

Bibliography xxxvii

Malherbe, Abraham J. 1977. The Cynic Epistles: A Study Edition. SBLSBS 12. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press (for Society of Biblical Literature). Metzger, Bruce M. 1971. A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament. New York: United Bible Societies. ———. 1998. A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament. 2nd ed., 2nd printing. Stuttgart: Deutsche Biblegesellschaft and United Bible Societies. Minns, Denis, and Paul Parvis, eds. 2009. Justin, Philosopher and Martyr: Apologies. OECT. New York: Oxford University Press. Mommsen, Theodor, and Paul Krueger, eds. 1985. The Digest of Justinian. Translated by Alan Watson. 4 vols. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Moore, George Foot. 1927–30. Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era: The Age of the Tannaim. 3 vols. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Repr., 1966–67. Moule, C. F. D. 1959a. An Idiom Book of New Testament Greek. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Moulton, James Hope. 1908. A Grammar of New Testament Greek. Vol. 1, Prolegomena. 3rd ed. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Moulton, James Hope, and Wilbert Francis Howard. 1929. A Grammar of New Testament Greek. Vol. 2, Accidence and Word-Formation. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Moulton, James Hope, Wilbert Francis Howard, and Nigel Turner. 1908. A Grammar of New Testament Greek. 4 vols. 3rd ed. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Moulton, James Hope, and George Milligan. 1952. The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament: Illustrated from the Papyri and Other Non-Literary Sources. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Moulton, W. F., and A. S. Geden, eds. 1963. A Concordance to the Greek Testament. 4th ed. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Orig., 1897. Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome. 2008. St. Paul’s Ephesus: Texts and Archaeology. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. Neusner, Jacob, trans. 1988. The Mishnah: A New Translation. New Haven: Yale University Press. Nock, Arthur Darby. 1972. Essays on Religion and the Ancient World. Edited by Zeph Stewart. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon. Rahlfs, Alfred, and Robert Hanhart, eds. 2006. Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum graece iuxta LXX interpretes. 2 vols. in 1. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Runesson, Anders, Donald D. Binder, and Birger Olsson, eds. 2008. The Ancient Synagogue from Its Origins to 200 C.E.: A Source Book. AJEC 72. Leiden: Brill. Safrai, Shemuel, and M. Stern. 1974–76. The Jewish People in the First Century: Historical Geography, Political History, Social, Cultural and Religious Life and Institutions. 2 vols. CRINT 1. Assen/Maastricht: Van Gorcum.

xxxviii

Bibliography

Schürer, Emil. 1973–87. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.–A.D. 135). Edited by Géza Vermès, Matthew Black, and Martin Goodman. 3 vols. in 4 parts. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Smallwood, E. Mary. 1976. The Jews under Roman Rule: From Pompey to Diocletian. SJLA 20. Leiden: Brill. Smyth, Herbert Weir. 1920. Greek Grammar. Revised by Gordon M. Messing. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984. Stern, Menahem, ed. 1974–84. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. 3 vols. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Talbert, Richard J. A., ed. 2000. Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Thom, Johan C. 2005. Cleanthes’ Hymn to Zeus: Text, Translation, and Commentary. STAC 33. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Turner, Nigel. 1963. A Grammar of New Testament Greek. Vol. 3, Syntax. Edited by James Hope Moulton. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. ———. 1976. A Grammar of New Testament Greek. Vol. 4, Style. Edited by James Hope Moulton. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Wachsmuth, Curt, and Otto Hense, eds. 1999. Stobaeus Anthologium. 5 vols. Zurich: Weidmann. Wankel, H., and H. Engelmann, eds. 1979–84. Die Inschriften von Ephesos. 8 vols. Bonn: Rudolf Habelt. Wettstein, Joannis Jacobus. 1751–52. Novum Testamentum Graecum. 2 vols. Amsterdam: Dommer. Repr., Graz: Akademische Druck & Verlagsanstalt, 1962. Commentaries on Acts Barrett, C. K. 1994–98. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles. 2 vols. ICC. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. ———. 2002. The Acts of the Apostles: A Shorter Commentary. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Bauernfeind, Otto. 1980. Kommentar und Studien zur Apostelgeschichte. Edited by Volker Metelmann. WUNT 22. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Beyer, Hermann W. 1959. Die Apostelgeschichte. 9th ed. NTD 5. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Blass, Friedrich. 1895. Acta Apostolorum sive Lucae ad Theophilum Liber Alter. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Bruce, F. F. 1988. The Book of the Acts. Rev. ed. NICNT. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. ———. 1990. The Acts of the Apostles: The Greek Text with Introduction and Commentary. 3rd rev. and enl. ed. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Cadbury, Henry J. See BegC; and in the next section, see Cadbury.

Bibliography xxxix

Calvin, John. 1965–66. The Acts of the Apostles. Translated by John W. Fraser and W. J. G. McDonald. 2 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Orig., 1552–54. Clark, Albert C. 1933. The Acts of the Apostles: A Critical Edition with Introduction and Notes on Selected Passages. Oxford: Clarendon. Conzelmann, Hans. 1987. Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles. Edited by Eldon Jay Epp and Christopher R. Matthews. Translated by James Limburg, A. Thomas Kraabel, and Donald H. Juel. Hermeneia. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Drewermann, Eugen. 2011. Die Apostelgeschichte: Wege zur Menschlichkeit. Ostfildern: Patmos. Dunn, James D. G. 1996. The Acts of the Apostles. Narrative Commentaries. Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International. Dupont, Jacques. 1964. Les Actes des Apôtres. 3rd ed. La sainte Bible. Paris: Éditions du Cerf. Eckey, Wilfried. 2000. Die Apostelgeschichte: Der Weg des Evangeliums von Jerusalem nach Rom. 2 vols. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener. Fitzmyer, Joseph A. 1998. The Acts of the Apostles. AB 31. New York: Doubleday. Gaventa, Beverly Roberts. 2003. The Acts of the Apostles. ANTC. Nashville: Abingdon. Haenchen, Ernst. 1971. The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary. Translated by Bernard Noble, Gerald Shinn, Hugh Anderson, and R. McL. Wilson. Philadelphia: Westminster. Holladay, Carl R. 2000. “Commentary on Acts.” Pages 987–1024 in Harper­ Collins Bible Commentary. Edited by James L. Mays with The Society of Biblical Literature. Rev. ed. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco. Orig., 1988. Jacquier, Eugène. 1926. Les Actes des Apôtres. 2nd ed. ÉBib. Paris: J. Gabalda. Jervell, Jacob. 1998. Die Apostelgeschichte. 17th ed. KEK. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Johnson, Luke Timothy. 2006. The Acts of the Apostles. SP 5. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. Keener, Craig S. 2012–15. Acts: An Exegetical Commentary. 4 vols. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic. Kurz, William S. 2013. Acts of the Apostles. CCSS. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic. Lake, Kirsopp, and Henry J. Cadbury. 1933. Vol. 4 of BegC: The Acts of the Apostles: English Translation and Commentary. Loisy, Alfred F. 1925. Les Actes des Apôtres: Traduction nouvelle avec introduction et notes. Paris: F. Rieder. Lüdemann, Gerd. 1989. Early Christianity according to the Traditions in Acts: A Commentary. Translated by John Bowden. London: SCM.

xl

Bibliography

Malina, Bruce J., and John J. Pilch. 2008. Social-Science Commentary on the Book of Acts. SSC. Minneapolis: Fortress. Marguerat, Daniel. 2007–15. Les Actes des Apôtres. 2 vols. CNT 5a–b. Geneva: Labor & Fides. Munck, Johannes. 1967. The Acts of the Apostles. AB 31. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Mussner, Franz. 1999. Apostelgeschichte. 4th ed. NEBNT 5. Würzburg: Echter. Pervo, Richard I. 2009a. Acts: A Commentary. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress. Pesch, Rudolf. 1995–2003. Die Apostelgeschichte. 2 vols. 2nd ed. EKKNT. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. Peterson, David G. 2009. The Acts of the Apostles. PNTC. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Roloff, Jürgen. 2010. Die Apostelgeschichte. 19th ed. = 3rd ed. of new version. NTD 5. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1st ed. of new version, 1988. Schille, Gottfried. 1989. Die Apostelgeschichte des Lukas. 3rd ed. of the new version. THKNT 5. Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt. Schmithals, Walter. 1982. Die Apostelgeschichte des Lukas. ZBK 3/2. Zurich: Theologischer Verlag. Schneider, Gerhard. 1980. Die Apostelgeschichte. 2 vols. HThKNT 5/1–2. Freiburg: Herder. Stählin, Gustav. 1962. Die Apostelgeschichte. 10th ed. 1st ed. of new version. NTD 5. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Steinmann, Alphons A. 1934. Die Apostelgeschichte. HSNT 4. Bonn: Hanstein. Talbert, Charles H. 1997. Reading Acts: A Literary and Theological Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles. RNTS. New York: Crossroad. Taylor, Justin. 1994–2000. Les Actes des deux Apôtres. Vols. 4–6 in Commentaire historique. ÉBib, NS, 23, 30, 41. Paris: Gabalda. Wall, Robert W. 2002. “The Acts of the Apostles: Introduction, Commentary, and Reflections.” Pages 3–368 in vol. 10 of The New Interpreter’s Bible. Edited by Leander E. Keck. Nashville: Abingdon. Weiser, Alfons. 1981. Die Apostelgeschichte. 2 vols. ÖTK 5/1–2. Gütersloh: Mohn. Wendt, Hans Hinrich. 1913. Die Apostelgeschichte. 9th ed. KEK 3. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Wikenhauser, Alfred. 1961. Die Apostelgeschichte. 4th ed. RNT 5. Regensburg: F. Pustet. Witherington, Ben. 1997. The Acts of the Apostles: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Zahn, Theodor. 1921. Die Apostelgeschichte des Lucas. 2 vols. KNT 5. Leipzig: Deichert. Zmijewski, Josef. 1994. Die Apostelgeschichte. RNT. Regensburg: F. Pustet.

Bibliography xli

Monographs and Articles Aland, Kurt, and Barbara Aland. 1989. The Text of the New Testament: An Introduction to the Critical Editions and to the Theory and Practice of Modern Textual Criticism. Translated by Erroll Rhodes. 2nd ed., rev. and enl. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Aland, Kurt, Gerd Mink, Annette Benduhn-Mertz, Klaus Witte, and Horst Bachmann. 1993. Text und Textwert der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments. Vol. 3, Die Apostelgeschichte. 2 vols. ANTF 20–21. Berlin: de Gruyter. Alexander, Loveday. 1993. The Preface to Luke’s Gospel: Literary Convention and Social Context in Luke 1.1–4 and Acts 1.1. SNTSMS 78. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1995a. “‘In Journeyings Often’: Voyaging in the Acts of the Apostles and in Greek Romance.” Repr. as pp. 69–96 in L. Alexander 2005. ———. 1995b. “Narrative Maps: Reflections on the Toponomy of Acts.” Repr. as pp. 97–132 in L. Alexander 2005. ———. 1999. “Reading Luke-Acts from Back to Front.” Repr. as pp. 207–29 in L. Alexander 2005. ———. 2005. Acts in Its Ancient Literary Context: A Classicist Looks at the Acts of the Apostles. LNTS 298. London: T&T Clark. Alexander, Philip S. 1986. “Incantations and Books of Magic.” Pages 342–79 in Schürer 1973–87, vol. 3.1. Allen, O. Wesley. 1997. The Death of Herod: The Narrative and Theological Function of Retribution in Luke-Acts. SBLDS 158. Atlanta: Scholars Press. Anderson, Kevin L. 2006. “Beroea.” NIDB 1:434. Anderson, Robert T. 1992. “Samaritans.” ABD 5:940–47. Annas, Julia. 2012. “Stoicism.” OCD 1403–4. “Aramaic.” 1997. ODJR 60–61. Attridge, Harold W. 1976. First-Century Cynicism in the Epistles of Heraclitus. HTS 29. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press (for Harvard Theological Review). Aune, David E. 1964. “The Text-Tradition of Luke-Acts.” BETS 7:69–82. ———. 1980. “Magic in Early Christianity.” ANRW II. Principat: Religion. 23.2:1507–57. ———. 1989. The New Testament in Its Literary Environment. LEC 8. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. ———. 1997. “The Nero Redux or Redivivus Legend.” Pages 737–40 in vol. 2 of Revelation. WBC. Nashville: Nelson. Avemarie, Friedrich. 2002. Die Tauferzählungen der Apostelgeschichte: Theologie und Geschichte. WUNT 139. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Bacon, B. W. 1900. An Introduction to the New Testament. New York: Macmillan.

xlii

Bibliography

Bahat, Dan. 1999. “The Herodian Temple.” In CHJ 3:38–58. Balch, David. 1989. “Comments on the Genre and Political Theme of LukeActs: A Preliminary Comparison of Two Hellenistic Historians.” Pages 343–61 in SBLSP. Edited by David J. Lull. Atlanta: Scholars Press. ———. 2007. “Acts of the Apostles.” RPP 1:43–46. ———. 2015. Contested Ethnicities and Images: Studies in Acts and Art. WUNT 345. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Barclay, John M. G. 1996. Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE–117 CE). Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Barreto, Eric D. 2010. Ethnic Negotiations: The Function of Race and Ethnicity in Acts 16. WUNT 2/294. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Barrett, C. K. 1987. “Paul Shipwrecked.” Pages 51–64 in Scripture: Meaning and Method; Essays Presented to Anthony Tyrell Hanson for His Seventieth Birthday. Edited by Barry P. Thompson. Hull: Hull University Press. ———. 1996. “The First New Testament.” NovT 38:94–104. Barth, Eugene H., and Ronald E. Cocroft, eds. 1972. Festschrift to Honor F. Wilbur Gingrich, Lexicographer, Scholar, Teacher, and Committed Christian Layman. Leiden: Brill. Bassler, Jouette M. 1982. Divine Impartiality: Paul and a Theological Axiom. SBLDS 59. Chico, CA: Scholars Press. Bauckham, Richard. 1990. Jude, 2 Peter. WBC 50. Dallas: Word. Baumgarten, Albert I. 1983. “The Name of the Pharisees.” JBL 102:411–28. Bechard, Dean Philip. 2000. Paul outside the Walls: A Study of Luke’s SocioGeographical Universalism in Acts 14:8–20. AnBib 143. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute. Behm, Johannes. 1964. “anatithēmi etc.” TDNT 1:353–56. ———. 1965. “kardiognōstēs.” TDNT 3:613. Bellinger, William H., and William R. Farmer. 1998. Jesus and the Suffering Servant: Isaiah 53 and Christian Origins. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press. Benario, Herbert W. 1986. “Legionary Speed of March before the Battle with Boudicca.” Britannia 17:358–62. Ben-Sasson, H. H. 1976. A History of the Jewish People. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Bertram, G., and K. H. Rengstorf. 1964. “zygos etc.” TDNT 2:896–901. Betz, Arnold. 1992. “Syracuse.” ABD 6:270–71. Beyer, Hermann W. 1964. “episkeptomai etc.” TDNT 2:599–622. Bickerman, E. J. 1980. Chronology of the Ancient World. Rev. ed. AGRL. London: Thames & Hudson. Black, Matthew. 1967. An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts. 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bockmuehl, Markus. 2000. Jewish Law in Gentile Churches: Halakhah and the Beginning of Christian Public Ethics. Edinburgh: T&T Clark.

Bibliography xliii

Boismard, M.-É. 2000. Le texte occidental des actes des apôtres. Édition nouveau entièrement refondu. ÉBib, NS, 40. Paris: J. Gabalda. Boismard, M.-É., and A. Lamouille. 1984. Le texte occidental des actes des apôtres: Reconstitution et réhabilitation. Synthèse (Éditions Recherche sur les civilisations) 17. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les civilisations. Bokser, Baruch M. 1992. “Unleavened Bread and Passover, Feasts of.” ABD 6:755–65. Bond, Helen K. 2013. “Dating the Death of Jesus: Memory and the Religious Imagination.” NTS 59:461–75. Börstinghaus, Jens. 2010. Sturmfahrt und Schiffbruch: Zur lukanischen Verwendung eines literarischen Topos in Apostelgeschichte 27,1–28,6. WUNT 2/274. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Borza, Eugene N. 2012. “Samothrace.” OCD 1314. Breytenbach, Cilliers. 1996. Paulus und Barnabas in der Provinz Galatien: Studien zu Apostelgeschichte 13f.; 16,6; 18,23 und den Adressaten des Galaterbriefes. AGJU 38. Leiden: Brill. Breytenbach, Cilliers, and Jens Schröter, eds. 2004. Die Apostelgeschichte und die hellenistische Geschichtsschreibung: Festschrift für Eckhard Plümacher zu seinem 65. Geburtstag. AGJU 57. Leiden: Brill. Brock, Ann Graham. 2003. “Appeasement, Authority, and the Role of Women in the D-Text of Acts.” In Nicklas and Tilly 205–24. Brodersen, Kai. 2012. “Seven Wonders of the Ancient World.” OCD 1357. Brooten, Bernadette J. 1982. Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue. BJS 36. Chico, CA: Scholars Press. Broughton, T. R. S., and Stephen Mitchell. 2012. “Bithynia.” OCD 235. Brown, Raymond E. 1966–70. The Gospel According to John. 2 vols. AB 29–29A. New York: Doubleday. ———. 1979. The Birth of the Messiah: A Commentary on the Infancy Narratives in Matthew and Luke. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Bultmann, Rudolf. 1964. “aphiēmi etc.” TDNT 1:509–12. Burkert, Walter. 1985. Greek Religion. Translated by John Raffan. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Burns, Ross. 2005. Damascus: A History. London: Routledge. Burton, G. P. 2012. “Conventus.” OCD 371. Cadbury, Henry J. 1920. The Style and Literary Method of Luke. HTS 6. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. ———. 1926. “Lexical Notes on Luke-Acts, No. 3: Luke’s Interest in Lodging.” JBL 45:305–22. ———. 1929. “Lexical Notes on Luke-Acts, No. 4: On Direct Quotation, with Some Uses of hoti and ei.” JBL 48:412–25. ———. 1933a. “The Hellenists.” In BegC 5:59–74. ———. 1933b. “Roman Law and the Trial of Paul.” In BegC 5:297–338.

xliv

Bibliography

———. 1933c. “Names for Christians and Christianity in Acts.” In BegC 5:375–92. ———. 1955. The Book of Acts in History. New York: Harper. ———. 1958. The Making of Luke-Acts. London: SPCK. ———. 1964. “Acts and Eschatology.” In Davies and Daube 300–321. ———. 1972. “Litotes in Acts.” In Barth and Cocroft 58–69. Calder, William M., Eric W. Gray, and Stephen Mitchell. 2012. “Asia, Roman Province.” OCD 182–83. Calder, William M., John M. Cook, Charlotte Roueché, and Antony Spawforth. 2012. “Ephesus.” OCD 509. Calder, William M., John M. Cook, Susan Mary Sherwin-White, and Amélie Kuhrt. 2012. “Lydia.” OCD 872–73. Calder, William M., and Stephen Mitchell. 2012. “Galatia.” OCD 599–600. Camp, John McKesson. 2012. “Athens.” OCD 197–98. Cancik, Hubert. 1997. “The History of Culture, Religion, and Institutions in Ancient Historiography: Philological Considerations concerning Luke’s History.” JBL 116:673–95. Cancik, Hubert, Hermann Lichtenberger, and Peter Schäfer, eds. 1996. Geschichte—Tradition—Reflexion: Festschrift für Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag. 3 vols. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Carcopino, Jérôme. 1940. Daily Life in Ancient Rome: The People and the City at the Height of the Empire. Edited by Henry T. Rowell. Translated by E. O. Lorimer. New Haven: Yale University Press. Repr., 1960. Carroll, Scott T. 1992a. “Puteoli.” ABD 5:560–61. ———. 1992b. “Theodotus.” ABD 6:448. Cartledge, Paul, and Robert Sallares. 2012. “Earthquakes.” OCD 482. Cary, Max, and W. M. Murray. 2012. “Adriatic Sea.” OCD 14. Cassidy, Richard J. 2001. Paul in Chains: Roman Imprisonment and the Letters of St. Paul. New York: Crossroad. Casson, Lionel. 1974. Travel in the Ancient World. Toronto: Hakkert. ———. 1995. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Orig., 1971. Catling, Hector. 2012. “Cyprus.” OCD 404–5. Caulley, Thomas Scott, and Hermann Lichtenberger. 2011. Die Septuaginta und das frühe Christentum = The Septuagint and Christian Origins. WUNT 277. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Chadwick, Henry. 1978. “Gewissen.” RAC 10:1025–1107. Charlesworth, James H. 2010. The Good and Evil Serpent: How a Universal Symbol Became Christianized. AYBRL. New Haven: Yale University Press. Clarke, G. W. 1968. “The Burning of Books and Catullus 36.” Latomus 27:575–80. Clarke, W. K. L. 1922. “The Use of the Septuagint in Acts.” In BegC 2:66–105.

Bibliography xlv

Cohen, Shaye J. D. 1999a. The Beginnings of Jewishness: Boundaries, Varieties, Uncertainties. HCS 31. Berkeley: University of California Press. ———. 1999b. “Ioudaios, Iudaeus, Judaean, Jew.” In Cohen 1999a, 69–106. ———. 1999c. “The Matrilineal Principle.” In Cohen 1999a, 263–307. ———. 1999d. “Was Timothy Jewish?” In Cohen 1999a, 363–77. ———. 2014. From the Maccabees to the Mishnah. 3rd ed. Louisville: Westminster John Knox. Conzelmann, Hans. 1979. “Die Schule des Paulus.” Pages 85–96 in Theologia Crucis—Signum Crucis: Festschrift für Erich Dinkler zum 70. Geburtstag. Edited by Carl Andresen and Günther Klein. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Cook, John Granger. 2004. The Interpretation of the Old Testament in GrecoRoman Paganism. STAC 23. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Cormack, J. M. R., and N. G. L. Hammond. 2012. “Amphipolis.” OCD 73. Coulston, J. C., and Hazel Dodge. 2000. Ancient Rome: The Archaeology of the Eternal City. UOSAM 54. Oxford: Oxford University School of Archaeology. Crawford, Michael H. 2012. “Citizenship, Roman.” OCD 321. Dahl, Nils. 1958. “‘A People for His Name’ (Acts 15:14).” NTS 4:319–27. Dahm, Murray. 2013. “Literal Dexiolaboi: What Did ‘Right-Carrying’ Legionaries Carry?” Ancient Warfare 8:43–47. Davies, W. D. 1967. Paul and Rabbinic Judaism: Some Rabbinic Elements in Pauline Theology. Rev. ed. HT 146. New York: Harper & Row. ———. 1999. “Paul: From the Jewish Point of View.” In CHJ 3:678–730. Davies, W. D., and David Daube, eds. 1954. The Background of the New Testament and Its Eschatology: Essays in Honour of C. H. Dodd. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Repr., 1964. Deissmann, Adolf. 1965. Light from the Ancient East: The New Testament Illustrated by Recently Discovered Texts of the Graeco-Roman World. Translated by Lionel R. M. Strachan. London: Hodder & Stoughton. New, rev. ed., with 85 illustrations from the latest German ed. 1929. Repr., Grand Rapids: Baker. De Long, Kindalee Pfremmer. 2009. Surprised by God: Praise Responses in the Narrative of Luke–Acts. BZNW 166. Berlin: de Gruyter. DeLaine, Janet. 2012. “Forum.” OCD 586–87. Dibelius, Martin. 1956. Studies in the Acts of the Apostles. New York: Scribner’s. Dickie, Matthew. 2001. Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World. London: Routledge. Dodd, C. H. 1935. The Bible and the Greeks. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Repr., 1964. Donfried, Karl P., and Peter Richardson. 1998. Judaism and Christianity in First-Century Rome. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Droge, Arthur J., and James D. Tabor. 1992. A Noble Death: Suicide and Martyrdom among Christians and Jews in Antiquity. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco.

xlvi

Bibliography

Dudley, D. R. 1967. Urbs Roma: A Source Book of Classical Texts on the City & Its Monuments. London: Phaidon. Dunn, James D. G. 1993. The Epistle to the Galatians. BNTC. London: A&C Black. Dupont, Jacques. 1964. The Sources of the Acts. New York: Herder & Herder. ———. 1967a. Études sur Les Actes des Apôtres. LectD 45. Paris: Éditions du Cerf. ———. 1967b. “Aequitas Romana. Notes sur Actes 25, 16.” Pages 527–52 in Dupont 1967a. Ehrman, Bart D., and Michael W. Holmes. 2013. The Text of the New Testament in Contemporary Research: Essays on the Status Quaestiones. 2nd ed. Leiden: Brill. Ellis, E. Earle. 1999. The Making of the New Testament Documents. BibInt 39. Leiden: Brill. ———. 2001. “‘The End of the Earth’ (Acts 1:8).” Pages 54–63 in Ellis, History and Interpretation in New Testament Perspective. BibInt 54. Leiden: Brill. Epp, Eldon Jay. 1966. The Theological Tendency of Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis in Acts. SNTSMS 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1992. “Textual Criticism (NT).” ABD 6:412–35. ———. 2005a. Perspectives on New Testament Textual Criticism: Collected Essays, 1962–2004. NovTSup 116. Leiden: Brill. ———. 2005b. “The ‘Ignorance’ Motif in Acts and Anti-Judaic Tendencies in Codex Bezae.” Pages 1–14 in Epp 2005a. ———. 2005c. “The Significance of the Papyri for Determining the Nature of the New Testament Text in the Second Century: A Dynamic View of Textual Transmission.” Pages 345–81 in Epp 2005a. ———. 2005d. “The Papyrus Manuscripts of the New Testament.” Pages 411–35 in Epp 2005a. ———. 2005e. “Anti-Judaic Tendencies in the D-Text of Acts.” Pages 699– 739 in Epp 2005a. ———. 2005f. “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor Except in Their Hometown?’” Pages 742–801 in Epp 2005a. ———. 2013. “Textual Clusters: Their Past and Future in New Testament Textual Criticism.” Pages 519–77 in Ehrman and Holmes 2013. Epp, Eldon Jay, and Gordon D. Fee. 1993. Studies in the Theory and Method of New Testament Textual Criticism. SD 45. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Esler, Philip F. 1987. Community and Gospel in Luke–Acts: The Social and Political Motivations of Lucan Theology. SNTSMS 57. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Evans, Christopher Francis. 1990. Saint Luke. TPINTC. London: SCM.

Bibliography xlvii

Ferguson, Everett. 1982. “Canon Muratori: Date and Provenance.” Pages 677– 83 in Studia Patristica 17.2. Oxford: Pergamon. Figge, Horst H., Bernd Kollmann, Heinz Streib, Nathan D. Mitchell, and Andreas Grünschloß. 2008. “Exorcism.” RPP 4:762–64. Foakes Jackson, F. J., Kirsopp Lake, Henry J. Cadbury, and James H. Ropes, eds. 1920–1933. The Beginnings of Christianity. See BegC. Foerster, Werner. 1968. “pythōn.” TDNT 6:917–20. Forbes, Clarence A. 1936. “Books for the Burning.” TAPA 67:114–25. Franklin, Eric. 1975. Christ the Lord: A Study in the Purpose and Theology of Luke–Acts. Philadelphia: Westminster. Freely, John. 1991. Classical Turkey. London: Penguin. Frey, Jörg, Daniel R. Schwartz, and Stephanie Gripentrog, eds. 2007. Jewish Identity in the Greco-Roman World = Jüdische Identität in der griechisch-­ römischen Welt. AGJU 71. Leiden: Brill. Friedman, Richard D. 1998. “Confrontation: The Search for Basic Principles.” Georgetown Law Journal 86.4:1011–1143. Friesen, Steven J. 1993. Twice Neokoros: Ephesus, Asia, and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family. RGRW 116. Leiden: Brill. ———. 2010. “The Wrong Erastus: Ideology, Archaeology, and Exegesis.” In Friesen, Schowalter, and Walters 2010, 231–56. Friesen, Steven J., Sarah A. James, and Daniel N. Schowalter, eds. 2014. Corinth in Contrast: Studies in Inequality. NovTSup 155. Leiden: Brill. Friesen, Steven J., Daniel N. Schowalter, and James C. Walters. 2010. Corinth in Context: Comparative Studies on Religion and Society. NovTSup 134. Leiden: Brill. Fuller, Michael E. 2006. The Restoration of Israel: Israel’s Re-Gathering and the Fate of the Nations in Early Jewish Literature and Luke–Acts. BZNW 138. Berlin: de Gruyter. Furley, D. J., and D. Sedley. 2012. “Epicurus.” OCD 513–14. Furnish, Victor Paul. 1984. Second Corinthians. AB 32A. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Gager, John G. 1972. Moses in Greco-Roman Paganism. SBLMS 16. Nashville: Abingdon. Garnsey, Peter. 1966. “The Lex Iulia and Appeal under the Empire.” JRS 56:167–89. ———. 1970. Social Status and Legal Privilege in the Roman Empire. Oxford: Clarendon. Garrett, Susan R. 1989. The Demise of the Devil: Magic and the Demonic in Luke’s Writings. Minneapolis: Fortress. Garroway, Joshua. 2014. “The Pharisee Heresy: Circumcision for Gentiles in the Acts of the Apostles.” NTS 60:20–36.

xlviii

Bibliography

Gaventa, Beverly R. 1986. From Darkness to Light: Aspects of Conversion in the New Testament. Philadelphia: Fortress. Gazda, Elaine K., Diana Y. Ng, and Ünal Demirer, eds. 2011. Building a New Rome: The Imperial Colony of Pisidian Antioch (25 BC–AD 700). Kelsey Museum Publication 5. Ann Arbor: Kelsey Museum of Archaeology. Georgi, Dieter. 1992. Remembering the Poor: The History of Paul’s Collection for Jerusalem. Nashville: Abingdon. Gilbert, Gary. 2002. “The List of Nations in Acts 2: Roman Propaganda and the Lukan Response.” JBL 121:497–529. Gilders, William K. 2004. Blood Ritual in the Hebrew Bible: Meaning and Power. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Goodman, Martin. 1994. Mission and Conversion: Proselytizing in the Religious History of the Roman Empire. Oxford: Clarendon. Gottlieb, Isaac B. 1997. “Gamli’el the Elder.” ODJR 264. Graf, Fritz. 1997. Magic in the Ancient World. Translated by Franklin Philip. RA 10. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. ———. 2008. “Divination.” RPP 4:98–100. Grafton, A. T. 2012. “Time-Reckoning.” OCD 1483. Grässer, Erich. 2001. Forschungen zur Apostelgeschichte. WUNT 137. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Gregory, Andrew F., and C. Kavin Rowe. 2010. Rethinking the Unity and Reception of Luke and Acts. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. Gruen, Erich S. 1998. Heritage and Hellenism: The Reinvention of Jewish Tradition. HCS 30. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hackett, Jo Ann. 1992. “Balaam.” ABD 1:569–72. Hadas, Moses, and Morton Smith. 1965. Heroes and Gods: Spiritual Biographies in Antiquity. RP 13. New York: Harper & Row. Haenchen, Ernst. 1964. “Acta 27.” Pages 235–54 in Zeit und Geschichte: Dankesgabe an Rudolf Bultmann zum 80. Geburtstag. Edited by Erich Dinkler. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Hagner, Donald A. 1992. “James.” ABD 3:616–18. Hahneman, Geoffrey M. 1992. The Muratorian Fragment and the Development of the Canon. OTM. Oxford: Clarendon. Hammond, Nicholas G. L. 2012a. “Philippi.” OCD 1129. ———. 2012b. “Thessalonica.” OCD 1467. ———. 2012c. “Via Egnatia.” OCD 1548. Harnack, Adolf. 1908. The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries. Translated by James Moffatt. 2nd ed. London: Williams & Norgate. Repr., New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1961. ———. 1909. New Testament Studies. Vol. 3, The Acts of the Apostles. Translated by J. R. Wilkinson. CTL 27. London: Williams & Norgate.

Bibliography xlix

———. 1911. New Testament Studies. Vol. 4, The Date of Acts and the Synoptic Gospels. Translated by J. R. Wilkinson. CTL 33. London: Williams & Norgate. Harrington, Daniel J., and Anthony J. Saldarini. 1987. Targum Jonathan of the Former Prophets: Introduction, Translation, and Notes. ArBib 10. Wil­ mington, DE: Michael Glazier. Hayes, Christine E. 1997. “Sanhedrin.” ODJR 606–7. Hayes, John H., and Jürgen Roloff. 1999. “Acts of the Apostles, Book of the.” DBI 1:4–13. Hays, Richard B. 1993. “Christ Prays the Psalms: Paul’s Use of an Early Christian Exegetical Convention.” Pages 122–36 in The Future of Christology. Edited by Abraham J. Malherbe and Wayne A. Meeks. Minneapolis: Fortress. Heider, George C. 1992. “Molech.” ABD 5:895–98. Hemer, Colin J. 1989. The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History. Edited by Conrad H. Gempf. WUNT 49. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Hengel, Martin. 1979. Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity. Translated by John Bowden. London: SCM. ———. 1983. “Between Jesus and Paul: The ‘Hellenists,’ the Seven, and Stephen.” Pages 1–29 in Between Jesus and Paul. Translated by John Bowden. London: SCM. ———. 1989. The Zealots: Investigations into the Jewish Freedom Movement in the Period from Herod I until 70 A.D. Translated by David Smith. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Orig. in German, 1956. ———. 1996–2010. Kleine Schriften. Edited by Roland Deines, Jörg Frey, Hanswulf Bloedhorn, and Claus-Jürgen Thornton. 7 vols. WUNT. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. ———. 2001. The Septuagint as Christian Scripture: Its Prehistory and the Problem of Its Canon. Edited by Roland Deines. Translated by Mark E. Biddle. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Repr., Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2004. ———. 2008. “Ioudaia in der geographischen Liste Apg 2,9–11 und Syrien als ‘Großjudäa.’” RHPR 80 (2000): 51–68. Repr. as pp. 191–211 in vol. 6 of Hengel’s Studien zum Urchristentum: Kleine Schriften. Edited by ClausJürgen Thornton. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Henten, J. W. van, and Friedrich Avemarie. 2002. Martyrdom and Noble Death: Selected Texts from Graeco-Roman, Jewish, and Christian Antiquity. London: Routledge. Hermsen, Edmund, Lutz Käppel, Gerhard Dautzenberg, and Wilfred Härle. 2007. “Conscience.” RPP 3:416–22. Herrmann, Frank R., and Brownlow M. Speer. 1994. “Facing the Accuser: Ancient and Medieval Precursors of the Confrontation Clause.” Virginia Journal of International Law 34:481–552.

l

Bibliography

Hill, Craig C. 1992. Hellenists and Hebrews: Reappraising Division within the Earliest Church. Minneapolis: Fortress. Hillner, Julia. 2015. Prison, Punishment and Penance in Late Antiquity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hock, Ronald F. 1980. The Social Context of Paul’s Ministry: Tentmaking and Apostleship. Philadelphia: Fortress. Repr., 2007. Hoehner, Harold W. 1972. Herod Antipas. SNTSMS 17. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Repr., Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1980. Hoffman, Daniel L. 1992. “Phoenix.” ABD 5:365. Holladay, Carl R. 1999. “Acts and the Fragmentary Hellenistic Jewish Historians.” In Moessner 1999, 171–98. ———. 2005. A Critical Introduction to the New Testament: Interpreting the Message and Meaning of Jesus Christ. Nashville: Abingdon. ———. 2007. “Deepening the Church’s Sensibilities: Reflections on Acts.” Pages 11–29 in Good Shepherds: More Guidance for the Gentle Art of Pastoring. Edited by David Fleer and Charles Siburt. Abilene, TX: Leafwood. ———. 2011a. “Acts and the Fragmentary Hellenistic Jewish Authors.” NovT 53:22–51. ———. 2011b. “Luke’s Use of the LXX in Acts: A Review of the Debate and a Look at Acts 1:15–26.” Pages 233–300 in The Septuagint and Christian Origins. Edited by Thomas Scott Caulley and Hermann Lichtenberger. WUNT 277. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. ———. 2012. “Interpreting Acts.” Int 66:245–58. ———. 2016. “What David Saw: Messianic Exegesis in Acts 2.” Stone-­ Campbell Journal 19:95–108. Holmes, Michael. 2003. “Women and the ‘Western’ Text of Acts.” In Nicklas and Tilly 183–203. Hooker, Morna D. 1959. Jesus and the Servant: The Influence of the Servant Concept of Deutero-Isaiah in the New Testament. London: SPCK. Horbury, William. 1999. “Women in the Synagogue.” In CHJ 3:358–401. ———. 2014. Jewish War under Trajan and Hadrian. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Horst, Pieter W. van der, ed. 1978. The Sentences of Pseudo-Phocylides. SVTP 4. Leiden: Brill. ———. 1983. “Hellenistic Parallels to the Acts of the Apostles 1:1–26.” ZNW 74:17–26. ———. 1985. “Hellenistic Parallels to the Acts of the Apostles 2:1–47.” JSNT 25:49–60. ———. 1989a. “Hellenistic Parallels to Acts (chapters 3 and 4).” JSNT 35:37–46. ———. 1989b.“The Altar of the ‘Unknown God’ in Athens (Acts 17:23) and the Cult of the ‘Unknown Gods’ in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods.” ANRW II. Principat: Religion. 18.2:1426–56.

Bibliography li

Huddlestun, John R. 1992. “Red Sea.” ABD 5:663–42. Hull, John M. 1974. Hellenistic Magic and the Synoptic Tradition. SBT 2/28. Naperville, IL: Allenson. Hurtado, Larry W. 1981. Text-Critical Methodology and the Pre-Caesarean Text: Codex W in the Gospel of Mark. SD 43. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Jaeger, Werner. 1943–45. Paideia: The Ideals of Greek Culture. Translated by Gilbert Highet. 3 vols. New York: Oxford University Press. Jeremias, Joachim. 1965. “thyra.” TDNT 3:175–76. ———. 1967a. “lithos.” TDNT 4:268–80. ———. 1967b. “pais.” TDNT 5:678–700. ———. 1968. “poimēn etc.” TDNT 6:485–502. ———. 1975. Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus. Translated by F. H. Cave and C. H. Cave. Philadelphia: Fortress. Jervell, Jacob. 1972. Luke and the People of God: A New Look at Luke–Acts. Minneapolis: Augsburg. ———. 1984. The Unknown Paul: Essays on Luke–Acts and Early Christian History. Minneapolis: Augsburg. ———. 1996. The Theology of the Acts of the Apostles. NTT. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jewett, Robert. 1979. A Chronology of Paul’s Life. Philadelphia: Fortress. ———. 2007. Romans: A Commentary. Edited by Roy David Kotansky. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress. Jipp, Joshua W. 2013. Divine Visitations and Hospitality to Strangers in Luke– Acts: An Interpretation of the Malta Episode in Acts 28:1–10. NovTSup 153. Leiden: Brill. Jobes, Karen H., and Moisés Silva. 2015. Invitation to the Septuagint. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic. Johnson, Luke Timothy. 2002. Septuagintal Midrash in the Speeches of Acts. Père Marquette Lecture in Theology. Milwaukee: Marquette University Press. Jones, A. H. M. 1960a. Studies in Roman Government and Law. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. ———. 1960b. “‘I Appeal Unto Caesar.’” In Jones 1960a, 53–65, 184–87. ———. 1960c. “Imperial and Senatorial Jurisdiction in the Early Principate.” In Jones 1960a, 69–98. ———. 1960d. “Procurators and Prefects in the Early Principate.” In Jones 1960a, 117–25, 195–97. Jones, A. H. M., and Stephen Mitchell. 2012. “Lycaonia.” OCD 868. Jones, A. H. M., Henri Seyrig, Jean-François Salles, and J. F. Healey. 2012. “Tyre.” OCD 1523. Jones, A. H. M., Henri Seyrig, Susan Mary Sherwin-White, and J. H. W. G. Lie­ be­schuetz. 2012. “Syria.” OCD 1421–22.

lii

Bibliography

Joubert, Stephan. 2000. Paul as Benefactor: Reciprocity, Strategy and Theological Reflection in Paul’s Collection. WUNT 2/124. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Kamerbeek, J. C. 1948. “On the Conception of THEOMACHOS in Relation with Greek Tragedy.” Mnemosyne 4/1:271–83. Kaufman, Stephen A. 1992. “Language (Aramaic).” ABD 4:173–78. Keck, Leander E., and J. Louis Martyn, eds. 1966. Studies in Luke–Acts: Essays Presented in Honor of Paul Schubert. Nashville: Abingdon. Kennedy, George A. 1984. New Testament Interpretation through Rhetorical Criticism. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Kim, Chan-Hie. 1972. The Familiar Letter of Recommendation. SBLDS 4. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press. Kimelman, Reuven. 2006. “Rabbinic Prayer in Late Antiquity.” In CHJ 4:573–611. Klauck, Hans-Josef. 2000. Magic and Paganism in Early Christianity. Translated by Brian McNeil. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Kleberg, Tönnes. 1957. Hôtels, restaurants et cabarets dans l’antiquité romaine: Études historiques et philologiques. BEUU 61. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells. Knox, John. 1942. Marcion and the New Testament. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ———. 1966. “Acts and the Pauline Letter Corpus.” In Keck and Martyn 1966, 279–87. Knox, Wilfred L. 1925. St. Paul and the Church of Jerusalem. CLC. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1938. “Jewish Liturgical Exorcism.” HTR 31:191–203. ———. 1939a. St. Paul and the Church of the Gentiles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1939b. “Jewish Influences on Magical Literature.” In W. Knox 1939a, 208–11. ———. 1948. The Acts of the Apostles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kochavi, Moshe. 1992. “Antipatris.” ABD 1:272–74. Koester, Helmut. 1971. “GNŌMAI DIAPHOROI: The Origin and Nature of Diversification in the History of Early Christianity.” Pages 114–57 in Trajectories through Early Christianity. Edited by Helmut Koester and James M. Robinson. Philadelphia: Fortress. ———. 1995a. Introduction to the New Testament. 2nd ed. 2 vols. New York: de Gruyter. ———, ed. 1995b. Ephesos Metropolis of Asia: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Its Archaeology, Religion, and Culture. HTS 41. Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International. Kremer, Jacob, ed. 1979. Les Actes des Apôtres: Traditions, rédaction, théologie. BETL 48. Gembloux: J. Duculot.

Bibliography liii

Krötke, Wolf, Klaus Hock, Alexandra Grund, Rainer Metzner, Heinrich Holze, Martin Abraham, Michael Sievernich, Friedrich Avemarie, Dagmar ­Börner-Klein, and Nino Zchomrlidse. 2012. “Sin, Guilt, and Forgiveness.” RPP 12:19–38. Kuemmerlin-McLean, Joanne K. 1992. “Magic (OT).” ABD 4:468–71. Kümmel, Werner Georg. 1975. Introduction to the New Testament. Translated by Howard C. Kee. Rev. ed. Nashville: Abingdon. Kurz, William. 1993. Reading Luke–Acts: Dynamics of Biblical Narrative. Louisville: Westminster John Knox. Kyrychenko, Alexander. 2014. The Roman Army and the Expansion of the Gospel: The Role of the Centurion in Luke–Acts. BZNW 203. Berlin: de Gruyter. Ladouceur, David J. 1980. “Hellenistic Preconceptions of Shipwreck and Pollution as a Context for Acts 27–28.” HTR 73:435–49. Laidlaw, William Allison, and Susan Mary Sherwin-White. 2012. “Cos.” OCD 387–88. Lake, Kirsopp. 1933a. “Proselytes and God-Fearers.” In BegC 5:74–96. ———. 1933b. “The Famine in the Time of Claudius.” In BegC 5:452–55. ———. 1933c. “The Proconsulship of Sergius Paulus.” In BegC 5:455–59. Lambertz, [Maximilian]. 1953. “Porcius Festus (36).” PW 22.1:220–27. Lampe, Peter. 2003. From Paul to Valentinus: Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries. Translated by Michael G. Steinhauser. Minneapolis: Fortress. Lane Fox, Robin. 1989. Pagans and Christians. San Francisco: Harper­ SanFrancisco. Larkin, Murl A. 1969–70. “The Right of Confrontation: What Next?” Hein­ Online 1 Texas Tech Law Review 67–86. Lenhardt, Peter. 1997a. “ʿAmidah.” ODJR 42–43. ———. 1997b. “Minḥah.” ODJR 466–67. Leon, Harry J. 1995. The Jews of Ancient Rome. Edited by Carolyn Osiek. Updated ed. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson. Levine, Amy-Jill. 2006. The Misunderstood Jew: The Church and the Scandal of the Jewish Jesus. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco. Levine, Lee I. 1974. “The Jewish-Greek Conflict in First Century Caesarea.” JJS 25:381–97. ———. 1975. Caesarea under Roman Rule. SJLA 7. Leiden: Brill. Levinskaya, Irina. 1996. The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting. Vol. 5 of BAFCS. Edited by Bruce W. Winter. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Lightfoot, Joseph Barber. 2014. The Acts of the Apostles: A Newly Discovered Commentary. Edited by Ben Witherington and Todd D. Still. Lightfoot Legacy 1. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic. Lindars, Barnabas. 1961. New Testament Apologetic: The Doctrinal Significance of the Old Testament Quotations. London: SCM.

liv

Bibliography

Lintott, Andrew W. 1972. “Provocatio: From the Struggle of the Orders to the Principate.” ANRW I. Von den Anfängen Roms bis zum Ausgang der Republik: Recht. 2:226–67. Lomas, H. Kathryn. 2012a. “Puteoli.” OCD 1243. ———. 2012b. “Rhegium.” OCD 1274. Lowe, Malcolm F. 1976. “Who Were the ‘Ioudaioi’?” NovT 18:101–30. Luck, Georg. 2006. Arcana Mundi: Magic and the Occult in the Greek and Roman Worlds; A Collection of Ancient Texts. 2nd ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Lüdemann, Gerd. 2005. The Acts of the Apostles: What Really Happened in the Earliest Days of the Church. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. MacDonald, Dennis R. 1999. “The Shipwrecks of Odysseus and Paul.” NTS 45:88–107. ———. 2003. Does the New Testament Imitate Homer? Four Cases from the Acts of the Apostles. New Haven: Yale University Press. MacMullen, Ramsay. 1966. Enemies of the Roman Order: Treason, Unrest, and Alienation in the Empire. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Malherbe, Abraham J. 1983. Social Aspects of Early Christianity. 2nd ed., enlarged. Philadelphia: Fortress. ———. 2000. The Letters to the Thessalonians. AB 32B. New York: Doubleday. ———. 2014a. Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity; Collected Essays, 1959–2012. Edited by Carl R. Holladay, John T. Fitzgerald, Gregory E. Sterling, and James W. Thompson. 2 vols. NovTSup 150. Leiden: Brill. A one-volume, continuously paginated paperback edition was published in 2015. ———. 2014b. “Hellenistic Moralists and the New Testament.” In Malherbe 2014a, 2:687–705. Marguerat, Daniel. 2002. The First Christian Historian: Writing the “Acts of the Apostles.” Translated by Ken McKinney, Gregory J. Laughery, and Richard Bauckham. SNTSMS 121. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 2013. Paul in Acts and Paul in His Letters. WUNT 310. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Marshall, I. Howard. 1993. “Acts and the ‘Former Treatise.’” Pages 163–82 in The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting. Edited by Bruce W. Winter and Andrew D. Clarke. Vol. 1 of BAFCS. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Martin, Dale B. 2004. Inventing Superstition: From the Hippocratics to the Christians. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Martin, Thomas W. 1992a. “Hellenists.” ABD 3:135–36. ———. 1992b. “Sergius Paulus.” ABD 5:205–6. Mason, Steve. 1993. “The Problem of the Pharisees in Modern Scholarship.” Pages 103–40 in Approaches to Ancient Judaism. Edited by Jacob Neusner. New Series 3. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

Bibliography lv

Maurer, Christian. 1971. “synoida, syneidēsis.” TDNT 7:898–919. McCown, Chester C. 1923. “The Ephesia Grammata in Popular Belief.” TAPA 54:128–40. McDonald, Lee Martin. 2007. The Biblical Canon: Its Origin, Transmission, and Authority. Updated, rev. 3rd ed. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson. Mee, C. B., and Ellen E. Rice. 2012. “Rhodes.” OCD 1278–79. Meeks, Wayne A. 1983. The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul. New Haven: Yale University Press. Meier, Samuel A. 1992. “Rephan.” ABD 5:677. Meiser, Martin. 2003. “Texttraditionen des Aposteldekrets—Textkritik und Rezeptionsgeschichte.” In Nicklas and Tilly 374–98. Mendenhall, George. 1992. “Midian.” ABD 4:816. Metzger, Bruce M. 1980a. New Testament Studies: Philological, Versional, and Patristic. NTTS 10. Leiden: Brill. ———. 1980b. “Ancient Astrological Geography and Acts 2:9–11.” In Metzger 1980a, 46–56. Michaelis, Wilhelm. 1967. “paschō etc.” TDNT 5:913–39. Miles, Gary B., and Garry W. Trompf. 1976. “Luke and Antiphon: The Theology of Acts 27–28 in the Light of Pagan Beliefs about Divine Retribution, Pollution, and Shipwreck.” HTR 69:259–67. “Midrash.” 1997. ODJR 463. “Minhah.” 1997. ODJR 466–67. Mitchell, Stephen. 1979. “Iconium and Ninica: Two Double Communities in Roman Asia Minor.” Historia: Zeitschrift für alte Geschichte 28.4:409–38. ———. 1993a. Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor. Vol. 1, The Celts in Anatolia and the Impact of Roman Rule. Oxford: Clarendon. Repr., 2003. ———. 1993b. Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor. Vol. 2, The Rise of the Church. Oxford: Clarendon. Repr., 2003. ———. 2012a. “Alexandria Troas.” OCD 60–61. ———. 2012b. “Assos.” OCD 187. ———. 2012c. “Myra.” OCD 989. ———. 2012d. “Patara.” OCD 1089. ———. 2012e. “Phrygia.” OCD 1142–43. Mitchell, Stephen, and Marc Waelkens, eds. 1998. Pisidian Antioch: The Site and Its Monuments. London: Duckworth with The Classical Press of Wales. Moessner, David P., ed. 1999. Jesus and the Heritage of Israel: Luke’s Narrative Claim upon Israel’s Legacy. Luke the Interpreter of Israel 1. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International. ———. 2004. “‘Completed End(s)ings’ of Historiographical Narrative: Diodorus Siculus and the End(ing) of Acts.” In Breytenbach and Schröter 193–221. Montefiore, Claude G., and Herbert M. J. Loewe. 1960. A Rabbinic Anthology. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America.

lvi

Bibliography

Moore, George Foot. 1920. “Nazarene and Nazareth.” In BegC 1:426–32. ———. 1929. “Fate and Free Will in the Jewish Philosophies according to Josephus.” HTR 22:371–89. Moule, C. F. D. 1959b. “Once More, Who Were the Hellenists?” ExpTim 70:100–102. Mount, Christopher. 2002. Pauline Christianity: Luke–Acts and the Legacy of Paul. NovTSup 104. Leiden: Brill. Mussies, G. 1987. “Greek in Palestine and the Diaspora.” In Safrai and Stern 2:1040–64. Nasrallah, Laura. 2008. “The Acts of the Apostles, Greek Cities, and Hadrian’s Panhellenion.” JBL 127:533–66. Newman, Barclay M., and Eugene A. Nida. 1972. A Translator’s Handbook on the Acts of the Apostles. HTrans 12. London: United Bible Societies. Neyrey, Jerome H. 1993. 2 Peter, Jude. AB 37C. New York: Doubleday. Nicklas, Tobias, and Michael Tilly. 2003. The Book of Acts as Church History: Text, Textual Traditions and Ancient Interpretations. BZNW 120. Berlin: de Gruyter. Nickle, Keith F. 1966. The Collection: A Study in Paul’s Strategy. SBT 48. London: SCM. Noack, B. 1962. “The Day of Pentecost in Jubilees, Qumran, and Acts.” ASTI 1:72–95. Nock, Arthur Darby. 1933. “Paul and the Magus.” In BegC 5:164–88. Norden, Eduard. 1971. Agnostos Theos: Untersuchungen zur Formen­geschichte religiöser Rede. 5th ed., repr. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1971. Ogilvie, R. M. 1958. “Phoenix.” JTS 9:308–14. Olson, Mark J. 1992. “Cnidus.” ABD 1:1066–67. Omerzu, Heike. 2003. “Die Darstellung der Römer in der Textüberlieferung der Apostelgeschichte.” In Nicklas and Tilly 147–81. O’Neill, J. C. 1961. The Theology of Acts in Its Historical Setting. London: SPCK. Oster, Richard E. 1976. “The Ephesian Artemis as an Opponent of Early Christianity.” JAC 19:24–44. ———. 1990. “Ephesus as a Religious Center under the Principate, I. Paganism before Constantine.” ANRW II. Principat: Religion. 18.3:1661–1728. ———. 1992. “Ephesus.” ABD 2:542–49. O’Toole, Robert F. 1992. “Ananias (5).” ABD 1:225. Parker, Robert. 2012. “Dioscuri.” OCD 466. Parsons, Mikeal C., and Richard I. Pervo. 1993. Rethinking the Unity of Luke and Acts. Minneapolis: Fortress. Patillon, Michel. 1997. Aelius Theon: Progymnasmata. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.

Bibliography lvii

Pattengale, Jerry A. 1992a. “Beautiful Gate.” ABD 1:631–32. ———. 1992b. “Berea.” ABD 1:675. Paulien, Jon. 1992a. “Parmenas.” ABD 5:165. ———. 1992b. “Prochorus.” ABD 5:473. Penner, Todd C. 2004. In Praise of Christian Origins: Stephen and the Hellenists in Lukan Apologetic Historiography. ESEC 10. New York: T&T Clark. Penner, Todd C., and Caroline Vander Stichele, eds. 2003. Contextualizing Acts: Lukan Narrative and Greco-Roman Discourse. SBLSS 20. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. Pervo, Richard. 1979. “The Literary Genre of the Acts of the Apostles.” PhD diss., Harvard University. ———. 1987. Profit with Delight. Philadelphia: Fortress. ———. 1989. “Must Luke and Acts Belong to the Same Genre?” Pages 309–16 in SBLSP. Edited by David J. Lull. Atlanta: Scholars Press. ———. 2006. Dating Acts: Between the Evangelists and the Apologists. Santa Rosa, CA: Polebridge. ———. 2009b. “The Paul of Acts and the Paul of the Letters: Aspects of Luke as an Interpreter of the Corpus Paulinum.” Pages 141–55 in Reception of Paulinism in Acts = Réception du Paulinisme dans des Actes des Apôtres. Edited by Daniel Marguerat. BETL 229. Leuven: Peeters. Pierce, Claude A. 1955. Conscience in the New Testament. SBT 15. London: SCM. Pitard, Wayne T. 1992. “Damascus.” ABD 2:5–8. Plümacher, Eckhard. 1972. Lukas als hellenistischer Schriftsteller: Studien zur Apostelgeschichte. SUNT 9. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. ———. 1977. “Die Apostelgeschichte als historische Monographie.” In Kremer 457–66. Pokorný, Peter. 1973. “Die Romfahrt des Paulus und der Antike Roman.” ZNW 64:233–44. Porter, Stanley E. 2003. “Developments in the Text of Acts before the Major Codices.” In Nicklas and Tilly 31–68. Porton, Gary G. 1992. “Sadducees.” ABD 5:892–95. Praeder, Susan Marie. 1981. “Luke–Acts and the Ancient Novel.” Pages 269– 92 in SBLSP. Edited by Kent Richards. Chico, CA: Society of Biblical Literature (Scholars Press). ———. 1984. “Acts 27:1–28:16: Sea Voyages in Ancient Literature and the Theology of Luke–Acts.” CBQ 46:683–706. Pulleyn, Simon. 1994. “The Power of Names in Classical Greek Religion.” ClassQ, NS, 44:17–25. Purcell, Nicholas. 2012a. “Itineraries.” OCD 752. ———. 2012b. “Periploi.” OCD 1108–9.

lviii

Bibliography

Rabin, Chaim. 1987. “Hebrew and Aramaic in the First Century.” In Safrai and Stern 2:1007–39. Rajak, Tessa. 2012. “Iulius Agrippa II, Marcus.” OCD 756. Rajak, Tessa, and David Noy. 1993. “Archisynagogoi: Office, Title and Social Status in the Greco-Jewish Synagogue.” JRS 83:75–93. Rapske, Brian. 1994. The Book of Acts and Paul in Roman Custody. Edited by Bruce W. Winter. Vol. 3 of BAFCS. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Read-Heimerdinger, Jenny, and Josep Rius-Camps, eds. 2013. Luke’s Demonstration to Theophilus: The Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles according to Codex Bezae. Translated by Helen Dunn and Jenny Read-Heimerdinger. London: Bloomsbury. Reicke, Bo. 1948. “Die Mahlzeit mit Paulus auf den Wellen des Mittelmeers Act 27:33–38.” TZ 4:401–10. Rengstorf, K. H. 1964a. “apostellō etc.” TDNT 1:398–447. ———. 1964b. “dōdeka etc.” TDNT 2:321–28. Reynolds, Joyce M., and Robert Tannenbaum. 1987. Jews and God-Fearers at Aphrodisias: Greek Inscriptions with Commentary; Texts from the Excavations at Aphrodisias Conducted by Kenan T. Erim. Cambridge Philological Society, Supplementary vol. 12. Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society. Rhoads, David M. 1976. Israel in Revolution, 6–74 C.E.: A Political History Based on the Writings of Josephus. Philadelphia: Fortress. ———. 1992. “Zealots.” ABD 6:1043–54. Richardson, Peter. 1998. “Augustan-Era Synagogues in Rome.” Pages 17–29 in Judaism and Christianity in First-Century Rome. Edited by Karl P. Donfried and Peter Richardson. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Richmond, Ian Archibald, Ferdinando Castagnoli, and John Patterson. 2012. “Rome (topography).” OCD 1295–96. Ricoeur, Paul. 1995. La critique et la conviction: Entretien avec François Azouvi et Marc de Launay. Paris: Calmann-Lévy. Riesner, Rainer. 1998. Paul’s Early Period: Chronology, Mission Strategy, Theology. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Rieu, C. H. 1957. The Acts of the Apostles by Saint Luke. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. Rife, Joseph L. 2010. “Religion and Society at Roman Kenchreai.” In Friesen, Schowalter, and Walters 391–432. Robbins, Vernon K. 2010. “By Land and by Sea: The We-Passages and Ancient Sea-Voyages.” Pages 47–81 in Sea Voyages and Beyond: Emerging Strategies in Socio-Rhetorical Interpretation. ESEC 14. Edmonds, WA: Deo Publishing. Robertson, Archibald. 1902. “Tertullus.” HDB 4:719–20. Robinson, John A. T. 1962. “The Most Primitive Christology of All?” Pages 139–53 in Twelve New Testament Studies. London: SCM.

Bibliography lix

Roetzel, Calvin J. 2014. “Paul’s Offering Project: Reading the Silences.” Unpublished SBL Seminar Paper for the Second Corinthians Group. http://www .umass.edu/wsp/conferences/wswg/28/2Cor%20Offering%20(Roetzel).docx. Roetzel, Calvin J., and Robert L. Foster, eds. 2007. The Impartial God: Essays in Biblical Studies in Honor of Jouette M. Bassler. NTM 22. Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press. Ropes, James H. 1926. The Text of Acts. In BegC, vol. 3. Rothschild, Clare K. 2004. Luke–Acts and the Rhetoric of History: An Investigation of Early Christian Historiography. WUNT 175. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. ———. 2014. Paul in Athens: The Popular Religious Context of Acts 17. WUNT 341. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Rowe, Christopher Kavin. 2009. World Upside Down: Reading Acts in the Graeco-Roman Age. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rudolph, Kurt. 1992. “Mandaeism.” ABD 4:500–502. Safrai, Shemuel. 1974. “Jewish Self-Government.” In Safrai and Stern 1:377–419. Saldarini, Anthony J. 1992a. “Pharisees.” ABD 5:289–303. ———. 1992b. “Sanhedrin.” ABD 5:975–80. Salmon, Edward Togo, John Boardman, and T. W. Potter. 2012. “Melita.” OCD 927. Sanders, E. P. 1977. Paul and Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion. Philadelphia: Fortress. Schäfer, Peter. 2003. The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World. London: Routledge. Schaper, Joachim. 1999. “The Pharisees.” In CHJ 3:402–27. Scherrer, Peter, ed. 2000. Ephesus: The New Guide. Translated by Lionel Bier and George M. Luxon. Turkey: Ege Yayinlari (Zero Productions). Schmeller, Thomas, and Christian Cebulj. 2001. Schulen im Neuen Testament? Zur Stellung des Urchristentums in der Bildungswelt seiner Zeit. HBS 30. Freiburg: Herder. Schneider, Carl. 1967. “mastigoō etc.” TDNT 4:515–19. Schneider, Johannes. 1964. “eunouchos etc.” TDNT 2:765–68. Schnelle, Udo. 1998. The History and Theology of the New Testament Writings. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1998. Schowalter, Daniel N., and Steven J. Friesen, eds. 2005. Urban Religion in Roman Corinth: Interdisciplinary Approaches. HTS 53. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Schrenk, Gottlob. 1964a. “boulomai etc.” TDNT 1:629–37. ———. 1964b. “dialegomai etc.” TDNT 2:93–98. Schubert, Paul. 1954. “The Structure and Significance of Luke 24.” Pages 165– 86 in Neutestamentliche Studien für Rudolf Bultmann. Edited by Walther Eltester. BZNW 21. Berlin: Töpelmann.

lx

Bibliography

Schwartz, Baruch J. 1997. “Nazirite.” ODJR 496–97. Schwartz, Daniel R. 1990. Agrippa I: The Last King of Judaea. TSAJ 23. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. ———. 1992. Studies in the Jewish Background of Christianity. WUNT 60. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. ———. 2007. “‘Judean’ or ‘Jew’? How Should We Translate Ioudaios in Josephus?” In Frey, Schwartz, and Gripentrog 3–27. Seeley, David. 1990. The Noble Death: Graeco-Roman Martyrology and Paul’s Concept of Salvation. JSNTSup 28. Sheffield: JSOT. Sellner, Hans Jörg. 2007. Das Heil Gottes: Studien zur Soteriologie des lukanischen Doppelwerks. BZNW 152. Berlin: de Gruyter. Sevenster, J. N. 1968. Do You Know Greek? How Much Greek Could the First Jewish Christians Have Known? NovTSup 19. Leiden: Brill. Shauf, Scott. 2005. Theology as History, History as Theology: Paul in Ephesus in Acts 19. BZNW 133. Berlin: de Gruyter. Shellard, Barbara. 2002. New Light on Luke: Its Purpose, Sources, and Literary Context. New York: Continuum. Sherwin-White, Adrian Nicholas. 1963. Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament. Sarum Lectures 1960–61. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ———. 1973. The Roman Citizenship. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon. Shipley, D. Graham J. 2012a. “Chios.” OCD 310–11. ———. 2012b. “Samos.” OCD 1313–14. Shipley, D. Graham J., and Charlotte Roueché. 2012. “Mytilene.” OCD 993. Skinner, Matthew L. 2003. Locating Paul: Places of Custody as Narrative Settings in Acts 21–28. AcBib 13. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. Sleeman, Matthew. 2009. Geography and the Ascension Narrative in Acts. SNTSMS 146. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Smith, Daniel Lynwood. 2012. The Rhetoric of Interruption: Speech-Making, Turn-Taking, and Rule-Breaking in Luke–Acts and Ancient Greek Narrative. BZNW 193. Berlin: de Gruyter. Smith, David E. 2002. The Canonical Function of Acts: A Comparative Analysis. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. Smith, R. R. R. 1988. “Simulcra Gentium: The Ethnē from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias.” JRS 78:50–77. Sorensen, Eric. 2002. Possession and Exorcism in the New Testament and Early Christianity. WUNT 2/157. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Spawforth, Antony. 2012a. “Achaia.” OCD 6. ———. 2012b. “Corinth.” OCD 374–75. Stählin, Gustav. 1974. “philos etc.” TDNT 9:159–64. Staveley, Eastland Stuart, and Andrew W. Lintott. 2012. “Provocatio.” OCD 1230–31. Stemberger, Günther. 1999. “The Sadducees.” In CHJ 3:428–43.

Bibliography lxi

Stendahl, Krister. 1976a. Paul among Jews and Gentiles, and Other Essays. Philadelphia: Fortress. ———. 1976b. “Paul and the Introspective Conscience of the West.” In Stendahl 1976a, 78–96. ———. 1976c. “Call Rather Than Conversion.” In Stendahl 1976a, 7–23. Sterling, Gregory E. 1992. Historiography and Self-Definition: Josephos, Luke–Acts, and Apologetic Historiography. NovTSup 64. Leiden: Brill. ———. 1994. “‘Athletes of Virtue’: An Analysis of the Summaries in Acts (2:41–47; 4:32–35; 5:12–16).” JBL 113:679–96. ———. 1999. “‘Opening the Scriptures’: The Legitimation of the Jewish Mission and the Early Christian Mission.” In Moessner 1999, 199–225. Stoops, Robert E. 1989. “Riot and Assembly: The Social Context of Acts 19:23–41.” JBL 108:73–91. Stowers, Stanley K. 1986. Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity. LEC 5. Philadelphia: Westminster. ———. 1994. A Rereading of Romans: Justice, Jews, and Gentiles. New Haven: Yale University Press. Strange, W. A. 1992. The Problem of the Text of Acts. SNTSMS 71. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Strathmann, H. 1967. “martys etc.” TDNT 4:485. Strelan, Rick. 2004. Strange Acts: Studies in the Cultural World of the Acts of the Apostles. BZNW 126. Berlin: de Gruyter. Sundberg, Albert C. 1973. “Canon Muratori: A Fourth-Century List.” HTR 66:1–41. Swanson, Reuben J., ed. 1998. New Testament Greek Manuscripts: Variant Readings Arranged in Horizontal Lines against Codex Vaticanus; The Acts of the Apostles. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. Tajra, Harry W. 1989. The Trial of St. Paul: A Juridical Exegesis of the Second Half of the Acts of the Apostles. WUNT 2/35. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Talbert, Charles H. 1975. Literary Patterns, Theological Themes, and the Genre of Luke-Acts. SBLMS 20. Cambridge, MA: Society of Biblical Literature. ———. 1984. Luke–Acts: New Perspectives from the Society of Biblical Literature Seminar. New York: Crossroad. ———. 2003. Reading Luke–Acts in Its Mediterranean Milieu. NovTSup 107. Leiden: Brill. Talbert, Charles H., and John H. Hayes. 1999. “A Theology of Sea Storms in Luke–Acts.” In Moessner 1999, 267–83. “Tertullus.” 1934. PW [Series 2] 5:845–48. Theron, Daniel J. 1957. Evidence of Tradition: Selected Source Material for the Study of the History of the Early Church, Introduction and Canon of the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Baker.

lxii

Bibliography

Tiede, David Lenz. 1980. Prophecy and History in Luke–Acts. Philadelphia: Fortress. Tomlinson, Richard A. 2012. “Agora.” OCD 41. Torrey, C. C. 1916. The Composition and Date of Acts. HTS 1. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Tov, Emmanuel. 2011. “The Septuagint between Judaism and Christianity.” Pages 3–25 in The Septuagint and Christian Origins. Edited by Scott Caulley and Hermann Lichtenberger. WUNT 277. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Townsend, John. 1984. “The Date of Luke–Acts.” Pages 47–62 in Luke–Acts: New Perspectives from the SBL Seminar on Luke–Acts. Edited by Charles H. Talbert. New York: Crossroad. Trebilco, Paul R. 1991. Jewish Communities in Asia Minor. SNTSMS 69. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 2004. The Early Christians in Ephesus from Paul to Ignatius. WUNT 166. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Troftgruben, Troy M. 2010. A Conclusion Unhindered: A Study of the Ending of Acts within Its Literary Environment. WUNT 2/280. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Trumbower, Jeffrey A. 1993. “The Historical Jesus and the Speech of Gamaliel (Acts 5.35–39).” NTS 39:500–517. Tuckett, Christopher. 2003. “How Early Is ‘the’ ‘Western’ Text of Acts?” In Nicklas and Tilly 69–86. Twelftree, Graham H. 1993. Jesus the Exorcist. WUNT 2/54. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. ———. 2007. In the Name of Jesus: Exorcism among Early Christians. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic. Tyson, Joseph B., ed. 1988. Luke–Acts and the Jewish People: Eight Critical Perspectives; Essays from the SBL Group on Acts. Minneapolis: Augsburg. ———. 1999. Luke, Judaism, and the Scholars: Critical Approaches to Luke– Acts. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. Unnik, W. C. van. 1962. Tarsus or Jerusalem, the City of Paul’s Youth. Translated by George Ogg. London: Epworth Press. ———. 1979. “Luke’s Second Book and the Rules of Hellenistic Historiography.” In Kremer 37–60. Ure, Percy Neville, John M. Cook, Susan Mary Sherwin-White, and Charlotte Roueché. 2012. “Miletus.” OCD 953–54. Verheyden, Joseph. 2003. “The Canon Muratori: A Matter of Dispute.” Pages 487–556 in The Biblical Canons. Edited by J.-M. Auwers and H. J. de Jonge. Leuven: University Press/Peeters. Vermès, Géza. 1973. Jesus the Jew: A Historian’s Reading of the Gospels. Philadelphia: Fortress. Versnel, H. S. 2012. “Magic.” OCD 884–85.

Bibliography lxiii

Vielhauer, Philipp. 1975. Geschichte der urchristlichen Literatur: Einleitung in das Neue Testament, die Apokryphen und die Apostolischen Väter. Berlin: de Gruyter. Walaskay, Paul W. 1983. “And So We Came to Rome”: The Political Perspective of St. Luke. SNTSMS 49. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wansink, Craig S. 1996. Chained in Christ: The Experience and Rhetoric of Paul’s Imprisonments. JSNTSup 130. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. Warmington, Eric H., and Simon Hornblower. 2012. “Europe.” OCD 554. Weaver, John B. 2004. Plots of Epiphany: Prison-Escape in Acts of the Apostles. BZNW 131. Berlin: de Gruyter. Wedderburn, Alexander J. M. 1996. “Zur Frage der Gattung der Apostel­ geschichte.” Pages 303–22 in Frühes Christentum. Vol. 3 of Cancik, Lichtenberger, and Schäfer. Weinreich, Otto. 1929. Gebet und Wunder: Zwei Abhandlungen zur Religions-und Literaturgeschichte. Pages 169–464 in Genethliakon: Wilhelm Schmid zum 70. Geburtstag. Edited by Friedrich Focke. TBAW 5. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Repr. as pp. 1–298 in Religionsgeschichtliche Studien. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1968. Weissenrieder, Annette. 2005. “‘He Is a God!’ Acts 28:1–9 in the Light of Iconographical and Textual Sources Related to Medicine.” In Weissenrieder, Wendt, and Gemünden 127–56. Weissenrieder, Annette, Friederike Wendt, and Petra von Gemünden, eds. 2005. Picturing the New Testament: Studies in Ancient Visual Images. WUNT 2/193. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Wescoat, Bonna D. 2012. The Temple of Athena at Assos. OMCA. Oxford: Oxford University Press. White, John L. 1986. Light from Ancient Letters. FF. Philadelphia: Fortress. Wilcox, Max. 1973. “The Judas Tradition in Acts 1:15–26.” NTS 19:438–52. Wilken, Robert L. 1984. The Christians as the Romans Saw Them. New Haven: Yale University Press. Wilson, James Maurice. 1923. The Acts of the Apostles: Translated from the Codex Bezae, with an Introduction on Its Lucan Origin and Importance. London: SPCK. Windisch, Hans. 1922. “The Case against the Tradition.” In BegC 2:298–348. ———. 1964. “barbaros.” TDNT 1:546–53. Wineland, John D. 1992a. “Adramyttium.” ABD 1:80. ———. 1992b. “Derbe.” ABD 2:144–45. ———. 1992c. “Fair Havens.” ABD 2:744. ———. 1992d. “Lasea.” ABD 4:234. ———. 1992e. “Rhegium.” ABD 5:709–10. ———. 1992f. “Salmone.” ABD 5:906. Winter, Bruce W., ed. 1993–96. See BAFCS.

lxiv

Bibliography

Witherington, Ben, ed. 1996. History, Literature and Society in the Book of Acts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Witmer, Amanda. 2012. Jesus, the Galilean Exorcist: His Exorcisms in Social and Political Context. LNTS 459. London: T&T Clark International. Wolter, Michael. 2004. “Das lukanische Doppelwerk als Epochengeschichte.” In Breytenbach and Schröter 253–84. Woodhead, Arthur Geoffrey, and R. J. A. Wilson. 2012. “Syracuse.” OCD 1420–21. Wordelman, Amy L. 1994. “‘The Gods Have Come Down’: Images of Historical Lycaonia and the Literary Construction of Acts 14.” PhD diss., Princeton University. ———. 2003. “Cultural Divides and Dual Realities: A Greco-Roman Context for Acts 14.” In Penner and Stichele 205–32. Wormell, Donald E. W., and Stephen Mitchell. 2012. “Troas, or Troad.” OCD 1511. Wright, David P. 1992. “Day of Atonement.” ABD 2:72–76. Wylie, Amanda Berry. 1991. “The Exegesis of History in John Chrysostom’s Homilies on Acts.” Pages 59–72 in Biblical Hermeneutics in Historical Perspective: Studies in Honor of Karlfried Froehlich on His Sixtieth Birthday. Edited by Mark Burrows and Paul Rorem. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Yamauchi, Edwin M. 1992. “Myra.” ABD 4:939–40. “Yom Kippur.” 1997. ODJR 751. York, John O. 1991. The Last Shall Be First: The Rhetoric of Reversal in Luke. JSNTSup 46. Sheffield: JSOT Press. Zeller, Edward. 1875. The Contents and Origin of the Acts of the Apostles, Critically Investigated. Translated by Joseph Dare. 2 vols. London: Williams & Norgate.

INTRODUCTION

Authorship By the time Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, completed his Ecclesiastical History (ca. 324–325), the traditional view of the authorship of Acts was well established.1 It held that Luke the physician, a native of Syrian Antioch, a traveling companion of Paul and close associate of the earlier apostles, had written the Gospel that bore his name and the book of Acts. According to Eusebius, Luke wrote the former based on what he had heard from the apostolic eyewitnesses, the latter on what he had seen. Eusebius also reports that when Paul used the expression “according to my gospel” (Rom 2:16; 16:25; 2 Tim 2:8), he was actually referring to Luke’s Gospel account of Jesus.2 Elements of this view had begun to surface about 150 years earlier, most clearly in Irenaeus’s Against Heresies (ca. 180), in which the first undisputed reference to Acts occurs in early Christian writings.3 Irenaeus makes extensive use of a writing he calls “the acts of the apostles,”4 which he attributes to Luke,5 “the follower of Paul” (sectator Pauli), who earlier recorded “in a book” the gospel that Paul preached.6 Besides summarizing large sections of Acts, Irenaeus also gives fairly detailed accounts of some episodes, such as Philip’s encounter with Simon Magus7 and the Ethiopian eunuch’s conversion.8 Although Irenaeus reflects familiarity with the overall narrative of Acts, his references and summaries tend to be drawn from the first half of the work. He deduces from various “we/us” passages in Acts (16:10–11, 13; 20:6) that Luke “was present at all these occurrences,” thus “inseparable from Paul” as the 1. The patristic testimony is conveniently collected in BegC 2:209–64. 2. Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 3.4.6–7. 3. So Barrett 1994–98, 1:15; Pervo 2009a, 1 (with extensive bibliography in 1 n. 1). Haenchen (1971, 8–9) detects “knowledge and use of Luke’s two works” in Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. 50.12 (dated ca. 150–160); also, cf. 1 Apol. 39.3; 49.5. 4. Irenaeus, AH 3.13.3. 5. Ibid., 1.23.1; 3.13.3. 6. Ibid., 3.1.1. 7. Ibid., 1.23.1–2. 8. Ibid., 4.23.2

2

Introduction

gospel.”9

l­atter’s “fellow-laborer in the By linking these Acts passages with 2 Tim 4:10–11 and Col 4:14, Irenaeus concludes that the author of our Third Gospel and Acts was Luke “the beloved physician,” a Pauline loyalist completely reliable in what he reports about Jesus and the apostles.10 With some variations, this traditional view of Lukan authorship of Acts was transmitted in Christian sources and writers from the late second century onward. These include the Muratorian Fragment, the oldest surviving list of New Testament (NT) canonical books (ca. 200),11 in which Luke’s second volume is designated “the acts of all the apostles” (acta omnium apostolorum);12 the so-called anti-Marcionite prologues, brief introductions to the Gospels possibly dating as early as 200, which report that Luke, having never married or had children, died “full of the Holy Spirit” at the age of eighty-four in Boeotia;13 and in the third-century authors Clement of Alexandria (d. ca. 215) and Tertullian (d. ca. 225). Clement not only attributes Acts to Luke but also reports that Luke “translated Paul’s Letter to the Hebrews.”14 A new element appears in Origen (d. ca. 254), who links Luke more directly with Paul by identifying him as the “brother who is famous among all the churches for his preaching of the gospel” (2 Cor 8:18).15 Jerome (d. ca. 420), impressed with Luke’s elegant literary style, reports that he wrote his Gospel in Achaia and Boeotia.16 He also calculates that the end of Paul’s two-year imprisonment had extended up to “the fourth year of Nero” (58) and concludes that Luke wrote Acts shortly thereafter in Rome.17 Although the Gospel of Luke and Acts are anonymous, the early church was willing not only to name Luke as the author but also to amplify details relating to his identity and provenance. Partly, this illustrates the way traditions of authorship developed in antiquity. It was difficult to leave gaps unfilled. But there were more compelling reasons. Theologians like Irenaeus, who were fighting against competing views of Jesus and the gospel, established the authority of the canonical Gospels and other anonymous NT writings by linking them with Jesus’s inner circle of followers, usually the twelve apostles or their close associates. Though Paul was an exceptional apostle (1 Cor 15:8, “untimely born”), his reputation as an authoritative witness was well established in many circles by the mid-second century. If a writing could be attributed to someone with   9. Ibid., 3.14.1. 10. Ibid., 3.14.1–4. 11. A fourth-century date is proposed by Sundberg; similarly Hahneman; and McDonald 369– 78. I prefer the earlier date; similarly Ferguson 1982; Verheyden. 12. Latin text with ET is given in Theron 106–12. 13. Greek and Latin texts of the prologues are provided in K. Aland, SQE 548–49. 14. Clement of Alexandria, Adumbr. 1 Pet. (text in BegC 2:220–23). 15. Origen, Hom. Luke (see BegC 2:232–33). 16. Jerome, Comm. Matt., preface (see BegC 2:238–39). 17. Jerome, Illustr. Men 7 (see BegC 2:236–37).

Authorship 3

credible links to Peter or Paul, it acquired greater value as reliable testimony to the apostolic faith. Since Luke was not a member of Jesus’s original circle of followers (Luke 1:1–4), he was described as a close associate of the apostles, from whom he heard and received his information for his Gospel (and presumably for the portions of Acts relating to Peter), and as an inseparable companion and coworker of Paul, whose words and deeds he recorded as a direct observer. The “we” sections of Acts18 seem to imply that the author was a traveling companion and close associate of Paul. Since the last “we” section concludes with Paul’s arrival in Rome (28:16), it seemed sensible to conclude that this person was associated with Paul during his imprisonment there. Of the several coworkers mentioned in connection with a Pauline imprisonment,19 Luke has emerged as the likely candidate, mainly through the process of elimination. Yet it is by no means certain that the “we” passages are to be understood as indirect references to a Pauline traveling companion. These sections may represent some other Pauline coworker’s travel diaries that the author of Acts has incorporated into his narrative unedited. Even if these “we” sections represent Luke’s travel journals, or if they are based on such journals, this does not necessarily mean that he wrote the rest of Acts, much less the Third Gospel as well. Another issue relating to Lukan authorship of Acts concerns the circumstances of Paul’s imprisonment. The traditional view of Lukan authorship assumes that the letters mentioning Paul’s prison associates (esp. Colossians, Philemon, and 2 Timothy) were written during his Roman imprisonment. Yet the authentic Prison Letters may have been written during an Ephesian imprisonment instead. Since this would place Luke with Paul in Ephesus rather than Rome, it would seriously weaken his candidacy as the person who accompanied Paul to Rome and remained with him during his Roman imprisonment. There are other problems with the traditional view of Lukan authorship. If Luke were a close associate and traveling companion of Paul from the time of his ministry in the Aegean until his imprisonment in Rome, he would have been familiar with issues discussed in Paul’s Letters relating to this period. Yet Paul’s Letters are nowhere mentioned in Acts. Nor is there any mention of his turbulent relationship with the Corinthian church (1–2 Corinthians). The collection for the impoverished Christians in Jerusalem, a project of major importance to Paul during this period,20 receives no attention in Acts except for some possible allusions (cf. 20:35; 24:17, 26).21 On the other hand, important events in 18. Acts 16:10–17; 20:5–15; 21:1–18; 27:1–28:16; one version of 11:28 (see Metzger 1998, 344–45). 19. Cf. Phlm 10–14, 23–24; Phil 2:19–30; 4:18; Col 4:7–14; 2 Tim 4:9–21. 20. See 1 Cor 16:1–4; 2 Cor 8–9; Rom 15:22–33; Gal 2:9–10. 21. In 1 Cor 16:3–4 and 2 Cor 8:20–23 Paul mentions those who might assist with delivering the collection. The seven men listed in Acts 20:4 may have played this role, although Luke does not say so.

4

Introduction

Acts, such as the Jerusalem accord stating the requirements for the admission of gentiles to the church (15:22–29; 16:4; 21:25), are not mentioned in Paul’s Letters. The difficult problem of correlating Paul’s visits to Jerusalem described in Acts22 with those mentioned in his own letters (Gal 1:13–2:14; Rom 15:18–33) is also hard to explain if the author of Acts was a close associate of Paul with firsthand knowledge of his travels to and from Jerusalem. Also difficult to explain is how someone with intimate knowledge of Paul’s preaching and teaching could ignore such central Pauline themes as justification by faith,23 the saving significance of Christ’s sacrificial death,24 or Christ as the Second Adam.25 Whereas Acts stresses Paul’s close relationship with the Jerusalem church,26 his letters emphasize his independence of Jerusalem church authorities (Gal 1–2). Generally, Paul’s controversies in Acts are with non-Christian Jews, whereas those in the letters involve Christian Jews. The traditional view of Lukan authorship of Acts may have made it a more credible witness to the apostolic faith, but it has some problematic features. In spite of this ancient, well-established tradition regarding Lukan authorship, neither work explicitly names its author. The name “Luke” is mentioned in neither writing, nor is an unnamed “physician-disciple” ever mentioned. The prefaces (Luke 1:1–4; Acts 1:1–2) do not name a common author, only a common addressee, Theophilus, who is mentioned nowhere else in the NT. If the title of the work were to conform to ancient practice, it would simply be Ad Theophilum, “To Theophilus.” The literary unity of the Gospel of Luke and Acts remains a plausible assumption.27 The form and content of their prefaces arguably link the two works as a single, two-volume work. The similarity of their language and style, as well as their overall literary and theological purposes, leaves little doubt that they derive from the same author—possibly, but not certainly, Luke the physician. Date The latest datable event mentioned in Acts is the appointment of Porcius Festus as procurator of Judea (24:27), which probably occurred in about 60 CE.28 22. Acts 9:26–30; 11:30; 12:25; 15:1–30; 18:22 (?); 21:15–23:30. 23. Esp. in Galatians and Romans; yet cf. Acts 13:39; 15:10–11. 24. See Rom 3:24–25; cf. Acts 20:28. 25. Rom 5:12–21; 1 Cor 15:21–23, 45–49. 26. E.g., Acts 9:26–29; 11:27–30; 15:2–30; 21:17–26. 27. For recent debate concerning the literary unity of Luke-Acts, see Pervo 1989; Parsons and Pervo; and Gregory and Rowe. 28. His appointment may have begun as early as 55 CE. See Schürer 1:465–68, esp. 465–66 n. 42. Some have seen the phrase “this is desert” with reference to Gaza in Acts 8:26 as an allusion to the destruction of Gaza in 66 CE, thus establishing a later terminus post quem. This is highly

Date 5

The earliest clear references to Acts occur in the mid- to late-second century. Echoes of Acts are heard in Justin Martyr’s First Apology (ca. 155), but the first explicit reference to Acts does not occur until around 180 in Irenaeus’s Against Heresies. These two fixed points establish the range for dating Acts between approximately 60 and 180. Those who argue for dating Acts in the early 60s usually read the “we” passages as evidence of the author’s close—and recent—association with Paul. Writing soon afterward or even while Paul was in prison in Rome, Luke belongs to the second generation of Christians, who were not themselves eyewitnesses but who knew people, such as the apostles or other followers of Jesus, who had been eyewitnesses. Such an early dating places Luke close to the events he reports and thereby supposedly enhances his credibility as a reporter of historical events. Proponents of an early date also emphasize what is omitted in Acts: mention of Nero’s persecution of Christians, who were blamed for the fire in Rome in 64;29 an account of Paul’s death, which probably occurred in the latter part of Nero’s reign (54–68); and reference to Paul’s Letters, which were written and circulated among his churches in the 50s and 60s and may have begun to be collected in the 70s and 80s. The logic of this position is straightforward: It is easier to explain these glaring omissions if Acts was written before these events occurred.30 The chief difficulty with dating Acts in the 60s is that Luke’s Gospel, which preceded Acts, would have to be dated around 60 or even in the late 50s; and if Luke depended on Mark, this would make Mark even earlier. This runs counter to scholarship on the Gospels over the last 200 years, which tends to date Mark around 70, possibly a little earlier, and Luke-Acts proportionately later. Those who date Acts as late as 115–130 are struck by the lack of references to Acts in the earliest Christian writings between the point where the story line ends and the first clear echoes or actual references to Acts in the mid- to latesecond century.31 They find it difficult to imagine the complete neglect of such an important writing for roughly a hundred years, even though it is so closely tied to the Third Gospel. They also see strong similarity in content and outlook with the writings of other second-century figures such as Marcion (d. ca. 160) and Justin Martyr (d. ca. 165). Features of this second-century outlook include heightened speculative. A more intriguing possibility is that Paul’s remark to Ananias the high priest in Acts 23:3 reflects Luke’s knowledge of the latter’s murder in 66 CE. See comments on 23:1–5. 29. Tacitus, Ann. 15.44. 30. Adolf Harnack originally dated Acts between 78 and 93 but eventually settled on 62 as its date of composition. His final position is explained in Harnack 1911. A more recent advocate of an early date (62) is Hemer (365–410), giving a thorough listing of scholarly opinions on the dating of Acts. Ellis (1999, 63) opts for a date in the early 60s. 31. See Pervo 2006, who thinks the work was composed ca. 115–120; similarly Pervo 2009a, 5. Others who date Acts in the early to mid-second century include J. Knox 1942; J. Knox 1966, 286 (ca. 125); O’Neill (ca. 115–30); and Townsend (mid-second c.).

6

Introduction

interest in “early Catholicism,” or an emerging orthodox tradition that locates authority in doctrinal formulations, church officials, and organizational structures, especially in response to opposing theological points of view; a pro-Roman government stance that fosters social stability; negative construals of Jewish belief and practice; and an emerging identity that distinguishes the church from other institutions and belief systems, including Judaism, polytheism, alternative forms of Christian belief and practice, and Greco-Roman mores and cultural values.32 Some proponents of this view have also argued that Acts depends on the Jewish historian Josephus, who wrote in the last quarter of the first century.33 Dating Acts in the early to mid-second century directly challenges the view that the author was a contemporary of Paul. Instead, the author of Acts is seen as a devoted Paulinist who was not only an admirer of Paul but also a strong advocate for his pioneering role in the church’s formative period. The author’s spiritual colleagues are other Paulinists in the postapostolic period, including the author(s) of the Pastoral Letters, Ignatius of Antioch, and Polycarp of Smyrna. More often, Acts is dated in the last quarter of the first century. Those who adopt this intermediate position find the following line of argument convincing: Acts was written after the Gospel of Luke, which reflects knowledge of the Roman destruction of the Jerusalem temple in 70 (Luke 21:20–24; cf. 13:34– 35; 19:43–44) and is based on the Gospel of Mark, which is usually dated ca. 70. Accordingly, Luke’s Gospel can be dated plausibly in the 70s and Acts in the 80s. If Acts is dependent on Josephus, as some argue, this would require a date of composition in the late 90s or early 100s.34 32. These are summarized in Pervo 2006, 343–46. Arguing against a widely held scholarly consensus, Pervo also argues that Acts reflects pervasive knowledge and use of the Pauline Letters (51–147). 33. Three passages in Acts bear strong resemblance to events described by Josephus: the rebels Theudas and Judas the Galilean (Acts 5:36–37; cf. Ant. 20.97–102); the death of Herod Agrippa I (Acts 12:19–23; cf. Ant. 19.343–352); and the Egyptian rebel (Acts 21:38; J.W. 2.261–263; Ant. 20.169–172). Josephus wrote Jewish Wars in ca. 75–79, followed by Antiquities of the Jews in ca. 93–94. See discussion in BegC 2:355–58; Sterling 1992, 365–69; Shellard; and Pervo (2006, 149–99), who thinks other Luke-Acts passages might depend on Josephus: Luke 2:1–7 (cf. J.W. 2.117–118; Ant. 18.1–5); 3:1–2 (cf. J.W. 2.215; Ant. 18.237; 20.138); 3:10–14 (cf. Ant. 18.117); 3:19 (cf. Ant. 18.109–119); 19:11–27 (Ant. 17.222–342); Acts 8:26–39 (cf. Ant. 20.44–46); 13:7 (cf. Ant. 20.141–143); 11:27–29 (cf. Ant. 20.101); 19:23–38 (J.W. 7.42–62); 21:23b–24 (cf. Ant. 19.294); 21:30–33 (cf. J.W. 2.11); 23:12–35 (Ant. 15.282–291); 24:24 (cf. Ant. 20.141–143); 25:13, 23; 26:30 (cf. Ant. 20.145–146); 25:23–26:32 (cf. Ant. 16.29–57). 34. Proponents of some version of this intermediate position include Cadbury, Foakes Jackson, and Lake 1922 in BegC 2:359: ca. 95–100; Windisch 1922, 309: ca. 80s or 90s, possibly 100–110; G. Schneider 1980, 1:121: ca. 80–90; Weiser 1981, 1:40: ca. 80–90; Schmithals 1982, 17: ca. 100; Conzelmann 1987, xxxiii: ca. 80–100; Roloff 1988, 2010, 6: ca. 90; Sterling 1992, 330: Luke-Acts, ca. early 90s; Zmijewski 1994, 15: ca. 80–90; Pesch 1995, 1:28: ca. 90; Dunn 1996, xi: ca. 80s; Jervell 1998, 86: ca. 80–90; Fitzmyer 1998, 54: ca. 80–85; Barrett 1994–98, 2:xlii; Barrett 2002, xxv: ca. late 80s, early 90s; Mussner 1999, 11: ca. 80–90; Eckey 2000, 1:17: shortly after 80; Gaventa 2003, 51: ca. 80s or 90s.

Genre 7

The major advantage of this intermediate position is that it allows some time for the theological outlook of Acts to have developed beyond that of the undisputed Pauline Letters. This view also makes it possible to imagine an author who might have known Paul personally, and thus to have been a member of the “Pauline school,” or at least to have direct access to Pauline traditions that stemmed from those circles. Depending on one’s interpretation of the Lukan preface (Luke 1:1–4), the author of the Third Gospel, and therefore of Acts, lived in the second or third generation after Christ. Clearly he was not an eyewitness of Christ’s ministry but wrote several decades later. It is most plausible to imagine Acts as being composed in the 80s or 90s. Genre It is difficult to identify the literary genre of Acts. Nowhere in the writing does the author use a technical literary label, such as “history” (historia), “biography” (bios), or “testament” (diathēkē), to describe his work. For this reason, decisions about genre are inevitably deductive, based on internal considerations relating to the content of the writing: subject matter, literary style and arrangement, mode of presentation, and the interrelationship between dialogue and narration. Comparative judgments also come into play: What are the closest literary analogues? How do these comparative texts inform our understanding of Acts? Another complicating factor is the relationship between Acts and the Gospel of Luke. In the Acts preface, the author recalls “my previous volume [prōton logon], in which I wrote at length about what Jesus did and taught” (Acts 1:1–2). Ancient readers rightly saw this as a reference to Luke’s Gospel. With a common addressee, Theophilus (Luke 1:3; Acts 1:1), both writings constitute a two-part, continuous literary work. Given such close literary connection between the two works, the term used by Luke to characterize the efforts of his predecessors—narrative (diēgēsis, Luke 1:1)—invariably affects our understanding of the genre of Acts. If Luke sees his rehearsal of Jesus’s deeds and words as a diēgēsis, and if Acts represents a continuation of the Jesus story, must it not also be seen in the same way? Diēgēsis Used only here in the NT, diēgēsis relates to the verb form diēgeomai, a term for giving a detailed account of something and variously translated as “tell,” “relate,” or “describe.”35 In Luke’s account of the Gerasene demoniac, Jesus 35. BDAG 245 s.v. diēgeomai, diēgēsis; also see the discussion in L. Alexander 1993, 111.

8

Introduction

uses the imperative form: “Declare [diēgou] how much God has done for you” (8:39). The noun form occurs occasionally in classical Greek but is more common in writings related to the biblical tradition, where it can refer to conversation, discussion, or other forms of oral discourse,36 such as rehearsing a dream (Judg 7:15) or relating a narrative or story.37 The term can be employed by rhetoricians for the main body of a speech or writing—the statement of the main facts—that follows opening remarks or a preface.38 In an extended sense, it can be used of a historical narrative.39 Given the variety of usage and the semitechnical nature of the term, we should be cautious in the way we allow diēgēsis to shape our expectations of Luke-Acts. In using the term in his opening preface, Luke may mean nothing more than “account” or “narrative” in a rather general sense.40 It is not at all clear that diēgēsis in the Lukan preface refers to narrative in the technical sense as used by modern literary critics, in which an author operates with a highly developed sense of narrative plot and character portrayal. “Acts”—Praxis and Praxeis Although Luke’s second volume contains no literary self-description within the writing itself, it eventually acquired a title that described its contents and consequently defined its genre. By the mid- to late-second century, it became known as “the Acts of the Apostles” or simply “Acts.” Drawing extensively from Acts, Irenaeus (d. ca. 200) challenges readers to derive a chronology “from the acts of the apostles” (ex actibus apostolorum) that is compatible with the Pauline Letters.41 He also characterizes Acts as “the testimony of Luke regarding the apostles” (Lucae de apostolis testificatio);42 similarly, “the acts and teaching of the apostles” (de actibus et doctrina apostolorum)43 and “the words and acts of the apostles” (ex sermonibus et actibus apostolorum).44 Given the variety and fluidity of these descriptions, it does not appear that Irenaeus is working with a manuscript that bears an official title. Similar development is reflected in the Muratorian Fragment (ca. 200): “the acts of all the apostles” (acta . . . omnium apostolorum), “written [by Luke] in one volume” (sub uno libro scripta sunt).45 From roughly the same period the anti-Marcionite prologue reports the title 36. Sir 6:35; 9:15; 22:6; 27:11, 13; 38:25; 39:2. 37. See 2 Macc 2:32; 6:17; Let. Aris. 1, 8, 322; Josephus, Life 336. 38. Polybius, Hist. 3.36.1; 38.4.1. 39. Lucian, Hist. 55. 40. L. Alexander (1993, 111) translates diēgēsis as “an account.” 41. Irenaeus, AH 3.13.3. 42. Ibid., 3.13.3. 43. Ibid., 3.15.1. 44. Ibid., 3.12.11. 45. See Theron 108–9.

“Acts”—Praxis and Praxeis 9

of Luke’s second volume in both Greek (praxeis apostolōn) and Latin (actus apostolorum).46 Clement of Alexandria attributes Acts to Luke, regularly designating it “the acts of the apostles” (hai praxeis tōn apostolōn),47 although he sometimes uses the simple form “acts” (praxeis).48 Origen follows suit (hai praxeis tōn apostolōn;49 or just praxeis).50 The Latin equivalent acta/actus apostolorum is used by Tertullian51 and Cyprian.52 Tertullian also employs the unusual expression “Luke’s commentary” (commentarius Lucae), perhaps “Luke’s memoirs” or “Luke’s exposition,” in referring to Acts.53 Similar use of titles relating to Acts is reflected in the manuscript tradition, beginning in the fifth century. The title “Acts of Apostles” (praxeis apostolōn) is attested in B1 and Ψ. Slight variations occur in ∏74 (praxis [ap]ostolōn) and D  (praxis apostolōn). “Acts” without a modifier (praxeis) occurs in ‫א‬1 and minuscule 1175. The fully articulated form “The Acts of the Apostles” (hai praxeis tōn apostolōn) occurs in the later minuscules 323s and 945. Yet another variation, “The Acts of the Apostles Beginning with God” (archē syn theō hai praxeis tōn apostolōn), occurs in minuscule 1241. “Acts of the Holy Apostles” (praxeis tōn hagiōn apostolōn) occurs in minuscules 453 and 1884, along with its variation “The Acts of the Holy Apostles” (hai praxeis tōn hagiōn apostolōn) in minuscules 1505 and 1739s. In other forms of the title, authorship is attributed to Luke, thus “Acts of Apostles by Luke the Evangelist” (Louka euangelistou praxeis apostolōn) in minuscule 1245 and “Acts of the Holy Apostles by Luke the Evangelist” (Louka euangelistou praxeis tōn hagiōn apostolōn) in minuscules 33, 189, 1891, 2344, and others. In further elaborations, Luke is elevated to the rank of “apostle and evangelist”: “Acts of the Holy Apostles Written by the Apostle and Evangelist Luke” (praxeis tōn hagiōn apostolōn syngrapheis para tou apostolou kai euangelistou Louka) in minuscule 614, and “Acts of the Holy Apostles Written by Saint Luke the Apostle and Evangelist” (praxeis tōn hagiōn apostolōn syngrapheis para tou hagiou Louka tou apostolou kai euangelistou) in minuscule 1704. The origin of the title, whether in the simple form “Acts” (praxeis) or “Acts of Apostles” (praxeis apostolōn) in its several variations, is disputed. While some scholars believe that it may have originated with the author himself, others are 46. See K. Aland, SQE 549. 47. Clement of Alexandria, Christ Educ. 2.1.16.1; Misc. 1.11.50.6; 18.89.4; 19.91.1; 4.15.97.3; 5.11.75.4; 12.82.4; 6.18.165.1. 48. Clement of Alexandria, Misc. 1.23.153.3; 23.154.1; 6.8.63.5; frag. 22.5 (= Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 6.14.2). 49. Origen, Cels. 1.57; 2.1; 3.46; 5.8; 6.11; Comm. John 13.17 (106), 18 (111), 20–21; Ep. Afric. 15. 50. Origen, Cels. 2.63; Comm. John 1.3 (15), 23 (149); Frag. John 37.18. 51. Tertullian, Prescr. Her. 22–23; Prax. 28.2; Bapt. 10; Soul 34.2; Flesh 15.1. 52. Cyprian, Ep. 3.2.1; 11.3.1; 59.4.3; 67.4.1; 72.1.2; 73.17.2; 73.24.2. 53. Tertullian, Fast. 10.3.

10

Introduction

doubtful. The term praxeis occurs elsewhere in Luke-Acts (Luke 23:51; Acts 19:18) but not in the sense of activities or achievements of Jesus himself or his followers. Nor does the title “the acts of the apostles” seem appropriate since the writing primarily features Peter rather than other members of the Twelve, and since Paul, who receives more attention than any other single character, is only twice called an apostle (Acts 14:4, 14), neither time as a formal member of the duly constituted collegium, the Twelve.54 Ample precedent existed for using praxeis to describe the achievements of significant individuals. The term is used in the biblical tradition for the deeds of Rehoboam (2 Chr 12:15), Abijah (2 Chr 13:22), and Ahaz (2 Chr 28:26). In the Hellenistic period, Aristotle’s nephew, Callisthenes (d. ca. 327 BCE), rehearsed the exploits of Alexander the Great in a work titled The Acts of Alexander [praxeis Alexandrou].55 Anaximenes of Lampsacus (ca. 380–320 BCE) produced a work under the same title.56 Later, Strabo (ca. 64 BCE–21 CE) refers to “those who have recorded the deeds of Alexander” (hoi tas Alexandrou praxeis anagrapsantes).57 Sosylus, a Greek historian from Sparta, who flourished in the late third and early second century BCE, accompanied Hannibal and wrote a work titled The Achievements of Hannibal (Peri Annibou praxeōn).58 Toward the end of his life, Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE) compiled a list of his achievements titled Index rerum a se gestarum, which was displayed in public monuments after his death. Commonly referred to by the Latin title Res gestae divi Augusti, the document is also preserved in a Greek inscription under the title “Deeds and Benefactions of the Divine Augustus [Praxeis te kai dōreai Sebastou Theou].”59 Josephus refers to “those who have narrated the exploits of Pompey [hoi tas kata Pompēion praxeis anagapsantes].”60 Diogenes Laertius reports that Timonides composed a narrative (tas historias) relating “the achievements [praxeis] of Dion and Bion.”61 Besides designating works that chronicle the achievements of famous individuals, praxeis can also be used to describe historical works generally or subsections of such works.62 Looking back to his first book, Diodorus Siculus can summarize it as “the acts of kings” (praxeis tōn basileōn; Hist. 3.1.1); elsewhere he refers to the “acts [praxeis] of the Egyptian pharaohs” (1.69.1) and 54. Acts 1:2; 2:37–43; 4:33–37; 5:18, 29, 40; 6:6; 8:1, 14, 18; 9:27; 11:1; 15:2–23. 55. FGH 124 T 26, frag. 14 (Strabo, Geog. 17.1.43), frag. 28–38. 56. FGH 72 T 3 (Diogenes Laertius, Lives 2.3). 57. Strabo, Geog. 17.1.43; in 2.1.9 Strabo also refers to a work that he composed bearing the same title. It was part of his Historical Notes. 58. FGH 176. 59. IGR 3:159. 60. Josephus, Ant. 14.68. 61. Diogenes Laertius, Lives 4.5. 62. Polybius, Hist. 1.1.1; 9.1.5–6; Diodorus S., Hist. 1.3.3.

What Kind of History? 11

the “accomplishments of cities or kings” (poleōn ē basileōn praxeis; 16.1.1).63 Plutarch characterizes historians as “reporters of exploits [exangeloi . . . tōn praxeōn], eloquent men who succeed because of the beauty and power of their language.”64 What Kind of History? Although Luke nowhere uses the Greek term historia or any of its cognates to refer to his Gospel or its sequel, there is a long interpretive tradition that regards Acts as history. This perspective was already evident as early as the fourth century in Eusebius’s use of Acts in compiling his Ecclesiastical History. It became especially prominent in nineteenth-century debates about the origins of Christianity. As the earliest narrative account of the origin and expansion of the church, Acts was subjected to critical scrutiny.65 Scholars became increasingly aware that Acts is not only highly selective but also theologically slanted in its account of Christian origins. Questions about the reliability of Acts were linked with judgments about its literary genre. Since Acts was widely regarded as the one NT writing that can be classified as history, it was inevitably compared with other ancient historical writings. Reliability came to mean historical reliability, even historicity. History became the overarching literary category through which Acts was viewed. Interpretive questions were framed in light of what one expected from a historical narrative. Much of the recent debate about genre has focused less on whether Acts is history than on what kind of history it is.66 Numerous proposals have been offered: historical monograph, by which is meant a historical account focusing on a particular topic, whether an event, a set of events, or a city, province, sanctuary, or people;67 apologetic history, thus a historical account that anticipates or answers certain objections in order to gain a favorable hearing from outsiders;68 apologetic historiography, an account that draws on ethnographic traditions in 63. Similarly, Xenophon of Athens, Cyr. 1.2.16; Polybius, Hist. 4.1.3; Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist., Epitome of Book 62, sect. 29. 64. Plutarch, Fame Athen. 347D. 65. See Hayes and Roloff. 66. See Shauf 59–63, 285–90, 324–29, proposing “theological historiography” as a category for understanding Acts 19 and the book of Acts more broadly. 67. Conzelmann 1987, xl, proposes this option, suggesting 1–3 Maccabees as prototypes; similarly, Plümacher 1977; G. Schneider 1:123; Hengel 1979, 14, 36; Weiser 1:31; Fitzmyer 48–49; and Schnelle 263. 68. Bruce 1990, 22–23. Haenchen (1971, 90–103) characterizes Luke as a historian who deals with theological and political issues, one of which is Christianity’s separation from Judaism and the consequent need to present the church in a positive light vis-à-vis Rome. Esler sees Acts as apologetic addressed to members of the Christian community that would enable them to resist political and social pressure from outsiders. Walaskay reverses the usual sense of apologetic as literature

12

Introduction

order to present an ethnic or religious group in a positive light over against competing traditions or groups;69 political historiography, which traces the origins of a people or nation through historical epochs by treating its ancestral founders and their successors;70 a type of general history, tracing “the history of a particular people . . . from mythical beginnings to a point in the recent past, including contacts (usually conflicts) with other national groups in various geographical theaters”;71 popular history, characterized by biographical treatment of major characters, episodic style, fascination with miracles and other exciting events, and a nonreflective sensibility;72 institutional history, which traces the origin and growth of the Christian church;73 and historical novel, an account that treats historical persons and events with great literary creativity, heavily influenced by the ancient novelistic tradition that prizes travel, adventure, romance, and humor.74 Some proposals concerning the genre of Acts are not closely wedded to historical categories, for example, reading Luke-Acts as a succession narrative reporting the life and teachings of the founding figure, followed by an account of his successors.75 Unconvinced by any of these proposals, some scholars see Acts as a genre unto itself, created and developed in response to a unique set of circumstances.76 Scholarly discussions of the genre of Acts invariably gravitate toward history or historiography as a useful literary classification. For either of these to function as meaningful interpretive categories, we must ask, “History in what sense?” Further distinctions are needed, such as Paul Ricoeur’s distinction between documentary history, which is concerned with factual data; explicative history, in which description moves toward interpretation; and poetic history, in which historical recollection and interpretation are used to create (Gk. poieō, “make” or “create”) or constitute a foundational account that establishes communal identity.77 addressed to outsiders and argues that Acts urges Christian readers to view Rome positively and to live as good citizens. 69. Sterling 1992, 17: “Apologetic historiography is the story of a subgroup of people in an extended prose narrative written by a member of the group who follows the group’s own traditions but Hellenizes them in an effort to establish the identity of the group within the setting of the larger world.” Marguerat (2002, 34), while recognizing aspects of different genres, opts for “historiography with an apologetic aim,” but prefers to characterize Acts as a “narrative of beginnings” whose purpose is to create a distinctive identity for the early Christian movement. 70. Balch 1989; Balch 2007; Balch 2015, 196–239; also Wolter. 71. Aune 1989, 139. 72. Barrett 1994–98, 2:xxxv; also Barrett 1996. 73. Cancik 1997. 74. Pervo 1987, esp. 137; similarly Praeder 1981; also Koester 1995a, 2:51. 75. C. Talbert 1975, 125–40. 76. Wedderburn; Kümmel 164–65; Vielhauer 393, 400; Hemer 42, 412 n. 4; and Marshall 179–80. 77. Ricoeur 131–32, 312. Ricoeur’s categories are appropriated by Marguerat 2002, 8–9.

The Textual History of Acts 13

Even with these distinctions between various types of historiography, interpreters of Acts must distinguish between the Lukan narrative itself, “the world of the text,” and the historical realities to which that narrative attests, “the world behind the text.” That Luke had access to numerous sources and traditions traceable to the ministry of Jesus and the early decades following his death is clear. That from these materials he shaped a coherent, chronologically sequential account of events covering about three decades is also clear. But equally clear is that, at points, Luke’s account conflicts with what we know from other historical sources such as Josephus. Thus the interpreter must constantly negotiate between “the world of the text” and “the world behind the text.” Moreover, Luke’s own creative hand in shaping his narrative must be acknowledged, which means that, as interpreters, we must be cautious against simply his­tor­ i­cizing the Acts account, reading it as a historically accurate account of the events it reports. The Textual History of Acts The Greek text of Acts is preserved in numerous ancient manuscripts, including 15 papyri, 32 majuscules, plus approximately 560 minuscules, lectionaries, different language versions, and patristic quotations.78 Because of the large number of manuscripts containing the text of Acts, textual critics cannot consult every one of them when discussing a particular textual variant. As a matter of convenience, they identify the most important witnesses based on such factors as the age and quality of a manuscript or whether it contains readings worth noting. The following tables list the manuscripts that the editors of NA28 consider the most important witnesses to the text of Acts. The editors have assigned these manuscripts to different categories, based on whether they consistently consult and cite these witnesses or whether they do so frequently or only occasionally.79 In the third column, I have used a ranking system to indicate whether the NA28 editors regard the witness as (1) a “consistently cited witness,” or (2) a “frequently cited witness.”80 The NA27 editors used the exclamation point (!) to designate an especially important witness, usually because of its early date in either the third or fourth century. I have retained this symbol but have also used it to designate other manuscripts that are particularly important.81 78. These numbers are based on the list of manuscripts in NA28 792–819, and K. Aland, Mink, Benduhn-Mertz, Witte, and Bachmann 1:3–21. The latter contains a comprehensive list of all textual witnesses relating to Acts, with information relating to their contents, date, and current location. 79. These categories are explained in NA28 61*–67*. 80. NA28 (63*) lists all of the “consistently and frequently cited witnesses” relating to Acts. 81. In addition to the “consistently and frequently cited witnesses” for Acts listed in NA28, I have included the following majuscules: H (014), P (025), 049, 056, 057, 077, 093, 0120, 0123,

14

Introduction

Manuscripts and Textual Witnesses Relating to Acts For the listings below, compare Nestle-Aland, Novum Testamentum Graece, twenty-eighth edition. Papyri Siglum

C./Year

Current Location

∏8

IV

1

Berlin, Staatl. Mus., Inv. 8683

∏29 (!)

III

1

Oxford, Bodl. Libr., Gr. bibl. g. 4 (P); P.Oxy. 1597

∏33 + 58

VI

1

Vienna, Österr. Nat. Bibl., Pap. G. 17973, 26133, 35831 [= ∏58]; 39783

∏38 (!)

ca. 300

1

Ann Arbor, U. of Mich., Inv. 1571; P.Mich. 138

Textual Group

Contents Acts 4:31–37; 5:2–9; 6:1–6, 8–15

D (D-text)

Acts 26:7–8, 20

Acts 7:6–10, 13–18; 15:21–24, 26–32

D (D-text)

Acts 18:27–19:6, 12–16

0142, and 0166, mainly because these witnesses are mentioned or included by G. Schneider 1:154– 69; and Barrett 1994–98, 1:2–29, in their discussion of the textual history of Acts. The dates listed in column 2 are those found in the tables in NA28 792–819. In some cases, these differ from the dates listed in K. Aland and B. Aland 1989. These variations are noted in parentheses. The sixth column gives the contents of the textual witness. For this information I generally follow NA28, although there are some discrepancies with K. Aland and B. Aland 1989, as well as other descriptions of manuscript content, e.g., the website for the Papyrus Museum in the Austrian National Library (http://www.onb.ac.at/ev/collections/papyrus.htm). For each manuscript I have listed only the material from Acts. A more complete description of the contents of each textual witness is found in K. Aland, Mink, Benduhn-Mertz, Witte, and Bachmann 1:3–21. For the use of the abbreviations “a” (= Apostolos) and “act,” see NA28 86*. When NA28; K. Aland and B. Aland 1989; or K. Aland, Mink, Benduhn-Mertz, Witte, and Bachmann report that a manuscript is mutilated, or when I have some question whether the witness contains all of Acts, I have indicated this with a “?”. When these resources indicate that a manuscript is a text of Acts accompanied by commentary (the siglum “K” in NA28), I note this. In the fifth column is listed, when known, the textual group (or manuscript family, as it relates to Acts) to which the witness belongs. These are discussed below. The Alexandrian textual tradition is divided into primary (early) or secondary (later) witnesses. These are designated as 1° and 2° respectively. In addition to the aforementioned resources, for detailed treatment of the textual history of Acts, see Ropes xvii–cccxx, along with the full text of Codex Vaticanus and Codex Bezae displayed on opposite pages, with apparatus criticus and textual notes (1–255) and notes and appendixes (256–453).

C./Year

∏41

VIII

1

Vienna, Österr. Nat. Bibl., Pap. K. 7377. 7384. 7396. 7426. 7541–48. 7731. 7912. 7914

∏45 (!)

III

1

Dublin, Chester Beatty Libr., P. Chester Beatty I; Vienna, Österr. Nat. Bibl., Pap. G. 31974

B–Alexandrian 1°, with some minor D-text readings

Acts 4:27–36; 5:10–21, 30–39; 6:7–7:2, 10–21, 32–41; 7:52–8:1, 14–25; 8:34–9:6, 16–27; 9:35– 10:2, 10–23, 31–41; 11:2–14; 11:24–12:5, 13–22; 13:6–16, 25–36; 13:46–14:3, 15–23; 15:2–7, 19–27; 15:38– 16:4, 15–21, 32–40; 17:9–17

∏48 (!)

Late III

1

Florence, Bibl. Medicea Laurenziana; PSI 1165

D (D-text)

Acts 23:11–17, 25–29

∏50

IV–V

1

New Haven, Yale Univ. Libr., P. Yale I 3 (1543)

B–Alexandrian 2°

Acts 8:26–32; 10:26–31

∏53 (!)

III

1

Ann Arbor, U. of Mich., Inv. 6652

B–Alexandrian

Acts 9:33–10:1

∏56

V–VI

1

Vienna, Österr. Nat. Bibl., Pap. G. 19918

Acts 1:1, 4–5, 7, 10–11

∏57

IV–V

1

Vienna, Österr. Nat. Bibl., Pap. G. 26020

Acts 4:36–5:2, 8–10

1

See ∏33

∏58

Current Location

Textual Group

Siglum

Contents Greek: Acts 17:28–18:2, 17–18, 22–25, 27; 19:1– 4, 6–8, 13–16, 18–19; 20:9–13, 15–16, 22–24, 26–38; 21:1–4, 26–27; 22:11–14, 16–17 Coptic: Acts 17:30– 18:2, 25, 27–28; 19:2–8, 15, 17–19; 20:11–16, 24–28; 20:36–21:3; 22:12–14, 16–17

∏74

VII

1

Cologny (Geneva), Bibl. B–Alexandrian Bodmer.; P.Bodmer 1° XVII

Acts 1:2–5, 7–11, 13–15, 18–19, 22–25; 2:2–4; 2:6–3:26; 4:2–6, 8–27; 4:29–27:25; 27:27–28:31

∏91 (!)

III

1

North Ryde (Sydney), Macquarie Univ., inv. 360; Milan, Ist. di Pap. dell’ Univ., P. Mil. Vogl. inv. 1224

Acts 2:30–37; 2:46–3:2

B–Alexandrian

Siglum

C./Year

Current Location

∏112

V

1

Oxford, Ashmolean Mus.; P.Oxy. 4496

∏127 (!)

V

1

P.Oxy. 4968

Textual Group

Contents Acts 26:31–32; 27:6–7

Mixed, with some remarkable affinities with D-text

Acts 10:32–35, 40–45; 11:2–5, 30; 12:1–3, 5, 7–9; 15:29–31, 34–36, (37), 38–41; 16:1–4, 13–40; 17:1–10.

Majuscules C./Year

‫ א‬/ S (01) (!) Codex Sinaiticus

IV

1

London, Brit. Libr., Add. 43725

B–Alexandrian 1°, occasional D-text readings

All of Acts

A (02) (!) Codex Alexan­ drinus

V

1

London, Brit. Libr., Royal 1 D. VIII

B–Alexandrian 2°

All of Acts

B (03) (!) Codex Vaticanus

IV

1

Vatican City, Vatican Library, Vat. gr. 1209

B–Alexandrian 1°

All of Acts

C (04) V Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus

1

Paris, Bibl. Nat., Gr. 9

A–Byzantine, with B– Alexandrian 2° base; some D-text readings

Omits following portions of Acts: 1:1–2; 4:3–5:34; 6:8; 10:43– 13:1; 16:37–20:10; 21:31–22:20; 23:18– 24:15; 26:19–27:16; 28:5–31

D (05) (!) Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis

1

Cambridge, University Library, Nn. 2. 41

D (D-text)

Omits following portions of Acts: 8:29–10:14; 21:2–10, 16–18; 22:10–20; 22:29–28:31

1

Oxford, Bodl. Libr., Laud. Gr. 35

D (D-text), often agrees with A (Byzantine text)

Contains Acts, but omits 26:29–28:26

Modena, Bibl. Estense G. 196 (II.G.3, fol. 9–51), α. V. 6.3

A–Byzantine

Acts 5:29–9:38; 10:20–13:35; 14:4–27:3

ca. 400

E (08) VI Codex Laudianus H (014) Codex Mutinensis

IX

Location

Textual Group

Siglum

Contents

Siglum

C./Year

L (020) Codex Angelicus

IX

P (025) Codex Porphyrianus

IX

Ψ (044) Codex Athous Laurensis

IX/X (VIII– IX?)

048

V

049 056

Location 2

Textual Group

Contents

Rome, Bibl. Angelica 39

A–Byzantine

Acts 8:11–28:31

St. Petersburg, Russian Nat. Lib., Gr. 225

A–Byzantine, though occasionally agrees with D-text

Acts 2:14–28:31

1

Athos, Lavra, B' 52

A–Byzantine

All of Acts

1

Vatican City, Vatican Library, gr. 2061

B–Alexandrian?

Acts 26:6–27:4; 28:3–31

IX

Athos, Lavra, A' 88

A–Byzantine

All of Acts

Χ

Paris, Bibl. Nat., Coislin Gr. 26

A–Byzantine

All of Acts (commentary)

057

IV/V

Berlin, Staatl. Mus., P. 9808

B–Alexandrian

Acts 3:5–6, 10–12

066

VI

1

St. Petersburg, Russian Nat’l. Library, Gr. 6, II

D (D-text)

Acts 28:8–17

076

V–VI

1

New York, Pierpont Morgan Libr., Pap. G. 8

B–Alexandrian, though 2:13 aligns with the D-text

Acts 2:11–22

077

V

Sinai, St. Catherine’s Monastery, Harris App. 5

B–Alexandrian

Acts 13:28–29

093

VI

Cambridge Univ. Libr., Taylor-Schechter Collection 12, 189. 208

A–Byzantine

Acts 24:22–25:5

095 [+ 0123]

VIII

1

St. Petersburg, Russian Nat’l. Library, Gr. 17; 49 fol. 1–2 (= 0123)

Mixed

Acts 2:22–28; 2:45– 3:8 (095 = 2:45–3:8; 0123 = 2:22, 26–28; 2:45–3:2; Aland & Aland 120–21)

096

VII

1

St. Petersburg, Russian Nat’l. Library, Gr. 19

Mixed

Acts 2:6–17; 26:7–18

097

VII

1

St. Petersburg, Russian Nat’l. Library, Gr. 18

Mixed, but predominantly A–Byzantine

Acts 13:39–46

Siglum

C./Year

0120

IX

Location

Textual Group

Contents

Vatican City, Vatican Library, gr. 2302

Mixed

Acts 16:30–17:17, 27–29, 31–34; 18:8–26

Sinai, St. Catherine’s Monastery, Harris App. 41

Mixed

Acts 5:34–38

Munich, Bayer. Staatsbibl., Gr. 375

A–Byzantine

All of Acts (commentary by Oecumenius)

Berlin, Staatl. Mus., P. 13271

Mixed

Acts 3:24–4:13, 17–20

Heidelberg, Inst. für Papyrologie der Univ., P. Heid. Inv. G 1357

Mixed

Acts 28:30–31

0123 [see 095] 0140

X

1

0142

X

0165

V

0166

V

0175

V

1

Florence, Bibl. Medicea Laur.; PSI 125

B–Alexandrian

Acts 6:7–10, 12–15

0189 (!)

II/ III (III/ IV?)

1

Berlin, Staatl. Mus., P. 11765

B–Alexandrian 1°

Acts 5:3–21

0236

V

1

Moscow, Pushkin Museum, Golenischev, N 5409, Copt. 55

Mixed

Acts 3:12–13, 15–16

0244

V

1

Louvain, Bibl. de l’Univ., P. A. M. Kh. Mird 8

B–Alexandrian

Acts 11:29–12:5

0294

VI/ VII

1

Sinai, St. Catherine’s Monastery, Σπ. ΜΓ 16

1

Acts 14:27–15:10

Minuscules Location

Textual Group

Siglum

C./Year

6

XIII

2

Paris, Bibl. Nat., Gr. 112

A–Byzantine

All of Acts?

Contents

33

IX

1

Paris, Bibl. Nat., Gr. 14

A–Byzantine (1:1–11:25) B–Alexandrian 2° (11:26–28:31)

All of Acts

81

1044

1

London, Brit. Libr., Add. 20003, 57 fol.; Alexandria, Bibl. Patriarch., 59, 225 fol.

B–Alexandrian 2°

Contains Acts, but omits 4:9–7:16; 17:29–23:8

104

1087

2

London, Brit. Libr., Harley 5537

mixed

All of Acts

189

XII

2

Florence, Bibl. Medicea Laur., Plutei VI. 27

A–Byzantine

All of Acts ?

323

XII

1

Geneva, Bibl. publ. et univ., Gr. 20

A–Byzantine ?

Contains Acts (Acts 1:1–8; 2:36–45 suppl.)

326

X (XII ?)

2

Oxford, Lincoln College, Gr. 82

B–Alexandrian 2°

All of Acts

383

XIII

Oxford, Bodl. Libr., E. D. Clarke 9

D (D-text)

All of Acts

424

XI

2

Vienna, Österr. Nat. Bibl., Theol. gr. 302, fol. 1–353

A–Byzantine

All of Acts

453

XIV

2

Vatican City, Vatican Library, Barb. gr. 582

Mixed

All of Acts (commentary)

614 (!)

XIII

1

Milan, Bibl. Ambros., E 97 sup.

D (D-text)

All of Acts

945

XI

1

Athos, Dionysiu, 124 (37)

B–Alexandrian 2°

All of Acts

1175

X–XI

1

Patmos, Joannu, 16

B–Alexandrian

All of Acts

1241

XII

1

Sinai, St. Catherine’s Monastery, Gr. 260

A–Byzantine

All of Acts, but omits 17:10–18

1505

XII

1

Athos, Lavra, B' 26

All of Acts

1704

1541

2

Athos, Kutlumusiu, 356

All of Acts

1739 (!)

X, possibly reflecting a text ca. 400

1

Athos, Lavra, B' 64

B–Possibly Alexandrian 2°, possibly D (Metzger 1998, 15*)

All of Acts ? – Acts 1:1–2:6 suppl.

20

Introduction

Siglum

C./Year

Location

1884

XVI

2

Gotha, Forschungs.-u. Landesbibl., Chart. B 1767

1891 [with 2162]

X

2

Jerusalem, Orthod. Patriarchat. Saba, 107, 233 fol.; St. Petersburg, Russian Nat’l Library, Gr. 317 (Acts 1:11–2:18)

2147

XI/XII

2

St. Petersburg, Russian Nat’l Library, Gr. 224

2464

IX

2

Patmos, Joannu, 742

2495

XV

2

Sinai, St. Catherine’s Monastery, Gr. 1992

2818

XII

2

Oxford, New College, 58

Textual Group

Contents All of Acts

B–Alexandrian 2°

All of Acts

All of Acts B–Alexandrian 2°

All of Acts ? All of Acts

D (D-text)

All of Acts (commentary)

Arranged chronologically, these witnesses show that the Greek text of Acts is found continuously in important manuscripts from the third century, and possibly from the second century, through the sixteenth century: Third century: ∏29, ∏38 (ca. 300), ∏45, ∏48 (late III), ∏53, ∏91, 0189 (II-IV) Fourth century: ∏8, ‫( א‬01), B (03) Fourth–fifth century: ∏50, ∏57, D (05), 057, 1739 (X, possibly reflecting text ca. 400) Fifth century: ∏112, ∏127, A (02), C (04), 048, 077, 0165, 0166, 0175, 0236, 0244 Fifth–sixth century: ∏56, 076 Sixth century: ∏33 + 58, E (08), 066, 093 Sixth–seventh century: 0294 Seventh century: ∏74, 096, 097 Eighth century: ∏41, 095 (+ 0123) Ninth century: H (014), L (020), P (025), Ψ (044, VIII–X), 049, 0120, 1, 33, 2464 Tenth century: 056, 0140, 0142, 326 (XII ?), 1175 (XI ?), 1739 (possibly reflecting text ca. 400), 1891 (with 2162) Tenth–eleventh century: 1175 Eleventh century: 81 (1044 CE), 104 (1087 CE), 424, 945, 2147 (XI–XII)

Textual Witnesses Relating to Acts 21

Twelfth century: 189, 323, 1241, 1505, 2818 Thirteenth century: 6, 383, 614 Fourteenth century: 453 Fifteenth century: 2495 Sixteenth century: 1704 (1541 CE), 1884 These are only a selection of the most important textual witnesses. Besides the minuscules listed above, some 500 additional minuscules dating from the ninth through the seventeenth centuries also preserve the Greek text of Acts. Of the various witnesses to the text of Acts preserved in numerous lectionaries,82 versions (translations into other languages besides Greek), and patristic authors, the most important are listed in the following tables. Versions Name

C./Year

Old Latin

II–

Location

Textual Group

Characteristics

D (D-text)

Much agreement with D-text

D (D-text)

The Latin side of Codex Bezae; contains 1:1–8:20; 10:4–20:31; 21:2–7; 21:10–22:2, 10–20

Old Latin MSS: Lat.–d (5)

ca. 400

Cambridge

Lat.–e (50)

VI

Oxford

D (D-text)

Omits Acts 1:1–2; 26:30–28:25

Lat.–g, or gig (51)

XIII

Stockholm

D (D-text)

Reflects mid-4th-c. version; contains all of Acts

Lat.–h (55)

V–VII

Paris

D (D-text)

Contains 3:2–4:18; 5:23–7:2; 7:42– 8:2; 9:4–24; 14:5–23; 17:34–18:19; 23:8–24; 26:20–27:13; reflects 3rd-c. text, prob. Africa

Lat.–l = , (67)

VII

León Palimpsest

D (D-text)

Old Latin in Acts 8:27–11:13; 15:6– 12, 26–38; other extant portions are Vulgate

Lat.–p (54)

XII–XIII

Paris

D (D-text)

Old Latin in Acts 1:1–13:6; 28:16–31

Lat.–r (57)

VII–VIII

Sélestat

D (D-text)

Lectionary containing Old Latin readings in lessons: from Acts 2:1–3:13; 4:31–5:11; 7:2–10; 8:9–9:22, 36–42; 12:1–17; 19:4–17

82. The use of Acts in church lectionaries has not received the amount of scholarly attention paid to other aspects of the manuscript tradition. The text of Acts is attested in lectionaries dating from the tenth century through the fifteenth. For a discussion of Greek lectionaries as textual witnesses, see B. Aland et al., GNT5 26*–29*. The most important lectionary witnesses for Acts are listed in G. Schneider 1:157. See Barrett 1994–98, 1:7.

Name

C./Year

Location

Textual Group D (D-text)

Lat.–s (53)

VI

Naples

Lat.–sin (74)

X

Sinai

Lat.–t (τ)

VII–XI

Paris

Characteristics Acts 23:15–23; 24:4–28:31 Acts 10:36–40; 13:14–16, 26–30

D (D-text)

Acts 1:1–26; 2:1–47; 4:1–3, 19–20; 4:32–5:16, 19–32; 6:1–7:2; 7:51–8:4, 14–40; 9:1–22, 32–42; 10:25–43; 13:26–39

D (D-text)

All of Acts

Lat.–w (58)

XIV–XV Prague

Jerome

IV–V

SyriacPeshitta

IV–V

D (D-text)

SyriacPhiloxenian

507–508

D (D-text)

SyriacHarklean syhmg

615–616

D (D-text)

Contains numerous readings that reflect the D-text Harklean marginal reading derived from Greek manuscripts Harklean reading derived from Greek manuscripts

CopticSahidic

II–IV

B/D

Mainly aligns with Alexandrian textual tradition (‫ א‬and B) but has many D-text readings

CopticBohairic

IV (?)

B

Close to Alexandrian text (‫ א‬and B); few D-text readings

Coptic– Middle Egyptian – CopG67

IV–VI

D (D-text)

Contains Acts 1:1–15:3; clearly reflects D-text

Reorients the Vulgate away from the D-text toward the Alexandrian text

syh**

Reflects many D-text readings

Patristic Witnesses Name

Text Type

Characteristics

Letter of Barnabas

70–150

C./Year

D ? (D-text)

Possible knowledge of D-text of Acts

Didache

ca. 100

D ? (D-text)

Possible knowledge of “Golden Rule” in D-text

Justin Martyr

mid-2nd c.

D ? (D-text)

Possible knowledge of D-text

Irenaeus

II

mixed

Cites text of Acts that often agrees with D-text, but Irenaeus’s status visà-vis the D-text is disputed; Irenaeus is a Greek witness but is preserved mostly in Latin

Four Textual Groups 23 Name

C./Year

Text Type

Characteristics

Clement of Alexandria

d. ca. 215

B

Clement’s text of Acts is mainly Alexandrian (B and ‫)א‬, with occasional signs of D-text

Tertullian

d. ca. 220

D (D-text)

Tertullian’s text of Acts is clearly of D-text type; cites different forms of the apostolic decree

Origen

d. 254

B

Origen’s Acts reflects Alexandrian text, basically = B, ‫א‬, A, C, and 81; occasional agreement with D-text

Cyprian

d. 258

D (D-text)

Uses African form of the Old Latin, close alignment with D-text

Eusebius of Caesarea

d. 339–340

Mixed

Mixture of B & D

Lucifer of Cagliari

d. 371

D (D-text)

Lucifer’s Acts is similar to Old Latin, esp. gig

Athanasius of Alexandria

d. 373

B

Uses Alexandrian text, clearly distinct from D-text

Ephraem of Syria

d. 373

D (D-text)

Makes use of the D-text

Cyril of Jerusalem

d. 386

D (D-text)

Cyril’s Acts has clear affinities with D-text

Chrysostom

d. 407

A

Chrysostom’s Acts mainly Antiochian (Byzantine), though some awareness of D-text

Jerome

d. 420

Augustine

d. 430

Mixed

Important witness to African Old Latin text of Acts

Cyril of Alexandria

d. 444

B

Alexandrian text

Sometimes agrees with Old Latin

Four Textual Groups Although the textual tradition of Acts is richly documented in numerous witnesses, some quite early, these witnesses in their various forms can be classified according to well-established text types or textual groups.83 83. This is the schematization proposed by Epp and Fee 283–95. Also see Epp 2005c, 359–63; Epp 2005d, 431–34. Epp’s scheme is also summarized in Epp 1992, 430–31. A threefold schematization (Alexandrian, Western, and Byzantine Witnesses) is found in Metzger 1998, 5*–7*, 14*–16*, with a full list of manuscript witnesses for each textual group, classified according to the section of the NT canon to which they relate. In recent discussion among textual critics the language of “text types” or “text groups” has given way to “textual clusters” as a way of acknowledging common characteristics and patterns of usage among various witnesses without using a rigid typology for classifying them. See Epp 2013.

24

Introduction

Textual Group A This group has been variously identified as the Majority Text, the Koine, or the later Byzantine Text; it is also sometimes designated as Antiochian (WestcottHort), Syrian, or Ecclesiastical. The letter “A” connotes several things, most notably a reference to Codex Alexandrinus (A), the fifth-century uncial that serves as the most important representative of this group (though only in the Gospels). It is the textual tradition that is preserved in most minuscules. Witnesses for it among the papyri appear only from the sixth century onward (∏84, ∏68, possibly ∏74, ∏42). This textual group produced the “accepted text,” otherwise known as the Textus Receptus (TR, Received Text), the name of the Greek text contained in a succession of sixteenth-century editions (Erasmus, Stephanus, Beza), which became the basis for the King James (Authorized) Version in 1611 and other Protestant translations thereafter. Textual Group A probably originated in the fourth century. Textual Group B Preserved most fully in the fourth-century Codex Vaticanus (B) and importantly in ∏75 (third century, virtually identical to Codex Vaticanus), this textual tradition has been variously identified as Alexandrian, Egyptian, Neutral (Westcott-Hort), Old Uncial, and Hesychian (H). Other important witnesses of this textual group include the fourth-century uncial Sinaiticus (‫א‬, except in John 1–8); the third-century papyri ∏45 (in Acts), ∏46, and ∏66; Codex L (eighth century); minuscules 33 (for Acts 11:26–28:31, ninth century), 1739 (tenth century, though not in Acts), and 579 (thirteenth century). The origins of Textual Group B are traceable to the second century. Because of the strength and solidity of Textual Group B, along with its early date, this group of manuscripts has heavily influenced the preparation of NA28 and GNT5, the two major critical editions of the Greek NT in use today. Both of these editions are closely aligned with the Alexandrian textual tradition and in many senses embody it. In addition to the witnesses named above, major Alexandrian witnesses for the text of Acts are the papyri ∏50 (fourth–fifth century); the fifth-century majuscule Alexandrinus (A); the fifth-century majuscule Ephraemi Rescriptus (C, which has an Alexandrian text base but also contains Byzantine and some D-text readings); several minuscules, including 81, 104, and 326; certain Coptic versions (esp. the Bohairic, and to some extent the Sahidic); and patristic witnesses associated with Alexandria (Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Athanasius of Alexandria, and Cyril of Alexandria). Textual Group C This group is represented in the third-century papyrus ∏45 (in Mark) and to some extent in the fifth- (possibly fourth-)century Codex Washingtonianus

Four Textual Groups 25

(W, only in Mark 5:31–16:20). At one time, textual critics associated this textual tradition with the Palestinian coastal city Caesarea, but this is no longer the case. Textual Group C probably originated in the second century.84 Textual Group D Most fully embodied in the fifth-century bilingual manuscript Codex Bezae (D), this group is found additionally in several third-century witnesses, including ∏48, ∏69, ∏38, the majuscule 0171, and possibly ∏29. It is also represented in the tenth-century minuscule 1739 (in Acts only) and in the thirteenth-century minuscules 614 and 383. For many years, textual critics referred to this tradition as the Western text (WT), believing that it originated in the West and remained mainly in that region. Now that its existence has been well documented in the East, textual critics now refer to it with qualified expressions, such as the “socalled Western Text” or the “Western” Text. To avoid confusion, some textual critics use “D” to refer to the actual text of Codex Bezae and “D-text” to designate the broader textual tradition of which Bezae is the best representative.85 The above chart and the following discussion both adopt this practice. The origins of Textual Group D are traceable to the second century. The D-text of Acts should be thought of as a broadly represented, identifiable textual tradition that differs significantly from the Alexandrian textual tradition.86 Sometimes the witnesses of the D-text align with Codex Bezae almost completely, at other times only partially. In addition to the witnesses named above, witnesses for Acts that show strong affinity with the D-text include the sixth-century Codex Laudianus (E [08]), which contains most of Acts and sometimes aligns with the Byzantine Text, and some of the early versions: the Syriac Peshitta (fourth–fifth century), the Syriac translation by Thomas of Harkel (615–616), especially the marginal readings (syhmg) and other readings informed by Greek manuscripts (syh**), some of the Old Latin versions (third– fourth century); and some Coptic versions (esp. CopG67, which has been dated between the fourth century and the sixth and shows strong D-text tendencies in the part of Acts it contains [1:1–15:3]). Major patristic figures—including Tertullian, Cyprian, Cyril of Jerusalem, Augustine, and Ephraem of Syria—made use of the D-text. There is strong evidence that Irenaeus’s text of Acts was closely aligned with the D-text, although this is still disputed.87 84. The independent status of Textual Group C, the so-called Caesarean textual group, has been contested, and some textual critics no longer include it in their list of textual groupings. See Hurtado. It was included in the first edition of Metzger’s Textual Commentary (1971, xix–xx) but omitted in the second (Metzger 1994 and 1998, 14*–16*). 85. See Epp 2005e, 700 n. 3. 86. For a useful analysis of the “Western” or D-text of Acts, see Haenchen 1971, 50–60; also see the listing of prominent D-text witnesses for Acts in Epp 2005e, 715. 87. See Tuckett.

26

Introduction

These four textual groups were once thought of as families of manuscripts closely, if not exclusively, associated with particular cities or geographical regions, such as Alexandria, Caesarea, Antioch of Syria, Constantinople, and Rome. While certain cities or regions became major centers of textual study and preservation and in some senses can be aligned with particular textual groups, such geographical alignment should be construed loosely. Study of the Oxyrhynchus papyri, for example, has shown that all four textual groups existed in Eygpt.88 Even so, Textual Group B is still thought of as Alexandrian because of its close association with that city, especially in the early centuries of Christian history. As already noted, Textual Group D was known in many different regions around the Mediterranean. It was certainly used in the West, but evidence from a variety of sources suggests that its usage was significantly wider. Since Codex Bezae (D) is such an important textual exemplar of the D-text, and because its readings figure so prominently in the textual tradition of Acts, it deserves more detailed discussion. Codex Bezae (D) and the D-Text Tradition The most important manuscript containing the D-text of Acts is Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis (D), dated ca. 400 CE.89 This manuscript received its name from Theodore Beza, the well-known Reformer who succeeded John Calvin in Geneva. Beza donated the manuscript to the University of Cambridge in 1581. Probably composed in Egypt or North Africa, D is bilingual, with the Greek text on the left-hand page and the corresponding page of Latin text on the right. The codex originally contained the four Gospels in the so-called apostolic order—Matthew, John, Luke, and Mark. It also contained Acts and the Catholic Letters. Many leaves of the codex are missing. Most of the four Gospels are preserved, although portions of Matthew and John are missing. The only surviving part of the Catholic Letters is a small piece of 3 John. The portions of Acts in Greek include these: 1:1–8:29a; 10:14b–21:2a; 21:10b– 15; 21:19–22:10; 22:20b–29a. The text of Acts contained in Codex D exceeds the length of the Alexandrian textual tradition (Textual Group B) by approximately 10 percent. This disparity comes mainly from material absent from the Alexandrian witnesses. For this 88. Epp 2005f, 751–53. 89. An ET of Codex Bezae can be found in Wilson 1923. Fitzmyer also provides a running translation of the D-text, which he designates “WT,” in the lower register beneath his own translation of each section of Acts. Fitzmyer uses the reconstruction of WT by Boismard and Lamouille. Pervo 2009 includes selective parallel translation of the D-text (see Acts 15:1–5). A more recent translation is now available in Rius-Camps and Read-Heimerdinger, Luke’s Demonstration to Theophilus: The Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles according to Codex Bezae (LDT).

Codex Bezae (D) and the D-Text Tradition 27

reason, D is usually characterized as an expansionistic text. In some instances, however, D lacks material found in the Alexandrian witnesses.90 In some cases, the longer readings appear theologically motivated. For instance, D typically includes longer titles for Jesus, whether they occur as single references to Jesus, Lord, or Christ, or some combination of the three, to a more developed form. These pietistic christological expansions are one of the most distinctive features of the D-text.91 Other apparently theologically motivated D-text readings reflect a tendency to edify readers by emphasizing faith as the mode of entry into the Christian community. In 2:41, for example, D reads “they that believed his word” rather than “they that received his word.” In 4:31, after “they spoke the word of God with boldness,” D adds “to every man who wished to believe.” In 11:17, after “who was I that I should hinder God,” D reads “that I should not give them the Holy Spirit when they believed on him.” Other examples of theologically driven changes include 4:32, when D accentuates the church’s unity by adding “and there was no distinction at all among them.” In 5:15 Codex D further underscores the therapeutic effects of Peter’s shadow by the words “for they were set free from every sickness which each one of them had.” In 5:39, after Gamaliel says, “You will not be able to hinder them,” D accents the apostles’ invincibility by adding “neither you nor kings nor tyrants: keep away therefore from these men.” In 8:24, after Simon Magus requests prayers of forgiveness, D renders him more penitent by adding “and he ceased not to shed many tears.” Codex D also emphasizes divinely motivated journeys (17:15; 19:1; 20:3), and it includes numerous additional references to the Holy Spirit (15:7, 29, 32; 20:3; cf. 8:39; 26:1). Many of the theologically motivated, longer readings tend to portray Jews negatively.92 Sometimes Codex D accentuates Jewish resistance to the 90. Some of the more notable omissions include the following: 2:16 (“Joel”); 2:18 (“in those days”); 2:18 (“and they shall prophesy”); 2:19 (“blood, fire, and vapor of smoke”); 2:20 (“and notable day”); 11:12 (“making no distinction,” also omitted in ∏45 [apparently], the Latin manuscript 1 [= ,] [67] [7th c.], the original form of p [a 12th-c. Latin manuscript], and the Harklean Syriac version); 14:14 (“apostles”); 17:18 (“because he preached Jesus and the resurrection,” although it adds “Jesus” to “the man” in v. 31); 18:3 (“for by their trade they were tentmakers”); and 21:39 (“a citizen of no mean city”). 91. Some of the more notable examples include 6:8 (after the statement that Stephen “worked great wonders and signs among the people,” D reads “through the name of the Lord Jesus Christ”); 14:10 (in Lystra, the following words are added in D to what Paul says to the lame man: “I say to you in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ”); and 18:8 (after the statement that “many of the Corinthians hearing, believed, and were baptized,” D reads: “believing in God through the name of our Lord Jesus Christ”). Other examples occur in 3:13; 4:33; 5:42; 7:55; 11:20; 13:5, 33; 16:31; 18:4–5; 19:4–5; and 21:13. 92. The anti-Judaic tendencies of Codex Bezae are extensively examined in Epp 1966; also, Epp 2005b; Epp 2005e.

28

Introduction

p­ reaching of Peter or Paul, for instance, in Paul’s sermon in Pisidian Antioch, when additional phraseology places more direct responsibility for the death of Jesus on Jews.93 Theological motivations account for some of the distinctive readings in Codex D, but sometimes the additional material is simply expansionistic, supplying details of various kinds.94 Some of the longer readings fill out details relating to transitions in the narrative. For example, at 10:25, as Cornelius waits for Peter’s arrival, D (supported by other D-text witnesses) reads: “When Peter was getting close to Caesarea, one of his slaves ran on ahead and reported that he had arrived.” With this additional comment, D explains how Cornelius knew of Peter’s impending arrival. At 11:2, after mentioning that the Judean church had heard about the gentiles’ conversion, D (along with other D-text witnesses) reads: “Now Peter for a long time had been wanting to go to Jerusalem, and after calling the brethren, and strengthening them by talking at length and teaching them throughout the regions, he finally arrived there, and he announced to them the grace of God. But the brothers from the circumcision party raised objections against him.” Numerous instances of such narrative amplification occur; these are treated at the relevant points in the commentary.95 Another significant passage is the description of the church at Antioch of Syria in 11:25–30. After Barnabas brought Paul from Tarsus to Antioch and the disciples received the name Christians, the report of prophets coming to Antioch from Jerusalem announcing an imminent famine is prefaced with this language from D: “And there was much rejoicing; and when we were gathered together . . .” (11:28). As a “we” passage, this longer reading locates the author in Antioch, thereby extending the length and extent of his acquaintance with Paul. Since some forms of the D-text circulated in the mid- to late-second century, this reading may relate to other patristic testimony that links Luke with Syrian Antioch. Also noteworthy is the report in the D-text of the Jerusalem decree in Acts 15:20, 29. Interestingly, the D-text combines a significant omission with a significant addition. The third prohibition requiring gentiles to abstain “from what is strangled” (tou pniktou, 15:20) is absent in D, but after mentioning the 93. See discussion in the translation notes on 13:27–29, esp. note h. 94. Examples include: 7:21 (Stephen says that Moses “was cast out by the riverside”); 7:24 (after Stephen reports that Moses smote the Egyptian, D adds “and he hid him in the sand”); 10:41 (after Peter says that Jesus “rose from the dead,” D adds “for forty days,” thus conforming Peter’s remarks to 1:3); 12:10 (after leaving through the iron gate that opened automatically, Peter and the angel are said to have “gone down the seven steps”); 13:33 (D changes the location of the Scripture citation from the “second” to the “first” Psalm, then adds the rest of Ps 2:8 LXX: “Ask of me, and I will give you the nations as your inheritance, and the ends of the earth as your possession”); 19:9 (Paul taught in the school of Tyrannus “from the fifth till the tenth hour”); and 19:28 (after “they were filled with wrath,” D adds “and they ran into the street”). 95. See on 13:43; 14:2; 15:2; 16:4, 30, 35; 18:12, 27; 19:1, 14; 21:16–17.

Theories about the Two Textual Traditions of Acts 29

prohibition of “blood” (15:20), D adds the negative version of the Golden Rule: “and whatever they would not wish to be done to them, you should not do to others” (similar changes in 15:29; also cf. 21:25). The import of these changes has been debated extensively. Including the negative Golden Rule gives the decree a distinctive moralistic emphasis. Removing the prohibition against eating improperly slaughtered animals, on the other hand, would relax restrictions on table fellowship between Jews and gentiles.96 Theories about the Two Textual Traditions of Acts Ample manuscript evidence, which is both early and widespread geographically, shows that Acts circulated in two distinct textual forms. The short form, preserved in the Alexandrian textual tradition, was well established by the fourth century. The long form, preserved in the so-called Western Text, or D-text, was equally well established by the same time. Since there are earlier representatives of each text type extant from the third century, we can be confident that these two textual traditions of Acts circulated widely quite early. The existence of two different textual traditions with so much material in common has prompted scholars to propose virtually every conceivable possibility to explain how the two texts relate to each other.97 Some argue that the long text is original, while the short text represents an abbreviated refinement. Others argue the reverse: that the short text is original, while the long text represents an expansion of the original text. Some think both forms of the text derive from Luke himself. One theory holds that the long text represents Luke’s original draft and the short text is his own edited version in which he eliminated redundant words and phrases in order to produce a tighter, leaner text for publication.98 Other variations are possible: The short text stems from the original author, while the long text represents a later redaction, produced perhaps a century or more after the original text appeared. Or perhaps neither the long nor the short text goes back to the original author, but each text takes Luke’s original text in a slightly different direction. A recent proposal suggests that Luke died before completing Acts, leaving a manuscript with many 96. See discussion in the translation notes and comments at 15:20, 29; 21:25. 97. The various proposals are rehearsed by Barrett 1994–98, 1:20–29; and Fitzmyer 70–72; also see Aune 1964; and Porter 33–35. 98. This view was proposed by Jean Le Clerc in the seventeenth century, popularized by Blass (1895, 24–32), and advocated by Theodor Zahn, Eberhard Nestle, and J. M. Wilson. It continues to be developed in Boismard and Lamouille’s work (1984) on the “Western” textual tradition of Acts. See also Boismard 2000, which supersedes Boismard and Lamouille 1984. Boismard thinks the Western text (TO [Texte occidental]) is earlier than the Alexandrian text (TA), and that TA derives from TO. Boismard 2000 retreats from the earlier position in Boismard and Lamouille 1984 that TO/TA are “Lukan.” Boismard 2000 presents TA and TO as concurrent textual traditions; he also claims that the text in Boismard 2000 is a defensible “reconstruction” of TO.

30

Introduction

interlinear and marginal notes; and that this unfinished manuscript underwent editorial revision by second-century editors, one of whom produced a long edition incorporating the notes, while another editor preserved the short unannotated version.99 How the two textual traditions are related to each other has direct implications for the interpretation of Acts. If, for example, the interpreter assumes that the short text is earlier, perhaps Luke’s original text or the one that stands most closely to his original draft, and that the long text represents an expanded version, possibly from many years later—then each D-text reading will be taken as a redactional change of an earlier text rather than as the original wording that was later changed when the long text was abbreviated. The working hypothesis for this commentary is that neither the long text nor the short text is directly traceable to Luke, and that, of the two, the short text is earlier. Strong grounds exist for believing that the long D-text is later: Many of the longer readings resolve problems in the short text, such as tightening transitions, smoothing out grammatical irregularities, or improving the style. It is also easier to explain the additional colorful details in the D-text by imagining a scribe fond of embellishing stories and filling in the gaps rather than one who removes such material. The pietistic tendency to render every christological reference with the full form “Lord Jesus Christ” is likewise easier to explain as scribal embellishment prompted by religious devotion than as systematic scribal excision of long christological titles. If the D-text is a later editorial expansion of the B-text, the longer tradition can then rightly be seen as the earliest commentary on Acts.100 The textual tradition of Acts remained fluid for several centuries. Each textual group may well have been associated with certain locales, one predominating in certain cities or regions, the other holding sway in other locations. Some locales could have known both textual traditions and even embraced them both. We know from examining patterns of citation that some patristic figures, such as Tertullian, Cyprian, Cyril of Jerusalem, and possibly Irenaeus, used a text of Acts that was closely aligned to the D-text; other figures, such as Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Athanasius, apparently knew only the Alexandrian Text of Acts, the short text. Still unclear is the process through which the short text eventually emerged as the church’s canonical text, and why this occurred. Literary Structure Scholars have long seen the risen Lord’s promise that his disciples would bear witness to him “both in Jerusalem and in all Judea and Samaria, and even to   99. Strange 1992. 100. Haenchen 1971, 53; similarly, Strange 40–56.

Literary Structure 31

faraway places” (1:8) as the geographical structure around which Acts is organized. Seen this way, the story develops in geographical stages: the beginning of the church in Jerusalem (chs. 1–7), its gradual expansion through Judea and Samaria (chs. 8–12), and its spread westward to Rome (chs. 13–28). While this three-stage geographical structure might seem appealing at one level, it oversimplifies the narrative structure. Jerusalem begins as the focal center in chapters 1–7.101 A clear transition occurs in 8:1 with the mention of “all except the apostles” being dispersed “throughout the countryside of Judea and Samaria.” In chapters 8–12, the story line moves first to Samaria (8:4–25), then toward Gaza near the Mediterranean coast (8:26–39) and Caesarea (8:40). The story of Saul’s encounter with the risen Lord occurs along a 150-mile axis between Jerusalem and Damascus, well beyond Samaria (9:1–30). By then, the church extends “throughout Judea, Galilee, and Samaria” (9:31). The narrative then moves to the coastal regions, including Lydda (9:32, 35), Joppa (9:36–43), and Caesarea for the conversion of Cornelius (10:1–48). Peter travels to Jerusalem to defend his actions to the Judean church (11:1–18). Another mission outreach extends the story line northward to “Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch” (11:19), with special focus given to the founding of the church in Syrian Antioch, about 350 miles (600 km) north of Jerusalem (11:19–26).102 The narrative moves back to Jerusalem with the delivery of the relief fund from Antioch (11:27–30). This sets up the report of two key events: the death of James followed by the imprisonment of Peter (12:1–18, both events in Jerusalem), and the death of Herod (12:19–23, in Caesarea). A concluding summary mentioning Jerusalem (12:24–25) marks the transition to another major section in which Antioch of Syria becomes the focal center (13:1–3) and Paul emerges as the leading character. Rather than reporting the one-way spread of the gospel westward, chapters 13–28 portray movement back and forth between the regions of Asia Minor and the Aegean, on the one hand, and Jerusalem on the other (esp. chs. 15 and 21). In chapters 13–20 the narrative gradually moves westward. Paul’s mission in south-central Asia Minor (chs. 13–14) precedes the Jerusalem Council (ch. 15), which clears the way for Paul’s further mission in the Aegean area, first on the western side of the Aegean in Greece (chs. 16–18), then on the eastern side in Asia Minor (chs. 19–20). Much of chapters 21–28 narrate Paul’s activity in Jerusalem (21:15–23:30) and Caesarea (23:31–26:32), which culminates in his final journey to Rome (27:1–28:31).103 101. Acts 1:8, 12, 19; 2:5, 14; 4:5, 16; 5:16, 28; 6:7. 102. According to ORBIS, the journey by land from Jerusalem to Antioch of Syria is 598 km (= 358 miles). 103. For a schematic diagram of the spiral pattern of geographical movement in Acts, see L. Alexander 1995a, 89 fig. 3.

32

Introduction

The story line of the Gospel moves from Jerusalem to Galilee to Jerusalem; the story line of Acts gradually moves from Jerusalem to Rome. Taken as a whole, then, the story line of Luke-Acts presents God’s activity as it shifts from Jerusalem, the symbolic center of Judaism, to Rome, the symbolic center of the gentile church. While geography figures prominently in the narrative construction of Acts, other principles of organization also appear. The narrative, for instance, revolves around two major characters: Peter and Paul. Peter dominates chapters 1–12, and then Paul occupies center stage in chapters 13–28. We flatten the narrative, however, if we focus on Peter and Paul to the exclusion of other figures or groups of people. The apostles are a constitutive element in Luke’s narrative vision. Luke takes care to report the reconstitution of the twelve apostles (1:12–26), whom he singles out for special attention in the first half of the narrative. Although Peter features as the speaker on the Day of Pentecost, he stands “with the eleven” (2:14). The earliest community forms around “the apostles’ teaching and fellowship” (2:42). The apostles as a group perform wonders and signs (2:43; 5:12). They bear witness to the resurrection (4:33; 5:42), are arrested by the authorities (5:18), boldly defend themselves (5:29), and are flogged (5:40). They focus on the ministry of the word (6:2), remain in Jerusalem to face persecution while others flee (8:1b), and send representatives to Samaria to confirm the proclamation of the gospel (8:14–24). They receive Peter’s explanation of his preaching to gentiles (11:1) and confirm that it is God’s work (11:18). Along with the elders, the apostles occupy prominent positions of leadership at the Jerusalem Council (15:4, 6, 22). From chapter 15 forward, however, the apostles disappear from view. By the time Paul returns to Jerusalem after his mission in the Aegean, leadership of the Jerusalem church has passed from the apostles to James and the elders (21:17–18; cf. 12:17). Here again chapter 15 represents a watershed: The apostles figure prominently and exercise decisive leadership in chapters 1–15; they fade from view in chapters 16–28. Luke views the twelve apostles as a group, but he typically singles out individual apostles. The apostle James is singled out for martyrdom (12:1–5). Peter is the apostles’ main representative, but he is sometimes paired with John.104 Oddly, John disappears from the narrative after chapter 8 (though cf. 12:2). Through this editorial decision, Luke effectively eliminates Johannine Chris­ tian­ity, which is reflected in the Gospel of John and the three Johannine Letters, from having a central place in the early history of the church. Luke also gives careful attention to “the Seven,” who are appointed to the ministry of service (6:1–7). From this select circle emerges Stephen, the 104. Acts 3:1–16; 4:1, 13–31; 8:14.

Literary Structure 33

courageous prophet who confronts the Jewish leadership in Jerusalem with its own history of resistance and suffers the same fate at their hands as did Jesus (6:8–8:1). Through Stephen’s speech, Luke sketches the biblical framework that creates the expectations for the narrative that follows: Historically God has acted decisively outside the land of Israel in order to achieve the divine purpose. Once this point is made, Luke reports the actions of another member of the Seven, Philip, in proclaiming the gospel to Samaria (8:4–25) and to the Ethiopian eunuch (8:26–40). Later in the narrative, when Paul arrives in Caesarea, he stays in “the house of Philip the evangelist, one of the Seven” (21:8). Like Peter, Paul also plays a leading role within a more complex narrative framework in which others play a part. Luke carefully introduces Saul early in the narrative (9:1–30), featuring him as a named exemplar in inflicting “severe persecution [that] broke out against the church in Jerusalem” (8:1), tracing his movements from Jerusalem to Tarsus (9:30), and narrating both his return to Antioch of Syria (11:25–26) and his role in delivering the relief fund to Jerusalem (11:30). In these early episodes involving Saul, Barnabas figures as his mentor (9:27; 11:22–26). With the shift in the story line to Syrian Antioch, Saul takes center stage. The mission begins with Barnabas and Saul as partners (13:2, 4–12), but by introducing the name change from Saul to Paul (13:9), Luke quickly places Paul in the leading role. The narrative emphasis shifts from “Barnabas and Saul” to “Paul and his companions” (13:13). Paul alone gives the first major address in Pisidian Antioch (13:16). Thereafter it is “Paul and Barnabas.”105 By reporting the disagreement between Paul and Barnabas over John Mark’s role in the ongoing mission (15:36–41), Luke gives Barnabas a graceful exit, thereby enabling Paul to emerge as the sole leader of the mission in the diaspora after the Jerusalem Council. From chapter 16 forward, Paul acts as the chief spokesman of the gospel. Even so, he does not work alone. As the narrative progresses, Luke reports the assistance of individual coworkers, including Silas,106 Timothy,107 Aquila and Priscilla,108 and Apollos.109 By the end of Paul’s Aegean mission, he has gathered a circle of coworkers linked with specific locations: Sopater from Beroea; Aristarchus and Secundus from Thessalonica; Gaius from Derbe; Timothy (from Lystra; cf. 16:1), and Tychicus and Trophimus from Asia (20:4). By listing Pauline coworkers linked with various sites in Asia Minor and Greece, Luke achieves two aims: (1) he underscores the geographical breadth of the Pauline mission; and (2)  he documents the emergence of a group of 105. Acts 13:42, 50; 14:1; 15:2, 22; see, however, 15:12. 106. Acts 15:40; 16:19, 25, 29; 17:4, 10, 14, 15; 18:5. 107. Acts 16:1; 17:14–15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4. 108. Acts 18:2, 18, 26. 109. Acts 18:24–19:1.

34

Introduction

Pauline loyalists who could later ensure the continuity of the Pauline tradition and defend the reputation of their hero. Paul clearly dominates chapters 13–28, but Luke reports the activities of enough coworkers and loyalists to show that Paul’s legacy would live on. Reception of the gospel is another theme helpful for understanding the literary structure of Acts. Sometimes readers understand Acts as reporting the preaching of the gospel to Jews in the first half and focusing on the gentile mission in the second. Others see Peter as the apostle to the Jews and Paul as the apostle to the gentiles. A closer reading, however, reveals that chapters 1–12 report Peter preaching to both Jews and gentiles, and that chapters 13–28 also report Paul’s twopronged mission. The one consistent pattern in both parts is that the gospel is preached to Jews first, then to gentiles. Nor does Luke report that Jews consistently resist and reject the gospel, while gentiles always respond positively. Throughout the narrative, some of both groups accept or reject the gospel. One of the most significant structural features of the narrative is the central position of the Jerusalem Council in chapter 15. Peter’s missionary preaching to Jews and gentiles, combined with Paul’s missionary preaching to both Jews and gentiles in south-central Asia Minor, prompt the calling of the conference. In particular, the gentile acceptance of the gospel in the diaspora provides one of the chief motivations for the conference. The success of both Peter’s and Paul’s preaching to gentiles creates the crisis over the terms by which gentiles should be admitted to the church. Once the controversy is resolved, the spread of the Pauline mission in western Asia Minor and the Aegean region can begin. Literary Style as an Expression of Theological Purpose Acts exhibits the same sophisticated literary style as that of the Gospel of Luke. Whether by avoiding Mark’s colloquial expressions or improving his grammar, Luke consistently writes narrative and dialogue that would sound more impressive to educated readers. This same stylistic flair is evident in Acts. Aware of more cultivated forms of classical Greek, Luke casts his narrative toward the higher registers of Hellenistic Koine, the popular language spoken throughout the Mediterranean world. Although the results are sometimes uneven, possibly reflecting the sources at his disposal, Luke’s Greek has a nuance and subtle elegance surpassed in the NT only by the Letter to the Hebrews. Several literary features distinguish Luke-Acts from other NT writings and form part of a literary strategy related to his theological purpose. Luke adopts a literary style appropriate to the subject matter. Convinced that Jesus’s life and death and the emergence of the early Christian movement occurred under divine guidance and continued the biblical story by fulfilling God’s ancient promises, Luke decided to incorporate them into a grandly conceived narrative

Literary Style as an Expression of Theological Purpose 35

told in a dignified yet dramatic style. Acts reflects the close relationship between medium and message, yet it also illustrates how the medium is the message. Luke’s literary sophistication is evident in the two prefaces (Luke 1:1–4; Acts 1:1–2). Written in highly formal Greek style and using well-established literary conventions, these brief introductions distinguish Luke-Acts from all other NT writings.110 As important as what they contain—mention of Luke’s predecessors, allusion to the sources he used, his methods of investigation, the dedicatee Theophilus—is what they signal: Luke’s own literary self-consciousness and his desire to put the Christian story before a wider and more educated circle of readers. By displaying his own artistry in the prefaces, Luke sets high expectations for his readers. Other indications of Luke’s literary style are equally evident. Like other cultivated Hellenistic authors, Luke tends to avoid foreign terms;111 or, when he needs to use them, he distances himself from them with various disclaimers.112 Compared with other NT authors and roughly contemporary Greek and Roman writers, such as Polybius (d. 118 BCE) or Plutarch (d. ca. 120 CE), Luke’s vocabulary is impressive. He likes rarely used words. His prose is especially characterized by hapax legomena, words that occur only once in the NT or even only once in ancient Koine Greek. Luke also has a fondness for compound words. He knows how and when to use particular words, as well as which words classical purists tend to avoid. Luke also operates with a fine grasp of Greek grammar and syntax and can use both to maximum effect. His varied and nuanced use of the optative mood, which had virtually disappeared among Hellenistic writers of Luke’s day, distinguishes him from most NT writers. Even more remarkable is where and how he uses it. For the most part, it occurs in the latter half of Acts in speeches before educated audiences.113 Another distinctive Lukan construction is his frequent use of the genitive absolute, a form of the participle through which he achieves grammatical precision and stylistic variety.114 He also achieves stylistic flair by his repeated use of litotes, a grammatical construction by which a writer 110. See L. Alexander 1993. 111. The classic example is his omission of “Hosanna” in Mark 11:9; cf. Luke 19:38. He also omits other Markan uses of Hebrew or Aramaic expressions, such as Bartimaeus (Mark 10:46; cf. Luke 18:35), Gethsemane (Mark 14:32; cf. Luke 22:40), and Golgotha (Mark 15:22; cf. Luke 23:23). 112. When he mentions the Aramaic name of the field in which Judas died, he uses a highly qualified, distancing description: “the field was called in their language Hakeldama, that is, Field of Blood” (Acts 1:19). Other examples include “the mount called Olivet” (1:12) and “the gate of the temple called the Beautiful Gate” (3:2; these three examples from NRSV). 113. Acts 5:24; 8:31; 10:17; 17:18, 27; 25:26; 26:29; 27:12, 39. See Clark 402. 114. Examples of correct usage include Acts 7:5; 12:18; 13:24; 20:3, 7; 23:30; 24:10; 25:8, 25; 28:20; examples of grammatically problematic cases include 7:21; 21:17; 22:17; 25:21. See Fitzmyer 115; Turner 1976, 59.

36

Introduction

achieves emphasis through negation or understatement. Paul hails from Tarsus, “no mean city,” (KJV) or more literally, “a not insignificant city” (ouk asēmos polis, 21:39).115 Here again, Luke’s use of this common Greek idiom, often found in other Greek writers, tends to occur in the latter half of Acts. Luke achieves mixed results through his vocabulary, grammar, and syntax. Sometimes his sentences seem slightly disjointed and his narrative logic unclear. At other times, he can compose a self-contained, tightly conceived episode filled with memorable images. Specific instances of Luke’s impressive vocabulary and his grasp of some of the finer points of Greek grammar and syntax point to his overall sense of style. This is especially evident in his understanding of stylistic variation and his ability to employ different writing styles in different situations. Scholars have long noticed the marked stylistic differences between the two halves of Acts: chapters 1–15 and 16–28. So distinct are these two sections grammatically that they are sometimes referred to as I Acts and II Acts. What especially characterizes the first fifteen chapters are so-called Semitisms or a Semiticizing style—language and grammatical forms that seem to betray translation from an underlying Hebrew or Aramaic text. These stylistic features are consistent and pervasive enough to convince Charles C. Torrey that chapters 1–15 are a translation of an underlying Aramaic document.116 Although Torrey’s thesis eventually proved unpersuasive, it called attention to the distinctive grammatical texture of I Acts, which reveals the way in which Luke correlates literary style to geographical setting. Since the Gospel of Luke and Acts 1–15 take place mainly in Palestine, Luke employs a grammatical style fitting for Palestine. By contrast, since Acts 16–28 either takes place outside Palestine or focuses on events in Judea that occur before Roman audiences, Luke uses a more cosmopolitan style. Thus explicit Old Testament (OT) citations in Acts are mostly confined to chapters 1–15, and Luke tends to employ biblical language and style in the narrative structure of those chapters, while using a nonbiblical and more “secular” Hellenistic prose style in chapters 16–28. These stylistic differences also appear in the speeches in Acts. Speeches before Jewish audiences make extensive use of scriptural texts and images. They have a distinct biblical quality. Speeches by Roman officials or by Paul 115. A similar phrase occurs in Euripides, Ion 8; cf. Ps.-Hippocrates, Ep. 1273; Euripides, Mad. Herc. 849; other uses of litotes in Acts include 14:17, God left himself “not unattested” (ouk amartyron); 19:11, “no ordinary miracles” (dynameis ou tas tychousas) were done; 26:19, Paul was “not disobedient” (KJV) (ouk apeithēs) to the heavenly vision; 26:26, “not done in a corner” (KJV) (ou estin en gōnia pepragmenon); and 28:2, “no ordinary kindness” (ou tēn tychousan philanthrōpian). Also 12:18; 14:28; 15:2; 17:4, 12; 19:23, 24; and 27:20, “not a little,” “not a few,” “no little,” “no small” (ouk oligos/oligoi); 1:5, “after not many days” (ou meta pollas tautas hēmeras); 17:27, “not far” (KJV) (ou makran); and 20:12, “not moderately” (BDAG) (ou metriōs). See Cadbury 1972. 116. See Torrey.

Literary Style as an Expression of Theological Purpose 37

speaking to Greek and Roman audiences, by contrast, reflect an idiomatic Greek style typical among educated classes.117 The presence of numerous distinctive features of Acts can be explained by Luke’s overall literary strategy. Biblicism An abundance of direct OT citations and the use of a prose style that mimics OT narrative reveal Luke’s indebtedness to a Greek translation of the Jewish Scriptures.118 Often referred to as a biblicizing style, Luke’s mode of writing is achieved through his use of mimesis, a well-established literary convention widely used by Greek and Roman authors. Through this technique writers imitated the style and methods of earlier classics. The Hellenistic historian Dionysius of Halicarnassus (d. ca. 7 BCE), for example, imitated his predecessor Thucydides (d. ca. 400 BCE), whose history of the Peloponnesian War had become a classic. Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey likewise became models for later Greek and Roman epic poets. Mimesis took different forms. Later writers could imitate the language and style of earlier classics by borrowing certain words or well-turned phrases. They could also analyze and imitate strategies for arranging material, giving close attention to how episodes were constructed and sequenced. An especially important consideration was character presentation, which involved not only who should receive prominent attention but also how each character should be presented. For speeches and dialogue, authors had to decide who would be allowed to speak and how to craft a speech that would fit both the character and the occasion. Authors could also study character types, which had developed over time in many different genres. These included courageous generals, skillful politicians, wise philosophers, rich fools, and charlatans of various sorts. The exploits of heroic figures—such as Odysseus, Pericles, Socrates, Alexander the Great, and numerous emperors like Augustus—influenced the development of these character types. Luke may have known many literary classics, but none influenced him the way the Greek Scriptures did. By the first century CE, legends about the origin and composition of the Greek Scriptures circulated widely, creating an aura around these writings that enabled Jewish readers to regard the Septuagint not only as a classic but also as a sacred text.119 The Septuagint was known and 117. This is especially seen in the speeches by the town clerk in Ephesus (19:35–40), the charges brought by Tertullus (24:2–8) and Paul’s response (24:10–21), Festus’s remarks to Agrippa (25:24–27), and Paul’s defense speeches in chs. 24 and 26. Similarly refined speech is also reflected in the letter of the tribune Claudius Lysias (23:26–30). 118. For the following discussion, see Plümacher 1972. 119. The legend of the translation of the Septuagint is related in the Letter of Aristeas, written sometime between 200 BCE and 50 CE. The legend was repeated in various forms in the Jewish

38

Introduction

read in synagogues throughout the Mediterranean region, and its stories and heroic figures were also known, perhaps indirectly, among non-Jewish Greek and Roman writers.120 This widespread knowledge, even popularity, of the Septuagint made it a sensible text for Luke to imitate. Lukan mimesis of the Septuagint pervades Luke-Acts. In one of the most dramatic examples, Luke shifts his writing style from the highly formal preface in Luke 1:1–4 to the biblicizing style of the birth and infancy stories in Luke 1–2. Luke’s use of Septuagintalisms, easily identifiable grammatical constructions and phrasing drawn from the Septuagint, achieves a similar effect in Acts. An instructive example is provided by Luke’s use of “it came to pass” (egen­ eto) preceded or followed by various conjunctions usually translated “and” (kai, de), followed by the verb “come” (erchomai).121 The verb egeneto is used in the Septuagint to render the Hebrew term wayǝhî, which frequently introduces the circumstances in which an action takes place (e.g., Gen 4:3). Three combinations of these terms occur in Luke-Acts: (1) “and it came to pass he came” (kai egeneto [or egeneto de] ēlthe); (2)  “and it came to pass and he came” (kai egeneto [or egeneto de] kai ēlthe); and (3) “and it came to pass someone came” (egeneto de [or kai egeneto] elthein + accusative noun or pronoun). All three formulations are characteristically Lukan, occurring only rarely in Mark and Matthew. The first two formulations render the equivalent Hebrew phrase fairly literally, while the third formulation comes closer to acceptable vernacular Greek. Strikingly, the first two formulations appear almost exclusively in Luke’s Gospel, whereas they are absent in Acts (except in textual variants). The third formulation occurs a few times in Luke’s Gospel but appears almost exclusively in Acts, where the following time clause is typically formulated with a suitable Greek rather than Hebraically influenced construction.122 Since these constructions, even with their clear patterns of distribution and variety of usage in Luke-Acts, are rare in nonbiblical Greek literature, they illustrate the extent of Luke’s indebtedness to the Septuagint. Other Septuagintalisms include Luke’s frequent use of “And, Behold!” (kai idou), the expression typically used in the Septuagint to render the Hebrew wǝhinnēh (e.g., Gen 1:31);123 the use of en tō with the infinitive, regularly employed by the Septuagint to render the Hebrew bǝ with the infinitive (e.g., Gen 4:8);124 exegete Aristobulus (frag. 3), Philo (Mos. 2.25–44), and Josephus (Ant. 12.8–118). On the Septuagint as a sacred text for Jews and Christians, see Tov. 120. See Gruen 60, 62, 68, 71, 92–93; also J. G. Cook 2004, 1–54. 121. For detailed discussion, see Moulton 1908, 16–17; Moulton and Howard 1929, 425–28; Turner 1976, 45–63; and Barrett 1994–98, 2:xlv–xlviii. 122. Acts 4:5; 9:3, 32, 37, 43; 10:25; 11:26; 14:1; 16:16; 19:1; 21:1, 5; 22:6, 17; 28:8. 123. Acts 1:10; 2:7; 5:9, 25, 28; 7:56; 8:27, 36; 9:10, 11; 10:17, 19, 21, 30; 11:11; 12:7; 13:11, 25, 46; 16:1; 20:22, 25; 27:24. 124. This occurs elsewhere in the NT but is especially common in Luke-Acts: over 30x in Luke, and in Acts 2:1; 8:6; 9:3; 11:15; 19:1 (3:26 and 4:30 are exceptions).

Literary Style as an Expression of Theological Purpose 39

and phrases utilizing body imagery that reflect Hebrew idiom, such as prepositional phrases relating to the face.125 These are only some of the most prominent instances in which Luke’s language betrays strong, if not exclusive, dependence on the Septuagint.126 A closely related literary technique is archaism, which can be seen as an effect achieved through mimesis. Ancient authors often imitated classic texts to recall an earlier time that was seen as generative, idyllic, or formative—the birth of a people or country, for example, or a golden age of prosperity and success. Using the archaic language and style of this earlier period, an author could place a new composition within this same tradition to demonstrate continuity between the old and the new or even to present the new as a reenactment of the old. Either way, the old authorizes the new. Luke’s biblicism, his pervasive use of biblical language and imagery, achieves this archaizing effect. Acts portrays the church’s origin as a momentous founding event. Peter’s speech at Pentecost, as well as the narrative framework in which it occurs, are replete with prophetic imagery that recalls earlier moments in Israelite history associated with rekindling old hopes and fashioning new visions of the future. Luke composes a narrative in which Peter’s actions and speech mimic those of Jesus in the Gospel, both of which imitate the actions and speech of heroic figures of Israel’s past, most notably Moses, Elijah, and other prophets. Prominent in this depiction is the proclamation of “the word of God,” Luke’s shorthand expression for the gospel (euangelion). This formulation also had deep biblical resonances that connected readers with momentous events in Israelite history when God was revealed in visions, oracles, direct encounters, and proclaimed through prophetic speech. By placing the originating proclamation of the gospel in the setting of Pentecost, Luke aligns the Christian gospel, the message of “the word of God,” with the continuing story of divine revelation unfolded in the Jewish Scriptures. In this way he demonstrates that the apostolic gospel, far from being a novel message that constituted a sharp break with Israel’s past, actually continued that past through a renewed articulation of God’s ancient word. The Jewish Scriptures quoted in the early parts of Acts are ancient texts being read afresh. They receive new meanings and interpretations 125. E.g., “from the face of” (apo prosōpou for Hebrew mippǝnê) in Acts 3:20; 5:41; 7:45; “before the face” (pro prosōpou for Hebrew lipnê) in Acts 13:24 (cf. Luke 9:52; 10:1); “upon the face of” (epi prosōpou) in Acts 17:26. Examples from Moulton and Howard 1929, 2:466. 126. More complete lists of examples can be found in the standard commentaries. See Haenchen 1971, 72–81; Fitzmyer 114–18; Barrett 1994–98, 2:xlv–xlviii. One should exercise caution in using these lists. Some Lukan expressions found in the LXX also occur in classical Greek authors. In such cases, the LXX reflects broader linguistic usage, which Luke transmits to his readers. More significant are instances in which LXX usage is distinctive if not unique among classical authors, and which Luke then appropriates. These cases constitute much stronger evidence of explicit Septuagintal influence on Luke. Barrett’s discussion is commendably cautious in this respect.

40

Introduction

through the Christ event, but Jesus’s followers appear as biblical interpreters in the tradition of Israel’s earlier prophets. In this way, Peter, John, the other apostles, and their successors in the narrative create a new present and open up a new future by reenacting the pivotal moments of Israel’s past. They may be new faces, but they are wearing old masks. In Acts, Luke sketches a founding narrative of the church that closely mimics the Deuteronomic history, thereby enabling readers to see the beginnings of the church as a repetition of one of the most formative periods in Israel’s past. Speeches One of the most remarkable literary features of Acts is the number of speeches contained in the narrative and how they advance Luke’s literary and theological purposes. Speeches comprise roughly 20 to 30 percent of the narrative. If every utterance attributed to individual speakers or groups and reported in direct discourse is included, the amount of speech material rises to almost 40 percent. The speeches are sometimes classified according to type, such as missionary sermons, defense speeches, or prayers, but it is also useful to notice the persons and groups to whom Luke attributes speeches:127 Peter Advising the 120 in Jerusalem before Judas’s replacement (1:16– 17, 20–22) Missionary sermon before the Jerusalem crowd on the Day of Pentecost (2:14–36, 38–40) Sermon in the temple after healing the crippled beggar (3:12–26) Defense before the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem about the healed beggar (4:8–12, 19–20) Defense (with the apostles) before the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem (5:29–32) Missionary sermon to Cornelius and his household at Caesarea (10:34–43) Explaining to the Jerusalem church why he preached to Cornelius (11:5–17) Giving advice at the Jerusalem Council (15:7–11) Stephen Defense before the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem (7:2–53) 127. The following list is taken from Holladay 2005, 236–37.

Literary Style as an Expression of Theological Purpose 41

James (brother of Jesus) Giving advice at the Jerusalem Council justifying the gentile mission (15:13–21) With the elders in Jerusalem advising Paul how to respond to charges (21:20–25) Paul Missionary sermon in the synagogue in Pisidian Antioch (13:16–41) Missionary sermon to the crowds at Lystra (14:15–17) Missionary sermon before the Areopagus in Athens (17:22–31) Pastoral sermon bidding farewell to the Ephesian elders at Miletus (20:18–35) Defense before the crowd near the temple in Jerusalem (22:1, 3–21) Defense before the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem (23:1, 6) Defense before the Roman governor Felix in Caesarea (24:10–21) Appeal to Caesar before the Roman governor Festus in Caesarea (25:10–11) Defense before King Herod Agrippa II in Caesarea (26:2–23, 25–27, 29) Reassuring speech on the ship en route to Rome (27:21–26, 31, 33–34) Addressing the Jewish leaders in Rome (28:17–20, 25–28) Outsiders Gamaliel advising the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem (5:35–39) Demetrius the silversmith’s speech before his fellow artisans at Ephesus (19:25–27) The town clerk’s speech in the theater at Ephesus (19:35–40) The letter of the Roman tribune Claudius Lysias to Felix concerning Paul (23:26–30) Tertullus’s summary of charges against Paul before Felix at Caesarea (24:2–8) Festus’s summary of charges against Paul before Agrippa at Caesarea (25:14–21, 24–27) Others, including prayers, letters, and shorter speeches The disciples’ prayer for Judas’s replacement (1:24–25) The church’s prayer after Peter and John’s release in Jerusalem (4:24–30)

42

Introduction

Peter rebuking Ananias (5:3–4) The Twelve calling for the selection of the Seven (6:2–4) Peter rebuking Simon Magus (8:20–23) Paul rebuking Elymas (13:10–11) Paul and Barnabas defending the gentile mission (13:46–47) The Jerusalem Council’s letter to gentile Christians (15:23–29) Proposal by the forty men to kill Paul (23:14–15) Nephew’s report to the Roman tribune of the plot against Paul (23:20–21) The response of the Jewish leaders in Rome to Paul (28:21–22) Literary and Theological Strategy of the Speeches As observed earlier with respect to Luke’s biblicism and his use of mimesis and archaism, Luke’s use of speeches in Acts forms a part of his overall literary strategy. Classical authors such as Thucydides had employed speeches to good effect in composing narratives. Speeches placed on the lips of major characters at the narrative’s critical moments not only broke the monotony of reading lengthy, detailed accounts of battles but also enabled the author to convey his own point of view. The Jewish historian Josephus, who also wrote in the last quarter of the first century CE, included speeches in his Jewish War and in his Antiquities of the Jews. Like his literary predecessors, Josephus interwove speeches into his narrative, often shaping their content to fit the occasion, and using them to convey his own views about who was responsible for the Jewish revolt and what lessons should be learned from it.128 Many of these same literary sensibilities are evident in Luke’s use of speeches in Acts. Though attributed to different characters, the speeches display a uniformity of language and style that also typifies the Acts narrative. This unity suggests that they are Lukan compositions in which Luke conveys his own theological views. Even so, they should be read in close connection with their narrative setting, since Luke’s theological vision is reflected there as well. Luke’s biblicizing style and use of mimesis to achieve an archaizing effect are also evident in the speeches. In Peter’s sermon to the Jewish crowds gathered in the temple (3:12–26), Luke includes christological titles that are unusual not only because of their relative rarity but also because of their antiquity. Jesus as “God’s glorified Servant” (pais, v. 13), which echoes the suffering servant from Isaiah (52:13; 53:2), also recalls earlier references in Luke’s Gospel to 128. See Josephus, J.W. 2.345–401, the speech of Agrippa II to the Jews in Jerusalem, urging them not to go to war against the Romans; J.W. 3.361–391, Josephus’s speech at Jotapata; J.W. 3.472–484, Titus’s speech to his troops; and J.W. 7.320–336, 341–388, Eleazar’s speech at Masada.

Literary Style as an Expression of Theological Purpose 43

God’s servant David (1:69). The archaizing effect is enhanced further through richly evocative OT language that identifies the one who glorified Jesus as “the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, the God of our ancestors” (Acts 3:13 NRSV).129 With this tightly clustered language, Luke portrays Peter, in the earliest days of the church’s existence, aligning Jesus with some of the richest traditions and notable figures in Israel’s past. With this kerygmatic formulation, Luke reports what has been called “the most primitive Christology of all.”130 By doing so, he shows that this ancient Christology connects Jesus and early Christian preaching with Israel’s archaic past. Luke achieves similar effect with other christological titles that he embeds in Peter’s sermon, such as “the Holy and Righteous One” (Acts 3:14, recalling Luke 23:47; Isa 53:11), but most notably Jesus as the prophet like Moses (Acts 3:22–23). This time a direct OT quotation (Deut 18:15) achieves an archaizing effect. Peter’s hearers (Luke’s readers) are taken back to an even earlier period in Israel’s history, when God’s duly appointed representative Moses encounters resistance—a pattern often repeated thereafter. This OT reference also recalls Jesus’s experience in Luke’s Gospel (13:33–34). Once again, Luke introduces a doubly archaic christological image, taking the reader back, first to Jesus, then to Moses. The reference is also mimetic: The resistance that Peter is experiencing mimics that of Jesus, whose experience in turn mimics that of Moses in the wilderness. Each of the speeches, especially before Jewish audiences, exhibits similar dynamics, although the form of mimesis varies. Unlike the previous speeches in chapters 1–6, Stephen’s speech consists of a rehearsal of Israel’s past, from Abraham’s time down to the monarchy period. Special attention is given to Abraham, Joseph, and Moses, each of whom prefigures aspects or moments in the story of Jesus and the church. All three experienced significant encounters with God outside the land of Israel and thus provide vivid testimony that God’s presence is not confined to the Jerusalem temple. Seen this way, the earlier periods of Israel’s history set up the critique of the temple that follows. Stephen’s sermon has a thick biblicistic texture. Not only is the content of the speech provided by the OT, but virtually every phrase in the speech also comes from the OT. Luke composes the speech to confront Stephen’s hearers with their own history told in recognizable biblical language and style. Stephen himself resembles a divinely authorized prophet sent to proclaim the word of God in Jerusalem. Luke’s portrait of Stephen mimics that of Jesus in the Gospel, both of which mimic their prophetic predecessors who preached and died in Jerusalem. 129. See Exod 3:6, 15–16; 4:5; 1 Kgs 18:36; 1 Chr 12:18 LXX (12:17 ET); 29:18; 2 Chr 20:6; Dan 3:26, 52 LXX (2:23 ET); Ezra 7:27; Jdt 10:8; Tob 8:5. 130. J. A. T. Robinson 1962.

44

Introduction

Stephen’s speech is prophetic in another sense: It anticipates how the church’s story will unfold once it leaves Jerusalem.131 Just as Abraham, Joseph, and Moses experienced dramatic encounters with God outside the land of Israel, so will Jesus’s followers replicate these experiences as the gospel, “the word of God,” gradually moves outside Jerusalem and Judea into Samaria, the coastal regions of Palestine, northward into Syria, westward into Asia Minor and the Aegean region, and eventually to Rome. This pattern of geographical expansion reverses the convergence of all the nations who assembled at Pentecost (2:9–11). Whereas earlier “all nations” had gathered in Jerusalem to participate in God’s inauguration of the “last days,” Stephen’s death prompts God’s representatives to leave Jerusalem (8:1) and eventually scatter “to the end of the earth.” With this outward, universalizing trajectory, the church reenacts the archaic periods of Israel’s history symbolized by Abraham, Joseph, and Moses, who experienced God’s call and redeeming presence outside the land of Israel. The content as well as the literary function of the speeches in Acts are critically important elements in Luke’s overall literary and theological strategy. Just as Thucydides’s speeches heroized figures like Pericles, and Josephus’s speeches showcased figures like Eleazar, each of whom spoke for their respective authors, the speeches in Acts also introduce us to Luke’s angle of vision on the early Jesus movement. He privileges Paul and Peter most. They speak frequently, and cumulatively their speeches occupy the most space in the Acts. Their importance does not make the other speeches insignificant, but it does mean that they must be read in light of the words of these two heroic figures. Four other features related to the speeches should be recognized: (1) the type of speech being reported, (2) its location within the narrative, (3) the relationship between the content and its setting, and (4) the relationship between the speech and the speaker. 1. Classifying the speeches according to their literary form has interpretive benefit. The missionary sermons, for all their variety in content and audience, provide valuable insight into Luke’s understanding of the early Christian kerygma: the core beliefs of the early Christian church toward the end of the first century. They reveal, for example, the richness and variety of christological images as well as the relative lack of emphasis on the imminence of Jesus’s parousia. 2. Like other writers who included speeches in their narratives, whether classical authors like Thucydides or contemporaries like Josephus, Luke gives careful attention to the placement of the speeches. They are scattered throughout the narrative. Virtually every chapter contains speech material, whether it is a major speech, such as the Pentecost speech in Acts 2 or Stephen’s speech in Acts 7, or a shorter speech or dialogue, as in Acts 4. Luke typically includes 131. See Sterling 1999.

Literary Style as an Expression of Theological Purpose 45

speeches at significant points in the narrative, whether at inaugural moments (Pentecost, Acts 2), at transitional ones (Acts 10–11, when the gospel is moving from a Jewish to a gentile audience), or at culminating points (Acts 20, Paul’s speech to the Ephesian elders when concluding his ministry in the Aegean region). In each case, interpreters should ask why a speech is being reported at a particular juncture and how it functions within the unfolding story line. The speeches at the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15 are especially significant, since this is a watershed event in the narrative. 3. Although many of the speeches overlap in content and may seem repetitive, each should be read in light of its own narrative setting. Peter’s speech before a Jewish audience on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2) and Paul’s speech before the Jewish synagogue in Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13) employ some of the same OT prooftexts, but Peter’s inaugural speech is closely tied to its Pentecost setting, whereas Paul’s “inaugural speech” to Jews in the diaspora has quite a different context. Paul’s sermon before the Areopagus in Acts 17 differs in tone and content from his speech in Acts 13, primarily because it occurs within Athens, the reputed intellectual center of Greek thought. Some OT themes and images inform this speech, but these are largely muted, giving way to more universalizing themes. Acts 17 is an appropriate setting in which to quote Greek poets. Similarly, Paul’s defense speeches in chapters 22, 24, and 26, even though they rehearse some earlier themes introduced in the account of Paul’s encounter with the risen Lord in chapter 9, are closely tied to their forensic context. Here, rather than proclaiming the gospel to enlist converts, Paul defends his missionary activity in the diaspora and his actions in Jerusalem that brought him trial. As one might expect, his defense speeches before Felix (Acts 24) and Agrippa (Acts 26) have a different texture. They employ a less biblical and more secular style, chosen to appeal to aristocratic Roman officials (and readers). 4. In spite of the common themes in many of the speeches, they are closely related to the person to whom they are attributed. Peter’s speech before Cornelius in chapter 10, and its repetition before his Jerusalem critics in chapter 11, is significant because it is given by Peter, who himself had to be “converted” through a dramatic vision from an exclusive to a more inclusive view of humanity. Since Peter’s sermon to Cornelius and his household is his first speech to gentiles, parts of it resemble a summary of Luke’s Gospel. This is a realistic attribution since Peter was one of the Twelve. It also means that the speech comes from an eyewitness whose presence at the critical moments in Jesus’s ministry is documented in Luke’s Gospel. Another form of reminiscence occurs here: Peter proclaims to Cornelius what he has seen, heard, and experienced, not only in the dramatic vision at Joppa but also in Judea and Galilee during Jesus’s ministry. It would have been unrealistic for Luke to attribute this speech to Paul. By contrast, it would have been equally unrealistic to attribute the Areopagus

46

Introduction

speech to Peter. Each speech is composed “in character,” to fit the respective portraits of Peter and Paul.132 Other Features: Summaries, Episodes, Travel, Itineraries, Journeys The summaries that Luke places throughout the narrative are noteworthy,133 as are his briefer statements documenting the numerical growth and spread of the church.134 As a rule, the summaries are placed at critical junctures in the narrative. They function literarily in different ways. In some cases they conclude an event (2:42–47) or a section of the narrative (9:31; 12:24). In other cases they generalize activity reported previously. The miracle-working ministry of Peter and John recounted in chapters 3 and 4 is extended to all of the apostles in the summary of 5:12–16. Often the summaries serve a transitional function, marking a shift from one section or geographical region to another. Ancient authors of historical narratives and historical romances gave careful attention to the composition of single episodes. Compactness, vivid description, character depiction, and suspense were important considerations. Poorly executed episodes brought censure from literary critics, while well-executed episodes received praise. Luke-Acts abounds in carefully constructed episodes. The twin healing episodes in which Peter heals Aeneas (9:32–35) and raises Dorcas (9:36–43) are remarkable for their compactness and memorable detail. Peter’s deliverance from prison (12:6–11) and his subsequent visit to Mary’s house (12:12–17) are equally rich in imagery, suspense, and even humor. Longer episodes, such as the mob scene at the theater in Ephesus (19:23–41), are full of realistic local color that creates a sense of liveliness and drama. Ample use of auditory language enables readers to experience the deafening noise of mob riots and theater crowds. Luke places his episodes carefully, especially in relationship to each other. He is particularly fond of pairing episodes to achieve dramatic effect. The generosity of Barnabas (4:36–37) contrasts with the avarice of Ananias and Sapphira (5:1–11). As mentioned earlier, Peter’s healing of Aeneas, a male figure (9:32–35), is paired with the raising of Dorcas, a female figure (9:36–43). The unresponsiveness of the Thessalonian Jews (17:1–9) contrasts with the receptiveness of the Beroean Jews (17:10–14). The Roman governors Felix (23:23– 24:23) and Festus (24:27–25:22) form a contrasting pair of responses to Paul. 132. The technical rhetorical term is prosopopoeia; see LSJ 1533 s.v. prosōpopoiia; also Patillon 70–73, 150–52; and Butts 444–64 (treating Aelius Theon’s Progymnasmata); on the broader rhetorical tradition, see Lausberg §§820–29; also as it relates to Luke-Acts, see Kennedy 1984, 23, 37, 107, 114–15; Kurz 1993, 125–31; and Keener 1:284–86. 133. Acts 2:42–47; 4:32–35; 5:12–16. 134. Acts 2:47; 4:4; 5:14; 6:7; 9:31, 42; 11:21, 24; 12:24; 14:1; 16:5; 19:20; 28:31.

Literary Style as an Expression of Theological Purpose 47

Among the Synoptic Gospels, Luke alone includes the travel narrative (9:51–19:27), here as the literary device of a long, meandering journey from Galilee to Jerusalem, to present Jesus’s teachings. Similar fascination with journeys occurs in Acts. Unsurprisingly, one of Luke’s frequent designations for the church is “the Way.”135 In Acts, Luke’s characters are typically traveling. As above, the geographical setting of Acts is complex, even jagged, and full of movement. But with an overall setting that reaches from Jerusalem to Rome, Acts has the entire Mediterranean basin as its stage of operation. In this respect, Luke’s narrative vision resembles the Homeric epic tradition, as well as Hellenistic novels, such as Chariton’s Chaereas and Callirhoe and Pseudo-Callisthenes’s The Alexander Romance, whose narrative structures are built around journeys.136 This resemblance has invited comparisons between Acts and the genre of ancient novels in which adventure, intrigue, narrow escapes, conquest, heroic feats, and erotic elements are configured in various combinations.137 Comparisons have also been made between Acts and ancient guidebooks that were used for travel on both land and sea: itineraries—lists of settlements and locations for terrestrial travel, and periploi (literally, “voyages around”)— lists of harbors, seaports, and other landmarks useful for sea travel. The former gave information about landmarks, milestones, and distances between places, and the latter helped determine sailing conditions.138 Luke’s attention to both terrestrial locations and sea routes, especially his detailed nautical account of Paul’s voyage to Rome, has invited questions about the sources he used in constructing his travel narratives. In particular, the “we” passages, in which the author introduces the first-person plural into the narrative,139 have prompted vigorous debate. Scholars have wondered whether these “we” sections are based on the author’s own travel notes or whether they have been composed by someone using periploi or itineraries of these regions, rather than by an actual companion of Paul. Regardless of their sources, the travel sections of Acts serve important literary functions within the overall narrative.140 Not all of the places mentioned are equally important. Some are simply decorative. Others, however, witness major events or speeches. They function substantively in advancing the narrative. Luke knows enough about geography and culture to recognize the importance of devoting significant space to events in two Antiochs—in Syria (Acts 11) and Pisidia (Acts 13)—along with Philippi (Acts 16), Athens (Acts 17), 135. Gk. hē hodos (9:2; 14:16; 16:17; 19:9, 23; 22:4; 24:14, 22). 136. See CAGN 17–124, 650–735. 137. See esp. Pervo 1987; also L. Alexander 1995a. 138. See Purcell 2012a and 2012b. 139. Acts 16:10–17; 20:5–15; 21:1–18; 27:1–28:16. 140. See L. Alexander 1995b.

48

Introduction

Corinth (Acts 18), and Ephesus (Acts 19). Of equal symbolic importance are the two geographical locations that constitute the loci around which the ellipse of Luke’s Mediterranean stage is formed: Jerusalem and Rome. Luke carefully correlates people with places: the Roman proconsul Sergius Paulus in Paphos with the island of Cyprus (13:4–12); a priest of Zeus with Lystra (14:8–19); Lydia and Roman magistrates with Philippi (16:11–40); Epicurean and Stoic philosophers, along with Dionysius the Areopagite and Damaris, with Athens (17:16–34); the proconsul Gallio with Corinth (18:1–17); and the Asiarchs and Demetrius the silversmith with Ephesus (19:21–41). Equally apt is his placement of Felix, Festus, and Agrippa in Jerusalem and Caesarea, the Roman capital of the province of Judea (Acts 23–26). By reporting the movement of the gospel from the Palestinian mainland, northward through Syria, and westward through Asia Minor, Greece, and eventually to Rome, Luke clearly documents the geographical expansion of the church. By reporting encounters with highly visible Roman officials in the major cities, he methodically shows that these things were “not done in a corner” (Acts 26:26). By correlating public encounters between Jesus’s representatives and Roman officials with thoughtfully chosen geographical locations, Luke creates a narrative that puts “the sect of the Nazarenes” (Acts 24:5) on the map. On a literary level, Luke uses the itineraries, journeys, and voyages to map the spread of early Christianity. This way of constructing the narrative visually reinforces Luke’s designation of the church as “the Way.” The Acts narrative is full of movement, even when major characters like Paul sometimes stay in one location for extended periods: Their stops form only temporary pauses in a narrative that advances steadily toward Rome. By composing a narrative that moves, Luke advances one of his major themes of Acts: the progressive movement and growth of the word of God. Major Themes Fulfillment of God’s Purpose One of Luke’s overarching aims is to show that God’s purposes, which began to be fulfilled in Israel’s history, are now being implemented through Jesus and the church. Two features of this formulation are noteworthy: the language of divine intent and the continuity of purpose. Repeatedly employing rhetorical metaphors that relate to God’s intentions and purposes, Luke tells his story as the active exercise of God’s will. Closely related is his sense of Israel’s linear history, which he sees unfolding in sequential and even progressive stages.141 141. See Conzelmann 1987, 149–70.

Major Themes 49

Israel’s story as told in the OT moves forward even as it looks forward. As a story that God actively oversees and guides, it is purposeful. Readers of the biblical story can rightly look for threads of continuity amid all the upheavals and crises that Israel experienced. Divine Intent When Luke rehearses Israel’s past, he portrays God as an active Subject who creates, calls, commands, and actively intervenes in human affairs. Since Luke believes that Scripture depicts God’s actions, which in turn express God’s intent, he likewise believes that Scripture can reveal God’s purposes. As a close student of Scripture, Luke confidently asserts what God intends. He can say (through Peter) with unqualified confidence, for example, that Jesus was “handed over by lawless men according to God’s fixed purpose and foreknowledge” (2:23). For Luke, Scripture in its entirety—the Law, the Prophets, and Psalms (Luke 24:44)—can be read as a collection of divine promises, some already fulfilled, others still unfulfilled. As such, Scripture creates expectations that enable successive generations of readers to look for ways in which people and events in their own time fulfill God’s earlier promises. This promise-fulfillment interpretive scheme establishes the overall framework in which Luke reads Scripture. And yet, he employs it flexibly. He can identify specific promises that God made and then find subsequent events that fulfill those promises (e.g., the outpouring of the Spirit in the last days, Acts 2). But he can also see certain people or events as types, which can be replicated or reenacted in later generations (e.g., the rejected prophet Moses, reenacted by Jesus, Stephen, and Paul, among others). Or he can find prophetic elements in the Psalter that are fulfilled in events relating to Jesus and his disciples (e.g., Jesus’s death and resurrection, Acts 2 and 13; Judas’s replacement, Acts 1). Luke even argues that misguided people, though acting with good intent, can unknowingly fulfill Scripture (13:27, 29). Generally, Luke holds that God’s promises to Israel’s ancestors have come true in Jesus (Acts 13:32–33), who has also made it possible to rebuild the fallen house of David (15:16). In every case, however, where Scripture expresses a distant promise, Luke believes it must come to fulfillment (e.g., Acts 1:16). The language of “divine requirement,” which seeks to capture Luke’s use of the Greek word dei, “it is necessary,” is typically used to characterize this aspect of Luke’s hermeneutic, which itself probably derives from the prophecy-fulfillment characteristic of the Deuteronomic history. Accordingly, both the substance (God’s promises) and the method (divine requirement) of Luke’s interpretations come from the OT. Looking back on the events of Jesus’s life and death, Luke sees numerous points at which Scripture’s promises come true in Jesus. Many of these

50

Introduction

correlations he inherits from Mark and other sources. Some of these points of correspondence he reinforces and strengthens. Others he sees for himself and develops independently. In every case, however, Luke looks for ways in which the story of Jesus and his disciples bring the promises of God to fulfillment. Part of Luke’s appeal is the confidence and forthrightness with which he makes these connections between the Jesus story and the OT. This assurance is reflected in the way he portrays Jesus’s disciples interpreting Scripture. As they adduce the Scriptures in support of their claims, and midrashic readings to argue their case,142 they speak for Luke. Through their sermons, he presents his own program of promise-fulfillment. Continuity of Purpose When Luke reads the Jesus story in light of the OT, he tends to see continuity rather than discontinuity. The biblical story—which began with creation and continued through the patriarchs, the exodus and wilderness wandering, the conquest of Canaan, the period of the judges, the monarchy, the exile and return—rather than ending abruptly, continues both in the ministry of John the Baptist and especially in the ministry of Jesus. More important for Acts, the biblical story continues after Jesus’s death with the formation of the church, “a people for [God’s] name” (15:14). For Luke, continuity of purpose has a clear focus: the formation of a community around Jesus the Messiah. The emergence of this newly constituted people fulfills God’s earlier promise to Abraham that “in [his] seed all the nations of the earth will be blessed.”143 In Luke’s view, God’s promised blessings must be understood in a richly amplified sense that includes divinely bestowed benefits, variously described as the forgiveness of sins, salvation, peace, and reconciliation. What especially distinguishes this new phase of God’s activity is its anthropologically and geographically universal character. Anyone can receive God’s blessings: Jews and gentiles, men and women, young and old, rich and poor, and people from all social strata—Roman citizens, freedmen, and slaves. And they can receive them anywhere: at Jerusalem and Rome, the symbolic centers of East and West, and everywhere in between. Luke’s universal vision is also evident in the “table of nations” present at Pentecost (2:9–11). Seen as the continuation of the biblical story, Luke’s portrayal of Jesus and the church is neither anti-Jewish nor supersessionist. Luke’s Jesus is authentically and even emphatically Jewish. His parents embody Jewish piety (Luke 142. ODJR (463) defines midrash as “the discovery of meanings other than literal in the Bible; derived from the root darash (inquire), [it] denotes the literature that interprets Scripture in order to extract its full implications and meaning.” 143. Gen 22:18 conflated with Gen 26:4; also Gen 12:3 and Ps 22:28; Acts 3:25.

Major Themes 51

1–2). His ministry occurs in the Jewish heartland, constantly set within Jewish institutions (synagogues and the temple) and engaging Jewish audiences. Jerusalem is the magnetic center of Luke’s Gospel. Similarly, the church is a Jewish movement through and through. It originates in Jerusalem within the temple precincts. Its inaugural event represents the realization of the prophet Joel’s eschatological vision (Acts 2). Its major spokesmen, notably Peter and Paul, are conspicuously Jewish. Jesus’s disciples use the Jewish Scriptures to justify the church’s existence and authorize its mission. To outsiders, the church looks like a Jewish sect (24:5). Its disputes with Jewish authorities and other Jewish groups appear to outsiders as internal religious disputes (18:14–15; 23:29). Both Jesus and his disciples encounter resistance from their fellow Jews, notably those in leadership positions—priests, Sanhedrin officials, and others—as well as from various often vaguely designated forms of popular Jewish resistance. Luke interprets these moments of resistance as reenactments of earlier events in Israel’s past. Stephen reminds the hostile crowds in Jerusalem of Joseph’s rejection by his own brothers (7:9–10) and Moses’s rejection by his own people (7:23–29). By confronting the Jewish crowd with their own record of resistance, Stephen sets the framework for the overall story of Acts: When God seeks to achieve the divine purpose among the people of Israel, they typically resist but fail to thwart God’s purpose. Luke does not see the church as “the new Israel” or as “the true Israel.” He does not use “Israel” as an interpretive category for understanding the church. For him, “Israel” refers to the people who comprise Abraham’s legacy—the people of the covenant described in the OT, and their successors, “the house of Israel,”144 who now occupy the homeland and run the important institutions such as the temple, the Sanhedrin, and synagogues throughout the Mediterranean region. Jesus’s earlier disciples emerged within Israel, were even themselves “sons of Israel,” but as they formed a community of faith after his death, they established a new identity, yet using formulations and images from Israel’s past. Jesus’s followers, for example, participate in rebuilding the fallen house of David (15:16–17). Luke emphasizes that the events he narrates “fulfill” God’s earlier promises. When the Jewish community in Rome remains unconvinced by Paul’s arguments that Jesus is Messiah, Luke interprets their lack of responsiveness as the fulfillment of Isa 6:9–10. Like their ancestors, they “see but do not see, hear but do not hear” (28:26–27). Although Luke reports that Jewish conversions to the gospel have numbered in the tens of thousands (21:20), he nevertheless thinks the church’s future lies with gentiles: “They will listen!” (28:28). 144. Acts 2:36; also cf. 4:10, 27; 5:21, 31; 9:15; 10:36; 13:16, 23–24.

52

Introduction

Luke’s depiction of Jewish resistance to the gospel in Acts, rather than being seen in medieval or modern terms as a Christian expression of anti-Jewishness, should rather be seen in Lukan terms: as the reenactment of earlier behavior, as Jewish history repeating itself. This pattern of resistance, refusal, and rejection makes Luke’s portrayal of the church neither less Jewish nor more Christian, as though these were antithetical and mutually exclusive categories. Luke understands the church as Christian, and essentially and progressively Christian, precisely to the degree that it includes and embraces everyone—Jews and non-Jews, men and women, old and young, rich and poor, easterners and westerners, people from the Jewish homeland as well as those living throughout the ancient world. Faithful Christian Witness Luke-Acts uses “witness” in several senses: of people who speak about what they have seen: eyewitnesses;145 the act of giving testimony: witnessing;146 and the content of what is said: the witness borne, the testimony given.147 By including different types of speeches, Luke displays different forms of faithful Christian witness. Missionary sermons present the message of the gospel in order to enlist converts, either before Jewish148 or non-Jewish audiences.149 In other sermons, the speakers defend themselves by responding to various charges brought against them.150 A vivid example occurs in Paul’s three defense speeches.151 In some cases, the speeches address Christian audiences.152 Those who speak also exemplify different character profiles. Peter is cast as a bold prophetic figure in Acts 2, as a converted inclusivist in Acts 10–11, and as an apostolic leader trying to find compromise in Acts 15. Stephen appears as a martyr in Acts 7, Philip as an Elijah-type prophet in Acts 8. Paul is portrayed in different ways: as a Roman orator before the synagogue in Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13), as a Greek orator in the tradition of Socrates before the Areopagus in Athens (Acts 17), and as a wrongly accused Roman citizen boldly declaring his innocence in his three defense speeches (Acts 22, 24, 26). Before Christian audiences, he is a teacher instructing the church (Acts 20:18–35). With each of these character portrayals, Luke illustrates different profiles of Christian witness: prophetic preacher, courageous martyr, pastoral teacher, missionary preacher, and valiant apologist. 145. Luke 24:48; Acts 1:8, 22; 2:32; 3:15; 5:32; 10:39; 13:31; 22:15, 20; 26:16. 146. Acts 14:3; 23:11. 147. Acts 4:33. 148. Acts 2:14–36, 38–40; 13:16–41. 149. Acts 10:34–43; 17:22–31. 150. Acts 3:12–26; 4:8–12, 19–20; 5:29–32; 7:2–53. 151. Acts 22:3–21; 24:10–21; 26:2–23, 25–27, 29. 152. Acts 1:24–25; 4:24–30; 20:18–35.

Major Themes 53

Those who bear faithful Christian witness in Acts reveal two key features of Luke’s theological vision: (1) the content of early Christian preaching, and (2) scriptural promise-fulfillment. The Lukan Kerygma Also of interest to Luke is the content of early Christian witness. While proclamation of the gospel takes many forms, through them all is heard “the message of salvation” (13:26). Rather than limiting these brief summaries to the missionary speeches, however, Luke distributes them throughout the speeches. Even Paul’s defense speeches before Roman audiences contain confessional elements, as do the prayers offered in different moments of crisis. Luke reports Christian witness occurring in many different settings, ranging from formal synagogue services and court appearances to marketplace conversations or meetings in private homes. Though such lists risk flattening Luke’s narrative by imposing a bland uniformity on its rich diversity, Luke regards the following nine elements as central and indispensable to the kerygma:



1. John the Baptist, the prophetic messenger who paved the way for Jesus (Acts 13:24–25). 2. Jesus, God’s divinely appointed representative, attested through signs, wonders, and powers (2:22; 10:33). 3. Jesus’s continuity with the line of David (13:23). 4. Jesus’s suffering, a “divine necessity,” required by Scripture (17:3; 26:23), through which he fulfilled the role of God’s “suffering Servant” (3:13; 4:27, 30). 5. Jesus’s death occurring according to God’s “fixed purpose and foreknowledge” (2:23; 4:28). 6. God’s raising the crucified Jesus and making him Lord and Christ.153 7. The forty-day period of Jesus’s postresurrection appearances to his disciples followed by his ascent into heaven (13:31; cf. 1:6–11). 8. Forgiveness of sins through Jesus154 and the gift of the Holy Spirit (2:38), poured out by the risen Lord at Pentecost (2:33), bestowed through the apostolic laying on of hands (8:15–17), and experienced at moments of significant transition (10:44; 11:15–16). 9. Jesus Christ’s eschatological judgment of “the living and the dead” (10:42; 17:31). 153. Acts 2:32, 36; 5:30; 10:34–40; 13:30, 33, 34, 37; 17:31. 154. Acts 2:38; 5:31; 10:43; 13:38; 26:18.

54

Introduction

Scripture Interpretation At the end of Luke’s Gospel, the risen Lord asserts that “everything written about me in the law of Moses, the prophets, and the psalms must be fulfilled” (24:44). Acts shows how this occurred. Scripture interpretation is one of the recurrent and most prominent features of the speeches in Acts. Peter’s Pentecost speech features Joel 2. Luke pre­ sents the church’s inaugural event as the fulfillment of Joel’s prophetic vision. Following the Joel quotation, Peter’s presentation of the kerygma is supported by detailed exposition in which Scripture interpretation is a central element. The events around Jesus’s death are interpreted in light of Psalms 16:8–11 and 110:1. So intricate is this Scripture argument that it has a midrashic texture. Stephen’s speech, by contrast, tightly summarizes Israel’s history by highlighting three figures: Abraham (Acts 7:2–8), Joseph (7:9–16), and especially Moses (7:17–43). The presentation consists of OT phrases and allusions woven together into a summary with a palpable biblical texture. The concluding portion of the speech (7:41–53), especially the critique of the temple (7:44–53), is supported by explicit appeal to the OT: Amos 5:25–27 and Isaiah 66:1–2. In Philip’s conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch (Acts 8), Isaiah 53 figures prominently, receiving an extensive verbatim citation. Paul’s synagogue sermon in Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13) resembles Peter’s Pentecost address in its midrashic texture and also in the use of Psalm 16 as a prooftext. By including Scripture interpretation in the various speeches throughout Acts, Luke not only underscores the centrality of this dimension of early Christian preaching but also supplies his readers with the collection of OT testimonia that he regards as essential—and effective—for early Christian proclamation and instruction. These include the following: Pss 69:25; 109:8—death and replacement of Judas (Acts 1:20) Joel 2:28–32—outpouring of the Holy Spirit in the last days (2:16–21) Ps 16:8–11—Jesus’s resurrection (2:25–28; 13:35) Ps 132:11—Jesus’s enthronement (2:30) Ps 110:1—Jesus’s exaltation (2:34–35) Exod 3:6, 15—God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (3:13) Deut 18:15–19—Raising up a new prophet like Moses (3:22–23; 7:37) Lev 23:29—Exclusion of the disobedient from the people (3:22–23) Gen 12:3; 22:18; 26:4—God’s promise to Abraham (3:25) Ps 118:22—Rejected cornerstone (4:11) Exod 20:11; Ps 146:6—Lord who made heaven and earth (4:24)

Major Themes 55

Ps 2:1–2—Official opposition to the Lord and his Anointed (4:25–26) Gen 12:1—God’s call of Abraham (7:3) Gen 17:8; 48:4—God’s promise to Abraham (7:5) Gen 15:13–14—God’s promise to Abraham (7:6–7) Exod 2:22—Alien in a strange land (7:6–7) Exod 3:12—Worshiping God in this place (7:6–7) Exod 1:8—New Pharaoh who knew not Joseph (7:18) Exod 2:13–14—Moses opposed by fellow Israelite (7:27–28) Exod 3:2—Lord appears to Moses in a burning bush (7:30) Exod 3:6—God of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob (7:32) Exod 3:5, 7–8, 10—God calls Moses (7:33–34) Exod 2:23–24—God hears Israelites groaning (7:33–34) Exod 2:14—Israelites’ rejection of Moses (7:35) Exod 32:1, 23—Israel makes golden calf (7:40) Amos 5:25–27—Israel’s worship of false gods in the wilderness (7:42–43) Isa 66:1–2—God cannot be confined to a temple (7:48–50) Isa 53:7–8—Jesus the suffering servant (8:32–33) Ps 89:20—David as God’s anointed (13:22) 1 Sam 13:14—David a man after God’s own heart (13:22) Isa 44:28 [of Cyrus]—David will carry out God’s purpose (13:22, 36) Ps 2:7—Jesus as the Lord’s begotten Son (13:33) Isa 55:3—God’s promise of an everlasting covenant to David (13:34) Hab 1:5—The prophet’s rebuke of the people (13:40–41) Isa 49:6—Turning to the gentiles; Paul and Barnabas as light to nations (13:47) Amos 9:11–12—Raising the fallen house of David (15:15–17) Exod 22:28—Prohibition against cursing a leader (23:5) Isa 6:9–10—Prophetic rebuke of dull, uncomprehending listeners (28:25–27) The Church as Politically Harmless and Socially Redemptive By the last quarter of the first century CE, Rome had dealt with numerous social upheavals involving religious groups, especially ones originating in the East. It had taken eight years for Rome to suppress the Jewish revolt (66–74), a victory won at great cost and celebrated with an imperial procession and the monumental Arch of Titus. Threats to Roman order could stem from political leaders who promoted civil unrest, such as those blamed for the uprising against Rome, as well as from other social groups including magicians, philosophers, and religious fanatics.

56

Introduction

Politically Harmless Luke’s portrayal of early Christianity in Acts effectively counters many of these negative images. By carefully orchestrating the story line, he presents the church not only as politically safe, posing no threat to Roman order, but also as socially redemptive, a positive force within Roman society. Numerous Roman officials or representatives of Rome appear in Luke’s narrative. The centurion Cornelius is a model Roman military officer living in Caesarea, the seat of Roman provincial government in Judea—and notably the exemplary gentile convert in Acts (Acts 10).155 One of the first people Paul encounters on the mission field is Sergius Paulus, proconsul of Cyprus (13:7, 12). The conversion of this highly visible Roman official provides needed credibility at the beginning of Paul’s mission in the diaspora.156 In Acts, the Romans see that Christians are yet another, albeit new, Jewish sect—the sect of the Nazarenes (24:5, 14). They also see Christian disputes with other Jewish groups as internal matters (25:19). Through Gallio, the proconsul of Achaia, Luke gives voice to this official Roman viewpoint. Paul’s dispute with the Jewish community in Corinth is neither criminal nor villainous. In Gallio’s mind, they are disputes “about your own law” (18:15) and must be adjudicated within the Jewish community (which included Paul), not before Roman civil authorities (18:14–16). Rather than fomenting civil unrest and physical violence, Christians in Acts fall victim to violence. Opposition usually stems from Jewish leaders or unnamed Jewish groups and individuals. In Judea, temple officials and members of the Sanhedrin try to suppress the apostolic witness (Acts 3–7; 21:11). In the diaspora, Jews (often but not always associated directly with synagogues) are the church’s major opponents.157 One of Acts’ most persuasive counterarguments to the charge that Christians threaten Roman order is Paul himself. His role as archenemy of the Christian movement aligns him with official Jewish resistance in Judea, reflected in his receiving permission from the high priest to extend the persecution to Damascus (9:2). Through his dramatic encounter with the risen Lord, Paul becomes the chief proponent of “the Way”—Luke’s way of showing Roman readers the folly and ultimate futility of resisting this providentially guided movement.

155. Whether Cornelius was the first gentile convert depends on how one understands the ethnic identity of the seven men mentioned in Acts 6:5 and that of the Ethiopian eunuch (8:26–40). 156. Some think his family connections with Pisidian Antioch, a Roman city of major strategic significance in the East, explain Luke’s decision to report Paul’s next major stop at that city. See Mitchell 1993b, 2:7. 157. Acts 13:43–45; 14:2, 19; 17:5, 13; 18:12–13; 19:9; 21:27–30.

Major Themes 57

Repeated vindications of Jesus’s representatives before public officials, Jewish and Roman,158 as well as declarations of Paul’s innocence159 all reinforce Luke’s picture of the church as a politically innocuous religious movement. Positive Benefits of Christianity Luke portrays the church not only as harmless but also as playing a positive role in Roman society. For one thing, it confronts, opposes, and overcomes forms of popular religion that Rome regarded negatively. Jesus’s representatives are squarely aligned against magic, both in Palestine (Acts 8:9–25) and in the diaspora (13:6–12; 19:18–20). Practices in which powerless victims are exploited by their unscrupulous owners or managers, such as soothsaying, the church also opposes (16:16–18). Utopian descriptions of the church early in the narrative (Acts 2:42–47; 4:32–37) resonate with widely admired and deeply embedded Hellenistic notions of ideal communities. The church is consistently portrayed as generous (11:27–30) and hospitable (16:40). The one saying of Jesus quoted by Paul extols spontaneous generosity (20:35). Luke’s portrayal of the church accords fully with the teachings and actions of its central cultic figure. Luke also highlights religious practices that align Jesus’s disciples not only with their Master but also with socially constructive practices honored by upstanding Romans. They exhibit genuine forms of religious piety through their repeated prayers and fasting.160 They also extend mercy to the sick and dying through their ministries of healing; all major representatives of the Christian movement, whether individuals or groups, imitate their Master in this respect: Peter and John (Acts 3:1–10), the apostles (4:30; 5:12), Peter alone (5:15; 9:32– 43), Stephen (6:8), Philip (8:6–7, 13), and especially Paul.161 And Luke is careful to show that these powers are not for sale (8:18–25). Considering the high visibility of the Asclepius cult throughout the Roman Empire and the central role its institutions and representatives played in Roman life, Luke’s portrayal of Jesus and his followers as legitimate and sincere healers, rather than as ill-motivated and avaricious magicians, resonates strongly with noble Roman ideals.162 A third feature of Luke’s portrait of the church relates to the value of pai­deia (instruction) within Hellenistic-Roman tradition.163 Cultural ­sophistication 158. E.g., Peter and the apostles, Acts 3–6, 10. 159. Acts 21:24; 23:1, 9, 29; 24:12–13, 20; 25:8, 11, 25; 26:31–32; 28:17–19, 21. 160. Acts 6:4, 6; 8:24; 9:11, 40; 10:2, 30; 11:5; 12:5; 13:2; 14:23; 16:16, 25; 20:36; 21:5; 27:35; 28:15. 161. Acts 14:8–10; 16:18; 19:11–12; 20:7–12; 28:8–9. 162. On the vital importance of healing miracles in the Greco-Roman world, the role of the god Asclepius in particular, see Klauck 2003, 153–68. 163. See Jaeger.

58

Introduction

fostered through education at all levels constituted one of the highest ideals in Greek and Roman society. Sensitive to outsiders’ perceptions of Jesus’s representatives as “uneducated and untrained men” (Acts 4:13), Luke counters this image by placing rhetorically effective speeches on their lips. This is especially true of Paul before educated audiences (Acts 17, 24, 26), but also of Peter before Jewish (Acts 2, 3) and Roman (Acts 10) audiences. A Roman citizen born in Tarsus, “not too bad a city” (21:39), “reared [in Jerusalem], and educated” (22:3) at the feet of an eminent Jewish rabbi, Paul can appear as a credible witness before educated officials and audiences throughout the empire. Possessing urban sensibilities and cultural sophistication, Luke’s Paul is no pushover. He cannot be whisked away quietly from a Roman city after its civic officials mistreat him. He can demand an escort and get it (Acts 16:35–40). He is a friend of the Ephesian “Asiarchs,” high-level city officials (19:31). He can discourse with Felix “about living righteously, controlling desires, and future accountability” (24:25), all of which were important values of the educated Roman class. This way of depicting early Christianity contains an apologetic dimension. Some have seen Acts as a trial brief prepared as part of Paul’s defense before the emperor. This is improbable, as is the proposal that Acts aims to persuade the church of the benefits of Roman rule rather than convincing Rome that the church benefits Roman society.164 Readers of Acts might well conclude that Christians, like Jews, can profit from being good citizens of the empire, but this is a minor theme. Thus Luke’s positive portrayal of the church need not be apologetic in the narrow sense that he is directly countering charges that had been brought against the church, as is the case with second-century Christian apologists. It should rather be seen as a masterly literary response based on an astute reading of Roman political and social culture toward the end of the first century, portraying the church as a socially appealing movement. The Church as the Extension of Jesus’s Ministry Acts also shows how Jesus’s ministry of preaching the good news and healing the sick continues after his death in the ministries of his followers. Earlier we noticed Luke’s use of mimesis, the literary device through which an author can imitate the language and style of an earlier classic. Mimesis could also be used in character depiction. Informed by the beliefs, behaviors, attributes, and personal qualities found in earlier heroic figures, authors could depict their characters accordingly. Luke constructs Acts to show how the church in its ministry and mission mimics Jesus. 164. See Walaskay.

Major Themes 59

Having written at length in the Third Gospel about what Jesus said and did (Acts 1:1–2), Luke can assume the reader’s familiarity with Jesus’s profile. Luke’s Jesus thus serves as the church’s model. Proclaiming Good News Luke’s use of language related to the Greek term euangelion (gospel, good news, glad tidings) is revealing.165 In rendering this semantic domain, the translator’s challenge is to find wording that embodies the central element of “good news” or “glad tidings” and yet expresses it in verbal form, thus to “bring good news.” Sometimes translators simply render the term “preach” or “proclaim” (e.g., Acts 5:42 NRSV). In Luke’s Gospel, angels announce the good news of Jesus’s birth (Luke 1:19; 2:10), and John the Baptist preaches good news (Luke 3:18). The main bearer of good news, however, is Jesus himself.166 Jesus, in turn, commissions the twelve apostles, who travel throughout the villages “bringing the good news and curing diseases everywhere” (Luke 9:1, 6). In Acts, Jesus’s representatives mimic his actions, as well as those of God’s heralds and John the Baptist, by proclaiming good news: the apostles (5:42); those who left Jerusalem because of the persecution of the church (8:4); Philip to the Samaritans (8:12); Peter and John (8:25); Philip to the Ethiopian eunuch and traveling through the coastlands (8:35, 40); those from Cyprus and Cyrene who preached to gentiles in Syrian Antioch (11:20); Paul and Barnabas;167 Paul and his coworkers (16:10); and Paul alone (17:18). In Peter’s sermon to Cornelius, God is presented as a proclaimer of the good news (10:36). Acts thus presents Jesus not only as the proclaimer who is proclaimed by the church, but also as the proclaimer whom the church imitates through its mission and ministry. Suffering Although Jesus’s suffering and death figure centrally in all four Gospels, they receive distinctive treatment in Luke’s Gospel. To the three passion predictions 165. Evangelistic language is especially characteristic of Luke-Acts. The verb “evangelize” (euangelizomai), which the NRSV typically translates “proclaim the good news” or some variation thereof, occurs 25x in Luke-Acts. It appears only once in the other Gospels (Matt 11:5), frequently in Paul (20x), 2x in Hebrews, 3x in 1 Peter, and 2x in Revelation. By contrast, Luke only twice uses the noun form euangelion (Acts 15:7; 20:24); it does not appear in Luke’s Gospel, but it does occur 4x in Matthew and 7x in Mark (plus Mark 16:15). The noun form is frequent in Paul but rarely occurs elsewhere (1 Pet 4:17; Rev 14:6). “Evangelist” appears once in Luke-Acts (Acts 21:8) and elsewhere twice (Eph 4:11; 2 Tim 4:5). 166. Luke 4:43; 7:22; 8:1; 16:16; 20:1. 167. Acts 13:32; 14:7, 15, 21; 15:35.

60

Introduction

Gospel,168

found in Mark’s Luke adds a fourth (17:25), and he additionally interprets Jesus’s suffering as another “divine necessity.” Luke believes that Jesus had to suffer in order to play his messianic role as the Isaianic suffering servant. Luke did not think Jesus was Messiah although he suffered, but rather that he was Messiah because he suffered.169 This feature is distinctive of Luke’s Christology: Jesus’s suffering, far from violating his messianic identity, was an essential element of it, if not the defining feature of that identity. In Luke’s view, a suffering Messiah is not an oxymoron but a redundancy. Luke is the only evangelist to report the risen Lord’s words that connect the Messiah’s suffering to the fulfillment of Scripture (Luke 24:44–47). Luke also reports Jesus’s warnings to his disciples that they would experience resistance and rejection comparable to his own (Luke 6:22; 10:1–12, esp. v. 3; 12:8–12). Jesus links his fate to theirs: “Whoever listens to you, listens to me; whoever rejects you, rejects me” (10:16). He also warns his disciples that they will appear before “synagogues, rulers, and authorities,” and that they will need to muster courage even as the Holy Spirit provides them appropriate words for those occasions (12:11–12). In keeping with these expectations voiced in his Gospel, Luke portrays Jesus’s disciples as experiencing resistance and adversity. Peter, John, and the other apostles encounter resistance from temple authorities but respond by giving bold testimony, echoing that of Jesus himself (Acts 4:1–2, 5–22). Resistance to Stephen is even more intense, resulting in his violent death (Acts 7:54–8:1). Luke’s description of Stephen’s final moments closely mimics his account of Jesus’s death in the Gospel. Stephen prays for God to receive his spirit, as Jesus did (Acts 7:59; cf. Luke 23:46). His prayer of forgiveness offered on behalf of those who killed him may echo the last words of Luke’s Jesus (Acts 7:60; cf. Luke 23:34). The death of James the apostle, though told less dramatically, is no less significant as a reenactment of Jesus’s death (Acts 12:2). Early in Paul’s missionary travels, Luke reports Barnabas and Paul instructing their newly established churches that entering the kingdom of God would require them to endure many hardships (Acts 14:22). Given the repeated persecutions Paul experiences in Acts (e.g., 14:19–20), this advice could serve as a byline for Luke’s portrayal of Paul. Paul’s sufferings are predicted as early as in the Lord’s words to Ananias, “I will show [Paul] what things he must suffer on behalf of my name” (Acts 9:16). Though Luke does not provide an account of Paul’s death, he implies it (Acts 20:25, 29; 21:13). Scholars have long observed similarities between Luke’s depiction of Paul’s journey to Jerusalem (Acts 21), which leads to the series of trials he undergoes 168. Luke 9:21–22, 43b–45; 18:31–34; cf. Mark 8:31–33; 9:30–32; 10:32–34; Matt 16:21–23; 17:22–23; 20:17–19. 169. Evans 76.

Major Themes 61

(Acts 22–26), and the extended travel narrative in Luke’s Gospel, which brings Jesus from Galilee to Jerusalem (Luke 9:51–19:27), and then to his trial and death. Some see a Pauline passion narrative in Acts 22–28 that mimics that of Jesus in Luke 19:28–23:56. While the similarities between these two literary templates cannot be pressed too far, the suffering of the Lukan Paul undoubtedly mimics that of the Lukan Jesus. The Church as Divinely Favored In the Sanhedrin meeting called to deal with the uproar caused by the apostles’ preaching in the temple, the Pharisee Gamaliel, a “teacher of the law honored by all the people” (Acts 5:34), advised his colleagues to exercise caution in responding to this episode. “If this plan or this work is of human origin,” Gamaliel says, “it will be destroyed. But if it is of God, you will not be able to destroy them. What’s more, you may even be found to be God-fighters” (theomachoi, 5:38–39). The notion of “fighting God” had particular significance. In the legendary account of the seven brothers martyred by Antiochus IV Epiphanes, the sixth brother warns his torturers, “Do not think that you will go unpunished for having tried to fight against God!” (theomachein, 2 Macc 7:19). These sentiments express the viewpoint often encountered in martyrdom literature: Those who oppress God’s faithful followers invite disaster when they align themselves against God. To “fight God” is a fool’s errand. By presenting the story of Jesus and the church as the fulfillment of God’s purposes, Luke stands within the Deuteronomic tradition, in which the righteous inherit rewards and the wicked receive punishments. In one strand of this tradition, dire consequences invariably await those who resist the cause of righteousness. Kings and tyrants opposing religious movements or trying to suppress them not only fail miserably but also suffer and die in misery. This popular theme of “the death of the tyrant” becomes a literary convention and is amply attested in the Maccabean literature, as for the Seleucid official Heliodorus, who threatened to raid the temple treasury (2 Macc 3:1–40); Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who boasted that he would make Jerusalem “a cemetery of Jews” (9:1–29); and Nicanor, who was appointed governor of Judea by Demetrius I and later turned against Judas Maccabeus (14:1–15:37). In Acts, this literary tradition appears most dramatically in Luke’s depiction of the death of Herod Agrippa I, whose arrogance and actions against the church led to his miserable death (12:1–23). It also informs Luke’s portrait of Ananias and Sapphira (5:1–11), whose avarice and deceit are seen as “conspiracy against the Holy Spirit.” While these are the most extreme examples of God-fighters—one an external threat, the other internal—Acts sharply draws the battle lines elsewhere in

62

Introduction

a recurrent literary pattern. First, a divine initiative occurs, such as a public display of Christian witness, usually in the form of proclamation of the word or a healing. This initiative precipitates overt resistance by leaders or public officials, which leads to direct confrontation. Divine intervention or events and decisions that somehow favor the church then overcome the resistance. The threefold template of divine initiative, resistance, and divine vindication clearly informs Luke’s way of conceiving the story line in Acts. Luke uses different types of episodes to illustrate how divine vindication occurs. They are usually dramatic events, full of suspense, in which the lives of the protagonists are threatened or they face stout opposition to their preaching. Some of the most prominent include the apostles’ (Acts 5:17–32), Peter’s (12:2–19), and Paul’s (16:19–34) miraculous escapes from prison, which gradually increase in their intensity. No matter how they try, the authorities cannot “imprison” the Christian movement. Plots and ambushes perform a similar role. Paul survives despite repeated plots to kill him.170 Whether through a dramatic escape in a basket from a city wall under the cover of night (Acts 9:23–25), alternative travel plans (20:3), or official removal to another site under heavy guard (23:12–22), Paul’s life is divinely protected. The tumultuous voyage to Rome is yet another dramatic escape, this time from natural disaster and a poisonous snakebite (27:1–28:15). Luke narrates the story to show that Paul’s presence in the ship ensures the protection of everyone on the ship, including the crew, emphasizing the point by including the angel’s reassurance to Paul that the lives of his sailing companions are in God’s hands (27:24). In addition, by depicting dramatic escapes, two aspects of Acts reinforce the theme of providential protection: (1) God’s status as active agent, and (2) the Holy Spirit as the manifestation of God’s presence or agency. The God Who Acts Acts consistently attributes a remarkably active role to God.171 God is an active agent, another character and participant in the narrative rather than an inscrutable deity whose actions are obscured by hiddenness and mystery. In one sense, God is the leading character in Acts. This is true not only because of God’s prominence as one of the dramatis personae but also because God is presented as being in the forefront, leading the movement forward. The numerous claims made about God or assertions of God’s explicit activity in Acts reveal Luke’s richly textured, highly variegated vision of God. God

170. Acts 9:23–25; 20:3, 19; 23:12–22. 171. See Shauf 171–72.

Major Themes 63

is Creator172 and Sustainer of the universe,173 but also Israel’s God, the “God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.”174 Israelite history begins with God’s calling Abraham (Acts 7:2–3) and then resettling him in the land of Israel (7:4). God initiates the promise to Abraham (3:25; 7:17) and makes “the covenant of circumcision” with him (7:8). God is “with Joseph” during his trials in Egypt and establishes him as “governor over Egypt” (7:10). God favors Moses (7:20), making him an instrument of deliverance (7:25). God appears to Moses (7:32), through Moses rescues Israel from Egypt (7:34, 36; 13:17), and puts up with Israel in the wilderness (13:18). God commissions Moses as Israel’s “leader and liberator” (7:35). God gives the Torah under angelic direction (7:53), hands over Israel to pagan worship (of the golden calf and the host of heaven, 7:41– 42), and instructs Moses to build the tabernacle (7:44). Even so, God does not live in houses made with hands (7:48). God evicts the Canaanites from their land (7:45; 13:19). In Canaan, God provides judges (13:20), kings (13:21–22), and finally favors David (7:45–46; 13:22). In his own time, David serves God’s will (13:36). Through these events God is making good on the divine covenant with Israel (3:25; 26:6). God’s will is fulfilled through David (Acts 13:22) by bringing a Savior to Israel (13:23). In this way God fulfills the divine promise made in Scripture (13:32–33) and the commitment made to David himself (13:34). Through this providential process, God rebuilds “the fallen tent of David” (15:16) and fulfills the promises of Scripture (3:18). God is present at the beginning of Jesus’s ministry through the preaching of John the Baptist (Acts 10:37). Through Jesus’s preaching, God announces the good news of peace (10:36). God anoints Jesus with the Spirit and power (10:38), accompanies him in his ministry (10:38), and certifies him through deeds, wonders, and signs (2:22). Jesus is the new prophet like Moses whom God raises up from among the people (3:22; 7:37). In sending Jesus, God “raises his Servant” (3:26). God raises Jesus from the dead,175 thereby righting the wrong done by those who killed him. By raising Jesus from the dead, God exalts him as Lord and Christ (Acts 2:34–36; 5:31). In doing so, the God who “swears an oath” (2:30) makes good on the promises found in Scripture (2:34–36). Through these acts, God “glorifies his Servant Jesus” (3:13). After Jesus’s death, God appoints witnesses to his resurrection (Acts 10:41). Eventually God will grant “times of rest” (3:20) by sending Jesus as the eschatological Messiah (3:20). By establishing this eschatological role for Jesus, 172. Acts 4:24; 14:15; 17:24–26. 173. Acts 14:17; 17:25–28. 174. Acts 3:13; cf. 5:30; 7:2, 32; 13:17. 175. Acts 2:24, 32; 3:15; 4:10; 5:30; 10:40–41; 13:30, 33–34, 37; 17:31.

64

Introduction

God appoints him “judge of the living and the dead” (10:42). God establishes a day of judgment when all will be accountable (17:31), and God raises the dead (26:8). After Jesus’s resurrection, God continues his work in the events of Pentecost. God’s Spirit is poured out on Pentecost, in keeping with Joel’s prophecy (Acts 2:18). God summons believers (2:39) and adds converts to the church (2:47). By overseeing Peter and John’s healing of the lame man (3:1–10), God rightly receives credit for the miracle (4:19–21) and is the true source of healing power mediated through them (4:30; 19:11). God enables Jesus’s disciples to testify boldly (4:29). When people lie to God, they suffer severe consequences (5:4–5). God must be obeyed (5:29). God certifies legitimate religious movements (Acts 5:39) and fills Stephen with “grace and power” (6:8). To blaspheme God is to risk death (6:11). God can spot evil intent (8:21). God punishes wrongful actions (23:3). God sends angels to deliver Peter from prison (5:19), but also to perform other tasks.176 God can also rescue Peter directly from Herod’s imprisonment (12:11, 17). God through the Spirit speaks to Peter in a vision (Acts 10:9–16) and commands him to violate kosher, declaring all food clean (10:15, 28; 11:9; 15:9). God is present to hear apostolic testimony (10:33). By enabling Peter’s preaching to Cornelius, God gives salvation and the Holy Spirit to gentiles (11:17–18; 15:8). God chooses Peter as a messenger to the gentiles (15:7) and Paul as a witness to the resurrection (22:14–15). Through the Pauline mission, God “works” among gentiles (13:41). In their preaching mission, Paul and Bar­na­bas are “commended to the grace of God” (14:26 NRSV). Through Paul’s preaching, God’s grace is offered and experienced (13:43). God opens the door of faith to the gentiles.177 In their conversion, gentiles “turn to God” (15:19). On the mission field, God’s graciousness can be experienced (Acts 11:23). God typically extends grace.178 But God can also discipline those who try to obstruct the mission, notably Elymas (Bar-Jesus, 13:11). God summons Paul to preach in Macedonia (16:10). God requires repentance of everyone (17:30; 20:21; 26:20). God guides missionaries in their travels (18:21). God sustains Paul in moments of danger (26:21–22) and preserves the lives of Paul and his companions in the voyage to Rome (27:24). Paul assures those on board, “What God has told me is exactly how it will be” (27:25). God empowers the proclamation of the word (19:20). Through the preaching of the gospel God’s purpose is revealed (20:27). God is the source of salvation (28:28). With such a vast reach over time and history, as well as within history, God is properly an object of devotion (Acts 22:3; 26:7) and worship (18:13). Prayers 176. Acts 8:26; 10:3, 22; 11:13; 12:7–11, 23; 27:23–24. 177. Acts 14:27; 15:4, 12, 14; 21:19. 178. Acts 18:27; 20:24; 20:32.

Major Themes 65

are offered to God.179 God also receives adoration and praise.180 God speaks through Scripture, variously through the Holy Spirit (4:25), Joel (2:17), David (4:25; 13:35), and the prophets (3:18, 21). In dealing with humanity, God is impartial (10:34). What is remarkable is the degree to which Luke’s reading of Scripture has influenced the church’s reading of Scripture. Part of Luke’s achievement is the comprehensiveness and scope of his rehearsal of the OT story. Parts of the story he largely ignores or underemphasizes, such as Abraham’s sacrifice of Isaac, the Isaac and Jacob sagas, the period of the divided monarchy, and the exilic and postexilic period. Other parts of the story he highlights distinctively, such as Moses’s rejection by Israel. In any case, Luke tells the story of Jesus and the church as one in which God is the real force behind the events that unfold. In Acts, the church originates and expands through divine favor. Given the prominence and centrality of God within Acts, it would be fully appropriate for the work to be titled Acts of God. The Holy Spirit In Acts the Holy Spirit is God’s surrogate presence. By presenting the Spirit as the empowering presence within the church, Luke reinforces the theme of providential guidance. The Holy Spirit plays several discrete roles in Acts. Author of Scripture. Just as God speaks through Scripture, so does the Holy Spirit, who “spoke earlier through the mouth of David.”181 Introducing Ps 2:1–2, Luke says that God “using the lips of David . . . spoke these words through the Holy Spirit” (Acts 4:25–26). Whether Luke attributes a particular Scripture to Joel, David, or one of the prophets, he thinks of Scripture as a set of writings given by God through the Holy Spirit. While Luke never employs the explicit language of inspiration, he thinks of Scripture as Spirit-motivated writings: God’s Spirit prompts authorized figures, such as Moses, Elijah, and the prophets, to speak on behalf of God. Thus Luke’s understanding of promisefulfillment carries special significance: When Scripture’s promises are fulfilled, such moments represent enactments of God’s will and manifestations of the Spirit’s presence. Prophetic impulse. When Peter, the apostles, and other major characters in Acts speak, the Holy Spirit often motivates them to do so. Standing before the temple authorities, Peter, “filled with the Holy Spirit,” speaks to them (Acts 4:8). Stephen is “a man full of faith and the Holy Spirit” (6:5), who spoke with “the Spirit’s power” (6:10; also 7:55). The prophet Agabus “through the Holy 179. Acts 1:24–26; 4:24–30; 7:59; 8:22, 24; 10:2, 4, 31; 12:5; 26:29; 27:35; 28:15. 180. Acts 2:47; 3:8; 10:46; 11:18; 16:25; 21:20. 181. Acts 1:16, 20, citing Pss 69:25; 109:8.

66

Introduction

Spirit” predicts a universal drought (11:28) and Paul’s eventual imprisonment (21:11). The Spirit also inspires Paul to speak and to perform miracles (13:9– 11; cf. 20:23). Apollos “was fired by the Holy Spirit when he spoke” (18:25). The Holy Spirit not only prompts people to speak but also directs their movements. Though Acts does not attribute Philip’s preaching directly to the Holy Spirit, his movements recall those of Elijah and Elisha: “The Spirit of the Lord snatched Philip away.”182 The Holy Spirit also guides Peter’s movements in the Cornelius story (10:19–20; 11:12). By presenting a variety of spokesmen for the Christian movement as Spiritfilled prophets, Luke clearly aligns them with God’s cause. Gift of salvation. Since Acts associates the Holy Spirit so closely with God, Luke can symbolize the experience of God’s saving presence as “receiving the Holy Spirit,” which clearly means “to receive God’s Spirit.” In his Pentecost speech, Peter promises believers that they will receive “the Holy Spirit as a gift” (2:38). This reception is possible because of Luke’s distinct understanding of Jesus’s resurrection as an event through which God’s Spirit remained alive in Jesus. Accordingly, the risen Lord is presented as the one who pours out the Spirit at Pentecost (2:32–33). The Spirit is poured out not only upon duly designated representatives like the apostles but also among believers. This democratization of the Spirit receives great emphasis in Acts. Peter and the apostles assert that the Holy Spirit is a possession of “those who obey [God]” (5:32). While salvation can be equated with the reception of the Holy Spirit, in certain cases it appears as a power residing within the apostles that is transferred to converts through the laying on of hands. After the Samaritans respond favorably to the preaching of Philip, the Jerusalem apostles commission Peter and John to bestow the Holy Spirit on the Samaritans who “had only been baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus” (Acts 8:15–17). Simon Magus wants to purchase this Spirit (8:18–24). Similarly, Paul transmits the Holy Spirit to the twelve men who had received only the baptism of John (19:5–7). These episodes show that full-fledged faith in Jesus entails not simply repentance and baptism but also reception of the Holy Spirit, which Luke understands as the distinctive mark of full Christian identity. For this reason, dramatic manifestations of the Holy Spirit, such as wonders and signs or speaking in tongues, punctuate significant transitions in Acts. The most notable instances are Pentecost (2:1–4), the Samaritans’ reception of the gospel (8:9–13), the conversion of Cornelius’s household (10:44–48; 11:15–18), and the twelve disciples of John the Baptist (19:6). Since in Acts the Holy Spirit acts as God’s surrogate and symbolizes the presence of God’s saving power bestowed on all believers, Jews and gentiles 182. Acts 8:39; cf. 1 Kgs 18:12; 2 Kgs 2:16; cf. Ezek 8:3; 11:1, 24.

Narrative Unity of Luke-Acts 67

alike, Jesus’s disciples and the movement they advance are positioned uniquely to enjoy divine favor and protection. The church as the community of the Holy Spirit. Given the above description, the Lukan church can be seen as the community of the Holy Spirit. When the Jerusalem church receives Peter after his miraculous escape from prison, their prayer prompts a dramatic outpouring of the Holy Spirit within their midst (Acts 4:31). So empowered, they “began speaking the word of God with boldness” (4:31). So closely identified is the Holy Spirit with the community of believers that conspiratorial actions, such as those by Ananias and Sapphira, can be called “lying to the Holy Spirit” (Acts 5:3) and “testing the Spirit of the Lord” (5:9). Actions against the church are actions against the Holy Spirit. Stephen can charge that Israel’s historic disobedience is continuous obstruction of the Holy Spirit (7:51). The church’s numerical growth can be attributed directly to the Holy Spirit (9:31). Believers with extraordinary capacities for generosity, such as Barnabas, are “full of the Holy Spirit” (Acts 11:24). The Holy Spirit initiates Barnabas and Saul’s mission to the gentiles (13:2, 4). The resolution that emerges from the Jerusalem Council, the so-called Jerusalem decree, is certified by the Holy Spirit as one of the “cosigners” (15:28). The Holy Spirit, with the unusual designation “the Spirit of Jesus,” guides the Pauline mission (16:7). En route to Jerusalem, Paul is seen as the Spirit’s prisoner (20:22). The Holy Spirit appoints elders as overseers of the church (20:28). The Holy Spirit is a central element in bringing about God’s will within the life of Paul, and by extension, within the church (21:11, 14). Narrative Unity of Luke-Acts Although early canonical lists separate Acts from Luke’s Gospel, and though for centuries Acts served mainly as a bridge between the Gospels and the Pauline Letters, it is really the continued story of Luke’s Gospel. To signal that these two writings constitute a continuous two-volume work, Henry J. Cadbury used the hyphenated expression Luke-Acts.183 Acts is not a sequel conceived by Luke after completing his Gospel but a part of Luke’s original literary vision. It was not an afterthought: Luke anticipates Acts, which presupposes Luke. 183. Cadbury 1958, 11. In 1916 Torrey (10) had already used this hyphenated phrase, but not in Cadbury’s amplified sense. As early as 1900 in his Introduction to the New Testament, B. W. Bacon had used “Luke-Acts” as a heading under which he discussed Luke and Acts. See Bacon 218; and Shauf 1 n. 1. With the title “Luke-Acts,” Cadbury wanted to convey more than the common authorship of Luke and Acts: “They are not merely two independent writings from the same pen; they are a single continuous work. Acts is neither an appendix nor an afterthought. It is probably an integral part of the author’s original plan and purpose” (8–9).

68

Introduction

At the outset, the preface in Acts links it with Luke’s “previous volume” (Acts 1:1–3), which related in detail “what Jesus did and taught.” What Luke says in the Gospel preface (Luke 1:1–4) also applies to Acts. The Lukan preface looks forward to Acts just as the Acts preface looks backward to Luke. Continuity of Themes The above discussion has already identified close connections between Luke and Acts. Many features of Acts mimic aspects of Luke’s Gospel: the Lukan emphasis on the Holy Spirit, prayer, wealth and poverty. Continuity of themes appears in several ways. The “kingdom of God,” which Jesus184 and the Twelve (Luke 9:2) proclaim in the Gospel and which others anticipate,185 is also proclaimed in Acts by the risen Lord (Acts 1:3), Philip (8:12), Paul and Barnabas (14:22), and Paul alone.186 The theme of “divine necessity,” in which Scripture requires Jesus’s suffering, death, and resurrection,187 occupies a central place in the apostolic preaching on display in Acts.188 The universal scope of the gospel, which the Lukan birth and infancy narrative anticipates (Luke 1:79; 2:32), John the Baptist echoes (3:6), and the risen Lord voices (24:47), becomes a central theme in Acts, beginning with Peter’s Pentecost sermon (2:17) and continuing in Peter’s conversion of both Jews and gentiles (Acts 3–11). The Pauline mission replicates the principle (13:47; cf. Isa 49:6), and the Jerusalem Council reaffirms it, especially in James’s speech (Acts 15:16–17, citing Amos 9:11–12). Literary Connections In addition to thematic connections between Luke and Acts are certain literary patterns found in both writings. The parable of the great dinner in Luke 14:15– 24, whose theme is “eat[ing] bread in the kingdom of God,” signals that those initially invited to the great banquet will make excuses and not come, whereupon the invitation will be extended to the disenfranchised and marginalized. While the latter participate in the feast, the former are excluded. Neither Jews nor gentiles are specifically mentioned in the parable, but the subtext is clear: The gospel will be offered first to “those who are near,” and when rejected, to “those who are far away” (anticipated in Luke 2:32, 34; repeated in Acts 2:39). 184. Luke 4:43; 6:20; 7:28; 8:1, 10; 9:11, 27, 60, 62; 10:9, 11; 11:20; 13:18, 20, 28–29; 16:16; 17:20–21; 18:16–17, 24–25, 29; 21:31; 22:16, 18. 185. Luke 14:15; 19:11; 23:51. 186. Acts 19:8; 20:25; 28:23, 31. 187. Luke 9:22; 18:31–33; 24:7, 26, 44–46; also 9:31, 44; 13:33; 17:25. 188. Acts 3:18; 17:3; 26:23; also 8:32–35.

Narrative Unity of Luke-Acts 69

Episodes in Acts confirm this pattern: at Antioch of Pisidia (13:46–48), Corinth (18:6), and Rome (28:23–28). Episodes Omitted in Luke yet Included in Acts Intricate, subtle connections between Luke’s Gospel and Acts are evident in other ways as well. What the other evangelists include in their Gospels, Luke sometimes postpones until Acts. Whereas Matthew includes an account of Judas’s death as part of his passion narrative (Matt 27:3–10), Luke reserves his version of this event until the beginning of Acts (1:16–20). Similarly, the other evangelists state that, at the trial of Jesus, false witnesses report his claim that he would destroy the temple and rebuild it in three days.189 Luke, however, omits this charge from his account of the trial, placing it instead on the lips of the crowds who charge Stephen with blaspheming against the law and the temple (Acts 6:14). Jesus before Herod and Pilate Three notable cases illustrate how Luke anticipates Acts and Acts presupposes Luke. First, Luke includes as part of his account of Jesus’s trial an episode in which Herod and Pilate “become friends” (Luke 23:6–12). This episode is unique to Luke. Within Luke’s passion narrative, it underscores the theme of Jesus’s innocence, a major Lukan emphasis.190 It also sets up the episode in Acts in which the church gathers after the release of Peter and John (Acts 4:23–31). In the church’s prayer Ps 2:1–2 is cited. “Kings of the earth” and “rulers” are said to “form an alliance against the Lord and against his Messiah.” The church’s prayer interprets this psalm by mentioning specifically Herod and Pilate, along with gentiles and the people of Israel, who correspond to the “king” and “ruler” mentioned in the psalm. By including the episode about Herod and Pilate in his account of the trial, Luke anticipates the quotation of Ps 2:1–2 in Acts. Similarly, the full import of the episode in Acts becomes clear only in light of the Herod-Pilate episode in Luke’s Gospel. Luke’s inclusion of the Herod-Pilate episode makes the church’s interpretation of Ps 2:1–2 credible. Jesus as the Isaianic Suffering Servant Another example is Luke’s depiction of Jesus as the Isaianic suffering servant. In Luke’s description of Jesus’s journey to Jerusalem—the Lukan travel 189. Mark 14:56–58; Matt 26:60–61; cf. John 2:19. 190. Luke 23:4, 14–15, 20, 22, 41; 23:47; similarly Acts 3:14.

70

Introduction

narrative—Jesus quotes a snippet of Isaiah 53:12: “I tell you, this scripture must be fulfilled in me, ‘And he was counted among the lawless’; and indeed what is written about me is being fulfilled” (Luke 22:37). This uniquely Lukan attribution of the Isaiah Servant Song to Jesus anticipates the fuller citation of Isaiah 53 in Acts 8, when the Ethiopian eunuch asks Philip for an explanation. There Philip begins with Isaiah 53 and “preaches Jesus” to the eunuch. Here again, Luke anticipates Acts, which presupposes Luke. Jesus’s claim in Luke 22:37 that the Isaiah Servant Song refers to himself gives credibility to Philip’s interpretation of Isa 53 in Acts 8. Luke reports Philip as preaching what Jesus himself proclaimed. The Rejected Stone Finally, in his speech before Jewish leaders in Jerusalem, Peter identifies Jesus as “‘the stone’ that was set aside by you, the builders, the one that became ‘the keystone’” (Acts 4:11). No Scripture citation is given since this OT text (Ps 118:22) had already been introduced in Luke 20:17 (cf. Mark 12:10; Matt 21:42), when Jesus himself provided the definitive interpretation: those who reject “the stone” are the scribes and chief priests. In this instance, Luke retains an OT testimonium that he found in Mark, but rather than introduce and identify it in Acts, he assumes that the reader knows Jesus’s interpretation of the psalm in the Gospel. Once again, since Jesus gives the definitive interpretation in the Gospel, Peter’s application of the psalm to his Jewish opponents is a justifiable appropriation of the text.

COMMENTARY

Acts 1:1–8:3—Part 1 The Beginning of the Church in Jerusalem 1:1–26 From Easter to Pentecost Chapter 1 serves as a transition from the Third Gospel to Acts. The opening verses recall Luke’s “previous volume,” its treatment of Jesus’s words and deeds, and its concluding account of his death and resurrection. These brief words of prologue introduce four discrete sections: (1) the risen Lord’s interactions with the apostles over a forty-day period, during which he instructs them about the imminent arrival of the Holy Spirit and their future role as witnesses (vv. 3–8); (2) Jesus’s ascension (vv. 9–11); (3) the gathering of the apostles, some unnamed women, and Jesus’s family in Jerusalem (vv. 12–14); and (4) the reconstitution of the Twelve through the selection of Matthias to replace Judas (vv. 15–26). One of the overarching themes of this section is continuity between what Luke reported earlier in his Gospel and what will follow in the unfolding narrative. While this opening chapter looks backward, it also looks forward. Rather than seeing Jesus’s death and resurrection as climactic events that represent the culmination of all that has gone before, Luke regards them as events through which the fulfillment of God’s promises can continue. They represent not the end but the beginning of a new phase of God’s activity. In this section the prominence of the Holy Spirit underscores this continuity. Jesus has been the unique bearer of the Holy Spirit from the time of his Nazareth Inaugural (Luke 4:16–30). Through Jesus’s resurrection, the Spirit has remained alive and is now available to be poured out among the Lord’s people. Jesus’s ascension might appear as a break in continuity since it marks his removal from the stage of action. And yet his final reminder offers hope of his eventual return, albeit at an unknown, unpredictable time in the future. Luke’s inclusion of the selection of Matthias to replace Judas is also a distinctive marker of continuity. Readers of Luke’s Gospel know that Judas’s

72

Acts 1:1–8

betrayal represented a serious breach in the apostolic circle. Reconstituting the Twelve enables the fulfillment of Jesus’s earlier promise that the apostles will sit on thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel (Luke 22:28–30). 1:1–8 The Risen Lord Instructs the Apostles and Promises the Holy Spirit Luke begins by recalling his “previous volume,” the Gospel of Luke. The reader is expected to recall the preface to Luke’s Gospel (1:1–4), which describes Luke’s research methods and establishes his literary and theological goals. He expects both volumes to edify the addressee Theophilus and others like him who are interested in a complete, coherent, and reliable account of what Jesus said and did and the course of events that followed his death and resurrection. 1:1 In

my previous volume, Theophilus, I wrote at length about what Jesus did and taughta 2 until the day he was taken up. Earlier that day he had given instructions through the Holy Spirit to the apostles whom he had chosen.b 3 Using many convincing proofs, he also presented himself alive to them after his death.c Over a forty-day periodd he appeared to them and explained matters relating to the kingdom of God. 4 And while they were eating together, he instructed them, “Do not depart from Jerusalem, but wait for the Father’s promise that you heard from me. 5 For whereas John baptized with water, you will be baptized with the Holy Spirit in a few days.”e 6 So then, those who accompanied him began questioning him, saying, “Lord, will you at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?” 7 He said to them, “It is not for you to know the times or seasons the Father has placed within his own jurisdiction;f 8 but you will receive power once the Holy Spirit has fallen upon you, and you will be my witnesses both in Jerusalem and in all Judea and Samaria, and even to faraway places.”g a. Gk. hōn ērxato ho Iēsous poiein te kai didaskein, lit., “things that Jesus began both to do and teach,” or, “all that Jesus did and taught from the beginning” (NRSV). But ērxato is best understood as a superfluous auxiliary verb (“pleonastic” archomai), thus untranslated. BDAG 140 s.v. archō 2.a.β. See Luke 4:21; 9:12. b. In the Greek, vv. 1–2 are a single sentence. Literally, v. 2 can be rendered: “until the day, having given instructions through the Holy Spirit to the apostles whom he had chosen, he was taken up.” The main interpretive question is whether the “day he was taken up” here recalls Luke 24:50–51, which describes Jesus’s ascension on Easter Sunday, or his ascension described in Acts 1:9–11, after the forty-day period of appearances mentioned in v. 3. Since vv. 1–2 appear to be summarizing the contents of his “previous volume,” my translation opts for the former. The Gk. anelēmphthē, lit., “he was taken up,” though conceivably a reference to his crucifixion, probably refers to his ascension (cf. 1:11, 22). See BDAG 66 s.v. analambanō 1.

The Risen Lord Instructs the Apostles and Promises the Holy Spirit 73 c. “After his death” renders meta to pathein, lit., “after the suffering”; or even, “after he suffered death.” The Greek phrase pathein kai anastēnai is a kerygmatic formula meaning “die and rise.” See Michaelis, esp. 913–14; also BDAG 785–86 s.v. paschō 3.a.α. See Luke 24:46; also 24:26; Acts 17:3. d. Lit., “through forty days” (di’ hēmerōn tesserakonta), either “throughout a fortyday period” or “now and again for forty days.” Reporting a “forty-day period” of instruction concluding with Jesus’s ascension creates difficulties. If Jesus ascended on Easter Sunday, did he descend again in order to instruct the apostles and then ascend a second time? Some scribes resolved this problem by omitting the phrase “and was carried up into heaven” in Luke 24:51. It is difficult to believe that Luke was unaware of this seeming inconsistency. Perhaps he revised his view or gained access to a more reliable tradition by the time he composed Acts. See Metzger 1998, 162–63. e. Lit., “not after these many days” (ou meta pollas tautas hēmeras). f. Or, “by his own authority” (NRSV). g. Lit., “until the end of the earth” (heōs eschatou tēs gēs). See Isa 48:20; 49:6; 62:11; Jer 6:22; 1 Macc 3:9; Pss. Sol. 1.4; 8.15; also Herodotus, Hist. 3.25; Strabo, Geog. 1.1.8; 2.31; 4.6; 3.1.8; Diodorus S., Hist. 25.10.1; Pausanias, Descr. Greece 4.29.13. See Ellis 2001, who thinks the phrase refers to Spain and thus implies knowledge of Paul’s plan to preach there (Rom 15:24, 28).

[1:1–5] Luke’s Gospel was also addressed to Theophilus (Luke 1:3), who is mentioned nowhere else in the NT. Rather than a generic addressee, any “lover of God,” Theophilus should be seen as a real person, perhaps Luke’s benefactor who has requested a comprehensive account of Jesus’s life and teachings and the events following his death and resurrection. The references to Jesus’s being “taken up” (v. 2), his instructing the apostles (v. 2), and convincing proofs of his resurrection recall Luke 24. While Luke’s accounts of Jesus’s resurrection and his postresurrection appearances have some similarities with the other Gospel accounts, certain elements are distinctive. He confines all of the events in Luke 24 both chronologically and geographically: They all occur on the same day—Easter Sunday—and are located in Jerusalem and its vicinity. Unlike the other Gospels, Luke reports Jesus’s ascension as the final event of Easter Sunday (Luke 24:51). This is probably the event being referred to in Acts 1:2. Proofs of his aliveness recall the Emmaus story (Luke 24:13–27) and Jesus’s subsequent meetings with his disciples (24:28–43). Also in view are Jesus’s instructions in which he explained that his death and resurrection had fulfilled the promises of Scripture and commissioned the apostles as witnesses to these events (Luke 24:44–49). Instruction about “matters relating to the kingdom of God” (Acts 1:3) recalls this frequently mentioned theme in Luke’s Gospel1 and anticipates its occurrence in Acts.2 That the apostles misunderstand Jesus’s vision of God’s reign 1. Luke 4:43; 6:20; 7:28; 8:1; etc. 2. Acts 8:12; 14:22; 19:8; 20:25; 28:23, 31.

74

Acts 1:9–11

(v. 6) comes as no surprise since Jesus has emphasized its mysterious quality (Luke 8:10). Israel’s early monarchy remained a distant memory, although the Maccabees had successfully created an independent Jewish state and reestablished monarchical rule. With the arrival of the Romans in 63 BCE, however, the Maccabean-Hasmonean kingdom ended, giving way to Roman imperial rule. Numerous protests against Roman rule and occasional outbreaks of violent resistance during the first century CE fueled Jewish hopes for an independent kingdom. These culminated in the First Jewish Revolt in 66 CE, which was suppressed when the Romans captured Jerusalem, destroyed the temple in 70 CE, and finally took Masada four years later. Many episodes in Luke-Acts occur in the context of “eating together” (Acts 1:4; cf. Luke 24:28–35). Jesus’s instructions for them to remain in Jerusalem continue the Lukan emphasis on Jerusalem as the sacred space in which these constitutive events occur. “The Father’s promise” (Acts 1:4) recalls Luke 24:49. The contrast between John’s baptism and the imminent baptism with the Holy Spirit recalls John’s own forecast in Luke 3:15–17. [1:6–8] Although the apostles’ question in verse 6 is set within the early part of the first century, given earlier Jewish history, it has an authentic ring. Having conquered death, can the risen Lord now establish a new era of Jewish rule comparable to the Hasmonean dynasty or the earlier Davidic-Solomonic dynasty? Instead of feeding these political hopes, however, the risen Lord redirects the apostles’ attention toward an alternative vision of the future, in which the Holy Spirit is the defining presence. In Luke’s Gospel, Jesus lays claim to the Holy Spirit at his Nazareth Inaugural (4:16–30). In doing so, he reaffirms his reception of the Spirit at his baptism (3:21–22), the Spirit’s assistance during the temptation (4:1–13), and the Spirit’s empowerment during his Galilean ministry (4:14–15). As the unique bearer of the Spirit during his ministry, Jesus operates as God’s Messiah (9:20; 23:35; cf. 2:26). Jesus’s resurrection means not only his transition from death to new life but also proof of the Spirit’s continuing presence and power.3 One of Luke’s distinctive emphases is that the risen Lord dispenses the Spirit (Acts 2:33). The risen Lord now promises that within a few days others would experience the Spirit’s empowering presence (v. 5). “Baptism with the Holy Spirit” is a metaphorical way of saying that the apostles would experience an outpouring of God’s own Spirit. So overwhelming will be this bath of divine energy that its recipients will be compelled to bear witness to its ultimate source—Jesus’s resurrection—from one end of the Mediterranean to the other. 1:9–11 Jesus’s Ascension Following the forty-day period in which Jesus instructs the eleven apostles is Luke’s account of Jesus’s ascension into heaven. The longest narrative account 3. Cf. Rom 1:4; 8:11.

Jesus’s Ascension 75

of this event in the NT, it constitutes a distinctively Lukan element of NT Christology. And when he had finished speaking, they watched as he was taken up; and a cloud hid him from their sight.a 10 And as they were gazing at him going into heaven,b all of a suddenc two men clothed in white stood beside them. 11 And they said, “Men of Galilee, why are you standing here looking up into heaven? This Jesus, who was taken up from you into heaven, will come in the same manner as you observed him going into heaven.” 1:9

a. A variation of “and [he was] hidden from their view by a cloud” (Rieu); lit., “and a cloud took him up from their sight” (kai nephelē hypelaben auton apo tōn ophthalmōn autōn). b. Lit., “and as they were gazing into heaven while he was going” (kai hōs atenizontes ēsan eis ton ouranon poreuomenou autou). c. Lit., “and behold” (kai idou).

[1:9–11] In the Third Gospel, Luke begins his travel narrative by noting the impending arrival of a time when Jesus would be “taken up” (Luke 9:51). While this language is ambiguous enough to include Jesus’s resurrection, it anticipates this uniquely Lukan description of Jesus’s ascension. Luke’s language should be distinguished from Johannine references to Jesus’s being “lifted up,” which, though allusive, have a dual reference to his crucifixion and resurrection or glorification (John 3:14; 8:28; 12:32–34). John, however, operates with a distinctive sense of Jesus’s ascension (3:13; 6:62; 20:17). Other NT writers mention Jesus’s ascension (Eph 4:8–10; 1 Tim 3:16; cf. Mark 16:19; Rev. 1:5), but Luke alone provides a narrative account of the event. The scene is faintly reminiscent of the OT account of Elijah’s ascension (2 Kgs 2:11). Cloud imagery typically occurs in ancient accounts of notable figures departing from this world. According to Josephus, Moses, while talking with Eleazar and Joshua, was engulfed in a cloud and disappeared in a ravine (Ant. 4.326). The Roman historian Livy reports that Romulus, while reviewing his troops, was enveloped by a cloud during a thunderstorm and never seen again.4 Similar imagery is used in apocalyptic descriptions of Enoch’s ascent into heaven, where he encounters the heavenly Son of Man and experiences dazzling visions.5 The Roman biographer Suetonius reports that after the death of Augustus, a senior Roman senator swore that he had seen the emperor’s spirit ascend from the funeral pyre into heaven.6 In the Johannine Apocalypse, the two witnesses ascend to heaven in a cloud (Rev 11:12). Paul envisions Chris4. Livy, Hist. 1.16.1; cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Rom. Ant. 2.56.2. 5. See 1 En. 70.2; 71.1; cf. 39.3. 6. Suetonius, Aug. 100.4.

76

Acts 1:12–14

tians who are alive at the parousia being “caught up in the clouds” to meet the Lord (1 Thess 4:17). Definitive interpretation of the event is provided by “two men clothed in white” (Acts 1:10), probably the same pair of witnesses “in dazzling clothes” who interpreted the empty tomb to the women on Easter morning (Luke 24:4). In the Emmaus episode the women are said to have “seen a vision of angels who said that he was alive” (24:23). Identifying the apostles as “men of Galilee” (Acts 1:11) conforms to Luke’s geographical location of their call.7 What Luke actually envisions by Jesus’s future “coming in a cloud” is not altogether clear. It is usually taken as a reference to his parousia (Gk. parousia), which is expected to occur at the end of time, but this term is never used in LukeActs. Another possibility is that Luke envisions Jesus’s return not at the end of time but at Pentecost, when a sudden cosmic interruption “from heaven” (Acts 2:2) triggers the outpouring of the Holy Spirit. As Peter asserts in his Pentecost sermon, the risen Lord has “poured out what you now see and hear” (2:33). In any event, Jesus’s role as eschatological deliverer receives scant attention in Luke-Acts (cf. 3:20–21). 1:12–14 The Apostles, Some Women, and Jesus’s Family Gather in Jerusalem Following Jesus’s ascension, the eleven apostles and a band of his faithful followers, including his mother (Mary), some unnamed women, and other members of his family gather in Jerusalem. This inner circle of followers constitutes the nucleus of the original community of believers. Then they returned to Jerusalem from the hill called “The Olive Grove,” which is near Jerusalem—a Sabbath day’s journey away. 13 And when they entered the city, they climbed to an upstairs room, where they waited. Present were Peter, John, James, and Andrew; also Philip and Thomas, Bartholomew and Matthew, James (son of Alphaeus) and Simon the Zealot and Judas (son of James). 14 All of them were engaged single-mindedly in prayer with the women and with Mary the mother of Jesus and his brothers. 1:12

[1:12–14] In keeping with his decision to locate the cluster of events relating to Jesus’s crucifixion, resurrection, and ascension in the vicinity of Jerusalem, Luke notes the proximity to Jerusalem of “the hill called ‘The Olive Grove,’” the site of Jesus’s ascension. “A Sabbath day’s journey” is the distance an observant Jew could travel on the Sabbath without violating 7. Luke 5:1–11, 27–28; 6:12–16; 22:59; 23:5; cf. 24:6.

The Apostles, Some Women, and Jesus’s Family Gather in Jerusalem 77

Exod 16:29. It is generally reckoned to be 2,000 cubits or roughly two-thirds of a mile.8 The nucleus of Jesus’s followers comprises three groups: the apostles (excluding Judas), some unnamed women, and members of Jesus’s family, including Mary his mother and his brothers. This gathering is the first of three events in Acts that occur in an “upstairs room” (hyperōon; see 9:37, 39; 20:8). Luke’s two lists of Jesus’s apostles are worth comparing: Luke 6:14–16 Simon Peter Andrew, Simon’s brother James John Philip Bartholomew Matthew Thomas James son of Alphaeus Simon the Zealot Judas son of James Judas Iscariot, who became a traitor

Acts 1:13 Peter John James Andrew Philip Thomas Bartholomew Matthew James, son of Alphaeus Simon the Zealot Judas son of James

Worth recalling here is the role of the apostles in the Gospel of Luke. Like the other Synoptic evangelists, Luke reports Jesus’s choosing twelve apostles (Luke 6:12–16; cf. Mark 3:13–19a; Matt 10:1–4). The Twelve accompany him during his Galilean ministry (Luke 8:1). After empowering the Twelve to exorcise demons and cure diseases, Jesus commissions them to the twofold task of preaching the kingdom of God and healing the sick (Luke 9:1–2; cf. Mark 6:6b–13; Matt 10:1, 5–14).9 En route to Jerusalem, Jesus instructs the Twelve about his forthcoming death and resurrection (Luke 18:31–34; cf. Mark 10:32–34; Matt 20:17–19). In the passion narrative, Judas is identified as “one 8. The “Sabbath limit” is discussed in several tractates of the Mishnah, e.g., m. ʿErub. 4:3; 5:7; m. Soṭ. 5:3. See Danby 793 n. 8. 9. Although the NT does not use the terms “exorcist” (Acts 19:13), “exorcise” (Matt 26:63), and “exorcism” with specific reference to Jesus and his followers whose healing miracles include casting out demons or evil spirits, this terminology is nevertheless appropriate as sociological description, especially given its widespread acceptance within NT scholarship. See Figge, Kollmann, Streib, Mitchell, and Grünschloß; Twelftree 1993, esp. 13–21; Twelftree 2007; Witmer, esp. 26–27.

78

Acts 1:12–14

of the Twelve” (Luke 22:3; cf. Mark 14:10; Matt 26:14). At the Last Supper, Jesus takes his place at the table with the apostles (Luke 22:14; “the Twelve” in Mark 14:17 and Matt 26:20). He assures the apostles of their future participation in the messianic banquet and their role as judges of the “twelve tribes of Israel” (Luke 22:28–30; cf. Matt 19:28). He is betrayed by Judas, “one of the Twelve” (Luke 22:47; cf. Mark 14:43; Matt 26:47). Once Judas has betrayed Jesus, Luke reports the women telling “the eleven . . . and all the rest” about the empty tomb (Luke 24:9). After the resurrection, the two people who encounter Jesus en route to Emmaus return to Jerusalem and find “the eleven and their companions gathered together” (Luke 24:33). The eleven are also singled out as a group in the other Gospels (Matt 28:16; cf. Mark 16:14). Listing the apostles in Acts 1:13 anticipates how they will be featured in the unfolding narrative. Heading the list is Peter, last mentioned by this name at the empty tomb on Easter morning (Luke 24:12), who will preside over the next episode, the replacement of Judas, give the inaugural sermon on Pentecost, and emerge as the leading apostolic figure in Acts 2–12.10 Next comes John, who is paired with Peter in a few episodes (3:1, 3–4; 4:13, 19; 8:14) but then disappears from the narrative. He is identified, however, as the brother of the third mentioned apostle, James, whose death is recorded in 12:2. These three—Peter, James, and John—are also grouped together in Luke 5:1–11; 9:28–36. Andrew is listed fourth since he is Simon Peter’s brother (Luke 6:14) but appears nowhere else in Luke-Acts. Why Luke pairs Philip with Thomas and Bartholomew with Matthew is not known. The conspicuous omission of Judas confirms his elimination from the apostolic circle and anticipates the following episode. The unnamed women are probably the “many other women” besides Mary Magdalene, Joanna, and Susanna, who provided for Jesus and the Twelve during his Galilean ministry (Luke 8:1–3) and became witnesses of his crucifixion and resurrection (Luke 23:49, 55; 24:10). Mary the mother of Jesus featured prominently in the Lukan birth and infancy narrative (Luke 1–2). Luke treats Jesus’s family more favorably than the other Synoptic evangelists.11 His family is now among the inner circle of Jesus’s disciples who will form the charter membership of the messianic community. Though not mentioned here by name, James, the brother of Jesus, later emerges as the leader of the Jerusalem church (Acts 12:17; 15:13; 21:18).12 The group’s solidarity is expressed by their single-minded devotion to prayer. Just as Jesus was in solitary prayer 10. Peter is also called “Simon” in Luke 4:38; 5:3–10; 6:14; 22:31; 24:34; Acts 10:5, 18, 32; 11:13. 11. Luke 8:19–21; cf. Mark 3:31–35; Matt 12:46–50; also Mark 3:19b–21. 12. Luke nowhere identifies James as the brother of Jesus. This identification is made in Mark 6:3 and Matt 13:55 and by Paul in Gal 1:19 (also see 1 Cor 15:7). James is presumably included among Jesus’s “brothers” mentioned in Acts 1:14.

Reconstituting the Twelve 79

after his baptism and before the Holy Spirit descended on him “in bodily form like a dove” (Luke 3:21–22), so do his followers pray earnestly prior to their reception of the Holy Spirit. 1:15–26 Reconstituting the Twelve: The Death of Judas and the Selection of Matthias The report of Judas’s death and the choice of Matthias as his successor occupies a prominent literary position within the opening chapter. It is one of the few passages in Acts for which there is a Synoptic parallel (Matt 27:3–10). While the Lukan and Matthean accounts of Judas’s death share certain features, they provide two distinct interpretations of the significance of his betrayal. This is one of several passages in Acts in which quotations from the Psalter play a central role; it is the only passage in Acts, however, in which the Psalms quotations do not relate directly to Christ. Here we find technical language (Acts 1:16, 20) that reveals Luke’s understanding of Scripture: hē graphē as a technical designation for Scripture (v. 16); formulaic language (edei plērōthēnai) of prophecy/promise fulfillment as a “divine necessity” (v. 16); and the introductory quotation formula (gegraptai gar en biblō psalmōn, v. 20). Since this episode contains direct discourse as a major element, it should be read as one of the speech passages in Acts. As one of the few places in Acts that contains an Aramaic word and its translation (Hakeldamach, tout’ estin chōrion haimatos, v. 19),13 this passage surfaces the perennial problem of identifying possible underlying Aramaic traditions and the related question of how the LXX quotation relates to other non-Greek Jewish oral and literary traditions. Luke’s description of Judas’s death and the choice of his successor illustrates how Septuagintal language and tradition inform his narrative construction. The centerpiece around which the episode is constructed is the double citation from “the book of Psalms” (Acts 1:20). This episode features two speeches: (1) Peter’s remarks (vv. 16–22)14 and (2) the community’s prayer (vv. 24–25). As part of Peter’s speech, the two Psalms quotations influence the larger literary structure. The first quotation, which speaks of “his farm” (epaulis) becoming “deserted” (erēmos) and thus uninhabitable, is retrospective. The preceding description of Judas’s purchase of a field and his horrific death sets up the first Psalms quotation. By contrast, the second quotation, which envisions the appointment of a successor, is prospective. It anticipates Peter’s remarks about finding a suitable successor to Judas (vv. 21–22) as 13. Cf. Barnabas as a “son of encouragement” (huios paraklēseōs, Acts 4:36). 14. One interpretive question is whether 1:18–19 should be included in Peter’s remarks (see Pervo 2009a, 48) or read as a parenthetical explanation by the narrator (BegC 4:12; Conzelmann 1987, 10; NRSV).

80

Excursus 1

well as the process through which Matthias emerges as Judas’s apostolic replacement (vv. 23–26). Both Psalms citations reflect Luke’s use of the LXX. It remains an open question whether he is using a firmly established LXX text that he modifies for his own purposes or a more fluid textual tradition that requires little redaction to make the texts apply to Judas. In either case, the differences between the LXX and the Lukan citations are clear. Excursus 1: Luke’s Use of Pss 68:26 LXX and 108:8 LXX Some of the major differences are worth noting: Ps 68:26a LXX (69:25a ET) genēthētō hē epaulis autōn ērēmōmenē (“May their camp be a desolation,” NRSV) becomes genēthētō hē epaulis autou erēmos (“Let his farm become deserted”) in Acts 1:20a. A few witnesses (81. 326. 2495 pc d* t vgcl.ww syhmg) read autōn, thereby conforming the Lukan text to the LXX. Then Ps 68:26b LXX’s kai en tois skēnōmasin autōn mē estō ho katoikōn (“let no one live in their tents,” 69:25b NRSV) becomes kai mē estō ho katoikōn en autē (“let there be no one who lives in it”) in Acts 1:20b. The shift from plural to singular possessive pronouns enables the reader to think of a single referent, Judas. “Farm” or “homestead” (hē epaulis) suggests property ownership and is ambiguous enough to imply property acquired through purchase rather than inheritance. In spite of the grammatical change from “be deserted” (LXX ērēmōmenē) to “desert” (erēmos) in Acts 1:20a, the core idea of “desert” or “desolation” remains. The newly altered form also rhymes with heteros (“another) in the second citation (v. 20c; from Ps 108:8b LXX [109:8b ET]), thereby connecting the two citations more tightly. Changes in the second half of the Ps 68:26 LXX quote move in the same direction. Dropping en tois skēnōmasin autōn (“in their tents,” 69:25 NRSV) eliminates yet another plural possessive pronoun. Adding en autē (“in it”) in the second line makes hē epaulis (“the farm”) from the previous line the necessary referent. So altered, the second line reinforces the connection with Judas’s death: “Let there be no one who lives in it.” This wording reinforces the extent of desolation. The double imperative gives each line added force. In its altered form, Ps 68:26 LXX now contains two intertwined prophecies, both requiring fulfillment. The second Psalms citation requires less modification to make it fit Judas. Thus Ps 108:8b LXX’s tēn episkopēn autou laboi heteros (“may another seize his position,” 109:8b NRSV) becomes tēn episkopēn autou labetō heteros (“Let another take his position”) in Acts 1:20c. Some form of office involving oversight is suggested by tēn episkopēn autou (“his position”). A successor to such an office is clearly envisioned by heteros (“another”). Changing from the optative laboi (“may he take”) to the imperative labetō (“let him take”) creates yet another prophecy requiring fulfillment as well as a tighter grammatical connection with the previous citation. 1:15 And during this timea Peter stood in the presence of the brothers (there

was a crowd of about one hundred twenty people in that place) and said,

16 “Fellow brothers,b it was necessary that Scripture be fulfilled—the one,

Reconstituting the Twelve 81

that is, the Holy Spirit spoke earlier through the mouth of David about Judas who led the way for those who arrested Jesus. 17 Judas was able to do this because he was numbered among us and shared in our ministry.” 18 (Now this man thus purchased a field, using money he received for his treachery.c He became prostrate,d his body burst open, and all his intestines gushed out. 19 Since everyone living in Jerusalem heard about this, that field was called Hakeldama—a word meaning “field of blood” in the local dialect.) 20 “For it is written in the book of Psalms: Let his farm become deserted, and let there be no one who lives in it, and Let another take his position. 21 Thus it is necessary that one of these men, who accompanied us the entire time that the Lord Jesus came and went among us, 22 beginning from the baptism of John until the day he was taken up from us, become a witness to his resurrection with us.”e 23 And they nominated two people: Joseph (the one called Barsabbas, who is nicknamed Justus) and Matthias. 24 And they said this prayer: “Lord, you know the heart of everyone; show us which of these two you have selected 25 to receive this ministerial and apostolic positionf from which Judas turned away to go to his own place.” 26 And they gave lots to them.g The lot fell upon Matthias, and he was added to the eleven apostles. a. Lit., “in these days” (en tais hēmerais tautais). b. Lit., “men, brothers” (andres adelphoi). c. Lit., “he bought a field with the reward of unrighteousness” (houtos men oun ektēsato chōrion ek misthou tēs adikias). d. Lit., “having become prostrate” (prēnēs genomenos), possibly “and falling headlong” (NRSV), or “he fell flat on his face” (Barrett 1994–98, 1:91). BDAG 863 s.v. prēnēs. e. For the apostles’ role as witnesses to Jesus’s resurrection, see Acts 10:41; 13:31. f. Lit., “to receive the place of this ministry and apostleship” (labein ton topon tēs diakonias tautēs kai apostolēs). g. Gk. kai edōkan klērous autois, or, “and they cast lots for them” (NRSV). My translation follows BDAG 548 s.v. klēros 1.

[1:15] This episode is linked chronologically with what has been reported previously. It occurs “during this time” (lit., “in these days”). Giving the number of those gathered as “about one hundred twenty people” expands Peter’s audience to include others besides those mentioned in 1:13–14. This is possibly the same group envisioned as being “all together in the same place” at Pentecost

82

Acts 1:15–26

(2:1). “Brothers” (adelphoi) is used frequently in Acts to designate members of the Jesus movement.15 [1:16–22] The first part of this subsection consists of Peter’s speech (vv. 16–22). With this speech, Luke highlights Peter’s role as an authoritative interpreter of Scripture, thereby imitating the risen Lord in Luke 24. By portraying Peter in this role, Luke salvages his reputation. No longer will he be remembered simply as the one who denied Jesus (Luke 22:54–62) but now as the rehabilitated apostle who assumes the mantle of Scripture interpreter and continues the role Jesus played in Luke’s Gospel, beginning with the Nazareth Inaugural (Luke 4:16–30). The speech begins by mentioning Judas and insisting that his actions must be understood in light of scriptural expectations. The remarks in Acts 1:18–19 should be read as Luke’s parenthetical remarks rather than as part of Peter’s speech (so NRSV). The speech features two quotations from “the book of Psalms” (v. 20): Pss 69:25 and 109:8. After citing these passages, Peter concludes that there is scriptural warrant for replacing Judas (Acts 1:21). He then gives the two qualifications for an apostolic replacement (vv. 21–22). The explicit language relating to prophecy/promise fulfillment used in 1:16 raises a question: In what sense is the application of these two Psalms citations to the death of Judas and choice of Matthias as his successor a “divine necessity”? As a prayer of deliverance, Ps 68 LXX targets enemies from whom the psalmist wishes to be set free (68:19 [69:18 ET]). Noting their insults (68:20–22 [69:19–21]), the psalmist asks that divine vengeance will be brought against them (68:23–24 [69:22–23]). In this context, the psalmist prays, “Let their steading become desolated, and let there be no one who lives in their coverts” (68:26 NETS [cf. 69:25 ET]).16 By what referential logic does Luke move from the psalmist’s vindictive prayer against his enemies to Judas? Possibly Luke understands Psalm 68 LXX as an expression of Jesus’s own distress and Judas as his archenemy, who was ultimately responsible for the “shame and dishonor” Jesus experienced. Psalm 68:22 LXX, “And they gave gall as my food, and for my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink” (NETS [cf. 69:21 ET]), was already embedded deeply in the tradition relating to Jesus’s death (cf. Mark 15:23; Matt 27:34; Luke 23:36). It might have been natural to extend the psalm’s application to other events related to Jesus’s passion. If Jesus’s enemies had given him “vinegar to drink” 15. See Acts 1:15; 9:30; 10:23; 11:1, 12, 29; 12:17; 14:2; 15:1, 3, 22–23, 32–33, 36, 40; 16:2, 40; 17:6, 10, 14; 18:18, 27; 21:7, 17; 22:5; 28:14–15. These references exclude the uses of the vocative in which the persons addressed are clearly disciples (cf. 15:7, 13; etc.). Although I have retained the translation “brothers,” the term should be understood inclusively since female disciples figure prominently in the narrative. 16. This translation is from NETS.

Reconstituting the Twelve 83

to quench his thirst (Ps 68:22 LXX [69:21]), it would have been relatively easy to apply the imprecations of Ps 68:23–29 LXX (69:22–28 ET) to Judas, the betrayer. Knowing that he had died, one could have imagined his being “blotted out of the book of the living” (68:29 [69:28]) and his “camp” becoming so desolate that no one would live in it (68:26 [69:25]). Here, then, we have a psalm that had already been used by Luke’s predecessors in shaping the passion narrative. Rather than creating this christological allusion, Luke has inherited it from the earlier Jesus tradition. His hermeneutical innovation was in extending its application beyond the crucifixion itself to include the actions and fate of Judas, whose death fits the pattern of divine vengeance expressed in Psalm 68 LXX. By aligning himself against Jesus, Judas has made himself an enemy of God, thereby inviting God’s wrath and indignation. In this sense, Judas’s death was a “divine necessity.” The second Psalms citation (108:8 LXX [109:8 ET]) in Acts 1:20b is also taken from a prayer of deliverance from accusers and enemies. As before, it could easily be understood as expressing Jesus’s own sentiments. Surrounded by “wicked and deceitful mouths” (Ps 109:2 NRSV) and those speaking “against me with a deceitful tongue” (108:2 NETS), the psalmist feels attacked without cause. Even though he has loved his enemies, they have accused him even as he prays for them (108:4–5 LXX [109:4–5])—a motif particularly resonant with Luke’s portrait of Jesus’s death (Luke 23:34, assuming its textual authenticity). In this context, “Let his days become few, and may another seize his position” (Ps 108:8 NETS [109:8]) are the taunts brought against the righteous man by his accusers. Interpreted christologically, the psalm refers to Jesus as the one whose days are numbered and whose position would be taken from him. How, then, does Ps 108:8b LXX (109:8b ET) become a warrant for finding Judas’s successor? Perhaps through ironical application: The one responsible for Jesus’s being brought to trial by false accusation and for “seizing his position” actually has his own position seized by another. The logic through which Luke applies Ps 108:8 LXX to the replacement of Judas seems more forced than his use of Ps 68:26 LXX. Since his application of Ps 108:8 LXX is arbitrary, Luke is here accommodating the OT text for his own interpretive purpose. Septuagintal language and tradition have also shaped the Judas episode in other ways.17 Numerous words and phrases have a distinctive Septuagintal ring: the introductory phrase “during this time,” literally, “in these days” (en 17. In W. Clarke’s analysis of Lukan use of LXX terminology in Acts, the following words or phrases from the Judas episode are included as “characteristic (i.e., at least five occurrences in Acts) words and phrases in Acts.” Items followed by an asterisk are “specially characteristic of the LXX” (i.e., they occur at least 25x in LXX). They include andres adelphoi (v. 16); analambanein* (v. 22); anastas* (v. 15); gnōstos (v. 19); Ierousalēm* (v. 19); kaloumenos with a proper name (v. 23); dia stomatos (v. 16). See W. Clarke 70–71. Luke’s extensive use of “Septuagintalisms” here typifies his use elsewhere, especially in the missionary speeches. See Plümacher 1972, 38–72.

84

Acts 1:15–26

1:15);18

tais hēmerais tautais, Acts Peter’s rising (to speak) “in the presence of the brothers” (en mesō tōn adelphōn, v. 15);19 “a crowd . . . of people,” literally, “a crowd .  .  . of names” (ochlos onomatōn, v. 15) recalls LXX metonymic use of “name” (onoma) to mean “person”;20 “fellow brothers,” literally, “men, brothers” (andres adelphoi, v. 16) is used in 4 Macc 8:19;21 “[the one who] led the way” or “guide” (hodēgos, v. 16) occurs five times in the LXX but is also used in classical sources;22 “became prostrate” (prēnēs genomenos, v. 18) has classical parallels but may echo LXX language;23 “all his intestines gushed out” (exechythē panta ta splanchna autou, v. 18) is reminiscent of language used to describe Amasa’s death at the hand of Joab: “his entrails poured out on the ground” (2 Sam 20:10 NRSV; LXX: exechythē hē koilia autou eis tēn gēn);24 God as the one who “knows the heart of everyone” (kardiognōsta pantōn, Acts 1:24) reflects OT sentiments;25 the phrase “from which Judas turned away to go to his own place” (aph’ hēs parebē Ioudas poreuthēnai eis ton topon ton idion, v. 25) echoes language used of Israel’s “turning away” from YHWH in the golden calf incident: “You had been quick to turn from the way that the Lord had commanded you” (Deut 9:16 NRSV; LXX: parebēte apo tēs hodou, hēs eneteilato hymin kyrios);26 finally, “and they gave lots to them” (kai edōkan klērous autois, Acts 1:26) also recalls LXX language.27 Luke’s use of Septuagintal tradition can also be seen at another level besides direct biblical citations and his use of certain terms and phrases. Luke’s portrait of Judas’s death is constructed around a well-known literary motif: the death 18. See Zech 8:15; Jdt 14:8; cf. the more frequently used introductory phrase “in those days” (en tais hēmerais ekeinais), e.g., Gen 6:4; Judg 17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 2 Kgs 10:32; 15:37; passim. 19. See 1 Sam 16:13; also Num 27:4, 7; Josh 17:4, 6; 2 Kgs 23:9; 1 Chr 9:38; Jer 48:8 LXX (41:8 ET); Sir 10:20. 20. See Num 1:18, 20, 22; 26:53, 55. For these and relevant nonbiblical parallels, see BDAG 714 s.v. onoma 2; Barrett 1994–98, 1:96; Pervo 2009a, 51 n. 20. 21. Since this is the only LXX occurrence, it is not typical Septuagintal style as are the other examples. The phrase occurs 14x in Acts: 1:16; 2:29, 37; 7:2, 26; 13:15, 26, 38; 15:7, 13; 22:1; 23:1, 6; 28:17. It also occurs several times in 1 Clement and in the apocryphal Acts literature. See Pervo 2009a, 51 n. 21. 22. Ezra 8:1; 1 Macc 4:2; 2 Macc 5:15; Wis 7:15; 18:3. See BDAG 690 s.v. hodēgos. 23. See esp. Wis 4:19; also 3 Macc 5:50; 6:23. W. Clarke (73), includes prēnēs in the list of Lukan vocabulary “akin to that of the Apocryphal books.” W. Clarke (77) notes the probability that Luke’s use of prēnēs in Acts 1:18 was suggested by Wis 4:19. 24. See 2 Sam 20:10; similarly Catullus’s death in Josephus, J.W. 7.453. BDAG 312 s.v. ekcheō 1.b; Barrett 1994–98, 1:198. W. Clarke (79), also notes similarities with the death of Nadad in the Story of Ahiqar 8.38 Arabic (APOT 2:776; cf. OTP 2:498). 25. See Deut 8:2; 1 Sam 16:7; 1 Kgs 8:39; 1 Chr 28:9; Jer 11:20; 17:10; Ps 44:21; Fitzmyer 227. 26. Similarly, Deut 17:20. 27. See Josh 18:10; 1 Chr 24:31; 25:8; 26:13, 14; Neh 10:34; 11:1; passim.

Reconstituting the Twelve 85

of an opponent of God.28 Maccabean history alone provided Luke with several classic cases of arrogant men who acted in opposition to God and as a result were brought low or died. These examples include the following:29 the Seleucid official Heliodorus, who threatened to raid the temple treasury (2 Macc 3:1–40); Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who threatened to make Jerusalem “a cemetery of Jews” (2 Macc 9:1–29); Nicanor, who was appointed governor of Judea by Demetrius I, established an alliance with Judas Maccabeus but later turned against him, and was defeated by the latter (2 Macc 14:1–15:37).30 As noticed above, Judas’s manner of dying recalls Joab’s slaying of Amasa. Although Antiochus IV Epiphanes’s intestines were not poured out, he did experience unrelieved “pain in his bowels” (elaben auton anēkestos tōn splanchnōn algēdōn, 2 Macc 9:5), an appropriate punishment since “he had tortured the bowels of others with many and strange inflictions” (ton pollais kai xenizousais symphorais heterōn splanchna basanisanta, 9:6).31 The fate of other villainous figures may have informed Luke’s portrait of Judas. Whether Acts 1:18–19 should be read as the narrator’s parenthetical explanation or as part of Peter’s speech is inconsequential. Either way, they represent the Lukan perspective. While the Lukan version of Judas’s death shares some features with the Matthean account (27:3–10),32 it has some distinctive features. In Acts the property is chōrion (3x in 1:18–19); in Matthew it is agros (27:7–8, 10). Luke’s chōrion haimatos (Acts 1:19) contrasts with Matthew’s agros haimatos (27:8). Why Luke identified the field by its Aramaic name Hakeldamach (Acts 1:19) remains puzzling. Since the Aramaic term represents a distinctively Lukan feature, Max Wilcox (449) suggests a possible underlying Aramaic tradition in which there was a wordplay between klēron (“lot”) = hlq and chōrion or agros (“field”) = hql. A piece of haggadic tradition might have circulated “to show that Judas forfeited his hlq (klēros) for a mere hql (chōrion/agros), and for a hql dmʾ (hakeldamach—chōrion haimatos) at that.” Another possibility is that Luke mentions Hakeldamach to signal a connection with the biblical story of Ahab’s seizure of Naboth’s vineyard, in which 28. Conzelmann 1987, 11. 29. On Luke’s probable knowledge of 2 Maccabees, see W. Clarke 73–75, who notes in particular the close affinities between the description of the death of Herod in Acts 12 and the description of the death of a persecutor in 2 Macc 9. 30. For treatment of the overall theme, see Allen. 31. See 2 Macc 9:5–6. 32. A core element in both accounts is the “field of blood” reference: Acts 1:19b, “That field was called Hakeldama—a word meaning ‘field of blood’ in the local dialect” (hōste klēthēnai to chōrion ekeino tē idia dialektō autōn Hakeldamach, tout’ estin chōrion haimatos). Cf. Matt 27:8, “For this reason that field has been called the Field of Blood to this day” (dio eklēthē ho agros ekeinos agros haimatos heōs tēs sēmeron).

86

Acts 1:15–26

blood is a prominent motif (1 Kgs 21–22 = 3 Kgdms 20–22 LXX).33 Blood vengeance is a central feature of the story: since Ahab shed the blood of Naboth, Ahab’s own blood was shed (3 Kgdms 20:19; 22:35, 38). Elijah’s reprimand of Ahab is full of retributive language. Because Ahab murdered Naboth and took possession of his vineyard (hōs sy ephoneusas kai eklēronomēsas, 3 Kgdms 20:19 [1 Kgs 21:19]), the Lord brought disaster upon him (v. 21). His house (oikos) became like that of Jeroboam and Baasha (3  Kgdms 20:22 [1  Kgs 21:22]). As the earlier narrative reports, Jeroboam’s house would be annihilated (3 Kgdms 13:34 [1 Kgs 13:34]; 3 Kgdms 15:29 [1 Kgs 15:29–30]). The memorable account of Ahab’s bloody death—replete with the emphatic mention of his blood being licked up by sows and dogs and being used by prostitutes to bathe themselves (3 Kgdms 22:34–38 [1 Kgs 22:34–38])—vividly depicts the consequences of opposing God. Those who shed innocent blood can expect their own blood to be shed and their legacies to be defiled. By naming the field Judas purchased “Hakeldama,” and translating it “field of blood” for readers unfamiliar with Aramaic, Luke aligns Judas with Ahab. As the “guide for those who arrested Jesus” (Acts 1:16 NRSV), Judas shared the guilt of those who shed innocent blood (cf. Luke 23:47). It was only fitting that his literary epitaph should be written in blood. Yet another antihero who may be informing the Lukan Judas is Balaam.34 A field purchased with “the reward of iniquity” (houtos men oun ektēsato chōrion ek misthou tēs adikias, v. 18) is striking. The phrase is used with explicit reference to Balaam in the polemical description of false prophets in 2 Pet 2:13–15. Heretical teachers, who receive the pejorative epithet “these people,”35 are said to “suffer the penalty for doing wrong” (adikoumenoi misthon adikias, v. 13). Having “left the straight road” and “gone astray,” they have followed “the road of Balaam, son of Bosor, who loved the wages of doing wrong” (exakolouthēsantes tē hodō tou Balaam tou Bosor, hos misthon adikias ēgapēsen, v. 15).36 While the biblical traditions about Balaam are varied and complex,37 certain recurrent features suggest a profile to which Judas could eas33. I am indebted to Rabbi Zev Farber, a student in one of my Emory graduate seminars, for pointing out this possible intertextual connection between Judas and Naboth. Farber also noticed the linguistic resonance between the language of Acts 1:19 and 2 Kgs 9:25–26 in Targum PseudoJonathan: “And [Jehu] said to Bidkar his officer: ‘Take, cast [Jehoram] in the property of the field of Naboth [hql nbwt] the Jezreelite. . . . If there be not revealed the blood of Naboth [dmy nbwt] and the blood of his sons [dmy bnwhy] before me soon.” See Harrington and Saldarini 282. 34. Thus ʾAbot de Rabbi Nathan 36.6.1 (Neusner) links Balaam with Ahab as part of a group “who have no share in the world to come.” 35. Lit., “these [men]” (houtoi, 2 Pet 2:12). On its use as a pejorative term for false teachers, see Neyrey 209. 36. Similar language is used in Jude 11, the “parallel” to 2 Pet 2:15: “[they] abandon themselves to Balaam’s error for the sake of gain” (tē planē tou Balaam misthou exechythēsan). 37. See Hackett.

Reconstituting the Twelve 87

ily conform: a prophet initially aligned with God’s purpose, but then diverted from that goal for monetary gain, who receives his just reward by being slain for having led Israel astray (Num 23–24; 31:8, 16). The motif of monetary gain becomes explicit in the exclusion of Ammonites and Moabites from the Lord’s assembly because of their refusal to extend hospitality to the Israelites in the exodus and “because they hired against you Balaam son of Beor . . . to curse you” (hoti emisthōsanto epi se ton Balaam huion Beōr . . . katarasasthai se).38 The colorful career of Balaam, with its multifaceted and often conflicting dimensions, provided later Jewish exegetes rich interpretive possibilities. After rehearsing many of these exegetical trajectories, Richard Bauckham, in his commentary on 2 Peter and Jude, aptly observes that “by highlighting and developing certain aspects of the biblical account (esp. Num 31:16), Jewish tradition remembered Balaam primarily as a man of greed, who for the sake of reward led Israel into debauchery and idolatry.”39 Since “money he received for his treachery” (Acts 1:18)—literally, “reward of unrighteousness” (misthou tēs adikias)—is so clearly identified with Balaam in 2 Peter, another NT writing roughly contemporary with Luke-Acts, it is entirely plausible to see the phrase as a literary code word for the infamous biblical figure whose story parallels that of Judas: apostate and traitor, motivated by financial reward to thwart God’s purpose, and then “rewarded” by dying an ignominious death. The broader biblical framework for viewing the actions of Ahab and Balaam is established by numerous connections in Septuagint tradition between “reward” (misthos), on the one hand, and those who are “righteous” (dikaios) or live with “holiness” (hosiotēs), on the other hand. Second Maccabees reports that Callisthenes and other members of the Seleucid forces who opposed Judas Maccabeus were punished for setting fire to the sacred gates of Jerusalem; they “received the proper reward for their impiety” (ton axion tēs dyssebeias ekomisato misthon, 2 Macc 8:33). Proverbs 11:18 characterizes the wicked (asebēs) as doing “unjust works” (erga adika), whereas “the seed of the just” (sperma de dikaiōn) is a “reward of truth” (misthos alētheias).40 Alternatively, “The wicked earn no real gain, but those who sow righteousness get a true reward” (NRSV). Thus Wis 2:22 mentions “the wages of holiness” (misthon . . . hosiotētos), and 5:15 promises the righteous that “their reward is with the Lord” 38. Deut 23:5 LXX (23:4 ET). Almost identical language is used in Neh 13:2. 39. Bauckham 81; cf. 267–68; also see Neyrey 209–12. Among the many references cited by Bauckham and Neyrey, see Philo, Migr. Abr. 113–115; Cher. 32–34 (also cf. Mos. 1.263–304); Numbers Rabbah 20.1–25, esp. 7, 9 (Balaam fulfills Prov 28:10, “those who mislead the upright into evil ways will fall into pits of their own making”), 10 (Balaam possessed “an evil eye, a haughty spirit, and a greedy soul”); ʾAbot de Rabbi Nathan 1.5.3; 2.5.2; 36.6.1 (Neusner); Sipre Numbers 157.4, 8; Targum Onqelos at Num 22:7. 40. Translation from NETS.

88

Acts 1:15–26

(en kyriō ho misthos autōn). In the same vein, Sir 11:22 declares, “The Lord’s blessing is in the wage of a pious person” (eulogia kyriou en misthō eusebous). The Judas episode reflects Septuagintal influence at a number of levels. Most obviously, its two-part structure is dictated by the double Psalms citation in the middle of the passage. In their Lukan form, these biblical “prophecies” can be applied directly to a single figure: Judas. His traitorous collusion with those who betrayed Jesus made him an opponent of God; the field he purchased signals that he was motivated by greed; and his bloody death, possibly in that very field, brought his just reward. So polluted was the field that it became a desolate farm, just as the biblical psalm predicted. By stitching the scene together with Septuagintal phraseology, beginning with the introductory phrase “during this time” (lit., “in these days”) and concluding with the description of casting lots, Luke gives the story rich biblical texture. Close readers of the Greek Bible would hear (or see) several biblicizing features in the story. Even more, the Judas episode operates at the level of biblical typology. Readers familiar with Septuagintal tradition would already know the literary convention of opponents of God, such as Heliodorus, Antiochus IV Epiphanes, and Nicanor, who regularly come to a bad end. Luke’s careful choice of wording, however, brings to the reader’s mind two other larger-than-life villains from the biblical tradition—Ahab and Balaam—a wicked king and equally wicked prophet. For all their differences, what links them is their avarice, in one case, greed for property, in another, monetary payment. Both die horrible deaths, one viciously bloody, the other emphatically retributive, each a lesson in the price one pays, or the reward one receives, for unbridled arrogance. [1:23–26] Several features of the selection of Matthias should be noticed. As we have seen, Luke constructs the narrative to show that this action is a “divine necessity.” Psalm 108:8b LXX (109:8b ET) not only authorizes but also requires this action. In his explanatory remarks following the second Psalms citation, Peter specifies two prerequisites for inclusion in the apostolic circle: continuous presence with Jesus from the beginning of his ministry (the baptism of John) and being a witness to the post-Easter appearances (Acts 1:21–22). The first qualification effectively eliminates Paul from bearing the formal title “apostle,” or even being thought of as the “thirteenth apostle” in Acts. Luke applies the term “apostle” to Paul and Barnabas in a nontechnical sense in Acts 14:4, 14. This is in sharp contrast to Paul’s own practice of using “apostle” as his primary self-designation throughout his letters (e.g., Rom 1:1; Gal 1:1). Joseph, also called Barsabbas, nicknamed Justus (Acts 1:23), is mentioned only here in the NT. The community’s prayer (vv. 24–25) shows that the “Lord,” probably Jesus, actually makes the selection through the human process of “giving lots” or “casting lots” (v. 26). The selection process conforms

A New Era Begins at Pentecost 89

to well-established OT precedent.41 When Matthias is selected to replace Judas, “he was added to the eleven apostles” (v. 26). By including the episode about Judas’s death and his replacement by Matthias, Luke shows how the circle of the Twelve is reconstituted. 2:1–47 A New Era Begins at Pentecost Luke’s account of Pentecost is depicted as an inaugural event. The scene is set within Jerusalem, rich with historical and theological significance. A small circle of Jesus’s disciples, along with a large, internationally representative crowd, forms the audience. On stage are the Twelve, recently reconstituted, whose leader, Peter, delivers a programmatic speech introducing themes that will reverberate through the rest of the narrative. From these events emerges a community of disciples, which has increased overnight almost thirtyfold, embodying the teachings and practices of its revered teacher as well as the highest ideals of the larger society. Like earlier moments in Israel’s history when God is dramatically revealed, cosmic turbulence occurs. Sometimes God’s appearances are punctuated with thunder, lightning, clouds, and fire. Prominent here are noisy wind and visible fire distributed among the Twelve, along with an outpouring of the Holy Spirit that prompts them to begin speaking in foreign languages. In the overall narrative of Luke-Acts, the events of Pentecost fulfill earlier promises. At the outset John the Baptist predicted that Jesus would baptize people “with the Holy Spirit and fire” (Luke 3:16). Nowhere does this occur in Luke’s Gospel. Later the risen Lord urges his disciples to return to Jerusalem and wait to be “clothed with power from on high” (Luke 24:49). At the beginning of Acts, the risen Lord is said to have instructed the apostles “through the Holy Spirit” (1:2). During the forty-day interim between his resurrection and ascension, the risen Lord reaffirms John the Baptist’s earlier promise that the disciples would “be baptized with the Holy Spirit,” and that this would happen “in a few days” (1:5). He further promises that they will “receive power once the Holy Spirit [had] fallen upon [them]” (Acts 1:8). All of this, he reassures them, will happen shortly in Jerusalem (1:4, 8). What happens on Pentecost represents the inauguration of these earlier hopes and promises. Chapter 2 consists of the following discrete units: (1) the coming of the Holy Spirit and its effects on the gathered community (vv. 1–4); (2) the gathering of the crowds “from every people under heaven,” and the catalog of peoples and countries (the so-called table of nations) represented (vv. 5–13); (3)  Peter’s sermon (vv. 14–36); (4) the crowd’s response (vv. 37–41); and (5) a profile of the first community of believers (vv. 42–47). 41. See Lev 16:6–10; 1 Sam 14:41–42; 1 Chr 25:8–9; 26:14; Isa 34:17; Jonah 1:7.

90

Acts 2:1–4

2:1–4 The Coming of the Spirit One of the distinctively Lukan touches is portraying the church’s founding as an event accompanied by the dramatic arrival of God’s Spirit. Experience of the Spirit is understood in many different ways in the NT. Paul, for example, can speak of the Spirit as a power that dwells within an individual, as a moral agent influencing Christian behavior, or as a cosmic force (Rom 8). With the possible exception of John, who reports the risen Lord imparting the Holy Spirit to the disciples (John 20:22), Luke alone of NT writers regards the original community’s “baptism with the Holy Spirit” as a defining feature of its birth. Luke’s conception of the Holy Spirit is informed by two convictions drawn from the biblical tradition. First, that God, at some unspecified time in the future, would send a duly chosen figure in the Davidic line, who would be anointed with the Holy Spirit. Second, that this Spirit-anointed prophet, who would also fulfill the role of God’s servant as depicted in the Isaianic Servant Songs (Isa 40–66, esp. in 42–53), would bestow on his followers the Spirit that he uniquely possessed. Luke’s reading of the OT, in other words, convinced him that someday there would be two outpourings of the Spirit, one on God’s Messiah, a second on the Messiah’s followers. Luke portrays this understanding of the Holy Spirit in two narrative accounts, both of which are depicted as inaugural events constructed around a programmatic prophetic text. The first is the Nazareth Inaugural (Luke 4:16–30), in which Jesus claims to be the Spirit-anointed prophet envisioned in Isa 61:1–2 (also cf. Isa 58:6). The second is the Pentecost Inaugural (Acts 2), in which the risen Christ dispenses the Holy Spirit to his disciples, thereby enacting the prophetic vision of Joel 2:28–32. This narrative vision of two Spirit-filled events—one focusing on God’s Messiah, the other on the Messiah’s followers—is linked to the two specific prophetic texts cited by Luke, yet also resonates with other texts in the OT prophetic tradition. In the first Isaianic Servant Song, God promises to “put my spirit” on the chosen servant (Isa 42:1). Shortly thereafter, God promises to “pour my spirit” on Israel’s descendants (44:3). This echoes sentiments expressed earlier in Isaiah’s vision of life under a future Davidic ruler, in which “a spirit from on high is poured out on us” (32:15). Similar hopes are expressed in Ezekiel’s promise to the exiles that they would be restored to the land of Israel, where they would be given a new heart and spirit (11:19). The promise of restoration is reiterated later, when God promises not only to give Israel a “new heart” and “new spirit,” but also that “I will put my spirit within you” (36:26–27). The expected result is obedience to God’s statutes and ordinances. Zechariah’s vision of the coming day of the Lord includes the promise that God “will pour out a spirit of compassion and supplication on the house of David and the inhabitants of Jerusalem” (12:10). Anticipating

The Coming of the Spirit 91

a rebuilt temple, Haggai offers reassuring words from God that “my spirit abides among you” (2:5). And when the day of Pentecost arrived, they were alla together in the same place. 2 And suddenly there came a sound from heaven like a blast of mighty wind, and it filled the entire house where they were sitting. 3 And flaming tongues appeared that were distributed among them and rested upon each one of them.b 4 They all were filled with the Holy Spirit and began to speak in other languages as the Spirit enabled them to proclaim.c 2:1

a. The referent of “all” is unspecified. Some mss (326. 614. 1505 p* t) read : “all the apostles” (pantes hoi apostoloi). b. Lit., “and there were seen [or appeared] to them split [divided] tongues as if of fire, and it sat upon each one of them” (kai ōphthēsan autois diamerizomenai glōssai hōsei pyros kai ekathisen eph’ hena hekaston autōn). For “tongues of fire,” see 1 En. 14.9–10, 15. c. Lit., “just as the spirit was giving to them [the ability] to make sounds” (kathōs to pneuma edidou apophthengesthai autois). Since apophthengomai is sometimes used of oracular speech inspired by a deity, the phrase might be rendered “as the Spirit gave them inspiration” or “under [the Spirit’s] inspiration [they] began to speak in languages they did not know” (Rieu). See BDAG 125 s.v. apophthengomai.

[2:1–4] Pentecost (Pentēkostē), which is celebrated at the time of the wheat harvest in May or June, derives its name from the Greek word for “fifty” (pentēkonta; cf. Luke 7:41; 9:14; 16:6). The name is a shortened form of hē pentēkostē hēmera, “the fiftieth day,” since it was celebrated on the fiftieth day after Passover. It is also known as Shavuot, the Festival of Weeks. In the rabbinic tradition it is known as the “feast of fifty days.” As one of the three major Jewish annual festivals, it receives prominent attention in the Bible and Jewish authors.42 Although in the biblical tradition Pentecost is seen primarily as an agricultural festival, from the second century CE onward it came to be associated, especially in the rabbinic tradition, with the giving of the law at Sinai. Some have seen Acts 2 as Luke’s portrayal of a Christian Pentecost— the counterpart to Sinai—in which a new people is formed and the Holy Spirit replaces Torah as the governing norm of the newly formed people. But there is no firm evidence that the law-Sinai-Pentecost linkage existed early enough to have influenced Luke’s composition of Acts 2.43 42. Esp. Lev 23:15–21; also Exod 23:16; 34:22; Num 28:26; Deut 16:10, 16; Tob 2:1; 2 Macc 12:32; see Philo, Decal. 160; Spec. Laws 2.176; and Josephus, J.W. 1.253; 2.42; 6.299; Ant. 3.252; 13.252; 14:337; 17.254. 43. See Brown 1966, 1:206, noting the difficulty of dating traditions that associate Pentecost with the giving of the law at Sinai; also Noack, who sees an early linkage. Luke sometimes uses Jewish festivals as chronological markers. The Feast of Unleavened Bread, which he tends to

92

Acts 2:5–13

The identity of those gathered (“they” and “them” of vv. 1–4) is vague. Possibly in view are the 120 (1:15), but probably the apostles, who are mentioned in the preceding verse (1:26). If so, we should imagine the Twelve gathered “in the same place” (v. 1), a “house” (oikon), with “flaming tongues”—literally, “tongues as of fire” (glōssai hōsei pyros)—“distributed among them” (autois diamerizomenai). This rendering (cf. RSV) is preferable to taking diamerizomenai as an adjectival participle modifying glōssai, as “cloven [or divided] tongues” (KJV, NRSV, NIV). “Sound from heaven like a blast of mighty wind” (v. 2) anticipates the cosmic turbulence associated with the impending arrival of the day of the Lord envisioned in Joel’s prophecy as introduced in Peter’s sermon (v. 19; cf. Joel 2:30). Heavenly noise (thunder), powerful winds, and fire (lightning) often accompany theophanies.44 Similar imagery is found in accounts of the giving of the law at Sinai.45 As mentioned earlier, being “filled with the Holy Spirit” (v. 4) recalls the earlier promise of John the Baptist that his successor, Jesus, would later baptize “with the Holy Spirit and fire.”46 This promise, which is reiterated by the risen Lord (Acts 1:5), becomes a later reference point (Acts 11:16). The apostles’ ability “to speak in other languages” (lalein heterais glōssais, 1:4) should be distinguished from the ecstatic, unintelligible speech in 1 Cor 12–14. Verse 6 clearly envisions that the apostles are speaking in the different languages and dialects of the many peoples and countries representing various parts of the ancient world. Technically, knowledge of only four languages— Koine Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and Aramaic—would have been required for such a crowd to have understood everything that might have been said on such an occasion. But Luke wants us to envision the Spirit, symbolized by “flaming tongues,” being distributed among the twelve apostles, enabling each of them to speak to his assigned people or country in a different language or dialect. Accordingly, those assembled from the “table of nations” are surprised that Galileans, who were known to speak a distinctive Aramaic dialect, are capable of speaking “in our own native-born dialect” (v. 8). (See textual note on “to proclaim” in v. 4). 2:5–13 The Worldwide Audience An impressive audience further defines this episode as an inaugural event. Rather than simply listing all the peoples and countries that are present, Luke identify with Passover, marks the beginning of passion week (Luke 22:1–2; cf. Luke 2:41), Peter’s arrest (Acts 12:3–4), and Paul’s departure from Philippi (20:6). Paul’s travel plans also revolve around arriving in Jerusalem by Pentecost (20:16). 44. See 1 Kgs 19:11–12; Isa 66:15; 2 Esd (4 Ezra) 13:10. 45. Exod 19:16–25; cf. Philo, Decal. 33, 44. 46. Luke 3:16; Matt 3:11; cf. Mark 1:8; John 1:33.

The Worldwide Audience 93

allows the crowd to do so. Readers are expected to hear the crowds express their astonishment that the strange dialect of twelve Galileans can be understood by people from over a dozen different regions of the Mediterranean world. We also hear people in the crowd tossing around possible explanations. The dialogue enlivens the narrative. Now there were Jewsa residing in Jerusalem who were religiously observantb men from every peoplec under heaven. 6 When this noise occurred, the multituded came together and they were confounded, because they—each one in his own dialect—heard them speaking. 7 They were amazed and marveled, saying, “Look,e are not all of these who are speaking Galileans? 8 And how do we hear—each in our own native-born dialect—9 Parthians, Medes, and Elamites; and those living in Mesopotamia, Judea and Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, 10 Phrygia and Pamphylia, Egypt and the parts of Libya down to Cyrene; and those living in Rome—11  Jews and proselytes; Cretans and Arabians—we hear them speaking the great things of God in our own languages.” 12 And all were astonished and at a loss for words, saying one to the other, “What does this mean?” 13 But others, making fun, said, “They are full of new wine.” 2:5

a. The omission of “Jews” (Ioudaioi, v. 5) in the uncorrected copy of Sinaiticus, the fourth-century uncial codex (‫)*א‬, and a Vulgate manuscript (vgms), turns the crowd into an assembly of religious people (“devout men”) comprising Jews and non-Jews. This omission makes the inclusion of Judea (Ioudaian) in v. 9 more sensible. b. Gk. andres eulabeis, “devout [or, Godfearing] men.” BDAG 407 s.v. eulabēs. c. Gk. apo pantos ethnous, usually “from every nation [or, race].” d. Gk. plēthos; or, “populace” (BDAG 825 s.v. plēthos). e. Gk. idou, usually “behold.”

[2:5–13] “Jews residing in Jerusalem” (v. 5) suggests Jewish residents living in Jerusalem rather than Jewish pilgrims from outside Palestine who had come to Jerusalem to observe Passover and Pentecost. “Religiously observant” (andres eulabeis) conveys more than visible piety. Probably in view is serious but not necessarily overly strict torah observance. Eulabēs is also used to describe Simeon (Luke 2:25), those who buried Stephen (Acts 8:2), and ­Ananias (22:12), God’s emissary to Saul. That they represented “every people under heaven” underscores the universal character of the audience. Here “people” translates ethnos, which is often rendered “nation” or even “race.” Because modern notions of “nationhood” and “race” are often read back into the first-century situation, “people” is a preferable translation. It signifies those with a distinctive ethnic identity connected with a land, country, city, or geographical area, such as Egyptians, Scythians,

94

Acts 2:5–13

and Romans. Just where the multitude gathered is not stated. Some area of the temple is usually envisioned, since the early community is later depicted as being “in the temple every day” (2:46). Neither the initial gathering of the twelve (and the 120), nor this gathering of the crowd, nor Peter’s speech is specifically located in the temple courtyard. Responding to the noise, the crowds “were confounded” (synechythē, v. 6) or bewildered. The same term is used in Gen 11:7, 9 to describe God’s action in confusing the language of the tower builders. The LXX uses the cognate form (synchysis), “confusion,” to render the Hebrew term Babel (bābel). The Greek term syncheō/synchynnō, literally meaning “pour together,” by metaphorical extension came to mean “to cause dismay,” thus “confuse” and “confound.” In the passive, it could be used intransitively to mean “be amazed, surprised, excited, or agitated.” Here it may simply mean that the crowds marveled at the noise and the miracle of Galileans speaking foreign languages they did not know.47 The similarity of Luke’s language to that of Gen 11:1–9 has led some interpreters to conclude that his account of Pentecost is modeled after the story of the Tower of Babel. According to this view, his theological move is to depict the Pentecost story as the reversal of Babel. Whereas Gen 11 reports God as confusing the language of the tower builders and scattering them “abroad over the face of all the earth” (Gen 11:9), Acts 2 brings together people from every place under heaven and joins them together by their common comprehension of the gospel, albeit in their respective languages. They may speak different dialects, but their language is no longer confused or confounded. God undoes at Pentecost what had been done at Babel. This is a more compelling view than seeing Pentecost as the reenactment of Sinai. Another biblical tradition may well be blended with this reinterpretation of the story of Babel. The gathering of peoples and countries here also resonates with the biblical notion of the people of God, who were dispersed from the land of Israel through military conquest, exile, and emigration, coming back together at some distant point in the future.48 Their return home would constitute the ingathering of the scattered people of God. If this tradition also informs Luke’s construction of Acts 2, Pentecost should be seen as the initial fulfillment of an eschatological vision in which the Jewish remnant scattered throughout the world returns to Jerusalem for the reconstitution of God’s people. Once this occurs, the reconstituted or restored people of God would 47. Luke is the only NT writer to employ this word family (Acts 2:6; 9:22; 19:29, 32; 21:27, 31). In Conf. Tong. 4–8, Philo rehearses ancient legends relating to the Tower of Babel story; in 183–195 he expounds on the significance of “confusion” (synchysis). 48. See Deut 30:3; Jer 23:3; Tob 13:13; 2 Macc 2:18; Bar 4:36–37; 5:5–6; T. Benj. 9.2; Pss. Sol. 17.30–31; 2 Esd (4 Ezra) 13:29–50; and 2 Bar. 78.7.

The Worldwide Audience 95

then reverse this centripetal movement and extend God’s mission outward— centrifugally—to the world.49 The crowd’s response in 2:7–11 has two remarkable features: their description of the apostles as Galileans and their rehearsal of the peoples and countries represented at Pentecost. Their remarks are introduced with a Septuagintal expression, “Look” (idou), usually rendered as “Behold!” (see discussion of Septuagintalism in the introduction under the section Biblicism). Earlier, at Jesus’s ascension the apostles were identified as Galileans by the two men in white robes (Acts 1:11). Peter’s Galilean identity is highlighted in Luke’s passion narrative.50 Jesus’s hometown was located in Galilee (Luke 1:26; 2:4, 39), which became the focal center of his ministry.51 He was accompanied by women from Galilee (23:49, 55). Here the narrative implies a distinctive Galilean idiom (similarly, Matt 26:73; Mark 14:70). Galilean Aramaic is ridiculed in the talmudic story of a Galilean who went to the marketplace in Jerusalem and asked to purchase an amar. The merchant replied: “You stupid Galilean, do you want something to ride on (a donkey = ḥamār)? Or something to drink (wine = ḥamar)? Or something for clothing (wool = ʿamar)? Or something for a sacrifice (lamb = ʾimmar)?”52 The list of countries and peoples, the so-called table of nations in Acts 2:9– 11, raises numerous questions.53 First, what is its internal logic and organizational structure? Those mentioned in the list are described differently: peoples or empires designated with geographical-political labels (“Parthians, Medes, Elamites”), groups based on geographical residence (“those living in” various countries or regions reaching from Mesopotamia to Rome), religious-ethnic identity (“Jews and proselytes”), and geographical-political identity (“Cretans and Arabians”). The list moves generally from east to west, but the pattern of movement is jagged (begins with Parthia, moves toward Rome, but ends with Crete and Arabia). Placing Judea between Mesopotamia and a series of Roman provinces in Asia Minor seems awkward, prompting some to conjecture that Judea was a later insertion. Are “Jews and proselytes” a subset of “those living in Rome,” or do they constitute a different group unrelated to a specific locale?

49. The various scholarly views about which traditions possibly influenced Luke’s composition of Acts 2 are rehearsed by Gilbert, who proposes the intriguing view that Luke constructs his table of nations to underscore the universal impact of Jesus as Savior as a direct challenge to imperial ideology. 50. Luke 22:59; also Mark 14:70; Matt 26:69. 51. Luke 4:14, 31, 44; 5:17; 8:26; 17:11; 23:5, 6; 24:6. 52. The story is found in b. ʿErub. 53b. The translation here is from Vermès 52–54, who also discusses dialect differences between Judea and Galilee; also see Schürer 2:23. 53. On the sources of Luke’s imago mundi, esp. as related to Acts 2:1–13, see Bechard 209–31.

96

Acts 2:5–13

Second, what traditions or sources informed Luke? In the early 1900s, some scholars (Cumont, Burkitt) proposed that the list was modeled after early astrological lists that linked the twelve signs of the zodiac to different geographical regions. Others (Weinstock, Reicke) developed variations of this view, which was sharply contested by Metzger.54 Pervo remains open to the possibility that the Lukan list reflects underlying astrological symbolism.55 Luke’s list of nations has numerous literary precedents, beginning with the OT and a broad range of Jewish writings.56 Perhaps the closest literary parallel to Luke’s “table of nations” is Philo, Embassy to Gaius 281–84, which provides a list of places in which Jews lived throughout the Mediterranean world. The list occurs in a letter attributed to Herod Agrippa I that was designed to win favor from the emperor Gaius for Jews who live “in every region of the inhabited world” (283). Elsewhere, noting that the Jews are “so populous that no one country can hold them,” Philo gives a more general description of the places they live.57 In a similar vein, in the speech attributed to Herod Agrippa II designed to convince Jews not to revolt against Rome, Josephus lists the various peoples who are subject to Roman rule (J.W. 2.358–387). Agrippa’s speech envisions a world comprising three continents: Asia (J.W. 2.358–359, 366), Libya (2.363, 382), and Europe (2.358).58 The mention of “Jews” in Acts 2:5 and “Judea” in verse 9 raises questions about how we should regard the assembled crowd.59 “Judeans,” along with people from other regions, comprehend in their respective dialects what is being said. Peter’s initial reference to addressees might be rendered “Men of Judea [or Jewish men] and all those [non-Jews] dwelling in Jerusalem” (v. 14). But 54. These views are discussed and refuted by Metzger 1980b. 55. Pervo 2009a, 67 n. 74. 56. Biblical passages relating to the “table of nations” tradition include Gen 10; 1 Chr 1:1–2:2; Isa 66:18–20; Ezek 38–39; and Dan 11; similarly Jub. 8–9; 1QM (War Scroll) II, 10–14; Josephus, Ant. 1.120–147; and LAB (Pseudo-Philo) 4.1–10. 57. Philo, Flacc. 45–46; cf. Mos. 2.19–20. For Philo’s construal of the geographical extent of the Roman world, see Emb. Gaius 10. 58. Other relevant parallels include Sib. Or. 3.271, which predicts that “the whole earth will be filled with [Jews] and every sea”; similarly, Strabo, Historical Notes, as cited in Josephus, Ant. 14.115; see Stern 1:277–82 (no. 105). Also, 1 Macc 15:15–23 reports the Roman consul Lucius (140–139 BCE) writing a circular letter to rulers in various regions throughout the Mediterranean, enlisting support for Jews. The Res gestae divi Augusti, which circulated widely after his death in 14 CE, rehearses peoples and countries, replete with territorial designations, subject to Rome at the beginning of the imperial period; see esp. §§25–33; also Tacitus, Ann. 1.11; similarly, Aelius Aristides, Or. 26.91–107 (in Behr 2:93–97). Also relevant are the inscriptions relating to the nations (ethnē), including Judea, displayed in the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias, with construction begun under Tiberius (14–37) and completed under Nero (54–68); see R. Smith. Josephus reports that the theater built by Herod in Jerusalem displayed “trophies of the nations” defeated by the Romans (Ant. 15.272, 276). 59. See translation notes on v. 5.

The Worldwide Audience 97

his second reference, “Israelite men” (andres Israēlitai, v. 22), becomes more difficult to explain, unless his remarks at this point are addressed to a subset of the larger crowd. The inclusion of Judea (Ioudaian) in the list poses several problems: (1) It is problematic grammatically. Although Ioudaia derives from the adjective Ioudaios, when the NT uses it as a substantive to denote a geographical region, it is typically preceded by the article. Of the twenty-two occurrences of Ioudaia in Luke-Acts, this is the only time it occurs without the article.60 For this reason, Blass, Debrunner, and Funk conclude: “anarthrous Ioudaian . . . is certainly corrupt.”61 (2) It violates the internal logic of the narrative. Why would Judeans have difficulty understanding Galileans, even if the latter spoke a distinctive dialect of Aramaic? (3) It is awkward geographically. If the list moves generally from east to west, readers knowing the geography of the region would find it odd to go from Mesopotamia westward to Judea, then northward to five provinces in Asia Minor. Syria would be a more sensible geographical transition from Mesopotamia to Asia Minor. Recognizing the difficulty, ancient authors substituted other place names: Armenia (Tertullian, Augustine), Syria (Jerome), India (Chry­sos­ tom). Syriac Peshitta reads “Jews” (Iudaei). Modern scholars from Erasmus onward have proposed numerous alternatives.62 Granting the problematic features of Luke’s catalog of countries, we can nevertheless recognize its literary and theological function. Literarily, it is Luke’s way of giving geographical precision to “all flesh,” which introduces the Joel prophecy in Acts 2:16–21. Theologically, Luke underscores the universal impact of the Spirit’s arrival. What is reported at Pentecost may be located in Jerusalem, but it has universal implications. Encountering this broadly inclusive geographical list here, readers will not be surprised to experience the Acts story line gradually expanding outward geographically. In one sense, the Mediterranean region that converges in Jerusalem will diverge as the narrative of Acts unfolds. Hence this list of peoples and countries functions somewhat as a table of contents for Acts. Even if it is difficult to identify the internal logic of the list of countries and peoples, we can nevertheless detect traces of symbolism associated with the number twelve. The list of zodiac signs correlated with geographical regions, as compiled by the astrologer Paul of Alexandria, may be late (fourth c. CE), but it reflects widespread beliefs about geographical symbolism. 60. See Luke 1:5, 65; 2:4; 3:1; 4:44; 5:17; 6:17; 7:17; 21:21; 23:5; Acts 1:8; 2:9; 8:1; 9:31; 10:37; 11:1, 29; 12:19; 15:1; 21:10; 26:20; 28:21. 61. BDF §261 (4). 62. Hengel 2008 thinks Judea was meant to include Syria; also see Metzger 1998, 253–54; Pervo 2009a, 67; and BDAG 477–78 s.v. Ioudaia, with extensive bibliography.

98

Acts 2:14–36

Zodiac Sign Ares Taurus Gemini Cancer Leo Virgo Libra Scorpio

Geographical Region Persia Babylonia Cappadocia Armenia Asia Greece and Ionia Libya and Cyrene Italy

Sagittarius Capricorn Aquarius Pisces

Cilicia and Crete Syria Egypt Red Sea and India

Peoples/Countries in Acts 2 Parthians, Medes, Elamites Mesopotamia Cappadocia Pontus (?) Asia Phrygia and Pamphylia (?) Parts of Libya down to Cyrene Those living in Rome, Jews and proselytes Cretans Judea Egypt Arabians

The correspondence between the geographical regions in Paul of Alexandria’s list and those peoples and countries listed in Acts 2 is not one-to-one in every case, but the two lists reflect significant similarities. In this arrangement, we can roughly identify twelve distinct groups in Acts 2. If so, it seems striking that twelve apostles are speaking to twelve geographical/ethnic groups. The presence of Judea still presents a problem. Possibly Peter’s speech should be seen as one representative speech addressed to those (now) living in Judea. His opening address is to “my fellow Jews” (andres Ioudaioi). It was not uncommon to associate such moments of ecstatic speech with drunkenness.63 2:14–36 Peter’s Inaugural Sermon Peter’s sermon consists of the following units: (1) opening remarks (vv. 14–16); (2) Joel’s prophecy (vv. 17–21); and (3) Jesus as the fulfillment of the OT (vv. 22–36). Three OT passages are featured, each making separate but interlocking points but all of them contributing to what Luke wants to achieve literarily and theologically in this inaugural speech. First, Peter claims that the prophetic vision of Joel 2:28–32 has begun to be realized in the events of Pentecost. 63. Plutarch, Rom. Quest. 112 (Mor. 291AB); Obsoles. Or. 40 (Mor. 432E); Dinner 4 (Mor. 150C); Lucian, Nigr. 5; Philo, Drunk. 146; cf. Iamblichus, Myst. 124–125; also Eph 5:18. See Horst 1985, 55–56.

Peter’s Inaugural Sermon 99

Next, he argues that David in Ps 16:8–11 envisioned the prospect of a future Messiah—a Holy One—who would be resurrected from the dead. Finally, he argues that in Ps 110:1 David also envisioned a “Lord” who would be exalted to a position of authority beside the enthroned God. Peter’s sermon accomplishes several things. Through Peter’s interpretation of Pss 16:8–11 and 110:1, Luke shows that David, the presumed author of both psalms, had the prophetic foresight to envision a future figure who would continue the royal Davidic line; that this “Holy One” would exhibit steadfast devotion to God; that in his messianic role he would die but then experience life beyond death; that, after experiencing no decomposition of his body and eluding the confinement of Sheol, he would be elevated to heaven and receive an exalted position beside the enthroned God; and that all of this was God’s own doing—from Jesus’s ministry onward, everything happened according to “God’s fixed purpose and foreknowledge” (v. 23). Peter’s interpretation also links Pss 16 and 110 with Joel 2. The resurrected Messiah of Ps 16 and the exalted Lord of Ps 110, by virtue of being in God’s heavenly presence and remaining there as an exalted “Lord,” is able to “pour out” the Spirit, with which he was uniquely endowed as God’s Servant on earth. The risen Lord, “having received the promise of the Holy Spirit from the Father,” now pours out his Spirit at Pentecost. The prophetic vision of Joel envisions God as the One who pours out his Spirit upon all flesh (2:17–18). But, as Peter explains, God does so through the agency of the exalted Lord and Messiah (v. 33). Now Peter, standing with the eleven, raised his voice and boldly proclaimed to them: “My fellow Jewsa and all those residing in Jerusalem, let this be known to you and listen closely to my words. 15 For these men are not drunk as you think, because it is nine o’clock in the morning.b 16 Rather, this is what was spoken through the prophet Joel:c 17 ‘And it will be in the last days,’d says God, ‘I will pour out from my Spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and your daughters will prophesy, and your young men will see visions, and your elderly men will dream dreams; 18 and indeed upon my slaves, both male and female, in those days I will pour out from my Spirit, and they will prophesy. 19 And I will produce wonders in the heaven above and signs on the earth below—blood, fire, and smoky vapor. 20 The sun will be transformed into darkness and the moon into blood, before the arrival of the day of the Lord—that great and glorious day. 21 And it will be that everyone who calls one the name of the Lord will be saved.’ 2:14

100

Acts 2:14–36

Israelites,f

22 “My fellow listen to these words: Jesus the Nazarene, a man certified to you by God through powerful deeds, wonders, and signs that God did through him in your presence as you well know—23 this man, handed over by lawless men according to God’s fixed purpose and foreknowledge, you killed by crucifixion. 24 This is the one whom God raised by untying the cords of death,g since it was not possible for him to be held in death’s power. 25 For David says in reference to him: I saw the Lord constantlyh before me, because he is at my right hand to keep me from being shaken. 26 For this reason my heart was glad and my tongue rejoiced, and furthermore, my flesh will live in hope, 27 because you will not allow my soul to remaini in Hades nor will you permit your Holy One to decompose.j 28 You revealed to me the ways of life; you will make me full of joy with your presence. 29 “My fellow brothers,k I can say to you with full confidence concerning the patriarch David that he both died and was buried, and that his tomb is with us until this day. 30 Therefore, being a prophet and knowing that God swore with an oath to him that someone from his lineage would later occupy his throne,l 31 looking ahead, David spokem concerning the resurrection of the Messiah,n who waso neither ‘left to remain in Hades’ nor did ‘his flesh’ ‘decompose.’p 32 God raised this Jesus: We all are his witnesses.q 33 Being thus exalted to God’s right hand and having received the promise of the Holy Spirit from the Father, he has ‘poured out’ what you now see and hear. 34 For David did not ascend into the heavens, as he says himself: The Lord said to my Lord: ‘Sit at my right hand, 35 until I put your enemies underneath your feet.’ 36 Let the entire house of Israel, therefore, know for certain that God made him both Lord and Messiah, this Jesus whom you crucified.” a. Gk. andres Ioudaioi, lit., “men, Jews.” b. Gk. hōra tritē tēs hēmeras, “third hour of the day.” c. “Joel” is omitted in both the Greek and Latin text of D (ca. 400), in various Latin versions (h [55], r [57]), and several Latin texts (Irenaeus, Augustine, et al.). This would conform to Luke’s usual practice of attributing quotations from the minor prophets to “the book of the Prophets” (7:42–43) or simply “the prophets” (13:40–41; 15:15–17) rather than naming the minor prophet. See Ropes 16; Metzger 1998, 255. This omission may relate to the introductory formula in v. 17. See textual note d. d. This opening phrase “in the last days” (en tais eschatais hēmerais), which is taken from Isa 2:2 LXX, replaces the more general introductory formula “after these things” (meta tauta) in Joel 3:1 LXX (2:28 ET). Some manuscripts (B 076 [C pc] samss) resolve

Peter’s Inaugural Sermon 101 the difficulty by replacing the intrusive en tais eschatais hēmerais with meta tauta, thereby confirming the source as Joel, as v. 16 states. But this misses one of Luke’s essential points: The Pentecost events occur “in the last days,” thus inaugurating the final stage of God’s redemptive plan. See Metzger 1998, 256. e. Lit., “will call upon” (epikalesētai); possibly “prays to.” f. Gk. andres Israēlitai, lit., “men, Israelites.” g. Or, “having released the bonds of death” (lysas tas ōdinas tou thanatou); possibly “pain [or, pangs] of death.” The ambiguity in the Greek phrase tas ōdinas derives from the underlying Hebrew word (ḥbl), which can be pointed to mean either “bond/cord” (ḥebel) or “pang/pain” (ḥēbel). In the former, Christ’s resurrection is release from being bound or tied up by death, hence as God’s “having freed him” (NRSV); in the latter, release from the pain, perhaps even the birth pangs (i.e., a process once begun that cannot stop), of death. h. Gk. dia pantos, “always,” “continually.” See Luke 24:53; Acts 10:2; 24:16. i. So in BDAG 273 s.v. enkataleipō; NRSV: “abandon my soul to Hades.” j. Lit., “see corruption” (idein diaphthoran). k. Gk. andres adelphoi, lit., “men, brothers.” l. Lit., “from the fruit of his loins to sit on his throne” (ek karpou tēs osphyos autou kathisai epi ton thronon autou). m. Gk. proidōn elalēsen, lit., “[he] having foreseen [this], spoke.” n. I follow the NRSV in translating christos as “Christ” when it is part of Jesus’s proper name, e.g., Jesus Christ, the Lord Jesus Christ, or Christ Jesus. Otherwise, it is translated “Messiah” or “the Messiah.” o. Gk. hoti oute . . . oute, i.e., “ because [Christ] neither . . . nor . . .” p. Lit., “did not . . . see corruption” (oute . . . eiden diaphthoran). q. Gk. hou pantes hēmeis esmen martyres, i.e., “of whom [or, of which] we all are witnesses.”

[2:14–16] Earlier, “all” the apostles engaged in Spirit-inspired speech (vv. 4, 6). Now Peter, “standing with the eleven,” speaks for all of them. The effect is to underscore the solidarity of the early apostolic witness. His opening words suggest that this speech is addressed to a Jewish audience. This is confirmed by verse 39, which distinguishes between this audience of Jews (“you and your children”) and future non-Jewish audiences (“all who are far away”). People were expected to be sober at “nine o’clock in the morning.”64 [2:17–21] Joel’s prophecy, rather than being explained by Peter, is allowed to speak for itself. Through some minor revisions of the Greek version of the Joel passage, Luke reveals his particular point of view: Joel is sketching a vision of what will occur in the final stage of redemptive history—the dawn of a new era.65 Since this vision focuses on what is expected to happen “in the last days,” 64. Cicero, Phil. 2.41.104; cf. Plutarch, Advice Well 11 (Mor. 127EF); cf. Isa 5:11. 65. On the two forms of the Joel quotation in the Alexandrian and D-text traditions respectively, see Metzger 1998, 255.

102

Acts 2:14–36

it is eschatological, depicting what will happen before “the day of the Lord” finally arrives (Acts 2:20). Given the expectations that had formed around this provocative OT phrase (Amos 5:18–20; Obad 15; Zeph 1:7–16), we should understand it as a reference to the end of time, when God’s final judgment of humanity is to occur. By adding the phrase “says God” (Acts 2:17a), Luke makes it even clearer that this is God’s vision of things to come.66 The “I” who speaks throughout the prophecy is none other than God. The third redactional change, the addition of the phrase “and they will prophesy” at the end of 2:18, provides parallel reinforcement to the same claim in verse 17. This double prediction highlights one of the central features of the new era: the democratization of prophetic gifts. Everyone—“all flesh”—will be able to have visionary experiences. Not only will male and female, young and old, see visions and dream dreams, but they will also speak about what they have seen. Prophetic experience as outlined here is both visionary and verbal. No single group or professional guild will hold exclusive claim to prophetic gifts. These broadly shared prophetic experiences are prompted by the outpouring of God’s Spirit. Such inspired moments occur because the Spirit has taken up residence in those so affected. When God’s Spirit is “poured out” in this effusive manner, recipients are immersed in the Spirit. They receive the baptism of (in) the Holy Spirit. This new era will also be accompanied by visible signs. These include natural phenomena that occur “on the earth below—blood, fire, smoky vapor” (v. 19). They also include cosmic signs that occur “in the heaven above”— solar and lunar eclipses (v. 20). Within this terrifying chaos in which God’s Spirit is raining down on everyone, new power is unleashed, new visions occur, newly empowered prophetic voices emerge, and the hope of salvation arrives (v. 21). There is no need for Luke to provide commentary on Joel’s prophetic vision. He has constructed the narrative to show that what God promises in Joel’s prophecy is now taking place. As we listen to Joel’s prophecy being cited in Acts 2:17–21, we realize that what has already been reported in verses 1–13 constitutes its proleptic fulfillment. Luke’s narrative description actualizes the prophetic promise. “A sound from heaven like a blast of mighty wind” has come from above (v. 2). Accompanying “fire” has appeared “below” (v. 3). Heavenly wonders and earthly signs have appeared. The Spirit promised by God in Joel’s prophecy has been poured out on those assembled in Jerusalem. Those who have been filled with the Holy Spirit are already doing what Joel’s prophecy envisioned: They have begun to prophesy (v. 4). The democratization of the prophetic Spirit has begun. This is clearly evident (and audible) in 66. On the D-text change to “says the Lord” (legei kyrios), see Metzger 1998, 256.

Peter’s Inaugural Sermon 103

the ability of the Twelve to speak in “other languages” (v. 4). If God’s Spirit is to be poured out on “all flesh,” its recipients must be able to prophesy in the languages of many different people. [2:22–36] Once Peter’s recitation of Joel’s prophecy connects God’s earlier promise with this Pentecost event, Luke can turn to the series of events that triggered the onset of this last act in God’s unfolding drama: the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth (v. 22).67 Peter’s remarks in verses 22–24 briefly summarize the story related in Luke’s Gospel. Especially emphasized here is God’s active role in orchestrating every aspect of Jesus’s life, including his ministry, death, and resurrection. Luke has provided abundant proof of divine agency. “Deeds, wonders, and signs” recall the numerous miracles reported in Luke’s Gospel. Mention of Jesus’s crucifixion recalls the Lukan passion narrative (Luke 22–23). God’s raising of Jesus recalls the description of Easter in Luke 24. “Untying the cords of death” is a provocative metaphor (see the translation note on v. 24). All of this Luke has reported in his Gospel. He is now ready to offer further proof of these assertions. As in the Gospel, Israel’s Scriptures supply the authoritative texts. Building on these earlier Scripture interpretations, Luke advances his argument further. Two OT passages, Pss 16:8–11 and 110:1, undergird Luke’s claims. The latter has already been introduced in Luke’s Gospel (20:41–44); the former is new. Each is important in its own right, but now Luke wants us to hear them alongside each other, and to hear the pair alongside Joel 2. Psalm 16 describes an unnamed person—the “I” of Acts 2:25—positioned before “the Lord.” With his eyes fixed on “the Lord” (God), this person experiences God’s reassuring presence. Addressing God in the second person 67. Nazareth, as Jesus’s hometown but not his birthplace, is one of the most firmly fixed elements of the Jesus tradition (Mark 1:9, 24; 10:47; 14:67; 16:6; Matt 2:23; 4:13; 21:11; John 1:45–46; cf. John 7:27, illustrating the Fourth Gospel’s ambiguity about where Jesus is really from). This is expressed in different ways, especially in Luke-Acts. Luke’s Gospel identifies Nazareth as Jesus’s hometown (1:26; 2:4, 39, 51; 4:16) but rather than referring to “Jesus of/from Nazareth” (Iēsous apo Nazaret[h], e.g., Matt 21:11; John 1:45), Luke typically refers to “Jesus the Nazarene,” using the adjectival forms Nazarēnos (Luke 4:34; 24:19) and Nazōraios (Luke 18:37; 24:19 [v.l.]; Acts 2:22; 3:6; 4:10; 6:14; 22:8; 26:9). The one exception is Acts 10:38, “Jesus from Nazareth” (Iēsoun ton apo Nazareth). How the linguistic transition from Nazaret(h) to Nazarēnos or Nazōraios occurs is not altogether clear. Nor is it clear how “Nazarenes” (Nazōraioi) became a designation for Jesus’s followers (Acts 24:5). Since Jesus was from Nazareth, calling him “the Nazarene” makes sense; but his followers are from various places, thus not technically “Nazarenes.” Presumably “the Nazarene” became a nickname for Jesus, thus equivalent to the name Jesus itself, and “Nazarenes” as a name for Jesus’s followers sounded better than “Jesusites” or “Jesureans.” A similar development is reflected in “Christian,” in which the suffix -ianos, denoting a follower or devotee of someone, was added to “Christ,” which had become another name for Jesus rather than a title identifying Jesus. See BDAG 664–65 s.v. Nazara, Nazarēnos, Nazōraios, with ample bibliography, including Moore 1920; Black 197–200; also see Brown 1979, 208–13, 218–19, 223–24.

104

Acts 2:14–36

(vv. 27–28), the speaker, who identifies himself as God’s “Holy One” (v. 27), expresses his joy and unshakable faith. He makes three confident assertions: that his “flesh” would live in hope (v. 26c); that God would not allow his soul to remain in Hades (v. 27a); and that God would not permit his body to decompose (v. 27b). Having experienced the “ways of life,” the speaker is confident that he will continue to be filled with God’s presence. The main interpretive problem is to identify the “I” in 2:25 and the “me” and “my” in verses 25–28. Readers have usually assumed the referent to be David, the author of the psalm. Peter insists, however, that the unnamed person cannot be David. Everyone knows that David died and was buried. The existence of David’s tomb outside the walls of Jerusalem proves that the psalm must be understood another way. If not David, then who? It must be someone whom David “saw” with his own prophetic vision. “Being a prophet,” David looked into the future and discerned that “someone from his lineage” would “later occupy his throne” (v. 30). David wrote this psalm, not as his own prayer in which he expressed his faith and confidence in God, but as the prayer of his future successor, someone who, unlike David himself, would die but somehow defy death. This is the meaning of Peter’s claim in Acts 2:31 that when David wrote Ps 16, he “spoke concerning the resurrection of the Messiah.” The only sensible way to read the psalm, Peter insists, is to imagine someone besides David himself, a future David, asserting that he would die but that he would experience life beyond death: He would be resurrected from the dead. Read this way, Ps 16 connects with what early Christians proclaimed in the passion narrative and what is contained in kerygmatic and confessional summaries: that Jesus died by crucifixion, that he was buried, that his tomb was found empty three days later, and that he was then experienced as alive by his disciples. The Christ event, in other words, made sense of the psalm. It supplied a meaningful referent to the “I” of Acts 2:25. In Ps 16 Christians could hear Jesus Christ, somewhere at sometime (perhaps on the cross), speaking to God: “My flesh will live in hope; . . . you will not allow my soul to remain in Hades, . . . nor will you permit your Holy One to decompose.”68 If Ps 16 allows us to envision the possibility of a future Messiah who will be resurrected to new life, Ps 110 enables us to see a further stage unfold: the Messiah’s exaltation to God’s right hand. Resurrection need not imply exaltation. One might imagine God’s Messiah being raised from the dead and then inaugurating a new era of messianic rule in which new paradisal conditions are established and in which peace reigns and wrongs are set right, and that once this is accomplished, the Messiah then dies. 68. Jesus (Christ) as the one speaking in the Psalter is also asserted in Heb 2:11–12 (Ps 22:22) and Heb 10:5–7 (Ps 40:6–8). See Hays.

Response to Peter’s Sermon 105

The only sensible way to read Ps 110:1, Peter explains, is to see it as a conversation between YHWH (“the Lord”) and someone other than, and superior to, David, in other words, David’s “Lord.” David cannot be God’s conversation partner because David never ascended into heaven (v. 34). He died and was buried near Jerusalem. If Ps 110 is read alongside Ps 16, it allows readers to envision the resurrected Messiah of Ps 16 moving into a second stage of afterdeath experience—being exalted to a heavenly position beside the enthroned God. This helps explain why Luke reports Jesus’s ascension as an event separate from the resurrection. Psalm 16 envisions a resurrected Messiah, Ps 110 an exalted Lord.69 Taken together, both psalms envision a single figure, a resurrected Messiah, a Holy One, who as “Lord” has been exalted to God’s right hand. By juxtaposing these two psalms and reading them in light of each other and both in light of Jesus Christ, Luke and Peter can claim that God, “the Lord” of both psalms, has not only raised the crucified Jesus but also “made him both Lord and Messiah” (v. 36). 2:37–41 Response to Peter’s Sermon In one sense, these remarks represent the continuation of Peter’s inaugural sermon. Peter continues to speak in 2:38–40, but Luke constructs this subsection as a dialogue between the inquiring crowd, which cries out for salvation (v. 37), and Peter, the messenger of salvation. When they heard this, they were slashed to the heart and said to Peter and the rest of the apostles: “What should we do, fellow brothers?” 38 And Peter said to them, “Repent and be baptized, each one of you, in the name of Jesus Christ for the forgiveness of your sins, and you will receive the Holy Spirit as a gift.a 39 For the promise is to you and your children and to all who are far away, as many as the Lord our God summons.” 40 With many other words he bore testimony and encouraged them, saying, “Save yourselves from this crooked generation.” 41 And so, those who received his word were baptized, and on that day about three thousand peopleb were added. 2:37

a. Lit., “You will receive the gift of the Holy Spirit” (lēmpsesthe tēn dōrean tou hagiou pneumatos). b. Gk. psychai, lit., “souls.”

[2:37–41] The crowd’s question, “What should we do?” (v. 37), recalls an earlier crowd’s question addressed to John the Baptist (Luke 3:10) and 69. See Franklin 33; Pervo 2009a, 82 n. 73; Holladay 2016.

106

Acts 2:37–41

anticipates that of the Philippian jailor (Acts 16:30) and Saul of Tarsus (22:10). Repentance was required by John the Baptist (Luke 3:3, 8) and Jesus (5:32). The call for repentance here fulfills the expectations of the risen Lord (24:47). It is the first of many in Acts.70 Baptism in Jesus’s name distinguishes this initiation rite from the baptism required by John the Baptist, who proclaimed “a baptism of repentance for the forgiveness of sins” (Luke 3:3, 16). What precisely baptism “in the name of Jesus Christ” entails is not altogether clear. Here it seems to be baptism that includes the reception of “the Holy Spirit as a gift” (Acts 2:38). This is confirmed when twelve disciples of John the Baptist later admit to having received a baptism for the forgiveness of sins but never having heard of the Holy Spirit (19:1–7). Yet we also are told that the Samaritans had not received the Holy Spirit “since they had only been baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus” (8:16). Luke’s picture is not wholly consistent.71 If Jesus was the unique bearer of the Holy Spirit during his ministry and if the risen Lord could dispense the Spirit on Pentecost, it is reasonable to see the experience of the Holy Spirit as the distinguishing mark of baptism “in the name of Jesus Christ.” The phrase sounds formulaic and probably reflects ancient liturgical practice. The baptismal formula “I baptize you in the name of Jesus Christ” would not only signal the believer’s new source of identity and sphere of authority but also transfer to the believer the source of life-giving power experienced by the risen Lord himself—the Holy Spirit. Baptism “in the name of Jesus Christ” means that the believer, by replicating Jesus’s own experience, has thereby shared in it. The “promise” in Acts 2:39 refers to the hope of receiving the Holy Spirit (cf. 1:4–5). It is extended to Jews (“you and your children”) and gentiles (“all who are far away”; cf. 22:21; also Isa 57:19). The unfolding narrative of Acts reveals how this occurs. The clause about those whom “God summons” recalls the final promise of Joel’s prophecy (Acts 2:21), which is now being fulfilled. Bearing testimony (v. 40) here is proclamation with a sense of solemnity and urgency.72 “This crooked generation” is biblical language used to characterize recalcitrant children of God.73 The positive response of “about three thousand people” (v. 41) is the first of several reports of growth using specific numbers (4:4) or general descriptions.74 70. Acts 3:19; 5:31; 11:18; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20. 71. Perhaps Luke’s report is an effort to bring consistency to a variety of theologies and practices in his tradition and context, i.e., to show that the emerging mainstream of his own time both incorporated and standardized the previous variety. 72. BDAG 233 s.v. diamartyromai 2, “to exhort with authority in matters of extraordinary importance, frequently with reference to higher powers and/or with a suggestion of peril.” It also has this urgent sense in Luke 16:28; 1 Tim 5:21; 2 Tim 2:14; 4:1. Elsewhere in Acts it means to testify or bear witness to (8:25; 10:42; 18:5; 20:21, 23, 24; 23:11; 28:23; cf. 1 Thess 4:6; Heb 2:6). 73. See Deut 32:5; Ps 78:8; cf. Ps 12:7–8. 74. Cf. Acts 2:47; 5:14; 6:7; 9:31, 42; 11:21, 24; 12:24; 13:49; 14:1; 16:5; 19:20.

The Apostolic Community 107

2:42–47 The Apostolic Community This concluding summary, one of the three major summaries in Acts (4:32–35; 5:12–16), gives an idealized portrait of the first Christian community. Highlighted are several distinctive religious practices (2:42): awe-inspiring “wonders and signs” performed by the apostles (v. 43), community solidarity as expressed in mutual sharing of resources (vv. 44–45), daily attendance in the temple (v. 46), community meals (vv. 46–47), praise of God, popular favor, and daily numerical growth (v. 47). And they remained committeda to the apostles’ teaching and to sharing with each other,b to eating togetherc and prayer. 43 Now every persond was in awe: many wonders and signs were done through the apostles. 44 All who believed were together and shared everything in common. 45 And they began selling possessions and goods and would distribute the proceeds to everyone according to individual needs.e 46 And they were in the temple every day with single-minded commitment. Eating together in each other’s homes,f they took nourishment with joyful, simple hearts, 47 praising God and having favor with all the people. Every day the Lord added those being saved to their number.g 2:42

a. This renders the continuous action expressed in ēsan proskarterountes, lit., “they were holding steadfastly to . . .”; or, “they were continually devoting themselves to . . .” b. Gk. tē koinōnia, “in fellowship”; or, “in sharing together.” c. Lit., “to the breaking of bread” (tē klasei tou artou). d. Gk. psychē, “soul.” e. Gk. pasin kathoti an tis chreian eichen, lit., “to all just as anyone might have need.” f. Lit., “breaking bread from house to house” (klōntes te kat’ oikon arton). g. Here, Gk. epi to auto is rendered “to their number.” It can mean “together” or “at the same place.” See Acts 2:1. For its use here, see BDAG 363 s.v. epi 1.c.β.

[2:42–47] The community is referred to as “those who believed” (hoi pisteuontes, v. 44), a designation employing language typically used by Luke to describe followers of Jesus.75 The community is not yet designated “church” (ekklēsia), one of the most common Lukan designations for the Jesus movement (e.g., Acts 5:11; 8:1; etc.).76 75. Cf. Acts 4:4, 32; 5:14; 8:12; et al. 76. The KJV rendering of 2:47, “And the Lord added to the church daily such as should be saved,” reflects readings in a number of MSS, notably D, which include “to the church” (tē ekklēsia), or some variation thereof. See Metzger 1998, 263–65, for explanation of the committee’s rejection of these readings. On the relative infrequency of the term ekklēsia to designate pagan associations, see Klauck 2003, 46.

108

Acts 2:42–47

Accenting the community’s adherence to “the apostles’ teaching” and the occurrence of apostolic miracles underscores its identity as an apostolic community. Since it had come into existence in response to apostolic preaching (2:14), this is an understandable emphasis. Apostolic qualifications have been duly noted: direct, firsthand association with Jesus throughout all of his ministry and being a witness to his resurrection (1:21–22). The community is now being instructed by the Twelve, who can impart firsthand knowledge and interpret Jesus’s teachings with authority.77 The “apostles’ teaching” (tē didachē tōn apostolōn) need not imply formalized, codified instruction that is distinct from preaching. Luke tends to use “teaching” and “preaching” interchangeably.78 The phrase in 2:42 may suggest that the believers are adhering steadfastly to what they have heard proclaimed in Peter’s sermon. “Sharing with each other” (tē koinōnia, v. 42) suggests fellowship that goes beyond meeting together and simply being in each other’s presence. Instead, it entails the mutual sharing of such tangible resources as food, clothing, living space, and money, as well as nontangibles—beliefs, ideas, opinions, encouragement, and emotional support.79 This amplified understanding of koinōnia, which is often rendered “fellowship,” becomes evident. Solidarity of belief leads to community of goods (vv. 44–45). Mutual hospitality includes sharing meals in each other’s homes (v. 46). Such experiences easily become occasions of prayer and praise (v. 47). They also engender goodwill both within the community and with outsiders (v. 47). “All the people” should probably be understood as a general designation for Jerusalem residents generally rather than a technical expression for Jews, the people of Israel, which is sometimes the case in Luke-Acts.80 “Eating together” (tē klasei tou artou, v. 42) may refer to the observance of a cultic meal honoring Jesus as Lord (cf. Luke 24:30, 35). Similar wording is used in Acts 2:46 (klōntes . . . arton). Eucharistic meals may be in view, but the following phrase “they took nourishment” (metelambanon trophēs) suggests regular meals (cf. 20:11; 27:35–38). “Breaking bread” can signify eucharistic observance in the NT, especially in texts where the Eucharist is clearly in view, as at the Last Supper (Mark 14:22; Matt 26:26; Luke 22:19) and in Paul (1 Cor 10:16; 11:24). “Prayer” (tais proseuchais, v. 42), literally, “prayers,” may refer to prayers of thanksgiving normally associated with the Eucharist (e.g., Luke 22:19 and 77. This may offer an insight into Lukan ecclesiology. Through his narrative construal of the Twelve’s role vis-à-vis the community, Luke shows that church practice now goes beyond what Jesus did and taught. Acting with the Lord’s authority, the Twelve transmit their interpretation of Jesus’s life and teaching. 78. Acts 4:2, 18; 5:21, 25, 28, 42. 79. For the use of the term “fellowship” (koinōnia) in Greek and Roman associations, and the broad range of communal activities that it included, see Klauck 2003, 44–45. 80. E.g., Luke 19:47; 22:66; Acts 4:8; 26:17.

Apostolic Testimony in the Temple 109

references above; also cf. Matt 14:19; 15:36). Prayer typifies the Christian community in Acts, which replicates the practice of Jesus. The mention of “wonders and signs” (terata kai sēmeia, Acts 2:43) proves that Joel’s vision is being realized (Acts 2:19). They become a recurrent feature of Acts.81 The apostles’ actions replicate those of Jesus (v. 22). This utopian description of the first Christian community resonates with Deut 15:4, “There will . . . be no one in need among you.” It bears remarkable similarity to descriptions of the Qumran community, in which collective ownership was both ideal and reality.82 It also echoes descriptions of other political, philosophical, and religious groups characterized by their communal solidarity and common rather than private ownership of property.83 The familiar proverb “Friends hold things in common” (koina ta philōn) was widespread in antiquity.84 3:1–4:31 Apostolic Testimony in the Temple The episodes reported in Acts 3–5 occur, for the most part, in and around the temple. Luke gives precise location markers. The healing occurs “near the temple gate called Beautiful” (3:2, 10). Peter’s sermon is given in the vicinity of Solomon’s Porch (3:11), which is also the location for the apostles’ display of “signs and wonders” (5:12) and presumably the place to which crowds of believers come (5:14). When the apostles are miraculously released from prison, they begin preaching in the temple (5:20–21, 25). This section concludes by 81. Acts 2:19, 22; 4:30; 5:12; 6:8; 7:36; 8:13; 14:3; 15:12; cf. Plutarch, Dinner 3 (Mor. 149C). 82. 1QS I, 11–13; VI, 17–22, 24–25; also V, 1–3, 14–16, 20; VII, 24–25; VIII, 22–23; IX, 3–11; CD IX, 10–15; X, 18–20; XII, 6–7; XIII, 14–15; XIV, 20; XX, 7; also see Josephus, J.W. 2.120–161, esp. 122; Ant. 18.18–22, esp. 20, describing the Essenes; similarly Philo, Free 75–91, esp. 77, 86; Hypoth. 11.1–18, esp. 4; cf. Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 5.15.73. 83. This is seen in Plato’s description of the early days of Athens (Critias 110CD), but especially in passages in which he depicts the ideal state (Rep. 5.464A–E; 8.543B; Laws 3.679BC; 5.739B–E, 744B–746C; cf. Rep. 4.420C–422B; Laws 3.684CD; 6.757A–E). A similar utopian view of the “golden age” of humanity is depicted in Ovid, Metam. 1.89–112. According to Iamblichus (third c. CE), Pythagoras (mid-sixth c. BCE) opposed private ownership of property (Iamblichus, Pythag. 18.81 [Dillon and Hershbell 104–5]; 30.167–168 [Dillon and Hershbell 182–83]). Diogenes Laertius (Lives 8.10) also reports that Pythagoreans “put all of their possessions into one common stock”; similarly Iamblichus, Pythag. 6.30 (Dillon and Hershbell 54–55). Aristotle strenuously opposed common ownership of property as a political ideal (Pol. 2.1.2–4.13 [1261a–67b]). Diogenes Laertius (Lives 10.11) also reports Epicurus’s opposition. 84. Pythagoras, according to Diogenes Laertius, Lives 8.10; similarly Iamblichus, Pythag. 6.32 (Dillon and Hershbell 56–57); Euripides, Ores. 735; Androm. 376–377; Plato, Rep. 4.424A; 5.449C; Laws 5.739BC; Phaedr. 279C; Diogenes, according to Diogenes Laertius, Lives 6.72; Aristotle, Nic. Eth. 8.9.1 (1159b31); 9.8.2 (1168b1–11); Pol. 2.5 (1263a31); Terence, Bro. 803–804; Cicero, Duties 1.16.51; Philo, Abr. 235; Plutarch, Table-Talk 2.10.2 (Mor. 644C); Table-Talk 9.14.2 (Mor. 743E); Dial. Love 21 (Mor. 767E); Dio Chrysostom, Or. 3.110; also cf. Seneca, Ep. 90.40.

110

Acts 3:1–4:31

identifying the temple as one of the major centers where the apostles regularly taught and preached (5:42). Episodes located elsewhere, such as Peter and John’s meeting with “friends” (4:23–31), appear to occur nearby. Occasionally the field of vision extends beyond Jerusalem to nearby towns (5:16). The activities of various Jewish leaders are also located in Jerusalem (4:5). Encounters with officials related to the temple and to the Sanhedrin as a deliberative body are also reported as though they occur within the vicinity of the temple. This rings true since other ancient sources locate the meeting place of the Sanhedrin near the temple.85 Luke organizes the material in Acts 3–5 in two stages, each focusing on a discrete set of characters. In 3:1–4:31, Peter and John are featured,86 then in 4:32–5:42 the spotlight falls on the apostles.87 In both sections a similar pattern is evident. First, there occurs some visible demonstration of power or public proclamation that emanates from Jesus’s followers. These initiatives are met with resistance from Jewish leaders. Somehow the resistance is overcome. Then follows some form of vindication. Stated schematically: divine initiative → resistance → resistance overcome → vindication. The section featuring Peter and John (3:1–4:31) consists of three scenes: 1. The healing of the lame man (3:1–10) and Peter’s sermon (3:11–26), which are located near the Beautiful Gate and Solomon’s Porch. 2. The meeting before Jewish leaders and the Sanhedrin, which was precipitated by Peter and John’s arrest and imprisonment (4:1–22). The location of these events is unspecified other than being “in Jerusalem”; we should probably imagine their location in the vicinity of the temple. 3. Meeting with “their friends” at an unspecified location, at “the place where they were assembled” (4:23–31). In terms of literary genre, this panel consists of a miracle story (3:1–10); a sermon (3:11–26); a conflict scene: Peter and John are arrested and brought before the Sanhedrin, where exchanges occur, with the Jewish leaders speaking (4:7, 16–18) and Peter and John replying (4:8–12, 19–20); and a prayer set within the context of a meeting with other disciples (4:23–31). Although there are three distinct scene changes, the healing of the lame beggar is a continuous theme through the entire section. It is a central feature in Peter’s sermon (3:16), in his defense before the Sanhedrin (4:9–10, 14, 16, 22), and in the communal prayer (4:30). Since this is the first healing miracle reported in Acts, this section shows Jesus’s representatives continuing 85. Josephus, J.W. 5.144; 6.354; see Schürer 2:223–25; Saldarini 1992b, esp. 978. 86. They are mentioned as a named pair in 3:1, 3–4, 11; 4:13, 19. They are also the unnamed referents in the other sections. They are not named in the meeting with “the friends” (4:23–31), but the context makes it clear that they are the ones in view. 87. The apostles are not mentioned as a group in 3:1–4:31, but are repeatedly mentioned in 4:32–5:42 (4:33, 35–37; 5:2, 12, 18, 29, 40).

Apostolic Testimony in the Temple 111

his ministry of healing, which is reported in detail in Luke’s Gospel. It also shows the controversial effects this has upon the Jewish religious establishment in Jerusalem. Since healing is a prominent part of the prophetic ministry envisioned in Isa 61:1–2, to which Jesus laid claim (Luke 4:18–19), this episode can be read as a contest between prophetic and priestly visions. After all, Luke portrays Peter and John’s chief adversaries as priestly figures and other temple officials (Acts 4:1, 5–6). The critical issue is who has access to divine power, specifically the power to make people whole. Peter’s language in Acts 4:9–12 plays on the double meaning of sōzein, usually translated “to save,” and sōtēria, usually translated “salvation.” At one level, Peter and John bring physical healing to the lame beggar: They perform a “good deed done to a sick man” (4:9). At another level, they are being interrogated about “how this man has been made whole” (en tini houtos sesōtai, 4:9). Peter’s bold claim in 4:12 is about sōtēria, “wholeness,” understood as well-being in its fullest sense: physical and spiritual health. Consequently, the believers pray that God will continue to exert healing power through the apostolic ministry of wonders and signs that is carried out in the name of Jesus (4:30). This section also advances Luke’s theological agenda beyond the claims made in Acts 2. It is striking that OT passages interpreted christologically figure prominently in each of the three subsection groupings. This may be visualized as follows: Temple scene: healing and Peter’s sermon (Acts 3:1–26) Sanhedrin scene: Peter and John’s arrest and defense (Acts 4:1–22) Friends’ meeting scene: Believers’ prayer (Acts 4:23–31)

Deut 18:15, 19—new prophet like Moses (Acts 3:22–23) Ps 118:22—the rejected stone (Acts 4:11) Ps 2:1–2—the Lord and his Messiah opposed by kings and rulers (Acts 4:25–26)

The first two interpretations occur on the lips of Peter, and the third on the church’s lips. One of the passages (Ps 118:22) has already been introduced in Luke’s Gospel.88 Expecting readers to be familiar with Ps 118:22 from its earlier citation in Luke 20:17, Luke does not introduce it with the standard formula citation. The other two passages are introduced for the first time in Luke-Acts. The new Moses passage will be repeated in Stephen’s speech (Acts 7:37). What links all three passages in this section is the theme of rejection: Those who reject the new Moses will be expelled (3:23). Peter identifies the Jewish 88. Luke 20:17 || Mark 12:10 || Matt 21:42; also 1 Pet 2:7.

112

Acts 3:1–10

leaders as the builders who rejected “the stone” that became “the keystone” (4:11). Responsibility for opposing God and his Messiah is extended to both Herod and Pontius Pilate, to both “the gentiles and the peoples of Israel” (4:27).89 If these three texts are considered alongside those introduced in Acts 2, we can see the gradual expansion of Luke’s insistence that the Jesus story unfolds along lines already laid out in the OT. Acts 2 shows that Scripture envisions Jesus’s resurrection and exaltation and that both of these events trigger the dawn of the new era envisioned by Joel; then Acts 3–4 shows that Scripture also envisions Jesus’s rejection by the “peoples” (of Israel), by Jewish religious leaders associated with the temple, by Roman-appointed kings and governors, and thus by Jews and gentiles alike. Luke constructs the narrative of Acts 3–4 to show that the pattern of rejection reported in his Gospel is now being repeated. What happens to Peter and John mimics what has happened to Jesus; their common rejection conforms to a well-established OT pattern. Luke shows that biblical history is repeating itself. 3:1–10 Peter and John Heal a Lame Beggar in the Temple This episode exhibits the usual structural features of a miracle story: (1) setting (3:1); (2) description of the sick person (v. 2); (3) encounter between the sick person and the healer (vv. 3–5); (4) the act of healing in which a healing pronouncement is made (vv. 6–7a); (5) proof of healing visibly displayed (vv. 7b–8a); (6) expressions of gratitude praising the deity responsible for the healing (vv. 8b–9); and (7) amazement by eyewitnesses (v. 10). Later we learn that the man was “over forty years old” (4:22). 3:1 Now Peter and John were going up to the temple for the three o’clock hour of prayer.a 2 And a certain man, lame from birth,b was being carried by those who would place him every day near the temple gate called Beautiful to ask alms from those entering the temple. 3 When he saw Peter and John as they were about to enter the temple, he asked to receive alms. 4 Now Peter, along with John, looked straight at the man and said, “Look at us.” 5 The man fixed his attention on them, expecting to receive something from them. 6 Peter said, “I have no silver and gold, but what I have I give you. In the name of Jesus Christ the Nazarene, get up and walk!” 7 And taking hold of the man by his right hand, Peter helped him up.c Immediately his feet and ankles received strength, 8 and leaping up, he stood and started walking. And he entered the temple with them, walking and leaping and praising God. 9 And all the people saw him walking and praising

89. The rejection theme in Acts reiterates a major motif introduced in the Gospel (cf. Luke 4:16–30; 13:31–35; 19:11–27).

Peter and John Heal a Lame Beggar in the Temple 113

God. 10 Now they recognized him—that he was the same man who used to sit begging for almsd at the Beautiful Gate of the temple. And they were completely astonished and amazed at what had happened to him. a. Lit., “at the hour of prayer, the ninth” (epi tēn hōran tēs proseuchēs tēn enatēn). b. Lit., “being lame from his mother’s womb” (chōlos ek koilias mētros autou hyparchōn). c. Lit., “[Peter] raised him”; or, “lifted him up” (ēgeiren auton). d. Lit., “that he himself was the one sitting for alms” (autos ēn ho pros tēn eleēmosynēn kathēmenos).

[3:1–10] This is the first of several episodes that feature Peter and John.90 Compared with Peter, the apostle John plays a relatively minor role in Acts. This is especially remarkable considering the prominence of Johannine Christianity as reflected in the Fourth Gospel and the three Johannine Letters, which were early attributed to him. The temple (to hieron), already introduced as the daily meeting place for the disciples (2:46), provides the setting for the next three chapters.91 In view is the whole temple complex, which includes the central sanctuary and surrounding courtyards. Except for these two references in Acts (3:2, 10; cf. 3 Baruch prologue 2), a “temple gate called Beautiful” is unattested. It is sometimes identified with the Golden or Susa (Shusan) Gate on the eastern wall of Jerusalem and thus facing the Kidron Valley, the eastern entrance to the Court of the Women, or the Nicanor Gate, which connected the Court of the Women and the Court of the Israelites.92 Solomon’s Porch (Acts 3:11; 5:12) was a colonnaded area that ran along the eastern wall just opposite the Court of the Women.93 The “three o’clock hour of prayer,” literally, “the hour of prayer, the ninth,” was one of the three periods of daily prayer (Dan 6:10; Ps 55:17) and occurred in midafternoon. It coincided with the daily burnt offering or “whole-offering” (Tamid), which occurred morning and afternoon throughout the year.94 Asking for alms (aitein eleēmosynēn) identifies the lame man as a beggar.95 The healing formula “in the name of Jesus Christ the Nazarene” (Acts 90. Acts 3:1, 11; 4:13, 19; 8:14; cf. Luke 22:8; Acts 1:13. 91. Acts 3:1, 2–3, 8, 10; 4:1; 5:20–21, 24–25, 42. 92. Descriptions of the temple gates given by Josephus (J.W. 5.184–227; Ant. 15.380–425) and the Mishnah (m. Mid. 1:4; 2:3–6) are discrepant. See Pattengale 1992a; Bahat. 93. Solomon’s Porch (Portico) is elsewhere attested (John 10:23; Josephus, J.W. 5.185; Ant. 20.219–223). 94. Exod 29:38–42; Num 28:1–8; m. Pesaḥ. 5:1; m. Tamid 4:1; Josephus, Ant. 3.237; 14.65. See Moore 1927–30, 2:220. 95. For rabbinic discussion of access to the temple by those who are crippled, see m. Šabb. 6:8. Entering the temple with a wallet is prohibited in m. Ber. 9:5. See Jeremias 1975, 117. In T. Job 9.8 people are envisioned approaching Job’s house and asking for alms.

114

Acts 3:11–26

3:6) aligns Peter and John with Jesus, who performed similar healing miracles during his ministry (see Luke 5:17–26; 18:35–43). The formula also has a performative function. Typical of healing rites in the ancient Mediterranean world, uttering the name of the deity in whose name the healer is operating not only signals the authority under which the miracle worker is acting but also brings about the healing itself.96 The vivid details in Acts 3:7–9 enliven the description, thereby underscoring the reality of the miracle. “Praising God” (v. 9) locates the true source of the healing, defining Peter and John as God’s agents acting under Jesus’s auspices. The crowd’s amazement (v. 10) gives additional confirmation. 3:11–26 Peter’s Sermon in the Temple Linked to the previous healing episode by 3:11, this subsection features another major address by Peter, which further extends the theological vision introduced in the Pentecost Inaugural. It consists of two parts, each introduced by a vocative (vv. 12, 17). This sermon is remarkable in three ways: (1) its scriptural texture, (2) its christological richness, and (3) its eschatological vision. The description of God in verse 13 recalls Moses’s encounter with God at Sinai.97 Jesus as the Servant who is glorified by God echoes Isa 52:13; his being “handed over” to death recalls Isa 53:12. An explicit quotation (Deut 18:15, 19) attributed to Moses occurs in Acts 3:22–23. “All the prophets” from Samuel onward are introduced as having anticipated these events (v. 24).98 In verse 25 the audience is linked to God’s covenant with Abraham.99 Luke constructs a sermon in which Peter, using easily recognizable biblical language, addresses the people of Israel (v. 12) within their most sacred space, the Jerusalem temple. The texture of the speech is fully in character with the speaker, the audience, the place, and the occasion. The speech also contains an array of christological titles and claims: God’s Servant (vv. 13, 26), the Holy and Righteous One (v. 14), the Pioneer of Life (v. 15), God’s Messiah (vv. 18, 20), and the prophet like Moses (vv. 22–23). Their referent is Jesus, who is identified at the outset (v. 13), whose name transmits efficacious healing power (v. 16), and whose role as eschatological Messiah is emphasized. He is also God’s messenger sent to bless Israel by bringing 96. The first of several healing miracles in Acts, this episode can be fruitfully compared with the numerous accounts of healing reported in Greek and Roman sources. See Klauck 2003, 160–68, noting the types of illnesses and maladies that occur prominently, along with the methods of healing, proofs of success, and responses to mockery and disbelief. 97. In Exod 3:6, 15–16; similarly Exod 4:5; 1 Kgs 18:36; cf. 1 Chr 29:18. 98. See discussion in the introduction relating to Luke’s understanding of OT interpretation. 99. See Gen 12:3; 18:18; 22:18; 26:4; cf. Ps 21:28 LXX (22:27 ET).

Peter’s Sermon in the Temple 115

about moral reform (v. 26). We also hear formulaic phrases expressing central kerygmatic claims relating to Jesus’s death and resurrection (vv. 13–15). While parts of this christological portrait are familiar from Luke’s Gospel and Acts 1–2, certain features are new. The speech deepens earlier christological claims through repetition while expanding our christological understanding through innovation. The eschatology is also striking. Using heavily loaded apocalyptic language, Peter envisions God as sending “times of rest” (v. 20), expedited by the coming Messiah, and a reconstituted cosmos (v. 21). Access to this paradisal world is granted to those whose lives have been purified through repentance. This vision is future but not necessarily imminent. It has been in the making for a long time. God’s ancient promises have come true in the events relating to Jesus’s life, death, and resurrection, all of which have enabled this new visualization of what the future holds. Because Jesus is central to this vision, both as its Alpha and Omega, it is a thoroughly messianic eschatological vision. Now while the man clung to Peter and John, all the people together ran toward them near the roofed colonnade called Solomon’s Porch. They were completely baffled. 12 Now when Peter saw this, he answered the people, “My fellow Israelites,a why do you marvel at this, or why do you stare at us as if, by our own power or piety, this man has been made to walk? 13 The God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, the God of our ancestors,b glorified his Servant Jesus,c whom you handed over and repudiatedd in Pilate’s presence after he had decided to release him. 14 Now you repudiated the Holy and Righteouse One, and you asked for a man—a murderer—to be given to you. 15 You killed the Pioneer of Life,f whom God raised from the dead, of whom we are witnesses. 16 And by faith in Jesus’s name,g this one whom you see and know, Jesus’s name has made well.h And the faith mediated through Jesusi has fully restored this man’s healthj before your very eyes.k 17 “And now, brothers, I know that you acted in ignorance just as your leaders did. 18 But what God announced earlier, using the lips of all the prophetsl—that his Messiah would suffer—these things God has thus fulfilled. 19 Repent, therefore, and turn so that your sins can be erased,m 20 so that times of restn might come from the Lord’s presence, and so that he might send Jesus, who was destined to be your Messiah.o 21 It was necessary for heaven to receive him until the time when all things will be restored to their original state,p as God said long ago, using the lips of his holy prophets.q 22 Now Moses said, ‘The Lord your God will raise up for you a prophet like me from your brothers. You must listen to everything he will say to you.r 23 And it will be that every person who does not listen to that prophet will be expelleds from the people.’ 24 And when 3:11

116

Acts 3:11–26

all the prophets spoke—from Samuel and his successors forward—they proclaimed the coming of these days.t 25 You are the sons of the prophets and of the covenant that God made with your ancestorsu by saying to Abraham, ‘And in your seed all the peoples of the earth will be blessed.’ 26 It was among you first that God raised his Servant. God sent him to bless you so that each one of you might turn away from your evil ways.”v a. Lit., “men, Israelites” (andres Israēlitai). b. Lit., “the God of our fathers” (ho theos tōn paterōn hēmōn). Similarly, elsewhere hoi pateres hēmōn/hymōn is rendered “our/your ancestors.” See Acts 3:25; 5:30; 7:11, 12, 15, 19, 38, 44, 45, 51, 52; 13:17, 32, 36 [his ancestors]; 15:10; 22:14; 26:6; 28:25). For Exod 3:6 elsewhere appropriated in Acts, see 5:30; 22:14. c. Gk. ton paida autou Iēsoun. See Isa 52:13 LXX. d. Or, “denied” (ērnēsasthe); BDAG 132 s.v. arneomai. e. Or, “innocent” (dikaios); see Luke 23:47. f. Possibly “the ruler [or, prince] of life” (ton archēgon tēs zōēs). BDAG 138 s.v. archēgos 1. See Heb 2:10; 12:2. g. Lit., “and by the faith of his name” (kai epi tē pistei tou onomatos autou), with the latter phrase being understood as an objective genitive. h. Gk. touton hon theōreite kai oidate, estereōsen to onoma autou. i. Lit., “the faith that is through him” (hē pistis hē di’ autou). Moule 1959a, 58: “faith which is caused by him (Christ),” or possibly “Christian faith”; also see 109. j. Lit., “[this faith] has given him this perfect health” (edōken autō tēn holoklērian tautēn). BDAG 703 s.v. holoklēria. k. Lit., “in the presence of all of you” (apenanti pantōn hymōn). l. Lit., “through the mouth of all the prophets” (dia stomatos pantōn tōn prophētōn). m. Or, “to be removed without a trace,” “obliterated” (exaleiphthēnai). BDAG 344 s.v. exaleiphō. n. Or, “times of relief” (kairoi anapsyxeōs), of the messianic age. BDAG 75 s.v. anapsyxis. o. Or, “that he might send you the one designated beforehand, Christ Jesus” (aposteilē ton prokecheirismenon hymin christon Iēsoun). p. Lit., “until the times of the restoration of all things” (achri chronōn apokatastaseōs pantōn). q. Lit., “through the mouth of his holy prophets from the ages” (dia stomatos tōn hagiōn ap’ aiōnos autou prophētōn). r. Lit., “You shall listen concerning everything that he might say to you” (autou akousesthe kata panta hosa an lalēsē pros hymas). The use of the future indicative in an imperatival sense reflects Hebrew usage. See Moule 1959a, 178–79; BDF §362. s. Or, “rooted out” (exolethreuthēsetai). BDAG 351 s.v. exolethreuō. t. Lit., “they proclaimed these days” (katēngeilan tas hēmeras tautas). u. Lit., “with your fathers” (pros tous pateras). v. Lit., “To you first God, having raised his Servant, sent him blessing you that each of you might turn from your evil ways” (hymin prōton anastēsas ho theos ton paida autou apesteilen auton eulogounta hymas en tō apostrephein hekaston apo tōn ponēriōn hymōn).

Peter’s Sermon in the Temple 117

[3:11–26] The “people” (laos, vv. 9, 11) who constitute the audience for Peter’s sermon are “Israelites” (v. 12). The subtext of the speech is the healing of the lame beggar (vv. 12, 16), which provides the occasion for the text of the speech: what God has done through his Messiah, Jesus. Language underscoring God’s initiatives pervades the speech: God glorified (v. 13), raised (v. 15), announced (v. 18), fulfilled (v. 18), send(s) Jesus (v. 20), will raise up a prophet (v.  22), made a covenant with Israel’s ancestors (v. 25), raised his Servant (v. 26), and blesses (v. 26). Using language that recalls Moses’s encounter with God at Sinai (v. 13; Exod 3:6, 15–16) not only links the audience with Israel’s history but also anticipates the new-Moses prophecy in Acts 3:22–23. This way of characterizing God strengthens claims about the continuity and reliability of prophetic promises and also anticipates the strongly covenantal language in verse 25. Beginning the speech by naming “the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob” not only elevates the tone but also raises high expectations. This audience of Israelites is hearing a speech delivered in biblical idiom. Using the language of Moses, Peter is speaking to them about a new Moses. Those familiar with Scripture would also recognize the language of the Isaianic Servant Songs in the claim that God “glorified his Servant Jesus” (edoxasen ton paida autou Iēsoun) who was “handed over” (paredōkate, v. 13). So important is this christological motif “Servant” that it forms an inclusio not only for Peter’s speech (vv. 13, 26) but also for the entire Peter-and-John section, which concludes with a double reference to Jesus as God’s Servant (4:27, 30). Although this is the first time in Luke-Acts that the servant (pais, LXX) language of Isa 52:13 is used of Jesus, Luke has prepared the way by reporting Jesus’s citation of Isa 53:12 in his account of the Last Supper (Luke 22:37). Knowing that Jesus has already applied the Isaianic Servant Songs to himself, Luke’s readers surely find Peter’s further elaboration of this claim entirely credible. While the full significance of this Isaianic language is much debated, there can be little doubt that it figures prominently in Luke’s Christology.100 That God, “using the lips of all the prophets” (Acts 3:18), had envisioned a suffering Messiah is a central tenet of Lukan Christology. From his reading of the LXX, Luke firmly believed that God’s Messiah would be required to suffer and die as a part of his essential messianic identity. He would fulfill his messianic role not in spite of but because of his suffering. Two OT traditions inform this aspect of Luke’s Christology: Isa 52–53 and Deut 18. The LXX version of Isa 53:12 is decisive for Luke: because his soul was given over to death [paredothē eis thanaton hē psychē autou], and he was reckoned among the lawless [kai en tois anomois elogisthē], 100. See Hooker 107–10, 118–20; also Bellinger and Farmer.

118

Acts 3:11–26 and he bore the sins of many [kai autos hamartias pollōn anēnenken], and because of their sins he was given over [kai dia tas hamartias autōn paredothē].101

It is the second line, “and he was reckoned among the lawless,” that Luke places on Jesus’s lips in Luke 22:37. Jesus’s being “handed over” to Jewish and Roman authorities (Luke 23:25; 24:7, 20) resonated with the first and fourth lines. The language of Isa 52:13 LXX, “See, my servant shall understand [idou synēsei ho pais mou], and he shall be exalted and glorified exceedingly [kai hypsōthēsetai kai doxasthēsetai sphodra],” is echoed in Peter’s claim that “God glorified his Servant Jesus [ho theos . . . edoxasen ton paida autou Iēsoun]” (Acts 3:13). What Luke sees in Isa 52–53 is God’s servant, who is “reckoned among the lawless,” who is not only regarded as a criminal but also aligned with criminals; who is handed over to death through the unjust or sinful actions of others, yet who is eventually exalted and glorified by God; in short, this is a suffering and glorified servant of God. The Lukan passion narrative and Peter’s brief restatement of it in Acts 3:13–15 conform precisely to this Isaianic template. Read this way, Isa 52–53 envisions God’s servant, who was required to suffer in order to fulfill his destiny. Although he would eventually be glorified (raised) and exalted, he could not avoid the suffering that would precede his glorification. A second OT tradition informing Luke’s understanding of Jesus as a suffering Messiah is Deut 18:15–19, from which Peter quotes in Acts 3:22–23. Here Moses himself predicts that God will raise a future prophet “like me” (v. 22). Israel is enjoined to listen to the teachings of this new, latter-day Moses and to heed them. In his prophetic foresight, Moses also envisions that his own experience with recalcitrant Israel will be repeated. Those to whom the new Moses will be sent will not listen. Their refusal to listen will result in their exclusion from the people of God. Resistance and rejection will be a central feature of the new Moses’s mission. This is amplified in Luke’s further citation and elaboration of Deut 18 in Stephen’s speech (Acts 7:37–41). Luke understands the suffering (and death) entailed in Israel’s rejection of the new Moses as unavoidable. Deuteronomy 18 reinforces his theological conviction that the rejection Jesus experienced as the new Moses constituted a divine necessity. Given Scripture’s expectations and the way it envisions the appearance of God’s future prophet, the new Moses, it could be no other way. Jesus would reenact the experience of Moses in the wilderness; and Jesus’s followers would reenact his own experience. This helps explain the harshness of the kerygmatic language in Acts 3:13– 15. Second-person plural pronouns and imperatives reinforce the accusatory tone about “Jesus, whom you [pl.] handed over and repudiated [or denied], 101. This translation is from NETS.

Peter’s Sermon in the Temple 119

. . . and you [pl.] asked for a murderer to be given to you. You [pl.] killed the Pioneer of Life.” Each element corresponds to what is elaborated more fully in the Lukan passion narrative: Jesus’s being handed over to the authorities (Luke 23:25; 24:7, 20), possibly to Judas (Luke 22:4, 6, 21–22, 48), and being repudiated in Pilate’s presence;102 Pilate’s desire to release Jesus (Luke 23:20); the leaders asking for the release of a murderer (Luke 23:18–19; cf. Mark 15:7). Luke introduces other christological titles, some old, some new. Jesus as “the Holy and Righteous One” (ton hagion kai dikaion, v. 14) blends language about Jesus’s righteousness or innocence that occurs on the centurion’s lips in Luke 23:47 (ontōs ho anthrōpos houtos dikaios ēn). This recalls Luke’s repeated declarations of Jesus’s innocence (Luke 23:4, 13–15, 22, 41). Later Stephen will refer to Jesus as “the Righteous One” (ho dikaios, Acts 7:52). “Holy” (ton hagion, 3:14) probably recalls the language of Ps 16:10 in Acts 2:27, though with a different term for “your Holy One” (ton hosion sou). It certainly recalls the angel’s prophecy in the Lukan birth narrative that Mary’s child will be “holy” (hagion, Luke 1:35; cf. 2:23; 4:34). It also anticipates the references at the end of the Peter-and-John section to Jesus as God’s “Holy Servant” (epi ton hagion paida sou, Acts 4:27; tou hagiou paidos sou Iēsou, 4:30). Taken together, the adjectives “holy and righteous” signal not only Jesus’s innocence of the crimes with which he was charged but also his moral rectitude before God—the embodiment of righteousness as envisioned in the Psalter and well-known sections of the OT such as Isaiah. Jesus as the “Pioneer of Life” (ton archēgon tēs zōēs, 3:15) or the “Author of life” (NRSV) is a new christological image. Elsewhere (5:31) archēgos is best understood as “prince,” “leader,” or “ruler,” as is often the case in the LXX (Num 10:4; 13:2; etc.). Here, however, the accent is on Jesus’s role as the initiator or founder of something new (similarly Heb 2:10; 12:2). “Pioneer” suggests that he is the explorer who finds new land otherwise undiscovered. By virtue of his resurrection, Jesus enters hitherto unexplored territory and thus emerges as the “Pioneer of Life,” the first to experience the frontier of resurrected life. The irony of Peter’s claim should not be missed. Through the very one whom they killed, God brought into being an unprecedented form of new life. Also emphasized is “faith in Jesus’s name” (Acts 3:16), although it is not clear whether it is the beggar’s faith or that of Peter and John that is in view. There is no mention of the man’s faith in the healing story itself. In spite of this ambiquity, faith in Jesus’s name as an effective source of healing power is being highlighted.103 102. Luke 23:1, 3–4, 6, 11–13, 20, 24, 52. 103. Sometimes Luke mentions the faith of the one being healed (or the faith of the sick person’s friend or family) as a causative factor in the healing (Luke 5:17–20; 7:1–10; 8:43–48); at other times, faith is not specified (Luke 7:11–17).

120

Acts 3:11–26

Peter’s acknowledgment that both the people and their leaders “acted in ignorance” (kata agnoian epraxate, 3:17) softens the effect of the accusations in verses 13–15. Although God has accomplished the divine purpose through their unwitting cooperation (v. 17), they are nevertheless required to repent so that their sins (tas hamartias), even the ones committed unknowingly, “can be erased” (exaleiphthēnai, v. 19). Unlike Pentecost (2:38), baptism is not a stipulated requirement here. Nor is there any mention of the Holy Spirit. Even so, Peter offers the removal or forgiveness of sins, a typical Lukan formulation.104 In contrast to Pentecost, the promise of salvation is further elaborated. Envisioned are “times of rest” (kairoi anapsyxeōs, v. 20), or “times of refreshing” (NRSV), that will come “from the Lord’s presence” (apo prosōpou tou kyriou). The main interpretive question is what period of time is in view: Is it the time between Jesus’s ascension and the parousia, or the time following the parousia? The former would envision periodic moments (thus taking seriously the plural form “times”) in which God’s presence is experienced in conversions, visions, outpourings of the Spirit, or other dramatic events narrated in Acts. The latter view would see both parts of verse 20 as two stages of an eschatological scenario in which the Messiah’s return ushers in some form of heavenly rest. The second view is more probable. The language of verse 20 is reminiscent of apocalyptic scenarios in which unremitting suffering and increasingly intense social, political, and cosmic turbulence are brought to an end by a messianic figure who brings relief and rest.105 Jesus is named as the God-sent Messiah who was received into heaven (1:9–11) and who will remain there until he reappears at some unnamed time in the future (1:11). Here the end of history is envisioned as “the time when all things will be restored to their original state” (3:21a). This expectation of a return to the paradisal era of creation is presented as an ancient prophetic vision deeply embedded in Scripture (v. 21b).106 Pos­sibly in view are prophetic texts that speak of new creation, such as Isa 65:17–25; 66:22–23. “From Samuel and his successors forward” (Acts 3:24) reflects a view of the OT in which Moses is the first great prophet, followed chronologically by Samuel, then by such prophetic successors as Elijah and Elisha, whose exploits are narrated in the Former Prophets (Joshua through Kings), and by the Latter 104. Luke 1:77; 3:3; 24:47; Acts 2:38; 5:31; 10:43; 13:38; 26:18. 105. Second Esdras (4 Ezra) 13:25–36 portrays a preexistent messianic figure who will interrupt the chaos of warring nations and establish peace. In 2 Bar. 26–30 God’s Anointed One eradicates twelve apocalyptic calamities and brings about indescribable abundance. In the eschatological vision of T. Levi 18.10, the heavenly priest opens the gates of paradise to enable the saints to eat once again from the tree of life. Heavenly rest is envisioned in Jos. Asen. 8.11; 15.7; 22.13. 106. Restoring the world to its original created state, i.e., new creation, is a recurrent feature of apocalyptic visions of the end time. See 1 En. 45.4–5; 72:1; 2 Bar. 32.6. Returning to the primeval silence of creation is a feature of the messianic kingdom envisioned in 2 Esd (4 Ezra) 7:28–32.

Peter and John Arrested by Temple Authorities 121

Prophets (Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Book of the Twelve Prophets). Luke sees the entire biblical tradition, from Moses forward, as a continuous line of prophetic testimony that has envisioned the arrival of “these days” (tas hēmeras tautas, v. 24), meaning the new messianic era that God has inaugurated around the figure Jesus. In view are “the last days” of 2:17. Identifying the hearers as “sons of the prophets” and heirs of God’s covenant with Abraham (3:25) links them with the biblical witness, over which the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob presides. Giving the scriptural citation of God’s promise to Abraham places additional responsibility on Peter’s audience.107 Israel’s obedience is seen as the means through which God’s promise will be extended to “all the peoples of the earth” (pasai hai patriai tēs gēs). “Among you first” (3:26) signals Israel’s priority in receiving God’s witness. This theological conviction is reflected in the narrative structure of Luke-Acts (cf. Acts 13:46–47; also Rom 1:16). God’s blessings are extended in order to achieve moral renewal (Acts 3:26). The claim that “God raised his Servant” (anastēsas ho theos ton paida autou, v. 26a) should be understood not as a reference to Jesus’s resurrection (similarly, v. 22), but in the more neutral sense that God “raised up” his Servant from among the people of Israel in order to bring them divinely promised blessings. 4:1–4 Peter and John Arrested by Temple Authorities Luke’s account of Peter and John before the Sanhedrin is the first of several episodes in which Jesus’s representatives appear before religious or political authorities. In narrating these events, Luke draws on well-established literary conventions for depicting the conflict between religious innovation and institutionalized authority.108 Sometimes designated as myths of resistance, these stories of conflict and confrontation are usually built around a common story line.109 A new religious cult arrives on the scene, propagated by a deity or a deity’s representatives. Through proclamation or some display of miraculous power, the new religion challenges established authority, usually represented by a political (ruler, king, emperor) or religious (priest, prophet, religious council) official. This confrontation triggers institutional reaction (arrest, imprisonment) 107. The citation is a blend of Gen 22:18 and 26:4, with echoes of Gen 12:3; 18:18 (also cf. Ps 21:28 LXX [22:27 ET]). 108. See Pervo 1987; fuller treatment in Pervo 1979; Weaver; MacMullen 46–94, esp. 72–78; also Hadas and Smith 49–56. Luke’s use of a widely recognized literary convention can be seen as supplementing or even bringing into final shape traditions traceable to eyewitnesses or to those in the second and third generations who preserved and transmitted these stories about the early days of the church in Jerusalem (cf. Luke 1:2). 109. On the use of “myth” to characterize these “resistance narratives,” see Weaver 25–27, 89–91.

122

Acts 4:1–4

that curtails or suppresses the new religion. Through a public hearing or trial, the charges are heard, proponents of the new religion respond, and the new religious message receives a wider and more public hearing. Vindication of the new religion occurs when the authorities concede, either by yielding to public pressure, acknowledging the truthfulness and legitimacy of the claims, or simply by giving in. Eventually the new religion emerges with greater legitimacy and social acceptance. One of the earliest forms of this myth of resistance is the appearance of the god Dionysus, “son of Zeus,” before Pentheus, king of Thebes, as narrated in Bacchanals, by Euripides. In the contest that unfolds between Dionysus and Pentheus, the king is unable to suppress the new religion, which is finally accepted in the polis as one of the established cults. Confrontation ultimately gives way to acceptance and reconciliation. Variations of this myth were widely known throughout antiquity.110 In one version of such confrontation stories, the protagonist is a representative of the deity, who may be portrayed in a role such as teacher, philosopher, prophet, miracle worker, or in some combination of these roles. For the sake of simplicity, we will use philosopher/prophet for the deity’s representative. Some of the recurring features in such stories include the following:



1. Description of the philosopher/prophet’s activity and its effects— the threat it poses 2. Actions taken by authorities against the threat, usually some police action against the philosopher/prophet or his group, such as arrest and imprisonment 3. A public hearing or court setting in which the adversaries meet and officials question the philosopher/prophet, which provides an opportunity to give a bold, dramatic response in a public setting, thereby enabling the new religion or competing point of view to gain publicity 4. Deliberations by officials, expressions of their disbelief and puzzlement, with officials wringing their hands trying to decide how to proceed, struggling with their dilemma on how to maintain order and defend the political/religious establishment while acknowledging the popular support gained by the philosopher/ prophet, thus how to balance the competing demands of divinely revealed truth (as represented by the philosopher/prophet) and established social and religious convention

110. Most notably in Aeschylus, Pentheus; Ovid, Metam. 3.511–733; Nonnus, Dionys. 44–46; and Pacuvius, Pentheus; cf. Servius, Aen. 4.469.

Peter and John Arrested by Temple Authorities 123



5. A verdict issued by the officials, which curbs the activity of the philosopher/prophet or calls for submission to official authority 6. Bold, defiant response by the philosopher/prophet, invariably choosing divine over human authority 7. Weak response by officials who bow to public pressure 8. Vindication or acceptance of the new religion

The classic example is the trial of Socrates, especially as reported in Plato’s Apology of Socrates, whose continuing influence is seen in Epictetus (Disc. 1.29.16–17) and Seneca (Ep. 28.8). One well-known version of the philosopher-versus-ruler story is reported in Philostratus (third c. CE, Life Apollon. T. 7.9–8.9), when the celebrated first-century religious teacher Apollonius of Tyana, who had traveled throughout the Mediterranean proclaiming the virtues of Pythagorean philosophy and asceticism and healing people afflicted with various maladies, was summoned to appear before the emperor Domitian in Rome to answer charges ranging from wizardry to threatening imperial rule. In Philostratus’s account of the trial, Apollonius is portrayed as a nimble, quickwitted philosopher and the emperor as Apollonius’s “plaything” (8.10). After hearing Apollonius’s defense, Domitian acquits him. Throughout Philostratus’s account the emperor is depicted as a rather hapless buffoon, scarcely able to hold his own with the Pythagorean sage and miracle worker. Earlier in the same work, a less developed version of the philosopher-ruler confrontation occurs in Apollonius’s encounter with Nero (4.38–44).111 The opening scene of Luke’s version of this myth of resistance is set in the temple, although this is not specified. The scene quickly shifts to an unspecified jail cell, presumably within the temple area. While Peter and John were speakinga to the people, the priests,b the captain of the temple, and the Sadducees stood near them, 2 annoyed because they were teaching the people and proclaiming in Jesus the resurrection of the dead. 3 These authorities arrested Peter and John,c and since it was already evening, they placed them in custody until the next day. 4 Many of those who heard the word became believers, and the number of men became about five thousand. 4:1

a. Gk. lalountōn autōn. Although Peter and John are not named as the subjects, they are clearly in view. b. Some manuscripts [B C] read “chief priests,” probably influenced by Luke 22:4. c. Lit., “and they laid [their] lands on them” (kai epebalon autois tas cheiras).

111. On the wonder-working activity of Apollonius of Tyana as a reflection of popular belief, see Klauck 2003, 168–74.

124

Acts 4:5–22

[4:1–4] The group of adversaries mentioned in verse 1 probably would be encountered in the temple area. Priests were regular temple functionaries. The captain (stratēgos, v. 1) of the temple (also 5:24, 26), who ranked below the high priest, maintained order in the temple with the help of other officers (stratēgoi; cf. Luke 22:4, 52). Sadducees were closely aligned with the priesthood (Acts 5:17; Josephus, Ant. 20.199) and were known for their denial of the resurrection.112 Given this eschatological skepticism, they would be understandably annoyed by Peter and John’s proclamation of Jesus’s resurrection (Acts 4:2). With an officer possessing police power in the audience, an arrest is plausible. Reporting the conversion of five thousand men (4:4),113 however incredible the number seems, underscores the effectiveness of Peter and John’s preaching and the threat it poses to Sadducean ideology, which heavily influenced priestly belief. The favorite Lukan expression “hearing the word” or “hearing the word of God/the Lord,”114 which has a strong biblical resonance,115 occurs elsewhere in the NT,116 although scarcely in the Pauline Letters.117 4:5–22 Peter and John before the Sanhedrin This subsection yields the following structure: (1) the Sanhedrin gathers (vv. 5–6); (2) the Sanhedrin questions Peter and John, and Peter responds with a defense (vv. 7–12); (3) the Sanhedrin responds and deliberates (vv. 13–17); and (4) the Sanhedrin reconvenes, Peter and John give bold testimony, which prompts their release (vv. 18–22). Now as it happened,a on the next day their leaders, elders, and scribes assembledb in Jerusalem, 6 as well as Annas the high priest, Caiaphas, John,c Alexander, and as many as were from the high priest’s family. 7 And placing the mend in their midst, they questioned them: “By what authority or in what name did you do this?” 8 Then Peter, filled with the Holy Spirit, said to them, “Leaders of the people and elders: 9 Today, if we are being examined about a good deed done to a sick man, and if we are being asked how this man has been made whole,e 10 let it be known to you and to all the people of Israel that in the name of Jesus Christ the Nazarene, whom you crucified, whom God raised from the 4:5

112. See Luke 20:27–40 || Matt 22:23–33 || Mark 12:18–27; cf. Acts 23:6–10. 113. Here “men” (tōn andrōn) probably signifies males in contrast to females. See BDAG, 79 s.v. anēr 1.a. 114. Luke 5:1; 8:13 (|| Mark 4:16 || Matt 13:20; cf. Mark 4:18 || Matt 13:22); 8:15 (|| Mark 4:20 || Matt 13:23); 8:21; 10:39; 11:28; Acts 4:4; 10:44; 13:7; 13:44; 15:7; 19:10. 115. See 2 Kgs 7:1; 20:16; 2 Chr 18:18; Isa 1:10; 28:14; passim. 116. Cf. Matt 13:19; John 5:24; 14:24; Jas 1:22–23; 1 John 2:7; 3:11. 117. See 1 Thess 2:13; Eph 1:13.

Peter and John before the Sanhedrin 125

dead—it is through Jesus that this man stands before you healthy. 11 He is ‘the stone’—the one that was set aside by you, the builders, the one that became ‘the keystone.’f 12 And there is no wholenessg in anyone else, for there is no other name given under heaven to human beings by which we must be made whole.”h 13 Now when they saw the boldness of Peter and John and grasped that they were uneducatedi and untrained men,j they were amazed and recognized them as former associates of Jesus,k 14 and since they saw the man who had been made well standing with Peter and John, they could not dispute it.l 15 When the Sanhedrin ordered them to step outside, they conferred with each other,m 16 saying, “What should we do with these men? For indeed a known miraclen has been done through them, and it is evident to everyone living in Jerusalem; and we cannot deny it. 17 But lest this be spread even further to the people, we should warn them to speak no longer in this name to any person.” 18 Summoning Peter and John, the Sanhedrin charged them not to speak or teach in the name of Jesus under any circumstances.o 19 But Peter and John answered them by saying: “Whether it is right before God to listen to you instead of God, you must decide; 20 for we cannot stop ourselves from speaking aboutp what we have seen and heard.” 21 After issuing some further threats, the Sanhedrin released them because they could find no way to punish them. In fact, they bowed to public pressure,q because all the people were giving God creditr for what had happened. 22 After all, the man who had experienced this miracle of healing was over forty years old! a. Lit., “and it happened”; or, “and it came to pass” (egeneto de). b. Lit., “were gathered” (synachthēnai). c. Some texts (D gig p* vgms) read “Jonathan” (Iōnathas). d. Lit., “them” (autous). As the question in v. 7b indicates, Peter and John are mainly in view, although the healed man is also present (v. 14). e. Here I follow KJV in rendering the Greek (sesōtai) as “made whole.” f. Lit., “the one who became [for] head of corner” (ho genomenos eis kephalēn gōnias), i.e., the cornerstone or keystone (in an arch); possibly a coping stone. BDAG 541 s.v. kephalē 2.b; 209 s.v. gōnia; Jeremias 1967a, 274–75. g. Or, “salvation” (sōtēria), here rendered “wholeness” to capture the double meaning of “salvation” and “healing.” See Acts 4:9, where the verb form sōzō means “heal.” h. Or, “be saved” (sōthēnai). i. Gk. agrammatoi, lit., “without letters,” “unable to write,” by extension “uneducated,” “illiterate.” See BDAG 15 s.v. agrammatos; also NewDocs 5:12–13 (no. 1). j. Or, “ordinary” (idiōtai), i.e., as opposed to someone with special gifts or training. k. Lit., “that they were [had been] with Jesus” (hoti syn tō Iēsou ēsan). l. Lit., “They had nothing to say against [it]” (ouden eichon anteipein).

126

Acts 4:5–22

m. Lit., “Now having ordered them to depart from the Sanhedrin, they consulted with each other” (keleusantes de autous exō tou synedriou apelthein syneballon pros allēlous). n. Or, “known sign” (gnōston sēmeion). o. Or, “not at all” (to katholou). BDAG 493 s.v. katholou. p. Lit., “for we are not able not to continue speaking” (ou dynametha . . . mē lalein). q. Lit., “on account of the people” (dia ton laon). r. Lit., “because all were glorifying God” (hoti pantes edoxazon ton theon).

[4:5–6] The audience for Peter and John’s trial is not only larger than the initial group of adversaries but also consists of higher-ranking officials. Luke also reports Jesus’s adversarial relationship with leaders (hoi archontes, Luke 23:13, 35), elders (presbyteroi, 20:1; 22:52), and scribes (grammateis, 22:2, 66). Naming members of the high-priestly family personalizes the adversaries but also introduces some chronological imprecision (similarly Luke 3:2). The generally accepted dates for the high priesthood of Annas (Ananus) are about 6–15 CE. His son-in-law Caiaphas served as high priest in about 18–36 CE. Given these dates, it would have been more accurate for Luke to say “Annas and the high priest Caiaphas.”118 The identity of “John” and “Alexander” is unknown; they are mentioned nowhere else. “John” may be a corrupt reference to Jonathan, the son of Annas, who succeeded Caiaphas as high priest and officiated approximately 36–37 CE.119 Also disputed is the portrayal of the high priest as the one who presides over the Sanhedrin (synedrion), Luke’s term for the entire group.120 [4:7–12] “In their midst” suggests a meeting of the Sanhedrin arranged in a semicircle, with Peter and John standing before them. “By what authority” recalls Jesus’s interrogation in the temple by the chief priests, scribes, and elders (Luke 20:1–2; cf. Mark 11:27–28; Matt 21:23). Jesus’s representatives are now being interrogated by the same group in the same place. Peter, standing before hostile officials and “filled with the Holy Spirit,” fulfills Jesus’s earlier 118. Although Luke mentions “the high priesthood of Annas and Caiaphas” in Luke 3:2, he does not mention them in connection with Jesus’s trial. Matthew identifies Caiaphas as high priest during the trial of Jesus (26:3, 57). The Gospel of John names Caiaphas as the high priest during Jesus’s trial but also describes the role of Annas, his father-in-law, in the proceedings (18:13–14, 24, 28; cf. 11:49). Later Luke mentions another high priest, Ananias, who presided over Paul’s trial in Jerusalem (Acts 23:2; 24:1). See Schürer 2:215–16, 229–32 (with a list of the high priests who served between 37 BCE and 68 CE). 119. Some manuscripts read “Jonathan.” See text note c above. 120. See Acts 4:15; cf. 5:21, 27, 34, 41; 6:12, 15; 22:30; 23:1, 6, 15, 20, 28; 24:20. On the different ways in which ancient sources depict the leadership of the Sanhedrin, see C. Hayes; on the Sanhedrin generally, see Schürer 2:199–226; and esp. Saldarini (1992b) for a detailed rehearsal of the variety of perspectives in ancient sources describing the function, composition, and leadership of the Sanhedrin.

Peter and John before the Sanhedrin 127

reassuring promise (Luke 12:11–12). We are expected to hear Peter’s remarks as inspired speech. The healing of the lame beggar, “a good deed done to a sick man” (Acts 4:9), is the ostensible pretext for the trial, but it quickly yields to another “text”— sōtēria, which is usually translated “salvation” (NRSV) but here is rendered “wholeness.” In verse 9 Luke capitalizes on the double meaning of sōzō, usually translated “to save.” Here, however, it means “save” in the sense of being made well physically—to be “made whole” (sesōtai). Peter asserts that through (the name of) Jesus the man has been made “healthy” (hygiēs, v. 10). Once the double valence of sōzō is established, Peter can universalize the salvific effects of Jesus’s name (v. 12). Since there is no mention of sins here, as there was earlier in Peter’s public sermon in the temple (3:19), sōtēria includes more than salvation from sins. It should be understood as wholeness or human well-being in which physical health is a prime ingredient. By reenacting the healing ministry of Jesus, Peter and John are continuing and extending the prophetic vision of Isa 61:1–2, which Jesus claimed for himself in Luke 4:16–30. Yet another text lies embedded within Peter’s remarks: an allusion to Ps 118:22 [Ps 117:22 LXX] in Acts 4:11. Luke’s Gospel (20:17–18) has Jesus citing Ps 118:22 immediately following the parable of the wicked tenants (cf. Mark 12:10–11 || Matt 21:42–44). In all three Synoptic accounts, the rejected-stone text is used by Jesus to defend the owner’s harsh actions against the tenants, who murdered his “beloved son” (Mark 12:6; Luke 20:13). Although Jesus does not identify himself as the rejected stone, this is implied. The unstated connection is that the tenants’ murder of the owner’s son resonates with the builders’ rejection of the stone. But rather than develop the motif of the rejected stone’s becoming the keystone (or cornerstone), Jesus, at least in Q (Luke 20:18; Matt 21:44), explains the dangers of dealing with stones. Not only can people stumble over stones, but stones can also fall on people and crush them. Those who try to cast stones aside may well find themselves injured by those same stones. The logical connection between Jesus’s citation of Ps 118 and his interpretation of it in reference to the parable may seem stretched, but the narrative implies that his opponents caught the point (Luke 20:19; Mark 12:12; Matt 21:45). Those who try to thwart the owner’s plans will pay. If they crush the owner’s son, the owner will most assuredly crush them. In this context Ps 118:22 provides stern warning for those who would obstruct God’s purposes. Luke’s use of Ps 118:22 in Acts 4 moves in a different direction. In Luke 20, Christ himself uses Ps 118:22; here Luke (through Peter) uses Ps 118:22 to speak about Christ. Luke now makes explicit what was implicit in Luke 20:17–18, that Jesus is the rejected stone. Since Jesus has already cited the text in Luke 20, there is no need to reintroduce it here as a formal OT citation. Peter’s allusion is sufficient. More important is to notice its placement after the kerygmatic summary in Acts 4:10. Here we can see Luke’s interpretive

128

Acts 4:5–22

creativity. Having reflected further on what he inherited from the Synoptic tradition, Luke probes the psalm more deeply. He now sees that what was encoded in Ps 118:22 long ago—a stone that is set aside (rejected) by the builders as unworthy or unacceptable is later reclaimed (by someone else) and not only included in the building but also placed at its most critical location, either as the central stone in the arch or as the cornerstone in the foundation—expresses metaphorically the essential truth of early Christian preaching. By interpreting Ps 118:22 this way, Luke exposes yet another christological vein in the Psalter. The rejected stone that later became the chief cornerstone is best understood, Luke insists, not as poetic metaphor for reversed expectations generally but as a personalized metaphor expressing what would happen to the future Davidic messiah. The essential paradox of the Christ event—the expected (Jesus’s crucifixion at the hands of his enemies) giving way to the unexpected (God’s raising him from the dead)—Luke finds embedded in Ps 118:22. In ten words of the LXX, Luke identifies the lead characters of the passion narrative—Jesus (the stone) and the Jewish leaders (the builders)—as well as its two defining events—Jesus’s death (rejection) and resurrection (chief keystone/cornerstone). The main axes of divine reversal are all there: what humans did, God reversed; what was rejected, God not only accepted but also elevated. Psalm 118:22 provides Luke a fresh and deeply evocative metaphor to reexpress what he has related in the passion narrative and what is summarized in Acts 4:10. This interpretive trajectory is developed more fully in 1 Pet 2:4–8. [4:13–17] “Boldness” (parrhēsia) suggests fearless, courageous speech, the trademark of the true philosopher willing to confront those in authority.121 It typifies Peter’s speech (Acts 2:29; 4:31, fulfilling the prayer of 4:29) and especially Paul’s preaching.122 “Uneducated” (agrammatos) is frequently used to describe someone who is illiterate.123 “Untrained” (idiōtēs) implies inexperience in a particular field or lack of specialized knowledge and skill, thus someone who is an amateur compared with a professional, such as a civilian in contrast to a soldier. The Sanhedrin’s perception of them as “former associates of Jesus” is realistic since there is narrative continuity between Jesus’s trial and this event. In Luke 22:66–23:16 Jesus is questioned before the same group that now interrogates Peter and John. Peter has already been identified by the maid as Jesus’s associate (22:56). Luke’s narrative also calls attention to their common Galilean identity (Luke 23:6; Acts 1:11; 2:7). Another confirmation of the reality of the miracle occurs in the Sanhedrin’s inability to dispute it and 121. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 4.14–15 (Diogenes to Alexander); 43.7. See Malherbe 2000, 137. 122. Acts 9:27–29; 13:46; 14:3; 19:8; 26:26; 28:31; similarly Apollos, 18:26. 123. Cadbury 1958, 28, “a word . . . used in contemporary records of persons who cannot write even a receipt or sign their name.”

The Church’s Prayer for Peter and John 129

their acknowledgment that “a known miracle” (gnōston sēmeion, Acts 4:16) has occurred. The eyewitness testimony of “everyone living in Jerusalem” (v. 16) is further proof. The Sanhedrin’s fear that “this” (message and power) would spread even further (v. 17) gains credibility through Luke’s earlier mention of the impressive numerical increase of believers (Acts 4:4). [4:18–22] This second appearance before the Sanhedrin enables Luke to give verbal expression to Peter and John’s boldness (v. 13). Using proverbial language asserting the priority of divine over human authority,124 they align themselves with God’s cause and reassert their irrepressible role as eyewitnesses and earwitnesses (v. 20). What they have “seen and heard” would include their entire range of experiences from the time of John the Baptist forward, especially their witness to Jesus’s resurrection (1:22). Portraying the Sanhedrin as a hand-wringing deliberative body with no real options, caving in to public pressure, is a typical feature of myth-of-resistance narratives. Helpless kings and judicial officials are powerless before Spirit-inspired philosopher/ prophets who have God on their side. Moreover, a forty-year affliction had been cured (v. 22). 4:23–31 The Church’s Prayer for Peter and John In this subsection the scene changes to an unspecified location, “the place where they were assembled” (v. 31). Here Peter and John meet with “their own,” possibly the other apostles yet probably some believers other than apostles. The dominant feature of this subsection is the church’s prayer (vv. 24–30). As with the previous two scenes, an OT quotation is the centerpiece (vv. 25–26). After their release, Peter and John came to their friendsa and reported to them what the chief priests and elders had said. 24 And those who heard their report lifted their voices in unison to God and said, “Sovereign Lord, the One who made the heavens, the earth, the sea, and everything in them, 25 who, using the lips of David, our father and your servant, spoke these words through the Holy Spirit: Why did the nations become arrogant, and the people have empty thoughts? 26 The kings of the earth aligned themselves for battle, and the leaders formed an allianceb against the Lord and against his Messiah.c 4:23

124. Plato (Apol. 29D) reports Socrates saying to the men of Athens, “I shall obey the god rather than you”; also cf. Herodotus, Hist. 5.63; Sophocles, Ant. 450–470; Epictetus, Disc. 1.30.1; Athenaeus, Learn. Banq. 12.520b; Diodorus S., Hist. 9.26.4; and Livy, Hist. 39.37.17. See Horst 1989a, 42–43.

130

Acts 4:23–31

gatheredd

For they surely in this city against your holy Servant Jesus, whom you anointed—both Herod and Pontius Pilate, along with the gentiles and the peoples of Israel— 28 to do what your hand and your will had decided earliere would be done. 29 And now, Lord, take note of their threats and enable your servants to speak your word with full confidence,f 30 and to be an extension of your healing hand as they perform signs and wondersg through the name of your holy Servant Jesus.” 31 And as they were praying, the place where they were assembled began shaking, and everyone was filled with the Holy Spirit and began speaking the word of God with boldness. 27

a. Lit., “to their own” (pros tous idious). b. Lit., “were gathered to the same place” (synēchthēsan epi to auto). c. Or, “against his Anointed One” (kata tou christou autou). d. Lit., “for they were gathered in truth” (synēchthēsan gar ep’ alētheias). e. Or, predetermined (proōrisen). BDAG 873 s.v. proorizō. f. Lit., “and give your servants with all boldness to speak your word” (dos tois doulois sou meta parrhēsias pasēs lalein ton logon sou). g. Lit., “through your hand to extend you for healing and signs and wonders to be done” (en tō tēn cheira sou ekteinein se eis iasin kai sēmeia kai terata ginesthai).

[4:23] Given the numbers reported earlier (2:41; 4:4), it would have been relatively easy to find a group of “their friends” (RSV, NRSV), literally, “their own” (tous idious) or “their own people” (NIV), possibly the other apostles,125 to visit after their release. The same language is used to describe the imprisoned Paul’s supporters in Caesarea (24:23). Similarly small groups of believers appear elsewhere.126 The “chief priests” (hoi archiereis, 4:23) were Sanhedrin members connected to the family of high priests. They could include the current high priest, former high priests, and other prominent males from those families.127 They appear with some frequency in Acts.128 [4:24–31] Prayers have been mentioned earlier (1:14; 2:42; 3:1) and a short prayer has been recorded (1:24–25). This prayer, however, because of its length, elevated tone, and inclusion of an OT text and its interpretation, qualifies as a Lukan speech. Literarily, it functions like Peter’s speeches in Acts 2–3. Since it occurs on the lips of those who heard Peter and John’s report and is offered “in unison to God,” it should be read as a community prayer. Like the other speeches, however, this prayer expresses Luke’s viewpoint and introduces yet 125. Dupont 1964, 60. 126. Acts 12:12; 20:7–12; 21:4, 7–8, 16; 28:14. 127. Schürer 2:232–36; cf. Josephus, J.W. 6.143. 128. The plural form “chief priests” (hoi archiereis) occurs in Acts 4:23; 5:24; 9:14, 21; 22:30; 23:14; 25:2, 15; 26:10, 12.

The Church’s Prayer for Peter and John 131

another OT text understood christologically, which is to be read (heard) alongside the other scriptural testimonia that have already been introduced.129 God is addressed as “Sovereign Lord” (despota, vocative form of despotēs, v. 24), the title used by Simeon in his temple prayer.130 God’s role as cosmic creator is expressed in highly formalized, biblically resonant language that would remind readers of God’s own self-description in the Decalogue (Exod 20:11) and similar prayers offered by Hezekiah (2 Kgs 19:15; Isa 37:16), Ezra (Neh 9:6), Judith (9:12), and the psalmist (Ps 146:5–6). God’s creative work will become a major motif in Paul’s missionary preaching to gentiles (Acts 14:15; 17:24). The Seer’s theological vision also includes this depiction of God (Rev 10:6; 14:7). In all of these texts we are probably hearing a formulation used in early Christian prayers, a plausible possibility reinforced by Luke’s attribution of this language to Jesus’s disciples themselves at one of their early meetings. Luke’s view of biblical inspiration is revealed in Acts 4:25. In the Psalter, God through the Holy Spirit speaks to David. This conforms to the Lukan conviction that the Holy Spirit, present early in Israel’s history (7:51), inspired the writers of Scripture (1:16; 28:25). Acts 4:25b–26 are cited almost verbatim from Ps 2:1–2 LXX. Other parts of Ps 2 are elsewhere quoted directly.131 This is the only NT citation of Ps 2:1–2. Luke is thus unique among NT writers in citing this text and in claiming its christological significance.132 What is especially remarkable is how Ps 2:1–2 fits with Luke’s own narrative. What he finds appealing about the wording is that it mentions both gentiles (“the nations,” ethnē) and Jews (“the peoples,” laoi), the two groups that constitute Luke’s vision of humanity and who, he believes, were envisioned in God’s original promise to Abraham (Acts 3:25–26; 15:17). They also establish his bifocal conception of God’s unfolding mission in Acts. Another pair that captured Luke’s attention was “the kings of the earth” (hoi basileis tēs gēs) and “the leaders” (hoi archontes) who formed an alliance against the third significant pair: “the Lord” (tou kyriou) and “his Messiah” (tou christou autou). Luke’s interpretation of these three pairs is given in 4:27–28 of the church’s prayer. “This city” (Jerusalem) is the battlefield where a cosmic war was waged against God’s “holy Servant” (epi ton hagion paida sou, v. 27). The church’s prayer confirms Peter’s earlier proclamation of Jesus as God’s Servant of Isa 52–53 (Acts 3:13, 26). “Holy” recalls Luke 1:35 and may echo the language of Ps 16:10 quoted in Acts 2:27. When God “anointed” Jesus is unspecified. Probably his baptism is in view (Luke 3:22), although possibly his resurrection 129. Deut 18:15–19; Pss 16:8–11; 110:1; 118:22. 130. Luke 2:29; cf. Rev 6:10; of Jesus in Jude 4. 131. Thus see Ps 2:7 in Acts 13:33; Heb 1:5; 5:5; Ps 2:9 in Rev 2:26–27. 132. There is an echo of Ps 2:2 in John 1:41; Rev 11:15; 17:18; 19:19.

132

Acts 4:23–31

(Acts 2:36). Luke identifies “both Herod and Pontius Pilate” with “the kings of the earth” (4:26–27). The “leaders” of Ps 2:2 are equated with the Jewish leaders mentioned several times in Luke’s account of Jesus’s trial (Luke 23:13, 35; also 24:20; Acts 3:17). The parallel arrangement of the psalm further suggests a correlation between the “kings of the earth” with “the nations,” and “the leaders” with “the people.” The mention of “leaders” with “the people” in Luke 23:13 strengthens this correlation. The Roman soldiers who mocked Jesus are not identified as “gentiles” (ethnē), but they are linked with Herod (Luke 23:11; also 23:36). There is no further need to identify “Lord” with God, or “Messiah” with Jesus, since this has already been done in Peter’s exposition of Pss 16:8–11 and 110:1 in Acts 2:22–36. This is the first OT text cited in Luke-Acts that specifically mentions “the Messiah” (tou christou, Acts 4:26), which Luke naturally understands to refer to Jesus. With this citation of Ps 2:1–2 and its detailed interpretation, it now becomes clear why Luke, alone of the Gospel writers, included the episode of Herod and Pilate (Luke 23:6–16). Luke also is the only evangelist to report Jesus’s appearance before Herod (Antipas). By introducing the trial before Pilate with the accusation that Jesus claimed to be “the Messiah, a king” (Luke 23:2), Luke further tightens the connection between Ps 2:1–2 and his account of Jesus’s trial. Numerous features of the Lukan account of Jesus’s trial suggest that it has been heavily influenced by Ps 2:1–2. What was implicit in the Lukan passion narrative now becomes explicit in the church’s prayer in Acts, in which we hear Luke giving his point-by-point interpretation of the psalm passage. So convinced is Luke that Ps 2:1–2 provided a script for what happened in Jesus’s trial and crucifixion that he sees the hand of God in it all (Acts 4:28). The language Luke uses here is heavily deterministic (see 2:23). His theological view can be paraphrased as follows: All the players, including Herod, Pilate, and others, were brought together in Jerusalem “to do what your hand and your will had decided earlier would be done” (poiēsai hosa hē cheir sou kai hē boulē sou proōrisen genesthai, 4:28). It is as though a script written long ago by God was enacted, or acted out, through the events of Jesus’s passion, and that God had not only chosen the players but also directed their performance from start to finish.133 The prayer for “full confidence” (parrhēsia, 4:29) and continuing power to heal in the name of Jesus is a request that what has already been done (Peter’s healing and bold testimony) will continue to be done. The prayer is answered immediately (v. 31) and more fully in the next section (4:32–5:42, esp. 5:12). 133. While this characterization may strike some as being overly deterministic, even predestinarian in the classic theological sense, it seeks to capture the force of the language used in Acts 4:28. It should also be seen along with other Lukan passages that reflect a similar outlook. See comments on 13:48.

The Apostolic Church 133

The combination of earthquake symbolism and an outpouring of the Holy Spirit signals the continuation of the new era begun at Pentecost (Luke 21:11).134 4:32–5:42 The Apostolic Church: Community Solidarity, Resistance, and Vindication At this point the focus of the narrative shifts from Peter and John (3:1–4:31) to the apostles (4:32–5:42). Within this larger concentric circle of activity, we can detect a pattern of arrangement similar to what we saw in 3:1–4:31. The section begins with a visible display of community solidarity and generosity exemplified in the actions of Barnabas, coupled with powerful apostolic proclamation of the resurrection (4:32–37). This is followed by an equally dramatic display of divine power unleashed in retaliatory action against the misguided philanthropy of Ananias and Sapphira (5:1–11). A third manifestation of divine initiative occurs through the apostolic signs and wonders performed in the temple, which prompt even greater numerical expansion as Peter’s therapeutic powers acquire magical proportions, and as the geographical scope of the apostles’ influence reaches areas beyond Jerusalem (5:12–16). Earlier resistance was triggered by a single miracle done by Peter and John and a single sermon preached by Peter in the temple (3:1–26); now a wider range of divine initiatives, including many more people and reaching to a broader geographical area, threatens the established religion. This intensified display of divine activity not only underscores the failure of the Sanhedrin’s earlier police actions but also triggers more severe repressive measures (5:17–26). As the contest between the Sanhedrin and the apostles escalates, so does the apostles’ defensive rhetoric (5:27–32) and the level of vindication (5:33–40). As before, the authorities’ resistance efforts fail to halt the advance of the apostolic mission (5:41–42). 4:32–37 The Church’s Generosity: Barnabas This section is usually read as a summary that concludes the section beginning at 3:1. This is true in one sense, but since the apostles are mentioned four times (vv. 33, 35, 36, 37), this summary clearly introduces the section that portrays 134. For earthquakes as an expression of God’s anger, see Isa 13:13; 24:17–20; Ps 18:7; similarly T. Levi 3.9. Earthquakes figure in apocalyptic descriptions in 2 Bar. 27.7; 2 Esd (4 Ezra) 3:18; 6:13–16; Ques. Ezra 28; also cf. LAB (Pseudo-Philo) 6.17; 11.4–5; Liv. Pro. 11.3; Jan. Jam. 25a. Earthquakes often accompany the appearance of deities in Greek and Latin authors, as in Plutarch, Publ. 9.4 (101); Lucian, Menip. 9–10; Lies 22; Iamblichus, Myst. 2.4 (75.8–11); Statius, Theb. 4.331–332; Catullus (64.205–207) and Vergil (Aen. 9.106) reflecting Homer, Il. 1.528–530; also Vergil, Aen. 3.90–92; Ovid, Metam. 1.179–180; 9.782–784; 15.671–672; also cf. Nonnus, Dionys. 44.35–45. See Horst 1989a, 44–45.

134

Acts 4:32–37

the community of believers forming around the apostles and yielding to their authority. The apostles’ ministry of witness and healing is also a prominent feature of the following section, as is their bold testimony in the face of stiff resistance by established religious authorities. Now the community of believersa was one heart and soul, and no one would say that anything they owned was theirs; rather, they shared everything in common.b 33 And with great power the apostles were bearing witness to the resurrection of the Lord Jesus, and everyone experienced extraordinary generosity.c 34  Nor was anyone among them needy; for whoever owned land or houses sold them and brought the proceeds of the sales 35 and placed them at the feet of the apostles, who then distributed to everyone just as each one had need. 36 Now Joseph, nicknamed by the apostles Barnabas (which, translated, means “son of encouragement”), a Levite, a Cypriot by background,d 37 sold a field that he owned, brought the money, and placed it at the apostles’ feet. 4:32

a. Lit., “the multitude of those who believed” (tou de plēthous tōn pisteusantōn). b. Lit., “but to them all things were common” (all’ ēn autois hapanta koina). c. Lit., “and great grace was upon them all” (charis te megalē ēn epi pantas autous). d. Lit., “by family” or “by people” (tō genei); sometimes “by nationality,” but this can imply an understanding of nation that did not exist in antiquity. BDAG 194 s.v. genos 3.

[4:32–37] Jesus’s followers are designated “believers” (hoi pisteuontes) occasionally in the Synoptic Gospels,135 frequently in Acts and Paul,136 and most frequently in John.137 “One heart and soul” (kardia kai psychē mia) echoes proverbial language describing a true friend.138 A community that claimed no private ownership of property but “shared everything in common” (ēn autois hapanta koina) embodies ideals long valued in the Greek and Roman philosophical traditions.139 Community of goods was also practiced at Qumran.140

135. See Matt 18:6; Mark 9:42; also Luke 8:13. 136. Acts 2:44; 4:4; 11:17; 19:18; et al.; Rom 3:22; 4:24; et al. 137. John 1:12; 17:20; passim; esp. “the one who believes” (ho pisteuōn), 3:15–16, 18, 36; passim. 138. Asked to define a friend, Diogenes the Cynic said, “One soul residing in two bodies” (mia psychē en dysi sōmasi keimenē, via Stobaeus 2.33.10 [Wachsmuth and Hense 2:256, lines 16–17]); also Aristotle, Nic. Eth. 9.8.2 (1168b5–10); Plutarch, Bro. Love 1 (Mor. 478D); Cicero, Friendship 25.92; Duties 1.17.56. See Horst 1989a, 46. 139. The notion probably had Pythagorean roots; cf. Iamblichus, Pythag. 30.167–168; also Plato, Rep. 5.462C; Laws 5.739B–D. 140. See comments on Acts 2:42–47 above.

Misguided Generosity: Ananias and Sapphira 135

The generalized picture of verse 32 gives way to a description of the community formed around the apostles. At its center is powerful apostolic witness to Jesus’s resurrection (v. 33), which has been amply demonstrated (2:24, 31–32; 3:15; 4:2, 10).141 The community’s generosity—literally, “great grace” (charis megalē)142—takes the form of selling private property, bringing the proceeds to the apostles, who are then responsible for distributing money and goods to other members of the community according to their individual needs (vv. 34–35). Here the apostles’ ministry is two-pronged: proclamation of the word and charitable distribution of goods. Later the ministry of the word receives higher priority, while the ministry of service is delegated to duly appointed apostolic assistants (6:1–7). Singled out for honorable mention is Joseph, whom the apostles nicknamed Barnabas (4:36–37) and who will play a significant leadership role in the narrative through 15:41.143 The etymology of his name, “son of encouragement,” is problematic. In Aramaic and Hebrew bar means “son,” but nabas (or any known cognate) does not mean “encouragement” or “exhortation.” Possibly some corruption of the Aramaic word for prophet (nabîʾ) is in view. “Levite” signifies some form of priestly heritage, probably a level of service in the temple subordinate to that of the priests and high priest.144 According to Deuteronomic legislation, Levites received no allotment of land in Israel.145 Jewish communities on the island of Cyprus are well attested in ancient literary sources.146 Like everyone else, Barnabas places the proceeds of his sale “at the apostles’ feet” (v. 37). 5:1–11 Misguided Generosity: Ananias and Sapphira The story of Ananias and Sapphira is linked with the previous section in two ways: (1) the prominent role of the apostles within the community, and (2) the theme of community generosity. Like Barnabas (4:35, 37), Ananias places the proceeds of his sale “at the apostles’ feet” (5:2). Speaking as the apostles’ representative, Peter confronts both Ananias and Sapphira verbally (vv. 3–4, 8–9). Earlier Peter has played the role of Scripture interpreter, preacher, and bold 141. Here in 4:33 resurrection is asserted of “the Lord Jesus.” In Acts, “Lord Jesus” occurs at 1:21; 4:33; 7:59; 8:16; 11:17, 20; 15:11, 26; 16:31; 19:5, 13, 17; 20:21, 24, 35; 21:13; 28:31. 142. For “grace” (charis) as a designation for actions of generosity, see 2 Cor 8:1; 9:14. 143. See Acts 9:27; 11:22, 30; 12:25; chs. 13–14; 15:2, 12, 22, 25, 30, 35–39; also 1 Cor 9:6; Gal 2:1–13; Col 4:10. 144. Two different views of the relationship of Levites to Aaronides are presented in Num 10:5–10; 18:1–32 and Deut 18:1–8. 145. See Deut 10:9; 12:12; 18:1–2; cf. Num 18:20. 146. Philo, Emb. Gaius 282; also cf. 1 Macc 15:23; Josephus, Ant. 13.284–287; Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 68.32.1–3 (see Stern 2:385–89 [no. 437], esp. 388); see Smallwood 121–22, 412–15.

136

Acts 5:1–11

public witness; now he is the apostolic disciplinarian whose words not only name the offense that has been committed within the Christian community but also interprets it for Luke’s readers. Without ever being told, Peter immediately sees what has really happened. Having already exemplified the ability to discern the difference between obeying human impulses and being loyal to God, Peter names Ananias’s sin as lying not to humans but to God (v. 4). This story envisions a community of believers in Jerusalem in which the apostles are clearly in charge. It advances earlier descriptions of the apostolic community in that it portrays Peter (and the other apostles) in their role of confronting misbehaving members of the community and thus holding the community accountable to the high ideals introduced in Acts 2–4. The story is a diptych, consisting of two equally balanced halves (vv. 1–6 and 7–11). Like other Lukan stories that pair a male and female character (e.g., Aeneas and Tabitha in 9:32–43), the first features Ananias, the second Sapphira. The presentation is stylized. Ananias “fell down and died” (v. 5); similarly Sapphira (v. 10). Each was carried away and buried (vv. 6, 10). Each half concludes by mentioning the community’s fear that resulted from their respective deaths (vv. 5, 11). 5:1 Now a certain man named Ananias, along with his wife, Sapphira, sold a piece of property, 2 and with his wife as an accomplice,a he kept back

some of the proceeds of the sale.b He then brought a certain portion of the price and placed it at the apostles’ feet. 3 Then Peter said, “Ananias, why has Satan filled your heart, causing you to lie to the Holy Spirit and to skim from the sale price of the land?c 4 While it remained as it was, did it not remain yours? Even after it was sold, were you not in control of the proceeds? How is it that you hatched this scheme in your heart?d You have not lied to humans but to God.” 5 Now when Ananias heard these words, he fell down and died; and great fear came upon everyone who heard about it. 6 Then appeared the young men who wrapped up his body;e and after carrying him away, they buried him. 7 Now an interval of about three hours elapsed,f and his wife entered, not knowing what had happened. 8 Then Peter said to her, “Tell me whether the two of you sold the piece of land for such and such a price?” “Yes,” she said, “for that price.” 9 So Peter said to her, “How is it that you two agreed to test the Spirit of the Lord? Look! The feet of those who buried your husband are at the door, and they are going to carry you out.” 10 Then she immediately fell at his feet and died. When the young men entered, they found her dead. After carrying her away, they buried her beside her husband. 11 And great fear came over the whole church and upon everyone who heard these things.

Misguided Generosity: Ananias and Sapphira 137 a. Or, “with his wife’s knowledge” (syneiduiēs kai tēs gynaikos). BDAG 973 s.v. synoida. b. Or, “put aside for himself [some] of the price” (enosphisato apo tēs timēs). BDAG 679 s.v. nosphizō. c. Lit., “and to keep back [for yourself] from the sale price of the land” (kai nosphisasthai apo tēs timēs tou chōriou). d. Lit., “Why [is it] that you put this matter [deed] in your heart?” (ti hoti ethou en tē kardia sou ta pragma touto?). e. “Wrapped up” renders synesteilan, which can also mean “take away” or “remove.” BDAG 978 s.v. systellō 3 & 5. f. Lit., “Now there came to pass an interval of about three hours” (egeneto de hōs hōrōn triōn diastēma).

[5:1–11] Commentators have long noticed similarities between the story of Ananias and Sapphira’s lie and Achan’s theft of “devoted things” (LXX anathema) in Josh 7. The term used to describe Ananias’s withholding (enosphisato, vv. 2–3) a portion of the proceeds is the same verb used in Josh 7:1 LXX to describe Achan’s sin: The Israelites “committed a major offense and appropriated for themselves part of what was devoted [enosphisanto apo tou anathematos].” Apart from this verbal echo, Luke’s language and overall frame of reference differs from Josh 7. In the OT account, the forbidden items are consistently called “devoted things” (anathema), language absent in Acts 5. Achan’s misdeed is a breach of the Lord’s covenant (diathēkē) with Israel (Josh 7:11, 15). It is also called “lawlessness” (anomēma, v. 15). Joshua commands Achan to “make confession” (exomologēsin, v. 19) and “not to hide it from me” (mē krypsēs ap’ emou). Achan confesses to having “sinned against the Lord God of Israel” (hēmarton enantion kyriou theou Israēl, v. 20). Joshua’s curse is formulated by using a wordplay on “destroy”: “Why have you destroyed us? May the Lord destroy you as also today” (ti ōlethreusas hēmas? exolethreusai se kyrios katha kai sēmeron, v. 25). Luke’s account, by contrast, incorporates a different register of theologically descriptive language. Ananias’s action is prompted by Satan’s filling his heart (v. 3), the same language Luke uses to describe Judas’s motivation in betraying Jesus (Luke 22:3; cf. John 13:2, 27). The couple’s actions are seen as conspiracy against the Holy Spirit (Acts 5:3, 9) and especially as attempts to deceive the Spirit and God (vv. 3–4). Twice Luke mentions the chilling effect of their death on the community (vv. 5, 11). In fact, the fear that gripped everyone is the concluding motif in each half of the diptych. The resonance between Acts 5 and Josh 7 occurs not so much at the level of verbal similarity as it does at the level of conceptual or thematic similarity. Especially notable in the Achan story is the relationship between individual action and corporate well-being. One man’s sin brings tragic losses to the larger

138

Acts 5:12–16

community. His sin is his blatant disobedience of God’s commandment (Josh 6:17–19). Equally clear is the gravity of Achan’s hidden sin. It incites God’s anger, which does not subside until severe punishment has been meted out against the offender and his family (7:26). Another important motif is God’s warning that Israel’s future ability to wage war successfully is threatened by Achan’s sin (7:13). Most striking is the nature of Achan’s offense: he “coveted and took” (enthymētheis autōn elabon) the forbidden spoils of war (7:21). Seen within the theological framework of the Achan episode, the Ananias and Sapphira story illustrates not only the lethal effects one couple’s greed and deceit poses for an entire community but also the urgency of eliminating behavior that threatens the progress of the community’s overall mission. In Josh 7, God’s punishment is administered by the community to the offending party; in Acts 5, the punishment is administered directly by God in the community’s presence. The lesson is abundantly clear in both cases: Sins of avarice invariably lead to deceit, both of which violate the community’s integrity and its overall relationship with God. These are grave offenses with lethal consequences.147 The concluding mention of fear that “came over the whole church” (v. 11) introduces the first use of ekklēsia in Luke-Acts to designate the community of believers.148 That the episode struck fear in the hearts of the disciples captures an important element of Lukan theology. While the horrific deaths of Ananias and Sapphira strike some as unnecessarily harsh, even vindictive on the part of God, they stand within a part of the biblical tradition, represented by Achan, for example, in which lying and conspiracy against the community is seen as a cardinal sin, whose effects can be lethal. 5:12–16 Apostolic Signs and Wonders in the Temple This section is usually considered one of the three major summaries in Acts, along with 2:42–47 and 4:32–35. It differs from the two earlier summaries in its description of intensifying activity within the Jerusalem community of believers and the increasing scope of the apostles’ influence. As noted earlier, rather 147. Diodorus Siculus (Hist. 5.34.3) reports that the Vaccaei, a pre-Roman Celtic tribe in Iberia, shared the annual harvest as common property, assigning “each one his portion” (metadidoasin hekastō to meros), and that it was a capital offense if farmers “appropriated some part” (tois nosphisamenois ti) for themselves. Seneca (Ep. 90.3) states that avarice is the vice that destroys community and eventually produces poverty; he observes that “[we] cease to possess all things [omnia possiderei] the moment [we] desire all things for [our] own.” In the Qumran community, lying knowingly about possessions was penalized (see 1QS VI, 25). 148. See Acts 5:11; 8:1, 3; 9:31; 11:22, 26; 12:1, 5; 13:1; 14:23, 27; 15:3–4, 22, 41; 16:5; 18:22; 20:17, 28. On the occurrence of ekklēsia in textual variants of 2:47, see comments on 2:42–47. In 7:38 ekklēsia designates Israel in the wilderness; in 19:32, 39–40 it refers to the crowd assembled in the theater at Ephesus. On ekklēsia as a term by which Christians self-consciously differentiated themselves from Hellenistic-Roman associations, see Klauck 2003, 54.

Apostolic Signs and Wonders in the Temple 139

than being seen simply as a summary wedged between the story of Ananias and Sapphira and the apostles’ arrest, imprisonment, and testimony before the Sanhedrin, it is more properly read as the last of three highly visible manifestations of divine activity within the Christian community: (1) the church’s public generosity as exemplified by Barnabas, (2) God’s punishment of Ananias and Sapphira for their deceit, and (3) the apostles’ ministry of healing in the temple. Through the hands of the apostles many signs and wonders were being done among the people. And they all were together in Solomon’s Porch.a 13 Now no one else would dare to join them, but the people spoke highly of them. 14 Even so, believers were being added to the Lord—both men and women in large numbers. 15 As a result, the sick were being carried out into the streets and placed on pallets and stretchers so that when Peter came along at least his shadow might fall on some of them. 16 Now even large numbers of people from the towns around Jerusalem began to come together, bringing those who were sick and tormented by unclean spirits. Whoever came, they all were made well. 5:12

a. Possibly, “And they all used to meet together in Solomon’s Porch” (kai ēsan homothymadon hapantes en tē stoa Solomōntos).

[5:12–16] The apostles’ healing ministry is the singular focus of this summary. From the outset, they have performed “many wonders and signs” (2:43). This aspect of apostolic ministry is illustrated specifically in Peter and John’s miracle-working ability (chs. 3–4). What these two apostles have done alone (3:1–10) and what the church’s prayer has empowered them to continue doing (4:30), the Twelve now do full-scale. As before, the apostles were continuously (implied by the imperfect verb egineto, 5:12) performing “many signs and wonders.” Their audience is “the people” (vv. 12–13) of Israel in Jerusalem. As before, their base of activity is the temple. The mention of “Solomon’s porch” (v. 12) links their activity here with Peter and John’s earlier activity (3:11). That “no one else [dared] to join them” (5:13) implies their unique access to therapeutic power. The Jewish populace could scarcely contest what was being done. The huge numerical growth is seen as direct response to the apostles’ ministry of healing (v. 14). This contrasts with the previously mentioned leap in the number of disciples, which occurred in response to the apostles’ preaching (4:4). This time, the converts include “men and women” (5:14), not just “men” (4:4). The “Lord” to whom the many new believers were added is doubtlessly the Lord Jesus. Acts 5:15 envisions rows of sick people on “pallets and stretchers” lining the streets around the temple area. Peter’s earlier healing of the lame beggar was achieved through his physical touch (3:7), whereas now Peter’s shadow

140

Acts 5:17–26

transmits therapeutic power. This quasimagical power aligns Peter more closely with Jesus, whose healing power can be transmitted through his clothing (Luke 8:44; cf. Mark 5:27–33; Matt 9:20–22) and emitted from his presence (Luke 6:19). The geographical extent of the apostles’ healing ministry is also broadened as “large numbers of people from the towns around Jerusalem” bring the sick and tormented to the apostles in the temple (Acts 5:16). As in Jesus’s ministry, those possessed with “unclean spirits” were healed (Luke 4:36; 6:18). The report of uniformly successful results underscores the effectiveness of the apostles’ source of power: the name of Jesus Christ. This skillfully constructed descriptive summary yields an unforgettable picture of the apostolic ministry of healing emanating from the temple. Numerical indicators (“many” and “large numbers”) are joined with specific locations (“Solomon’s porch,” “streets,” “towns around Jerusalem”) and word pictures (“men and women,” “pallets and stretchers,” Peter’s “shadow,” “sick and tormented by unclean spirits”) to create a vivid snapshot of this moment in the church’s early life. Luke depicts highly visible actions taking place in public spaces, scarcely capable of being ignored by the authorities. 5:17–26 The Apostles’ Arrest and Miraculous Escape This section consists of three parts: (1)  the apostles’ arrest, imprisonment, miraculous escape, and reemergence in the temple (vv. 17–21a); (2) the Sanhedrin’s consternation and rearrest of the apostles (vv. 21b–26); and (3) the apostles’ appearance before the Sanhedrin (vv. 27–32). Now the high priest and all of his associates, the Sadducean party, took action. They were filled with jealousy, 18 and they seized the apostlesa and put them in public prison. 19 Then at night, an angel of the Lord, after opening the doors of the prison and leading them out, said to the apostles, 20 “Go! And as you stand in the temple, speak to the people all the words of this life.” 21 And when they heard this, they entered the temple at dawn and began teaching. Now when the high priest and his associates arrived, they summoned the Sanhedrin and the whole councilb of the sons of Israel; and they sent to the prison for the apostles to be brought. 22 Now when the dep­u­ tiesc arrived, they did not find them in the prison. So they returned and reported, 23 saying, “We found the prison locked and fully secured and the guards standing by the doors. When we opened them, we found no one inside.” 24 Now when they heard these words, both the captain of the templee and the chief priests were mystified about them, wondering what this might mean.f 25 Then someone arrived and announced to them, “Look! The men whom you put in prison are standing in the temple and 5:17

The Apostles’ Arrest and Miraculous Escape 141

teaching the people.” 26 Then the captain with his deputies went out and led the apostles away, yet without any violence,g for they were afraid of the people, fearing that they might be stoned. a. Lit., “they laid their hands [forcefully] on the apostles” (epebalon tas cheiras epi tous apostolous). b. Gk. gerousia, the council of elders, esp. the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem. BDAG 195 s.v. gerousia. c. Lit., “assistants” (hypēretai); also v. 26. d. Lit., “in all safety” (en pasē asphaleia). e. Gk. stratēgos tou hierou. f. Lit., “they were greatly perplexed concerning these things, what this might be” (diēporoun peri autōn ti an genoito touto). g. Lit., “led them not with violence” (ēgen autous ou meta bias).

[5:17–21a] This is the first of three miraculous escapes from prison in Acts.149 The second involves Peter (12:3–11), the third Paul and Silas (16:19– 34). Prison escapes by heroic figures, especially proponents of a new religion, are a well-established literary convention in ancient myths of resistance.150 They figure prominently in the Dionysian cycles found in Aeschylus, Euripides, and other texts that rehearse this widely known story. A fascinating Jewish version occurs in Artapanus’s account of Moses, in which Moses is imprisoned by Pharaoh, escapes from prison through a miraculous opening of the doors, and reappears to confront Pharaoh.151 Prison escapes also occur in Philostratus’s account of the prophet and wonder-worker Apollonius of Tyana.152 Luke places the three prison escapes at crucial points in the Acts narrative, first in the earliest period of the Jesus movement (ch. 5), then at the close of the Jerusalem section (ch. 12), and finally at the beginning of Paul’s ministry in the Aegean area (ch. 16). The first features the Twelve; the second, Peter; the third, Paul and Silas. In this way, Luke employs the literary convention of the prison escape to show that the major characters in the story overcome whatever resistance is offered by the authorities. There is also a gradual intensification with each successive prison escape. The apostles are placed in a “public prison” with no extra security measures (5:18). Peter is imprisoned in an inner cell with extraordinary protection (12:4–6). Paul and Silas are put in “an inner prison cell” (16:24), with a jailer under orders to protect them (v. 23; cf. 28:16). Just as the degree of incarceration intensifies, so does the form of escape. An 149. On prisons and imprisonment in Acts, see 5:18; 8:3; 12:4; 16:23; 22:4; also Luke 21:12. 150. The classic study is by Weinreich; see Jeremias, “thyra,” TDNT 3:175–76; Pervo 1987, 18–24; and Weaver. 151. See Holladay 1983, 189–243; see 218–19 for Artapanus’s account of Moses’s prison escape, in frag. 3.23–25. 152. Philostratus, Life Apollon. T. 7.38; 8.30.

142

Acts 5:17–26

angel opens the prison doors for the apostles (5:19). Peter, asleep between two soldiers, is awakened by an angel, led past the guards out of the prison, and exits through the city’s iron gate that opens all by itself (12:6–10). A “violent earthquake” jars open the doors that enclose Paul and Silas, all of which results in the conversion of the jailer and his household (16:25–34). As before, in this instance the high priests and Sadducees are the forces of resistance (Acts 5:17; cf. 4:1, 5–6). Here Luke refers to the “Sadducean party” (hē ousa hairesis tōn Saddoukaiōn, v. 17), whereas earlier he calls them “the Sadducees” (hoi Saddoukaioi, 4:1). Josephus uses similar language in his wellknown description of the three major schools of thought, or “philosophies,” among the Jews: the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes.153 The term hairesis is variously rendered “sect,” “party,” “school,” or “faction” and is widely used to designate schools of philosophy or groups who share a common ideology or outlook.154 Luke also uses the term hairesis to describe the Pharisees (Acts 26:5) and Christians as the “sect of the Nazarenes” (24:5, 14; 28:22). This is the first appearance of a figure specifically designated an “angel of the Lord” (angelos kyriou, v. 19) in Acts. Angels appear frequently in the Gospel of Luke,155 and more angelic appearances will occur in Acts. “All the words of this life” (Acts 5:20) is an unusual expression. It could refer to the message about Jesus’s life (1:1–2) but probably means resurrection life as enabled by Jesus, the “Pioneer of Life” (archēgon tēs zōēs, 3:15).156 This is especially the case since the adversaries are Sadducees. The angel thus instructs the apostles to return to the temple and proclaim what the Sadducees deny (23:8). Whereas the temple was the focal point of the apostles’ healing ministry in 5:12–16, it now becomes the central stage for their ministry of the word. [5:21b–26] The “Sanhedrin and the whole council of the sons of Israel” (to synedrion kai pasan tēn gerousian tōn huiōn Israēl) seems to imply two distinct groups—the Sanhedrin and a larger, possibly separate, council.157 Although this is a debated point among commentators, gerousia (council) usually refers to the Sanhedrin itself.158 The term derives from gerōn, “an elderly man,” and thus 153. Josephus, Ant. 13.171–173. In par. 171 he refers to the “three schools of thought among the Jews” (treis haireseis tōn Ioudaiōn); in Ant. 11.11–25 he includes the followers of Judas the Galilean as the fourth philosophy; also J.W. 2.119–166. 154. BDAG 27–28 s.v. hairesis, noting Diodorus S., Hist. 2.29.6. 155. Especially in the Lukan birth and infancy narrative (Luke 1–2) and the resurrection narrative (Luke 24:23; cf. 22:43; 24:4); further in Acts 8:26; 10:3, 7, 22; 11:13; 12:7–11, 15, 23; 23:9; 27:23; cf. 6:15; 7:30, 35, 38, 53; 23:8. 156. The mention of “life” (tes zōēs, 5:20) here recalls 2:28, in which the “ways of life,” understood christologically, probably allude to resurrection life. Possibly Luke extended the quotation from Ps 16 in order to include this phrase, with its rich kerygmatic resonance. 157. On the possible existence of two Sanhedrins, one political, the other primarily religious and legislative, see Smallwood 32 n. 36. 158. See Safrai 1974, 1:381, 392–94.

The Apostles’ Defense before the Sanhedrin 143

refers to the “council of elders.” Classical sources and inscriptions use gerou­ sia to designate councils of various sorts, including those relating to religious groups or institutions, such as the Asclepius cult.159 In Jewish sources the term gerousia, sometimes translated “senate,” typically describes the Sanhedrin.160 The deputies’ report (v. 23) underscores the extent of the miracle. As before, the Sanhedrin is depicted as mystified and helpless. The temple police are portrayed as fearful of using violent force against the apostles and acting in abject fear of popular reprisals. Such depictions of the authorities are typical literary conventions in myths of resistance. The religious protagonists, by contrast, are always defiant and courageous. Here they enjoy popular support because of the vast reach of the apostles’ healing ministry (vv. 12–16). 5:27–32 The Apostles’ Defense before the Sanhedrin This section features an interchange between the Sanhedrin (v. 28) and the apostles (vv. 29–32). The length of the latter gives it greater prominence, thereby setting up the following section, in which the Sanhedrin meets privately to decide the apostles’ fate. After bringing the apostles in, they stood them before the Sanhedrin. And the high priest interrogated them, 28 saying, “We strictly commanded you not to teach in this name, and Look! You have filled Jerusalem with your teaching, and you want to lay on us the blood of this man.” 29 Then Peter and the apostles answered and said, “It is necessary to obey God rather than humans. 30 The God of our ancestors raised Jesus, whom you killed by hanging him on a cross.a 31 God exalted this one to his right hand as Leader and Savior,b to give repentance and the forgiveness of sins to Israel. 32 And we are witnesses of these words, and so is the Holy Spirit whom God gave to those who obey him.” 5:27

a. Lit., “tree,” or “pole” (epi xylou). BDAG 685 s.v. xylon. b. Gk. archēgon kai sōtēra.

[5:27–32] The interrogation of the apostles by the high priest continues Luke’s view that the high priest and his family rather than leading rabbis 159. On the use of synedrion and gerousia in non-Jewish sources, see Harland 2:468, index s.v. gerousia, noting, e.g., a Phrygian inscription (late II–III c. CE) honoring Publius Aelius Glykon, in which he allocated 150 denarii to “the association [synedrion] of carpet-weavers” to be used for grave decorations (2:166–78); also a Lycian inscription (II c. CE) honoring Asclepius and Hygeia in which the people (dēmos) of Rhodiapolis and the elders’ council (gerousia) honor Herakleitos, priest of Asclepius and Hygeia (no. 146, at 2:367–85). 160. Jdt 4:8; 11:14; 15:8; 1 Macc 12:6; 2 Macc 1:10; Josephus, Ant. 13.166. See Schürer 2:199–209, esp. 206 n. 17.

144

Acts 5:33–42

presided over the Sanhedrin. Teaching and, by extension, healing in the name of Jesus remains the central issue (3:6, 16; 4:7, 9–10). Responsibility for “the blood of this man” (5:28) recalls Peter and John’s earlier accusation (4:10; cf. 3:14). In that instance Peter and John had responded (4:19). Now “Peter and the apostles” bear courageous witness (5:29). Submitting to divine rather than human authority echoes Peter and John’s earlier testimony (4:19). Proclaiming Jesus’s death and resurrection (5:30) continues the apostles’ earlier pattern of proclamation (3:14–15; 4:10, 33). “The God of our ancestors” (5:30) recalls the opening line of Peter’s sermon in the temple (3:13) and his concluding reference to God’s covenant with Abraham (3:25). This language resonates with the formal description of the Sanhedrin as “the whole council of the sons of Israel” (5:21). The doublet “Leader and Savior” (archēgos kai sōtēr) introduces a new set of christological titles (5:31). The first term echoes Peter’s earlier description (3:15); the second builds on Peter’s earlier “heal/save” wordplay (4:9–12). Accordingly, sōtēr might even be rendered “Healer.” In light of the widespread use of this language in the ruler cult, Luke may introduce it to present Jesus as a serious challenge to imperial ideology.161 The promise of “repentance and the forgiveness of sins” is particularly Lukan language. “These words” (5:32) to which the apostles are bearing witness are the claims made in verses 30–31—both Jesus’s death and his resurrection. To claim the Holy Spirit as a witness also reflects Luke’s own outlook. The most obvious way in which the Holy Spirit bears witness is having encoded, within the various Scripture texts introduced earlier (Pss 2, 16, 110), promises relating to the resurrected and exalted Messiah. Through the biblical writers the Holy Spirit bears prescient witness to the Christ event. Additionally, the Holy Spirit’s descent at Pentecost and in the prayer meeting (4:31) constitutes visible and audible witness to the Spirit’s presence. Since the Spirit has been transmitted from Jesus as the risen Lord to both the apostles and believers, this transfer forms yet another layer of the Spirit’s witness. Believers who obey God may receive the Holy Spirit as an initial gift (v. 32), but their ongoing experience of the Spirit operates at different levels. 5:33–42 The Apostles Vindicated: Gamaliel This second part of the Sanhedrin’s session this day features the testimony of the respected rabbinic teacher Gamaliel. Because of his stature as an influential member of the Sanhedrin and the critical placement of this episode as the concluding scene in the “temple” section, it should be read as a Lukan speech. It carries special weight because it is delivered by an “outsider,” supposedly a 161. So Gilbert 508–18.

The Apostles Vindicated: Gamaliel 145

hostile witness. As such, it is especially effective in vindicating the apostles as representatives of the Jesus movement. 5:33 Now when the Sanhedrin heard these things, they were infuriateda and

wanted to kill the apostles. 34 But a certain Pharisee named Gamaliel, a teacher of the law honored by all the people, stood in the Sanhedrin. He gave orders to put the men outside briefly. 35 Then he said to them, “Fellow Israelites,b think carefully among yourselves what you are about to do to these men. 36 For before these days, Theudas rose up, claiming to be somebody, and a number of men, about four hundred, became attached to him. He was murdered,c and all who were loyal to him were dispersed and came to nothing. 37 After this, Judas the Galilean appeared in the days of the census, and he led people to follow him.d And he too was destroyed, and all who were loyal to him were scattered. 38 Now then, I say to all of you, ‘Back off from these men and release them. Why? If this plan or this work is of human origin, it will be destroyed. 39 But if it is of God, you will not be able to destroy them. What’s more, you may even be found to be ‘God-fighters.’” And the Sanhedrin was persuaded by him. 40 Then they summoned the apostles, had them flogged, ordered them not to speak in the name of Jesus, and let them go. 41 So it was that the apostles went out from the presence of the Sanhedrin, rejoicing because they were counted worthy to be dishonored for the name. 42 And every day in the temple and from house to house, they did not stop teaching and preaching the good news that Jesus is the Messiah.e a. Lit., “were cut to the quick” (dieprionto). BDAG 235 s.v. diapriō. b. Lit., “men, Israelites” (andres Israēlitai). c. “Murdered” here renders anērethē, from anaireō, “to take away,” and by extension to “get rid of by execution.” See BDAG, 64 s.v. anaireō 2. d. Lit., “led people after him” (apestēsen laon opisō autou), esp. with the intent to revolt. BDAG 157 s.v. aphistēmi 1. e. Gk. euangelizomenoi ton christon Iēsoun.

[5:33–34] While questions persist about Luke’s report of the Sanhedrin’s power in capital crimes, from a historical perspective such cases appear to have been within the jurisdiction of the entire council of seventy (the Great Sanhedrin) in Jerusalem.162 The Gamaliel mentioned in verse 34 is Rabban Gamaliel the Elder (or Gamaliel I), who lived in the first half of the first century CE.163 In ancient rabbinic sources, he is known as a major representative of the school of Hillel. Gamaliel’s exact relationship to Hillel the Elder (first c. BCE) 162. Safrai 1974, 397–400. 163. See Schürer 2:367–69; Ben-Sasson 284; Gottlieb; Davies 1999, 686–90.

146

Acts 5:33–42

is disputed, but he may have been Hillel’s grandson or possibly his son. This Gamaliel (often confused with Rabban Gamaliel II, his grandson, who flourished ca. 90–110 CE) is mentioned several times in the Mishnah.164 One of the better-known sayings attributed to him is “Set up a master for yourself. Avoid doubt. Don’t tithe by too much guesswork.”165 In keeping with the more liberal tradition of Hillel, Gamaliel was also known for his innovative judicial reforms. For example, he allowed a widow to remarry when there was only one witness to her husband’s death.166 He was also known for his lenient attitude toward extending charity to non-Jews. His reputation as a devoted student of torah and moral exemplar is reflected in a tribute to him in the Mishnah: “When Rabban Gamaliel the Elder died, the glory of the Law ceased and purity and abstinence died.”167 Josephus describes Simon, the son of Gamaliel I, as “a native of Jerusalem, of a very illustrious family, and of the sect of the Pharisees, . . . a man highly gifted with intelligence and judgment.”168 In some ancient sources, Rabban Gamaliel the Elder is presented as the president of the Sanhedrin. Luke, however, identifies him simply as one of its members, albeit highly honored: “a teacher of the law [nomodidaskalos] honored by all the people” (Acts 5:34). Later he is identified as Paul’s teacher (22:3). Introducing Gamaliel as a respected member of the Sanhedrin, whose views could influence the actions of the entire body, rings true with what is reported about Gamaliel by Josephus, the Mishnah, and other rabbinic sources. The timing is also plausible. Gamaliel would have been at the peak of his influential career as a rabbinic teacher in Jerusalem in the mid-30s and 40s. Gamaliel’s sympathetic posture toward the apostles in this episode earned him a place in later Christian literature as a secret disciple of Jesus.169 [5:35–37] Gamaliel’s reference to the two uprisings led by Theudas and Judas the Galilean is problematic in two respects: (1) the implied date of the Theudas episode and (2) the chronological order of the two events.170 Judas’s revolt is linked with “the days of the census” (v. 37), undoubtedly a reference to 164. See m. Peʾah 2:6; m. ʿOr. 2:12; m. Šeq. 3:3; 6:1; m. Roš Haš. 2:5; m. Yebam. 16:7; m. Soṭ. 9:15; m. Giṭ. 4:2–3; and m. ʾAbot 1:16. 165. See m. ʾAbot 1:16 (Neusner). 166. See m. Yebam. 16:7. 167. See m. Soṭ. 9:15 (Danby). 168. Josephus, Life 190–191. 169. Ps.-Clem. (Clementine Recognitions) 1.65: “Gamaliel . . . was secretly our brother in the faith, but by our advice remained among them” (ANF 8:92). In the Acts of Pilate (1.1; 1[17].2 and Latin A 1[17].1; 11[27].3), Gamaliel is grouped with Annas, Caiaphas, and other members of the Sanhedrin in conspiring against Jesus. In some fifth- or sixth-century gnostic fragments, Gamaliel figures in the empty-tomb story. Accordingly, these fragments have received the modern name The Gospel of Gamaliel. See Hennecke and Schneemelcher 1:508–10; Elliott 159–60. 170. For a detailed discussion of the historical problems relating to Theudas and Judas and their relationship to Luke’s portrait of Jesus as a “sign-prophet,” see Trumbower.

The Apostles Vindicated: Gamaliel 147

the Roman census that occurred ca. 6 CE under Quirinius, the Roman governor of Syria (cf. Luke 2:2).171 Since Gamaliel mentions Judas the Galilean’s revolt after that of Theudas (“after this,” Acts 5:37), this would require the Theudas uprising to be even earlier, sometime near the beginning of the Common Era. The only known uprising connected with Theudas, however, is dated to the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus (44–46 CE), who began to rule over Judea after the death of Herod Agrippa I in 44.172 Either Luke is referring to an earlier revolt by another Theudas, otherwise unknown, or he dates the Theudas revolt several decades earlier than its actual occurrence. Since the name Theudas is relatively rare, it is unlikely that two people with this name led two separate uprisings fifty years apart. The best explanation is that Luke’s dating of the Theudas uprising is anachronistic. It would have been more correct if Luke had reversed the chronological order of these two unsuccessful Jewish leaders. Even so, reporting that Gamaliel, in the early days of the Christian movement—the 30s—refers to an event that occurred several years later—the mid-40s—still poses a problem. Although Luke’s dating of the two uprisings is confusing, what he reports about each rebel leader agrees substantially with Josephus. Theudas is characterized by Josephus as an “impostor” (goēs) and self-proclaimed prophet (prophētēs), who persuaded masses of people to participate with him in a miraculous crossing of the Jordan River.173 According to Josephus, the Roman procurator Fadus intervened militarily, took prisoners, captured and later beheaded Theudas. The details of Luke’s description differ somewhat from that of Josephus (Acts 5:36 gives the number of Theudas’s followers as “about four hundred men”; Josephus simply refers to unnumbered crowds of people), but the two accounts clearly describe the same event. Luke’s description of Judas the Galilean agrees with Josephus in several important respects, beginning with his name.174 Like Josephus, Luke dates 171. According to Josephus, during the time that Quirinius was legate of Syria and Coponius was the prefect of Judea (ca. 6–9 CE), Judas the Galilean and Saddok the Pharisee led an uprising to protest the imposition of a new Roman tax. Josephus also names Judas as the founder of the “fourth philosophy” of Jewish thought (often equated with the Zealots) that devoted itself to radical action against Rome. See J.W. 2.118, 433; 7.253; Ant. 18.4–10, 23–25; 20.102; also Smallwood 151–53, 568–71 (Appendix E, “The Census at the Time of Christ’s Nativity”); Horbury 2014, 108. 172. On the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus, see Josephus, J.W. 6.220; Ant. 19.363–366; 20.2–16; on Theudas, see Ant. 20.97–99; cf. Smallwood 260 n. 14. 173. Josephus, Ant. 20.97–99. According to Schäfer 114, the Theudas episode was “the first instance of an uprising with messianic-apocalyptic overtones.” Theudas’s claim that he would part the Jordan River and lead his followers across on dry ground revealed his messianic pretensions, either as a new Moses or Joshua (cf. Exod 14:21; Josh 3:14–17). 174. Luke: Ioudas ho Galilaios, Acts 5:37; Josephus: ho Galilaios Ioudas (Ant. 18.23; 20.102; cf. J.W. 2.118, 433). Elsewhere Josephus describes him as “Judas, a Gaulanite from the city named Gamala” (Ant. 18.4). The district of Gaulinitis was located in Transjordan east of the Sea of Galilee. The village of Gamala was located in lower Gaulinitis (cf. present-day Golan Heights). It should be distinguished from the other Gamala located in upper Galilee.

148

Acts 5:33–42

Judas the Galilean’s uprising “in the days of the census” conducted by Quirinius.175 Josephus links Judas with “Saddok, a Pharisee,”176 who is not mentioned by Luke, and specifically characterizes their movement as a tax revolt. Luke and Josephus agree that Judas gained a large following.177 Josephus calls Judas’s movement “a revolt” (apostasian).178 Josephus’s contempt for Judas is evident, calling him a “sophist” (sophistēs),179 who, along with Saddok, “sowed the seed of every kind of misery.”180 Their joint efforts in founding “among us an intrusive fourth school of philosophy” introduced a destructive zeal for independence and violence that eventually meant “the ruin of our (Jewish) cause.”181 Unlike Luke, however, Josephus does not report Judas’s destruction or the scattering of his movement, although his later account of the Jewish revolt and its aftermath implies this.182 Because of the close correlation between what Luke and Josephus report about these two men, some scholars have proposed that Luke depended on Josephus (or a common tradition) as a source for this information.183 [5:38–39] Couching the options as being of human or divine origin has rich rhetorical resonance (see earlier remarks on 4:20). Through Gamaliel’s formulation, Luke expresses the central thesis of Acts: The Jesus movement is “of God.” The Sanhedrin may be the immediate audience within the narrative, but the extended audience is Luke’s readers who, throughout Acts, are shown God’s providential protection of Jesus’s disciples and the penalties that come with opposing the will of God. This has already been vividly demonstrated by Ananias and Sapphira; another dramatic case will occur in Acts 12:23 with the death of Herod Agrippa I. “God-fighter” (theomachos) has a distinctive connotation within the myths of resistance discussed earlier relating to Acts 4. When the powerful king Pentheus resists Dionysus, he becomes a “god-fighter” and opens himself to the risks that entails.184 In the Maccabean martyr literature, the sixth brother threatens his torturers: “Do not think that you will go unpunished for having tried 175. Josephus, J.W. 7.253; cf. 2.118, 433. 176. Josephus, Ant. 18.6, 9–10. 177. Josephus, J.W. 2.118; Ant. 18.6, 9 (“an abundance of devotees”). 178. Josephus, J.W. 2.118. 179. Ibid., 2.118 180. Josephus, Ant. 18.6. 181. Ibid., 18.9–10. 182. Josephus (ibid., 20.102) reports that Judas’s two sons, James and Simon, were brought to trial and crucified by the Roman procurator Tiberius Alexander (ca. 46–48), who succeeded Cuspius Fadus. 183. See Pervo 2006, 149–99. 184. In Euripides, Bacch. 45–46, Dionysus claims that Pentheus “wars with Heaven in me” (theomachei ta kat’ eme); similarly Nonnus, Dionys. 44.202; 45.22, 253; 46.177; cf. 44.150–166; also Ovid, Metam. 3.532–537; Lucian, Zeus 45. See Kamerbeek; and Weaver 43–44.

Apostolic Witness Extended 149

to fight against God” (theomachein, 2 Macc 7:19). Gamaliel’s warning echoes the widespread belief that fighting God is futile and will certainly be punished. [5:40–42] Deuteronomic law allowed flogging but limited the number of lashes to forty (Deut 25:1–3; cf. 2 Cor 11:24). Here the apostles receive the same treatment Jesus received (Luke 22:63; cf. Mark 15:15; Matt 27:26). Later Paul takes (Acts 16:37) what he has given others (22:19). The prohibition “to speak in the name of Jesus” also includes the use of healing power that comes with it. Willingness to experience dishonor in the name of the deity one honors (5:41) is the core belief of religious martyrs,185 yet it also characterizes Stoic piety.186 This mention of the temple as the place of their continuing activity brings to a close the “temple” section (2:46–5:42). Although chapters 6–7 treat issues related to the Jerusalem temple (6:13–14; 7:48–50), it is not mentioned again until 21:26, when Paul takes four men into the temple to undergo purification rites. The other locus of apostolic activity is private homes. Here the Greek phrase kat’ oikon is understood distributively, thus as meetings in successive homes. It could also be rendered “at home,” probably in the specific sense of Christian house churches, which certainly existed by Luke’s time (Rom 16:5; Phlm 2). Accordingly, their ministry would have occurred in a public Jewish space, the temple, and in private Christian space, believers’ homes. “Teaching” (didaskontes) and “announcing the good news” (euangelizomenoi) should not be distinguished sharply. Both entail Scripture interpretation as it relates to the proclamation of Jesus as the Messiah. Examples of such didactic preaching have been given in Acts 2–3, with abbreviated summaries in chapters 4–5. 6:1–8:3 Apostolic Witness Extended The main action now moves beyond the apostles to a broader circle of certified witnesses. The first episode (6:1–7) elevates the apostles to even higher status as their ministry of prayer and preaching is protected from the timeconsuming demands of food distribution. By introducing seven duly chosen apostolic assistants, Luke sets the stage for highlighting the evangelistic activity of two of them, Stephen (6:8–8:1) and Philip (8:4–40). The second scene (6:8–15) portrays Stephen moving into his own public ministry, reenacting the apostolic signs and wonders of his predecessors, and triggering similarly harsh opposition. Resistance comes from diaspora Jews living in Jerusalem. His trial before the Sanhedrin enables Luke to introduce charges that the other evangelists rehearsed in their accounts of Jesus’s trial. This court scene sets up the next episode, Stephen’s speech before the Sanhedrin (7:1–8:1a), which is followed 185. Cf. 1 Macc 2:19–22, 49–68, esp. v. 64; also 2 Macc 7. 186. Epictetus, Disc. 1.29.48–49; 2.1.38–39.

150

Acts 6:1–7

by a brief transitional summary reporting the dispersion of the disciples from Jerusalem and the introduction of Saul, the zealous persecutor (8:1b–3). 6:1–7 Resolving the Hellenist-Hebrew Dispute: Choosing Seven Apostolic Assistants With this report of internal friction, Luke introduces a new element into the story. Whereas the earlier story of Ananias and Sapphira represented an internal threat, it did not portray two groups of disciples pitted against each other. The identity of the disputants in this case is not altogether clear, but the gravity of the dispute is quite evident. The appointment of seven apostolic assistants has figured prominently in discussions of early Christian polity, especially the role and function of deacons. This episode has also played a central role in historians’ reconstruction of early Christianity. Disputes continue over whether the account reflects underlying traditions that are historically reliable and thus provides useful information pertaining to the presence of Hellenistic influence within the early church, or whether it is a highly embellished, literarily creative account of an early moment of tension. In either case, this episode plays a critically important role in the unfolding narrative.187 6:1 Now at this time as the disciples were increasing in numbers, the Hellenists lodged a complaint against the Hebrewsa because their widows were being neglected in the daily distribution.b 2 The Twelve then summoned the community of the disciplesc and said, “It is not appropriate for us to neglect the word of God to serve tables. 3 So, brothers, look among you for seven men who are highly regarded,d filled with spirit and wisdom,e whom we can put in charge of this emergency,f 4 and we will continue to devote ourselves to prayer and the ministry of the word.” 5 The suggestion won the support of the whole community,g and they selected Stephen, a man full of faith and the Holy Spirit, as well as Philip, Prochorus, Nicanor, Timon, Parmenas, and Nicolaus, a proselyte from Antioch. 6 These they placed before the apostles, who prayed over them and laid their hands on them. 7 And the word of God grew, and the disciples’ numbers

187. Although Luke portrays the Seven as administrative assistants appointed by the Twelve and thus working under their jurisdiction, commentators have long been intrigued with the possible historical circumstances that lie behind Luke’s account. Some have suggested, for example, that there were two, possibly competing, groups of leaders among Jesus’s disciples, and that the Twelve were leaders among Jewish Christians, while the Seven represented the leadership of Hellenistic Christians; moreover, that Luke’s story of the appointment of the Seventy (Luke 10:1) was included to show that the Seven, just like the Twelve, were originally authorized by Jesus himself. See BegC 5:150; Haenchen 1971, 264–69.

Resolving the Hellenist-Hebrew Dispute 151

multiplied rapidly in Jerusalem; a large group of the priests were even obedient to the faith. a. Lit., “[there] occurred a complaint of the Hellenists against the Hebrews” (egeneto gongysmos tōn Hellēnistōn pros tous Hebraious). b. Or, “in the aid [distributed] daily” (en tē diakonia tē kathēmerinē). c. Lit., “the multitude of the disciples” (to plēthos tōn mathētōn). d. Or, “well spoken of” (martyroumenous). e. Gk. plēreis pneumatos kai sophias. There is no need to understand “spirit,” which is anarthrous and unmodified, as the Holy Spirit (as in NRSV: “the Spirit”). Some manuscripts (A C*.3 E Ψ 33. 1739 et al.) supply “holy” (hagiou), but an impressive array of witnesses (∏8.74 ‫ א‬B C2 D 614. 1175 et al.) omit it. The couplet could possibly be understood as a hendiadys (lit., “one through two”), a rhetorical figure in which two words are joined by a copula to express a single complex idea, thus “spiritual wisdom.” Smyth §3025. f. Lit., “whom we will appoint over this need” (hous katastēsomen epi tēs chreias tautēs). g. Lit., “and the word found favor before all the multitude” (kai ēresen ho logos enōpion pantos tou plēthous); or, “the saying pleased the whole group.” BDAG 598 s.v. logos 1.a.γ.

[6:1] “At this time” (en tais hēmerais tautais, lit., “in these days”) links this episode to the summary in 5:41–42. The chronological linkage, however, is quite general, as is the case elsewhere (cf. 1:15; 7:41; 9:37; 11:27). This is the first time “disciple” (mathētēs) is used in Acts to designate Jesus’s followers.188 This continues the practice in Luke’s Gospel (5:30; 6:1; passim), which conforms to the other Synoptic Gospels and especially the Gospel of John. “Complaint” translates the Greek term gongysmos, literally, “utterance made in a low tone of voice,” “behind-the-scenes talk,” sometimes in a positive sense, but usually with a negative connotation, such as murmuring or grumbling.189 It is the term used in the LXX to describe Israel’s murmuring in the wilderness (“complaining,” Exod 16:7–9; Num 11:1; 14:27). The identity of the Hellenists (Hellēnistai) and Hebrews (Hebraioi) is disputed.190 The Greek term Hellēnistēs (sg.) derives from the verb hellēnizō, “to speak Greek,” and by extension can mean “to live like a Greek,” as someone who embraces Greek cultural values. The terms Hellēnistēs/Hellēnistai do not occur in the LXX nor in Philo and Josephus. Luke is the only NT writer to use the Greek term Hellēnistēs, which occurs three times in Acts (6:1; 9:29; 11:20), 188. Also in Acts 6:2, 7; 9:1, 10, 19, 25–26, 38; 11:26, 29; 13:52; 14:20, 22, 28; 15:10; 16:1; 18:23, 27; 19:1, 9, 30; 20:1, 30; 21:4, 16. 189. Cf. John 7:12; Phil 2:14; 1 Pet 4:9; also Luke 5:30; BDAG 204 s.v. gongysmos. 190. From the abundant literature on this topic, see Cadbury 1933a; Hengel 1983; T. Martin 1992a; Hill; Penner.

152

Acts 6:1–7

each time in a different sense that must be determined from the context. In 6:1, it clearly designates Christians, probably Greek-speaking Christian Jews, possibly from the diaspora.191 In 9:29, it refers to non-Christian Greek-speaking Jews. In 11:20 it refers to non-Christian Greek-speaking gentiles. By characterizing the two groups who are at odds as “Hellenists” and “Hebrews,” Luke probably has in mind, on the one hand, Jewish Christians who speak Greek primarily if not exclusively, and on the other hand, Jewish Christians who speak Hebrew or Aramaic as their native language and possibly Greek as their second language. The former would read or listen to the LXX as their Scripture, whereas the latter would read or listen to the Hebrew Bible. One could imagine each group attending different synagogues, where readings and prayers were done in Greek and Hebrew or Aramaic respectively. Much depends on whether the difference between these two groups is primarily if not exclusively linguistic, or whether their linguistic differences were also accompanied by ideological or cultural differences. If the latter, Hellenists might have been more willing to embrace Greek and Roman culture, thereby being more tolerant of a broader range of religious and philosophical beliefs. Hebrews, on the other hand, might have been more restrictive in their outlook, less open to non-Hebraic ideas and practices and more tightly embracing wellestablished ritual and liturgical practices. Such correlations between the language one speaks and one’s ideological outlook, however, do not necessarily hold. It was possible for Jews at this time to speak only Greek and feel at home in a Roman world heavily influenced by Greek ideas and yet exhibit strong loyalty to Jewish traditions that could be both restrictive and exclusionary. On the other hand, Jews who spoke only Hebrew or Aramaic could display remarkably open attitudes toward Greek and Roman values and practices. If these Hellenist Christians were non-Jewish, that would mean that the origins of gentile Christianity, which is often associated with Paul’s mission to gentiles in the diaspora, are traceable to the earliest stages of Christian development. If the Hellenists were Greek-speaking Jewish Christians, who had deep ideological differences with their Hebrew/Aramaic-speaking Christian counterparts, then we find two sharply contested theological outlooks already present in the church at this early stage. The presence of widows in the early church is attested in 1 Cor 7:8–9. Caring for them is an important priority in Jas 1:27 and especially in 1 Tim 5:3–16. By the early second century, widows occupy a distinct group in the church.192 Tertullian describes an “order of widows” as a separate ministerial order, along with 191. See Moule 1959b. G. Schneider (1:423) thinks they are from the diaspora. Cadbury (1933a) takes Hellenists in 6:1 to mean “gentiles,” thus non-Jewish members of the Jerusalem church. 192. See Ign. Smyrn. 13.1; also Ign. Pol. 4.1; Pol. Phil. 4.3.

Resolving the Hellenist-Hebrew Dispute 153

other clerical groups.193 Outsiders, such as the second-century satirist Lucian of Samosata, noticed the presence of widows and orphans among Christians.194 [6:2] This is the only mention of “the Twelve” in Acts, although the earlier list in 1:13 included eleven names, which, with the selection of Matthias (1:23–26), brought the number to twelve.195 With this formal designation, Luke continues the practice he has already established in his Gospel, which is also firmly embedded in the Synoptic tradition and attested in the earliest strata of kerygmatic tradition.196 Whether the Twelve originated with Jesus or reflects later practice that retrospectively formalized his inner circle of disciples is disputed. “The word of God” is shorthand for the proclamation of the gospel or what is now commonly called the ministry of the word. To speak the word of God is to proclaim the message about Jesus (4:31) but also the message that Jesus himself proclaimed (Luke 5:1; 8:11, 21; 11:28). From Acts 6:2 we can surmise that “to serve tables” (diakonein trapezais) is a metonymic expression in which “tables” stands for the food that is placed on tables, thus “to wait tables” or “serve meals.”197 Since the work that the Twelve wish to delegate is “serving” (diakoneō), this passage has often figured in discussions relating to the origin and development of deacons as a formal position or ministerial office in the early church.198 Yet the noun form, diakonos, “deacon,” does not occur here. Elsewhere in the NT, diakonos refers to a special ministerial role usually alongside of, but subordinate to, that of elders or presbyters.199 The apostles’ work is also described using the same word family: “the ministry of the word” (tē diakonia tou logou, 6:4), or possibly “the service of the word.” Luke employs similar language, “the daily distribution” (en tē diakonia tē kathēmerinē), possibly “the daily service,” to describe the activity that precipitated the dispute (v. 1). [6:3–6] Exodus 18:17–23 provides precedent for delegating responsibilities to subordinates. Burdened with the task of adjudicating disputes, Moses follows the advice of his father-in-law, Jethro, and appoints men who are Godfearing, trustworthy, and honest as subordinate judges.200 Moses’s appointment 193. Tertullian, Virg. 9; Monog. 11; Mod. 13. 194. Lucian, Peregr. 12. On widows as a social group in antiquity, see Malherbe 2014a, 1:491–94. 195. Some scholars think Luke’s mention of the Twelve indicates his use of a special source that employs this distinctive terminology. 196. Luke 6:13–16 (|| Mark 3:16–19 || Matt 10:1–4); 9:1 (|| Mark 6:7 || Matt 10:1); 18:31 (|| Mark 10:32 || Matt 20:17); 22:3–4 (|| Mark 14:10 || Matt 26:14); 1 Cor 15:5. “The Twelve” as a technical designation continues in early Christian usage (Ascen. Isa. 3.13; Origen, Cels. 1.64). 197. BDAG 1013 s.v. trapeza 2; see 1.c regarding a possible wordplay “which mingles the idea of table service and accounting procedures: serve as accountants.” 198. For example, Irenaeus, AH 1.26.3; 3.12.10; 4.15.1. 199. See Phil 1:1; Rom 16:1; 1 Tim 3:8–13; cf. 4:6. 200. A somewhat different account is given in Deut 1:9–18.

154

Acts 6:1–7

of Joshua as his successor also offers some parallels (Num 27:15–23). God instructs Moses to select Joshua, who is spirit-filled (v. 18), and upon whom Moses lays his hand when presenting Israel’s future leader to Eleazar the priest and all the people in order to commission him (vv. 19, 23). No reason is given for appointing seven as opposed to some other number of men (Acts 6:3), although they are referred to later as a distinct group (21:8). “Spirit and wisdom” as requisite leadership qualifications match the overall expectations of Lukan ecclesiology.201 “Prayer and the ministry of the word” (tē proseuchē kai tē diakonia tou logou, v. 4) represent priorities established by Jesus himself. Healing is not mentioned but is probably implied since the apostles continue to do it (e.g., 9:32–42). Since those who complained of being neglected were Hellenists, it would make sense to appoint seven men with Greek-sounding names. Stephen (Gk. stephanos, lit., “wreath” or “crown”) is a common Greek name attested across a wide range of sources.202 Equally common in Greco-Roman sources, the name Philip was especially associated with Macedonian royalty, most notably the father of Alexander the Great. Prochorus was not a common Greek name. Like other little-known and otherwise unattested figures, he became the subject of numerous legends. In later Christian tradition he was identified as one of the Seventy (Luke 10:1), as the apostle John’s scribe in writing the Fourth Gospel, as the bishop of Nicomedia, and as a martyr who died at Antioch.203 Nicanor is also a well-attested Greek name.204 In Maccabean history, one of the most memorable figures who bore this name was one of the princes of the Seleucid king, Demetrius I (1 Macc 7:26–50).205 The name Timon occurs frequently in Greek literature, inscriptions, and papyri.206 Parmenas is probably a shortened form or variation of such related proper names as Parmenon, Parmenis, Parmenides, and Parmeniskos.207 In later Christian tradition, he too was identified as one of the Seventy (Luke 10:1), as bishop of Soli on Cyprus, and a martyr who died at Philippi during Trajan’s reign.208 The Greek name Nicolaus is found in Greek sources from Herodotus forward.209 Irenaeus (ca. 130–200) traced the origins of the Nicolaitans, who are condemned in Rev 2:6, 15, to Nicolaus, but this is a dubious connection.210 Since Nicolaus is identified as “a 201. See translation note e on 6:3. 202. Plato, Meno 94C; P.Hib. 1:112, 81 (ca. 260 BCE); Josephus, J.W. 2.228. See BDAG 943 s.v. Stephanos; MM 588. 203. Paulien 1992b. 204. Thucydides, Hist. 2.80.5 205. Cf. 1 Macc 3:38; 2 Macc 8:9–36; 14:12–15:37. 206. BDAG 1006 s.v. Timōn. 207. BDAG 779 s.v. Parmenas; BDF §125. 208. Paulien 1992a. 209. Herodotus, Hist. 7.134; Diodorus S., Hist. 13.19.6; 32.15.5. 210. Irenaeus, AH 1.26.3; cf. Hippolytus, Her. 7.24; Clement of Alexandria, Misc. 2.20.

Stephen’s Arrest 155

proselyte from Antioch,” probably of Syria, we can assume that the other six men were natural-born Jews. Nothing is said about the other men’s countries of origin. Some have suggested diaspora roots for them, but given the pervasive Greek influence in Palestine during the Hellenistic era, they could just as easily have been from Judea. Luke chooses two of the Seven to highlight next. First, Stephen is singled out for special attention (6:8–15), giving one of the most important speeches in Acts (7:1–53). Since he will play such a pivotal role in the narrative, his qualifications are given. He is “full of faith,” probably wonder-working faith,211 which would explain his ability to perform “mighty wonders and miracles among the people” (v. 8). “Being filled with the Holy Spirit” places him in the rare company of Jesus (Luke 4:13–20) and the apostles (Acts 2). Next in the list, Luke treats Philip, featured as the one who preaches to the Samaritans and the Ethiopian eunuch (ch. 8). Later Philip’s work is interpreted retrospectively when he is identified as “the evangelist” and “one of the Seven” (21:8). Centralized apostolic authority is signaled in what Luke presents as a formal ordination service, with two main components: prayer and laying hands on them. This may reflect ecclesiastical practice at Luke’s time. It resembles the procedures for ministerial succession that we find in the Pastoral Letters.212 [6:7] Describing the progress of the gospel by using the growth metaphor is the fourth such indication of expansion (2:47; 4:4; 5:14). What sets this summary apart from the others is the conversion of a large number of priests—an indication of the effects of a highly visible ministry of preaching, healing, and benevolence concentrated in and around the temple. By placing priests in the audience addressed by Peter and John (4:1) and reporting the Levite heritage of Barnabas (4:36), Luke gives his narrative plausibility at this point. We should imagine priests from the regular orders rather than members of the high-priestly family.213 6:8–15 Stephen’s Arrest Having introduced the Seven, Luke now selects the first-mentioned apostolic assistant, Stephen, who begins by replicating the wonder-working ministry of his apostolic predecessors and thereby incites sharp controversy among several groups of Jerusalem Jews with diasporic roots. One of the main things accomplished in this episode is surfacing the charges to which Stephen’s speech responds: that he speaks blasphemous words against God (the temple) and Moses (the law). 211. Cf. Matt 17:20 and 21:21 || Mark 11:22–23; also 1 Cor 12:9; 13:2. 212. See 1 Tim 4:14; 5:22; 2 Tim 1:6; cf. Heb 6:2. 213. Finding this claim incredible, some MSS (‫ *א‬syp and some minuscules) read “Jews” (Ioudaiōn) instead. See Metzger 1998, 296.

156

Acts 6:8–15

Stephen,a

Now God’s gracious power filled and he began performing mighty wonders and miracles among the people. 9 And some of those from the Synagogue of Freedmen (as it was called), and some of the Cyrenians and Alexandrians, as well as those from Cilicia and Asia,b showed up to debate with Stephen,c 10 and they could not refute him: He was too quick-witted and spoke with the Spirit’s power.d 11 Then they put forward some men who said, “We have heard him speaking blasphemous words against Moses and God.”e 12 They stirred up the people, the elders, and the scribes, then they confronted Stephen, seized him, and led him to the Sanhedrin. 13 They presented false witnesses who said, “This man will not stop saying things against this holy place and against the law.f 14 For we have heard him saying, ‘Jesus the Nazarene—he will destroy this place and change the customs that Moses has passed on to us.’” 15 And as all those who were sitting in the Sanhedrin fixed their eyes on him, they saw that his face resembled the face of an angel. 6:8

a. Lit., “now Stephen, full of grace and power” (Stephanos de plērēs charitos kai dynameōs). b. Gk. tines tōn ek tēs synagōgēs tēs legomenēs Libertinōn kai Kyrēnaiōn kai Alexandreōn kai tōn apo Kilikias kai Asias. The wording in Greek allows for different ways of grouping Stephen’s opponents: either one synagogue whose members included freedmen (thus the “so-called Synagogue of Freedmen”) from different geographical regions (Cyrenians from North Africa and Alexandrians from Egypt; Asians and Cilicians from Asia Minor) or several different synagogues (the Synagogue of Freedmen, [the synagogue of] Cyrenians, Alexandrians, [the synagogues of] those from Cilicia, and those from Asia). The former position appears to be adopted by the NRSV: “those who belonged to the synagogue of the Freedmen (as it was called), Cyrenians, Alexandrians, and others of those from Cilicia and Asia.” c. Lit., “were debating [with] Stephen” (syzētountes tō Stephanō). d. Lit., “And they were not able to resist the wisdom and the spirit with which he was speaking” (kai ouk ischyon antistēnai tē sophia kai tō pneumati hō elalei). e. Lit., “words, blasphemy against Moses and God” (rhēmata blasphēma eis Mōysēn kai ton theon), understanding eis as oppositional, even hostile, in the sense of defaming. See BDAG 290 s.v. eis 4.c.α. f. Lit., “This man does not cease speaking words against this holy place and the law” (ho anthrōpos houtos ou pauetai lalōn hrēmata kata tou topou tou hagiou [toutou] kai tou nomou).

[6:8–15] The ability to perform “mighty wonders and miracles” (terata kai sēmeia megala) now extends beyond the apostles (2:43; 4:30) to the most prominent member of the Seven. The motivating force behind Stephen’s wonderworking ability is “God’s gracious power” (lit., “full of grace and power,” plērēs charitos kai dynameōs). The combined effect of attributing these characteristics

Stephen’s Arrest 157

to Stephen, along with those mentioned in 6:3 and 5, is to align him more closely with Jesus as portrayed in Luke’s Gospel (2:52; 3:22; 4:14–30, 36). To be “full of grace” makes Stephen the bearer of God’s beneficence. These wonders and miracles doubtlessly include healings, which are experienced as concrete manifestations of God’s graciousness. Later, when Paul and Barnabas are in Iconium, the Lord (Jesus) exhibits divine grace, a central claim of the gospel message, through wondrous demonstrations of power (14:3). Luke locates the source of opposition to Stephen among diaspora Jews residing in Jerusalem (v. 9). Ample evidence of Jews living in Jerusalem and the probability that they would form separate groups based on their country of origin suggests that Luke has in mind several groups rather than one geographically diverse synagogue.214 Jewish communities in all of these regions are well attested.215 I have rendered “Synagogue of Freedmen” as a proper name because of Luke’s qualifier “as it was called” (tēs legomenēs). There exists no other literary or archaeological evidence of a synagogue with this name. Some scholars connect it with the Jerusalem synagogue dating from the Roman period and mentioned in the Theodotus Inscription, which may have been founded by members of a Jewish family from Rome that came to Jerusalem after receiving their freedom.216 Typical of such heroic narratives, Stephen’s opponents prove to be no match for him. The wisdom (sophia) with which he spoke probably includes rhetorical ability especially related to Scripture interpretation. In this case the “spirit” (pneuma) with which he spoke must be the Holy Spirit, since he alone of the Seven is singled out as having this gift (v. 5). Stephen now fulfills Jesus’s earlier promise to the disciples that he would give them “words and wisdom” (lit., “mouth and wisdom,” stoma kai sophian) that none of their adversaries could withstand (Luke 21:15). Blasphemy (v. 11) is abusive speech that demeans, denigrates, or defames the person or thing spoken about.217 In the biblical tradition, blasphemy against God occurs when one invokes the name of God inappropriately, for example, in magic or swearing falsely (Exod 20:7; Lev 19:12), or dishonors God’s supreme 214. See translation note b on v. 9. 215. Philo’s comprehensive list of Jewish communities throughout the Roman world includes Egypt, Cilicia, and Asia (Emb. Gaius 281–284; also 245, reporting strong Jewish presence “in every city” of Asia and Syria). For Cyrenaica/Cyrene, see 1 Macc 15:23; 2 Macc 2:23; Josephus, Ag. Ap. 2.44; Ant. 14.115–118 (citing Strabo). 216. See Philo, Emb. Gaius 155. On the Theodotus Inscription, see S. Carroll 1992b. Also see Schürer 2:76, 428, 445 n. 80 (with rabbinic references to numerous synagogues in Jerusalem); 3:133. L. Levine (2000, 52–55) gives a compact summary of the various scholarly interpretations of Acts 6:9 and an illuminating discussion of the relevant archaeological evidence. 217. BDAG 178 s.v. blasphēmos.

158

Acts 6:8–15

majesty by cursing the name of God—a capital offense (Lev 24:10–23). Here Stephen is charged with speaking blasphemous words against Moses and God (Acts 6:11), corresponding respectively to the two charges mentioned in verse 13: speaking “against the law” and “this holy place.” In Stephen’s trial before the Sanhedrin, which continues but intensifies the earlier experience of Peter and John and the apostles (chs. 4–5), Luke reports the testimony given by false witnesses (v. 13). Readers of Scripture would instinctively know the gravity of this offense.218 On the lips of Stephen’s accusers, Luke places Jesus’s threat to destroy the temple (v. 14). Luke’s account of Jesus’s trial before the Sanhedrin (22:66–71) omits the reference to false witnesses and their charge that Jesus would/could destroy the temple and rebuild it in three days.219 By including here, rather than in the Lukan passion narrative, the threat that Jesus poses to the temple, Luke ironically interprets what has been reported in Acts 3–5. The apostles’ unrelenting proclamation, along with their healing miracles, has been carried out in the temple precincts. The community of believers that has formed around these dramatic displays of power has arisen within the temple. Even more remarkable, a sizeable group of priests are now numbered among the new converts (6:7). At the narrative level, what the false witnesses charge is true: Jesus the Nazarene poses a serious threat to the temple and to the continuing viability of Mosaic customs. Luke’s Gospel has prepared the way for these claims. On the eve of his arrest, Jesus predicts the actual destruction of the temple (Luke 21:6) and, using sharper language than his Synoptic counterparts, envisions the capture of Jerusalem by gentiles and the humiliating exile of its inhabitants (Luke 21:24). While Luke presents Jesus as a respectful interpreter of Scripture, he also reports episodes in which Jesus challenges Mosaic customs and traditions associated with the law.220 At the time Luke writes, the temple has been destroyed. Luke presents Jesus and the movement that his death and resurrection triggered as a viable alternative to other forms of Jewish tradition and practice that began to be formulated after the destruction of the temple in 70.221 Like the Nazareth synagogue audience who gave their undivided attention to Jesus (Luke 4:20), the Sanhedrin is fixated on Stephen (Acts 6:15). Mention of Stephen’s angelic appearance further accents his heroic status and

218. Esp. Exod 20:16; 23:1; Deut 19:16, 18; also Pss 27:12; 35:11; Prov 14:5; 24:28. 219. Mark 14:55–58 || Matt 26:59–61; cf. John 2:19–22; also Mark 15:29 || Matt 27:40; also Gos. Thom. 71. 220. Luke 6:1–11 || Mark 2:23–3:6 || Matt 12:1–14; also Luke 13:6–17; 14:1–6. Note, however, that Luke omits Mark 7:1–23 || Matt 15:1–20, the episode in which Jesus directly challenges the traditions of the Pharisees. 221. See Tiede.

Stephen’s Defense Speech 159

anticipates the concluding scene, which depicts the death of a triumphant martyr (7:54–8:1).222 7:1–53 Stephen’s Defense Speech Stephen’s speech is a selective summary of Israel’s history, highlighting three major figures—Abraham (vv. 2–8), Joseph (vv. 9–16), and Moses (vv. 17–43)—and concluding with a sharp critique of the temple (vv. 44–50). The speech not only contains explicit OT citations (Amos 5:25–27 in Acts 7:42–43; Isa 66:1–2 in Acts 7:49–50) but also employs biblical phraseology drawn from the LXX. At several points Luke’s summary differs from the OT. Since Stephen’s speech is given in response to accusations prompted by the persuasive power of his preaching (Acts 6:10), it is usually classified as a defense speech. It differs from Paul’s later defense speeches (22:3–21; 24:10– 21; 26:2–23), which are largely autobiographical, explaining the unusual circumstances of his selection as God’s “chosen instrument” (9:15). Rather than recalling his own past, Stephen rehearses Israel’s past. It is one of two speeches in Acts whose content draws heavily on historical summary (cf. 13:16–41; also Heb 11). Three sets of charges arise out of Stephen’s disputes with the diaspora Jews residing in Jerusalem: (1) that he speaks “blasphemous words against Moses and God” (6:11), (2) that he never stops attacking “this holy place and the law” (6:13), and (3) that Jesus the Nazarene whom he preaches “will destroy this place and change the customs that Moses has passed on to us” (6:14). What specific charges lie behind these claims is difficult to determine. Should his “blasphemous words against Moses” be equated with his critique of the law? And is Jesus’s threat to the continuity of customs and traditions that go back to Moses simply a variation of the same accusation? The referent of “this holy place” and “this place” is clear: Stephen is being portrayed by his accusers as a vocal critic of the Jerusalem temple. Since Moses, the law, and the temple owe their legitimacy and authority to God, to speak against them can be construed as blasphemy against God. Rather than being a point-by-point rebuttal of these charges, or even a combination of these charges, Stephen’s speech is a selective recital of God’s actions and declarations from the time of Abraham until Solomon’s building of the temple. Given the repeated references to what God has done—none of them critical of God’s actions—the speech, far from blaspheming God, portrays 222. “Face of an angel” (Acts 6:15) may recall Exod 34:29–35, the story of Moses’s reception of the law at Sinai in which his shining face signals that he has been talking directly with God. If so, Luke may want us to see Stephen as a Moses-like messenger from God, addressing the Sanhedrin, Israel’s representatives, with comparable authority.

160

Acts 7:1–53

God as the One who has acted decisively and purposefully throughout Israel’s history, from the time of Abraham forward.223 The speech also accents what God has spoken: God’s call of Abraham (Acts 7:3; Gen 12:1); God’s promise that Israel would be enslaved in Egypt (v. 6) with the assurance that Egypt would experience divine judgment, making it possible for Israel “to come out and worship me in this place” (v. 7 NRSV; Gen 15:13–14; Exod 2:22; 3:12); God’s appearance to Moses in the burning bush (v. 30; Exod 3:3–4), with the awe-inspiring threefold “I am” declaration (v. 32; Exod 3:6), followed by the Lord’s direct commissioning of Moses (v. 34; Exod 3:7–10); God’s direct denunciation of Israel’s idolatry in the wilderness (vv. 42–43; Amos 5:25–27); and God’s own declaration of the cosmic nature of divine kingship and the limitations of a humanly constructed temple (vv. 49–50; Isa 66:1–2). Stephen’s critics are being confronted not only with what the Scripture reports about God’s actions but also with what God has spoken to their ancestors. The speech is constructed so that the God who spoke in the past is now speaking again, in the present, to Stephen’s fellow Israelites. The disproportionate amount of space devoted to Moses, compared with Abraham and Joseph, directly responds to the criticism that Stephen “speaks against Moses.” There is only slight mention of Moses’s receiving the law, the living oracles, at Sinai (Acts 7:38; cf. v. 53; Exod 19–20). And yet the speech is replete with direct citations from Genesis and Exodus quoted approvingly, along with numerous biblical allusions and echoes. Stephen displays no ambivalence toward the law comparable to Paul’s critique of the law in Romans and Galatians. It is an authoritative text, through which the Holy Spirit bears witness (Acts 7:51). Stephen’s treatment of Moses (vv. 17–43) highlights certain periods and events in Moses’s life, loosely organized into three forty-year periods: (1) his birth, infancy, youth, upbringing, and life in Egypt until age forty (vv. 17–22); (2) the slaying-of-the-Egyptian episode, which results in his forty-year exile to the land of Midian (vv. 23–29), (3) the burning-bush episode in the wilderness of Sinai, in which God commissions Moses to lead the Israelites from Egypt (vv. 30–34), followed by the exodus and the forty-year period in the wilderness (vv. 35–37), marked by Moses’s reception of the law at Sinai (v. 38), Israel’s rejection of Moses (v. 39), their plunge into idolatry (vv. 40–41), and God’s abandonment of them (vv. 42–43). Stephen’s Moses is a highly selective but thoroughly biblical Moses. Acts 7:17–22 summarizes Exod 1:1–2:10. Acts 7:23–29 (slaying of the Egyptian, 223. God is repeatedly mentioned as active subject in the speech (Acts 7:2, 6, 7, 9, 17, 25, 35, 37, 42, 45). There are three references to God as kyrios (vv. 31, 33, 49), and one reference to God as “the Most High” (hypsistos, v. 48). This does not include the verbs in which God is the implied actor or speaker.

Stephen’s Defense Speech 161

flight to Midian) summarizes Exod 2:11–22. Acts 7:30–34 (call of Moses) summarizes Exod 3–4. And Acts 7:35–42 summarizes the rest of Exodus. Notable features of Stephen’s retelling include the unusual circumstances surrounding Moses’s birth and upbringing. Moses’s birth is linked with God’s earlier promise to Abraham (Acts 7:17). Moses is said to be “beautiful before God” (v. 20 NRSV), but explicit language of God’s miraculous intervention is conspicuously absent. Especially worth noting is the crucial role that non-Jews, and imperial powers at that, play in the accomplishment of God’s purposes (cf. Luke 2:1–7). Although minor variations from the biblical account occur, members of the Sanhedrin can scarcely object to Stephen’s retelling of the Moses story. Even the repeated references to Israel’s rejection of Moses’s leadership (Acts 7:25, 27, 35, 39–40) are solidly anchored in the biblical account. The themes of Israel’s resistance to God’s duly chosen representatives and of their recalcitrant behavior and enthusiastic embrace of idolatry have a sharp polemical edge; yet these themes resonate strongly with other biblical summaries of Israel’s history (Neh 9:6–37; Pss 78; 106; cf. Jdt 5:5–21). When Stephen concludes the Moses section by quoting Amos 5:25–27 (in Acts 7:42–43), the tone is reminiscent of Ezekiel’s speech to the elders of Israel that is punctuated by the refrain “but they rebelled against me” (Ezek 20:5–31). Luke has constructed a speech that explicitly aligns Stephen with the OT tradition of sharply worded prophetic critique of Israel’s disobedience. Stephen may be accused of speaking against Moses, but his speech elevates Moses to the unusually high rank of “ruler and liberator” (v. 35 NRSV). It is a heavily pro-Moses speech. While Stephen’s speech convincingly refutes charges that he speaks against “Moses and God,” it concludes with a sharply worded critique of the Jerusalem temple, thus confirming the accusation that he speaks “against this holy place” (6:13–14). Stephen’s mention of the “tent of witness” (7:44) begins a highly compact summary that concludes with Solomon’s building of the temple (v. 47).224 Nothing could me more antitemple than Stephen’s claim that “the Most High does not dwell in houses made with human hands” (v. 48 NRSV), and the supporting prophetic critique from Isa 66:1–2 in which “the Lord” is speaking. Members of the Sanhedrin could contest this claim by pointing to Scripture references that support the legitimacy of the Jerusalem temple as a divinely authorized institution (1 Kgs 8:14–21; 1 Chr 22:6–19). But even in these high celebratory moments, Solomon concedes that God cannot be contained in “heaven and the highest heaven,” much less in the temple he has built 224. These seven verses (vv. 44–50) encapsulate long periods of biblical history. The “tent of testimony” (NRSV) recalls Exod 26, 33; Num 11–12; Deut 31. The conquest under Joshua (Acts 7:45) compresses into a single verse Joshua, Judges, 1–2 Samuel (until the time of David). David’s desire to build a temple (Acts 7:45b–46) echoes 2 Sam 7 and the parallel account in 1 Chr 17; also 1 Chr 28. Solomon’s building of the temple (Acts 7:47) recalls 1 Kgs 5–8 and the parallel account in 2 Chr 2–7.

162

Acts 7:1–53

for God (1 Kgs 8:27). Stephen’s critique capitalizes on this rhetorical flourish that is echoed in Isa 66, and by literalizing it, launches an assault on the temple that has supplied the narrative space in which the first six chapters of Acts have been set. Now that the story line is on the verge of moving beyond that “holy place,” Stephen’s critique serves as justification for what has happened retrospectively as the church has begun to transcend the temple and also for what will happen as the temple gradually becomes eclipsed by both synagogue and church. After all, by the time Luke writes, the temple has been destroyed (Luke 19:43–44; 21:20–24). Stephen’s speech plays an important role in the overall story line of LukeActs. One indicator of its importance is its length—it is the longest speech in Luke-Acts. While Luke frequently cites the OT throughout his narrative, this sermon, together with Paul’s sermon at Antioch of Pisidia (13:16–41), reveals how Luke reads the overall biblical story. These summaries reinforce the Lukan conviction that Jesus fulfills promises found throughout the OT. Acts 7 and 13 portray a strong-willed yet benevolent and faithful God actively at work in human history, committed to making good on ancient promises made to Abraham and the patriarchs. They also display the recurrent pattern of human failure and outright resistance to God’s purposes. God’s duly chosen leaders such as Abraham, Joseph, Moses, and David are heroic figures who assist in advancing God’s purposes. Joseph rises to power in spite of his brothers’ jealousy, and Moses emerges as “ruler and liberator” (NRSV) even though his fellow Israelites rejected his leadership. Israel’s lapses are highlighted, most notably its pursuit of idolatry in the wilderness. This way of reading the OT is doubtlessly influenced by Jesus’s own experience with his fellow Israelites and early Christian memory of that adversarial relationship. This explains the christological subtext of the Lukan summaries. Moses and, to some extent, Joseph prefigure Christ. Just as “God was with [Joseph]” (Acts 7:9), so also “God was with [Jesus]” (10:38). Moses and Jesus were similarly “rejected” by their fellow Israelites (7:35; cf. 3:13–14). Moses predicts the appearance of a future prophet, a new Moses whom “God will raise up” (7:37, citing Deut 18:15). Like Abraham and the patriarchs, Jesus was circumcised (7:8; cf. Luke 2:21). Stephen’s summary of the biblical story also prefigures the Christian story in the way it maps the geography of God’s actions in history. One of the most distinctive elements of Stephen’s speech is its selection of places. The land of Israel, “this country in which you [Stephen’s audience] are now living” (Acts 7:4 NRSV) is a focal center. God promises that Israel will be rescued from Egypt and eventually “worship me in this place” (v. 7). But most of the episodes in Stephen’s summary take place outside the land of Israel. Abraham receives his call in Mesopotamia, settles in Haran (vv. 2–4), and spends some time in

Stephen’s Defense Speech 163

the land of Israel without receiving “any of it as a heritage” (v. 5 NRSV). Egypt is the main stage for the Joseph section: Joseph rises to power there, Jacob moves there and dies, and the bodies of “our ancestors” are brought back to Shechem (v. 16). Following the biblical account, the entire Moses section is set in Egypt and the wilderness of Sinai (vv. 17–44). The conquest of the land of Canaan is treated briefly (v. 45). The temple is also mentioned briefly but summarily dismissed (vv. 46–50). The cumulative effect of this OT summary is to document how many of God’s decisive actions take place in the diaspora. The land of Israel is central, but the stage on which God acts is much larger, encompassing the entire Fertile Crescent. This way of mapping the activity of God prefigures the story line of Acts: Jerusalem and Judea constitute a pivotal center, but by the end of the narrative they are but one of two centers of an ellipse that encompasses the entire Mediterranean region. Then the high priest said, “Are these things so?”a 2 And Stephen said, “Men, brothers and fathers, listen. The God of glory appeared to our father Abraham while he was in Mesopotamia, before he settled in Haran.b 3 And God said to him, ‘Leave your land and your family, and come to whatever land I show you.’ 4 Abraham then left the land of the Chaldeans and settled in Haran.c And from there,d after his father died, God resettled him to this lande where you now live. 5 And God did not give him an inheritance in it—not a single foot!f Still, God promised to give ownership of this land to him and to his descendants after him,g although he did not even have a child. 6 God said it this way, ‘His descendants will be strangers in another land, and they will be enslaved and treated badlyh for four hundred years. 7 And the peoplei that enslaves them I will judge,’ said God, ‘and after these things they will leave that land and will worship me here in this place.’ 8 God gave Abraham the covenant of circumcision; and thus he fathered Isaac and circumcised him on the eighth day. And Isaac did likewise to Jacob, and Jacob to the twelve patriarchs.” 7:1

a. RSV: “Is this so?” (ei tauta houtōs echei?). b. Gk. Charrhan. c. Lit., “Then having departed from the land of the Chaldeans, he settled in Haran” (tote exelthōn ek gēs Chaldaiōn katōkēsen en Charrhan). d. Gk. kakeithen, lit., “and [from] there,” possibly “and then.” e. Lit., “he [God] removed [or resettled] him to this land” (metōkisen auton eis tēn gēn tautēn). f. Lit., “not even a step of a foot” (oude bēma podos); REB: “foothold.” g. Lit., “And God promised to give it to him for a possession and to his seed after him” (kai epēngeilato dounai autō eis kataschesin autēn kai tō spermati autou met’ auton).

164

Acts 7:1–53

h. Lit., “His seed will be a stranger [alien] in another land, and they will enslave it and they will do [it] evil [mistreat it]” (estai to sperma autou paroikon en gē allotria kai doulōsousin auto kai kakōsousin). i. Gk. to ethnos.

[7:1–8] As before (5:27), Luke presents the high priest as the person who presides over the Sanhedrin (see comments on 4:5–6). “God of glory” recalls Ps 29:3. Genesis 12:1–2 reports God’s call of Abram after Terah moved his family to Haran (Gen 11:31–32). By locating the call earlier, while Abram was still in Mesopotamia “before he settled in Haran,” Luke follows the practice of other Hellenistic Jewish writers who, in order to emphasize the greater antiquity of the Jewish people, pushed the originating event back as far as possible.225 The language of the call in Acts 7:3 freely renders Gen 12:1 LXX. Reporting Abraham’s departure from Haran after Terah’s death (Acts 7:4) follows the sequence of events in Gen 11:31–12:4, although the chronology of Genesis suggests that Terah died sixty years after Abraham left Haran.226 “Not a single foot” (Acts 7:5) derives from Deut 2:5. God’s promise of eventual ownership of the land (Acts 7:5–6) combines the promises of Gen 13:15; 17:8; and 48:4. The 400-year period of enslavement in Egypt follows Gen 15:13, although Exod 12:40 specifies 430 years (similarly, Gal 3:17). Acts 7:6–7 conflates Gen 15:13–14 with Exod 2:22 and 3:12. The covenant of circumcision (Acts 7:8) recalls Gen 17:10, 13. Abraham’s circumcision of Isaac conforms to the biblical account (Gen 21:4). Acts 7:8c is ambiguous. The verse states that Isaac fathered Jacob (Gen 25:24–26), who in turn fathered the twelve patriarchs (Gen 29:31–30:24).227 Yet the syntax allows a translation that asserts the faithful adherence of Abraham’s successors to the covenant of circumcision.228 7:9 “And the patriarchs became jealous of Joseph and sold him into Egypt.

And God was with him 10 and rescued him from all his troubles and granted him special favor and wisdom as he dealt with Pharaoh, the king of Egypt. And God established Joseph as governor over Egypt, and over Pharaoh’s entire household as well. 11 Now a famine spread over the whole region of Egypt and Canaan: a time of great trouble it was, and our ancestors could not find any food. 12 Now when Jacob heard that there

225. See Philo, Abr. 62; Josephus, Ant. 1.154; cf. Ps.-Eupolemus, frag. 1.3–4 (Holladay 1983, 1:170–73). 226. According to Gen 11:26, Terah was 70 when Abraham was born. Genesis 12:4 says that Abraham was 75 when he left Haran. Thus Terah would have been 145 when Abraham left Haran. According to Gen 11:32, Terah was 205 when he died. This would put Terah’s death 60 years after Abraham’s departure from Haran. 227. Acts 7:8 NRSV, “and Isaac became the father of Jacob, and Jacob of the twelve patriarchs.” 228. So Barrett 1994–98, 1:331, 346–47; Pervo 2009a, 171.

Stephen’s Defense Speech 165

was grain in Egypt, he sent a delegation of our ancestors on a first trip.a 13 And on their second trip Joseph revealed his identityb to his brothers, and the family of Joseph came to the attention of Pharaoh. 14 Joseph then sent a delegation inviting his father Jacob, along with his whole family, to Egypt—seventy-five people in all.c 15 And Jacob went down to Egypt, and there he died, along with our ancestors. 16 And their bodies were brought backd to Shechem and were placed in a tomb that Abraham had bought from the sons of Hamor in Shechem and paid for with silver.”e a. Lit., “he sent our fathers first” (exapesteilen tous pateras hēmōn prōton). b. Lit., “was made known to” (anegnōristhē). c. Lit., “Now Joseph, having sent, summoned Jacob his father and all the family— in souls, seventy-five” (aposteilas de Iōsēph metekalesato Iakōb ton patera autou kai pasan tēn syngeneian en psychais hebdomēkonta pente). d. Lit., “and they were brought back” (kai metetethēsan). e. Lit., “in a tomb which Abraham bought for a price of silver” (en tō mnēmati hō ōnēsato Abraam timēs argyriou).

[7:9–16] These eight verses summarize the grand saga of Joseph and his brothers reported in the final section of Genesis (chs. 37–50). Following the biblical story line, Stephen reports the selling of Joseph (Acts 7:9; Gen 37:28, 36; cf. 45:4); Joseph’s rise to power in Egypt (vv. 9b–10; Gen 39–41); the famine (v. 11; Gen 41:46–57; 47:13–26); Jacob’s sending the first delegation of his sons to Egypt to obtain food (v. 12; Gen 42); the second delegation (v. 13; Gen 43–44), when Joseph revealed his identity (v. 13a; Gen 45); Jacob’s migration to Egypt (v. 14–15a; Gen 46:1–47:12); the death of Jacob and his family (v. 15b; Gen 49:29–33); and the transfer and burial of their bodies (v. 16; Gen 50:7–14). The story of Judah and Tamar (Gen 38) is omitted. Specific details of the summary are drawn from the OT: the brothers’ jealousy of Joseph (Acts 7:9; Gen 37:11); God’s presence with Joseph (v. 9; Gen 39:2–3, 21, 23); God’s rescuing Joseph “from all his afflictions” (Ps 34:19); Joseph’s favor (charin; v. 10; Gen 39:21) and wisdom (v. 10; Ps 105:22); and Joseph’s appointment as ruler over Egypt and over all of Pharaoh’s house (v. 10; Gen 41:43; 45:8; Ps 105:21). Some variations from the OT occur. Seventy-five members of Jacob’s family are said to have migrated to Egypt (Acts 7:14). According to Gen 46:27 MT, the total number was seventy, but Luke is undoubtedly following Gen 46:27 LXX, which gives the number as seventy-five.229 A more significant difference is the report that Jacob and his family were brought back to 229. Similarly, Exod 1:5 MT reports “the total number of people born to Jacob” as seventy, whereas Exod 1:5 LXX gives the number as seventy-five. The number is given as seventy in both MT and LXX of Deut 10:22.

166

Acts 7:1–53

Shechem and ­buried in a tomb that Abraham bought from the sons of Hamor in Shechem (Acts 7:16). According to Gen 50:13 Joseph buried Jacob in the land of Canaan near Mamre, in the cave of the field at Machpelah, which Abraham had purchased earlier from the Hittites as a burial place for Sarah (Gen 23:1–20).230 Luke conflates Abraham’s purchase of the Machpelah field with Jacob’s purchase of a piece of land from the sons of Hamor, Shechem’s father (Gen 33:18–20), and the report in Josh 24:32 that the bones of Joseph, which the Israelites brought from Egypt, were buried at Shechem in the field that Jacob had bought from the children of Hamor. The effect of Luke’s revision is to elevate the importance of Shechem and, by extension, the Samaritans, whose cultic center was located there. Here again, geographical (and ideological) territory is being redrawn to locate significant events outside Jerusalem and Judea. It also paves the way for the expansion of the gospel into Samaria in Acts 8. “And just when the time for the promise God had sworn to Abraham approached, the people grew and multiplied in Egypt 18 until the time when another king, one who had not known Joseph, assumed power in Egypt. 19 This new king, dealing cunningly against our family,a treated our ancestors badly, even making them expose their infants so they would not survive. 20 At this opportune moment Moses was born—and what a beautiful baby in God’s eyes!b His first three months he was nursed in his father’s own house, 21 but after he was exposed, Pharaoh’s daughter adopted him and raised him as her own son. 22 Moses received a thorough education in Egyptian wisdom,c and he made a powerful impression both in the way he spoke and how he conducted himself.”d 7:17

a. Lit., “This [king] having taken advantage of our family [through cunning]” (houtos katasophisamenos to genos hēmōn). Put colloquially, the king used every trick in the book against the Israelites. b. Lit., “and he was handsome to God” (kai ēn asteios tō theō). If tō theō is a way of expressing the superlative, then “he was very handsome” or “very striking.” See BDAG 145 s.v. asteios. c. Lit., “and Moses was educated in all the wisdom of the Egyptians” (kai epaideuthē Mōysēs en pasē sophia Aigyptiōn). d. Lit., “and he was powerful in his words and deeds” (ēn de dynatos en logois kai ergois autou).

[7:17–22] “As the time drew near” (v. 17a NRSV) implies that the four hundred years of enslavement (v. 6) have almost ended. The “promise that God had sworn to Abraham” refers back to 7:6–7. With this transition, the Moses 230. Genesis 23:19 locates Mamre near Hebron, about fifty miles (80 km) south of Shechem.

Stephen’s Defense Speech 167

section is linked with the Abraham section. Moses’s life continues the story of Abraham and the patriarchs. These six verses summarize Exod 1:1–2:10. The numerical expansion of the Israelites in Egypt (Acts 7:17b) recalls Gen 47:27 but is directly linked with the opening paragraph of Exodus (1:7; cf. Ps 105:24). The rise of a new king unfamiliar with Joseph (Acts 7:18) is a direct citation of Exod 1:8. Mention of the king’s mistreatment of the Israelites (v. 19a) encapsulates Exod 1:9–14. The reference to the king’s campaign to eliminate Jewish infants (v. 19b) gives the gist of Exod 1:15–22, although eliminating some of the more horrific elements as well as the story’s gender-biased slant. The birth and exposure of Moses and his adoption and rearing by Pharaoh’s daughter (vv. 20–21) represent a condensed version of Exod 2:1–10. No mention is made, however, of his sister’s ingenious ploy to arrange for his mother to nurse the baby. Exodus 2:10 implies that the mother brought Moses to Pharaoh’s daughter after he “grew up,” while Stephen’s version suggests that Pharaoh’s daughter adopted him as an infant and “raised him as her own son” (Acts 7:21). Accordingly, Moses’s instruction “in all the wisdom of the Egyptians” (v. 22a) would encompass the whole period of his upbringing. His Egyptian education is not reported in Exodus. The description here is reminiscent of Solomon’s famed wisdom (1 Kgs 4:29–34). His rhetorical eloquence (Acts 7:22b) is another embellishment of the biblical account, which runs counter to Moses’s own claim in Exod 4:10 that he is not a powerful speaker.231 His impressive deeds are amply attested in Exod 4, although Luke implies that they characterized his behavior from an early age. That he “was powerful in his words and deeds” (Acts 7:22 NRSV) recalls the earlier description of Jesus as “a prophet mighty in deed and word” (Luke 24:19)—yet another way in which Moses prefigured Christ. “Now when Moses was almost forty,a an idea occurred to himb—that he should visit his brothers, the sons of Israel. 24 When he saw one of his kinsmen being mistreated by an Egyptian, he came to his defense and avenged his fellow Israelite, who was being treated roughly, by striking the Egyptian and killing him.c 25 Now Moses supposed that his brothers would understand this to mean that God was using him as a means to deliver them.d But they did not understand. 26 The next day he showed up at a fight between some Israelites, which he tried to resolve peacefully by saying, ‘Men, you are brothers!e Why are you trying to harm each other?’ 27 And the one who was beating up his neighbor pushed Moses aside, saying,f ‘Who appointed you as leader and judge over us? 28 Do you want to kill me like you killed the Egyptian yesterday?’ 29 On hearing 7:23

231. Cf. Acts 14:12, where Paul’s rhetorical ability is highlighted, in contrast to his own selfdeprecating claim (2 Cor 10:10; 11:6).

168

Acts 7:1–53

Egyptg

this, Moses fled and became an alien in the land of Midian, where he fathered two sons.” a. Lit., “Now as a time of forty years was being completed for him” (hōs de eplērouto autō tesserakontaetēs chronos). b. Lit., “it rose up in his heart” (anebē epi tēn kardian autou). c. Lit., “And having seen one being mistreated, he came to his aid and saw to it that justice was done to the one being oppressed, having struck [or, by striking] the Egyptian” (kai idōn tina adikoumenon ēmynato kai epoiēsen ekdikēsin tō kataponoumenō pataxas ton Aigyption). d. Lit., “Now he supposed his brothers would understand that God through his [Moses’s] hand gives salvation to them” (enomizen de synienai tous adelphous autou hoti ho theos dia cheiros autou didōsin sōtērian autois). e. Lit., “And on the following day he appeared to them [as they were] fighting and he reconciled them in peace, saying, ‘Men, you are brothers’” (tē te epiousē hēmera ōphthē autois machomenois kai synēllassen autous eis eirēnēn eipōn; Andres, adelphoi este). f. Lit., “Now the one who was treating his neighbor unjustly pushed him aside, saying” (ho de adikōn ton plēsion apōsato auton eipōn). g. Lit., “Now Moses fled at this word” (ephygen de Mōysēs en tō logō toutō).

[7:23–29] Unlike previous sections of the speech that condense large portions of the biblical narrative, this section concentrates on a single incident, recorded in Exod 2:11–15. The Lukan version is roughly the same length as the Exodus account. Lukan modifications and expansions of the Exodus account sharpen the profile of the Moses-Christ typology. Luke dates the incident to Moses’s fortieth year, which is more precise than Exod 2:11, “after Moses had grown up.” Luke’s division of Moses’s 120 years (Deut 34:7) into three forty-year periods corresponds to later rabbinic tradition (Sipre 357; also 150a). “It came into his heart” (NRSV) reflects LXX usage (e.g., Isa 65:17). In Acts 7:24 the D-text adds “and hid him in the sand,” a detail from Exod 2:12. Acts 7:25 is a Lukan interpretive comment not found in Exod 2. This addition, with its mention of Moses as the agent through whom God was offering “salvation” (sōtēria) to his fellow Israelites, further aligns Moses with Jesus, who alone is the conduit of sōtēria in Luke-Acts.232 The Israelites’ failure to comprehend Moses as their savior is yet another parallel with the Jesus story, whose Lukan version underscores Jesus’s rejection by his own people (cf. Luke 4:24–28) and the ignorance of both Jews and gentiles in putting Jesus to death (Acts 3:17; 13:27). Acts 7:26–27 replicates Exod 2:13–14, although “pushed Moses aside” (7:27) is another Lukan addition that resonates with the language of repudiation in Acts 7:35, 39 (cf. 3:13). Acts 7:27b–28 quotes Exod 2:14 verbatim. Acts 7:29 232. Acts 4:12; cf. 2:21; 13:26, 47; 16:17.

Stephen’s Defense Speech 169

is a blander version of Exod 2:14–15, which reports Moses’s fear upon hearing that the news of his actions had spread and that Moses fled because Pharaoh, upon hearing about the incident, tried to kill Moses.233 Acts 7:29 abbreviates the livelier account of Exod 2:15b–22, which reports Moses’s encounter with Reuel, the priest of Midian, and the circumstances that led to his marriage to Zipporah. Moses’s status as a “resident alien” (NRSV) (paroikos) corresponds to that of the Israelites in Egypt (v. 6). The location of “the land of Midian” is uncertain, although typically depicted on maps as a slice of territory along the eastern coast of the Gulf of Aqaba.234 The birth of one son, Gershom, is reported in Exod 2:22; that of the second son, Eliezer, in 18:4. “And when forty years had passed, an angel appeared to Moses in the flame of a burning bush in the desert of Mount Sinai. 31 When Moses saw it, he marveled at the vision, and as he came close to inspect what it was, the Lord’s voice broke in:a 32 ‘I am the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.’ Now Moses was petrified and did not dare investigate further.b 33 Then the Lord said to him, ‘Untie the sandals from your feet, for the spot where you are standing is sacred. 34 I have truly seen the misfortunes my people have suffered in Egypt, I have heard their groaning, and I have come down to rescue them. So, come now, I am sending you to Egypt.’” 7:30

a. Lit., “and while he was coming near to inspect it, there occurred the voice of the Lord” (proserchomenou de autou katanoēsai egeneto phōnē kyriou). b. Lit., “Now having become frightened, Moses did not dare to inspect [it]” (entromos de genomenos Mōysēs ouk etolma katanoēsai).

[7:30–34] These verses are a highly condensed summary of Exod 3:1–4:17, concentrating mainly on 3:1–12. The time indicator “when forty years had passed” (Acts 7:30) is a Lukan addition. Exodus 3:1 locates this event at “Horeb, the mountain of God,” which is identified with Mount Sinai in some biblical traditions.235 “Angel” abbreviates “angel of the Lord” of Exod 3:2, although the fuller title is added in some manuscripts of Acts. Moses’s encounter with an angel provides impressive precedent for the numerous appearances of angels in

233. Jubilees 47.12 also omits the reference to Pharaoh’s threat to kill Moses as the reason for his leaving Egypt (cf. Exod 2:14–15). Cf. Heb 11:27. 234. Genesis 25:2 identifies Midian as one of the sons of Keturah, Abraham’s second wife. He had five sons (Gen 25:4). This part of Abraham’s family settles in “the east country” (Gen 25:6). The descendants of Midian are variously located. According to Mendenhall (816), Moses fled from Egypt “to somewhere in the Sinai Peninsula.” Exodus 3:1 supports this conclusion. 235. Exod 17:6; 33:6; Deut 1:2, 6; 4:15; 5:2; 1 Kgs 8:9; 19:8; 2 Chr 5:10; Ps 106:19; Mal 4:4.

170

Acts 7:1–53

Luke-Acts.236 Verse 31 of Acts 7 is a compressed version of Exod 3:3–5. Verse

32a quotes Exod 3:6 with slight modification (cf. Exod 3:15; 4:5). Moses’s fear and refusal to look is based on Exod 3:6b. The divine command for Moses to remove his sandals in Acts 7:33 replicates Exod 3:5, though not in the same order. The removal of sandals before entering a holy place was considered an act of reverence. Possibly bare feet could directly experience the numinous power emanating from a sacred spot, but more likely it was the fear of impurity from dusty sandals that required their removal.237 The concluding words of God in Acts 7:34 abbreviate Exod 3:7–8, 10. Luke does not report Moses’s initial reluctance (Exod 3:11; 4:1), God’s promise to work wonders (Exod 3:20), the demonstrations of divine power with the staff and the leprous hand (Exod 4:1–9), or Moses’s claim of ineloquence (Exod 4:10–17). God’s “sending” Moses provides another parallel to Jesus (Acts 3:26), and likewise to Paul (22:21; 26:17). An even more abbreviated account of the burning-bush episode is given in Jub. 48.1–4. “This Moses whom they repudiated by saying, ‘Who appointed you leader and judge?’—this is the very one God commissioned as their leader and liberator, using the angel who appeared to him in the bush.a 36 This one led them out by performing wonders and miraclesb in the land of Egypt, at the Red Sea, and in the desert for forty years. 37 This is the Moses who said to the sons of Israel, ‘From among your own brothers God will raise up for you a prophet like me.’ 38 This is the one who was among the gathered people in the desert,c who was with the angel who spoke to him at Mount Sinai, who was with our ancestors—he who received living oracles to give us, 39 the one whom our fathers were not willing to obey, but instead repudiatedd and returned in their hearts to Egypt. 40 They said to Aaron, ‘Make for us gods who can lead the way for us;e for this Moses who led us out of Egypt—we do not know what happened to him.’ 41 “And in those days they fashioned a calf and offered up sacrifice to this idol, and they took great delight in what they had crafted with their own hands.f 42 But God turned away and handed them over to worship the host of heaven just as it was written in the book of the Prophets, Did you bring victims and sacrifices before me forty years in the desert, O house of Israel? 7:35

236. The appearance of an angel, esp. to major characters, is a frequent Lukan motif: Zechariah (Luke 1:11, 13, 18–19); Mary (1:26, 30, 34–35, 38); shepherds (2:9–10, 13); apostles (Acts 5:19); Philip (8:26); Cornelius (10:3, 7, 22; 11:13); Peter (12:7–8, 10–11); and Paul (27:23). 237. Cf. Josh 5:15; m. Ber. 9:5; Juvenal, Sat. 6.159.

Stephen’s Defense Speech 171 43 No!g

You took up the tent of Moloch and the star of your god Rephan, images that you fashioned—all this to worship them, and I will exile you to regions beyond Babylon.”

a. Lit., “he has sent with the hand of the angel who appeared to him in the bush” (apestalken syn cheiri angelou tou ophthentos autō en tē batō). b. Or, “wonders and signs” (terata kai sēmeia). c. Lit., “in the assembly in the desert” (en tē ekklēsia en tē erēmō). d. Or, “pushed aside” (apōsanto); see v. 27. e. Lit., “who will go before us” (hoi proporeusontai hēmōn). f. Lit., “they took delight in the works of their hands” (euphrainonto en tois ergois tōn cheirōn autōn). g. Since the question in v. 42 begins with mē, it expects a negative answer. See BDAG, 646 s.v. mē 3.a.

[7:35–43] “Repudiated” (ērnēsanto) recalls the language from Peter’s sermon relating to Jesus.238 “Leader and judge” is from Exod 2:14, quoted earlier in Acts 7:27. Israel may have rejected Moses as their leader (archonta), but God did not. Moses as God’s duly appointed “liberator” (kai lytrōtēn) is a bold claim since this is a role normally reserved for God (Pss 19:14; 78:35). While this term is not used specifically of Jesus in Luke-Acts, his liberating role is implied in Zechariah’s prayer in Luke 1:68. The “angel” was God’s mediating spokesperson at the burning bush (Acts 7:30, following Exod 3:2; cf. Deut 33:16 MT). The “wonders and miracles” (Acts 7:36) were performed by God (Exod 7:3; Neh 9:10), using Moses and Aaron as agents (Exod 7:8–12; Ps 105:27). Miracles in Egypt included the plagues (Exod 7:14–11:10); Moses’s impressive display of the Lord’s power at the Red Sea (Exod 14:21–25), along with God’s destruction of Pharaoh’s army (Exod 15:4; Neh 9:9–11);239 and in the wilderness, the water miracle at Marah (Exod 15:22–25), bread from heaven (Exod 16), and water from the rock (Exod 17:1–7). Explanation of the “forty years” in the wilderness is given in Num 14:33–34.240 The three-stage scheme of Egypt, Red Sea, and wilderness is reflected in T. Mos. 3.11. The citation of Deut 18:15 in Acts 7:37, which repeats what Peter said earlier (3:22), is one of the most explicit indications of Luke’s portrait of Christ as the “new Moses.” “Raise up” (anastēsei) is language that Luke typically uses for 238. Acts 3:13–14; cf. Luke 12:9; 2 Tim 2:12; 1 John 2:22–23; Jude 4. 239. “Red Sea” (erythra thalassa) reflects the language of the LXX (Exod 10:19; 13:18; 15:4, 22; 23:31), which translates the Hebrew yam sûp, now commonly rendered “Sea of Reeds.” See Huddlestun. 240. Cf. Num 32:13; Deut 2:7; 8:2, 4; 29:5; Josh 5:6; Neh 9:21; Ps 95:10; Acts 13:18; Heb 3:10, 17.

172

Acts 7:1–53

Christ’s resurrection (e.g., Luke 24:7; Acts 17:3; cf. 17:18), and it may have that extended sense here, but “raise up for you” suggests God’s special selection of a leader. Even if this is not a prediction of God’s raising of Christ, “a prophet like me” is a strong assertion of the parallelism between Moses and Christ. Moreover, Moses himself, like David (Acts 2:30), is seen as a prophet who foresaw Christ. “Gathered people” (Acts 7:38) renders ekklēsia, one of Luke’s most common designations for the church (e.g., 5:11; 8:1; etc.). Knowing these other uses in Acts, readers might think of Moses with his “church” in the desert prefiguring the various epiphanies in which the risen Christ is with his church (e.g., 9:5, 34; 16:7; 18:9). The “angel” is mentioned earlier, in 7:30. “Living oracles” (logia zōnta), an unusual way of referring to the law Moses received from God on Mount Sinai (Exod 31:18; Deut 9:10), possibly recalls Deut 32:46–47, where Moses stresses the life-giving power of the law.241 Israel’s disobedience of Moses (Acts 7:39) took the form of complaint (Exod 16:2–3) and quarreling (17:2), which was tantamount to disobeying God.242 “Repudiated” (apōsanto) recalls Acts 7:27, when the Israelite “pushed Moses aside” (apōsato). It simply reiterates the repudiation mentioned in verse 35. The same word is used later of the Jews’ rejection of the word of God in Antioch of Pisidia (13:46; cf. Jer 23:17). The Israelites’ longing for Egypt set in quickly after the exodus.243 Their request for Aaron to make gods that could rescue them (Acts 7:40) was prompted by Moses’s delay in returning from Mount Sinai (Exod 32:1; cf. 32:23). Acts 7:41 summarizes the golden-calf incident recorded in Exod 32:1–35. The blame for making the golden calf is placed upon the Israelites. Aaron’s role in fashioning the calf is omitted (Exod 32:4). “Great delight” alludes to the feasting and reveling that accompanied the sacrifices (32:6). This famous instance of apostasy became a stock feature in later rehearsals of Israel’s history (Neh 9:18; Ps 106:19). Handmade objects of worship such as the temple (Acts 7:48) and idols (17:24–25) are criticized as poor substitutes for an invisible God. Israel’s rejection of God is met by God’s turning away from them (7:42–43). “Handing them over” to their own forms of worship signals God’s abandonment. Similar language is used by Paul of gentiles who fail to live up to their knowledge of God (Rom 1:24, 26, 28; cf. Eph 4:19). “Host of heaven” (hē stratia tou ouranou), literally, “the army of heaven,” is a common way of referring 241. See Num 24:4, 16 (logia theou, “words of God”); Deut 33:9 (ta logia sou, “your oracles,” NETS); Isa 5:24 (to logion tou hagiou Israēl, “the oracle of the Holy One of Israel,” NETS); 28:13 (to logion kyriou tou theou, “the oracle of the Lord God,” NETS); cf. (in ET versification) Pss 12:6; 107:11; 119:158. 242. See Deut 28:45, 62; Neh 9:16–17; Ps 106:25. 243. As in Exod 16:3; 17:3; Num 11:18, 20; 21:5.

Stephen’s Defense Speech 173

to heavenly bodies such as the sun, moon, and stars (Deut 4:19; 17:3; 2 Kgs 23:5). Astral deities are often in view (cf. Jer 7:18; 8:2; 19:13). The “book of the Prophets” (Acts 7:42) does not refer to a third section of the Bible, along with the Law and the Writings (cf. Luke 24:44), but to the Twelve Prophets that were grouped into a single collection (Sir 49:10). The quotation in Acts 7:42b–43 generally reproduces Amos 5:25–27 LXX. “Forty years in the desert” provides a verbal link with Acts 7:36. “The tent of Moloch” (tēn skēnēn tou Moloch) and “the star of your god Rephan” (to astron tou theou hymōn Raiphan) conform to the LXX. This wording differs from the MT, which is rendered by the NRSV “You shall take up Sakkuth your king, and Kaiwan your star-god.” Luke construes the LXX text as referring to two astral deities: Moloch (Molech), the Canaanite-Phoenician god of the sky and sun,244 and Rephan, a deity otherwise unknown, whose Hebrew counterpart kîyûn refers to the planet Saturn.245 The reference to the Babylonian exile (7:43) extends Stephen’s frame of reference beyond Solomon (v. 47). “The tent of witness was with our ancestors in the desert just as the One who spoke to Moses gave instructions to make it according to the model that he had seen. 45 Once our fathers had received this tent, they brought it in with Joshua when they took possession of the land of the gentilesa whom God evicted from the presence of our ancestors and kept them out until the time of David. 46 It was David who found favor before God and sought to find a dwelling place for the house of Jacob, 47 yet it was Solomon who built the house for God. 48 But the Most High does not live in handmade houses, just as the prophet says: 49 ‘Heaven is my throne, the earth is the footstool for my feet; what kind of house will you build for me?’ says the Lord. ‘Or what is my place of rest? 50 Did not my hand make all these things?’” 7:44

a. Lit., “in the possession of the nations” (en tē kataschesei tōn ethnōn).

[7:44–50] The tabernacle is sometimes referred to as the “tent of meeting” (Heb. ʾōhel môʿēd, e.g., Exod 27:21) and “tent of witness” (Heb. ʾōhel hāʿēdūt, e.g., Num 9:15), both of which are translated in the LXX as skēnē martyriou. It is a place of witness in the sense that “here the attestation of God takes place through the directions there imparted to Moses for Israel (Exod 244. See Lev 18:21; 20:2–5; 1 Kgs 11:7; 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 32:35. 245. For a detailed discussion of the differences between the MT and LXX, see Barrett 1994– 98, 1:368–71; also see Meier; Heider; BDAG 657 s.v. Moloch; 903 s.v. Raiphan.

174

Acts 7:1–53

25:22).”246

Instructions for building the tabernacle are given in Exod 26–27. God crafted its original design, which is to be replicated by Moses (Exod 25:8– 9, 40). Hebrews 8:5 envisions the earthly tabernacle as “a sketch and shadow of the heavenly one.” Transfer of the tabernacle into the land of Canaan (Acts 7:45) is implied by Josh 3:3, 14, which reports the priests bearing the ark of the covenant as the Israelites prepare to cross the Jordan. According to Josh 18:1, the Israelites erected the “tent of meeting” at Shiloh. Taking possession of the land recalls the promise to Abraham in Acts 7:5. God is responsible for evicting the peoples, including the Amorites, from the land (Josh 23:9; 24:18; Ps 105:44). The syntax of Acts 7:45 is unclear, but the meaning is clear. The generation following Moses, led by Joshua, brought the tabernacle into the land of Canaan, where it resided, and presumably it ensured victory as God drove out the peoples who lived there. The tabernacle continued until the time of David as the “tent of witness,” the place where God dwelt and where Israel encountered God’s presence through ongoing sacrifice. Whether the process of evicting the nations also lasted until the time of David is not clear. David’s finding favor before God (Acts 7:46) is implied in 2 Sam 15:25 (cf. 1 Sam 13:14). Some have emended the text to read “God of Jacob,” which seems more sensible, but the wording here is probably influenced by Ps 132:5, in which David swore to God that he would “find a place for the Lord, a dwelling place for the Mighty One of Jacob.” David was unable to build the temple because of the blood that was shed in his military campaigns (1  Kgs 5:3). Accordingly, God’s covenant with David promised that his offspring would “build a house for my name” (2 Sam 7:13). Solomon’s building of the temple (Acts 7:47) is described in 1 Kgs 5–7, with the dedication reported in 1 Kgs 8 (cf. 1 Kgs 6:2; 8:20). “Most High” (ho hypsistos, Acts 7:48) as a designation for God derives from the OT.247 Although it occurs elsewhere in the NT, it is used primarily in Luke-Acts.248 “Handmade” (cheiropoiētois) has a pejorative sense, especially in polemic against idols (Isa 2:8; Ps 115:4). The text of Isaiah (in Acts 7:49) conforms closely to the LXX. Heaven as God’s throne is a common image (Matt 5:34–35). In his prayer of dedication, Solomon concedes the same point: “Even heaven and the highest heaven cannot contain you, much less this house that I have built!” (1  Kgs 8:27). But what is poetic metaphor on Solomon’s lips becomes literalistic critique on Stephen’s. 246. See Strathmann. 247. As in Gen 14:18–19, 22; Num 24:16; Dan 3:26; Isa 14:14. 248. Mark 5:7; Heb 7:1, quoting Gen 14:18; see Luke 1:32, 35, 76; 2:14; 6:35; 8:28; 19:38; Acts 16:17.

Response to Stephen’s Speech 175

“You stiff-necked people, uncircumcised in your understanding and hearing.a You are forever trying to obstruct the Holy Spirit; as your ancestors did, so do you.b 52 Which of the prophets did your ancestors not persecute? And they slaughtered those who foretold the coming of the Righteous One—the one you betrayed and murdered.c 53 You received Torah under God’s angelic direction, yet you have not kept it.”d 7:51

a. Lit., “with the foreskin of your hearts and ears still uncut” (aperitmētoi kardiais kai tois ōsin). b. Lit., “You always resist the Holy Spirit; as your fathers [did], also [do] you” (hymeis aei tō pneumati tō hagiō antipiptete hōs hoi pateres hymōn kai hymeis). c. Lit., “the one of whom you are now betrayers and murderers” (hou nyn hymeis prodotai kai phoneis egenesthe). d. Lit., “[you] who, to be sure, received the law at the instructions of angels, and you did not keep it” (hoitines elabete ton nomon eis diatagas angelōn kai ouk ephylaxate).

[7:51–53] This highly polemical conclusion, composed of motifs drawn from the OT, is Luke’s way of aligning Stephen’s listeners (the Sanhedrin) with Israel’s repeated pattern of disobedience and resistance. “Stiff-necked” vividly captures the image of someone refusing to bow the head in compliance.249 “Uncircumcised hearts” (Lev 26:41; Jer 9:26; Ezek 44:7, 9) and closed ears (Jer 6:10) effectively transform Jews into gentiles. Resisting the Holy Spirit is a mark of rebellion against God (Isa 63:10; cf. Num 27:14). Resisting God’s prophets, even to the point of killing them, is another OT motif.250 The “Righteous One” (dikaios) is a Lukan christological term (Acts 3:14; cf. Luke 23:47). For Luke, receiving the law “as ordained by angels” (NRSV) underscores the sublime authority of the law, in contrast to Paul, who thinks angelic mediation of the law weakens its authority (Gal 3:19; cf. Heb 2:2). The tradition probably stems from the presence of the angel at the burning bush episode (Acts 7:30, 35), abetted by Deut 33:2 LXX, which has Moses referring to God who “has come from Sinai” accompanied by angels “at his right” (NETS; cf. Jub. 1.27, 29; 2.1; Josephus, Ant. 15.136.) 7:54–8:3 Response to Stephen’s Speech: His Death and Its Impact When they heard these things, they became infuriateda and gritted their teeth at Stephen. 55 Yet filled with the Holy Spirit, he fixed his eyes toward heaven, saw God’s glory and Jesus standing to God’s right, 56 and 7:54

249. See Exod 32:9; 33:3, 5; 34:9; 2 Chr 30:8; Neh 9:16; cf. Bar 2:30. 250. See 1 Kgs 19:10, 14; 2 Chr 36:16; Neh 9:26; Jer 2:30; cf. Luke 6:23; 1 Thess 2:15. Specific examples include the execution of Uriah the prophet by King Jehoiakim (Jer 26:23) and execution of the prophet Zechariah (2 Chr 24:20–22). Cf. Luke 11:51 || Matt 23:35.

176

Acts 7:54–8:3

he said, “Look! I see the heavens split open and the Son of Man standing to God’s right.”b 57 Crying out with a loud voice, they covered their ears and lunged together toward him. 58 And as they threw him out of the city, they started throwing stones at him. And those who watched took off their coats and placed them at the feet of a young man called Saul. 59 While they kept throwing stones at Stephen, he called out, saying, “Lord Jesus, receive my spirit.” 60 And falling on his knees, he cried with a loud voice, “Lord, do not hold this sin against them.” And this said, he fell asleep in death. 8:1a And Saul fully supported his execution.c a. Lit., “They were cut to the quick in their hearts” (dieprionto tais kardiais autōn). b. Gk. hestōta ek dexiōn tou theou, usually rendered “standing at the right hand of God” (NRSV). c. Lit., “And Saul was giving consent to his murder” (Saulos de ēn syneudokōn tē anairesei autou).

[7:54–8:1a] This resembles the Sanhedrin’s earlier response to the testimony of Peter and the apostles (Acts 5:33). “Gritting [or, gnashing] the teeth” signals the excessive rage of one’s enemies (Pss 35:16; 37:12; Job 16:9). Being “filled with the Holy Spirit” is not unexpected since “being full of the Spirit” was a requirement to be numbered among the Seven (Acts 6:3). It also aligns Stephen with Jesus (Luke 4:1, 14, 18–21). Fixing one’s eyes toward heaven to behold the glory of God denotes steadfast devotion (Ps 63:2; cf. Isa 6:1; John 12:41). Jesus “standing to God’s right” is unusual; he is usually depicted as sitting at God’s right hand.251 Still, it is a position of elevated authority (Acts 2:33; 5:31; Phil 2:9). Seeing the heavens “split open” reenacts the epiphany at Jesus’s baptism.252 The crowd’s moving as a group, lunging toward Stephen, anticipates the Ephesians’ actions toward Paul (Acts 19:29). Removing Stephen from the city recalls Nazareth’s earlier response to Jesus (Luke 4:29; cf. Acts 13:50; 16:37). It also conforms to Levitical instructions to “take the blasphemer outside the camp” in preparation for “the whole congregation [to] stone [the blasphemer].”253 Stephen’s response to the crowd’s action emulates that of Jesus at the crucifixion (Luke 23:46, echoing the words of Ps 31:5). His willingness to forgive conforms to Jesus’s own teaching and practice (Luke 6:37; 23:34). By introducing Saul at this point in the narrative (Acts 7:58; 8:1), Luke sets up the story of his conversion in chapter 9. He also gives credibility to Paul’s later recollection of the incident (22:20). 251. Luke 22:69 || Mark 14:62 || Matt 26:64; cf. Matt 19:28; 25:31. 252. Luke 3:21; cf. John 1:51; Rev 19:11; Ezek 1:1. 253. See Lev 24:14; Num 15:35; cf. Deut 17:7.

Response to Stephen’s Speech 177

Now on that day a severe persecutiona broke out against the church in Jerusalem. All except the apostles were scattered throughout the countryside of Judea and Samaria. 2 Stephen was buried by devout men who engaged in full ceremonial mourning over him.b 3 Now Saul started harassing the church by entering their houses one after another. Dragging away men, and even women, he handed them over to be thrown into jail. 8:1b

a. Lit., “great persecution” (diōgmos megas). b. Lit., “they made great lamentation over him” (epoiēsan kopeton megan ep’ autō).

[8:1b–3] The church now experiences on a grand scale what Jesus predicted (Luke 21:12; cf. 11:49). It is later repeated with Paul and Barnabas in Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:50). “Scattered” (diesparēsan, from diaspeirō; similarly 8:4; 11:19) is not used here in the technical sense of diaspora or dispersion for those living outside the land of Israel.254 “Judea and Samaria” conforms to the risen Lord’s predicted pattern of geographical expansion (1:8). The fate of these two adjacent districts was often linked. After Herod’s death, Augustus placed them, along with Idumaea, under the control of Archelaus.255 When Archelaus’s tetrarchy ended in 6 CE, the three districts were combined into the single imperial province “Judea,” which was placed under the direct rule of the Roman prefect Coponius, whose administrative seat was located in Caesarea.256 The prompt burial of Stephen ensures compliance with Jewish law (Deut 21:22–23). That it was carried out by “devout men” (andres eulabeis) like Simeon (Luke 2:25), Ananias (Acts 22:12), and the Jerusalem residents at Pentecost (2:5) underscores the justice of Stephen’s cause: The righteous bury the righteous. Their devotion echoes that of Joseph of Arimathea, the “good and righteous man” who buried Jesus (Luke 23:50). The ceremonial mourning that accompanies the death of Jesus (Luke 23:26–31) and Stephen conforms to the pattern of mourning the martyrdom of prophetic figures (Zech 12:10–13). Saul’s harassment (elymaineto) could also be rendered “ravaging” or “doing harm.” “Saul was making it hard for the (Christian) community.”257 The term, found only here in the NT, can be used figuratively, “to insult,” but could also denote inflicting physical harm, especially being mangled by predatory animals such as lions, boars, leopards, and wolves.258 “Dragging” (syrōn) implies acts of violence (e.g., Acts 14:19; 17:6), in this case forcing people from their homes.

254. Cf. John 7:35; Jas 1:1; 1 Pet 1:1; cf. Deut 30:4 LXX; 2 Macc 1:27. 255. Josephus, J.W. 2.96; Ant. 17.317–320. 256. See Horbury 2014, 107 n. 29, on the relationship between the respective provinces of Judea and Syria. 257. BDAG 604 s.v. lymainō. 258. See BegC 4:88, with numerous references.

8:4–12:25—Part 2 The Word Spreads: Jerusalem to Syrian Antioch 8:4–40 Philip’s Ministry The mention of “Judea and Samaria” (8:1) marks a clear geographical shift in the story line. Two episodes linked with the name of Philip comprise the next section: the evangelization of Samaria (8:4–25) and the conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch (8:26–40). Luke orients the reader with numerous geographical and topographical markers. Principal characters travel “down” from Jerusalem, either northward to Samaria (8:5, 15) or southwest toward Gaza (8:26). Various indicators locate the first episode in Samaria (8:5, 9, 14, 25). The “road from Jerusalem to Gaza” (8:26), combined with the double mention of Ethiopia (8:27), underscores the southern orientation of the second episode. Concluding references to Azotus and Caesarea (8:40) move the geographical frame of reference to the Mediterranean coast. The cumulative effect of these carefully positioned place names is to signal the geographical expansion of the gospel outward from Jerusalem. The literary structure of the first episode is more complex than that of the second episode, in which there is a one-on-one encounter between two men— Philip and the eunuch—prompted by an angel of the Lord (8:26) and the Spirit (8:29). The episode in Samaria has three parts: (1) Philip’s successful preaching and healing ministry in Samaria (8:4–8); (2)  Simon’s conversion (vv. 9–13); (3) Peter and John’s conferral of the Holy Spirit and their subsequent interchange with Simon (vv. 14–25). By the end of chapter 8, however, the conversion of two individuals—one named, the other unnamed but virtually named—has been reported. Here, as elsewhere, Luke has given us a pair of episodes involving well-crafted, memorable characters, a diptych featuring two conversions, one flawed, the other flawless. 8:4–8 Philip Preaches in Samaria So then,a as those who were scattered abroad traveled from place to placeb proclaiming the word, 5 Philip went down to the city of Samariac and preached the Messiahd to them. 6 The crowds paid close attention 8:4

Philip Preaches in Samaria 179

to the things Philip was saying, uniformly impressede as they listened to him and saw the signs he was performing. 7 For many with unclean spirits experienced these spirits leaving their bodies, shouting loudly on their way out;f many of those who were paralyzed and lame were healed. 8 Now great joy came to that city. a. Men oun indicates a shift to a new topic, anticipating the next clause introduced by de, which suggests a slight contrast between the two clauses: the general mission of the many and Philip’s specific mission to Samaria. See Smyth §2901c. b. Lit., “went throughout” (diēlthon). c. Some manuscripts read “a city of Samaria,” since “the city of Samaria” (“the city named Samaria”) appears incorrect. In the OT, Samaria was originally the name of the city established by Omri as the capital of the northern kingdom in the ninth century BCE and later destroyed by the Assyrians in 722/721. Thereafter Samaria generally referred to the region in which the city had been located. Because of its strategic location, the city was rebuilt successively—during the Hellenistic period as a Greek city. Destroyed by John Hyrcanus in 108/107 BCE, the city was gradually rebuilt, especially by Herod the Great around 30 BCE, who renamed it Sebaste in honor of his patron Augustus. The city bore the name Sebaste during the Roman period. See Metzger 1998, 311. d. Gk. ekēryssen autois ton Christon. e. Lit., “with one mind or purpose” (homothymadon); see Acts 1:14; 2:46. f. The Greek text of v. 7a is ambiguous. Literally translated, it reads, “for many of those having unclean spirits crying with a loud voice went out” (polloi gar tōn echontōn pneumata akatharta boōnta phōnē megalē exērchonto). Various solutions have been proposed in the manuscript tradition. The thought, however, seems fairly clear: There were many who were possessed with unclean spirits; these spirits were exorcised by Philip; and everybody heard the loud shrieks of the expelled spirits. See Metzger 1998, 312–13.

[8:4–8] Luke’s fondness for depicting people on the move, fanning out as it were throughout an entire region, is evident here.1 In view are the numerous towns and villages dotting Judea and Samaria. The “word” is shorthand for “the word of God” (Luke 8:11) or “the word of the Lord” (Acts 15:35), neither of which refers, in the first instance, to Scripture, but signifies “God’s/the Lord’s message” delivered orally. Since euangelizomenoi is the verbal form of “gospel” (euangelion), the phrase euangelizomenoi ton logon (v. 4)—literally, “gospeling the word”—might be rendered “heralding the good news of God’s message,” or simply “preaching the gospel.” The syntax implies that Philip, and perhaps other members of the Seven, are among those who fled because of the persecution. If so, the evangelistic initiative is his, not the result of apostolic commissioning. He is later identified as “Philip the evangelist, one of the Seven,” a resident of Caesarea who has four 1. Cf. Luke 9:6; Acts 8:40; 9:32; 11:19.

180

Acts 8:9–13

unmarried daughters with prophetic gifts (21:8–9). The mention of Caesarea as Philip’s destination in 8:40 gives plausibility to his Caesarean residence. Some have incorrectly identified this Philip as one of the Twelve (Acts 1:13; cf. Luke 6:14). Although the precise meaning of Samaria is disputed,2 the region of Philip’s missionizing efforts is clear enough. Since Sebaste was a pagan city and an unlikely location of Samaritans who were devoted to Mount Gerizim as a sacred place, some have located Philip’s ministry near the site of ancient Shechem, which was located southeast of Sebaste, in the narrow pass between Mounts Ebal and Gerizim. Justin Martyr, a native of Samaria, locates Simon Magus in Gitta, a village northwest of Sebaste (1 Apol. 26). Philip’s proclamation of “the Messiah” (ton Christon) possibly reflects awareness of the prominent role given to a messianic prophet like Moses in Samaritan belief. Usually the title is explicitly connected with the proper name Jesus.3 Philip’s dramatic healing miracles recall those of Jesus (Luke 5:18; 6:18), Peter and John (Acts 3:1–10), and the apostles (Acts 5:16). Loud cries of the demon-possessed (Luke 8:28) or of the evil spirits themselves (Mark 1:26) give audible proof of the miracle worker’s power. Although Luke’s syntax is tangled,4 the latter is in view here. The Samaritans now experience the joy of the Seventy, who vanquished demons (Luke 10:17–20). Luke’s depiction of the Samaritans’ enthusiastic reception of the gospel conforms to his earlier positive portrayal of Samaritans.5 8:9–13 Simon the Magician Becomes a Believer Now in that city there was a certain man named Simon who used his practice of magica to impress the Samaritan peopleb and bolster his claims to be someone famous. 10 Everyone, small and great alike, paid attention to him. They would say, “There is only one word for the power of God we see in this man—‘Mighty.’”c 11 They took him seriouslyd because he had impressed them for such a long time with his acts of magic.e 12 Yet when they became convinced by Philip’s evangelistic preaching about the kingdom of God and the name of Jesus Christ, they were baptized— 8:9

2. See translation note c on Acts 8:5. 3. Acts 5:42; 17:3; 18:5, 28; cf. 1 John 5:1. 4. See translation note f on Acts 8:7. 5. Luke 10:29–37; 17:11–19; cf. Acts 9:31; 15:3; also John 4:4–42; Luke 9:52–53 is an exception. Samaritans are excluded in Jesus’s commission to the Twelve in Matt 10:5–6. The narrative of John 4 is also framed by assuming animosity between Jews and Samaritans, a common biblical trope. Samaritan origins are typically construed on the basis of 2 Kgs 17 (see Brown 1966, 1:170). Usually ignored in such accounts are Samaritans’ own construal of their historical origins and “Israelites” as their preferred self-designation. See Cohen 2014, 167–69.

Simon the Magician Becomes a Believer 181

men as well as women. 13 Even Simon himself became convinced, and after receiving baptism he took upf with Philip, duly impressed as he watched these signs and mighty powers happening. a. Gk. proypērchen . . . mageuōn, imperfect + active participle, lit., “he was existing before . . . practicing magic,” implying a previous pattern of continuing action. The point is reinforced in v. 11: “he had impressed them for such a long time with his acts of magic.” BDAG 889 s.v. proyparchō. b. Gk. to ethnos tēs Samareias, “the people of Samaria” (NRSV), less felicitously, “the nation of Samaria” (RSV). c. Lit., “This one is the power of God that is called great” (houtos estin hē dynamis tou theou hē kaloumenē megalē). d. Lit., “they paid close attention to him” (proseichon de autō). e. Mageia, here pl., “magic arts.” BDAG 608 s.v. mageia. f. Lit., “he attached himself ” (ēn proskarterōn), suggesting that he became a disciple, or a self-appointed protégé.

[8:9–13] Luke reports three encounters between the gospel and magic in Acts: Philip’s conversion of Simon the magician, Paul’s encounter with Elymas/Bar-Jesus on the island of Cyprus (13:4–12), and the burning of books related to magic at Ephesus (19:19). All three function as part of Luke’s broader depiction of popular religion in the Roman Empire. Luke’s attentiveness to geographical location in reporting these incidents is also evident. The first episode occurs inside Palestine, the second on a Mediterranean island, and the third in the most important city in the Aegean region. Readers could surmise that such encounters were common and universal. The phenomenon designated “magic” (mageia, v. 11; the verb form mageuō, v. 9) is widely attested among ancient authors, although it is a broad category encompassing many discrete activities. Depending on the period, location, and context, magic can be viewed positively or negatively. Though “magic” is sometimes used in contrast to “religion” to signify an illegitimate, usually covert, form of religion, this is an overly sharp and forced distinction.6 What the multiple forms of magic typically have in common is a carefully prescribed procedure to tap divine power, with practitioners using incantations, secret formulas, prayers, or manipulation of physical objects (herbs, recipes, dolls) to achieve their intended ends, whether good (healing) or ill (vengeance). In some sources magic is listed among other vices such as sorcery, augury, and divination.7 The term magos can designate a wise person such as a priest, prophet, or philosopher, often with astrological expertise, named Magus, or the plural 6. On the use of the term “magic” in recent scholarship, see Shauf 178–83. 7. Ascen. Isa. 2.5; Barn. 20.1; Ign. Eph. 19.3; Did. 5.1; Josephus, Ant. 2.284.

182

Acts 8:9–13

Magi (Matt 2:1, 7, 16), but also “magician” in the case of Elymas/Bar-Jesus (Acts 13:6, 8).8 This Simon, usually identified as Simon Magus (though not by Luke) and mentioned only here in the NT, is pilloried by Justin Martyr as a native of the Samaritan town Gitta, who moved to Rome during the reign of Claudius (41–54 CE); there he worked magic, was accompanied by a former prostitute Helena, and earned the status of “first god” by his followers (1 Apol. 26; cf. Dial. 120). Irenaeus attributes to Simon the origins of “all sorts of heresies,” most notably the eponymous Simoneans—promiscuous, unscrupulous workers of magic to whom the origins of Gnosticism can be traced (AH 1.23.1–5). How much truth lies beneath these highly polemical characterizations of Simon is difficult to ascertain. Simon’s audience, “the Samaritan people” (to ethnos tēs Samareias, Acts 8:9), could be taken in a neutral geographical sense: those who inhabit the region (or city) of Samaria. But given the religious complexion of the story, especially the highly formulaic ascription in 8:10 that may be an attribution of deification, religious Samaritans whose devotion was linked to the sanctuary at Mount Gerizim are probably in view. Though their beliefs changed over time, Samaritans typically upheld a strict monotheism. Rather than adopting the myth of origins ascribed to them in 2 Kgs 17, in which they are portrayed as descendants of people from other regions (Cutheans), transplanted by the Assyrians into Samaria (cf. Josephus, Ant. 9.277–291), Samaritans regarded themselves as true Israelites (their preferred self-designation) descended from the old tribal families of Ephraim and Manasseh who survived the Assyrian conquest of the northern kingdom in 722/721 BCE. Their Bible—the Samaritan Pentateuch—represented an independent textual tradition significantly different from the Masoretic Text of the Hebrew Bible. They revered Moses as an exalted prophet and looked forward to the coming of a new prophet like Moses. Samaritan priests exercised their sacerdotal duties at the sanctuary near Mount Gerizim, the location at which they celebrate Passover, along with other major biblical festivals. Samaritan synagogues are attested in Samaria (near Nablus) and in other parts of the Mediterranean, including the island of Delos, Thessalonica, and Rome. In such locations Samaritans observed the Sabbath, with its attendant activities—Torah reading, hymns, and prayers.9 The syntax of Acts 8:9 emphasizes Simon’s long-standing pattern of practicing magic.10 “Impress” (existanōn) suggests amazing results.11 Simon’s 8. See BDAG 608–9 s.v. mageia, mageuō, magos; also Versnel. On ancient magic generally, standard treatments include Graf 1997; Dickie; Luck; and GMP; also see Klauck 2003, 209–31; and Shauf 183–90. For magic as it relates to the NT and early Christianity, see Hull; Aune 1980. 9. On Samaritan origins, literature, and beliefs, see R. T. Anderson. 10. For Lukan references to extended periods of time, cf. Luke 8:27; 20:9; 23:8; Acts 14:3; 27:9. 11. Luke 2:47; 8:56; 24:22; Acts 2:7, 12; 9:21; 10:45; 12:16.

The Apostles Confirm the Samaritan Mission 183

“claims to be someone famous” (legōn einai tina heauton megan) suggests self-promotional tendencies often associated with popular wonder-workers and messianic figures (5:36). “Small and great” (apo mikrou heōs megalou, 8:10) denotes age, “young and old,” but with “everyone” (pantes) stresses the diversity of all those impressed (cf. 26:22). The people’s response credits Simon’s power to a divine source, although the attribution was later taken to mean that Simon himself claimed divine status. According to Irenaeus, Simon “represented himself . . . as being the loftiest of all powers, that is, the Being who is the Father over all” (AH 1.23.1).12 Philip’s evangelistic proclamation of the kingdom of God (euangelizomenō peri tēs basileias tou theou, Acts 8:12) extends Jesus’s own evangelistic preaching during his ministry (Luke 4:43; 8:1; 9:11; 16:16; yet cf. 9:52–55), continues the risen Lord’s instructions (Acts 1:4), and anticipates Paul’s preaching (19:8; 20:25; 28:31). The “name of Jesus Christ” (8:12) as part of Philip’s proclamation doubtlessly recalls earlier episodes in which dramatic healing power is linked with Jesus’s name (3:6, 16; 4:10), as well as the close connection in Luke’s Gospel between Jesus’s proclamation of the kingdom of God and his healing ministry (8:1–3; 9:11). The Samaritans’ enthusiastic response to Philip’s preaching is described in typically Lukan language: They “became convinced” (episteusan, 8:12; cf. 2:44; 4:4, 32; 5:14) and were baptized (2:38, 41). As a gender-inclusive response, “men as well as women” (andres te kai gynaikes), the Samaritans’ mass conversion mimics that of Jerusalem (5:13–14). Since Simon’s response—belief and baptism—replicates that of the Samaritans, it is genuine. But Simon’s fascination with Philip’s impressive display of thaumaturgic power and his subsequent attachment to Philip (ēn proskarterōn) give hints of an ulterior motive. 8:14–25 The Apostles Confirm the Samaritan Mission Now when word reached the apostles in Jerusalem that Samaria had responded favorably to the message of God,a they commissioned Peter and John to go to them. 15 When Peter and John arrived,b they prayed for them to receive the Holy Spirit; 16 for it had not yet fallen upon any of them, since they had only been baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus. 17 Then Peter and John put their hands on the Samaritans, and they received the Holy Spirit.c 18 Now when Simon saw that the Spirit was transmitted through the laying on of the apostles’ hands, he offered them 8:14

12. BDAG (263 s.v. dynamis 5) renders the clause “This man is what is called the Great Power” and offers as a possible parallel a Lydian inscription of Saïttaï in which the Anatolian god Mēn is honored as “one God in the heavens, great heavenly Mēn, great power of the immortal God” (heis theos en ouranois megas Mēn ouranios, megalē dynamis tou athanatou theou).

184

Acts 8:14–25

money. 19 He said, “Give me this authority too, so that anyone I lay my hands on will receive the Holy Spirit.” 20 Peter said to him, “May you and your silver die together, because you thought that God’s gift can be procured with money!d 21 You can have no part, no share in this matter,e because in the eyes of God your intent is crooked.f 22 Therefore repent of this evil thing you have done, and pray to the Lord that, if possible, the intent of your heartg might be forgiven. 23 For I can see that your motives are poisoned like bitter gall and that you are gripped by wrongdoing.”h 24 Simon replied to Peter and John, “Offer a prayer to the Lord on my behalf, that none of these things you have said might happen to me.” 25 So then, when Peter and John had finished bearing testimony and speaking the Lord’s message,i they returned to Jerusalem. As they went, they proclaimed the gospelj in many Samaritan villages. a. Lit., “received [or, accepted] the word of God” (dedektai . . . ton logon tou theou). b. Lit., “these having gone down” (hoitines katabantes), acknowledging the generally descending topography from Jerusalem northward toward Samaria. c. This translation renders the subject and object more specifically than the Greek text: “then they placed their hands upon them, and they received the Holy Spirit” (tote epetithesan tas cheiras ep’ autous kai elambanon pneuma hagion). d. Or, “May your silver die with you.” Lit., “May your silver be with you for destruction, because you supposed that the gift of God can be obtained with money” (to argyrion sou syn soi eiē eis apōleian hoti tēn dōrean tou theou enomisas dia chrēmatōn ktasthai). e. Gk. en tō logō toutō, possibly, “in this message.” f. Lit., “Your heart is not straight [or, steadfast] before God” (hē gar kardia sou ouk estin eutheia enanti tou theou). See Ps 77:37 LXX (78:37 ET). g. Gk. hē epinoia tēs kardias sou. h. Lit., “I see that you are in the gall of bitterness and the bonds of iniquity” (eis gar cholēn pikrias kai syndesmon adikias horō se onta). i. Lit., “speaking the word of the Lord” (lalēsantes ton logon tou kyriou). j. Gk. euēngelizonto.

[8:14–25] In this section the focus shifts to Peter, John, and Simon; Philip disappears into the background. The strategic role of “the apostles in Jerusalem” (hoi en Hierosolymois apostoloi) has been amply documented in chapters 1–7. They were instructed by the risen Lord himself through the Holy Spirit (1:2); they were not only immersed with the Holy Spirit at Pentecost (2:4) but also (through Peter) explained how the Spirit’s arrival marked the beginning of a new era (2:17–36); they proclaimed the conditions for receiving the Holy Spirit (2:38); the newly christened church followed the apostles’ teaching (2:42), witnessed apostolic miracles (2:43), and entrusted their possessions to the apostles (4:35). The apostles’ role in the ministry of the word was protected by the appointment of the Seven (6:2–3). Now comes a new moment when the gospel reaches beyond Jerusalem. This episode illustrates how apostolic jurisdiction

The Apostles Confirm the Samaritan Mission 185

functions when the church undergoes an important transition: when it moves into a new geographical region (Samaria), encounters a different ethnic group (Samaritans), all through the efforts of someone outside the apostolic circle. News about breakthroughs outside Jerusalem invariably reaches the apostles (cf. 11:1, 22). “To receive the word of God” (dechesthai ton logon tou theou) means responding favorably to God’s message.13 Peter and John typically function as apostolic representatives in Luke-Acts.14 Why the Samaritans did not receive the Holy Spirit as a baptismal gift, as did the Pentecost crowds (2:38), is a notorious crux. The explanation offered, “since they had only been baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus” (v. 16), suggests different levels of ministerial empowerment. Philip, as one of the Seven, could preach and baptize in the name of Jesus, but the power to confer the Holy Spirit is an exclusive apostolic prerogative, at least at this stage in the church’s history.15 Luke’s lack of consistency in reporting baptismal initiation, especially how and when people receive the Holy Spirit, probably reflects the diversity of baptismal experiences. The overall Lukan narrative may, in fact, reflect his interest in regularizing the variety of understandings within his own context and the traditions at his disposal. Placing one’s hands upon another person is a ritual gesture signifying different things: commissioning duly appointed representatives,16 transferring healing power,17 bestowing the Holy Spirit,18 or some combination of the three (Acts 9:17).19 That this action can have visible and audible effect is reflected in Simon’s response to the event (8:18; cf. 10:46; 19:6). Simon’s actions are doubly reprehensible. By requesting authority that lies exclusively with the apostles, he is guilty of insubordination (8:18–19). By offering money, he violates one of the cardinal teachings of the Lukan Jesus and aligns himself with a host of Lukan villains whose avarice is their downfall (cf. Luke 12:13–21). Peter’s response (Acts 8:20–24) is laced with biblical allusions guaranteed to suggest genuine depravity. Formulated as a prayer of imprecation, Peter’s opening words (v. 20) are comically ironic: an apostle employing a magical curse against the highly touted local magician. Like the Ammonites who, under YHWH’s judgment, are destined to “become untrodden 13. Luke 8:13; Acts 11:1; 17:11; 1 Thess 1:6; 2:13; Jas 1:21. 14. Luke 22:8; Acts 3:1, 3–4, 11; 4:13, 19; cf. 1:13. 15. The Samaritans’ case is unlike the disciples of John in Ephesus, who have been baptized “into John’s baptism” (19:3) and have never heard of the Holy Spirit (19:2). Even so, when they receive baptism “in the name of the Lord Jesus” (19:5), the Holy Spirit becomes theirs only when Paul lays his hands upon them (19:6). In Cornelius’s case, the reception of the Holy Spirit precedes baptism (10:44–47). 16. Num 27:18, 23; Acts 6:6; 13:3; 1 Tim 4:14; 2 Tim. 1:6; cf. 1 Tim 5:22; Heb 6:2. 17. Luke 4:40; Acts 9:12; 28:8. 18. Acts 8:17; 19:6. 19. For the later practice of laying on hands at baptism, see Tertullian, Bapt. 8.

186

Acts 8:26–40

and a destruction” (Jer 30:2 LXX NETS; cf. Jer 49:2 NRSV), Simon, with his silver, will be destroyed (similarly, Dan 2:5; 3:29; 3:96 Theod.). “No part, no share” is formulaic language from Deuteronomy to denote statutory exclusion (Deut 12:12; 14:27, 29). Having a heart that is not right (or straight) before God (eutheia enanti tou theou, Acts 8:21), thus operating with crooked intent, places Simon in the company of Israel, whose heart was not steadfast toward God (Ps 78:37). Simon’s actions are an “evil thing” (kakia) requiring repentance predicated on realigned intentions, which, if managed, could achieve forgiveness (v. 22). As it is, Simon’s heart is infected with “bitter gall” (cholēn pikrias, v. 23), poison with a bitter taste (Deut 29:18; Lam 3:15, 19), and is “gripped by wrongdoing” (syndesmon adikias, Isa 58:6 LXX). There is a faint echo of Exod 8:4, 24 LXX (8:8, 28 ET) in Simon’s request for relief from the kind of punishment that “came upon Egypt” during the plagues (v. 24). His prayer is reminiscent of Pharaoh’s confession of sin to Moses and Aaron and his desperate prayer for forgiveness (Exod 9:28; 10:17). There is no indication that Simon’s response was anything less than heartfelt and presumably efficacious (Acts 8:24). If so, he joins the circle of Lukan characters who manage to triumph over greed (cf. Luke 19:1–10). Even so, Simon’s reputation is sullied with the coinage of the term “simony” to denote monetary sins in which ecclesiastical offices or other privileges are bought and sold. “Bearing testimony and speaking the Lord’s message” (hoi diamartyramenoi kai lalēsantes ton logon tou kyriou, Acts 8:25) is a retrospective description of Peter and John’s work in Samaria but also implies a preaching mission independent of Philip. “Speaking the word (of the Lord)” is Lukan phraseology for proclaiming the gospel.20 Peter and John’s evangelization of “many Samaritan villages” (pollas kōmas tōn Samaritōn) en route to Jerusalem continues the mission begun by Philip. Presumably their baptized converts received the Holy Spirit on the spot. 8:26–40 The Ethiopian Eunuch’s Conversion 8:26 Then an angel of the Lorda spoke to Philip, saying, “Get up and travel southb on the road going down from Jerusalem to Gaza.” (It is a lonely

road.)c 27 So he got up and left. Nowd there was an Ethiopian man, a eunuch, a court official of Candace, queen of the Ethiopians, who was in charge of her entire treasury. He had traveled as a worshiper to Jerusalem, 28 and as he returned home, he was seated in his carriage and was reading aloude from the prophet Isaiah. 29 Then the Spirit said to Philip, “Go near and get close to this carriage.”f 30 As Philip ran up to the carriage, he heard the man reading Isaiah the prophet. He said, “Let me ask you!g Do you understand what you are reading?” 31 He replied, “How can I, 20. Acts 4:29, 31; 11:19; 13:46; 14:25; 16:6, 32; cf. Phil 1:14; Heb 13:7.

The Ethiopian Eunuch’s Conversion 187

unless someone directs me?” Then he encouraged Philip to climb in and sit beside him. 32 The section of Scripture that he was reading was this: As a sheep he was led to slaughter, And as a lamb before his shearer is silent, So he does not open his mouth. 33 In his humiliation his judgment was taken away;h Who will tell the story of his generation? Because his life is taken away from the earth. 34 The eunuch replied to Philip, “Tell me!i Who is the prophet talking about here? Himself or someone else?” 35 Then Philip spoke up,j and starting with this very scripture, he announced the good news of Jesus to him.k 36 As they were traveling down the road, they came to some water, and the eunuch said, “Look! Water! What prevents me from being baptized?”l 38 Then the eunuch ordered the carriage to stop, and both men stepped down into the water—Philip and the eunuch too—and Philip baptized him. 39 Now when they climbed out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord snatched Philip away.m The eunuch saw Philip no more, for he was making his way home rejoicing. 40 Philip then turned upn in Azotus; and as he traveled through the region, he preached the gospel in every city until he arrived in Caesarea. a. Or, “messenger of the Lord” (angelos kyriou). b. Gk. kata mesēmbrian, lit., “toward the south,” although “about noon” or “midday” is possible (cf. 22:6). The ram charges southward (pros mesēmbrian) in Daniel’s vision (Dan 8:4; cf. v. 9 epi mesēmbrian). BDAG 634 s.v. mesēmbria. c. Lit., “it is desert” (hautē estin erēmos), i.e., isolated, desolate. BDAG 391 s.v. erēmos. d. Lit., “and behold” (kai idou). The demonstrative particle idou shifts the reader’s attention to this new character, thus yielding a less dramatic translation. A rough modern equivalent would be “Take note!” See Matt 12:10. e. Gk. aneginōsken, “he was reading.” At that time, reading was done aloud. BDAG 60 s.v. anaginōskō. f. Lit., “join oneself to” (kollēthēti) or “stick to [this carriage].” BDAG 555 s.v. kollaō 2.b.α. g. Gk. ara, interrogative particle introducing a direct question, used to create suspense; intensified when followed by ge, as here. h. Or, NRSV: “in his humiliation justice was denied him” (en tē tapeinōsei [autou] hē krisis autou ērthē). i. Lit., “I beg of you” (deomai sou), or simply “Please [tell me].” BDAG 218 s.v. deomai a.γ. j. Lit., “opened his mouth” (anoixas . . . to stoma autou). k. Lit., “evangelized to him Jesus” (euēngelisato autō ton Iēsoun). l. The D-text tradition supplies an answer to Philip’s question, which was preserved in TR and included in KJV as Acts 8:37. The text reads: “And Philip said to him, ‘If you

188

Acts 8:26–40

believe with your whole heart, it is permitted.’ He said in reply, ‘I believe that the Son of God is Jesus, the Messiah.’” (LDT). This verse is preserved in whole or in part in E, a sixth-century Greek majuscule, several minuscules (323. 453. 945. 1739. 1891. 2818), in Old Latin witnesses, but more significantly in Irenaeus and Cyprian. See Metzger 1998, 315–16. m. Another intriguing scribal addition reflects the irresistible temptation to fill gaps in the story: “When they climbed out of the water, the Holy Spirit fell upon the eunuch, and an angel of the Lord snatched Philip away.” This reading is supplied by a corrector of the fifth-century majuscule A, several minuscules (323. 453. 945. 1739. 1891. 2818), and some other witnesses including Ephraem, Jerome, and Augustine. See Metzger 1998, 316. n. Lit., “was found” (heurethē).

[8:26–40] This episode differs from the previous episode in two ways. Philip’s preaching to the Samaritans occurred as the result of severe persecution while his mission into Judea (“from Jerusalem to Gaza”) was divinely prompted. In Samaria he preached to many; here he preaches to one man. Philip’s mission into Judea belongs to a series of events in Luke-Acts that are initiated by an “angel of the Lord” (angelos kyriou).21 The location of this angelic appearance is possibly Samaria, since Philip is last mentioned there (8:13), but Jerusalem seems to be implied by the directions in verse 26. Gaza is located approximately fifty miles (80 km) southwest of Jerusalem, in the coastal strip along the Mediterranean, and situated on the via Maris, “the Way of the Sea,” one of the main roads connecting Egypt with Syria and Asia Minor. This city figures prominently in OT narratives as one of the five Philistine city-states (Josh 13:3; 1 Sam 6:17) and an important site in the Samson narratives (Judg 16). The referent of “lonely” (erēmos, “wilderness” or “desert”) is unclear, possibly the road or the city. Rather than trying to achieve geographical precision, Luke wants to signal remoteness. With the mention of an “Ethiopian man” (anēr Aithiops) we move into the realm of the distant and exotic. A somewhat fluid geographical designation, “Ethiopia” was used by ancient writers for the region south of Egypt encompassing Kush (Nubia during the Roman period), whose major center was Meroe, on the east bank of the Nile, thus the territory comprising modern Sudan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia. That the inhabitants of Ethiopia were dark-skinned is reflected in its etymology (aithō, “burnt,” + ops, “face”; cf. Jer 13:23). In the OT, Ethiopians are also remembered as “a people tall and smooth [clean-shaven]” (Isa 18:2, 7 NIV), who live in remote areas (Ps 68:31; Zeph 3:10). Homer mentions the “far-off Ethiopians” (Aithiopas . . . tēloth’ eontas), “the farthermost of men” (eschatoi andrōn).22 Ethiopia’s distance from the 21. Cf. Luke 1:11; 2:9; Acts 5:19; 12:7–17, 23; similarly, 7:30–38; 10:3; 27:23. 22. Homer, Od. 1.23.

The Ethiopian Eunuch’s Conversion 189

Mediterranean made it an unknown place to many, and this contributed to its romantic, mythical status as the place where the Nile originated and from which invincible armies came. As a castrated male, a “eunuch” (eunouchos) posed no threat to a ruler’s harem (Esth 2:3, 14–15). The term is derived by combining eunē (“bed”) and echō (“have”), thus one in charge of the bed(room)—a chamberlain. That eunuchs could become trusted advisers to female rulers is understandable (2 Kgs 9:30–32). Their role as influential advisers in state affairs is well attested.23 Deuteronomic legislation excludes eunuchs from the assembly of the Lord (Deut 23:1; cf. Lev 21:17–24), but Isa 56:3–7 offers hope to torah-observant eunuchs. Eunouchos could be used metaphorically, as for a faithful wife,24 thus possibly for an uncastrated male who bore the title as a political, military, or court official.25 If there is any doubt about the eunuch’s level of influence as “a court official of Candace” (dynastēs Kandakēs), this is removed by the claim that he “was in charge of her entire treasury” (hos ēn epi pasēs tēs gazes autēs, Acts 8:27). Luke’s phrasing implies that “Candace” is a proper name rather than a title given to the king’s mother.26 The term for “treasury” (gaza) is the same as the name of the city mentioned in verse 26, thus forming a possible pun on Luke’s part. That he “had traveled as a worshiper to Jerusalem” (hos elēlythei proskynēsōn eis Ierousalēm, literally, “he who had gone [pluperfect] in order to worship [future participle] to Jerusalem”) raises the question of his implied status vis-à-vis Judaism (cf. John 12:20; Acts 24:11). A eunuch could not become a proselyte. He is not described as a “Godfearer” (ho sebomenos ton theon), Luke’s typical way of describing a gentile adherent to the synagogue who had not yet become a proselyte (16:14; 18:7). What the narrative implies is clear: a gentile male from a faraway country who has traveled to Jerusalem to worship in the temple, presumably standing in the Court of the gentiles, reading the prophet Isaiah as he is returning home. He is the embodiment of what Isa 56:3 envisions. This suggests that Luke sees that promise, which effectively reverses the ban of Deut 23:1, being fulfilled here. “Carriage” (harma) frequently means “war chariot” (Rev 9:9) or race chariot but here refers to a slower moving “traveling chariot” (cf. Gen 46:29). “Reading 23. Herodotus, Hist. 8.105; Plutarch, Demetr. 25.5; Ascen. Isa. 3.11. 24. LSJ Suppl. 137 s.v. eunouchos, citing SEG 15.1536. 25. The LXX often translates Heb. sārîs, “eunuch,” as eunouchos. But sārîs may refer to military rank (2 Kgs 25:19), as when Potiphar, a married man, is called a sārîs of Pharaoh (Gen 39:1). In the LXX eunouchos need not imply emasculation (see Sir 20:4). See J. Schneider 1964. Whether emasculation completely eliminates sexual desire was debated; see Philostratus, Life Apollon. T. 1.33–36. 26. In Egyptian monuments k[e]nt[e]ky is the title for the queen of Ethiopia. See BDAG 507 s.v. Kandakē, with additional references.

190

Acts 8:26–40

aloud” (aneginōsken, Acts 8:28) is implied, since Philip hears him (v. 30). The Spirit’s prompting of Philip (v. 29) is the first of several Spirit-motivated instances in Acts.27 Like the angelic appearance (v. 26), this underscores the divinely orchestrated character of Philip’s mission. It also aligns Philip with OT figures similarly motivated (cf. 2 Chr 20:14; 24:20; Ezek 11:5). This is one of four extended quotations from “the prophet Isaiah” in LukeActs (Luke 3:4–6; 4:17–19; Acts 28:25–27)—an indication of the extent of Isaianic influence on Luke. A clue to the significance of this snippet from the celebrated fourth Servant Song (Isa 52:13–53:12) is provided earlier, when Luke reports Jesus applying Isa 53:12 to himself, “and he was counted among the lawless” (Luke 22:37). By recording Jesus’s explanatory remark, “and indeed what is written about me is being fulfilled” (22:37b), Luke makes explicit Jesus’s claim to be the Isaianic Servant; and he is the only evangelist to do so. This bold christological affirmation provides the implicit assumption underlying Luke’s citation of Isa 53:7–8 here. The eunuch’s question, “Who is the prophet talking about here? Himself or someone else?” (Acts 8:34), poses the major interpretive problem that still eludes modern scholars: the identity of the suffering servant.28 Luke’s implied reader already knows the answer. Philip’s use of this prophetic text as the beginning point of his exposition of “the good news of Jesus” (v. 35) fills out Jesus’s cryptic comment on the eve of his death. Luke’s quotation of Isa 53:7–8 varies only slightly from the LXX. In Acts 8:32 the tense of the participle for “shear” is aorist (tou keirantos auton), whereas the present participle occurs in the LXX (tou keirontos auton). But since the aorist can be used to express an action taken as a whole, the change is negligible. The addition of the pronoun “his” (autou) in verse 33, if original, possibly tightens the connection with Jesus. Remarkably, Luke gives no explanation of this OT passage. How it speaks of Jesus is left to the reader’s imagination. Using sheep and lamb imagery to depict Christ is more common in other NT writers (e.g., John 1:29–30; 1 Pet 1:19). Jesus’s relative silence before his accusers certainly resonates with the Synoptic accounts of his trial (Luke 22:67–70; cf. Mark 14:61; Matt 26:63). Luke enhances the silence motif in his account of the trial before Herod (Luke 23:6–16), which is unique to Luke, when he reports that after repeated questioning by Herod, “Jesus gave him no answer” (23:9). In depicting the death of Jesus, Luke does not use this term for humiliation (tapeinōsis, Isa 58:8; Acts 8:32), although the account is full of humiliating moments. In what sense “his judgment was taken away” (hē krisis autou ērthē) is not altogether clear. One possibility is to render krisis as “justice,” thus “in his humiliation justice was 27. Acts 10:19; 11:12; 13:2; 21:11; cf. 11:28; 15:28; 20:23; 21:4. 28. For the main interpretive options, see Jeremias 1967b.

The Ethiopian Eunuch’s Conversion 191

denied him” (NRSV). This rendering connects with Luke’s repeated assertions of Jesus’s innocence (Luke 23:4, 14–15, 22, 41). To speak of “his life [being] taken away from the earth” (Acts 8:33) resonates with a violent death at someone else’s hands. This last line also serves as an inclusio that recalls the image of slaughter (sphagēn) in the first line (v. 32). Death rather than resurrection is in view here. Noticeably absent is Isa 53:4–6, which portrays the servant’s suffering as vicarious. This is not surprising, given Luke’s omission of Mark 10:45 and the relatively minor role vicarious suffering occupies in Lukan Christology (cf. Luke 22:19–20). That Jesus is the Isaianic Servant is a firm Lukan conviction (v. 35). By announcing “the good news of Jesus,” Philip continues the apostolic preaching (Acts 5:42; cf. 10:36; 11:20; 17:18). Philip’s christological exposition of Scripture conforms to Jesus’s own practice (Luke 4:21) and that of the risen Lord (24:27). It also aligns him with Peter (Acts 2), and especially Paul (17:2) and Apollos (18:28). This unusually detailed account of the eunuch’s baptism is striking. The documented availability of water in the region lends realism to the story. If the eunuch’s question (8:36) assumes the restrictions of Deut 23:1, the unstated answer is “Scripture itself.” Elsewhere, “Who can forbid?” is used for rhetorical effect when opposition is expected (Acts 10:47; 11:17; cf. Matt 3:14). Both men stepping into and climbing out of the water suggests, although does not necessarily require, baptismal immersion. There is no need to mention attendant benefits (forgiveness of sins, reception of the Holy Spirit, being added to the church) since they are amply documented in previous conversion stories.29 Dissatisfaction with such a spare account is reflected in the manuscript tradition that includes a full-fledged confession (v. 37), which textual critics rightly judge as a later scribal addition.30 The confession answers the question in verse 36: A heartfelt expression of genuine faith is the only thing lacking. Though late, verse 37 is nevertheless early testimony for the second element in the baptismal creed: “I believe in one Christ, Jesus the Son of God” (Irenaeus, AH 3.12.8).31 The textual expansion of verse 39, which ensures the eunuch’s reception of the Holy Spirit, is yet another theological gloss arising from pietistic tendencies.32 Philip’s Spirit-induced exit (v. 39) recalls OT prophets who were lifted by the Spirit and transported to another location.33 The eunuch’s joyous trip home is yet another Lukan moment of joy.34 Azotus (ancient Ashdod), which figures 29. Acts 2:38; 5:31; cf. 10:43; 13:38–39; 26:18. 30. See text note l at v. 36. 31. Metzger 1998, 315; cf. Barrett 1994–98, 1:433. 32. See text note m at v. 39. 33. See 1 Kgs 18:12; 2 Kgs 2:16; Ezek 11:24; also 3:14; 8:3; 11:1; cf. 2 Cor 12:2–3. 34. E.g., Luke 1:14; 6:23; 10:20; 13:17; 15:5–7, 32; 19:6, 37; Acts 5:41; 11:23; 13:48; 15:31.

192

Acts 9:1–31

period,35

prominently in the Maccabean is located on the coastal road about 20 miles (32 km) north of Gaza. Philip’s journey another 55 miles (88 km) northward to the seaport town of Caesarea, his home (Acts 21:8) and the Roman capital of Judea, is seen here as a preaching mission in such unnamed towns as Joppa (modern Jaffa), and possibly in Lydda. This lends credibility to Luke’s later report of believers in both towns prior to Peter’s arrival (Acts 9:32, 36). 9:1–31 Saul’s Conversion/Call This section consists of five discrete units: (1) Saul’s encounter with Jesus en route to Damascus (9:1–9), (2) Ananias’s vision and commissioning of Saul (9:10–19a), (3) Saul’s activity in Damascus (9:19b–25), (4) Saul’s activity in Jerusalem and his move to Tarsus (9:26–30), and (5) a summary (9:31). 9:1–9 Saul’s Encounter with Jesus En Route to Damascus Now while Saul was still breathing murderous threatsa against the disciples of the Lord, he approached the high priest, 2 requesting from him letters addressed to the synagogues in Damascus, so that if he found any of those people of “the Way,” men or women, he could seize them and bring them back to Jerusalem. 3 While he was traveling, just as he approached Damascus. something happened. Suddenly a light from heaven shone around him. 4 And falling to the ground, he heard a voice saying to him, “Saul, Saul, why are you persecuting me?” 5 He replied, “Who are you, Sir?” He said, “I am Jesus, whom you are persecuting. 6 Now get up and go into the city, and there you will be told what you must do.” 7 Now the men who were traveling with him stood speechless, hearing the voice but seeing no one. 8 Saul was helped up from the ground because, even though his eyes were open, he could see nothing. Leading him by the hand, his companions brought him to Damascus. 9 And for three days he saw nothing, nor did he eat or drink anything. 9:1

a. Lit., “threat and slaughter” (apeilēs kai phonou), which here is understood as a hendiadys, implying that Saul threatens and harasses rather than actually murders his victims (cf. 26:10–11). Moule 1959a, 37, citing Weymouth, “whose every breath was a threat of destruction.” BDAG 100 s.v. apeilē.

[9:1–9] When last mentioned, Saul was harassing the church in Jerusalem (8:3; cf. 7:58; 8:1). In good literary fashion, Luke resumes the earlier narrative by reporting that these activities are “still” (eti) going on. Readers are to assume 35. See 1 Macc 4:15; 10:77–84; Josephus, Ant. 13.92.

Saul’s Encounter with Jesus En Route to Damascus 193

that while events have been transpiring elsewhere, such as Philip’s missionary efforts in Samaria and Judea (8:4–40), Saul’s resistance efforts against the Jerusalem church have continued unabated. This description of Paul as a violent enemy of the church conforms with self-descriptions in his letters, in which he uses diōkein, “persecute,” and its cognates to characterize his behavior.36 Earlier the church had prayed for courage in the face of such threats (4:29). “Disciples of the Lord (Jesus)” (tous mathētas tou kyriou, 9:1) is one of the many ways Luke refers to Jesus’s followers in chapter 9: disciples (vv. 1, 10, 19, 25, 36, 38), “the Way” (v. 2), saints (vv. 13, 32, 41), those calling on his name (v. 14), and brothers (vv. 17, 30).37 Since the “high priest” (archiereus, v. 1) is not named here, the reader would assume from Luke’s earlier reference in 4:6 that it is Annas. But Annas was high priest much earlier (ca. 6–15 CE), and thus the more likely candidate is Joseph Caiaphas, who filled this position later (ca. 18–36).38 It is disputed whether the jurisdiction of the religious authorities in Jerusalem (the high priest and the Sanhedrin) actually extended to other areas such as Damascus. The letter of the Roman consul Lucius to Ptolemy VIII Euergetes quoted in 1 Macc 15:16–21, speaking of “scoundrels” who might have fled to Egypt from Palestine, instructs Ptolemy to “hand them over to the high priest Simon, so that he may punish them according to their law” (v. 21). While this is certainly early enough (140s BCE) to serve as a precedent, the situation is not analogous. A Roman consul requesting a Ptolemaic ruler to extradite Jewish fugitives and hand them over to the custody of the high priest is not the same as a high priest granting permission for renegade Jews in a distant city to be captured and brought back to Jerusalem. Moreover, a different policy seems to be in effect when Josephus reports that “no other sovereign had been empowered by Caesar (Augustus), as [Herod] had, to reclaim a fugitive subject even from a state outside his jurisdiction” (J.W. 1.474). “Synagogues in Damascus” (v. 2) suggests a sizeable Jewish population, which is variously attested.39 This is the first of numerous references to Damascus in Acts, all of which relate to Saul/Paul,40 who in his own writings acknowledges this Syrian city about 150 miles (257 km) northeast of Jerusalem as an 36. See 1 Cor 15:9; Gal 1:13, 23; Phil 3:6; cf. 1 Tim 1:13. 37. See Cadbury 1933c. 38. Depending on one’s chronology, it might have been Jonathan, son of Annas (Ananus), who served briefly as high priest ca. 36–37 CE (see Josephus, Ant. 18.95). Elsewhere, Caiaphas is identified as the son-in-law of Annas (John 18:13). For Caiaphas, see Josephus, Ant. 18.35, 95; Schürer 2:230. 39. Josephus (Ant. 2.561) reports that 10,500 Jews in Damascus were killed at the outbreak of the First Jewish Revolt (J.W. 7.368 gives the number as 18,000); cf. Life 27. A highly influential Jewish community in Damascus is implied by Josephus’s report that the wives of many gentiles in Damascus had become Jewish converts (Ant. 2.560). 40. Acts 9:2, 3, 8, 10, 19, 22, 27; 22:5, 6, 10, 11; 26:12, 20.

194

Acts 9:1–9

important center in his life narrative (Gal 1:17; 2 Cor 11:32). A city of ancient origins traceable to at least the fifteenth century BCE, Damascus is mentioned in the Abraham narratives (Gen 14:15; 15:2). As the capital of the Aramaean kingdom in the tenth-eighth centuries BCE, Damascus figures prominently in the OT and Jewish writings of the Second Temple period, notably at Qumran.41 During the Roman period it was one of the cities of the Decapolis, indicating its strong gentile population.42 Designating Jesus’s followers as people of “the Way” (hē hodos, Acts 9:2) is uniquely Lukan.43 It is striking because of its use in the absolute sense, as an expression requiring no further qualification or description.44 Paul’s remark in 24:14 suggests that “the Way” was insiders’ language, whereas “sect” (hairesis) represented the view of outsiders. Similar language occurs in Qumran,45 but usually as a shorthand expression for strict observance of the Mosaic law. Isaiah 40:3 (LXX), “Make ready the way of the Lord,” which figures prominently in early Jewish and Christian thought (e.g., Luke 3:4; cf. Mark 1:3; Matt 3:3; John 1:23), may be the source text. What is remarkable about Luke’s usage, which may reflect a much earlier form of Christian self-description, is its metaphorical open-endedness. Depending on the context, it may have a moral connotation, such as the way of righteousness; or it may have a spatial or even temporal connotation, roughly equivalent to “the movement.” If the latter, it would be an idea, a vision, sparked by a profound initiating experience, that takes off, moves through time and space, offering people the opportunity to join and even to be transformed by it. Saul’s dramatic encounter with the risen Lord is marked by features typically associated with theophanies. Since God is often represented metaphorically as light (Ps 27:1; Mic 7:8), divine appearances can be accompanied by lightning (Exod 19:16; cf. 4 Macc 4:10) or can dazzle “like a devouring fire” (Exod 24:17). After Aseneth’s confession, she experiences a vision in which “the heaven was torn apart, and great and unutterable light appeared” (Jos. Asen. 14.3). In Paul’s later rehearsal of the story, it is a “great light” (phōs hikanon, Acts 22:6) and “brighter than the sun” (26:13 NRSV). Suddenness (exaiphnēs, 9:3) enhances the intensity of such experiences (Mark 13:36; Luke 2:13). Falling prostrate in the presence of God is a gesture of reverence and fear.46 Saul’s experience is primarily auditory rather than visual. The wording 41. CD VI, 5, 19; VII, 19; XIX, 34; XX, 12. 42. Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 5.16.74. See Schürer 2:127–30; Pitard. 43. Acts 9:2; 19:9, 23; 22:4; 24:14, 22; cf. 18:26, “the Way of God,” although the wording is variously reported in the manuscript tradition (“the way” in D and gig). 44. Closely related expressions are “a way of salvation” (16:17), “the Way of the Lord” (18:25), and “the Way of God” (18:26). 45. E.g., 1QS IX, 17–18; X, 21; XI, 13; CD I, 13; II, 6; cf. CD XX, 18. 46. See Ezek 1:28; 3:23–24; 43:3; 44:4; Dan 8:17; 10:9; Rev 1:17.

Ananias’s Vision and Commissioning of Saul 195

of the heavenly voice, “Saul, Saul, why are you persecuting me?” (Acts 9:4), is identical in all three accounts (22:7; 26:14), although in the final account is said to occur in Aramaic (lit., “in the Hebrew dialect,” 26:14). Being addressed by God with a doubly repeated name also characterizes theophanies.47 Since kyrie (“Sir,” 9:5) is the standard form of respectful address, Saul’s reply need not be taken as confessional. Jesus’s claim that he is the real object of Saul’s persecution is understandable since the Lukan Jesus has already declared that whoever rejects his followers rejects Jesus himself.48 The presence of traveling companions, who are rendered “speechless” (eneoi, 9:7) from fright, lends credibility to the account. Variations in Luke’s report of their experiences present interpretive challenges. Before Agrippa, Paul claims that the whole traveling party fell to the ground (26:14). More problematic is what they heard and saw. Here (9:7), they heard the voice but saw no one.49 Before the Jerusalem crowd (22:9), Paul says that his companions “saw the light but did not hear the voice of the one speaking to me.” Efforts to explain the contradiction on the basis of grammar (9:7, akouein + genitive means “heard the sound”; 22:9, akouein + accusative means “understood the meaning”) have proved fruitless.50 Saul’s resulting blindness, rather than being punitive (cf. 13:11), reinforces the intensity of the whole visual experience (22:11). His three-day fast belongs to a long tradition in which fasting demonstrates penitence (Ps 35:13; 1 Kgs 21:27; Jonah 3:5) and later becomes a prebaptismal requirement (Did. 7.4; Justin, 1 Apol. 61.2–3; Tertullian, Bapt. 20). 9:10–19a Ananias’s Vision and Commissioning of Saul Now there was a certain disciple in Damascus named Ananias, and the Lord addressed him in a vision, “Ananias!” He replied, “It is I, Lord.” 11 And the Lord said to him, “Get up and go to the street named ‘Straight,’ and look in the house of Judas for someone named Saul of Tarsus. Take note!a He is in prayer. 12 And in a vision he saw a man named Ananias coming in, putting his hands on him to restore his sight.” 13 Ananias replied, “Lord, I have heard from many people about this man—what evil things he has done to your holy peopleb in Jerusalem. 14 And now, he has authority from the chief priests to tie up everyone who confesses your name.”c 15 And the Lord said to him, “Go! For he is my chosen instrumentd to bear my name before gentilese and kings, and the people of Israel too.f 16 For I will 9:10

47. As in Gen 46:2; Exod 3:4; 1 Sam 3:4; also T. Levi 2.6; Jos. Asen. 14.4, 7; 2 Esd (4 Ezra) 14.1; 2 Bar. 22.2; cf. Luke 10:41; 22:31. 48. Luke 10:16; cf. Matt 10:40; somewhat similar, Matt 25:35–40, 42–45. 49. Cf. Deut 4:12; Dan 10:7; also Sophocles, Ajax 15; Euripides, Hipp. 86. 50. Moule 1959a, 36, 203.

196

Acts 9:10–19a

show him what things he must suffer on behalf of my name.” 17 Then Ananias left, entered the house, placed his hands on Saul, and said, “Brother Saul, I have been commissioned by the Lord—Jesus who appeared to you on the road as you were traveling—so you might receive your sight and be filled with the Holy Spirit.” 18 And immediately something like scalesg fell from his eyes, and he received his sight back; then getting up, he was baptized.h 19a And after he had something to eat, he regained his strength. a. Lit., “for behold” (idou gar). b. Or, “your saints” (tois hagiois sou); see 9:17, 31, 32, 41. c. Lit., “all those who call upon your name” (pantas tous epikaloumenous to onoma sou). d. Lit., “a chosen vessel for me” (skeuos eklogēs estin moi). e. The article tōn is supplied in B C*, but the anarthrous form is better attested (∏74 ‫א‬ A C2 E L Ψ and several minuscules). Elsewhere in Luke-Acts, anarthrous ethnē seems best rendered as “gentiles” rather than “nations” or “peoples.” See Luke 2:32; 21:24; Acts 4:25 (quoting Ps 2:1 LXX), 27; 21:11; 22:21. f. Gk. huiōn te Israēl. g. Gk. hōs lepides. Lepis, from lepō, “to strip off the rind or husk,” has various usages, including a layer of the skull, the shell of an egg, the cup of a filbert, the coat of an onion, scales of a fish, and flakes that fly in hammering copper. See LSJ 1039 s.v. lepis. BDAG 592 s.v. lepis cites an illustrative comparative text from Galen. Something similar occurs when Tobias peels off the white films from the corners of Tobit’s eyes (Tob 11:13). h. Since “baptized” is in the aorist passive (ebaptisthē), we should assume that Ananias administered the baptism. In 22:16, the middle form baptisai may imply self-­ baptism but more likely means “get yourself baptized” or “submit to baptism.”

[9:10–19a] Mentioned only here in the NT, Ananias (Hananias) is one of three people bearing this name in Acts.51 Identifying Ananias as “a certain disciple” (tis mathētēs) numbers him among Jesus’s followers already in Damascus. Paul’s later mention of his Jewish credentials, “a devout man according to the law and well spoken of by all the Jews living [in Damascus, 22:12 NRSV],” suggests that he was a longtime resident of Damascus rather than a refugee from Jerusalem (8:1, 4). Naturally a fellow Jew would address Saul as “Brother” (9:17; cf. 22:13). The literary device of two successive visions also occurs in 10:1–16. Ananias’s vision (9:10, 12) is one of several such occurrences in Acts.52 Similar 51. The other two are the husband of Sapphira (5:1, 3, 5) and the high priest (ca. 47–59) involved in Paul’s trial (23:2; 24:1; cf. Josephus, Ant. 20.103, 131, 205, 208–210, 213; J.W. 2.243, 426). The form of the name here has an initial rough breathing (Hananias), which transliterates the Hebrew ḥănanyâ. The form with an initial smooth breathing (Ananias) occurs as the name of non-Jews, e.g., a Rhodian general (Diodorus S., Hist. 20.97.7). See BDAG 68 s.v. Hananias. 52. Acts 10:3, 17, 19; 11:5; 12:9; 16:9, 10; 18:9; cf. 7:31.

Ananias’s Vision and Commissioning of Saul 197

experiences not designated as a vision (horama) also occur (22:17; 23:11; 27:23). The Lord who addresses Ananias is Jesus, whose name is in view in 9:14–16. Ananias’s response, “It is I” (lit., “Behold, I,” idou egō, v. 10), resonates with OT characters who respond to God’s call.53 “The street named ‘Straight’” (v. 11), or via Recta, is usually identified with the fifty-foot-wide colonnaded decumanus maximus running on an E/W axis through the city.54 Judas, the Jewish owner of the house in which Saul was staying, is unattested elsewhere. “Saul of Tarsus,” literally, “Saul by name, a Tarsean” (Saulon onomati Tarsea, v. 11), simultaneously signals his status as a diaspora Jew and his linkage with a free, wealthy city in the Roman province of Cilicia, famous for its culture and intellectual sophistication (Strabo, Geog. 14.5.9–15), thus, as Paul later describes it, “no unimportant city” (21:39 BDAG; cf. Xenophon of Athens, Anab. 1.2.23). In Acts, Paul is regularly identified with Tarsus (9:30; 11:25; 21:39; 22:3), although the city is never mentioned in Paul’s Letters. Paul’s prayerful posture possibly suggests continued penance but also a desire to have his sight restored, thus a prayer for healing (Acts 9:11). Transmitting healing power through the laying on of hands is a typical feature of healing miracle stories (Luke 4:40; 13:13; Acts 28:8). Ananias’s response (9:13–14) confirms his status as a Jewish Christian resident of Damascus. “Holy people” (hoi hagioi, v. 13), usually “saints,” another Lukan designation for Jesus’s followers (also 9:32, 41; 26:10), reflects Pauline usage55 yet is attested in various strata of the NT.56 The “chief priests” (hoi archiereis) probably includes former high priests as well as other males from high-priestly families who sat on the Sanhedrin.57 “Everyone who confesses your name” (pantas tous epikaloumenous to onoma sou, v. 14), literally, “everyone who calls upon your name,” includes those who give allegiance to Jesus. In the Psalter, calling on the name of the Lord can signify praying to YHWH,58 but Luke’s appropriation of Joel 2:32 in the Pentecost sermon gives the phrase a confessional ring (Acts 2:21; similarly Rom 10:12–13). “Calling on [Jesus’s] name” clearly means confessing the name of Jesus in Acts 22:16, as it does in Pauline usage (1 Cor 1:2; cf. 2 Tim 2:22). Consequently, “those who call upon the name of Jesus” acquires a technical sense as yet another name for Christians in Acts. “Chosen instrument” (skeuos eklogēs, Acts 9:15), literally, “a vessel of choice,” conveys Luke’s distinctive construal of Saul/Paul as a uniquely 53. Gen 22:1; 31:11; 46:2; Exod 3:4; 1 Sam 3:4. 54. On Roman Damascus, with a street grid, see Burns 55–57. 55. Over 20x in the undisputed letters, e.g., Rom 1:7; 1 Cor 1:2; 6:1; 2  Cor 1:1; Phil 1:1; 1 Thess 3:13; Phlm 5, 7. 56. As in Heb 6:10; 13:24; Jude 3; Rev 8:3–4; 11:18; etc. 57. BDAG 139 s.v. archiereus; see Schürer 2:227–36. 58. See Ps 116:4, 13, 17; cf. Pss 14:4; 18:3; also 99:6.

198

Acts 9:10–19a

qualified witness to Jesus. Paul may not meet Luke’s qualifications for an apostle (1:21–22), thus deserving the label “apostle” in only a nontechnical sense (14:4, 14), but his experience of the risen Lord in Acts is sui generis. Luke constructs the narrative to show that the apostles were witnesses to Jesus’s resurrection prior to his ascension, whereas Paul alone has a direct encounter with the risen Lord after his ascension. This differs from Paul’s own construal of his revelatory experience, which he sees as one in a succession of Jesus’s appearances (1 Cor 15:5–8). “Bearing” (bastasai) Jesus’s name (Acts 9:15) has a missional sense, effectively equivalent to “proclaiming” (cf. 22:15; 26:16–18). How to understand Saul’s three future audiences depends on whether ethnōn (without the article) should be rendered “gentiles” or “nations.”59 The former is preferred, even though listing it first is unusual (cf. 4:27; 14:5). The order of the first two items is possibly influenced by Jer 1:10 (cf. 1:5). If gentiles are in view, this is the first explicit reference to the gentile mission (cf. Acts 2:39). Paul’s later retrospective reference in 22:21 clinches the point. This vocational priority conforms to Paul’s own construal of his apostolic mission.60 “People of Israel” (huiōn te Israēl, 9:15) is added, if not as an afterthought, at least as a separate category.61 An honorific expression with strong OT resonance, “people of Israel” would be appropriate when Jesus speaks to a fellow Jew, Ananias, about the mission of one of their fellow Israelites.62 Luke’s unfolding narrative shows Paul before all three audiences: gentiles,63 kings,64 and people of Israel.65 Suffering in the name of Christ (v. 16) is a badge of honor in Acts (5:41; 15:26; 21:13). It is not only a central feature of Paul’s own apostolic life (2 Cor 11:23–29; cf. Col 1:24) but also an experience in which he expects his churches to share (Phil 1:29). Acts is replete with instances of Paul’s suffering.66 Like others in Luke-Acts, Ananias complies with the heavenly vision. His greeting, “Brother Saul” (Acts 9:17), acknowledges their shared Jewishness. His explicit identification of the “Lord” who appeared to Saul on the road to Damascus as none other than Jesus himself (v. 17) unmistakably clarifies the identity of the speaker in verses 15–16. Ananias’s mission from this same Jesus 59. See text note e on v. 15. 60. Rom 11:13; similarly, 1:5; 15:16; 16:26; Gal 1:16; 2:7. 61. On the use of te kai as a coordinate conjunction connecting two equivalent members of a pair, following by te to include an additional item, see Smyth §2978. 62. Elsewhere in Luke-Acts, “sons of Israel” is used, especially in contexts in which the internal frame of reference is Jewish (Luke 1:16; Acts 5:21; 7:23, 37; 10:36). 63. Acts 13:46–48; 14:8–18; 16:16–34; 17:4, 12, 16–34; 18:8; 19:10. 64. Acts 25:13, 23; 26:1; 27:24. 65. Acts 13–28, esp. 13:5; 13:16–47; etc. 66. Acts 9:23, 29; 13:45, 50; 14:19; 16:19–40; 19:23–41; 21:11, 27–36; 22:22; 23:10, 12–15, 27; 24:23; 25:3; 26:21; 28:17.

Saul’s Activity in Damascus 199

is twofold: to heal Saul’s blindness and to transmit the Holy Spirit. Both occur when Ananias places his hands on Saul (v. 17). Typical of ancient miracle stories, the effects are immediate (Luke 5:13) and palpable. “Something like scales” (hōs lepides, Acts 9:18) falling from Saul’s eyes may be an imprecise and somewhat awkward simile, but they provide visible proof of the miracle to Ananias (and the readers).67 Since “receiving sight” and being “filled with the Holy Spirit” are coordinate benefits (v. 17), the respective means of achieving each are given in verse 18. His sight is restored when whatever covered Saul’s eyes falls away; he is filled with the Holy Spirit by being baptized. So understood, Saul’s reception of the Holy Spirit is not exceptional but conforms to what occurred at Pentecost (2:18). But as with the Samaritans, the important point may not be how the Holy Spirit was transmitted, by whom, or even when, but that it occurred outside the land of Israel, this time well beyond Jerusalem in the capital of Syria. 9:19b–25 Saul’s Activity in Damascus 9:19b A few days later, Saul was with the disciples in Damascus. 20  And immediately he began preaching Jesus in the synagogues, saying, “He is the Son of God.” 21 All who heard this were astonished, saying, “Is not this the one who wreaked havoc in Jerusalem on those who confessed this name? And has he not come here to tie up disciples and lead them away to the chief priests?” 22 But Saul gathered even greater strength and caused consternation among the Jews living in Damascus, demonstrating that Jesus is the Messiah.a 23 Now when many days had passed, the Jews conspired to kill him. 24 But Saul got wind of their plot.b Day and night they kept close watch of the city gates so they could kill him. 25 But the disciples took him at night and let him down through the wall by lowering him in a basket.c

a. The structure of the formulation in v. 22 should be noted: “that this one [Jesus] is the Messiah” (hoti houtos estin ho christos). At other places, e.g., 5:42; 18:5, 28, a slightly different formulation occurs: “that the Messiah is Jesus” (einai ton christen Iēsoun). This may signify two different types of claims. In the former, early Christian preachers may have been trying to show that the historical figure Jesus was, in fact, the expected Messiah, in which case they would have had to demonstrate how he aligned with current messianic expectations. In the latter, by contrast, they may have assumed the existence of various messianic expectations and thus had to demonstrate how these converged in the figure Jesus. The difference may appear to be slight, but in fact is substantial. “Who is Jesus?” is a different question than “Has the Messiah actually appeared?” Cf. Acts 17:3; John 20:31; 1 John 2:22; 5:1. 67. See translation note g on v. 18.

200

Acts 9:19b–25

b. Lit., “and their plot became known to Saul” (egnōsthē de tō Saulō hē epiboulē autōn). c. Cf. Josh 2:15.

[9:19b–25] The mention of “disciples” (mathētai, v. 19b) implies the prior existence of a Christian community in Damascus, although Luke does not explain how it originated. Although Damascus, as one of the cities of the Decapolis, would have had a largely gentile population, the presence of several Jewish synagogues is a reasonable expectation, given the historic role that the city has played in Jewish history and the well-documented size and influence of its Jewish population. Given Luke’s narrative logic, it makes sense for Saul to focus his initial preaching efforts in the synagogues. They are, after all, his initial destination, albeit for a different purpose. Saul’s practice of preaching first in synagogues anticipates what occurs repeatedly in Acts.68 Nothing in Saul’s previous vision suggests Jesus’s identity as the Son of God (v. 20). Readers know of this attribution from Luke’s account of Jesus’s trial (Luke 22:70). Later, scriptural basis is given in Paul’s address to the synagogue in Pisidian Antioch, when Paul applies Ps 2:7 to Jesus (Acts 13:33). His Jewish listeners’ astonishment not only echoes Ananias’s initial response (9:13–14) but also connects with Luke’s earlier report (8:3). “Greater strength” (9:22), recalling 9:19, suggests increased physical strength and probably greater selfconfidence. That Saul “caused consternation” (synechynnen, v. 22) within the Jewish community in Damascus captures the sense of puzzlement, even bafflement, that anyone would have upon witnessing such an inexplicable change in someone’s behavior. “Demonstrating” (symbibazōn) has rhetorical resonance: drawing a logical conclusion. Saul’s claim in a nutshell, that Jesus is the Messiah, reflects the essence of apostolic preaching (5:42) and states succinctly the burden of his future missionary preaching.69 The Jewish conspiracy to kill Saul indicates the seriousness of this controversial claim (9:23). The first of several such attempts on Paul’s life in Acts (9:29; 20:3, 19; 23:12–22), this plot recalls the experience of Jesus (Luke 22:2) and the apostles (Acts 5:33). Although Saul, unlike some messianic pretenders, is claiming that someone other than himself is the Messiah, such claims and the movements relating to them sometimes met stiff resistance from Roman authorities, including lethal force, most notably in the case of Theudas.70 Luke’s description of Saul’s ingenious escape echoes Paul’s own description in 2 Cor 11:32–33, although in Paul’s account it is the governor under King Aretas, not the Jews, who want to seize him. 68. Acts 13:5, 14, 43; 14:1; 16:13; 17:1–2, 10, 17; 18:4, 19, 26; 19:8. “Synagogue” (synagōgē) occurs nowhere in the Pauline corpus. 69. See translation note a on v. 22. 70. Josephus, Ant. 20.97–99.

Saul’s Activity in Jerusalem and His Move to Tarsus 201

9:26–30 Saul’s Activity in Jerusalem and His Move to Tarsus Now when he arrived back in Jerusalem, he tried to join the disciples. And many were frightened of him, unable to believe that he was a disciple. 27 But Barnabas took an interest in him and brought him to the apostles, explaining to them how he had seen the Lord on the road, that the Lord had spoken to him, and how in Damascus he had spoken fearlessly in the name of Jesus. 28 And Saul moved about freely among the apostles in Jerusalem,a speaking boldly in the name of the Lord. 29 He spoke often and debatedb with the Hellenists,c even while they were trying to kill him. 30 When the brothers found out, they took him down to Caesarea and sent him away to Tarsus. 9:26

a. Lit., “and he was with them going in and going out in Jerusalem” (kai ēn met’ autōn eisporeuomenos kai ekporeuomenos eis Ierousalēm). b. Lit., “he was speaking and debating” (elalei te kai synezētei). c. Gk. pros tous Hellēnistas. “Hellenists” are mentioned three times in Acts, each time in a different sense. The context here suggests that they are non-Christian Jews. See BDAG 319 s.v. Hellēnistēs; and translation note on 11:20.

[9:26–30] Saul’s return to Jerusalem is reiterated in his defense before the temple crowd (22:17). In Gal 1:17, however, Paul denies having gone up to Jerusalem, presumably immediately after his conversion, insisting that he went instead to Arabia (probably in the Nabatean kingdom near Damascus) and afterward returned to Damascus. Barnabas’s credentials as a generous member of the Jerusalem church and a “son of encouragement” (Acts 4:36) establish his credibility as an intermediary between Saul and the apostles. His rehearsal of Saul’s experiences (9:27) compactly summarizes the previous two visions. Saul’s freedom of movement among the apostles (v. 28) indicates the success of Barnabas’s intervention and their embrace of this new preacher. “Speaking boldly in the name of the Lord” may include internal witness to the Christian community about his experience of the risen Lord but probably summarizes the content of his message to the Hellenists (v. 29). Since the latter were seeking ways to kill him, they doubtlessly are non-Christian and probably Jews, conceivably from the same synagogues that opposed Stephen earlier (6:9). If so, the ongoing debates would have been between nonmessianic diaspora Jews and a fervent, outspoken messianic diaspora Jew. “Brothers” (adelphoi) is yet another Lukan designation for Jesus’s followers (9:30). Caesarea is topographically “down” from Jerusalem and a natural departure point as a major seaport, hence its name Caesarea Maritima.71 Ships are readily available to return Saul 71. Caesarea is a major geographical location and reference point in Acts (8:40; 9:30; 10:1, 24; 11:11; 12:19; 18:22; 21:8, 16; 23:23, 33; 25:1, 4, 6, 13).

202

Acts 9:31

to his hometown, Tarsus of Cilicia in southeast Asia Minor. In Gal 1:21 Paul reports that after he returned to Damascus from Arabia, three years elapsed (Gal 1:18), then he made a fifteen-day trip to Jerusalem, and after that traveled to the regions of Syria and Cilicia. In retrospect, we can see that 9:19b–30 provides a miniature portrait of Paul’s later activities in Acts 13–28: (1)  preaching in synagogues to Jews (v. 20);72 (2) preaching Jesus as Son of God (v. 20), the Messiah (v. 22), and Lord (v. 27), central themes of Paul’s missionary preaching;73 (3) resistance,74 specifically, efforts to kill him;75 and (4) divine protection, vindication, dramatic escape, or survival.76 9:31 Summary So then, the church throughout the whole region of Judea, Galilee, and Samaria experienced peace, being built up and coming to the fear of the Lord. And through the Holy Spirit’s encouragement the church grew in numbers.

9:31

[9:31] This is one of numerous Lukan summaries that mark the numerical growth of the Christian community.77 The mention of Galilee is unusual since up to this point in the Acts story line, Luke has not reported the presence of Jesus’s disciples in that geographical area. It is not surprising, however, given Jesus’s Galilean roots (Luke 1:26; 2:39), the Galilean origins of his disciples (5:1–11; 6:12–16), and the documented presence of Galilean women among his most loyal followers (23:49). Attributing the church’s numerical spread to “the encouragement of the Holy Spirit” (tē paraklēsei tou hagiou pneumatos, v. 31) suggests that the Spirit, besides directing the church’s mission, nurtures its growth, probably through Spirit-endowed prophets and teachers (cf. 1 Cor 14:3). With this summary (Acts 9:31) forming a literary transition, the narrative focus next shifts back to Peter, last mentioned, along with John, in the Samaritan section (8:14–25); both of them have returned to Jerusalem (8:25). The following two episodes occur respectively in Lydda and Joppa (on the coast), 72. Acts 13:14; 14:1; 16:13; 17:1–2, 10, 17; 18:4, 19; 19:8. 73. Cf., e.g., Acts 13:33; 17:3; 18:5. 74. Acts 13:45–46, 50; 14:2, 4–5, 19; 16:19–24; 17:5–9, 13, 32; 18:6, 12–13; 19:8–9, 23–41; 21:27–36; 24:9, 18–24; 25:2, 7, 15; 26:2–3; 28:24–27. 75. Acts 14:19; 20:3, 19; 21:11–13, 31; 22:22; 23:12–29; 25:3, 24; 26:21; 28:19; cf. 2 Cor 11:26. 76. Acts 14:19–20; 15:26; 16:26, 36–39; 17:10, 14; 19:30–31; 20:3; 21:32–39; 22:23–29; 23:11, 16–35; 27:10–11, 21–26, 31, 43; 28:5–6, 31; cf. 2 Cor 11:32–33. 77. Acts 2:41, 47; 4:4; 6:7; 9:31; 11:21; 12:24; 14:1; 16:5.

Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) 203

located along a straight-line axis some twenty to thirty miles (32–48 km) northwest of Jerusalem. Whereas earlier, apostles such as Peter and John had left Jerusalem only under exceptional circumstances, now Peter moves into another region away from Jerusalem. These two miracle stories, one the healing of a paralytic and the other a restoration to life, position Peter to be in place for the next major outreach—his proclamation of the gospel to gentiles—in Caesarea Maritima, the seat of the Roman government in Palestine (10:1–48). The title given below for this section (9:32–11:18) is intended to capture this geographical shift, which also symbolizes the ethnic boundary that is crossed in Peter’s preaching to Cornelius. Excursus 2: Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) Luke relates Saul’s conversion/call three times in Acts—the first time as part of the unfolding narrative, the second and third times in defense speeches. Like other events mentioned or reported three times in Acts, this is clearly a significant event within the overall story. Conversion or Prophetic Call? Whether it is best understood as a conversion story or a prophetic call is debated. Krister Stendahl prefers to think of this episode, along with Paul’s own report in Gal 1–2, as a call rather than a conversion.78 This is an important distinction for Stendahl, who questions the way in which, from the time of Augustine onward, Paul has been seen as the archetypal sinner, burdened with a guilty conscience, who undergoes a radical conversion. Basing his interpretation primarily on Paul’s Letters, Stendahl insists that Paul, rather than having an introspective conscience, possessed a robust conscience before and after his encounter with the risen Lord. What Paul describes in Gal 1–2, Stendahl insists, resonates much more closely with OT call narratives, in which prophets such as Jeremiah are called by God to their prophetic work. Stendahl does not deny that a radical reorientation occurred in Paul’s encounter with the risen Lord, but he questions whether this redirection of his life should be seen as a conversion in the sense that was later experienced (and understood) by such figures as Augustine, Martin Luther, John Wesley, and others. To acknowledge Stendahl’s point, I use the double expression conversion/call to indicate that the event reported involves a radical change yet also exhibits elements of an OT prophetic call.79 Luke’s Paulinist Perspective: Defending Paul The importance that Luke attaches to this event relates to his overall understanding of Paul and the role he plays within the earliest decades of the Christian movement. It 78. Stendahl 1976a, 7–23, 78–96. 79. See Gaventa 1986.

204

Excursus 2

is widely acknowledged that Luke is a Paulinist, someone who is not only a follower of Paul and probably a member of Paul’s circle of disciples but also someone who is utterly devoted to Paul. As a Pauline loyalist, Luke presents Paul in heroic terms—a larger-than-life figure who occupies a major role in the mission and expansion of the church. Since two of Luke’s accounts of Paul’s conversion/call occur in defense speeches, it is reasonable to imagine that there is a strong apologetic motivation at work. In these three accounts, Luke is not simply reporting about Paul, but also defending him. Numerous references throughout the narrative point to the kinds of charges that were being brought against Paul. He is accused of teaching diaspora Jews to “turn away from Moses” and of saying that they should not circumcise their children or abide by Jewish customs (Acts 21:21). Jews from Asia charge that he “teaches against the people [of Israel], against the law, and against this place [the temple]” (21:28). Formal charges are brought against Paul by the prosecutor Tertullus, who calls him “a public pest,” the “ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes [who] causes disturbances among all the Jews throughout the world” (24:5). Tertullus also accuses Paul of “trying to desecrate the temple” (24:6). Paul summarizes these charges when he claims, “Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I done anything wrong” (25:8). While this catalog of charges probably summarizes many of the things that were said about Paul by his Jewish opponents at different points throughout his missionary activity, one of the most memorable features of Paul’s life is his earlier life as a persecutor of the church. In these conversion/call accounts, this sentiment is echoed by both Christian Jews, such as Ananias (Acts 9:13), and non-Christian Jews (9:21). Certainly by the time Luke writes Acts, one of the recurrent features of Paul’s reputation must have been his role as a former enemy of the church and the dramatic change in his life that resulted in his becoming one of its chief advocates. Paul himself refers to this in his letters (1 Cor 15:9; Gal 1:13; Phil 3:6). One aspect of the Pauline legend that Luke addresses in these three accounts is how and why such an archenemy could become such an outspoken proponent of the church. Luke’s threefold repetition of Saul’s conversion/call should be seen as part of his literary and theological strategy. It is a classic case of Lukan “divine reversal.”80 If God can bring down such a high-profile opponent of the church, if God can humble the exalted Saul of Tarsus and reverse the course of his life, no one—high or low—is exempt from such change. Enemies of God (theomachoi, cf. Acts 5:39) like Herod might come to ignominious ends, but if they are willing to repent—like Paul—rather than coming to grief, their lives can be redirected and realigned with God’s purposes.81 Given the 80. See York. 81. Luke’s account of Saul’s conversion is often compared with 2 Macc 3, which reports how the Seleucid official Heliodorus, who threatened to raid the treasury of the Jerusalem temple, “suddenly fell to the ground” (v. 27) and afterward “lay prostrate [and] speechless” (v. 29) until revived by the high priest Onias. All of this happened according to “the sovereign power of God” (v. 28). Similar literary parallels have been recognized in the romance story Joseph and Aseneth (cf. Gen 41:45 LXX), which reports the conversion of Aseneth, who prays (14.1); sees a heavenly light (14.2); falls on her face (14.3); hears a heavenly messenger say, “Aseneth, Aseneth” (14.4), and

Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) 205 enormity and extent of Saul’s sins, including everything from resistance and physical harassment to conspiracy to murder, if he can have his sins washed away through baptism and receive the Holy Spirit, anyone can. Who can bring a sinful profile that exceeds that of Saul of Tarsus? Literary Context of Each Account The placement of the conversion/call accounts within the overall narrative should be noticed. After introducing Saul into the narrative in connection with Stephen’s death (Acts 7:58; 8:1) and reporting his extreme harassment of Jesus’s followers in Jerusalem (8:3), Luke deftly introduces Saul into the narrative after reporting the expansion of Christianity into Samaria (ch. 8). Saul’s request to travel to Damascus to seize Christians and bring them to Jerusalem extends the narrative geographically beyond Samaria. It serves as a prelude to Peter’s movement toward the coastland (9:32–43) and his role in Cornelius’s conversion (chs. 10–11). The literary bridge between Saul’s conversion/call and Peter’s mission in the coastal regions is provided by the summary in 9:31. Given this overall literary framework, Luke’s first account of Saul’s conversion is well placed. Luke’s placement of the second account is also sensible. After reporting Paul’s arrival in Jerusalem and the circumstances surrounding his arrest in the vicinity of the temple (ch. 21), Luke creates an appropriate and suspenseful setting in which Paul can defend himself before the crowds assembled in the temple precincts. The tribune’s mistaken view of Paul as an Egyptian leader of four thousand assassins creates the opportunity for Paul to clarify his identity (21:38–39). Mentioning that Paul addresses the Jerusalem crowd in Aramaic also adds appropriate local color to the episode (21:40). The literary context of the Jerusalem speech explains some of the distinctive elements of this second account of Saul’s conversion/call. First, the emphasis on Paul’s Jerusalem roots, his excessive zeal in opposing the church, and his efforts to suppress the Christian movement in Jerusalem—all make sense in an address spoken in the heart of Jerusalem (22:3–4). Second, the distinctive element of this second account—Paul’s vision of the risen Lord in the Jerusalem temple in which he experienced his commission to preach to gentiles—is fully appropriate in a speech delivered at the temple itself. Paul is insisting that in the very place where he and the crowds are standing, he has experienced his call to be a missionary to the gentiles. It is also appropriate to mention in this speech that he gave his consent “when the blood of [the Lord’s] witness Stephen was shed” (22:20). The third account is similarly well placed literarily. After reporting that Festus has succeeded Felix (24:27)—then that Festus has traveled to Jerusalem, heard the charges against Paul (25:1–3), and returned to Caesarea, where he gives Paul himself a hearing (25:6–12); and finally that Agrippa and Bernice arrive in Caesarea to welcome Festus to his new post—Luke creates an appropriate literary setting in which Paul’s final defense speech can occur. Readers can detect an escalating effect beginning in chapter 21. Paul appears before audiences of gradually increasing importance: the Jewish crowd in the responds by asking, “Who is he that calls me?” (14.5); and is told, “Rise and stand on your feet” (14.8). See Pervo 2009a, 235; Barrett 1994–98, 1:441–42.

206

Excursus 2

Jerusalem temple (ch. 22), the Sanhedrin (23:1–10), Felix (23:26–30; 24:1–26), Festus (24:27–25:12), and finally Agrippa, Bernice, and Festus (25:13–27; 26:1–32). Luke adapts his third account of Paul’s conversion/call to this forensic setting. As in the previous defense speech, there is an opening autobiographical review (26:4–11; cf. 22:3–5). This time, however, in addition to emphasizing his connections with Jerusalem and his life as a persecutor (26:4, 9–11), Paul highlights his Pharisaic background, especially his belief in the resurrection, a motif already introduced in 23:1–10. By positioning Paul this way, Luke aligns him with mainline Pharisaic theology. Paul, in other words, is no renegade Jew, but a thoroughly orthodox Pharisee—as were many members of the Sanhedrin. Having introduced Ananias in the earlier accounts, including his vision and his visit to Saul in Damascus, Luke does not need to do so here. He does, however, repeat the central element—Saul’s Damascus road experience (26:12– 18; cf. 9:3–9; 22:6–11). Having emphasized his adherence to Pharisaic belief in the resurrection, Paul can present his encounter with the risen Lord as nothing exceptional, other than that it is an instance of resurrection before the end time. Before Agrippa, Bernice, and Festus, in other words, Paul’s encounter with the risen Lord can be seen as a specific case of Pharisaic belief, not something atypical or unusual, certainly not contrary to Jewish belief. Similarly before Roman officials, Paul’s claim that he was “not disobedient” to the heavenly vision would be viewed positively (26:19). This is also the appropriate place to rehearse that Paul was recently seized in the temple and faced threats against his life, as well as his insistence that through it all he has been a faithful reader and interpreter of the Jewish Scriptures, a loyal Pharisee. After the third account, Luke’s report that Agrippa declares Paul innocent is effective (26:30–32). Before the highest court in which Paul has appeared so far, the official verdict is that the charges against him are unfounded. Although the accounts are repetitive in many respects, each one is fitted to the literary context in which it occurs. This explains the presence of distinctive elements in each speech. Luke has composed each account and positioned it within the narrative, fully aware of the rhetorical function of repetition. A skillful author provides duplicate or triplicate accounts of an event to underscore its importance. At the same time, the author may vary the content and style of each account to keep them from being verbatim repetitions. Rhetoricians also valued linguistic and stylistic variation to achieve maximum effect. One could repeat an account but had to respect other rhetorical canons. For one thing, rhetoricians knew that when an account or episode is repeated, readers or hearers interpret the accounts in light of each other. Readers hear all of the speeches, whereas the characters in the story hear only the speech directed to them. Something introduced earlier might be dropped later. A new element might be introduced into the second or third account. Within all the variations, however, some elements or themes can remain constant. Hearers and readers are attuned to notes repeatedly sounded. Variations in the Accounts Understanding these rhetorical rules relating to repetition explains some of the variations, even inconsistencies, within these three accounts. Only the first account mentions Saul’s three days of blindness and fasting (9:9). The risen Lord identifies himself as “Jesus the Nazarene” in the second account (22:8), but not in the other two. Only

Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) 207 in the third account is it mentioned that the risen Lord spoke “in Aramaic” (26:14). Only the second account mentions Paul’s vision of the risen Lord in the temple in which he receives his commission to preach to the gentiles (22:17–21). Paul’s baptism is mentioned in the first two accounts (9:18–19; 22:16), but not in the third account. One notable inconsistency between the first and second accounts relates to what Saul’s companions saw and heard. In the first account, they heard the voice but saw no one (9:7); in the second account, they saw the light but heard no voice (22:9). Rather than trying to resolve this contradictory report, we should see it as an intentional variation through which Luke seeks to hold our attention. When we hear it the second time, we instinctively recall the first account and even go back to reread it—Luke’s way of enlisting our attention and keeping it. Luke also achieves stylistic variation by altering the genre and literary setting of each account. The first is told as part of the unfolding narrative, which means it is Luke’s own account of the event. The second and third accounts occur in defense speeches before different audiences—they are Paul’s account of the event. The narrative effect is clear: what Luke himself reports, Paul twice confirms. Four Common Elements in the Accounts Just as important as noticing the variations and how they are introduced to fit the occasion and context or to achieve rhetorical variety are the common elements in all three accounts. 1. Paul as persecutor (9:1–2, 13–14, 21; 22:4–5, 19–20; 26:9–11). What is introduced earlier in the narrative—Paul’s presence at Stephen’s death (7:58; 8:1) and his systematic harassment of believers in Jerusalem (8:3)—is repeated and reinforced in all three accounts. All three accounts emphasize that Paul was acting with official authority, although the identity of the authorizing agents differs slightly: the high priest (9:1), the high priest and whole council of elders (22:5), and the chief priests (9:14; 26:10, 12). The nature and extent of his persecution gradually intensify with each account. Luke reports that he was “breathing murderous threats against the disciples of the Lord” (9:1). Before the Jerusalem crowd, Paul places himself with the Zealot tradition (22:3) and reports that he tried “to annihilate this Way through persecution by tying up men as well as women and throwing them into jail” (22:4). Before Agrippa, Paul says that he “locked up many of the saints in prisons,” and that “while they were being condemned to death,” he “cast [his] vote against them” (26:10). Earlier, Paul has confessed to having “imprisoned and beat those who became believers” (22:19) and consenting to the death of Stephen (22:20). By the third account, he is voting for the death of “many saints,” and his persecution extends “throughout all the synagogues” in Jerusalem (26:11). All three accounts also agree that his persecuting efforts extended beyond Jerusalem to Damascus. In the first account, Saul obtains letters from the high priest “addressed to the synagogues in Damascus” (9:2). In the second account, the letters he received from the high priest and council of elders were “addressed to the brothers in Damascus” (22:5). In the third account, Paul reports that his rage against the church was “so extreme” that he “pursued them even to foreign cities” (26:11). Which cities he has

208

Excursus 2

in mind are not named, but we are expected to imagine Saul’s campaign against the church extending beyond Jerusalem to city after city. In the course of his expanding efforts (“while doing this,” 26:12), he “was traveling to Damascus with the authority and permission of the chief priests” (26:12). The accounts also agree that Saul would go to Damascus, capture Christians, and bring them back to Jerusalem, where they would be punished (9:2; 22:5). Envisioned in these accounts is a formal relationship between Jerusalem and Damascus in which the authority of the high priest, the chief priests, and the council of the elders extends to the Jewish community in Damascus. These reports also suggest that disciples of Jesus can be found in Damascus synagogues. Several questions can be raised about the historical situation imagined here. From other evidence during the Second Temple period, for example, it is not at all clear that Jewish leaders in Jerusalem exercised authority over cities in outlying regions, such as Damascus.82 At this stage of development in the early Christian movement, it is not unrealistic to imagine clusters of Christian Jews or Jewish “Messianists” as members of Jewish synagogues in either Jerusalem (26:11) or Damascus (9:2). This is well before Christian Jews began to be distinguished from other Jewish groups, a sifting process that was especially triggered by the First Jewish Revolt in 66–74 CE. The target of Saul’s persecution is variously described: the church (8:3), disciples of the Lord (9:1), “people of ‘the Way’” (9:2), “this Way” (22:4), the risen Lord’s “holy people” or “saints” (9:13; 26:10), and those who confessed the name of Jesus (9:21). In his own report Luke uses descriptive terminology, such as “the Way” and “holy people” or “saints,” that Paul repeats in his defense speeches. This makes his report, written several decades after the events, conform to what he attributes to actual participants in those events. While those so described are closely related to synagogues in Jerusalem and Damascus, they are nevertheless an identifiable subset within those Jewish communities. 2. The Damascus road experience (9:3–9, 13–14; 22:6–11; 26:12–18). Luke locates Saul’s dramatic encounter with the risen Lord “as he approached Damascus” (9:3; 22:6). All three accounts agree that a heavenly light shone on Paul. As before, the light becomes progressively more intense in each account: a “light from heaven” (9:3), “an intense heavenly light” (22:6), and finally “a light from heaven more dazzling than the sun” (26:13). The second and third accounts give the time as noon (22:6; 26:13). We are invited to imagine a blinding light streaming from the sky at high noon. So powerful is its impact that Saul “fell to the ground” (9:4; 22:7; 26:14), and according to the third account “with his companions” (26:13–14). All three accounts agree that a voice, presumably from heaven, is heard, introduced by the double address, “Saul, Saul,” asking, “Why are you persecuting me?” (9:4; 22:7; 26:14). In the third account, we are told that the voice is in Aramaic, literally, “in the Hebrew dialect” (26:14), which gives the dialogue a touch of realism. Oddly, however, this Hebrew-speaking 82. See Schürer 2:218–19. Haenchen (1971, 320–21) denies that the Sanhedrin had the power to “secure the arrest of Jews in foreign States and their extradition to Judaea” (320–21 n. 2). According to Barrett 1994–98, 1:446–47, “the relation between the High Priest and Sanhedrin and provincial synagogues” is “unfortunately a question to which no precise answer can be given.”

Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) 209 voice speaks a line that sounds more like a Greek proverb than a piece of Jewish wisdom.83 Literally rendered, “It is hard for you to kick against the goads,” this piece of proverbial wisdom signals that a human being cannot resist a divine summons. Saul’s response is identical in all three accounts: “Who are you, Sir?” (9:5; 22:8; 26:15). The form of address used in Saul’s response is kyrie in Greek, but since the vocative form of kyrios is typically used as the form of address when a subordinate addresses a superior, I have translated it “Sir” rather than “Lord.” As such, it has no confessional significance. The voice is identified by the response “I am Jesus, whom you are persecuting” (9:5; 26:15). The second account identifies Jesus as “the Nazarene” (22:8). This dovetails with Tertullus’s charge before Felix that Paul is a “ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes” (24:5). Readers of the Third Gospel will already know that Nazareth is Jesus’s hometown (Luke 1:26, 56; 2:4, 39, 51; 4:16, 34; 18:37; 24:19), an identification continued in Acts (2:22; 3:6; 4:10; 6:14; 10:38; 22:8; 26:9). The mention of companions in all three accounts conforms to Luke’s usual practice of reporting the presence of two or more witnesses at significant events, thereby conforming to the Deuteronomic guideline for credible verification (Deut 19:15). Only the first account mentions that Saul is struck blind by the dazzling light and that his blindness lasts for three days (Acts 9:9). As the first account reports, this requires him to be led by his companions to Damascus (9:8). According to the second account, Saul says that he was “unable to see clearly because of the brilliance of that light” and thus needed his companions to lead him to Damascus (22:11). The role of Ananias as the risen Lord’s emissary receives the fullest treatment in the first account. Noting that three days elapsed after Saul arrived in Damascus enables the attention to shift to Ananias, who is also located in Damascus. Ananias is identified as a “certain disciple” (9:10), Luke’s standard language for a follower of Jesus. His encounter with the risen Lord is called a “vision” (9:10), a term also used to describe Saul’s Damascus road experience. Although in the first account Saul experiences an audition, strictly speaking (he mainly interacts with a heavenly voice), elsewhere the Damascus road experience is called a vision (26:16; also cf. 9:27). In Ananias’s vision, the risen Lord tells him where to go in Damascus: to “the house of Judas,” which is located on “the street named ‘Straight’” (9:11). The Lord’s instructions to Ananias also report that in this location Saul has experienced a vision (9:12), in which he saw Ananias “coming in, putting his hands on [Paul] to restore his sight” (9:12). Ananias voices his reluctance by recalling Saul’s reputation for having done “evil things . . . to your holy people in Jerusalem” (9:13) and the expectation that he is in Damascus to seize “everyone who confesses [Jesus’s] name” (9:14). The risen Lord explains to Ananias why Saul has been singled out for a special vocation (9:15–16; see further below). The first section featuring Ananias’s vision ends when he visits Saul and complies with the risen Lord’s instructions. Ananias reports to Saul that he has been commissioned by the Lord, whom he identifies specifically as “Jesus who appeared to you on the road as you were traveling” (9:17). Ananias has 83. For discussion of the Greek proverb and its occurrences in pagan writings, see comments on Acts 26:14 below.

210

Excursus 2

received a twofold charge from the risen Lord: to restore Saul’s vision and to impart the Holy Spirit to him (9:17). The former happens “immediately” as “something like scales fell from [Saul’s] eyes” (9:18). The latter apparently occurs as a result of Saul’s being baptized (9:18). Readers are expected to remember that the Holy Spirit comes as a gift with baptism, as it did on the day of Pentecost (2:38). In Acts 22, no mention is made of Ananias’s vision. Once Saul is led to Damascus by his companions, Ananias is introduced as someone with a sterling reputation: “a very devout observer of the law,” someone who “highly regarded by all the Jews living in Damascus” (22:12). Interestingly, here Ananias’s Jewish credentials are in the forefront, an understandable emphasis since Paul is speaking to Jewish crowds gathered in the Jerusalem temple. Accordingly, he can address Saul as “Brother Saul” (22:13). Ananias commands Saul to “look up,” thus to receive his sight, and this happened “at that very hour” (22:13). In Acts 9, Saul’s commission is described in Ananias’s initial vision (9:15–16). Here in 22:14–16 it is reported as part of Ananias’s visit to Saul (see further below). Ananias’s role in Saul’s conversion/call is not mentioned in the third account (Acts 26). The effect or benefit of reporting Ananias’s role in this event is to establish credibility for both Luke’s account of the event and Saul’s rehearsal in Acts 22. In the first account, Ananias is called a “disciple” (9:10), whereas in the second account his Jewishness and his fidelity to torah are paramount. To both Jews and Christians, Ananias is present as a credible participant in the event. Yet he is not only a participant; he is also a witness, someone who can vouch for the veracity of what Luke reports and what Paul repeats in his defense speech. As a prominent, respected member of the Christian community in Damascus, even if it is still closely connected with the synagogue, Ananias is someone worthy to baptize Saul and impart the Holy Spirit to him. Saul’s conversion to the faith, in other words, is certified by a credible witness and is indisputably authentic. Given Luke’s description of Ananias, his impeccable qualifications, and his dutiful submission to the risen Lord himself, no one could question that Saul had truly repented of the sins he had committed against the church, that these sins had been washed away, and that he had received the Holy Spirit as proof of his conversion. 3. The risen Lord’s commission to Saul. Three different formulations of the risen Lord’s commission to Saul are given. In the first account, the commission occurs on the lips of the risen Lord as he speaks to Ananias in a vision (9:15–16). In the second account, it is reported in Ananias’s visit to Saul (22:12–16). In this account, Ananias is reporting to Saul in person what in the first account the Lord had reported to him in a vision. In the third account, the commission is reported by Paul himself as a charge that he received directly from the risen Lord as part of the Damascus road experience (26:16–18). The words of the commission are thus repeated in three forms: what the risen Lord said directly to Saul on the road to Damascus, what the risen Lord said to Ananias in a vision, and what Ananias said to Saul when he visited him at the house of Judas in Damascus. Each formulation is worth noting. a. The risen Lord speaking to Ananias in a vision (9:15–16). Here Saul is called “my chosen instrument,” literally, “a chosen vessel for me” (skeuos eklogēs estin moi). Possibly reflecting OT usage (Jer 27:25 LXX [cf. 50:25 ET]; Ps 7:14 LXX [cf. 7:13 ET]), the “vessel” metaphor is a distinct alternative to the language of apostleship,

Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) 211 which Paul prefers in his letters (e.g., Rom 1:1; Gal 1:1). The risen Lord assures Ananias that Saul will “bear my name before gentiles and kings, and the people of Israel too” (9:15). “Bearing my name” is code language for preaching Jesus as the content of the gospel as well as doing so “in his name,” hence under his authority. The threefold list of audiences inverts the order of presentation in the Acts narrative, in which Paul typically preaches first to “the sons of Israel,” then to gentiles (in his missions in south-central Asia Minor and the Aegean), and finally before kings (in the appearances before various Roman officials in Acts 22–26, and finally before Caesar). Because “gentiles and kings” are mentioned first does not signal their priority or even that this is the distinctive focus of the Pauline mission. The wording clearly states that Paul’s mission will embrace gentiles and Jews, probably ordinary folks in each category, as well as socially elite Roman officials. b. Ananias reporting his vision to Saul (22:13–15). In Acts 22, Ananias reports the commission in a form that would resonate with a Jewish audience gathered in the temple. Here the source of the commission is not the risen Lord but “the God of our ancestors,” who “selected” or “appointed for a particular task” (proecheirisato) Saul to do three things: “know his will,” “see the Righteous One,” and “hear the sound of his voice” (22:14). The visual and audial imagery of the second and third items is striking. “Seeing the Righteous One” no doubt recalls the Damascus road experience. What happened there—Saul’s vision of Jesus, the innocent prophet who was slain (Luke 23:47)—was divinely ordained. Similarly, hearing the voice addressing him as “Saul, Saul” and identifying itself as the voice of Jesus was part of God’s prompting. Since the experience involved two senses—seeing and hearing—there could be little doubt that it was genuine. “Knowing God’s will,” though mentioned first, would logically follow as the result of seeing and hearing the risen Lord, unless it is intended to encompass both aspects of the experience. To paraphrase, “The God of our ancestors selected you, Saul, to know what God (always) intended, that you would experience the risen Lord both visually and audially—that you would see the Righteous One of whom the Isaianic Servant Songs speak (Luke 22:37; Acts 8:32–33), whom the centurion confessed at the crucifixion (Luke 23:47), and that you would hear his voice summoning you, using the double form of address that God used when calling Jacob (Gen 46:2), Moses (Exod 3:4), and Samuel (1 Sam 3:4). The content of Saul’s witness conforms to his experiential encounter with the risen Lord. He is expected to bear witness about what he saw and heard. In this formulation his audience is “all people” (lit., “all men” or “all humanity,” pantas anthrōpous, 22:15). Another formulation of the commission occurs in the second account as Paul describes his vision in the Jerusalem temple (22:17–21). The risen Lord commands him to leave Jerusalem since “they will not accept your testimony about me” (22:18). After he recalls his life as a persecutor in Jerusalem, the risen Lord says, “Go! For I will send you far away to the gentiles” (22:21). Here Paul’s commission has a clear, single focus: not the Jews (in Jerusalem) but gentiles in faraway places. c. Paul reporting his vision of the risen Lord to Agrippa (26:16–18). In the third account, the risen Lord commissions Saul as part of the Damascus road experience. Then and there Saul is told to “get up, stand on your feet.” There is no mention of his being struck blind or needing the assistance of his companions in finding his way to Damascus.

212

Excursus 2

Employing visionary language—“This is why I have appeared to you” (26:16)—the risen Lord insists that he has appointed (procheirisasthai) Saul in a twofold role: as his assistant (perhaps “servant” or “minister,” hypēretēs) and witness (martys) not only of this (Damascus road) vision but also “of your future visions of me” (lit., “of the things in which I will appear to you,” hōn te eides [me] hōn te ophthēsomai soi). While this prediction of future visionary encounters with the risen Lord occurs late in the narrative, it recalls an earlier point in the narrative when they are still in the future. As such, it serves as a retrospective review of the visions attributed to Paul in Acts (e.g., 16:9–10; 18:9; 23:11; 27:23). The risen Lord’s formulation of the intended audience for Paul’s mission should be noticed. The risen Lord chooses Saul “from your people” (lit., “from the people,” ek tou laou, i.e., the Jewish people) and “from the gentiles” (lit., “from the nations,” ek tōn ethnōn, 26:17). This language seems to suggest that he has been chosen from among everyone, Jews and gentiles alike. His special charge, however, is to “the gentiles, to whom I am sending you, to open their eyes to turn from darkness to light and from the power of Satan to God, so they can receive forgiveness of sins and a share among those who have been sanctified by their faith in me” (26:17–18). This formulation recalls OT imagery of God’s servant commissioned to be a “light to the nations,” to rescue from prison “those who sit in darkness” (Isa 42:6–7, 16). Turning from light to darkness is standard language for conversion (Eph 5:8; Col 1:12–13; 1  Pet 2:9; Jos. Asen. 8.9; 15.12). Turning “from the power of Satan to God” reflects Christian sentiments (John 12:31; 14:30; 16:11; 1 Cor 2:6; 2 Cor 4:4; Eph 2:2). 4. Paul’s subsequent preaching activity. All three accounts agree in reporting the dramatic results of Paul’s Damascus road experience. The first account reports immediate effects. “A few days” after Ananias’s visit, Saul begins proclaiming in the Damascus synagogues that “[Jesus] is the Son of God” (9:20). Remembering his reputation as a persecutor of the church, those who hear him are naturally astonished (9:21). Even so, Saul continues his vigorous debates with Damascus Jews, “demonstrating that Jesus is the Messiah” (9:22). A Jewish plot against Saul is foiled when the disciples enable him to escape by lowering him in a basket from the city wall (9:23–25). Returning immediately to Jerusalem, he meets resistance from Christians when he tries to join them (9:26). Through the efforts of Barnabas, however, Saul is introduced to the apostles (9:27). This goodwill gesture enables Saul to move about freely among the apostles and to “speak boldly in the name of the Lord” (9:28). Particularly noted are his debates with “the Hellenists,” probably Greek-speaking Jews from the diaspora, who try to kill him (9:29). When the Jerusalem Christians learn of this, they arrange Saul’s departure to the safer city of Caesarea and eventually to his hometown, Tarsus of Cilicia, in Asia Minor. To summarize the first account, the effects of Saul’s conversion/call are immediate. He begins preaching in the very Damascus synagogues where he intended to round up Jesus sympathizers and bring them back to Jerusalem. His vigorous preaching efforts among Damascus Jews are met with stiff resistance when they devise a plot to kill him. Through a dramatic escape, Saul proceeds to Jerusalem and, with Barnabas’s help, is admitted to Christian circles. His debates with “the Hellenists” in Jerusalem prompt them to try to kill him, whereupon the Christians whisk Saul away to safety. Here Paul’s

Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) 213 conversion is followed by two stages of intense preaching activity: one in Damascus, a second in Jerusalem. In the second account, no “Damascus stage” of preaching activity is reported. After being baptized by Ananias, Saul returns to Jerusalem (22:17). The main focus is Saul’s visit to the temple, where, while praying, he “fell into a trance” (lit., “it happened to me in ecstasy,” genesthai me en ekstasei) and sees the risen Lord. In this setting, Saul receives his commission to preach to the gentiles. Because of its strong resonance with Isaiah’s temple vision (Isa 6:1–13), this episode is sketched as a prophetic call. The risen Lord orders Saul to leave Jerusalem “because they will not accept your testimony about me” (22:18). Like Israel’s prophets, Saul can expect rejection at the very center of Israel—Jerusalem (see Luke 13:33–34). Moreover, the risen Lord summons Saul while using language reminiscent of prophetic calls: “Go! For I will send you far away to the gentiles” (Acts 22:21; cf. Jonah 1:2; 3:1). In the third account, rather than discrete preaching missions in Damascus and Jerusalem, we find a more compact summary of Paul’s postconversion/postcall activities. After obeying the heavenly vision, Paul tells Agrippa that he has preached a message of repentance “first, to those in Damascus, then to those in Jerusalem, then to the whole country of Judea, and finally to the gentiles” (26:20). Since the third account comes toward the end of Acts, this more comprehensive summary of Paul’s preaching ministry is in order. The four-pronged summary aptly encapsulates what Luke has reported about Paul in Acts 9, 13–14, 16–20, and in Paul’s earlier defense speech in chapter 22. What is envisioned in Paul’s claim that he has preached “to the whole country of Judea” is not altogether clear. From the standpoint of the Acts narrative, Paul does not move out of Jerusalem into other cities of Judea the way Peter does, for example, when he travels to the coastal regions in Acts 9–11. Perhaps we are to think of Saul’s trip from Jerusalem to Caesarea (9:30) or possibly his participation in the relief fund “to the brothers living in Judea” (11:29). Luke reports Paul’s participation in the Jerusalem Council (15:12), but this is no preaching mission. In the transition between Paul’s ministry in Greece (chs. 16–18) and Asia Minor (ch. 19), he travels to Caesarea, probably also to Jerusalem, then to Antioch before he heads for Galatia and Phrygia (18:21–23). Again, no preaching activity is reported at any of these stops. Rather than looking for specific references in Acts to Paul’s preaching ministry “to the whole country of Judea,” we should probably see this as rhetorical hyperbole in which Luke is conforming Paul’s preaching mission to the risen Lord’s vision of outreach sketched in Acts 1:8. True to form, the formulation of Saul/Paul’s preaching ministry after his conversion/ call is more comprehensive in Acts 26 than it is in the two earlier accounts. Nor is the content of his preaching christologically focused—convincing Jews that Jesus is the Son of God/Messiah. Its central theme is “repenting and turning to God” and “performing deeds” to demonstrate repentance (26:20). Ordinarily such language would apply only to gentiles since Jews who already believe in God need not “turn to God.” The preaching of John the Baptist, however, called for repentance and “fruits worthy of repentance” (Luke 3:3, 8) and was directed toward Jewish audiences. Jesus’s own preaching echoed similar themes (Luke 13:3, 5). Repentance is also a key ingredient of earlier speeches in Acts (2:38; 3:19; 8:22; 17:30). Here is a case where we should read the three accounts

214

Excursus 2

as complementary descriptions of Paul’s preaching. It was christologically focused, calling for belief in Jesus as Messiah and Son of God, but also accompanied by a call for repentance and behavior that exemplified repentance. Luke’s Narrative Construction of the Event Taken together, these three accounts of Paul’s conversion/call reveal Luke’s understanding of this event. Though the pieces are distributed among the three accounts, they comprise a well-structured, coherent portrait with several distinct elements: • Saul’s efforts as a persecutor of the church in Jerusalem • Obtaining permission from Jerusalem authorities to go to Damascus in order to seize Christians and bring them to Jerusalem for punishment • Journey to Damascus • Damascus road experience —Visionary experience in which Saul both hears and sees the risen Lord —Heavenly light at noon —Saul’s companions —Heavenly voice (in Aramaic): “Saul, Saul . . .” —Saul’s response: “Who are you?” —Identification of the heavenly voice: “I am Jesus . . .” —For three days, Saul is blind from the intense light and fasts —Saul is led to Damascus by his companions • Ananias’s role —Ananias’s vision in Damascus —Ananias visits Saul in the house of Judas at Straight Street —Ananias reports to Saul —Ananias baptizes Saul —Ananias as a reputable Christian Jew, credible witness • Saul’s response to the encounter —Receives his sight again —Baptism —Receives the Holy Spirit —Receives commission from risen Lord/God; variously stated yet universal in scope, including Jews, gentiles, kings, everyone • Effects of the experience —Saul preaches to Jews in Damascus —Jewish plots against Saul —Saul travels to Jerusalem —Saul accepted by Christians in Jerusalem —Efforts to kill Saul in Jerusalem —Saul leaves Jerusalem, goes to Tarsus Luke’s portrait of Saul/Paul’s conversion/call exhibits a clear narrative structure. It is built around two locations: Jerusalem and Damascus. The story moves along the Jerusalem–Damascus axis. It begins in Jerusalem, moves to Damascus, then back to

Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) 215 Jerusalem. The story features three major characters: Saul, the risen Lord, and Ananias. Other minor figures included are Barnabas and several unnamed groups, such as those who plot against Saul, disciples who rescue him, and the Hellenists. Luke clearly understands the central moment as a visionary experience in which the risen Lord appears to Saul and identifies himself as Jesus, the target of Saul’s persecutions.84 The story exhibits elements of a conversion story and a call narrative. Saul is baptized in order to receive forgiveness of his sins (of persecution). He also receives the Holy Spirit as a baptismal gift. In these two respects, it is a conversion story comparable to other conversion stories in Acts. An equally central theme, however, is the commission Saul receives from the risen Lord. Although located at different moments, depending on the literary setting in which it is reported, Saul’s commission bears all the earmarks of a prophetic call. This is most evident in the temple vision reported in the second account (Acts 22), but resonances with an OT prophetic call are also heard in the other accounts. The Lukan Construction Compared with Paul’s Own Narrative Construction Now that we have delineated the narrative structure and theological understanding of Luke’s portrayal of Paul’s conversion/call, it can be compared with Paul’s own description of this experience in his letters. The most complete account occurs in Gal 1:13–24. The most prominent elements in this account are the following: 1. Paul’s “earlier life in Judaism” as a violent persecutor of the church (1:13, 23) 2. His precociousness as an ardent adherent of Jewish traditions (1:14) 3. His prophetic self-consciousness of being set apart by God before his birth and being “called through his grace” (1:15) 4. God’s revealing “his Son to me” (1:16) 5. Experiencing his commission to “proclaim [God’s Son] among the gentiles” as part of this divine revelation (1:16) 6. Not consulting “with any human being” (1:16) 7. Not “going up to Jerusalem to those who were already apostles before me” (1:17) 8. Retreating “at once into Arabia” and later returning to Damascus (1:17) In the following verses, Paul describes a visit to Jerusalem that occurs three years later (1:18). On this visit, which lasts fifteen days, he stays with Cephas (1:18), but he claims not to see “any other apostle except James the Lord’s brother” (1:19). Following this visit to Jerusalem, he reports traveling to “the regions of Syria and Cilicia” (1:21), insisting that he is “still unknown by sight to the churches of Judea that are in Christ” (1:22). He also reports a second visit to Jerusalem fourteen years later, in which he is 84. It is also clear that Luke regards Paul’s Damascus road visionary experience of Jesus as different from the interactions between Jesus and the apostles that occurred during the forty days before Jesus’s ascension in Acts 1:6–11. For one thing, Paul’s experience was postascension, thus highly exceptional. For another, there is a distinct instructional element in Acts 1. The apostles are taught by the risen Lord about the kingdom of God; their lives are not radically redirected in the sense that Saul’s life is.

216

Excursus 2

accompanied by Barnabas and Titus (2:1). Insisting that this visit is also “in response to a revelation” (2:2), Paul describes a meeting with Jerusalem leaders in which an agreement is reached about the division of labor between Peter and himself: that Paul himself has been “entrusted with the gospel for the uncircumcised” while Peter has “been entrusted with the gospel for the circumcised” (2:7). Several distinct differences surface between Paul’s rehearsal of events here and what Luke reports in Acts. The first main difference relates to Damascus. Paul’s mention that he “returned to Damascus” (Gal 1:17) implies that some (or all) of what is previously reported had occurred in Damascus. This may include his persecution of the church (1:13) and possibly the revelation he received from God (1:16). The only other time Paul mentions Damascus in his letters is 2 Cor 11:30–33, when he refers to being “let down in a basket through a window in the wall” and escaping from the hands of “the governor under King Aretas.” Acts 9:23–25 doubtlessly recalls this event. While Paul’s cryptic remark about returning to Damascus might imply that he experiences his “revelation from God” (apokalypsai ton huion autou en emoi, 1:16) in or near Damascus, nowhere in this autobiographical review does he report anything as lengthy or dramatic as what we find in Acts. In his letters, Paul nowhere mentions anyone named Ananias, much less identifies Ananias as the one who baptizes him and imparts the Holy Spirit to him. Another chief difference relates to what happened after Paul’s apocalyptic revelation in which he learns about God’s Son and receives his prophetic commission to missionize the gentiles (Gal 1:16). Luke’s three accounts describe two stages of intensive preaching, primarily among Jews in synagogue settings: the first in Damascus, followed by a second round of preaching in Jerusalem. Because of intense resistance and threats on his life during the Jerusalem phase, the disciples send Paul to Tarsus by way of Caesarea. According to the Acts narrative, Paul remains in Tarsus until Barnabas brings him to Antioch of Syria (11:25–26). In sharp contrast to the Lukan account, Paul insists that he did not go to Jerusalem but instead “went away at once into Arabia” and later returned to Damascus (Gal 1:17). When Paul reports his going away to Arabia, his return to Damascus, and subsequent trips to Jerusalem, and the regions of Syria and Cilicia, he does not describe them as occasions for preaching. Luke, however, emphasizes that immediately following his conversion/call, Paul begins an active and even aggressive preaching mission in the very places—Damascus and Jerusalem—in which he has persecuted Christians. This may be Luke’s attempt to sharpen the contrast between Saul’s two antithetical roles: persecutor and preacher, opponent and proponent. Part of the explanation may also relate to Paul’s tendency in Galatians to establish his independence vis-à-vis Jerusalem. Either way, the differences between Paul’s own portrayal of his movements after his conversion/call and what Luke reports in Acts are quite remarkable. Another point of connection is also worth noting. In Gal 1:15–16 Paul describes the encounter as an event in which “God . . . was pleased to reveal his Son to me.” Although he does not use visionary language in Galatians, elsewhere in his letters, when he refers to that pivotal moment in his life, he tends to use some form of “appear” or “see.” After listing those to whom the risen Lord “appeared” after his resurrection, Paul employs the same language when he claims that “last of all, as to one untimely

Saul’s Conversion/Call (9:1–30; 22:3–30; 26:2–32) 217 born, he appeared [ōphthē, from horaō, in the passive with an active sense, “to appear”] also to me” (1 Cor 15:8). Earlier he claims to have “seen [heoraka] Jesus our Lord” (1  Cor 9:1). This language, however cryptic, suggests some visionary experience in which Jesus encountered Paul. Conceivably Luke, knowing that this is Paul’s standard way of describing that experience, constructed the elaborately developed, dramatically unforgettable narrative we find in the three Acts accounts, to highlight the centrality of Paul’s vision of the risen Lord. Even so, the distinct emphases of the respective viewpoints are clear. Stendahl is right to underscore aspects of Paul’s self-description in Gal 1 that resonate with OT prophetic calls. “Being set apart from [one’s] mother’s womb” recalls the prophetic calls of Isaiah (Isa 49:1) and Jeremiah (Jer 1:5). While Paul acknowledges his earlier role as a persecutor of the church (Gal 1:13), what has emerged from the revelatory moment in which he learns about “God’s Son” is not an awareness of the egregiousness of his acts, accompanied by remorse and repentance, but his apostolic vocation to preach the gospel to the gentiles (Gal 1:15–16). Nowhere in his letters does Paul refer to his own baptism or reception of the Holy Spirit. That moment for him was less a conversion than a prophetic call. Luke’s accounts, by contrast, combine both strands. The Damascus road experience represents a conversion in the sense that Saul’s previous life as persecutor of the church constitutes “sins” that are forgiven when he is baptized. The same event marks the moment when he receives the Holy Spirit, as do other sinners in Acts. At the same time, however, Luke sees this as the event in which Saul receives his prophetic commission—not his apostolic mission, as Paul insists. Nowhere in the Acts accounts does the risen Lord call Saul an apostle, nor does Saul speak of himself that way when he recalls the event. Luke’s language represents a distinct alternative to apostolic language: Saul is Christ’s “chosen instrument” (Acts 9:15) to proclaim his name among gentiles, kings, and the sons of Israel. To be sure, Saul is “chosen” or “selected” by God and Christ (22:14; 26:17) for this task, but not as an apostle. That circle is closed to Saul/Paul in Acts. While we will never know what traditions Luke knows about Paul’s life as a persecutor and the dramatic change that occurs in his life as a result of his encounter with Christ, it is plausible to assume that he was aware of the prophetic element in Paul’s own apostolic self-understanding, as articulated in Gal 1:15, as well as his tendency to describe the event as an appearance of the risen Lord (1 Cor 9:1; 15:8). It is equally plausible that he knows Damascus as the place where Paul concentrated his persecution efforts as well as the location of his ecstatic vision of the risen Lord. From these bits of reliable tradition, Luke could well have exercised his literary creativity in shaping what has clearly become the most influential account of Paul’s conversion. Some of the elements that are distinctive to Luke’s accounts, such as Ananias’s role in the event, may well reflect reliable traditions that circulated among Christians in Damascus or elsewhere in Syria, perhaps in Antioch. Other elements, however, are difficult to assess. Luke’s report of the authority of Jewish officials in Jerusalem extending to Damascus synagogues is more suspect; at least, it is more difficult to prove on other grounds. The role of Saul’s traveling companions may also be legendary embellishments. Other colorful details—such as Saul’s (three-day) blindness, his period of fasting, and the heavenly

218

Excursus 2

voice speaking in Aramaic—should probably be seen as Lukan literary touches. In fact, the entire conversation between Saul and the risen Lord may well be Luke’s artistic depiction of what he imagined to have occurred when the historical Paul referred to his having seen the risen Christ. Luke’s Theological Understanding of the Event More important than sifting through historical and legendary details is what Luke intends to convey theologically through his depiction of these events. First, Luke wants to assert unequivocally that the conversion of Saul the persecutor was authentic. Amply attested by unnamed companions who were with him and who accompanied him to Damascus and by the reliable testimony of Ananias, Saul’s conversion is indisputable. Second, Saul’s admission to Christian ranks is ordinary rather than exceptional. Like everyone else in the Acts narrative, except the apostles and the initial nucleus at Pentecost, Saul receives baptism and the gift of the Holy Spirit. He is not an exceptional Christian. Third, Saul’s call to service as the risen Lord’s “chosen instrument,” “assistant,” and “witness” and his commission to preach to everyone—Jews, gentiles, kings, and others—is divinely certified. It stems from both the “God of our ancestors” and the risen Lord himself. Paul is not self-appointed to this task, even though his commission occurred after the initial set of inaugural events in Jerusalem. Fourth, Paul’s missionary preaching originates from the time of his conversion/call. His change from persecutor to advocate of the church is immediate. After Damascus, his first sphere of missionary activity is Jerusalem, the very heart of Second Temple Jerusalem. In fact, it is traceable to his visionary experience in the temple itself. Like Peter and the apostles, Paul’s mission begins in Jerusalem, in the temple. Fifth, while Paul is not a formally designated apostle, he is embraced immediately by the apostles and has free movement among them and the Jerusalem church. His relationship with the original apostolic circle is neither strained nor tumultuous. It is amicable rather than adversarial. The resistance he encounters both in Damascus and Jerusalem is from non-Christian Jews—Damascus synagogues, Jews who plot against him, “Hellenists” who threaten to kill him—not from his fellow disciples. Sixth, Paul’s mission, especially to the gentiles, is traceable to Jerusalem. It does not stem from Antioch. Even Peter’s mission to the gentiles might be said to stem from outside Jerusalem. He received his initial vision in Joppa (near the coast), fulfilled it in Caesarea, and defended it in Jerusalem. Paul’s mission to the gentiles may have received its first articulation in Damascus, but it receives its sharpest formulation in Paul’s temple vision in Jerusalem: “Get out of Jerusalem,” the risen Lord tells Paul, “for I will send you far away to the gentiles” (Acts 22:17–18, 21). The combined effect of Paul’s temple vision and Peter’s defense of the gentile mission before the Jerusalem church (ch. 11) is to portray the gentile mission as something that belongs to the earliest stages of the church’s consciousness.

Saul’s Conversion/Call in Acts Acts 9

Acts 22

Acts 26

•  Genre: Narrative

•  Genre: Defense speech

• Genre: Defense speech

• Literary context: Between Samaritan mission and Cornelius’s conversion

• Literary context: After Paul’s arrest and before his appearance before the Sanhedrin

• Literary context: After Festus’s accession and Paul’s appearance before Festus and before the voyage to Rome

• Setting: Before the crowd in the temple in Jerusalem

• Setting: Before Agrippa, Bernice, and Festus in Caesarea

Saul in Jerusalem (9:1–2) • Saul asks the high priest for letters addressed to Damascus synagogues, granting permission to bring members of “the Way” to Jerusalem (1–2) Captatio benevolentiae (2–3) Autobiographical Review (22:3–5) • Jewish heritage (3) • birth in Tarsus of Cilicia (3) • reared in Jerusalem (3) • educated by Gamaliel (3) • life as persecutor (4) • letters from high priest and council of elders, granting permission to bring Christians from Damascus to Jerusalem (5)

Autobiographical Review (26:4–11) • life in Jerusalem (4) • life as a Pharisee (5) • resurrection hope (6–8) • life as a persecutor in Jerusalem (9–10) • persecution in synagogues (11)

Acts 9

Acts 22

Acts 26

Damascus Road Event (9:3–9)

Damascus Road Event (22:6–11)

Damascus Road Event (26:12–18)

• en route to Damascus (3)

• en route to Damascus (6)

• light from heaven (3) • Saul falls to the ground (4)

• intense heavenly light at noon (6) • Saul falls to the ground (7)

• voice: “Saul, Saul, why . . . ?” (4)

• voice: “Saul, Saul, why . . . ?” (7)

• Saul: “Who are you, Sir?” (5) • “I am Jesus, whom you are persecuting” (5)

• Saul: “Who are you, Sir?” (8) • “I am Jesus the Nazarene, whom you are persecuting” (8) • Lord commands Saul to go to Damascus (10) • companions see light, hear no voice (9) • Saul: “What should I do?” (10) • Saul is “unable to see clearly” (11) • companions lead Saul to Damascus (11)

• en route to Damascus with permission from chief priests (12) • light from heaven, midday, brighter than the sun (13) • Saul and his companions fall to the ground (14) • voice in Aramaic: “Saul, Saul, why . . . ? It is hard to resist the divine call” (14) • Saul: “Who are you, Sir?” (15) • “I am Jesus, whom you are persecuting” (15)

• Saul commanded to go to Damascus (6) • companions hear voice, see no one (7) • Saul is blinded (8) • companions lead Saul to Damascus (8) • Three days of blindness, fasting (9)

• risen Lord commissions Saul: • “Get up, stand on your feet” • “You will be my assistant/ witness . . . to see vision/ visions” (16) • risen Lord commissions Saul to preach to gentiles (17–18)

Acts 9

Acts 22

Acts 26

Ananias’s Vision (9:10–16) • Lord appears to Ananias in a vision (10) • Lord’s charge to Ananias (11–12) • “Go to Straight Street” • “Look for Saul in house of Judas” • “He is in prayer” • “He has seen a vision of you coming to him and restoring his sight” (12) • Ananias’s response (13–14) • “I have heard of the evil he has done in Jerusalem” (13) • “He has authority from chief priests to persecute believers” (14) • Lord’s charge: Saul is “my chosen instrument to witness before gentiles, kings, sons of Israel” (15–16) Ananias Visits Saul (9:17–19)

Ananias Visits Saul (22:12–16)

• Ananias goes to Saul (17–18) • “I’ve been commissioned by the Lord Jesus so you can receive sight and be filled with Holy Spirit” (17)

• Ananias’s character: law observant, highly regarded by Damascus Jews (12) • Ananias goes to Saul, who receives his sight (13) • Ananias charges Saul: “God has chosen you to know his will, see the Righteous One, hear his voice, and be a witness to all people” (14–15) • Ananias commands Saul to be baptized, to wash away his sins (16)

• Saul receives his sight, is baptized, eats, regains strength (18–19)

Paul’s Response (26:19–23) • “I was not disobedient . . .” (19) • Paul reports his preaching of repentance in Damascus, Jerusalem, Judea, and to the gentiles (20) • Paul rehearses recent events: seized by Jews in temple, threats to his life (21) • Paul claims he is a faithful interpreter of Scripture: Christ must suffer, he must preach Christ to Jews and gentiles (22–23)

222

Acts 9:32–35 Acts 9

Acts 22

Sequel (9:19–30) • Saul begins preaching in Damascus synagogues (20) • Response: fear (21) • Saul’s preaching (22) • Jewish plot against Saul (23) • Saul’s escape from Damascus (24–25) • Saul’s return to Jerusalem (26) • Barnabas’s support (27–28) • Saul’s preaching to Hellenists (29) • Saul is sent to Tarsus (30)

Paul in Jerusalem (22:17–21) • Paul returns to Jerusalem (17) • Paul’s prayer/trance in the temple • risen Lord’s appearance • risen Lord’s charge: “Leave Jerusalem” (18) • Paul’s response (19–20) • imprisoned and beat believers (19) • consented to Stephen’s death (20) • risen Lord commissions Paul to preach to gentiles (21) Response to Paul’s Speech (22:22–30) • Crowds: “Remove him from the earth; does not deserve to live” (22) • Riot (23) •  tribune rescues Paul (24) • tribune’s exchange with Paul about Roman citizenship (25–29) • tribune orders Paul to be brought before chief priests and Sanhedrin (30)

Acts 26

Response to Paul’s Speech (26:24–32) • Festus: “You’re mad!” (24) • Paul’s response (25–26) • Paul to Agrippa (27) • Agrippa: “Almost persuaded” (28) • Paul: “Become like me” (29) • Agrippa’s declaration of innocence (30–32)

9:32–11:18 Peter’s Ministry in Judea and the Coastland: Apostolic Witness to the Gentiles The two miracles are unusual in that both of the persons healed are named: Aeneas and Tabitha. The literary structure also reflects Luke’s tendency to report pairs of complementary episodes featuring a male and a female (e.g., Luke 2:25–38). 9:32–35 Peter Heals Aeneas in Lydda Now it happened as Peter was passing through all these regions, he also went down to the saints living in Lydda. 33 There he found a certain man named Aeneas, who had been lying on a pallet for eight years because he was paralyzed. 34 And Peter said to him, “Aeneas, Jesus Christ

9:32

Peter Heals Aeneas in Lydda 223

makes you well. Stand and roll up your pallet!” And immediately he stood up. 35 And all those living in Lydda and in the plain of Sharon saw him and turned to the Lord. [9:32–35] Why Peter was “passing through” (dierchomenon, v. 32) these regions is not stated. That there would be “saints” (tous hagious) in Lydda is not surprising, since Philip’s preaching mission in “all the towns” between Azotus and Caesarea (8:40) probably would have included Lydda. Perhaps some Christians had fled to Lydda because of the persecution (8:1). Mentioned only in this section of Acts (9:32, 35, 38), Lydda corresponds to the ancient city of Lod (modern Lod or el-Ludd, near Ben Gurion International Airport, previously Lydda Airport), whose origins date to the Early Bronze Age, and which figures in the OT as an important Benjamite city (1 Chr 8:12; Neh 11:35). It was also a prominent site during the Maccabean period (1 Macc 11:34) and the First Jewish Revolt (Josephus, J.W. 2.515; 4.444). After the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE, Lydda became, along with Yavneh, an important center of Jewish learning. Named individuals are unusual in miracle stories (Jairus is an exception that proves the rule; cf. Luke 8:41; Mark 5:22). It would be difficult to find a name with more Greek resonance than Aeneas, the Trojan leader whose feats are immortalized in the Iliad and whose wanderings became legendary. This Aeneas, however, is immobile from an eight-year paralysis. As brief as it is, this miracle story contains all of the essential elements of such stories: a sick person with a well-documented, palpable malady; a healer; a healing formula invoking the name of the appropriate deity; immediate action; proof of healing; witnesses; and visible results. This story shows Peter not only performing another healing miracle (Acts 3:1–10) but also replicating Jesus’s healing of a paralytic (Luke 5:17–26). Aeneas also becomes a named example of the general summary in Acts 8:7. What happened generally in Samaria now happens specifically in Lydda. Peter’s healing formula, “Jesus Christ makes you well” (v. 34), illustrates that Christ, although having ascended into heaven (1:6–11), is nonetheless powerfully present among his disciples. The word for “make well” (iatai) occurs frequently in Luke-Acts.85 The instant action implied by the aorist tense is reinforced by “immediately” (v. 34). The instructions, “Stand and roll up your pallet” (v. 34), correspond to the directives in other miracle stories (Acts 3:6; 14:10; cf. Luke 5:24; cf. John 5:8). Including witnesses from “the plain of Sharon,” literally, “the Sharon” (ton Sarōna), broadens the impact significantly, since the plain of Sharon extended along the coastline some thirty miles (48 km) between Joppa and Caesarea. As with Philip’s ministry in Samaria (8:6), 85. Luke 5:17; 6:18–19; 7:7; 8:47; 9:2, 11, 42; 14:4; 17:15; 22:51; Acts 9:34; 10:38; 28:8, 27.

224

Acts 9:36–43

healing miracles prompt conversions. They “turn to the Lord [Jesus]” since the miracle has occurred through his name. This implies that those converted were Jewish, since gentile conversion is ordinarily expressed as “turning to (the living) God.”86 That all the residents of Lydda and the Sharon were converted is literary hyperbole. 9:36–43 Peter Raises Tabitha in Joppa Now at Joppa there was a certain disciple named Tabitha (which, in translation, means Dorcas). She was full of good works, always performing acts of mercy. 37 At that timea she became sick and died. Her body was washed and placed in an upstairs room. 38 Now Lydda was near Joppa, and the disciples heard that Peter was in Lydda. They sent two men to him with this plea, “Do not delay in coming to us.” 39 So Peter got up and came with them. When he arrived, he was led to the upstairs room. There all the widows stood before him, weeping, and they showed him the tunics and robes Dorcas made while she was still with them. 40 After Peter put everybody out of the room, he fell to his knees and prayed. As he turned toward the body, he said, “Tabitha, get up!” Then she opened her eyes, and when she saw Peter, she sat up. 41 Giving her his hand, Peter helped her stand upright. Then calling the saints and the widows, he presented her to them alive. 42 And this became known everywhere in Joppa, and many believed on the Lord. 43 As it happened, he stayed for a whileb in Joppa with a certain Simon, a tanner. 9:36

a. Lit., “in those days” (en tais hēmerais ekeinais). See Luke 2:1; 4:2; 5:35; 9:36; Acts 2:18; 7:41; similarly, “in these days” (Luke 6:12; 23:7; 24:18; Acts 1:15). b. Lit., “some days” (hēmeras hikanas).

[9:36–43] This second healing miracle occurs in Joppa (v. 36), a seaport approximately ten miles (16 km) NW of Lydda, and the site of modern Jaffa, slightly south of Tel Aviv. Among its more memorable biblical associations, Joppa was the site from which Jonah caught a ship to Tarshish (Jonah 1:3). The strategic location of Joppa ensured its commercial and political importance. The dominance of Joppa’s gentile or Jewish population varied, depending on the political circumstances; on the eve of the First Jewish Revolt, it was a center of Jewish resistance to Roman rule and consequently was destroyed by the Romans (Josephus, J.W. 2.508). Though refortified, it was captured again by Vespasian (Josephus, J.W. 3.414–427).87 Narratively, this episode establishes 86. Acts 14:15; 15:19; 26:18, 20; cf. 1 Thess 1:9–10; yet cf. Acts 3:19 (at the temple). 87. See Schürer 2:110–14.

Peter Raises Tabitha in Joppa 225

Peter’s presence in Joppa, which becomes the site of his dramatic vision preparing him for his mission to Cornelius. “Tabitha” (Tabitha), the Greek transliterated form of Aramaic tabyetaʾ (or tebitaʾ), is mentioned only here (Acts 9:36, 40) in the NT. As elsewhere (1:19), Luke provides a translation of an Aramaic expression. Both “Tabitha” and the Greek word “Dorcas” (Dorkas) mean “gazelle.” The Aramaic name reveals her Jewish identity. Peter’s presentation of her before “the saints and the widows” (9:41) identifies her as Christian. This suggests that her benevolent acts (eleēmosynōn, v. 36), probably monetary gifts (10:2; 24:17; cf. Luke 11:41; 12:33), were done on behalf of her fellow disciples in Joppa. “Became sick and died” (asthenēsasan autēn apothanein, Acts 9:37) succinctly states the matter. “An upstairs room” (en hyperōō, vv. 37, 39), also the site of other notable events in Acts (1:13; 20:8), echoes 1 Kgs 17:19, when Elijah took the widow’s dead son “into the upper chamber.” Excluding others from the healer’s presence (v. 40) is a miracle-story motif attested elsewhere (Mark 5:40; cf. Matt 9:25). Falling to the knees in prayer is a Lukan feature.88 Peter’s directive, “Tabitha, get up!” recalls Jesus’s earlier miracles in which he restores life (Luke 7:14; 8:54). Like the revived son of the Shunammite woman (2 Kgs 4:35), Tabitha “opened her eyes” (Acts 9:40).89 As with the Aeneas story, the standard features of a miracle story are here, although in more amplified form: the person’s malady (v. 37); arrival of the healer (vv. 38–39); the healer’s performative utterance (v. 40); the healing, clearly documented (v. 40b); proof of the miracle among witnesses (v. 41); and documented impact (v. 42). The effects of this second miracle correspond to those in the Aeneas miracle. There is widespread knowledge of the event, again stated with hyperbole (cf. Acts 4:16; 19:17), which was followed by numerous conversions: “Many believed on the Lord” (v. 42). That the Lord Jesus is the object of their faith is clear from confessional formulations used in later conversions (11:17; 16:31; cf. 22:19). The following section in Acts (10:1–11:18) unfolds as four scenes set in different geographical locations. Scene 1, Caesarea: Cornelius’s vision (10:1–8); Scene 2, Joppa: Peter’s vision and the messengers from Cornelius (10:9–23a); Scene 3, Caesarea: Peter’s arrival at Cornelius’s house, greetings and interchange, Peter’s sermon, and aftermath (10:23b–48); and Scene 4, Jerusalem: Peter’s defense and the Jerusalem church’s acceptance (11:1–18). Although the narrative is arranged according to geographical movement from Caesarea to Joppa, back to Caesarea, and finally to Jerusalem, the following 88. Luke 22:41; Acts 7:60; 9:40; 20:36; 21:5. 89. As a useful comparison, see the account of Apollonius of Tyana’s reviving a young woman who had died on her wedding day (Philostratus, Life Apollon. T. 4.45); discussion in Klauck 2003, 173–74.

226

Acts 10:1–8

treatment focuses on individual literary units: Cornelius’s vision in Caesarea (Acts 10:1–8); Peter’s vision in Joppa (10:9–16); Peter receives the messengers of Cornelius (10:17–23a); Peter travels to Caesarea and meets with Cornelius (10:23b–33); Peter’s sermon to Cornelius’s family and friends (10:34–43); gentiles receive the Holy Spirit and are baptized (10:44–48); and Peter answers critics in the Jerusalem church (11:1–18). The importance of Cornelius’s conversion is reflected by the amount of space devoted to it by Luke. It is the longest episode in Acts (10:1–11:18; 145 lines in NA28), slightly exceeding the report of Paul’s voyage to Rome (27:1–28:16; 142 lines in NA28). 10:1–8 Cornelius’s Vision in Caesarea Now there was a certain man in Caesarea named Cornelius, a centurion of the Italian cohort. 2 He was a devout, Godfearing man,a along with his whole household, who contributed generously to Jewish causes and prayed to God on a regular basis.b 3 About three o’clock one afternoon,c he experienced a vision in which he saw clearly an angel of God, who came into his room and said to him,d “Cornelius!” 4 Now gazing at the angel and becoming afraid, he replied, “What is it, Sir?” And the angel said to him, “Your prayers and your generous gifts have ascended as a memorial offering before God.e 5 And now, send men to Joppa and summon a certain Simon, who is called Peter. 6 He is staying as a guest with a certain Simon, a tanner, whose house is by the sea.” 7 Now after the angel who was speaking to him left, Cornelius called two household slaves and a soldier from his retinue who was godly.f 8 And after explaining to them everything that had happened, he sent them to Joppa. 10:1

a. Lit., “devout (or pious) and fearing God” (eusebēs kai phoboumenos ton theon). b. Lit., “making many alms to the people [of Israel] and asking of God always” (poiōn eleēmosynas pollas tō laō kai deomenos tou theou dia pantos). c. Lit., “like around the ninth hour of the day” (hōsei peri ōran enatēn tēs hēmeras). d. Lit., “he saw in a vision clearly . . . an angel of God having entered to him and said to him” (eiden en horamati phanerōs . . . angelon tou theou eiselthonta pros auton kai eiponta autō). e. Lit., “Your prayers and your alms have gone up for a memory [reminder] before God” (hai proseuchai sou kai hai eleēmosynai sou anebēsan eis mnēmosynon emprosthen tou theou). f. Lit., “two [members] of his household and a soldier [who was] pious of those who attended [waited on] him” (duo tōn oiketōn kai stratiōtēn eusebē tōn proskarterountōn autō).

[10:1–8] Caesarea is mentioned earlier as Philip’s destination (8:40) and Saul’s stopover en route to Tarsus (9:30). As the Roman capital of Judea

Cornelius’s Vision in Caesarea 227

(Tacitus, Hist. 2.78) located on the Mediterranean coast about 30 miles (48 km) north of Joppa and 60 miles (97 km) northwest of Jerusalem, Caesarea Maritima (thus distinguished from Caesarea Philippi, about 25 miles [40 km] north of the Sea of Galilee at the base of Mount Hermon) served as the administrative center for Roman prefects (and later, procurators). Originally named Strato’s Tower, the city was given to Herod the Great by Octavian in 30 BCE, whereupon Herod launched a massive rebuilding program (ca. 22–10 BCE). The city became renowned for its harbor and architectural splendor, most notably “Caesar’s temple” (naos Kaisaros) with its colossal statue of Augustus, after whom a grateful Herod the Great renamed the city Caesarea (Josephus, J.W. 1.408–416). The site of a major dispute between Jews and Greeks, which may have triggered the Jewish revolt against Rome in 66 CE,90 Caesarea became a Roman colony under Vespasian—a fitting gesture since he was declared emperor there by his troops.91 With such close ties to imperial politics, Caesarea naturally became a major center for the promotion of the imperial cult. Subsequent references to Caesarea in Acts reflect the city’s strategic role as the Roman center of power in Palestine: the destination of Herod Agrippa I (Acts 12:19–20), and most notably the place of Paul’s imprisonment “in Herod’s headquarters” (23:35) and his subsequent trials before the procurators Marcus Antonius Felix (24:1–27), Porcius Festus (25:1–12), and Herod Agrippa II (25:13–26:32). Christian presence in Caesarea can be traced to Philip’s first visit (8:40) and his subsequent residence there (21:8–14), along with “disciples from Caesarea” who accompany Paul to Jerusalem (21:16). The name Cornelius, which is linked with the Roman patrician family of Cornelii, is widely attested.92 Its popularity increased dramatically after the Roman dictator Sulla (Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix) freed 10,000 slaves in 82 BCE, then granted them Roman citizenship and “called them Cornelii after himself” (Appian, Civ. W. 1.11.100).93 Like the centurion Julius (Acts 27:1), Cornelius is identified only by his nomen, which conforms to the Julio-­Claudian practice 90. Josephus, J.W. 2.266–292; Ant. 20.173–184. Regardless of the number of years that elapsed between the First Jewish Revolt and the composition of Luke-Acts, the events of 66–74 are now viewed retrospectively by Luke and his readers and perhaps figure centrally in how they construe their own sense of identity, especially vis-à-vis post-70 Judaism. 91. Josephus, J.W. 4.588–604. See L. Levine 1974; and 1975. 92. My discussion of Cornelius draws on Kyrychenko. 93. One of the more well-known examples is Alexander Polyhistor, who was born in Miletus ca. 105 BCE and taken as a prisoner to Rome; after he was freed by Sulla ca. 80 BCE, he took the name L. Cornelius Alexander. As his nickname suggests, he had broad-ranging interests, including Jewish writings from the Hellenistic period, some of which survived in fragmentary form (FGH 722–737). He is remarkable for being a pagan author who actually read and quoted from Jewish writings, thereby preserving them for later writers, such as Eusebius of Caesarea, who cited extracts from them in his Preparation for the Gospel, written ca. 312–14 CE.

228

Acts 10:1–8

of omitting the cognomen for military personnel. A centurion (hekatonarchēs) was a well-established military rank in the Roman army, designating the leader of a century, the basic tactical unit numbering approximately 80 men. In a legion, with 6 centuries constituting a cohort of 480 soldiers and 10 cohorts comprising 4,800 infantrymen, there were 60 centurions. An auxiliary cohort— the unit of the centurion Cornelius—consisted of either 6 or 10 centuries (each led by a centurion), nominally 480 or 800 infantrymen. While the length of service for a Roman soldier was set at 25 years since the time of Augustus, centurions often served longer. They acquired extensive military experience and over the course of their careers became vital links between the soldiers in their units and the higher ranks of military authority. They were typically well paid and sometimes became people of considerable means. Depending on the circumstances, centurions could play a vital role in representing Rome in provincial affairs. One notable example is the centurion Bassus, whom Gaius Caligula sent to Alexandria in 38 CE to arrest Aulus Avillius Flaccus, the prefect of Egypt.94 Other duties known to have been assigned to centurions include the supervision of building projects, such as digging a canal across the isthmus at Corinth,95 enforcing the law,96 and guarding prisoners.97 Given the number of centurions mentioned in ancient sources, it is not surprising that both positive and negative portrayals are given. Sometimes they are praised for their bravery and gallantry;98 at other times they are condemned for their rapacity and corruption.99 Various inscriptions attest the patronage of 94. Philo, Flacc. 109–115. For other examples, see Tacitus, Ann. 2.65–67; 15.5; Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 68.22.3; ILS 3:9200. 95. Suetonius, G. Calig. 21; also see IGR 1:1255, an inscription dated 118 CE mentioning a centurion in charge of construction of a Serapis temple. 96. See P.Oxy. 2234, a papyrus from Oxyrhynchus (31 CE) in which a fisherman who has been assaulted and robbed seeks justice from a centurion; P.Oslo 2.21, a papyrus from the Arsinoite nome in Egypt (71 CE) in which a man petitions a centurion to arrest two thieves; P.Euphr. 5, a papyrus dated 243 CE, in which a Jewish woman petitions a centurion in Coele-Syria concerning the murder of her brother and confiscation of her property. 97. Josephus, Ant. 18.202, 229–232. 98. Several examples appear in Julius Caesar’s Gallic War and Civil War, e.g., Gall. W. 2.25; 5.44; 6.38–40. One notable case is the centurion Cassius Scaeva, whose shield was pierced 230x in his heroic defense of Caesar at Dyrrhachium, and who was promoted by Caesar to the rank of chief centurion (primus pilus). Numerous reports of the incident survive: Appian, Civ. W. 2.9.60; Plutarch, Caes. 16.3–4; Suetonius, Jul. 68.4; Valerius Maximus, Mem. 3.2.23. 99. One frequently reported incident is the centurion who raped Chiomara, a Gallic noblewoman, and who, through the woman’s shrewdness, was subsequently killed. Polybius calls him “an ill-bred lout, the slave of both gain and lust” (Polybius, Hist. 21.38.1–7; also reported in Livy, Hist. 38.24.2–10; Plutarch, Brav. Wom. 22, among others). For other negative characterizations of centurions, see Velleius Paterculus, Rom. Hist. 2.20.4; Tacitus, Agr. 15.2, “nothing is beyond the reach of [centurions’] avarice or their lust.” Cicero was assassinated by a centurion (Appian, Civ. W. 4.4.20; Plutarch, Cic. 48.1–6).

Cornelius’s Vision in Caesarea 229

centurions in making gifts to their towns and communities and in underwriting the building of local sanctuaries.100 The precise identity of the “Italian cohort” is uncertain (Acts 10:1). Probably in view is the cohors II Italica voluntariorum civium romanorum, an auxiliary cohort whose existence as part of the Roman army in Syria is attested in the second half of the first century CE. Auxiliary cohorts, which complemented the heavy infantry of the legions and typically included light infantry, cavalry, archers, and other specialized roles, were recruited from various sources, depending on specific military needs, location, and availability of men. Although legionary soldiers were Roman citizens, auxiliary soldiers typically were not, although cases of citizen recruitment into auxiliary cohorts were also known. Cornelius’s status as a centurion in the Italian cohort does not necessarily imply his Roman citizenship. In describing Cornelius as a “devout man who feared God with all his household” (NRSV) (eusebēs kai phoboumenos ton theon syn panti tō oikō autou, Acts 10:2; cf. 10:22, 35), Luke uses language that elsewhere (13:16, 26) seems to have the technical meaning “Godfearer”: a gentile attracted to Judaism but who has not become a full-fledged proselyte by undergoing circumcision, being immersed in water, and presenting an offering in the temple. Apparently equivalent is the closely related phrase “the one who worships God” (ho sebomenos ton theon), used by Luke to describe Lydia (Acts 16:14) and Titius Justus (18:7). A similar distinction appears to be made by Josephus (Ant. 14.110), who refers to “all the Jews throughout the habitable world and those who worshiped God” (sebomenoi ton theon), although the phrase might be rendered “all the Jews worshiping God throughout the world.”101 Some scholars doubt whether such language refers to a distinct, identifiable group of gentiles who were favorably inclined toward Judaism and distinguishable from natural-born Jews and proselytes. They notice, among other things, that the phrase “those who fear God” and similar language are used in the LXX to describe pious Israelites.102 Part of the problem is the ambiguity of Lukan terminology, as in Acts 13:43, “many of the Jews and devout proselytes” (polloi tōn Ioudaiōn kai tōn sebomenōn prosēlytōn); also 17:17, “the Jews and the devout persons” (NRSV) (tois Ioudaiois kai tois sebomenois). Later inscriptional evidence, however, especially the Miletus and Aphrodisias inscriptions dated in the second or third century CE, suggests that “Godfearers” (theosebeis) constituted a group distinct 100. IGR 3:1128, an inscription (191 CE) that mentions the centurion Julius Germanus for building the Tychaion in Aere, a town about thirty miles (48 km) south of Damascus, calling him “the benefactor and founder of Aere.” Also see AE 1978, No. 286 (early first c. CE); ILS 1:2544 (first c. CE); ILS 1:2081 (second c. CE); ILS 1:2666 (second c. CE). These inscriptions are conveniently available in Campbell. 101. See BegC 5:85. 102. E.g., in LXX: Pss 14:4; 21:24; 117:4 (ET: 15:4; 22:23; 118:4); 2 Chr 5:6; cf. 3 Macc 3:4.

230

Acts 10:1–8

from Jews and full proselytes. Juvenal (Sat. 14.96–106) implies different levels of devotion toward Judaism among non-Jews.103 As one whose religious devotion rivaled, if not exceeded, that of even the most devout Jew, Cornelius is introduced as an exemplary figure with impeccable credentials, the perfect test case. He embodies the moral paradox that challenges religious (and ethnic) exclusivism: qualified by character, disqualified by birth. The inherited categories, labels, and stereotypes have equated “gentile” and “unclean,” yet here is a gentile in whom there is no trace of uncleanness. He is utterly clean, religiously and morally—the quintessential “good moral man.” The old assumptions say that he should be avoided, quarantined (Acts 10:28); in reality, he is the ideal neighbor everyone dreams of. As a champion of inclusion, he has transcended ethnic barriers, supporting Jewish causes. This has won him acceptance by the Jewish people (v. 22) and the God they worship (v. 4). Yet, for all his generosity, he remains outside the pale, the object of exclusion. Envisioned in Cornelius’s “whole household” (syn panti tō oikō autou, 10:2) is his immediate family, along with “household slaves” (dyo tōn oiketōn, v. 7; cf. v. 24).104 The presence of family does not imply that Cornelius is retired.105 Having “a soldier from his retinue” at his command (v. 7) suggests active duty. Almsgiving and prayer are twin virtues of Jewish piety.106 As a “memorial offering before God” (v. 4), their effect is equivalent to the “pleasing odor” of baked grain offerings.107 His generosity recalls that of the centurion whose servant Jesus healed (Luke 7:5). Cornelius’s midafternoon prayer (Minhah [minḥâ] in rabbinic practice, in which the Amidah [ʿamidah] is recited) signals his devotion to Judaism (see comments on Acts 3:1).108 Experiencing a vision (horama, 10:3) aligns Cornelius with Moses (Acts 7:31), yet also with Ananias (9:10–16), Peter (10:17, 19; 11:5; 12:9), and Paul.109 The appearance of an “angel of God” (angelos tou theou) or an “angel of the Lord” (angelos tou kyriou, 10:3) is a prominent feature

103. See Schürer 3.1:150–76, esp. 166–68; Lake 1933a; Moore 1927–30, 1:323–53; Reynolds and Tannenbaum 48–66; Levinskaya 51–126; NewDocs 9:73–80 (no. 25); Pervo 2009a, 332–34; BDAG 917–18 s.v. sebō and 1060–62 s.v. phobeō. 104. The Greek term oiketēs, lit., “member of the household,” includes house slaves, domestic workers, and slaves generally. See BDAG 694 s.v. oiketēs. 105. Although Roman soldiers on active duty could not marry, this restriction was relaxed by Claudius (Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 60.24.3–4) and in some cases ignored (56.20.2–5). Wives of centurions are mentioned in some inscriptions. 106. See Tob 12:8; Sir 7:10; cf. Matt 6:2–6; 1 Pet 4:7–10; 2 Clem. 16.4; Did. 15.4. 107. Lev 2:2, 9, 16; cf. Sir 35:1–13; 38:11; 45:16. 108. See Kimelman 588–91; Moore 1927–30, 2:212–36, esp. 220; also Lenhardt 1997a and 1997b. 109. Acts 9:3–6, 12, 17; 16:9–10; 18:9; cf. 22:17–18; 23:11; 26:19; 27:23.

Peter’s Vision in Joppa 231

of Luke-Acts.110 Simon the tanner, already introduced in 9:43 as Simon’s host in Joppa, practices an odoriferous trade understandably carried out in a house near the coast rather than in a densely packed neighborhood. A three-person delegation of “two household slaves” and a pious soldier under Cornelius’s command ensures the veracity of the report (10:7). Later (10:20) they are described as acting at the behest of the Holy Spirit. 10:9–16 Peter’s Vision in Joppa The next day, as they were on their way and approaching Joppa,a around noonb Peter went up on the housetop to pray. 10 He became hungry and wanted to eat. And while they were making preparations, a trance came over him. 11 He saw heaven split open and a container coming down, resembling a large sheet being lowered to the earth by its four corners. 12 In it were all sorts of earthly creatures, both quadrupeds and reptiles, and wild birds.c 13 Then a voice said to him,d “Get up, Peter. Kill and eat!”e 14 And Peter said, “No way, Sir!f For I have never eaten anything common and unclean.”g 15 And again, a voice said to him a second time, “Things that God has declared clean, do not consider unclean.”h 16 Now this happened yet a third time, and immediately the container was taken back up into heaven. 10:9

a. Lit., “the city” (tē polei). b. Lit., “around the sixth hour” (peri hōran hektēn). c. Lit., “in which were all [kinds of] four-footed creatures and reptiles of the earth and birds of the heaven” (en hō hypērchen panta ta tetrapoda kai herpeta tēs gēs kai peteina tou ouranou). d. Lit., “and a voice came to him” (kai egeneto phōnē pros auton). e. Gk. thyson kai phage. Since the first term signifies slaughtering for sacrificial or ceremonial purposes, the second term might imply eating the sacrificed animal. Understood this way, the divine command could be rendered: “Slaughter one of these animals sacrificially and eat it as a sacrificial offering.” f. Or, “Never, Lord!” (mēdamōs, kyrie). g. Or, “defiled and ritually impure” (koinon kai akatharton); thus, not kosher. h. Or, “stop calling [declaring] as unclean” (sy mē koinou), expressing the force of the negative imperative in the present tense: stopping an action in progress.

[10:9–16] “Next day” (tē epaurion) is one of several temporal indicators that mark the sequence of events (10:23–24, 30; 11:11). Noontime prayer reflects the psalmist’s practice (Ps 55:17; cf. Dan 6:10). “Trance” (ekstasis, Acts 10:10; 110. Luke 1:11–19 (Gabriel); 1:26–38 (Gabriel); 2:8–21; cf. 22:43; 24:23; Acts 5:19; 7:30, 35, 38; 8:26; 10:3, 7, 22; 11:13; 12:7–11, 23; 27:23.

232

Acts 10:17–23a

22:17) suggests momentary suspension of consciousness, an ecstatic experience in which one “stands outside” oneself while awake, in contrast to a dream, which occurs during sleep. In such a state a vision (horama) can occur (11:5). An “open heaven” (ton ouranon aneōgmenon, 10:11) signals access to God’s space, especially in dramatic revelatory moments such as Jesus’s baptism (Mark 1:10; Matt 3:16; Luke 3:21), Stephen’s death (Acts 7:56), the opening vision of John’s Gospel (John 1:51), and apocalyptic visions (Rev 19:11). The exact nature of the “container” (skeuos, Acts 10:11), possibly “vessel” or even “something,” that descended from heaven is unclear. Possibly in view is a four-cornered cloth sheet (othonē) used as a sail.111 “Earthly creatures, both quadrupeds and reptiles, and wild birds” draws on Gen 1:24 (cf. Gen 6:20; Rom 1:23). The divine command to “kill and eat” without distinguishing between clean and unclean animals directly challenges Lev 11, which gives a detailed list that clearly delineates clean and unclean animals of every type. “Things that God has declared clean” (Acts 10:15) may recall the time of creation before the Levitical distinctions were introduced. The triple repetition of the vision signals dramatic intensity. 10:17–23a Peter Receives the Messengers of Cornelius Now as Peter was going over in his own minda what this vision he had seen might possibly mean, suddenlyb the men who had been sent by Cornelius stood at the gate, asking for directions to Simon’s house. 18 And calling out, they inquired whether Simon, who is called Peter, was staying there as a guest. 19 Now while Peter was still mulling over the vision,c the Spirit said to him, “Look! Three men are looking for you. 20 So get up, go downstairs,d and go with them without hesitating,e because I have sent them.” 21 Going down to meet the men, Peter said, “Here! I am the one you are looking for. Why have you come?”f 22 They replied, “The centurion Cornelius, a righteous and Godfearing mang and highly regarded by the entire Jewish community,h was instructed by a holy angel to invite you to his house and listen to what you have to say.”i 23 Therefore, Peter invited them in and extended them hospitality.j 10:17

a. Or, “and as he was greatly perplexed within himself” (hōs de en heautō diēporei); or “now as he was puzzling within himself.” b. Gk. idou, often translated as “behold.” c. Or, “now while Peter was pondering the vision” (tou de Petrou dienthymoumenou peri tou horamatos). d. Lit., “go down” (katabēthi). 111. BDAG 693 s.v. othonē.

Peter Travels to Caesarea and Meets with Cornelius 233 e. Lit., “doubting nothing” (mēden diakrinomenos); or possibly, “discriminating [in] nothing.” See translation note on 11:12 below. f. Lit., “what is the reason on account of which you are here?” (tis hē aitia di’ hēn pareste). g. Lit., “fearing God” (phoboumenos ton theon). h. Lit., “well spoken of by the whole people [or, nation] of the Jews” (martyroumenos te hypo holou tou ethnous tōn Ioudaiōn). i. Lit., “to hear words from you” (akousai rhēmata para sou). j. Or, “gave them lodging” (autous exenisen).

[10:17–23a] Peter’s puzzlement underscores the fundamental challenge the vision poses to his religious worldview. Similar perplexity is experienced by other characters in Luke-Acts (Luke 9:7; 24:4; Acts 2:12; 5:24). The arrival of Cornelius’s three messengers implies that the delegation made the thirty-mile journey from Joppa to Caesarea in one or two days. The Spirit’s instruction to Peter (10:19–20; cf. 11:7) is one of several instances in Acts in which the Holy Spirit speaks in direct discourse (see 8:29; 13:2; 21:11). The messengers’ description of Cornelius (10:22) recapitulates Luke’s earlier description (v. 2). “Righteous” (dikaios, v. 22) connotes moral rectitude, whereas “devout” (eusebēs, vv. 2, 7) signifies respect or piety directed toward God. Being “highly regarded by the entire Jewish community” (v. 22) makes explicit that the “people” (laos) in 10:2 refers to the Jewish people. “Holy angel” (angelos hagios, v. 22) appropriately describes the “angel of God” (angelos theou) mentioned earlier (v. 3). 10:23b–33 Peter Travels to Caesarea and Meets with Cornelius The next day, he got up and left with them, and some of the brothers from Joppa accompanied him. 24 The following day he arrived at Caesarea. Now Cornelius was expecting them, since he had invited his family and close friends. 25 Now here is what happened: When Peter entered, Cornelius met him, fell at his feet, and worshiped him. 26 But Peter helped him up, saying, “Stand up! I too am human.”a 27 And while conversing with him, Peter entered and foundb the crowd of folks who had come together.c 28 He said to them, “You know that it is unlawful for a Jewish man to associate with or come near a gentile.d Yet God has shown me that I should speak of no human being as common or unclean. 29 So, when I was summoned, I came without objection. I ask, therefore, ‘Why have you summoned me?’” 30 Cornelius said, “Four days ago at this very hour,e I was praying in my home at three o’clock in the afternoon,f when suddenly a man stood before me in shining clothes. 31 And he said, ‘Cornelius, your prayer was heard and your generous gifts were remembered before God.g 32 Send, therefore, to Joppa and summon Simon, who 10:23b

234

Acts 10:23b–33

is called Peter. He is staying as a guest in the house of Simon, a tanner, who lives beside the sea.’ 33 Thus I immediately sent for you, and you did well to come. Now then, all of us are in God’s presence to hear everything the Lord has instructed you to say.”h a. Lit., “I myself also am a man [human]” (kai egō autos anthrōpos eimi). b. Lit., “finds” (heuriskei), a historical present, i.e., a present action understood as past; often used in narrative. c. Lit., “the many [people] who had come together” (synelēlythotas pollous). d. Lit., “to have dealings with or approach a foreigner [someone from another tribe or ethnic group]” (kollasthai ē proserchesthai allophylō). In the LXX, allophylos is used of Philistines; see Judg 14:1. e. Lit., “from four days until this [very] hour” (apo tetartēs hēmeras mechri tautēs tēs hōras). f. Lit., “at the ninth [hour]” (tēn enatēn). g. Lit., “Your prayer was heard and your alms were remembered before God” (eisēkousthē sou hē proseuchē kai hai eleēmosynai sou emnēsthēsan enōpion tou theou); the latter phrase might be rendered, “your alms [charities] were received as a memorial offering before God.” See above, v. 4. h. Or, “to hear all the things that have been commanded [to] you by the Lord” (akousai panta ta prostetagmena soi hypo tou kyriou). “The Lord” may be the Lord Jesus, although some manuscripts (∏74.127 D L 81c 1241. 1505) specify that it is “the Lord God.”

[10:23b–33] The “brothers from Joppa” who accompany Peter are part of the sizeable Christian group in Joppa introduced earlier (9:36–43). “Brothers” (adelphoi) is one of several Lukan terms designating Jesus’s followers.112 Later they are described as “the circumcised believers [hoi ek peritomēs pistoi] who had come with Peter” (10:45 NRSV). Their number is given as six (11:12). Their status as Jewish Christians present at Cornelius’s house makes them valuable witnesses to this momentous event. They are apparently present with Peter in Jerusalem when he defends his actions to the Jewish Christians there (11:12). “Next day” and “following day” (10:23b–24) carefully delineate the time required to travel from Joppa to Caesarea. “His family and close friends” (tous syngeneis autou kai tous anankaious philous, v. 24) extends Peter’s audience beyond Cornelius’s immediate household. Implied is a large group of gentile listeners (v. 27). “Falling at [someone’s] feet” (pesōn epi tous podas, v. 25) is a gesture of respect,113 sometimes accompanied by worship (Rev 19:10; 22:8), usually offered to a deity or to a supernatural human being (Matt 28:9, 17). Peter’s 112. Acts 9:30; 11:1, 12, 29; 12:17; 14:2; 15:1, 3, 7, 13, 22–23, 32–33, 36, 40; 16:2, 40; 17:6, 10, 14; 18:18, 27; 21:7, 17, 20; 22:5; 28:14–15. 113. See 1 Sam 25:23–24; 2 Kgs 4:37; Esth 8:3; Isa 60:14; Mark 7:25; John 11:32; Rev 1:17.

Peter’s Sermon to Cornelius’s Family and Friends 235

disclaimer echoes his earlier remark (Acts 3:12) and anticipates the response of Paul and Barnabas at Lystra (14:15; cf. Wis 7:1; Rev 19:10). Jewish attitudes toward gentiles in the ancient world can range from unqualified exclusion to cautious inclusion, depending upon the circumstances. What some Palestinian Jews think (and say) about the Seleucids during the Maccabean revolt differs from what other Palestinian Jews who embrace Greek values and customs think or say. The former draw sharp boundaries between Jews and gentiles, while the latter do not. Both Palestinian and diaspora Jews are known to have had various social dealings with gentiles. Peter’s statement in Acts 10:28 envisions sharply defined ethnic difference between Jews and gentiles, comparable to Jub. 22.16, “Separate yourself from the gentiles, and do not eat with them, and do not perform deeds like theirs. Because their deeds are defiled, and all of their ways are contaminated, and despicable, and abominable.” Similar attitudes are expressed repeatedly in the Mishnah (e.g., m. ʾOhal. 18:7; m. Ber. 8:6; m. ʿAbod. Zar. passim).114 This separatist tradition appears to have motivated Peter later to remain aloof from gentile Christians, for which he was duly censured by Paul (Gal 2:14). Peter’s request for Cornelius to explain his invitation (Acts 10:29) appears slightly redundant, since the messengers have explained it earlier (v. 22). Nevertheless, Cornelius rehearses the details once again (vv. 30–32). “Four days ago” fits the temporal markers given by Luke (vv. 9, 23–24). One new element is the description of the angel (v. 3) as a “man . . . in shining clothes” (v. 30; cf. 1:10; 2 Macc 11:8). Like Peter, Cornelius acts quickly and obediently (v. 33). Being gathered “in God’s presence” (enōpion tou theou) lends even greater credence to the occasion, a reminder of God’s overall agency in extending salvation to gentiles. 10:34–43 Peter’s Sermon to Cornelius’s Family and Friends Then Peter spoke upa and said, “I truly understand that God is impartial,b 35 but in every nation the one who fears God and practices righteousnessc is acceptable to him. 36 This is the word [that] God sent to the sons of Israel by announcing the good news of peace through Jesus Christ:d He is the Lord of everyone. 37 You know the message that spread 10:34

114. Avoidance of unclean things, especially unclean food, is rooted in the biblical tradition (Isa 52:11; Dan 1:8–17; Jdt 12:1–2; Tob 1:10–11; cf. 3 Macc 3:4). Pagan perception of Jews as standoffish is exemplified by Tacitus, Hist. 5.5: “They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart” (separati epulis, discreti cubilibus). The entire mishnaic tractate ʿAbodah Zarah is devoted to idolatry and spells out the ways in which Jews may or may not relate to gentiles. On Jewish separateness from gentiles, see Stern 2:39, who notes Hecataeus of Abdera, apud Diodorus S., Hist. 40.3.4; Apollonius Molon, apud Josephus, Ag. Ap. 2.258; Diodorus S., Hist. 34.1.2; also cf. Apion, apud Josephus, Ag. Ap. 2.121.

236

Acts 10:34–43

through the whole of Judea, starting from Galilee after the ministry of John the Baptiste 38 —the message about Jesus from Nazareth—how God anointed him with the Holy Spirit and power; he traveled from place to placef doing good thingsg and healing all who were dominated by the devil, because God was with him. 39 And we are witnesses of all the things he did in the country of the Jewsh and in Jerusalem. And the one whom they executed by hanging him on a cross,i 40 this very man God raised on the third day and enabled him to become visible,j 41 not to all the people but to witnesses earlier appointed by God—to us, we who ate and drank with him after he rose from the dead. 42 And he instructed us to preach to the people and to bear witness, saying, ‘He is the one whom God selected to be judge of the living and the dead.’ 43 All the prophets bear witness to this: Everyone who believes in him receives forgiveness of sins through his name.” a. Lit., “opening the mouth” (anoixas to stoma). b. Or, “has no favorites” (ouk prosōpolēmptēs). c. NRSV: “does what is right” (ergazomenos dikaiosynēn); possibly, “does justice.” d. Lit., “by gospeling peace through Jesus Christ” (euangelizomenos eirēnēn dia Iēsou Christou). e. Lit., “after the baptism that John preached” (meta to baptisma ho ekēryxen). f. Gk. diēlthen, “he went through(out)” or “he went about” (NRSV). g. Gk. euergetōn. h. Gk. en tē chōra tōn Ioudaiōn, possibly “in the Judean countryside.” i. Lit., “they did away with him by hanging him on a tree” (aneilan kremasantes epi xylou). j. Lit., “gave him to become visible” (edōken auton emphanē genesthai), probably implying, “gave him power to become visible.”

[10:34–43] Rather than exhibiting a neat outline, Peter’s sermon expounds several themes: God’s impartiality and universal accessibility (vv. 34–35); God’s message to Israel: peace through Jesus Christ, who is Lord of all (vv. 36–38); witnessing to Jesus’s death, resurrection, and appearances (vv. 39–41); and Jesus as universal judge ordained by God, Jesus as the fulfillment of prophecy, and forgiveness of sins through faith in Jesus’s name (vv. 42–43). Unlike previous missionary sermons in Acts, this one opens with a declaration of God’s impartiality (ouk prosōpolēmptēs).115 Specifically, this means that God cannot be bribed (Deut 10:17; 2 Chr 19:7; Sir 35:14), but also in view is God’s equitable treatment of people regardless of their social status (Job 34:19; Sir 35:14–17). God’s impartiality is a cardinal Pauline principle in the gentile mission (Rom 2:11; Gal 2:6) and became a maxim in early Christian 115. See Bassler; also Roetzel and Foster.

Peter’s Sermon to Cornelius’s Family and Friends 237

thought.116 Here the maxim captures the effect of Peter’s vision: God does not favor one ethnic group over another. Peter now “truly [ep’ alētheias] understands” this (Acts 10:34). Peter’s vision constitutes his own conversion experience—at least, the transformation of his mind, which after all is the most critical part of conversion (Rom 12:2). Worth noting is the truly radical change signified in Luke’s description of these events. Considering the long-established tradition of purity laws and how deeply embedded they were in Jewish thought and practice, the church’s decision to challenge them could not have been made lightly. Nor could the implementation of this change in the everyday life of the church have been easy, especially in communities in which Jews and gentiles sought to be disciples of Jesus. Fearing God and practicing righteousness are now recognized as behaviors found “in every nation” (en panti ethnei, Acts 10:35); they are no longer limited to one group of people, regardless of their claim to favored treatment by God. Fear of God is understood here as reverential respect before the Deity rather than living in constant terror before an angry, capricious deity (Acts 10:2, 22; 13:16, 26). A profile of “doing what is right,” or enacted justice, is provided in Ps 15:2–5. Being “acceptable to God” reflects cultic practice in which sacrificial offerings win God’s favor (Lev 1:3; 19:5; 22:17–27). The universalistic thrust of Peter’s language expresses the spirit of Isa 56:6–7, which envisions foreigners, probably proselytes, being given access to the holy mount and bringing offerings and sacrifices acceptable to God; similar is Mal 1:10–11, in which gentiles are able to worship God acceptably. Paul thinks of gentiles in similar terms (Rom 15:16).117 The “word that God sent out” (Acts 10:36) recalls Ps 107:20. Israel as the exclusive audience of God’s word echoes Ps 147:18–19. Israel’s privilege in hearing the gospel first is emphasized by Paul at the synagogue in Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:26). Acts 10:36 aptly characterizes Luke’s Gospel, which portrays Jesus as preaching primarily to “the sons of Israel.”118 The “good news of peace through Jesus Christ” is already anticipated in the Lukan prologue, 116. See Eph 6:9; Col 3:25; 1 Pet 1:17; cf. 1 Clem. 1.3; Barn. 4.12; Pol. Phil. 6.1. 117. For similar use of such sacrificial metaphors, see Phil 4:18; 1 Pet 2:5. 118. In Mark’s Gospel, Jesus’s mission extends to the coastal regions of Tyre and Sidon, where he heals the daughter of the Syrophoenician woman, specifically identified as a gentile (Mark 7:26). Earlier his healing of the Gerasene demoniac was heralded in the Decapolis, which was mainly gentile territory (Mark 5:20). Luke omits the story of the Syrophoenician woman. He includes the Gerasene demoniac story, but omits the report throughout the Decapolis. Luke also omits Mark’s story of the healing of the deaf mute, which is located in the Decapolis (Mark 7:31–37). Luke does, however, include the healing of the centurion’s servant (Luke 7:1–10) and reports Jesus’s explicit recognition of his gentile status (7:9). Also worth noting is Luke’s omission of Mark’s report of Jesus’s teaching about what defiles a person (Mark 7:1–23), in which Jesus, according to the narrator’s parenthetical remark, “declared all foods clean” (7:19).

238

Acts 10:34–43

when John the Baptist is seen as the herald of an age of peace (Luke 1:79), and the angelic heavenly host announces earthly peace “among those whom [God] favors” (Luke 2:14). This represents the fulfillment of prophetic hopes (Isa 52:7; Nah 1:15; cf. Eph 2:17; 6:15). Jesus’s universal lordship—“he is Lord of everyone” (houtos estin pantōn kyrios, Acts 10:36b)—is seen by some as a parenthetical claim, attributable directly to the narrator rather than to Peter himself.119 Regardless of who uttered it, this claim is a direct challenge to a Roman soldier’s exclusive loyalty to Caesar. In Festus’s remarks to Agrippa, the term kyrios refers to the Roman emperor (25:26). Using such language to attribute universal dominion to Roman emperors was commonplace.120 Peter’s claim resonates with similar claims of God’s universal dominion (Wis 6:7; 8:3) and also with early Christian claims about Jesus (Matt 28:18; Rom 10:12). The force of this christological claim is that Jesus’s lordship embraces all humanity, not one ethnic group exclusively. This resonates with Paul’s insistence upon the singularity of God and equal access to God by both Jews and gentiles and, by extension, one way of accessing God’s enacted righteousness—by faith (Rom 3:27–31). Acts 10:37–43 provide a capsule summary of the Jesus story, especially as reported in the Synoptic Gospels. Discrete elements comprise the basic story line: Jesus of Nazareth as the central character (v. 38: cf. Mark 1:9, 24; Luke 2:4; 4:16); the ministry of John the Baptist as the starting point (v. 37: Mark 1:2–11; Luke 3:1–17), although the entire story is seen as the fulfillment of earlier prophetic expectations (v. 43: Mark 1:2–3; Luke 24:27, 44; Acts 3:18, 24; 24:14; 26:22; 28:23); Jesus’s ministry in Galilee (Mark 1:14; 3:7; 9:30; Luke 4:14), which eventually spread to Judea (v. 37: Mark 10:1; Luke 9:51; 19:28); Jesus’s being anointed with the Holy Spirit and power, probably a reference to his baptism (Mark 1:9–11; Luke 3:21–22; cf. 1 Sam 16:13; Acts 4:27) though possibly a reference to the Nazareth Inaugural (Luke 4:16–30; cf. Isa 61:1); Jesus as a benevolent, itinerant miracle worker who exorcised demons (v. 38b: Mark 1:21–28, 32–34; Luke 4:40–41; 8:26–39; 11:14–26); and divine approval of Jesus’s ministry (v. 38c: Acts 2:22; cf. Isa 58:11; John 3:2; 8:29). 119. “He is Lord of all” (10:36b) is placed in parentheses in KJV, ASV, RSV; also by Barrett 1994–98, 1:489; Fitzmyer, NIB, NRSV, and REB do not enclose it in parenthesis. Although the grammar is a little unusual, “He is Lord of all” can be construed as the content of the “word” (logon) that God sent to the sons of Israel. 120. Epictetus, Disc. 4.1.12, “Caesar, the lord of all” (ho pantōn kyrios kaisar); Lucan, Civ. W. 9.20, “the lord of the world” (dominus mundi); Martial, Epig. 8.2.5–6, “the lord and god of the entire world” (omni terrarum domino deoque), of Domitian; Suetonius, Dom. 13.2, “our lord and god” (dominus et deus noster), as a form of address for Domitian; and Philo, Emb. Gaius 286, 356, “lord” (kyrios), of Gaius Caligula. Numerous papyri and ostraka refer to Nero as “lord” (kyrios). See SIG 2:814, 30–31, 55–56. Also cf. Epictetus, Disc. 1.14.15. See Rowe 105–6; Kyrychenko 174–75. On the cult of rulers and emperors, see Klauck 2003, 250–330.

Peter’s Sermon to Cornelius’s Family and Friends 239

At this point the summary shifts to the final stage of Jesus’s ministry in Judea and Jerusalem (Acts 10:39), with particular emphasis on the role of the apostles and others who have witnessed these events (v. 39). The basic elements of early Christian preaching are compactly summarized: Jesus’s crucifixion (v. 39b);121 his resurrection on the third day (v. 40);122 his appearances, not to everyone but to specially chosen witnesses (vv. 40–41);123 his postresurrection interactions with these witnesses (v. 41);124 the risen Lord’s instructions to the witnesses to preach and bear witness to what they have experienced (v. 42);125 the proclamation of Jesus as the universal judge ordained by God (v. 42);126 and forgiveness of sins in the name of Jesus extended to those who believe in him (v. 43).127 Some have detected close congruence between this kerygmatic summary and the Gospel of Mark; others regard it as a capsule account of Luke’s Gospel. In some respects it is close to neither, for example, in its emphasis on Jesus’s “doing good” and exorcising demons without any explicit mention of his teaching, most notably his proclamation of the kingdom of God. Mention of postresurrection appearances when Jesus ate and drank with his disciples is more closely aligned with Luke 24 than with Mark, which reports no actual appearances by the risen Lord. The importance of witnesses (martyres, Acts 10:39) is a Lukan emphasis.128 The risen Lord as the one who initiated the disciples’ mission (v. 42) recalls Luke 24:44–49. Jesus as the one ordained by God to be “judge of the living and the dead” (Acts 10:42) may recall the Synoptic depiction of Jesus, the Son of Man, as eschatological judge,129 although this particular formulation resonates more closely with other NT witnesses.130 Forgiveness of sins, especially in the name of Jesus, is distinctively Lukan.131 121. See Mark 14:21–41; Luke 23:32–49; Acts 2:23; 5:30; cf. Gal 3:13; Deut 21:22–23. 122. See Mark 16:1–8; Luke 24:1–12, esp. v. 7; cf. 1 Cor 15:4; also Acts 2:24, 32; 3:15; 4:10; 5:30; 13:30, 34, 37; 17:31. Jesus’s resurrection on the third day is a fixed element of the Gospel tradition. Mark typically says “after three days” (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:34). The other Synoptic evangelists specify “on the third day” (Matt 16:21; 17:23; 20:19; 27:64; Luke 9:22; 18:33; 24:7, 46). See BDAG 639 s.v. meta B.2. 123. See Luke 24:13–49. 124. Luke 24:13–49; Acts 1:3–11; cf. John 21:13. 125. Luke 24:44–49; Acts 1:8; 4:20. 126. See Luke 21:27, 36; cf. Acts 17:31; Rom 2:16; 14:9; 2 Cor 5:10; 2 Tim 4:1; 1 Pet 4:5; John 5:22. 127. Luke 24:47; cf. Isa 33:24. 128. Luke 24:48; Acts 1:8, 22; 2:32; 3:15; 5:32; passim; cf. John 14:19–24; 15:26–27; 1 Pet 5:1. 129. Cf. Luke 12:40; 17:24, 26, 30; 21:27, 36; 22:69. 130. Rom 14:9; 2 Tim 4:1; 1 Pet 4:5; cf. John 5:22, 27. 131. Luke 24:47; Acts 2:38; 3:19; 13:38; also Luke 1:77; 3:3; 5:24; Acts 5:31; 26:18; yet cf. Mark 1:4, in John the Baptist’s preaching.

240

Acts 10:44–48

10:44–48 Gentiles Receive the Holy Spirit and Are Baptized While Peter was still speaking these words, the Holy Spirit fell upon all those listening to the word. 45 The Jewish Christiansa who had come with Peter were astonished because the gift of the Holy Spirit was also poured out even on the gentiles. 46 For they were listening while the gentilesb were speaking in tongues and magnifying God. Then Peter answered, 47 “Surely, there is no one here who can prevent these gentiles from receiving baptism, since they have received the Holy Spirit in the same way we did!” 48 He ordered them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ. Then they asked him to remain a few days. 10:44

a. Lit., “those of the circumcision, the faithful ones” (hoi ek peritomēs pistoi). b. Lit., “they” (autōn).

[10:44–48] This effusion of the Holy Spirit mimics that of Pentecost (2:4) and is an extension of the risen Lord’s promise (1:8; cf. Rom 5:5; Titus 3:6). Unlike the transfer of the Holy Spirit to the Samaritans, which is conveyed through the laying on of the apostles’ hands (Acts 8:15–17), this is a direct empowerment by the Holy Spirit. To allay any doubt that those “listening to the word” (10:44) are gentiles, Luke makes this explicit by reporting the reaction of the Jewish Christians from Joppa who have accompanied Peter to Caesarea (v. 45). “Even on the gentiles” captures their astonishment (cf. 11:1, 18; 13:48; 14:27; 15:7, 12). The Pentecost experience is replicated by the gentiles’ “speaking in tongues and magnifying God” (10:46; cf. 2:4, 11; 19:6; 1 Cor 14). Especially remarkable is where this outpouring of the Holy Spirit occurs: at Caesarea, the Roman capital of Judea and thus a symbol of gentile power. With this report Luke shows that access to the Holy Spirit is no longer confined to Jerusalem and Judea, nor to the temple, bastion of Jewish power. Peter’s remark in Acts 10:47 equates the gentiles’ reception of the Holy Spirit with that of the apostles and other Jews at Pentecost: “they have received the Holy Spirit in the same way we did.”132 As at Pentecost, baptism in the name of Jesus Christ is required for gentiles to be admitted to full fellowship (2:38; 8:16; 19:5; cf. 1 Cor 1:13–15); and given the promise in the concluding words of Peter’s sermon (10:43), baptism also bestows forgiveness of sins. Peter’s willingness to remain a few days with these new gentile converts signals his full acceptance of them and his willingness to fellowship with them (cf. John 4:40). 132. On the reception of the Holy Spirit, see Acts 2:38; 8:15, 17, 19; 10:47; 19:2–7. See comments on 8:36.

Peter Answers Jerusalem Critics 241

11:1–18 Peter Answers Jerusalem Critics Now the apostles and the brothers who were in Judea heard that the gentiles had also received the word of God. 2 And when Peter went up to Jerusalem, those of the circumcision took issue with him, 3 saying, “You entered the house of uncircumcised mena and ate with them!” 4 So, starting at the beginning, Peter explained exactly what happened. 5 “I was in the city of Joppa praying, and I experienced this ecstatic vision:b A container resembling a large sheet coming down from heaven, let down by its four corners, came into my presence.c 6 As I stared at it, trying to make sense of it, I saw that it was filled with four-footed, earthly creatures, both animals and reptiles, as well as wild birds.d 7 And I also heard a voice saying to me, ‘Get up, Peter. Kill and eat!’ 8 And I said, ‘No way, Sir! For nothing common or unclean has ever entered my mouth.’ 9 The voice from heaven made a second reply, ‘Things that God has made clean, do not consider unclean.’ 10 This happened three times, and then everything was taken back up into heaven. 11 Now, at that very moment three men who had been sent to me from Caesarea stood at the house in which I was staying. 12 And the Spirit told me to go with them, regardless of their nationality.e And they came with me, along with these six brothers, and we entered the man’s house. 13 He related to us how he had seen the angel in his house standing and saying, ‘Send to Joppa and fetch Simon, the one called Peter, 14 who will speak to you words that will bring salvation both to you and your entire household.’f 15 Now as I started speaking, the Holy Spirit fell upon them, just as it did upon us at the beginning.g 16 And I recalled the Lord’s remark, when he said, ‘John baptized with water, but you will be baptized with the Holy Spirit.’ 17 If, therefore, God gave them the same gift that we received when we believed on the Lord Jesus Christ,h who was I that I could stop God?” 18 Now when they heard these things, they became silent and praised God, saying, “So, even to the gentiles has God given life-giving repentance!”i 11:1

a. Lit., “you went in with men having uncircumcision” (eisēlthes pros andras akrobystian echontas). b. Lit., “I saw in [a state of] ecstasy a vision” (eidon en ekstasei horama). c. Lit., “and came up to me” (kai ēlthen achri emou), or “and came to where I was.” BDAG 161 s.v. achri 2. d. Lit., “the quadrupeds of the earth and the animals and the reptiles and the birds of the heaven” (ta tetrapoda tēs gēs kai ta thēria kai ta herpeta kai ta peteina tou ouranou). e. Lit., “distinguishing nothing” (mēden diakrinanta), i.e., making no distinctions based on who they were. In 10:20 the wording is mēden diakrinomenos, “without hesitation” (following BDAG 231 s.v. diakrinō 2, noting Jas 1:6; 2:4, 6); cf. Acts 15:9,

242

Acts 11:1–18

“he made no distinction between us and them” (outhen diekrinen metaxu hēmōn te kai autōn). Here I adopt the translation of Rieu. f. Lit., “who will speak words to you through which you will be saved, you and all your house” (hos lalēsei rhēmata pros se en hois sōthēsē sy kai pas ho oikos sou). g. Or, “in the beginning” (en archē), i.e., at Pentecost. h. Lit., “as [he gave] us having believed in the Lord Jesus Christ” (hōs kai hēmin pisteusasin epi ton kyrion Iēsoun Christon). i. Lit., “repentance for [unto] life” (tēn metanoian eis zōēn).

[11:1–18] Earlier in the narrative, Luke has carefully documented the prominent leadership role of the apostles in the Jerusalem church, noting in particular their decision to remain in Jerusalem while others fled the persecution (8:1). Their supervisory role over the expanding church is also documented in their response to Philip’s conversion of the Samaritans (8:14). The Jerusalem church also includes “brothers” (9:30), along with “disciples” (9:26). That “the gentiles had also received the word of God” (11:1) aptly summarizes the events of chapter 10. It is not clear whether Peter’s trip to Jerusalem is prompted by criticism that reaches him in Caesarea, but once he arrives in Jerusalem, criticism confronts him directly. The source of the criticism lies with “those of the circumcision” (hoi ek peritomēs, 11:2). Similar language is used to describe the men from Joppa who accompany Peter (10:45). Paul characterizes “those from James,” meaning from Jerusalem, who intimidate Peter at Antioch in the same way (tous ek peritomēs, Gal 2:12; cf. Col 4:11; Titus 1:10). While not specifically identified as Christians, as are the men of the Joppa delegation who are called “the believers of the circumcision” (hoi ek peritomēs pistoi, 10:45), the NRSV rightly calls Peter’s critics “the circumcised believers.” Acts 11:3 identifies the heart of the problem: the violation of food laws. The charge against Peter in Gal 2:12 is that “he used to eat with the gentiles.” The underlying issue is not merely associating with (or even eating with) gentiles per se, but the opportunity (or social pressure) that such fellowship poses for observant Jews who feel an obligation to keep kosher. The implication of the charge in Acts 11:3 is that Peter ate nonkosher food or drank nonkosher wine. Peter’s defense is a detailed, accurate rehearsal of the events in which he has participated, “starting at the beginning” (11:4). Verses 5–17 are set in direct discourse, thereby constituting a defense speech by Peter. With minor variations, these verses recapitulate the events of chapter 10, although not in exact order: 11:5–10 summarizes Peter’s vision in 10:9–16; next 11:11–12 summarizes 10:17–33; then 11:13–14 summarizes Cornelius’s vision in 10:3–8; and 11:15–17 summarizes 10:34–48. Luke’s willingness to repeat the story indicates its importance. Certain points are reiterated: the ecstatic nature of the vision (11:5; cf. 10:10); description of the four-cornered sheet (11:5; cf. 10:11); Peter’s exchange with the heavenly voice (11:7–8; cf. 10:13–14); the threefold repetition of the vision (11:10; cf.

Peter Answers Jerusalem Critics 243

10:15–16); arrival of the three messengers sent by Cornelius (11:11; cf. 10:17– 18); the Spirit’s instruction to Peter to go with the men (11:12; cf. 10:19–20); Cornelius’s angelic vision (11:13; cf. 10:3–6); and the gentiles’ reception of the Holy Spirit as equivalent to the Jews’ experience at Pentecost (11:15; cf. 10:47). There are some slight variations: the description of the animals within the sheet (11:6; cf. 10:12; also cf. Gen 1:24, 30); the Spirit’s instruction for Peter to accompany the three men “regardless of their nationality” (Acts 11:12; cf. 10:20, “without hesitation”);133 six as the number of Joppa brothers who accompany Peter (11:12; cf. 10:23); the content of Peter’s sermon as a message of salvation for Cornelius and his entire household (11:14; not mentioned previously);134 and the Holy Spirit’s descent at the beginning of Peter’s sermon (11:15; cf. 10:44–47, the Holy Spirit’s descent reported during Peter’s sermon, “while Peter was still speaking”). Peter’s concluding remarks (11:16–17) introduce a new element: his recollection of the risen Lord’s promise, “John baptized with water, but you will be baptized with the Holy Spirit” (1:5; cf. Mark 1:8; Matt 3:11; Luke 3:16). In terms of narrative fulfillment, this reminiscence is significant because it shows that the risen Lord’s promise is having a double fulfillment: at Pentecost with the conversion of Jews, and at Caesarea with the conversion of gentiles. The conversion of gentiles is not an afterthought but part of the risen Lord’s original intention.135 The “same gift” is the gift of the Holy Spirit.136 The reference to “stopping God” (Acts 11:17) echoes Peter’s earlier remark (10:47). Opposing God has special resonance in Luke-Acts: Those who try to hinder God by becoming “God-fighters” (theomachoi) invariably come to a bad end (cf. 5:4–6, 10; see remarks on 5:39). Acts 11:18 provides the narrator’s retrospective summary of events rehearsed in 10:1–11:17. The Jerusalem church, both the “apostles” and “brothers,” but especially the Jewish Christian critics, were silenced, which means that Peter’s defense of his actions won the day. They also “praised God” (edoxasan ton theon), a typical Lukan indicator of narrative climax.137 The gentiles’ reception of “life-giving repentance” links their conversion with the Jews at Pentecost who were instructed to repent (2:38). It also aligns them with several Lukan characters who exemplify repentance, most notably the prodigal son (Luke 15:11–32).138 133. See translation note e on v. 12. 134. On the conversion of households, see Acts 16:15, 31–32; 18:8; also John 4:53; 1 Cor 1:16. 135. Acts 10:45; 11:1, 18; 13:48; 14:27; 15:7, 12. 136. Acts 10:47; 11:15; 15:8; cf. 2 Pet 1:1. 137. Luke 2:13, 20; 5:25–26; 7:16; 13:13; 17:15, 18; 18:43; 19:37; 23:47; Acts 2:47; 3:9; 4:21. See De Long. 138. For repentance as a major Lukan theme, see Luke 11:32; 13:3–7; 15:7, 10; 16:30; 17:3–4; Acts 2:38; 3:19; 5:31; 8:22; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20; cf. 2 Tim 2:25; Wis 12:19.

244

Acts 11:19–30

11:19–30 The Word Spreads to Antioch in Syria In the next two sections, the movement of “the word of God” expands northward toward Antioch of Syria, one of the most important cities in the Roman world. The story is told in two parts: (1) A mission led by Jesus’s disciples from Cyrene and Cyprus is directed toward gentiles in Antioch and achieves remarkable success (11:19–26); and (2) the newly established church at Antioch sends a relief fund in response to a severe famine in Judea (11:27–30). 11:19–26 Mission to Gentiles Establishes Christianity in Syrian Antioch Now then,a those who were scattered because of the trouble that occurred with Stephen made their way as far as Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch, speaking the word only to Jews—to no one else. 20 But there were some of them—men who were Cypriots and Cyrenians—who, upon arriving in Antioch, began speaking also to Greeks,b announcing the good news about the Lord Jesus. 21 The hand of the Lord was with these Cypriots and Cyrenians, and a large number of Greeks believed and turned to the Lord. 22 And word about them reached the ears of the church in Jerusalem, who then commissioned Barnabas to go to Antioch. 23 When he arrived and saw signs of God’s gracious activity, he rejoiced and encouraged everyone to remain steadfast in their devotion to the Lord. 24 [He responded this way] because he was a good man, full of the Holy Spirit and faith. And a large crowd was added to the Lord. 25 Then Barnabas went to Tarsus to seek out Saul, 26 and after finding him, brought him to Antioch. So it happened that Barnabas and Saul were there for a whole year, meeting together with the church and teaching the large crowd of believers. In Antioch, for the first time, the disciples were given the name Christians. 11:19

a. That the actions of vv. 19 and 20 should be contrasted this way is suggested by men oun (v. 19) followed by de (v. 20). See Smyth §2901c. b. Lit., “the Hellenists” (pros tous Hellēnistas). Some manuscripts (P74 Å 2 A D*) read Hellēnas, “Greeks.” The meaning of the term “Hellenist” (Hellēnistēs) is much disputed. It occurs three times in Acts (6:1; 9:29; 11:20). The reference in 6:1 is almost certainly to Greek-speaking Jews who are also Christians, since the dispute between the Hebrews (Aramaic-speaking Jews) and Hellenists (Greek-speaking Jews) occurs within the Christian community. The Hellenists with whom Paul argues in Jerusalem (9:29) appear not to have been disciples of Jesus but non-Christian Jews. Since the Hellenists in 11:20 are contrasted with Jews (Ioudaiois) in 11:19, they must be people who speak Greek but are not Jewish. My interpretation differs from BDAG 319 s.v. Hellēnistēs, “one who uses the Greek language, Hellenist, specifically a Greek-speaking Israelite in contrast to one speaking a Semitic language.” See Cadbury 1933a; Moule 1959b; Metzger 1998, 340–42.

Mission to Gentiles Establishes Christianity in Syrian Antioch 245

[11:19–26] The opening words of this episode connect with the earlier report of Christians being dispersed from Jerusalem in the aftermath of Stephen’s death (8:1, 4). Rather than being read in a strict chronological sequence, that is, as reporting events that occurred after the Cornelius episode (10:1–11:18), this report of the missionizing efforts of those who are scattered because of the persecution in Jerusalem should perhaps be read as a literary flashback, in which events are being reported that were concurrent with the events surrounding Cornelius, what has happened meanwhile. With this report in 11:19–20, the geographical story line now extends farther northward as disciples of Jesus reach into the coastal region of Phoenicia, westward to the island of Cyprus, and about 360 miles north from Jerusalem to Antioch of Syria (v. 19).139 Each location serves as a geographical marker for later events.140 Their exclusive mission to Jews may imply loyalty to, or at least affinity with, Stephen’s circle of followers. “Speaking the word [of God]” (lalountes ton logon) is standard Lukan phraseology for preaching the gospel.141 Operating with a different mission theology, some Cypriots and Cyrenians, literally, “Cypriot and Cyrenian men” (andres Kyprioi kai Kyrēnaioi),142 upon arriving in Antioch, begin preaching to Greeks (Hellēnistas), meaning nonJews.143 “Announcing the good news about the Lord Jesus” (euangelizomenoi ton kyrion Iēsoun) captures the essence of their message.144 “Hand of the Lord” (cheir kyriou) is a frequent OT expression signifying God’s empowering presence.145 “A large number” (polys arithmos) is one of several Lukan indications of the church’s growth and expansion.146 Since they are gentiles, the “Lord” to whom they turn is probably God.147 139. According to ORBIS, the overland distance from Jerusalem to Antioch of Syria is 358 miles (598 km), a journey of about twenty days. 140. Phoenicia: Acts 15:3; 21:2; also Tyre (21:3), Sidon (27:3), and Ptolemais (Acre, 21:7); Cyprus: 13:4; 15:39; 21:3, 16; 27:4; cf. 4:36; Antioch: 13:1; 15:22–35; 18:22; cf. Gal 2:11. 141. Acts 4:29, 31; 11:19; 13:46; 14:25; 16:6, 32; cf. Phil 1:14; Heb 13:7. 142. The plausibility of Christians of Cyrenian origin is increased by the mention of people from “parts of Libya belonging to Cyrene” being present at Pentecost (2:10); similarly, the presence of Lucius of Cyrene in the Antioch church (13:1); also the presence of Simon of Cyrene as a participant in the Passion Narrative (Luke 23:26). Even so, the presence of Cyrenian Jews who disputed with Stephen (Acts 6:9) indicates that Cyrene could produce stout resistance to the Christian movement. 143. See translation note b on 11:20. 144. Similar phraseology occurs in Acts 5:42; 8:35. For the use of “Lord Jesus” in Acts, see 1:21; 4:33; 7:59; 8:16; 9:17; 11:17, 20; 15:11; 16:31; 19:5, 13, 17; 20:24, 35; 21:13. Elsewhere in the NT: Rom 14:14; 1 Cor 5:4 (2x), 5; 11:23; 16:23; 2 Cor 1:3; 4:14; 11:31; Eph 1:15; Phil 2:19; Col 3:17; 1 Thess 2:15, 19; 3:11, 13; 4:1–2; Phlm 5; Heb 13:20; Rev 22:20–21. Striking is its use with traditional material, e.g., 1 Cor 11:23, which may point to an early christological formulation. 145. Ezra 7:6, 28; Ezek 1:3; 3:14; 37:1; 40:1; cf. Luke 1:66. 146. See Acts 2:41, 47; 4:4; 5:14; 6:7; 9:31, 42; 11:21, 24, 26; 12:12, 24; 14:1; 16:5; 19:20. 147. See Acts 3:19; 14:15; 15:19; 26:18, 20; yet cf. 9:35.

246

Acts 11:27–30

The wording of Acts 11:22, literally, “for it was heard in the ears of” (ēkousthē . . . eis ta ōta), reflects OT style (Isa 5:9 LXX). Yet again the authority of the Jerusalem church is emphasized: Its approval of this expanding mission is required (cf. Acts 8:14; 11:1, 22). Barnabas’s bona fides as a highly respected member of the Jerusalem church have already been demonstrated (4:36; 9:27). This newly assigned task introduces him as a key player in the unfolding narrative, beginning with chapter 13.148 Reporting “signs of God’s gracious activity”—literally, “the grace of God” (tēn charin [tēn] tou theou, 11:23)—anticipates other moments when the Christian movement is favored by divine grace.149 “Good man, full of the Holy Spirit and faith” (v. 24) places Barnabas in good company: Jesus (Luke 4:1), Joseph of Arimathea (Luke 23:50), the Seven (Acts 6:3), Stephen (6:5, 8; 7:55), Saul (13:9), and the disciples at Pisidian Antioch (13:52). The “large crowd”(11:24) restates the “large number” of 11:21. Barnabas’s departure to fetch Saul in Tarsus (11:25) picks up the narrative from 9:30. Paul’s Tarsus connection is a standard Lukan emphasis, unmentioned in Paul’s Letters.150 Barnabas and Saul’s yearlong stay in Antioch focuses on their teaching ministry to “the large crowd of believers” (ochlon hikanon, 11:26). The wording of verse 26 suggests that the name “Christians” was given by outsiders: “it came to pass . . . that the disciples were given the name Christians.”151 That this is the first occurrence suggests that the Jesus movement has acquired a visibility in Antioch of Syria that it has not had before, possibly because of the success of incorporating gentiles into the church, along with Jews. What the conversion of Cornelius has demonstrated specifically, the founding of the Antioch church exemplifies more generally: A gentile household in Caesarea Maritima has paved the way for a gentile church in the capital city of Syria.152 As the unfolding narrative shows, this church is to become the hub from which Paul’s mission to both Jews and gentiles in south-central Asia Minor originates. 11:27–30 Antioch’s Relief Fund for Judean Christians Now at this time,a prophets came down from Jerusalem to Antioch. 28 One of them named Agabus stood up and through the Spirit predicted 11:27

148. Acts 11:30; 12:25; chs. 13–15; cf. 1 Cor 9:6; Gal 2:1–13; Col 4:10. 149. Acts 13:43; 14:26; 15:11, 40; 20:24. 150. Acts 9:11, 30; 11:25; 21:39; 22:3. 151. BDAG 1089 s.v. chrēmatizō. Also, see Acts 26:28; 1 Pet 4:16. 152. Cornelius’s status as the first gentile convert is debated. In what sense, for example, is his ethnic (and religious) status different from that of the Ethiopian eunuch, even though the latter is not described as a Godfearer? Regardless of the actual historical sequence of events, Luke has constructed the Acts narrative to depict Cornelius and his household as the paradigmatic gentile converts—and the episode that caught the attention of the Jerusalem church.

Antioch’s Relief Fund for Judean Christians 247

that there was about to be a severe famineb over the whole world (which occurred during the reign of Claudius). 29 Now the disciples decided that they would send relief to the brothers living in Judea, and do so as each was financially able.c 30 They did this by having Barnabas and Saul carry it to the elders on their behalf.d a. Lit., “in these days” (en tautais tais hēmerais). b. Lit., “great famine” (limon megalēn). See BDAG, 596 s.v. limos 2. c. Or, “and just as any of the disciples was able, each one set aside for benevolence, to send [it] to the brothers living in Judea” (tōn de mathētōn, kathōs euporeito tis, hōrisan hekastos autōn eis diakonian pempsai tois katoikousin en tē Ioudaia adelphois). d. Lit., “which they also did by sending [it] to the elders through the hand of Barnabas and Saul” (ho kai epoiēsan aposteilantes pros tous presbyterous dia cheiros Barnaba kai Saulou).

[11:27–30] This is the first mention of prophets as a group within the Jerusalem church. Their presence as a part of the church becomes clear in subsequent chapters (13:1; 15:32). They “came down” since Jerusalem was located at a higher altitude than Antioch, about sixteen miles (26 km) east of the Mediterranean, where the north-flowing Orontes River turns west and breaks through the coastal mountains. While staying in Caesarea at the home of Philip the evangelist, the prophet Agabus, later identified as “a prophet from Judea” (21:10), predicts Paul’s imprisonment in Jerusalem. Here he speaks “through the Spirit,” one of numerous instances in Acts in which the Holy Spirit speaks to, or prompts, someone to action.153 “A severe famine over the whole world” is narrative hyperbole.154 More limited famines are reported during the reign of Claudius (41–54 CE).155 Josephus, however, mentions a severe famine in Judea under the procurator Tiberius Alexander (46–48 CE).156 The disciples’ decision to collect money as a relief fund for Jews in Jerusalem indicates the genuineness of their conversion. Given their stature within the Antioch church, along with Barnabas’s ties with the Jerusalem church, Barnabas and Saul are natural choices to deliver the contribution to the Jerusalem elders (v. 30).157 Later reference is made to the fulfillment of their mission 153. Acts 8:29; 11:12; 13:2; 20:23; 21:4, 11. 154. For other references to “the whole world” or similar phrasing, see 17:6, 31; 19:27; 24:5; also Luke 2:1. 155. Suetonius, Claud. 18.2; Tacitus, Ann. 12.43; Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 60.11. See Lake 1933b. 156. Josephus, Ant. 20.51, 101. 157. This is the first of ten references in Acts to Christian elders (presbyteroi): 11:30; 14:23; 15:2, 4, 6, 22, 23; 16:4; 20:17; 21:18. Elsewhere in Acts it refers to Jewish leaders (4:5, 8, 23; 6:12; 23:14; 24:1; similarly, Luke 7:3; 9:22; 20:1; 22:52). Other NT uses of Christian presbyteroi include 1 Tim 5:1, 2 (fem.), 17, 19; Titus 1:5; Heb 11:2; Jas 5:14; 1 Pet 5:1, 5; 2 John 1; 3 John 1.

248

Acts 12:1–25

(12:25). Although another contribution for the poverty-stricken Christians in Jerusalem is a major Pauline project that occupies him throughout his Aegean ministry (Gal 2:10; 1 Cor 16:1; 2 Cor 8–9), it does not figure as a major feature of Luke’s description of Paul’s missionary efforts in Acts 13–14 and 16–20. In his defense speech before Felix, Paul does mention the “alms and offerings” that he brought to Jerusalem (24:17; cf. 24:26).158 12:1–25 Herod Acts against the Church and Dies Miserably Having experienced a major triumph with the conversion of Cornelius in Caesarea and the founding of a community comprising both Jews and gentiles in Antioch of Syria, the church now encounters stiff resistance in Jerusalem from “King Herod,” whose name provides a thematic link with the various episodes recorded in Acts 12 (vv. 1, 6, 11, 19, 20–21). Though comprising five separate units, chapter 12 focuses on two main events: Peter’s imprisonment and his escape (vv. 3–19) and Herod’s death (vv. 20–23). The two sections are logically connected: a “God-fighter’s” hostile actions against the church and the dire consequences of his actions. Taken as a whole, Acts 12 follows a wellestablished literary convention in which a king or a similarly powerful official tries to suppress a religious movement and not only fails but also comes to a bad end himself.159 12:1–5 Herod Executes James and Imprisons Peter Now at that time King Herod began seizinga some of those from the church in order to harass them.b 2 He had James, the brother of John, executed with a sword. 3 Seeing that this pleased the Jews, he also proceeded to arrest Peter—for these were the days of Unleavened Bread. 4 He then apprehended Peter, put him in jail, and placed him under the protection of four quaternions of soldiers.c His plan was to bring him before the people after Passover. 5 Thus while Peter was being held in the jail, the church was praying constantly to God on his behalf.d 12:1

158. It is difficult to imagine that Luke was unaware of the Pauline collection project, which figures so prominently in the Pauline Letters. Is it possible that Luke knows about the Pauline pattern of collecting money from gentile churches to demonstrate solidarity with the home church in Jerusalem and that he includes it here rather than later, after Paul arrives in Jerusalem in ch. 21? Luke may know, for example, that Paul’s collection was not well received by the Jerusalem church and thus that the Pauline project has failed to achieve its goal. By reporting a collection by the church in Syrian Antioch at this point in the narrative, however, Luke shows that this prominent gentile church was not independent from Jerusalem and that the church sought to cement its relations with the “mother church” by means of a financial offering, which was, in fact, accepted (12:25). 159. See Allen; Weaver.

Herod Executes James and Imprisons Peter 249 a. Lit., “placed hands on” (epebalen . . . tas cheiras) or “arrested.” The same expression is used in Acts 4:3; 5:18; 21:27; cf. Luke 20:19; 21:12; 22:53. Taking epebalen as an inceptive aorist seems justified by the context. See Moule 1959a, 10–11; BDF §331. b. Lit., “to do them evil” (kakōsai). c. Lit., “whom also having apprehended, he put in jail, handing him over to four squads of soldiers to guard him” (hon kai piasas etheto eis phylakēn paradous tessarsin tetradiois stratiōtōn phylassein auton). “Quaternion” renders tetradion, a detachment or squad of four soldiers. See BDAG 1001 s.v. tetradion. d. Lit., “and prayer was constantly being made by the church toward God concerning him” (proseuchē de ēn ektenōs ginomenē hypo tēs ekklēsias pros ton theon peri autou).

[12:1–5] Marcus Julius Agrippa I (10 BCE–44 CE), grandson of Herod the Great and well connected with the Roman imperial family, was appointed by Gaius Caligula as the successor of Herod Philip, who ruled as tetrarch over territories east and northeast of the Sea of Galilee.160 Agrippa eventually gained control of Galilee and Peraea and during the last three years of his reign controlled Judea and Samaria—altogether, an area roughly comparable to the territory over which Herod the Great had ruled. He was the first Herodian after Herod the Great to bear the title “king.”161 Luke’s designation “King Herod” is apt, though unusual, since he is referred to as “Agrippa” in his coinage.162 The name “Herod” signals hostility, since it aligns him with previous members of the Herodian family who were enemies of Jesus and the church.163 Josephus praises Agrippa’s piety and meticulous attention to Jewish traditions, themes echoed in the Mishnah, which possibly explains his reported popularity with Pharisees.164 He may, in fact, have been more closely aligned with the Sadducees. After Agrippa’s death in 44 CE, Judea was restored to direct Roman rule under procurators. The death of “James, the brother of John,” thus James the apostle (Acts 1:13; cf. Mark 3:17; Matt 10:2; Luke 6:14), also known later as James the Great, is mentioned only here in the NT. Death “by the sword” means decapitation.165 Philo of Alexandria attests Agrippa’s reputation for aligning himself with his fellow Jews.166 Luke reports other actions by Roman officials to win the favor 160. On the life of Agrippa I, see Schürer 1:442–54; D. Schwartz 1990. 161. For the reign of Agrippa I, see Josephus, J.W. 2.178–220; 5.147–155; and Ant. 18.126– 309; 19.1–366; Philo, Emb. Gaius 261–333; Flacc. 25–40. 162. Yet m. Soṭ. 7:8 calls him “King Agrippa.” On Luke’s use of the name “Herod,” see D. Schwartz 1990, 120. 163. See Luke 1:5; 3:1, 19; 8:3; 9:7, 9; 13:31; 23:7–8, 11–12, 15; Acts 4:27; cf. 13:1; 23:35. 164. Josephus, Ant. 19.328–331; see m. Bik. 3:4; m. Soṭ. 7:8. 165. On death by beheading, see m. Sanh. 7:3, “They used to cut off his head with a sword as the [Roman] government does”; 9:1, “These . . . are to be beheaded: the murderer and the people of an Apostate City.” 166. See Philo, Emb. Gaius 278–329, for Agrippa’s impassioned plea that Gaius Caligula rescind his order to desecrate the temple, which prompted Gaius to charge Agrippa with “overcomplaisance to his compatriots” (332).

250

Acts 12:6–10

of Jews (Acts 24:27; 25:9). Luke omits the episode in which these two “sons of Zebedee” (or their mother) request positions of prominence in Jesus’s kingdom (Mark 10:35–45; Matt 20:20–28). Jesus’s prediction that they will drink the cup that he will drink and be baptized with the baptism with which he will be baptized (Mark 10:39; Matt 20:23) reflects the early church’s knowledge of James’s death. But what the Gospel episode only alludes to, Luke now reports explicitly.167 Luke earlier reports the death of Stephen as a dramatic martyrdom, but now official resistance escalates as death reaches Jesus’s inner circle (Luke 9:28; cf. Mark 9:2; Matt 17:1). Earlier the apostles have been arrested and thrown in jail (Acts 4:3; 5:18–19; cf. Luke 3:20), but now action is taken against the leading apostle: Peter. A four-soldier guard for each of the four night watches not only indicates the perceived seriousness of the threat posed by the Jesus movement but also the intensified opposition. Huge crowds of Jewish pilgrims gathering in Jerusalem to observe Passover increases the possibilities for outbreaks of violence.168 Earnest prayer during a time of crisis typifies the early church (Acts 4:23–31); it also continues a well-established Jewish tradition (Jdt 4:8–15). 12:6–10 Peter Escapes from Prison Now when Herod was about to bring Peter to trial, the night before,a Peter, bound with two chains, was sleeping between two soldiers, while guards were posted at the doors, guarding the jail.b 7 Suddenlyc an angel of the Lord appeared, and light streamed into the cell.d Punchinge Peter’s side, the angel helped him up, saying, “Get up! Quick!” And the chains fell away from his hands. 8 The angel said to him, “Get dressedf and put on your sandals.” And he did so. The angel said, “Put on your robeg and follow me.” 9 Peter left and started following, and he did not know that what was happening through the angel’s assistance was really coming true.h He assumed he was seeing a vision. 10 Now as they passed the first guard, then the second, they came to the iron gate leading into the city. It opened for them all by itself. They passed through, proceeding along one little street,i and all at once the angel left Peter. 12:6

a. This is clearly implied; lit., “Now when Herod was about to bring him forth, on that night Peter was sleeping . . .” (hote de ēmellen proagagein auton ho Hērōdēs tē nykti ekeinē ēn ho Petros koimōmenos). b. Lit., “and guards before the doors were keeping the watch” (phylakes te pro tēs thyras etēroun tēn phylakēn). 167. See Hagner. 168. For the notorious example of the Roman soldier’s indecent exposure, which provoked a riot by Jews gathered in the temple at Passover and supposedly resulted in the deaths of 20,000– 30,000 people, see Josephus, J.W. 2.223–227; Ant. 20.105–112.

Peter Meets with Believers at Mary’s House 251 c. Lit., “and behold” (kai idou). d. Lit., “shone in the room” (elampsen en tō oikēmati). e. Lit., “striking” (pataxas). f. Or, “put on your belt,” “gird yourself” (zōsai). g. Himation, i.e., outer clothing, “cloak,” “robe.” BDAG 475 s.v. himation 2. h. Lit., “and having departed, he was following and did not know that it was true— what was happening through the angel” (kai exelthōn ēkolouthei kai ouk ēdei hoti alēthes estin to ginomenon dia tou angelou). i. Or “lane,” “alley” (rhymēn). BDAG 907 s.v. rhymē.

[12:6–10] “Two chains” and “two soldiers” probably means that Peter was handcuffed to each soldier—twice the security imposed on Agrippa I when he was imprisoned by Tiberius.169 Light streaming into the room recalls God’s dazzling radiance that accompanies the angel’s appearance to the shepherds in the field (Luke 2:9; cf. 24:4).170 The angel’s instructions to Peter echo the angel’s touching Elijah, asleep under a broom tree, and saying to him, “Arise and eat” (1 Kgs 19:5 KJV). Like a child being instructed by his parents, Peter dutifully gets dressed and follows the angel, not fully aware of what is happening (Acts 12:9).171 The two guards of verse 10, along with the two soldiers in Peter’s cell (v. 6), comprise the quaternion assigned to that watch. Doors or gates opening “on their own” (automatē) symbolize divine or at least miraculous activity, especially in relation to prison escapes.172 Once the escape is complete, the angel’s assistance is no longer necessary. 12:11–19 Peter Meets with Believers at Mary’s House 12:11 And Peter came to himself and said, “Now I truly know that the Lord

commissioned his angel and rescued me from the hand of Herod and from all the things the Jewish people expected to happen.”a 12 When Peter realized this, he came to the house of Mary, the mother of John, also named Mark, where many were gathered together and praying. 13 While he was

169. When Agrippa was imprisoned by Tiberius, he was handcuffed to a centurion with an iron chain (Josephus, Ant. 18.196, 237). Later, when Gaius appointed Agrippa king of Philip’s tetrarchy, he marked the moment by presenting Agrippa with a gold chain in exchange for the iron chain with which he had been bound earlier. Agrippa proudly displayed this gold chain in the temple as a reminder that “greatness may sometimes crash and that God uplifts fallen fortunes” (Ant. 19.292–296). 170. On angelic appearances, see comments on 10:1–8. 171. On Peter’s imagined “vision” (horama), see comments on visions at 9:10–19a and 10:1–8. 172. See Artapanus’s report of Moses’s imprisonment by the Egyptian king Chenephres, when “all of the doors of the prison opened of their own accord [automatōs], and some of the guards died while others were overcome with sleep” (Holladay 1983, 1:218–19); also, cf. Josephus, J.W. 6.293–294; Tacitus, Hist. 5.13; Homer, Il. 5.749; Xenophon of Athens, Hell. 6.4.7; Apollonius of Rhodes, Argon. 4.41; Plutarch, Timol. 12.9; Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 44.17.

252

Acts 12:11–19

knocking at the door of the entrance, a young girl named Rhoda came to answer the door. 14 Recognizing the voice of Peter, she did not open the gate because of her joy. Running into the house, she reported that Peter was standing at the entrance. 15 They said to her, “You are mad!” But she insisted that it was so. But they were saying, “It is his angel.” 16 Now Peter kept knocking. When they opened the door, they saw him and were astonished. 17 Motioning to them with his hand to be quiet, he told them the story of how the Lord led him out of the jail, and he said, “Report these things to James and the brothers.” And he left and went to another place. 18 When day came, there was a big commotionb among the soldiers over what had become of Peter. 19 Now when Herod searched for Peter and did not find him, he interrogated the guards and ordered them to be executed.c Then he went down from Judea to Caesarea and remained there. a. Lit., “from every expectation of the people of the Jews” (kai pasēs tēs prosdokias tou laou tōn Ioudaiōn). b. Lit., “there was commotion, not a little” (ēn tarachos ouk oligos). c. The precise action Herod took against the guards is somewhat ambiguous. Were they “led away” (apachthēnai) to prison or to execution? The latter is preferred by BDAG 95 s.v. apagō 2.c. The ambiguity is resolved by some manuscripts (D* sy bo), which read apoktanthēnai, “to be killed.” It is difficult to find hard evidence in ancient Roman law relating to the first century CE confirming that such negligence on the part of a prisoner guard was a capital offense (cf. Acts 16:27). On Roman legal practice relating to guards under whose watch prisoners escape, see Code of Justinian 9.4.4 (cited in BegC 4:139, and commentators ever since); also see Digest of Justinian 48.3.12, 14 (Mommsen, Krueger, and Watson 4:801–3); Wansink 27–95, esp. 84–95; Cassidy.

[12:11–19] Coming to oneself can signify self-realization tantamount to conversion (Luke 15:17) or fully comprehending that God has been at work behind the scenes, as here. Acts 12:11 provides the definitive interpretation of the previous events: It was a divine rescue.173 No other attestation exists for the “house of Mary” in Jerusalem, yet another cluster of Christian disciples in the city (cf. 4:23–31). Introduced here, John Mark makes further appearances in Acts. He returns with Barnabas and Saul from Jerusalem to Antioch (12:25) and then accompanies them on their first preaching mission (13:5). At Perga in Pamphylia, however, he leaves Paul and returns to Jerusalem (13:13). Why he returns home is not stated, but later, when Barnabas wants John Mark to accompany him and Paul on their preaching mission into western Asia Minor, Paul balks because of John Mark’s earlier 173. Likewise Dan 3:28: Nebuchadnezzar acknowledges that God sent his angel to deliver Shadrach, Meschach, and Abednego; also Exod 18:4: Moses acknowledges that God has delivered him from the sword of Pharaoh.

Peter Meets with Believers at Mary’s House 253

“desertion” (15:38). So sharp is the disagreement between Barnabas and Paul over John Mark’s reliability that they part ways, with Barnabas taking John Mark and sailing to Cyprus (15:39). This John Mark is usually identified with the Mark mentioned elsewhere in the NT. The positive depictions of Mark as a valued Pauline coworker in Col 4:10; Phlm 24; and 2 Tim 4:11 suggest that Paul later has a change of heart; or that Luke’s depiction in Acts represents his own negative assessment of John Mark, which is not shared by Paul in his letters. Mark is also depicted as a follower of Peter (1 Pet 5:13). The prayers of the “many” gathered at Mary’s house continue the church’s earlier fervent prayer (12:5). The young girl (paidiskē) Rhoda (vv. 13–15), probably a slave though perhaps a doorkeeper in Mary’s house, is mentioned only here in the NT.174 The excited confusion of Peter’s knocking at the door (presumably calling out, “Hello! Anyone there?” or some such greeting), Rhoda’s recognizing his voice and running into the house while overcome with joy (cf. Luke 24:41), the disciples’ charge that Rhoda is mad and insistence that it must be Peter’s angel—all while Peter is standing at the door and knocking—is surely one of the most humorous episodes ever composed by Luke. “It is his angel” (Acts 12:15) assumes ancient belief in guardian angels for individuals.175 “James and the brothers” points to a subset within the Jerusalem church complementary to the apostles.176 Earlier in the narrative, Luke mentions several Jameses, including James the apostle (brother of John, both sons of Zebedee);177 James another apostle, the son of Alphaeus;178 James the father of Judas (not Iscariot);179 and James the son of Mary at the resurrection.180 The James mentioned here is without further identification, simply “James,” who appears twice later in the narrative—as the last (and most important) speaker at the Jerusalem Council (15:13) and as a prominent member of the Jerusalem church, along with “the brothers” and “elders,” with whom Paul meets when he returns from his missionary travels (21:17–18). Although Luke never identifies this James as the brother of Jesus, he does mention Jesus’s brothers (Acts 1:14). Almost certainly, this is the James elsewhere identified as the brother of Jesus, as by the other Synoptic evangelists (Mark 6:3; Matt 13:55) and Paul (Gal 1:19; cf. 2:9, 12; 1 Cor 15:7). That Luke reports Peter specifying James as one of the recipients of the news of his miraculous release is significant since it signals James’s high profile within the Jerusalem church. Having introduced James here as someone singled out 174. So BDAG 906 s.v. Rhodē; see NewDocs 2:88 (no. 53). 175. See Tob 5:4–8, 22; PGM I. 164–194 (GMP 7–8). See BDAG 8 s.v. angelos 2.a. 176. For “brothers,” see comments on 10:23b–33. 177. Luke 5:10; 6:14; 8:51; 9:28, 54; Acts 1:13; 12:2. 178. Luke 6:15; Acts 1:13. 179. Luke 6:16. 180. Luke 24:10.

254

Acts 12:20–23

by Peter, Luke does not need to establish his bona fides when he speaks at the Jerusalem Council. Peter’s departure to “another place” (Acts 12:17) effectively takes him offstage in the Acts narrative, although he makes a brief appearance at the Jerusalem Council (15:7–11). “Big commotion,” literally, “no small stir”—a Lukan litotes, giving emphasis through negative understatement—underscores the confusion and consternation caused by Peter’s prison escape. What action Herod takes against the guards is unclear, though execution is probably implied.181 Traveling from Jerusalem to Caesarea puts Agrippa back at his usual place of residence, “little Rome,” in place for the following scene.182 12:20–23 The Death of Herod Now Herod was furious with the people from Tyre and Sidon. They came to him as a group,a and after winning over to their side Blastus, the king’s chamberlain, they sought peace because they depended on the king’s country for their food supply. 21 On the appointed day, decked out in royal attire and sitting on the throne, Herod addressed them publicly. 22 The crowd shouted, “The voice of a god, not a human voice!” 23 At that very moment an angel of the Lord struck him down becauseb he did not give God the honor, and being eaten by worms, he died. 12:20

a. Lit., “with one purpose,” or “mind” (homothymadon). b. Lit., “in return for which” (anth’ hōn).

[12:20–23] Josephus also reports the death of Agrippa I, supplying some of the same details found here.183 His death occurs in Caesarea. Agrippa’s flatterers address him as a god, and he does not deny these attributions. Agrippa is struck suddenly with a severe stomach pain, which proves to be fatal. Several details in Luke’s account are absent in Josephus: Herod’s feud with people from Tyre and Sidon; their appeal to Blastus, his chamberlain; their appeal for peaceful relations to ensure their food supply; an angel of the Lord as the angel of death; and his immediate death by a disease of being eaten by worms.184 181. See translation note c on v. 19. 182. D. Schwartz 1990, 130–31. 183. Josephus, Ant. 19.343–352. 184. In 2 Macc 9:5–9 Antiochus IV Epiphanes’s illness is similarly described: “pain in his bowels; . . . the ungodly man’s body swarmed with worms, and while . . . still living in anguish and pain, his flesh rotted away, .  .  . [with] stench.” Similarly, Herod the Great (Josephus, Ant. 17.169); Isa 14:11; 66:24; Sir 7:17; 10:8–11; 19:3; Mark 9:48; y. Yoma 1.5 (39a); Jdt 16:17, “fire and worms” as divine judgment. See D. Schwartz 1990, 148 n. 9.

Summary: Barnabas, Saul, and John Mark Travel to Antioch of Syria 255

Josephus reports that Agrippa died in the palace five days after he was stricken with pain. One of the main differences is that Josephus’s account is longer and more detailed. Agrippa’s death is dated to the third year of his reign over Judea (44 CE). The occasion is a celebration in Caesarea in honor of Caesar. His death occurs in the theater at dawn. He is attired in a silver garment, which is illumined by the sun’s first rays. His flatterers’ adulation is given in fuller detail. Among other things, they claim, “We agree that you are more than mortal in your being.” Josephus also reports the appearance of an owl as an ominous sign of Agrippa’s impending death, as well as widespread grief among the people over his sickness and approaching death. He is said to have died at age fiftyfour, in the seventh year of his reign. What both Luke and Josephus have in common is some connection between acclamations of Agrippa’s deified status and his death. Luke is more emphatic in connecting them: Herod dies because he does not give God the honor (v. 23). This places Herod in the tradition of “God-fighters” who try to oppose the purposes of God but instead experience divine retribution (cf. 5:39).185 The symptomology of both accounts—eaten by worms in Luke and severe abdominal pains in Josephus—has convinced some scholars that he died by poisoning, probably at the hands of the Romans, who feared his political ambitions.186 12:24–25 Summary: Barnabas, Saul, and John Mark Travel to Antioch of Syria Now the word of God grew and multiplied. 25 After completing their mission of service to Jerusalem, Barnabas and Saul returned [to Antioch],a taking along with them John, the one called Mark.

12:24

a. A literal translation of the Greek text in NA28 would yield “Barnabas and Saul returned to Jerusalem, having completed their mission of service” (Barnabas de kai Saulos hypestrepsan eis Ierousalēm plērōsantes tēn diakonian). But this translation poses problems. In Acts 11:30 Barnabas and Saul are sent to Jerusalem to deliver the collection for the famine-stricken residents there. What seems to be needed in Acts 12:24–25 is a transition that gets them back to Antioch, to begin the mission to south-central Asia 185. For dramatic examples of divine retribution, especially those in which an angel of the Lord is the agent of punishment, see 2 Sam 24:15–16; 2 Kgs 19:35 (cf. Isa 37:36; 1 Macc 7:41; Sir 48:21). Other examples of those who opposed God but who were brought low or died include the Seleucid official Heliodorus, who threatened to raid the temple treasury (2 Macc 3:1–40); Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who threatened to make Jerusalem “a cemetery of Jews” (2 Macc 9:1–29, esp. v. 4); and Nicanor, who was appointed governor of Judea by Demetrius I, established an alliance with Judas Maccabeus, later turned against Judas, and was defeated by Judas (2 Macc 14:1–15:37). The death of Herod the Great is similarly depicted: “Herod’s illness became more and more acute, for God was inflicting just punishment upon him for his lawless deeds (Josephus, Ant. 17.168–187). 186. Schäfer 113.

256

Acts 12:24–25

Minor (Acts 13:1–3). One solution, adopted by some manuscripts (∏74 A 33. 945. 1739), is to read ex instead of eis before Ierousalēm, thus “[they] returned from Jerusalem.” Some manuscripts (D E Ψ 323. 453. 614. 1175. 2818) read apo instead of eis. Others (E 104. 323. 945. 1175. 1739 p w syp sa) solve the problem by substituting eis Antiocheian (and, in some cases, altering the previous preposition (E 104. 323. 945. 1175. 1739) for eis Ierousalēm, thus yielding “Barnabas and Saul returned (from Jerusalem) to Antioch.” NA28 adopts the more difficult reading, which has good manuscript support (Å B L 81. 1241. 1505 ˜ sams syhmg).

[12:24–25] The metaphor of the “word of God” growing and multiplying is a frequent Lukan expression (Luke 8:8; Acts 19:20). This is one of several summaries in Acts that report numerical growth (see comments on 2:41). “Barnabas and Saul” are introduced as a pair in 11:30 and continue to be linked in this manner for a short while (13:1–2, 7). Eventually “Saul” becomes “Paul” (13:9), who in turn emerges as the leading member of the team (13:43, 46, 50; 14:1; 15:2, 22, 35), though with some exceptions (14:12, 14; 15:12, 25). Having been introduced in 12:12, John Mark figures as a minor character in chapter 13.187

187. For John Mark, see comments above on 12:11–19.

13:1–14:28—Part 3 The Word Spreads Westward: Paul’s Mission in Cyprus and South-Central Asia Minor The preceding summary (Acts 12:24–25) concludes Part 2 (8:4–12:25), in which the story line has moved away from Jerusalem and into Samaria (8:4–25), the coastal regions (8:26–40; 9:32–43), Caesarea (10:1–48), Damascus (9:1–25), and Antioch of Syria (11:19–26). Even so, Jerusalem and Judea have remained a focal geographical center (9:26–30; 11:1–18; 12:1–18, 25). With 13:1 a clear geographical shift occurs as the previously mentioned church in Antioch of Syria (11:19–26) emerges as a new organizing center from which the Pauline mission westward originates (13:1–3) and to which it returns (14:26–28).1 13:1–3 The Church in Antioch of Syria: Commissioning Barnabas and Saul 13:1 Now in the church existing at that time in Antioch,a there were proph-

ets and teachers: Barnabas, Simeon (the one called Niger), Lucius (the Cyrenian), Manaen (a childhood friendb of Herod the tetrarch), and Saul. 2 While theyc were rendering serviced to the Lord and were engaged in a period of fasting, the Holy Spirit said, “Set apart Barnabas and Saul for my worke to which I have called them.” 3 Then they fasted, prayed, laid their hands on Barnabas and Saul, and sent them off. a. Lit., “Now there were in Antioch according to the existing church” (ēsan de en Antiocheia kata tēn ousan ekklēsian). The phrase kata tēn ousan ekklēsian is unusual. 1. Although a long-standing interpretive tradition uses the conceptual framework of “missionary journeys” to describe Paul’s travels in chs. 13–14 (first missionary journey) and chs. 16–20 (second and third missionary journeys), this organizational framework is not used in the following discussion. One reason is that Acts 18:22–23, rather than marking a clear ending to the second journey and a formal beginning to the third journey, marks a somewhat vague transition between two stages of the Pauline mission. Moreover, the threefold missionary scheme tends to imply a systematic pattern of missionizing in which the Pauline mission develops intentionally in gradually increasing concentric circles. But as seen in Acts 16:6–8, the Pauline mission proceeds westward in rather open-ended fashion, with the Spirit serving as the primary catalyst. It is preferable to use geographical categories to describe the areas of Pauline mission, e.g., south-central Asia Minor (chs. 13–14) or the Aegean area (chs. 16–20).

258

Acts 13:1–3

This redundant use of a form of ōn is also found in Acts 5:17; 14:13. In light of Acts 11:24, kata here might be understood distributively, thus “in the various congregations” or house churches (see Johnson 2006, 220). Or it may simply mean “in the local church.” See Turner 1963, 3:151–52; BDF §474 5 (c); Barrett 1994–98, 1:601. b. Syntrophos may mean “brought up together with,” even “foster brother,” or simply “intimate friend.” BDAG 976 s.v. syntrophos. c. The referent is probably believers in the church, yet possibly the prophets and teachers. d. Possibly “holding a service,” worshiping (leitourgountōn). BDAG 590 s.v. leitourgeō. e. Lit., “now set apart for (to) me Barnabas and Saul to the work” (aphorisate dē moi ton Barnaban kai Saulon eis to ergon).

[13:1–3] The beginning of the church in Antioch of Syria is described earlier (11:19–29). This church’s prominence is attested by later references: The Pauline mission to Cyprus and south-central Asia Minor not only begins but also concludes here (14:26); it is one of the recipients of the apostolic decree that originates in Jerusalem (15:22–35); and it serves as a stopover for Paul (18:22). In the Pauline Letters it is the location of Paul’s famous dispute with Peter (Gal 2:11). Elsewhere prophets are associated with the church at Antioch (Acts 11:27; 15:32; cf. 21:10). In the Pauline churches “prophets and teachers” are discrete, divinely appointed roles.2 The list of named members recalls the earlier list of the Seven (6:5), which includes “Nicolaus, a proselyte of Antioch.” Barnabas has already been introduced.3 Simeon Niger is otherwise unattested (cf. 15:14). Lucius may be one of the Cyrenians who helped start the church in Antioch (11:20) and is possibly Paul’s later coworker (Rom 16:21). Some form of intimate friendship is implied between Manaean (Menahem), mentioned only here, and Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee and Peraea from 4 BCE until 39 CE.4 As the last name mentioned, Saul forms an inclusio with Barnabas, who has brought him to Antioch (11:25–26), and with whom he is already paired (12:25). Barnabas and Saul are commissioned as a pair (v. 3), an order that is retained through the first part of the mission (13:7) but quickly changes once Paul emerges as the leading spokesman.5 2. See Rom 12:6–7; 1 Cor 12:28–29; 14:29–33, 37, 39; cf. Did. 15.1–2. 3. Acts 4:36; 9:27; 11:22, 30; 12:25; see remarks on 4:36. 4. The son of Herod the Great, Antipas was tetrarch during the ministry of John the Baptist (Luke 3:1), whom he imprisoned (Luke 3:19–20) and beheaded (Luke 9:7–9; cf. Mark 6:14–29). He is “that fox” who threatened Jesus (Luke 13:31–32) and, according to Luke’s Gospel, participated in Jesus’s trial in Jerusalem (Luke 23:6–15; also Acts 4:27). Here his title is correctly identified as tetrarch (tetraarchēs), rather than king (basileus in Mark 6:14; corrected in Matt 14:1; Luke 9:7), a title with political overtones that Augustus granted reluctantly (Josephus, J.W. 2.93–94; Ant. 17.317–318). See BDAG 439 s.v. Hērōdēs, 2; also Schürer 1:340–53; and Hoehner. 5. Acts 13:13, 42, 46, 50; 14:1, 9; though cf. 14:12.

Cyprus: Conversion of Sergius Paulus 259

Rather than envisioning a single worship service in which the Holy Spirit’s commissioning occurs (implied by NRSV), we should probably imagine a context of ongoing prophetic and teaching activity accompanied by fasting. In such a setting an inspired prophet might receive—and report to the whole church—the Spirit’s charge singling out Barnabas and Saul as the leaders of the mission. “Work,” a technical term for missionary work, anticipates Paul’s citation of Hab 1:5, signaling that his preaching efforts are part of the incredible “work” God does in the world (Acts 13:41). Fasting and praying, commonly linked in Judaism,6 often mark moments of special intensity (Luke 2:37; Acts 14:23). Whether the whole church or just the other three prophets participated in the ordination and commissioning of Barnabas and Saul is unclear. Laying on hands, while sometimes employed in healing rituals7 and baptism,8 here functions as part of an ordination ritual well established in the OT and continued by early Christians.9 13:4–13 Cyprus: Conversion of Sergius Paulus So then, after these two had been commissioneda by the Holy Spirit, they traveled down to Seleucia, and from there they sailed away to Cyprus. 5 While they were in Salamis, they proclaimed the word of God in the synagogues of the Jews. Now they also had John as an assistant. 6 Now after traveling the length of the island all the way to Paphos, they found a certain man—a magician,b a Jewish pseudoprophet named BarJesus—7 who was a companion of the proconsul Sergius Paulus, an intelligent man. The proconsulc summoned Barnabas and Saul—he wished to hear the word of God. 8 Now they met resistance from the magician Elymas (for his name was interpreted this way), who sought to turn the proconsul away from the faith. 9 Now Saul (also known as Paul), filled with the Holy Spirit, fixed his gaze on Elymas, 10 and said, “You son of the devil! You are filled with every form of guile and deceit! You enemy of all righteousness! Won’t you stop perverting the Lord’s upright ways? 11 Now, look!d You are about to be disciplined by the Lord,e and you are going to become blind, unable to see the sun for a while.” At that very moment, a misty darkness fell upon him, and going about he began looking for people to guide him by the hand. 12 Then when the proconsul saw what had happened, he became a believer, overwhelmed by this lesson from the Lord.f 13 And putting outg from Paphos, Paul and his companions 13:4

6. See Neh 1:4; Dan 9:3; Jdt 4:13; Sir 34:31; Bar 1:5; 2 Esd 5:13; 6:31; Luke 5:33. 7. See Matt 9:18; Mark 6:5; 7:32; 8:23, 25; Luke 4:40; 13:13; Acts 9:17; 28:8; cf. 5:12; 14:3; 19:11. 8. Acts 8:17; 19:6. 9. See Num 8:10; 27:18, 23; Deut 34:9; cf. Acts 6:6; 1 Tim 4:14; 5:22; 2 Tim 1:6.

260

Acts 13:4–13

came to Perga in Pamphylia. John, however, departed from themh and returned to Jerusalem. a. Lit., “sent out” (ekpemphthentes). b. Possibly “magus” (magos). c. Lit., “this one” (houtos). d. Lit., “And now behold” (kai nyn idou). e. Lit., “the hand of the Lord is upon you” (cheir kyriou epi se). f. Lit., “amazed at the teaching of the Lord” (ekplēssomenos epi tē didachē tou kyriou). g. Gk. anachthentes, “to sail from harbor.” For anagō as a nautical technical term in Luke-Acts, see Luke 8:22; Acts 13:13; 16:11; 18:21; 20:3, 13; 27:2, 4, 12, 21; 28:10. BDAG 62 s.v. anagō 4. h. Or, “deserted them” (apochōrēsas). BDAG 125 s.v. apochōreō.

[13:4–13] Seleucia, a coastal city founded by Seleucus I Nicator (d. ca. 280 BCE), built near the mouth of the Orontes, served as the port of Antioch, which was about sixteen miles (26 km) inland.10 Cyprus, the third largest Mediterranean island and strategically located between the Syrian mainland and western Asia Minor, possesses mountains, fertile plains, and abundant water sources that ensure its agricultural productivity and economic prosperity. Through the Hellenistic period it remained mainly under Ptolemaic control but came under Roman rule in the first century BCE. Its provincial status varied, at first being combined with the province of Cilicia, then with Syria, but in 22 BCE becoming a senatorial province governed by a proconsul. Salamis was the largest city on the island, located on the east coast at the mouth of the Pediaeos.11 The mention of Jewish synagogues in Salamis is not unreasonable given the documented presence of Jews in Cyprus from different sources.12 This Paphos, located on the southwestern coast of the island, is New Paphos (Nea Paphos), a port city established around 320 BCE and located about ten miles (16 km) northwest of Old Paphos (Palaipaphos), famous for its temple of 10. Its location on the sea made Seleucia in Pieria a strategically important naval base for the Seleucids. Positioned below Mount Coryphaeum, it was a well-fortified city, replete with fine temples and civic buildings. See Polybius, Hist. 5.59–61. 11. See Catling. 12. Philo, Emb. Gaius 282; Josephus, Ant. 13.284, 287 (quoting Strabo); 1  Macc 15:23. According to Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 68.32.2–3, during the Jewish revolt of 116 CE the Jews in Cyprus, under the leadership of Artemion, destroyed Salamis and killed 240,000 gentiles, which resulted in the Jews being banished from the island. While these numbers are exaggerated, this tradition clearly attests the strength of Jewish presence on the island in the early second century CE. On Jews in Cyprus, see Schürer 3.1:68–69. For synagogues as the focus of preaching activity in Acts, see comments on 9:20.

Cyprus: Conversion of Sergius Paulus 261

Aphrodite. Because of its port and shipbuilding industry, New Paphos emerged as the capital of the island under the Ptolemies, surpassing Salamis in importance. As the two most important cities on the island, Paphos and Salamis sometimes stand for Cyprus itself.13 Although we tend to distinguish magic from religion as separate spheres of activity, the lines were more blurred in antiquity (see comments on 8:9–13). “Magician” renders magos, a Greek loanword of Persian origin used of a priest or sage, thus a Magus with expertise in astrology and dream interpretation. The term could have a negative valence and mean “quack” (Sophocles, Oed. K. 387), as here, since Elymas is designated as a Jewish “pseudoprophet” (pseudoprophētēs).14 Jewish forms of magic are well documented in antiquity.15 Pliny the Elder (ca. 23–79 CE) devotes extensive treatment to ancient forms of magic and mentions “yet another branch of magic derived from Moses . . . and the Jews.”16 According to Josephus, Solomon had the power to exorcise demons and composed incantations for relieving illnesses, which were later used by the Jewish exorcist Eleazar to impress Vespasian.17 A Jewish magician from Cyprus named Atomus reportedly assisted Felix, Roman procurator of Judea (ca. 52–60 CE), in winning the favor of Drusilla, the daughter of Agrippa  I.18 Jewish legislation against various forms of magic implies its practice.19 As the top government official in the senatorial province of Cyprus, the proconsul (anthypatos) symbolizes Roman power and prestige.20 The identity of Sergius Paulus has intrigued scholars, especially since a similar name— L. [Lucius] Sergius Paullus—appears in a Latin inscription listing five Curators of the Tiber under Claudius (41–54). Although the time frame for the two men is close, there is no evidence linking L. Sergius Paullus to Cyprus.21 Reliable 13. Sib. Or. 4.128–129; 5.450–452. 14. In rabbinic sources, being a false prophet is a capital offense. See m. Sanh. 11:1. 15. On Jewish magic, see P. Alexander; also Nock 1933; and W. Knox 1939b. 16. Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 30.2.11; cf. Lucian, Podag. 173: someone suffering from gout, after trying other remedies, finally resorts to “the spells of the Jews.” 17. Josephus, Ant. 8.42–49. 18. Ibid., 20.141–144. 19. See Exod 22:18; Lev 19:26, 31; 20:6, 27; Deut 18:10–11; cf. Did. 2.2. Philo (Spec. Laws 3.93–94) mentions “the worst of villains, . . . sorcerers and poisoners” (hoi magoi kai pharmakeutai), which the Mosaic legislation punishes; similarly, in Spec. Laws 3.100–101, Philo distinguishes between “true magic” (alēthē magikēn), a respected art among the Persians, and a perverse, counterfeit form of magic pursued by charlatans who deal with charms and incantations, to which Mosaic legislation is opposed; also see Philo, Free 74. 20. The duties of proconsul are outlined in The Digest of Justinian 1.16.1–9 (Mommsen, Krueger, and Watson 1:31–34). 21. See BDAG 919 s.v. Sergios; T. Martin 1992b; Lake 1933c; Hemer 109 n. 17, 166–67 nn. 15–16; NewDocs 7:240 (no. 10); Mitchell 1993b, 2:6–7.

262

Acts 13:4–13

inscriptional evidence, however, suggests that the family of Sergius Paulus was closely connected with Pisidian Antioch.22 The plausibility of a magician influencing the actions of a Roman proconsul is enhanced by the widely reported relationship between the astrologer Thrasyllus and the emperor Tiberius.23 It is not clear why Bar-Jesus, a Semitic name meaning “Son [bar] of Jesus [or Joshua, yǝshûāʿ],” is said to be rendered as Elymas (Acts 13:8).24 Some see Paul’s name change (v. 9) as evidence of Luke’s use of a “Paul” literary source, but it might just be a Lukan wordplay on Sergius Paulus—the conversion of a Roman “Paulus” prompts a shift from the Hebrew “Saul” to the Roman “Paul.” Attributing Paul’s explosive response (vv. 10–11) to the Holy Spirit gives his curse divine warrant without eliminating its severity. The wording of the imprecation is drawn from various OT passages: guile and deceit (Jer 5:27; Sir 1:30; 19:26); perverting the Lord’s upright ways (Prov 10:9; Sir 39:24; Hos 14:9); “Now, look!” (i.e., “Behold,” Gen 12:19 LXX passim); “be disciplined by the Lord,” literally, “the hand of the Lord is upon you” (Exod 9:3; Judg 2:15; Ruth 1:13; 1 Sam 5:6; 7:13; 12:15; etc.); and blindness (Deut 28:28–29). “Misty darkness” is here understood as a hendiadys that renders achlys kai skotos, literally, “mist and darkness.”25 Paul’s severe action stands in the prophetic tradition of Elijah calling down fire on the altar of Baal (1 Kgs 18) and Elisha’s prayer for YHWH to strike the Aramaeans with blindness (2 Kgs 6:18). Even though Luke does not report the proconsul’s baptism, his response should be understood as a conversion. “The faith” from which Elymas tries to turn the proconsul away can only be faith in Jesus.26 “He believed” (episteusen) is typical Lukan language for coming to faith in Christ (Acts 2:44; 4:4, 32; 5:14; passim). “Overwhelmed by this lesson from the Lord” implies faith that results from a dramatic demonstration of divine power.27 22. Mitchell 1993a, 1:151–52; see Breytenbach 38–45, 180–88. 23. Tacitus, Ann. 6.20–21; Suetonius, Tib. 14.4; Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 55.11.1–2; also see Juvenal, Sat. 6.542–547, which describes a Jewess with influence on a Roman lady. 24. Various explanations of Elymas have been offered: somehow related to magos, perhaps “astrologer”; derived from ho loimos, “pestilence”; a variant reading Hetoimas (D*) tries to identify him with Atomus, the Jewish astrologer from Cyprus (Josephus, Ant. 20.142). See BDAG 320 s.v. Elymas. 25. BDAG 160 s.v. achlys. See Homer, Il. 16.344; Od. 20.357; 22.88. On hendiadys, see Smyth §3025. 26. “The faith” (hē pistis) is elsewhere used in Acts for Christian faith or faith in Jesus (6:7; 14:22; 16:5). 27. Given the usage of ekplēssō in Luke 4:32 (|| Mark 1:22), it makes sense to take the verb with the following phrase epi tē didachē tou kyriou (Acts 13:12). Thus the most sensible translation would seem to be: “He became a believer, astonished at this teaching of the Lord.” Yet BegC 4:147 takes epi tē didachē tou kyriou as the object of episteusen, and ekplēssomenos as qualifying the verb: “he believed, in astonishment, on the teaching of the Lord.” Although didachē normally refers either to the activity or content of teaching (BDAG 241 s.v. didachē), here it may have the

Antioch of Pisidia 263

Given the social prominence and high visibility of a Roman proconsul, it is surprising that Luke does not make more of his conversion. But several things are achieved in this story. It conforms to Luke’s typical pattern of depicting Roman officials as positively inclined toward the Jesus movement. At the same time, the gospel is seen to be squarely opposed to popular religion, especially magic. Moreover, this episode marks the moment when Paul emerges as the leading figure of the mission. Not only is this signified by his new name, but also by the concluding description of “Paul and his companions” leaving Paphos and arriving at Perga in Pamphylia (13:13). This accent on Paul’s leading role is reinforced by the departure of John Mark and his return to Jerusalem, which, because of his close relationship with Barnabas, signals a shift of allegiance away from Paul.28 13:14–52 Antioch of Pisidia 13:14–15 Paul in the Synagogue Now they made their way from Perga and arrived at Antioch [the one near] Pisidia,a where they entered the synagogue on the Sabbath dayb and sat down. 15 Now after the reading of the Law and the Prophets, the synagogue leadersc sent to them, saying, “Fellow brothers,d if you have any word of encouragement for the people,e speak!” 13:14

a. Lit., “now they themselves, having gone through from Perga, arrived in Antioch the Pisidia” (autoi de dielthontes apo tēs Pergēs paregenonto eis Antiocheian tēn Pisidian). The latter expression is unclear. Pisidia (hē Pisidia) is a region in central Asia Minor, which became a province ca. 295 CE. Strabo describes this Antioch, located in Phrygia, as “near Pisidia” (hē pros [tē] Pisidia; Strabo, Geog. 12.6.4 [569]; 8.14 [577]), which distinguished it from another Antioch in Phrygia located on the Maeander River. It is tempting to render tēn Pisidian adjectivally, “Pisidian Antioch,” but the proper adjectival form is Pisidikos rather than Pisidios, which is nowhere else attested. Noting the problem, the D-text reads “of Pisidia” (tēs Pisidias), but this is technically incorrect. See BDAG 816 s.v. Pisidia and Pisidios. b. Lit., “on the day of the Sabbaths,” but the plural ta sabbata is frequently used to refer to a single Sabbath day. BDAG 909 s.v. sabbaton; BDF §141 (3), “Sabbata = (Heb.) šabbāt + a to make it pronounceable in Greek.” See Luke 4:16; 13:10; Acts 16:13; 20:7; yet cf. Luke 13:14, 16; 14:5. sense of “lesson,” in the sense of “instruction,” thus “being astonished at this lesson (of divine intervention) from the Lord.” Also, BegC 4:147 notes that “didachē is in one sense inclusive of the miraculous element (exousia). It was this power in teaching which distinguished Jesus from the scribes (Mark 1:22 and 27) and Paul from Bar-Jesus.” Thus “lesson” can be understood in the sense of instruction, or perhaps instruction in which the superior quality of Paul’s authority over that of Elymas has been so visibly demonstrated. 28. For John as the assistant of Barnabas and Saul, see comments on 12:12.

264

Acts 13:14–15

c. Lit., “the archisynagogues” (hoi archisynagōgoi). d. Lit., “men, brothers” (andres adelphoi). e. Lit., “if there is within you any word of exhortation for the people” (ei tis estin en hymin logos paraklēseōs pros ton laon).

[13:14–15] Pisidian Antioch, established in the third century BCE by the Seleucids on the southern slope of the Sultan Mountains in west-central Anatolia, northeast of the modern city of Yalvaç, was refounded by Augustus as a Roman colony—Colonia Caesarea—when Galatia became a Roman province in 25 BCE. As the most important Roman colony in central Asia Minor during the first century CE, Antioch boasted the presence of an impressive, spacious sanctuary honoring Augustus, complete with temple, porticoes, and triumphal arch, and with the Res gestae divi Augusti inscribed on a public wall. Sections of Antioch were modeled after neighborhoods in Rome, creating the impression that the senators, equestrians, veterans, and other prominent citizens residing there were living in “little Rome.”29 Pisidian Antioch would have been accessible from Perga by the via Sebaste, a major Roman road built in 6 BCE by Cornutus Arruntius Aquila, governor of Galatia, to stabilize Roman control of central and south-central Asia Minor. Approximately twenty-five feet wide and sufficient to accommodate wheeled vehicles, the via Sebaste ran from Pamphylia, on the southern coast of Asia Minor (probably originating in Perga), northward through Pisidia via Comama and Apollonia, finally reaching Pisidian Antioch in the central highlands. From there it extended southeast toward the Roman colonies of Iconium and Lystra. No firm archaeological or inscriptional evidence confirms Jewish presence in the city during the first century, although Josephus’s report that, in the late third century BCE, Antiochus III transferred two thousand Jewish families from Parthia to the regions of Phrygia and Lydia makes it likely.30 Although the order and content of synagogue services varied, depending on various factors such as date, location, context, and custom, certain activities are well established. These include reading from the Torah, accompanied by translation into Aramaic or Greek as needed; reading from the prophets (Haftarah); sermon; study and instruction; and possibly communal prayer.31 The exact role of “synagogue leader” (archisynagōgos) is much debated and 29. See Mitchell and Waelkens; also Gazda, Ng, and Demirer; and Breytenbach 45–50. On Roman presence in Asia Minor, esp. in Cilicia, Lycaonia, and Pisidia, see Bechard 243–79. 30. Josephus, Ant. 12.147–153. Philo (Emb. Gaius 281) mentions Jewish “colonies” in “Pamphylia, Cilicia, most of Asia up to Bithynia and the corners of Pontus”; he (Flacc. 45–46) locates Jews “in very many of the most prosperous countries in Europe and Asia both in the islands and on the mainland”; see also Philo, Mos. 2.20. On Jewish communities in Asia Minor, see Smallwood 121. On synagogues as the focus of preaching activity in Acts, see comments on 9:20. 31. L. Levine 2000, 124–59.

Paul’s Sermon in the Synagogue 265

doubtlessly varied but probably included responsibility for building upkeep, underwriting certain operational costs, and organizing services.32 The latter is clearly implied in Acts 13:15. “Word of exhortation” (logos paraklēseōs) may be a rhetorical technical term for a sermon or extended sermonic essay.33 13:16–41 Paul’s Sermon in the Synagogue This sermon unfolds in three discrete sections: (1) a cursory summary of Israelite history from Abraham to David (vv. 16–22), with Jesus introduced as David’s heir and Israel’s Savior, heralded beforehand by John the Baptist (vv. 23–25); (2) the “message of salvation” focusing on Jewish resistance to Jesus in Jerusalem, culminating in his execution by Pilate, followed by Jesus’s burial, resurrection, and appearances (vv. 26–31); and (3) Jesus’s resurrection as the fulfillment of OT promises and its benefits for believers, with a final warning (vv. 32–41). In some respects, this sermon resembles earlier sermons. The brief rehearsal of Israelite history is reminiscent of Stephen’s speech in Acts 7, although it does not dominate the speech to the same degree. Like Peter’s Pentecost speech, midrashic exposition of OT passages, such as Ps 16:10, is employed to prove Jesus’s resurrection (cf. Acts 2:25–28 and 13:35–37). But some new prooftexts are introduced, such as Ps 2:7 (in Acts 13:33) and Isa 55:3 (in 13:34), along with Hab 1:5 as a concluding warning (in 13:41). Reference to the inability of the law of Moses to provide forgiveness of sins (vv. 38–39) is new. But as the first full-fledged sermon to be preached by Paul, it shows him preaching the gospel in a way that is closely aligned with his predecessors Peter, Stephen, and Philip. Like Peter’s Pentecost sermon, this is Paul’s first major recorded sermon before a Jewish audience. 13:16 Now Paul, standing and motioning with his hand, said, “Fellow Israelitesa and those who fear God,b listen! 17 The God of this people Israel

chose our ancestors, brought the people to greatness during their stay in the land of Egypt, led them from therec with uplifted arm, 18 and for about forty years put up with themd in the desert, 19 and after ­destroying

32. The nine NT occurrences of archisynagōgos always refer to someone with a leadership role, typically unspecified, in a Jewish synagogue (Mark 5:21–43 || Luke 8:49; Luke 13:14; Acts 13:15; 18:8, 17). The term synagōgē is also used in inscriptions related to non-Jewish groups or associations, with archisynagōgos used as a title for someone who oversaw various activities in the association such as worship, banquets, funerals, but also had responsibility for managing finances and enforcing rules. See Kloppenborg and Ascough 1:310–12 (no. 66); also NewDocs 4:213–20 (no. 113); and Klauck 2003, 46. On the role of the archisynagōgos in Jewish settings, see L. Levine 2000, 390–402, 421–28; Rajak and Noy; also Brooten; and Horbury 1999, esp. 388–89, 391–92, 396–97. 33. See Heb 13:22; cf. Acts 15:32; 1 Macc 10:24; 2 Macc 15:11.

266

Acts 13:16–41

seven nations in the land of Canaan, he gave them possession of their land 20 —in all about four hundred fifty years. And after that God provided judges until the time of Samuel the prophet.e 21 And then they asked for a king, and God gave them Saul, son of Kish, a man from the tribe of Benjamin, for forty years. 22 After removing Saul, God elevated David as their king and gave testimony to his character, saying, ‘I have found David, the son of Jesse, a man of my heart’s desire,f who will carry out all my wishes.’g 23  From David’s lineage,h just as promised,i God brought to Israel a Savior—Jesus. 24 Before Jesus’s arrival on the scene,j John had already preached to all the people of Israel a baptism requiring repentance.k 25 As John was completing his course, he would say, ‘What do you think I am? I am not the one.l But pay attention! There is one coming after me whose shoes I am not worthy to remove.’”m a. Lit., “men, Israelites” (andres Israēlitai). b. Gk. hoi phoboumenoi ton theon, i.e., gentiles who regularly attend the synagogue. Since it is a technical designation, it is heard as “you gentile friends of the synagogue.” See Acts 10:2. c. Lit., “from it” (ex autēs). d. Gk. etropophorēsen. A more positive view is expressed in the variant reading etrophophorēsen, “he carried them in his arms,” i.e., “he tenderly cared for them” (Deut 1:31; 2 Macc 7:27). BDAG 1017 s.v. tropophoreō and trophophoreō. e. My translation of vv. 17–20 follows the text adopted by NA28, in which the 450 years encompass the period of Egyptian bondage, exodus, wilderness, conquest of Canaan, and initial settlement. This tally presupposes 400 years in Egypt (Gen 15:13; also Acts 7:6; yet cf. Exod 12:40–41), 40 years in the wilderness (Exod 16:35; Num 14:33–34; also Acts 13:18), and 10 years for the conquest and initial settlement of Canaan. Another textual tradition (the D-text), construes the 450 years as the period of the judges. This is achieved by placing “after that” (meta tauta, lit., “after these things”) at the beginning of v. 20, which yields “and after that, for about 450 years God provided judges until the time of Samuel the prophet.” This is a plausible reading, given the chronology of Judges, in which, according to one calculation, an initial period of 410 years is followed by Eli’s tenure of 40 years (1 Sam 4:18 MT; 20 years in LXX). Calculations of the length of the period of the judges vary: about 500 years (Josephus, Ant. 11.112); 383 years (Seder ʿOlam Rabbah). See BegC 4:150–51. f. Lit., “according to my heart” (kata tēn kardian mou). g. Lit., “who will do all my wills [or, desires]” (hos poiēsei panta ta thelēmata mou). h. Lit., “from the seed of this one” (toutou . . . apo tou spermatos). i. Lit., “according to promise” (kat’ epangelian). j. Or, “before his coming” (pro prosōpou tēs eisodou autou). The Greek phrase is a Hebraism, literally rendered “before the face [or, presence] of his entrance.” The wording is probably influenced by the Greek translation of Mal 3:1–2. Cf. Mark 1:2; Matt 11:10; Luke 7:27. See BDAG 294–95 s.v. eisodos 2; also 887–88 s.v. prosōpon 1.b.β.‫ו‬. k. Lit., “a baptism of repentance” (baptisma metanoias).

Paul’s Sermon in the Synagogue 267 l. Lit., “What do you suppose me to be? I am not [it]” (ti eme hyponoeite einai? ouk eimi egō). m. Lit., “But, behold! He comes after me—the shoes of whose feet I am not worthy to loose” (all’ idou erchetai met’ eme hou ouk eimi axios to hypodēma tōn podōn lysai).

[13:16–25] “Motioning with his hand” is a gesture for requesting silence or getting attention.34 Two groups in the audience are envisioned: Jews and gentile Godfearers (see comments on 10:2). Unlike Stephen’s speech, the patriarchs are not mentioned specifically (7:1–16), but “chose our ancestors” probably includes God’s original call of Abraham (cf. Deut 4:37; 10:15). Their “stay” (paroikia) in Egypt was a sojourn in which they were not settled residents or citizens (Wis 19:10). “Uplifted” or “outstretched” arm is a frequent OT metaphor for God’s power.35 A forty-year stay in the wilderness is a standard OT claim (Exod 16:35; Num 14:33–34). There is no mention here of the giving of the law at Sinai—a conspicuous omission (Exod 34). Subjugation of seven Canaanite nations corresponds to OT reports,36 as does possession of the land as an inheritance (Josh 24:1–5; cf. Jer 3:18). Here, “in all about four fifty hundred fifty years” is understood retrospectively, thus including everything described in Acts 13:17–19: the period of captivity in Egypt, the forty years in the wilderness, and the conquest of Canaan.37 Although Samuel is a bridge figure between the judges and prophets, in the OT he is regularly designated a prophet.38 Israel’s request for a king and God’s choice of Saul conform to the OT (1 Sam 8:5, 10; 10:21, 24). “Son of Kish, of the tribe of Benjamin” recalls 1 Sam 10:21. A forty-year rule for Saul is not reported in the OT.39 The report of God’s removal (or rejection) of Saul conforms to the OT (Acts 13:22; 1 Sam 15:23; 16:1), as does God’s choice of David (1 Sam 16:12–13; Ps 89:20). “A man of my heart’s desire,” or more traditionally “a man after my own heart,” recalls Samuel’s words to Saul (1 Sam 13:14; cf. Jer 3:15). Acts 13:22b represents a conflation of wording from three different OT texts (Ps 89:20; 1 Sam 13:14; Isa 44:28).40 The expectation that one of David’s descendants would become king at a later time is firmly embedded in the OT (Acts 13:23; 2 Sam 7:12; 22:51; Ps 132:11, 34. Similarly, Acts 12:17; 21:40; 26:1; cf. Josephus, Ant. 4.323; 8.275; Polybius, Hist. 1.78.3. 35. As in Exod 6:1, 6; 32:11; Deut 4:34; 5:15; 9:26, 29. 36. See Deut 7:1; Josh 3:10; 24:11; yet Deut 20:17 names only six nations. 37. See translation note e on vv. 17–20. 38. As in 1 Sam 3:20; 2 Chr 35:18; 1 Esd 1:20; Sir 46:13. 39. The length of Saul’s reign is referred to in 1 Sam 13:1, but the text is clearly corrupt in both MT and LXX. One addition to the LXX reports a 2-year reign, while the Lucianic version says 30 years. Josephus (Ant. 6.378) reports a 40-year reign for Saul (18 years during Samuel’s lifetime and 22 years after Samuel’s death), although one textual variant of this passage has Josephus reporting a 20-year reign for Saul, conforming to what is stated in Ant. 10.143. 40. Psalm 89 and 1 Sam 13 are also conflated in 1 Clem. 18.1, which may indicate knowledge of Acts by 1 Clement; similarly, cf. 1 Clem. 2.1 with Acts 20:35.

268

Acts 13:16–41

17), and repeated as a critical kerygmatic claim in the NT (Acts 2:30; Rom 1:3). “Brought” is read in some manuscripts as “raised” (ēgeiren, Acts 13:23), probably influenced by Judg 3:9, 15 LXX. “Savior” (sōtēr) is a firmly fixed christological title in Luke-Acts (Luke 2:11; Acts 5:31; 13:23), with deep OT roots (Judg 3:9, 15), which also occurs in Johannine (John 4:42; 1 John 4:14), Pauline (Phil 3:20), post-Pauline (Eph 5:23; 2 Tim 1:10; Titus 1:4; 2:13; 3:6), and Petrine (2 Pet 1:1, 11; 2:20; 3:2, 18) traditions. John’s preaching of a baptism requiring repentance is a fixed element of the Synoptic tradition (Matt 3:1–12 || Mark 1:4–5 || Luke 3:3–14; cf. Acts 19:4). “As John was completing his course” (Acts 13:25) implies some overlap between his and Jesus’s ministry (so, John 3:23–24; 4:1). John’s deference to his more eminent successor is reported by all four strands of the Gospel tradition (Matt 3:11; Mark 1:7; Luke 3:16; John 1:27). “Fellow brothers,a sons of Abraham’s family, and those among you who fear God,b to us this saving message was sent.c 27 For those who live in Jerusalem, along with their leaders, did not recognize him,d and when they sat in judgment [against him], they made the words of the prophets that are read aloud every Sabbath come true.e 28 Although they found no basis for the death penalty,f they asked Pilate for him to be killed. 29 Now after they brought to completion all the things written about him, they took him down from the crossg and laid him in a tomb.h 30 But God raised him from the dead, 31 the one who appeared for many days to those who had made the journey with him from the Galilee to Jerusalem,i those who are now his witnesses to the people.” 13:26

a. Lit., “Men, brothers” (andres adelphoi). b. Gk. kai hoi en hymin phoboumenoi ton theon, i.e., gentiles. c. Or, “sent out,” “dispatched” (exapestalē). d. Lit., “being ignorant of him” (touton agnoēsantes). e. Lit., “fulfilled” (eplērōsan). f. Lit., “finding no cause of death” (mēdemian aitian thanatou heurontes); the participle is understood concessively. g. Lit., “from the tree” (apo tou xylou). h. The translation of vv. 27–29 poses special problems because of the difficult and unusual Greek syntax. My translation (above) follows the text adopted by NA28. By comparison, the D-text reads: “[v. 27] The point is that those living in Jerusalem and her rulers, by not understanding [reading mē synientes instead of agnoēsantes] the writings of the prophets that are read aloud every Sabbath, and by executing judgment, they fulfilled them. [28] Even when they found no reason to punish him by death, when they had judged him, they handed him over to Pilate for execution. [29] As they were bringing to an end all the things that are written concerning him, they asked Pilate to crucify this man; and then they made another request to take him down from the cross, and they put him into a tomb” (LDT 482–85). For a detailed discussion of the text-critical difficulties in vv. 27–29, see BegC 3:261–63; also Metzger 1998, 360–61. The D-text

Paul’s Sermon in the Synagogue 269 intensifies the level of blame on the Jewish leaders for Jesus’s death. This occurs in two ways. First, it removes the “ignorance” motif (touton agnoēsantes, v. 27) found in the Alexandrian text. Second, in v. 28 the D-text reports the hearing before the Sanhedrin (krinantes auton, “when they had judged him”), and their decision to “hand him over to Pilate” (paredōkan Pilatō). As Epp (1966, 58) observes, the D-text “shows the Jews as more eager to handle this case themselves; . . . the conclusion to be drawn is that the D-text shows the Jews in a more active role in the death of Jesus than does B, stressing the hearing before the Council and their desire to kill Jesus, and their subsequent delivery of him to Pilate, asking that he be crucified.” Also, see LDT 656 n. 176. i. Lit., “those having come up with him from the Galilee to Jerusalem” (tois synanabasin autō apo tēs Galilaias eis Ierousalēm).

[13:26–31] “Those among you who fear God” (v. 26) could conceivably mean a subset of Jews, “those among you who really fear God,” thus especially pious Jews.41 But given the similarity of the phrase to the group mentioned in verse 16, it should be taken in the same sense, as gentile Godfearers. “This saving message,” literally, “the word of this salvation” (ho logos tēs sōterias tautēs), is a unique NT expression signifying the “preached word” or message of salvation that centered and culminated in Jesus as Savior (v. 23).42 Consequently the series of events rehearsed in verses 17–22 is properly understood as “salvation history” or a “story of salvation.” In 13:27–30 the target of blame is both the Jewish residents of Jerusalem and their leaders (hoi archontes autōn), possibly Jewish and Roman leaders, though probably only the former.43 Accordingly, this text is viewing the Jewish leaders’ ignorance of Jesus, his true identity and mission, not the previously mentioned “word of this salvation.”44 Their “sitting in judgment” (krinantes) is understood to be the Jewish leaders’ deliberations about Jesus, probably alluding to the hearing before the Sanhedrin described in Luke 22:66–71. In these actions they have unconsciously brought to fulfillment the prophetic texts read aloud weekly in the synagogue. The wording of Acts 13:28 reinforces the suggestion that in verse 27 Jewish leaders are the ones who found no capital charge and yet asked Pilate for 41. This view is supported by ∏45 and B, which omit “and” (kai), thereby seeing “those among you who fear God” in apposition to “sons of Abraham’s family.” 42. Compare Eph 1:13. 43. It is difficult to identify precisely “their leaders” because some texts (e.g., Luke 24:20) seem to group the “leaders” with the Jewish chief priests, while others (e.g., the Lukan trial narrative, which includes a hearing before the Sanhedrin, along with a trial before Pilate and Herod [Luke 23:1–25]), seem to attribute blame for Jesus’s death to both Jewish and Roman officials. Moreover, Acts 4:25–28 interprets the actions of both Herod and Pilate, along with the gentiles and the people of Israel, as the fulfillment of Ps 2:1–2. 44. Salvation (sōtēria) is a distinctive Lukan theme among the Synoptic Gospels. See Luke 1:69, 71, 77; 19:9; Acts 4:12; 7:25; 13:47; 16:17; 27:34; absent in Matthew and Mark although the cognate verb sōzō is used; cf. John 4:22). For YHWH’s word that delivers from destruction, see Ps 107:19–20; cf. 147:18.

270

Acts 13:16–41

Jesus’s execution. Accordingly, in verse 29 those credited with removing Jesus from the cross and burying him in a tomb are the Jewish rather than Roman leaders. It is more likely that the former would have been concerned to bury him in a tomb whereas the latter might have been inclined to dispose of his body in a pit or in a place less honorable than a tomb. Actually, neither option is as likely as the Gospel tradition that Jesus was buried by one of his own followers.45 That God raised Jesus from the dead (v. 30) states a core belief repeatedly mentioned in Acts,46 and common throughout the NT. Reporting the risen Lord’s appearance “for many days” (epi hēmeras pleious, v. 31) aligns with Acts 1:3, but against Luke 24, which reports post-Easter appearances only on Easter Sunday, culminating in Jesus’s ascension the same day (Luke 24:51). The report of appearances to those who had accompanied him from Galilee to Jerusalem recalls the women at the crucifixion (Luke 23:49).47 The witnesses include mainly those who saw and interacted with the risen Lord (Luke 24:13– 49; Acts 1:1–11), those who witnessed his appearances, but by describing them as companions “from the Galilee to Jerusalem,” their witness to his ministry and teachings is also in view. “The people” in Luke-Acts typically refers to the Jews (e.g., Acts 2:47; 3:9; passim). “And we are bringing you the good news of the promise made to our ancestors, 33 that to their children—to us—God has made good on this promisea by raising Jesus, even as it is written in the second psalm, You are my Son, Today I have fatheredb you. 34 Now that God raised Jesus from the dead, no longer destined to a decomposed state,c God has spoken as follows, ‘I will give you [people] the holy, faithful things [promised by] David.’d 35 Therefore he also says in another psalm,e ‘You will not allow your Holy One to decompose.’f 36 For on the one hand David, in his own generation being in service to the will of God,g died and was buried beside his ancestors,h and his body ‘decomposed,’i 37 while on the other hand, the one whom God raised— 13:32

45. All four Gospels assign responsibility for Jesus’s burial to Joseph of Arimathea (Matt 27:57–61 || Mark 15:42–47 || Luke 23:50–56 || John 19:38–42). Matthew and John identify him specifically as a disciple of Jesus (Matt 27:57 || John 19:38), although Mark and Luke describe him as “waiting expectantly for the kingdom of God” (Mark 15:43 || Luke 23:51). Mark and Luke identify Joseph as a member of the Sanhedrin (Mark 15:43 || Luke 23:50–51). This identification places a sympathetic witness at the hearing before the Sanhedrin, thereby lending greater credibility to Mark’s and Luke’s account of that event. According to John, Nicodemus assisted Joseph in burying Jesus (John 19:39–40, 42). 46. See esp. Acts 3:15; 4:10; 10:40; also 2:24; 5:30; 13:37; 17:31. 47. The appearances of Jesus to Paul mentioned elsewhere in Acts (Acts 9:17; 26:16; cf. 1 Cor 15:5–8) are not mentioned here since they are in a different category from those envisioned in Acts 1:21–22.

Paul’s Sermon in the Synagogue 271

his body ‘did not decompose.’j 38 Thus let it be known to you, fellow brothers,k that through this one, forgiveness of sins—all of the sins that could not be made right through the law of Moses—is now being proclaimed to you. 39 In him, every believer is made right.l 40 Therefore watch out, lest what was said in the prophets comes about with you: 41 Open your eyes, you arrogant critics!m Be impressed, then vanish,n because I am working a work in your lifetime,o a work that you will in no way believe even if someone relates it to you in detail.” a. Lit., “this [promise] God has fulfilled” (tautēn ho theos ekpeplērōken). b. Usually, “begotten” (gegennēka). c. Lit., “no longer being about to return to corruption” (mēketi mellonta hypostrephein eis diaphthoran). d. Lit., “the holy things, David, the faithful things” (ta hosia Dauid ta pista). e. Lit., “therefore also in another [psalm] he says” (dioti kai en heterō legei). f. Lit., “you will not give your Holy One to see corruption” (ou dōseis ton hosion sou idein diaphthoran). g. Or, “for after serving his own generation by the will of God, David . . .” (Dauid men gar idia genea hypēretēsas tē tou theou boulē). h. Lit., “and he was placed beside his fathers” (kai prosetethē pros tous pateras), or “he was gathered to his ancestors.” BDAG 885 s.v. prostithēmi 1.b. i. Lit., “saw corruption” (eiden diaphthoran). j. Lit., “did not see corruption” (ouk eiden diaphthoran). k. Lit., “men, brothers” (andres adelphoi). l. Lit., “[and] from all of which [sins] you were not able in the law of Moses to be justified, in this one [Jesus] everyone who believes is justified” ([kai] apo pantōn hōn ouk ēdynēthēte en nomō Mōyseōs dikaiōthēnai, en toutō pas ho pisteuōn dikaioutai). m. Lit., “those who despise” (hoi kataphronētai). n. Lit., “both marvel and fade away” (kai thaumasate kai aphanisthēte). o. Lit., “in your days” (en tais hēmerais hymōn).

[13:32–41] “We are bringing you the good news” (hēmeis hymas euangelizometha) expresses as a verb what the noun “gospel” (euangelion) signifies.48 The “promise made to our ancestors” (v. 32, lit., “the promise made to our fathers,” tēn pros tous pateras epangelian genomenēn) is the promise earlier mentioned—the promise to Israel of a future Savior from David’s lineage (v. 23).49 48. In Luke-Acts, the noun euangelion appears only in Acts 15:7; 20:24. It occurs a few times in Mark and Matthew and many times in the Pauline Letters. In Luke-Acts, the verb euangelizomai is more common: 10x in Luke, 15x in Acts. 49. Elsewhere in Luke-Acts, “the promise” can refer to the promise of the Holy Spirit (Luke 24:49; Acts 1:4; 2:33, 39), God’s promise to Abraham (Acts 7:17), and the promise of a future resurrection (26:6–8).

272

Acts 13:16–41

The point of verses 32–37 is to show that Jesus represents the fulfillment of the promise that God made earlier to “our ancestors,” specifically that the promise has come true for our ancestors’ “children,” to “us,” the generation to which Paul’s (Luke’s) hearers belong. Three LXX quotations are adduced as proof of this claim: Ps 2:7; Isa 55:3; and Ps 15:10. Only the third one has already been introduced (Acts 2:27). The internal logic of the three quotations can be construed in different ways, but much depends on how each quotation is understood. Two separate claims are made: (1) that God “raised” Jesus (v. 33); and (2) that God raised Jesus from the dead (v. 34).50 The first claim is that God “raised” Jesus in the sense of selecting him from among the people of Israel, as God had done with earlier leaders. Psalm 2:7 is part of the embedded tradition relating to Jesus’s baptism, and readers of Luke-Acts will most naturally think of Luke 3:22 as the clearest internal literary reference (cf. Mark 1:11; Matt 3:17). This “raising” of Jesus would thus encompass his life and ministry understood as a single whole.51 The second claim builds on the first through a play on words—not simply that God “raised” Jesus, but that he also “raised him from the dead” (Acts 13:34). Central to this claim is the explanatory phrase: “no longer destined to a decomposed state” (mēketi mellonta hyposrephein eis diaphthoran). To support this second claim, two OT quotations are cited: Isa 55:3 and Ps 16:10. God should be understood as the subject of “raised” (anestēsen) in Acts 13:34a and “has spoken” in 13:34b. The difficulties of the LXX form of Isa 55:3 are well known. It differs significantly from the MT, “I will make with you an everlasting covenant, my steadfast, sure love for David” (wǝʾekrǝtâ lākem bǝrît ʿôlām ḥasdê dāwid hanneʾĕmānîm), which is rendered in the LXX as “I will make with you an everlasting covenant, the sacred things of David that are sure” (NETS, kai diathēsomai hymin diathēkēn aiōnion, to hosia Dauid ta pista); possibly “the sure decrees given to David” (NETS note). Luke changes the LXX by eliminating the promise that God “will make . . . an everlasting covenant” and altering “I will make” (or establish, diathēsomai)” to “I will give” (dōsō). In the quotation the plural form of “you” (hymin, retained from the LXX) should be noticed. This links with the “you” (pl.) in Acts 13:32 and, by extension, “their children—to us,” in verse 33. Because of the obscurity of the LXX portion that Luke retains, literally, “the holy things, David, the faithful things” (ta hosia Dauid ta pista), the quotation has been rendered in different ways: “I will give you the holy promises made to David” (NRSV); “I will give you 50. This part of the exposition is illustrated in the chart below, with arrows indicating each promise about “raising.” 51. So in BegC 4:154–55. Dissatisfied with the ambiguity of the text at this point (anastēsas Iēsoun, 13:33), A2 gig read auton ek nekrōn.

Paul’s Sermon in the Synagogue 273

the sure mercies of David” (KJV); “I will give you the holy things of David which are faithful.”52 My rendering, “I will give you [people] the holy, faithful things [promised by] David,” understands this quotation as the first of two prooftexts supporting the claim about Jesus’s resurrection. It anticipates the promise implied in the second quotation, a Davidic psalm. In this first quotation, God asserts that the Davidic promise embedded in Ps 15:10 LXX (16:10 ET) is now being revealed to “you [people],” Paul’s listeners, the current generation of Jewish listeners. Significantly, the second OT quotation is introduced with “therefore” (dioti). It follows directly on what is anticipated in Isa 55:3. Whereas God was the speaker in Isa 55:3 LXX, in Ps 15:10 LXX the quotation is in the second-person singular. Since David is the implied speaker of this psalm, the “you” being addressed in the psalm must be God. The key interpretive question is the identity of “your Holy One” (ton hosion sou). Luke’s contemporary readers would be inclined to see David as the referent and understand the psalm to be praising God’s ability to preserve David’s life. The function of Acts 13:36–37 is clear: Luke’s Paul must show why “your Holy One” (ton hosion sou) cannot refer to David. This is achieved in several ways: first, by claiming that David belonged to “his own generation” (idia genea), and that within that generation he faithfully served the will of God. But, second, he died and was buried beside his ancestors. At this point, Paul’s remarks become a midrashic interpretation of Ps 15:10 LXX. The key phrase is “to decompose,” or in language more familiar from English translations, “to see corruption” (idein diaphthoran). Psalm 16:10 claims that God’s Holy One will “not decompose” (ou . . . idein diaphthoran, 15:10 LXX). The thrust of Paul’s remarks is that David’s body “decomposed” (Acts 13:36b) and that, by contrast, the “one whom God raised” (Jesus) “did not decompose.” Since Paul is explaining this particular phrase from Ps 16:10, in my translation I have placed “decomposed” and “did not decompose” in quotation marks to indicate the specific features of his midrashic interpretation. Paul’s language in Acts 13:34, in which he makes his basic claim about Jesus’s resurrection, anticipates this exposition by introducing the phrase about decomposition: “destined never again to a decomposed state” (mēketi mellonta hypostrephein eis diaphthoran). Thus the logic of verses 35–37 is clear: Ps 16:10 envisions a representative of God—God’s Holy One—somehow escaping the finality of death, which is marked by experiencing bodily decomposition. Although David has envisioned such a figure, this “Holy One” cannot be David himself, since his death and burial are well-attested facts. David’s “prophecy” must have envisioned someone other than himself—one of his successors—whose body did not decompose 52. See BegC 4:155.

274

Acts 13:16–41

after his death, and the only figure in David’s lineage known to have escaped death in this way is the resurrected Jesus.53 “Forgiveness of sins” (aphesis amartiōn, Acts 13:38) is distinctively Lukan language signifying the act of being freed or liberated from the punishment associated with sin, thus the cancellation of the guilt of sin.54 For Luke, “forgiveness of sins” is a benefit mediated through Jesus, especially through the name of Jesus. It is ritually experienced through repentance and baptism. Being unable to be “justified” (dikaiōthēnai) or “made right” “by the law of Moses” (en nomō Mōyseōs, v. 38) and claiming that “everyone who believes is justified” (pas ho pisteuōn dikaioutai, v. 39) reflect distinctive Pauline language expressing two of his cardinal convictions.55 It is more common for Paul to relate the efficacy of the law of Moses to “justification” (dikaiosynē) than to “forgiveness of sins” (aphesis hamartiōn), although the same ultimate benefit—reconciliation with God—lies behind both benefits. The concluding warning from Hab 1:5 is attributed to “the prophets,” since the twelve Minor Prophets comprise a single book (Acts 13:40–41).56 In this prophetic text, YHWH is speaking to scoffers, warning them to notice that YHWH is at work among them, in their own lifetime, doing things so incredible that they will not comprehend them even if someone lays it out to them in detail. As such, this text is a prophetic oracle warning against those who resist seeing God at work in their own generation. Luke expects readers to see Paul’s synagogue audience as the potential “scoffers” or “arrogant critics” who will be unable to see God at work within the mission of Paul and Barnabas. The wording of the text also makes it clear that the Pauline mission is work that God is doing. In the following chart a five-part outline is used to display the discrete stages of argument in the sermon, with supporting scriptural links. 53. The celebrated cases of OT figures who, rather than dying, were “taken up,” notably Enoch (Gen 5:24) and Elijah (2 Kgs 2:1–12), are excluded by this logic since they did not die. 54. This language is more prominent in Luke-Acts than in Paul, where it occurs only in the disputed letters (Eph 1:7 and Col 1:14; yet cf. Rom 3:25; 4:7, quoting Ps 32:1–2). This may signify some commonality or thematic continuity in Luke-Acts and post-Pauline traditions. Similar language is found in Johannine thought (John 20:23; 1 John 1:9; 2:12). See BDAG 155 s.v. aphesis, noting Irenaeus, AH 1.21.2; Theophilus, Autolyc. 2.16. See Krötke et al. 2012; Bultmann. 55. On the impossibility of experiencing God’s justification through the law of Moses, see Gal 2:16; also Rom 8:3); on justification through faith, see Gal 3:24; Rom 3:28; 5:1; cf. Gal 3:8; Rom 4:5. One exegetical question relating to Acts 13:38b is whether Luke’s wording implies the law’s inability to acquit sins in principle (sins of any kind), or just some sins but not others. The first view is more probable. Luke’s claim is that forgiveness of sins is now being proclaimed through Jesus and that, although it was impossible through the law of Moses to experience the full acquittal of sins, now, through Jesus, everyone who believes is (fully) acquitted. 56. Habakkuk 1:5 LXX differs from the MT, and Luke’s quotation of Hab 1:5 differs from the LXX. Among other things, Luke adds (a second use of)“work” (ergon) in Acts 13:41b, probably as an intentional link with “work” in 13:2.

Paul’s Sermon at Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:16–41 NRSV) Section 1 Scriptural links

Summary of Israelite history: From Abraham to David (Acts 13:16–22)

Acts 7

God . . .

Deut 4:37; 10:15

chose our ancestors (v. 17)

Wis 19:10; cf. Isa 1:2; Exod 32:10

made the people great . . . in their sojourn in the land of Egypt (v. 17)

Exod 6:1, 6; 32:11; Deut 4:34; 5:15; etc.

with uplifted arm led them out (v. 17)

Exod 16:35; Num 14:33–34

about forty years put up with (cared for ?) them in the wilderness (v. 18)

Deut 7:1; Josh 3:10; 24:11; cf. Deut 20:17

destroyed seven nations in the land of Canaan (v. 19)

Josh 24:1–5; cf. Jer 3:18

gave them their land as an inheritance (v. 19)

Gen 15:13; Exod 16:35; etc.

for four hundred fifty years (v. 20a)

1 Sam 3:20; 2 Chr 35:18; 1 Esd 1:20; Sir 46:13

gave them judges; . . . prophet Samuel (v. 20b)

1 Sam 8:5, 10; 10:21, 24

gave them Saul when they asked for a king (v. 21)

1 Sam 10:21

Saul, son of Kish, tribe of Benjamin (v. 21b)

1 Sam 13:1?

Saul . . . reigned forty years (v. 21b)

1 Sam 15:23; 16:1

removed Saul (v. 22a)

1 Sam 16:12–13; Ps 89:20

made David their king (v. 22b)

1 Sam 13:14; cf. Jer 3:15

“Son of Jesse, man after God’s own heart” (v. 22b)

Ps 89:20; 1 Sam 13:14; Isa 44:28

David, who will carry out all my wishes (v. 22c)

Section 2 Scriptural links

Continuation of Israelite History: From David to Jesus (Acts 13:23–25)

2 Sam 7:4–17, Nathan to David: (5) “Thus says the Lord . . . (11) Moreover the Lord declares to you that the Lord will make you a house. (12) When your days are fulfilled and you lie down with your ancestors, I will raise up [anastēsō] your offspring [to sperma sou] after you, who shall come forth from your body, and I will establish his kingdom [tēn basileian autou]. (13) He shall build a house [oikon] for my name [tō onomati mou], and I will establish the throne of his kingdom forever. . . . (16) Your house and your kingdom shall be made sure forever before me; your throne shall be established forever.”

From [David’s] posterity (sperma) (v. 23a)

2 Sam 22:50–51: (50) “Therefore I will acknowledge you, O Lord, among the nations, and make music in your name, (51) magnifying acts of deliverance [sōtērias] of his king and doing mercy to his anointed [tō christō autou], to David and his offspring [tō spermati] forever.” (NETS) Luke 1:69; 2:11; Acts 4:12; 5:31

God brought to Israel a Savior, Jesus (ho theos . . . ēgagen tō Israēl sōtēra Iēsoun) (v. 23b)

Judg 3:9, 15: “But when the Israelites cried out to the Lord, the Lord raised up a deliverer for the Israelites [ēgeiren kyrios sōtēra tō Israēl], and he delivered [esōsen] them.” . . . Othniel . . . Ehud as he promised (kat’ epangelian) (v. 23b)

2 Sam 7:4–17 Ps 131:11–12 LXX (132:11–12 ET): (11) “The Lord swore [ōmosen] to David a sure oath [alētheian] from which he will not turn back: ‘One of the sons of your body [ek karpou tēs koilias sou] I will set on your throne. (12) If your sons keep my covenant [tēn diathēkēn mou] and my decrees that I shall teach them, their sons also, forevermore, shall sit on your throne.’” (See Acts 2:30.) Luke 3:1–17

Before his coming, John the Baptist (v. 24)

Luke 3:3; Acts 1:5, 22; 11:16

proclaimed a baptism of repentance to all the people of Israel (v. 24)

Luke 3:18–20; cf. John 1:19–42

As John was finishing his work . . . (v. 25a)

Luke 3:16

John: “I am not he, . . . but one is coming after me” (v. 25b)

Luke 3:16

John: “I am not worthy . . .” (v. 25c)

Section 3 Scriptural links

Jesus: The Message of This Salvation (ho logos tēs sōtērias) (Acts 13:26–31)

Luke 23:1–25; 24:20; Acts 4:25–28

Jerusalem residents and their leaders (v. 26) • did not recognize [Jesus] • did not understand the prophets . . . read every Sabbath

Luke 23:13–25

• fulfilled [the prophets] by condemning him (v. 27)

Luke 23:4, 14–15, 22, 41, 47

• found no cause of death (innocence)

Luke 23:18–25

• asked Pilate to execute him (v. 28)

Luke 22:37, citing Isa 53:12

• carried out everything written about him (v. 29a)

Luke 23:50–56, Joseph of Arimathea

• took him down from the tree (v. 29b)

Luke 23:50–56

• laid him in a tomb (v. 29c)

Luke 24:1–12

But God raised him from the dead (ho de theos ēgeiren auton ek nekrōn) (v. 30)

Acts 1:3, “40 days”; 1 Cor 15:5–8; cf. Luke 24

For many days [he] appeared to:

Luke 23:49; Acts 1:14, 21

• those who accompanied him from Galilee to ­Jerusalem (v. 31a)

Acts 1:8

• who are now his witnesses (v. 31b)

Section 4 Scriptural links

The Gospel of Jesus’s Resurrection (Acts 13:32–37) We bring you the good news (euangelizometha) (v. 32)

2 Sam 7:4–17; Ps 131:11 LXX (132:11 ET)

that what God promised our ancestors (tēn pros tous pateras epangelian genomenēn) (v. 32; see v. 23)

2 Sam 7:4–17; Ps 131:11 LXX (132:11 ET)

this promise (epangelian) God has fulfilled to their children, to us (v. 33a)

Acts 2:24, 32; 17:31; 2 Sam 7:12–13 Acts 3 & 7 (Deut 18:15) Acts 3:26

→

as also it is written in the second psalm (v. 33c) “You are my Son; today I have begotten you” (v. 33d)

Ps 2:7 LXX Rom 1:3–4; Heb 1:5 Luke 3:22

by raising (anastēsas) Jesus (v. 33b)

→

Now that [because?] God raised him from the dead (anestēsen auton ek nekrōn) (v. 34a) no more to return to corruption (mēketi mellonta hypostrephein eis diaphthoran) (v. 34b) [God] has spoken (eirēken) in this way (v. 34c)

Isa 55:3 LXX: “I will make with you an everlasting covenant, the sacred things of David that are sure” (NETS; kai diathēsomai hymin diathēkēn aiōnion, to hosia Dauid ta pista).

“I will give you [pl.] the holy promises made to David” (dōsō hymin ta hosia Dauid ta pista) (v. 34d)

Therefore he [God?] has also said in another psalm (v. 35a)

Ps 15:10 LXX: “nor will you give your holy one to see corruption” (oude dōseis ton hosion sou idein diaphthoran) (cf. 16:10 ET)

“You will not let your Holy One experience corruption” (ou dōseis ton hosion sou idein diaphthoran) (v. 35b)

Recalls Acts 2:25–28 = Ps 15:8–11 LXX (25): “‘I [Christ] saw the Lord [YHWH] constantly before me [Christ], because he [YHWH] is at my [Christ’s] right hand to keep me [Christ] from being shaken. (26) For this reason my [Christ’s] heart was glad and my [Christ’s] tongue rejoiced, and furthermore, my [Christ’s] flesh will live in hope, (27) because you [YHWH] will not allow my [Christ’s] soul to remain in Hades nor will you [YHWH] grant your [YHWH’s] Holy One [Christ] to decompose. (28) You [YHWH] revealed to me [Christ] the ways of life, you [YHWH] will make me [Christ] full of joy with your [YHWH’s] presence.’ “David, . . . being a prophet, . . . foreseeing this” (Acts 2:30–31) 2 Sam 7:12

For David, after he had served the purpose of God in his own generation, died, was laid beside his ancestors (v. 36)

David = Ps 15:10 LXX (16:10 ET)

and experienced corruption (eiden diaphthoran) (v. 36b) But he whom God raised up (hon de ho theos ēgeiren) (v. 37a)

Christ = Ps 15:10 (16:10 ET)

experienced no corruption (ouk eiden diaphthoran) (v. 37b)

Section 5 Scriptural links

Offer of Salvation and Warning (Acts 13:38–41) Let it be known to you, therefore, my brothers, (v. 38a)

Acts 2:38; 3:19

that through this man forgiveness of sins is proclaimed to you (v. 38b)

Gal 3:24; Rom 3:28; 5:1; cf. Gal 3:8; Rom 4:5

By this Jesus everyone who believes is set free (v. 39a)

Responses to Paul’s Sermon 279 Gal 2:16; Rom 8:3

from all those sins from which you could not be freed by the law of Moses (v. 39b) Beware, therefore, that what the prophets said does not happen to you:

Hab 1:5

  “Look, you scoffers!   Be amazed and perish,   For in your days I am doing a work,   a work that you will never believe   even if someone tells you.”

13:42–52 Responses to Paul’s Sermon Now as Paul and Barnabas were leaving, people urged that these words be spoken to them on the next Sabbath.a 43 When the synagogue dismissed, many of the Jews and the worshiping proselytesb began following Paul and Barnabas, who spoke to them and urged them to continue in the grace of God. 44 Now when the next Sabbath arrived,c almost all the city was gathered to hear the word of the Lord.d 45 When the Jews saw the crowds, they were filled with jealousy and began disputing the things Paul said and hurling abuse at him.e 46 Both Paul and Barnabas, experiencing a surge of boldness, said, “It was necessary for the word of God to be spoken to you first. Since you cast it aside and do not judge yourselves worthy of eternal life,f take note!g We are turning to the gentiles. 47 For so has the Lord commanded us, I have appointed you as a light to the gentiles, for you to bring salvation to the end of the earth.”h 48 Now when the gentiles heard this, they started rejoicing and giving honor toi the word of the Lord,j and as many as had been destined for eternal life believed. 49 Now the word of the Lord was spread abroad through the whole region. 50 The Jews stirred up the devout womenk of high standing and the leading men of the city, and they incited a persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and they threw them out of their territory.l 51 But Paul and Barnabas shook the dust from their feet at them and traveled to Iconium. 52 The disciples, though, were filled with joy and the Holy Spirit. 13:42

a. This is a more precise rendering of the Greek, which reads, literally, “Now as they were leaving, they were urging that these words be spoken to them on the next Sabbath” (exiontōn de autōn parekaloun eis to metaxu sabbaton lalēthēnai autois ta hrēmata tauta). b. “Worshiping proselytes” (tōn sebomenōn prosēlytōn) occurs only here and doubtlessly means “devout converts to Judaism” (NRSV) as opposed to gentile Godfearers.

280

Acts 13:42–52

“Proselyte” (prosēlytos) occurs only three other times in the NT: Acts 2:11; 6:5; also Matt 23:15. The term designates a non-Jew who has converted to the Jewish faith by (in the case of males) being circumcised, immersed in water, and making an offering in the temple (cf. Philo, Spec. Laws 1.51). The term may also have been used of persons who joined pagan cults. See BDAG 880 s.v. prosēlytos; also Moore 1927–30, 1:323–53; and Goodman. c. Lit., “now on the coming Sabbath” (tō de erchomenō sabbatō). d. Some MSS (B* C E L Ψ 614. 1241. 1505 vgcl sy bo) read “the word of God” (ton logon tou theou) no doubt to conform to the more frequently used expression in LukeActs (square brackets indicate textual variants: Luke 5:1; 8:11, 21; 11:28; [22:61]; Acts 4:31; 6:2, 7; 8:14; [8:25]; 11:1; 12:24; 13:5, 7, [44], 46, [48]; [16:32]; 17:13; 18:11). But “the word of the Lord” (ho logos tou kyriou) is also used, apparently without any clear distinction (Acts [6:7]; 8:25; [12:24]; [13:5]; 13:44, 48, 49; 15:35, 36; 16:32; 19:10). Since these references are based on NA28, they do not correspond to Moulton and Geden. See Metzger 1998, 368–69. e. Lit., “blaspheming” (blasphēmountes). The D-text gives an amplified version of vv. 44–45: “When the next Sabbath came, nearly the whole town came together to hear Paul (indeed, he spoke at length concerning the Lord); and when the Jews saw the crowd, they were filled with zeal and opposed the words being spoken by Paul, opposing [antilegontes] him and blaspheming.” Epp 1966, 136, notes: “While the additional antilegontes may seem to be little more than tautological, the picture of Jewish opposition is nevertheless intensified in the D-text.” f. Gk. tēs aiōniou zōēs. In Jewish thought during the Hellenistic period “eternal life” (zōē aiōnios) refers to the everlasting existence that results from being resurrected from the dead (see Dan 12:2; Pss. Sol. 3.12; 1 En. 37.4; 40.9; 58.3; 2 Macc 7:9; 4 Macc 15:3). In the Synoptic Gospels, Jesus encounters those searching for eternal life (e.g., the “rich young man,” Mark 10:17–31; Matt 19:16–30; Luke 18:18–30; the lawyer in Luke 10:25–28). “Eternal life” is an especially prominent theme in the Gospel of John. According to BegC 4:159, “eternal life” is “a metaphysical concept entirely foreign to Acts,” thus preferring to render zōē aiōnios as “age to come,” which in Jewish thought signified the divinely appointed period following “this age.” See BDAG 33 s.v. aiōnios 3, “pertaining to a period of unending duration, ‘without end.’” g. Lit., “behold” (idou). h. Lit., “for you to be for salvation to the end of the earth” (tou einai se eis sōtērian heōs eschatou tēs gēs). i. Lit., “they were glorifying” (edoxazon). Instead of edoxazon, the D-text reads “received” (edexanto), conforming to more usual Lukan wording (see Acts 8:14; 11:1; 17:11; cf. Luke 8:13). j. Some manuscripts (B D E 323. 453 sams bo) read “the word of God” (ton logon tou theou); others (614 sy) read simply “God” (ton theon). See text note d on v. 44. k. Gk. sebomenas gynaikas, i.e., gentile women. l. Lit., “from their borders” (apo tōn horiōn autōn).

[13:42–52] As the text of 13:42–43 reads in NA28, two stages of departure are envisioned: people speaking to Paul and Barnabas as they are exiting the

Responses to Paul’s Sermon 281

synagogue, followed by the formal dismissal of the synagogue, when Paul and Barnabas speak encouraging words to Jewish members of the synagogue who tag along after them.57 Describing the synagogue attendees as “many of the Jews and devout proselytes” is a Lukan variation on previous descriptions, probably his way of referring, once again, to discrete groups within a synagogue audience: those born as Jews, and those converted to Judaism.58 “Grace of God,” a common Pauline expression (e.g., Rom 5:15; 1 Cor 3:10; passim), has various nuances in Luke-Acts, but here the sense seems to be that these favorably disposed Jewish hearers are being urged to pursue the implications of God’s gracious act in fulfilling earlier divine promises.59 Given the size of this Antioch, “almost all the city” implies a huge crowd. Does this mean that “the whole city” gathered at the synagogue, or is an open space somewhere in the city in view? The “word of the Lord” refers to the gospel message, the good news about the Lord Jesus.60 Given the earlier positive response of some synagogue members, “the Jews” obviously means “some of the Jews.” “Hurling abuse” (blasphēmountes) suggests disrespectful, demeaning, and even slanderous speech.61 Paul and Barnabas’s “surge of boldness” (parrhēsiasamenoi, 13:46) may have the additional connotation of unexpected, rhetorical eloquence, thus “experiencing a surge of emotional eloquence.”62 “Word of God” is shorthand for the gospel. Giving priority to Jews in the proclamation of the gospel is a basic Pauline conviction (Rom 1:16; 2:9), a pattern also consistently followed in Luke-Acts (cf. Acts 2:39; 18:6). To “cast it aside” implies active rejection and repudiation.63 Judging oneself unworthy implies conscious though perhaps unjustifiable rejection, thus seeming a little less harsh than “casting it aside” as an act of conscious repudiation. “Eternal life” (13:46, 48) is another way of expressing the desire for salvation in “the age to come.”64 “Turning to the gentiles” should be understood as a dramatic moment expressed rhetorically. Paul has already preached to gentiles in Antioch of Syria (11:25–26), and subsequently he still preaches to Jews, as at his next stop in Iconium (14:1). Appropriating Isa 49:6 recalls Simeon’s prayer in the temple (Luke 2:29– 32). By now applying it to the gentile mission specifically, Luke presents Paul 57. Various solutions have been proposed to resolve this apparent redundancy. Some scholars think Acts 13:42 is a later interpolation; others eliminate v. 43 entirely. 58. Along with these two groups in the synagogue, Luke also mentions Godfearers (13:26); in 13:44 “the whole city” probably points to other gentiles, curiosity seekers perhaps, who are in attendance. 59. E.g., Luke 2:40; Acts 11:23; 14:26; 20:24; cf. Luke 1:30; 2:52; Acts 20:32. 60. See text notes d and j on verses 44 and 48. 61. See BDAG 178 s.v. blasphēmeō. 62. So BegC 4:159. 63. See Acts 7:27, 39; 1 Tim 1:19; Rom 11:1–2; similarly, Luke 7:30. 64. See translation note f on 13:46.

282

Acts 13:42–52

and Barnabas as the replacement of “Israel, the servant of the Lord,” who, in the Isaianic passage, would serve as the “light to the gentiles.” Although this OT quotation as scriptural warrant for the gentile mission is clearly a Lukan conviction, it may reflect Paul’s own apostolic self-understanding.65 “Giving honor to the word of the Lord” (Acts 13:48) is an unusual expression.66 Here it means responding favorably to the good news of the Lord Jesus Christ and embracing that gospel. Those “[who had] been destined for eternal life believed,” a heavily predestinarian claim,67 may be an allusion to the widespread Jewish notion of being enrolled in God’s book.68 The gist of the meaning seems to be: Since gentiles have been destined for eternal life by virtue of God’s ancient (or prior) desire to include them among the people of God, they become believers. The spread of “the word of the Lord,” the message about the Lord Jesus, throughout the “whole region” is doubtlessly literary hyperbole but includes the provinces of Galatia and Phrygia.69 It also implies messengers besides Paul and Barnabas dispersing the gospel. Further Jewish resistance takes the form of inciting “devout women of high standing” (v. 50), probably gentile women who are rich.70 The “leading men of the city” (tous prōtous tēs poleōs) could include a wide range of prominent leaders, including Roman magistrates.71 “Persecution” (diōgmon) implies physical harassment.72 Shaking the dust off one’s feet as a gesture of mocking contempt, as “testimony against one’s detractors,” fulfills Jesus’s earlier instructions to his disciples.73 The mention of Iconium, a Roman colony about eighty-five miles (137 km) southeast of Pisidian Antioch along the via Sebaste, anticipates the next episode (Acts 14:1–7).74 The “disciples” are the gentile believers men65. In his letters, Paul nowhere cites Isa 49:6 explicitly, but in 2 Cor 6:2 he cites Isa 49:8, claiming that now (his own ministry) is the “day of salvation” mentioned there. 66. “They started rejoicing and giving honor,” thus taking echairon kai edoxazon (13:48) as inceptive imperfects. 67. Barrett 1994–98, 1:658: “[Acts 13:48] is as unqualified a statement of absolute predestination—‘the eternal purpose of God’ (Calvin)—as is found anywhere in the NT.” See Calvin 1:393. 68. See Exod 32:32–33; Ps 69:28; Dan 12:1; 1 En. 47.3; 104.1; 108.3; Jub. 30.19–20, 22; Rev 3:5; 13:8; 17:8; 20:12; 21:27. 69. This is one of many Lukan references to the spread of the gospel and the church’s numerical growth. See comments on 2:41 and the footnote there. 70. The term euschēmōn, here rendered “of high standing” (13:50), is used to designate social prominence yet sometimes connotes “well-to-do.” See BDAG 414 s.v. euschēmōn. 71. See NewDocs 3:30 (no. 6); also BDAG 892–95 s.v. prōtos 2.a.β; cf. Josephus, Life 169. 72. See Acts 8:1; cf. Luke 21:12. 73. Luke 9:5; 10:4–12; cf. Mark 6:11; again in Acts 18:6. See BDAG 558 s.v. koniortos. 74. Xenophon of Athens (ca. 430–355 BCE) calls Iconium “the last city of Phrygia” (Anab. 1.2.19), as one headed toward Cappadocia. Pliny the Elder (ca. 23–79 CE), Nat. Hist. 5.41.145, also locates Iconium in Phrygia, although Strabo (b. ca. 64 BCE) locates it in Lycaonia (Geog. 12.6.1), thereby confirming shifting regional boundaries in Anatolia. The city stood at the intersection of six Roman roads converging from all directions. Its special relationship to the Emperor Claudius

Resistance in Iconium, Fleeing to Lystra and Derbe 283

tioned in 13:48. Being filled with “joy and the Holy Spirit” underscores the authenticity of their conversion.75 14:1–7 Resistance in Iconium, Fleeing to Lystra and Derbe Now it happened in Iconium the same waya—Paul and Barnabas entered the synagogue of the Jews and spoke in such a way that a huge crowd of Jews and Greeks believed. 2 But the unbelieving Jews stirred up the gentiles and poisoned their minds against the brothers. 3 So then, they stayed for quite a while speaking courageously about the Lord,b who bore testimony to the message of grace they spoke about himc by enabling them to perform signs and wonders.d 4 Now the people of the city were divided, some siding with the Jews, others with the apostles.e 5 Now when the gentiles and Jews, along with their leaders, decided to hurl both insults and stones at them,f 6 once Paul and Barnabas realized this, they fled to the Lycaonian cities of Lystra and Derbe and to the surrounding countryside. 7 And in these places they continued their proclamation of the good news.g 14:1

a. Here, kata to auto is rendered “(in) the same way.” It can also mean “together,” i.e., in each other’s company, or “at the same time.” See BDAG 153 s.v. autos 3.b. b. Gk. parrhēsiazomenoi epi tō kyriō, i.e., Jesus. c. Lit., “the one bearing witness to the word of his grace” (tō martyrounti [epi] tō logō tēs charitos autou). d. Lit., “giving signs and wonders to be done through their hands” (didonti sēmeia kai terata ginesthai dia tōn cheirōn autōn). e. “Apostles” (tois apostolois), here and in v. 14, must be meant in the nontechnical sense of missionaries, since neither Paul nor Barnabas meets the qualifications for an apostle, i.e., one of the Twelve, mentioned in Acts 1:21–22. Neither of them is referred to as an apostle elsewhere in Acts. See Rengstorf 1964a, esp. 420–43. f. Lit., “now when there arose a desire by the gentiles and Jews with their leaders to mistreat and stone them” (hōs de egeneto hormē tōn ethnōn te kai Ioudaiōn syn tois archousin autōn hybrisai kai lithobolēsai autous). g. The D-text tradition amplifies various features of vv. 2–7, e.g., (1) identifying the “unbelieving Jews” of v. 2 as “the chiefs of the synagogue of the Jews and the rulers of the synagogue” and noting that they “stirred up for themselves persecution against the righteous”; (2) adding in v. 4 that those of Iconium who sided with the apostles were (41–54) is indicated by its designation Claudiconium (Claudeikoneiōn), which appears on its coinage from the time of Claudius until the reign of Hadrian (117–138). There is strong inscriptional and archaeological evidence suggesting that it was a “double community,” possessing dual status as a Greek polis and a Roman colonia, thereby enabling its Greek and Roman constituencies to maintain distinctive cultural identities. See Mitchell 1979; and Breytenbach 50–52. 75. See, e.g., Acts 10:44–48; 11:17–18; also De Long, passim.

284

Acts 14:1–7

“cleaving to them on account of the word of God”; and (3) adding in v. 7 that “the whole multitude was moved by the teaching,” with “Paul and Barnabas staying on in Lystra.” See Metzger 1998, 370–71.

[14:1–7] Already an important city in the early Seleucid period, Iconium (modern Konya) became even more prominent under Roman rule and was refounded as a Roman colony by Augustus. Its status as “the most famous city (of Lycaonia)” (urbe celeberrima)76 derives from its strategic location at a major intersection of Roman roads, but also from its proximity to the fertile plain that stretches eastward to Lycaonia and Cappadocia, both of which ensure that it is well populated, commercially productive, and politically influential. Since it was a Greek polis on which a Roman colonia was superimposed, Greek and Roman identities coexisted, along with an even earlier Phrygian ethnic identity seen, for example, in surviving evidence of Iconian worship of the indigenous goddess Agdistis, whose cult was widespread throughout Phrygia and Pisidia.77 Inscriptional references from Iconium mention Greek and Roman deities including Clarion Apollo, Zeus Megistos, Poseidon, Pluto, and Jupiter Optimus Maximus, among others. Ancient sources also attest a flood story connected with Iconium.78 In later Christian legends circulating around Paul, Iconium becomes the birthplace of Thecla and also the location of her conversion to Paul’s preaching.79 No archaeological or inscriptional evidence from the early Roman period mentions a synagogue or Jewish community in Iconium, although given the city’s prominence and location, this is probable.80 The presence of “Jews and Greeks” (Ioudaiōn te kai Hellēnōn, Acts 14:1) in the synagogue suggests two ethnically discrete groups.81 Whether the Greeks are proselytes or Godfearers is not stated. Since Iconium is a “double community” with dual status as a Greek polis and a Roman colonia, the presence of Greeks as an identifiable ethnic group rings true. “Huge crowd” (poly plēthos) echoes the repeated references in Acts to the numerical growth experienced within the Jesus movement.82 76. Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 5.25.95. 77. The worship of Agdistis figures prominently in the first-century BCE inscription from a private cult in Philadelphia, in which she is honored as “the most holy guardian and lady of this house.” See Klauck 2003, 64–68, esp. 67. 78. See Bechard 321–22. 79. Acts of Paul 3 (Hennecke and Schneemelcher 2:330–33, 353–64; Elliott 364–72). 80. See comments on 13:14–15; for synagogues as the focus of preaching activity in Acts, see comments on 9:20. 81. See Acts 18:4 for Jews and Greeks comprising synagogue membership. Luke’s other references to “Jews and Greeks” are more general (Acts 19:10, 17; 20:21; cf. 16:1, 3; 21:28). “Greeks,” when coupled with “Jews,” may simply mean non-Jews, i.e., gentiles, rather than referring to people who speak Greek and embody Greek cultural values. See BDAG 318 s.v. Hellēn. 82. See comments on Acts 2:41 and the footnote there.

Resistance in Iconium, Fleeing to Lystra and Derbe 285

The “unbelieving Jews,” literally, the “disobedient Jews” (apeithēsantes Ioudaioi, 14:2), are presumably members of the Iconium synagogue who are unconvinced by the preaching of Paul and Barnabas. Their opposition takes the form of “poisoning” (ekakōsan) the “souls of the gentiles” (tas psychas tōn ethnōn) against “the brothers” (tōn adelphōn), those of the Jews and Greeks who have been convinced by the preaching. Probably implied are slanderous remarks about Paul and Barnabas. Surprisingly, this fierce resistance is met with bold speech “for quite a while” (hikanon chronon, 14:3) about “the Lord” (epi tō kyriō), no doubt the Lord Jesus. Remarkably, it is not Paul and Barnabas but the risen Lord who actually bears witness “to the word of his grace,” probably the message about Jesus’s gracious love (or perhaps God’s grace), and who is also the source of power behind the “signs and wonders” (sēmeia kai terata) that they perform. Although no miracles are reported in Pisidian Antioch, the mention of miracle working here resumes similar activity reported at Paphos (13:9–11) and anticipates the healing of the lame man at Lystra (14:8–10). Division within the city populace implies controversial action that has caught everyone’s attention, in effect bringing the city to a standstill. Characterizing the division as being between “the Jews” and “the apostles” (14:4) focuses the controversy: It is Jewish opposition to Christian preaching.83 Resistance escalates with the reference to “the gentiles and Jews, along with their leaders” (v. 5). The shift in language from “Greeks” (Hellēnes) to “gentiles” (ta ethnē) clarifies the opposition: It includes everyone, although presumably excluding the sizeable number of converts mentioned earlier (vv. 1–2). It is not clear which rulers are in view: the Jewish leaders or, more broadly, the city leaders. Their specific identity matters less than Luke’s implication that Christian preaching, which is met by the threat of a double volley of abusive speech and rock throwing, is capable of producing massive disruption in a bustling Roman town. “Realized” (synidontes, v. 6) suggests that, before bodily harm was actually inflicted, Paul and Barnabas acted preemptively by deciding to flee (katephygon) farther eastward to the Lycaonian towns of Lystra and Derbe and the surrounding region. Lycaonia, a regional designation attested in ancient sources,84 is situated north of the Taurus Mountains, which define the rugged terrain of the southern coast of Anatolia. It encompasses much of the central Anatolian plateau that reaches northeast toward Cappadocia. On Lycaonia’s western edge lay Iconium, which some ancient authors locate within Lycaonia rather than Phrygia. The most prominent Roman town in Lycaonia was Laranda, about 83. See translation note e on v. 4. 84. Xenophon of Athens, Anab. 1.2.19; 3.2.23; Diodorus S., Hist. 18.5.4; Strabo, Geog. 2.5.39; 12.4.10; 14.2.29; Cicero, Friends 15.1.2; 15.2.1; 15.4.2; and Att. 5.15. See Bechard 279–338, “Lycaonia in Graeco-Roman Mythography.”

286

Acts 14:8–20a

fifteen miles (24 km) southwest of Derbe. Famous for its sheep, Lycaonia was described by Strabo as “cold and treeless” and having “a great scarcity of water.”85 Like Pisidian Antioch and Iconium, Lystra was a Roman colony, although a small agricultural town of lesser importance. Lystran coinage from the late first century BCE honors its founder Augustus, with the obverse showing the portrait of Augustus and the reverse displaying a priest plowing a field with two oxen, standard symbolism for the founding of a Roman colony and domesticating the land. Derbe, another small town on Cicero’s Route, the main Roman road traversing southern Anatolia in an east-west direction north of the Taurus Mountains, flourished under Roman rule, acquiring the name Claudio-Derbe to signify special connection with the Emperor Claudius (41–54).86 Within Christian circles, Derbe could also claim as one of its favorite sons Gaius, a member of Paul’s entourage (Acts 19:29; 20:4). While Acts 14:7 is a general description of their missionary activity, it suggests that the following episode at Lystra is but one of many such events that occur during this vaguely defined period. “Proclamation of the good news,” or more literally, “they were evangelizing” (euangelizomenoi ēsan, v. 7) indicates speaking activity in which the gospel (euangelion) is the main subject matter.87 14:8–20a Lystra: Healing a Lame Man, Preaching the Creator God, and Being Attacked And in Lystra there sat a certain man who could not use his feet.a He had been lame since birthb and had never walked. 9 This man heard Paul speaking. When Paul fixed his gaze on the man and saw that he had faith to be made well,c 10 he said with a loud voice, “Stand up straight on your feet.” And the man jumped up and began walking. 11 Now when the crowds saw what Paul did, they spoke out,d using the Lycaonian dialect, “The gods have come down to us in the form of human beings.”e 12 They were calling Barnabas Zeus, but since Paul was the chief speaker, they were calling him Hermes. 13 The priest of [the temple of] Zeus, which is located on the way into the city,f brought bulls and garlands to the city gates because he, along with the crowds, wanted to offer sacrifice. 14:8

85. Strabo, Geog. 12.6.1. See Jones and Mitchell. 86. See Wineland 1992b. 87. The verb euangelizomai occurs several times in Acts, with varying objects: “the word” (8:4) or “the word of the Lord” (15:35); Jesus or Lord, thus “preaching the gospel of [or, about] Jesus” (5:42; 8:35; 10:36; 11:20; 17:18); “the promise” (13:32); in places or cities, thus “evangelizing a city or region” (8:25, 40; 14:7, 21; 16:10); cf. 8:12; 10:36; 16:10. The verb occurs 10x in Luke’s Gospel.

Lystra 287 a. Lit., “powerless in his feet” (adynatos tois posin). b. Lit., “lame from his mother’s womb” (chōlos ek koilias mētros autou). c. On the textual variants suggesting that the lame man is a Godfearer or proselyte, see Metzger 1998, 373. d. Lit., “raised their voice” (epēran tēn phōnēn autōn). e. Lit., “The gods, having become like men, have come down to us” (hoi theoi homoiōthentes anthrōpois katebēsan pros hēmas). f. Lit., “the priest of Zeus, who [which] is before the city” (ho hiereus tou Dios tou ontos pro tēs poleōs); perhaps, “the priest of Zeus, the protector of the city.” The D-text reports a plurality of priests, a corrective move reflecting the usual practice of a college of priests serving such temples. Metzger 1998, 374.

[14:8–13] Elements of this miracle story parallel Peter and John’s healing of the lame man at the Gate Beautiful: “lame since birth” (cf. 3:2); “fixed his gaze” (cf. 3:4); “jumped up and began walking” (cf. 3:8); healing in response to faith (cf. 3:16).88 The literary effect is to align Paul with Peter and John as a divinely empowered miracle worker, like Jesus (Luke 5:17–26). “Paul speaking” doubtlessly means his missionary preaching (Acts 14:9). Here the healing is done in response to the man’s “faith to be made well,” or more literally, “faith to be saved” (pistin tou sōthēnai). In Luke-Acts, sōzein can have a double valence: “save” or “make well” (Acts 4:9, 12; see comments on 4:12). Little is known about the “Lycaonian dialect,” presumably an identifiable language spoken by people of that region. Its mention, however, does add local color to the narrative. “The gods have come down to us” signals awareness of the widespread tradition of deities appearing to humans, usually in disguise.89 Mentioning Barnabas before Paul reverses the order established since 13:13, 42–43. While the Barnabas/Zeus and Paul/Hermes attribution is usually linked with the Phrygian legend of Zeus and Hermes disguised as humans who are entertained by Philemon and Baucis,90 it may recall the ancient popular legend of King Lycaon of Arcadia (in Greece) receiving Zeus disguised in human 88. On the overall pericope (14:8–20), see Bechard 397–431. On the textual variants in the D-text that align this story more closely with Peter’s healing of the lame man in Acts 3, see Metzger 1998, 373–74. 89. See Homer, Od. 2.267–269, where Athena appears to Telemachus disguised as one of his companions; similarly, Od. 17.482–487, in which a youth exclaims, “Aye, and the gods in the guise of strangers from afar put on all manner of shapes, and visit the cities, beholding the violence and the righteousness of men.” Also, Hom. Hymn Dem., lines 90–117, in which Demeter appears disguised as an old woman; similarly Isis in Plutarch, Is. Osir. 357. See Ovid, Fasti 5.1d.11 (lines 493–544), where Jupiter, Neptune, and Mercury hide their divine identity from an elderly farmer; Wordelman 1994, 175–214. 90. Ovid, Metam. 8.611–724. It was not uncommon for Zeus/Jupiter and Hermes/Mercury to be depicted together in reliefs and linked together in other contexts, such as inscriptions and literary traditions. See Mitchell 1993b, 2:24; and Breytenbach 32–38, 177–79. On the Baucis and Philemon legend, see Bechard 292–300.

288

Acts 14:8–20a

impiety.91

form, who punishes Lycaon and his sons for their If so, this may be Luke’s way of signaling by word association, or some other form of playful irony, the presence of archaic legendary traditions in Lycaonia and Lystra as a backdrop against which the gospel can be presented, not so much as having a more “modern” or enlightened view of God, but rather a more humane alternative to the vengeful, thunderbolt-hurling Zeus.92 The festive image of a village priest wanting to honor Zeus and Hermes with sacrificial bulls captures one of the most common features of pagan life.93 Now when the apostlesa Barnabas and Paul heard about this, they ripped their clothes and rushed into the crowd, shouting. 15 They said, “Men, why are you doing this? We are of the same nature as you—men bringing you the good news that you should turn away from these vain things toward the living God, who created the heaven, the earth, the sea, and everything in them. 16 In past generations this God allowed all the nations to go their own ways, 17 but not without leaving traces of divine activity by doing goodb—giving you rains from heaven and seasons for bearing fruit, filling your hearts with satisfying sustenance.”c 18 Still, as they were saying these things, they could hardly keep the crowds from offering sacrifice to them. 19 Now Jews came from Antioch and Iconium to Lystra. Striving to please the crowds, they stoned Paul and dragged him outside the city, thinking that he was dead.d 20a But the disciples gathered around him, and he got up and went back into the city. 14:14

a. See translation note on 14:4. b. Lit., “and yet he has not left himself without a witness, doing good” (kaitoi ouk amartyron auton aphēken agathourgōn). c. Lit., “filling your hearts with food and gladness” (empiplōn trophēs kai euphrosynēs tas kardias hymōn). d. The D-text of v. 19 intensifies the Jewish opposition: “While they stayed on, teaching, some Jews arrived from Iconium and Antioch; they intimidated the crowds and stoned Paul, then dragged him outside of the city, supposing him to be dead” (LDT). See Metzger 1998, 374–75.

[14:14–20a] As already mentioned, “apostles,” here and in verse 4, means “ones sent,” missionaries, rather than members of the Twelve. The order “Bar­ na­bas and Paul” conforms to the order of 14:12, although Paul’s leading role 91. Numerous versions of the Lycaon-Zeus legend are preserved. See Ovid, Metam. 1.199–243; Apollodorus, Libr. 3.8.1; Nicolaus of Damascus, frag. 43 (FHG 3:378); Hyginus, Fab. 176. These are adduced and discussed in Wordelman 1994; also see Bechard 280–86. 92. See Wordelman 1994, 231–46. 93. On the role of animal sacrifice and sacrificial meals in pagan life, see Klauck 2003, 12–42.

Lystra 289

resumes in verses 19–20 (cf. 15:2). Ripping one’s clothes or, more traditionally, “rending one’s garments,” is a public gesture underscoring an emotional response such as grief, outrage, or disbelief (cf. Mark 14:63 || Matt 26:65; Jdt 14:14–18). Like the other speeches in Acts, this brief speech attributed to both Barnabas and Paul should be read as a Lukan composition.94 This disclaimer of superhuman status echoes Peter’s statement to Cornelius (10:26).95 Here “bringing the good news” (euangelizomenoi, 14:15) has content that specifically applies to non-Jews—“turning away” and “turning to” (see comments above on v. 7). This conforms to the formulaic language of 1  Thess 1:9–10, which probably encodes pre-Pauline kerygmatic language describing missionary preaching to gentiles: turning away from the worship of idols to serve the living God (cf. Acts 15:19; 26:20). “Vain things” as a description of polytheistic worship reflects Jewish polemic against idols (e.g., Jonah 2:8; Jer 2:5 LXX). The language resonates with Paul’s claim that failure to know or acknowledge God results in vain or futile thinking (Rom 1:21). The shift from a polytheistic to a monotheistic worldview represents a “turning toward” God (Acts 15:19), an act symbolizing complete repentance (26:20). “The living God,” or perhaps “a living God,” is a cardinal element of Jewish belief.96 The description of God’s creative activity reflects familiar biblical imagery,97 which becomes embedded in early Christian creedal formulations.98 Here God’s generous attitude toward “all the nations” (panta ta ethnē, 14:16) contrasts with Paul’s harsher judgment in Rom 1:18–32, although both texts affirm a form of natural revelation in which God’s goodness is reflected in “traces of divine activity” (lit., “he was not without witness,” ouk amartyron auton, Acts 14:17).99 One of the most visible forms of God’s “doing good” (agathourgōn) is regularity in the natural order, “rains from heaven and seasons for bearing fruit” (ouranothen hyetous . . . kai kairous karpophorous), both of which attest God’s desire to provide “satisfying sustenance” (lit., “with food and gladness,” trophēs kai euphrosynēs). In an agricultural region, in which images of plowing the ground were stamped on coins and the land was “cold, treeless, and had a scarcity of water” (Strabo, see above), this richly evocative language drawn from the OT would be welcome 94. See the discussion of the speeches in Acts in the introduction (above). On the structure of the sermon in Lystra and traditions reflected in the sermon—e.g., “living God” and Zeus as a vegetation deity—see Breytenbach 53–75. 95. For similar disclaimers, see Luke 5:8; Jas 5:17; Rev 19:10; Wis 7:1–6; 4 Macc 12:13. 96. As in Deut 5:26; Josh 3:10; 1 Sam 17:26, 36; 2 Kgs 19:4, 16; Isa 37:16; Dan 6:20; Hos 1:10; Ps 42:2. 97. See 2 Kgs 19:15; Isa 37:16; Neh 9:6; Exod 20:11; Ps 146:6. 98. Acts 4:24; 17:24; Rev 10:6; 14:7. It has long been recognized that Luke introduces themes in the Lystra speech that anticipate Paul’s more extended remarks in Athens. See Bechard 369–72. 99. Cf. Ps.-Heraclitus, Fourth Ep. (Attridge 60–61, lines 20–26), “[god’s] works bear witness to what he is like,” specifically via night and day, the seasons, the whole fruitful earth, the orb of the moon.

290

Acts 14:20b–28

news.100

The crowds’ insistence on honoring Barnabas and Saul with sacrifices suggests excited bafflement about their true status. The idea that Jews would travel all the way from Pisidian Antioch and Iconium to track down Paul and Barnabas implies seething rage making extraordinary effort to suppress a competing religious message.101 How these Jews from other cities relate to those in the vicinity of Lystra is not stated.102 The report (Acts 14:19) confirms Paul’s own recollection that “once I received a stoning” (2 Cor 11:25), possibly his claim that he was “often near death” (11:23), as well as the testimony from the Pastorals of his ill-treatment “in Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra” (2 Tim 3:11). The mention of “disciples” (tōn mathētōn, Acts 14:20) implies that Barnabas and Paul’s preaching results in some conversions. His revival and return to the city suggest normal recovery rather than a miraculous resuscitation. 14:20b–28 Preaching in Derbe and Returning to Syrian Antioch 14:20b And the next day he headed with Barnabas to Derbe. 21 Once they had brought the good news to that city and enlisted many disciples, they returned to Lystra, then to Iconium, and finally to Antioch. 22 Along the way they strengthened the disciples’ hearts, encouraging them to remain in the faith, [saying] “To enter the kingdom of God requires us to endure many hardships.”a 23 In the various congregations they also appointed elders,b and as they prayed and fasted they commended these elders to the Lord, the one to whom they had entrusted themselves. 24 Traveling through Pisidia, they came to Pamphylia, 25 and after speaking the word in Perga, they went down to Attalia.c 26 From there they set sail for Antioch, where they had originally been commended through God’s graciousness to the work they had now completed. 27 Upon arriving in Antioch, they gathered the church together and reported the things God had done with themd—how God had opened a door of faith to the gentiles. 28 They remained there for a good whilee with the disciples.

a. Lit., “and that through many hardships it is necessary for us to enter the kingdom of God” (kai hoti dia pollōn thlipseōn dei hēmas eiselthein eis tēn basileian tou theou). b. Or, “presbyters” (presbyterous). c. The D-text includes a preaching mission at Attalia. Metzger 1998, 376. 100. Compare Lev 26:4; Jer 5:24; Pss 145:15; 147:8. 101. The pattern of Jewish opposition moving from city to city is repeated in Acts 17:13, when Jews from Thessalonica travel to the neighboring city of Beroea to incite the crowds against Paul. 102. Acts 16:1 reports that Timothy’s mother is Jewish; if she is from Lystra, this implies some Jewish presence, however minimal, in that city. Acts 16:3 mentions Jews in the vicinity of Lystra and Iconium.

Preaching in Derbe and Returning to Syrian Antioch 291 d. The D-text adds “how [God] had used them personally” (LDT, meta tōn psychōn autōn), possibly reflecting Semitic influence. Metzger 1998, 376. e. Lit., “not a little time” (chronon ouk oligon).

[14:20b–28] The description of Paul and Barnabas’s trip to Derbe is brief but intriguing. Their “bringing the good news” (euangelisamenoi, v. 21) can only mean that they repeat the missionary preaching that is more fully reported at Pisidian Antioch and Lystra. Since no synagogue is mentioned, we can assume that the preaching in Derbe is some version of the message at Lystra about God’s care for creation. Unlike Lystra, the conversion of “a good many disciples” (lit., “they made a number of disciples,” mathēteusantes hikanous) is reported. This choice of wording, which introduces a new element, need not mean that in addition to preaching, Barnabas and Saul also provided some elementary form of catechesis. The report of the return trip confirms that groups of disciples (tōn mathētōn, v. 22) are present in each city.103 “Strengthening” (epistērizontes) disciples or churches becomes a regular feature of Luke’s report (Acts 15:32, 41; 16:5; 18:23). A vital component is “encouraging them to remain in the faith” (parakalountes emmenein tē pistei, 14:22). Encouragement represents a form of exhortation typically offered by using supportive, sometimes tender, speech (cf. 11:23; 13:43). “The faith” (hē pistis) is a technical term that, in Luke, is equivalent to “the Way” (hē hodos).104 Mention of the “kingdom of God” (tēn basileian tou theou, Acts 14:22) introduces language into the Pauline mission previously attributed to Jesus (Acts 1:3 and frequently in Luke) and Philip (Acts 8:12).105 This sober injunction resonates with Paul’s reminders elsewhere that believers often need to endure physical or psychological suffering on behalf of God’s kingdom (1 Thess 3:3; cf. 2 Thess 1:5–7; Eph 3:13). “In the various congregations” (Acts 14:23) renders kat’ ekklēsian, literally, “according to the church,” but here understood distributively, thus “in every church [that had been established].” “Elders” (presbyteroi), literally, those who are older or advanced in age, is frequently used of officials, especially in Jewish settings, such as the Sanhedrin,106 but also in non-Jewish settings, as in Egypt, 103. Later in the narrative, Luke provides retrospective information about the earlier mission in Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe. In 16:1–2 the reference to Lystra (or Derbe) implies the prior conversion of Timothy’s mother, presumably on this first mission trip. The mention of “believers in Lystra and Iconium” in 16:2 also implies the success of the earlier mission. The reference in 20:4 to Gaius from Derbe, one of Paul’s coworkers, may also attest to the success of this earlier mention. 104. See Acts 6:7; 13:8; 15:9; 24:24. 105. Later in Acts the kingdom of God is part of Paul’s message. See 19:8; 20:25; 28:23, 31; cf. Rom 14:17; 1 Cor 4:20; 6:9–10; 15:24, 50; Gal 5:21; 1 Thess 2:12; also Eph 5:5; Col 1:13; 4:11; 2 Thess 1:5; 2 Tim 4:1, 18. 106. See Acts 4:5, 8, 23; 6:12; 23:14; 24:1; 25:15.

292

Acts 14:20b–28

officeholders.107

where the term can designate civil or religious Here they are clearly persons appointed by Paul and Barnabas (not elected by the congregations) to exercise leadership in each congregation.108 Fuller description of their responsibilities is given in the Pastoral Letters (1 Tim 5:17, 19; Titus 1:5; cf. Jas 5:14; 1 Pet 5:1, 5). In Acts 20 the “elders” (presbyteroi) of the church at Ephesus whom Paul summons to Miletus for his farewell address are also addressed as episcopoi, variously rendered as “overseers” or “bishops” (Acts 20:28, its only occurrence in Acts). In Paul’s Letters, the preferred term for what is apparently the same leadership function is episkopos (Phil 1:1; similarly in the disputed letters: 1 Tim 3:2; Titus 1:7; cf. 1 Pet 2:25). By contrast, the term presbyteros does not occur in the Pauline Letters, except in the Pastorals (1 Tim 5:1–2, 17, 19; Titus 1:5). The terms are used interchangeably in Titus 1:5–9, which suggests that the qualifications specified there, along with those of episkopoi in 1 Tim 3:1–7, refer to the same group of church leaders. As was the case in the initial commissioning of Barnabas and Saul at Antioch of Syria (Acts 13:1–3), prayer and fasting accompany the sober responsibility of appointing church leaders. The “Lord” to whom the elders are commended is probably the Lord Jesus (cf. 13:44, 49; 14:3). The “one to whom [Barnabas and Saul] entrusted themselves” recalls the Lord whom they were worshiping in the church at Antioch of Syria when they were originally commissioned (13:2–3). Pisidia, the region already mentioned to identify Antioch (13:14), was located in central-southern Asia Minor, east of Lycia and north of Pamphylia, an area stretching along the southern coast encompassing Perga, already mentioned as the first stop in Asia Minor (13:13). The brief mention here of “speaking the word in Perga” adds yet another stop to the preaching mission, although no results are reported. During the early Roman period, Perga (also spelled Perge) was a major Roman city whose importance related to its proximity to the Mediterranean coast. Attalia (modern Antalya) is the coastal town, thus the natural point of departure for ships. The description of Antioch in Syria in Acts 14:26 recalls the initial episode that launched the preaching mission to Asia Minor (13:1–3), specifically mentioning the (missionary) “work” to which they have been called (cf. 13:2), with the additional note that it has been done “through God’s graciousness,” or more literally, “by the grace of God” (tē chariti tou theou, 14:26).109 Gathering the church together (synagagontes tēn ekklēsian, v. 27) may imply calling together a group of house churches (cf. 13:1). The report of Barnabas and Paul accents God’s activity throughout the mission, as the one who provides 107. See BDAG 862 s.v. presbyteros; also Klauck 2003, 46. 108. Similar leadership roles are assigned to elders in the Jerusalem church (Acts 11:30; 15:2, 4, 6, 22–23; 16:4; 21:18). 109. Cf. Luke 2:40; Acts 11:23; 13:43; 15:11, 40; 20:24.

Preaching in Derbe and Returning to Syrian Antioch 293

not only the original initiative but also continuing guidance. “Declaring what God has done” is a recurrent theme (Acts 14:27; 15:4, 12; 21:19; cf. Jdt 8:26). God’s “opening a door of faith” (ēnoixen . . . thyran pisteōs) is Pauline language (1 Cor 16:9; 2 Cor 2:12; Col 4:3; cf. Rev 3:8). Summarizing the trip as an initiative “to the gentiles” narrows the focus of what is actually reported in Acts 13–14, since the conversion of an impressive number of synagogue attendees comprising Jews and Greeks is reported in Iconium (14:1; cf. 13:48) and possibly Pisidian Antioch.110 Even so, in Antioch the enthusiastic response of gentiles is emphasized (13:48). This, coupled with the conversion of Sergius Paulus (13:12), and the presumed gentile converts in Lystra (14:20) and Derbe (14:21), somehow permits Luke, the narrator, looking retrospectively, to interpret the overall mission as an initiative to the gentiles. The length of the interval implied by “a good while” (14:28) is intentionally vague—probably enough time to allow the news of the gentile mission to spread to other areas, most notably Judea, and for its full implications to sink in. It is a literary pause intended to set up the triggering events of chapter 15.

110. It depends on how we understand the report in Acts 13:43 that “many Jews and devout converts to Judaism followed Paul and Barnabas, who spoke to them and urged them to continue in the grace of God” (NRSV). Perhaps “continuing in the grace of God” implies conversion, although it is not as explicit as the language in 14:1: “a great number of both Jews and Greeks became believers” (NRSV) (pisteusai).

15:1–35—Part 4 The Jerusalem Council Decides Terms of Admission for Gentiles Located at the midpoint of Acts, the Jerusalem Council is reported as a watershed event. Peter dominates Acts 1–14; after chapter 15, he is not mentioned. By contrast, Paul occupies center stage in Acts 16–28. Barnabas, who figures prominently in the first half, also exits the narrative in 15:36–41. In addition, the geographical focus shifts. While chapters 1–15 move well beyond Palestine, they are heavily weighted toward Jerusalem. The story line returns to Jerusalem in Acts 21 and remains there through 23:22, but the main arenas of action are the area surrounding the Aegean (chs. 16–20), Caesarea (23:23–26:32), the Mediterranean Sea (27:1–28:10), and Rome (28:11–31). This section unfolds in four parts: the convening of the Jerusalem Council (15:1–5), Peter’s speech and the report of Barnabas and Saul (15:6–12), James’s speech (15:13–21), and the Jerusalem agreement and its positive effects (15:22–35). 15:1–5 Convening the Council And certain people came down from Judea and were teaching the brothers, “Unless you are circumcised according to Mosaic custom,a you cannot be saved.” 2 Now a serious controversy broke out when Paul and Barnabas opposed these teachers.b As a result, Paul and Barnabas, along with some others from the Antioch church, were appointed to go up to the apostles and eldersc at Jerusalem to discuss this question.d 3 So then, those who were sent by the Antioch church traveled through Phoenicia and Samaria, relating the details of the gentiles’ conversion, and this brought great joy to all the brothers. 4 When they arrived in Jerusalem, they were received by the church, the apostles, and the elders, and they reported what things God had done with them. 5 Now some of those from the Pharisaic schoole who had become believers stood up and said, “The gentiles must be circumcised and commanded to observe the law of Moses.”f 15:1

a. Lit., “by the custom, the one of Moses” (tō ethei tō Mōyseōs).

Convening the Council 295 b. Lit., “Now no little strife and controversy having occurred [by] Paul and Bar­na­ bas toward [with] them” (genomenēs de staseōs kai zētēseōs ouk oligēs tō Paulō kai tō Barnaba pros autous). c. Or, “presbyters” (presbyteroi). BDAG 862 s.v. presbyteros 2.b.α; also Acts 15:4, 6, 22–23; 16:4. d. Lit., v. 2b reads: “They appointed [possibly, ordered] Paul and Barnabas and others of them to go up to the apostles and presbyters in Jerusalem concerning this dispute” (etaxan anabainein Paulon kai Barnaban kai tinas allous ex autōn pros tous apostolous kai presbyterous eis Ierousalēm). The subject of “appointed” (etaxan) is unclear. Possibly “those who came down from Judea” (v. 1), operating under the authority of Jerusalem, issue an order for Paul, Barnabas, and some others to go to Jerusalem. Alternatively, it perhaps is the church at Antioch who has “determined” that Paul, Barnabas, and others should travel to Jerusalem. The D-text of vv. 2–3 makes it explicit that it was the former: “There was a conflict, and Paul and Barnabas had a not insignificant debate with them (for Paul was saying that people should stay just as they were when they believed, and he was insisting on it). The people who had come from Jerusalem ordered them—Paul and Barnabas—and some others to go up to the apostles and elders in Ierousalem so as to be judged by them with regard to this question” (LDT; main differences from the Alexandrian text are in italics). See Metzger 1998, 376–78, on this and numerous other changes in the D-text of vv. 1–5. e. Lit., “from the sect of the Pharisees” (apo tēs haireseōs tōn Pharisaiōn). f. Lit., “saying that it is necessary to circumcise them and to command [them] to keep the law of Moses” (legontes hoti dei peritemnein autous parangellein te tērein ton nomon Mōyseōs).

[15:1–5] Chapter 11 reported opposition in principle to the admission of gentiles into the church; in chapter 15 the issue is the terms of admission for gentiles. In both cases, the opposition stems from certain Jewish Christians in Judea (11:2; 15:5). In Acts 11, Peter goes up to Jerusalem to meet his critics; in chapter 15 the critics travel (“came down”) from Jerusalem to Antioch. Whether the critics are operating under the authority of the Jerusalem church or are merely seeking to impose their own theological agenda is not stated. What is clear, however, is that the Jerusalem church’s sphere of influence, and perhaps its explicit authority, as in Samaria (8:14–25), extends to churches in other areas. At first the identity of the critics is vague—“certain people” from Judea (v. 1), but once the scene shifts to Jerusalem, they are clearly labeled—not merely Jewish Christians but converted Pharisees (v. 5).1 Their position is clearly stated: circumcision and torah observance are required for gentiles 1. To this point in the narrative, the only person identified as a Pharisee is Gamaliel (5:34), who is presented as sympathetic to Christians. In his defense speeches, Paul later identifies himself as a Pharisee (23:6; 26:5). Conversion of a large number of priests in Jerusalem has been reported (6:7). On the broader question of the circumcision of gentiles in Luke’s overall construal, see Garroway.

296

Acts 15:1–5

(vv. 1, 5). A similar theological viewpoint is held by Paul’s opponents in Galatia (Gal 5:2–3; 6:12–13). Requiring a gentile to become a Jew in order to be a Christian constitutes, for Paul, “another gospel” (Gal 1:7–8). To underscore the seriousness of the controversy, Luke uses litotes, a Greek formulation in which emphasis is achieved through negative understatement: “no little strife and controversy” (staseōs kai zētēseōs ouk oligēs, Acts 15:2).2 Besides Paul and Barnabas, no other members of the delegation from the Antioch church are named. If Acts 15 is Luke’s version of the tumultuous meeting that Paul reports in Gal 2:1–10—and it probably is, despite major differences in tone and content—“some others” would include Titus (Gal 2:1, 3). This is the first time in Acts that “apostles and elders” are said to comprise the leadership of the Jerusalem church.3 It is not a surprising couplet, since the “elders at Jerusalem” earlier received the relief fund collected by the Antioch church (11:30), and prior to that, apostles constituted the leadership structure.4 But grouping them together now suggests that leadership of the Jerusalem church has solidified, an important assumption informing events surrounding the Jerusalem Council. It is now possible to speak of “the church, the apostles, and the elders” in Jerusalem in the same breath (v. 4).5 This, combined with the delegation from the church in Antioch led by Paul and Barnabas, and the further inclusion of James (15:13), presumably Jesus’s brother, makes the Jerusalem gathering a high-level, broadly representative meeting—precisely what is needed when a controversy with wide-ranging implications is being adjudicated. The Antioch delegation’s trip through Phoenicia and Samaria, with the joyful reception among “the brothers” in those regions over the news about the gentile mission, implies the existence of Christian communities in both regions. Prior successful evangelization in Phoenicia is implied (11:19) but not further reported, yet there is an account for Samaria (8:4–25). As before, the divine initiative behind the gentile mission is emphasized: It is characterized as “what things God has done” (v. 4; 14:27). 2. Other examples of litotes include 12:18; 14:17, 28; 15:2; 17:4, 12, 27; 19:11, 23, 24; 20:12; 21:39; 26:19, 26; 27:20; cf. 28:2. 3. This twofold grouping occurs at 15:2, 4, 6, 22–23; 16:4. It occurs only in connection with the Jerusalem Council and the decisions reached there. 4. See earlier comments on 4:32–37 and 8:14–25. 5. A shift in the leadership structure of the Jerusalem church occurs at 21:17–19, when Paul arrives in Jerusalem for the last time. There is no mention of apostles; instead, Paul is met by “the brothers,” James, and “all the elders.” In fact, after the Jerusalem Council (ch. 15) and the retrospective mention of the apostles in the Jerusalem decree (16:4), there is no further mention of the apostles in Acts.

Peter’s Speech and the Report of Barnabas and Paul 297

15:6–12 Peter’s Speech and the Report of Barnabas and Paul The apostles and the elders gathered to deliberate concerning this matter.a 7 After considerable debate,b Peter stood up and said to them, “Fellow brothers!c You know that long ago I was chosen by God from among you to be the one through whom the gentiles would hear the message of the gospel and come to faith.d 8 And God, who knows our hearts,e bore witness by giving themf the Holy Spirit, just as he did to us. 9 And God drew no distinction between us and them, once their hearts had been made clean by faith.g 10 Now, therefore, why do you test Godh by placing a yoke on the neck of the disciples that neither our ancestors nor we were able to bear? 11 But we believe that we are saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus in the same way they are.”i 12 Now the whole assembly sat quietly and heard Barnabas and Paul relate what signs and wonders God did through them among the gentiles. 15:6

a. Lit., “to see about this matter” (idein peri tou logou toutou); possibly, “to look into this matter.” BDAG 279 s.v. eidon 3. See Acts 18:15. b. Lit., “now much disputation having occurred” (pollēs de zētēseōs genomenēs). “Controversy” (zētēsis) or “dispute” implies major differences of opinion. The same term is used in 15:2; 25:20; also see 1 Tim 6:4; 2 Tim 2:23; Titus 3:9. c. Lit., “men, brothers” (andres adelphoi). In the D-text tradition some MSS add that Peter spoke “in the Holy Spirit.” Metzger 1998, 378. d. Lit., “you know that from ancient days God chose [from] among you through my mouth [for] the gentiles to hear the word of the gospel and believe” (hymeis epistasthe hoti aph’ hēmerōn archaiōn en hymin exelexato ho theos dia tou stomatos mou akousai ta ethnē ton logon tou euangeliou kai pisteusai). The phrase reflects biblical usage (Pss 43:2; 76:6; 142:5 [ET: 44:1; 77:5; 143:5]; Isa 37:26; Lam 1:7; 2:17) and may be an intentional choice by Luke to emphasize that Cornelius’s conversion, which occurred “long ago,” constitutes part of the church’s archaic past. If so, Peter thereby becomes the pioneering, elder statesman now giving his farewell address. e. God is identified as “the knower of the heart” (kardiognōstēs) here and in Acts 1:24. These two Lukan verses show the first documented uses of the term and might suggest that Luke coined the term. It is attested only in Christian writers, e.g., Herm. Mand. 4.3.4; and Clement of Alexandria, Misc. 5.14.96, who relates the term to Thales. God’s penetrating knowledge of human intentions is widely attested in Jewish sources, e.g., Pss. Sol. 14.8; Sir 17:15; Josephus, Ant. 6.263. See Behm 1965. f. Or, “God testified for [to] them by giving” (theos emartyrēsen autois dous). So BDAG 617 s.v. martyreō 1.a.α. g. Lit., “by faith having cleansed their hearts” (tē pistei katharisas tas kardias autōn). h. Gk. ti peirazete ton theon. BDAG 792–93 s.v. peirazō 2.c: “after God’s will has been clearly made known through granting of the Spirit to the Gentiles (vs. 8), some doubt and make trial to see whether God’s will really becomes operative.” Possibly, “Why do you second-guess God?”

298

Acts 15:6–12

i. Or, “We believe that we will be saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus, just as they will” (NRSV; similarly KJV).

[15:6–12] Although the entire Jerusalem church was mentioned as part of the receiving party (v. 4), it is only the church leadership—“the apostles and the elders”—before whom Peter, Barnabas, Paul, and James appear. A “considerable debate” (pollēs zētēseōs, v. 7) among the apostles and the elders suggests differences of opinion within that group, rather than a debate between them as a group and the four spokespersons. Peter, after all, is an apostle, and James might well be one of the elders. Given Peter’s prominence within the apostolic circle and within Acts 1–12, he has rightful claim to speak first. This is especially the case since the focus of his remarks is his role in the conversion of Cornelius (chs. 10–11). “Long ago,” literally, “from ancient days” (aph’ hēmerōn archaiōn, 15:7) envisions a longer history than the compressed account of Acts might imply. God’s choice of Peter places him within the rich tradition of divinely chosen leaders, including Abraham (Neh 9:7), David (1 Sam 16:9–10), and Solomon (1 Kgs 8:16, 20, 44; 1 Chr 28:4–5; 2 Chr 6:5–6, 34; 7:12). God’s intimate knowledge of the human heart (kardiognōstēs) extends to everyone, Jew and gentile alike, which means that God, who makes no ethnic distinctions among human beings, can sense a genuine desire for salvation wherever it occurs. God’s primal desire is for genuine faith to be displayed in the human heart. By “cleansing” the heart, faith eliminates humanly construed distinctions between “clean” and “unclean.” God’s visible display of acceptance is the Holy Spirit, which was experienced by Peter at Pentecost (2:1–4) and Cornelius’s household (10:44–48; 11:15–18). Charging the critics with “testing God” aligns them with recalcitrant Israel (Exod 17:2; Pss 78:18, 41; 106:14; Jdt 8:12), who, in spite of numerous explicit demonstrations of God’s love and care, insisted on finding fault with God’s actions. With equally dramatic—both visible and audible—demonstrations of God’s acceptance of gentiles who responded to the gospel in faith but without being circumcised and pledging allegiance to the Mosaic law, critics risk not only the charge of blindness to God’s actions but also disagreement with God’s decisions and obstruction of the divine will. In Acts 15:10–11 Peter expresses well-known Pauline sentiments. “Yoke,” a common Jewish metaphor to express obligation, especially one that becomes a burden,6 is used by Paul to symbolize the “slavery” that he insists is an intrinsic consequence of absolute submission to the law (Gal 5:1).7 That the “yoke of 6. See Pss. Sol. 7.9; 17.30; 2 En. 34.1; 48.8–9; 2 En. Appendix 51.3 (OTP 1:218–19); for the “yoke of the kingdom,” see 3 En. 35.6; m. Ber. 2:2; for “yoke of the law,” see m. ʾAbot 3:5; also cf. Matt 11:28–30. See Bertram and Rengstorf. 7. Jesus’s critique of Pharisees (Matt 23:4; cf. Luke 11:46) also targets burdensome religious requirements.

James’s Speech 299

the law” was experienced consistently and universally as an unbearable burden is rhetorical hyperbole with clear Pauline resonance (cf. Gal 3:10–14). This sentiment is certainly at odds with numerous psalms that exalt the law and find delight in its observance (e.g., Ps 119). Salvation “through the grace of the Lord Jesus” also expresses distinctive Pauline soteriology (Rom 3:24; 5:1–2, 15; esp. Eph 2:5, 8). No remarks are given by Barnabas and Paul since their “work” among the gentiles has just been rehearsed (chs. 13–14). Even though Paul is mentioned before Barnabas in 15:2, the order is reversed here (v. 12), probably to echo the original commissioning in 13:1–3. Even though “signs and wonders” are mentioned specifically only at Iconium (14:3), the blinding of Elymas (13:9–11) and the healing of the Lystran paralytic (14:8–10) are certainly in view. More intriguing is the characterization of their entire mission as an evangelistic ministry of “signs and wonders,” the last time the expression occurs in Acts.8 Once again, the phrase has a Pauline ring (Rom 15:18–19). 15:13–21 James’s Speech After they stopped speaking, James responded with these words: “Fellow brothers!a Listen to me. 14 Simeon related how God first concerned himself about winning a people for his name from among the gentiles.b 15 And with this the words of the Prophets agree, as it is written, 16 After these things I will return and I will build up the tent of David that has fallen, and its ruins I will build up and I will restore it, 17 so that the rest of the people will seek the Lord, even all the gentiles, upon the very ones over whom my name has been called, says the Lord, the one doing these things 18 that have been well known for a long time.c 19 So, in my judgment, we should not create difficultiesd for those among the gentiles turning to God. 20 Instead, we should write them a letter [instructing them] to abstain from the following: things defiled from contact with idols,e sexual immorality, meat improperly slaughtered,f and blood. 21 For in every city for many generations there have been those who have proclaimed Moses; this occurs every Sabbath when Moses is read publicly in the synagogue service.”g 15:13

8. See Acts 2:19, 22, 43; 4:30; 5:12; 6:8; 7:36; 8:13; 14:3; 15:12. Since the expression in the OT is especially associated with God’s demonstrations of power over the Egyptians, the subtext may be that the gentile mission shows God dramatically at work once again, as in the exodus (see Exod 7:3; Deut 4:34; 6:22; Ps 135:9; passim).

300

Acts 15:13–21

a. Lit., “men, brothers” (andres, adelphoi). b. Gk. kathōs prōton ho theos epeskepsato labein ex ethnōn laon tō onomati autou. My translation follows BDAG 378 s.v. episkeptomai 3. Possibly “how God first exercised oversight in choosing a people for his own name from the gentiles.” c. The words quoted in vv. 16–18 are from Amos 9:11–12. Luke’s version of this prophetic text exhibits several variations from Rahlfs-Hanhart LXX. Instead of the introductory formula “in that day” (Amos 9:11a), Luke has “after these things” (meta tauta), a frequently occurring LXX phrase. Amos 9:11b LXX’s “I will raise” (anastēsō) becomes “I will build” (anoikodomēsō) in Acts 15:16, a term that occurs later in Amos 9:11 and is repeated twice in Luke’s version (15:16). Acts 15:16b abbreviates Amos 9:11b, a change accompanied by some other variations of wording and a different word order. Luke omits “as in days of old” (kathōs hai hēmerai tou aiōnos, Amos 9:11c LXX). Amos 9:12 presents the most significant change between the Hebrew text, which reads “in order that they may inherit [yîršû] the remnant of Edom [ʾet-šǝʾērît ʾĕdôm] and all the nations who are called by my name,” and the LXX, which reads “in order that those remaining of humans and all the nations upon whom my name has been called might seek out me” (NETS; hopōs ekzētēsōsin hoi kataloipoi tōn anthrōpōn kai panta to ethnē, eph’ hous epikeklētai to onoma mou ep’ autous). For some unexplained reason, the LXX translator reads ʾādām, “man,” instead of ʾĕdôm, “Edom,” and also makes “those remaining of humans and all the nations” the subject of the verb “seek out,” rather than the object of “possess.” Apparently the translator read “shall inherit” (yîršû) as “shall seek” (yîdrǝšû) and simply dropped the particle expressing the direct object (ʾet). One explanation may be that the change results from the universalizing tendency of the LXX translator. Amos 9:12c LXX, “says the Lord God, the one doing these things,” becomes in Acts 15:17, “says the Lord, the one doing these things.” The final phrase in Acts, “well-known for a long” (gnōsta ap’ aiōnos, v. 18a), is absent in Amos 9:11–12 LXX and may be a paraphrase of “from the beginning” (ap’ archēs) in Isa 45:21; or it may be a paraphrase of the language of Amos 9:11c, “and I will rebuild it just as in days of old” (kathōs hai hēmerai tou aiōnos). These numerous differences between Acts 15:16–18 and Amos 9:11–12 LXX make one wonder whether Luke had before him a stable Greek text of Amos 9:11–12, whether he was operating with a rather fluid textual tradition, or even whether he was quoting the text from memory rather than using an actual written text. Yet another possibility is that the numerous changes represent Lukan redactions to a written text—redactions that shaped this prophetic text to support James’s claim that the gentile mission was not an afterthought but God’s original intention “from days of old.” d. “Create difficulties” renders parenochleō, which might also be translated as “harass,” “trouble,” or even “annoy.” BDAG 775 s.v. parenochleō; also NewDocs 4:166–67 (no. 77). This is the only use of parenochlein in the NT, although the simpler form enochleō occurs in Luke 6:18 and Heb 12:15, in virtually the same sense. e. Lit., “from the pollutions [or, defilements] of the idols” (tōn alisgēmatōn tōn eidōlōn). f. Lit., “the strangled” (tou pniktou), i.e., from an animal that has been strangled or choked to death rather than slaughtered (with a knife) in a way that allows the blood to be drained from it. See BDAG 838 s.v. pniktos. g. Lit., “For Moses, from ancient generations [or, times] in every city, has those who preach him, being read [aloud] in the synagogues every Sabbath” (Mōysēs gar ek geneōn

James’s Speech 301 archaiōn kata polin tous kēryssontas auton echei en tais synagōgais kata pan sabbaton anaginōskomenos).

[15:13–21] Since James is introduced without further clarification, the reader naturally assumes that he is the person previously mentioned in connection with Peter’s release from prison in 12:17, which implies that he resides in Jerusalem. Presumably the brother of Jesus, this James appears later in the narrative as one of the leaders of the Jerusalem church (21:18).9 Since it occurs last, James’s speech has a climactic function, signaled by the OT quotation from Amos 9:11–12, the text around which his remarks are constructed. His mention of “Simeon” (Symeōn, Acts 15:14), the Aramaic name of Peter, gives it an air of authenticity: It is how one Palestinian Jew would address a fellow Jew.10 Here the gentile initiative is one in which God “first concerned himself” (prōton epeskepsato, v. 14), which might also be rendered “made provision,” by exercising providential action for his people.11 “Winning a people for his name from among the gentiles” (labein ex ethnōn laon tō onomati autou, v. 14) is an unusual way of referring to the gentile mission. Read one way, it suggests that God’s intention was to constitute a new people, drawn exclusively from the gentiles, who would honor his name through obedient lives. If so, how would this group relate to Israel? Would it replace or supplement Israel? Clearly the latter, if the entire narrative of Luke-Acts is taken into account.12 “The Prophets” (v. 15) refers to the book of the twelve Minor Prophets, which includes Amos.13 The OT quotation in vv. 16–18 is based on the Greek version of Amos 9:11–12.14 The Hebrew text of Amos 9:11–12 envisions that Israel will inherit what is left of Edom, whereas the Greek version promises that the “remainder of humanity, even the gentiles” will seek the Lord. Only the Greek version, not the Hebrew, supports James’s contention that the mission to the gentiles is part of God’s original intention. This shows that James’s speech is a Lukan composition based on the Septuagint rather than a summary   9. For discussion of this James, along with the other Jameses, see comments on 12:17. 10. See 2 Pet 1:1, in which the letter writer is identified as “Simeon Peter” (Symeōn Petros); cf. Matt 16:16–18. Some have identified this Simeon with the “man in Jerusalem” mentioned in Luke 2:25–35, but this is far-fetched. Clearly in view are the remarks of Peter reported earlier (Acts 15:7–11). 11. Here I follow BDAG 378 s.v. episkeptomai; see BegC 4:175, “how God first made provision to take a people from the gentiles for his name.” 12. See Dahl, who relates the phrase to Zech 2:14–17 MT, LXX (2:10–13 ET), and takes Acts 15:14 to mean that “God has made provision to take a group of people out of the gentile nations and make them his own. The point is not that this group is ‘a people’ in the sense of ‘a nation’ or ‘a cultural unit,’ but that it now belongs to God in the same way Israel does, or, rather: as Israel should do.” 13. See Acts 7:42; 13:40–41. 14. See translation note c at v. 18.

302

Acts 15:13–21

of a speech delivered in Aramaic and based on the Hebrew text. It is unlikely that James would have quoted the Greek version of Amos at a gathering of Christian Jews in Jerusalem.15 The form of Amos 9:11–12 that James quotes agrees with the Hebrew text in presenting YHWH as one speaking through the prophet Amos. The Lukan version envisions a time when YHWH will rebuild the “tent of David,” meaning the Davidic dynasty, that has crumbled through the ravages of war and reversal experienced by Israel. A rebuilt, or restored, Davidic kingdom is seen as a catalyst that will attract “the rest of the people,” specifically, “all the gentiles” over whom God’s name has been called. “To call God’s name” over someone or over a people is a blessing that also constitutes a summons. It invites people to “seek the Lord” (Acts 15:17). The “I” of the prophetic promise is identified in verse 17b as “the Lord,” who is actively at work in bringing his purposes to fulfillment. Moreover, in carrying out this work, God is fulfilling an ancient vision that has been “well known for a long time.” This vision has been embedded in the “words of the Prophets” for many centuries. The force of this prophetic text is clear: God’s desire to embrace gentiles is supported by God’s own words—the direct speech of this text from Amos. God has been on record “from the ages” (ap’ aiōnos), from the remote past, in wanting gentiles to be included within the people of God; or, to use the language of verse 14, “to win a people for his name from among the gentiles.” The second part of James’s speech shifts from prophetic promise to constructive proposal. “In my judgment” (krinō, v. 19) may have judicial force: “I decree.”16 The central idea in James’s proposal is to avoid creating unnecessary obstacles. The four prohibitions suggested by James represent an ingenious proposal because each has biblical warrant and constitutes a requirement imposed on non-Israelites in the OT. In essence James’s proposal is clear: The only specific obligations that should be imposed on gentile Christians are those explicitly required of gentiles in the OT. “Things defiled from contact with idols” (tōn alisgēmatōn tōn eidōlōn), or “the defilement [or, pollutions] of idols,” expresses the Jewish belief that worship offered to images of other deities not only compromises monotheistic faith but also defiles the worshiper.17 Moreover, Jewish 15. The expectation that Aramaic or Hebrew would be spoken in Jerusalem is reinforced by the tribune’s question to Paul, “Do you know Greek?” (Acts 21:37). A somewhat different picture of language expectations in Jerusalem is portrayed in Acts 2:5–13. 16. Thus BegC 4:177: “It is the definite sentence of a judge, and the egō implies that [James] is acting by an authority which is personal.” 17. The OT repeatedly prohibits Israelites from worshiping idols, which represent the gods of other people (Exod 20:4; 34:17; Lev 19:4; 26:1; Deut 4:16, 23, 25; 5:8; 27:15; 29:17; 32:21; Pss 31:6; 78:58; 96:5; 97:7; Isa 40:19; 44:17; 45:20; Jer 10:5; Hab 2:18; passim). On the defiling effects of idolatry, see Ezek 20:18, 31; 22:3–4; 23:30; 36:18, 25; 37:23; Wis 14:8; passim. For

James’s Speech 303

polemic against idols typically targets “sexual immorality” (porneia) as a twin vice, a perception that reflects actual practice and not simply rhetorical hyperbole.18 While porneia includes various forms of violating marriage vows, it also extends to other sexual improprieties, as the Levitical legislation clearly demonstrates (Lev 18). “Meat improperly slaughtered” (tou pniktou) would come from an animal that had been strangled or clubbed to death rather than one that had been ritually slaughtered, whose throat had been cut, thereby allowing the blood to drain from its body.19 “Blood” (tou haimatos) refers to the prohibition against drinking the blood of animals.20 What is significant about these four prohibitions is that in biblical legislation they apply not only to Israelites but also to non-Israelites, usually identified as “aliens who reside among the Israelites.”21 These same four restrictions are repeated in the letter growing out of the Jerusalem Council, although in slightly different wording and in a different order (15:29).22 Verse 21, which asserts the ancient and universal practice of weekly synagogal reading of Torah, is often read as a non sequitur, yet it may have its own logic: If we include gentiles within the people of God, and especially if we require of them only what Torah the rabbinic condemnation of idolatry, see m. Ber. 9:1; m. Demai 6:10; m. Sanh. 5:1; 6:4; 7:4, 6, 10; 8:7; 9:3; 11:1, 6; m. Tem. 6:1; m. Ker. 1:1. The entire mishnaic tractate ʿAbodah Zarah treats the many restrictions relating to idolatry. On the defiling effects of idols, see m. Šabb. 9:1, “like a menstruant, [an idol] conveys uncleanness by carrying [it].” 18. Wisdom 14:12, “For the idea of making idols was the beginning of fornication,” expresses the basic Jewish conviction that idolatry invariably leads to sexual immorality. To understand the connection, one needs only to look at the sexually provocative statues of Aphrodite or Priapus from the ancient world, let alone the many other male and female figures depicted in the nude. For idolatry and sexual immorality as closely related vices, see Ezek 16:36; 18:6, 12, 15; 23:7, 37. Various forms of sexual immorality are expressly forbidden by the Levitical Holiness Code; see Lev 18, but even these prohibitions are set within the broader context of critiquing Egyptian and Canaanite religious practices. 19. Leviticus 17:1–9 provides instructions relating to the ritual slaughter of animals to be used in sacrifices, with specific attention given to the location of the slaughter in relation to the sanctuary. See also Deut 12:13–28, esp. vv. 20–21. 20. Leviticus 17:10–16 prohibits the “eating” of animal blood on the grounds that “the life of every creature is its blood” (vv. 11, 14); cf. Deut 12:16, 23–24; 15:23. Proper use of animal blood, e.g., the use of blood from a sacrificial animal to be sprinkled on the altar (Lev 17:6), is scrupulously regulated in the Levitical legislation. See Gilders. 21. “Aliens residing among Israelites” are prohibited from sacrificing to other gods (Lev 17:8–9), from sexual immorality (18:6–23, 26), from eating blood (17:10, 12–13), and probably, though not certainly, from eating meat of improperly slaughtered animals (17:8–9). 22. Trying to square the wording of 15:20 with 15:29 and 21:25 has created numerous textcritical problems. The prohibition against sexual immorality (porneia) in 15:20 is omitted in ∏45, a third-century witness. “What is strangled” (kai tou pniktou, v. 20) is omitted in D gig; Ir1739mg.lat and replaced in several witnesses (D 323. 945. 1739. 1891 sa; Ir1739mg.lat Eus1739mg) with the negative form of the Golden Rule, “and the things they do not wish to happen to themselves, ‘do not do to others.’” See Metzger 1998, 379–83; also Meiser.

304

Acts 15:22–35

requires, this decision cannot threaten the synagogue as a long-standing institution or the viability of torah as life-giving instructions for the Jewish people.23 15:22–35 The Jerusalem Agreement and Its Positive Effects Then the apostles and the elders, together with the entire church, decided to select men from their numbera to send to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas—Judas (the one called Barsabbas)b and Silas, men who were leaders among the brothers, 23 and through whom the following letter was written:c 15:22

The apostles and the elders—brothers—to the brothers from among the gentiles throughout Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia. Greetings! 24 Since we heard that some, having gone out from us, have created confusion for you, unsettling your minds with words that we did not instruct them to use, 25 we decided that since we were of one mind in this matter, we ought to choose men to send to you, along with our beloved Barnabas and Paul, 26 men who have devoted their livesd on behalf of the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. 27 Therefore, we have sent Judas and Silas, who themselves will report the same things orally.e 28 For we were in agreement with the Holy Spiritf that no additional burden should be placed on you, except for the following requirements: 29 abstaining from food offered to idols, blood, meat improperly slaughtered,g and sexual immorality. From these things you would do well to keep your distance.h Farewell. So then, when they were discharged, these delegates went down to Antioch, and having gathered the people, they handed over the letter. 31 When it was read, it brought joy because of its encouraging tone. 32 Since Judas and Silas were themselves prophets,i they heartily encouraged the brothers and strengthened them. 33 After they had spent some time there, they were sent away in peace by the brothers to return to those [in Jerusalem] who had originally commissioned them.j 35 Now Paul and Barnabas remained in Antioch, teaching and proclaimingk the word of the Lord, along with many others. 30

a. Gk. “from them” (ex autōn). b. The Greek name Barsabbas transliterates the Hebrew br sʾbʾ or br shbʾ, which may simply mean “born on the Sabbath” or may designate the son of someone named Sabbat or Sambataios. See BDAG 167 s.v. Barsa(b)bas; BegC 4:178. See T. Jud. 8.2. 23. It might also be read another way: James may be saying, “The restrictions I propose for gentiles have the full weight of long-standing synagogue precedent, and they comply with Torah observance.” Or the logic may be that this minimum requirement for gentiles will be widely accepted since there is sufficient knowledge of Mosaic legislation “in every city.”

The Jerusalem Agreement and Its Positive Effects 305 c. Lit., “having written through their hand” (grapsantes dia cheiros autōn), with “the apostles, elders, and the entire church” understood as the subject of grapsantes. d. Lit., “having handed over their own souls” (paradedōkosin tas psychas autōn). e. Lit., “and those announcing the same things through word” (kai autous dia logou apangellontas ta auta). f. Lit., “For it seemed to the Holy Spirit and to us” (edoxen gar tō pneumati tō hagiō kai hēmin), or “for it was decided by the Holy Spirit and us.” Boring, Berger, and Colpe (323–24) adduce an inscription (IG 12.3, 178) from Astypalaia (end of third–second c. BCE) in which a decision by a council is described as being agreed upon by both humans and deities: “The following [decision] appears right to the priest Ophelion from Enation and the [local] president Syros from Viettos, along with the goddess Atargatis and the Council of the Association of the Ancestral Gods: [then follows the decree of the gods]. As Boring reports, “The usual formula for decisions for the popular assembly is ‘The following appeared right to the Council and the People/People’s Assembly,’” then follows the decree. g. As was the case with v. 20, here in v. 29 the D-text and some other witnesses omit “meat improperly slaughtered” (kai pniktōn) or “what is strangled” (D l [=,], a seventh-century Latin MS] Ir1739mg.lat Tert Hiermss) and replace it with the negative form of the Golden Rule (D 323. 614. 945. 1739. 1891 l [=,, as before] p w syh** sa; Ir1739mg.lat Eus1739mg Cyp. See the discussion in Metzger 1998, 379–83. h. Lit., “from which things keeping yourselves free, you do well” (ex hōn diatērountes heautous eu praxete). i. The D-text adds that Judas and Silas were prophets “full of the Holy Spirit.” Metzger 1998, 387. j. Some ancient witnesses, noting that 15:40 implies that Silas was with Paul in Antioch, add a line (v. 34) explaining that Silas remained in Antioch instead of returning to Jerusalem with Judas Barsabbas. Different forms of v. 34 exist: “But it seemed good to Silas to remain there” (C 33. 323. 453. 614. 945. 1175. 1739. 1891. 2818 syh** sa bomss); and “But it seemed good to Silas to remain with them alone and Judas went (to Jerusalem w vgcl)” (∏127vid D*.1 gig l [= ,, as before] w vgcl). The additional note about Silas was adopted by the TR and thus appears as v. 34 in the KJV: “Notwithstanding it pleased Silas to abide there still.” Omission of the verse has strong textual support: ∏74 Å A B E L Ψ 81. 1241. 1505 ˜ vgst syp bo. This verse is absent in RSV, NIV, and NRSV. See Metzger 1998, 388. k. Gk. didaskontes kai euangelizomenoi.

[15:22–35] Although the apostles and the elders constitute the group addressed by Peter, Barnabas, Paul, and James, once the speeches are over, “the entire church” (syn holē tē ekklēsia, v. 22) participates in the selection of delegates. This naturally broadens the scope of the coalition and presents the entire Jerusalem church, including the earlier mentioned critics, the Christian Pharisees (v. 5), as being in unanimous agreement. “From their number” (ex autōn) identifies the delegates as Jerusalem Christians. This is the only mention in the NT of Judas Barsabbas; whether he is related to Joseph Barsabbas, also known as Justus, one of two candidates proposed to replace Judas (1:23), is not known. Having a Hebrew-based patronymic would appear to underscore

306

Acts 15:22–35

Judas’s Jerusalem credentials.24 Silas, mentioned here for the first time in Acts,

figures prominently as Paul’s coworker in the Aegean mission.25 Both Judas and Silas are later identified as prophets (15:32). The wording of verse 23a suggests that their role in composing the letter embodying the Jerusalem agreement is more than simply that of a scribe who transcribes the decision, but rather that they help formulate the wording.26 The senders of the letter include “the apostles and the elders” (v. 23), and possibly the whole church, if the first mention of “brothers” refers to a separate group of senders.27 The addressees naturally include “the brothers from among the gentiles” (adelphois tois ex ethnōn) in Antioch of Syria, where the mission to south-central Asia Minor originated (13:1–3), as well as the broader region of Syria, where the existence of Christian communities has been reported (9:2, 10, 19). Nothing comparable has been reported for Cilicia, although a trip by Saul to Tarsus, which was located in the province of Cilicia (21:39; 22:3; 23:34), was reported earlier (9:30).28 The letter begins and ends with the standard formula for greeting (chairein) and farewell (errōsthe) found in ancient letters.29 Verse 24 clarifies that the “certain people [who] came down from Judea” to Antioch (15:1) made their trip and sought to impose their theological views upon the Antioch church without the authority of the Jerusalem church. “Of one mind in this matter” (homothymadon, 15:25) further underscores the unified front that grew out of the Jerusalem Council. Whatever differences might have existed before that meeting have now been resolved. The mention of Barnabas before Paul honors the original order of their relationship (13:1–3) as well as their relationship at the conference itself (15:12). Barnabas’s credentials have been amply demonstrated earlier in the narrative (4:36–37; 9:26–30; 11:22–26); his and Paul’s wholesale devotion to “the name of our Lord Jesus Christ” has been shown in their missionary activities reported in chapters 13–14. “Devoting their lives” (v. 26) or “risking their lives” (NRSV) recalls the resistance and persecution they encountered in south-central Asia Minor (13:50), including threats of 24. See translation note b on v. 22. 25. First introduced in connection with the Jerusalem agreement (15:22, 27, 32, [34]), Silas is chosen by Paul to replace Barnabas and John Mark (15:40) as his traveling companion on the mission into western Asia Minor and Greece (15:40–18:5). He is specifically mentioned at Philippi (16:19, 25, 29), Thessalonica (17:4), Beroea (17:10, 14–15), Athens (implied, 17:15), and Corinth (18:5). He is reliably identified with Silvanus (Silouanos), mentioned by Paul in 2 Cor 1:19; 1 Thess 1:1; 2 Thess 1:1, and also in 1 Pet 5:12. 26. A similarly active role for Silvanus in letter composition is implied in 1 Pet 5:12. 27. This is made explicit in one group of witnesses that (in 15:23) insert “and the” (kai hoi) before the first mention of “brothers” (Å2 E L Ψ 323. 614. 945. 1175. 1241. 1505. 1739 sy bomss). Otherwise, “brothers” is in apposition with “the apostles and elders.” See Metzger 1998, 384–85. 28. This may reflect awareness of Paul’s own report that shortly after his conversion he “went into the regions of Syria and Cilicia” (Gal 1:21). 29. See BDAG 1074–75 s.v. chairō 2; 908–9 s.v. rhōnnymi.

The Jerusalem Agreement and Its Positive Effects 307

stoning (14:5) and the actual stoning of Paul at Lystra, which became a close shave with death (14:19–20). Supplying the full name “Lord Jesus Christ” lends further dignity to their devotion (15:26).30 Characterizing the agreement as a collaborative effort between the human participants in the Jerusalem Council and the Holy Spirit, besides making it a divinely inspired decision, places it within a long line of providential events reported in Acts in which the Holy Spirit has had a catalytic role.31 As noted earlier, the restatement of the four requirements in verse 29 exhibits some differences from verse 20. This time, the first prohibition is “food offered to idols” (eidōlothytōn), which is more specific than “things defiled from contact with idols,” which could include everything from utensils used in making sacrificial offerings to clothing worn by the worshiper. In view here are the sacrificial meat, forms of grain, libations such as wine, or other edibles that constituted offerings to the deities.32 The rearranged order here may reflect the order in which these four activities are discussed in the Levitical legislation.33 As with verse 20, the textual tradition exhibits various differences relating to the wording of the agreement.34 “Discharged” (apolythentes, v. 30) may imply a formal commissioning. “Having gathered the people” (synagagontes to plēthos) is a rather general way of saying that they called the church together. Learning that circumcision is not required brings understandable “joy” to male gentile believers (echarēsan, v. 31). An “encouraging tone” (epi tē paraklēsei) typifies paraenetic discourse in which parakaleō, variously translated as “encourage” or “exhort,” and similar language are used.35 The hortatory tone of the letter is continued in Judas and Silas’s words of exhortation (v. 32), not surprising if they were mainly responsible for its composition in the first place (v. 23a). The description of their ministry in strengthening the church also suggests that the role of the prophet should be understood as including more than simply proclamation, having in addition a strong pastoral dimension. “Some time” (chronon, v. 33) is sufficiently vague 30. Elsewhere in Acts this threefold name also occurs in dramatic settings (11:17; 28:31; cf. 10:36). In the D-text, however, it regularly occurs since that textual tradition consistently expands references to Jesus, Jesus Christ, and Lord Jesus to Lord Jesus Christ. See discussion of the D-text tradition in the introduction (above). 31. Most notably, these include Pentecost (ch. 2), the conversion of Cornelius (chs. 10–11), and the mission to south-central Asia Minor (13:1–3). 32. The same term, “food offered to idols,” is used in the version of the agreement mentioned in Acts 21:25. This is also the term used by Paul in 1 Cor 8:1, 4, 10; 10:19; also in Rev 2:14, 20. Given the similarity of language in Acts 15:29 and Paul’s discussion of this issue in 1 Cor 8–10, it is striking that nowhere in Paul’s Letters is explicit mention made of this Jerusalem agreement. 33. No sacrifices to other gods (Lev 17:8–9), blood (17:10–14), improperly slaughtered animals (17:13), and sexual immorality (18:6–23). 34. See translation note g on v. 29 and extensive discussion in Metzger 1998, 379–83. 35. See the discussion of epistolary paraenesis in Malherbe 2014a, 2:687–705.

308

Acts 15:22–35

to include a fairly long interval of time before the next major mission initiative (15:36–41). Being sent “in peace” (met’ eirēnēs, v. 33) reflects the customary form of Hebrew greeting, “Shalom” (šālôm).36 The return of Judas Barsabbas and Silas to Jerusalem is implied though not specified in 15:33. The order “Paul and Barnabas” is resumed, now that they are back in Antioch and the formalities of the Jerusalem Council are left behind. Their twofold role of “teaching and proclaiming the word of the Lord” (didaskontes kai euangelizomenoi . . . to logon tou kyriou, v. 35) recalls the distinct roles of “prophet and teacher” mentioned earlier as typifying the church in Antioch (13:1). “Along with many others” extends this two-pronged ministry well beyond Paul and Barnabas. It suggests a hive of ministerial activity in the Antioch church.

36. See BDAG 287–88 s.v. eirēnē 2.a, esp. the discussion of the emergence of the twofold greeting “grace and peace” (charis kai eirēnē) in the Pauline and post-Pauline Letters.

15:36–20:38—Part 5 The Word Spreads Farther West: Paul’s Mission around the Aegean As noted earlier, the organizational scheme of “missionary journeys” is not used in this commentary to describe the activities of Paul and his coworkers in Acts 13–14 and 16–20. One reason for this is the difficulty in determining, in this section, where the so-called second missionary journey ends and where the third begins. The hinge passage (18:22–23) is somewhat vague1 and does not mark a clear, emphatic conclusion to chapters 16–18, such as appears in 14:26–28. Nor is the second period of mission, mainly concentrated in Ephesus (18:24–19:41), but also including Paul’s subsequent travels in Macedonia and Greece and finally Miletus (20:17–38), marked by a dramatic beginning. If there is one, it is the Macedonian call at Troas (16:8–10). Clearly, 15:36–41 marks a new beginning. Now that the Jerusalem Council is over, and a consensus has been reached about what is required for gentiles to be full-fledged members of the people of God, a new initiative is launched in which Paul and Barnabas part ways—an action that in itself distinguishes this new stage of mission from the earlier mission to south-central Asia Minor—and one in which Paul is accompanied by a new set of coworkers, most notably Silas, and later Timothy, but also by a wider circle of disciples who are introduced at various points in the narrative, for example, Aquila and Priscilla (18:2–3), Apollos (18:24–28), and other members of his entourage in Macedonia (20:1–6). The section extending from 15:36 through 20:38 reflects careful literary planning. The major character, of course, is Paul, and the major geographical focus is the Aegean region. The literary panels of material comprising this section roughly correspond to cities: Philippi in Acts 16; Thessalonica, Beroea, and Athens in 17; Corinth in 18; Ephesus in 19 (though technically beginning at 18:24–28); and Acts 20 involves Macedonia, Greece, and Troas, but mainly Miletus/Ephesus. 1. Acts 18:22 states that, after landing at Caesarea, Paul “went up” (anabas) and greeted the church, although it does not specify the location. Translators (e.g., NRSV) usually supply “Jerusalem” as his intended destination. Verse 23, however, reports Paul’s journey “down to Antioch” (katebē eis Antiocheian), after which he travels through Galatia and Phrygia. At this point (18:24) the scene shifts to Ephesus, although Paul’s arrival in Ephesus is not reported until 19:1.

310

Acts 15:36–20:38

There is also a clear logic to Luke’s arrangement. As the narrative moves from Philippi (ch. 16) to Ephesus (ch. 19), Paul’s length of stay in specific locations gradually increases—a few weeks in Philippi, eighteen months in Corinth, and twenty-four to thirty-six months in Ephesus. At the first major stop, Philippi, Luke selectively reports events that represent “a day in the life of” Paul the missionary among gentiles: stopping at a synagogue, a miracle in which the gospel encounters popular religion, resistance by the authorities, imprisonment, some form of release that serves to vindicate Paul. Chapter 17 begins with stops at Thessalonica and Beroea, a pair of cities that stand in sharp contrast to each other: The recalcitrant behavior of the Thessalonian Jews is quite different from the hospitable reception of Paul by the Beroean Jews. Athens, the next stop in a major urban center, the intellectual heart of Greece, provides the occasion for Paul’s first major address in this section, the Areopagus sermon, in which Paul addresses a thoroughly pagan, intellectually sophisticated audience. Chapter 18 is dominated by Paul’s eighteen-month stay in Corinth, in which Luke demonstrates what happens when the gospel takes root in a major Roman city. As usual, it begins with synagogue preaching, which gives way to resistance, which in turn creates opportunity for renewed mission activity, documented with highly visible success (Crispus). The appearance before the proconsul Gallio shows that if Paul stays for a substantial period in a major city, the gospel will eventually come to the attention of the Roman authorities and somehow be vindicated. The next major panel of material focuses on Ephesus, beginning with the Apollos episode in 18:24–28, but mainly unfolded in chapter 19. Here again, Paul is the major figure: He begins by incorporating the twelve disciples of John the Baptist into “the Way,” but afterward follows his same pattern of preaching in the synagogue, meeting resistance, and changing venues. Once again, the gospel encounters popular religion, this time in the form of Jewish and pagan magic, and, as usual, triumphs. The silversmith episode followed by the theater riot are not only more detailed but also more dramatic than anything previously recorded in this section. The entire city virtually comes to a standstill because of the Pauline gospel. As before, the gospel is vindicated, this time by the chief municipal official, the town clerk. With carefully placed time markers, Luke portrays Paul’s longest stay in one place while giving numerous indicators of his impact not only in the city but also in the entire region, the province of Asia. Moreover, Paul moves beyond encountering some form of popular religion and directly confronts deeply entrenched institutional religion: the Artemis cult. Through careful orchestration, Luke shows that if the gospel stays long enough in one place, it can actually affect and even challenge the local economy, yet also pose a serious challenge to revered forms of ancient religion. Chapter 20 unfolds the next major literary panel, which shows Paul concluding his stay in the Aegean with visits to Macedonia and Achaia, being accompanied

Transition: From Antioch to Troas 311

by seven named individuals representing his different mission areas, a brief Christian meeting in Troas, and his concluding sermon to the Ephesian elders at Miletus. This, along with his major addresses in Pisidian Antioch (ch. 13) and Athens (ch. 17), forms the final sermon in a grand trilogy of sermons showing Paul preaching to Jews, Greeks/gentiles, and Christians respectively. Once Luke relates the completion of the Aegean mission, he can then trace Paul’s travel to Jerusalem, where the final stage of his overall story can be reported. 15:36–16:10 Transition: From Antioch to Troas This section not only explains how a new phase of the Pauline mission originates in Antioch of Syria (15:36–41) but also recounts Paul’s land travels northwest through Syria and Cilicia (15:41), continuing through the interior regions of Asia Minor that he has visited earlier, notably Lycaonia (Derbe, Lystra, 16:1), yet also pushing farther westward through Phrygia and Galatia (16:6), Mysia (16:8), eventually reaching the port city of Troas (16:8), where he experiences the call vision that beckons him to Macedonia. This compact travel summary, which implies crossing the Taurus Mountains in southeast Asia Minor through the Cilician Gates, covers over eight hundred miles.2 One of the main things achieved by this compressed account, which condenses weeks of arduous crosscountry travel, is to bring Paul and his travel companions to Philippi, the first city to receive extended treatment in this new phase of the mission. 15:36–41 Paul’s Split with Barnabas Now after some days, Paul said to Barnabas, “Let us return and visit the brothers in every city where we proclaimed the word of the Lord, and see how they are doing.” 37 Now Barnabas wanted to take along John (the one called Mark), 38 but Paul decided not to take him along— the one who had deserted thema at Pamphylia and had not accompanied them in the work. 39 This created such a great disputeb that they decided to separate from each other, with Barnabas taking Mark and sailing to Cyprus, 40 while Paul chose Silas and took leave, being commended to the Lord’s grace by the brothers. 41 Now he traveled through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the churches. 15:36

a. Gk. ton apostanta ap’ autōn. BDAG 157 s.v. aphistēmi. See Acts 13:13. b. Or “sharp disagreement” (paroxysmos). BDAG 780 s.v. paroxysmos. 2. According to ORBIS, the overland journey from Syrian Antioch to Alexandria Troas, a distance of about 850 miles (1,422 km), would take about 50 days. Naturally weather conditions would affect the travel time, along with other delays such as Timothy’s circumcision and requisite time for healing before proceeding with Paul (cf. Gen 34:25).

312

Acts 16:1–5

[15:36–41] The period of “some days” is spent in Syrian Antioch, in which the earlier mission to south-central Asia Minor originated (13:1–3). Crediting Paul with the initiative to return to the areas previously missionized once again underscores his leadership role, as does his outright refusal to take John Mark (v. 38). At this point Paul’s plans are quite limited: The further expansion of the mission westward occurs only later. “Deserted” (apostanta) is strong language, but clearly the meaning here (v. 38), a retrospective interpretation that explains John Mark’s rather neutrally reported departure in 13:13. Readers are left to imagine the shouting match that occurred in the dispute (paroxysmos, 15:39) between Paul and Barnabas; the language suggests sharp differences of opinion. Barnabas’s decision to take John Mark confirms his earlier role as “son of encouragement” (4:36); since Barnabas is a “native of Cyprus” (4:36), it makes sense for him to return there, not only because the area is familiar but also because Christian communities already exist there (11:19; 13:12). Strengthening already-established churches might be less formidable than starting new ones. Paul’s choice of Silas is understandable, since his reputation as a leader among the disciples has already been established (15:22), along with his constructive role in formulating the Jerusalem agreement (15:23).3 Since the Jerusalem agreement is addressed to “the brothers among the gentiles” in Syria and Cilicia (15:23), it makes sense for Paul and Silas, as major participants in the conference, to travel to these two regions, presumably to transmit and explain the decision.4 “Strengthening the churches” continues the activity reported earlier, in 14:22. 16:1–5 Paul and Silas Strengthen Churches in South-Central Asia Minor; Timothy’s Circumcision Now he came to Derbe and to Lystra.a And as it turned out,b a certain disciple named Timothy was there. He was the son of a Jewish woman, a [Christian] believer, but of a Greek father.c 2 He was highly regardedd by the brothers in Lystra and Iconium. 3 Paul wanted Timothy to leave with him, and he took him and circumcised him out of deference to the 16:1

3. On Silas, see remarks above on 15:22–23. Oddly, the verbs in vv. 40–41 are all singular, which, if read strictly, would suggest that Paul alone received the blessing of the Antiochian church, that he alone departed from Antioch, traveled through Syria and Cilicia, and strengthened the churches. Moreover, the arrival in Derbe and Lystra in 16:1 is also reported in the singular, as are the other activities in 16:2–3. The use of plural verbs does not begin until 16:4, and they continue to be used thereafter. On the problem created by Silas’s implied absence from Antioch in 15:33, see the above discussion on 15:33, with textual note j explaining textual changes that allow Silas to be in Antioch when Paul leaves for Syria and Cilicia. 4. Although no mission in the region of Cilicia had been reported earlier, the presence of believers in Cilicia is implied by 15:23. That Cilicia, along with Syria, was a center of missionary activity for Paul is implied by Gal 1:21. On Saul/Paul’s earlier presence in Tarsus of Cilicia, see Acts 9:30; 11:25.

Paul and Silas Strengthen Churches in South-Central Asia Minor 313

Jews who were in those regions.e For all of them knew that his father was Greek.f 4 Now as Paul, Silas, and Timothy traveled through the cities,g they delivered to them the binding decisions that were reachedh by the apostles and elders in Jerusalem. 5 So then, the faith of the churches became strongeri and their numbers increased daily.j a. Gk. katēntēsen de [kai] eis Derbēn kai eis Lystran. If kai is translated, the phrase could read “Now he arrived in [or, reached] both Derbe and Lystra.” The D-text connects v. 1 more closely to 15:41 by adding “and having passed through those countries, he came to . . .” (dielthōn de ta ethnē tauta katēntēsen). Metzger 1998, 389. b. Lit., “and behold” (kai idou). c. Lit., “the son of a faithful [or, believing] Jewish woman but [the son] of a Greek father” (huios gynaikos Ioudaias pistēs, patros de Hellēnos). d. Lit., “he was well spoken of” (emartyreito). BDAG 618 s.v. martyreō 2.b. e. Lit., “on account of the Jews who were in those places” (dia tous Ioudaious tous ontas en tois topois ekeinois). f. Lit., “for all had known [pluperfect] that his father was Greek” (ēdeisan gar hapantes hoti Hellēn ho patēr autou hypērchen). The D-text has a different word order: “for all had known his father that [because] he was Greek” (ēdeisan gar hapantes ho patēr autou hoti Hellēn hypērchen). Metzger 1998, 389. g. Lit., “Now as they were going through the cities” (hōs de dieporeuonto tas poleis). In my translation I have supplied the names of Paul, Silas, and Timothy since they are clearly in view. The D-text gives an expanded version of this verse, reporting that in their travels, besides delivering to the churches the “apostolic commandments” agreed on at Jerusalem, “they preached with all boldness the Lord Jesus Christ.” Their preaching is possibly added in D to explain the growth of the churches in v. 5. Metzger 1998, 390. h. Lit., “they passed on to them to observe the decrees that were decided . . .” (paredidosan autois phylassein ta dogmata ta kekrimena). i. Lit., “the churches were [continually] being strengthened [imperfect tense] in the faith” (hai ekklēsiai estereounto tē pistei). j. Lit., “and [the churches] were increasing in number day by day” (kai eperisseuon tō arithmō kath’ hēmeran).

[16:1–5] Derbe and Lystra reverses the order of 14:6, 20, when Paul and Barnabas were traveling eastward. Whether Timothy is from Derbe or Lystra is not clear. If the former, it would make sense to mention his good reputation in the other cities in the region, Lystra and Iconium (v. 2). It would be equally sensible to mention the esteem in which he was held in his hometown Lystra, along with the neighboring city of Iconium.5 It is simply not clear where “there” 5. This mention of Lystra and Iconium implies the existence of Christian communities, perhaps sizeable, in both towns; it also seems to imply that considerable time has lapsed to allow Timothy’s reputation to be established. The time markers, e.g., “for some time” or “some days,” in 15:33–36 are vague enough to allow for several months, perhaps even a few years, to have elapsed between the Jerusalem agreement and the beginning of the new phase of mission in the Aegean.

314

Acts 16:1–5

(ekei, v. 1) is. That Timothy is already a “disciple” (mathētēs, v. 1) suggests that he was converted during the earlier mission in Lystra and Derbe (14:6–23) or shortly thereafter; similarly, his unnamed mother (elsewhere identified as Eunice; 2 Tim 1:5), here identified as a “Jewish woman” (gynaikos Ioudaias),6 who is also said to be pistēs, literally, “faithful” or “believing,” clearly meaning that she too is a Christian.7 Timothy’s ethnic status is much debated.8 If a child has a Jewish mother and a gentile father (“Greek,” Hellēnos), is he Jewish or gentile? According to the matrilineal principle, a child’s ethnic identity is determined by the ethnicity of its mother. This principle is clearly articulated in the Mishnah (ca. 200 CE), but there is no firm evidence that it was in effect during the first century CE.9 Why Timothy was still uncircumcised is not stated; only that his uncircumcised status would be viewed negatively by “the Jews who were in those regions” (v. 3), who, we are told, “knew that his father was Greek” (v. 3). Paul’s decision to circumcise Timothy is presented here as a pragmatic strategy rather than a matter of theological principle. This is in marked contrast to the heated debate in Galatians and Romans, in which Paul opposes the circumcision of gentiles on sharply articulated theological grounds. Requiring gentiles to be circumcised, Paul insists, not only symbolizes their adherence to the law of Moses, which has been eclipsed by Christ, but also—because circumcision is seen as a prerequisite for full admission to the people of God, and thus as a means of accessing God’s saving grace—vitiates the salvific effects of the cross (cf. Gal 5:2–6). Not surprisingly, many have seen Luke’s report of Paul’s actions in Acts 16:3 as a highly compromising account, especially since in seemingly similar circumstances Paul refuses to circumcise the gentile Titus (Gal 2:3).10   6. Cf. Josephus, Ant. 11.185.   7. The use of pistos here without the article to indicate Christian belief is unusual in Acts (cf. 10:45). The anarthrous pistos, meaning “believing in Christ,” is found in 2 Cor 6:15; 1 Tim 4:10; 5:16; 6:2; Titus 1:6; also cf. 1 Clem. 48.5; 62.3; 63.3; Herm. Sim. 8.7.4; 8.9.1; 8.10.1; 9.22.1. That pistos here means “Christian believer” is supported by 2 Tim 1:5; 3:15.   8. See Barreto; also Cohen 1999d.   9. See Cohen 1999c, esp. 273–74, citing m. Qidd. 3:12; m. Yebam. 7:5. 10. Cohen 1999d presents a fascinating rehearsal of the patristic debate, noting that Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, John Chrysostom, among others, regarded Timothy as a gentile and consequently interpreted Paul’s decision to circumcise him as an exception to his own theological principles expressed in Galatians, Romans, and 1 Corinthians. Though differing in their judgment of Paul’s action reported in Acts 16:3, Jerome and Augustine nevertheless thought Timothy was a gentile. A new interpretation was introduced by the shadowy figure Ambrosiaster (second half of the fourth c.), who argued that Timothy was Jewish because he had a Jewish mother. Accordingly, Ambrosiaster saw no inconsistency in Paul’s actions regarding Timothy and Titus. Paul was simply following the Jerusalem agreement—Jews, even Christian Jews, can continue to observe the law of Moses, but gentile Christians are required to keep only the provisions of the law of Moses that are required of gentiles, which obviously excludes circumcision; accordingly, he circumcised Timothy because he was Jewish, and he did not circumcise Titus because he was gentile. Ambrosiaster’s

A New Mission Emerges: Macedonian Vision at Troas 315

But at the very least, Timothy’s case, as reported in Acts, is more complicated than that of Titus, since Timothy is introduced as the child of a mixed marriage. The implication of the narrative is that, at least, Timothy should have been circumcised as a child but was not; and that, by circumcising him, Paul is doing what should already have been done—completing what was required by his mother’s Jewish faith. By reporting Paul’s action here, Luke anticipates (and answers in advance) the charge brought against Paul when he returns to Jerusalem from the Aegean mission (21:21). With 16:4, the verbs shift to the plural, thus indicating that Paul, Silas, and Timothy are traveling as a group “through the cities,” presumably those farther west along the via Sebaste, possibly Lystra, but certainly Iconium and Pisidian Antioch.11 Reporting the transmission of the “binding decisions” (ta dogmata ta kekrimena), or more literally, the “decrees having been decided upon” by the Jerusalem leaders, to cities and regions beyond those specified in the agreement itself (Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia, 15:23) extends the applicability of the Jerusalem agreement well beyond its stated addressees. This suggests that it is the operative document for determining the status of gentiles and their terms of admission in any areas of mission that are predominantly gentile. Once consensus is reached on a highly controversial issue, thus allowing the church to move forward, positive effects are bound to follow: internal nurturing and external growth (v. 5). 16:6–10 A New Mission Emerges: Macedonian Vision at Troas Now they traveled through Phrygia and the region of Galatia, having been prevented by the Holy Spirit from speaking the worda in Asia. 7 And when they approached Mysia,b they tried to go into Bithynia, and the Spirit of Jesusc did not allow them. 8 But passing through Mysia,d they came down to Troas. 9 And a vision appeared to Paul in the night. A man—a certain Macedonian—was standing and appealing to Paul, 16:6

view became influential, later being adopted by Thomas Aquinas (ca. 1225–74), Nicholas of Lyre (ca. 1270–1349), and eventually by Wettstein 2:552. According to Cohen 1999d, 375, Wettstein is the first to link Acts 16:1–3 with the rabbinic matrilineal principle. 11. That Paul is now accompanied by Silas and Timothy is implied by 16:3. But in Philippi only Paul and Silas are mentioned (16:19, 25, 29); similarly in Thessalonica (17:4). Initially, only Paul and Silas are mentioned in Beroea (17:10), but all of a sudden Timothy reappears as part of the group (17:14–15). Although 17:15 implies that Silas and Timothy would join Paul in Athens, they are not mentioned in 17:16–33. They do, however, join Paul in Corinth, “having arrived from Macedonia” (18:5). This is the last time Silas is mentioned in Acts. But Timothy is mentioned again in Ephesus, from which he is dispatched, along with Erastus, to Macedonia (19:22). Timothy is mentioned a final time in 20:4 as part of Paul’s entourage, when he travels from Greece, probably Corinth, through Macedonia. Timothy and the other Pauline coworkers go ahead to Troas, where Paul later joins them (20:6).

316

Acts 16:6–10

us.”e 10 Now

­saying, “Come over to Macedonia and help when Paul saw the vision, we immediately sought to depart for Macedonia, concluding that God had called us to bring them the good news.f a. The D-text reads “word of God” (ton logon tou theou), apparently thought to be a clarifying expansion. Metzger 1998, 390. b. Lit., “having come down to Mysia” (elthontes de kata tēn Mysian). c. Since “Spirit of Jesus” (to pneuma Iēsou) is a unique expression in Luke-Acts (cf. Phil 1:19), numerous scribal changes were proposed, e.g., “the spirit of the Lord,” or altering the phrase to read “the Holy Spirit.” Some MSS simply read “the Spirit.” See Metzger 1998, 390–91. d. Gk. parelthontes de tēn Mysian. Since parelthein would normally be translated “to pass alongside,” the D-text offers a more felicitous reading dielthontes, “to pass through.” See Metzger 1998, 391. e. The D-text exhibits several variations in the wording of v. 9, e.g., “like [hōsei] a man.” See Metzger 1998, 391–92. f. Lit., “concluding that God had summoned us to evangelize them” (symbibazontes hoti proskeklētai hēmas ho theos euangelisasthai autous). The D-text also expands v. 10, adding, e.g., that after the vision Paul reported it to his traveling companions. Metzger 1998, 392.

[16:6–10] The “region of Galatia” (Galatikēn chōran), a more general designation than “Galatia” (Galatia), the usual way of designating the Roman province that was formed in 25 BCE, implies travel westward from central Asia Minor.12 It is mentioned here for the first time in Acts.13 Phrygia, already introduced and paired with Pamphylia (2:10), can also designate a rather loosely defined region in west-central Anatolia, although during the Imperial period it comprised the two Roman provinces of Asia (to the west) and Galatia (to the east).14 Here “Asia” designates the Roman province enclosed by Bithynia to the north, Galatia to the east, and Lycia to the south.15 Mysia, a province in northwest Asia Minor,16 lies south of Bithynia, a province often linked with Pontus to the east, both of which bordered the Black Sea.17 Troas can designate a city located on the Aegean coast (Alexandria Troas = Alexandria of the Troad), as here (also in Acts 16:8; 20:5–13; 2 Tim 4:13), or a region (the Troad, in which the ancient site of Troy was presumably located) 12. See Calder and Mitchell. 13. Also Acts 18:23; cf. Gal 1:2; 1 Cor 16:1; 2 Tim 4:10; 1 Pet 1:1. 14. See Mitchell 2012e. 15. See Calder, Gray, and Mitchell. Asia figures prominently in Acts (2:9; 6:9; 16:6; 19:1, 10, 22, 26–27, 31; 20:4, 16, 18; 21:27; 24:19; 27:2), the Pauline Letters (Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Cor 1:8; 2 Tim 1:15), and elsewhere (1 Pet 1:1; Rev 1:4). 16. BDAG 661 s.v. Mysia. 17. See Broughton and Mitchell; also BDAG 176, s.v. Bithynia; cf. 1 Pet 1:1.

A New Mission Emerges: Macedonian Vision at Troas 317

in northwest Asia Minor (as probably in 2 Cor 2:12).18 Macedonia, a Roman province established in 146 BCE, stretched across northern Greece, mentioned here for the first time, figures prominently as an area of Pauline activity in both Acts and the Pauline Letters.19 By describing the itinerary as a zigzag pattern—dictated in the first instance by the Holy Spirit (Acts 16:6), then by “the Spirit of Jesus” (v. 7)—that eventually reaches the port city of Alexandria Troas, Luke emphasizes that the travel plans of the missionaries are divinely directed rather than humanly planned, thus setting up the dramatic vision in Troas in which the unnamed Macedonian man beckons them to bring the gospel to heretofore unmissionized territory.20 Although there can scarcely be any doubt that Luke is presenting Paul and his companions as puppets whose movements are being orchestrated by the unseen Deity, verse 10 provides the retrospective interpretation: God was at work in all of this. Thus what has begun originally as a pastoral visit to strengthen the recently established churches in south-central Asia Minor has now become a much bolder missionary initiative. In one respect, 16:6–10 echoes the originating events of 13:1–3: Both missions are prompted by divine action in which the Holy Spirit (or the Spirit of Jesus) is the catalyst, another way of saying that God is behind them and ultimately responsible for them. What drives the Pauline mission (and the Petrine missions reported in chs. 2–11) is not humanly devised strategic plans but a divine impulse bringing about the fulfillment of God’s original intentions (15:16–17). Another notable feature of this passage is the introduction of the first-person plural in 16:10, indicating a change in the stance and perspective of the narrator, who, up to this point, has reported events in the third person. Four so-called “we” passages occur in Acts: the journey and events from Troas to Philippi (16:10– 17); from Philippi to Miletus (20:5–15); from Miletus to Jerusalem (21:1–18);

18. BDAG 1019 s.v Trōas; Mitchell 2012a; Wormell and Mitchell. 19. See Acts 16:9–10, 12; 18:5; 19:21–22; 20:1, 3; Rom 15:26; 1 Cor 16:5; 2 Cor 1:16; 2:13; 7:5; 8:1; 11:9; Phil 4:15; 1 Thess 1:7–8; 4:10; 1 Tim 1:3; also “Macedonian” in Acts 16:9; 19:29; 27:2; 2 Cor 9:2, 4. 20. This vision (horama) is one of several reported in Acts (7:31 [Moses’s vision]; 9:10, 12; 10:3, 17, 19; 11:5; 12:9; 16:9–10; 18:9; also cf. 22:17; 23:11; 27:23). Since it is said to have occurred “in the night” (dia tēs nyktos, 16:9), it should probably be understood as a dream, although a technical term for dream (onar, Matt 1:20; 2:12–13, 19, 22; 27:19; oneiron, Prot. Jas. 14.2; also enypnion, enypniazomai, Acts 2:17; Jude 8) is not used. For a similar use of a vision or dream of a deity to establish a religious presence (in this case, a colony) in another region, see Strabo (Geog. 4.1.4), who reports that the Ephesian goddess Artemis appeared in a dream to Aristarcha, an aristocratic woman, commanding her to sail away with the Phocaeans to establish a new colony; once the colony is established, the people there build a temple, appoint Aristarcha as priestess, and honor Artemis as their founding deity. Example is from Boring, Berger, and Colpe 324.

318

Acts 16:11–40

(27:1–28:16).21

and from Caesarea to Rome Several alternative explanations of this grammatical change have been provided:





1. They indicate the point at which the author, usually identified as Luke the physician (although technically, given what is reported in the narrative itself, one of Paul’s named travel companions, e.g., Silas or Timothy, might be a more likely candidate), begins to report events in which he actually participated, so that these sections report eyewitness material. 2. They mark the point at which the author begins to employ a “travel source,” a diary perhaps, or some other writing or reminiscence that grew out of the Pauline mission and was later preserved among Paul’s followers. 3. In a variation of the second option, the author at this point, rather than being a companion of Paul, has made use of periploi or itineraries in constructing those parts of the narrative.22 4. The use of the first person is a stylistic device, nothing more, used by the author to indicate his closeness to the events and give verisimilitude to his account, and thus is of no value in identifying the author or the sources he used.

There is nothing, in principle, to eliminate the first option, although the other options are intriguing alternative suggestions.23 16:11–40 Philippi 16:11–15 Conversion of Lydia and Her Household After embarking from Troas, we sailed a straight course to Samothrace,a and the next day to Neapolis,b 12 and from there we came to Philippi, which is a city of the first district of Macedonia,c a [Roman] colony. We spent several days in this city.d 13 And on the day of the Sabbath we went outside the gate near a river,e where we thought there would be a place of prayer,f and taking a seat, we began speaking to the assembled women.g 14 And a certain woman named Lydia, a merchant from the city of Thyatira who sold purple cloth, a worshiper of God,h was 16:11

21. A textual variant of Acts 11:27–28 supplies another “we” passage: “In these days prophets came down from Jerusalem to Antioch, and there was much rejoicing. When we were gathered together, one from among them called Agabus spoke . . .” This longer reading is found in the D-text. See Metzger 1998, 344–45. 22. See the discussion of periploi and itineraries in the introduction under the section Other Features: Summaries, Episodes, Travel, Itineraries, Journeys. 23. For a compact summary of views related to the “we” passages, see Bechard 345 n. 327.

Conversion of Lydia and Her Household 319

listening. The Lord opened her heart to pay close attention to the things that were being spoken by Paul. 15 Now after she and the members of her household were baptized, she appealed to us, saying, “If you have judged me to be faithful to the Lord,i come into my house and stay.” And she prevailed upon us to stay. a. Gk. euthydromēsamen eis Samothrakēn. As a nautical technical term euthydromeō also occurs in Acts 21:1; also Philo, Allegor. Interp. 3.223; cf. Agr. 174. BDAG 406 s.v. euthydromeō; LSJ 715, s.v. euthydromeō, notes its metaphorical use, of persons. b. With their arrival at Neapolis, Paul and his companions reach Europe, although Luke does not use this term (nor is it used elsewhere in the NT). Ancient authors use the term “Europe” to designate different areas, but the term eventually encompasses Greece and the entire land mass beyond it (see Herodotus, Hist. 1.4; 3.115; 4.49; 7.8; etc.). Although the term “Asia” designates the Roman province in western Anatolia, it is also used for all territory east of the Hellespont, and thus can be linked with, or contrasted with, Europe in a strong ideological sense (see Diodorus S., Hist. 11.62). See Warmington and Hornblower. c. This renders the NA28 text, hētis estin prōtē[s] meridos tēs Makedonias polis. Another possible translation would be “which is a city of the leading district of Macedonia.” If prōtē is adopted as the preferred text, the phrase would read “which is a [or, the] first city of the district of Macedonia.” See Metzger 1998, 393–95. d. Lit., “Now we were spending some days in this city” (ēmen de en tautē tē polei diatribontes hēmeras tinas). e. Gk. para potamon; possibly “beside a river” or “along a river.” The D-text supplies an article, thus “near the river.” See BDAG 757 s.v. para C.1.b.β. f. Lit., “where we supposed [there was a place of] prayer” (hou enomizomen proseuchēn). On the numerous syntactical and exegetical problems posed by this simple phrase, see Metzger 1998, 395–96. g. Lit., “and having sat down, we were speaking to the gathered-together women” (kai kathisantes elaloumen tais synelthousais gynaixin). Here, I take elaloumen as an inceptive imperfect. h. Lit., “[a woman who] feared God” (sebomenē ton theon). BDAG 917 s.v. sebō 1.b. i. Or, “if you have judged me to be a believer in the Lord” (ei kekrikate me pistēn tō kyriō einai); so BegC 4:192.

[16:11–15] Because of its size, its impressive mountainous terrain, and its location in the north Aegean, the island of Samothrace figured centrally in political and maritime affairs from the eighth century BCE, when it was settled by the Greeks. As a major cultic center for the Macedonian royal house, it boasted an impressive sanctuary, which attracted many visitors.24 During the Roman period it had the status of a free city. Since Neapolis, or Nea Polis, means “New City,” many towns throughout the Roman Empire 24. See Borza.

320

Acts 16:11–15

had this name. This one (modern Kavala) was located on the southern coast of Macedonia and thus served as the harbor for Philippi, which lay about ten miles (16 km) northwest.25 Philippi—located on via Egnatia, the Roman road built around 130 BCE, starting from the west at Dyrrhachium and Apollonia (of Illyricum) on the Adriatic coast, running west-east through Macedonia, and ending in the east at Byzantium26—was known as Crenides in the fourth century BCE but was renamed to honor Philip II of Macedon.27 After Mark Antony and Octavian defeated Brutus and Cassius in 42 BCE, Philippi was enlarged as a Roman colony whose full name was Col[onia] Iul[ia] Aug[usta] Philip[pensis], the name attested in inscriptions and on coins. The city was situated northeast of Mount Pangaeus, in a region known for its gold mines. It was an important, though not the capital, city of Macedonia.28 Its status as a Roman colony is correctly reported (Acts 16:12) and underscores the city’s prominence as the first major stop in this new phase of Paul’s mission. Although other cities already visited by Paul were Roman colonies (e.g., Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra), this is the first—and only—city in Acts designated as a colony (kolōnia)—Luke’s way of signaling the thoroughly Roman (as opposed to Greek) setting in which the following events occur (see vv. 21, 37–38). “Several days” (v. 12) implies a relatively short stay, which contrasts with the longer stays later reported in Corinth (eighteen months, 18:11) and Ephesus (“two years,” 19:10; “some time longer,” 19:22; “three years,” 20:31). Following what by now is standard practice, Paul’s missionary activity follows the rhythm of the Jewish week.29 In “a world without weekends”30 the Sabbath marks a pause in the week when Jews gather for worship. The “river” may be the Angites (or Gangites) stream a mile or so from the city. Luke’s use of “a place of prayer” (proseuchē, 16:13, 16) to designate a Jewish meeting place is unusual—the only time in Acts; in fact, the only such use in the NT (cf. Luke 19:46 and parallels; 1 Macc 3:46; 3 Macc 7:20). His typical word is “synagogue” (synagōgē, e.g., 13:5, 14, 43; 14:1). The mention of “assembled women” (tais synelthousais gynaixin, v. 13) has led some to conclude that it was not a regular synagogue but an informal meeting place, perhaps in the 25. BDAG 669 s.v. neos 5. 26. See Hammond 2012c. 27. Hammond 2012a. 28. As noted above, the manuscript tradition contains numerous variants relating to the description of Philippi in 16:12. The D-text, followed by syp, reads “Philippi, which is the head [kephalē, capital city] of Macedonia,” an attempted but incorrect improvement, since Amphipolis, located farther west on via Egnatia, was the capital city of Macedonia. See Metzger 1998, 393–95. 29. See Acts 13:5, 14, 44; cf. 14:1; 17:1–2, 10, 17; 18:4, 19, 26; 19:8. 30. Lane Fox 67.

Conversion of Lydia and Her Household 321

open air.31 But since proseuchē is commonly used in inscriptions and various ancient writings to designate synagogues, especially in the diaspora, there is no reason to imagine anything other than a regular synagogue.32 Its location near a river also conforms to other evidence indicating the frequency of locating synagogues near water, either a river or the sea.33 Lydia is a proper noun that could designate either a region in western Asia Minor, which boasted such prominent cities as Sardis,34 or, frequently, a woman’s name,35 as here (16:14). Seller of “purple cloth” (porphyropōlis) places Lydia within the widely attested industry of purple dye production, either from shellfish or plants, and the marketing of purple cloth.36 While purple was often associated with wealth and high social status, and thus became the target of various critics,37 purple cloth was available in different qualities and price ranges. Thus caution should be exercised in drawing conclusions about Lydia’s wealth and social status based on her occupation. That she presides over a household (v. 15) implies that she is single, possibly divorced or widowed. Being from Thyatira, located in the Anatolian region of Lydia (cf. Rev 2:18–29), obviously implies mobility as well as considerable independence. “Worshiper of God” (sebomenē ton theon, Acts 16:14) identifies her as a gentile who has been attracted to Jewish life and worship.38 31. BDAG 878–79 s.v. synagōgē. 32. Lee Levine (2000, 127) reports that, based on available inscriptional and literary evidence, in the diaspora the term proseuchē was dominant, whereas in Judea synagōgē was the more frequent term. The pre-70 synagogue on the island of Delos is referred to as a proseuchē in inscriptions found at the site (100–105). For the use of proseuchē for synagogues in Ptolemaic Egypt, see NewDocs 3:121–22 (no. 94); 4:201–2 (no. 110); also Boring, Berger, and Colpe (324) adduce the following inscription from Schedia in Egypt (dated 246–221 BCE), illustrating the use of proseuchē to refer to a synagogue: “For King Ptolemy and Queen Berenike, his sister and wife, and for their children, the Jews built the synagogue [proseuchēn].” 33. Lee Levine (2000, 97) notes the location of the synagogue at Ostia “on the outskirts of the city, near the city wall and close to the sea, a pattern widely adopted by diaspora Jewish communities.” This was also the case with synagogues in other locations, including Delos and Egypt. With respect to Asia Minor and Greece, Josephus (Ant. 14.258) records a decree regarding the Jews of Halicarnassus: “We have also decreed that those men and women who so wish may observe their Sabbaths and perform their sacred rights in accordance with the Jewish laws, and many built places of prayer [proseuchas] near the sea, in accordance with their native custom.”Also see Ant. 12.106, reflecting Let. Aris. 301, 305–306. 34. See Calder, Cook, S. M. Sherwin-White, and Kuhrt. 35. See Horace, Odes 1.8.1; 1.13.1; 1.25.8; 3.9.6–7, 20; Martial, Epig. 11.21, 69, 102. See BDAG 604 s.v. Lydia. 36. On the purple market and Lydia’s social status, see NewDocs 2:25–32 (no. 3); 3:53–55 (no. 17). For a detailed discussion of purple dye production and the purple industry more broadly, see Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 9.60.125–65.141; 21.22.45–46; 35.26.44–27.46. 37. See Philostratus, Life Apollon. T. 4.21 38. For a discussion of “Godfearer” and related language, see comments on Acts 10:2; also see NewDocs 9:73–80 (no. 25).

322

Acts 16:16–18

“Opening the heart” (diēnoixen tēn kardian) is an unusual expression (2  Macc 1:4). The “Lord” is probably the risen Lord (cf. Luke 24:45). Portraying Lydia as a rapt listener echoes other instances in which one’s willingness to read Scripture and listen to its interpretation with an open mind is a critical precondition for conversion (cf. Acts 17:11). The baptism of Lydia and her household places them within a larger group of household conversions.39 “Faithful to the Lord” (pistēn tō kyriō, 16:15), to the Lord Jesus who opened her heart, probably means, “If you now regard me as a true Christian believer.” Extending hospitality signals spontaneous generosity, which Luke especially accents as a mark of true discipleship.40 16:16–18 Paul’s Exorcism of the Slave Girl Now it happened as we were going to the place of prayer, we were met by a certain slave girl with a spirit of divination,a who made her owners a lot of money by her oracular activity.b 17 As she followed Paul and us, she shouted, saying, “These men are slaves of the Most High God, who are announcing to you a way of salvation.” 18 She kept doing this for many days. Becoming annoyed, Paul turned to the spirit and said, “I command you in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of her!” And it came out that very hour.

16:16

a. Lit., “a certain maiden having a spirit [a] python met us” (paidiskēn tina echousan pneuma pythōna hypantēsai hēmin); or perhaps “a Pythonian spirit,” or even “a spirit [named] Python” (TDNT 6:920). The wording in Acts 16:16 is unusual, since pythōn more typically designates the person speaking rather than the spirit or demon within the person that prompts the speaking. Some manuscripts (∏45.127c C3 D1 E L Ψ 33. 323. 614. 945. 1175. 1241. 1505. 1739 ˜) read “a spirit of python” (pneuma pythōnos), whereas others support the more problematic reading adopted by NA28 (∏74 ‫ א‬A B C* D* 81. 326). See Metzger 1998, 396. b. Lit., “who provided her owners much business by uttering oracles” (hētis ergasian pollēn pareichen tois kyriois autēs manteuomenē), or, “who, through her oracles, brought her owners much profit.”

[16:16–18] We should probably imagine this episode occurring on a later visit by Paul and his companions to the synagogue rather than as an event reported as a flashback that occurred en route to their first visit. The anonymity of “a certain slave girl” (paidiskēn tina) stands in sharp contrast to the more detailed description of Lydia, which mentions her name, occupation, hometown, religious disposition, and household. As her only possession, this girl has “a spirit 39. Acts 10:24; 11:14; 16:15, 31–34; 18:8; similarly, 1 Cor 1:16; John 4:53. 40. Cf. Luke 6:32–36; Acts 2:44–45; 4:32–37; 11:27–30.

Paul’s Exorcism of the Slave Girl 323

of divination” (pneuma pythōna), which is financially benefiting, not her, but her “owners” (i.e., masters or lords, tois kyriois).41 Encountering a female prophet unexpectedly captures a realistic dimension of the Roman world.42 Perhaps the most famous pythōn in the ancient world was the snake that guarded the oracle at Delphi, but in 16:16 the term designates not a snake, or someone possessed by a serpentine spirit, but a ventriloquist, someone with the power to project one’s voice to another location.43 Such power, it was imagined, stemmed from a spirit or demon within the person. Thus the voice that was heard across the room, or across the road, was not the person’s voice but that of a demon or some demonic force deep inside the soul. This gift—or curse—is here described as “oracular activity” (manteuomenē), a term frequently used in the ancient world to depict various forms of divination, whether prophetic, oracular, or “mantic” activity, but occurring only here in the NT.44 Coming from the girl are words of ironic truth. “Slaves of the Most High God” (douloi tou theou tou hypsistou) rings true as a description of Jewish missionaries, since there is ample evidence suggesting that Jews, especially in the diaspora, had adopted language commonly used by Greeks to honor their supreme deity—Theos Hypsistos—as an epithet for YHWH.45 “A way of 41. The role of monetary gain in prophetic and other forms of oracular activity is illustrated in Lucian’s tractate Alexander the False Prophet, a raucous, satirical account written after 180 CE. See Klauck 2003, 197–200. 42. Dio Chrysostom (Or. 1.53–58) describes his wanderings in Greece and encounter with an old woman at a place dedicated to Heracles. She claims that the mother of the gods (i.e., the Great Mother, Cybele) has given her the gift of divination (mantikēn), that all the herdsmen and farmers in the area consult her about their crops and cattle. She begins to prophesy (proelegen) about Dio’s wanderings. Her manner of prophesying is unlike “that of most men and women who are said to be inspired” (entheōn): she does not gasp for breath, whirl her head about, or try to terrify with her glances; instead, she speaks calmly. She prophesies that Dio will someday meet “a mighty man” (Trajan) and claims that only “words of wisdom and truth” spoken by “the will and ordering of heaven” through “the lips of the prophets and holy men of old” have “ever found lodgment in the souls of men.” She mentions Orpheus and the shepherd Linus, who “heard the voices of the Muses themselves.” She claims that teachers “without divine possession and inspiration” (aneu daimoniou katochēs) who circulate stories of their own imaginings as true “are presumptuous and wicked.” Then she gives a prophecy about Heracles. 43. See Foerster 1968, noting Plutarch, Obsoles. Or. 9 (Mor. 414E). See Graf 2008; also Kuemmerlin-McLean. For the role of magicians, philosophers, diviners, and prophets as part of the social landscape of the Roman Empire, see MacMullen 95–162. 44. On the phenomenon of divination or soothsaying in the ancient world, with special attention given to the oracle at Delphi, see Klauck 2003, 177–92. 45. NewDocs 3:121 (no. 94) mentions a synagogue built at Alexandria during the second century BCE that was dedicated to Theos Hypsistos: “To the Highest God [the Jews of Alexandria (?)] (dedicated) the sacred precinct and the synagogue and the things belonging to it.” Near the remains of the pre–70 synagogue at Delos were found four inscriptions inscribed on column bases, each mentioning Theos Hypsistos: (1) Zosas of Paras to Theos Hypsistos [gave this in fulfillment of] a vow; (2) Laodice to Theos Hypsistos, saved by His treatments, [gave this in fulfillment of] a vow;

324

Acts 16:19–34

salvation” (hodon sōtērias), or perhaps “the way of salvation,” echoes Lukan language (cf. Acts 4:12; 15:11), possibly the Psalter (cf. Pss 18:1–2; 35:3; 37:39; 51:14; passim), and anticipates the jailer’s question (Acts 16:30) and Paul’s answer (16:31). “Many days” implies repeated trips by Paul and his companions to the synagogue, or at least along the streets of Philippi. Paul’s adjuration (v. 18), which recalls other appeals to the healing power of Jesus’s name (cf. 3:6; 4:10), is addressed to the Pythonian spirit and thus turns this into a full-fledged exorcism in the name of Jesus, the first specific example in Acts of what was reported earlier as a general phenomenon (5:16; 8:7; cf. Luke 4:31–37; 8:26–39). Typical of such miracle stories, the result of Paul’s purgative action is immediate (Acts 3:7; 9:18, 34; 13:11). 16:19–34 Paul and Silas’s Imprisonment and the Jailer’s Conversion Now when her ownersa saw that their prospects for making money had gone,b they seized Paul and Silas and dragged them into the forum before the authorities.c 20 And presenting them to the chief magistrates,d they said, “These men are causing an uproar in our city. They are Jews,e 21 and they are proclaiming customs that it is not lawful for us who are Romans to accept, much less to practice.”f 22 And the crowd joined together in attackingg them, and the chief magistrates had them stripped of their clothesh and shouted commands to beat them with rods. 23 After inflicting many blows on them, they threw them into prison and ordered the jailer to keep them securely. 24 When the jailer received this order, he threw them into an inner prison cell and fastened their feet in stocks.i 25 Around midnight, while Paul and Silas were praying, they began singing praises to God, and the prisoners were listening to them. 26 All of a sudden, a violent earthquake occurred so that the foundations of the prison were shaken. Immediately all the doors were opened and everyone’s chains were loosened. 27 When the jailer awoke out of his sleep and saw the doors of the prison opened, he drew his sword and was about to kill himself, supposing that the prisoners had escaped. 28 Paul called out in a loud voice, saying, “Do not hurt yourself, for we are all here.” 29 Requesting lights,j the jailer rushed in, and he fell trembling before Paul and Silas. 30 And leading them out, he said, “Sirs! What must I do to be saved?” 31 They said, “Put your faith in the Lord Jesus, and you will be 16:19

(3) Lysimachus, on behalf of himself, [made] a thank-offering to Theos Hypsistos; (4) To Hypsistos, a vow, Marcia. See L. Levine 2000, 101. On Theos Hypsistos generally, see Mitchell 1993b, 2:36, 44, esp. 49–51; also Klauck 2003, 49–50. In Apuleius, Gold. Ass 11.30, Apuleius addresses Osiris as the “mightiest of the great gods, the highest of the mightiest, the loftiest of the highest, and the sovereign of the loftiest.” Other NT uses of Theos Hypsistos include Luke 8:28 (|| Mark 5:7); also Heb 7:1 (reflecting Gen 14:19–20); cf. Luke 1:32, 35, 76; 6:35; Acts 7:48.

Paul and Silas’s Imprisonment and the Jailer’s Conversion 325

saved—your household as well!” 32 And they spoke the word of the Lord to him, along with all of those in his household. 33 That very hour of the night he took them aside and soaked their wounds, and he was baptized immediately and all the members of his household.k 34 He then took them up to his house and set the table before them, and he rejoiced with all of his household because he had come to faith in God. a. Gk. hoi kyrioi, or “masters.” b. Lit., “the hope of their gain” (hē elpis tēs ergasias autōn), or “their hope of gain.” c. Gk. archontas, possibly “leaders” or “officials.” BDAG 140 s.v. archōn 2. d. Gk. tois stratēgois, or “praetors”; NRSV: “magistrates.” BDAG 947 s.v. stratēgos 1. e. Lit., “these men . . . being Jews” (houtoi hoi anthrōpoi . . . Ioudaioi hyparchontes). f. Lit., “and they are proclaiming customs that are not lawful for us to receive or do, being Romans” (kai katangellousin ethē ha ouk exestin hēmin paradechesthai oude poiein Rhōmaiois ousin). g. Lit., “rose up together [or, joined in an attack] against them” (synepestē . . . kat’ autōn). h. Lit., “the magistrates, having ripped off their clothes” (hoi stratēgoi perirēxantes autōn ta himatia). i. Lit., “into the wood” (eis to xylon). j. Gk. phōta, possibly “lanterns,” “torches,” or “lamps.” BDAG 1073 s.v. phōs 2. k. Lit., “and all of his” (kai hoi autou pantes).

[16:19–34] In Roman cities, the forum (agora) is the centrally located open square or marketplace, which, like the agoras in Greek cities, is flanked by various public buildings, including lawcourts.46 For some unexplained reason, Timothy drops out of the picture, with Paul and Silas singled out as targets of the opposition; they are mentioned again as a pair in 16:25, 29 (also, 17:4, 10; see comments on 16:1–5). Luke distinguishes among the “authorities” (hoi archontes, 16:19), a generic description for city officials or magistrates; the “chief magistrates” (hoi stratēgoi, v. 20, 22, 35–36, 38), the highest officials in a Roman city, more properly known as duoviri;47 the “constables” (hoi rhabdouchoi, vv. 35, 38), literally, “staff bearers,” or lictors who carried the fasces, or bundles of sticks/rods;48 and the “jailer” (desmophylax, vv. 23, 27, 36), the keeper of the prison.49 The charge that Paul and his companions are Jews (v. 20) fits with their reported pattern of attending and teaching in the synagogue outside the city walls, as well as the slave girl’s declaration that they serve Theos Hypsistos. As exorcists, they are no doubt regarded as Jewish magicians. What illegal 46. See DeLaine; Tomlinson. 47. BDAG 947–48 s.v. stratēgos 1. 48. BDAG 902 s.v. rhabdouchos. 49. BDAG 219 s.v. desmophylax.

326

Acts 16:19–34

“customs” (ethē) they are promoting is not clear, unless their missionary activity is seen as some form of cult promotion or proselytizing that threatens the sanctity of Roman religion (cf. Acts 17:7).50 More likely, the charge should be understood as hyperbole rather than historical realism. Mainly, it allows Luke to surface (and later rebut) the charge that this “way of salvation” is a threat to the state. Elsewhere Paul reports being “beaten with rods” three times (2 Cor 11:25). Bare backs exposed to caning invite more painful punishment. As the third imprisonment reported in Acts (see 5:17–21; 12:1–11), this episode shares features of the earlier ones: special precautions (“an inner prison cell” and “feet in stocks,” 16:24), dramatic circumstances leading to escape or release (“violent earthquake,” v. 26),51 and vindication by the authorities (release by the authorities, v. 35; an official apology, v. 39). But as the third in a series, it is reported as especially climactic. It is a longer, more detailed account than the previous two. Prisoners listening to their fellow prisoners praying and singing hymns draw the reader into the story, while underscoring the piety of the prisoners and the powerful effects of praying and praising God.52 A “sudden, violent earthquake” that shakes the foundations of the prison, opens the prison doors, and loosens the chains of the prisoners supersedes a gate that opens automatically (12:10).53 Quite understandably, an earthquake would cause someone to awake from sleep.54 The ironic twist of a desperate jailer with raised sword about to take his own life, whose question is a masterly double entendre, grips our attention.55 At the 50. Roman resistance to Jewish proselytizing activity is famously illustrated in Tiberius’s expulsion of Jews from Rome in 19 CE as punishment for some Jewish men’s ill treatment of Fulvia, a high-ranking Roman woman (Josephus, Ant. 18.81–84; the expulsion is also mentioned in Suetonius, Tib. 36 [which also reports the abolition of Egyptian cults]; Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 57.18.5a; and Tacitus, Ann. 2.85 [which also tells of the expulsion of Egyptian cults]). On Roman attitudes toward proselytism, see Smallwood 205–10. See Cicero, Nat. Gods 3.2.5–6, which succinctly summarizes the sanctity of Roman religion and its role in constituting the foundations of the state. See Boring, Berger, and Colpe 324–25. See comments on Acts 18:12–17 relating to the imperial cult. 51. On earthquakes in antiquity, see Cartledge and Sallares. Josephus (J.W. 1.370–372; Ant. 15.121–123) reports a devastating earthquake in Judea in 31 BCE, with 30,000 fatalities. This may have destroyed the Essene/Qumran community. Pliny the Elder (Nat. Hist. 2.86.200) reports “the greatest earthquake in human memory” during the reign of Tiberius (14–37 CE), when twelve Asiatic cities were destroyed in one night. Besides the disastrous effect of earthquakes, he notes, is what they portend: “a premonition of something about to happen.” Given the frequency of earthquakes in the Mediterranean basin, they become a frequent biblical theme for illustrating the unpredictable forces of nature and the power of the deity. See Pss 18:7; 60:1–2; Isa 29:5–6; Zech 14:4–5; passim. 52. For the motif of singing and praying in prison, see T. Jos. 8.5; 9.4; cf. Dan 6:11; also Epictetus, Disc. 2.6.26–27, on Socrates’s writing paeans in prison. 53. See Ps 107:13–16 for the motif of God’s freeing prisoners: “The Lord . . . shatters the doors of bronze” and “cuts in two the bars of iron.” 54. On the motif of awaking from sleep, see 1 Esd 3:3; Josephus, Ant. 11.34; 1 En. 13.9; T. Levi 5.7. 55. In some manuscripts (614. 2147) the jailer is identified as “the faithful Stephanas” (16:27). Cf. 1 Cor 1:16; 16:15.

Paul and Silas’s Release 327

obvious level, he wants to know what to do to save his own skin. But since the reader of Luke-Acts has already heard the question asked at a more existential level (Luke 3:10; Acts 2:37; later, 22:10), it is a much deeper cry for help. The answer of Paul and his companions supplies what has been missing up to this point in the Philippi story: specific mention of “faith in the Lord Jesus” and the salvation it brings (Acts 16:31; cf. 9:42; 11:17; 22:19).56 Whereas 15:1 reports those who insisted on circumcision “in order to be saved,” now “faith in Christ” is the means “to be saved.” Until now Luke has teased us with rather cryptic references to the “Lord” opening Lydia’s heart (16:14) and her query about being “faithful to the Lord” (v. 15). She and her household are then baptized, but with the conversion of the jailer and his household, we learn that Paul and his companions are preaching baptism in the name of the Lord Jesus (vv. 31, 33). Here for the first time in Philippi, moreover, Luke reports the proclamation of “the word of the Lord” (v. 32), the gospel.57 Attending to their wounds (v. 33) displays genuine penitence, thus accenting the repeated Lukan emphasis on repentance as a mark of true discipleship.58 As in the case of Lydia, the jailer displays the authenticity of his conversion by extending hospitality to Paul and his companions (v. 34). That they “had come to faith in God” signals that, like the Lystrans, they are gentiles who, in responding to the gospel, have also “turned to” God (14:15). 16:35–40 Paul and Silas’s Release 16:35 Now when day came, the chief magistrates sent the constables,a saying, “Let those men go.”b 36 Now the jailer reported these words to Paul:

“The chief magistrates have sent for you to be released.c Now, therefore, depart and go in peace.” 37 But Paul said to them, “They flogged us in public—uncondemned men, Romans at that! They threw us in prison, and now they are going to put us out secretly! No way! Instead, let them come and escort us out.” 38 The constables reported these words to the chief magistrates, who became frightened when they heard that they were Romans. 39 The chief magistrates came and appealed to them, and when they escorted them out, they asked them to depart from the city.d 40 When they departed from the prison, they went to Lydia’s house. And when they saw the brothers, they offered them words of encouragement, then left. 56. For references to “the Lord Jesus,” see Acts 1:21; 4:33; 7:59; 8:16; 11:20; 20:21, 24, 35. Faith (pistis/pisteuō) and salvation (sōtēria/sōzō) are linked in Acts 14:9; 15:11; cf. Acts 3:16; Luke 8:12. 57. For speaking “the word of God/the Lord,” see Acts 4:29, 31; 8:25; 11:19; 13:46; 14:25; 16:6; cf. Phil 1:14; Heb 13:7. 58. Luke 13:3, 5; 15:7, 10; 24:47; Acts 2:38; passim.

328

Acts 16:35–40

a. Gk. tous rhabdouchous, possibly “police officers”; NRSV: “police.” BDAG 902 s.v. rhabdouchos. BegC 4:200: “lictors.” b. The D-text amplifies v. 35: “When day came, the magistrates came together to the marketplace intent on one purpose, and recalling the earthquake that had happened they were afraid; and they sent the officers to say, ‘Release those men whom you took yesterday’” (LDT). This addition probably occurs because no reference to the earthquake is made in vv. 35–40. See Metzger 1998, 398. On this and other readings in the D-text relating to the depiction of Romans, see Omerzu. c. Lit., “the chief magistrates have sent in order that you might be released” (apestalkan hoi stratēgoi hina apolythēte). d. The D-text expands vv. 38–39 to read: “The officers reported to them, to the magistrates, these words, the things that were said for the magistrates. When they heard that they were Romans, they were afraid, and having arrived with many friends at prison, they begged them to leave, saying, ‘We did not know the facts about you, that you are good men.’ And as they led them out, they begged them, saying, ‘Get out of this city, lest they gather together before us again, to shout threats against you’” (LDT). See Metzger 1998, 399–400.

[16:35–40] Vindication of Paul and his companions comes in the form of a dramatic change of mind on the part of the chief magistrates, a wholly unexpected reversal. In earlier prison escapes, the apostles miraculously show up in the public square; and when appearing before the authorities, they are reprimanded and warned not to go on preaching (4:18, 21). They display boldness (parrhēsia), but the authorities do not quail before them. No official reversal of judgment has occurred. The jailer’s words “Go in peace” (16:36) subtly refer to his newly acquired religious identity; he is now speaking biblical language!59 Paul’s angry protest (v. 37) comes at a climactic point in the story, yet it leaves the reader wondering why Paul—and by implication, Silas—did not identify themselves as Roman citizens when the chief magistrates ordered them to be beaten (vv. 22–23), as Paul does later (22:22–29).60 But this is a wrinkle in the story that should be left rather than ironed out. Luke’s point is to show the outrage of this official Roman treatment of these Christian missionaries, especially to underscore their innocence: They are “uncondemned” (akatakritous, v. 37),61 thus being treated in the same manner as Jesus (see Luke 23:4, 14–15, 47). The fear of the chief magistrates, a realistic possibility considering the 59. See Judg 18:6; 1 Sam 1:17; 20:42; 2 Sam 15:9; 2 Kgs 5:19; Jdt 8:35; cf. Luke 7:50; Jas 2:16. 60. That Jews could be Roman citizens is implied in the series of decrees reported by Josephus, in which he rehearses the Jewish rights established under the Seleucids and reaffirmed by the Romans. He repeatedly mentions “those Jews who are Roman citizens” who observe Jewish rites and practice them in various locations in Asia Minor (see Ant. 14.228, 232, 234, 237, 240; passim). Jewish citizenship in the Roman Empire, however, is a tangled question. See Smallwood 136–37, 207–8, 215–16; Stoops 77–79. 61. This term “uncondemned” (akatakritos) occurs only here and at 22:25 in the NT, and TLG does not list any occurrences prior to the NT. It may mean “untried.”

Paul and Silas’s Release 329

penalties for violating the rights of Roman citizens, parallels that of the tribune later in the narrative, who learns that Paul is a Roman citizen (22:29; cf. 23:27). Luke’s depiction of the interchange between the magistrates and Paul rings true with certain elements of the lengthy—and complicated—history of Roman citizenship.62 Publius Valerius (consul ca. 509 BCE) is credited with a law granting a Roman the right of appeal to the people if a magistrate wants to execute, scourge, or fine him.63 About 200 BCE the Porcian Law “imposed the severest penalties on anyone who scourged or put to death a Roman citizen.”64 The Lex Iulia de vi publica (dated between 23 and 19 BCE) reaffirmed, even intensified, previous legislation by making it a capital offense for any official to execute, flog, torture, or put into bonds any Roman citizen whose right to appeal, either to the people or to the emperor, had not been honored.65 Although Cicero’s charges against Gaius Verres, proconsul of Sicily (73–71 BCE), in which he accuses Verres of flagrantly violating the rights of Roman citizens by having them beaten, imprisoned, and executed, are highly polemical, his consternation is aptly captured by his famous line: “To bind a Roman citizen is a crime, to flog him is an abomination, to slay him is almost an act of murder.”66 The feckless behavior of the chief magistrates in “appealing to” Paul, Silas, and Timothy, presumably apologizing or urging them to leave quietly without pressing charges, and gently escorting them out of the city—all this stretches the limits of credibility. It is hard to imagine the chief Roman officials of a city as important as Philippi cowering before visiting missionaries who have been in their city only a few weeks. At the narrative level, however, the story is clearly intended to show how the Christian gospel possesses an aura of respect in the eyes of the Romans. An appropriate ending is to return to Lydia’s house—a literary inclusio—in order to offer words of encouragement to the small band of disciples that now constitutes the church at Philippi.

62. See A. N. Sherwin-White 1963; and 1973; Jones 1960a; Garnsey 1970; Crawford. 63. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Rom. Ant. 5.19.3–5. Text in Lewis and Reinhold 1:95 (no. 24). 64. Livy, Hist. 10.9.3–6. Text in Lewis and Reinhold 1:95–96 (no. 24); similarly, Cicero, Def. Rabir. 4.12: “The law of Porcius forbade the rod to be used on the person of any Roman citizen”; also Sallust, War Cat. 51.21–23. 65. The text is found in Sent. Paul. 5.26.1, and with slightly different wording in Ulpian, Digest 48.6.7. See Jones 1960c, esp. 86–87, 97–98. 66. Cicero, Verr. 5.66 §§169–170. For Cicero’s accusations that Verres imprisoned and executed Roman citizens, see 5.27–30 §§69–79; for having them beaten with rods, see 5.53–55 §§139–144. Cicero’s concluding remarks (5.64–67 §§165–173) capture the sense of pride attached to Roman citizenship (“whose glory is known throughout the world,” 5.64 §166), and the sense of security implicit in it (wherever Romans find themselves in the world, “they feel confident that this one fact will be their defense,” 5.65 §§167–168).

330

Acts 17:1–15

Luke’s account of Paul’s visit to Philippi is a carefully constructed literary narrative, with material chosen to capture the colorful dynamics of popular religion in a major urban center in the middle of the empire, and arranged to achieve dramatic, escalating effect. Yet for all of its fictive elements, it resonates with Paul’s own report in 1 Thess 2:2 that before arriving in Thessalonica, he and his coworkers “had already suffered and been shamefully mistreated at Philippi.” 17:1–15 Thessalonica and Beroea Although Luke gives only brief reports of events in these two cities, they advance the narrative in important ways. They reinforce Paul’s standard pattern of entering a city, finding the Jewish synagogue, preaching the gospel to those in attendance, gaining converts among both Jews and Greeks, and encountering resistance, mainly from the Jewish community. The organizational structure of this transitional section between Philippi and Athens reflects Luke’s fondness for pairing events. The outrage and violent resistance of the Thessalonian Jews sharply contrasts with the eager embrace of the gospel by the Beroean Jews, who are praised for their willingness to examine the Scriptures with an open mind. 17:1–9 Thessalonica And after traveling through Amphipolis and Apollonia,a they came to Thessalonica, where a Jewish synagogue was located.b 2 As was his custom, Paul went to the synagogue,c and on three Sabbaths he argued with them from the Scriptures,d 3 explaining and demonstrating the following claims:e “It was necessary for the Messiah to die and rise from the dead,”f and “The Jesus whom I proclaim to you—he is the Messiah.”g 4 And some of them were persuaded, and they took up withh Paul and Silas. Included among these was a large number of Greeks who regularly attended synagoguei and no small number of prominent women.j 5 Now the Jews became jealous and gathered to themselvesk some evil men loitering around the marketplace,l and forming a mob, they whipped the city into a frenzy.m Then they attacked the house of Jason to search for Paul and Silasn in order to bring them into the public assembly.o 6 Now when they did not find them, they dragged Jason and some brothers before the city magistratesp and shouted this charge: “These men who have disturbed the civilized worldq have come here too. 7 Jason has welcomed them into his house. All of them are acting contrary to Caesar’s decrees by saying that there is another king—Jesus.” 8 Now they stirred up the crowd and the city magistrates as they listened to these matters. 9 When Jason and the others posted bond to the city magistrates, they were released.r 17:1

Thessalonica 331 a. It is not clear why the D-text implies that Paul and Silas stopped at Apollonia rather than passing through it: “Now when they passed through Amphipolis, they went down to Apollonia, and thence to Thessalonica.” Metzger 1998, 400–401. b. Lit., “where [there] was a synagogue of the Jews” (hopou ēn synagōgē tōn Ioudaiōn). c. Lit., “went in to them” (eisēlthen pros autous). d. Gk. dielexato autois apo tōn graphōn. This is the first of ten occurrences of dialegomai in Acts (17:2, 17; 18:4, 19; 19:8–9; 20:7, 9; 24:12, 25). Lexicographers differ over whether the term signifies conversation and discussion generally, or whether it designates speech that is explicitly argumentative. In some of these uses, dialegomai designates sermonic, but not necessarily argumentative, speech (20:7, 9). Others tend to describe more formal debate in which different viewpoints are discussed and arguments are adduced pro and con (17:2, 17; 18:4; 19:8–9; 24:12, 25). The latter is clearly in view in Luke 9:46 || Mark 9:34 (Luke has the cognate noun dialogismos, whereas Mark has the verb dielechthēsan.) While the term, frequently used from Attic writings forward, has a variety of nuances, worth noting is its customary use in Epictetus for “philosophical dialogue, debate, or disputation” (e.g., Disc. 1.5.7; 9.23–24; 2.13.21; etc.). Similar variety occurs in the LXX, Philo, and Josephus, where the preponderant sense is “discuss,” although there are clear instances where it signifies contention (e.g., Judg 8:1 [Codex B]; Josephus, J.W. 1.447; Ant. 7.278; Ag. Ap. 1.58). See Schrenk 1964b; BDAG 232 s.v. dialegomai; Louw and Nida 1:392 (no. 33.26), 439 (no. 33.446). e. Lit., “opening and setting beside” (dianoigōn kai paratithemenos); possibly in the sense that he “opened” the Scriptures by reading them, looking for fresh, new levels of meaning; “setting beside” by comparing different texts in order to see how they illuminate each other. In view is a method of reading in which the Scriptures are connected with the Christ event. f. Here “to die” renders pathein, lit., “to suffer,” thus “suffer death,” but in kerygmatic formulas, as here, is linked with “rise” (anastēnai). See Luke 24:46; also 24:26. See note on Acts 1:3. g. Lit., “and that this one is the Messiah [the] Jesus whom I proclaim to you” (hoti houtos estin ho christos [ho] Iēsous hon egō katangellō hymin). The article before Jesus is bracketed in NA28 because it has good textual support (B), although this is the only witness with this reading. Various combinations of Christos and Iēsous (with and without the article) are found in the different witnesses. In my translation of v. 3b, I have retained the articular form of both Jesus and Messiah. See Metzger 1998, 401. h. Lit., “attached themselves to” (proseklērōthēsan). i. Lit., “of the Greek worshipers a large crowd” (tōn te sebomenōn Hellēnōn plēthos poly). Because “the Greek worshipers” (hoi sebomenoi Hellēnes) is an unusual expression, occurring only here in the NT, some MSS (∏74 A D 33. 81 lat bo) insert “and” (kai), thus creating two separate groups, “the worshipers” and “the Greeks.” Metzger 1998, 401. j. Lit., “and of the first women not a few” (gynaikōn te tōn prōtōn ouk oligai). The first phrase can also be translated “and wives of the leading men,” an option adopted (and made grammatically specific) by several witnesses (∏127 D lat) representing the D-text tradition: kai gynaikes tōn prōton. See Metzger 1998, 401–2. A similar diminution of the role of women occurs in the D-text of v. 12. See comments in the translation note.

332

Acts 17:1–9

k. Lit., “taking along with themselves as companions” (proslabomenoi). See BDAG 883 s.v. proslambanō 5. The D-text accentuates the hostility of the Jews: “but the Jews who disbelieved [apeithountes] assembled some wicked fellows.” This reading was preserved in the TR and is retained in the KJV: “But the Jews who believed not, moved with envy.” See Metzger 1998, 402. l. Lit., “some evil men of the marketplace” (tōn agoraiōn andras tinas ponērous). “Those of the marketplace” are sometimes rendered “the rabble,” i.e., the crowds from the forum (agora), or marketplace. m. Lit., “and gathering a crowd, they were setting the city in an uproar” (ochlopoiēsantes ethoryboun tēn polin). n. Lit., “and attacking the house of Jason, they were seeking them” (kai epistantes tē oikia Iasonos ezētoun autous). Paul and Silas are obviously the objects of the search. o. Lit., “into the dēmos” (eis ton dēmon). The dēmos is the popular assembly called for the transaction of public business. BDAG 223 s.v. dēmos. p. Lit., “politarchs” (politarchas). q. Lit., “the ones having disturbed [or, unsettled, upset; possibly, subverted] the whole world” (hoi tēn oikoumenēn anastatōsantes houtoi). BDAG 72 s.v. anastatoō. NRSV: “These people who have been turning the world upside down have come here also.” BegC 4:205, “Those who have upset the civilized world have come here too.” r. Lit., “having received sufficient [pledge, security, or bond] from Jason and the rest, they released them” (labontes to hikanon para tou Iasonos kai tōn loipōn apelysan autous). BDAG 472 s.v. hikanos 1.

[17:1–9] Located in the bend of the Strymon River and near the port city of Eion, Amphipolis was colonized by the Athenians in 437–436 BCE and figured prominently as a commercial center under the Macedonians and the Romans, who declared it a “free city” owing to its strategic location on the via Egnatia.67 One of several Greek cities bearing this name, this Apollonia (in Macedonia: not to be confused with Apollonia in Illyricum, on the west coast of Greece, at the Adriatic—one of the western termini, along with Dyrrhachium, of the via Egnatia) was located about thirty miles (48 km) west of Amphipolis. “Traveling through” (diodeusantes) implies stops along the way rather than places where missionary activity was conducted. Thessalonica, a major port city located on the via Egnatia at the tip of the Thermaic Gulf, was founded by Cassander (d. 297 BCE), a Macedonian leader who named the city after his wife, Thessalonike, the daughter of Philip II. As a thriving commercial center, it became a “free city” and was named the capital of the Roman province of Macedonia. The city was made a Roman colony under Decius (250 CE). Its importance as a major urban center during the Byzantine period was exceeded only by Constantinople.68 Although no archaeological evidence exists for a synagogue in Thessalonica in the mid-50s 67. Cormack and Hammond. 68. Hammond 2012b.

Thessalonica 333

of the first century CE, other literary evidence points to a strong Jewish presence in Macedonia at this time.69 “As was his custom” (Acts 17:2) recalls Paul’s standard practice of making the synagogue his first stop in whatever city he entered (e.g., 13:5, 14; 14:1; 16:1–5). “Three Sabbaths” does not necessarily mean three weeks; probably three successive Sabbaths is meant.70 Developing arguments from Scripture should be seen as the broader activity that takes the form of “explaining and demonstrating” how specific texts relate to Christ (17:3). No doubt the Septuagint is in view. The two core arguments are related but separate. That it was necessary (edei) for Jesus to suffer (pathein), meaning to die, has been a recurrent theme in LukeActs. This is the first time that Paul mentions this in his preaching (see 26:23). Luke shows Paul arguing what has been asserted earlier by Peter (3:18) and anticipated by Jesus himself (Luke 9:22; 17:25; 24:26, 46). Paul’s preaching is thus aligned with the earlier apostolic witness. Proving that “the Jesus whom I proclaim to you” is “the Messiah” constitutes a separate claim. The scriptural argumentation for this claim—based on Ps 2:7; Isa 55:3; and Ps 16:10—has already been spelled out in Paul’s Pisidian Antioch sermon (Acts 13:26–36). Positive response to his sermon by members of the Thessalonian synagogue, both its Jewish members and the gentile Godfearers, here described as “Greek worshipers” (tōn sebomenōn Hellēnōn, 17:4), recalls the initial response at Pisidian Antioch (13:43). We should probably imagine the large number of prominent women as being among the synagogue attendees, since their response is included with that of the first two groups.71 Jealousy (zēlōsantes) also characterized the response of Jews in Pisidian Antioch to Paul’s preaching (17:5; 13:45). Implied is the Jews’ resentment of the effectiveness of his preaching, which could reduce their membership rolls once converts decide that synagogue attendance is optional. The “evil men loitering around the marketplace” is a social caricature—people with little or 69. Philo (Emb. Gaius 281) mentions Jewish “colonies” in “Europe, Thessaly, Boeotia, Macedonia, Aetolia, Attica, Argos, Corinth, and most of the best parts of Peloponnese.” For Jewish inscriptions from Thessalonica from the late Roman period, see Schürer 3.1:66–67. Especially intriguing is an inscription from Thessalonica, dated between the fourth and sixth century CE, relating to a Samaritan community. See NewDocs 1:108–11 (no. 69). 70. Luke’s account of the founding of the Thessalonian church suggests an initial period of synagogue preaching that extended over three Sabbaths, followed by fierce resistance by Thessalonian Jews, the episode involving Jason and the city authorities, and a hasty retreat by Paul and Silas to Beroea. A longer stay seems implied by Paul’s remarks in 1 Thess 2:1–2, 9, and also by Phil 4:16, which reports that while Paul was in Thessalonica, the Philippians “sent help for my needs more than once.” Missionary preaching directed to gentiles is also implied by 1 Thess 1:9–10, but Acts 17:1–9 appears not to envision a ministry to gentiles apart from Paul’s preaching efforts in the synagogue (v. 4). 71. See translation notes on v. 4.

334

Acts 17:10–15

nothing to do except make mischief at the first opportunity—hence, their designation in some translations as “rabble” (NRSV: “ruffians”). Jason, a common Greek name with folkloric resonance,72 was frequently the adopted name of Jews named Joshua (Josephus, Ant. 12.239; cf. 2 Macc 4). He is nowhere mentioned in Paul’s Thessalonian Letters, although Rom 16:21 mentions a Jason among Paul’s coworkers who send greetings (from Corinth) to Rome. While Jason of Thessalonica is not explicitly identified as a believer, his being grouped with “some brothers,” along with the assumption that Paul and Silas might be hiding in his house, makes his Christian identity probable. “City magistrates” translates politarchas (17:6), a term describing city officials, especially in Macedonia, with a variety of duties, including responsibility for security.73 Deciding how to render the charge against Paul and Silas depends on whether anastatōsantes refers mainly to behavior that disturbs the peace or whether it has a subversive sense. The KJV rendering “turn the world upside down,” which has been retained in the RSV and NRSV, captures the subtlety of the ambiguous word, thereby lending itself to sermonic appropriation. Luke’s intent may have been to show that the gospel could not only get attention in major urban centers but also challenge, even subvert, well-entrenched Roman values, social structures, and institutions. This view is reinforced by the ancillary claim that a central feature of Paul’s preaching was “another king—Jesus” (17:7). While king (basileus) could have different resonance, depending upon the context in which it was used, it certainly introduces the notion of competing dominions. Jesus’s kingship is a frequent motif in Luke-Acts.74 The release of “Jason and the others” signifies vindication. By taking no action, the city magistrates essentially dismiss the charges (cf. 18:14–16). In this brief episode Luke not only shows how Jewish charges against Christians fail to result in formal charges, much less punitive action, being brought by Roman officials, but also, ironically enough, how the Jews themselves exemplify their own charges. They, not Paul and Silas, are the ones “unsettling the civilized world” by creating disturbances wherever the missionaries go. The Christians are exonerated before the Roman authorities, while closed-minded diaspora Jews are implicated as the real source of unrest. 17:10–15 Beroea Now immediately, at night, the brothers sent Paul and Silas away to Beroea. Upon arriving, they found their way to the Jewish synagogue.a 11 Now these Beroean Jews were more open-mindedb than those in Thes17:10

72. See Pindar, Pyth. 4; Euripides, Medea; Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica. 73. BDAG 845 s.v. politarchēs. 74. Luke 1:32–33; 19:38; 23:2–4; 23:37–38, 42. See remarks on the title “king” in the discussion of 13:1.

Beroea 335

salonica—they accepted the message enthusiastically,c closely investigating the Scriptures every day to see whether these things might be so. 12 So then, many of them became believers, and also an impressive number of the prominent Greek women and men.d 13 Now when the Jews of Thessalonica learned that also in Beroea the word of God had been proclaimed by Paul, they came there as well, stirring up and troubling the crowds.e 14 And then immediately the brothers sent Paul away, to travel to the coast;f Silas and Timothy, however, remained in Beroea. 15 Those who were guiding Paul brought him as far as Athens, and after receiving instructions [from Paul] that Silas and Timothy should come to him as soon as possible, they departed.g a. Lit., “they went away into the synagogue of the Jews” (eis tēn synagōgēn tōn Ioudaiōn apēesan). b. Gk. eugenesteroi. Possibly “more high-minded” or “more noble-minded.” BDAG 404 s.v. eugenēs 2. c. Lit., “they received the word with all eagerness [or, goodwill]” (edexanto ton logon meta pasēs prothymias). d. Lit., “and of the Greek women of high social standing [who were well-to-do] and of the men not a few” (kai tōn Hellēnidōn gynaikōn tōn euschēmonōn kai andrōn ouk oligoi). Worth noting is the D-text variation: “and of the Greeks, too, including people of distinction (men and women), a significant number believed” (kai tōn Hellēnōn kai tōn euschēmonōn andres kai gynaikes hikanoi episteusan), in which the role of prominent women is diminished. This change aligns with what some have seen as an antifeminist tendency in the D-text. See Metzger 1998, 402–3; also Holmes; Brock. e. Lit., “they came, and there [they were] exciting and stirring up the crowds” (ēlthon kakei saleuontes kai tarassontes tous ochlous). Some MSS omit kai tarassontes; similarly the TR, thus omitted in KJV. See Metzger 1998, 403. f. Lit., “to go as far as to the sea” (poreuesthai heōs epi tēn thalassan), i.e., to the Thermaicus Sinus, the Gulf of Saloniki. g. Thus Paul’s guides depart from Athens. Lit., “and having received an order to Silas and Timothy that they should come as quickly [as possible] to him, they went away” (kai labontes entolēn pros ton Silan kai ton Timotheon hina hōs tachista elthōsin pros auton exēesan). Apparently recognizing that the trip from Beroea to Athens would have provided preaching opportunities for Paul, the D-text explains that Paul “bypassed Thessaly since he was prevented from preaching the word to them.” See Metzger 1998, 403–4.

[17:10–15] Beroea (modern Verria), “a large and populous city of Macedonia” (Ps.-Lucian 34), was located “off the road” (Cicero, Piso 36.89), about fifteen miles (24 km) south of the via Egnatia, “in the foothills of Mt. Bermium” (Strabo, Geog. 7, frag. 26), a few miles west of Aegiae, “the customary burial place of [Macedonian] kings” (Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 4.10.33).75 No archaeological evidence exists for a Jewish synagogue in Beroea in the 75. See K. L. Anderson; Pattengale 1992b.

336

Acts 17:10–15

­ id-first century CE, although, like Thessalonica, Philo’s inclusion of Macem donia in his list of places in which Jewish “colonies” could be found in the diaspora (Emb. Gaius 281) increases the likelihood of a Jewish community in Beroea.76 “More open-minded” (eugenesteroi, Acts 17:11) suggests an attitude associated with well-born or well-bred (eugenēs) persons, who are open to new ideas rather than being narrow-minded, who are tolerant, not bigoted; “more noble” (KJV) captures this sense of high-minded social class, as does “more receptive” (NRSV). Here the gauge of open-minded, unbiased inquiry is one’s stance toward Scripture, whether it is seen as a closed book whose meaning is locked away, hidden, and accessible only to an elite scribal class—or as an open, living tradition that invites fresh, ongoing, head-scratching investigation from anyone who reads it. Those who display such intellectual and spiritual curiosity are more apt to see and be convinced by the numerous creative interpretations of Scripture scattered throughout Luke-Acts. Two groups of converts are envisioned (17:12): “many of them” (polloi ex autōn), meaning the open-minded Beroean Jews; and a sizeable number of prominent Greek women and men.77 The latter group comprises synagogue attendees, doubtlessly gentile Godfearers. The litotes “not a few” (ouk oligoi) is taken here to refer to both the female and male Greek converts. By mentioning the female converts first, Luke continues his practice of highlighting the role of women, both during Jesus’s ministry (Luke 23:49, 55) and in the Pauline mission (Acts 16:11–15).78 The behavior of the Thessalonian Jews in tracking down the proclaimers of “the word of God,” the gospel, in a town fifty miles (80 km) away repeats that of their fellow Judeans from Pisidian Antioch and Iconium mentioned earlier (14:19; 17:13). A twenty-mile journey from Beroea “to the coast,” “as far as to the sea,” would most likely end at one of two coastal cities, Methone or Pydna, or perhaps Dion further to the south, though none of these cities is mentioned by Luke. The language of 17:15, “brought him as far as Athens,” implies a land journey, probably along the coastal road, at least initially, although one would have thought that a sea voyage might have been more convenient. Either way, the journey south to Athens is over two hundred miles (322 km).79 76. See Schürer 3.1:67 for Jewish epitaphs from Beroea dating to the late Roman period; 3.1:68 for epigraphic dedications to Zeus Hypsistos at Beroea. 77. NIV captures the sense: “Many of the Jews believed, as did also a number of prominent Greek women and many Greek men.” 78. On the variant reading in the D-text in which the role of the prominent women is diminished, see the translation note d on v. 12. 79. Clark 366–67: “There was a Roman road with stations and organized services from Pydna to Athens by way of Dium (Dion), Larisa, Demetrias, Opus, Chalcis, Thebes, and Oropus, the total distance being 222 miles [357 km]. Such a journey would present no difficulty to Paul, especially if he was accompanied by friends from Macedonia.”

Athens 337

The appearance of Timothy in 17:14–15 is surprising since he has not been mentioned after 16:1–3. At the narrative level, this implies that Timothy has been a companion of Paul and Silas throughout the events described in 16:4– 17:9, although his silence or absence, especially in Philippi, is conspicuous. His sudden reappearance here may relate to the sources Luke had at his disposal. Noteworthy here is the conscious decision, presumably by Paul, for Silas and Timothy to remain in Beroea, probably to strengthen the young church. At least one named member of the Beroean church is preserved: “Sopater son of Pyrrhus from Beroea,” a member of Paul’s entourage (20:4). Paul’s instructions (lit., “command” [entolēn]) for Silas and Timothy to join him “as soon as possible” appear not to be carried out—at least from the viewpoint of the Acts narrative— until they join him in Corinth (18:5).80 If so, their period of ministry in Beroea is fairly lengthy—during the time it takes Paul to travel to Athens, conduct his preaching mission there, and then travel to Corinth.81 17:16–34 Athens The Athens section consists of three parts: (1) an introductory scene describing Paul’s reaction to Athens upon arriving there, and his interactions with the Athenians (vv. 16–21); (2) his Areopagus sermon (vv. 22–31); and (3) the results of his preaching (vv. 32–34). Read in tandem with the Lystra episode (14:6–20), which depicts Paul preaching in a less sophisticated pagan setting, the Athens episode resumes the critique of idolatry and the portrait of the beneficent Creator God introduced earlier. Now, however, this enlightened message, in which biblical assumptions and imagery are blended with strands of pagan philosophical thought, is brought to the undisputed intellectual and cultural center of the Greek world. In sharp contrast to Philippi, which was portrayed in thoroughly Roman terms, the literary texture of the Athens episode, with its mention of the Agora, Epicurean and Stoic philosophers, pagan shrines, and the Areopagus, is thoroughly Greek. 17:16–21 Paul’s Discussions in Athens Now while Paul was waiting for them in Athens, he became upseta when he saw that the city was filled with idols.b 17 So then, he started a­ rguing 17:16

80. Paul’s remarks in 1 Thess 3:1–2 suggest that Timothy arrived in Athens, and that Paul sent him from Athens back to Thessalonica to strengthen the church; 1 Thess 3:6, however, reports that Timothy has rejoined Paul, probably in Corinth (where he is writing 1 Thessalonians), having brought good news of the Thessalonians’ welfare. Silas (Silvanus) is mentioned in 1 Thess 1:1 and 2 Thess 1:1 as one of the cosenders of the letter, along with Timothy, but there is no mention in either letter of his travels among the churches. 81. On the movements of Silas and Timothy in relation to the Thessalonian ministry, see Malherbe 2000, 69–71.

338

Acts 17:16–21

worshipers.c

in the synagogue with the Jews and gentile He also had these discussions in the agora every day with whoever happened to be there. 18 Now also some of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers had conversations with him, and some said, “What might this amateurd want to say?” Others said, “He appears to be a preacher of foreign deities,” since he was proclaiming the good news about ‘Jesus’ and ‘Anastasis.’e 19 So they took hold of Paul and brought him to the Areopagus, saying, “This new teaching you speak about—can we learn what it is? 20 For you are introducing astonishing things to our ears. We thus want to know what to make of these things.”f 21 Now all Athenians, as well as foreigners living there, would spend their time in nothing else than telling or hearing something new. a. Lit., “his spirit was aroused within him” (parōxyneto to pneuma autou en autō). b. Lit., “seeing that the city was full of idols” (theōrountos kateidōlon ousan tēn polin). Kateidōlos occurs only in Christian writings. See BDAG 530 s.v. kateidōlos. The term eidōlon, while sometimes used from a Jewish (2 Kgs 17:12 LXX) or Christian (1 Cor 12:2) perspective to mean “image of a god,” or “idol,” is also attested among pagan authors, e.g., in describing constellations. See LSJ 483 s.v. eidōlon. It was a technical term in Epicurean thought for the film emitted by an object that registered on an observer’s eye. c. Lit., “the worshipers” (tois sebomenois), i.e., the gentile Godfearers. d. “Amateur” renders spermologos, literally, “seed picker,” thus used of birds, e.g., the rook, and, by extension, of those who pick up scraps of information, especially technical terms, and use them without knowing their meaning or the broader context in which they are used; thus “scrapmonger,” “scavenger,” “gossiper,” “babbler,” or “chatterer.” In view is the unsystematic gathering of tidbits of knowledge rather than careful, deliberate study of a topic or field of knowledge. BDAG 937 s.v. spermologos. e. The D-text (D gig) omits the last explanatory clause, possibly to avoid implying that Jesus is one of the daimonia or that anastasis refers to a female deity. Metzger 1998, 404. f. Lit., “We, therefore, wish to know what he wishes these things to be” (boulometha oun gnōnai tina thelei tauta einai); or, “what these things can mean.” BDAG 448 s.v. thelō.

[17:16–21] Verse 16 makes explicit Paul’s expectation that Silas and Timothy would travel directly from Beroea to Athens. “Upset” (parōxyneto) captures the visceral reaction that typifies Jewish polemic against idolatry.82 A city “filled with idols” (kateidōlon) probably reflects a monotheistic perspective and thus has a pejorative sense; from the pagan perspective, they are daimonia (v. 18), “gods,” or “deities.”83 Athens as a place heavily populated with deities and sanctuaries 82. See Isa 40:18–20; 44:9–20; Wis 13–15; Philo, Decal. 52–81; Spec. Laws 1.13–31. Critiques of pagan forms of worship were not limited to Jews and Christians. Lucretius (Nat. Things 5.1194–1203) criticizes ceremonial worship. 83. See LSJ 365–66 s.v. daimōn.

Paul’s Discussions in Athens 339

is a literary commonplace.84 This reference to a synagogue in Athens is reinforced by Philo’s mention of a Jewish community in Attica (Emb. Gaius 281), the name of the larger territory surrounding Athens.85 One of the most famous public spaces in the ancient world, the Athens Agora, whose origin is traceable to the sixth century BCE, was located northwest of the Acropolis in an expansive open space, surrounded by architecturally splendid, monumental buildings in which the vast network of administrative, judicial, commercial, and religious activities were carried out.86 It would be teeming with people going about their daily business, passersby with whom a visiting missionary could speak. As one of the major centers of Greek philosophical thought, Athens could claim Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle as its citizens and their schools—the Academy and the Lyceum—among its prized institutions. By the mid-first century CE, however, Epicureans and Stoics exercised widespread appeal as popular philosophical schools.87 From around 307 BCE until 270 BCE, Epicurus lived in Athens, where he attracted followers to his austere, reclusive lifestyle and taught a distinctive form of practical philosophy, combining an epistemology based on sense perception, an atomistic theory of physics, and a highly controversial moral vision that regarded pleasure as the pathway to true happiness.88 Zeno, the founder of Stoicism, came to Athens in 313 BCE, and through a series of successors, including Cleanthes and Chrysippus, his philosophical teachings—an empiricist theory of logic; a materialist and even deterministic physics; and a rigorous, uncompromising ethics—received broad acceptance. Around the first century CE, major proponents of Stoicism included Seneca the Younger (d. 65 CE), Musonius Rufus (ca. 30–102 CE), Epictetus (mid-first to second c. CE), and the emperor Marcus Aurelius (ca. 121–180 CE).89 The Athenians’ caricature of Paul as an “amateur” (spermologos, Acts 17:18) captures the atmosphere of uninformed yet self-proclaimed experts roaming the streets of Athens. In a world filled with wandering street preachers, the image doubtlessly rang true.

84. Livy, Hist. 45.27.10–11; Pausanias, Descr. Greece 1.1; Strabo, Geog. 9.1.16; cf. Demosthenes, Or. 25 (Against Aristogeiton 1).34. 85. Archaeological remains of a synagogue on the island of Aegina, which was located near Pireaus, the port of Athens, are confidently dated in the fourth century CE. The underlying structure, which may be the remains of a synagogue, is dated to the second century CE. See L. Levine 2000, 250; Runesson et al. 118–21. For Jewish inscriptional evidence relating to Athens, see Schürer 3.1:65. Josephus (Ant. 14.149–155) describes the bronze statue located in Athens near the Agora (ca. 106–105 BCE) to honor John Hyrcanus I. 86. Camp. 87. On philosophy and religion during the empire, esp. Stoicism, Epicureanism, and Middle Platonism, see Klauck 2003, 331–428. 88. Furley and Sedley. 89. J. Annas.

340

Acts 17:22–31

“Foreign deities” (xenōn daimoniōn) echoes the accusation that Socrates “introduces new deities.”90 “Proclaiming the good news” (euēngelizeto), as an imperfect verb, suggests Paul’s repeated proclamation, perhaps over a period of several days. Here ton Iēsous kai tēn anastasin, which could be rendered “Jesus and the resurrection,” is understood as the names of two distinct deities— “Jesus” and “Anastasis”—the latter a female deity. Either way, the language anticipates the claim near the end of Paul’s sermon (v. 32). “Took hold of” (epilabomenoi, 17:19) need not mean forcible removal, much less arrest, but rather an invitation to move to another location.91 Literally, “Areopagus” (Areion pagon) means “hill of Ares,” the Greek god of war; or, following the Latin name of the deity, “Mars Hill.” It is debated whether this promontory northwest of the Acropolis, overlooking the agora, is to be understood as an open space in which Paul’s sermon is delivered or as the place where a council meets. Probably it is the latter, in which case the Areopagus council or court becomes the primary audience to which Paul’s remarks in 17:22–31 are addressed.92 “New teaching” (kainē didachē, v. 19) carries special resonance since Rome harbored suspicion of new religions, especially from the East, and also because in the propaganda wars during the Hellenistic period, when new religious and ethnographic traditions were being presented to competing audiences, it was assumed that older was better. Establishing the ancient origins of one’s religious tradition became a common form of argument. To combat the perception that Paul’s message is novel, Luke constructs a sermon replete with biblical imagery, thereby establishing the antiquity of the traditions undergirding the gospel. Athens enjoyed a notorious reputation for intellectual curiosity. The novelist Chariton, probably writing about the mid-first century CE, playfully captures the outsider’s perception of Athens as one of his characters exclaims: “Are you the only ones who have not heard what busybodies the Athenians are? They are a talkative lot and fond of litigation.”93 17:22–31 Paul’s Areopagus Sermon Now Paul stood in the middle of the Areopagus council and said,a “Men of Athens! I see that in every way you are very religious people.b 23 For as I made my way through the city and looked closely at your sacred 17:22

90. Xenophon of Athens, Mem. 1.1.1: hetera de kaina daimonia eispherōn; cf. Plato, Apol. 24B: hetera de daimonia kaina. 91. For other uses of epilambanomai in Luke-Acts, see Luke 9:47; 14:4; 20:20, 26; 23:26; Acts 9:27; 16:19; 18:17; 21:30, 33; 23:19. 92. BDAG 129 s.v. Areios pagos; also Camp 197: “The Areopagus . . . was the seat in early times of a council and lawcourt. . . . St Paul addressed the court of the Areopagus, though by the first c. AD the council almost certainly met in the lower city and not on the hill.” 93. Chariton, Chaer. 1.12 (trans. CAGN); also see Demosthenes, Or. 4.8–10.

Paul’s Areopagus Sermon 341

shrines,c I even found an altar with the inscription ‘To the unknown God.’d What, therefore, you worship without realizing it,e this I proclaim to you. 24 The God who created the world and everything in it—this One, being Lord of heaven and earth, does not live in handmade temples. 25 Nor is this One worshiped by human hands as if needing anything. Instead this One gives everyone life, breath, indeed everything. 26 Indeed, from onef he created the whole human raceg to inhabit the earth’s surface,h having determined their periods of dominioni and the boundaries marking off where they live.j 27 Why? To seek God,k perhaps to feel their way toward, even find, God, who is not far from each one of us. 28 For In God we live, move about, and have our being,l just as some of your own poets have said, For we are also God’s offspring. 29 Being then God’s offspring, we ought not to think that the Deity is like gold, silver, or marblem—an image formed by human skill and imagination. 30 So then, God turned a blind eye to that age of innocence,n but now commands every human being in every place to repent.o 31 The reason? God has set a day when the whole world will be justly and rightly judged,p through a man whom God has appointed after fully assuring everyone by raising him from the dead.” a. Lit., “Now Paul, standing in the midst of the Areopagus, said” (statheis de ho Paulos en mesō tou Areiou pagou ephē). b. Gk. kata panta hōs deisidaimonesterous hymas theōrō. NRSV: “I see how extremely religious you are in every way.” RSV: “I perceive that in every way you are very religious.” c. Or, “objects of worship,” “sanctuaries” (ta sebasmata hymōn). d. Gk. Agnōstō theō. e. Gk. agnoountes, possibly “unknowingly” or “unwittingly.” f. After “from one” (ex henos) the D-text adds “blood” (haimatos), which was retained in the TR and thus included in the KJV: “and hath made of one blood.” See Metzger 1998, 404–5. g. Lit., “every family [or nation] of men” (pan ethnos anthrōpōn). h. Lit., “to live upon the entire face of the earth” (katoikein epi pantos prosōpou tēs gēs). i. Lit., “having set their appointed times” (horisas prostetagmenous kairous), or, “having determined their allotted times.” j. Lit., “the boundaries of their habitation” (tas horothesias tēs katoikias autōn). k. This phrase is worded differently in some witnesses: “to seek the Lord” (E 323); “perhaps it is to seek the divine” (malista zētein to theion estin) in D (gig; Cl Irlat). See Metzger 1998, 405–6. l. At this point the D-text adds “day by day.” See Metzger 1998, 406. m. Lit., “stone” (lithō). n. Lit., “the times of ignorance God overlooked” (tous . .  . chronous tēs agnoias hyperidōn ho theos).

342

Acts 17:22–31

o. Gk. metanoein, perhaps “undergo moral transformation.” p. Lit., “a day in which he is about to judge the world in righteousness” (hēmeran en hē mellei krinein tēn oikoumenēn en dikaiosynē).

[17:22–31] “Stood” may suggest the position ordinarily adopted by Greek orators.94 “Men of Athens” (andres Athēnaioi) is the standard form of address frequently found in ancient Greek authors for describing speakers, most notably Socrates, addressing the Athenians.95 As part of the opening captatio benevolentiae, “very religious people” (deisidaimonesterous) is a compliment rather than a critique (“too superstitious,” KJV).96 As a center of genuine religious piety, Athens is captured in Pausanias’s observation that “the Athenians are far more devoted to religion than other men.”97 This perception is reinforced by Josephus’s earlier description of the Athenians as “the most pious of the Greeks” (tous eusebestatous tōn Hellēnōn).98 “Sacred shrines” (sebasmata, v. 23), along with “looked closely” (anatheōreō), “refers to the total visual impact of a city full of cultic monuments.”99 The use of an inscription to introduce a serious discussion of true worship or the virtuous life is an established rhetorical device.100 The term for altar (bōmos) is used only here in the NT.101 Although no inscription dedicated “To the (an) unknown God” (in the sg.) has been found, there is strong evidence pointing to the existence of cults of unknown gods in antiquity.102 “Unknown God” is an   94. See Acts 2:14; 5:20; 25:18; 27:21; also Luke 18:11; 19:8.   95. See Plato, Apol. 17A–C (3x), passim; also Demosthenes, Or. 1.14–16 (3x); Or. 25 (Against Aristogeiton 1).8, 13–14, 22, passim; Lucian, Demon. 11, 57; Plutarch, Phoc. 10; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Lys. 33 (4x); Diogenes Laertius, Lives 1.49; etc.; Demetrius (Style 11, 280, 283) employs the phrase to illustrate the use of various rhetorical devices in making speeches.   96. Here deisidaimōn is used in the positive sense of “devout” or “religious” (e.g., Xenophon of Athens, Cyr. 3.3.58; Aristotle, Pol. 5.9 [1315a]) rather than in the negative sense of “superstitious” (e.g., Maximus of Tyre, Phil. Or. 14.6–7; Philo, Cher. 42). The negative sense is also found as Plutarch (Superst. 2.165C) distinguishes between atheism, which denies the reality of gods, and superstition (deisidaimonia), which describes the constant anxieties and fears that tend to characterize people who believe in gods. Thus “atheism is falsified reason, and superstition is an emotion engendered from false reason.” In Acts 25:19 the Roman procurator Porcius Festus uses deisidaimonia, “their own religion” (NRSV), to describe Judaism; whether it has a satirical sense is unclear. See BDAG 216 s.v. deisidaimonia and deisidaimōn; also D. Martin; and Klauck 2003, 408–12.   97. Pausanias, Descr. Greece 1.24.3.   98. Josephus, Ag. Ap. 2.130.   99. BDAG 917 s.v. sebasma. 100. See, e.g., Ps.-Heraclitus, Fourth Ep. (in Attridge 58–59, lines 19–23); Ps.-Diogenes, Ep. 36.1 (in Malherbe 1977, 148–49). Examples cited by Horst 1989b, esp. 1453. 101. The more usual term for altar is thysiastērion. See Horst 1989b, 1452. 102. Pausanias, Descr. Greece 1.1.4, describing Athens, mentions “altars of the gods named Unknown” (bōmoi theōn te onomazomenōn Agnōstōn); similarly, Descr. Greece 5.14.8, mentions “an altar of Unknown Gods” (Agnōstōn theōn bōmos) in Elis in the Peloponnese. Diogenes Laertius (Lives 1.110) writes that “even to this day altars may be found in different parts of Attica with

Paul’s Areopagus Sermon 343

ambiguous phrase with several layers of nuance, but probably in view here is a deity known to one people (Jews) but unfamiliar to others (Greeks).103 One of the things that struck pagans as unusual about Jews was their worship of a nameless deity who had no statues or images to honor him, even in their sacred temple in Jerusalem. To pagans, such a deity is unknown.104 “Without realizing it” (agnoountes) anticipates the “times of ignorance” (chronous tēs agnoias) mentioned later (v. 30).105 In Acts, earlier descriptions of God as Creator employ familiar biblical phraseology: “the One who made the heaven and the earth and the sea and all things in them” (4:24; 14:15).106 Identifying God as Creator of “the world and everything in it” (ton kosmon kai panta ta en autō, 17:24) may be a nod to Greek sensibilities, since kosmos (lit., “order”) had special resonance in Greek philosophical traditions.107 Perhaps “universe” or “ordered world” captures the sense.108 “Lord of heaven and earth” is an unusual epithet.109 God’s presence as transcending “handmade [humanly constructed] temples” (ouk en no name inscribed upon them” (kai nyn estin heurein kata tous dēmous tōn Athēnaiōn bōmous anōnymous). Philostratus (Life Apollon. T. 6.3) advises speaking well of every god, especially at Athens, “where even altars of unknown gods are set up” (hou kai agnōstōn daimonōn bōmoi hidryntai). The literary evidence, along with two inscriptions, is discussed in detail in Horst 1989b. 103. Horst (1989b, 1443) delineates different ways in which “unknown god” can be understood: a deity known to one people but unfamiliar to other people; a deity whose name is not known perhaps because it has been forgotten; a deity responsible for a calamity or a success whose identity is unknown; a deity unknown except to those with special revelation or insight; a deity who cannot be known because of human limitations; or a deity whose essence is, in principle, unknowable. 104. Dio Cassius (Rom. Hist. 37.17.2), in describing Pompey’s conquest of Judea, notes the peculiarity of Jewish reverence “for one particular divinity.” He further observes that “they never had any statue of him even in Jerusalem,” believing instead that he was “unnamable [arrhēton] and invisible [aeidē].” A century earlier, Livy expressed similar views (see Stern 1:328–31 [esp. nos. 133 and 134]). Lucan (39–65 CE) (Civ. W. 2.592–593) speaks of “Judaea given over to the worship of an unknown god” (dedita sacris incerti Iudaea dei) (Stern 1:439 [no. 191]). Even Josephus (Ag. Ap. 2.167) can claim that the Jewish god “in his power is known to us but in his essence he is unknown” (dynamei men hēmin gnōrimon hopoios de kat’ ousian estin agnōston). 105. The Jewish practice of quoting pagan texts and then changing the names of pagan deities, such as Zeus, to the name of the Jewish deity, God (theos), can easily imply that the pagan author, even without knowing it, was honoring YHWH. The Jewish author Aristobulus (mid-second c. BCE) quotes Aratus and freely acknowledges that he has changed Aratus’s references to Zeus to theos. See Holladay 1995, 3:172–73. 106. As noted in the discussion of these passages, this phraseology reflects standard OT usage, e.g., Exod 20:11; Ps 146:6. Variations of this phrasing occur in Isa 42:5; Neh 9:6; cf. 2 Kgs 19:15 || Isa 37:16. 107. Plato, Gorg. 508A; and Tim. 27A. On the use and meaning of kosmos, esp. among the pre-Socratics, see Kirk and Raven 159, 228–29 n. 3. Pythagoras was said to have been the first to use the word kosmos of the universe, but this claim was disputed. 108. The language here is close to Wis 9:9; 2 Macc 7:23; 4 Macc 5:25. 109. The phrase occurs in Q (Luke 10:21 || Matt 11:25); also Tobit 7:17 LXX (cf. 7:16b NRSV); Jdt 9:12; cf. Gen 24:7, quoted in Philo, Allegor. Interp. 3.42.

344

Acts 17:22–31

cheiropoiētois naois) recalls Stephen’s assertion (7:48) but also echoes the long-standing pagan critique of temples and cultic images.110 God as needing nothing from humans resonates with both Jewish and pagan sensibilities.111 God as the Giver of “life, breath, indeed everything” (zōēn kai pnoēn kai ta panta, 17:25) doubtlessly recalls “breath of life” (pnoēn zōēs) and “living soul” (psychen zōsan) of Gen 2:7 LXX. “Everything” may recall God’s plentiful provisions relating to seasons and harvests in Acts 14:17. The vagueness of “from one” (ex henos, 17:26) connects with both pagan and Jewish sensibilities. Pagans might think of explanations that trace the universe’s origin to a single principle or seed, while Jews would surely think of the distinctively biblical claim of a single androgynous progenitor from whom all generations are sprung (Gen 1:26–28; cf. Gen 9:19).112 “To inhabit the earth’s surface” (katoikein epi pantos prosōpou tēs gēs), or “to dwell upon the face of the earth,” fulfills the expectations of Gen 1:28 and recalls the Genesis claim that “the whole earth was peopled” from the three sons of Noah (9:19). “Having determined their periods of dominion” (horisas prostetagmenous kairous) probably means historical epochs, thus reflecting the view expressed in Dan 7 that nations rise and fall in historical cycles;113 alternatively, kairous might be understood as “times” or “seasons,” in which case the cycles of nature would be in view (cf. Acts 14:17, “seasons for bearing fruit”).114 Here the “boundaries” are understood as territorial borders of nations during their supremacy rather than the geographical areas to which various peoples of the earth are assigned.115 Seeking God as the deepest human aspiration has biblical roots116 yet also reflects pagan sensibilities.117 “Feel their way toward” (psēlaphēseian, 17:27), 110. Compare Ps.-Heraclitus, Fourth Ep. (in Attridge 58–59, lines 10–18), insisting that god is not wrought by hands, is not “shut up in temples,” instead “the whole world is [god’s] temple.” Attridge (13–23) gives a compact summary of the pagan critique from the pre-Socratics forward, with numerous examples. 111. See Let. Aris. 211; esp. 2 Macc 14:35, “O Lord of all, though you have need of nothing, you were pleased that there should be a temple for your habitation among us.” Seneca (Ep. 95.47–50) criticizes popular worship practices—e.g., lighting lamps, scraping flesh, offering sacrifices and prayers—claiming that the gods do not need humans to serve them. 112. Nock 1972, 2:831: “The Greeks did not have the idea of a First Man from whom humanity was sprung, and while they said that mankind had a divine parent or parents, they did not, I think, normally say that it had a divine creator or a single human ancestor.” Nock notes Lucretius, Nat. Things 2.991–998; Cicero, Laws 1.8.24; Plato, Prot. 320DE. 113. Cf. Luke 21:24. For kairoi as historical periods, see Polybius, Hist. 12.25b.3, e.3; cited by Nock 1972, 2:830–31 n. 45. 114. Gen 1:14; Ps 74:17; Wis 7:18; cf. Aratus, Phaen. 6–9. 115. See Deut 32:8; Ps 74:17. 116. See Deut 4:29; Isa 55:6; Jer 29:13; Wis 13:6–7; cf. Philo, Abr. 87. 117. Aratus, Phaen. 3–4, “We always have need of Zeus.” Also, Xenophon of Athens, Mem. 4.3.16, “Everywhere, I suppose, it is the custom that people propitiate the gods with sacrifices according to their power.”

Paul’s Areopagus Sermon 345

literally, “if perhaps they might touch (or grope after) him,” suggests the image of a person who is lost, feeling the way toward their desired destination.118 “Find God” (heuroien [theon]) implies searching, literally, “discovering” (heuriskō), even if the object of the search is elusive and the search itself is difficult and often takes one down blind alleys. God’s nearness to humanity is a common biblical sentiment119 yet also expresses Stoic sensibilities.120 But whereas Stoic theology asserts the indwelling of God within humanity, indeed in the whole universe—“God in us”—the distinctive claim here is that our life, movements, and being are “in God” (en autō)—quite a different claim.121 Scholars disagree over whether verse 28a comes from, or echoes, Epimenides, the legendary holy man and thaumaturge from Crete who flourished in the seventh (possibly sixth, or even fifth) century BCE.122 “For we are also God’s offspring” (v. 28b) is a direct quotation from the Greek poet Aratus (ca. 315–240 BCE), who studied with the Stoic Zeno at Athens.123 His poem Phaenomena, from which the quotation is taken (line 5), was one of the most widely read poems in the ancient world, exceeded in popularity only by the Iliad and Odyssey. Asserting the divine parentage of humanity links the biblical creation account with popular philosophical claims of kinship between God and humanity that results from being created by God.124 The logic of Acts 17:29 is that life begets life. If human life derives from a living Deity, how can inanimate and lifeless objects properly honor such a 118. The same term is used in Luke 24:39, when the risen Lord instructs the disciples to “handle me” (KJV; psēlaphēsate me). Tactile experience of the “word of life” is also expressed in 1 John 1:1; cf. Heb 12:18. 119. Deut 4:7; Ps 145:18; Jer 23:23–24; also Josephus, Ant. 8.108, quoting Solomon’s prayer of dedication of the temple (1 Kgs 8:23–53). 120. Aratus (Phaen. 2–4) asserts that the streets, marketplaces, and the sea are “full of Zeus.” Seneca, Ep. 41.1–2: “God is near you, he is with you, he is within you; . . . a holy spirit indwells within us, one who marks our good and bad deeds, and is our guardian” (prope est a te deus, tecum est, intus est, . . . sacer intra nos spiritus sedet, malorum bonorumque nostrorum observator et custos); see Klauck (2003, 367–69) for discussion of Seneca’s notion of “the god in you.” 121. Rather than being understood locally, en autō (17:28) might be taken instrumentally, thus “by him,” i.e., “by his power.” 122. According to one widely reported legend, Epimenides was summoned to Athens after the city was afflicted with a severe pestilence. By leading black and white sheep to the Areopagus and instructing people to offer sacrifice to deities wherever the sheep lay down, he achieved atonement for the city, thereby arresting the plague. The story is reported in Diogenes Laertius, Lives 1.109–111. Rothschild 2014 argues that Luke drew on these legends and consciously portrays Paul as Epimenides redivivus. 123. Since Luke mentions “your own poets” (v. 28), possibly in view is Cleanthes, Zeus 4, “for we have our origin in you [Zeus]” (ek sou gar genos esmen); cf. Homer, Il. 5.896. See Thom. 124. Besides Gen 1–3, see Ps 8:4–6. Dio Chrysostom (Or. 12.74) speaks of Zeus as “the Giver of our material and physical life and of all our blessings, the common Father and Savior and Guardian of mankind.” For human kinship with God, see Dio Chrysostom, Or. 12.27, 61, 75–76; 30.26–27.

346

Acts 17:32–34

Deity? Sophisticated pagans knew, of course, that images of deities made of “gold, silver, or marble” were only representations of the deity, not the deity itself. Considerable thought was given, however, to what was involved in adequately capturing in a single statue the numerous qualities of a deity like Zeus.125 This Lukan critique is milder than the usual sharp-edged, satirical condemnation of idolatry often found in Jewish writers.126 “Age of innocence” (tous chronous tēs agnoias, 17:30), usually rendered “times of ignorance,” recalls the earlier mention of the “unknown God,” the one true God of whom the Athenians are ignorant. “Turned a blind eye” (hyperidōn,” literally, “overlooked,” or “winked at” (KJV), contrasts sharply with Paul’s claim in Rom 1:18–32 that gentiles bear responsibility for the knowledge of God that is available to them through nature.127 The call for universal (“every human being in every place”) repentance resonates with the biblical tradition, the teachings of Jesus and John the Baptist, and their successors in Acts.128 The prospect that God will judge the world in righteousness (17:31) echoes the Psalter (9:7–8; 96:11–13; 98:8–9). By assigning future judgment to Christ, the “man whom God has appointed” (en andri hō hōrisen), Luke appropriates the strand of Son of Man Christology in which Jesus is assigned the role of eschatological judge.129 Christ’s resurrection as proof of God’s appointing him universal judge introduces a new kerygmatic element.130 17:32–34 Responses to Paul’s Preaching Now when they heard “resurrection of the dead,” some rolled their eyes, but others said, “We will listen to you talk about this at another

17:32

125. Dio Chrysostom (Or. 12) explores how human beings develop their conceptions of God, which Dio argues are innate and universal. Recognizing that God is humanity’s ancestor and that, surrounded by the beauties of nature, humans “could not help admiring and loving the divinity” (32), Dio places on the lips of Phidias, the legendary fifth-century BCE Athenian sculptor, a lengthy speech in which Phidias reflects on whether his artistic rendering of Zeus appropriately captures his true dignity, and thus whether it is befitting. Because of humanity’s yearning to honor and worship the deity from which it came, it is natural to want a deity who is close at hand, who can be approached and honored with sacrifices and garlands. See Klauck (2003, 27) for comments on Dio’s Oration 12. 126. See comments above on v. 16, with references. 127. For acting in ignorance in Luke-Acts, see Luke 23:34; Acts 3:17; 13:27; 14:16. Rom 3:25 offers a more generous perspective; also cf. Sir 28:7. 128. See 1 Kgs 8:48; Job 42:6; Pss 7:12; 78:34; Prov 1:22–23; Ezek 14:6; Sir 17:24; 21:6; Luke 15:7; 16:30; Acts 2:38; 3:19; 8:22. 129. For Christ as universal judge at the end of time, see John 5:22, 27; Acts 10:42; Rom 2:16; 1 Thess 1:9–10; 2 Tim 4:1; 1 Pet 4:5; cf. Rom 14:9–10. 130. Asserting Christ’s resurrection is a recurrent claim in Luke-Acts: Luke 9:22; 18:33; 20:37; 24:5, 6 (v.l.); 24:7, 46; Acts 2:24, 32; 3:15, 26; 4:10; 5:30; 10:40–41; 13:30, 33–34, 37; 26:8.

Corinth 347

time.” 33 Thus Paul departed from their midst. 34 Now some men took up with him and became believers, one of whom was Dionysius the Areopagite; also a woman named Damaris,a and some others with them. a. The D-text omits the phrase mentioning Damaris, which some see as yet another instance of antifeminist bias in that textual tradition. Metzger 1998, 407–8.

[17:32–34] “Resurrection of the dead” (anastasin nekrōn) contrasts with “Anastasis” of verse 18. The claim that human beings would be revivified bodily after their death directly challenges Greek and Roman notions of the immortality of the soul.131 Consequently “some rolled their eyes” (hoi men echleuazon), or, more literally, “some mocked,” which was an understandable response to such a contrarian view of what happens to the human body after it dies. This was especially true of Epicureans, who were famous for their denial of life after death.132 Since Dionysius the Areopagite is identified as one of the men who “took up with” Paul (kollēthentes autō, v. 34) and became believers, we should probably imagine pagan converts rather than people converted as a result of his preaching in the synagogue (v. 17). Nothing else is known of Dionysius except later traditions reporting that Paul appointed him the first bishop of Athens.133 Nor is anything else known of Damaris, which is possibly a variant of Damalis, a fairly popular female name.134 The overall impression from verse 34, which reports the conversion of “some men,” two named individuals, and “some others with them,” is a meager though not insignificant response. One exceptional feature of the account in Athens is the absence of outright resistance to Paul’s preaching and subsequent persecution or harassment. 18:1–17 Corinth Paul’s mission in Corinth unfolds in several stages: (1) arrival in Corinth, initial meeting and cooperative labor with Aquila and Priscilla, and weekly preaching in the synagogue (vv. 1–4); (2) arrival of Silas and Timothy, continuation of Paul’s synagogue preaching, which is met with Jewish resistance, and a shift in venue from the synagogue to Titius Justus’s house (vv. 5–7); (3) conversion of Crispus, a synagogue official, an influential example prompting many others to convert, the Lord’s reassuring vision, and Paul’s eighteen-month stay (vv. 131. See Klauck 2003, 357–65, on Stoic eschatology; for Epicurean views of death, 394–95; for Plutarch’s view of the immortality of the soul, 414–15, and for eschatological myths, 416–22. 132. The Epicurean view of death is compactly stated in Diogenes Laertius, Lives 10.139: “Death is nothing to us; for the body, when it is resolved into the elements, has no feeling, and that which has no feeling is nothing to us.” 133. Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 3.4.10; 4.23.3. 134. BDAG 211 s.v. Damaris.

348

Acts 18:1–11

8–11); and (4) intensified Jewish opposition and Paul’s appearance before Gallio, the Roman proconsul, who dismisses the case (vv. 12–17). This Lukan “foundation narrative” of the church at Corinth, although written several decades after Paul’s correspondence with the Corinthian church in the mid-50s, in which he reflects at various points on his founding visit (e.g., 1 Cor 1:14–17, 26–31; 2:1–5), confirms some details reported by Paul (e.g., the conversion of Crispus, 1 Cor 1:14 and Acts 18:8; mention of Sosthenes, 1 Cor 1:1 and Acts 18:17; Aquila and Priscilla’s connection with the church, 1 Cor 16:19 and Acts 18:2–3, 18; Silas and Timothy as coworkers in Corinth, 2 Cor 1:19 and Acts 18:5), yet also provides some new information (e.g., mention of Titius Justus, Acts 18:7; his eighteen-month stay, 18:11; the trial before Gallio, 18:12–17). One of the main differences in the Lukan and Pauline perspectives, however, is the way in which Luke accents Jewish opposition to Paul’s preaching during his initial visit. In the Corinthian Letters, by contrast, Paul refers infrequently to Jews135 and makes no specific mention of encountering resistance from the synagogue when he was in Corinth. The fierce opposition to Paul’s ministry that figures so prominently in 2 Cor 10–13 mainly involves Christian Jewish teachers (cf. esp. 2 Cor 11:22–23). 18:1–11 Paul’s Preaching in Corinth 18:1 After this, Paul took leave of Athens and came to Corinth. 2 And find-

ing a certain Jew named Aquila, a native of Pontus who had recently come from Italy, and his wife, Priscilla—they were there because Claudius had issued an edict to all the Jews to depart from Rome—Paul went to see them.a 3 Since they followed the same trade, he stayed with them and began working, for they were tentmakers by trade.b 4 Now Paul would debate in the synagogue every Sabbath and try to persuade Jews and Greeks.c 5 And when Silas and Timothy came down from Macedonia, Paul was fully absorbed in preaching,d bearing witness to the Jews that Jesus was the Messiah. 6 When the Jews resisted and verbally harassed Paul,e he shook out his clothing and said to them, “Your blood is upon your heads. I am without guilt;f from now on, I will go to the gentiles.” 7 Then, moving to another location,g Paul entered the house of a certain person named Titius Justus, a worshiper of God,h whose house was next door to the synagogue. 8 Crispus, the synagogue official,i came to faith in the Lord,j along with his entire household, and many of the Corinthians, as they heard, began coming to faith and being baptized.k 135. See 1 Cor 1:22, 24; 9:19–23; 10:32; 12:13. The main exception is 2 Cor 11:24, which mentions his having received “five times . . . from the Jews the forty lashes minus one.” But there is no indication that any of these floggings took place in Corinth.

Paul’s Preaching in Corinth 349 9 Now

the Lord said to Paul through a nighttime vision, “Do not be afraid! But continue speaking and do not keep quiet.l 10 For I am with you, and no one will inflict harm upon you,m and I have many people in this city.”n 11 He remained a year and six months, teaching the word of God among them. a. Lit., “he approached them” (prosēlthen autois). b. Skēnopoioi, translated here as “tentmakers,” is sometimes rendered “leatherworkers.” It may even describe workers related to theatrical productions, e.g., “makers of stage properties.” BDAG 928–29 s.v. skēnopoios. c. Lit., “was debating” (dielegeto) and “was persuading” (epeithen); the latter is taken as a conative imperfect. The D-text of vv. 2–4 introduces some new elements, e.g., that Aquila and Priscilla, after leaving Rome, “had settled in Greece” (v. 2); that Paul was “of the same tribe” as Aquila (v. 3); and that in his synagogue preaching Paul “introduced the name of the Lord Jesus” (v. 4). These expansions may have been an attempt to clarify certain features of the Alexandrian text. On these and other changes, see Metzger 1998, 408–9. d. Lit., “was occupied with the word” (syneicheto tō logō), possibly the “word of Scripture.” Some MSS replace “word” (logō) with “spirit” (pneumati), suggesting that Paul “was urged on by the Spirit” or “was pressed in the spirit.” See Metzger 1998, 409. Also worth asking is whether the action of the second clause in v. 5, “Paul was fully absorbed [syneicheto] in the preaching,” temporally precedes the action of the first clause; thus Paul was already fully engaged in his preaching when Silas and Timothy arrived from Macedonia. An alternative rendering would be “Now after Silas and Timothy came down from Macedonia, Paul began to focus his full attention on preaching.” Here the assumption is that Paul is preoccupied with his tentmaking to support himself, but once Silas and Timothy arrive from Macedonia (possibly with monetary support from Philippi or one of the other Macedonian churches), Paul can concentrate fully on his missionary efforts in the synagogue. See BegC 4:224. e. Lit., “while they were opposing and blaspheming” (antitassomenōn de autōn kai blasphēmountōn). f. Lit., “I am clean” (katharos egō). g. Lit., “and having gone over from there” (kai metabas ekeithen), from the synagogue (v. 4). The D-text reads: “and having gone over from Aquila” (metabas de apo Akyla), having left Aquila’s house (as his place of residence), presumably because of Jewish opposition he encountered in the synagogue. Metzger 1998, 410. h. Gk. sebomenou ton theon, or Godfearer, a gentile who attended the synagogue. BDAG 917 s.v. sebō 1.b. Considerable confusion about the name Titius Justus exists in the manuscript tradition, with some MSS (e.g., ‫ א‬E and several minuscules) reading “Titus” (Titou). Metzger 1998, 410. i. Gk. archisynagōgos, “leader of the synagogue,” possibly “president of the synagogue.” BDAG 139 s.v. archisynagōgos. j. Lit., “believed (in) the Lord” (episteusen tō kyriō), i.e., Jesus. k. Lit., “and many of the Corinthians, hearing, were believing and being baptized” (kai polloi tōn Korinthiōn akouontes episteuon kai ebaptizonto). The two imperfects

350

Acts 18:1–11

episteuon and ebaptizonto are understood here as inceptive. At the end of v. 8, the D-text adds: “believing in God through the name of our Lord Jesus Christ.” l. The first phrase can be rendered “Stop being afraid.” Prohibition expressed with mē plus the present imperative (here, mē phobou) prevents or prohibits continued or habitual action; see Moule 1959a, 135. Similarly, the second present imperative (lalei) can be rendered as “Go on speaking.” The last prohibition in v. 9 (mē siōpēsēs) is expressed as mē with the aorist subjunctive, preventing an action from beginning, thus “Do not start being silent,” or “Refuse to be silenced” (Knox NT). m. Lit., “No one will lay (a hand) upon you to do you evil” (oudeis epithēsetai soi tou kakōsai se). n. Lit., “because there is for me much people in this city” (dioti laos esti moi polys en tē polei tautē).

[18:1–11] The strategic location of Corinth just southwest of the isthmus that connects the Peloponnese with mainland Greece ensured its political and commercial importance. The destruction of the Greek city of Corinth by the Roman consul Lucius Mummius in 146 BCE began a hundred-year hiatus, which ended with Julius Caesar’s refounding of the Roman city of Corinth in 44 BCE, thus requiring modern historians to distinguish between Greek Corinth and Roman Corinth as two separate periods in the city’s history. With a mixture of Roman freedmen and Roman businessmen constituting its new population, Corinth acquired a distinctive Roman ethos. Over the next century and a half, the city reemerged as a major urban center, with temples honoring numerous deities, administrative and cultural buildings to promote the imperial cult, and various forms of commerce and entertainment. Gradually Roman Corinth became Hellenized, with Greek eventually replacing Latin as the language for official inscriptions.136 Aquila and his wife, Priscilla, are mentioned as valued Pauline coworkers in Corinth (Acts 18:2–3, 18), Ephesus (1 Cor 16:19; Acts 18:18, 26), and Rome (Rom 16:3; possibly 2 Tim 4:19), a testimony to the mobility of early Christians and the house church as one of the formative contexts for early Christian mission and teaching. Aquila’s Jewish ethnicity (and presumably Priscilla’s as well) and Pontus, a Roman province with varying boundaries on the southern coast of the Black Sea, as his region of origin further attest diaspora Jewish presence in northern Asia Minor and Italy. It is uncertain whether the edict of Claudius mandating the eviction of “all the Jews” from Rome (v. 2) is to be equated with the report of Suetonius, “Since the Jews constantly made disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus, [Claudius] expelled them from Rome.”137 136. See Spawforth 2012b; also Schowalter and Friesen; Friesen, Schowalter, and Walters; Friesen, James, and Schowalter. 137. Suetonius, Claud. 25.4, Iudaeos impulsore Chresto adsidue tumultuantes Roma expulit. The main interpretive issue is the identity of Chresto, whether it should be understood as a variant form, or misspelling, of Christus, hence a reference to Jesus—or whether it is the correct spelling of an otherwise unidentified Jew named Chrestus. If the former, Suetonius provides evidence

Paul’s Preaching in Corinth 351

That Paul, Aquila, and Priscilla were all artisans who shared the same craft of tentmaking places them among urban handworkers who might have had visible social status and means.138 A recurrent feature of Paul’s apostolic selfdescription is claiming rather proudly that he supported himself by working with his own hands.139 Weekly debates in the synagogue continue Paul’s established routine (18:4).140 Literary evidence outside the NT attests Jewish presence in Corinth.141 Although the Scriptures are not mentioned as the source of Paul’s arguments, the Pisidian Antioch sermon (ch. 13) illustrates the sorts of OT texts and arguments from those texts that normally figured in proving Jesus’s Davidic messiahship to Jews, as well as to Godfearers in attendance at the synagogue. Silas and Timothy, whom Paul had left in Beroea with instructions to join him in Athens (17:14–15), finally catch up with him in Corinth (18:5). By the time they arrive, Paul’s missionary preaching in the synagogue appears to be well under way.142 “Jesus is the Messiah” summarizes the core claim of early missionary preaching.143 Jewish resistance takes the form of physical and verbal harassment (blasphēmountōn, 18:6), the latter suggesting ad hominem slanderous speech. Paul’s “shaking out his clothing,” a slightly different gesture from the earlier “shaking the dust off [their] feet,”144 must refer to some prophetic gesture of emphatic repudiation (see Neh 5:13). “Your for the beginning of the Christian movement in Rome. If the latter, he is referring to yet another example of Roman resistance to Jews (see Josephus, Ant. 18.81–84; cf. Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 60.6.6). When Tacitus (Ann. 15.44) refers to the execution of Jesus during the reign of Tiberius (14–37 CE), he uses the correct spelling Christus. But Tertullian (Apol. 3) reports that detractors sometimes wrongly pronounce “Christianus” as “Chrestianus,” thus implying that Suetonius, in writing Chrestus, might well have meant Jesus Christ. See Smallwood 210–16; W. Knox 1925, 257–58 n. 16. On Rome’s history in dealing with foreign cults, see Livy, Hist. 39.16.8. 138. See Meeks 9. On “tentmakers” as preferable to “leatherworkers” in rendering skēnopoioi, see BegC 4:223; also Hock. 139. See Acts 20:34; also 1 Cor 4:12; 1 Thess 2:9; 2 Thess 3:7–8; cf. Eph 4:28. 140. See Acts 9:20 (Damascus); 13:14, 43 (Pisidian Antioch); 14:1 (Iconium); 16:13 (Philippi); 17:1–2 (Thessalonica); 17:10 (Beroea); and 17:17 (Athens). “Would debate” renders the imperfect dielegeto. 141. Philo (Emb. Gaius 281) includes Corinth among the cities possessing a Jewish “colony.” There is no compelling archaeological evidence for a synagogue in Corinth in the mid-first century CE. The marble slab bearing the inscription [SYNA]GŌGĒ HEBR[AIŌN], “Synagogue of the Hebrews,” which probably served as a door lintel, though at one time thought to date between 100 BCE and 200 CE (Deissmann 15–17), is now dated perhaps as late as the fourth century CE. Another item from Corinth, a marble capital decorated with three menorahs, palm branches (lulab), and citron (etrog), dates to the fifth century CE. See Furnish 21–22. For a discussion of other Jewish inscriptional evidence related to Corinth, see Schürer 3.1:65–66; L. Levine 2000, 108–9, 233, 282; Runesson et al. 121–23 (no. 91); NewDocs 4:213–20 (no. 113). 142. See translation note d on v. 5. 143. See Acts 5:42; 9:22; 17:3; 18:5, 28; cf. 1 John 5:1. 144. See Acts 13:51; cf. Mark 6:11 || Luke 9:5 || Matt 10:14.

352

Acts 18:1–11

blood is upon your heads” (Acts 18:6) is OT language for assigning ultimate responsibility to someone, especially for someone’s life, either one’s own life or that of someone else.145 A natural corollary is a declaration of one’s innocence (see Acts 20:26; cf. Matt 27:24; Sus 46). Paul’s dramatic gesture signaling a shift in missionary focus from Jews to gentiles recalls a similar move in Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:46) and anticipates the final warning to his Jewish audience in Rome (Acts 28:28). As typically the case with Lukan triple reports—a narrative technique to underscore the importance of an event or motif—this represents Luke’s effort to capture Paul’s own theological perspective (Rom 1:16; 11:11). Titius Justus, though sometimes identified with Titus,146 who figures prominently in Paul’s Letters,147 is otherwise unmentioned in the NT, although he is one of several Godfearers featured in Acts.148 Although Titius Justus’s conversion to Jesus is not explicitly reported, his sympathetic stance toward the Pauline mission makes this probable. The social prominence of Crispus, the synagogue official (archisynagōgos), is reflected in Paul’s statement that he personally baptized no one else in the Corinthian church except Crispus and Gaius (1  Cor 1:14). The conversion of Crispus and his household is part of a larger pattern of household conversions in Acts.149 The cause-effect relationship between the conversion of Crispus and “many of the Corinthians” (v. 8) is clear. The conversion of a high-profile synagogue official has a rippling effect throughout the city. This implies not only the prominence of the Jewish community in Corinth but also good relations between Jews and gentiles in the city. Paul’s nighttime vision in which the Lord (Jesus) appears to him in order to assuage his fears and assure even greater missionary success is one of several such Christophanies in Acts.150 Linking assurances of God’s presence with injunctions not to fear is a frequent OT literary motif.151 Eighteen months is Paul’s longest reported stay in one place so far (v. 11), but it will be exceeded by his time in Ephesus (19:8, 10; 20:31; cf. 24:27; 28:30–31). With this time marker, Luke signals what happens when the gospel is allowed to take root in a major urban center, when, in other words, the seed of the gospel is sown in good ground (Luke 8:4–8, 15). In this respect Corinth is different from previously reported Pauline stops.

145. See 2 Sam 1:16; 1 Kgs 2:37; Ezek 33:4–6; cf. 2 Sam 14:9; Jer 51:35; cf. Matt 27:25. 146. As in some MSS (see translation note h on v. 7) and by John Chrysostom. See BegC 4:225. 147. See Gal 2:1, 3; 2 Cor 2:13; 7:6, 13–14; 8:6, 16, 23; 12:18. 148. Acts 10:2; 13:43, 50; 16:14; 17:4, 17. 149. Acts 11:14; 16:15, 31–34; cf. 1 Cor 1:16; also John 4:53. 150. Acts 9:10; 16:9–10; 22:17; 23:11; cf. 10:3, 17, 19; 11:5; 12:9; 27:23. 151. As in Josh 1:9; Isa 41:10; 43:5; Jer 1:8; cf. Jer 1:19; cf. 1 Cor 2:3.

Paul’s Appearance before Gallio 353

18:12–17 Paul’s Appearance before Gallio 18:12 Now while Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews rose up together against Paul and brought him before the tribunal,a 13 saying, “This man

incites people to worship God contrary to the law.” 14 As Paul was about to open his mouth, Gallio said to the Jews, “O Jews! Now if there had been some crime or unscrupulous form of deceit here,b I would have been justified in accepting your complaint.c 15 But if there are disputes about a word, names, and your own law,d you must look at these yourselves. I do not wish to be a judge of these things.” 16 He dismissed theme from the tribunal. 17 Then all of themf grabbed Sosthenes, the synagogue official,g and beat him in the presence of the tribunal; and none of these things was a concern to Gallio. a. The opposition of the Jews is emphasized in the D-text: “the Jews, having talked together among themselves against Paul.” The “tribunal” (bēma; also vv. 16–17), as elsewhere in Acts, is a judicial term designating the court, either a physical space or an official person or body, before whom someone is brought for a hearing or trial. The term bēma can mean “step,” and by extension an elevated platform that one had to climb, thus a structure on which a chair could be occupied by a public official speaking to an assembled audience, or a judicial bench from which one could render legal decisions or sit in judgment, e.g., God (Rom 14:10) or Christ (2 Cor 5:10). Bēma as the site of court appearances occurs in Acts 12:21; 18:12, 16–17; 25:6, 10, 17; cf. Matt 27:19; John 19:13. See BDAG 175 s.v. bēma 3. b. Gk. ei men ēn adikēma ti ē rhadiourgēma ponēron. The former, adikēma, indicates a legal violation, thus a crime or misdeed, while the latter, rhadiourgēma, implies some form of trickery or knavery. BDAG 902 s.v. rhadiourgēma, “serious piece of villainy.” c. Lit., “I would have borne with you according to reason” (kata logon an aneschomēn hymōn). Here I follow BDAG 78 s.v. anechō 3. d. Gk. ei de zētēmata estin peri logou kai onomatōn kai nomou tou kath’ hymas, lit., “and if there are disputes concerning word and names and the law of yours.” e. Lit., “drove them away” (apēlasen). f. The D-text, along with some other manuscripts, identifies the “all” as “the Greeks,” while a few manuscripts (453. 2818) identify them as “the Jews.” Of the two options, the former seems more likely: that Greek citizens of Corinth might have beaten a synagogue official who was sympathetic to Paul (cf. 1 Cor 1:1). Metzger 1998, 411. g. Gk. archisynagōgos, “leader [or, president] of the synagogue.” See v. 8.

[18:12–17] Gallio, whose birth name was Lucius Annaeus Novatus but later became Lucius Iunius Gallio Annaeanus after he was adopted by the Roman senator Lucius Iunius Gallio, was the elder brother of the noted Stoic moral philosopher and prolific author Lucius Annaeus Seneca (ca. 4 BCE–65 CE), also known as Seneca the Younger since his father had the same name. Some of Seneca’s essays are dedicated to Gallio (Novatus), including On Anger (De ira)

354

Acts 18:12–17

in three books, probably composed in the early 50s, and On the Happy Life (De vita beata), a later work. The date of Gallio’s proconsulship of Achaia can be established with relative confidence around 51–52 CE, thanks to the discovery of an inscription at Delphi in which the emperor Claudius addresses the city of Delphi, located in Achaia.152 In the inscription Claudius mentions “[Lucius] Iunius Gallio my friend,” who is identified as “[pro]consul [of Achaia].” The inscription is dated in the year in which Claudius was acclaimed emperor for the twenty-sixth time, which can be confidently determined as 52 CE. What is uncertain, however, is when Gallio assumed office as proconsul, whether 50 or 51 CE. Either way, this discovery provides valuable independent evidence for constructing Pauline chronology.153 Paul’s formal appearance before a Roman official is part of a larger pattern in Acts.154 The charge that Paul is promoting some form of illegal worship is vague (18:13). Whose law is Paul violating? Roman or Jewish law? Proclaiming a strict monotheism would directly challenge Rome’s embrace of polytheism,155 the imperial cult in particular, but Jews themselves would be guilty of their own charge against Paul.156 If Paul is being charged with violating torah, the unstated assumption is that his proclamation of Jesus as Messiah or his requirement of baptism as the primary initiation rite rather than circumcision of males overturns what God required of Abraham and his descendants (Gen 17:9–14).157 Gallio’s response is formulated as an emphatic declaration that Paul and Silas have not done anything criminal or engaged in some form of deceptive 152. In the early 50s Achaia was a senatorial province presided over by a Roman proconsul, who usually served a one-year term. In the NT, Achaia tends to designate Greece, both the central region and the Peloponnese, as opposed to Macedonia, the northern region around the coastline of the Aegean Sea. Macedonia includes such Pauline cities as Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea; Achaia includes Athens, Corinth, and Cenchreae. Sometimes reference is made to Achaia, especially meaning Corinth (Acts 18:12, 27; 1 Cor 16:15; 2 Cor 1:1; 11:10), but at other times Macedonia and Achaia are paired as a way of designating the area covered by the Pauline mission on the western side of the Aegean (Rom 15:26; 2 Cor 9:2; 1 Thess 1:7–8). On the status of Achaia as a Roman province, see Spawforth 2012a. 153. The inscription can be found in SIG 2:801D. For an ET with introductory information and annotations, see NTB 51–52 (no. 49). For detailed discussion, see BegC 5:460–64; also Jewett 1979. 154. See translation note a on v. 12. Trial scenes also figure prominently in Greek novels, e.g., Chariton, Chaer. 5.4–8 (CAGN 79–86); Longus, Daph. Chl. 2.15–16 (CAGN 309–10); and Achilles Tatius, Leucippe 7.7–12 (CAGN 263–67). 155. Thus Tacitus (Hist. 5.5), speaks of Jews: “The earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods.” See Stern 2:26. 156. If the charge is violating Roman law, it would be similar to the charge brought against Paul at Philippi (16:20–21) and Thessalonica (17:7). 157. Elsewhere in Acts, Stephen is charged with criticizing the temple and the law of Moses (6:13); similarly, Paul (Acts 21:28; 25:8).

Paul’s Appearance before Gallio 355

practice (Acts 18:14–15).158 The tripartite description of the disputes (zētēmata) is somewhat vague, though the gist of Gallio’s remark is clear. Arguing about “a word” (peri logou) connects with real-life experience, since major controversies, especially involving religion, often turn on a single word (cf. Gal 3:16). Disputes about names (peri onomatōn) might refer to actual names, such as Jews (or is it Judeans?) or Israelites, although onoma sometimes means “person” (e.g., Acts 1:15). Pagans knew the names of people revered by Jews, most notably Moses, who is recognized, for example, by the Greek writer Hecataeus of Abdera (ca. 300 BCE), as “outstanding both for his wisdom and for his courage.”159 Knowledge of the law of Moses was also common among nonJews, for example, the Roman poet Juvenal (ca. 60–130 CE), who states that Jews are “wont to flout the laws of Rome,” and “learn and practice and revere the Jewish law, and all that Moses handed down in his secret tome.”160 The thrust of Gallio’s remark is that such disputes are internal matters that should be adjudicated within the Jewish community. Indirectly his remark shows that, at this point and in this context, Roman officials regard Paul and Silas’s activities as some variation of Jewish belief and practice, not some form of cultic activity easily distinguishable from the Jewish community or from what goes on in the synagogue. Gallio’s dismissal of Paul’s Jewish critics and his explicit refusal to deal further with these matters constitute vindication of Paul. In taking no action, Gallio aligns himself with other Roman officials who view the Christian movement as a positive force (Sergius Paulus, 13:4–12) or an innocuous nuisance (cf. 24:5; 26:32). It is not clear whether Jews or Greeks grab Sosthenes and beat him.161 Nor is it clear why Sosthenes, the second synagogue official named in this episode, is beaten. It makes no sense for the Jews to flog a member of their own community, unless they think he has been too sympathetic to Paul and his followers. Presumably Sosthenes has identified with the Jesus movement, which is confirmed if the Sosthenes whom Paul calls “our brother” (1 Cor 1:1) is the same person, as is probably the case.162 If so, this implies that Sosthenes has left Corinth and is in Ephesus at the time Paul writes 1 Corinthians. Gallio’s calm disregard of a beating that takes place in his presence suggests a hard-skinned, 158. In 18:14b Gallio’s response is formulated as a second-class (“contrary-to-fact” or “unreal”) conditional sentence. See Moule 1959a, 149; Smyth §§2298–2368; Dana and Mantey §§271–76. 159. See Stern 1:20–44, esp. 28 (no. 11); also Gager. 160. Juvenal, Sat. 14.96–106; see Stern 2:102–7 (no. 301). 161. See translation note f on 18:17. 162. They need not be the same person. The name Sosthenes is attested in literary sources, inscriptions, and papyri. One of the characters in Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitophon (5.17.6 passim), is named Sosthenes; see Diodorus S., Hist. 22.4 (a Macedonian general). See BDAG 985 s.v. Sōsthenēs.

356

Acts 18:18–23

insensitive Roman official who sharply contrasts with Statius’s description of him as “honey-tongued Gallio” (dulcem . .  . Gallionem).163 18:18–23 From Corinth to Ephesus via Caesarea, Jerusalem, Syrian Antioch, Galatia, and Phrygia The following temporal and geographical travelogue compresses hundreds of miles on sea and land that takes several months.164 It mainly functions as a literary transition to get Paul from Corinth to Ephesus, the most important city in the Roman province of Asia in Asia Minor, almost due east of Corinth across the Aegean. Ephesus will serve as the location for the next major panel of material (18:24–19:41; also 20:17–38). It poses many puzzling questions. Why does Paul need to travel to Syria? If his ultimate destination is Ephesus, why not remain there (18:19)? Once he lands at Caesarea Maritima, what church does he “go up to” and “greet” (v. 22)? A church in Caesarea is earlier attested (8:40; 10:44–48)? “Go up” suggests Jerusalem, although it is not mentioned in the text as his destination. And why travel to Syrian Antioch (18:22–23)? Does this suggest that Paul is still operating under the auspices and leadership of the church at Antioch, which has commissioned his initial mission into central Asia Minor (13:1–3)? Why does Luke devote so little attention to Paul’s edifying efforts in Galatia and Phrygia (18:23)? Is it scarcity of source material or literary selec­ tivity that leads him to devote more attention to Ephesus, the climactic stop in the “Aegean panel” (chs. 16–20)? The mention of numerous place names in this section may suggest that Luke has access to a travel itinerary that is skeletal rather than ample in narrative detail. As already noted earlier, in this section Luke draws no sharp distinction between the so-called second and third missionary journeys. Luke is literarily gifted enough to draw one stage of Paul’s activity to a close (as he does with the Miletus speech in ch. 20) or to inaugurate a new stage of the mission (as he does in 13:1–5). He does neither here. 18:18 After Paul remained for a while longer, he bade the brothers farewell

and sailed for Syria, and with him were Priscilla and Aquila. He did so after shaving his head in Cenchreae, for he had a vow.a 19 When they arrived in Ephesus, Paul left Priscilla and Aquila, entered the synagogue, and debated with the Jews. 20 Although they asked him to remain for a longer time, he did not consent. 21 Instead, he bade them farewell and said, “I will return to you again, God willing.”b He sailed from Ephesus

163. Statius, Silv. 2.7.32. 164. According to ORBIS, the overall journey (in spring and summer) reported in these verses would require at least 75–80 days, excluding time spent during stops. The whole distance is about 2,500 miles (over 4,000 km).

From Corinth to Ephesus via Caesarea 357

landed at Caesarea. After he had gone up and greeted the church,c he went down to Antioch. 23 After spending some time in Antioch, Paul departed and traveled through the region of Galatia and Phrygia—in that orderd—strengthening all the disciples. 22 and

a. In some MSS of the D-text tradition, it is Aquila who takes the vow at Cenchreae and shaves his head; in others, it is Priscilla and Aquila. Metzger 1998, 412. b. The D-text explains why Paul needed to go to Jerusalem: “for it is absolutely necessary for me to keep the coming fast [day] in Jerusalem.” This reading was retained in the TR, and thus appears in the KJV: “I must by all means keep this fast that cometh in Jerusalem.” Metzger 1998, 412. c. Gk. anabas kai aspasamenos tēn ekklēsian, probably the church in Jerusalem. d. Gk. kathexēs, possibly, “one place after the other.” See BDAG 490 s.v. kathexēs.

[18:18–23] “A while longer,” literally, “some days” (hēmeras hikanas), is a vague temporal marker, mainly indicating that Luke is ready to move on with his narrative. Situated on the Saronic Gulf some six miles (10 km) east of Corinth, Cenchreae (also spelled Kenchreai, modern Kechries) was a prosperous port city in which Apuleius (ca. 125–170 CE) locates Lucius’s initiation into the mysteries of Isis, after being transformed from an ass back into human form.165 We do not know how or when the “church in Cenchreae” (tēs ekklēsias tēs en Kenchreais), in which Phoebe served as a deacon (diakonos), originated, but it is surely a Pauline house church, if not in origin at least by influence (Rom 16:1–2). A hundred years after Paul was in Cenchreae, Pausanias (fl. ca. 150 CE) reports seeing there sanctuaries and images honoring various deities, including Aphrodite, Poseidon, Isis, and Asclepius.166 The only vow (euchēn) known to involve shaving the head (keiramenos . . . tēn kephalēn, Acts 18:18) is the Nazirite vow, whose protocols are described in Num 6:1–21.167 According to these regulations, a man or woman could take such a vow, which prohibited them from drinking wine or other intoxicants, cutting their hair, or touching a corpse. The vow did not require celibacy or isolation from other people. Although the vow was usually temporary, lasting about a month, some, most notably Samson (Judg 13:5, 7), Samuel (1 Sam 1:11, 22), and possibly John the Baptist (Luke 1:15), were lifelong Nazirites. Ordinarily a temporary Nazirite vow was concluded by shaving the head and offering a sacrifice (cf. Acts 21:23–24). The latter required one to be present in Jerusalem. Why Luke mentions this incidental detail at this point in the narrative is not 165. Apuleius, Gold. Ass 10.25–11.25. 166. Pausanias, Descr. Greece 2.2.3; on religion and society at Roman Kenchreai, see Rife. 167. See B. Schwartz. For rabbinic regulations pertaining to the Nazirite vow, see the Mishnah tractate Nazir and related materials in the Tosefta and both Talmuds.

358

Acts 18:18–23

clear. It implies that Paul has initiated a temporary vow during the final weeks of his stay in Corinth, but for what purpose? At the very least, even if this was not Luke’s primary reason for including it, Paul’s action demonstrates that his fidelity to torah could include exceptional levels of commitment, perhaps even “zeal for the law” (Phil 3:6). And since one’s presence in Jerusalem is required in order to complete a Nazirite vow, there are good grounds for specifying Jerusalem as the unnamed destination in 18:22. This brief stop in Ephesus, mentioned here for the first time in Acts (18:19),168 may be Luke’s way of implying that Paul is the founder of Ephesian Chris­tian­ ity.169 Reporting that Priscilla and Aquila remained in Ephesus (18:19) puts them in place for the Apollos episode (18:26). No converts to Paul’s preaching are mentioned, and his synagogue preaching meets no resistance; indeed, the Jews want him to stay longer (v. 20). The effect of Luke’s report is to present Paul as the first one to proclaim the gospel in Ephesus. Paul’s promise to return to the Ephesian Jews, “God willing” (tou theou thelontos), creates narrative expectations that are filled by his arrival there some months later (19:1). Located in a valley at the mouth of the Caÿster River, on the western coast of Asia Minor and at the intersection of major land routes, Ephesus was one of the leading cities in the Roman Empire.170 By the time Ephesus came under Roman rule in 133 BCE, it had already existed for centuries, its origins traceable to 1400–1300 BCE. The Roman province of Asia, which included roughly the western third of Asia Minor, was established in 126 BCE and reorganized by Augustus in 29 BCE, thereby paving the way for Ephesus to become the provincial administrative center. Gradually Ephesus overtook its rivals Miletus and Pergamum, and during the first century CE it achieved economic, political, and cultural dominance in the Aegean region. Strabo (64 BCE–21 CE) reports that Ephesus, “because of its advantageous situation in other respects, grows daily, and is the largest emporium in Asia this side of the Taurus [Mountains].”171 Philostratus (ca. 170–247 CE) praises Ephesus as a city “which grew in size beyond all other cities of Ionia and Lydia, and stretched herself out to the sea . . . [and] filled with studious people, both philosophers and rhetoricians, thanks to whom the city owes her strength, not to her cavalry, but to the tens of thousands of 168. Acts 18:19, 21, 24, 27 (v.l.); 19:1, 17, 26; 20:16–17; also 1 Cor 15:32; 16:8; Eph 1:1; 1 Tim 1:3; 2 Tim 1:18; 4:12; Rev 1:11; 2:1. Ephesians are mentioned in Acts 18:27 (v.l.); 19:28, 34, 35; 21:29. 169. Irenaeus (AH 3.3.4) claims that Paul founded the church in Ephesus. See Harnack 1908, 77. Barrett (1998, 2:886) is doubtful: “It must be concluded that there was a pre-Pauline church in Ephesus.” On the diversity of Christian groups in Ephesus in the late first century CE, see Koester 1971, 154–55. 170. See Calder, Cook, Roueché, and Spawforth; Oster 1976; 1990; and 1992; Trebilco 1991; and 2004; Friesen 1993; Koester 1995b; Shauf 127–36. 171. Strabo, Geog. 14.1.24 (he treats Ephesus in 14.1.20–25).

From Corinth to Ephesus via Caesarea 359

her inhabitants in whom she encourages wisdom.”172 Its estimated population during the Roman period was 200,000–250,000, thus exceeded in size only by Alexandria and Rome.173 A city this size could be expected to have numerous temples and shrines honoring a variety of deities. Besides having cults honoring Zeus, Apollo, Asclepius, Dionysus, Demeter, and Kore, Ephesus also attracted cults honoring foreign deities, including the Egyptian deities Sarapis, Isis, and Anubis. Among its most notable deities was Artemis Ephesia (Diana Ephesia), whose monumental temple, the Artemision (Greek form; Latin: Artemisium), underwent several iterations during its 1,200-year history, the fifth of which was in place during Paul’s visit.174 In the late first century CE, the Cult of the Sebastoi (Cult of the Emperors [Venerable Ones]) was formally established in Ephesus under the auspices of Domitian (81–96 CE), an honor that had already been shared by other cities in the region, including Pergamum, Smyrna, and Miletus.175 No firm archaeological evidence exists for a synagogue in Ephesus during the mid-first century CE, although there is ample literary evidence for Jewish presence in the city and the region.176 According to Luke’s narrative chronology, followers of Jesus have already found their way to Caesarea. Philip has traveled there after preaching to the Ethiopian eunuch (8:40), which anticipates Luke’s report in 21:8–10 that Caesarea is the home of Philip the evangelist and his four unmarried prophetess daughters, who host Paul and his companions. However minimal Christian presence might have been in Caesarea at the time of Philip’s first trip there, the conversion of Cornelius and his household in Acts 10–11 enlarges the number. It is uncertain whether Luke’s report of the gospel’s progress in 12:24, occurring after Herod’s death in Caesarea, implies further strengthening of the church there. Attention to Caesarea later in the narrative focuses mainly on Paul’s trials (chs. 23–26), without any mention of the Christian community there. Why Luke fails to specify which church Paul greets after his arrival in Caesarea is puzzling (18:22). By reporting Paul’s trip to Syrian Antioch and a short stay there (v. 22), Luke brings him back to what, for all practical purposes, is his patron church (13:1–3).177 But this stop also puts Paul in place to travel through the interior of 172. Philostratus, Life Apollon. T. 8.7.8. 173. Oster 1976, 24 n. 2; Trebilco 2004, 17. 174. See comments at 19:23. 175. On the cult of the emperors, see Klauck 2003, 250–330, esp. 309–10 on Domitian. 176. See Philo, Emb. Gaius 315; Josephus, Ant. 12.125–128; 14.223–230, 234, 240, 262–264; 16.27–30, 59–60, 162–165, 167–168, 172–173; Ag. Ap. 2.38–39. See Runesson et al. 135–39 (nos. 104–8); Schürer 3.1:22–23; Shauf 132–33; and Trebilco 2004, esp. 37–51, for a detailed review of literary and inscriptional evidence relating to Jewish presence in Ephesus. 177. Luke does not mention Paul’s tumultuous meeting with Peter in Antioch reported in Gal 2:11–14, nor its implications for Paul’s relationship with the church at Antioch. Some see this meeting as the final straw that resulted in Paul’s breaking with the Antioch church and his decision to focus his mission efforts in the Aegean region. See Dunn 1993, 130–31.

360

Acts 18:24–19:41

Asia Minor, Galatia and Phrygia in particular, to strengthen the churches whose earlier establishment had been reported in chapters 13–14. 18:24–19:41 Ephesus By far the longest, most detailed, and dramatic of the reports comprising the Aegean mission section (chs. 16–20), the Ephesus panel consists of two preliminary sections, the first relating to the arrival of Apollos in Ephesus and his receiving further instruction by Priscilla and Aquila (18:24–28), the second reporting Paul’s instruction and baptism of twelve followers of John the Baptist (19:1–7). Then follows a rehearsal of Paul’s two-to-three-year preaching ministry in Ephesus, beginning with a brief summary of his first two years, which included, as usual, his preaching in the synagogue, encountering stiff resistance, then moving to another location (19:8–10). A pair of episodes illustrating Paul’s thaumaturgic powers comes next: vanquishing some Jewish exorcists, the seven sons of Sceva, followed by a public bonfire of magic recipe books (19:11–20). After a brief mention of Paul’s anticipated travel plans (19:21–22), Luke gives an unforgettably vivid report of the controversy related to Demetrius the silversmith (19:23–27), which triggers a city riot that ends in the riveting theater scene in which the gospel brings the entire city to a standstill and Paul once again is vindicated before Roman authorities (19:28–41).178 18:24–28 Apollos Instructed by Priscilla and Aquila Now there arrived in Ephesus a certain Jew named Apollos, a native of Alexandria, who was an eloquent man.a He was an impressive interpreter of the Scriptures.b 25 This man had been instructed in the Way of the Lord;c he was fired by the Spirit when he spoke,d and he gave reliable instruction in matters relating to Jesuse although he knew only the baptism of John. 26 He started speaking boldly in the synagogue, but when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they took him aside and explained to him more accurately the Way [of God].f 27 When he expressed a desire to go over into Achaia, the brothers encouraged him and wrote to the disciples to welcome him. When Apollos arrived, he rendered great assistance to those who had become believers in response to God’s grace,g 28 for he engaged in spirited disputation with the Jews—and did so publiclyh— using the Scriptures to show that Jesus was the Messiah.i 18:24

a. Gk. anēr logios, possibly “learned or cultured man.” See BDAG 598 s.v. logios. b. Lit., “being powerful in the Scriptures” (dynatos ōn en tais graphais). 178. On the literary structure of 18:24–19:41, see Shauf 141–44.

Apollos Instructed by Priscilla and Aquila 361 c. The D-text specifies that Apollos’s Christian instruction had occurred in Alexandria: “[Apollos], who had been instructed in his homeland in the word of the Lord” (hos ēn katēchēmenos en tē patridi ton logon tou kyriou). Metzger 1998, 413. d. Lit., “being excited [on fire] [in/with] the Spirit he was speaking” (zeōn tō pneumati elalei). BDAG 426 s.v. zeō: “with fervent zeal (he spoke),” thus, perhaps “he was fired with enthusiasm when he spoke”; Barrett 1994–98, 2:883: “was fervent in the Spirit as he spoke.” e. Lit., “he was teaching accurately the things concerning Jesus” (edidasken akribōs ta peri tou Iēsou). f. Placing “of God” in square brackets follows NA28 tēn hodon [tou theou], which is read (without brackets) in ∏74 Å A B 33. 614. 1175 vg. The unmodified form tēn hodon is read in D gig. “The word of the Lord” (ton logon tou kyriou) is read in 323. 945. 1739. 1891. “The way of the Lord” (tēn hodon tou kyriou) is read in E 1505. 2818 vgcl syp. The editorial decision to enclose “of God” in square brackets was influenced by Luke’s typical use of the unmodified expression “the Way” (Acts 9:2; 19:9, 23; 22:4; 24:14, 22) and the recognition that the D-text may contain the better reading. See Metzger 1998, 414. g. Lit., “to those having believed through the grace” (tois pepisteukosin dia tēs charitos). The D-text of 18:27 provides a fuller explanation for Apollos’s decision to go to Corinth: “Now there were some Corinthians staying in Ephesus, and when they heard [Apollos], they encouraged him to come with them to their homeland; and when he agreed, the Ephesians wrote to the disciples in Corinth so that they would receive the man.” See Metzger 1998, 414–15. h. Lit., “for he vigorously confuted the Jews in public” (eutonōs gar tois Ioudaiois diakatēlencheto dēmosia). i. Lit., “demonstrating through the Scriptures that the Messiah is Jesus” (epideiknys dia tōn graphōn einai ton christon Iēsoun).

[18:24–28] Apollos (Apollōs) is prominently mentioned in 1 Corinthans as Paul’s coworker who coordinated the second phase of ministry in the Corinthian church (1  Cor 3:5–6; 4:6) and to whom one group in the church was especially loyal (1 Cor 1:12; 3:4, 22).179 At the time Paul was writing 1 Corinthians, Apollos was with Paul, probably in Ephesus, unwilling to travel to Corinth (1 Cor 16:12). He is also associated with Paul’s later mission (Titus 3:13). The report of Apollos’s presence in Corinth in Acts 19:1 confirms what is reported in the chronologically earlier references to Apollos in 1 Corinthians—that Apollos was Paul’s ministerial successor in Corinth. By reporting Apollos’s time in Ephesus before his arrival in Corinth, Acts 18:24–28 provides a valuable supplement to what we know about him from the Pauline Letters. 179. The name Apollos (Apollōs), which occurs frequently in ancient papyri, is a shortened form of Apollonius (Apollōnios), and also possibly short for Apollodorus (Apollodōrus) or Apollonides (Apollōnidēs). See BDAG 116 s.v. Apollōs. In some MSS (Å*, several minuscules, and some versions), his name is given as Apellēs, considered by Kilpatrick to be the original reading, which scribes later assimilated to the Apollōs known from 1 Corinthians; see Metzger 1998, 412–13.

362

Acts 18:24–28

That Apollos was a Jew from Alexandria (v. 24) possibly reflects Luke’s awareness of the antiquity, numerical strength, and high visibility of the Jewish community in Egypt, especially in Alexandria.180 By the time Luke wrote Acts, the reputation of Philo (ca. 20 BCE–50 CE), one of the most celebrated Jews of Alexandria, was well established.181 Renowned for its famous library, Alexandria could take credit for producing some of the foremost literary figures and thinkers of the Hellenistic period, including Callimachus, credited with some 800 works, and his pupil Eratosthenes.182 One of the most notable achievements linked with Alexandria was the Greek translation of the Jewish Scriptures, memorably recorded in the Letter of Aristeas, which was composed sometime around the second century BCE.183 Given the rich scholarly tradition associated with Alexandria, in particular its interest in textual studies of classical texts such as Homer’s Iliad and in the cataloging of literary texts, an Alexandrian with a reputation for rhetorical eloquence—or if the alternative meaning of logios is adopted, for being learned and cultured—would be an easily recognizable and plausible character to introduce into a narrative about Ephesus. Similarly, that Apollos could be well versed in the Scriptures is a claim that resonates with traditions linking Alexandria with the origin of the Greek OT. The expression “the Way of the Lord,” an amplified form of “the Way,” the shorthand expression Luke uses to designate the Jesus movement,184 occurs only here in the NT in this precise form (with an article modifying both “way” and “Lord”). It doubtlessly refers to “teaching relating to Jesus and God’s purpose,”185 since verse 25 reports that Apollos “taught accurately the things concerning Jesus.”186 Although we are not told when and where Apollos learned about Jesus (and John the Baptist), the use of the periphrastic, here with the force of a pluperfect (ēn katēchēmenos, “had been instructed”), invites 180. See Fraser 1:54–58, and esp. 1:687–716, on “Jewish-Alexandrian Literature”; Schürer 3.1:38–60; Smallwood 220–56, “The Jews in Egypt and Alexandria”; and Barclay 19–228, “The Diaspora in Egypt.” 181. Barclay 158–80. 182. Fraser 1:447–79. 183. See Barclay 138–50, 445. The story of translating the Septuagint is also reported in Philo, Mos. 2.25–44; Josephus, Ant. 12.11–118; Ag. Ap. 2.45–47. On the Septuagint, see Hengel 2001; Jobes and Silva. 184. See earlier discussion at 9:2 and references cited there. 185. BDAG 692 s.v. hodos 3.c. 186. The “way of the Lord” mentioned in Isa 40:3, which is quoted by all four evangelists (Mark 1:3 || Matt 3:3 || Luke 3:4 || John 1:23) with reference to John the Baptist, probably has a double sense. In the Isaianic context, the prophet is preparing the way of YHWH; but in the Gospels, John the Baptist acts as YHWH’s duly appointed agent (cf. Luke 1:76; 7:27) and also is the one who prepares the way for Jesus the Messiah (and Lord). Elsewhere in the Gospels, Jesus’s critics acknowledge him as someone who teaches “the way of God in accordance with the truth” (Mark 12:14 || Matt 22:16 || Luke 20:21); cf. Acts 13:10; also Jesus’s claim to be “the way” in John 14:6.

Apollos Instructed by Priscilla and Aquila 363

us to imagine a previous period of instruction in Alexandria.187 If so, this suggests that Christianity spread to Egypt quite early. Apollos’s Spirit-inspired speech (v. 25) places him in the prophetic tradition of Jesus (Luke 4:17–21), the apostles (Acts 2:4), Peter (4:8; passim), Stephen (6:5, 10; 7:55), and Paul (13:9). The synagogue in which Apollos preaches is presumably the same one in which Paul has spoken earlier (18:19). By characterizing Apollos as “speaking boldly” (parrhēsiazesthai, v. 26) in the synagogue, Luke aligns him with Paul’s tradition of preaching to Jews about Jesus.188 This also implies Christian missionary activity other than Paul’s in diaspora synagogues. That Priscilla and Aquila would be in Ephesus and listening to Apollos speak in the synagogue is reasonable, since they remained in Ephesus after Paul departed for Caesarea (18:22). The “Way of God” (v. 26) should be understood as an alternative expression for “the Way of the Lord” (v. 25). Implied is more detailed instruction by Priscilla and Aquila about Jesus’s life and teachings, knowledge gained from their extended experience as Paul’s coworkers in Corinth (18:2–3). Since Priscilla and Aquila have previously been in Corinth, which is in Achaia (18:12), Apollos’s desire to go there to strengthen the church is an understandable impulse.189 The use of letters of recommendation (v. 27) among Pauline churches is part of a well-established tradition of letter writing in antiquity.190 Verses 27b–28 provide valuable information about the second phase of Christian ministry in the Corinthian church. Their conversion “through grace” sounds a Lukan note but also echoes Pauline soteriology.191 By debating with Jews while using Scripture to prove Jesus’s messiahship, Apollos continues Paul’s earlier practice (18:5–7). That these disputations were conducted publicly recalls Paul’s earlier exclusion from the synagogue (18:7). If Titius Justus’s house is not the venue, we should probably imagine some open space, such as the agora, or one of the busy streets, such as the mile-long Lechaion Road, running north from Corinth to the port on the Gulf of Corinth. This episode about Apollos is brief but illuminating in several ways. First, it offers intriguing information about the origin of Christianity in Ephesus. Mention of “the brothers” in 18:27 clearly points to some Christian presence in Ephesus, however minimal or embryonic. It seems improbable that these “brothers” are converts from Paul’s brief preaching visit to the synagogue in 187. See translation note c on v. 25. 188. See Acts 9:27–28; 13:46; 14:3; 19:8; 26:26; cf. Eph 6:19–20; 1 Thess 2:2. 189. See the amplified explanation in the D-text and the translation note g on v. 27. 190. The practice is attested in Rom 16:1–2; 1 Cor 16:3; 2 Cor 3:1; Col 4:10. See Kim; Stowers 1986, esp. 153–65, “Letters of Mediation,” with an extensive catalog of primary references (165), including Cicero’s Letters to Friends, book 13, which contains many examples; and Malherbe 2014a, 1:76–80. 191. See, e.g., Acts 15:11, 40; 1 Cor 1:4; 16:23; cf. Rom 3:24; 5:2.

364

Acts 19:1–7

18:19–20.192 If not, they would presumably predate the visit to Ephesus by Paul,

Aquila, and Priscilla, or somehow be independent of them. Second, the Apollos episode is also illuminating for how it portrays the existence of Christian movements or traditions that are independent of Peter and Paul, or of apostolic Christianity as understood by Luke. From what Luke reports, we can surmise that in some other location, such as Alexandria or somewhere else, perhaps even in Ephesus, Apollos has learned about Jesus and John the Baptist. Whether Apollos “began to speak boldly in the synagogue” (v. 26 NRSV) as a representative of a Christian community in Ephesus is unclear. Whether he is a Christian or not, he is presented as conducting a preaching mission in the synagogue independently of Paul and his coworkers. A third insight is what this passage shows or implies about how the early church, and Pauline Christianity in particular, deals with cases of “imperfect knowledge,” or how independent streams of Christianity are brought into the mainstream of apostolic Christianity. In this instance, the issue is an incomplete understanding of Christian baptism. From Acts 1:4–5 and 11:16, we are already prepared to deduce what “knowing only the baptism of John” means: it is a baptism requiring repentance and perhaps expectation of a coming Messiah, but not administered explicitly “in the name of Jesus” and thus not a means through which one receives the “gift of the Holy Spirit” (Acts 2:38). Since Apollos is neither “baptized in the name of Jesus” (as later are some twelve disciples of John, 19:1–7), nor receives the gift of the Holy Spirit through the laying on of hands (as later do the twelve, 19:6; or as earlier did the Samaritans, 8:16–17), we can assume that Priscilla and Aquila’s more accurate exposition (18:26) consists only of additional instruction. His “imperfect knowledge” is thus completed without a more perfectly administered initiation rite. Additional catechesis alone is thus seen as one way of incorporating independent streams of Christianity into the (Pauline) mainstream. Finally, although the primary focus is Ephesus, we also learn how a Pauline church (in Corinth) enters its second phase under the leadership of another teacher. A Christian teacher duly corrected by members of the Pauline circle is recommended by one group of Christians (in Ephesus) to another (in Corinth), and Paul’s successor continues to do precisely what Paul did when he was there (v. 28). 19:1–7 Paul Arrives in Ephesus and Baptizes Twelve Disciples of John Now it happened that while Apollos was in Corinth, Paul traveled through the interior regionsa and arrived at Ephesus,b where he found

19:1

192. It differs from other instances when Paul’s synagogue preaching produced converts, e.g., Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:48, 52), Iconium (14:1), Philippi (16:13–15), Thessalonica (17:4), Beroea (17:12), and Corinth (18:8).

Paul Arrives in Ephesus and Baptizes Twelve Disciples of John 365

some disciples.c 2 And he said to them, “Did you receive the Holy Spirit when you became believers?” They said to him, “No! We did not even hear that there is a Holy Spirit!” 3 He said, “So, what kind of baptism did you receive?”d They said, “John’s baptism.”e 4 Then Paul said, “John baptized with a baptism of repentance, telling the people that they should put their faith in the one coming after him, that is, in Jesus.” 5 Now when they heard this, they were baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus.f 6 When Paul placed his hands on them, the Holy Spirit came upon them, and they started speaking in tongues and prophesying.g 7 Now there were about twelve men in the group. a. Lit., “the upper [i.e., inland] regions” or “upper parts” (ta anōterika merē), perhaps a colloquial expression for “up country” or “the hinterland,” previously specified as Galatia and Phrygia (18:23). See BDAG 92 s.v. anōterikos; also BegC 4:236, noting possible routes implied by Luke’s ambiguous language. b. Lit., “came down to Ephesus” (katelthein eis Epheson), or, according to B L lat, “came to Ephesus” (elthein eis Epheson). c. The D-text of 19:1 omits the opening phrase about Apollos and reads, “Although Paul according to his own preference wanted to go to Jerusalem, the Spirit told him to return to Asia. So after traveling through the upper districts, he comes to Ephesus.” Since the D-text of 18:23 also reports Paul’s departure from Syrian Antioch and his travels westward through Galatia and Phrygia, the implied location (in D of 19:1) from which Paul wants to proceed to Jerusalem is not clear. The reading would make more sense if it were related to the description of Paul’s movements in 18:21–22, but even then it is still puzzling (see Fitzmyer 642). In spite of this geographical confusion, however, it is striking that D emphasizes the Holy Spirit’s role in the Pauline mission in Asia/Ephesus. Perhaps this was prompted by the reference to “if God wills” in 18:21. By accenting the Spirit’s role, D emphatically confirms that the Ephesian mission is divinely willed. Generally, the grammar of 19:1–2 in D is better than that of the Alexandrian text. See Metzger 1998, 415–16. d. Lit., “Into what, then, were you baptized?” (eis ti oun ebaptisthēte?); or “In whose name were you baptized?” See v. 5; also BDAG 164–65 s.v. baptizō. e. Lit., “into John’s baptism” (eis to Iōannou baptisma). f. As is typical of the D-text, the christological name is expanded to read “the Lord Jesus Christ”; D also adds “for the remission of sins” (eis aphesin hamartiōn), thereby conforming to Pentecost (2:38). It is a redundant addition, however, since it was widely known that John’s baptism was for remission of sins (Luke 3:3). Metzger 1998, 416. g. The D-text reads “the Holy Spirit immediately fell upon [eutheōs epepesen] them,” probably reflecting the language of 10:44; 11:15. In other D-text witnesses the wording is amplified with language drawn from Acts 2 and 1 Cor 14. See Metzger 1998, 416.

[19:1–7] Weeks, possibly a few months, of travel are compressed into the transitional opening verse,193 which resumes Paul’s movements last reported in 193. According to ORBIS, the fastest journey by land in any season from Syrian Antioch to Ephesus would take 37 days, covering about 650 miles (1,046 km).

366

Acts 19:1–7

18:23, while also supplying his destination. Earlier a brief stopover (18:19–21), Ephesus now becomes the stage on which the dramatic events of chapter 19 are performed. Paul’s arrival in Ephesus fulfills the Ephesian Jews’ hope that he will return (18:20), thereby proving that his protracted mission in Ephesus is indeed God’s will (18:21). Since “disciples” (mathētas, 19:1) in Acts refers to followers of Jesus,194 that must be its meaning here, a conclusion reinforced by “when you became believers” (pisteusantes, v. 2).195 The interchange in verse 2 assumes that the Holy Spirit is the defining mark of Christian identity, a benefit connected with baptism, both key elements of Lukan and Pauline theology.196 Paul’s description of John’s baptism (v. 4) confirms the Gospel tradition, in which repentance, a radical change of life, is a defining theme of his preaching and a precondition for undergoing baptismal initiation through which one experiences forgiveness of sins and becomes part of the Baptist movement.197 While John spoke of “the one coming after me,”198 and his disciples queried Jesus whether he was “the one who is to come,”199 the Gospel tradition does not portray John as requiring his disciples to place their faith in “the coming one,” although this is probably implied.200 The surprisingly vague “about twelve men” (v. 7) may reflect the imprecise quality of Luke’s source. While some see symbolic connections with the Twelve (apostles), who also “spoke in (other) tongues” and engaged in prophetic speech at Pentecost (2:4), this seems a stretch. Baptism “into the name of the Lord Jesus” brings the ambiguous dozen into full conformity with previously reported conversions.201 Paul’s conferral of the Holy Spirit through the laying on of hands (v. 6) mimics the apostolic action of Peter and John, who transmitted the Holy Spirit to the Samaritans the same way (8:15–17). The twin manifestation of glossolalia and prophetic speech, as at Pentecost, gives audible (and presumably visible) proof of the effectiveness of Paul’s ritual action and 194. See Acts 6:1–2, 7; 9:1, 10, 19, 25–26, 38; 11:26, 29; 13:52; 14:20, 22, 28; 15:10; 16:1; 18:23, 27; 19:1, 9, 30; 20:1, 30; 21:4, 16; similarly, the Gospel of Luke, although not exclusively, e.g., when referring to the disciples of John the Baptist (Luke 5:33; 7:18; 11:1). See Shauf 107, 146–49. 195. For “believe” (pisteuō), “the ones believing” (hoi pisteuontes), or similar expressions in Acts for followers of Jesus, see, e.g., Acts 2:44; 4:4, 32; 5:14; 8:12–13 (37); 9:42; 10:43; etc. 196. For Luke, see, e.g., Acts 2:38; for Paul, see 1 Cor 12:13; Rom 8:9. 197. For these elements as they relate to John’s baptism, see Luke 3:1–17 || Mark 1:1–8 || Matt 3:1–12; on John’s baptism generally, see Luke 7:29; 20:4; Acts 1:5, 22; 10:37; 11:16; 18:25; 19:3. 198. Luke 3:16 || Mark 1:7 || Matt 3:11 || John 1:15, 26–27. 199. Luke 7:19 || Matt 11:3. 200. Another set of Gospel passages portrays Jesus as the fulfillment of Ps 118:26, “Blessed is the one who comes in the name of the Lord.” For its use in the “triumphal entry,” see Luke 19:38 || Mark 11:9 || Matt 21:9 || John 12:13; also Luke 13:35 || Matt 23:39. 201. Most notably, the Pentecost believers (Acts 2:38), the Samaritans (8:16), and Cornelius and his household (10:48). Cf. Matt 28:19.

Paul Arrives in Ephesus and Baptizes Twelve Disciples of John 367

incontestably authenticates their experience, as was the case with Cornelius (10:46–47).202 Why Luke devotes precious papyrus space to this puzzling incident is unclear.203 Thematically it is linked with the Apollos episode (18:24–28) by their common focus on John’s baptism (18:25; 19:3–4) and their location in Ephesus (18:24; 19:1).204 Perhaps Luke’s source contained this pair of incidents as part of the overall account of Paul’s Ephesian ministry. They may have been two stories that existed separately as part of the Ephesian church’s lore, which Luke decided to join together and use as two “opening acts” to introduce Paul’s formal period of ministry. As cryptic and elusive as they are, these twin episodes suggest that John the Baptist’s sphere of influence extended well beyond Judea, the region with which he is associated in the Gospel tradition. They also invite us to imagine clusters of John’s disciples, even identifiable, self-styled Baptist communities, in major urban centers such as Ephesus and possibly Alexandria.205 Rather than imagining these people as free-floating and independent, it would not be implausible to think of them as attached to, or even an integral part of, Jewish synagogues.206 Followers of John the Baptist would, after all, be predominantly Jewish, if not exclusively so, and if their travels took them into the diaspora, they, like Paul and his companions, would have sought out synagogues as their most natural worshiping community, however radical their messianic or eschatological views might have been. But these two stories also suggest that Luke sees devotees of John the Baptist or persons like Apollos, with a mixture of elementary knowledge about Jesus and John the Baptist, as rival groups that must be mainstreamed into (Pauline) Christianity, though not necessarily in the same way. The precise method of mainstreaming would be decided on a case-by-case basis, but the sine qua non of full-fledged identification with the Jesus movement as represented by Paul, and by his notable predecessor Peter, is baptism in the name, meaning under the authority, of Jesus Christ, and its defining experiential component, the reception of the Holy Spirit that is evident in some palpable manner, such as glossolalia, prophetic or ecstatic speech, or some concrete expression of ethical behavior, such as generosity reflected in care for the poor. Luke’s account also implies that, by the mid-50s, especially in large cities such as Ephesus, yet also probably 202. It might be asked whether Luke distinguishes sharply between glossolalia and prophetic speech, as Paul does in 1 Cor 12:10; 1 Cor 14. His use of te . . . kai in the formulation elaloun te glōssais kai eprophēteuon (Acts 19:6) suggests that he sees them as discrete, though closely related, activities. See Smyth §2974. 203. See Shauf 106. 204. If 18:25 is rendered “fervent in the Spirit” (KJV), this surfaces another common motif (cf. 19:2, 6). 205. See W. Knox 1925, 307. 206. See W. Knox 1948, 88 n. 1.

368

Acts 19:8–10

elsewhere in the diaspora, what he regards as apostolic or “orthodox” Christianity, exemplified by Peter and Paul, also by Philip, Stephen, and others, would occasionally encounter various strands of belief and practice. These strands, mostly traceable to the earlier period in which John the Baptist and Jesus were the defining figures, in some sense constituted “fringe groups,” and according to Luke, these variant streams can (and should) be incorporated into a single stream or tradition whose core beliefs are contained in the missionary sermons of Acts.207 19:8–10 Paul’s Ministry in Ephesus Now Paul entered the synagogue, where he spoke boldlya for three months, conducting discussions in which he argued persuasively about the kingdom of God.b 9 Now as some became resistantc and remained unconvinced,d when they started maligninge the Way in front of the whole group, Paul withdrew from them,f took his disciples, and began conducting daily discussionsg in the school of Tyrannus.h 10 This went on for two years. As a result, everyone living in Asia—Jews as well as Greeks—heard the word of the Lord. 19:8

a. Lit., “he was speaking boldly” (eparrhēsiazeto), i.e., engaging in speech characterized by parrhēsia (courage, outspokenness, or fearlessness). See BDAG 782 s.v. parrhēsiazomai. b. Lit., “discussing and persuading [things] concerning the kingdom of God” (dia­ leg­omenos kai peithōn [ta] peri tēs basileias tou theou). c. Lit., “became hardened” (esklērynonto). d. Gk. ēpeithoun, “they were disbelieving,” or perhaps (conforming to more established usage) “they were disobedient,” i.e., refused the invitation to the kingdom of God. e. Lit., “speaking evil of” (kakologountes). f. Alternatively, “when they started maligning the Way, Paul withdrew from them in front of the whole group.” g. Lit., “day-by-day debating [or, arguing]” (kath’ hēmeran dialegomenos). h. The D-text adds that Paul’s instruction occurred “from the fifth to the tenth hour” (apo hōras pemptēs heōs dekatēs), i.e., the middle (heat) of the day, from roughly 11:00 a.m. until 4:00 p.m., the time set aside for the midday meal and nap. For academic instruction in the morning, see Martial, Epig. 9.68; 12.57; Juvenal, Sat. 7.222–224. For the fifth hour as the time to break from morning work, see Martial, Epig. 4.8. Also see BegC 4:239; Metzger 1998, 417.

[19:8–10] Paul’s synagogue visit here fulfills the expectation of 18:19–20, yet it also conforms to his standard missionary practice.208 “Speaking boldly” 207. Cf. John 3:23, 26–30. On the role of John the Baptist in Mandaeism, see Rudolph. 208. On Paul’s practice of preaching in synagogues, see comments on 9:20 and references in the footnotes.

Paul’s Ministry in Ephesus 369

(eparrhēsiazeto, v. 8) characterizes early Christian discourse in Acts and echoes Paul’s own description of his missionary preaching (1 Thess 2:2), which resonates with the well-established tradition of the philosopher’s freedom of speech.209 “Arguing” (dialegomenos) and “persuading” (peithōn) should not be sharply distinguished, although the former suggests a particular form of speech, while the latter describes its quality: he was offering persuasive arguments.210 In Acts, “kingdom of God” can have a specifically eschatological sense (14:22), but it typically describes the content of early Christian preaching.211 Compared with Paul’s earlier synagogue preaching, three months is a fairly long time (cf. 18:4–6) and may signal a significant level of openness to the gospel (cf. 18:20). The shift from initial receptivity to outright resistance (19:9) is reminiscent of Jesus’s experience at the Nazareth Inaugural (Luke 4:16–30). “The Way” (19:9) may signal the thematic focus of Paul’s synagogue preaching; the Way relates to Jesus of Nazareth and his teachings about urgent ethical demands required to prepare for the coming judgment.212 “His disciples” (v. 9) are presumably converts won during his three months of synagogue preaching, although they may include the roughly “twelve men” earlier catechized (19:1–6) and even “the brothers” mentioned in 18:27. “School” translates scholē, used only here in the NT. The term may refer to a space or building (“lecture hall,” NRSV) yet is understood here not only as the place where teachers and pupils meet, but also as the people who gather for instruction and, by extension, the tradition or institution that develops around a teacher.213 Tyrannus is otherwise unknown, either as a teacher of philosophy and rhetoric or as the owner of a building used for lectures and academic instruction.214 “Daily discussions” (kath’ hēmeran dialegomenos) suggests more continuous, intense teaching activity than weekly Sabbath appearances at the synagogue. The “two years” (19:10) should be understood in addition to the 209. In Acts the following engage in bold speech: Peter (2:29), Peter and John (4:13, 29), the early church (4:31), Paul (9:27–29; 19:8; 26:26; 28:31), and Paul and Barnabas (13:46; 14:3). On Paul’s self-understanding, see Malherbe 2014a, 2:177–78, noting Dio Chrysostom’s description of the ideal Cynic (Or. 32.7–11). 210. See discussion of dialegomai at 17:2; Shauf 163. 211. “Kingdom of God” is so used by the risen Lord (Acts 1:3), Philip (8:12), and Paul (19:8; 20:25; 28:23, 31) and occasionally occurs as a motif in the Pauline Letters, but not as a shorthand expression for the content of his missionary preaching (1 Thess 2:12; Gal 5:21; 1 Cor 4:20; 6:9–10; 15:24, 50; Rom 14:17). 212. See references to “the Way” at 9:2. 213. Here I follow NewDocs 1:129–30 (no. 82), which notes the relative infrequency of scholē used to designate the place of instruction, such as a classroom or lecture hall (e.g., Plutarch, Listen. Lect. 8 [Mor. 42A]). For the broader sense, see Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Lit. Comp. 1, 17; Demosth. 44; Plutarch, Exile 14 (Mor. 605A); Alex. 7.3 (668); Josephus, Ag. Ap. 1.53; Epictetus, Disc. 1.29.34. See BDAG 982 s.v. scholē. 214. See BDAG 1020–21 s.v. Tyrannos. The name is attested elsewhere, e.g., Josephus, J.W. 1.527; Ant. 16.314, 327.

370

Acts 19:11–17

previous three months of instruction in the synagogue (cf. 20:31). “Everyone living in Asia,” meaning both Jews and Greeks throughout the entire province, although hyperbolic, underscores the widespread impact of Paul’s teaching.215 19:11–17 Paul’s Healing Miracles and the Seven Sons of Sceva And God was working extraordinary miracles through the hands of Paul.a 12 As a result, pieces of cloth or towelsb that had touched Paul’s skinc were brought to those who were sick, and they were healed of both their physical and mental diseases.d 13 Now some wandering Jewish exorcists tried to pronounce the name of the Lord Jesus over those with mental disorders.e They said, “I adjure you by the Jesus whom Paul preaches.”f 14 Now seven sons of a certain Jewish high priest named Sceva were doing this.g 15 The evil spirit replied, saying to them, “Jesus I know, and Paul I am acquainted with; but who are you?” 16 Then the man with the evil spirit jumped on them and, by pinning them all down,h so overpowered them that they fled from that house strippedi and wounded. 17 This became known to all the Jews and gentiles living in Ephesus. Fear gripped everyone,j and the name of the Lord Jesus began to receive increased attention.k 19:11

a. Lit., “and no ordinary powers was God doing through the hands of Paul” (dynameis te ou tas tychousas ho theos epoiei dia tōn cheirōn Paulou). b. It is unclear what is meant by “pieces of cloth or towels” (soudaria ē simikinthia), possibly “handkerchiefs or aprons” (KJV, NRSV), “kerchiefs and handkerchiefs” (BegC 4:239–40), or even “sweatbands and sweatcloths” (Barrett 1994–98, 2:900). Rather than a piece of Paul’s clothing, we should imagine a piece of cloth of some kind. The pieces of cloth (soudaria) may be facecloths for wiping perspiration, while the towels (simikinthia) are possibly bandages of some kind, or perhaps workers’ aprons. This is one of four NT occurrences of soudarion (see Luke 19:20; John 11:44; 20:7). Simikinthion occurs only here in the NT. c. Lit., “from his skin” (apo tou chrōtos autou), i.e., that had touched his body. d. Lit., “their diseases left them, and the evil spirits departed” (apallassesthai ap’ autōn tas nosous, ta te pneumata ta ponēra ekporeuesthai). Here I follow the translation of Rieu. e. Lit., “over those having evil spirits” (epi tous echontas ta pneumata ta ponēra). f. Gk. horkizō hymas ton Iēsoun hon Paulos kērussei. The pl. hymas indicates that the exorcists are addressing the evil spirits as a group. 215. Considering the geographical extent of the province of Asia, some have plausibly suggested that this is the time when the gospel reached the Lycus Valley, resulting in the founding of churches in Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis through the efforts of Pauline coworkers Epaphras and Tychicus (see Col 1:7–8; 2:1; 4:7, 12–14). On the geographical extent of Asia, see the earlier discussion at 16:6. For “Jews and Greeks,” see the remarks at 14:1 above.

Paul’s Healing Miracles and the Seven Sons of Sceva 371 g. The D-text of 19:14 reads: “In this situation, the sons of Sceva, a certain priest, wanted to do the same—they were in the habit of exorcising such people. As they went into the house of the demon-possessed person, they began to call upon the name, saying, ‘We command you, by Jesus whom Paul preaches, to go out’” (LDT). Several changes here are worth noting: (1) Sceva is not identified as Jewish; (2) he is a “priest,” not a “high priest”; and (3) the number of sons is unspecified (except in syrhmg, which retains “seven”). With these changes Sceva could conceivably be seen as a priest of some pagan cult in the region, a position some have argued for. It is worth noting, however, that the D-text retains the reference to itinerant Jewish exorcists in v. 13. See Metzger 1998, 417–18; Shauf 225–26. h. Lit., “having overpowered both, he gained control over them” (katakyrieusas amphoterōn ischysen kat’ autōn). “Both” (amphoterōn), taken literally, implies that only two brothers are defeated. This adds to the confusion of the story: Are there two brothers or seven? Are there seven, only two of which are overpowered? etc. Seeing the problem, some manuscripts (L Ψ 323. 945. 1241. 1739) read “them” (autōn) instead of “both” (amphoterōn). My translation here follows BDAG 55 s.v. amphoteroi, “all, even when more than two are involved,” citing Diodorus S., Hist. 1.75.1; also Acts 23:8. See Metzger 1998, 417–18. i. Lit., “naked” (gymnous). j. Lit., “fear fell upon them all” (epepesen phobos epi pantas autous). k. Lit., “the name of the Lord Jesus was being magnified” (emegalyneto to onoma tou kyriou Iēsou). Megalynō may suggest “praise,” but the metaphor emphasizes increase in size; perhaps “began to be praised publicly.”

[19:11–17] “Extraordinary” renders the litotes “not common” (ou tas tychousas).216 “Miracles” here renders dynameis, literally, “powers” or “deeds of power,” thus “wonders,” often in the plural to designate Jesus’s miraculous deeds,217 yet also those of Philip (Acts 8:13), and now Paul.218 While this method of accessing healing power from Paul differs from the therapeutic power of Peter’s shadow (5:15), both episodes reflect a world in which the sick are drawn to the mysterious, numinous power of a known miracle worker whose very presence or anything he has touched becomes talismanic. What both Peter and Paul have in common is access to the name of Jesus, who himself can emit thaumaturgic power through indirect physical contact.219 Since “evil spirits” (pneumata ponera, 19:12) are normally associated with extreme mental disorders, whether seizures or other socially abnormal behavior, “mental diseases”

216. See BDAG 1019 s.v. tynchanō 2.d. 217. Luke 10:13 || Matt 11:21; Luke 19:37; Acts 2:22; cf. Luke 24:19; similarly in Mark 6:2 || Matt 13:54, 58. 218. Paul himself uses dynameis, along with sēmeia kai terata (“signs and wonders”), to describe the “signs of the apostle” that he performed during his ministry (2 Cor 12:12; cf. Rom 15:18–19; yet cf. 1 Cor 1:22–23); also see 1 Cor 12:10, 28–29; Gal 3:5. 219. See Luke 8:43–48 || Mark 5:25–34 || Matt 9:20–22; also Mark 6:53–56 || Matt 14:34–36.

372

Acts 19:11–17

is an appropriate rendering, therefore distinguished from other, more regular, ailments or diseases, such as fevers or various forms of chronic pain. The term “exorcist” (exorkistēs (19:13), “one who drives out evil spirits by invocation of transcendent entities,”220 appears only here in the NT, although exorcism is frequently attributed to Jesus in the Gospels.221 These itinerant Jewish exorcists are part of a broader phenomenon, already acknowledged in the Gospels, to which Jesus himself belongs.222 Having access to a demonstrably effective name is a critical prerequisite for exorcists.223 Sceva’s seven sons appear to be a subset of this larger group.224 The unusual name Sceva (Skeuas, v. 14), apparently the Greek transliteration of the Latin Scaeva,225 does not appear in the standard lists of Jewish high priests mentioned during the Second Temple period.226 Accordingly, some manuscripts call him “priest” (hiereus) rather than “high priest” (archiereus).227 Oddly, one evil spirit is singled out for a comic line, in which he indirectly acknowledges the superiority of Jesus and Paul’s exorcistic power (v. 15).228 The image of one demon-possessed man wrestling the seven Jewish exorcists to the floor of an otherwise unidentified house and the seven bloody, half-naked brothers fleeing the scene further 220. BDAG 351 s.v. exorkistēs. The verb form exorkizō, to “put under oath,” “adjure,” occurs once in the NT (Matt 26:63; and as a variant reading in the D-text of Acts 19:13–14, as mentioned above in the translation notes). 221. On exorcism generally, see Sorensen; Twelftree 1993 and 2007; also Shauf 188–218. 222. See Luke 9:49 || Mark 9:38–41; Luke 11:19 || Matt 12:27. Lucian (Lies 16) mentions a “Syrian [exorcist] from Palestine” (probably contemporary with Lucian, b. ca. 120 CE) and gives a detailed description of his technique. On Jewish exorcism, see comments on 13:4–13. 223. On the nature and power of names, e.g., in exorcisms and spells, see PGM XIII. 210–334 (GMP 178–81), illustrating the critical role of “saying the Name [of the appropriate deity]” in various magical rituals, including exorcisms; e.g., “If you say the Name to a demoniac while putting sulfur and asphalt to his nose, the daimon will speak at once and will go away” (PGM XIII. 243–244 [GMP 179]). The frequently cited fourth-century papyrus PGM IV. 3007–3086 (GMP 96–97), “A tested charm of Pibechis for those possessed by daemons,” instructs the user to face the demonpossessed person and utter this conjuration: “I conjure you by the god of the Hebrews, Jesus” (PGM IV. 3019–3020; GMP 96); similarly, PGM IV. 1227–1264 (GMP 62). Origen, Cels. 1:24–25, notes the special power of names uttered in their original language: “[One] who pronounces a given spell in its native language can bring about the effect that the spell is claimed to do.” On the use of names in magical formulae, see Nock 1972, 2:189–90; also see 1:325 on Acts 19:13–17; also Pulleyn; W. Knox 1938 (on PGM IV. 3007–3086). 224. This is made explicit in the D-text, where 19:14 begins “among whom” (en hois), implying that the sons of Sceva are a subgroup of the exorcists mentioned in v. 13. See translation note g on 19:14. 225. See Appian, Civ. W. 2.9.60, which mentions a centurion named Scaeva; cf. Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 56.16.1. 226. See Schürer 2:227–36. 227. See translation note g on v. 14. 228. This conforms to the pattern of other exorcism stories in which the demon(s) speaks, e.g., Luke 4:31–37 || Mark 1:21–28; similarly, Lucian, Lies 16.

Magic Books Burned 373

punctuates the hilarity of the moment (v. 16). The incident confirms Jesus’s saying about the need to have sufficient strength to bind a strong man before plundering his house (Luke 11:21–23 || Mark 3:27 || Matt 12:29). The impact is citywide, again stated hyperbolically: “to all the Jews and gentiles living in Ephesus,” meaning the entire population (v. 17a).229 Dramatic demonstrations of God’s presence and power typically trigger fear and awe.230 Although the Jewish exorcists’ attempt to co-opt “the name of the Lord Jesus” is unsuccessful (v. 13), the evil spirit—ironically enough, by invoking the names of Jesus and Paul—is apparently thereby empowered to vanquish his seven foes. It is not simply “the name of the Lord Jesus” that is magnified, but especially its efficacious power that gets greater attention. 19:18–20 Magic Books Burned Now many of those who had become believers began coming forward to confess and report their practices.a 19 A lot of those who had practiced magicb bundled up their books and burned them as everybody watched.c They tallied up the price of the books and found their value to be fifty thousand in silver. 20 So it was that the Lord’s power enabled the word to keep spreading and gaining strength.d 19:18

a. Gk. polloi te tōn pepisteukotōn ērchonto exomologoumenoi kai anangellontes tas praxeis autōn. “Confess” (exomologoumenoi), possibly “acknowledge,” a weaker form of admission, implies both awareness and a sense of guilt. For the verb exomologeō as the confession of sins, see 2 Clem. 8.3; Did. 4.14; Barn. 19.12; Herm. Vis. 3.1.5. See BDAG 351 s.v. exomologeō. “Practices” (tas praxeis) is probably a technical term for magical practices, although it could simply mean evil or disgraceful deeds. BDAG 860 s.v. praxis 4.b, citing PGM IV. 1227 (GMP 62). In my translation I follow Shauf 227–28. b. Gk. hikanoi de tōn ta perierga praxantōn. “Magic” renders ta perierga, literally, “the curious things” or “curiosities,” especially undue or misdirected curiosity associated with the “curious arts,” i.e., magic. BDAG 800 s.v. periergos 2, citing PGM XII. 404 (GMP 167); also cf. Plutarch, Alex. 2.5 (665). c. Lit., “before all” (enōpion pantōn). d. Lit., “Thus according to the power of the Lord, the word was increasing and getting stronger” (houtōs kata kratos tou kyriou ho logos ēuxanen kai ischyen); another possible rendering, “So the word of the Lord increased and became stronger in power.” Some MSS (∏74 Å2 E L Ψ 33. 323. 614, several other minuscules, and other witnesses) read “the word of the Lord (God) grew and became stronger.” The D-text tradition reads “So it mightily prevailed, and the faith of God grew and multiplied.” See Metzger 1998, 418–19.

229. “This became known” or a similar formula is also used at Acts 1:19; 4:16; 9:42. 230. As in Luke 1:12, 65; 2:9; 5:26; 7:16; 8:37; 21:26; Acts 2:43; 5:5, 11.

374

Acts 19:18–20

[19:18–20] The focus here is on converts gained during the previous twentyseven months, possibly earlier.231 That many of them would have practiced some form of magic is not surprising, given its ubiquity at various social strata in the Roman world.232 “Books” (tas biblous) of magical recipes, formulaic incantations, and other esoteric knowledge are in view.233 Known public book burnings in antiquity, rather than being voluntary as here, were usually mandated by rulers or other public officials to suppress and thereby repudiate suspicious or seditious content.234 Although no unit of currency is specified, a reasonable guess is the drachma (drachmē), whose value obviously varied depending on place and time, but as Luke 15:8 shows, the loss of just one can trigger a frantic search.235 Fifty thousand is clearly an astronomical figure. 231. On Luke’s use of “believe” (pisteuō) and “believers” (hoi pisteuontes) for followers of Jesus, see comments on 19:1–2. 232. See MacMullen 95–127. 233. Ps.-Phocylides, Sentences 149, warns: “Keep away from magical books” (magikōn biblōn apechesthai); on this see Horst 1978, 212–13. PGM III. 424–466 (GMP 29–30) opens with “A copy from a holy book. Charm that gives foreknowledge and memory”; similarly PGM XIII. 735–741 (GMP 189). The Ephesian Letters (Ephesia grammata), rather than being books of magical recipes, are six words, sometimes inscribed on amulets, that sorcerers advised those possessed with demons to recite to themselves for curative effect (Plutarch, Table-Talk 7.4 [Mor. 706C]). The Ephesian Letters, along with suggested interpretations, might well have been included in books on magic. See Athenaeus, Learn. Banq. 12.548c (quoting Anaxilas, Lyre-Maker, frag. 18). On the Ephesian Letters, see Trebilco 2004, 150, citing McCown; also see Fitzmyer 651; Shauf 133–34. On books of magic, see Dickie 72–73, esp. later Roman legal measures against those who possess magical books (148, noting Lex Cornelia as interpreted in the third- to fifth-century Sent. Paul. 5.23.18). For the text of the Cornelian Law, which was passed ca. 81 BCE in the dictatorship of Lucius Cornelius Sulla, see Lewis and Reinhold 2:510–11 (no. 159), which states, “No one is permitted to have books on the art of magic in his possession; those in whose possession they are found [the books are burned in public] are deprived of their property and deported to an island if of superior rank, and suffer capital punishment if humble.” The practice of uttering magical incantations against persons is also addressed in The Twelve Tables (VIII.1b; cf. VIII.8ab); attested by Pliny, Nat. Hist. 28.17 (LCL, Remains of Old Latin 3:474–75). Among the laws attributed to Romulus (753–716 BCE) is a provision enabling a husband to divorce his wife “for the use of drugs or magic on account of children.” Possibly in view is “a wife’s use of potions and spells to prevent conception or to induce abortion.” See Johnson, Coleman-Norton, and Bourne 3–6, esp. n. 5. 234. Classic examples include Augustus’s confiscation and burning (in 12 BCE) of over 2,000 books of “prophetic writings of Greek and Latin origin” (except the Sibylline Oracles), some anonymous, others of known authorship (Suetonius, Aug. 31.1); also the Roman practice of “searching out and burning books of prophecies” (Livy, Hist. 39.16.8; also 40.29.3–14); Diogenes Laertius, Lives 9.52 (Athenians’ burning of Protagoras’s books in the marketplace); also see Lucian, Alex. Proph. 47 (burning one of Epicurus’s books in the marketplace). Also worth noting from an earlier period is Jehoiakim’s burning the scrolls on which Baruch had copied Jeremiah’s prophetic threats against the king (Jer 36:20–26). See Forbes; G. Clarke, with numerous instances of burning books for different reasons and extensive bibliography. 235. See BDAG 261 s.v. drachmē. Demetrius of Phalerum (ca. 300 BCE) says that one drachma was the price of a sheep or one-fifth the price of an ox (FGH 228, frag. 28).

Paul’s Travel Plans 375

Ordinarily Luke reports the word of the Lord, meaning the gospel or the message about Jesus, as growing and spreading.236 As in Luke’s earlier accounts involving magic (Acts 8:9–24; 13:6–12), this episode not only shows the gospel as an alternative source of genuine power, especially healing power, to which followers of Jesus have access; it also presents magic and magicians as negative forces to be avoided. This complements other NT warnings against sorcery237 and eventually outright prohibitions of magic.238 19:21–22 Paul’s Travel Plans Now with these events behind him,a Paul reached a spiritual decision: He would circle back through Macedonia and Achaia as he journeyed to Jerusalem. “After I do that,” he said, “I must then see Rome.” 22 After he sent Timothy and Erastus, two of his assistants,b into Macedonia, he stayed on for a while in Asia.c 19:21

a. Lit., “now as these things were finished” (hōs de eplērōthē tauta). b. Lit., “two of those who were serving him” (dyo tōn diakonountōn autō). c. Lit., “he stayed for a time in Asia” (autos epeschen chronon eis tēn Asian).

[19:21–22] A “spiritual decision,” or possibly “decided through the (Holy) Spirit” (lit., “determined in the spirit,” etheto .  .  . en tō pneumati), once again accents the theme of divine guidance of the Pauline mission (cf. 16:6–7). “Macedonia” is shorthand for the churches in Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea, while “Achaia” includes the churches in Athens, Corinth, and Cenchreae. In Acts, this is the first indication of Paul’s desire, or rather his sense of compulsion, to visit Rome.239 Although Timothy has not been mentioned since his arrival with Silas in Corinth (18:5), he now appears as a Pauline coworker in Ephesus. In terms of the Acts story line, sending Timothy to Macedonia is reasonable since he has presumably accompanied Paul in Philippi and Thessalonica, although he is only mentioned specifically at Beroea (17:14–15). This is the only time Erastus is mentioned in Acts. Whether he is to be identified with the city treasurer (oikonomos) of Corinth (Rom 16:23), who is with Paul when he writes the Letter of Romans from 236. See Acts 6:7; 12:24; 13:49. For other summaries of growth and expansion, see comments on 2:41. 237. See Gal 5:20; Rev 9:21; 18:23; 21:8; 22:15. 238. Did. 2.2. 239. Later in Acts, Paul’s desire to visit Rome is seen as a divine mandate (23:11; 27:24), which is fulfilled in 28:14–16. These references resonate with Paul’s own statements in his letters (Rom 1:10–15; 15:22–29; cf. 2 Tim 1:17).

376

Acts 19:21–22

Corinth (cf. 2 Tim 4:20), depends on how one understands the demands of Erastus’s official duties in relation to his apparent ability to travel freely as one of Paul’s coworkers.240 It seems improbable that someone with heavy administrative responsibilities in a major Roman city would have such a flexible schedule. How much longer Paul remains in Ephesus is not stated, but “he stayed a time” (epeschen chronon) may imply another six to nine months, thereby completing his three-year stay (Acts 19:22; 20:31). The vagueness of this final period of his stay in Ephesus is an appropriate reminder of how selective is Luke’s account of the Pauline mission in Ephesus.241 There is broad scholarly consensus that 1 Corinthians was written from Ephesus at this time, probably in 54–57 CE. Thus it was from Ephesus that Paul sent Timothy to Corinth (1 Cor 4:17; 16:10). The “previous letter” mentioned in 1 Cor 5:9 was written from Ephesus as well. From 1 Corinthians we also know of delegations whom Paul received from the Corinthian church while in Ephesus (e.g., 1:11), and also of a letter he received from the church at Corinth during this period (7:1). As Acts reports (18:27–19:1), Apollos’s move to Corinth from Ephesus occurred before Paul’s second arrival in Ephesus, and Apollos’s leadership role in Corinth is evident, especially in 1 Cor 1–4. We should also allow for the possibility of a visit by Peter to the Corinthian church during this period (1 Cor 1:12), or if not by Peter himself, at least by his representatives or devotees. When to date Paul’s intriguing reference to “fighting with beasts” at Ephesus (1 Cor 15:32) and the “affliction experienced in Asia” (2 Cor 1:8) remains disputed, as well as the “painful visit” to Corinth and the unpleasant events surrounding it (2 Cor 2:1–11). An Ephesian imprisonment from which Paul wrote Philippians, and possibly Colossians and Philemon, is highly probable. When such an imprisonment might have occurred during this three-year period is difficult to say. From 1 and 2 Corinthians and Romans, we also know that Paul was engaged in the collection for the poverty-stricken Jerusalem church throughout the time of his Aegean ministry (1 Cor 16:1–4; 2  Cor 8–9; Rom 15:14–33), but Luke only alludes to this highly significant project (cf. Acts 24:17, 26; also 20:4). Though quite detailed compared with other episodes in Paul’s Aegean ministry (chs. 16–20), Luke’s description of the first twenty-seven months of Paul’s Ephesian ministry in 19:1–22 is a highly compact, selective account in which Paul’s preaching and miracle working are at center stage, and the impact of 240. Another intriguing question is whether Erastus, the city treasurer (Rom 16:23) and possibly this one mentioned in Acts 19:22, is to be identified with the aedile Erastus mentioned in the Corinth inscription ERASTUS PRO AEDILITATE S. P. STRAVIT, “Erastus in return for the aedileship paved it [the pavement adjoining the theater] at his own expense.” See Ferguson 2003, 42 n. 29. This identity has been contested by Friesen 2010. 241. For a succinct review of Ephesus as the location for the composition of Pauline Letters, see Shauf 96–97.

Disturbance Incited by Demetrius the Silversmith 377

both aspects of his work throughout the city as well as the province is repeatedly emphasized. 19:23–27 Disturbance Incited by Demetrius the Silversmith 19:23 About that time, there occurred no small commotiona involving the

Way. 24 There was a silversmith named Demetrius, whose manufacture of silver Artemis shrines generated considerable profit for his fellow artisans.b 25 He called a meeting of them and other workers engaged in the same trade and said, “Fellows, you realize that our prosperity depends on this business. 26 Open your eyes and ears!c Not only in Ephesus but through nearly all of Asia, this Paul has been very persuasive in misleading a lot of people. ‘Handmade gods,’ he says, ‘are not gods.’ 27 Not only does this pose the danger that our trade will fall into disrepute, but also that the temple of the great goddess Artemis will come to be regarded as nothing. There is also the threat that she who is worshiped in all Asia, indeed the whole world, will suffer the loss of her magnificence.”d a. Lit., “no little disturbance” (tarachos ouk oligos). b. Lit., “he was bringing to the artisans no small profit” (pareicheto tois technitais ouk oligēn ergasian). c. Gk. kai theōreite kai akouete, usually rendered as indicatives, “you also see and hear” (NRSV; similarly KJV). See Newman and Nida 373. d. Lit., “there is the danger . . . [that this Artemis], whom the whole of Asia and the inhabited world worship, is about to have her magnificence destroyed” (kindyneuei . . . mellein te kai kathaireisthai tēs megaleiotētos autēs hēn holē hē Asia kai hē oikoumenē sebetai).

[19:23–27] “About that time” (kata ton kairon ekeinon), though a vague temporal indicator (cf. 12:1), nevertheless points to the latter stages of Paul’s Ephesian ministry, long enough for news of the presence of “this Paul” in the city and the impact of his ministry to be well known (19:26).242 “No small commotion,” another litotes, means a major disturbance (19:23). This is the second time (see v. 9) Luke uses “the Way” to describe the Christian movement in Ephesus, perhaps indicating that, by the mid-50s in major cities, this was distinctively recognized nomenclature.243 “Demetrius” (Dēmētrios) is a frequently occurring name in inscriptions and literary sources, here obviously 242. Commentators, noting problematic features of 19:23–41, e.g., the diminished role of Paul in the story (cf. 19:26, 29–30), have variously explained the sources and literary function of this section. See Stoops 73–77. 243. See comments on 9:2 above.

378

Acts 19:23–27

referring to a non-Jewish artisan in Ephesus (v. 24).244 He is to be distinguished

from the Demetrius who is favorably mentioned in 3 John 12. “Silversmith” (argyrokopos) is someone who works with silver to make either coins or other artifacts, such as jewelry or figurines.245 Silversmith guilds are amply attested in inscriptions from Asia Minor, especially Ephesus, where there is good evidence that they had a designated meeting place near the marketplace and theater.246 Archaeological excavation has yielded no “silver Artemis shrines” (naous argyrous Artemidos), miniature silver models of the Artemis temple, although scores of silver figurines and ceramic models of the goddess Artemis have been found. Demetrius’s brief speech (Acts 19:25–27) has several key elements: (1) the profitability of the silver craft industry; (2)  the extent of Paul’s influence “through nearly all of Asia”; (3) Paul’s critique of idolatry; (4) the worldwide fame of the temple of Artemis (the Artemision); and (5) the universal appeal of the goddess Artemis.247 As for the “prosperity” (euporia, v. 25) of the silver trade, silversmiths are included by Plutarch with other artisans such as goldsmiths, perfumers, and dyers in gay colors who deal in luxury goods.248 This is the fourth time Luke underscores the widespread impact of the Pauline mission in Ephesus (see vv. 10, 17, 20). Asia—the Roman province, not the continent—is in view.249 The theme of handmade gods not being real gods continues the refrain from Stephen’s speech (7:48) and Paul’s Areopagus speech (17:24).250 The charge that Paul has misled many people reflects the pagan perspective. For pagans, the worship of numerous deities is not only a deeply entrenched part of their heritage but also eminently sensible: Different deities have responsibility for different aspects or phases of human life, such as birth and death, agriculture and war. 244. Efforts to link him to Demetrius, a temple official (neōpoios) mentioned in an Ephesian inscription (ca. mid-first c. CE) have not proved convincing. Also see Vitruvius, Arch. 7. Preface 16, who mentions “Demetrius, a temple-warden of Ephesus.” 245. LSJ 236 s.v. argyrokopos; cf. Judg 17:4 LXX (MS B). 246. See Kloppenborg and Ascough 314, citing IEph 2212, a funerary monument for a silversmith and his family (mid-first c. CE or later) reporting the receipt of 500 denarii by the Ephesian silversmith association (to synedrion tōn argyrokopōn), who has responsibility for maintaining the tomb and collecting fines. Under “professional associations” in the index, Kloppenborg and Ascough include silversmiths (or money changers) and list nine inscriptions (seven from Ephesus) mentioning silversmiths (431). 247. For Artemis and the Artemision, see Oster 1976; 1990; and 1992; also Scherrer; Freely. 248. Plutarch, Borrowing 7 (Mor. 830E). 249. As early as Herodotus (Hist. 1.4; 4.44–45), Asia and Europe are continental designations. After Rome acquired the kingdom of Attalus III of Pergamum in 133 BCE, his territory was named provincia Asia. Under the empire, the Roman province of Asia extended to Bithynia in the north, Galatia in the east, and Lycia in the south. See Calder, Gray, and Mitchell. 250. For this theme in pagan critiques of religion, see Attridge 13–23.

Disturbance Incited by Demetrius the Silversmith 379

Demetrius’s remarks about the universal adoration of the goddess Artemis and the fame of her temple at Ephesus resonate with Pausanias’s remarks a few decades later (ca. 150 CE): But all cities worship Artemis of Ephesus, and individuals hold her in honor above all the gods. The reason, in my view, is the renown of the Amazons, who traditionally dedicated this image, also the extreme antiquity of this sanctuary. Three other points as well have contributed to her renown: the size of the temple, surpassing all buildings among men; the eminence of the city of the Ephesians; and the renown of the goddess who dwells there.251

In his travels through Greece, Pausanias repeatedly mentions shrines honoring Artemis, thus reinforcing his claim that wherever one travels, temples of Artemis can be found. As for the extreme antiquity of the Ephesian temple to Artemis, its exact origin is difficult to determine, although the earliest sanctuary is dated in the second half of the eighth century BCE. Expansion of this shrine over the next century gave way to the archaic Artemision, whose construction began around 560 BCE through the initiative of Lydian kings, especially Croesus, who donated columns;252 and under the direction of the Cretan architect Chersiphron, his 251. Pausanias, Descr. Greece 4.31.8. As one of the most famous buildings in the ancient world, the temple of Artemis received book-length treatment, although none has survived. Diog­ enes Laertius, Lives 9.49, mentions an author named Democritus “who wrote on the temple at Ephesus.” Similarly, Athenaeus, Learn. Banq. 12.525c, mentions a work On the Temple of Ephesus by Democritus of Ephesus (FGH 267 frag. 1). Vitruvius, Arch. 7, Preface 12, mentions works by Chersiphron and Metagenes, the supervising architects of the sixth-century reconstruction, “on the Ionic temple of Diana which is at Ephesus.” Brief descriptions of the Ephesian temple of Artemis are found in a wide range of authors from the fifth century BCE forward: Herodotus, Hist. 1.92; Callimachus, Hymn Art. 233–258; Grk. Anthol. 8.177 (LCL 2:479); Antipater of Sidon, in Grk. Anthol. 9.58 (LCL 3:31); Vitruvius, Arch. 2.9.13; 3.2.7 (Ionic dipteral style); 3.4.4 (column style); 7. Preface 16 (Ionic style by Chersiphron); 10.2.11–15 (Chersiphron’s ingenuity in transporting columns from quarries); Strabo, Geog. 14.1.22–23 (architect Chersiphron; arsonist Herostratus; rebuilding, Alexander’s offer; fitted with artists’ works, eunuchs [Megabyzi], and maidens; place of refuge); Livy, Hist. 1.45 (early renown under Servius Tullius); Valerius Maximus, Mem. 8.14. Ext. 5 (destruction by fire); Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 7.37.125 (Chersiphron); 16.79.213–216 (120 years abuilding; ebony); 34.19.53 (Amazons); 35.36.92–93 (Apelles’s paintings); 36.21.95–97 (120 years abuilding; dimensions; Chersiphron); 36.56.179 (columns); Dio Chrysostom, Or. 31.54–55 (temple as bank); Tacitus, Ann. 3.60–63 (abuses of temple as asylum); Plutarch, Alex. 3.3–5 (birthday coinciding with burning of temple); Pausanias, Descr. Greece 4.31.8 (antiquity, size, renown); 38.6 (Goddess of the First Seat); 5.12.4 (curtain); 19.2 (depiction of Strife); 6.3.15–16 (statues and decorations); 7.2.6 (antiquity); 7.5.4 (size and wealth); 10.38.6 (Goddess of the First Seat); Achilles Tatius, Leucippe 7.13.1–4 (asylum); 8.2.1–4 (protection by Artemis, asylum); 8.6.11–14; 8.6–10 (asylum); Acts of John 38–44; Philostratus, Life Apollon. T. 4.2–3; and Lives Soph. 2.23.605; and Ep. 65 (asylum), 66 (asylum), 67 (open to all). The literary and archaeological evidence pertaining to the Artemesion is conveniently collected (with discussion) in Murphy-O’Connor. 252. Herodotus, Hist. 1.92.

380

Acts 19:23–27

son Metagenes, and Theodorus of Samos. Impressive for the technological innovation in transporting marble from a distant quarry, its exclusive marble construction on a substantial base in marshy soil, and its colossal size, this “Croesus temple” lasted for two centuries, remaining intact during the Persian domination of Asia Minor. In 356 BCE Herostratus, a fame-seeking arsonist, set fire to the temple on the same night, according to tradition, that Alexander the Great was born. Artemis was reportedly preoccupied with supervising the birth of this famous Macedonian son, thus unable to protect her own temple. Through the cooperative efforts of cities in the region, “the whole of Asia,” rebuilding took place over a period of 120 years, under the direction, at least initially, of two Ephesian architects—Paeonius and Demetrius, a “slave of Artemis,” and later Cheirocrates (or Deinocrates). Passing through Ephesus en route to Asia and seeing the temple under construction, Alexander the Great is said to have offered to subsidize the rebuilding costs on the condition that he receive credit on the inscription, but the Ephesians discreetly explained that it was inappropriate for one god to dedicate offerings to other gods. Once completed, this temple, the Hellenistic Artemision, was gigantic: Its outer dimensions were approximately 425 feet long, 225 feet wide, with over 120 columns (thirty-six column bases at the front carved with reliefs), each six feet in diameter and sixty feet high.253 It was an Ionic, dipteral temple (double rows of columns around the sanctuary, though triple rows at the front), eight columns wide across the front, nine across the back. Its unusual orientation—facing west—reflected the original positioning of the ancient ArtemisCybele shrine, which was preserved in the cella, the temple’s central chamber. Positioned in front of the temple was a U-shaped altar erected in the early fifth century BCE, newly built in the fourth century BCE, which contained in its courtyard a base for the cult figure, a hearth for offering sacrifices, and a ramp used for slaughtering animals. The temple contained statues by renowned sculptors and artists such as Polycleitus, Phidias, and Apelles. The Hellenistic temple, which remained intact through the Roman period until it was plundered by the Goths in 263 CE and finally destroyed after 400 CE, was ranked among the Seven Wonders of the World.254

253. The base of the Artemision, depending on how it is measured, was three or four times larger than that of the Parthenon. Its width was roughly double the width of the central west façade of the U.S. Supreme Court Building in Washington, DC. Its sixty-foot columns were roughly comparable in height to those of the Supreme Court Building. 254. The “temple [of Artemis]” is included among “the seven wonders of the world” in Grk. Anthol. 8.177 (LCL 3:31). A poem attributed to Antipater of Sidon (in Grk. Anthol. 9.58 [LCL 3:30–31]) includes the temple of Artemis at Ephesus as the seventh item in a list of “marvels,” but it does not use the language of “seven wonders.” See Brodersen.

Disturbance Incited by Demetrius the Silversmith 381

The goddess Artemis (Roman, Diana) associated with Ephesus should be distinguished from other depictions of Artemis in Greek and Roman mythology, especially the daughter of Zeus and Leto, and the older twin sister of Apollo. Typically depicted as a huntress, holding bow and arrow and positioned with a deer, she was often associated with stages in women’s lives, such as the transition from virginity to womanhood, childbirth, and child rearing. But like other deities, she also was thought to preside over other aspects of life, some of them punitive. Ephesian Artemis blended Asiatic elements of Cybele, the Anatolian Mother Goddess, with other traits more conventional. Statues of Ephesian Artemis depict her standing erect with an elaborate, sometimes three-tiered, headdress of varying detail, and displaying on her body an array of symbolic images such as the signs of the zodiac, or lions, bulls, goats, griffins, and other animals, with multiple egg-shaped objects covering her chest and midsection. These have variously been identified as breasts, supposedly signifying her ties to fertility rites, hence Artemis Ephesia as “the goddess of many breasts.” More recently they have been identified as the testicles of sacrificial bulls that were offered to Artemis as symbols of fertility. Their precise symbolic significance remains disputed. Artemis’s close ties with Ephesus are woven into the fabric of ancient literary, inscriptional, and numismatic sources. Artemis may have had many admirers throughout the world, but none of them could match the Ephesians, whose city history was closely tied to the origin of the Artemis cult and the temple of Artemis. When Ephesus is described as the neōkoros, literally, “temple warden,” of Artemis (Acts 19:35), this signifies that the city has assumed responsibility normally lodged within a single individual responsible for oversight of the temple and various cultic observances. Artemis is closely associated with protection, as seen in the way in which the Artemision served as a major banking center but also as an asylum for political and other types of refugees. Devotion to the Ephesian Artemis is especially reflected in Achilles Tatius’s novel Leucippe and Clitophon, where the temple serves as an asylum and one character asks, “To which of the gods are we to have recourse, if Artemis cannot protect us?” (8.2.1). Standing, as it were, as a temple whose hands are open to the world, the Artemision was praised by Philostratus. To the Ephesians he wrote: “Your temple is thrown open to all who would sacrifice, or offer prayers, or sing hymns, to suppliants, to Hellenes, barbarians, free men, to slaves. Your law is transcendentally divine.”255 Critically important for appreciating Luke’s depiction of the dispute between Paul and the Ephesian silversmiths are two recurrent themes in the ancient testimony about the Artemision: its antiquity and colossal size. Although it underwent periodic damage and change, the temple was nevertheless a symbol 255. Philostratus, Ep. 67.

382

Acts 19:28–34

of permanence, even invulnerability. Callimachus’s Hymn to Artemis depicts the utter folly of kings, in this case “insolent Lygdamis,” who “in his madness” threatened to lay waste to the temple, only to fail miserably.256 Detailing the dimensions of the temple, Pliny calls it “so massive a building,” anticipating Pausanias’s comment a century later about its size and wealth.257 So widespread were these perceptions of the antiquity of the Artemis cult and the temple’s massive size that Luke can trade on these cultural assumptions as he depicts Paul’s gospel confronting deeply entrenched, long-established institutional religion. Only by grasping the centuries-long history and monumental size of the Artemision is it possible to understand Luke’s breathtaking claim that the gospel actually poses a threat to the permanence and well-being of the Artemis cult and that Artemis might “suffer the loss of her magnificence” (Acts 19:27).258 19:28–34 Riot in the Theater at Ephesus When they heard this, they were filled with ragea and cried out, saying, “Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!” 29 Confusion spread through the whole city. Grabbing two of Paul’s traveling companions, the Macedonians Gaius and Aristarchus, they stampeded into the theater.b 30 Paul wanted to appear before the popular assembly, but the disciples would not let him. 31 And some of the Asiarchs—friends of Paul—sent word urging him not to make a public appearance in the theater.c 32 Meanwhile, others were shouting one thing, then another; for those gatheredd were confused and most of the people had no clue why they all had come together. 33 Now Alexander, who had been put forward by the Jews, was given advice about what to say.e And motioning with his hand for silence, Alexander wanted to offer a defense to the assembly.f 34 When they recognized that he was a Jew, a single sound came from all of them, as they shouted for two hours: “Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!” 19:28

a. Typical of its expansionistic character, the D-text, after the mention of “rage,” adds the phrase “and running into the street” (kai dramontes eis to amphodon). b. Lit., “they rushed together into the theater” (hōrmēsan te homothymadon eis to theatron). c. Lit., “not to give himself into the theater” (mē dounai heauton eis to theatron). d. Gk. hē ekklēsia synkechymenē. e. Lit., “And from the crowd they advised [instructed] Alexander, the Jews having put him forward” (ek de tou ochlou synebibasan Alexandron, probalontōn auton tōn Ioudaiōn). The term “advise” (symbibazō) troubled ancient scribes, some reading 256. Callimachus, Hymn Art. 233–258. 257. Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 36.21.95; Pausanias, Descr. Greece 7.5.4. 258. On the worship of Artemis at Ephesus, see Shauf 241–47.

Riot in the Theater at Ephesus 383 instead “persuade” (probibazō, D2 L Ψ 614. 1175. 1241. 1505 vgmss syh) or “bring down/ forward” (katabibazō, D* lat). It also occurs in 9:22 and 16:10, each with a different sense. See Metzger 1998, 419. f. Gk. dēmō.

[19:28–34] The silversmiths’ cry in response to Demetrius is echoed in An Ephesian Tale, the second-century novel by Xenophon of Ephesus, when Anthia cries out to her lover Habrocomes, “I swear to you by the goddess of our fathers, the great Artemis of the Ephesians.”259 “Confusion” (synchysis, Acts 19:29), which occurs only here in the NT, suggests tumultuous chaos.260 This is the first mention of Gaius, probably to be distinguished from “Gaius of Derbe,” a member of Paul’s entourage mentioned later (20:4).261 Aristarchus is certainly the “Aristarchus from Macedonia” mentioned in 20:4, also to be identified with the “Macedonian from Thessalonica” who later accompanies Paul on his voyage to Rome (27:2).262 The theater at Ephesus, thoroughly excavated and still well preserved today, could seat over 20,000 people.263 The presence of “disciples” as a restraining force for Paul is fully plausible, given earlier references (e.g., 19:9). Although dēmos sometimes means “crowd” (12:22), here (19:30, 33) it is a technical term referring to a group of citizens gathered for official business.264 The precise referent of “Asiarchs” (tōn Asiarchōn, 19:31) is unclear, probably deputies of the assembly of Asia, which met in Ephesus, rather than provincial high priests.265 That they were friends of Paul implies his high visibility and some degree of social prominence, also shown when pagan officials related to the city and region could be sympathetic to the Christian movement. Ekklēsia 259. Xenophon of Ephesus, Eph. Tale 1.11.5 (CAGN 135). For similar acclamations to a deity, cf. Bel 18, 41. 260. The related verb forms syncheō and synchynnō, “to confuse,” “stir up,” or “trouble,” occur in Acts 2:6; 9:22; 19:32; 21:27, 31. For a comparison of this riot with other accounts of antiJewish riots, see Stoops, e.g. (on 81–82), noting Josephus’s report (J.W. 7.46–62, 100–111) of the violence directed against Jews at Syrian Antioch. 261. Since Derbe is in Lycaonia (cf. 14:6, 20), it would be unusual to refer to “Gaius of Derbe” as a Macedonian unless the term is being used loosely to refer to coworkers associated with Paul’s Macedonian ministry. Since Makedonas in 19:29 is accusative plural, it must modify both Gaius and Aristarchus. Accordingly, some manuscripts (453. 2818) change it to singular, thereby applying only to Aristarchus. The Gaius of 19:29 is also probably different from the one described as Paul’s host (in Corinth) in Rom 16:23, whom Paul personally baptized (1 Cor 1:14). See comments on 20:4. 262. This is probably the same Aristarchus who is Paul’s “fellow prisoner” mentioned in Col 4:10 and Phlm 24. 263. For theaters and amphitheaters as scenes of riots, see Stoops 84, noting Josephus, J.W. 2.490–493; 7.47, 107; Philo, Flacc. 41, 74, 84, 95, 173. 264. BDAG 223 s.v. dēmos 2. 265. BDAG 143 s.v. Asiarchēs. See NewDocs 4:46–55 (no. 14); Friesen 1993, 92–113.

384

Acts 19:35–41

is used here (v. 32) and in verse 41 in the unofficial sense of “gathering” or “assembled crowd,” whereas its use in verse 39 has the more technical sense of “a regularly summoned legislative body,” thus a duly constituted political assembly.266 The identity of Alexander, other than his Jewish ethnicity (v. 34), is unclear.267 It is difficult to tell from the unusual syntax of verse 33 whether it is the crowd or the Ephesian Jews (in the crowd) who are advising Alexander what to say.268 There is no indication that Alexander is a disciple, even though he wants to offer a defense (apologeisthai, v. 33), presumably on behalf of the Jewish community in Ephesus, or perhaps on behalf of Paul.269 Possibly Alexander was being put forward to explain to the crowd Paul’s relationship to the Jewish community, either as adversarial or sympathetic. If the former, the point would have been to distance the synagogue community from Paul and his disciples; if the latter, to have shown that, like the Jews, Paul’s followers enjoyed Roman protection. Either way, the crowd’s two-hour chant (v. 34) underscores the sharp divide between Jewish and pagan belief. If we pause for a moment to imagine a stadium full of rabid fans shouting the same cheer for two solid hours, we can appreciate the way in which Luke shows the gospel’s capacity to bring one of the largest cities in the Roman Empire to a complete standstill, at least for one brief moment in its storied history. 19:35–41 Crisis Averted: Town Clerk Calms the Crowd Now the city clerk quieted the crowd with these words, “Men of Ephesus! Who is there among human beings who does not know the city of Ephesus as the honorary guardian of the great Artemisa and of her image that fell from heaven? 36 Since these things are undeniable, then, you must be calm and not do anything rash. 37 For you have brought these men who are neither temple robbersb nor blasphemers of our goddess. 38 So then, if Demetrius and his artisans have a charge against anyone, the courts are openc and the proconsuls are there. Let them bring charges against one another. 39 If there is anything further you want to know, it will be settledd in a lawful assembly, 40 for we are in danger of being charged with sedition for today’s activities. We have no basis on which we will be able to offer an adequate explanation for this disorderly gathering.”e 41 This said, he dismissed the assembled crowd.f 19:35

266. BDAG 303 s.v. ekklēsia 1 and 2. For its use in the official sense, see Josephus, Ant. 12.164; 19.332. 267. There is no compelling reason to identify him with the Alexander(s) mentioned in 1 Tim 1:20; 2 Tim 4:14. 268. See comments above in translation note e on 19:33. 269. Elsewhere in Acts “defense” (apologia and cognates) is used of Paul (22:1; 24:10; 25:8, 16; 26:1–24); cf. Luke 12:11; 21:14; also Phil 1:16.

Crisis Averted: Town Clerk Calms the Crowd 385 a. Gk. tēn Ephesiōn polin neōkoron ousan tēs megalēs Artemidos. b. Or, “who have not committed irreverent acts against our holy place,” i.e., “who are not sacrilegious.” See BDAG 471 s.v. hierosylos. c. Lit., “courts are held” (agoraioi agontai). d. Or, “explained” (epilythēsetai). e. In NA28 the second clause of v. 40 (which I have rendered as a separate sentence) reads in Gk. mēdenos aitiou hyparchontos peri hou [ou] dynēsometha apodounai logon peri tēs systrophēs tautēs, lit., “having no cause concerning which we will [not] be able to give an account concerning this commotion.” The strong textual support (Å A B L Ψ 323. 614 et al.) for “not” (ou) convinced the editors of NA28 to retain it, but to place it in square brackets because of its problematic meaning. See Metzger 1998, 420. f. In English translations, v. 41 is usually (except Douay-Rheims) numbered as a separate verse, but in NA28 and other Greek editions of the NT, it is included with v. 40.

[19:35–41] Comprising this section is a second speech corresponding to the earlier speech by Demetrius (vv. 25–27), this time by the administrative municipal officer, the “city clerk” (grammateus, v. 35).270 “Quieting the crowd” is a common motif in contemporary writers.271 “Honorary guardian” (neōkoron), literally, “temple keeper,” originally applied to a person with general responsibility for oversight of a temple, whose duties, while complementing those of priests and priestesses, sometimes included assisting with sacerdotal tasks. Around the first century CE, the term came to refer to cities, especially those with ties to particular emperors and to the emperor cult generally.272 Accordingly, a city such as Ephesus could see itself as neōkoros of a particular deity, in this case the Ephesian Artemis, yet also of the imperial cult, thus as “twice neōkoros.”273 Meteorites were seen as objects that “fell from Zeus” (diopetēs), from the sky where Zeus lived, and as divinely sent objects having unique qualities.274 “Temple robbers” (hierosylous, v. 37), or by extension, “sacrilegious,” would imply those with so little respect for a temple or the sensibilities of its officiants and loyal worshipers that they would plunder it.275 “Blasphemers of 270. BDAG 206 s.v. grammateus. Philostratus, Ep. 32, is addressed to “the scribes of the Ephesians” (Ephesiōn grammateusin). 271. Josephus, J.W. 2.611; 4.271; Ant. 20.174; 2 Macc 4:31. 272. BDAG 670 s.v. neōkoros. See Friesen 1993, 50–59. For neōkoros of a temple attendant, see Philo, Spec. Laws 1.156; Josephus, J.W. 1.153; 5.383. For Ephesus as neōkoros tēs Artemidos, see CIG 2972. 273. This language occurs on two coins from the period of Domitian (81–96 CE), signifying that “the city now had two dominant cults of equivalent significance: that of Ephesian Artemis, and that of the Emperors” (Friesen 1993, 57). 274. BDAG 250–51 s.v. diopetēs. See Euripides, Iphig. Taur. 86–88, speaking of Artemis’s image that “fell into this temple out of heaven,” and 1384, “that heaven-fallen image of Zeus’s child.” Also Livy, Hist. 29.10.4–6, mentioning “the frequent showers of stones that year,” which prompted the transfer of “the Idaean Mother” (Cybele) from Pessinus to Rome as protection against a foreign foe. 275. Paul regards “robbing temples” as a serious vice (Rom 2:22).

386

Acts 20:1–38

our goddess” (blasphēmountas tēn theon), an equally disrespectful charge, if true, would make Paul an archenemy of the state, and at odds with one stream of Jewish tradition that forbade Jews to deride or blaspheme pagan deities.276 By having the city clerk deny that Paul and his coworkers are guilty of either crime, Luke vindicates the Christian cause. “Courts” (agoraioi, v. 38) and “proconsuls” (anthypatoi) refer to duly constituted legal venues in which differences can be settled. Since only one proconsul serves over a Roman province at a given time, the reference must be to courts held by assigned representatives under his jurisdiction in cities throughout the province, not only in Ephesus but also in Pergamum, Smyrna, and other cities. “Lawful assembly” (en tē ennomō ekklēsia, v. 39) refers to the more formal popular assembly. “Sedition” (stasis, v. 40) could signify strife or discord (e.g., 15:2; 23:7, 10; 24:5), but also connotes rebellion or insurrection, to which the Romans are particularly sensitive.277 20:1–38 Concluding the Aegean Mission Although Paul’s lengthy stay in Ephesus formally ends at 19:41–20:1, the climactic moment of that ministry comes with his address to the Ephesian elders in Miletus in 20:17–38. In one sense, then, Ephesus dominates the narrative from 18:24 through 20:38. Before Paul’s final address, several things occur: (1) Paul’s travels in Macedonia and Greece (or Achaia, 19:21; 20:1–6); (2) a Christian meeting in Troas featuring Eutychus (20:7–12); and (3) further travels, including various stops between Troas and Miletus (20:13–16). With chapter 20 the narrative focus shifts toward Jerusalem. This is anticipated in 19:21, and Jerusalem as the geographical and theological goal of the last major section of Acts is emphasized in this section (20:16, 22; cf. v. 3). Also worth noticing is the occurrence of the second “we” passage in Acts (20:5–15). 20:1–6 Paul’s Travels around the Aegean After the commotion had died down,a Paul summoned the disciples and spoke words of encouragement to them. He then bade them farewell and departed for Macedonia.b 2 As he traveled through those districts, he made many encouraging speeches to the disciples.c He finally arrived in Greece, 3 where he stayed for three months. Just as he was getting ready to catch a ship for Syria, the Jews devised a plot against him. He decided instead to make his return through Macedonia. 4 He was accompanied by 20:1

276. See Josephus, Ant. 4.207; Ag. Ap. 2.237; cf. 1.249, 310. 277. See Mark 15:7 || Luke 23:19, 25; Josephus, J.W. 6.343; Ant. 20.117; Dio Chrysostom, Or. 38.14, “strife” used with mutiny.

Paul’s Travels around the Aegean 387

the following people: from Beroea, Sopater, Pyrrhus’s son;d from Thessalonica, Aristarchus and Secundus; from Derbe, Gaius;e Timothy; from Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus.f 5 These companions went ahead and were waiting for us in Troas. 6 After the days of Unleavened Bread were over, we sailed from Philippi. Five days later we met with them in Troas, where we stayed for seven days. a. Or, “after the uproar had ceased” (meta de to pausasthai ton thorybon). b. Lit., “he departed to go into Macedonia” (exēlthen poreuesthai eis Makedonian). Some MSS (D 323. 945. 1505. 1739. gig bomss) omit the redundant poreuesthai. c. Codex Bezae apparently reads “having used much speech” (chrēsamenos logō pollō), i.e., either “having spoken often” or “having spoken at length.” d. Sopater is identified as Sosipater (Rom 16:21) in some manuscripts (104. [1175] gig pc vgs co). See Hemer 236. The father’s name, Pyrrhus, is omitted in some manuscripts (L 614. 1241. 1505 sy), but retention of the name has strong textual support and is rightly retained by NA28. It is reasonable to assume that both son and father were among Paul’s original converts in Beroea. e. In 19:29 Gaius is said to be a Macedonian. He is probably to be distinguished from this Gaius. If not, some explanation is required, since Derbe was a “city of Lycaonia” located in south-central Asia Minor (cf. 14:6). The problem is solved in the D-text by reading Douberios, a town said to be located in Macedonia near Mount Pangaios, not far from Philippi. As the more difficult reading, Derbaios is preferred. Since Gaius is paired with Timothy, an Asia Minor residence seems implied for both men. See Metzger 1998, 421–22. f. The wording of vv. 3–4 in the D-text includes several changes worth noting. First, as is typical of the D-text, Jewish resistance is accented: Paul decides to sail for Syria because of the Jewish plot. Second, the Spirit (countering the Jewish plot) instructs Paul to take an alternative route (similarly, 19:1 D-text) and go back through Macedonia. Third, Tychicus is replaced by Eutychus (not the Eutychus of 20:9), who is paired with Trophimus, both of whom are identified as Ephesians rather than Asians. The D-text also seems to imply that five of the men (Sopater, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius, and Timothy) accompanied Paul “as far as Asia” (presumably Ephesus), whereas the Ephesians Eutychus and Trophimus “went on and waited for him at Troas.” But what does this mean? That the five men accompany Paul from Corinth to Macedonia, and then from Macedonia all the way to Ephesus, and that the two Ephesians sail from Corinth directly to Troas, where they wait for Paul and his companions? It appears that the D-text scribe(s) is confused, either about the geography of the Aegean region or the travel routes of the seven men, possibly both. See BegC 3:190–91; 4:253–54; Metzger 1998, 420–21, who conjectures that identifying Eutychus and Trophimus as Ephesians rather than Asians “may suggest that the Western reviser belonged to, or was closely connected with Ephesus.”

[20:1–6] Virtually absent from the tumultuous events described in 19:23–41 (cf. v. 30), Paul now reemerges, exercising pastoral leadership among his Ephesian converts. “Words of encouragement” (parakalesas, 20:1) entail reassuring

388

Acts 20:1–6

discourse.278

exhortation typical of paraenetic Travel to Macedonia implies a sea voyage northward through the Aegean, culminating in Neapolis (modern Kavala), the port city giving access to the via Egnatia. “Those (Macedonian) districts” (ta merē ekeina, v. 2) include the cities of Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea, places missionized earlier (chs. 16–17). Along the way, “many encouraging speeches” (parakalesas . . . logō pollō, 20:2), or perhaps lengthy and intensive exhortation, repeat the hortatory teaching offered to the Ephesian disciples (v. 2). “Greece” (eis tēn Hellada), used only here in the NT, is another way of referring to Achaia.279 Though Corinth is not specified as the location of Paul’s three-month stay, this is the most reasonable conclusion. Paul’s composition of Romans is reliably placed here.280 A Jewish plot in Corinth implies a resurgence of Jewish opposition reported earlier (18:6, 12–17).281 Retracing his steps through Macedonia (v. 3) may imply an overland journey northward through Greece, although a sea voyage is not out of the question. By identifying the seven members of Paul’s entourage (v. 4), Luke shows that Pauline Christianity is firmly established in three of the main areas covered by the previous narrative: Macedonia (Beroea, Thessalonica), south-central Asia Minor, specifically Lycaonia (Derbe), and Asia (Ephesus). Only Achaia is not mentioned. Sopater, the son of Pyrrhus, mentioned only here in the NT, can be reasonably identified with Sosipater, who was also with Paul in Corinth when he wrote Romans (Rom 16:21).282 This is the same Thessalonian Aristarchus who, along with a fellow Macedonian Gaius, was caught up in the mob violence at Ephesus (Acts 19:29), and who will later accompany Paul to Rome (27:2). The Thessalonian Secundus is mentioned nowhere else. Since Timothy’s hometown (Lystra? possibly) Derbe has already been mentioned (16:1), Luke presumably thinks it unnecessary to repeat it here. Tychicus is mentioned only here in Acts but is elsewhere seen as a beloved Pauline coworker linked with Ephesus and Colossae, both Asian churches.283 Trophimus is later ­identified 278. Paraenetic discourse, signaled by such terms as “exhort” (parakaleō), is frequently used in the Pauline Letters; cf. 1 Thess 2:12; 3:2; 4:1; 2 Cor 1:3–7. See Malherbe 2014a, 1:167–74; 2:687–705; passim. 279. On the geographical extent of Achaia, see comments on 18:12. See BDAG 318 s.v. Hellas. 280. Numerous indicators in Rom 15–16 suggest that Paul was in Corinth when he wrote the letter (cf. Rom 16:1–2, 21–23). That Paul was en route to Jerusalem is clear from Rom 15:25. Among the concerns expressed in Rom 15:14–33, especially notable is Paul’s anxiety about the collection for the Jerusalem saints. This passage also shows how Paul viewed his recently completed Aegean mission and outlines his ultimate goal of missionizing Spain. None of these intriguing items, however, is mentioned by Luke. 281. For Jewish plots against Paul in Acts, see 9:23–25; 20:3, 19; 23:12–29; cf. 1  Thess 2:15–16; 2 Cor 11:26. 282. As explained in textual note d on 20:4 above, some MSS make this identification explicit. 283. See Col 4:7; Eph 6:21–22; 2 Tim 4:12; Titus 3:12.

Paul’s Travels around the Aegean 389

in Acts as “Trophimus the Ephesian,” the gentile who was reportedly seen accompanying Paul into the Jerusalem temple (21:29).284 An intriguing question is how this list relates to “the Pauline school,” members of Paul’s inner circle of coworkers who would eventually assume responsibility for collecting and preserving his letters, along with other teachings and anecdotes that would later constitute “the Pauline tradition.”285 Probably all seven, though possibly only Tychicus and Trophimus, are reported to have separated (in Corinth, possibly Macedonia) from Paul and his companion(s) included in the “us” of 20:5,286 and to have gone ahead (by ship) to Troas, the port city located in the northwest corner of Asia Minor.287 A firm temporal marker, probably April, is indicated by Paul’s presumed observance of “the [seven] days of Unleavened Bread” in Philippi.288 Technically, ships sailed from Neapolis, the port city that served Philippi, which was located about ten miles (16 km) inland on the via Egnatia. Sailing from Neapolis to Troas in April could be done in about three days.289 “Five days” probably implies a stop at the island of Samothrace (16:11).290 The seven-day stay in Troas anticipates the following incident (vv. 7–12).291 This compact Lukan summary of Paul’s travels, including his trip from Ephesus to Macedonia (v. 1), his subsequent three-month stay in Greece (Corinth, v. 2), and his return trip through Macedonia (v. 3), with a final stop at Philippi (v. 6), invariably figures into reconstructions of Pauline chronology, especially 284. Trophimus is also identified in 2 Tim 4:20 as a coworker whom Paul left ill at Miletus. 285. See Conzelmann 1979; also Schmeller and Cebulj. 286. This introduces the second “we” passage, 20:5–15, thus implying that the author or presumed author, who last appeared in Philippi (16:17), now reappears at Philippi as Paul’s traveling companion (20:5), accompanies him, along with the other seven members of his entourage, from Troas to Miletus (20:13–15). One way of interpreting the “we” passages in 16:10–17 and 20:5–15 is to assume that the author included in the “we” has remained in Philippi during the time elapsing between 16:17 and 20:5, i.e., while Paul continues his mission in Macedonia (Thessalonica, Beroea), Achaia (Athens, Corinth), and Asia (Ephesus). The next “we” passage occurs at 21:1–18, and the final one occurs at 27:1–28:16. 287. On Troas, see comments at 16:8. There is no explicit indication in the narrative that the seven named members of Paul’s entourage (20:4) cease to travel with him from this point until he arrives in Jerusalem (21:17–18). But neither is there any further mention of them as a group after that. The one exception is Aristarchus the Macedonian who accompanies Paul to Rome (27:2). 288. See Lev 23:5–8, which establishes the observance of Passover on the 14th of Nisan and the Festival of Unleavened Bread during the following seven days (Nisan 15–22); cf. 2 Chr 35:17; Ezek 45:21–24. Elsewhere Luke uses Passover and the Feast of Unleavened Bread as chronological reference points (Luke 22:1, 7; Acts 12:3; cf. 27:9), but he does not sharply differentiate between the two; similarly Josephus, Ant. 14.21; 18.29. See Bokser. 289. According to ORBIS, the sea voyage in April from Neapolis to Alexandria Troas takes 2.5 days, covering 208 miles (347 km). 290. See Casson 1995, 292 n. 93. 291. Seven-day stays are also reported at Tyre (21:4) and Puteoli (28:14).

390

Acts 20:7–12

as it relates to his dealings with the church at Corinth.292 A closely related issue

is how this reported sequence of events is incorporated, if at all, into theories of composition of 2 Corinthians.293 At the very least, Luke’s mention of the three-month stay in Greece (Corinth), from which he departs for the last time to Jerusalem (via Syria), seems to mark the point when Paul’s stormy relationship with the Corinthian church, especially as reflected in 2 Corinthians, is finally resolved, a reconciliation made possible by Achaia’s (esp. Corinth’s) final, although belated, decision to participate in the Pauline collection (Rom 15:26). 20:7–12 Christian Meeting in Troas, Paul Revives Eutychus 20:7 One Sundaya when we had met for a common meal,b Paul was engaged

in a discussion with those gathered. Since he was planning to depart the next day, he extended his remarks until midnight. 8 There were a good many oil lamps burningc in the upstairs room where we were meeting. 9 A certain young man named Eutychus was sitting in the window. As Paul’s discussion dragged on,d Eutychus faded off into a deep sleep. Finally when he was completely out of it,e he fell from the window three stories to the ground, and there they picked up his dead body.f 10 But Paul went downstairs, stooped down and put his arms around the boy, and said, “Do not be alarmed. He still has life in him.” 11 Now after going back upstairs, Paul broke bread and ate,g then talked for a long time until daybreak. Then he left. 12 As for the boy, he was being led around alive,h which was a source of great encouragement.i a. Lit., “on the first of the Sabbath(s)” (en tē mia tōn sabbatōn). The singular sabbaton typically refers to the seventh day of the week, the Jewish Sabbath, which begins at sunset on Friday and concludes at sunset on Saturday. Sometimes the singular form refers to a period of seven days (Luke 18:12; Mark 16:9; 1 Cor 16:2). The pl. sabbata (or genitive sabbatōn) can refer to a period of seven days. The phrase used here is a 292. Since it is widely believed that 1 Corinthians was composed by Paul in Ephesus before his final departure from that city, the passages that pose a challenge are mainly from 2 Corinthians. These include 2 Cor 1:16 (a planned trip from Ephesus to Corinth en route to Macedonia, a return trip from Macedonia to Corinth, and Paul’s being sent to Judea by the church at Corinth; cf. 1 Cor 16:2–8); 2 Cor 2:12–13 (a trip to Troas [from Ephesus?], an open-door missionizing opportunity, Paul’s not finding Titus in Troas, then proceeding to Macedonia); 7:5–8, 13–16 (Paul’s arrival in Macedonia with anxiety about Corinth, the arrival of Titus in Macedonia with good news about Corinth and Paul’s sense of relief); 9:4 (possible trip to Corinth [from Ephesus?] accompanied by “some Macedonians”); 12:14 and 13:1 (Paul’s “third visit” to Corinth). 293. Some place the composition of 2 Corinthians, either all or parts of it, in Macedonia after Paul’s final departure from Ephesus. This may have occurred during Paul’s visit to Macedonia reported in Acts 20:1–2. On the complex question of the composition of 2 Corinthians, see Furnish 29–55.

Christian Meeting in Troas 391 shortened form of hē mia hēmera tōn sabbatōn, i.e., the first day of the week. This latter phrase is used of Easter morning in Luke 24:1 || Mark 16:2 || Matt 28:1 || John 20:1 (cf. 19:31; 20:19); cf. 1 Cor 16:2 (kata mian sabbatou). Since Jewish chronology reckons the day from sunset to sunset, the main interpretive question here is whether the gathering is envisioned as occurring on Saturday or Sunday evening, probably the latter. b. Lit., “we having gathered together to break bread” (synēgmenōn hēmōn klasai arton). c. Instead of lampades, “lamps,” the D-text reads hypolampades, possibly “small windows” or “lookout holes,” thereby anticipating the mention of a window in v. 9. Metzger 1998, 422; BDAG 1038 s.v. hypolampas. d. Lit., “while Paul was discussing at length” (dialegomenou tou Paulou epi pleion). e. Lit., “being overwhelmed by the sleep” (katenechtheis apo tou hypnou). f. Lit., “he was taken up dead” (ērthē nekros). g. Lit., “both having broken the bread and having eaten” (kai klasas ton arton kai geusamenos). h. Lit., “and they led [brought] the boy alive” (ēgagon de ton paida zōnta). i. Lit., “they were encouraged not moderately” (pareklēthēsan ou metriōs).

[20:7–12] This episode presupposes a community of believers in Troas although one has not been reported previously (cf. 16:8, 11). The “we” passage from 20:5–6 continues, but the “we” in verses 7–15 now includes the seven Pauline coworkers (v. 4) who have traveled to Troas. “Common meal” renders klasai arton, “to break bread,” which ordinarily means “to eat” or “have a meal,” usually together (cf. 2:42, 46; 27:35), but since the phrase is used of the Eucharist in Luke 22:19 || Mark 14:22 || Matt 26:26, here it may have the sense of “sacred meal” (similarly, 1 Cor 10:16–17; 11:23–26).294 “Engaged in a discussion” (dielegeto, v. 7; also v. 9, dialegomenou) suggests give-and-take dialogue with an argumentative edge.295 “Upstairs room” (en tō hyperōō, v. 8) probably implies a private home.296 “Many oil lamps” (lampades hikanai, v. 8), ceramic vessels with wicks in oil rather than burning torches, can produce smoke-induced drowsiness.297 “Young man” (neanias) may refer to someone in his twenties or thirties, but “boy” (pais) in verse 12 suggests that he was a lad.298 Eutychus (Eutychos; variant, Eutychēs) is a common name amply attested in inscriptions.299 Falling asleep while a long-winded preacher drones on adds a touch of humor while engaging sympathetic readers who have had similar experiences. “Dead” 294. See Did. 14.1; Ign. Eph. 20.2. On bread as symbolizing bonds of friendship, see Diogenes Laertius, Lives 8.34–35. 295. See remarks on 17:2 and 19:8; also BDAG 232 s.v. dialegomai 1. 296. See Acts 1:13; 9:37, 39; see comments at 1:13. 297. These are the lamps envisioned in Matt 25:1–13. BDAG 585 s.v. lampas 2. 298. On the ages in a man’s life, see Diogenes Laertius, Lives 8.10; Philo, Creat. 105. BDAG 667 s.v. neanias and neaniskos; 750 s.v. pais, a young person below the age of puberty. 299. See Hemer 237.

392

Acts 20:13–16

literally.300

(nekros) should be taken Paul’s healing embrace of Eutychus mimics the revivification of young boys by Elijah (v. 10; 1 Kgs 17:21) and Elisha (2 Kgs 4:33–35), also similar resuscitations by Jesus (Luke 7:11–17; cf. 7:1–10; 8:41–42, 49–56) and Peter (Acts 9:36–42). “Do not be alarmed” (mē thorybeisthe, Acts 20:10) or “Do not make a fuss” (BegC 4:257) is formulaic language in such miracle stories (cf. Mark 5:39). Paul’s return upstairs, his breaking bread and eating, are self-referential, thus need not be seen as a eucharistic meal shared by all (cf. Luke 24:30). “Talking for a long time until daybreak” (eph’ hikanon homilēsas achri augēs, Acts 20:11) does not suggest an all-night monologue since homileō is a Lukan term for dialogue, thus conversing.301 Typical of such stories, Eutychus’s being led around alive offers visible proof of the miracle, which in turn edifies the community (v. 12; cf. 3:8–10). For all of its brevity and lively humor, this story provides a capsule description of an early Christian meeting, with distinctive features or activities that one might encounter as part of such a group: a Sunday night meeting in a private home, thus as a house church;302 a communal meal, “breaking bread,” that easily acquires a eucharistic character; extended discussion, conversation, and discourse led by Paul or some other prominent teacher; a miracle or some other dramatic display of power. Some elements are missing, for example, singing and praying, but these have been mentioned earlier (2:42; 16:25). The content of Paul’s conversation is not specified but indicators of probable subject matter have been amply supplied, for example, the vigorous exhortation mentioned earlier (14:22; 20:1–2). Nor is the Holy Spirit mentioned, but charismatic services need not have been the norm. 20:13–16 Paul Travels to Miletus Going ahead to the ship, we set sail for Assos, where we were planning to take Paul on board. This is what he had arranged when he made plans to travel cross-country.a 14 He then met with us at Assos, where we took him aboard and then proceeded to Mitylene. 15 We sailed from Mitylene and arrived on the next day across from Chios. The next day we crossed over to Samos, and the following day we came to Miletus. 16 Why this route? Paul had decided to sail past Ephesus to keep from losing time in Asia, for he was in a hurry to arrive in Jerusalem, if at all possible, for the day of Pentecost. 20:13

300. Cf. Acts 14:19, Paul’s attackers “supposing that he was dead.” For “as though dead,” see Rev 1:17; cf. Matt 28:4; Mark 9:26. For “he was taken up dead,” see T. Jud. 9.3. 301. The verb homileō is used 4x in the NT: Luke 24:14–15; Acts 20:11; 24:26. Its cognate homilia, “association,” “company,” is used once (1 Cor 15:33); in Hellenistic and early Christian literature, it can refer to a speech, lecture, or sermon. See BDAG 705 s.v. homileō, homilia. 302. On early Christian meetings at night, cf. Pliny the Younger, Ep. 10.96.

Paul Travels to Miletus 393 a. Lit., “for he had arranged it this way when he was about to travel by foot” (houtōs gar diatetagmenos ēn mellōn autos pezeuein)

[20:13–16] The “we” in verse 13 includes, along with the implied author, the seven Pauline coworkers mentioned earlier (v. 4), thus a sizeable traveling party. A sea voyage from Troas to Assos entails navigating the southwest promontory of the Troad. No explanation is given for Paul’s preference to travel the short but mountainous cross-country route from Troas to Assos. Perched on a hillside on the southern coast of the Troad, with a commanding view of the island of Lesbos to the south, Assos possessed an acropolis dominated by a peripteral Doric temple dating to the sixth century BCE. Assos was the home of Aristotle from 348 to 345 BCE and the birthplace of Cleanthes, author of the Hymn to Zeus, one of the most important early Stoic writings.303 After Paul joins the group at Assos, they next stop at Mitylene (or Mytilene, modern Mytilini), which was located on the southeast coast of Lesbos. As the island’s chief city, Mitylene possessed an impressive harbor, a theater, a sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, along with other houses and public buildings that attest its prosperity during the Roman period.304 “Opposite” (antikrys) Chios implies a sailing route between the island of Chios and the promontory of Asia Minor on the western tip of which the modern Turkish city of Çeşme is located. Chios is not only the name of the large Aegean island (about 325 square miles) but also its defining city on the east coast, approximately four and a half miles (7 km) from the coast of Asia Minor.305 About eighty miles (129 km) southeast of Chios is Samos, again the name of the island (476 square miles) and its main city; about a mile from the coast of Asia Minor, it also possessed buildings (bath complex, gymnasium) reflecting prosperity during the Roman period.306 The coastal city of Miletus, along with Didyma on the opposite side of the peninsula, had a storied history as an eminent Ionian city of Asia Minor. Among pre-Socratic philosophers were the Milesians Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes.307 This sea voyage from island to island in the eastern Aegean, mostly hugging the coast of western Asia Minor, is explained as purposely avoiding a stop in Ephesus (v. 16). Given Paul’s lengthy stay and the sizeable community of believers in Ephesus, it is reasonable to imagine that another visit to Ephesus would be consumed with pastoral duties and further controversy. By marking Paul’s departure from Philippi after the days of Unleavened Bread (20:6), and carefully reporting time intervals (five days, then seven days in Troas, v. 6; 303. See Mitchell 2012b; for the archaic temple at Assos, see Wescoat. 304. Shipley and Roueché. 305. Shipley 2012a. 306. Shipley 2012b. 307. Ure, Cook, S. M. Sherwin-White, and Roueché.

394

Acts 20:17–35

unspecified time in traveling from Troas to Assos, v. 13; three “next days” in v. 15),308 Luke is attentive to the demands of a narrative chronology that would allow Paul to arrive in Jerusalem by Pentecost. The time markers already given, along with those provided in reporting Paul’s journey from Miletus to Jerusalem (21:1–16), suggest that getting from Philippi to Jerusalem within a fifty-day period might be difficult. 20:17–35 Paul’s Speech to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus Members of Paul’s traveling party with links to Ephesus—Timothy (19:22), Aristarchus (19:29), and the Asians Tychicus and Trophimus (20:4)—would be credible delegates through whom Paul could send a message to the Ephesian elders, and who could escort them on the two-day journey from Ephesus to Miletus. Once they arrive in Miletus, “the elders of the church” (tous presbyterous tēs ekklēsias, v. 17) form the audience for Paul’s farewell address.309 Unique among speeches in Acts for being a pastoral sermon addressed to Christians, the Miletus speech differs in both tone and content. It is tenderly reminiscent and reassuring but also cautious and even pessimistic in outlook. Formally it exhibits the literary characteristics of a testament, a well-established literary genre: anticipation of the speaker’s “departure” (vv. 25, 29); review of one’s past conduct (vv. 18–21, 26–27, 31, 33–34); preview of the future (vv. 22–24), including threats to the speaker’s legacy and established values (vv. 29–30); addressing issues of succession and ensuring the continuity of traditions begun by the speaker (vv. 28, 31–32); and emphasizing the speaker’s exemplary life with appropriate calls to imitation (v. 35).310 This speech should be seen as the last of Paul’s major addresses, along with the synagogue sermon in Pisidian Antioch (13:16–41) and the Areopagus sermon in Athens (17:22–31). Together they form a grand trilogy: a sermon to Jews dominated by OT interpretation; a sermon to gentiles with subtle biblical reminiscences featuring a quotation from a pagan poet; and a sermon to Christian leaders that concludes with a quotation from Jesus. This speech unfolds in four stages: (1) rehearsing his ministry in the Aegean (vv. 18–21); (2) looking toward Jerusalem (vv. 22–24); (3) Paul’s charge to the 308. According to ORBIS, the 60 miles (97 km) from Mitylene to Chios in April would take 0.7 day; the eighty miles (129 km) from Chios to Samos would take 0.9 day; and the 120 miles (193 km) from Samos to Miletus would take 1.4 days. 309. Having already reported Paul’s practice of appointing elders over his churches (see comments on 14:23), Luke gives no explanation of how elders in the church of Ephesus emerged. References in Acts to presbyteroi as Christian leaders include 11:30; 14:23; 15:2, 4, 6, 22, 23; 16:4; 20:17; 21:18. 310. For scholarship treating 20:17–35 as a farewell speech or testament, see Malherbe 2014a, 1:215 n. 35; on 215–16 Malherbe identifies motifs in the speech that are paralleled in pagan texts.

Paul’s Speech to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus 395

elders: reminders and warnings (vv. 25–31); and (4) embodying Jesus’s teaching in his ministry (vv. 32–35). 20:17 From Miletus, Paul sent a message to Ephesus summoning the elders

of the church for a meeting. 18 When they came to Paul, he said to them: “From the first day that I set foot in Asia, especially you eldersa know how I conducted myself among youb the entire time: 19 I humbly served the Lord,c shed many tears, and was tested repeatedly when the Jews plotted against me.d 20 I did not refrain from declaring anything I thought would benefit you,e or from teaching you both publicly and privately.f 21 I bore witness to Jews as well as Greeks, urging the former to have faith in our Lord Jesus, the latter to reorient their lives toward God.g 22 “And now look at me!h I am going to Jerusalem as the Spirit’s prisoner.i What will happen to me there, I have no idea. 23 I only know that in city after city the Holy Spirit gives me words of warningj that imprisonment and hardshipk await me. 24 And yet, by no means do I value life just for my sakel as I complete my course and the ministry that I received from the Lord Jesus: to testify to the gospel of God’s grace. 25 “Now please listen!m I know that all of you among whom I traveled about preaching the kingdom will not see me again.n 26 So I solemnly declare to you on this very day, ‘I will not be held responsible for anyone’s life.’o 27 For I did not hold back from declaring to you the complete scope of God’s purpose.p 28 Take care of yourselves and the whole flock among whom the Holy Spirit placed you as overseers, to shepherd the Lord’s church that he acquired through his own blood.q 29 I know that after my deathr mean wolves will come into your midst, not sparing the flock. 30 Men will even arise from among your own, twisting words arounds in order to pull the disciples away behind them. 31 So be alert! Remember that for three years, night and day, I did not stop giving each of you stern instructions, shedding tears as I did it.t 32 “And now, I am handing you over to the Lordu and to the message of his gracious gift, a message with edifying power that can also give you an inheritance among all the saints.v 33 I never yearned forw anyone’s silver, gold, or clothing. 34 Surely you know that these hands served my needs and the needs of my coworkers.x 35 In every way I showed you the necessity of working hard to help the weak, keeping in mind the words the Lord Jesus himself spoke, ‘The one who gives is more blessed than the one who receives.’” a. This attempts to render the emphatic opening, lit., “you yourselves know” (hymeis epistasthe). b. Lit., “how I was among you” (pōs meth’ hymōn . . . egenomēn).

396

Acts 20:17–35

c. Lit., “serving the Lord with all humility” (douleuōn tō kyriō meta pasēs tapeinophrosynēs). Probably the Lord Jesus is meant. d. Lit., “serving the Lord with . . . testings that happened to me in the plots of the Jews” (douleuōn tō kyriō meta . . . peirasmōn tōn symbantōn moi en tais epiboulais tōn Ioudaiōn). e. Gk. tōn sympherontōn, “things profitable.” f. Lit., “and to teach you in public and from house to house” (kai didaxai hymas dēmosia kai kat’ oikous). g. This translation takes seriously the chiastic construction: testifying to both Jews (A) and Greeks (B) repentance toward God (B') and faith in our Lord Jesus (A'). B' summarizes the content of his preaching to Greeks, A' his preaching to Jews. h. Lit., “and now behold” (kai nyn idou). i. Lit., “bound by the Spirit” (dedemenos tō pneumati). j. Lit., “bears witness to me, saying” (diamartyretai moi legon). k. Lit., “chains and tribulations” (desma kai thlipseis). l. Lit., “But of no account do I regard life as valuable for myself” (all’ oudenos logou poioumai tēn psychēn timian emautō); possibly, “I do not consider my life worth a single word.” BDAG 598 s.v. logos 1.a.α. m. Lit., “and now behold” (kai nyn idou). n. Lit., “I know that no longer will you see my face—all of you among whom I went about preaching the kingdom” (egō oida hoti ouketi opsesthe to prosōpon mou hymeis pantes en hois diēlthon kēryssōn tēn basileian). o. Lit., “I am clean of everyone’s blood” (katharos eimi apo tou haimatos pantōn). See Job 11:4; 33:9; cf. Isa 65:5. p. Lit., “the whole will of God” (pasan tēn boulēn tou theou). q. Lit., “to shepherd the church of God, which he gained possession [of] with his own blood” (poimainein tēn ekklēsian tou theou, hēn periepoiēsato dia tou haimatos tou idiou). Some ancient manuscripts read “church of [the] Lord [kyriou],” which allows the following phrase to refer to Jesus, thereby conforming to early Christian belief that the church was purchased with the blood of Jesus rather than that of God; also honoring the reticence among NT writers of equating Jesus unequivocally with God. My translation adopts the reading kyriou, which is read in ∏74 A C* D E Ψ 33. 453. 945, along with several other minuscules and other witnesses including Irlat. Other variant readings reflect attempts to address the problem, e.g., “the church of God, which he purchased with the blood of his own [Son].” See Metzger 1998, 425–27. r. Lit., “after my departure” (meta tēn aphixin). s. Lit., “speaking perversions [of the truth]” (lalountes diestrammena). t. Lit., “admonishing you with tears, each of you” (meta dakryōn nouthetōn hena hekaston). u. NA28 reads “God” (theō) instead of the alternative reading “Lord” (kyriō). I adopt the latter reading here. See v. 28. v. Lit., “which is able to build up and give the inheritance among all the saints” (tō dynamenō oikodomēsai kai dounai tēn klēronomian en tois hēgiasmenois pasin). w. Lit., “I desired no one’s . . .” (oudenos epethymēsa). x. Lit., “those with me” (tois ousin met’ emou).

Paul’s Speech to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus 397

[20:17–21] Although Paul focuses on the extended, continuous period of his ministry in Ephesus (19:1–20:1), he reaches back to his first brief visit (18:19). “Serving the Lord [Jesus]” echoes the language of the Pauline Letters (Rom 12:11; Col 3:24), as does ministry accompanied by the shedding of tears (also Acts 20:31), a strong emotive expression usually associated with deep pain rather than peaks of joy.311 Luke reports Jewish resistance to Paul’s synagogue preaching in Ephesus (19:9) but does not characterize this as repeated “plots of the Jews.” In view is Paul’s ministry generally, such as the occasion that prompts his change of plans in Corinth (20:3; see comments above). Willingness to declare the truth, even when painful, typifies Paul’s ministerial behavior (v. 27; Gal 4:16). Public proclamation may recall Paul’s teaching in the lecture hall of Tyrannus (Acts 19:9). His private instruction “from house to house” (kat’ oikous, 20:20) is not reported in chapter 19, although, given the length of his ministry, can certainly be assumed. Bearing witness (diamartyromenos, 20:21) typically means bold, courageous preaching, especially testifying to what one has seen or experienced personally.312 Given the chiastic structure of verse 21, this formulaic summary envisions Paul’s ministry as two-pronged: convincing Jews to have faith in the Lord Jesus, while persuading Greeks to take the more elementary step of believing in, thus turning toward, one God. [20:22–24] Paul’s mention of Jerusalem recalls plans made earlier (19:21), thus shifting the focus from past to future, to what lies ahead. The Holy Spirit’s warning about impending “imprisonment and hardship” (v. 23) makes Paul captive to the Spirit’s direction. This is no new revelation since the risen Lord has made clear to Paul from the beginning that suffering will be an intrinsic part of his ministry (9:16). Earlier Paul has used the same language (persecutions or tribulations, thlipseis) in warning his newly formed churches in South Galatia what life in the kingdom of God entails (14:22). Again, “imprisonment” (desma) is not new (16:23–39), but here it anticipates his arrest in Jerusalem (21:27–36) and subsequent incarcerations in Caesarea (23:35; 24:23, 27). The Lukan pun is worth noting: desma (“imprisonment”) lies ahead, but Paul is already dedemenos tō pneumati (“the Spirit’s prisoner,” 20:22). In Luke’s view, being captive to God’s transcendent plan trumps ordinary captivity. “City after city” (v. 23) also looks ahead to the Holy Spirit’s warnings that he receives in Tyre (21:4) and Caesarea (21:11). Valuing one’s own life (psychē, 20:24) transcendentally rather than selfreferentially is a firmly established Pauline sentiment (Phil 1:18–26) that resonates with the Lukan Jesus (Luke 9:23–25; 12:23; 14:26; 17:33). Completing 311. See the so-called tearful letter, 2 Cor 2:3–4; similarly, Phil 3:18; cf. 2 Tim 1:4. 312. For diamartyromai in Acts, see 2:40; 8:25; 10:42; 18:5; 20:21, 23–24; 23:11; 28:23; cf. Luke 16:28; 1 Thess 4:6; 5:21; 2 Tim 2:14; 4:1; Heb 2:6.

398

Acts 20:17–35

one’s course (hōs teleiōsai ton dromon mou, Acts 20:24), an athletic metaphor, is used of John’s ministry (13:25) but also reflects post-Pauline language (2 Tim 4:7).313 “Ministry” (diakonia) as a description of Paul’s work, especially his preaching to the gentiles (21:19; cf. 12:25), resonates with Paul’s self-description in his letters.314 The “Lord Jesus” as the source of Paul’s ministry recalls Ananias’s vision (9:15–16) and anticipates Paul’s trial defenses (22:14–15; 26:15–18). “The gospel of God’s grace” (to euangelion tēs charitos tou theou, 20:24; also v. 32), an unusual expression, captures the bifocal dimension of Paul’s preaching witness: the welcome, refreshing news of God’s initiative in extending grace to humanity.315 The phrase echoes moments in the Lukan story that are epiphanies of God’s grace.316 [20:25–31] An audience larger than the Ephesian elders and Paul’s entourage is envisioned in verse 25, another indication that Luke portrays Paul, in effect, addressing all of his followers recounted in Acts 13–20. “Preaching the kingdom” (kēryssōn tēn basileian) is an alternative expression summarizing the content of early Christian preaching.317 Not seeing Paul’s face again is euphemistic language, Luke’s subtle way of signaling his knowledge of Paul’s death (similarly, v. 38).318 Paul’s solemn declaration that he has acted responsibly toward others is predicated on his claim to have spoken to them truthfully (vv. 26–27).319 The “will [or, purpose] of God” (hē boulē tou theou, v. 27) is distinctively Lukan language for a divine intentionality that is comprehensive in scope but realized in particular events seen to have an element of predetermined necessity.320 “Take care of yourselves” (prosechete heautois, v. 28) recalls earlier admonitions (5:35; cf. Luke 12:1; cf. 1 Tim 4:16). The church as a flock of sheep 313. See Philo, Allegor. Interp. 3.48. 314. See Rom 11:13; more generally, 2 Cor 4:1; 5:18; 6:3; cf. 1 Tim 1:12; 2 Tim 4:11. In Rom 15:31 diakonia has specific reference to the Pauline collection. 315. The verb euangelizomai occurs 25x in Luke-Acts, but the noun euangelion only twice, both times in Acts (15:7; 20:24). “Evangelist” (euangelistēs) appears in Acts 21:8. 316. See Acts 11:23; 13:43; 14:3, 26; 15:40 (?); 18:27; similarly, grace of Christ (15:11; possibly 15:40). 317. In Acts, Luke speaks of the kingdom of God as the content of early Christian preaching on the lips of the risen Lord (1:3), Philip (8:12), and Paul (19:8; 20:25; 28:23, 31). In 14:22 kingdom of God is used in an eschatological sense, i.e., as a future, blissful reality for which suffering and persecutions are a prerequisite for entry. 318. Impending death is a typical feature of the testament genre, e.g., T. Reu. 1.3–4; T. Dan 2.1; T. Jos. 1.1. 319. On the formulation “I am innocent of the blood of all,” see comments on 18:6. 320. Luke 7:30; Acts 2:23; 4:28; 13:36; 20:27; cf. Eph 1:11; Heb 6:17. Absent from Luke-Acts is the personified Counsel of God at work in creation as found in Poimandres (a tractate in Corpus hermeticum), or even conceived in relation to primeval Wisdom. See Dodd 126–32; also Schrenk 1964a, esp. 635 for the Lukan understanding. Elsewhere in the NT the related expression thelēma theou is more common (e.g., Mark 3:35) yet is also found in Luke-Acts (e.g., Luke 11:2 [v.l.]; 22:42; Acts 21:14; 22:14).

Paul’s Speech to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus 399

echoes Jesus’s characterization of his disciples,321 an endearing OT image used to express God’s care and provision for Israel.322 Although sheep/shepherd imagery used of the church and its leaders is not Pauline language, it is firmly established elsewhere.323 “Overseers” (episkopous, v. 28), earlier called “elders” (presbyteroi, v. 17), are those who exercise oversight especially through protective care.324 Their selection may involve human wisdom and discernment, but here the Holy Spirit is the true authorizing agent, probably in the same way earlier consequential church decisions are seen as involving well-intentioned, prayerful people collaborating with the Holy Spirit (13:2–3; 15:28). While “the church” (hē ekklēsia) is standard Lukan nomenclature, this more formal designation with “God” or “the Lord” as adjectival modifier is unusual, though frequent in the Pauline Letters.325 A more somber, even pessimistic, note is sounded with the warning that Paul’s death will trigger an onslaught of enemies eager to undermine his legacy.326 “Wolves” (lykoi, 20:29), ever-present, persistent enemies of sheep, regularly symbolize false prophets or other inimical figures who operate with base, usually monetary, motives.327 The prospect that the threat will arise from within Pauline circles is analogous to what is reported within Johannine Christianity (1 John 2:19). In this language some see the threat of early Gnosticism, but Jesus’s warning against false messiahs and announcements of imminent parousias (Luke 21:8) are plausible referents. The overall tone is close to that of the Pastoral Letters, which target dissenters and deviant teachings, especially the use of hairsplitting arguments built upon distorted language.328 The retrospective “three years” (trietian, Acts 20:31) may mean parts of three years rather than thirty-six consecutive months, although the latter is not unreasonable if all of the time markers are tallied up.329 Teaching “night and day” (v. 31) sounds an 321. Luke 12:32; cf. John 10:1–18; 21:15–17. 322. See Jer 23:1–4; Ezek 34; Zech 10:3; 11:16. 323. The sole exception is the reference to congregational leaders as “pastors” (tous poimenas) in Eph 4:11. It is esp. prominent in 1 Pet 2:25; 5:1–4. See Jeremias 1968. 324. See Beyer 1964. The term episkopos designates a specific leadership role, along with deacon, in Phil 1:1; more formally in 1 Tim 3:2; Titus 1:7; cf. 1 Pet 2:25. The related term episkopē designates a leadership position in Acts 1:20; 1 Tim 3:1. 325. See 1 Cor 1:2; 10:32; 11:16; passim; cf. 1 Tim 3:5, 15. 326. Similar threats are typical of testaments, e.g., T. Iss. 6.1, which envisions Issachar’s heirs forsaking the Lord and becoming allies of Beliar. 327. Luke 10:3 || Matt 10:16; Matt 7:15; John 10:7–18; cf. Ezek 22:27. False teachers and heretics are regularly depicted as wolves in early Christian literature: Did. 16.3; Ign. Phld. 2.2; 2 Clem. 5.2–4; Justin, 1 Apol. 16.13; Dial. 35. BDAG 604 s.v. lykos. 328. See 1 Tim 1:3–7; 4:1–5; 6:3–5; 2 Tim 3:1–9; Titus 1:10–16. 329. Three months preaching in the synagogue (19:8), preaching in the hall of Tyrannus for two years (19:10), staying “for some time longer in Asia” (19:22), and the concluding exhortations (20:1).

400

Acts 20:36–38

authentic Pauline note (1 Thess 2:9; 3:10; cf. 2 Tim 1:3). As noted earlier (Acts 20:19), tearful ministry also connects with the Pauline Letters (e.g., 2 Cor 2:4). [20:32–35] Transferring the elders to the Lord’s (or God’s) keeping is yet another indication of Paul’s impending death (vv. 25, 38). “Message of his gracious gift,” literally, “to the word of his grace” (tō logō tēs charitos autou; cf. v. 24), is probably shorthand for the gospel rather than some written message, either the OT or Jesus’s teachings.330 “Edifying power” (tō dynamenō oikodomēsai, v. 32) has been attested earlier (9:31) yet also echoes Paul (Rom 16:25; 2 Cor 13:10). An inheritance reserved for the saints is especially characteristic of Colossians and Ephesians.331 Disclaiming interest in monetary compensation, especially as a means of financial support for preaching, faintly echoes Samuel’s protestation (1  Sam 12:3), but reflects a firmly established Pauline principle.332 Working with his hands to support himself, reported earlier (18:3), also connects with Paul’s epistolary descriptions of his ministry.333 Helping the weak (antilambanesthai tōn asthenountōn, v. 35), including those who are sick (cf. 1 Cor 11:30), is a standard Pauline exhortation.334 Fittingly, the sermon concludes with an agraphon, a saying of Jesus not reported in the canonical Gospels (v. 35). Whether “the words of the Lord Jesus” (tōn logōn tou kyriou Iēsou) refers to a collection of Jesus’s sayings is uncertain, though not impossible. The literary form of the saying—a makarism or beatitude— resembles Luke 6:20–22, although here the blessing inheres in the preferred act of giving, whereas Jesus’s pronouncements in Luke’s Sermon on the Plain personalizes the blessings: They are gifts promised to those who embody the desired attitudes.335 20:36–38 Paul’s Farewell And when he had said these things, he got down on his knees with all of them and began to pray. 37 Tears flowed as they all put their arms

20:36

330. See Acts 14:3, which speaks of the Lord’s “bearing witness to the word of his grace” (NKJV). See comments on 14:3. 331. See esp. Col 1:12; Eph 1:18. For salvation as inheritance, see Col 3:24; Eph 5:5; Heb 9:15; 11:8; 1 Pet 1:4. 332. See 1 Cor 9:12, 15; 2 Cor 7:2. On the true philosopher’s refusal to accept money from others, see Dio Chrysostom, Or. 3.14–15; Lucian, Nigr. 25–26; and Malherbe 2014a, 1:216 n. 42 and passim. See T. Iss. 4.2 for similar disparagement of gold, fancy foods, and fine clothes. 333. See 1 Thess 2:9; 2 Thess 3:7–8; 1 Cor 4:12. 334. As in Rom 14:1–2, 21; 1 Cor 8:11–12. 335. While the saying is fully congruent with the Lukan Jesus, the sentiment reflects both Jewish and pagan sensibilities. See Sir 4:31; Plutarch, Philos. 3 (Mor. 778C), speaking of Epicurus, “It is not only nobler, but also pleasanter, to confer rather than receive benefits”; Seneca, Ep. 81.17, “For anyone who receives a benefit more gladly than he repays it is mistaken.” Similarly, 1 Clem. 2.1. References in BegC 4:264.

Paul’s Farewell 401

around Paul’s neck and kissed him.a 38 They were especially pained to hear him say that they would not see his face again.b Finally, they accompanied him to the ship. a. Lit., “great weeping took place among them all” (hikanos de klauthmos egeneto pantōn). b. Lit., “that they no longer were about to see his face” (hoti ouketi mellousin to prosōpon autou theōrein).

[20:36–38] Kneeling to pray is a favorite Lukan posture (Acts 7:60; 9:40; 21:5). This poignant farewell draws on similar OT moments.336 Extravagant kissing, even in such a formalized social ritual, is in keeping with (modern) Mediterranean custom and should be distinguished from the “holy kiss” attested elsewhere.337 This is the third allusion to Paul’s death (20:25, 29, 38). Typical of many port cities, the harbor of Miletus began to silt up during the Roman period. The ruins of the ancient city are now nine miles (15 km) from the sea.

336. See Gen 33:4; 45:14; Tob 7:6. 337. See 1 Thess 5:26; 1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; Rom 16:16; 1 Pet 5:14. BDAG 1057 s.v. philēma.

21:1–26:32—Part 6 Paul in Jerusalem and Caesarea: His Arrest and Trials Paul’s farewell speech to the Ephesian elders marks the end of his mission tour in the Aegean region (15:36–20:38). The next major section (21:1–26:32) is dominated by events in Jerusalem and Caesarea: Paul’s reception by the Jerusalem church, the circumstances leading to his arrest, a series of events in Jerusalem, including his appearance before the Sanhedrin and a Jewish plot to kill Paul, his transfer to Caesarea and appearances there before two successive procurators, Felix and Festus, and finally before Herod Agrippa II. One of the dominant features of this section is the trilogy of defense speeches, the first before the crowd in the Jerusalem temple (22:1–21), the next two in Caesarea before Felix (24:10–21) and Agrippa (26:1–23). The amount of space devoted to these events in Paul’s life suggests that one of Luke’s major literary aims is to defend Paul. He does this by providing the details of his arrest and trials, by listing the various charges brought against Paul, and by crafting three major speeches in which he lets Paul speak for himself. These speeches differ from most of the preceding speeches, usually characterized as missionary sermons, whose main focus has been the proclamation of the gospel. The main exception is Stephen’s speech (ch. 7), which, though presented as a response to charges brought against him, mainly rehearses Israelite history. Some have seen parallels between Paul’s final trip to Jerusalem and Jesus’s extended journey from Galilee to Jerusalem in Luke’s travel narrative (9:51– 19:27), and similarly between the trials of Jesus (Luke 22–23) and Paul (Acts 21–26). In certain ways Luke depicts Paul reenacting Jesus’s actions, but the comparisons should not be forced. The Lukan passion narrative has its own internal logic, which is informed by Luke’s theological understanding of Jesus’s suffering, death, and resurrection as the central elements of early Christian preaching. Luke’s account of Paul’s “final days” is informed by an apologetic logic whose thrust is to show how Paul as God’s chosen instrument, though assailed by critics, mainly his fellow Jewish countrymen, is nevertheless able under divine guidance to reach Rome, to meet with Jewish leaders there and chide them for their collective unresponsiveness to the gospel, and to continue his mission unhindered (28:31).1 1. Shauf 235–37 is rightly skeptical of the usual arguments for seeing 19:21–28:31 as a travel narrative parallel to Luke 9:51–19:27.

Journey to Jerusalem 403

21:1–26 Journey to Jerusalem 21:1–6 Sailing from the Aegean to Palestine via Tyre Eventuallya we tore ourselves away from themb and set sail. Following a straight course, we came to Cos, the next day to Rhodes, and from there to Patara.c 2 Finding a ship heading across to Phoenicia, we boarded it and set sail. 3 We sighted Cyprus, passed it on our left, sailed on toward Syria, finally arriving at Tyre, where the ship’s cargo had to be unloaded. 4 We looked up the disciples and stayed there seven days. Some of them, prompted by the Spirit, were telling Pauld not to go up to Jerusalem. 5 Now when our stay was up,e we departed, while all of them, along with the women and children, escorted us outside the city. We knelt on the shore to pray 6 and said good-bye to each other. We boarded the ship, and they returned to their homes. 21:1

a. Lit., “and thus it came to pass” (hōs de egeneto). b. Lit., “having been drawn away from them” (apospasthentas ap’ autōn). The verb apospaō, “to pull out,” “draw away,” when used in the passive, can have a middle sense, “tear oneself away.” BDAG 120 s.v. apospaō, noting Herm. Sim. 6.2.3. c. Probably influenced by Acts 27:5, the D-text adds another stop at Myra, a port city farther east about 50 miles (80 km). See Metzger 1998, 427. d. Lit., “some were saying to Paul through the Spirit” (hoitines tō Paulō elegon dia tou pneumatos). e. Lit., “Now when it came to pass [that] we finished our days” (hote de egeneto hēmas exartisai tas hēmeras).

[21:1–6] Another “we” passage begins in verse 1 and continues through verse 18. Since the “we” in verse 1 is retrospective, the implication is that the person included in the “we” has been present at Paul’s speech to the Ephesian elders in Miletus. This fits with the mention of the last “we” in 20:15, which occurs at Miletus. Thus, although the second and third “we” sections strictly apply only to 20:5–15 and 21:1–18, they actually comprise a single section that includes 20:5–21:18. “Set sail” (anachthēnai) and “following a straight course” (euthydromēsan­ tes) are nautical terms.2 A sea route eastward with stops at Cos,3 Rhodes,4 2. For anagō as a nautical technical term, see note at 13:13. For euthydromeō, see note at 16:11. 3. Cos is the name of a SE Aegean island and also its leading city (also of the modern city) on the NE tip, opposite Halicarnassus (modern Bodrum); it was the birthplace of Hippocrates (fifth c. BCE), whose Coan medical center achieved renown. Its location on the trade route connecting the Aegean with Egypt created close literary and cultural ties with Alexandria, as exemplified in the poets Philitas, Theocritus, and Herodas. A civitas libera under the Romans, Cos was incorporated by Augustus into the province of Asia. See Laidlaw and S. M. Sherwin-White. 4. Rhodes, both the large (840 sq. mi. [2175 sq. km]) SE Aegean island off the SW coast of Asia Minor and its main city on the NE tip, was located at the top of a triangle whose base was formed by

404

Acts 21:1–6

Patara5

authors.6

and is documented in other ancient Since Cos and Rhodes are names for both the islands and their major cities, Luke’s references may be to the cities. Although no preaching activity is reported in these locations, they are known to informed readers and travelers as important landmarks on a voyage from the Aegean to the eastern Mediterranean. Sighting Cyprus on the left indicates a straight course toward Phoenicia, the coastal strip along the northeast Mediterranean shore, whose major cities include Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon, and Byblus, and which had a legendary reputation for seafaring and international trade.7 Syria, whose territorial borders shifted depending on time and political context, but whose western edge was defined by the Mediterranean coast, encompassed the larger area (including Phoenicia) reaching to the Taurus Mountains in the north, to the Euphrates in the east, and to Palestine/Judea in the south.8 Major cities include Damascus in the south and Antioch in the north, on the Orontes. Unloading a cargo ship would be a routine occurrence at Tyre, a major port city in southern Phoenicia, which possessed two harbors and enjoyed great commercial success as a center for purple dyeing and glass production.9 Although Luke has not previously reported the founding of a church in Tyre, the existence of disciples (mathētas, 21:4) there can be reasonably deduced from his earlier report of Christ-believers fleeing from Jerusalem after Stephen’s death; traveling to Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch; and preaching to Crete and Cyprus. During the Hellenistic period, Rhodes played a strategic role in famously fending off a yearlong attack by Demetrius I Poliorcetes and celebrating its victory by constructing the Colossus, a 100-foot (30-meter) statue honoring (the sun-god) Helios, a monument that became one of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World. Under Roman rule Rhodes maintained its rich cultural traditions, becoming a major center of Stoic philosophy with which Panaetius (Coan native) and his student Posidonius were associated, and which attracted Cicero as a student. The birthplace of the eponymous epic poet Apollonius Rhodius, “the city of the Rhodians . . . on the eastern promontory of Rhodes,” says Strabo, was unequalled as a fortified, well-administered city, once known for its naval supremacy (Geog. 14.2.5 [C652]). Dio Chrysostom, addressing one of his orations to Rhodes, praises the city as “the most prosperous of the Greeks” (Or. 31.40). See Mee and Rice. 5. Patara (modern Kelemiş), located on the SW coast of Asia Minor in the province of Lycia, near the mouth of the Xanthus River, was a major port city whose harbor ensured its prominence in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Herodotus mentions a sanctuary of Apollo “at Patara in Lycia” occasionally frequented by a prophetess (Hist. 1.182). See Mitchell 2012d. 6. Livy, Hist. 37.16.1–2 (Miletus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, Cos, Rhodes, Patara); cf. Lucan, Civ. W. 8.244–249. References in BegC 4:264. 7. See discussion of Cyprus at 13:4 above. Phoenicia as a geographical designation occurs in the NT only in Acts (11:19; 15:3; 21:2). The adjectival designation “Syrophoenician” occurs in Mark 7:26. The Phoenician towns Tyre and Sidon are often mentioned as a pair (Luke 6:17 || Mark 3:8; Luke 10:13–14 || Matt 11:21–22; Mark 7:24 [v.l.] || Matt 15:21). 8. See Jones, Seyrig, S. M. Sherwin-White, and Liebeschuetz; BDAG 977 s.v. Syria. In 64 BCE Syria became a Roman province (capital at Antioch) that included Judea. After Rome suppressed the Jewish revolt in 74 CE, Judea became a separate province under the jurisdiction of the Syrian legate. 9. Jones, Seyrig, Salles, and Healey.

Traveling to Ptolemais and Caesarea: Agabus’s Prophecy 405

Jews in those locations (11:19). That Paul would seek them out (aneurontes, 21:4) seems to imply a fixed and even sizeable group rather than a random assortment of believers scattered throughout the city. This is reinforced by the mention of a weeklong visit,10 which presupposes space and wherewithal to provide hospitality to a band of travelers.11 A coherent group is also suggested by an escort to the harbor by “all of [the disciples], along with the women and children” (v. 5). The Holy Spirit’s prompting disciples to offer advice conforms to the broader Lukan pattern depicting the Spirit as an active presence within the church (13:2).12 The disciples’ warning for Paul not to proceed to Jerusalem heightens the dramatic tension by anticipating “the imprisonment and persecutions” (20:23) that await him. That he flatly ignores an inspired warning does not present a theological problem for Luke. The prayerful farewell scene resembles the one at Miletus (20:36–38). 21:7–14 Traveling to Ptolemais and Caesarea: Agabus’s Prophecy Continuing the voyage from Tyre,a we arrived in Ptolemais, where we greeted the brothers and stayed a day with them. 8 The next day we left and came to Caesarea, where we entered the house of Philip the evangelist (one of the Seven) and stayed with him. 9 He had four virgin daughters who prophesied. 10 After we had been there several days, a certain prophet named Agabus came down from Judea. 11 When he found us,b he took Paul’s belt, used it to tie his own feet and hands, and said, “Hear this word from the Holy Spirit:c ‘The man who owns this belt will be tied up like this by the Jews in Jerusalem, and they will deliver him into the hands of gentiles.’” 12 When we heard these words, we, along with the local residents, appealed to Paul not to go up to Jerusalem. 13 Then Paul responded, “What are you doing—weeping and breaking my heart? For I am ready not only to be tied up but also to die in Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus.” 14 When he would not be persuaded, we held our silence, saying, “The Lord’s will be done.” 21:7

a. Gk. ton ploun dianysantes, possibly “having completed the voyage,” in which case the arrival at Tyre would have marked the end of the voyage from the Aegean, and the following stops at Ptolemais and Caesarea would be seen as a separate leg of the trip culminating in Jerusalem. See BegC 4:266–67; BDAG 234 s.v. dianyō. 10. Other seven-day stays are mentioned at Troas (20:6) and Puteoli (28:14); cf. 21:27. 11. Similar practices of extending hospitality are reflected in 2 John 10–11; 3 John 5–8; cf. Rom 12:13; 15:23–24; 16:1–2; Did. 11.3–6; 12.1–2. On patterns of early Christian hospitality, see Malherbe 2014b, 1:70–77; and 1983, 65–70; Meeks 109. 12. For the Holy Spirit as one who speaks, instructs, testifies, etc., see Acts 8:29; 10:19; 11:12; 13:2; 20:23; 21:11.

406

Acts 21:7–14

b. Lit., “and having come to us” (kai elthōn pros hēmas). c. Lit., “thus says the Holy Spirit” (tade legei to pneuma to hagion).

[21:7–14] Named after Ptolemy II Philadelphus (308–246 BCE; cf. Let. Aris. 115) and one of several ancient cities whose name honored one of the Ptolemaic rulers, Ptolemais (OT Acco, Judg 1:31; Gk. Akchō or Akē) was a Phoenician coastal city about thirty miles (48 km) south of Tyre, where, according to Josephus, 2,000 Jews were massacred by the city’s Greek inhabitants in 66 CE.13 As with Tyre, Ptolemais, especially given its well-documented Jewish presence, may have been one of the Phoenician cities missionized earlier (11:19). Simple mention of “the brothers” (tous adelphous, Acts 21:7) and a one-day visit may mean a smaller, less organized church than the one in Tyre.14 By now, Caesarea (Maritima), a major coastal city about forty miles (65 km) south of Ptolemais, is a familiar site to Lukan readers, first mentioned as Philip’s destination after the conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch (8:40) and featured as the city in which the gospel was first preached to gentiles (10:1–11:18).15 Although no reference is made here to Philip’s earlier journey to Caesarea (which makes him the effective founder of the church there), the reader is not surprised to learn of his presence here, or that he is now described as “the evangelist” (tou euangelistou, 21:8) and as “one of the Seven” (ontos ek tōn hepta, v. 8; cf. 6:5). This is the only use of the noun “evangelist” (euangelistēs) in Luke-Acts, but its meaning is clear from Luke’s repeated use of the verb euangelizomai, “to herald the good news,” to characterize Philip’s preaching in Samaria (8:12), as well as his preaching to the eunuch (8:35) and similar activity in “all the towns” between Azotus and Caesarea (8:40). Since the same term is frequently used in Luke-Acts to describe the preaching of John the Baptist (Luke 3:18), especially Jesus (4:18, 43 passim), the apostles (Acts 5:42; 8:25), and Paul (13:32; 14:7, 15, 21; 15:35; 16:10), the reader knows that Philip, though unique in bearing the title “evangelist” in Luke-Acts, stands within a long tradition of those who proclaim the good news. Its usage here may reflect the later, post-Pauline period when “evangelist” signifies a ministerial function distinct from prophets, pastors, and teachers (Eph 4:11; cf. 2 Tim 4:5). The title effectively distinguishes this Philip from Philip the apostle (Acts 1:13).16 That 13. Josephus, J.W. 2.477. See Schürer 2:121–25. Ptolemais is mentioned only here in the NT. 14. On “brothers” (hoi adelphoi) as a Lukan technical term for Christians, see comments on 1:15 and references cited there. 15. See earlier comments on Caesarea at 10:1. Although an overland journey of 40 miles (64 km) would take more than a day, Luke does not actually report that the trip was made in one day; simply that they left Ptolemais “the next day” and arrived in Caesarea. 16. Even so, the two Philips are sometimes confused in ancient sources, e.g., by Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, as quoted by Eusebius (Eccl. Hist. 3.31.3), who speaks of the apostle Philip and his two daughters, who grew old in virginity, all of whom died in Hierapolis, and a third daughter

Paul Welcomed in Jerusalem 407

he had four unmarried daughters who exercised the gift of prophecy (21:9) is new information about Philip, showing, among other things, that the expectations of Joel’s prophecy quoted by Peter (2:17) are being fulfilled. “A certain prophet named Agabus from Judea” (tis apo tēs Ioudaias prophētēs onomati Agabos, 21:10) is a somewhat surprising introduction since it implies that he is unknown to the reader, who already knows his status as a Spirit-inspired prophet from Jerusalem (11:27–28). This literary wrinkle may result from Luke’s use of a different source. Once again Agabus invokes the Holy Spirit, this time to trigger a dramatic gesture reminiscent of OT prophets (e.g., Isa 20). Tying his own hands and feet by using Paul’s belt and delivering the Spirit’s message from a crouched position would certainly get everyone’s attention, but the wording of the oracle does not precisely fit with what is later reported. Paul is later bound with two chains, not by the Jews but by the Roman tribune (21:33). Being “delivered by the Jews into the hands of the gentiles” (v. 11) is formulaic language earlier used of Jesus,17 conforming to what Paul later reports about himself to the Jews in Rome (28:17). This time, the “we,” which probably includes the seven men in Paul’s entourage (20:4) and the implied author, “along with the local residents” (hoi entopioi, 21:12), which must mean the other believers in the Caesarean church (perhaps Cornelius’s family), join their voices with the Tyrian church (21:4) in begging Paul not to proceed to Jerusalem. Just as the prophetic warning here is more dramatic than before, so is Paul’s protest (v. 13). The prospect of Paul’s dying in Jerusalem naturally echoes Jesus’s eerily prophetic remarks in the Lukan travel narrative (Luke 13:33–34), while also reinforcing earlier intimations of his impending death (Acts 20:24). Suffering and dying “for the name of the Lord Jesus” recalls the risen Lord’s commission to Saul (9:16), along with the exemplary courage of the apostles (5:41) and Barnabas and Saul (15:26). Paul’s emphatic protest silences his would-be saviors, whose prayer of resignation, “the Lord’s will be done” (21:14), seems more docile than Jesus’s more steadfast compliance on the Mount of Olives (Luke 22:42 || Mark 14:36 || Matt 26:39; also repeated in Matt 26:42). 21:15–19 Paul Welcomed in Jerusalem When our time in Caesarea was up,a we got everything ready and went up to Jerusalem. 16 Some of the disciples from Caesarea went with us, directing us to the home of Mnason, a native Cypriot who had become

21:15

who died in Ephesus. See Lawlor and Oulton 2:116–18. The tomb of the apostle Philip is said to be located in the Saint Philip Martyrium in Hierapolis (modern Pamukkale). 17. See Luke 18:31–34 || Mark 10:32–34; Matt 20:17–19; also Mark 15:1 || Matt 27:2; loosely similar language in Luke 22:66–23:1; and 24:6–7.

408

Acts 21:15–19

a disciple early on, with whom we were to lodge. 17 When we arrived in Jerusalem, the brothers welcomed us with open arms.b 18 The following day Paul went with us to James, and all of the elders were present. 19 After Paul greeted them, he related one after another the things God had done among the gentiles through his ministry. a. Lit., “after these days” (meta de tas hēmeras tautas). b. Lit., “gladly” (asmenōs). The wording of vv. 16–17 is ambiguous. The opening phrase of v. 17, “when we arrived in Jerusalem,” since it occurs after the mention of Mnason’s house, may imply that the house was located somewhere along the route between Caesarea and Jerusalem, perhaps midway to allow an overnight stay. This latter option is adopted by the D-text, which reports: “These people [the disciples from Caesarea] took us to those with whom we would lodge; when we had arrived in a certain village, we found ourselves at the house of Mnason, a certain man from Cyprus and a longtime disciple. From there we left and went to Jerusalem” (LDT). See Metzger 1998, 428.

[21:15–19] The length of stay in Caesarea is not specified, simply “several days” (hēmeras pleious, 21:10) and “these days” (tas hēmeras tautas, v. 15). “Getting everything ready” (episkeuasamenoi, v. 15) refers to general preparations, possibly including procurement of horses, for the 75-mile trip to Jerusalem, which was about 2,500 feet above sea level. Hence one travels “up” to Jerusalem from the coast and “down” to Syrian Antioch (18:22). “Disciples from Caesarea” (tōn mathētōn apo Kaisareias, v. 16; cf. “brothers,” adelphoi, v. 7) enlarge the Pauline entourage. Mnason, a name occurring in various forms in inscriptions and papyri, represents yet another Cypriot, along with Barnabas (4:36), “who had become a disciple early on” (archaiō mathētē, 21:16).18 He is mentioned only here in the NT. That he has a house in Jerusalem large enough to accommodate a sizeable group of visitors probably implies that he is a person of some means. The composition of the Jerusalem church, “the brothers” (hoi adelphoi, v. 17), which includes James (Iakōbon), doubtlessly Jesus’s brother since the apostle James’s death was recorded earlier (12:2), and “all of the elders” (pantes hoi presbyteroi, v. 18) should be contrasted with the earlier characterization of “the [Jerusalem] church and the apostles and the elders” (apo tēs ekklēsias kai tōn apostolōn kai tōn presbyterōn, 15:4). A shift in leadership is clearly signaled with James as the only person named. This is not entirely surprising since James’s leadership role in the Jerusalem church was hinted at as early as 12:17, and emphatically demonstrated by his climactic speech at the Jerusalem Council, in which he made the Scripture-based proposal that won the day (15:13–21). Also worth noticing here is the conspicuous absence of the apostles, either as a 18. See Hemer 237.

The Jerusalem Church’s Proposal: Four Men with a Vow 409

group or as individuals. The apostles have not been mentioned as participants in the narrative since chapter 15 (cf. 16:4), and Peter is noticeably absent, not having appeared in the narrative after 15:7–11, 14. Whether this is the result of Luke’s sources or whether it actually reflects the state of affairs in Jerusalem in the 60s (or at the time of Luke’s writing) is difficult to say. But at least from the standpoint of the Lukan narrative, a different leadership structure is in place in Jerusalem by the time Paul returns from his mission in the diaspora. The retrospective summary, in which Paul rehearses “the things God had done among the gentiles through his ministry” (hōn epoiēsen ho theos en tois ethnesin dia tēs diakonias autou, 21:19), recalls the report of Barnabas and Paul after their mission to south-central Asia Minor (14:27) and their subsequent report at the Jerusalem Council (15:12; cf. 15:4). Why these summaries exclude the instances in which Paul preached, often successfully, to Jews in both his Galatian (chs. 13–14) and Aegean (chs. 16–20) missions is puzzling.19 Probably the best explanation is the particular emphasis that Luke gives to the gentile mission and to Paul as its major proponent, especially in the diaspora. These brief, retrospective missionary reports may reflect Luke’s theological viewpoint, but they narrow the scope of Paul’s missionary preaching that Luke himself reports. They do underscore, however, that God is the primary agent in initiating and carrying out the gentile mission. 21:20–26 The Jerusalem Church’s Proposal: Four Men with a Vow 21:20 Now those who heard [Paul’s report] glorified God, and they said to Paul, “You see, Brother, how many thousandsa of people there are among the Jews who have become believers—and they all zealously keep the law.b 21 They have been informed concerning you that you teach all the Jews living among the gentilesc to turn away from Moses,d saying they should not circumcise their children or abide by the [Jewish] customs.e 22 What is our concern?f They will certainly hear that you have come. 23 So do what we tell you. There are four men who have made a vow among themselves. 24  Take these men, undergo purification rites with them, and pay their expenses that they might have their heads shaved. Then everyone will know that there is nothing to the things that are reported about you; rather, that you fully support observing the law.g 25 Now concerning those gentiles who have become believers, we have written [to them] of our decision that they should avoid meat sacrificed to idols, blood, improperly slaughtered animals, and sexual immorality.”h

19. See, e.g., Acts 13:43, 52 (Pisidian Antioch, although it is difficult to determine the degree of success among Jewish hearers); 14:1 (Iconium); 16:1 (Lystra, possibly Derbe); 17:12 (Beroea); 18:8 (Corinth); and 19:10, 17–18 (Ephesus).

410

Acts 21:20–26

26 Then

Paul took the men the very next day and underwent purification rites with them. He entered the temple and gave notice when the days of purification would be completed, at which time the offering would be brought for each one of them. a. Lit., “tens of thousands” (myriades), but the standard English idiom “thousands” makes the point. b. Lit., “zealots of the law” (zēlōtai tou nomou). c. Lit., “all the Jews throughout the gentiles [or, nations]” (tous kata ta ethnē pantas Ioudaious). Here kata + accusative indicates extension in space, thus “the Judeans [dispersed] throughout the nations.” So, BDAG 511 s.v. kata B.1.a. d. Lit., “apostasy from Moses” (apostasian . . . apo Mōyseōs). e. Lit., “nor walk by the customs” (mēde tois ethesin peripatein). f. Lit., “What then is it?” (ti oun estin?). g. Lit., “. . . but you are in line with [hold to], also yourself, keeping the law” (alla stoicheis kai autos phylassōn ton nomon). h. The D-text amplifies what is reported in v. 25: “Regarding the gentiles who have become believers, they [i.e., the Jewish Christians] have nothing to say against you, because we ourselves sent a letter expressing our judgment that they need not keep anything of the kind, only that they should avoid idol sacrifice and blood and illicit sexual relations” (LDT). See Metzger 1998, 429, noting the absence here of the negative version of the Golden Rule, which is included in the D-text tradition of 15:20, 29.

[21:20–26] “Glorifying God” (edoxazon ton theon, v. 20), here and also in response to the conversion of Cornelius (11:18), represents the Jerusalem church’s enthusiastic embrace of the gentile mission. The fairly lengthy speech (vv. 20–25) attributed to the Jerusalem church collectively contains several important elements, some of them problematic. First, who are the thousands of Jewish believers who are strict torah observers (v. 20)? Clearly, Christian Jews are meant, but do they live in the land of Israel, in the diaspora, or both? Luke’s summaries have reported thousands of Jewish converts (Acts 2:41; 4:4), along with more generalized statements of growth (5:14; 6:7; 9:31). So, at least in terms of what has been reported in the narrative, it is feasible for readers to imagine thousands of Christian Jewish converts. The presence of strict torah observers among these converts has also been indicated by the “circumcised believers” who raised questions about Cornelius’s conversion (11:2), and also by the Judean conservatives, including converted Pharisees, who initially insisted upon the necessity of circumcision for gentiles (15:1, 5). So, again, that there would be thousands of such people who “zealously keep the law” (21:20) is a reasonable claim, at least in terms of narrative expectations. And since the presence of such people has been located in Jerusalem and Judea, we can reasonably conclude that the Christian Jews whose views are being represented by the Jerusalem church are Palestinian rather than diasporic.

The Jerusalem Church’s Proposal: Four Men with a Vow 411

Second, the characterization of Paul’s mission as being defined by his consistent practice of teaching “all the Jews living among the gentiles” (v. 21), meaning diaspora Jews, to forsake Moses, by not requiring their male children to be circumcised and by no longer adhering to Jewish customs (observance of the Sabbath and Jewish festivals), identifies key controversial points also reflected in the Pauline Letters.20 It now becomes clear why Luke has reported some instances of Paul’s fidelity to torah: He has Timothy circumcised (16:3), takes a Nazirite vow (18:18), observes the Feast of Unleavened Bread (20:6), and desires to be in Jerusalem to observe the Feast of Pentecost (20:16). Since these concrete examples of Paul’s respect for the Mosaic law have already been reported, readers know that these hearsay charges are groundless. Third, the Jerusalem church’s proposal that Paul participate in purification rites with the four men who have made a vow among themselves and that he underwrite their expenses so that they can complete the vow by shaving their heads (21:23–24, 26–27) is problematic. Luke’s brief report implies the following: (1) the four men have taken a collective vow to be concluded by shaving their heads and making an offering (vv. 23–24, 26); (2)  the vow involves a purification ritual that lasts seven days (v. 27); (3) the purification ritual entails expenses that Paul can pay (v. 24); (4) Paul can join in the purification ritual with them in the temple (v. 26a); (5) Paul can report when the purification ritual ends, thereby indicating the time when the offering required of each of them is to be made (v. 26b); and (6) the focus of these activities is the Jerusalem temple (vv. 26–27). Although Luke does not call the four men “Nazirites,” literally, “those separated” or “those consecrated,” the only known Jewish vow that involves shaving the head is the Nazirite vow.21 The main problem with Luke’s description is that it does not conform to the general regulations governing the Nazirite vow outlined in Num 6:1–21 or to nonbiblical, especially rabbinic, texts describing practices related to the Nazirite vow (e.g., the Mishnah tractate Nazir). Although Num 6 does not specify the length of time covered by “all their days as nazirites” (6:4–6, 8, 12 NRSV), the temporary Nazirite vow (as opposed to the lifelong vows of Samson, Samuel, and possibly John the Baptist) typically lasts thirty days.22 The seven-day period of purification described in Num 6:9–12 relates specifically to defilement resulting from contact with a corpse by someone who has undertaken a Nazirite vow. When that happens, the person immediately becomes unclean and is required to begin a seven-day period of purification, which concludes with shaving the head, and on the eighth day 20. For example, Paul’s well-known disparagement of circumcision as a necessity, especially for gentiles (1 Cor 7:19; Gal 5:6; 6:15; Rom 2:25–29). 21. See the discussion of the Nazirite vow at 18:18. 22. See Josephus, J.W. 2.313–314; m. Naz. 1:3–4, 6.

412

Acts 21:20–26

offering two turtledoves or two young pigeons to the priest at the entrance of the tabernacle/temple. At that point, the earlier Nazirite vow can resume but only after the person’s head has been sanctified by offering a year-old male lamb as a guilt offering. If the seven-day period of purification mentioned in Acts 21:26–27 refers to the provisions in Num 6 governing the exceptional case of defilement through contact with a corpse that interrupts a Nazirite vow already begun, Luke’s description makes more sense. But since this is not specified, the reader is left in a quandary. Nor does this explain Paul’s participation in the purification ritual with the four men, unless he somehow had also touched a corpse. But there is no indication of this.23 Nor does it appear that he has been in Jerusalem (or the land of Israel) long enough to have begun a Nazirite vow. His vow mentioned in 18:18 has already been concluded. It is feasible, however, to imagine that Paul could cover the expenses of four men who must undergo a purification rite that requires them to make an offering at the temple. If they need purification because of contact with a corpse, each of them would be bound by Num 6:10–12 to offer two turtledoves or two young pigeons and, if they want to resume their earlier vow, a year-old male lamb. Thus Paul would have had to pay for eight birds and four yearling lambs. Another possibility is that Luke is describing a purification ritual relating to the Nazirite vow that was known during his time (but elsewhere unattested) rather than one that conformed to the biblical regulations in Num 6. Or, as was the case in his report of Jesus’s presentation in the temple (Luke 2:22–24), Luke may have been imperfectly informed about the details of such Jewish practices. Alternatively, he may have reported what was included in the tradition that he had received from the Jerusalem church, in which case the confusion about the details of the vow may be traceable to his sources. Although some of the details of Luke’s report seem confused, his underlying point is clear: The church’s proposal that Paul participate with the four men in their vow and underwrite their expenses relating to the vow is made in order to demonstrate his absolute fidelity to the Mosaic law and thereby counter the view that Paul, especially in the diaspora, is teaching Jews to abandon the law. Fourth, the church, in reporting the terms of the Jerusalem agreement (Acts 21:25), appears to be telling Paul something he does not know.24 This is odd, of course, since Luke’s earlier report of the Jerusalem Council includes Paul as a key participant (15:2–4, 12, 22, 25–26) as well as the one who delivers the agreement to churches in Asia Minor (16:4). So why does the church 23. One possibility is that Paul, having just arrived in the land of Israel from Gentile territory, needed to undergo ritual purification and that accompanying the four men provided him an opportunity to fulfill that obligation. See Bockmuehl 79, esp. n. 129; and Peterson 588. 24. This wording of the agreement conforms to the version reported in 15:29, which varies slightly from the wording in 15:20. See the discussion at 15:29.

The Jerusalem Church’s Proposal: Four Men with a Vow 413

introduce this item here? If their main concern is Paul’s ostensibly liberal views about torah observance and finding ways to correct misconceptions about those views, why is the Jerusalem agreement relevant? One possibility is that, since conservative, torah-observant Christian Jews have signed off on this agreement earlier (ch. 15), the Jerusalem church wants to reassure Paul (and Luke’s readers) that they are not questioning the validity of the gentile mission and raising once again the issue of the terms of admission for gentiles, but rather that they are simply trying to find a way to mollify Christian Jews in Jerusalem and Judea and to clarify how Paul thinks Christian Jews and their non-Christian Jewish colleagues should relate to torah. The Jerusalem agreement has decided that it is not necessary for gentiles to become Jews in order to be Christian: that issue has been settled. Now the pressing question is whether Paul thinks that Jews must become de facto gentiles in order to be Christian. Fifth, Paul’s compliance with the church’s proposal to undergo purification rites with the four men (v. 26), while conforming to Luke’s overall portrait of Paul as a thoroughly torah-observant Pharisee, is in tension with the Paul of the Letters, who does not display such unqualified loyalty to torah and certainly does not easily yield to the demands of fellow Christian Jews who insist that his practice conform to their prejudices. A critical issue here is the meaning and application of Paul’s own principle, “To the Jews I became as a Jew, in order to win Jews” (1 Cor 9:20). Seen one way, Luke’s description of Paul’s willingness to participate in this purification rite in the temple is plausible and even defensible behavior. It shows Paul living out 1 Cor 9:20 in a specific historical context. But given the titanic struggle between Paul and his Christian Jewish opponents in Galatians and 2  Corinthians, some find Luke’s description of Paul’s behavior here to be quite incredible. After this meeting of Paul with the Jerusalem church upon his arrival in Jerusalem, the church fades into the background and actually disappears from the narrative once Paul is arrested and his trials in Jerusalem and Caesarea set in. It is rather odd that Luke reports no efforts by the Jerusalem or Caesarean churches to assist Paul during this turbulent period of his life. The one exception, perhaps, is his nephew’s discovery of the plot against Paul and reporting it to the tribune (23:16–22). Another glaring omission, at this point in the narrative, is Luke’s failure to mention the collection. Since this is Paul’s final visit to Jerusalem in Acts, and the visit that immediately follows the conclusion of his ministry in the Aegean (chs. 16–20), it must be the same visit mentioned by Paul himself in Rom 15:25–33. Anticipating his final trip to Jerusalem, from which he plans to visit Rome, and eventually Spain, Paul expresses a sense of gratitude (and relief) that the collection for “the poor among the saints at Jerusalem” (15:26) has now been completed. At the same time, however, Paul asks for the Roman church’s prayers that he “may be rescued from the unbelievers in Judea” and

414

Acts 21:27–22:30

that his “ministry to Jerusalem,” meaning the collection, will be “acceptable to the saints” (15:30–31). Paul’s anxious fear is two-pronged: the non-Christian Jews in Judea and the Christian Jews in Jerusalem. In one sense, the former aligns with the concerns expressed by the Jerusalem church in Acts 21:20–21. It suggests that the historical Paul, who wrote Rom 15:31, is well aware of the continuous opposition that he has experienced from Jews in the diaspora, and that he is also concerned that his arrival in Jerusalem will trigger further opposition among Judean Jews, perhaps fueled by diaspora Jews who follow him to Jerusalem from Asia or other places in the Aegean. This part of Paul’s anxiety is what Luke addresses in Acts 21. But his anxiety about how the collection will be received by the Jerusalem church, Luke does not mention at all. Whether Luke’s report of Paul’s willingness to pay the expenses related to the four men’s purification rite is a cryptic reference implying that Paul can use some collection funds for this purpose is an intriguing possibility, but nothing more than that. The only other possible mention of the collection by Luke is Felix’s expressed hope that he could get money from Paul (24:17, 26). Given the theological and symbolic significance that Paul attaches to the collection and the degree to which it preoccupies him during his Aegean ministry, it is difficult to believe that Luke, even if writing several decades later, is unaware of it. And yet, for all practical purposes, it goes unmentioned in Acts, which can only mean that Luke is more concerned to focus on the circumstances surrounding Paul’s arrest and trials than how the collection is received by the Jerusalem church and the difference it makes in how Jewish and gentile Christians relate to each other. Another possibility, of course, is that the collection is not accepted by the Jerusalem church, as Paul has feared, and that Luke, aware of this, does not mention it because this embarrassing failure would undermine his picture of a harmonious, unified church.25 21:27–22:30 Paul’s Arrest in Jerusalem and His Speech before the Crowd in the Temple 21:27–30 Asian Jews Charge Paul with Temple Defilement Now as the seven days were about to be over, the Jews from Asia spotted him in the temple, whipped the entire crowd into a frenzy, and seized Paul.a 28 They shouted, “Fellow Israelites,b help! This is the man who teaches against the people, against the law, against this place—and he teaches this to everyone everywhere. Moreover, he escorted Greeks into the temple, and he has defiled this holy place.” 29 For they had p­ reviously 21:27

25. See comments on 24:10–21.

Asian Jews Charge Paul with Temple Defilement 415

seen Trophimus the Ephesian in the city with Paul, whom they supposed Paul had escorted into the temple. 30 The whole city was aroused, and a crowd of people collected, and they seized Paul and dragged him outside the temple, then immediately the gates were closed. a. Lit., “grabbed him with their hands” (epebalon ep’ auton tas cheiras). b. Lit., “Men, Israelites” (andres Israēlitai).

[21:27–30] As already noted, the completion of “seven days” may be a confused allusion to the period of purification required for someone who, after having undertaken a Nazirite vow, has become defiled through contact with a corpse (Num 6:9). “Jews from Asia” (hoi apo tēs Asias Ioudaioi, v. 27) probably means Ephesian Jews, some of whom are reported earlier to have “stubbornly refused to believe and spoke evil of the Way” (19:9 NRSV).26 Even earlier, diaspora Jews, including some from Asia, have opposed Stephen (6:9). The Asian Jews’ three charges are highly stylized: “against the people” (kata tou laou), the Jewish people;27 “against the law” ([kata] tou nomou), the Mosaic law; “against this place” ([kata] tou topou toutou), the temple. These charges echo those brought against Stephen earlier (6:11, 13). “Everyone everywhere” (pantas pantachē, 21:28), besides being a nice alliterative phrase, signals that Paul is a threat to Jews both in the land of Israel and in the diaspora. Such charges, if true, undermine the rights that Jews have won under the Seleucids and that are ratified by the Romans. These include the right to maintain their distinct ethnic identity as the Jewish people, which includes the right to live by the Mosaic law anywhere in the empire and especially the right to honor the Jerusalem temple by collecting money for the annual temple tax and sending it to Jerusalem.28 Luke’s use of “in the temple” (eis to hieron, vv. 28–29) is somewhat vague. Gentiles are allowed in the large Herodian temple complex but are confined to the Court of the Gentiles, the large peripheral area inside the porticoed temple walls that is separated from the more restricted inner area and the innermost sanctuary by a wall with intermittent notices in Greek and Latin that impermissible entry is a capital offense.29 A sighting of Paul in Jerusalem with 26. In 2 Cor 1:8, Paul’s cryptic reference to “the affliction we experienced in Asia” may allude to the fierce opposition he experienced from Jews in Ephesus. 27. Laos, “people,” in Luke-Acts typically means “Jewish people” or simply “Jews.” See Luke 1:21; Acts 2:47; passim. 28. See, e.g., Josephus, J.W. 6.333–336; also Smallwood 120–43, “The Diaspora and Jewish Religious Liberty.” 29. See Josephus, J.W. 5.194; cf. 6.124–126; Ant. 15.417; cf. 12.145; Philo, Emb. Gaius 212; cf. m. Kelim 1:8. For the temple inscription (OGIS 2:598) forbidding entry of foreigners discovered by C. Clermont-Ganneau in 1871, see NTB 53 (no. 50); also Deissmann 80; and Schürer, 2:284–87.

416

Acts 21:31–40

Trophimus the Ephesian has narrative credibility since “Trophimus from Asia” is earlier mentioned as a member of Paul’s entourage (20:4), which presumably is accompanying him from that point in the narrative all the way to Jerusalem. “Supposed” (enomizon, v. 29) is Luke’s way of underscoring the flimsiness of the charge. The episode escalates as Paul’s seizure by the Asian Jews (v. 27) becomes a seizure by “a crowd of people” (syndromē tou laou, v. 30), literally, “the people [of the city] rushed together.”30 Which of the several gates providing entrance to the temple precincts are closed is not stated. The point is that the frenzied mob evicts Paul from the temple. 21:31–40 Roman Tribune Rescues Paul, Permits Paul to Address the Crowd 21:31 As they were seeking to kill him, a report made its way to the military tribunea of the cohort that the whole of Jerusalem was in an uproar. 32 At

once he took soldiers and centurions and ran to the crowd. When they saw the tribune and the soldiers, they stopped beating Paul. 33 Then the tribune came near, seized Paul, and ordered that he be bound with two chains. He inquired who he might be and what he had done. 34 Some in the crowd were calling out one thing, some another. When the tribune was unable to know exactly what was happening, he ordered Paul to be led to his headquarters. 35 When Paul came to the steps, he was actually being carried by the soldiers because of the violence of the crowd, 36 for the majority of the people were following along, shouting, “Away with him!” a. Gk. chiliarchos. Lit., “leader of a thousand soldiers,” but in practice the military tribune or commander of a cohort of about 480 soldiers.

[21:31–36] In view here is the Antonia Fortress, an elaborate complex built into the temple portico at its NW edge, with towers at each corner, those adjacent to the temple portico overlooking the huge temple courtyard. The complex was constructed by Herod the Great in honor of Mark Antony. According to Josephus, a permanent Roman garrison (a cohort) was stationed there. Stairs leading down to the temple portico gave Roman soldiers immediate access to the temple area. The proximity and height of the fortress gave Roman soldiers a bird’s-eye view of the temple area, especially during Jewish festivals when the courtyard was crowded and nationalistic feelings ran high.31 Military officers and terms identify people and places related to the Antonia Fortress.32 The “tribune” (chiliarchos, vv. 31–34), which can be translated 30. BDAG 967 s.v. syndromē. 31. Josephus, J.W. 5.238–245; also Ant. 15.403–409. 32. See BDAG 1084 s.v. chiliarchos; 936 s.v. speira; 948 s.v. stratiōtēs; 298, s.v. hekatontarchēs; 755, s.v. parembolē.

Roman Tribune Rescues Paul 417

with less precision as “commander,” refers to the Roman tribunus militum, a military tribune who is over a “cohort” (speira, v. 31, the Greek word used to translate the Latin cohors), one-tenth of a legion. This tribune, whose name is later given as Claudias Lysias (23:26; 24:22), features prominently in chapters 21–25, mainly as Paul’s protector.33 “Soldiers” (stratiōtas, 21:32), a generic term,34 and “centurions” (hekatontarchas, v. 32), each leading about eighty men and subordinate to the tribune, comprise the team led by the tribune to rescue Paul.35 The tribune’s headquarters (parembolēn, v. 34), another military term, also designating “barracks,” is located in the Antonia Fortress.36 “Two chains” (halysesin dysin, v. 33) indicate extra security (as in 12:6), suggesting a prisoner with a hand chained to a guard on each side37 and recalling Agabus’s prediction (21:11). “Away with him!” (aire auton, v. 36; cf. 22:22) recalls the crowd’s demand at Jesus’s trial (Luke 23:18; John 19:15).38 As he was about to enter the headquarters, Paul said to the tribune, “Am I permitted to say something to you?” The tribune said, “Do you know Greek?a 38 Are you not the Egyptian who in earlier days stirred up a revolt and led four thousand men of the Sicariib out into the desert?” 39 Paul replied, “I am a Jewish man, from Tarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of not too bad a city. I ask you—permit me to speak to the people.” 40 After the tribune gave his permission, Paul stood on the steps, motioned with his hand to the people. When silence completely settled over the crowd, he addressed them in Aramaicc with these words:

21:37

a. Gk. Hellēnisti ginōskeis, possibly, “Do you understand Greek?” or “Do you speak Greek?” See BDAG 200 s.v. ginōskō 6.e; BegC 4:276. b. Gk. sikariōn. Or “dagger men,” “terrorists.” BDAG 923 s.v. sikarios. c. Lit., “in the Hebrew dialect” (tē Hebraidi dialektō). BDAG 270 s.v. Hebrais.

[21:37–40] While the tribune’s question might imply that knowledge of Greek by a Palestinian Jew is the exception rather than the rule, multilingualism in first-century Palestine is widely documented. The trilingual inscriptions on the cross (John 19:20) attest this, as does the discovery of some Greek

33. See Acts 21:31–33, 37; 22:24, 26–29; 23:10, 15, 17–19, 22, 26–30; (24:7 v.l.); 24:22; cf. 25:23. 34. See Acts 10:7; 12:4, 6, 18; 21:32 (2x), 35; 23:23, 31; 27:31, 32, 42; 28:16. 35. On centurions, see discussion at 10:1. 36. The Roman barracks (parembolē) figure in several episodes in chs. 21–23. See Acts 21:34, 37; 22:24; 23:10, 16, 32; also cf. 28:16 (v.l.), the barracks in Rome where the soldiers who accompanied Paul were quartered. 37. See Josephus, Ant. 18.195–204. 38. Also Mart. Pol. 3.2; 9.2.

418

Acts 21:31–40

manuscripts at Qumran, along with countless inscriptions from the land of Israel reflecting knowledge of Hebrew, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin.39 The unnamed Egyptian (ho Aigyptios)—said to have stirred up a revolt (anastatōsas) at an earlier time (pro toutōn tōn hēmerōn) and led four thousand “men of the Sicarii” (andras tōn sikariōn) into the desert (eis tēn erēmon)—with whom the tribune confuses Paul is also mentioned by Josephus.40 Describing political turbulence in Judea under the procuratorship of Felix (ca. 52–60 CE), Josephus reports the rise of “the Egyptian false prophet” within the context of the Sicarii movement, in which men with daggers terrorized Jerusalem, especially during the festivals. According to Josephus, the Egyptian collected about thirty thousand followers, led them from the desert (of Judea) to the Mount of Olives, and from there planned to invade Jerusalem. But Felix anticipated the attack and responded with overwhelming force, although the Egyptian and a few of his followers managed to escape. And yet similar escapades continued to destabilize Judea. There is no good reason to doubt that Luke and Josephus are referring to the same Egyptian prophet.41 Given the tribune’s question, as well as Luke’s note that Paul addresses the crowd in Aramaic (v. 40), Paul’s response to the tribune would be in Greek. Paul’s claim to be a Jewish man (anthrōpos . . . Ioudaios, v. 39) conforms to his own self-description in the letters (1 Cor 9:20; Gal 2:15; cf. Phil 3:5). Although Luke repeatedly mentions Tarsus in Cilicia as Paul’s birthplace,42 the city goes unmentioned in the Pauline Letters.43 The litotes “a citizen of not too bad a city” (ouk asēmou poleōs politēs, Acts 21:39), or “a citizen of no mean city” (KJV), or less elegantly, “a citizen of an important city” (NRSV), calls attention to the reputation of Tarsus as a cultural and intellectual center.44 Identifying himself as a citizen of Tarsus, Paul in effect says to the tribune: “Of course I speak Greek. I am a native of Tarsus, the city founded by Heracles.” It is widely agreed that Aramaic, a northwest Semitic language whose use in Syria is traceable to the ninth century BCE and that closely resembles Hebrew, was the vernacular language spoken by Jews in Palestine during the Second 39. On the complex question of multilingualism in first-century Palestine, with detailed examination of the relevant inscriptional, papyrological, and literary evidence, see Sevenster, who concludes that “all layers of the Jewish population of Palestine in the first centuries A.D. were more or less acquainted with Greek,” including Jesus (189–90). Also see Rabin; Mussies. 40. Josephus, J.W. 2.254–265; Ant. 20.169–172. 41. Eusebius (Eccl. Hist. 2.21.1–3) thinks so. 42. See Acts 9:11, 30; 11:25; 21:39; 22:3. 43. Once Paul mentions Cilicia (Gal 1:21) as a region, along with Syria, in which he has preached shortly after his conversion. 44. See comments on 9:11. For the litotes “no mean city,” see Euripides, Ion 8; Strabo, Geog. 8.6.14 (C 373).

Paul’s Defense Speech before the Crowd in the Temple 419

Temple period. 45Although the Greek phrase, rendered here as “in Aramaic,” is tē Hebraidi, literally, “in Hebrew,” this passage, along with Acts 22:2; 26:14, are properly understood as referring to the Aramaic spoken at that time in Palestine.46 22:1–21 Paul’s Defense Speech before the Crowd in the Temple This speech can be divided into four sections: (1) Paul’s upbringing and activity as a persecutor (22:1–5); (2) his encounter with the risen Lord en route to Damascus (22:6–11); (3) Ananias as the representative who relays God’s commission and baptizes Saul (22:12–16); and (4) Paul’s return to Jerusalem and his vision in the temple (22:17–21). These remarks, though with some variation, rehearse the circumstances of Paul’s conversion/call, which Luke has narrated earlier, in 9:1–29, and which will be repeated a third time in 26:9–20. Since the similarities and differences of these three accounts have been treated earlier in an excursus (along with a chart displaying the three accounts in parallel columns) at 9:1–29, the following comments will focus less on these variations and more on elements in the speech that are distinctive and that relate specifically to its setting in the Jerusalem temple. “Fellow brothers, and fathers! Hear now the defense I make to you.” 2 When they heard that he was addressing them in Aramaic,a they became rather quiet. Then he said, 3 “I am a Jewish man, born in Tarsus of Cilicia,b but brought up in this city,c educated at the feet of Gamalield strictly according to our ancestral law, zealously devoted to Gode even as all of you are today. 4 I sought to annihilate this Way through persecutionf by tying up men as well as women and throwing them into jail. 5 The high priestg and the whole council of elders can attest to my activity. I even received letters from them addressed to the brothers in Damascus, where I went to bring those whom I bound there to Jerusalem so they could be punished.” 22:1

a. Lit., “in the Hebrew dialect” (tē Hebraidi dialektō). See comments at 21:40 on the use of Aramaic in the Mediterranean world. b. Gk. gegennēmenos en Tarsō tēs Kilikias. 45. In fact, Aramaic was spoken well beyond Palestine. As Stephen Kaufman (173) states, “Aramaic was the primary international language of literature and communication throughout the Near East from ca. 600 BCE to ca. 700 CE and was the major spoken language of Palestine, Syria, and Mesopotamia in the formative periods of Christianity and rabbinic Judaism.” 46. Scholars still debate the degree to which some form of Hebrew was commonly spoken. See BDAG 270 s.v. Hebraisti; also see “Aramaic,” ODJR 60–61.

420

Acts 22:1–21

c. Gk. anatethrammenos de en tē polei tautē. d. Gk. para tous podas Gamaliēl pepaideumenos. e. The phrase “being a zealot of God” (zēlōtēs hyparchōn tou theou) shows some variation in the manuscript tradition. Some MSS (Ψ 614. 1505 vgmss) omit “of God.” Instead of “God” the Vulgate reads “law” (legis). Influenced by Gal 1:14, the Harklean Syriac margin (with an asterisk) reads “(zealous of) my ancestral customs.” See Metzger 1998, 430. Possibly the unfavorable political connotations of “zealot,” especially as reflected in Josephus, caused the unease. f. Lit., “this Way I persecuted until death” (hos tautēn tēn hodon ediōxa achri thanatou). g. The name “Ananias” is supplied in several D-text witnesses, 614 syh**. See Metzger 1998, 430.

[22:1–5] The opening threefold address, literally, “Men, brothers, and fathers” (andres adelphoi kai pateres), recalls Stephen’s introductory words (7:2) to his speech before the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem (6:12–15). The wording underscores Paul’s affinity with the crowd: He is addressing his fellow Jewish countrymen. That Paul characterizes his remarks as a “defense” (apologia) is significant, since the noun is again used in 25:16 to describe Paul’s later defense, and the verb apologeomai, “to make a defense,” is used in his later appearances before Felix (24:10), Festus (25:8), and Agrippa (26:1–2, 24). Luke’s repetition of such apologetic language in chapters 22–24 is itself revealing, for it calls attention to his own apologetic purpose. In Acts 21–28 a sustained apologia for Paul unfolds. The defensive tone of these chapters resembles that of 2 Timothy, in which the author urges the addressee, Timothy, not to be ashamed of “[Paul the Lord’s] prisoner” (2 Tim 1:8) and extols Paul’s reputation as “herald, apostle, and teacher” (1:11). A second time Luke mentions that Paul is speaking Aramaic (cf. 21:40), which was widely spoken not only in Palestine but also throughout the eastern Mediterranean (and is still spoken in some communities in the Middle East today), another indication of Paul’s affinity with the crowd. “A Jewish man” (anēr Ioudaios), might be rendered “a Judean man,” thereby asserting the geographical region where he grew up.47 As noted at 21:39, Paul’s referring to himself as Ioudaios conforms to his epistolary self-description (1 Cor 9:20; Gal 2:15). “Born [gegennēmenos] . . . brought up [anatethrammenos] . . . educated [pepaideumenos]” reflects a long-established literary pattern of 47. Thus BDAG 478 s.v. Ioudaios, noting the occurrence of andri Ioudaiō in Acts 10:28 (also 1 Macc 2:23; 14:33) and anthrōpos Ioudaios in Acts 21:39. Danker’s insistence in BDAG 478 that Ioudaios be rendered uniformly as “Judean” rather than “Jew/Jewish” has been sharply contested, especially by Jewish scholars, e.g., D. Schwartz 2007; Cohen 1999b; A.-J. Levine, esp. 160–62. For a judicious review of the debate with voluminous bibliography, see Barreto, 73–93; also Lowe.

Paul’s Defense Speech before the Crowd in the Temple 421

describing the successive stages in one’s early life (Acts 22:3).48 Paul’s birth in Cilician Tarsus, a well-known city located on the southeast coast of Asia Minor, though named several times by Luke,49 is not mentioned in the Pauline Letters. “Brought up in this city” (anatethrammenos de en tē polei tautē), though read by some retrospectively as referring to Tarsus, hence seeing Paul’s formative childhood years spent in a thoroughly Hellenistic environment, should be read prospectively: “This city” is Jerusalem.50 Introduced earlier as a level-headed Pharisee, “a teacher of the law,” and member of the Sanhedrin, Gamaliel (d. ca. 50 CE) now becomes Paul’s rabbinic teacher.51 “Strictly according to our ancestral law” (kata akribeian tou patrōou nomou), literally, “according to the exactness of [our] paternal law,” implies education in the details of the Mosaic law, and possibly in the halakic traditions of interpretation relating to it.52 “Zealous devotion to God” (zēlōtēs hyparchōn tou theou), literally, “being a zealot of God,” refers to Paul’s extraordinary and even fanatical religious convictions and behavior rather than some political alliance with the Zealots, a rebel group mentioned by Josephus that became prominent in Palestine prior to the First Jewish Revolt.53 Paul’s self-proclaimed zeal, along with his ardent Pharisaic loyalty, is also attested in his letters (Gal 1:14; Phil 3:5–6).54 “Even 48. This is convincingly demonstrated by Unnik 1962, with numerous examples, including especially Ps.-Plato, Greater Alcib. 1.122B; Plato, Crito 50E and 51C; Plutarch, Table-Talk, Question 7.1 (727B); Philo, Flacc. 158; cf. Josephus, J.W. 2.101. A similar formulation describes Moses in Acts 7:20–22. 49. Acts 9:11, 30; 11:25; 21:39; 22:3. 50. So argued by Unnik 1962: “Although Paul was born in Tarsus, it was in Jerusalem that he received his upbringing in the parental home just as it was in Jerusalem that he received his later schooling for the rabbinate” (52). Accordingly, Aramaic would have been Paul’s “earliest and principal tongue” (56); his letters show that “he thought in [Aramaic] even when he expressed his thoughts in Greek” (56). This means that his interaction with Hellenism, which mainly took place after his conversion and over a twenty-year period, occurred “in the light of revelation in Christ.” 51. See earlier comments on Gamaliel at 5:34. 52. Thus BegC 4:278, “given a thorough education at the feet of Gamaliel”; cf. Josephus, Life 191. The reference to akribeia (22:3) may reflect a tradition of Pharisaic self-description that emphasized “scrupulous exactness, accuracy in detail, and specificity” in their teaching (Baumgarten). For “ancestral law” (patrōos nomos), literally, “law of [from] one’s fathers,” see 3 Macc 1:23; 4 Macc 16:16; also Aelian, Hist. Misc. 6.10, “a father’s law”; similarly “ancestral God” (tō patrōō theō, Acts 24:14). 53. Josephus’s references to “armed fanatics” (zēlōtas) begin to occur in his description of events ca. 66 CE (see J.W. 2.444, 563–565, 651). Eventually “zealots” becomes the preferred self-designation for one group of rebels, and Josephus begins to refer to them as Zealots (J.W. 4.161–162, 193–232, passim). Hengel 1989 sees the Zealots as a continuous movement that originated decades earlier, a view contested by, among others, Rhoads 1976; and 1992. 54. Paul’s strong alliance with Pharisaic Judaism—especially in his formative education, claimed by himself and confirmed by Luke—has yielded comprehensive interpretations of Paul as an essentially rabbinic thinker. See Davies 1967; and, more broadly, Sanders.

422

Acts 22:1–21

as all of you are today” (Acts 22:3) assumes a crowd of torah loyalists who might view Paul as “antipeople [Jews], antilaw, antitemple” (cf. 21:28). Once again, Luke is presenting a Paul who aligns himself, at least rhetorically, with the crowd’s religious sensibilities. Rehearsing his former life as a persecutor of Christ-believers (22:4–5) resonates with Paul’s own epistolary recollections, such as 1 Cor 15:9, “I am the least of the apostles, unfit to be called an apostle, because I persecuted the church of God” (similarly, Gal 1:13, 23; Phil 3:6). “This Way” (tautēn tēn hodon, Acts 22:4) is a Lukan rather than a Pauline technical expression for the church.55 Earlier the term occurs in Luke’s narrative description; this is the first time it occurs on Paul’s own lips.56 “Annihilate” renders achri thanatou, “to death,” a hyperbolic way of underscoring the severity of Paul’s persecution efforts, which probably alludes to his role in witnessing the death of Stephen (8:1) rather than to his actual participation in the killing of Christians.57 Which high priest (ho archiereus, 22:5) Paul has in mind is not clear, since there had been a succession of high priests between the time of Paul’s original Damascus road experience (probably sometime in the early to mid-30s) and his current arrival in Jerusalem over twenty years later.58 His mention of the high priest is yet another way of relating to the actual setting described by Luke, since at an earlier time the high-priestly garments were kept in the Antonia fortress.59 The “whole council of elders” (presbyterion), though mentioned here for the first time in Acts, clearly refers to the Sanhedrin (Luke 22:66). The “brothers in Damascus” (pros tous adelphous eis Damaskon) doubtlessly means the non-Christian Jewish members of the Damascus synagogue, although Saul’s original mission is described as seeking out Christ-believers in Damascus, presumably those who are attending the Damascus synagogue.60 22:6 “Now it happened as I was en route and approaching Damascus, about noon an intense lighta suddenly shone from heaven around me.b 7 I fell

to the ground and heard a voice saying to me, ‘Saul, Saul, why are you persecuting me?’c 8 I replied, ‘Who are you, Sir?’ He said to me, ‘I am

55. See comments at 9:2. 56. It appears again in Paul’s defense before Felix (24:14, 22). 57. Earlier descriptions (Acts 8:3; 9:1–2) relate his efforts at rounding up people to be imprisoned. 58. See the translation note g above, reporting that some manuscripts in the D-text tradition supply the high priest’s name in 22:5. For a list of high priests, see Schürer 2:229–32. Paul’s conversion is usually dated shortly after Jesus’s crucifixion, which is sometimes confidently dated in 30 CE, but which could have occurred between 29 and 34 CE. See Bond. 59. Josephus, Ant. 15.403–409; see Smallwood 259–61. 60. On the complicated question of the relationship between Jerusalem and synagogues in other locations, especially whether Jerusalem’s jurisdiction extended to them, see earlier comments at 9:1–2.

Paul’s Defense Speech before the Crowd in the Temple 423

Jesus the Nazarene, whom you are persecuting.’ 9 Now those who were with me saw the light but did not hear the voice of the one speaking to me.d 10 Then I said, ‘What should I do, Sir?’ And the Lord said to me, ‘Get up! Go into Damascus, and there you will be told everything assigned for you to do.’ 11 Now since I was unable to see clearlye because of the brilliance of that light, I was led by the hand by those who were with me, and I came into Damascus.” a. Lit., “a great light” (phōs hikanon). b. Gk. ek tou ouranou periastrapsai . . . peri eme. See BDAG 799 s.v. periastraptō, “to shine around.” c. Influenced by 26:14, some MSS (E gig vgmss syhmg) include here the Greek proverbial saying, “It is hard for you to kick against the goads” (sklēron soi pros kentra laktizein). d. In order to reconcile this verse with 9:7, “they heard the voice” (akouontes tēs phōnēs), in 22:9 some translate tēn de phōnēn ouk ēkousan as “they did not understand the voice,” arguing that akouō with the genitive means “hear,” but with the accusative means “understand.” Thus NIV: “they heard the sound” (9:7) and “they did not understand the voice” (22:9). See BDAG 37–38 s.v. akouō 1.b.a and 7; Bruce 1990, 236. See comments on 9:7 above. e. The D-text as reconstructed by A. C. Clark reads “And when I rose up, I could not see” (hōs de anestēn ouk eneblepon). Metzger 1998, 431.

[22:6–11] This section of Paul’s speech corresponds closely to Luke’s narrative description in 9:3–9. The noonday “intense light” (22:6) is a new detail. The heavenly voice belongs to “Jesus the Nazarene” (Iēsous ho Nazōraios, v. 8) instead of simply “Jesus” (9:5). Narratively, Jerusalem crowds and officials have already been introduced to Jesus of Nazareth (2:22; 4:10; 6:14). Here the experience of Paul’s traveling companions is reversed: They see the light but hear no voice (22:9; cf. 9:7). Paul’s plaintive cry, “What should I do?” (22:10) is new. His three days of blindness and fasting (9:9) is not mentioned in Acts 22. Although Paul’s experience here is usually characterized as a vision, technically, to this point, it is an audition. The blinding light makes him “unable to see clearly” (v. 11), but what is reported is a dialogue between Paul and Jesus rather than a visionary experience. In his letters, however, Paul uses visual imagery to describe this encounter: “He appeared [ōphthē] also to me” (1 Cor 15:8); or the related metaphor “revelation” (apocalypse, Gal 1:12; cf. 1:16). “Now a certain Ananias, a very devout observer of the law,a highly regarded by all the Jews living in Damascus,b 13 came and stood beside me, and said to me, ‘Brother Saul, look up!’c And I looked up at him at that very hour. 14 And he said, ‘The God of our ancestors selected you to know his will, to see the Righteous One, and to hear the sound of his 22:12

424

Acts 22:1–21

voice,d 15 that you might be a witness to him before all people of what you

have seen and heard. 16 And now, why do you delay? Get up, get yourself baptized, and wash away your sins, calling on his name.’”

a. Lit., “a devout man according to the law” (anēr eulabēs kata ton nomon). b. Lit., “testified about by all the Jews dwelling [in Damascus]” (martyroumenos hypo pantōn tōn katoikountōn Ioudaiōn). Some scribes (∏41 L Ψ 33. 614 et al.), sensing that “dwelling” (katoikountōn) needed an object, supplied “in Damascus” (en Damaskō) or “there” (ekei). Metzger 1998, 431. c. Here I follow BDAG 59 s.v. anablepō 1. The term is usually translated, “Receive [or, regain] your sight.” d. Lit., “to hear the sound of his mouth” (akousai phōnēn ek tou stomatos autou).

[22:12–16] Here Paul’s speech omits the earlier narrative description of Ananias’s vision, in which the risen Lord appears to him, instructs him to go to the house of Judas in Damascus and find Saul, along with his hesitant reaction to the Lord’s instructions (9:10–16). This omission is compensated for by including a slightly fuller description of Ananias’s visit to Saul (cf. 9:17–19). Some new details about Ananias’s character are given here: his fidelity to the law and his impeccable reputation among Damascus Jews (22:12), qualifications that commend him as a reliable witness to the Jerusalem crowd. Ananias’s charge to Paul begins with the biblically resonant “the God of our ancestors” (ho theos tōn paterōn hēmōn),61 whom Scripture-minded Jews immediately connect with some of Israel’s most cherished stories and heroic figures: The God who spoke to Moses at the burning bush is now the God commissioning Saul. The language of divine appointment (procheirizomai, v. 14; also 26:16) suggests a prophetic call comparable to that of Jeremiah (1:4– 5), a modality that clearly informs Paul’s own sense of prophetic vocation (Gal 1:15–16). Knowing God’s will (gnōnai to thelēma autou, Acts 22:14), an elusive phrase also found in Rom 2:18 (cf. Col 1:9), in this context probably refers to God’s original intention to include gentiles within the people of God. This point was made by James at the Jerusalem Council in his appropriation of Amos 9:11–12, which concludes, “The Lord, who has been making these things [the inclusion of the gentiles] known from long ago” (Acts 15:17b–18 NRSV). Ananias’s affirmation that God has chosen Paul “to see the Righteous One” (idein ton dikaion, 22:14) is the first clear indication that Paul’s experience was visionary. As is clear from its earlier use in 3:14 (Peter: “the Holy and Righteous One”) and 7:52 (Stephen: “the Righteous One”), “Righteous One” is a christological title, thus properly capitalized (so NRSV; “that Just One,” KJV).62 61. This expression occurs in the LXX over 25x, perhaps most notably in Exod 3:13, 15–16. 62. Its christological titular use is also reflected in 1 Pet 3:18; 1 John 2:1; cf. 1 John 3:7.

Paul’s Defense Speech before the Crowd in the Temple 425

Luke’s version of the Roman centurion’s declaration at the crucifixion, “Certainly this man was righteous” (ontōs ho anthrōpos houtos dikaios ēn, Luke 23:47), coupled with the repeated emphasis on Jesus’s innocence in the Lukan passion narrative (Luke 23:4, 13–15, 22, 41), gives precision to the title: Jesus is righteous not only by being morally upright but also by being an innocent martyr. Though being a witness has been a prominent theme of Acts (1:8, 22, passim), this is the first explicit reference to Paul as a martys (22:15; cf. 26:16). Paul’s encounter with the risen Lord now qualifies him to be included within the circle of early disciples who have seen and interacted with the post-Easter Jesus (1:3). What Paul has “seen and heard” underscores the double sensory quality of the experience as visual and audial.63 “Get up [anastas, 22:16, with the participle functioning as an imperative],64 get yourself baptized [baptisai, aorist middle imperative, thus indicating action that is self-referential rather than purely passive: “Be baptized”], and wash away [apolousai, aorist middle imperative, again reflecting Paul’s initiative] your sins [tas hamartias sou],” the first time Paul’s actions are described as sinful. Paul’s action thus qualifies as a baptismal initiation that bestows forgiveness of sins, comparable to that of his fellows Jews on the Day of Pentecost.65 “Calling on his name,” meaning the name of the Lord Jesus, connotes prayer, especially confessional prayer, yet here expresses newly redirected loyalty.66 22:17 “Now it happened that I returned to Jerusalem, and while I was praying in the temple, I fell into a trancea 18 and saw him saying to me, ‘Hurry!

Get out of Jerusalem quickly, because they will not accept your testimony about me.’ 19 And I said, ‘Lord, these people know that in synagogue after synagogue I imprisoned and beat those who became believers in you. 20 And when the blood of your witness Stephen was shed, I too was standing by, giving my consent, even guarding the coats of those who were murdering him.’ 21 And he said to me, ‘Go! For I will send you far away to the gentiles.’” a. Lit., “it happened [to] me in ecstasy,” or “I experienced in ecstasy” (genesthai me en ekstasei). 63. For what is “seen and heard,” see Acts 4:20; also 1 John 1:1, 3. 64. See Moule 1959a, 179. 65. See Acts 2:38; cf. 3:19; 5:31; 10:43; 13:38; 26:18; also 1 Cor 6:11; Eph 5:26; Titus 3:5; Heb 10:22; 2 Pet 1:9. 66. In the Psalter (e.g., 99:6) “calling on the name of the Lord” often signifies praying to YHWH. In Acts it acquires a confessional sense whose direct object is the Lord Jesus, and thus becomes a way of expressing Christian identity or loyalty (e.g., Acts 9:21); see comments on 9:14; also cf. Rom 10:12–13; 1 Cor 1:2; 2 Tim 2:22.

426

Acts 22:1–21

[22:17–21] Here Paul’s speech omits Luke’s earlier report of Paul’s preaching in Damascus synagogues immediately after his conversion (9:20), the Jewish plot against Paul (9:23), and the ingenious arrangement, conceived by “his disciples,” of a nocturnal escape through an opening in the city wall by being lowered in a basket (9:24–25; cf. 2 Cor 11:32–33). As before, Luke recounts Paul’s return to Jerusalem (9:26), omitting, however, his attempt to join the circle of Christ-believers; Barnabas’s successful overtures on his behalf; his energetic preaching in Jerusalem, most notably his encounters with the Hellenists, who tried to kill him; and his departure from Jerusalem, assisted by the disciples, first to Caesarea, then to Tarsus (9:26–30). Instead, and quite remarkably, Luke reports Paul’s account of a dramatic vision in the temple.67 Although the details and imagery of Paul’s vision are not as graphic as Isaiah’s temple vision in which he receives his prophetic commission (Isa 6:1–13), it is nevertheless quite striking that, in this temple vision, Luke reports one version of Paul’s prophetic commission. Unlike the earlier account in which the risen Lord’s commission to Saul is contained in the Lord’s statement to Ananias, here the commission occurs on the lips of the risen Lord himself, addressing Paul directly (Acts 22:21). In this respect, the risen Lord’s charge to Paul is similar to YHWH’s charge to Isaiah. Once again, a Scripture-minded audience like the crowd gathered in the temple courtyard can easily hear echoes of Isaiah’s prophetic commission in Paul’s description of his temple vision. Luke’s point is for the Jerusalem crowd, upon hearing Paul’s report, to think of Isa 6 and conclude that Paul’s heavenly vision in the temple is equally historic. The allusion may also anticipate the use of Isa 6 in Paul’s concluding words to the Jewish leaders in Rome, signaling that he is sent to people who refuse to “see, listen, and understand” (Acts 28:26–27). The interchange between the risen Lord and Paul is worth examining. Luke reports Jesus as saying quite unequivocally that Jews (in Jerusalem) will reject Paul’s preaching, not only his account of having dramatically encountered the risen Lord but also the central claims of the gospel. The rationale for Paul’s mission to the gentiles is the Jews’ anticipated rejection of his preaching. Even though this is reported as a commission that Paul receives immediately after his conversion/call, retrospectively it explains those dramatic moments in Paul’s ministry when, upon being rejected by Jews, he “turns to the gentiles” (13:46– 47; 18:6). What Luke has reported in Paul’s preaching in the diaspora is thus 67. The Greek term used in Acts 22:17 is ekstasis, literally, “ecstasy,” or an experience in which one stands outside oneself, thus a “trance” or some other experience in which one’s ordinary consciousness is suspended. It is also used of Peter’s state of mind (10:10), when he sees the “vision” (horama, 10:17, 19) of the animal-filled sheet that descended from heaven: “in a trance I saw a vision” (eidon en ekstasei horama, 11:5). A similar combination of wording occurs in 22:17–18: “and while praying in the temple, I fell into a trance and saw him saying to me” (kai proseuchomenou mou en tō hierō genesthai me en ekstasei kai idein auton legonta moi).

Paul’s Defense Speech before the Crowd in the Temple 427

seen as what the risen Lord originally saw when he commissioned Paul. Paul’s mission thus conforms to the risen Lord’s own prediction. The other part of the Jesus-Paul exchange worth noting is Paul’s response, which initially repeats what he reported earlier in the same speech about his life as a persecutor (22:19; cf. vv. 4–5), yet introduces as a new item his collusion in the death of Stephen (v. 20). Should Paul’s words in verses 19–20 be read as protest or approval? If the former, referring once again to his fanatical life as a persecutor would be seen as proof of his former misguidedness, from which he has now repented. Accordingly, he would be insisting on remaining in Jerusalem and trying to explain to his fellow Jews why he was wrong when he tried to eradicate “the Way.” If the latter, he would be agreeing with Jesus that his prior actions were too egregious and that his fellow Jews’ knowledge of those actions would vitiate his credibility as a self-proclaimed spokesperson for God. One of the most problematic features of Luke’s report of Paul’s return to Jerusalem, both here and in 9:26–29, is the conflict it poses with Paul’s own account of his movements after his call/conversion in Gal 1:13–24. The Acts and Pauline epistolary accounts agree in depicting a life-changing, revelatory encounter with Jesus Christ, out of which arose Paul’s mandate “to proclaim [Christ] among the Gentiles” (1:16 NRSV). But whereas Acts reports Paul’s traveling directly from Damascus to Jerusalem, Paul reports time spent in (Nabataean) Arabia and Damascus (1:17) and his first visit to Jerusalem three years later (1:18). And even after his fifteen-day stay in Jerusalem, during which he visited Cephas and James the Lord’s brother, Paul claims that at the time of his visit to “the regions of Syria and Cilicia” he was “still unknown by sight to the churches of Judea that are in Christ” (1:20–22). Since Paul asserts that his recollection of these events occurs under oath (Gal 1:20), his version of events would appear to have priority, at least for the purposes of historical reconstruction. For that reason Paul’s narrative in Galatians poses serious questions about the historicity of Luke’s report of Paul’s preaching ministry in Jerusalem immediately after his conversion and of his vision in the temple in which the risen Lord, anticipating Jewish rejection of Paul’s preaching, commissioned him to preach to gentiles. The historical problem posed by Paul’s alternative account of his movements following his conversion notwithstanding, the significance of Luke’s reporting Paul’s temple vision in this speech should be recognized. Paul is saying to the temple crowd, in effect, that in the very space where he and they are standing, though probably in one of the inner courts of the temple sanctuary itself, he has experienced a vision comparable to that of Isaiah in which his Lord, not YHWH but the risen Lord Jesus, anticipates the hostile response that Paul will receive from Jews and commissions him to go “far away,” to the diaspora, and there preach to the gentiles. Charges that Paul is an archenemy of the temple,

428

Acts 22:22–30

the law, and the Jewish people, in fact, relate to a missionary mandate that he has received in the sacred space that he and his Jewish audience now share. 22:22–30 Response to Paul’s Speech: Paul’s Exchange with the Roman Tribune about Citizenship Now they listened to him until he said this,a and they raised their voices and said, “Remove this man from the earth, for he does not deserve to live.”b 23 They were shouting, throwing off their coats and pitching dust into the air. 24 Then the tribune ordered Paul to be brought into his headquarters and said for him to be examined by scourging so he could know the reason why they were shouting against him. 25 Now as they stretched him out to receive the lashing,c Paul said to the centurion standing by, “Is it lawful to beat a person who is an uncondemned Roman?” 26 Now when the centurion heard this, he went to the tribune and reported to him, saying, “What are you about to do? For this man is a Roman!” 27 The tribune came over and said to Paul, “Tell me! Are you a Roman?” And he said, “Yes.” 28 The tribune said, “I acquired my citizenship with a heavy price.” Paul said, “I got mine at birth.”d 29 Then immediately those who were about to examine him drew back from him, and the tribune became afraid, realizing that Paul was a Roman and that he had bound him. 30 Now the tribune wanted to know exactly what the situation was, especially why Paul had been accused by the Jews. On the following day, he released Paul and ordered the chief priests and the whole Sanhedrin to come together. He brought Paul down and set him before them.e 22:22

a. Lit., “up to this word” (achri toutou tou logou). b. Lit., “Away with this man from the earth, for it is not fitting for him to live” (aire apo tēs gēs ton toiouton, ou gar kathēken auton zēn). On the use of the imperfect (kathēken) in a present sense, see LSJ 853 s.v. kathēkō, II.2, noting Let. Aris. 149; also BDAG 491 s.v. kathēkō; also BDF §358 (2). c. Lit., “and as they stretched him out for the thongs” (hōs de proeteinan auton tois himasin). d. Lit., “I have been thus born” (egō de kai gegennēmai). e. Lit., “and having led Paul down, he stood [him] before them” (kai katagagōn ton Paulon estēsen eis autous).

[22:22–30] The crowd’s violent reaction is prompted by Paul’s specific mention of gentiles (v. 21) but more generally by the risen Lord’s prediction that Jerusalem would reject Paul’s divinely authorized witness (v. 18). The dramatic tension is intensified by the shouting crowds (cf. 25:24; also 14:11; Judg 2:4), whose chant, “Away with this man” (aire . . . ton toiouton, v. 22),

Response to Paul’s Speech 429

repeats their earlier cry (21:36) that echoes Jesus’s trial (Luke 23:18; cf. John 19:15). That the crowds are shouting (kraugazontōn autōn, 22:23) ratchets up the noise level (cf. Luke 4:41; Acts 23:9). “Throwing off coats” (rhiptountōn ta himatia) is probably an expression of disgust and rage,68 as is “pitching dust into the air” (koniorton ballontōn eis ton aera).69 The tribune’s headquarters (parembolē), or barracks, is the area within the Antonia Fortress to which Paul has been brought earlier (21:34; cf. 23:10). “Examination” (anetazesthai, 22:24) by “scourging” (mastixin) may be understood in the technical, judicial sense of granting a hearing in which torture (whipping) is used as a means of determining what happened.70 The mastix (Lat. flagellum), technically a horsewhip (e.g., Nah 3:2), but more generally any whip used for lashing workers or slaves, was used during the Imperial period to extract a confession.71 As in Philippi, Paul’s Roman citizenship surfaces as an issue in determining his treatment by Roman officials.72 The exchanges between Paul, the centurion, and the tribune reflect the widespread assumption that the simple cry “I am a Roman citizen” (Civis Romanus sum) constituted, in Cicero’s words, “the famous appeal that has so often brought men help and rescue among savage races in the furthest corners of the earth.”73 Falsely claiming Roman citizenship brought severe penalties.74 The tribune’s claim that he became a Roman citizen by paying a “heavy price” (pollou kephalaiou, Acts 22:28) doubtlessly 68. See Plato, Rep. 5.474A; cf. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 7.25. 69. See Job 2:12, where Job’s friends, upon seeing his condition, tear their robes and throw dust in the air upon their heads; similarly Josh 7:6. For putting dust on one’s head as an expression of grief, see Lam 2:10; Ezek 27:30; 1 Macc 11:71; 2 Macc 10:25; 14:15; 3 Macc 1:18; Rev 18:19. Thus BegC 4:282 compares “throwing dust” in the air as an expression of angry disapproval in American baseball. See lengthy note in Haenchen 1971, 633 n. 1. 70. BDAG 78 s.v. anetazō, noting the term’s rarity. See Sus 14 (LXX Theod.); Judg 6:29 (MS A); P.Oxy. 34 I, 13–14 (127 CE), which refers to “examining” documents; cf. Justin, 1 Apol. 11.1. 71. See C. Schneider, esp. 517–18. 72. See comments at 16:35–40. 73. Cicero, Verr. 5.57 §147; cf. 5.62 §§161–162; 5.64 §§167–168: “Yet such trust have [Romans] in the single fact of their citizenship that they count on being safe, not only where they find our magistrates, who are restrained by the fear of law and public opinion, and not only among their own countrymen, to whom they are bound by the ties of a common language and civic rights and much else beside: no, wherever they find themselves, they feel confident that this one fact will be their defense. Take away this confidence, take away this defense from Roman citizens; lay it down that to cry ‘I am a Roman citizen’ [Civis Romanus sum] shall help no man at all; make it possible for governors and other persons to inflict upon a man who declares himself a Roman citizen any cruel penalty they choose, on the plea that they do not know who the man is; do this, accept that plea, and forthwith you exclude Roman citizens from all our provinces, from all foreign kingdoms and republics, from every region of that great world to which Romans, above all other men, have always had free access until now” (LCL). 74. Epictetus, Disc. 3.24.41.

430

Acts 23:1–25

bribery.75

refers to the widespread practice of The circumstances under which Paul became a natural-born Roman citizen have long intrigued commentators, resulting in numerous fanciful proposals, none of which has gotten much traction.76 Birth in Tarsus of Cilicia to a Roman father, however he might have become so, is the simplest explanation. The tribune’s desire to find out the nature of the charges brought by the Jews against Paul is a reminder that the tribune, according to the narrative, knows nothing about the various charges circulating against Paul among Jerusalem Jews. Referring the matter to the chief priests and Sanhedrin would be the next logical step.77 That the tribune has the power to convene the Sanhedrin to hear Paul’s case reflects Rome’s ultimate control in political matters.78 Where exactly the Sanhedrin regularly meets is not known, but 22:30b suggests a location near the temple.79 23:1–25 Paul before the Sanhedrin, Plot against Paul, Transfer to Caesarea, Felix Receives the Tribune’s Letter After a brief transition describing the tribune’s release of Paul (22:30), chapter 23 rehearses Paul’s turbulent meeting with the Sanhedrin, beginning with his feisty interchange with Ananias the high priest (23:1–5), his rhetorical tactic of pitting the Pharisees and Sadducees against each other (23:6–9), the tribune’s rescue of Paul (23:10), and a vision in which the Lord Jesus reassures Paul (23:11). 23:1–11 Paul before the Sanhedrin 23:1 Now Paul fixed his eyes on the Sanhedrin and said, “Fellow brothers,a I have lived my life in all good conscienceb before God until this day.” 2 Ananias

the high priest ordered those standing beside Paul to strike his mouth. 3 Then Paul said to him, “God will strike you, you whitewashed wall! Are you sitting in judgment on me as the law prescribes,c and at the same timed ordering me to be slapped in direct violation of the law?” 4 Those who were standing by said, “Are you speaking abusively 75. Buying and selling citizenship apparently became rampant under Claudius (41–54 CE). Dio Cassius (Rom. Hist. 60.17.4–9) reports that under Claudius “many bought [citizenship] from Messalina and the imperial freedmen. For this reason, though the privilege was at first sold only for large sums, it later became so cheapened by the facility with which it could be obtained that it came to be a common saying that a man could become a citizen by giving the right person some bits of broken glass.” 76. Jerome, Illustr. Men 5; and Comm. Phlm. 23. 77. On the composition and leadership of the Sanhedrin, see comments on Acts 4:5–6 and 5:17–26. 78. See Schürer 2:223. 79. See Josephus, J.W. 5.144; 6.354; also Schürer 2:223–24.

Paul before the Sanhedrin 431

to God’s high priest?” 5 Paul replied, “Brothers, I did not know that he is the high priest. For it is written, ‘You shall not speak ill of the leader of the people.’” a. Lit., “men, brothers” (andres adelphoi); cf. 2:37; 22:1. b. Gk. pasē syneidēsei agathē, “in all good conscience” (KJV); possibly “with a clear conscience” (NRSV). c. Lit., “according to the law” (kata ton nomon). d. “At the same time” seeks to render the effect of the “both . . . and” construction: “You sit, both judging me according to the law and acting in violation of the law you order me to be struck?” (kai sy kathē krinōn me kata ton nomon kai paranomōn keleueis me typtesthai?).

[23:1–5] Paul’s appearance before the Sanhedrin now aligns him with his predecessors Peter and John (4:1–22), the apostles (5:27–42), and Stephen (6:12–7:57). There is no need to see in “I have lived my life” (pepoliteumai, 23:1) a reference to Paul’s model behavior as a citizen, although conceivably it could be rendered “I have governed my life.” Although politeuomai can mean “be a citizen,” the term was widely used to express the way one conducted one’s life.80 Paul’s claim to have lived before God “in all good conscience” (pasē syneidēsi agathē) appears problematic, especially since his previous life as a persecutor (22:4–5, 19–20) has been characterized as sinful (22:16). Although “conscience” (syneidēsis) in Greek thought from the fifth century BCE forward can have different nuances, ranging from self-consciousness in a somewhat neutral but rational sense to introspective moral awareness, one of its predominant features is evaluation of the past, as is the case here.81 His claim appears to have two elements: (1) full consciousness and (2) moral conviction. Up to this point he has lived his life while fully aware of his background, his circumstances, and his position before God; he has not lived naively. But more than this, he has acted on his beliefs, fully convinced that his actions are right, especially before God. 80. BDAG 846 s.v. politeuomai, with numerous examples of the more general use: 2 Macc 6:1; 11:25; 3 Macc 3:4; 4 Macc 2:8; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 2.9; Phil 1:27. The civic metaphor appears to be more explicit in Philo, Virt. 161; Spec. Laws 4.226; Josephus, Ant. 12.142; Life 12, “I began to govern my life” (LCL). 81. See Maurer; Pierce; Chadwick; Hermsen et al.; also Stendahl 1976b. The phrase “good conscience” (agathē syneidēsis) also occurs in 1 Tim 1:5, 19; 1 Pet 3:16, 21. For similar expressions, e.g., “clear” or “pure” conscience, cf. Acts 24:16; 1 Tim 3:9; 2 Tim 1:3; Heb 13:18; also Heb 10:22 (“evil conscience”). In the undisputed letters, Paul twice speaks of his own conscience (2 Cor 1:12; Rom 9:1) and elsewhere incorporates the notion of conscience into his teaching (Rom 2:15; 13:5; 1 Cor 8:7, 10, 12; 10:25, 27–29; 2 Cor 4:2; 5:11). Cicero coins the expression “pangs of conscience” (Tusc. Disp. 4.20.45). The first clear distinction between a good and bad conscience (bona/mala conscientia) occurs in Seneca (Ep. 12.9; 43:5).

432

Acts 23:1–11

Ananias, the son of Nedebaeus, was appointed high priest by Herod of Chalcis, the brother of Herod Agrippa I, and served in about 47–59 CE.82 In the aftermath of a violent dispute between Jews and Samaritans, which took place under the procurator Cumanus, Ananias, along with some other Jewish leaders, were sent in chains to Rome by the Syrian governor Quadratus.83 Thanks to the intervention of Herod Agrippa II, Claudius cleared Ananias and his friends, enabling them to return to Judea. In 59 he was replaced when Agrippa II appointed Ismael, son of Phiabi, as high priest.84 Popularity, excess, wealth, and greed all figure into his public profile.85 In 66 CE Ananias was killed, along with his brother Ezechias, in the palace of Herod the Great by Jewish insurgents led by Menahem.86 Why Ananias ordered Paul to be slapped is a mystery (23:2). In themselves, Paul’s opening words of address, “Men, brothers,” and his claim to have lived with a clear conscience do not appear to be impertinent or insolent.87 Paul’s retort, “God will strike you” (typtein se mellei ho theos, v. 3), employs language used in the LXX (typtein, “smite”) for “misfortunes designated as blows coming from God.”88 Informed readers might know that Ananias was assassinated on the eve of the First Jewish Revolt, which suggests that Luke intends for Paul’s words to be read as a prophetic imprecation.89 When applied to the high priest, “whitewashed wall,” recalling Ezekiel’s denunciation of false prophets in Israel, makes him a target of God’s wrath (Ezek 13:10–16). Just as the prophets’ inherently contradictory message of “Peace,” when there is no peace, misled the people, so are the high priest’s actions criticized as hypocritical: ostensibly administering impartial justice, as the law requires (Lev 19:15; Deut 1:6–17; 19:16–19), and yet striking the defendant before a verdict is reached. “God’s high priest” (ton archierea tou theou, Acts 23:4) is an unusual expression; ordinarily archiereus stands alone or is used in the plural, in which case it refers to members of high-priestly families or others, usually members

82. Josephus, Ant. 20.103; see Schürer 2:231; O’Toole. Ananias’s high priesthood has been attested epigraphically at Masada. See CAH 3 (1999): 89 n. 68. 83. Josephus, J.W. 2.243; Ant. 20.131. 84. Josephus, Ant. 20.179. 85. Josephus, Ant. 20.205–207. On Ananias’s reputed excessive appetite, see LCL note b (pp. 444–45) on Ant. 20.103, the report in the Babylonian Talmud (Pesaḥim 57a) that in a single meal he (or his household) consumed 300 calves, drank 300 barrels of wine, and ate 40 sǝʾâ of young birds as dessert. 86. Josephus, J.W. 2.426, 429, 441–442. 87. Compare John 18:19–24. 88. BDAG 1020 s.v. typtō b.α, noting its use in LXX: Exod 7:27 (8:2 ET); 2 Sam 24:17; Ezek 7:6 (7:4 ET); 2 Macc 3:39; cf. Let. Aris. 192. 89. If Luke knew of Ananias’s death and its circumstances, this may establish 66 CE as the terminus post quem for dating Acts.

Paul before the Sanhedrin 433

of the Sanhedrin, who held influential positions of leadership.90 The addition “of God” makes Paul’s remarks verge on blasphemy. That Paul would not recognize the high priest, who presides over the Sanhedrin, doubtlessly from a prominent position and wearing the high priest’s ceremonial robe, is hard to imagine, unless the reader is expected to believe that Paul is unaware of who has given the order to strike him. By having Paul quote Exod 22:28, Luke underscores his steadfast loyalty to torah. His words amount to a confession of wrong. Now when Paul realized that one group of them were Sadducees and the other group Pharisees, he shouted these words in the Sanhedrin, “Fellow brothers! I am a Pharisee, the son of Pharisees.a My trial is about one question: Can we live with the hope that the dead experience resurrection?”b 7 Now when he said this, an argument broke out between the Pharisees and Sadducees, and the group was split.c 8 (For Sadducees say, “There is no resurrection, or angel or spirit.” Pharisees, however, admit these possibilities.d) 9 Then a shouting match broke out.e Finally, some of the scribes who were members of the Pharisaic group stood up and argued heatedly,f saying, “We have found nothing blameworthyg in this man! Perhaps a spirit or angel has spoken to him!”h 23:6

a. Some ancient scribes, uncomfortable with the implication of the phrase “son of Pharisees,” substituted the singular form, “son of a Pharisee,” apparently more comfortable with the notion that Paul’s father, though a onetime resident of Tarsus in Cilicia, could have been a Pharisee, perhaps at a later date in Jerusalem. Among the manuscripts reading “son of a Pharisee” are the majuscules E and L, several minuscules, including 323. 614 et al., along with syh. Josephus also proudly aligned himself with the Pharisees (Life 12). b. Or perhaps, “Is there hope based on resurrection of the dead?” Lit., “Concerning hope and resurrection of the dead I am being judged” (peri elpidos kai anastaseōs nekrōn egō krinomai). NRSV: “I am on trial concerning the hope of the resurrection of the dead.” c. Gk. eschisthē to plēthos. Possibly, the “[stated] meeting [or, assembly] was split.” BDAG 825 s.v. plēthos. d. Lit., “Pharisees confess both” (Pharisaioi de homologousin ta amphotera). Depending on its context, the verb homologeō can reflect different shades of meaning, ranging from “agree” or “admit” to more forceful levels of affirmation such as “confess” or “profess.” See BDAG 708–9 s.v. homologeō. See Luke 12:8; Acts 7:17; 24:14. e. Lit., “great shouting occurred” (egeneto de kraugē megalē). f. Lit., “were contending sharply, saying” (diemachonto legontes). 90. BDAG 139 s.v. archiereus. The term is relatively rare in the LXX, especially in the main canonical books (Lev 4:3; Josh 22:13; 24:33; 1 Kgs 1:25 [MS A]; 1 Chr 15:14 [S*†]; 1 Esd 9:40, 49); it occurs frequently in the Maccabean writings. On the role of high priests as influential leaders in Second Temple Judaism, see Schürer 2:232–36.

434

Acts 23:1–11

g. Lit., “evil” or “bad” (kakon). h. NA28 punctuates the final clause (ei de pneuma elalēsen autō hē angelos) as a question. Since it is introduced with ei, usually “if,” as the typical indicator of a condition, it appears to be introducing the protasis, the “if” clause of a conditional sentence. If understood as a question, the phrase might be rendered, “What if a spirit or angel has spoken to him?” So BDAG 278 s.v. ei 6.a.β. Or it might be understood as aposiopesis (omission of the apodosis) in which only the protasis is stated, “If a spirit or angel has spoken to him,” with the apodosis understood, “what opposition could we make?” So BDF §482. Sensing the problem, some Byzantine manuscripts (H L P, followed by some minuscules 323. 614 et al.) supplied an apodosis: “Let us not fight against God” (mē theomachōmen). This reading was adopted by the TR, which was followed by the KJV: “But if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him, let us not fight against God.” See Metzger 1998, 432.

[23:6–9] This description of the Sanhedrin as a judicial body of which Pharisees and Sadducees are members appears to be reflected in Josephus.91 According to rabbinic sources, however, leadership of the Sanhedrin was in the hands of Pharisaic sages, with little or no Sadducean participation.92 Paul’s bold assertion of his Pharisaic pedigree resonates with the epistolary depiction of Paul as “a Hebrew born of Hebrews [i.e., not a proselyte]; as to the law, a Pharisee” (Phil 3:5). The main difference is that here Paul’s Pharisaic stance is a present reality, whereas in the epistolary autobiographical summary his proud Jewish heritage has been superseded by Christ. Because “hope” (elpis) and “resurrection of the dead” (anastasis nekrōn) are separated by a conjunction (kai), some have understood the former as hope in a future messiah, thus as messianic hope, and the latter as resurrection hope. The two ideas are sometimes connected in Jewish apocalyptic texts in which the appearance of the messiah at the end of time coincides with, or even triggers, the general resurrection.93 Here, however, hope appears to mean resurrection hope, the confidence that the dead will be raised to live eternally. While the Gospel tradition mentions denial of belief in the resurrection as a distinguishing feature of Sadducean belief (Luke 20:27–33 || Mark 12:18–27 || Matt 22:23–33), eschatological differences between Pharisees and Sadducees 91. See Josephus, Ant. 20.199–200 (Sadducees); J.W. 2.411; Life 190–191, 197 (Pharisees). Schürer 2:210–14 mainly follows Josephus and the NT in his construal of the Sanhedrin’s composition: “Sadducees and Pharisees alike sat in the Sanhedrin, especially during the Roman-Herodian period” (213). 92. This is the depiction in the mishnaic tractate Sanhedrin, which speaks of the Great Sanhedrin in Jerusalem consisting of seventy-one judges, and lesser courts, consisting of twenty-three judges, which dealt with cases in different cities or regions. Some see this as an ideal depiction rather than actual historical description. Various solutions have been proposed to explain this discrepancy in the sources, e.g., separate Sanhedrins with different functions or a single Sanhedrin with shifting roles in different historical periods. See C. Hayes. 93. See, e.g., 1 En. 1–5.

Paul before the Sanhedrin 435

are not a major concern in the Gospels. The two groups are often mentioned together as opponents of Jesus, while Pharisees tend to figure in disputes with Jesus over Sabbath observance and matters relating to table fellowship and food laws. In Josephus’s well-known description of the leading Jewish sects, or “philosophies,” as he calls them, Pharisees and Sadducees differ in their conceptions of life after death. But rather than using the Jewish notion of resurrection as the differentiating creedal element, Josephus distinguishes their beliefs by using the more distinctively Greek notion of the immortality of the soul. According to Josephus, Pharisees believe that the soul lives on after death, and that virtuous souls take up residence in another body, while wicked souls suffer eternal punishment. Sadducees, on the other hand, believe that the soul dies with the body, which means that there can be no reward or punishment of souls in the underworld.94 Luke’s parenthetical note that Sadducees, in addition to denying resurrection, also deny the existence of “an angel or a spirit,” is an anomaly, unreported elsewhere. According to Josephus, Sadducees reject the oral laws (which the Pharisees accept) but embrace only the written law (Pentateuch),95 which frequently refers to angels. Mentioning scribes who are members of the Pharisaic group is consonant with “the scribes of the Pharisees” in the Gospel tradition (cf. Luke 5:30 || Mark 2:16). Scribes (hoi grammateis, Acts 23:9) constitute a professional class of experts in interpreting the law, which means that they can either be Pharisees or Sadducees.96 The Pharisaic scribes’ declaration of Paul’s innocence is the first of a chorus of such claims,97 echoing, of course, similar declarations of Jesus’s innocence in the Gospel of Luke.98 Their whimsical proposal that “a spirit or angel” might have spoken to Paul provides a concluding ironic declaration.

94. The two main passages in which Josephus describes the three Jewish “philosophies” are J.W. 2.119–166 and Ant. 18.11–25. In the latter passage, he includes a “fourth philosophy” led by Judas the Galilean, which combined Pharisaic belief with a “passion for liberty.” Both passages also describe Essene belief, noting that Essenes, like the Pharisees, believe that the soul lives on after death. An important differentiating element for Josephus is how each group thinks about fate and free will. Essenes, Josephus reports, are complete determinists, making fate (heimarmenē) 100 percent responsible for human actions. At the other extreme are Sadducees, who think human actions are entirely voluntary—100 percent free will. Occupying the middle ground are Pharisees, who think that human actions are shaped by both fate and free will. See Moore 1929. On Pharisees generally, see Saldarini 1992a; Schaper; Mason. On Sadducees, see Porton; Stemberger. 95. Josephus, Ant. 13.297; 18.16. The frequent assertion, especially among the church fathers (e.g., Origen, Cels. 1.49), that Sadducees attributed exclusive authority to the Pentateuch and rejected the prophets, requires qualification. Some have argued that Sadducees accepted the authority of all the books in the Pharisaic canon. See Stemberger 435–36. 96. BDAG 206 s.v. grammateus. 97. Acts 23:29; 25:11, 18, 25; 26:31–32; 28:18. 98. See Luke 23:4, 13–15, 22, 41; also Acts 4:27, 30; 7:52; 22:14.

436

Acts 23:1–11

23:10 As the dispute got worse, the tribune feared that Paul was going to be

torn in pieces by them. He ordered a detachment of soldiers to go down and rescue Paul from their midst and take him to his headquarters. 11 The following night,a the Lord stood by him and said, “Take courage! For just as you bore testimony about me in Jerusalem, in the same manner you will have to testify in Rome.”b a. “The following night” (instead of NRSV “that night”) renders tē epiousē nykti, since tē epiousē (hēmera) elsewhere in Acts means “the next day” (7:26; 16:11; 20:15; 21:18). So, BDAG 361 s.v. epeimi. b. “You will have to testify” renders se dei martyrēsai, “it is necessary for you to testify.” In Lukan parlance, dei conveys strong, often divine necessity, which may be the case here since the term occurs on the lips of the Lord himself.

[23:10–11] “Dispute” (stasis; also v. 7) signals a divisive argument, in this case between two antithetical points of view.99 Strateuma (v. 10) can refer to military troops or even an army but here (and in v. 27) means a smaller “detachment of soldiers,” some infantry.100 “To go down” (kataban) seems to imply that the Sanhedrin was meeting downstairs from the Antonia Fortress, somewhere in the temple area. “Headquarters” (eis tēn parembolēn), or “barracks,” indicates the secure area inside the Antonia to which Paul was brought for the third time (see 21:34; 22:24). The Lord speaking to Paul in the night vision, perhaps in a dream (23:11),101 is the Lord Jesus, who is the content of his kerygmatic testimony (e.g., 18:5). Formally the Lord’s reassurance of Paul in a night vision resembles Daniel’s vision, in which a heavenly figure, “one in human form,” calms his fears, saying “Be strong and courageous!”102 The Lord’s charge to “take courage” (tharsei) also echoes Hag 2:4, in which YHWH issues the same challenge to Zerubbabel, Joshua son of Jehozadak, the high priest, and all of the people of the land, reassuring them, “for I am with you, says the Lord of hosts.”103 Paul’s testimony in Jerusalem refers to his address in the temple (22:3–21), yet probably includes his earlier testimony (9:28). His plans to “see Rome,” earlier formulated on his own (19:21), are now confirmed by the risen Lord himself.104 99. Elsewhere stasis has a similar meaning (Acts 15:2; 23:7), although it sometimes has political overtones, thus “insurrection” or “rebellion” (Luke 23:19, 25; Acts 19:40; 24:5). For Pharisees and Sadducees as oppositional groups, see Josephus, Ant. 13.293, 296–298; similarly, in the Mishnah; see m. Parah 3:3; m. Nid. 4:2; m. Yad. 4:6–8. In some texts “heretic” means Sadducee (m. Ber. 9:5). 100. BDAG 947 s.v strateuma. 101. For Paul’s earlier visions, see Acts 16:9–10; 18:9; 22:17; cf. 27:23. 102. See Daniel 10:18–19. Daniel’s vision is unfolded in Dan 10–12. 103. For other calls to courage, see 1 Sam 4:9; 2 Chr 15:7; Pss 27:14; 31:24; Tob 5:10; Bar 4:5; passim. 104. Similar confirmation occurs in Acts 27:24; see comments on 19:21.

Jewish Plot to Kill Paul, Discovered by Paul’s Nephew 437

23:12–22 Jewish Plot to Kill Paul, Discovered by Paul’s Nephew This section of chapter 23 reports a Jewish plot to kill Paul (23:12–15) and its discovery by Paul’s nephew, who in turn notifies the tribune (23:16–22). The tribune’s plan to transfer Paul to Caesarea (23:23–25) includes the formal letter from the tribune Claudius Lysias to the procurator Felix, summarizing the case against Paul (23:26–30). The chapter concludes with Paul’s transfer from Jerusalem to Caesarea under heavy guard (23:31–35). Once it was daylight,a the Jews held a meetingb where they placed themselves under a curse, swearingc that they would not eat or drink until they had killed Paul. 13 There were more than forty people who entered this conspiracy. 14 They went to the chief priests and the elders and said, “We have imposed a curse upon ourselvesd to do without foode until we kill Paul. 15 Now, therefore, you and the members of the Sanhedrin,f report to the tribune that you are about to conduct a more thorough investigationg of the matters relating to Paul, and that he should bring him down to you. Then, before he gets close,h we are prepared to kill him.” 23:12

a. Lit., “when day came” (genomenēs de hēmeras). See Acts 12:18; 16:35; 27:29, 33, 39; also Luke 4:42. b. Gk. poiēsantes systrophēn hoi Ioudaioi, perhaps, “the Jews came together in a mob.” BDAG 979 s.v. systrophē; or, “joined in a conspiracy” (NRSV). Some manuscripts, notably ∏48 (third c.), read “some of the Jews” (tines tōn Ioudaiōn), thereby mitigating the extent of opposition. This revision was likely prompted by the mention in v. 13 of forty conspirators, thus indicating that they were a subset of the larger Jewish population. Although this portion of Acts is omitted in Codex Bezae, since ∏48 reflects the D-text tradition, LDT includes this variant, which reads, “When day came, those who had come to help, that is, some of the Jews, gathered.” So reconstructed, the D-text here counters the broader anti-Jewish thrust of Codex Bezae. See Epp 1966; also Metzger 1998, 432. c. Gk. anethematisan heautous legontes, lit., “they anathematized themselves, saying,” i.e., they swore to a self-imposed “Anathema.” d. Lit., “with an anathema we have anathematized ourselves,” or “with a curse we have placed a curse upon ourselves” (anathemati anethematisamen heautous). Cf. Deut 13:16 LXX [15 ET]: “with an anathema, you shall anathematize [the city], and everything in it” (NETS); 20:17 LXX: “with anathema, you shall anathematize [the peoples in the land]” (NETS). e. Lit., “to taste nothing” (mēdenos geusasthai). f. Lit., “you . . . with the Sanhedrin” (hymeis . . . syn tō synedriō). g. Lit., “being about to investigate more accurately things concerning him” (mellontas diaginōskein akribesteron ta peri autou). h. Lit., “before he draws near” (pro tou engisai auton).

[23:12–15] Although initial resistance to Paul in Jerusalem comes from “the Jews from Asia” (21:27), as the narrative unfolds the circle of opposition widens

438

Acts 23:12–22

to include “the whole crowd” (21:27). Shouting gradually leads to death threats (22:22), and the tribune is prompted to investigate the accusations against Paul “by the Jews” (22:30). Now “the Jews” (hoi Ioudaioi, 23:12) are seen as a solid, undifferentiated front, intending to follow through on the crowd’s earlier call to kill Paul.105 The language used to express the oath employs the noun anathema and the cognate verb anathematizō, both of which have “curse” or “being accursed” as a central element. The idea is that something “placed” or “set up” (anatithēmi) in a sanctuary as a votive offering has been dedicated to the deity and is thus simultaneously consecrated and accursed; those who dishonor or violate its sacred quality are thereby cursed.106 That more than forty people reportedly join the conspiracy underscores the extent of Jewish opposition to Paul in Jerusalem. That they are willing to seal their vow with an absolute fast, depriving themselves of all food and drink, indicates the depth of their commitment, however unrealistic such a vow might seem. Paul’s earlier three-day fast pales in comparison (9:9). Proposing that the Sanhedrin actually join the conspiracy by lying to the tribune implicates the chief priests, the elders, and indeed the highest Jewish judicial body, whose very existence is predicated on truth and trust. The scene suggests literary license rather than historical realism. The hyperbole notwithstanding, Luke’s main point is to convey the Jews’ fanatical opposition to Paul and the threat he poses to their institutions, most notably the temple, and their way of life. Now when Paul’s nephewa heard the plot, he made his way over to the headquarters, went inside, and reported it to Paul. 17 Summoning one of the centurions, Paul said, “Take this young man to the tribune, for he has something to report to him.” 18 So then, the centurion took him and led him to the tribune and said, “The prisoner Paul summoned me and asked me to bring you this young man, who has something to tell you.” 19 Grabbing him by the hand, the tribune took him to his own quarters and inquired, “What do you have to tell me?” 20 He said, “The Jews have entered an agreement among themselves. They are going to ask you to bring Paul down to the Sanhedrin tomorrow. Their pretext is that they are going to conduct a more thorough inquiry about him.b 21 You, therefore, should not buy it.c For over forty of their men are lying in wait. They have sworn a joint oath not to eat or drink until they kill Paul, and they are now ready, just waiting for your promise to bring him down.”d 22 So then, the tribune released the young man, instructing him, “Leake to no one that you reported these things to me.” 23:16

105. See translation note b on 23:12. 106. BDAG 63 s.v. anathema and anathematizō; also Behm. Also, cf. 1  Cor 12:3; 16:22; Gal 1:8–9; and 1 En. 6.4–6, in which Semyaz and the people swear a joint oath sealed by a curse.

Paul’s Transfer to Caesarea; Tribune’s Letter to Felix 439 a. Lit., “the son of Paul’s sister” (ho huios tēs adelphēs Paulou). b. Lit., “being about to ask something more accurately concerning him” (mellon ti akribesteron pynthanesthai peri autou). c. Lit., “You, therefore, do not be persuaded by them” (sy oun mē peisthēs autois). d. Lit., “awaiting the promise from you” (prosdechomenoi tēn apo sou epangelian). e. Lit., “speak out” or “divulge” (eklalēsai).

[23:16–22] From Paul’s earlier remarks (22:3), readers can deduce that members of Paul’s family resided in Jerusalem. No other mention is made of his sister or her son. Considerable freedom of movement is presupposed by the nephew’s trip to the Antonia Fortress and his ability to get inside and visit with Paul.107 Portraying Paul as someone who can give orders to a Roman centurion underscores Paul’s importance. How Paul’s nephew might have learned the details of the Jewish plot, here rehearsed with the same detail reported in vv. 14–15, is not stated. The nephew’s heady advice to the tribune, along with the thought that a Roman commander would be saved from embarrassment by a young man’s clever undercover work, heightens the drama. Though Paul is not technically a “prisoner” (desmios, v. 18) since he has been “released” (elysen, 22:30) earlier, this later becomes his official status (24:27; 25:14, 27; cf. 28:16 [D-text], 17). By the time Luke wrote, Pauline imprisonments had become a well-established feature of his legendary profile, which included “prisoner” as a form of self-description.108 23:23–35 Paul’s Transfer to Caesarea; Tribune’s Letter to Felix Summoning two of his centurions, the tribune said, “Get two hundred soldiers ready to travel to Caesarea; also seventy cavalrymen and two hundred archers.a Have them ready by nine o’clock tonight.b 24 Provide mounts for Paul that will bring him safely to Felix the governor.”c 25 He wrote a letter that took this form: 26 Claudias Lysias to His Excellency, Governor Felix. Greetings. 27 This man was seized by the Jews and was about to be killed by them when I came upon him with a detachment of soldiers. I rescued him upon learning that he is a Roman. 28 Desiring to know the grounds on which they were bringing charges against him, I brought him down to their Sanhedrin.d 29 I found the charges being brought against him had to do with matters pertaining to their law.e I found no charge deserving death or imprisonment. 30 After it became known to me that there was a plot against this man, I 23:23

107. See Rapske 148–49. 108. See Phlm 1, 9; Eph 3:1; 4:1; 2 Tim 1:8; and references to his imprisonment in Phil 1:7, 13–14, 17; Phlm 10, 13; cf. 2 Cor 6:5; 11:23.

440

Acts 23:23–35

sent to you at once. I also instructed his accusers to tell you their concerns about him.f a. Some ancient readers found the size of the detachment—a total of 470 soldiers— unrealistically high, a sentiment shared by many commentators. A smaller detachment is reported in the D-text of vv. 23–24 as reconstructed by Clark, in which the tribune’s actions are explained in greater detail: “‘Get ready soldiers to go to Caesarea, a hundred horsemen and two hundred spearmen,’ and he commanded that they be ready to start at the third hour of the night. (24) And he ordered the centurions to provide mounts for Paul to ride, and to bring him by night to Felix the governor; for he was afraid that the Jews would seize [Paul] and kill him, and afterwards he would incur the accusation of having taken money.” See Metzger 1998, 432–33. b. Lit., “from the third hour of the night” (apo tritēs hōras tēs nyktos). c. Lit., “provide animals in order that, having mounted [or, causing to mount] Paul, they might bring [him] safely to Felix the governor” (ktēnē te parastēsai hina epibiba­ santes ton Paulon diasōsōsin pros Phēlika ton hēgemona). d. Gk. katēgagon eis to synedrion autōn. I have supplied “him” as the object of katēgagon, which is probably implied by katagō, “to lead down,” “to bring down.” Some manuscripts (B1 E L Ψ et al.) supply “him” (auton). e. Lit., “whom I found being charged concerning matters of their law” (hon heuron enkaloumenon peri zētēmatōn tou nomou autōn). The D-text adds after “their law” the phrase “of Moses and a certain Jesus.” See Metzger 1998, 433. f. Some manuscripts (Å E L Ψ et al.) add “Farewell” (errōso). See Metzger 1998, 433.

[23:23–30] Military technical terms are used to describe the escort: “soldiers” (stratiōtas, cf. Acts 10:7; 23:23; 28:16); “cavalrymen” (hippeis, 23:23, 32), literally, “horsemen”; and “archers” (dexiolaboi, 23:23), a term of uncertain meaning used only here in the NT (NRSV: “spearmen”).109 The Roman cohort (speira, 21:31) stationed in the Antonia Fortress and commanded by the tribune (chiliarchos) probably numbered about 800 infantrymen and 240 cavalrymen.110 Some have estimated the Roman cohort in Jerusalem at half that size, thus wondering whether the tribune would have detached a military escort that gutted the garrison stationed at the Antonia. A cycle of two twelve-hour periods for marking day and night was widely used in antiquity. The third hour after sundown naturally varied depending on the time of year, but sometime around 9:00 p.m. is probably in view.111 109. See BDAG 948 s.v. stratiōtēs; 480 s.v. hippeus and hippikos; and 217 s.v. dexiolabos. The latter term, a cognate formed by “right” (dexios) and “taking” (labos, from lambanō), possibly “taking by the right hand” (spearman?), is quite puzzling and may refer to some form of light-armed soldier. See Dahm. 110. Kyrychenko (19, 41 n. 173) notes that the Roman garrison was probably a cohors milliaria equitata, which usually numbered 800 infantry men and 240–256 cavalrymen. Also see Kyrychenko 13, discussing the different cohort sizes in various ancient sources; and 40–41, treating Acts 23:23–24, 31–33. 111. See Carcopino 143–57; Grafton; also Bickerman.

Paul’s Transfer to Caesarea; Tribune’s Letter to Felix 441

This is the first mention of “Felix the governor” (23:24, 26), who will figure prominently in the unfolding narrative, especially in chapter 24.112 Although he is designated “governor” (hēgemon), he was technically a procurator (epitropeia or epitropos), the name by which these Roman appointees were known after the death of Agrippa I in 44 CE (12:23), when Judea was restored to direct Roman rule.113 His procuratorship is treated by Josephus,114 and he is also mentioned by Tacitus, who reports that Felix “practiced every kind of cruelty and lust, wielding the power of king with all the instincts of a slave.”115 Suetonius records Felix’s status as an imperial freedman appointed as procurator of Judea by Claudius (in 52 CE)116 and his marriage to three wives, one of whom, Drusilla, was the daughter of M. Iulius Agrippa II.117 Preoccupied with unruly subjects, including Eleazar, “the brigand chief,” who had terrorized the countryside for twenty years; the sicarii, dagger-bearing bandit-assassins; and a variety of false prophets, including the unnamed Egyptian false prophet mentioned earlier by the tribune (21:38)—Felix also dealt with the JewishGreek disturbance at Caesarea (ca. 59–60 CE), in which he killed many Jews and plundered their property. His violent treatment of the Jews in Caesarea figured into Nero’s decision to recall him to Rome and appoint Festus as his successor. The imperial connections of his brother Antonius Pallas are credited with Nero’s lenient treatment of Felix.118 The exact date of his termination is disputed, probably about 60 CE. The content of the tribune’s letter is described with standard formulaic language, “having this form” (echousan ton typon touton, 23:25).119 For the first time the tribune, introduced into the narrative at 21:31, is named (23:26; 24:22). Since it was customary for new citizens to adopt the family name of the emperor under whom (or from whom) they received citizenship, the tribune’s formal name Claudius Lysias indicates that he has acquired his citizenship from the emperor Claudius.120 The address “His Excellency” (tō kratistō) is appropriately formal (cf. 23:26; 24:2; 26:25; cf. Luke 1:3). “Greetings” (chairein) is typical epistolary style (cf. 15:23; 23:26; Jas 1:1). The letter compactly summarizes what has been reported in 21:27–23:22: Paul’s seizure by the Jews, 112. See Acts 24:1–2, 10, 22–27; 25:14. On Felix, see Schürer 1:459–66; Conzelmann 1987, 194–95. 113. See Jones 1960d. 114. Josephus, J.W. 2.252–270; Ant. 20.137–144. 115. Tacitus, Hist. 5.9; also see Ann. 12.54. 116. Felix’s appointment possibly occurred as early as 49 CE. So D. Schwartz 1992, 223–36. 117. Suetonius, Claud. 28. Josephus (Ant. 20.141–143) rehearses the circumstances of Felix’s seduction of Drusilla, while still married to Azizus, by employing the services of a Cypriot Jew named Atomus, who pretended to be a magician. 118. Josephus, Ant. 20.182. 119. See 1 Macc 11:29; cf. 15:2; 2 Macc 11:16; Josephus, Ant. 11.215. 120. See A. N. Sherwin-White 1973, 154–55; also see 48–50, 53–55, 149.

442

Acts 23:23–35

Paul’s rescue by Claudius Lysias upon learning that he was a Roman (a slightly revised version of the events recorded in 22:22–30), the tribune’s efforts to co-opt the Sanhedrin in order to determine the charges being brought against Paul, and his discovery of a Jewish plot against Paul. The “grounds” (tēn aitian, 23:28) on which they were bringing charges is a technical legal term.121 The mention of “matters pertaining to their law” (v. 29) sounds more like Gallio’s language at Corinth (18:14–15) than a description of Paul’s appearance before the Sanhedrin. In view may be Paul’s exchange with the high priest, in which there is a direct reference to the law (23:3–5), or an attempt to characterize the dispute between the Pharisees and Sadducees about the resurrection as a debate about the law. Finding that Paul has committed no capital offense or anything deserving prison (v. 29) is a new item, thereby adding the tribune’s testimony to the chorus of voices in the narrative declaring Paul’s innocence (e.g., 23:9). Paul’s “accusers” (katēgorois, v. 30) introduces another legal technical term.122 So then, just as they had been commanded, the soldiers escorteda Paul and led him under the cover of night to Antipatris. 32 On the following day, they allowed the cavalrymen to go with him from there, and they returned to the headquarters. 33 When they arrived in Caesarea, they handed over the letter to the governor and also presented Paul to him. 34 The governor read it and asked what province Paul was from. When he learned that Paul was from Cilicia, 35 he said, “I will hear your case when your accusers arrive.” He ordered that Paul be guarded in the praetorium of Herod. 23:31

a. Lit., “taking [as a companion]” (analabontes).

[23:31–35] Antipatris, a Judean city founded by Herod the Great and named to honor his father, Antipater, was located on the road from Lydda to Caesarea, about halfway between Jerusalem and Caesarea.123 Although the exact location of Antipatris is disputed, its distance from Jerusalem is reasonably estimated as forty miles (65 km), a difficult, if not impossible, overnight journey.124 The 121. BDAG 31 s.v. aition 3. 122. BDAG 533 s.v. katēgoros; also katēgoreō, katēgoria. 123. BDAG 90 s.v. Antipatris. See Josephus, J.W. 1.417; Ant. 16.143; also Kochavi. 124. In a private communication, Alexander Kyrychenko reports that on a normal march the Roman army covered about 18 miles (29 km) in 5 hours; and that it could cover over 22 miles (35 km) in 5 hours when necessary, even with all the requisite baggage and artillery. Thus it would have been theoretically possible to cover 40 miles (65 km) in 10–11 hours of marching. Allowing 2 to 3 hours for stops, it would have required 14 hours to complete a 40-mile journey. Assuming a departure time of 9:00 p.m., the military detachment could have arrived in Antipatris around 11:00 the following day. See Benario.

Paul before Felix 443

decision to let the infantry return to Jerusalem and the cavalrymen to escort Paul the rest of the way (no further mention is made of the dexiolaboi) signals an undetected, safe exit from Jerusalem. Formal procedures are followed once the detachment reaches Caesarea, the location of the procurator’s official headquarters. The question about Paul’s provincial home is asked in order to determine legal jurisdiction. Roman procurators used Herod’s Praetorium, the palace built by Herod the Great in Caesarea, as their official headquarters. 24:1–27 Paul before Felix 24:1–9 Tertullus’s Formal Charges against Paul Five days later, the high priest Ananias came down to Caesarea,a accompanied by some elders and a prosecutor,b a certain Tertullus. They reported to the governor the case against Paul.c 2 After Paul was summoned, Tertullus introduced the accusation,d saying, “Because of the prolonged peace we enjoy through your efforts and because of the administrative reforms that have occurred in our country through your foresight,e 3 in every way and everywhere we acknowledge you, Most Excellent Felix, with all gratitude. 4 Lest I weary you any longer,f I urge you to hear us briefly with your usual courtesy.g 5 We have, in fact, found this man to be a public pest.h As the ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes, he causes disturbances among all the Jews throughout the world. 6 He also tried to desecrate the temple, and we arrested him.i 8 Once you have interrogated him about all of these matters, you will be able to satisfy yourselfj about these accusations we are bringing against him.” 9 Now the Jews joined in the attack as well, claiming that these things were just as Tertullus had said.k 24:1

a. Gk. katebē, “he came down,” i.e., to Caesarea from Jerusalem, where he was last mentioned (23:2). b. Gk. rhētoros, “orator,” “public speaker,” or “attorney.” BDAG 905 s.v. rhētor, noting P.Oxy. 37 I, 4 (49 CE), Aristocles, advocate (rhētor) for Pesouris, in a case against Saraeus, a nurse hired by Pesouris to care for an abandoned child he had found in the gutter; while in her care the child died, and Pesouris now wants to take Saraeus’s own child as reparation; P.Oxy. 237 VII, 25 (186 CE), Didymus, advocate (rhētor) of Sempronius, against Antonius, who had threatened to accuse Sempronius of incest; cf. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 76.4. c. Lit., “those who brought information to the governor against Paul” (hoitines enephanisan tō hēgemoni kata tou Paulou). The verb emphanizō has the basic sense of making visible or explaining clearly through a report, but here it seems to be used in the technical sense of presenting information against someone, i.e., reporting the legal case against Paul. BDAG 325–26 s.v. emphanizō. Cf. Josephus, Ant. 10.166. The term is also used in Acts 23:15, 22; and again in 25:2, 15.

444

Acts 24:1–9

d. Gk. ērxato katēgorein, lit., “began to accuse [Paul].” Here ērxato is rendered as “introduced” in order to capture its inceptive sense. Possibly ērxato could be understood as a superfluous auxiliary verb (“pleonastic” archomai), in which case it would be left untranslated, thus “he stated the accusation.” See note on 1:1. e. Lit., “we, experiencing much peace through you and reforms occurring in this nation through your foresight” (pollēs eirēnēs tynchanontes dia sou kai diorthōmatōn ginomenōn tō ethnei toutō dia tēs sēs pronoias). f. Gk. hina de mē epi pleion se enkoptō, “but in order that I not detain you any longer.” Ordinarily enkoptō means “hinder” or “thwart” (Gal 5:7; 1 Thess 2:18), but here it has the sense “to weary” or “to burden.” It is understood as “to weary” in the Syriac and Armenian versions. BDAG 274 s.v. enkoptō. The phrase enkopon poiein, “to make weary,” is used in Job 19:2; Isa 43:23. g. Gk. tē sē epieikeia, “in your kindness,” or “with your [customary] indulgence.” BDAG 371 s.v. epieikeia. h. Lit., “pestilence,” “pestilential,” or “diseased” (loimos), i.e., public enemy or menace. BDAG 602 s.v. loimos II.2. i. “Arrested” translates ekratēsamen, from krateō, “to hold,” “to seize,” and here in the technical sense “to arrest.” BDAG 564 s.v. krateō 3.a. Probably sensing the need to fill a conceptual gap after ekratēsamen, some ancient manuscripts (E Ψ 33. 323 et al.) supply a fuller ending to v. 6 and the additional v. 7–8a, highlighting the tribune’s seizure of Paul and his demand that Paul’s accusers appear before Felix: “[6b]  and according to our law we wanted to judge him. [7] But the tribune Lysias came and took him out of our hands with great violence, [8a] having commanded his accusers to come before you.” As this longer reading clearly attests, ancient scribes puzzled over the version of events reported in the shorter text (vv. 6a, 8). Perhaps it was the presumed conflict between the claim that “we [Jews]” arrested Paul, and the report in 21:33 that the tribune Lysias arrested him. Or possibly readers thought ekratēsamen (“we arrested”) ended the thought too abruptly and needed further clarification. In any event, the longer text provides an alternative construal of events reported in Lysias’s letter to Felix (23:26–30). In that letter Lysias implicated the Jews for seizing Paul (in the temple), trying to kill him, and later plotting against him; he also implicated the Sanhedrin for its premature judgment against Paul. By contrast, Lysias presents his own conduct as exemplary: Upon learning that Paul is a Roman citizen, he rescues Paul, has him brought before the Sanhedrin, determines that Paul has committed no capital offense, discovers the plot against Paul, transfers Paul to Caesarea, and orders Paul’s (Jewish) accusers to state their case before Felix. In contrast, the longer text here reports that the Jews wanted to try Paul according to Jewish law, implying that the Sanhedrin has legitimate jurisdiction over capital cases that result from violating the temple ban against gentiles. This would mean that Paul’s seizure in the temple by “the Jews from Asia” and “the people” was a legal arrest. Accordingly, Lysias’s actions are seen as blatant interference in Jewish internal affairs, especially his demand that Paul’s (Jewish) accusers appear before Felix. Because of the way in which the longer text ends, the implied referent for the person Felix is invited to interrogate or examine is Lysias rather than Paul.

Tertullus’s Formal Charges against Paul 445 See Metzger 1998, 434, explaining the decision not to include this reading, and hence the absence of v. 7 in recent translations (RSV, NIV, NRSV). The longer reading became part of the TR and was included in the KJV. j. Gk. dynēsē autos . . . epignōnai, “you yourself will be able . . . to ascertain.” k. Lit., “claiming these things thus to have [happened]” (phaskontes tauta houtōs echein).

[24:1–9] “Five days later” (meta de pente hēmeras), meaning five days after Paul’s brief appearance before Felix (23:33–35), allows ample time for his accusers to arrive from Jerusalem. As the one who presided over Paul’s hearing before the Sanhedrin (23:2), the high priest Ananias, as the leading Jewish official in Jerusalem, can confirm the charges being brought against Paul.125 “Some elders” (meta presbyterōn tinōn, v. 1) include other members of the Sanhedrin (cf. 22:5; Luke 22:66). Rhētor, usually an orator, especially one who speaks in court, thus an “advocate,” is here properly understood as the prosecuting attorney. The name Tertullus (Acts 24:1–2), a diminutive form of Tertius, is a relatively common name, variously attested elsewhere but nowhere else in the NT.126 Once again, Felix is called “governor” (tō hegemoni), although his technical title was procurator.127 Information about Paul’s case is portrayed as a group report from the Jerusalem delegation, but naturally Tertullus, as their legal advocate, presents the oral summary of the charges to Felix. Like the other speeches in Acts, Tertullus’s speech is a Lukan composition. Because of its brevity, it is at the very least a Lukan summary of what was said. It is impossible to say whether it is based on a reliable written source, perhaps some court record, or an oral tradition traceable to Paul and preserved by Christians in Caesarea or Jerusalem, or neither. Though brief, Tertullus’s remarks (vv. 2–8) achieve two things. First, through compact and carefully crafted language, they capture the formal, ingratiating tone of legal protocol (vv. 2b–4, 8).128 Second, they succinctly state the charges against Paul (vv. 5–6). The “prolonged peace” (pollēs eirēnēs, 24:2) may allude to Felix’s sustained efforts, as reported by Josephus, to suppress successive rebellious movements in Judea.129 No other record of Felix’s administrative reforms exists. Kingly foresight (pronoia), or careful attention, is elsewhere seen as a prerequisite for

125. See comments on Ananias at 23:1–5. 126. BDAG 1000 s.v. Tertyllos, noting inscriptional examples; cf. MM 631 s.v Tertyllos; also A. Robertson. The relative frequency of the name is reflected in PW [Series 2] 5 (1934): 845–48, “Tertullus,” with 18 entries. 127. See comments on 23:26. 128. The Felix portrayed in Tertullus’s captatio benevolentiae sharply contrasts with Tacitus’s view of him (Hist. 5.9; Ann. 12.54). 129. Josephus, J.W. 2.252–270; Ant. 20.137–144. See comments on 23:26.

446

Acts 24:1–9

peace.130

The alliterative phrase “in every way and everywhere” (pantē te kai pantachou, v. 3),131 along with the mention of “all gratitude” (pasēs eucharistias), gives stylistic flourish to Tertullus’s remarks. Although the superlative form kratistos does not in itself denote social rank, here, attached to Felix (kratiste Phēlix, v. 3), it appropriately acknowledges his high social status as Rome’s designated representative in Judea.132 Acknowledging Felix’s kindness (epieikeia, v. 4) is yet another rhetorical nicety typical of such addresses to those with judicial or administrative power.133 Tertullus’s charges against Paul are carefully structured. A general, introductory charge, “he is a pest,” is supported by two specific charges: (1)  his pattern of creating havoc within Jewish communities “throughout the world,” both in the land of Israel and in the diaspora (v. 5); and (2) his blatant violation of temple protocol in Jerusalem (v. 6). “Pest” (loimos)—an abusive term, especially useful in forensic settings to denigrate a defendant or witness134—may also connote contagion associated with disease, thus “pestilence” or “plague.” If so, it is a form of personal invective in which the one so labeled is seen as contaminated, as a carrier of some lethal poison or virus, thus as a public menace.135 “Ringleader” (prōtostatēn, v. 5), literally, “the one who stands first” or who is the head of a group, is used only here in the NT, but clearly implies Paul’s peerless leadership among Christians. “Sect of the Nazarenes” (tēs tōn Nazōraiōn haireseōs), a social group designation analogous to “sect of the Sadducees” (Acts 5:17) and “sect of the Pharisees” (15:5; 26:5), demarcates Jesus’s followers by the geographical location of his hometown (Luke 4:16).136 Hairesis, variously rendered as “sect” or “party,” mainly denotes a cohesive social group bound together by some common purpose, philosophical outlook, or ideology.137 In the NT, the 130. See 2 Macc 4:6. 131. See Acts 17:30; 21:28. 132. See L. Alexander 1993, 132–33, 188–90. 133. See P.Oxy. 67, 6 (338 CE), in which Aurelius Ptolemaeus, a property owner in Oxyrhynchus, writes to Aurelius Aëtius, a former city official, and forwards to him the instructions of the Egyptian prefect, which mention Aëtius’s “clemency and impartiality” (epieikian te kai katharotēta). See MM 238 s.v. epieikeia. 134. See Demosthenes, Or. 25 (Against Aristogeiton 1).80, in which Demosthenes, in a rhetorical exercise exemplifying a forensic speech based on an actual trial held ca. 338–324 BCE, attacks the character of Eunomus, the brother of Aristogeiton, calling him “this poisoner, this public pest” (ho pharmakos, ho loimos). 135. The term loimos is used in the LXX to render a variety of Hebrew words, typically to portray wicked or lawless people as “pestilent” or “pestiferous.” See 1 Sam 2:12; 10:27; 25:17, 25; 30:22; 2 Chr 13:7; Prov 19:25; 24:9; 1 Macc 10:61; 15:3, 21; passim. 136. See comments on Jesus the Nazarene at Acts 2:22. 137. Josephus uses hairesis in the sense of “sect” or “school of thought” as the social category that includes Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes (Ant. 13.171; Life 10). He calls them the “three schools of thought among the Jews” (treis haireseis tōn Ioudaiōn); cf. Ant. 20.199; Life 12, 191.

Paul’s Defense Speech before Felix 447

term is used in this sense exclusively in Acts, and when used of Jesus’s followers, it occurs on the lips of their opponents with a pejorative connotation (Acts 24:5, 14; 28:22).138 This suggests that “the sect of the Nazarenes” is a label formulated not by Christians themselves but by outsiders. “Causing disturbances” (kinounta staseis, 24:5) recalls the charges brought against Paul and Silas at Philippi (16:20) and Thessalonica (17:6). Here stasis probably means disturbance, although, as a standard term for rebellion or sedition, it could have a sensitive political connotation.139 “World” (oikoumenē, 24:5) has universal reach in Luke-Acts, symbolized by the table of nations at Pentecost (2:9–11).140 The upshot of this charge is that Paul represents a genuine threat to Roman order throughout the empire. The second part of Tertullus’s accusation focuses on Paul’s activity in Jerusalem, specifically his alleged violation of the ban against bringing gentiles into the temple courtyard restricted to Israelites.141 The charge of “desecrating the temple” (to hieron . . . bebēlōsai, Acts 24:6) is especially serious since this is the language used of Antiochus  IV Epiphanes’s rapacious seizure of the temple in 169 BCE.142 Although the focus here is Paul’s arrest in the temple, the broader issue is Paul’s alleged opposition to the temple in principle, the charge that he teaches “against the temple” (21:28; cf. 25:8; similarly, Stephen, 6:13). “Interrogated” (anakrinas, 24:8; elsewhere meaning “examined,” 4:9; 12:19; 28:18), specifies the process through which a judicial or administrative official can question a defendant or witness to determine the facts of the case. “The Jews” (hoi Ioudaioi, 24:9) who confirm Tertullus’s remarks must be the high priest Ananias and the other members of the Sanhedrin who have come from Jerusalem, since they alone can claim firsthand knowledge about the events surrounding Paul’s arrest. 24:10–21 Paul’s Defense Speech before Felix Paul began his response, once the governor gave him the nod.a He said, “I am well aware that you have been judge of this countryb for many years, and I am pleased to defend myself.c 11 You are in a position

24:10

Josephus’s description is in keeping with the widespread use of hairesis to denote a philosophical school, e.g., Diodorus S., Hist. 2.29.6 (“the most famous schools of the philosophers,” epiphanestatas haireseis tōn philosophōn); Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Lit. Comp. 2 (“leaders of the Stoic school,” hoi Stōikēs haireseōs hēgemones); Diogenes Laertius, Lives 1.18–19 (“ten schools of ethics,” haireseis deka; Hippobotus’s work On Philosophical Sects, Peri Haireseōn); Aristobulus, frag. 5.10 (the Peripatetic school, Holladay 1995, 3:196). 138. For other uses of hairesis, see 1 Cor 11:19; Gal 5:20; 2 Pet 2:1. 139. See remarks on stasis in 19:40. 140. Luke 2:1; 4:5; 21:26; Acts 11:28; 17:6, 31; 19:27. 141. On the violation of the ban as a capital offense, see remarks on 21:27–30. 142. See 1 Macc 1:21–23, 54; 3:51.

448

Acts 24:10–21

to know that no more than twelve days have passed since I went up to Jerusalem to fulfill religious obligations.d 12 They did not find me in the temple disputing with anyone, nor did they find me stirring up a crowde in the synagogues or anywhere in the city. 13 Neither can they prove to you the accusations they are now making against me. 14 This I admit to you: According to the Way, which they call a sect,f do I thus serve the God of our ancestors. I believe everything written in the Law and the Prophets. 15 God has given me this hope: There is going to be a resurrection of both the righteous and the unrighteous—a hope my accusers also share.g 16 By this hope I also guide my life,h and do so with a clear consciencei before God and all humanity. 17 After many years I arrived in Jerusalemj in order to give alms to my peoplek as well as offer sacrifices. 18 While doing this,l they found me undergoing purification rites in the temple, and there was no crowd, no disturbance. 19  Now, some Jews from Asia—they are the ones who should come before you and bring charges against me, on the outside chance they have anything.m 20 Barring that, let these peoplen state what wrongdoing they found when I appeared before the Sanhedrin. 21 Or let them tell about this single declaration I shouted when I stood before them: ‘Today I am being tried before you for one thing: whether the dead experience resurrection.’”o a. Inserted at this point in the margin of the Harklean Syriac is the unusual addition: “to give a defense for himself. Assuming for himself a godlike stance, he said . . .” (defensionem habere pro se. statum autem assumens divinum dixit). Accordingly, v. 10 reads (with the additions in italics): “And when the governor had motioned for him to make a defense for himself, Paul answered: and having assumed a godlike bearing, he said . . .” Although this reading is not preserved in the D-text, Clark thinks it represents that textual tradition (so Metzger 1998, 434; see LDT 596–99). Possibly the reading was motivated by Acts 6:15 (BegC 4:300). b. Gk. tō ethnēi toutō. KJV, RSV, NIV, NRSV: “this nation.” c. Lit., “I cheerfully make my defense” (euthymōs ta peri emautou apologoumai). d. Lit., “in order to worship” (proskynēsōn), thus rendering the future active participle. On the “final” sense of participles, see Moule 1959a, 103. e. Lit., “making concourse of a crowd,” or “rallying a crowd” (epistasin poiounta ochlou). f. Gk. kata tēn hodon hēn legousin hairesin. On the use of hairesis as “sect” or “party,” see discussion of v. 5 above. g. Lit., “which even they themselves anticipate” (hēn kai autoi houtoi prosdechontai). h. Lit., “in this also I myself practice [engage]” (en toutō kai autos askō). i. Lit., “having a conscience without offense” (aproskopon syneidēsin echein); perhaps “in order to have a clear conscience.” j. Here “in Jerusalem” is supplied. k. Gk. eis to ethnos mou. KJV, RSV, NRSV: “to my nation”; NIV: “[to] my people.”

Paul’s Defense Speech before Felix 449 l. Lit., “in [among] whom” (en hais). The referent is not clear, although prosphoras (fem. pl.), “offering sacrifices,” or eleēmosynas (fem. pl.), “alms,” is possible; probably the former. Perhaps “During which [i.e., offering] sacrifices, they found me.” Sensing the difficulty, some MSS (L 323. 326. 1241 pm) read hois. m. This attempts to render the optative, “if they might perhaps have anything” (ei ti echoien). Moule 1959a, 150: “if they [really] had any complaint [which they have not].” See BDF §385 (2), on the potential optative in a hypothetical protasis without an. n. Lit., “Or, let these themselves state . . .” (ē autoi houtoi eipatōsan). o. Lit., “Concerning resurrection of the dead I am being judged today before you” (peri anastaseōs nekrōn egō krinomai sēmeron eph’ hymōn).

[24:10–21] Felix’s nodding to Paul (neusantos autō) maintains the mood of a formal court proceeding.143 “Judge of this country” (kritēn tō ethnei toutō), perhaps “of this people [or, nation],” acknowledges Felix’s legal jurisdiction over the Roman province of Judea.144 Since Felix became procurator in 52 CE, and 24:27 suggests that Paul’s trial occurred about 57–58 CE (two years before Felix was succeeded by Festus, ca. 60 CE),145 “many years” (pollōn etōn), taken literally, may be an exaggeration, unless it includes time before his appointment.146 “Defend myself” (apologoumai) is technical legal language.147 What “no more than twelve days” (ou pleious . . . hēmerai dōdeka, v. 11) encompasses is not clear, although Paul’s arrival in Jerusalem in 21:17 appears to mark the beginning point.148 Although it is difficult to determine precisely which twelve days are in view, Paul’s main point is to emphasize the relatively short time he has been in Judea: He has not been there long enough to do all 143. See Josephus, J.W. 1.629, where Herod, presiding over the trial of Antipater, nods to Nicolas, signaling for him to state the evidence; cf. Ezekiel the Tragedian, line 73 (Holladay 1989, 2:362). 144. After the death of Agrippa I in 44 CE, Claudius restored Judea to direct Roman rule under procurators and organized it as a Roman province. The term “judge” (kritēs) is also used of Gallio’s role as proconsul of Achaia (Acts 18:15). 145. D. Schwartz (1992, 228–30) dates Paul’s trial by Felix in the early summer of 54 CE. 146. If, however, D. Schwartz 1992, 223–36, is correct in dating Felix’s accession to the year 49 CE, “many years” would be a credible claim. In Claudius’s letter to the Alexandrians, issued in 41 CE, his first year as emperor, he mentions the Alexandrians’ goodwill toward him that he had remembered “from long ago” (ek pollōn chronōn, line 22). See CPJ 2:36–55 (no. 153); also NTB 47–50 (no. 48). 147. See Josephus, J.W. 1.618, 630, for “defense” (apologia) in the trial of Antipater, son of Herod the Great. 148. From the time of Paul’s arrival in Jerusalem (21:17), Luke regularly provides chronological indicators (21:18, 26–27; 22:30; 23:11–12, 23, 32; 24:1; also 24:24, 27; 25:1, 6, 13–14, 17, 22–23; 26:29; 27:3, 7, 9, 12, 18–21, 23, 27, 29, 33, 39; 28:6–7, 11–14, 17, 23, 30). Whether twelve days is roughly correct to describe the length of time from Paul’s arrival in Jerusalem (21:17) until the time of his appearance before Felix depends on how the “seven days” of 21:27 figure into the calculations. The twelve days may result from the simple addition of the seven days of 21:27 and the five days of 24:1.

450

Acts 24:10–21

the things of which he has been charged. Paul’s insistence that he has come to Jerusalem “to fulfill religious obligations,” to worship (proskynēsōn), introduces the theme of his religious fidelity, which will be developed throughout his remarks.149 Implicit in this remark is his loyalty to the temple: If a Jew has traveled from the diaspora to Jerusalem, it is assumed that the temple is the ultimate destination.150 Although Paul does not mention to Felix that he has planned his travels in order to be in Jerusalem to observe Pentecost (20:16), the reader is aware of this and thus knows the truthfulness of this claim. Having stated the primary purpose of his coming to Jerusalem, Paul emphatically denies having had disputes of any kind either in the temple or in any of the Jerusalem synagogues (cf. 6:9). The “they” of 24:12–14 is, in the first instance, the high priest Ananias, members of the Sanhedrin who have come from Jerusalem, and Tertullus, yet more broadly, the Jews of Jerusalem. The unprovable accusations (v. 13) include the charge that he is the “ringleader of the Nazarenes” (v. 5), clearly a charge that does not admit of proof and thus is not directly addressed by Paul. Since none of the stated charges specifically mentions Jesus of Nazareth, no christological motifs are introduced into Paul’s remarks. With verse 14, the tone shifts from denial to affirmation, signaled by “this I admit” (homologō touto), literally, “this I confess,” or “this I am happy to assert.” What follows is a succinct portrait of Paul, the Torah-observant Pharisee. Although he does not specifically mention his Pharisaic identity here, as he did earlier before the Sanhedrin (23:6), his vigorous affirmation of resurrection aligns him with Pharisaic theology. Luke crafts Paul’s remarks with highly provocative phrases that resonate with Israel’s glorious past. Although “the Way” (hē hodos, 24:14) is Lukan technical language for the Jesus movement, the term connects with some of the richest parts of the biblical tradition.151 Luke’s formulation here suggests that “the Way” is insiders’ language, whereas “a sect” is outsiders’ language; to use anthropological categories, the former is emic identification, the latter etic description. “God of our ancestors” (tō patrōō theō), literally, “the paternal God,” or “the God of [our] fathers,” recalls numerous OT references to God as the father of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.152 Paul’s fidelity to “the Law and the Prophets” (v. 14) has been amply 149. Similar language is used to describe the purpose of the Ethiopian eunuch’s trip to Jerusalem (8:27); cf. John 12:20. 150. Philo (Prov. 2.64) illustrates the point: “I was on my way to our ancestral temple to offer up prayers and sacrifices.” 151. As in Gen 18:19; Exod 32:8; Deut 9:12, 16; 11:28; 13:5; 31:29; Judg 2:17, 22; 2 Kgs 21:22; Ps 119:33; Prov 8:20; Isa 30:21; 40:3; 48:17; Jer 5:4; 2 Esd 4:2; 5:34. On the use at Qumran of “the way” or “the path” without further qualifiers, see comments on Acts 9:2, with references. 152. For the phrase patrōos theos, see 4 Macc 12:17; for “God of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, the God of our fathers,” see Gen 28:13; Exod 3:6. Similar phraseology also occurs in Greek and Roman writings, e.g., P.Oxy. 483, 21–24 (108 CE), “I swear . . . by my ancestral gods” (omnyō . . . tous patrōous theous). BDAG 789 s.v. patrōos.

Paul’s Defense Speech before Felix 451

demonstrated in the Pisidian Antioch sermon (13:16–41) and, most recently, in his exchange with the high priest (23:5).153 Embracing the wider OT canon, as opposed to exclusive loyalty to the Pentateuch, aligns Paul more closely with Pharisaic belief.154 Paul’s mention here of his “hope in God” (elpida echōn eis ton theon, v. 15), specifically that “there will be a [future] resurrection” (anastasin mellein eses­ thai), recalls his earlier insistence before the Sanhedrin that the main issue in his trial was “the hope of the resurrection of the dead” (peri elpidos kai anastaseōs nekrōn, 23:6). Insisting that his accusers also hold this belief (24:15b) implies that the members of the Sanhedrin who have accompanied the high priest Ananias to Caesarea, some of them at least, are Pharisees; or he may be recalling his earlier appearance before the Sanhedrin, in which Pharisaic presence was made explicit (23:6). Claiming that both “the righteous and the unrighteous” (dikaiōn te kai adikōn, 24:15) will be resurrected, as opposed to the righteous alone, touches on a widely disputed point.155 While belief in resurrection was a defining element of Pharisaic theology, it was also affirmed by other Jewish groups, probably the Essenes.156 As the guiding principle of Paul’s life, resurrection along with its corollary, judgment, provides an incentive for the moral life. Living with a sense of ultimate accountability before God fosters having a good conscience before God and the world (24:16).157 “Many years” (di’ etōn pleionōn, 24:17) may telescope the time covered by chapters 16–20, assuming that Paul’s trip to the Jerusalem Council (15:2–4) is the point of reference, or less probably, the implied reference to Jerusalem in 18:22–23. Either way, Paul wants to emphasize the length of time he has been away. Elsewhere in Luke-Acts, “giving alms” (eleēmosynas poiēsōn, 24:17) refers to acts of charitable giving that are seen as a central element of Jewish piety.158 Here, however, it is probably a cryptic reference to Paul’s collection of money from gentile churches in the Aegean region for the benefit of 153. Fulfillment of what is written in the law and the prophets is a recurrent Lukan theme. See Luke 24:27, 44; Acts 3:18; 24:14; 26:22; 28:23. 154. See comments on 23:6–9. 155. In contrast to 24:15, the epistolary Paul focuses primarily on the resurrection of those in Christ (1 Cor 15; 1 Thess 4:13–18; cf. 2 Cor 5:10). Resurrection of the righteous and unrighteous is envisioned in Dan 12:2; 2 Esd 7:32–44; 1 En. 51.1–2; cf. Luke 14:14, “the resurrection of the just” (cf. 1 En. 62.13–16). On the diversity of views within rabbinic thought about who would participate in the world to come, see Montefiore and Loewe 370, 603–4; Moore 1927–30, 1:378; 2:302–3, 306, noting 1 En. 103.1–8, which envisions resurrection of the righteous but not of the unrighteous, whose souls are confined to Sheol. See m. Sanh. 10:1, “All Israelites have a share in the world to come,” a declaration followed by a list of those who are excluded from that world. 156. See 4Q385, 4Q386, 4Q521; also Josephus, J.W. 2.154; Ant. 18.18 157. On “good conscience,” see comments at 23:1. 158. See Luke 11:41; 12:33; Acts 3:2–3, 10; 9:36; 10:2, 4, 31; cf. Matt 6:2–4. See Moore 1927–30, 2:162–79, “Private and Public Charity.”

452

Acts 24:22–27

impoverished Christians in Jerusalem, a project of great theological and symbolic significance to Paul but also of humanitarian urgency.159 Why Luke does not devote more attention to a project of such great importance to the historical Paul is puzzling. Some have suggested that it might not have achieved its intended purpose and might even have been an embarrassing failure.160 “Sacrifices” (prosphoras) can refer to offerings Paul might have made in the temple, although the ambiguous wording of 24:18a seems to imply that 21:26 is probably in view. “Purification rites in the temple” (me hēgnismenon en tō hierō, 24:18) certainly recalls 21:26. His insistence that his presence in the temple was a calm, undisturbed visit conforms to Luke’s description in 21:23–26. His targeting “some Jews from Asia” (24:19) as the real culprits recalls 21:27. “These people” (24:20) doubtlessly means the Jerusalem delegation attending the hearing before Felix. Paul’s call for his opponents to name his offense presupposes the letter Felix has received from the tribune Claudius Lysias that clears Paul of any capital offense, or of any action that warrants imprisonment (23:29). The Sanhedrin’s unsupported charges are thus contrasted with Lysias’s formal declaration of innocence. Reiterating the crucial issue as the theological credibility of resurrection hope forms a fitting climax to Paul’s adroit response to Tertullus’s charges. Since the issue, as framed by Paul, is theological rather than political, it falls outside Felix’s jurisdiction and is thus dismissible. 24:22–27 Felix’s Response and Paul’s Two-Year Imprisonment in Caesarea Now Felix, who had a fairly accurate understanding of the Way, adjourned them, saying, “When Lysias the tribune gets here, I will decide your case.”a 23 He ordered the centurion to put Paul under guard but specified that he should have freedom of movement and that none of his friends should be prevented from assisting him. 24 After a few days passed, Felix, along with his wife Drusilla, who was a Jewess, sent for Paul and heard him talk about faith in Christ Jesus. 25 As Paul talked with them about living righteously, controlling desires, and future accountability,b Felix became frightened and responded, “For the time being, you should go. When I find time,c I will call for you.” 26 All the while he was hoping that Paul would try to bribe him.d This is why he would often call for Paul and talk with him privately. 27 When two years had lapsed, Felix was succeeded by Porcius Festus. Since Felix wanted to grant the Jews a favor, he left Paul in prison. 24:22

159. See 1 Cor 16:1–4; 2 Cor 8–9; Gal 2:10; Rom 15:25–31. See Nickle; Georgi; and Joubert; also comments on 20:1–6. 160. See Roetzel; Roloff 312.

Felix’s Response and Paul’s Two-Year Imprisonment in Caesarea 453 a. Lit., “I will decide the matters relating to you [pl.]” (diagnōsomai ta kath’ hymas), a way of referring to the total judicial process. BDAG 227 s.v. diaginōskō 2. b. Lit., “righteousness, self-control, and the coming judgment” (peri dikaiosynēs kai enkrateias kai tou krimatos tou mellontos). c. Lit., “having an opportunity” (kairon de metalabōn). d. Lit., “At the same time he was also hoping that money would be given to him by Paul” (hama kai elpizōn hoti chrēmata dothēsetai autō hypo tou Paulou).

[24:22–27] On what basis Luke claims Felix’s familiarity with the Jesus movement is not known. Neither Josephus nor Tacitus portrays Felix as an intellectually curious procurator who would go out of his way to learn about people or affairs within his jurisdiction. On the other hand, Josephus’s rehearsal of Felix’s serial efforts to deal with various rebel groups, including the notorious unnamed Egyptian prophet, suggests that he was not entirely oblivious to countercultural movements taking place in Judea under his procuratorship. Deciding to wait for the arrival of Lysias, the local Roman official in Jerusalem with firsthand knowledge of the incidents relating to Paul, reflects sober judicial instincts. Moreover, Lysias has stated the essential facts in the letter he sent to Felix, in which he has given an alternative version of events before the Sanhedrin. The role of centurions as military guards is well established, as is the practice of allowing privileged prisoners some freedom of movement and access to visitors.161 The identity of Paul’s “friends” (tōn idiōn autou, v. 23) is not specified, but Luke has already provided ample evidence of Christians in Caesarea who might be available to “assist” (hypēretein) Paul.162 This is the first of several instances of kind treatment extended to Paul.163 Identifying Drusilla as a Jewess (ousē Ioudaia, 24:24) accurately reports her Herodian pedigree.164 Josephus praised her father Agrippa I as someone 161. When Agrippa I was imprisoned for six months by Tiberius in 36–37 CE, he was guarded by a centurion (to whom he was handcuffed) and allowed visits by his freedmen and friends (Josephus, Ant. 18.202–203; cf. 18.229–233). In Ant. 18.235 Josephus reports that Agrippa was extended greater freedom (anesis) in his daily movements. On centurions as military guards, see Kyrychenko 38–39. 162. The cluster of disciples in 4:23 is also referred to as hoi idioi, literally, “their own,” or “their friends” (NRSV). The presence of Christians in Caesarea is clearly indicated in 21:8–14, 16; and also in the Cornelius episodes (chs. 10–11). 163. See Acts 27:3, 43; 28:2, 7, 16, 30. 164. According to Josephus (Ant. 19.354–55; 20.139, 141–44), Drusilla was the youngest daughter of Agrippa I and thus the sister of Agrippa II and Berenice. Her planned marriage (as a child) to Antiochus Epiphanes of Commagene was not consummated because of his refusal to undergo circumcision. Around 53 CE she married Azizus of Emesa, who had agreed to be circumcised, but this marriage was dissolved when Felix decided to pursue her “because she surpassed all other women in beauty.” Her decision to marry Felix, a gentile, meant that she “transgressed the ancestral laws.” If she married Felix ca. 54 CE, she would have been about sixteen years old at the time. To them was born a son, also named Agrippa, who, along with his wife, died when

454

Acts 24:22–27

who “scrupulously observed the traditions of the [Jewish] people,” observing the requisite rites of purification and daily sacrifices.165 Even if Josephus’s remarks are heavily biased and excessive, they suggest a context in which Drusilla could have acquired more than passing familiarity with Jewish beliefs and customs, in spite of her youth. Whether this makes Luke’s portrait of her, along with Felix, as an interested listener to Paul credible is another matter.166 But at the narrative level, both Felix and Drusilla are presented, not as cultured despisers but as sympathetic listeners interested in hearing about “faith in Christ Jesus” (v. 24). Luke’s three-point summary of Paul’s preaching (v. 25) resonates with the epistolary Paul.167 It would be difficult to think of a more characteristically Pauline term than “living righteously” (dikaiosynēs, v. 25).168 “Controlling desires” (enkrateias), or “self-control,” is one of the Pauline fruits of the Spirit.169 “Coming judgment” (tou krimatos tou mellontos) is also a fixed element of Pauline eschatology.170 By choosing themes that accent moral rectitude, self-restraint, and future accountability, Luke may reflect awareness of the morally dubious circumstances surrounding the marriage of Felix and Drusilla. Felix’s fearful response is intended to suggest not only that Paul’s preaching has registered but also that Felix at some level is responsive. And yet, portraying Felix as eager to obtain a bribe from Paul (24:26) places him within a long line of Lukan villains whose fatal character flaw is greed.171 This may be another cryptic reference to the Pauline collection.172 The notion of Felix and Paul’s having frequent private conversations further enhances the Lukan portrait of Felix as a friendly Roman official. Paul’s two-year imprisonment in Mount Vesuvius erupted in 79 CE. According to Tacitus (Hist. 5.9), Felix’s wife, Drusilla, was “the granddaughter of Antony and Cleopatra.” If true, this means that Felix would have been related through marriage to the Emperor Claudius, who was the grandson of Antony and Cleopatra. Suetonius (Claud. 28) reports that Felix had three wives, but he does not name them. Perhaps two of Felix’s wives were named Drusilla, or possibly the various accounts of Felix’s wives are simply confused. See Schürer 1:461–62. 165. Josephus, Ant. 19.331. 166. The D-text of 24:27, represented by the marginal reading of the Heraklean Syriac, attributes to Drusilla the primary initiative for contacting Paul: “[Drusilla] had been asking to see Paul and to hear his message. So, because [Felix] wanted to do something important for her, he sent for Paul” (LDT 601). See Metzger 1998, 435; cf. Mark 6:20, which reports Herod Antipas’s attraction to John the Baptist’s preaching. 167. These three motifs can be grouped in different ways. See John 16:8 (righteousness and judgment); Let. Aris. 278 (self-control and justice). 168. For dikaiosynē as a moral goal, see Rom 14:17; Phil 1:11. 169. See Gal 5:23; cf. 1 Cor 7:9; 9:25; also cf. Titus 1:8; 2 Pet 1:6. 170. As in Rom 2:3; 1 Cor 4:5; 2 Cor 5:10. 171. See the discussion of Simon Magus at Acts 8:14–25. On the practice of bribery to achieve release from prison, see Josephus, J.W. 2.272–273; Ant. 20.215. 172. See remarks above on 24:17.

Paul before Festus 455

Caesarea has prompted some to suggest that his Prison Letters, such as Philippians or Philemon, might have been written at this time and place. Porcius Festus was appointed by Nero as Felix’s successor around 60 CE.173 He served for about two years before dying in office. Accordingly, Josephus’s account of Festus’s term as procurator is comparatively brief.174 At the beginning of Festus’s procuratorship, a Jewish delegation from Caesarea went to Rome to accuse Felix of misconduct in the Caesarean episode that occurred at the end of his procuratorship. Through the efforts of his brother Pallas, who was a friend of Nero, Felix was exonerated. The Syrians from Caesarea, however, by bribing Nero’s secretary, Beryllus, persuaded Nero to annul the grant of equal civic rights to the Jews in Caesarea. This intensified the strife between the Syrians and Jews in Caesarea, exacerbating tensions that eventually led to the outbreak of the First Jewish Revolt. After arriving in Judea, Festus continued Felix’s efforts to quell the sicarii, the “dagger men” who were still ravaging the countryside. In addition, his forces attacked and killed “a certain impostor” and his followers, who were apparently threatening the peace in a manner comparable to the Egyptian “false prophet” under Felix. When Agrippa II decided to build an extension to his palace in Jerusalem that somehow infringed on the temple area, his efforts naturally met with stiff resistance from the Jewish priests. Festus’s decision to side with Agrippa II further alienated the Jewish population. Luke’s mention of Felix’s desire to “grant the Jews a favor” by leaving Paul in prison may reflect awareness of Felix’s dispute with the Jews in Caesarea and their decision to send a delegation to Nero to press charges against Felix for administrative malfeasance. There is no good reason to doubt Luke’s report of Felix’s decision to leave Paul in prison. It would have been toward the end of his term as procurator, when tensions between Rome and the Jewish population were intensifying and eventually led to Nero’s recalling Felix to Rome. 25:1–22 Paul before Festus 25:1–5 Festus Hears Charges against Paul in Jerusalem Now three days after Festus arrived in the province, he went up to Jerusalem from Caesarea.a 2 The chief priests and most prominent Jewish leadersb brought formal charges against Paul.c And they appealed to Festus,d 3 asking for a favor disadvantageous to Paul,e that he might summon Paul to Jerusalem, thereby allowing them to arrange an ambush 25:1

173. Though introduced here (24:27), Festus figures prominently in ch. 25. He is mentioned specifically in 24:27; 25:1, 4, 9, 12–14, 22–25; 26:24–25, 32. 174. Josephus, J.W. 2.271; Ant. 20.182–196. See Schürer 1:467–68; also the detailed treatment in Lambertz.

456

Acts 25:1–5

to kill him along the way.f 4 Festus replied, however,g that Paul was being

kept in Caesarea, and that he himself was about to leave [for Caesarea] shortly.h 5 “Those among you, therefore, who are leaders,”i he said, “once they have gone down [to Caesarea], let them bring accusations against him [to see] whether this man has done anything improper.”j

a. Lit., “Festus, therefore, having set foot in the province, after three days he went up to Jerusalem from Caesarea” (Phēstos oun epibas tē eparcheia meta treis hēmeras anebē eis Hierosolyma apo Kaisareias). Although Luke uses eparcheia here (of Judea) and in 23:34 (of Cilicia) to designate a Roman province, the term is sometimes used of “district,” a smaller and less formally demarcated geographical region. Thus the translation in BegC 4:306, “Now when Festus entered on his District.” An eparcheia was an administrative area governed by an eparchos, or prefect. Although the eparcheia is not named in 25:1, it is clearly Judea, which was reorganized as a Roman province by Claudius in 44 CE. See BDAG 359–60 s.v. eparcheia, eparcheios, eparchikos, eparchos, noting, e.g., Josephus, J.W. 5.520. See Smallwood 256–92, “The Province of Judea, A.D. 44–66”; also NewDocs 2:85 (no. 47). Technically, the correct title for the one assigned by Rome to govern Judea after 44 CE is procurator (epitropos). See Jones 1960d. b. Lit., “the first [men] of the Jews” (hoi prōtoi tōn Ioudaiōn); BDAG 893 s.v. prōtos 2.a.β. See 28:17. c. Gk. enephanisan autō, “they brought information [or, reported] to him,” specifically about a judicial matter; thus “they presented evidence.” BDAG 325–26 s.v. emphanizō 3. d. Gk. kai parekaloun auton, “and they were encouraging him.” Possibly the imperfect might be rendered more vividly, “they began encouraging him” (inceptive) or “they repeatedly encouraged him” (iterative). e. Lit., “requesting a favor against him” (aitoumenoi charin kat’ autou). One MS (C) reads par’ autou, in which case autou would refer to Festus instead of Paul; thus, “The chief priests and most prominent Jewish leaders brought formal charges against Paul. And they appealed to Festus, asking for a favor from him, that he might summon Paul to Jerusalem.” See Ropes 228. f. Lit., “making a plot to kill him along the way” (enedran poiountes anelein auton kata tēn hodon). g. Here “however” renders men oun, which in Luke-Acts is usually inferential (“so then”) rather than adversative. Cf. Luke 3:18; Acts 1:6, 18; 2:41 passim. h. Lit., “himself about to depart shortly” (heauton de mellein en tachei ekporeues­ thai). This translation seeks to capture the Gk. men . . . de construction, which suggests a slight contrast between the respective locations of the two men: since Paul is already there, soon Festus will be. i. Lit., “the powerful” (hoi . . . dynatoi). For the use of dynatoi to describe Jewish leaders, see Josephus, J.W. 1.242; 2.287; Ant. 14.324; Jer 50:6 LXX (cf. 43:6 ET); 51:20 LXX (cf. 44:20 ET). See Schürer 2:212 n. 45. j. Lit., “let them bring charges against him if anything in the man is improper” (ei ti estin en tō andri atopon katēgoreitōsan autou). Gk. atopon could also be rendered “evil” or “wrong.” BDAG 149 s.v. atopos 2. Cf. Luke 23:41; 2 Thess 3:2.

Festus Hears Charges against Paul in Jerusalem 457

[25:1–5] Festus’s appointment as procurator of the province (eparcheia) of Judea probably began in about 60 CE. It is reasonable to assume that a newly appointed procurator, shortly after arriving in Caesarea, the Roman capital of the province, would travel to Jerusalem, the most important Jewish city in Judea. The “chief priests” (archiereis, 25:2) include adult males from prominent priestly families in Jerusalem, especially those who are members of the Sanhedrin. The “most prominent Jewish leaders” (hoi prōtoi tōn Ioudaiōn) include influential males from nonpriestly families.175 “Brought formal charges” (enephanisan autō), or “gave him a report” (NRSV), as before, is technical legal language for providing information in a judicial sense.176 “Asking a favor” (aitoumenoi charin, v. 3) is to be understood here within a system of patronage in which political or religious officials make requests of each other that will later be reciprocated in some way.177 “Disadvantageous to Paul” (kat’ autou), or literally, “against him,” is an unusual expression, which one ancient manuscript (C) tried to correct by substituting “from him” (par’ autou), meaning Festus.178 This formulation reflects the Lukan point of view: Their request was motivated by their desire to take action against Paul, although it would not have been put to Festus that starkly. Though somewhat ambiguous, the syntax of 25:3 can be taken to mean that the Jewish leaders’ request to Festus was aboveboard: They want Festus to hear Paul’s case in Jerusalem, where his alleged actions took place and the initial hearing before the Sanhedrin has occurred. Their plan to ambush Paul somewhere along the road from Caesarea to Jerusalem is Luke’s parenthetical remark to the reader, surely not something that sensible Jewish leaders would have proposed to a new procurator in their initial meeting with him.179 How Luke might have known about the Jewish leaders’ intentions is an intriguing question. Festus’s polite rejection of the Jewish leaders’ proposal and his insistence that Paul’s accusers must present their case in Caesarea show him to be a capable, open-minded Roman official. “Whether this man has done anything improper” implies the principle of innocent until proven guilty. Festus’s reference to those who are “powerful” (dynatoi) among the Jewish leaders is Luke’s way of ratcheting up the level of confrontation: This is not a minor dispute between Paul and some obscure Jewish malcontents.

175. Elsewhere, Luke pairs “chief priests” with “the elders” (Acts 4:23; 23:14; 25:15). Here in 25:2, hoi prōtoi tōn Ioudaiōn is roughly equivalent to “elders.” Cf. Luke 19:47. 176. Acts 23:15, 22; 24:1; cf. 25:15. 177. BDAG 1079–81 s.v. charis 3.a. Cf. Appian, Civ. W. 1.13.108, “as a favor to Sulla” (es charin Sulla). 178. See BegC 4:307. 179. The mention of an ambush (enedra) recalls the earlier forty-man plot in Jerusalem (23:12–22) and possibly even earlier plots to kill Paul (9:23–25; 20:3, 19).

458

Acts 25:6–8

25:6–8 Paul Answers Jewish Charges in Caesarea Now after staying with them no more than eight or ten days, Festus went down to Caesarea. The next day, after taking his seat at the tribunal,a he ordered Paul to be brought. 7 Once Paul arrived, the Jews who had come down from Jerusalem stood around him and brought many serious charges that they were unable to prove. 8 Paul defended himself by saying: “Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I done anything wrong.”b 25:6

a. Or, “judicial bench” (Gk. bēma). BDAG 175 s.v. bēma 3. BegC 4:307, “he took his place on the Bench.” b. Or, “have I committed any sin” (ti hēmarton). BDAG 49 s.v. hamartanō d.β.

[25:6–8] “Eight or ten days” allows ample time for Festus to deal with other matters in Jerusalem that would confront a newly arrived procurator. Taking up Paul’s case on “the next day” (tē epaurion, v. 6), one of many such time indicators in chapters 21–28,180 suggests administrative efficiency but also signals Festus’s sense of urgency. The clear implication is that Paul’s case cannot be ignored or postponed further. The tribunal (bēma) is the formal space in which Roman officials conduct judicial hearings.181 Although Luke does not identify the Jerusalem Jews who come to Caesarea to present the “many serious charges” (polla kai barea aitiōmata, v. 7) against Paul,182 we can assume that they are the chief priests and prominent Jewish leaders mentioned in 25:2. Unproved charges (ha ouk ischyon apodeixai, v. 7) is yet another way of underscoring Paul’s innocence.183 Paul’s threefold statement of the charges (v. 8) is a variation of earlier formulations. Paul’s opposition to the Mosaic law has been raised by the Corinthian Jews before Gallio (18:13), and the charge has been reiterated by the Asian Jews in Jerusalem (21:28).184 The related charge of disrespecting the temple was also alleged by the Asian Jews (21:27–28) and formally stated by Tertullus (24:6).185 The charge that Paul was “against the [Jewish] people” (21:28) drops 180. See comments on 24:11. 181. See Acts 12:21; 18:12, 16–17; 25:6, 10, 17; cf. Rom 14:10; 2 Cor 5:10. 182. The word for “charge” (aitiōma, 25:7) is used only here in the NT but also occurs in P.Fay. 111, 8 (95 CE), a letter reflecting a dispute over the loss of two pigs. “Heraclidas the donkey-driver shifted the blame [aitiōma] from himself, saying that you had told him to drive the pigs on foot.” The related term aitia can also be used as a legal technical term meaning “charge,” “ground for complaint,” or “accusation,” as in Acts 13:28; 23:28; 25:18; 28:18; similarly aitios, as in Luke 23:4, 14, 22. See BDAG 31 s.v. aitia, aitios, aitiōma. 183. See comments on 23:9. 184. Stephen was similarly charged (6:13). 185. Similarly for Stephen (6:13).

Paul Appeals to Caesar 459

out, replaced by a new item, that he is “against Caesar” (eis Kaisara). Paul’s denial of the latter implies that the Jerusalem leaders have introduced it as well, thus increasing the overall number of charges to four. By introducing the term Kaisar here (25:8), Luke anticipates its crucial thematic role in the remaining narrative.186 In terms of the story line, the Caesar motif recalls the Jews’ charge in Thessalonica that Paul and Silas are “acting contrary to the decrees of the emperor.”187 25:9–12 Paul Appeals to Caesar 25:9 Now Festus, wishing to grant the Jews a favor, said to Paul in response,

“Do you want to go up to Jerusalem and have me conduct a trial there concerning these matters?”a 10 And Paul said, “I am standing before the tribunal of Caesar,b where I must be tried. I have done Jews no injustice,c as even you know very well.d 11 So then, if I am in the wronge and have committed a capital offense,f I do not resist death.g But if there is nothing to these matters of which they accuse me, no one has the power to hand me overh to them. I appeal to Caesar.”i 12 Then Festus, after deliberating with the council,j answered: “To Caesar you have appealed; to Caesar you will go.”k a. Lit., “Do you wish, having gone up to Jerusalem, there concerning these things to be judged by me?” (theleis eis Hierosolyma anabas ekei peri toutōn krithēnai ep’ emou?). b. Or, “before the judicial bench [or, judgment seat] of Caesar am I standing” (epi tou bēmatos Kaisaros hestōs eimi). c. Lit., “[to] Jews nothing have I done unjustly” (Ioudaious ouden ēdikēsa). d. Or, “as also you very well know” (hōs kai sy kallion epiginōskeis). BDAG 505 s.v. kalōs 7. e. Gk. adikō. BDAG 20 s.v. adikeō 1.b. f. Lit., “if .  .  . I have done anything worthy of death” (ei . . . axion thanatou pepra­cha  ti). g. Or “I am not trying to escape death” (ou paraitoumai to apothanein). BDAG 764 s.v. paraiteomai 2.b.β. h. Lit., “to give” (charisasthai). BDAG 1078 s.v. charizomai 1. i. Gk. Kaisara epikaloumai. j. Gk. symbouliou, “an official deliberative assembly as a body.” BDAG 957 s.v. symboulion 4. BegC 4:309: “after conferring with his assessors.” k. Gk. Kaisara epikeklēsai, epi Kaisara poreusē. 186. See Acts 25:10–12, 21; 26:32; 27:24; 28:19; cf. 17:7; also Luke 2:1; 3:1; 20:22–25; 23:2. 187. Similarly, Acts 16:21, when the owners of the slave girl reported to the magistrates of Philippi that Paul and Silas were advocating customs unlawful for Romans to adopt. See comments on 16:21 and 17:7.

460

Acts 25:9–12

[25:9–12] “Grant a favor” (charin katathesthai, v. 9), as before (v. 3), is the language of political reciprocity. Unwilling to comply with the Jews’ earlier request, Festus proposes an alternative gesture of goodwill. Although there is no mention in Acts of the dispute between the Jews and Syrian/Greek inhabitants of Caesarea over the issue of civic rights that occurred only a short time earlier (ca. 59 CE), the incident has rankled Caesarean Jews.188 Although there was plenty of blame to go around for inciting unrest in the city, Josephus reports that Felix, in responding to one incident, killed a large number of Jews and then plundered their property. Convinced that he was unable to decide the underlying question of whether Caesarea was a Jewish or Greek city, Felix chose representatives from each side and sent the quarreling delegations to Rome so that Nero could decide the matter. Naturally the Jewish delegation complained bitterly to Nero about Felix’s mishandling of the whole affair. When Nero finally ruled in favor of the Greeks, Jewish resentment can only have deepened. By the time Festus arrived in Caesarea as the new procurator, it is not surprising that he would be eager to find some way to gain favor among Jews in Caesarea and in the whole of Judea. Festus’s proposal to change the venue to Jerusalem still does not comply with the Jewish leaders’ desire to have the matter returned to the Sanhedrin. In their view, resolving the temple incident lies within their jurisdiction. Festus, by contrast, would keep the right to conduct the trial himself, thereby retaining Roman jurisdiction. Paul’s response deferentially acknowledges Festus’s tribunal in Caesarea as the appropriate location of his trial. The wording of his relationship to his fellow Jews is illuminating: literally, “I have done nothing unjust with respect to Jews” (Ioudaious ouden ēdikēsa, v. 10), or, “In no way have I acted unjustly toward Jews.” This states in a different way his earlier claim that he embraces his ancestral religion as it is expressed in the Law and the Prophets (24:14). It is not clear how Festus would already know this; Paul’s claim is clearly a rhetorical ploy. Willingness to suffer the consequences of one’s actions is a well-established feature of the tradition of noble death.189 Luke’s report of Paul’s appeal to Caesar (Kaisara epikaloumai) has figured prominently in scholarly discussions of Roman jurisprudence during the Principate.190 The technical legal term on 188. The incident is reported in Josephus, J.W. 2.266–270; Ant. 20.173–178. See Smallwood 285–88, who notes that “the Jews returned home in a spiteful mood” after Nero’s ruling against them (287). 189. See Ps.-Aristotle, Rhet. Alex. 29 (1437a.14–15); Josephus, Life 141; Athenagoras, Apol. 2.1, “If, indeed, anyone can convict us of a crime, be it small or great, we do not ask to be excused from punishment, but are prepared to undergo the sharpest and most merciless inflictions.” See Droge and Tabor; Henten and Avemarie; and Seeley. 190. Cadbury 1933b; Jones 1960b; and 1960c; A. N. Sherwin-White 1963, esp. 48–70; and 1973, 273; Garnsey 1966; Lintott, esp. 264–66.

Festus Consults with Agrippa in Caesarea 461

which much of the debate centers is provocatio, along with the related term appellatio.191 It is widely recognized that a citizen’s right to appeal has deep historical roots in Roman legal thought and practice. Over time, this right gained greater specificity through new legislation. Hence it is clear that important changes occurred in the transition from the Roman Republic to the Roman Empire. Although the right was initially limited to citizens living in Rome and its environs, there is strong evidence suggesting that by the first century CE, possibly earlier, it extended to citizens in the provinces. Much remains unclear, however, about the procedural details of provocatio and how Paul’s case, as reported by Luke, should figure into the discussion. While classical and legal historians, along with biblical scholars, have searched for other examples of Roman citizens actually appealing to Caesar, especially during the Julio-­Claudian period, no clear-cut parallels have been found.192 Though much debated, A. H. M. Jones’s declaration still stands: “In some capital cases the accused was entitled to appeal to the emperor; this right apparently replaced the ancient provocatio ad populum. The only attested case in the Julio-Claudian period is the appeal of Paul of Tarsus to Nero.”193 Festus’s deliberations with “the council” (symbouliou) conforms to the usual practice of a procurator or other Roman representative conducting judicial hearings while consulting with his consilium.194 25:13–22 Festus Consults with Agrippa in Caesarea Several days afterward,a Agrippa, the king, and Bernice came down to Caesarea to pay their respects to Festus.b 14 Now since they were spending many days there, Festus consulted with the king about the matters that had been brought against Paul.c He said, “A certain man has been left behind by Felix as a prisoner. 15 When I was in Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews presented evidence,d asking that he be convicted. 16 I responded to them, ‘It is not the custom among Romans to hand over any man before the accused can confront his accusers in persone and has the opportunity to defend against the charges.’f 17 Therefore, when they came together here, I did not postpone the matter.g The next 25:13

191. See Staveley and Lintott. 192. See Suetonius, Galb. 9, reporting an incident that occurred in which Galba (who in 68 succeeded Nero as emperor), while serving as legate of Spain in the early 60s, crucified a guardian who had poisoned his ward. When charged, the man invoked the law, declaring that he was a Roman citizen, but to no avail since Galba had him crucified anyway; also Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 56.24.7, which mentions a quaestor charged with murder, whose accuser wanted to have the case tried before Augustus (para tō Augoustō dikasthēnai matēn ēthelēsen). Garnsey 1966, 183. 193. Jones 1960c, 69. 194. See Josephus, Ant. 14.192; 16.163; Philo, Emb. Gaius 244; also Schürer 1:370 n. 80.

462

Acts 25:13–22

day, after taking my seat on the tribunal, I ordered the man to be brought. 18 When his accusers stood, they did not accuse him of any of the evils that I had expected.h 19 They had some points of dispute with him about their own religioni and concerning a certain Jesus, who had died, whom Paul claimed to be alive. 20 Since I was at a loss about investigating these matters, I asked if he wished to go to Jerusalem and be tried there concerning these charges. 21 But since Paul appealed to be kept in custody for the decision of His Majesty the Emperor,j I ordered him to be held until I could send him on to Caesar.” 22 Agrippa said to Festus, “I myself would also like to hear the man.” “Tomorrow,” he replied, “you will hear him.” a. Lit., “Now some days having elapsed” (hēmerōn de diagenomenōn tinōn). BDAG 227 s.v. diaginomai. b. Gk. aspasamenoi ton Phēston. When used of official visits, aspazomai can mean “greet,” “welcome,” “call on,” or “look in on.” BDAG 144 s.v. aspazomai 1.b. c. Lit., “laid before the king the things against Paul” (tō basilei anetheto ta kata ton Paulon). d. Lit., “concerning whom . . . they presented information” (peri hou . . . enephanisan), or “they brought charges against him.” BDAG 325 s.v. emphanizō. See above, Acts 25:2. e. Lit., “It is not the custom among Romans to hand over any man before either the one being accused might have his accusers face-to-face” (ouk estin ethos Rhōmaiois charizesthai tina anthrōpon prin ē ho katēgoroumenos kata prosōpon echoi tous katēgorous). “Might have” renders the optative echoi. On the oblique optative, see BDF §386 (4). My translation follows BegC 4:311: “And them I answered ‘that it is not the custom for Romans to give up anyone before the accused is confronted with the accusers and has an opportunity of defending himself against the charge.’” See note f. f. Lit., “and might have an opportunity of defense concerning the charge” (topon te apologias laboi peri tou enklēmatos). “Might have” renders the optative laboi, possibly “might take.” See previous note. g. Lit., “having made no delay” (anabolēn mēdemian poiēsamenos). BDAG 59 s.v. anabolē. h. Lit., “no accusation were they bringing of the evils I was expecting” (oudemian aitian epheron hōn egō hypenooun ponērōn). i. Lit., “some disputes . . . concerning their religious beliefs and practices” (zētēmata . . . tina peri tēs idias deisidaimonias). BDAG 216 s.v. deisidaimonia 2. Since deisidaimonias is singular, technically the singular adjective idias should be rendered “his own,” thus “concerning his own religion.” So BegC 4:311. j. Gk. tou de Paulou epikalesamenou tērēthēnai auton eis tēn tou Sebastou diagnōsin. So, BDAG 373 s.v. epikaleō.

[25:13–22] With the mention of Agrippa and Bernice (or, Berenice), Luke introduces two of the more colorful Jewish figures on the Judean scene during the second half of the first century CE. Agrippa’s full name was Marcus Iulius

Festus Consults with Agrippa in Caesarea 463

Agrippa, the name that appears on coins and inscriptions.195 He was born around 27/28 CE, the son of Agrippa I and Cypros, and was thus the great-grandson of Herod the Great. Like other members of the Herodian family, he was educated in Rome. When his father died in 44, Agrippa II, who was about seventeen years old, was living in Rome. Claudius wanted to appoint him to succeed his father, but some considered him too young. Instead, Claudius placed the Roman province of Judea under the direct rule of procurators. Meanwhile Agrippa II exercised his influence in Rome on behalf of the Jews, convincing Claudius to return the high-priestly vestments to Jewish control and to side with the Jews against the Samaritans in a dispute that occurred during the procuratorship of Cumanus (ca. 48–52). Eventually Claudius gave Agrippa some territories in Palestine, including regions in the Lebanon after the death of his uncle, Herod of Chalcis, around 50 CE. He was also given authority over the temple and the right to appoint high priests, which he exercised freely until the outbreak of the war in 66. Gradually his territory was extended. Nero appointed him over portions of Galilee and Peraea. He angered the Jewish leadership in Jerusalem when he decided to extend his palace so that he could keep an eye on the temple area. Unsuccessful in getting the Jewish leadership to submit to the procurator Gessius Florus (64–66), Agrippa and Bernice were forced to leave Jerusalem. Throughout the war Agrippa assisted Rome, lending support to Titus in the later stages. As a reward for his support, his territory was enlarged. In 75 CE he and Bernice went to Rome, where he was awarded praetorian rank. While in Rome, he gave information to Josephus while he was writing his Jewish War, and once it was completed, Agrippa promoted the work. He appears to have died in about 92/93, before Josephus completed his Antiquities. Luke’s designation of Agrippa as “the king” (ho basileus, vv. 13–14) conforms to Agrippa’s selfdescription in inscriptions as “the great king” (basileus megas).196 Bernice, daughter of Agrippa I and Cypros, and the younger sister of Agrippa II and the older sister of Drusilla, was born in about 28 CE.197 In 41 she married Marcus, the brother of Tiberius Julius Alexander, the nephew of Philo of Alexandria, and procurator of Judea in about 46–48. Shortly thereafter (ca. 43–46) she married her uncle, Herod of Chalcis, with whom she had two sons. After Herod’s death around 48 CE, she took up residence in her brother’s house, and rumors of their incestuous relationship began to circulate. In response to 195. See Josephus, J.W. 2.335–421, 523–526; 3.56–58; passim; Ant. 19.360–363; 20.104, 134–223; Life, passim; also Schürer 1:471–83; and Rajak. 196. Schürer 1:475, with inscriptional examples. Josephus also refers to Agrippa as “king” (J.W. 2.336; 3.443; Life 49). 197. See Josephus, J.W. 2.217, 220–221, 310–314, 333–334, 405, 426, 595; Ant. 18.132, 194; 19.276–277, 354; 20.104, 143, 145–146. On her relationship with Titus, see Suetonius, Titus 7; Tacitus, Hist. 2.2, 81; Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. Epitome of Book 65, sect. 15.3–5; Epitome of Book 66, sect. 8.1a.1.

464

Acts 25:13–22

these reports, Bernice persuaded Polemo, king of Cilicia, to marry her, which required his circumcision. The marriage was short-lived, and thereafter she apparently resumed her relationship with Agrippa. The Roman satirist Juvenal (d. ca. 130) mentions a diamond ring that the “barbarian” Agrippa gave “to his incestuous sister, in [Palestine] where barefooted kings keep the Sabbath as their feast day and their traditional mercy is kind to elderly pigs.”198 In response to Gessius Florus’s attacks against the Jews around 66 CE, Bernice appealed to him for mercy, even submitting to a Nazirite vow, but her brave efforts proved ineffective.199 During the Roman occupation of Palestine (67–70), the commanding general Titus began a relationship with Bernice that lasted several years.200 When Agrippa and Bernice arrived in Rome in 75, she continued her love affair and lived in the palace, “cohabiting with Titus” (tō Titō synegigneto, Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 65.15.4). It was assumed that they would marry, but Titus yielded to public criticism and ended the relationship. Bernice returned to Palestine. Paul’s appearance before Agrippa and Bernice fulfills the risen Lord’s prediction to Ananias (9:15). Festus’s summary (25:14b–21) recapitulates events that have occurred over the previous few weeks, beginning with the mention of Paul’s being left in prison by Felix (24:27). By couching it as a conversation between the Roman procurator and another Roman appointee who governed territory outside of Judea, Luke is able to summarize the “official” case against Paul as seen by outsiders. Identifying Paul as “a certain man” (anēr tis, 25:14) acknowledges Agrippa’s governance of distant territory and thus his unfamiliarity with events that have transpired in Jerusalem over the past two years under the procuratorship of Felix. The mention of a “prisoner left behind” (kataleleimmenos . . . desmios) introduces a widespread practice familiar to reigning monarchs or political officials.201 His mention of the meeting in Jerusalem with the chief priests and elders recalls 25:2, although his report that they requested a conviction against Paul (aitoumenoi kat’ autou katadikēn, v. 15) states their intent more sharply. Introducing the Roman custom (ethos Rhomaios) of allowing the accused to face his accusers and the opportunity of a defense (v. 16) is a new element.202 His refusal to postpone the 198. Juvenal, Sat. 6.156–160. 199. Josephus, J.W. 2.309–314. 200. Tacitus, Hist. 2.2; Suetonius, Titus 7; Dio Cassius, Rom. Hist. 65.15.3–5; 66.8.1a.1. 201. Josephus, J.W. 2.272–273; Ant. 20.215, reporting that when Albinus became procurator ca. 62, he accepted bribes for prisoners that he had inherited from his predecessor Festus. 202. See Appian, Civ. W. 3.8.54, Piso, defending Antony, says, “Our law, Senators, requires that the accused shall himself hear the charge preferred against him and shall be judged after he has made his own defense.” This right is articulated in the Confrontation Clause of the Sixth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which states that “in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right . . . to be confronted with the witnesses against him.” In Coy v. Iowa 487 U.S. 1012 (1988), Acts 25:16 is cited as evidence that “a right of confrontation existed under Roman law”;

Festus Consults with Agrippa in Caesarea 465

matter by dealing with it “the next day” (tē hexēs) repeats what Luke reports in 25:6; indeed, the phrasing of 25:17 essentially repeats that of 25:6. That his accusers “stood” (stathentes, v. 18) is a new element. The “many serious charges” (polla kai barea aitiōmata, 25:7), literally, “the many and weighty charges,” are now restated as “evil accusations” (aitian . . . ponērōn, 25:18). Luke’s report of unprovable charges (25:7) Festus now characterizes as charges that surprised him: not “what I had expected” (hōn egō hypenooun, v. 18). “Some points of dispute” (zētēmata . . . tina, v. 19) recalls Gallio’s characterization of Paul’s differences with the Corinthian Jews (18:15) and also the wording of Claudius Lysias’s letter to Felix (23:29), although in the latter it was disputes about “their law” (tou nomou autōn), whereas here it is “concerning their own religion” (peri tēs idias deisidaimonias, 25:19). Deisi­ dai­monia recalls Paul’s earlier characterization of the Athenians as deisidaimōn (17:22), although here the term appears to have a neutral rather than a pejorative connotation. It would be an appropriate term for a Roman official to use in describing a native population’s or a person’s religious practices. Also reflecting an outsider’s point of view is his mention of “a certain Jesus who had died” (peri tinos Iēsou tethnēkotos, 25:19), again implying Agrippa’s ignorance of Jesus. “Whom Paul claimed to be alive” (hon ephasken ho Paulos zēn) is the first explicit reference to Paul’s proclamation of Jesus’s resurrection in chapters 21–25, although it was implied in his temple speech (22:6–11) and his subsequent temple vision (22:17–21). Luke has reported Paul’s proclaiming belief in the resurrection (23:6–8; 24:15), but not Jesus’s resurrection specifically. The wording also reflects Festus’s own skeptical viewpoint and probably that of Agrippa, although redivivus legends were part of popular expectations.203 Festus’s giving Paul the option of returning to Jerusalem, as similarly, in Lilly v. Virginia 527 U.S. 116 (1999), it is cited, along with Shakespeare, Richard II, act 1, scene 1; Henry VII, act 2, scene 1, the latter as evidence of the accused/accuser principle in English law. From the voluminous bibliography relating to the Confrontation Clause in American jurisprudence, see Larkin; Hermann and Speer; and Friedman. Other parallels usually cited include Ulpian, Roman Digest 48.17.1; Justin, 1 Apol. 3; Athenagoras, Apol. 3; Tertullian, Apol. 1.3; 2.2; Tacitus, Hist. 1.6 (see Wettstein 2:628; Barrett 1994–98, 2:1137; Pervo 2009a, 617 n. 25); also see Dupont 1967b for detailed exegetical treatment of Acts 25:16, along with discussion of relevant literary parallels including The Twelve Tables, Table 1.3, 7–8; BGU 2:611 and 628; Digest 48.17.1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Rom. Ant. 7.20–67, which treats Coriolanus; Appian, Civ. W. 3.8.54; Cicero, Verr. 1.34–47; Apuleius, Gold. Ass 10.6.3; also see Polybius, Hist. 22.6.5; 13.11. Numerous issues surface in these texts, such as the right to a trial or the illegality of trying a defendant in absentia. What is not so clear is the degree to which any of these texts articulate what is stated specifically in Acts 25:16: the right of the accused to see the accuser face-to-face (thus to be confronted with the accuser). The practice of citing Acts 25:16 as firm evidence for the existence of the accused/accuser principle in ancient Roman law requires further scrutiny. Among other issues is the question of Luke’s sources, if any, for this assertion. The critical question is whether any text prior to Luke-Acts actually refers to the legal principle of confrontation. 203. See Mark 6:14; Aune 1997.

466

Acts 25:23–26:32

well as Paul’s adamant refusal of the offer, corresponds with 25:9–12. Festus’s statement in 25:21 rephrases “I appeal to Caesar” (Kaisara epikaloumai) of 25:11. His request to be held in custody is seen as a necessary requirement of his formal appeal. Sebastos, the Greek translation of the Latin Augustus, which in the NT is used only in Acts (25:21, 25; 27:1), is appropriate honorific language used of the emperor, in this case, of Nero, thus rendered “His Majesty the Emperor” (25:21).204 Festus’s assertion of his plan to send Paul on to Caesar (anapempsō auton pros Kaisara) implies that the procedural decision lies wholly within his power as a procurator. 25:23–26:32 Paul before Agrippa 25:23–27 Festus Summarizes the Charges against Paul 25:23 The next day, therefore, when Agrippa and Bernice came with great fanfarea and entered into the hall of justice,b along with military tribunesc and the most prominent men of the city,d Festus issued the command and Paul was brought. 24 And Festus said, “King Agrippa, and all the men who are present with us! You see this man about whom the entire Jewish community petitioned me, both in Jerusalem and here, yelling that he ought to live no longer. 25 Now I have found that he has committed no capital offense.e Since he has appealed to His Majesty the Emperor, I have decided to send him on. 26 I do not have anything definitive to write to the Sovereignf about this man. Thus I have brought him before all of you, and especially before you, King Agrippa, so that, after he has been examined,g I might have something to write. 27 For it seems senselessh to me, that once a prisoner is sent forward, not even to specify the charges against him.”

a. Gk. meta pollēs phantasias. BDAG 1049 s.v. phantasia, “pomp,” “pageantry.” b. Gk. eis to akroatērion. BDAG 39 s.v. akroatērion, “chamber,” “auditorium.” c. Gk. syn te chiliarchois. See Acts 21:31–33 passim. d. Lit., “and [the] men who were of special status [par excellence] of the city” (andrasin tois kat’ exochēn tēs poleōs). BDAG 354 s.v. exochē. e. Lit., “Now I have [conducted an inquiry and] found him to have done nothing worthy of death” (egō de katelabomēn mēden axion auton thanatou peprachenai). BDAG 519 s.v. katalambanō 4.a. f. Gk. tō kyriō. g. Lit., “the examination having occurred” (tēs anakriseōs genomenēs). h. Or “unreasonable” (alogon).

[25:23–27] The “next day” (tē epaurion), literally, “on the morrow,” again signals that Festus is handling Paul’s case with dispatch. The grand entry of 204. BDAG 917 s.v. sebastos. See Pausanias, Descr. Greece 3.11.4.

Paul’s Defense Speech before Agrippa 467

Agrippa and Bernice, along with the mention of the impressive building in which the hearing is being held, underscores the seriousness of the occasion. The tribunes (chiliarchois) and prominent leaders of Caesarea ensure conspicuous military and civic presence, while also constituting an audience of interested parties. There is no mention of Jewish attendees other than Agrippa and Bernice. This carefully populated audience with appropriately orchestrated pomp and circumstance sets the stage for Paul’s speech before Agrippa in Acts 26. Festus’s opening remarks to Agrippa, by citing “the entire Jewish community” (hapan to plēthos tōn Ioudaiōn, 25:24) as those responsible for bringing Paul’s case to this point, once again widens the circle of responsibility beyond earlier reports that the chief priests and elders, also described as the most prominent leaders, are the main accusers. That Festus has been petitioned both in Jerusalem and Caesarea conforms to what has been reported earlier (25:1, 6). Shouting Jews calling for Paul’s death recalls the language of 22:22. Festus’s claim to have found no evidence of Paul’s having committed a capital crime (25:25) implies that he has actually investigated the matter in some detail, although this has not been reported. His remarks should be read as another Lukan opportunity to have a Roman official declare Paul’s innocence.205 Once again (25:25), Paul’s formal appeal is referenced (25:11). Festus’s inability to formulate a written report addressed to Nero containing the charges against Paul and the evidence supporting them is another way of declaring Paul’s innocence, at least initially. His statement also gives a rationale for this hearing before Agrippa. It will provide an opportunity for Paul to defend himself but also to be cross-examined by Agrippa, someone having greater familiarity with Jewish affairs than Festus (cf. 26:26–27). Festus’s insistence on written charges substantiated with evidence suggests an adept procurator adhering to established legal protocol. 26:1–23 Paul’s Defense Speech before Agrippa After an opening remark by Agrippa (v. 1), Paul’s speech consists of the following sections: (1) a captatio benevolentiae (vv. 2–3); (2) Paul’s Pharisaic background (vv. 4–8); (3)  his life as a persecutor of Christians (vv. 9–11); (4) encounter with the risen Lord on the road to Damascus (vv. 12–18); and (5) preaching among Jews and gentiles (vv. 19–23). Once the speech is over, Paul interacts with Festus and Agrippa (vv. 24–29); as the officials exit, they declare Paul’s innocence (vv. 30–32). This speech, the third rehearsal of Paul’s call/conversion, repeats much of what has been reported earlier, first in Luke’s narrative account (9:1–29), and 205. See comments on 23:9.

468

Acts 26:1–23

second in his defense before the Jews in the temple (22:3–21).206 Like the other

speeches in Acts, this is a Lukan composition that follows the literary convention of prosōpopoiia, a “speech in character,” in which an author composes a speech that fits the occasion and the personality of the speaker.207 The occasion is a formal hearing before Roman and Jewish officials in Caesarea—a trial scene in which the main speaker is the accused, who defends himself before the court, thus defining the genre as a defense speech. Paul’s earlier temple speech (ch. 22) was also a defense speech, but the occasion lacked the formality of his appearance before Festus and Agrippa. As for content, Luke composes the speech so that it conforms to Paul’s character as portrayed throughout the narrative. Thus the first interpretive question is how the speech coheres with the Lukan Paul, not how it compares with what we know of the historical Paul as reflected in the Pauline Letters. The placement of the speech should be noted. It is Paul’s last formal speech in the book of Acts. He gives some brief remarks before the Jewish leaders in Rome (28:17–22, 25–29), but they lack the rhetorical flourish of this address. In every sense it is a climactic speech. It is given before the highest Jewish and Roman officials in Palestine, all of whom are designated representatives of Caesar, which makes it, in effect, Paul’s defense before Caesar. Accordingly, Luke crafts the speech for the audience and the occasion. Literarily the speech contains numerous stylistic features designed to impress cultured hearers. In speaking to Paul on the road to Damascus, the risen Lord even quotes a well-known proverb that would especially be familiar to readers of Euripides’s Bacchanals. As with other speeches in Acts, this one has two audiences: in the first instance, Agrippa, Festus, and the dignitaries gathered in the Caesarean hall of justice; yet more broadly, Luke’s readers. When Luke has Paul use the plural form of “you” in 26:8 in asking, “Why is it considered incredible by you that God raises the dead?” he is framing a question for the readers of his own day (and later). This may be a defense speech, but it also is heavily kerygmatic. While Paul does not summarize the Jesus story as Peter does in his speech to Cornelius and company (10:34–43), he does focus on Jesus’s resurrection, which he mentions here explicitly for the first time in chapters 21–25 (26:23; cf. 25:19, from the lips of Festus). His rehearsal of Jesus’s appearance to him on the road to Damascus does imply his resurrection, but indirectly. By setting this kerygmatic claim within the broader context of belief in the resurrection generally, a cardinal creedal element of Pharisaic theology, Luke locates Jesus and “the saints” (26:10) within mainstream Jewish belief of Second Temple Judaism. 206. See earlier comments on 9:1–29 and 22:3–21, along with the chart after ch. 9 displaying the three accounts in parallel columns. 207. See Quintilian, Orat. Educ. 2.1.2; Lucian, Hist. 58; Theon, Progymn. 60.23–31; 68.22– 25; 115.11–118.6; also Kennedy 2003, 11, 47–49, 84, 115.

Paul’s Defense Speech before Agrippa 469

Aligning early Christianity with Pharisaic Judaism was a strategically effective move on Luke’s part, tapping into the emerging prominence and strength of the Pharisees (and later the rabbinic movement) in the decades following the destruction of the temple in 70 CE. Along with Jesus’s resurrection, Paul also highlights the motif of Christ’s suffering, a critically important element of the Lukan kerygma. While no explicit mention is made of Jesus’s crucifixion, two items—his suffering, combined with his resurrection (26:23)—represent the focal claims of early Christian preaching, especially by Paul (e.g., Rom 8:34; 14:9). Then Agrippa said to Paul, “You are now permitted to speak for yourself.”a Then Paul stretched out his hand and began his defense.b 2 “With respect to all the things with which I am charged by Jews,c King Agrippa, I consider myself fortunated that I am about to defend myself before you today, 3 since you are especially knowledgeable about all the customs and issues debated among Jews. Thus I ask you to listen to me patiently.” 26:1

a. Lit., “it is permitted to you to speak for yourself” (epitrepetai soi peri seautou legein). b. Worth noting is the reading preserved in the Harklean Syriac margin, “confident, and encouraged by the Holy Spirit [confidens et in spiritu sancto consolationem accipiens], Paul stretched out his hand.” The scribe was probably motivated by Luke 12:11–12. See Metzger 1998, 437. In my translation the imperfect apelogeito is taken as inceptive; similarly, NRSV: “began to defend himself.” c. Lit., “concerning all of the things of which I am being accused by Jews” (peri pantōn hōn enkaloumai hypo Ioudaiōn). Enkaloumai, from enkaleō, is a legal technical term for bringing charges against someone. In the NT it is used mainly in Acts (19:38, 40; 23:28, 29; 26:2, 7; also Rom 8:33). BDAG 273 s.v. enkaleō. The anarthrous form “Jews” used here, and mainly throughout the speech (vv. 3, 7, 21; cf. v. 4; also 25:10), is perhaps in keeping with Greek rhetorical style in lawsuits. See BDF §262 (1); BegC 4:314. d. Or “blessed” (makarion).

[26:1–3] Since Agrippa was earlier singled out as someone whose expertise in Jewish matters would be valuable in preparing the case to send forward (25:26), he presides. A speaker’s outstretched hand is a typically Lukan motif.208 Luke’s narrative description of Paul’s “defense” (apelogeito) employs language repeatedly used to signify a formal, legal defense, but also a more broadly conceived “case” for the gospel.209 This is Luke’s apologia for Paul but also for the Christian gospel. 208. See Acts 12:17; 13:16; 19:33; 21:40. 209. On Luke’s use of apologeomai and apologia, see Luke 12:11; 21:14; Acts 22:1; 25:8, 16; 26:1–2, 24. On Acts as apologetic, see Malherbe 2014a, 1:209–13; on apologetic in the second century, see 2:781–96, 808–9.

470

Acts 26:1–23

The captatio benevolentiae, as usual (24:2–3, 10), is deferential in tone, allowing Paul to acknowledge the gravity of the occasion and to signal his respect for the Roman legal system (Rom 13:1–7). Paul’s mention of Agrippa’s knowledge of “all the customs and issues debated among Jews” (pantōn tōn kata Ioudaious ethōn te kai zētēmatōn, 26:3) resonates with what Josephus reports about Agrippa. When Claudius assigned Agrippa the territory of the deceased Herod of Chalcis, he also made him “curator of the temple” (tēn epimeleian tou hierou).210 Agrippa’s efforts in convincing Claudius to restore the high-priestly garments to Jewish control implies his knowledge of their significance.211 Agrippa’s right to appoint and depose high priests, also awarded by Claudius, which he exercised several times during his tenure, would have given him an insider’s knowledge of the power dynamics of such appointments. In the speech that Josephus attributes to Agrippa in trying to dissuade the Jews from going to war against Rome, Agrippa mentions the Jews’ religious rites (tēs thrēskeias), their Sabbath customs (ta tōn hebdomadōn ethē), their ancestral law (ton patrion nomon), the temple and the sanctuary with its holy places (tou hierou kai ton naon . . . meta tōn hagiōn), along with their sanctuary and God’s holy angels (ta hagia . . . tous hierous angelous tou theou).212 Although the speech is a Josephan composition, it is crafted to reflect Agrippa’s familiarity with Jewish customs and disputes. It is difficult to imagine—given Agrippa’s birth and upbringing, along with his extensive experience in dealing with Jewish matters in Palestine, recognized during his formal territorial appointments beginning in the early 50s—that Agrippa would not be conversant with Jewish beliefs, traditions, and practices, and probably the Jewish Scriptures. “Now then, all the Jewsa know my manner of life from the time of my youth,b which from the beginning was spent among my people and in Jerusalem.c 5 For a long time they have knownd—if they are willing to testify—that I lived according to the strictest form of our religione as a Pharisee. 6 And now I am on trial for my hope in the promise that God made to our ancestors. 7 For what our twelve tribes hope to attain by worshiping God earnestly night and day—it is for this hope that I am being accused by Jews, O King! 8 Why do you people think it is incredible that God raises the dead?”f

26:4

a. This is the only time in the speech in which “Jews” (Ioudaioi) is used with the article. Accordingly, the article is omitted by some manuscripts (∏74 B C* E Ψ 33. 81 and other minuscules). It was probably omitted to conform to the other anarthrous uses 210. Josephus, Ant. 20.222 211. Josephus, Ant. 20.10–14. 212. Josephus, J.W. 2.391–394, 400–401.

Paul’s Defense Speech before Agrippa 471 in vv. 2, 3, 7, and 21, and for that reason the article here should probably be retained since it is the more difficult reading. It is bracketed in NA28. See Metzger 1998, 438. b. Lit., “my manner of life from youth” (tēn . . . biōsin mou tēn ek neotētos). “Youth” (neotēs) could reach to thirty years of age or longer. See MM 424–25 s.v. neotēs, indicating that neotēs might include mature age, noting inscriptional examples. See Irenaeus, AH 2.22.5, “Now, that the first stage of life embraces thirty years, and that this extends onwards to the fortieth year, every one will admit.” ANF 1:392 n. 1: “The age of thirty marked the transition point from youth to maturity.” For “from my youth,” see Luke 18:21 || Mark 10:20; cf. 1 Tim 4:12; also Did. 4.9. On the ages of life, see comments on 20:7–12. c. Lit., “[my manner of life] which, from the beginning, occurred among my people [or, nation] and in Jerusalem” (tēn ap’ archēs genomenēn en tō ethnei mou en te Hierosolymois). d. Lit., “knowing me for a long time” (proginōskontes me anōthen). Proginōskō ordinarily means “know in advance” or “know beforehand” (Rom 8:29; 11:2; 2  Pet 3:17) but here has the sense “to know previously” (cf. Josephus, J.W. 6.8). The adverb anōthen, which, as is well known from John 3, means “from above,” can also mean “from the beginning” or “for a long time.” Though the wording is slightly unusual, the phrase clearly means that they have known Paul for a long time, which means that they are especially familiar with his Pharisaic background. e. Or “according to the strictest sect [or, party] of our religion I lived as a Pharisee” (kata tēn akribestatēn hairesin tēs hēmeteras thrēskeias ezēsa Pharisaios). f. Lit., “Why is it judged incredible by you [pl.] if God raises the dead?” (ti apiston krinetai par’ hymin ei ho theos nekrous egeirei?). Here the conditional particle ei is seen as the equivalent of hoti, “that,” though it could have the sense “whether,” introducing an indirect question. See Moule 1959a, 151; BegC 4:316, noting Cadbury 1929, 421–22.

[26:4–8] “Manner of life” translates biōsis, an NT hapax legomenon and a term rarely attested in Greek sources.213 Luke understands the rhetorical effect of having a defendant display his impressive vocabulary. This confirms Festus’s later perception that Paul is learned (26:24). “The time of my youth” (tēn ek neotētos) is ambiguous; “from the beginning” (ap’ archēs) is an attempt at greater precision. Recalling his life “among my people” (en tō ethnei mou), less felicitously “among my own nation” (RSV; cf. KJV),214 harks back to 22:3, a more nuanced (and stylized) summary of his birth, upbringing, and education.215 Accenting his Jerusalem roots elicits favor toward a native son.216 Proudly asserting his Pharisaic background resumes the Pharisee motif from 23:6–9 (cf. 24:15). “I lived” (ezēsa, 26:5), as an aorist, envisions his Pharisaic 213. See Sirach, Prologue, line 14, “living according to the law” (dia tēs ennomou biōseōs); IGR 4:655 (Acmonia, first c. CE); also in a sixth-c. papyrus. LSJ 316 s.v. biōsis. 214. LSJ 480 s.v. ethnos 2.c, as “province,” citing (unconvincingly), e.g., Dio Chrysostom, Or. 43.11. 215. See comments on 22:3. 216. See comments on Paul’s family in Jerusalem at 23:16–22.

472

Acts 26:1–23

past as a single entity. Characterizing the Pharisees as “the strictest form” (kata tēn akribestatēn hairesin)—literally, “according to the strictest sect”—resonates with Josephus’s description of them as “the most accurate interpreters of the laws” (hoi met’ akribeias . . . exēgeisthai ta nomima).217 “Our religion” (tēs hēmeteras thrēskeias, v. 5), possibly “our cult,” can be understood as a form of worship expressed in particular cultic rites. It is an appropriate word in such an auspicious setting since Tiberius, in the Gallio inscription, says, “I have always observed the cult [tēn thrēskeian] of the [Pythian] Apollo.”218 Describing the resurrection as “the hope of [in] the promise that was made to our fathers by God” (ep’ elpidi tēs eis tous pateras hēmōn epangelias genomenēs hypo tou theou, v. 6) is an intriguing formulation. Earlier Luke has reported Paul’s confident hope in the resurrection of the dead (23:6; 24:15), but it has not been stated this way. One thinks immediately of Stephen’s reference to God’s promise to Abraham (7:17), but that was the promise of a land (7:6–7), coupled with the promise of descendants (Gen 12:1–3; 15:1–6). But where does Scripture describe resurrection as a divine promise made to the patriarchs? Since resurrection is a faintly expressed OT hope (Dan 12:2–3; cf. Isa 26:19; Hos 6:2; Ezek 37:1–14), probably in view here is Paul’s Pisidian Antioch sermon in which 2 Sam 7:12–13 is referenced as the “promise God made to our ancestors” (Acts 13:23, 32), a text from which Paul, also using Isa 55:3 and Ps 16, argues for Jesus’s resurrection. Luke’s logic must be that if—as he has shown in his interpretation of Pss 16 and 110 in Acts 2, and his subsequent argumentation in Acts 13—the OT envisioned Christ’s resurrection, then resurrection hope is deeply embedded within the Scriptures. Paul’s metaphorical reference to his fellow Jews as “our twelve tribes” (to dōdekaphylon hēmōn, v. 7) may seem oddly archaic, since the Israelite tribal confederation had long since disappeared as a political reality.219 Tribal affiliations, however, still mattered during the Second Temple period.220 But more important in grasping the significance of this Lukan phrase is to remember the role of “the twelve tribes of Israel” in eschatological thinking.221 After all, 217. Josephus, J.W. 2.162; similarly Life 191; for Josephus’s own alignment with the Pharisees, see Life 12. 218. See NTB 52 (no. 49); MM 293 s.v. thrēskeia. See Josephus, Ant. 12.253, “the religion of the Jews” (tē Ioudaiōn thrēskeia); also 4 Macc 5:7, 13; cf. Wis 14:18, 27. Also cf. Col 2:18; Jas 1:26–27. 219. The term dōdekaphylon is a NT hapax legomenon. For the expression “twelve tribes of Israel,” see Gen 49:28, when Jacob’s sons received their final blessing; also Exod 24:4; Ezek 47:13. For similar NT language, see Luke 22:30 || Matt 19:28; Acts 7:8; Jas 1:1; Rev 21:12; also 1 Clem. 55.6; Prot. Jas. 1.1; also Sib. Or. 3.249. See Rengstorf 1964b, esp. 321–22. 220. As for Jesus’s descent from the tribe of Judah (Matt 1:2–3; Luke 3:33–34) and Paul’s from the tribe of Benjamin (Phil 3:5; Rom 11:1). 221. A strong eschatological sense occurs in T. Ab. 13.6; T. Benj. 9.2; similarly Luke 22:30 || Matt 19:28.

Paul’s Defense Speech before Agrippa 473

the phrase is introduced here to underscore the connection between eschatology and ethics: Daily devotion to the God of Israel is motivated by the hope of resurrection. By calling attention to the deep piety of his fellow Jews, Paul establishes the norm by which his own conduct can be judged. He will insist that his religious devotion matches theirs both in its overall contours and in its ultimate motivation. Thus the central issue is belief in resurrection. If many of his fellow Jews, most notably Pharisees, but Essenes as well, think resurrection, or some form of life after death, is a plausible belief, why should his fellow Jews Agrippa and Bernice, and even Festus and the other auditors (and Luke’s audience), consider it incredible? As will become clear in the latter part of the speech, the real issue is Christ’s resurrection (v. 23). I myself thoughta that I had to do many things in opposition to the name of Jesus the Nazarene.b 10 And I did so in Jerusalem. After receiving authority from the chief priests, I locked up many of the saints in prisons, and while they were being condemned to death, I cast my vote against them. 11 And in all the synagogues I frequently tried to make them blaspheme by punishing them. My rage against them was so extremec that I persecuted them even in foreign cities.”d 26:9 “Why,

a. Gk. egō men oun edoxa emautō. The colloquial interjection “Why” renders men oun, which is ordinarily resumptive; so Moule 1959a, 163; see BDAG 630 s.v. men 2.e. b. Lit., “[that] it was necessary to do many oppositional things toward the name of Jesus the Nazorean” (pros to onoma Iēsou tou Nazōraiou dein polla enantia praxai). c. Lit., “and being exceedingly enraged against them” (perissōs te emmainomenos autois). d. Lit., “I pursued [them] as far as even into the outside cities” (ediōkon heōs kai eis tas exō poleis), possibly non-Jewish cities or simply cities beyond Jerusalem and Judea. BDAG 354 s.v. exō 1.a.β.

[26:9–11] The speech now shifts to Paul’s life as a persecutor, which is also treated in the temple speech (22:4–5).222 There the target of his opposition was “this Way” (22:4), but here it is “the name of Jesus the Nazarene.” The name of Jesus signifies therapeutic power in Acts 3–4. Because of the close association between the person and name Jesus, eradicating the name would kill the movement. “In Jerusalem” (en Hierosolymois, v. 10) locates the sphere of his initial persecuting activity, which was unnamed, though implied, in 22:4–5 (also 9:1–2). Here the “chief priests” (para tōn archiereōn) authorize his efforts; earlier it was “the high priest and the whole council of elders” (ho archiereus . . . pan to presbyterion, 22:5; cf. 9:1). The men and women he imprisoned 222. Paul’s former life as a persecutor is an important motif in his letters (1 Cor 15:9; Gal 1:13; Phil 3:6; 1 Tim 1:13).

474

Acts 26:1–23

(22:4) are now identified as “many of the saints” (pollous tōn hagiōn, 26:10), nomenclature used earlier to identify members of the Jesus movement (9:13, 32, 41; cf. Rom 1:7; 8:27; 1 Cor 1:2; passim). Claiming actual participation in deciding death sentences of Christians is rhetorical hyperbole. Probably in view is Luke’s report of Saul’s presence at Stephen’s death (7:58) and the notation that “Saul approved of their killing [Stephen]” (8:1); possibly the earlier reference to his “breathing threats and murder” (9:1 NRSV). There is no other indication that he would have had a vote in such decisions, especially as a member of the Sanhedrin. Accordingly, “cast my vote” (katēnenka psēphon, v. 10) should be understood metaphorically, thus “I gave my approval” (8:1). “In all the synagogues” (kata pasas tas synagōgas, v. 11), a prepositional phrase understood distributively, “throughout all the synagogues,” may mean synagogues in and around Jerusalem, although 9:2 mentions “synagogues in Damascus” as Paul’s target. Getting Jesus’s followers to blaspheme presumably means using force to obtain confessions in which they make claims about Jesus that can only rightfully be made of God (cf. Matt 9:3).223 The only “foreign city” mentioned earlier as the sphere of Paul’s persecuting activity is Damascus (9:2; 22:5). “Had to” (dein, 26:9), literally, “it is necessary,” expresses the moral imperative that drives the religious fanatic, a compulsion typically accompanied by uncontrollable rage (v. 11)—a lethal combination throughout history. “While doing this, I was traveling to Damascus with the authority and permission of the chief priests. 13 While I was en route, about midday, O King, I saw a light from heaven more dazzling than the sun shining around me and my traveling companions. 14 As we all fell to the ground, I heard a voice saying to me in Aramaic,a ‘Saul, Saul! Why are you persecuting me? It is hard for you to kick against the goads.’b 15 Then I said, ‘Who are you, Sir?’c And the Lord said, ‘I am Jesus, whom you are persecuting. 16 But get up and stand on your feet. For this is why I have appeared to you: to appoint you as my assistantd and as a witness of this vision and your future visions of me.e 17 I will deliverf you from your peopleg and from the gentiles,h to whom I am sending you, 18 to open their eyes to turn from darkness to light and from the power of Satan to 26:12

223. According to Lev 24:10–23, blasphemy is speaking abusively of God, especially contempt for the holy name of God, the Tetragrammaton (YHWH), the combination of which was a capital offense (Lev 24:15–16); cf. Exod 22:28, which prohibits reviling God; also m. Sanh. 7:5. In the Gospel tradition Jesus’s words and actions were perceived by outsiders as blasphemy (Luke 22:69–71 || Mark 14:63–64; Matt 26:65; John 5:18). For Christians to have confessed that Jesus had divine or semi-divine status, since such claims infringed on YHWH’s exclusive divinity, could also be construed as blasphemous. See Pliny the Younger, Ep. 10.96–97, “[they] sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god.”

Paul’s Defense Speech before Agrippa 475

God, so they can receive forgiveness of sins and a share among those who have been sanctified by their faith in me.’” a. Lit., “in the Hebrew dialect” (tē Hebraidi dialektō). See Acts 21:40; 22:2. b. Lit., “hard to kick against the goads” (sklēron soi pros kentra laktizein), suggesting the image of a balking animal pulling a cart, resisting the prodding stick of its driver; figuratively of someone resisting a divine call. BDAG 539 s.v. kentron 2; 582 s.v. laktizō. c. Or, “Lord” (kyrie). Here, before Paul responds, it is probably the usual form of polite address. d. Or, “[as a] servant” or “minister” (hypēretēn), i.e., someone who assists or helps another person. BDAG 1035 s.v. hypēretēs. e. Lit., “a witness of the things you saw [of] me and of the things [in which] I will appear to you” (martyra hōn te eides [me] hōn te ophthēsomai soi). f. Gk. exairoumenos, a present middle participle, from exaireō, “set free,” “rescue,” but here understood as a future. Some prefer the meaning “choose” or “select,” which does not fit this context. BDAG 344 s.v. exaireō 2. g. Lit., “from the people” (ek tou laou), i.e., the Jewish people. h. Gk. ek tōn ethnōn.

[26:12–18] This section of the speech repeats what was reported narratively (9:3–9) and in the temple speech (22:6–11). Some new details are introduced: “permission from the chief priests” (26:12, repeating v. 10; cf. 9:1–2; 22:5); the heavenly light “more dazzling than the sun” (26:13); Paul’s companions also falling to the ground (26:14; cf. 9:4; 22:7); the heavenly voice in Aramaic (v. 14; cf. 9:4; 22:7); the “kicking against the goads” proverb (26:14); the risen Lord’s commission to Paul (vv. 16–18; earlier expressed through Ananias, 9:15–16). There is no mention here of Ananias’s role, as reported in 9:10–19 and 22:12–16. Damascus as the main location of Paul’s persecuting activity is a recurrent motif of his conversion narrative (9:2–3, 8, 10; 22:5–6, 10–11). None of the Pauline epistolary references locates his encounter with the Lord in or near Damascus, although the city is mentioned in other connections (Gal 1:17; 2 Cor 11:32). Although the term “vision” (horama) is not used here, it is clearly a visionary experience: “I saw” (eidon, Acts 26:13; also v. 16b). Later it is referred to as a “heavenly vision” (tē ouraniō optasia, v. 19).224 The light (phōs) from heaven (ouranothen), “brighter than the sun” (hyper tēn lamprotēta tou hēliou), is envisioned as shining around Paul and his companions (perilampsan me . . . kai tous syn emoi poreuomenous, v. 13), signifying that it is not a solitary experience. Probably in view is a shaft of light streaming from the heavens. Identifying Jesus’s Aramaic voice (v. 14) adds another distinctive touch, signaling that this visionary conversation is occurring in Paul’s native language 224. There are some similarities between 26:13–18 and Daniel’s vision (Dan 10:7–21).

476

Acts 26:1–23

(21:40; 22:2). Jesus’s plaintive cry, as before, names the real target of Paul’s persecution: not human beings who bear the name of Jesus or benefit from its therapeutic power, but Jesus himself as a heavenly figure who has transcended death. This makes Paul a “God-fighter” (theomachos, 5:39), someone trying to resist an irresistible Providence. Aware that educated listeners (or readers) will recognize the well-known proverb, “It is hard to kick against the goads,” Luke attributes this vivid metaphorical language to the risen Lord, who reminds Paul of the futility of resisting a divine call.225 The command to “stand on your feet” (26:16), which echoes God’s command to Ezekiel (Ezek 2:1–2; cf. 2 Esd [4 Ezra] 6:13), introduces a prophetic call motif, which resonates with Paul’s own self-understanding (Gal 1:15). “Appeared” (ōphthēn, Acts 26:16) is also Pauline language (1 Cor 15:8; cf. 9:1), as is “assistant” (hypēretēn, Acts 26:16; cf. 1 Cor 4:1) and “witness” (martyra, Acts 26:16; cf. 1 Cor 15:15), although the latter has specific reference to this visionary experience and visions of the risen Lord that Paul experienced subsequent to his call (Acts 16:9; 18:9; 23:11; cf. 27:23–24). Rescue from the Jews has been amply documented in the previous narrative (e.g., 13:50; 14:19–20; 17:10; 18:12–17); similarly, deliverance from gentiles (16:19–40; 19:21–41). Grammatically the commission in 26:17b–18 can encompass both Jews and gentiles, and this is confirmed by the phraseology with which it is formulated. “Opening the eyes [of the blind]” is drawn from the Servant Song in Isa 42:6–7 and has clear reference to “the nations” (cf. 42:6). The metaphor of transitioning from darkness to light figures prominently in the oracle of Isa 9:1–2, which mentions “the land beyond the Jordan, Galilee of the nations,” yet the light/darkness dichotomy, which signals the transition from oppression to freedom, also describes Israel’s own experience.226 Satan is a familiar figure in OT thought, especially in the book of Job,227 and also in Pauline discourse.228 Gentiles prior to their conversion are described as being under the dominion of “the prince of the power of the air” (Eph 2:2 KJV). “Forgiveness of sins” (aphesin

225. The earliest reference to this widely known proverb (Julian, in Or. 8.246B, calls it a paroimia) is Aeschylus, Ag. 1624; also Prom. 323. But the only classical reference cited as a parallel in NA28 (878; one of only four in the NT) is Euripides, Bacch. 794–795, where Dionysus says, “Better slay victims unto him than kick against the pricks, man raging against God” (thyoim’ an autō mallon ē thymoumenos pros kentra laktizoimi thnētos ōn theō). It also occurs in Pindar, Pyth. 2.94–95; Terence, Phorm. 77. Cf. Pss. Sol. 16.4; Philo, Decal. 87. Conzelmann (1987, 211) captures the meaning: “It is useless, being human, to strive against fate.” 226. “From darkness to light” is standard conversion language. See Eph 5:8; Col 1:13; 1 Pet 2:9; cf. Jos. Asen. 8.9–10; 15.12; Philo, Virt. 188–189; 1 Clem. 59.2. 227. Job 1:6–9, 12; passim; Zech 3:1–2. 228. See 1 Cor 5:5; 7:5; 2 Cor 2:11; 11:14; 12:7; 1 Thess 2:18; 2 Thess 2:9; 1 Tim 1:20; 5:15; cf. 2 Cor 4:4. The power of “the ruler of this world” is acknowledged in Johannine thought (John 12:31; 14:30; 16:11).

Paul’s Defense Speech before Agrippa 477

hamartiōn, Acts 26:18) as a salvific benefit is a particularly Lukan notion.229 Those “sanctified” (en tois hēgiasmenois, v. 18), already mentioned in v. 10, are so designated because of their “faith in me” (pistei tē eis eme, v. 18). Having faith in Jesus Christ especially characterizes Jewish believers (Acts 20:21; cf. 24:24). “Share” (klēron, 26:18) signals full membership among the saints, along with enjoyment of the benefits, especially eschatological blessings.230 “For good reason,a King Agrippa, I did not refuse to respond to this heavenly vision.b 20 Rather, I declared—first, to those in Damascus, then to those in Jerusalem, then to the whole country of Judea,c and finally to the gentiles—that they should repent and turn to God, performing deeds that demonstrated their repentance. 21 Because of these things, Jews seized me while I was in the temple and tried to kill me.d 22 To this very day, therefore, having received help from God, I stand here, testifying to pauper and prince,e saying nothing except those things the prophets and Moses said were going to occur: 23 that the Messiah would suffer,f and that, as the first to experience the resurrection of the dead,g he would proclaim light to our people and to the gentiles.”h 26:19

a. Gk. hothen, “for which reason,” “hence.” BDAG 692 s.v. hothen 2. b. Lit., “I did not become disobedient to the heavenly vision” (ouk egenomēn apeithēs tē ouraniō optasia). On being obedient to the divine will, see Plato, Apol. 33C: “Men of Athens, . . . I have been commanded to do this by the god through oracles and dreams and in every way in which any man was ever commanded by divine power to do anything whatsoever”; and Epictetus, Disc. 2.16.44, of Heracles: “It was in obedience to [Zeus’s] will that he went about clearing away wickedness and lawlessness.” c. His preaching “to the whole country of Judea” (pasan te tēn chōran tēs Ioudaias) has not been reported previously. An attempt to resolve this inconsistency is reflected in ∏74, which reads “the whole country of the Jews.” Even with this change, the problem still exists. Blass’s emendation is ingenious but unconvincing: “in every land to both Jews and gentiles” (eis pasan te chōran Ioudaiois kai tois ethnesin). See Metzger 1998, 438–39. d. Gk. diacheirisasthai, from diacheirizō, lit., “to have in hand,” thus “to seize someone forcibly with malicious intent.” BDAG 240 s.v. diacheirizō. e. My translation attempts to capture the rhetorical nuance of the OT expression “small and great” (mikrō te kai megalō). See Gen 19:11; 1 Sam 30:2; 2 Kgs 23:2; Ps 103:25 LXX (104:25 ET); Jdt 13:13; Bar 1:4. f. Gk. martyromenos [v. 22] . . . ei pathētos ho Christos [v. 23], perhaps that Christ would be “subject to suffering” (BDAG 748 s.v. pathētos) or “capable of suffering” (BDF §65 [3]). BDAG 277 s.v. ei 2.

229. See comments on 13:38. 230. Acts 20:32; cf. Col 1:12; also see Wis 5:5.

478

Acts 26:1–23

g. Lit., “[testifying] that [he would be the] first of the resurrection of the dead” (ei prōtos ex anastaseōs nekrōn). h. Lit., “both to the people and to the gentiles” (tō te laō kai tois ethnesin).

[26:19–23] Earlier Paul’s compliance with the “heavenly vision” (tē ouraniō optasia, v. 19) took the form of following the risen Lord’s instructions to go into Damascus, find Ananias, and learn from him what to do next. Here Paul’s obedience is expressed in his successive missionary initiatives. His preaching in Damascus immediately after his call/conversion is reported in 9:19–22. His bold testimony in Jerusalem, assisted through the diplomatic efforts of Barnabas, is reported in 9:26–30. His temple vision, reported in 22:17–21, is not mentioned here. As already noted, his preaching in “the whole country of Judea” is new—and problematic. “Finally, to the gentiles” (kai tois ethnesin, v. 20) telescopes his preaching mission in chapters 13–14, 16–20, into a single phrase. “Repenting and turning to God” (metanoein kai epistrephein epi ton theon, 26:20) is standard language describing preaching to gentiles.231 Deeds exemplifying repentance (axia tēs metanoias erga prassontas, v. 20), literally, “doing works worthy of repentance,” recalls the preaching of John the Baptist (Luke 3:7–9 || Matt 3:7–10). Paul’s mention of his seizure by the Jews in the temple is the first explicit reference in the speech to the events that have brought him here. Earlier he has mentioned “all of the charges” that have been made against him by Jews (Acts 26:2), but he has not addressed them. The reader knows them, of course (21:21, 28; 23:29; 24:5–6), as does Festus (25:8), but not Agrippa or Bernice. Charging Jews with attempting to kill him conforms to what Luke reported earlier (21:31, 36; 22:22). Attributing his survival to God (26:22) recalls the visionary assurances, albeit from Christ (18:9; 23:11), and also acknowledges the Lukan perspective of God’s active guidance behind Paul’s missionary efforts (14:27; 19:11, 21; 21:19). Though the order “prophets and Moses” (26:22) is unusual, the doublet reveals one of Luke’s fundamental hermeneutical assumptions: The Jesus story and its continuation in the church unfolds God’s expectations that have been encoded in Scripture for centuries.232 The necessity of the Messiah’s suffering (ei pathētos, v. 23), literally, “whether [or, that he was] subject to suffering,” or even “capable of suffering,” is a central element of Lukan Christology.233 This 231. See Acts 11:18; 17:30; 20:21; cf. 1 Thess 1:9–10. 232. Schubert 176, “This proof-from-prophecy theology is Luke’s central theological idea throughout the two-volume work.” See Luke 24:27, 44; Acts 3:18; 24:14; 28:23. 233. This formulation is unusual. Ordinarily Luke uses some form of dei, “it is necessary,” with some form of paschō, “suffer,” or apothnēskō, “die,” when speaking of the necessity of Christ’s suffering. See Luke 9:22, 31, 44; 13:33; 17:25; 18:31–33; 24:7, 26, 46; Acts 3:18; 17:3. See comments on 3:18. On Christ’s suffering, see Ign. Eph. 7.2; Ign. Pol. 3.2; Justin, Dial. 34.2; 36.1.

Paul’s Interchanges with Festus and Agrippa 479

is the first time in chapters 21–26 that Paul has spoken explicitly about Christ’s death. That Christ was the first to experience resurrection from the dead (prōtos ex anastaseōs nekrōn) is also an unusual claim. Ordinarily the kerygmatic formulation is “Christ was raised,” or something similar (13:30; 17:3, 31). This is reminiscent of Peter’s claim that Christ is the “Author of life” (NRSV) (ton archēgon tēs zōēs 3:15): The first to experience resurrection life, Christ is the pioneer of transcendent Life for everyone else. Also worth noting is the unusual assertion that the risen Christ is the proclaimer of “light to our people and to the gentiles” (phōs mellei katangellein tō te laō kai tois ethnesin, v. 23). The logic of Paul’s argument unfolded in the sermon should be noticed: He argues for the plausibility of belief in resurrection in principle (26:8; cf. 23:6–8; 24:15); then he argues for Christ’s resurrection as a specific (and the first) actual case of resurrection. The epistolary Paul argues the reverse in 1 Cor 15, where he insists on the logical primacy of Christ’s resurrection. 26:24–29 Paul’s Interchanges with Festus and Agrippa As he was making these remarks in defense of himself,a Festus said with a loud voice, “You are insane, Paul! Your great learning is driving you insane!”b 25 But Paul replied, “I am not insane, Most Excellent Festus; to the contrary, I am making claims that are both true and sensible.c 26 For the king, to whom even I am emboldened to speak,d is knowledgeable about these matters, because I am not convinced that a single one of these things has escaped his attention, for this has not been done in a corner. 27 King Agrippa, do you believe the prophets? I know you believe them!” 28 Then Agrippa said to Paul, “Do you persuade me to become a Christian so quickly?”e 29 Paul replied, “I would pray to God, whether it takes minutes or hours,f that not only you but also all who are listening to me today would become just as I am, except for these chains.” 26:24

a. Lit., “While he was defending himself [saying] these things” (tauta de autou apologoumenou). b. Lit., “[your] many learnings are turning you into madness” (ta polla se grammata eis manian peritrepei). c. Lit., “but I am uttering [or, proclaiming] words of truth and sobriety” (all’ alētheias kai sōphrosynēs rhēmata apophthengomai). d. Lit., “[the king] toward whom even [or, also] I speak, expressing myself fearlessly” (pros hon kai parrhēsiazomenos lalō). On the use of bold speech (parrhēsia) by philosophers, see Dio Chrysostom, Or. 32.7–12; on Paul’s frank speech within this popular philosophical tradition, see Malherbe 2014a, 1:177–78, 201–2. e. Lit., “in a little [time?] do you persuade to make me Christian?” (en oligō me peitheis Christianon poiēsai?).

480

Acts 26:24–29

f. Lit., “I would pray to God whether in a little [time] or in a great [time]” (euxaimēn an tō theō kai en oligō kai en megalō). “I would pray” renders the potential optative euxaimēn an. On the potential optative, see BDF §385 (1).

[26:24–29] Festus’s charge of insanity belongs to a literary tradition in which a respected teacher, lawgiver, or righteous person is charged with being mad (mania).234 “Great learning” (ta polla . . . grammata, v. 24), literally, “many letters,” signifies advanced learning rather than elementary knowledge of reading and writing.235 The language of Paul’s retort distances him from the false charges of his opponents but also reiterates the truthfulness of his proclamation of the resurrection. That Paul’s claims are “sensible” (sōphrosynēs, v. 25) aligns him with one of the four cardinal virtues, thus a value that would be cherished by any self-respecting Roman or well-educated Jew. The main idea, of course, is moderation rather than excess.236 Claiming that Agrippa is well-informed is an appeal to his savviness. Only a naive, inattentive ruler would allow matters of such importance and public consequence to “escape his attention” (lanthanein . . . auton, v. 26). By having Paul assert that “this has not been done in a corner” (ou gar estin en gōnia pepragmenon touto), Luke introduces a well-known metaphor with a distinctive function in philosophical discourse.237 As with other well-placed phrases, this one transcends its immediate context. At one level, Paul is challenging Agrippa to recognize the public nature of the Jesus movement. It is not an obscure cult that can be brushed aside, nor was Jesus just another fly-by-night impostor like the Egyptian false prophet (21:38). But Luke is also addressing his own audience, arguing that the Jesus 234. See John 10:20; Wis 5:4; cf. Acts 12:15; also Mark 3:21–22 || Matt 12:22–24 || Luke 11:14–15. See Diogenes Laertius, Lives 1.49, in which the Athenian council declares that Solon is mad (mainesthai elegon auton), after he has warned them of Pisistratus’s intentions. Justin (Dial. 39.4) reports Trypho’s accusing Justin of madness. Other examples in BDAG 610 s.v. mainomai; 615 s.v. mania. Opponents of the Cynics frequently charged them with being mad. See Malherbe 2014a, 1:222–23; also cf. Ovid, Tristia 5.10.51. 235. See Plato, Apol. 26D, where grammata is used of the writings of Anaxagoras; cf. Xenophon of Athens, Cyr. 1.2.6. BDAG 206 s.v. gramma. 236. On sōphrosynē as the opposite of mania, see Plato, Phaedr. 244A; Prot. 323B; and Xenophon of Athens, Mem. 1.1.16. See Malherbe 2014b, 1:223; and extensive discussion at 1:441–42, 460–69, 474–75; passim. Sōphrosynē is an esp. important ideal in the Pastorals, as in 1 Tim 2:9, 15; cf. Titus 2:6. 237. Examples of its proverbial use include Cicero, Orat. 1.13.56; Rep. 1.2.2; Seneca, Polyb. 13.3; Plutarch, Busybody 2 (Mor. 516C); and Lucian, Parliam. 1. Within philosophical discourse the metaphor figured in discussions of the philosopher’s responsibilities in public and private spheres, especially philosophers’ tendencies to withdraw to their private “corners.” For the latter, see Plato, Gorg. 485D, which is later quoted and discussed in Aulus Gellius, Att. N. 10.22.17–24, and Themistius, Or. 22.265BC; similarly Epictetus, Disc. 1.29.36, 55–57; 2.12.17. For full discussion, see Malherbe 2014a, esp. 1:217–22. The “corner” metaphor also occurs in Origen, Cels. 6.78, which addresses the charge of Christianity’s obscure origins.

Agrippa Declares Paul’s Innocence 481

movement, by virtue of Jesus’s own fame (critics would say notoriety) and the spread of his message that has been documented in the preceding narrative, is a force to contend with (26:26). Since Luke has carefully charted its growth and expansion, with detailed geographical references to the locations in which the gospel has been planted, his narrative has not only mapped the growth of early Christianity; it has also “put it on the map.” Considering the minuscule percentage of the population of the Roman Empire that was represented by Christians at this time, this is a grandiose claim.238 But such claims are in the nature of Lukan apologetic. Paul’s query about Agrippa’s belief in the prophets is a rhetorical question (v. 27). “Prophets” here is synecdoche for all of Jewish Scripture. Assumed is the complex network of Scripture proofs interwoven into the earlier speeches, but also into the narrative texture of Acts. The implication is that if Agrippa could hear the details of Paul’s argumentation unfolded, for example, in the Pisidian Antioch sermon, he would be convinced of the truthfulness of Paul’s claims. Agrippa’s enigmatic response can be understood in different ways, mainly because of the ambiguity of en oligō, literally, “in a little”; perhaps, “in a few” (v. 28). Here it is taken as temporal, “so quickly,” rather than modally “with a little [more] effort.” “Christian” (Christianon) on the lips of an outsider conforms to its earlier occurrence, where the term appears to be etic description (11:26).239 This temporal interpretation continues with the construal “minutes or hours,” again a cryptic phrase, literally, “and in a little and in great” (kai en oligō kai en megalō, 26:29). Conceivably it could be rendered “whether with little or great effort,” thus, “whether it takes very little persuasion or a lot.” Paul’s plea addresses Agrippa but reaches beyond the narrative to all readers. 26:30–32 Agrippa Declares Paul’s Innocence Then the king arose, along with the governor and Bernice and those seated with them. 31 And as they were leaving, they were speaking with one another, saying, “This man has committed no capital offense nor has he done anything criminal.”a 32 Agrippa said to Festus, “This man could have been set free if he had not appealed to Caesar.” 26:30

a. Lit., “This man is doing nothing worthy of death or bonds” (ouden thanatou ē desmōn axion [ti] prassei ho anthrōpos houtos). 238. Wilken (31) estimates that the “total number of Christians within the empire [in the early second c.] was probably less than fifty thousand.” 239. Some have suggested that the phrase can be rendered “to play the Christian,” a theatrical metaphor in which Agrippa is jesting, “Are you seriously trying to make me play the role of a Christian?”

482

Acts 26:30–32

[26:30–32] The departing comments of the entire set of dignitaries have the cumulative effect of representing a consensus view among Jews, Romans, military leaders, and Caesarean citizens. Their collective declaration that Paul has neither committed a capital offense nor even done anything criminal is the most emphatic such declaration so far.240 Agrippa’s remark to Festus implies that once a formal appeal to Caesar is initiated, it is irreversible, a point of debate within scholarly discussions.241 Regardless of the technical questions relating to Roman jurisprudence, the upshot of this wistful observation is that it not only further underscores Paul’s innocence but also implicates Felix and Festus in their handling of the case.

240. See comments on 23:9. 241. Because the episode ends fairly abruptly at 26:32 and the transition to 27:1 seems harsh, the Western text, as reconstructed by Clark, reads: “So then the governor decided to send him to Caesar; and the next day he called a centurion named Julius of the Augustan Cohort.” A further addition occurs at the end of 27:2. See Metzger 1998, 439–40.

27:1–28:31—Part 7 Paul Reaches Rome This last section of Acts describes the circumstances under which Paul travels from Caesarea to Rome and a brief account of his activities in Rome (28:17– 31). It consists mainly of the sea voyage, with various ports of call, but its centerpiece is the violent storm at sea, the shipwreck, the miraculous survival of everyone who has been on board, and their safe arrival at the island of Malta. The brief episode at Malta, which serves as a transition from the sea voyage to the arrival in Italy, features Paul in a rustic setting displaying his powers as a miracle worker. The literary quality of chapter 27 is unusually high. Apart from the numerous technical nautical terms naturally required for composing such a narrative, there is a high percentage of literary allusions (e.g., to the Odyssey, 27:29, 41), elegant phrasing (e.g., oblique optatives, 27:12, 39), and stylistically consistent, well-executed dramatic scenes.1 27:1–28:15 Paul’s Journey to Rome This final journey reinforces Luke’s heroic portrait of Paul. As the journey begins, he is one of several prisoners being transferred under the armed guard of a named centurion (Julius) and the Augustan Cohort. He also serves as one of several principals, along with the ship’s owner, its captain, and the centurion (27:11), who discuss the most advisable course (27:9–12). By journey’s end, however, the Lukan focus has narrowed to Paul. As the traveling party nears Rome, neither prisoners nor soldiers are mentioned. Rather, Paul and his Christian traveling companions (“we”) are able to stay a week with Christian “brothers” at Puteoli (28:13–14). For Roman Christians to send a delegation forty miles (65 km) south to greet the Pauline party suggests a hero’s welcome 1. These are regularly noted by commentators, e.g., Blass; Haenchen 1971; Conzelmann 1987; Bruce 1988; and 1990; Barrett 1994–98; and 2002; Pervo 2009a. For a detailed list, see Pervo 1979, 212–13, who also notes Luke’s use of twelve genitive absolutes and ten occurrences of te within ch. 27; also Pervo 1987, 52. From the vast literature on chs. 27–28, esp. notice the following: Reicke; Haenchen 1964; Pokorný; Miles and Trompf; Ladouceur; Praeder 1984; Barrett 1987; MacDonald 1999; Talbert and Hayes; Skinner; Robbins; Börstinghaus.

484

Acts 27:1–12

for God’s “servant and witness,” whose reputation has preceded him. The chief figure who emerges from this triumphal entry is Paul, accompanied by his immediate Christian traveling companions, eventually residing in a private residence and guarded by a single soldier! The journey to Rome throughout bears the imprint of Luke’s heroic portrait of Paul. He is presented as the one really responsible for the successful voyage, and finally for the welfare and safety of the passengers; as one with truly prophetic powers, whose detailed predictions come true during the course of the journey; as the one whose life is divinely protected from the life-threatening storm, the soldiers’ sword, and snakebite; and as one whose divine power is still manifest in his power to heal. 27:1–12 Getting Under Way: Sailing from Caesarea to Crete Now when the decision was made that we should saila for Italy, Paul and some other prisoners were handed over to the custodyb of a centurion named Julius, a member of the cohort Augusta.c 2 When we boarded a ship from Adramyttium that was ready to sail for ports in Asia,d we put out to sea accompanied by Aristarchus, a Macedonian from Thessalonica. 3 The next day we put in at Sidon, where Julius treated Paul kindly by permitting him to be cared for by his friends there. 4 Putting out to sea from there,e we sailed under the lee of Cyprusf because the winds were against us. 5 Sailing through the sea along the coast of Cilicia and Pamphylia, we arrived at Myra in Lycia. 6 There the centurion found a ship from Alexandria sailing for Italy, and he put us on board that ship. 7 Then for several days we sailed slowly and with some difficulty made it to Cnidus. Since the wind would not allow us to go any farther, we sailed under the lee of Crete off Salmone. 8 Sailing with some difficulty along the coast of Crete,g we came to a place called Fair Havens, which was near the city of Lasaea.h 27:1

a. Lit., “sail away” (apoplein). BDAG 119 s.v. apopleō, used with eis to indicate destination, e.g., Acts 13:4; 14:26; cf. 20:15. Moule 1959a, 129, notes the unusual use of the articular infinitive with the article in the genitive, “when our sailing away was determined.” b. Lit., “they were handing over Paul and some other prisoners” (paredidoun ton te Paulon kai tinas heterous desmōtas). This phrase is problematic in several respects. The antecedent of “they” is not clear. Strictly speaking, it would refer to Festus and Agrippa, who are mentioned in the previous verse (26:32). Probably in view are the Roman authorities generally. The D-text (as reconstructed by Clark 163) clarifies the matter by reporting that “the governor decided to send [Paul] to Caesar.” See comments on 26:30–32 (above). “Hand over” (paradidōmi) is understood here in the technical legal sense of transferring custody; so BDAG 762 s.v. paradidōmi 1.b.

Getting Under Way: Sailing from Caesarea to Crete 485 Why the imperfect tense is used is puzzling. One might have expected the aorist tense, “they handed over.” c. Gk. speirēs Sebastēs. The Greek speira Sebastē translates the Latin cohors Augusta. On the possible composition and deployment of the cohors Augusta, see Kyrychenko 41–43. d. Lit., “for places throughout Asia” (eis tous kata tēn Asian topous). e. Gk. kakeithen anachthentes. The aorist passive form of anagō, to “bring up,” is a nautical technical term, “put out to sea.” See Acts 13:13; 16:11; 18:21; 20:3, 13; 21:1–2; 27:2, 4, 12, 21; 28:10–11; cf. Luke 8:22. BDAG 62 s.v. anagō 4. f. Gk. hypepleusamen tēn Kypron. Also a nautical term, hypopleō, literally, “to sail under,” especially “under the lee [of an island],” means navigating a course in which the island serves as a buffer against the wind. BDAG 1040 s.v. hypopleō. g. Lit., “and with some difficulty coasting along it” (molis te paralegomenoi autēn). h. Alternate spelling “Lasea” (NRSV); also Lasaia. Here I adopt the spelling suggested by BDAG 587 s.v. Lasaia.

[27:1–8] The last “we” section concluded at 21:18 with the arrival of Paul in Jerusalem. The mention of hēmas (lit., “us”) in 27:1 begins the final “we” section, which concludes with 28:16, when Paul arrives in Rome. There is no indication in Acts 21–26 that those implied by “we” are present with Paul in his arrests and trials. Literarily, this final “we” section lends credibility to what is reported about the tumultuous voyage to Rome. The author implies that, as incredible as these events might seem, they are being reported by someone who has accompanied Paul from Caesarea to Rome and who thus writes as an eyewitness. The centurion Julius is yet another Roman military figure portrayed positively in Luke-Acts.2 Adramyttium (variously spelled, e.g., Adramytteion, near modern Edremit in Balikesir Province), reportedly founded in the early sixth century BCE, was located in northwest Asia Minor about thirty-five miles (56 km) east of Assos, on the western coastal plain of Mysia and at the eastern tip of the Gulf of Adramyttium. Among the city’s notable features, Strabo mentions its harbor and naval station.3 Its importance is attested by its status as a conventus, or provincial assize, in which Roman proconsuls or their representatives held court.4 “Ports in Asia” might include any of the cities along the southern or western coasts of Asia Minor. Aristarchus, here identified by his hometown (Thessalonica) and province (Macedonia), is doubtlessly the Macedonian Aristarchus, who, along with his fellow countryman Gaius, were Paul’s travel companions caught up in the tumult at Ephesus (19:29). He is also mentioned, along with his fellow Thessalonian Secundus, as a member of Paul’s entourage that accompanies him from the 2. Luke’s repeated mention of Julius in ch. 27 underscores the latter’s dutiful custody of Paul throughout the voyage (27:1, 6, 11, 31, 43). On Luke’s positive portrayal of centurions, see the discussion at 10:1–8; also Kyrychenko. 3. Strabo, Geog. 13.1.51 (C 607). 4. See Jones 1971, 33–34, 61, 85, 89–90; Burton; Wineland 1992a.

486

Acts 27:1–12

(20:4).5

Aegean region to Jerusalem The mention of Aristarchus here indirectly suggests that, having arrived with Paul in Jerusalem, he has remained behind the scenes during Paul’s trials and imprisonment and now surfaces in order to resume his role as Paul’s travel companion, and possibly attendant, on his trip to Rome.6 Sidon, a coastal city roughly midway between Tyrus (or Tyre, with which it is commonly paired) and Berytus (Beirut), is mentioned only here in Acts (though Sidonians are mentioned in 12:20). Although Luke does not identify the “friends” (philous) who extend hospitality to Paul in Sidon, we can imagine Christ-followers who were converted in the Phoenician mission mentioned earlier (11:19).7 Julius’s kind treatment of Paul is part of a broader literary pattern.8 Luke’s nautical language allows for the possibility of a course in which the ship sails west of Cyprus, but reporting that the ship sails along the coast of Cilicia and Pamphylia implies that it sails east of Cyprus and then westward until it reaches the Lycian city of Myra (near modern Demre), about forty miles (65 km) east of Patara. Since Myra was actually located on a plateau a few miles inland from the coast, a change of ships would occur at the port city of Andriace.9 The annual transport of over 150,000 tons of Egyptian grain from Alexandria to Rome ensured a steady flow of ships back and forth across the Mediterranean during sailing season.10 One of the two routes for such ships was northerly from Alexandria via Cyprus; westward to Myra, Rhodes, or Cnidus; westward yet south of Crete, on to Malta; and then to Messina in Sicily.11 That the centurion   5. At 27:2, some MSS (614. 1505. 2147 syh) include Secundus, along with Aristarchus, as an accompanying passenger on this voyage.   6. See the discussion of Aristarchus at 19:28–34. Some speculate that, rather than traveling all the way to Rome, Aristarchus may have separated at some point, possibly to report back to the Macedonian churches concerning Paul’s welfare, as well as to brief them on the events reported in chs. 21–26. Another intriguing question is whether these references to Aristarchus in chs. 19–20 and 27 point to a Lukan source, especially for information relating to Paul’s voyage to Rome. See Conzelmann 1987, 215.   7. See the discussion of disciples at Tyre at 21:1–6. On “friends” (philoi, 27:3) as a designation for Christians, see Harnack 1908, 419–21, noting 3 John 15 and the use of the term in gnostic circles; also BDAG 1059 s.v. philos 2.a.α; Stählin 1974, esp. 162–63; also see Malherbe 2014b, 1:346–47.   8. See Acts 24:23; 27:43; 28:2, 7, 16, 30.   9. See Yamauchi; Mitchell 2012c; Jones 1971, 98, 100, 102, 106–7. The Acts of Paul reports a preaching mission by Paul at Myra (see Elliott 374–75). The legend of Saint Nicholas is also associated with Myra, where he served as bishop and is reputedly buried. Worth noting is the reasonable report by some manuscripts (614. 2147 h vgmss syh**) in 27:5 that the journey from Sidon to Myra, a distance of less than 400 nautical miles (740 km), took 15 days. Lucian, Ship 7, mentions a stormy sea voyage from Sidon to the Chelidonenses on the SE coast of Lycia that lasted 10 days. 10. See Casson 1995, 297–99, “Appendix: The Alexandria-Rome Sailing Schedule”; 183– 99, on grain ships generally. 11. The ship mentioned in Lucian, Ship 7, was an Egyptian grain ship en route from Pharos (Alexandria) to Rome. The sailing route between Rome and Alexandria is also illuminated by Philo, Flacc. 26–27.

Getting Under Way: Sailing from Caesarea to Crete 487

Julius transfers his prisoners to an Alexandria-Rome ship at Myra is an entirely plausible claim. Luke’s mention of Cnidus, located at the tip of a long peninsula in southwest Asia Minor and situated between the islands of Cos and Rhodes, and places on the coast of Crete (Salmone, Fair Havens, and Lasaea) conforms to points along the well-known northern shipping route (vv. 7–8).12 When a considerable time had elapsed and navigation had already become dangerous because the Fast had already passed, Paul advised them, 10 saying, “Men, on this voyage I can see that there is going to be hardship and great loss not only of the ship and its cargo, but also of our own lives as well.” 11 Now the centurion was more persuaded by what the captaina and the owner of the shipb said than by what Paul said. 12 With the harbor so poorly suited for them to spend the winter there,c most everyone much preferred to sail on.d They figured that they might be ablee to reach Phoenix and spend the winter there, since it was a harbor of Crete that opened to the southwest and northwest.f 27:9

a. Or, pilot (kybernētē). b. Gr. tō nauklērō, “shipowner.” c. Lit., “the harbor being unfavorably situated for wintering” (aneuthetou de tou limenos hyparchontos pros paracheimasian). d. Lit., “most had the desire to sail from there” (hoi pleiones ethento boulēn anachthēnai ekeithen). e. Lit., “if perhaps they might be able” (ei pōs dynainto). My translation attempts to capture the optative dynainto. On the oblique optative, see BDF §386 (2). f. Gk. limena tēs Krētēs bleponta kata liba kai kata chōron. Lips was the SW wind, Caurus the NW wind. The phrase blepein kata normally means “to face.” Thus, “the harbor of Crete facing SW and NW.” See BDAG 597 s.v. lips.

[27:9–12] Since the Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur) is a solemn day of fasting, its shorthand name is “the Fast” (tēn nēsteian, v. 9).13 It was observed on the tenth day of the seventh month (10 Tishri; Lev 16:29; 23:27; Num 29:7), which could fall in September or October. Using a Jewish festival as a chronological marker is typically Lukan.14 Though reflecting the Jewish calendar, “the Fast” is a firm indicator that this stage of the voyage occurs in the 12. See Olson; Wineland 1992f; 1992c; and 1992d. 13. E.g., Philo, Spec. Laws 2.193–203. Leviticus 16 gives instructions for celebrating the Day of Atonement, including complete rest and self-denial (fasting) as essential requirements (vv. 29–31), both suitable gestures of penitence on such a solemn day of reflection and consecration; similarly Lev 23:26–32. The mishnaic tractate Yoma is devoted to the Day of Atonement. See “Yom Kippur,” ODJR 751; Wright. 14. See Acts 12:4 (Passover); 20:6 (Unleavened Bread); 20:16 (Pentecost); also 1:12 (Sabbath day’s journey); cf. the D-text of 18:21 (the feast). See comments on 20:6.

488

Acts 27:1–12

fall and, as Luke reports, is dangerously close to the end of the sailing season (v. 9).15 Paul’s prediction (v. 10) is the first of four “speeches” he makes in chapter 27 (see also vv. 21–26, 31, 33–34). Set within an action-packed narrative filled with nautical technical terms, these remarks show Paul as a heroic figure, indeed as the most important character on the ship, astonishingly if not incredibly assertive in his interactions with those in charge, fully confident in his own judgments, and above all, courageous and unrattled because of his unshakeable faith in God (v. 25). While some see these Pauline remarks as Lukan embellishments, possibly inserted into a more skeletal travel account listing the ports of call and supplying details of the shipwreck and rescue, the portrait that emerges from them is in keeping with the carefully constructed profile of the Lukan Paul. They also illustrate Luke’s penchant for being both poet and preacher. While drawing on a wide range of sea-voyage literature, ranging from the book of Jonah to Greco-Roman novels, Luke nevertheless uses this narrative framework as a means to advance his own theological agenda, most notably portraying Paul as God’s chosen instrument destined to reach Rome under God’s providential care.16 The “captain” (kybernētēs) or “pilot,” literally, “steerer” (v. 11), serves as the ship’s commanding officer.17 The presence of the ship’s owner (nauklēros) on the 15. Casson 1995, 270–71: “During late fall and winter, sailing was reduced to the absolute minimum—the carrying of vital dispatches, the ferrying of urgently needed supplies, seaborne military movement that was impossible to delay. All normal activity was packed into the summer and a few weeks before and after it; at other times the sea lanes were nearly deserted, and ports went into hibernation to await the coming of spring.” Casson cites Hesiod, W&D 663–665, advising sailors to avoid sea travel except for the fifty days after the summer solstice, in July and August; also Vegetius (late fourth c. CE), Mil. 4.39, who says that the ideal sailing season is from May 27 until September 14, though, if one pushed the limits, sailing could conceivably occur from March 10 until November 10. Casson observes that these seasonal limits for sailing were still being followed in the eleventh century (270 n. 2). For delaying further sailing at the end of summer, see Appian, Civ. W. 5.11.99, reporting that Octavian, having lost several ships and seeing that the end of summer was approaching, deemed it advisable to postpone the war until the following summer; see Chariton, Chaer. 3.3, for sailing in winter because of a special emergency (CAGN 54 n. 52). 16. Among the numerous descriptions of sea voyages and shipwrecks in antiquity, some of the most illuminating literary parallels, besides the book of Jonah, include Homer, Od. 5.265–493; Vergil, Aen. 1.34–179; Euripides, Helen 408–436; T. Naph. 6.4–6; Petronius, Sat. 114–115; Josephus, Life 13–16; Juvenal, Sat. 12.17–82; Lucian, Ship 7–9; Tox. 19–20; Philos. 1–2; True Story 1.6; Dio Chrysostom, Or. 7; and Aelius Aristides, Tales 2.11–14 (in Behr 2:293–94); and within the Greek novels (conveniently in CAGN) the following: Chariton, Chaer. 3.3–6 (CAGN 54–60); Achilles Tatius, Leucippe 3.1–5 (CAGN 208–11); Herpyllis, novel frag. (CAGN 822–23); Ninus, novel frag. C (CAGN 807–8); Longus, Daph. Chl. 1.29–31 (CAGN 301–2); and Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story 1.22, 31–33 (CAGN 371, 377–79). Some of these texts are conveniently collected in Conzelmann 1987, Appendixes 1–4. For detailed discussion, see Pervo 1979, 203–39; and 1987, 50–54. 17. See Casson 1995, 300, noting Plato, Rep. 1.341CD; Pindar, Isthm. 4.71; for the captain’s role on merchant vessels, see Casson 1995, 316–18.

The Storm at Sea 489

vessel was not uncommon, but patterns varied.18 There could be multiple owners or charterers; the owner might also serve as captain, although the latter was usually a hired professional. Heeding the advice of the ship’s owner and captain seems reasonable. The unsuitable harbor is that of Fair Havens (Kaloi Limenes), typically depicted on maps about five miles (8 km) west of Lasaea.19 In the winter the harbor may have been threatened by winds from the east and southeast. The location of Phoenix (Phoinix) is disputed, but probably in view here is a site near Cape Mouros and the modern village of Loutro, on the southern coast of western Crete and about fifty miles (80 km) west of Fair Havens/Lysaea.20 27:13–38 The Storm at Sea This section can be divided into four parts: (1) getting off course in the storm (vv. 13–20); (2) Paul’s speech (vv. 21–26); (3) approaching land (vv. 27–32); and (4) another Pauline speech, taking nourishment, and throwing cargo overboard (vv. 33–38). When a moderate southwest wind began to blow,a they thought they had gotten what they wanted.b They weighed anchorc and sailed along Crete, hugging the coast.d 14 They had hardly gotten under waye when a hurricane-force windf called “Nor’easter”g rushed down from the island.h 15 Now when the ship was beaten by the stormi and unable to face the wind, we yielded to the wind and let it drive us.j 16 Sailing under the lee of the little island of Cauda, we were barely able to get the ship’s skiff under control. 17 Hoisting it aboard, they undergirded the ship by using cable supports. Fearing that they would run aground on the Syrtis, they let down the driving-anchork and so let the ship drift along.l 18 So violently were we being beaten by the stormm that on the next day they began jettisoning the ship’s cargo,n 19 and on the third day, using their own hands they threw the ship’s tackle overboard. 20 For many days neither sun nor stars appeared as one hell of a storm pressed around us.o Finally, all hope of our being rescuedp was gradually abandoned. 27:13

18. See Casson 1995, 314–16, with detailed discussion and numerous examples in the primary sources, e.g., the nauklēros was present on the Alexandrian grain ship mentioned by Lucian (Ship 7, 9); similarly, Plutarch, Pomp. 73.3, 6 (658). See Plutarch, Statecraft 807BC, which mentions both kybernētēs and nauklēros. 19. Fair Havens (27:8) as a place name is not elsewhere attested in ancient sources. The adjective kalos, “good,” was sometimes used to describe a suitable harbor. See BDAG 504 s.v. Kaloi limenes, noting Diodorus S., Hist. 3.44.7; 5.10.1; 5.13.3; Arrian, Perip. Eux. 19.5. 20. See BDAG 1063 s.v. Phoinix, noting that the Phoenix mentioned by Strabo, Geog. 10.4.3 (475), is probably not the one mentioned in Acts 27:12, since it lacked a harbor. Ogilvie convincingly argues that the “harbor of Crete” near Phoenix preferred by the ship’s council is the west bay, which today bears the name Phoineka. See Hoffman; Haenchen 1971, 700–701 n. 7.

490

Acts 27:13–38

a. Lit., “the south[west] wind beginning to blow gently” (hypopneusantos de notou). BDAG 679 s.v. notos 1; 1040 s.v. hypopneō, “blow gently.” BegC 4:330: “and when a light breeze sprang up from the south.” b. Lit., “supposing to have attained their purpose” (doxantes tēs protheseōs kekratēkenai). c. Lit., “lifting” (arantes), i.e., weighing anchor. d. Lit., “they sailed along closer to Crete” (asson parelegonto tēn Krētēn). e. Lit., “now with not much” (met’ ou poly de), i.e., when not much time had passed. f. Lit., “a wind like a whirlwind” (anemos typhōnikos), a typhoon-like wind, thus a hurricane. BDAG 1021 s.v. typhōnikos. g. Gk. eurakylōn, thus Euraquilo or “Northeaster.” This unusual name is a combination of the Greek euros, “east wind,” and the Latin aquilo, “north wind,” probably a hybrid formation coined by sailors. See BDAG 411 s.v. eurakylōn; cf. BDF §5 (d). A variant form is Euroclydon (euroklydōn), “southeast wind,” which is found in B2 L Ψ 81. 323. 614 and other minuscules, and also read in the KJV. See BDAG 412 s.v. euroklydōn. Since eurakylōn is not elsewhere attested, scribes substituted variant spellings. See Metzger 1998, 440. h. Lit., “threw against it” (ebalen kat’ autēs), i.e., Crete. See BDAG 164 s.v. ballō 6; 511, kata s.v. A.2.b.γ. Thus “a storm rushed down [against the island].” In view is a strong wind from the NE sweeping down from the island, driving the ship SW toward the island of Cauda. i. Lit., “seized by violence,” or “torn away [by the wind]” (synarpasthentos). j. Lit., “surrendering we were being driven” (epidontes epherometha). The D-text gives an expanded version of v. 15: “when the ship was caught and could not face the wind, we gave way to [the wind] which was blowing, and having furled the sails we were driven.” See Metzger 1998, 440. k. Lit., “letting down the vessel” (chalasantes to skeuos). Instead of “the vessel,” some MSS (1505 s [syp]) read “the sails” (ta histia). See previous note. l. Lit., “they were being borne along” (epheronto). m. Lit., “and we, being exceedingly tossed in a storm” (sphodrōs de cheimazomenōn hēmōn). The verb cheimazō, used only here in the NT, derives from cheima, “winter weather.” In the passive, it refers to storms that impede navigation. See BDAG 1081 s.v. cheimazō, noting Aeschylus, Prom. 838; Plato, Phlb. 29A; Diodorus S., Hist. 3.55.8; 5.58.2 (note the similar phrasing kecheimasmenos ischyrōs); Josephus, Ant. 12.130. It can also be used metaphorically, e.g., Josephus, J.W. 3.195; T. Jud. 21.6; cf. Jas 1:6. n. Gk. ekbolēn epoiounto. Here ekbolē is a nautical term for jettisoning a ship’s cargo during a storm. The imperfect epoiounto is understood as inceptive, “began jettisoning.” BDAG 300 s.v. ekbolē. For jettisoning ship cargo during a storm, see Achilles Tatius, Leucippe 3.2 (CAGN 209); also Horace, Odes 3.29.57–64. o. Lit., “not a little storm lay upon us” (cheimōnos te ouk oligou epikeimenou). p. Or “saved” (sōzesthai).

[27:13–20] In the harbor of Fair Havens a light southerly breeze seemed propitious for sailing westward toward Phoenix. Caution is indicated by lifting anchor and sailing close to the coast of Crete. The language suggests a

The Storm at Sea 491

hurricane-force wind, possibly originating from Mount Ida, located in the center of Crete, sweeping down from the island, interrupting the ship’s gentle course, and driving it into the sea toward the small island of Cauda.21 A ship’s boat, or skiff (skaphē, v. 16), perhaps dinghy, sometimes more than one, ordinarily towed astern, was a regular feature of military and merchant vessels.22 Hoisting the skiff on board would give the crew greater control of the little boat. What is actually envisioned in verse 17a is unclear, among other things, because of the ambiguity of boētheiais, literally, “helps,” possibly “supports” or even “tackle.”23 Here it is rendered “cable supports,” which, in connection with “undergirded the ship” (hypozōnnyntes to ploion, v. 17), are understood as a means of reinforcing the hull of the ship by wrapping cables around it either vertically or horizontally from stem to stern.24 Fear of being driven to the shallow shoals of the Syrtis (pl., Syrtes) on the northern coast of Africa is reflected in Josephus’s mention of “the Syrtes, whose very name strikes terror.”25 “Those who have once sailed into [the Syrtis],” Dio Chrysostom writes, “find egress impossible; for shoals, crosscurrents, and long sand-bars extending a great distance out make the sea utterly impassable or troublesome.”26 Whether the crew has lowered the sea anchor (NRSV) or kedge, or “loosed the gear” (BegC 4:333), is not clear.27 Jettisoning a ship’s cargo during a storm is a realistic and widely attested literary motif.28 Presumably baggage and other packed goods are in view, as the disposal of grain is mentioned later (v. 38). As Aristotle observes, “No one [on a ship during a storm]voluntarily throws away his property, but to

21. The name of the island in 27:16 is variously spelled: Clauda, Gaude. Its modern name is Gavdos. See Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 4.12.61. BDAG 535–36 s.v. Kauda. On the variant spellings, see Metzger 1998, 440–41. 22. Casson 1995, 248–49, esp. figure 144, showing a cargo vessel entering the harbor of Rome with a skiff in tow and a man stationed in it. BDAG 926–27 s.v. skaphē. The skiff is mentioned 3x: 27:16, 30, 32. 23. See BegC 4:332: “They lifted [the dinghy] up by using their tackle, setting up the ship.” 24. See BDAG 1037–38 s.v. hypozōnnymi; 180 s.v. boētheia 2; also Casson (1995, 91–92, 211) reports that “the technique of frapping a ship, i.e., passing heavy cables under the keel during bad weather in order to reinforce provisionally a weakened hull, is known from at least the first century A.D. and lasted as long as the wooden sailing ship.” 25. Josephus, J.W. 2.381. The Greater Syrtis (Syrtis Maior) was located near Cyrene, the Lesser Syrtis (Syrtis Minor) farther west off Gabés. See Apollonius of Rhodes, Argon. 4.1235–1258; Strabo, Geog. 17.3.17–20; Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 5.4.26–7.41. 26. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 5.8–11. 27. BDAG 927 s.v. skeuos, probably “kedge” or “driving-anchor.” As BegC (4:33) concedes, “The meaning is unknown,” yet noting that the maneuver of dropping a sea anchor to slow the ship’s movement is mentioned in Plutarch, Talk. 507AB. 28. See Jonah 1:5 (with phraseology strikingly similar to Acts 27:18–19); also Aeschylus, Seven Theb. 769–771; 1 En. 101.4–5.

492

Acts 27:13–38

save his own life and that of his shipmates, any sane man would do so.”29 The ship’s tackle (tēn skeuēn tou ploiou, v. 19) refers to dispensable gear or equipment used on a sailing vessel.30 Apart from storms, out-of-season sailing was hazardous owing to lack of visibility, which, without compass or sextant, naturally hampered navigation.31 According to Vegetius, the dangers of winter sailing included “scant daylight, long nights, dense cloud cover, poor visibility, and the violence of winds doubled by the addition of rain or snow.”32 “One hell of a storm” renders the litotes “no little storm” (cheimōnos ouk oligou, v. 20). “All hope of being rescued” (elpis pasa tou sōzesthai, v. 20) anticipates Paul’s comment in verse 31, insisting that the passengers’ “salvation” (sōthēnai) requires them to remain on board the ship. The use of “salvation” (sōtēria) in verse 34 continues the saving/rescue motif. As multivalent terms, sōzō and sōtēria could be understood as physical healing and rescue or as theological deliverance. The former is in the forefront in chapter 27, but it is easy to see how the storm and shipwreck motif could become allegorized in sermonic application. They had gone a long time without fooda when Paul stood among them and said, “Men, we could have been spared this injury and loss had you followed my advice and not sailed from Crete.b 22 I now urge you to cheer up. Not a single one of you will be lost—only the ship! 23 For this very night an angel stood by me, sent by the God to whom I belong and whom I serve. 24 Here is what the angel told me: ‘Have no fear, Paul. You must appear before Caesar. What’s more,c God has given you all of those who are sailing with you.’ 25 So cheer up, men! For I believe God; what God has told me is exactly how it will be. 26 It will be necessary for us to run aground on an island.” 27:21

a. Lit., “there being much lack of appetite” (pollēs te asitias hyparchousēs). b. Lit., “It was necessary, men, for you to have given heed to me not to sail from Crete, to spare yourselves this injury and loss” (edei men, ō andres, peitharchēsantas moi mē anagesthai apo tēs Krētēs kerdēsai te tēn hybrin tautēn kai tēn zēmian). c. Lit., “and behold” (kai idou).

[27:21–26] In this “I told you so” speech, Paul recalls his sage advice to the centurion and the ship’s captain and owner (v. 10). The language used in his exhortation (parainō, v. 22) is part of a broader literary tradition whose name (paraenetic/paraenesis) identifies hortatory discourse designed to encourage 29. Aristotle, Nic. Eth. 3.1.5 (1110a.9). 30. BDAG 927 s.v. skeuē, noting Diodorus S., Hist. 14.79.4; Appian, Civ. W. 5.9.88. 31. Casson 1995, 270–72. 32. Vegetius, Mil. 4.39; cited in Casson 1995, 272 n. 5.

The Storm at Sea 493

hearers or readers, often with strong moral overtones.33 “Good cheer” (euthymein, vv. 22, 25), literally, having “good feeling [passion],” can have the sense of reassurance or tranquillity, or it can simply mean “Do not worry.”34 Paul’s cheerful wish is fulfilled in verse 36. The unfolding narrative confirms the truth of his prediction in verse 22 that none of the passengers will perish; only the ship will be lost (v. 44). The angelic reassurance is the final in a long list of heavenly visions in Acts (27:23).35 It conforms to the broader literary tradition in which deities or their representatives appear to their devotees during sea storms or are otherwise acknowledged as responsible for deliverance from the storm.36 This time, however, it is God rather than the risen Lord whose providential role is emphasized. “Have no fear” (mē phobou, v. 24), a recurrent Lukan motif,37 recalls similar OT reassurances.38 Paul’s appeal to Caesar has been mentioned several times previously, but this is the first time a heavenly voice confirms that Paul will actually appear before Caesar.39 The Lukan profile of Paul is sharpened even further: Paul believes in God, belongs to God, serves God, and trusts in God’s divine promises. What God says will happen, happens. These themes resonate strongly with 2 Tim 1:3–14. The claim that the lives of everyone on board are in Paul’s hands further contributes to Luke’s heroic portrait, essentially rendering Paul, as God’s agent (9:15), their savior. Paul’s prediction that the ship will run aground on an island is fulfilled in the Malta episode (27:39–28:10). Now when the fourteenth night came, as we were drifting in the Adriatic in the middle of the night, the sailors began to suspect that land was near.a 28 They took soundings and found that they were at twenty

27:27

33. Paraineō is a Lukan term used twice in Acts (27:9, 22) and once in a variant reading (D) of Luke 3:18. On paraenesis and paraenetic (esp. epistolary) discourse, see Malherbe 2014a, 2:687–705 and passim; also BDAG 764 s.v. paraineō. 34. See Plutarch, Tranq. 469E. Examples of its use in letters include P.Amh. 2:133, 4 (early in second c.), “Do not be anxious [euthymei] about the sprouting (young) barley”; P.Lips. 111, 5; Josephus, Ant. 18.284, reporting that Petronius sought to encourage [euthymein] the masses. 35. See Acts 9:10; 10:3, 17, 19; 11:5; 12:9; 16:9–10; 18:9; 22:17. It especially recalls the nocturnal vision of the risen Lord in 23:11. 36. Lucian, Ship 9. See Conzelmann 1987, 219. Also see Achilles Tatius, Leucippe 3.5, in which “some good deity” is acknowledged as providing a section of the prow for Leucippe and Clitophon to float upon; later Clitophon prays to Poseidon, whereupon the storm subsides. Aelius Aristides, Tales 2.11–14 (in Behr 2:293–94), reports that in a stormy voyage, Aristides prays to Asclepius for deliverance and afterward confesses, “We knew that it was [Asclepius] who saved us from the sea.” 37. Luke 1:13, 30; 2:10; 5:10; 8:50; 12:32; Acts 18:9; 27:24. 38. E.g., Gen 15:1; 21:17; 26:24; 28:13 LXX (this command is not in MT, ET); 46:3; Deut 31:6, 8; Judg 6:23; passim; also cf. Dan 10:12. 39. See Acts 25:11–12, 21; 26:32. It is mentioned a final time at 28:19.

494

Acts 27:13–38

fathoms; after sailing a short distance farther, they took soundings again and found that they were at fifteen fathoms. 29 Afraid that somewhere we were about to run aground against the rocky coastline,b they dropped four anchors from the stern and prayed for day to come.c 30 Now the sailors hatched a plan to flee the ship by lowering the skiff into the sea.d They would pretend that they were about to put out anchors from the ship’s bow. 31 But Paul said to the centurion and the soldiers, “If they do not remain in the ship, you will not be able to be rescued.”e 32 Then the soldiers cut the ropes holding the skiff and let it drift away. a. Lit., “the sailors were suspecting some land approaching them” (hypenooun hoi nautai prosagein tina autois chōran). b. Lit., “against rough places” (kata tracheis topous). c. The idea of waiting for daylight (here, ēuchonto hēmeran genesthai) is Homeric; cf. Od. 9.151, 306, 436. Bruce 1990, 523. Also see v. 39 below. d. Lit., “while the sailors were seeking to flee from the ship and having lowered the skiff into the sea” (tōn de nautōn zētountōn phygein ek tou ploiou kai chalasantōn tēn skaphēn eis tēn thalassan). e. Or “saved” (sōthēnai).

[27:27–32] Reporting the number of days required for a voyage is a standard feature of ancient nautical literature.40 The “fourteenth night” (tessareskaidekatē nyx, v. 27) is yet another time marker, probably counting from Cauda (v. 16).41 “In the Adriatic [Sea]” (en tō Adria, v. 27) should not be understood here as the northern waters between Italy (on the west) and the Balkan Peninsula (on the east) but a section of the Mediterranean Sea stretching from Crete to Sicily.42 At midnight (v. 27) it was obviously impossible to see land, but a lowered drift anchor (v. 17) could physically signal contact with the ocean floor. A fathom (orguia, v. 28) is a measure of length determined by the horizontal width of a man’s outstretched arms, roughly six feet.43 Manual sounding (bolisantes, v. 28) is done by extending a rope or cable with a metal weight at the end until it 40. Thus Lucian (Ship 7) reports an Alexandrian ship’s reaching its destination on the 10th day after the storm began off the coast of Sidon, and eventually arriving in Piraeus 70 days after leaving Egypt; Lucian, True Story 1.6, arrival on the 80th day. See Casson 1995, 281–96, for detailed discussion of sailing speeds, distances, length of voyages, with numerous examples from ancient literature and tables. 41. See 27:18, “the next day”; 27:19, “the third day”; 27:20, “many days”; 27:21, “a long time”; 27:23, “last night”; also 27:39, “in the morning.” “Fourteenth day” is repeated in 27:33. 42. In ancient literature Adriatic and Ionian can be alternative designations for the waters between the Balkan Peninsula and Italy, and both names are sometimes used to include the sea east of Sicily. See Cary and Murray; BDAG 21 s.v. Adrias, noting references (e.g., Josephus, Life 15) in which Adriatic includes the sea between Sicily and Crete. 43. BDAG 721 s.v. orguia. The term is derived from orgeō, “stretch.”

The Storm at Sea 495

reaches the ocean floor.44 With successive soundings of 120 feet and 90 feet signaling decreasing depth, the fear of an unfamiliar coastline increases, thus prompting the cautious decision to drop four anchors from the stern in order to secure the vessel. Praying for daylight (v. 29) reiterates the motif of darkness (v. 27) and anticipates the mention of dawn (v. 33). The sailors’ plan to jump ship by using the skiff that has been loaded on to the ship earlier (vv. 16–17) heightens the sense of adventure. Mainly it provides Luke another opportunity to let Paul speak a prophetic word to the centurion and the soldiers in which he dictates the terms of their “salvation” (v. 31). By dispensing with the skiff, the soldiers foil the sailors’ escape attempt, thereby fulfilling Paul’s earlier prediction that no one on the ship will be lost (v. 22).45 27:33 As dawn was about to break, Paul began encouraging everyone to eat

some food. He said, “Today is the fourteenth day you have gone without food, eagerly waiting yet eating nothing. 34 Therefore, I encourage you to eat some food, for doing so will enable you to survive.a Not a single one of you will lose even a hair from your head.”b 35 Having said these things, he took a loaf of bread,c offered thanks to God before everyone, broke off a piece,d and began to eat. 36 This lifted everyone’s spirits, and they too began eating.e 37 In all, there were two hundred seventy-six of us on the ship.f 38 When they had eaten their fill, they began throwing the grain into the sea to lighten the ship.

a. Lit., “for this is for your salvation” (touto gar pros tēs hymeteras sōtērias hyparchei). b. Lit., “for a hair from the head of none of you will be lost” (oudenos gar hymōn thrix apo tēs kephalēs apoleitai). The D-text reads: “I hope in my God that not a hair will perish from the head of any of you.” See Metzger 1998, 441. c. Lit., “having taken bread” (labōn arton). d. Lit., “having broken” (klasas). e. Lit., “Now they all became cheerful and partook of food” (euthymoi de genomenoi pantes kai autoi proselabonto trophēs). f. Some manuscripts (B sa) read “about 76.” Others (A sams) read “275.” Epiphanius reads “about 70.” On these and other readings that report different numbers, see Metzger 44. BDAG 180 s.v. bolizō. The verb derives from bolis, technically a missile, arrow, or javelin. Since the weight at the end of the line was probably made of lead, the noun can mean “soundinglead” and the verb “to heave the lead.” See Casson 1995, 246 n. 85, citing Herodotus (Hist. 2.5) on the use of a sounding line. 45. Paul’s action in thwarting the sailors’ scheme is variously interpreted, some arguing that their conduct is entirely defensible. Casting anchors from the bow would have further secured the ship. The decision by Paul and the soldiers to block the sailors’ actions, especially dropping anchors from the stern, can thus be seen as a serious miscalculation that ultimately causes the destruction of the ship. See Conzelmann 1987, 219; also Haenchen 1971, 705–6.

496

Acts 27:13–38

1998, 442. Josephus, Life 15, reporting the shipwreck that he experienced en route to Rome, mentions 600 passengers.

[27:33–38] Midnight and the prayer for daylight finally yield to “just before daybreak” (v. 33). With these hourly markers, Luke slows the narrative down, thereby enhancing the significance of this predawn meal. The following section begins with a reference to “morning” (v. 39).46 Paul’s mention of the “fourteenth day” (v. 33) repeats the narrative report of verse 27, thereby linking the two sections (27:27–32 and 27:33–38). Like other meal/hospitality episodes in Luke-Acts, this one has theological significance. The main interpretive question is whether it has eucharistic overtones and thus whether Paul, before his arrival in Rome, is in some sense reenacting Jesus’s meal with his disciples before his death. In some ways the language of verse 35 resonates with the Last Supper episode,47 but the motifs of taking bread, offering thanks to God, breaking off a piece of bread, then eating can be understood as an ordinary rather than a sacred meal.48 Rather than being read as a veiled eucharistic meal, this episode functions theologically to sharpen the profile of the Lukan Paul. By encouraging everyone to take nourishment, Paul is once again demonstrating his care for the ship’s passengers. Although he uses sōtēria in verse 34 to describe the benefits of eating, it should be understood as physical health or survival. Eating, he insists, will enable them to survive, not to experience eternal life. The theological emphasis is Paul’s prediction that no one on board will lose a single hair from their head. By placing this well-known proverb on Paul’s lips, Luke aligns Paul with the biblical tradition.49 Moreover, and importantly, Paul’s predictive image mimics Jesus himself.50 Specifying the number of passengers (v. 37) underscores the significance of Paul’s prediction, while also enhancing God’s salvific role. Although this episode can be read meaningfully within the Acts narrative as an ordinary meal in which Paul ministers to the ship’s passengers and functions in a sense as their prophetic savior, one can easily understand how it lends itself to eucharistic interpretation: Paul reenacting Jesus at the Last Supper or even in the postresurrection meal with the Emmaus pair (Luke 24:30–31).51 46. Lukan references to dawn, morning, or daybreak include Luke 4:42; 6:13; 22:66; Acts 16:35; 23:12; 27:29, 39. 47. Luke 22:19 || Mark 14:22 || Matt 26:26; similarly John 6:11. 48. Other Lukan references to breaking bread can be read in the same way (Acts 2:42, 46; 20:7, 11). 49. See 1 Sam 14:45; 2 Sam 14:11; 1 Kgs 1:52. 50. As in Luke 12:7 || Matt 10:30; and esp. Luke 21:18. 51. See Reicke, among others.

Shipwreck and Getting to Shore 497

27:39–44 Shipwreck and Getting to Shore When daylight came, they could not identify the land, but they noticed a bay with a beach.a This is where they wanted, if they could,b to run the ship ashore. 40 They threw off the anchors and let them slip into the sea.c At the same time, they loosened the ropes to the rudders, hoisted the foresail into the wind,d and steered towarde the beach. 41 Striking a reef,f they ran the ship aground.g The bow stuck in the sand where it remained unshaken, while the stern was tossed about by the force of the waves. 42 The soldiers planned to kill the prisoners to keep any of them from swimming away to escape. 43 In his desire to preserve Paul’s life, the centurion blocked their plan.h Instead, he ordered those who could swim to jump overboard firsti and make their way toward land, 44 and everybody else to do so by holding on to planks or debris from the ship.j This is how it happened that everybody was brought safely to land. 27:39

a. Lit., “they were noticing a certain bay having a beach” (kolpon de tina katenooun echonta aigialon). BDAG 25 s.v. aigialos, suggesting “a bay with a (fine) beach.” Cf. Xenophon of Athens, Anab. 6.4.4. b. “If they could” renders the optative ei dynainto, lit., “if they might be able.” See note on v. 12 above. c. Lit., “they were leaving [them] in the sea” (eiōn eis tēn thalassan). d. Lit., “lifted the foresail to the blowing (wind)” (eparantes ton artemōna tē pneousē). e. Or “made for,” “headed for” (kateichon). f. Lit., “falling into [encountering] a place with sea on both sides” (peripesontes de eis topon dithalasson). BDAG 245 s.v. dithalassos: “a semantic unit signifying a point (of land jutting out with water on both sides),” thus possibly “reef,” “sandbank,” or “canal.” REB: “cross-currents.” g. Gk. epekeilan tēn naun, a striking phrase containing the only NT occurrence of epikellō, “to run aground” or “bring [a ship] to shore” (cf. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argon. 1.1362; 2.352), and naus, the term frequently used in classical sources for a large ship (LSJ 1162 s.v. naus; also BDAG 374 s.v. epikellō; 667 s.v. naus). Luke’s usual word for ship is ploion (used 19x in Acts, e.g., 20:13; 27:2, 6, 10; etc.). Noting similar phrasing in Od. 9.148, 546, Blass (282) posits Lukan imitation of Homer. See Bruce 1990, 527. h. Lit., “hindered them in their intention” (ekōlysen autous tou boulēmatos). i. Lit., “throwing [themselves] down first” (aporipsantas prōtous). j. Lit., “and the rest, some on planks, some on things from the ship” (kai tous loipous hous men epi sanisin, hous de epi tinōn tōn apo tou ploiou). Possibly the last clause could be rendered “upon those from the ship,” i.e., some survived by riding on the backs of the sailors. Thus BegC 4:339, “Some [survived on the backs of] some of the crew.” For surviving a shipwreck on floating planks, see Xenophon of Ephesus, Eph. Tale 2.11, “But they were caught by an adverse wind, and the ship broke up; some of the crew survived with great difficulty and came ashore on planks” (CAGN 145). Also see T. Naph.

498

Acts 27:39–44

6.6; similarly, the epitaph in Grk. Anthol. 7.289 (LCL 2:156–57), “When shipwrecked Antheus had swum ashore at night on a small plank to the mouth of the Peneus.”

[27:39–44] With daylight comes visibility, but since Malta was not on the regular route from Crete to Italy, it would be unfamiliar. “Beach” rather than “shore” is a suitable translation of aigialos (similarly, 21:5). While exōtheō can mean “drive out” or “expel” (Acts 7:45), its use with ploion yields the nautical sense “run [a ship] ashore” (exōsai, 27:39).52 The number and size of anchors obviously varies depending on the size of the ship.53 Dropping four anchors astern would keep the ship from being driven to the shore. Envisioned are twin rudders (tōn pēdaliōn, v. 40), standard features in depictions of ancient ships.54 “Foresail” renders the unusual Greek word artemōna (v. 40), whose Latin form was artemon. Whether the forward mast or its sail is meant is unclear.55 “Striking a reef” (NRSV) is an interpretive translation that attempts to render a difficult phrase.56 As mentioned in the translation notes, “ran the ship aground” (epekeilan tēn naun, v. 41) is an unusual phrase with Homeric echoes. Nautical terminology continues with the mention of “bow” (prōra, v. 41) and “stern” (prymna, v. 41), and the entirely plausible image of the ship’s bow wedged in the sandy beach while the stern, unsecured, swings back and forth in the waves. The word describing the bow’s being stuck (ereisasa, v. 41), another NT hapax legomenon, further reinforces the classical texture of the Lukan description.57 Since the prisoners are in the custody of the centurion and his men, preventing their escape is an understandable impulse. Once again, however, the centurion’s intervention continues the Lukan theme of special treatment of Paul by Roman military officers.58 Abandoning ship and swimming to shore or clinging to a plank or another piece of the ship’s wreckage are frequent motifs in descriptions of shipwrecks, but they are more than literary motifs: They are 52. BDAG 355 s.v. exōtheō 2. Examples of the nautical sense include Thucydides, Hist. 2.90.5; 7.63.1; 7.72.2; 8.105.1; Julian, Or. 2.60C. 53. See Casson 1995, 252–57. 54. See ibid., 224–28, for a detailed discussion of the rudder and the mechanics of operation. For illustrations depicting rudders, see, e.g., figures 144, 146, 147, 148, passim. See BDAG 811 s.v. pēdalion, noting that “each ship had two rudders, connected by a crossbar and operated by one man.” 55. See BDAG 135 s.v. artemōn; also Casson 1995, 239–40. See BegC (4:338) for a diagram of a coin of Commodus depicting a ship with foresail. 56. As explained in translation note f for v. 41, the Greek phrase suggests that the ship strikes a “two-seas place” (eis topon dithalasson). It has been variously rendered: “and falling into a place where two seas met” (KJV), “striking a shoal” (RSV), or “coming upon a place of two seas” (BegC 4:338–39). Strabo (Geog. 2.5.22) sensibly uses dithalattos of the Bosporus where the Black Sea and the Sea of Marmara meet. See Dio Chrysostom, Or. 5.9. 57. BDAG 391 s.v. ereidō, noting esp. Pindar, Pyth. 10.51–52, “Hold the oar, quickly plant the anchor [ankyran ereison] in the earth from the prow as a safeguard against the jagged reef.” 58. See comments on 27:3.

Paul on the Island of Malta 499

true to life.59 The final line, reporting the survival of everyone on the ship and their safe arrival on the island, constitutes the narrative fulfillment of Paul’s earlier predictions (vv. 24, 31). 28:1–10 Paul on the Island of Malta After our rescue,a we then learned that the island is called Malta.b 2 The local inhabitantsc extended extraordinary kindness to us.d They built a fire for all of us to gather arounde because it was rainyf and cold. 3 When Paul gathered a bundle of kindling and placed it on the fire, the heat forced a snake to crawl out, and it bit him on his hand.g 4 Now when the local inhabitantsh saw the creature hanging from his hand, they began saying to one another, “Surely this man is a murderer whom Justice has not allowed to live even though he was rescuedi from the sea.” 5 So then, when Paul shook off the creature into the fire, he suffered no ill effects.j 6 Yet those who watched were expecting him to start swelling upk or suddenly fall down dead. For a long time they waited and watched as nothing unusual happened to him. Then they changed their minds and were saying, “He is a god!” 28:1

a. Lit., “having been brought safely through” (diasōthentes). b. Gk. tote epegnōmen hoti Melitē hē nēsos kaleitai. Some MSS (B* lat syh bo) read Melitēnē, possibly resulting from dittography in reading Melitē hē nēsos. Other variations include Milētē (∏74), possibly reflecting Acts 20:15, 17, and Mytilēnē (presupposed by some Latin witnesses), possibly reflecting 20:14. See Metzger 1998, 443. That Melitē refers to the island Malta (Latin Melita), located south of Sicily, is clear from its use elsewhere, e.g., Diodorus S., Hist. 5.12.2–3; Strabo, Geog. 6.2.11 (C 277); 17.3.16 (C 834). BDAG 627 s.v. Melitē. c. Lit., “barbarians” (barbaroi); similarly v. 4. BDAG 166 s.v. barbaros 2.b, prefers “a non-Hellene, foreigner” (similarly BegC 4:340–41), thus avoiding the pejorative sense associated with “barbarian” (KJV: “barbarous people,” v. 2; “barbarians,” v. 4). Windisch (1964), noting the onomatopoeic etymology (“bar-bar,” designating unintelligible sounds, e.g., twittering birds [Herodotus, Hist. 2.54–57], but especially non-Greek speech), prefers “natives” (who use their own tongue), i.e., “those of alien, non-Greek race, the Maltese who speak Punic.” RSV, NRSV: “natives”; NIV: “islanders.” See Jipp 39–49, also noting Strabo, Geog. 14.2.28; Ovid, Tristia 5.10.28, 30, 37; Chariton, Chaer. 6.3.7; Josephus, Ag. Ap. 2.269; 2 Macc 4:47; 3 Macc 7:5; et al. d. Lit., “they extended no ordinary philanthropy to us” (pareichon ou tēn tychousan philanthrōpian hēmin). “Extraordinary” renders the Lukan litotes. KJV: “no little kindness”; RSV, NIV, NRSV: “unusual kindness.” 59. Achilles Tatius, in Leucippe 3.1–5 (CAGN 209–10), gives a riveting account of a shipwreck, but unlike Luke’s account, some drowned, others were raked across the rocky shore, still others impaled by shattering planks.

500

Acts 28:1–10

e. Lit., “for having lit a fire they received us all” (hapsantes gar pyran proselabonto pantas hēmas). f. Gr. dia ton hyeton ton ephestōta, which can be rendered “because it had begun to rain” or “because it threatened to rain.” BDAG 418 s.v. ephistēmi 4. g. Lit., “a viper coming out from the heat fastened on his hand” (echidna apo tēs thermēs exelthousa kathēpsen tēs cheiros autou). h. Gk. barbaroi. See textual note on v. 2 about this term. i. Or, “brought safely through” (diasōthenta). j. Lit., “he suffered nothing evil” (epathen ouden kakon). k. Possibly, “contract a fever” (pimprasthai). BDAG 814 s.v. pimprēmi.

[28:1–6] Mention of “the island” (hē nēsos, v. 1) specifies the fulfillment of Paul’s prediction in 27:26.60 Notable features of Malta (Melita) included its Phoenician heritage, its many harbors, its skilled artisans, especially weavers of “remarkably sheer and soft” linen, and its stylishly built stucco houses, all, along with its olive oil production, contributing to its prosperity.61 Acquired by Rome in 218 BCE, Malta belonged to the province of Sicily and retained its Punic traditions throughout the Roman period. By the early second century it had acquired municipal status and was administered by an imperial procurator.62 Here (vv. 2, 4) barbaroi is rendered “local inhabitants” as an attempt to avoid the pejorative connotations usually associated with the term “barbarian,” while conveying the sense of linguistic and cultural (non-Greek, non-Hellenic) distance typically signified by the term. The islanders’ display of unexpectedly generous “kindness” (philanthrōpian, v. 2) is yet another example of special treatment given Paul.63 Extending hospitality to shipwrecked strangers is a frequent literary motif in antiquity.64 60. For the following treatment, I draw on Jipp. 61. Diodorus S., Hist. 5.12.2–3. Since Verres’s proconsulship of Sicily (73–71 BCE) included Malta, the latter figures prominently in Cicero’s Verrine Orations (see Verr. 4.46–47 §§103–104; 5.72 §184), mentioning Verres’s plundering of the temple of Juno, also local lore associated with the island, including naval operations in the region, pirates, and ivory craftsmanship. Also see Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 3.92; Livy, Hist. 21.51. 62. Salmon, Boardman, and Potter. 63. See Acts 24:23; 27:3, 43; 28:2, 7, 16, 30; and comments on 24:23. The term philanthrōpia, literally, “love of humanity” (phileō + anthrōpos), denotes “affectionate concern for and interest in humanity,” thus “(loving)-kindness.” BDAG 1055–56 s.v. philanthrōpia, noting Titus 3:4. It is often used with chrēstotēs, “goodness,” “generosity,” e.g., Esth 8:12k–l (LXX; Add Esth 16:10–11 NRSV, in Addition E); Plutarch, Aristides 27.4; Philo, Spec. Laws 2.141; Josephus, Ant. 10.164. Although philoxenia and its cognates (philoxenos, xenizō) are typically translated “hospitality,” “hospitable,” “to show hospitality” (e.g., Acts 10:23, 32; Rom 12:13; 1 Tim 3:2; Titus 1:8; Heb 13:2; 1 Pet 4:9), philanthrōpia and its cognates clearly operate within the broader semantic domain of terms relating to hospitality. See Louw and Nida §34.57–61; also Jipp 19–22, 53–57. 64. See, e.g., Petronius, Sat. 115; Seneca, Ben. 1.5.4; 3.35.4; 4.11.1–3; cf. 3.9.3; Dio Chry­sos­ tom, Or. 7.2–8.

Paul on the Island of Malta 501

Shivering shipwreck survivors huddled around a bonfire built by Malta residents sets the scene in which Paul, once again, takes center stage. The episode should be interpreted as literary drama rather than realistic history. Noting that poisonous snakes were unknown on Malta, that 276 people could not gather around a small fire, or that a viper would snap-bite and not dangle from a bitten finger—such observations only flatten what is clearly a lively story well told. Other narrative elements are doubtlessly at work, such as presenting the Lukan Paul as exemplifying Jesus’s promise that the Seventy will have authority “to tread on snakes and scorpions,” and that “nothing will hurt [them]” (Luke 10:19 NRSV; cf. Mark 16:18). In doing so, Paul, like the Seventy, triumphs “over all the power of the enemy” (Luke 10:19), here symbolized by a poisonous viper.65 Expecting that a poisonous snakebite will be divine punishment for some human misdeed and that it will be lethal, or even that someone who survives it is divine, reflects popular common sense rather than primitive instincts of benighted natives.66 Any sane person in antiquity would draw the same conclusions. Luke uses these elements of narrative drama to reinforce the theological point he has repeatedly made: Nothing will prevent the God whom Paul worships and to whom he belongs from accomplishing his divine purpose (27:23–26). By letting the Maltese articulate their worldview as one in which Justice, understood here as the personified goddess Dikē (Dike), maintains order in the world, Luke with a single brushstroke adroitly alludes to an alternative theological vision now giving way to the monotheistic vision of Israel’s God, who has been revealed in Jesus Christ and who is gradually gaining recognition throughout the Mediterranean world.67 Having already issued one disclaimer about Paul’s presumed divine status (Acts 14:11–15; cf. 12:22), Luke need not do so again. Instead, Luke lets this unqualified astonishment of the Maltese dangle in the air. The informed reader knows the real God at work within this episode and recognizes that Paul is God’s messenger, not a peer or a member of the heavenly council.68 65. For snakes as symbols of evil and the demonic, see Gen 3:1–19; Ps 91:13; 2 Cor 11:3; Rev 12:9; 20:2–3; Liv. Pro. 12.13. See Garrett 55–57, 138–39 n. 70; Charlesworth (2010, 20–22, 32–38) questions the simplistic equation of snakes/serpents with evil. 66. The oft-cited epitaph by Statyllius Flaccus (Grk. Anthol. 7.290 [LCL 2:156–57]), for a shipwrecked sailor who dies from snakebite, expresses the realistic popular view, no doubt grounded in hard experience: “The shipwrecked mariner had escaped the whirlwind and the fury of the deadly sea, and as he was lying on the Libyan sand not far from the beach, deep in his last sleep, naked and exhausted by the unhappy wreck, a baneful viper slew him. Why did he struggle with the waves in vain, escaping then the fate that was his lot on the land?” 67. BDAG 250 s.v. dikē, noting, e.g., Sophocles, Ant. 451, 538; Plato, Laws 4.716A, “Dikē, avenger of them that fall short of the divine law.” 68. See Weissenrieder 127–56, who explores the usual interpretive options, i.e., relating the passage to Luke 10:19, and seeing the attribution as an ironic Lukan remark (e.g., Bruce 1988, 498), but proposes “emblematic interpretation” as a third option, illustrated through numerous examples from the Asclepius tradition.

502

Acts 28:1–10

vicinitya

28:7 Now in that were properties that belonged to the leading citizenb of the island, a man named Publius. For three days he welcomed us as guests and treated us with friendly hospitality. 8 As it happened, the father of Publius lay sick, gripped by fevers and dysentery. Paul went to him, entered his house,c and healed him by praying and laying his hands on him. 9 After he did this, the rest of those on the island who were sick came to Paul, and he healed them.d 10 They also bestowed many honors on us and brought things that we would need for continuing our journey.e

a. Lit., “now in the [area] around that place” (en de tois peri ton topon ekeinon). b. Lit., “the first (man)” (tō prōtō). What precisely prōtos signifies is not altogether clear, but possibly the chief Roman official on Malta (BegC 4:342). See BDAG 894 s.v. prōtos, 2.a.β, noting the first-century-CE Greek inscription (IG 14, 601), which mentions Lucius Castricius Prudens, a Roman equestrian, who is named as prōtos Melitaiōn, “first of the Maltese”; similarly the Latin inscription (CIL X, 7495, 1) mentioning Mel(itensium) primus omni[um], possibly “first of all the Maltese.” See Hemer 153 n. 152; Bruce 1990, 532–33. c. Lit., “to whom Paul having entered” (pros hon ho Paulos eiselthōn). d. Lit., “they were being healed” (etherapeuonto). e. Lit., “for sailing” (anagomenois).

[28:7–10] The second episode bears the usual marks of a miracle story: brief introduction (v. 7); description of the afflicted person (v. 8a), entrance of the miracle worker (v. 8b), the healing act itself (v. 8c), and proof of the miracle (vv. 9–10). As with the previous episode, it features Paul, who shares the stage with the island’s chief citizen, Publius, his ailing father, and an unnamed multitude of other Maltese who bring their sick to be healed by Paul. The story contains elements found in earlier Lukan healings, most notably the healing of Simon’s mother-in-law (Luke 4:38–39), and laying on hands as a therapeutic gesture (Luke 4:40; 13:13; Acts 9:12, 17). Structurally the story resembles Luke 4:38– 41, in which Jesus’s healing of Simon’s mother-in-law is followed by a generalizing summary reporting that many people bring their sick to be healed (cf. Acts 5:14–16). It is a well-established narrative technique to relate a single (healing) incident, which is immediately replicated on a grander scale (e.g., 19:11–20). Paul’s thaumaturgic powers have been displayed earlier,69 but this healing story is especially significant because of the prominence of Publius and the way in which Paul’s benefaction extends throughout the whole island. The penultimate image of Paul before his arrival in Rome is the bringer of salvation in the form of healing and wholeness to the gentiles. Especially striking is the cultural reversal that occurs in these two stories. While barbaros was often used to signify boorish, uncultured behavior, such 69. Acts 14:8–10; 16:16–18; 19:11–12; 20:9–10.

Completing the Journey: From Syracuse to Rome 503

as the failure to display kindness, generosity, and hospitality, Luke subverts this cultural stereotype by depicting the Maltese as exhibiting behavior that fully conforms to high Hellenic expectations. Their extraordinary hospitality in reaching out to these shipwreck survivors aligns them with the cultured behavior expected of sophisticated Greeks and Romans. Also striking is the absence of preaching or even any mention of God or Jesus Christ, which sharply contrasts with the Lystra episode (Acts 14:8–18) and Ephesus (19:11–20). The Paul depicted on the island of Malta may speak Greek, but he is the foreigner, a grateful recipient of uncommon grace. As a representative of Jesus, who promised his emissaries protection from snakes and scorpions, Satan’s symbolic minions, Paul embodies astonishing invulnerability, but also lets his healing power, which mimics that of Jesus, speak for itself. That God’s salvation has come to the Maltese gentiles is clear; that God’s generous, unconditional healing is sometimes best displayed without theological comment or interpretation is equally clear. 28:11–15 Completing the Journey: From Syracuse to Rome Three months later we set sail in an Alexandrian ship bearing the insigniaa of the Dioscurib that had spent the winter at the island. 12 And having put in at Syracuse, we stayed three days. 13 From there we came around the coastc and arrived at Rhegium. A day later we caught a south windd and on the second day came to Puteoli. 14 There we found brothers who encouraged us to stay with them for seven days. So it was that we arrived in Rome. 15 When the brothers in Rome heard of our arrival,e they came as far as the Forum of Appius and Three Taverns to meet us. When Paul saw them, he thanked God and took courage. 28:11

a. Lit., “marked” (parasēmō). BDAG 770–71 s.v. parasēmos 2. b. Or “the sons of Zeus,” i.e., Castor and Pollux (or Polydeuces) as the ship’s figurehead. BDAG 251 s.v. Dioskouroi. See Parker; and Burkert 212–13, noting that “St. Elmo’s fire, the electric discharge from the ship’s mast during a thunderstorm, was regarded as the corporeal epiphany of the Dioskouroi” (cf. Lucian, The Ship 9). Since the constellation Gemini, “the Twins,” is sometimes identified with Castor and Pollux, these sparks symbolizing the stars could be associated with the astrological sign Gemini. Also see Herpyllis (CAGN 823), reporting a ship’s crew in a storm praying to the Dioscuri, who are associated with stars and “starlike sparks whirled about by the wind.” c. Lit., “from there having taken away” (hothen perielontes). The meaning of perielontes (which occurs in ‫ *א‬B Ψ [gig]) is uncertain. In 27:40 tas ankyras perielontes means having “cast off the anchors” (NRSV) or “they slipped the anchors” (BegC 4:337), i.e., dropped them into the sea. But that does not seem to be the meaning of perielontes here, even if tas ankyras is understood as the object. Instead, the sense required

504

Acts 28:11–15

is “we weighed anchor” (NRSV), i.e., lifted the anchors in order to sail. Accordingly, some MSS (∏74 ‫א‬2 A L 048vid. 066. 81. 323. 614. 945. 1175. 1241. 1505. 1739 lat sy) read perielthontes, “having come around,” i.e., “we sailed around,” or some variation, e.g., “we sailed up the coast” (REB), “we sailed along the coast” (Conzelmann 1987). See BDAG 799 s.v. periaireō 1; Metzger 1998, 443. My translation renders the alternate reading perielthontes. d. Lit., “a south [or, southwest] wind came up” (epigenomenou notou). BDAG 679 s.v. notos 1. See Appian, Civ. W. 5.11.98. e. Lit., “and from there the brothers having heard the things concerning us” (kakeithen hoi adelphoi akousantes ta peri hēmōn).

[28:11–15] Given the enormity of the grain trade within the Mediterranean economy, ships sailing from Alexandria to Rome were a regular occurrence.70 A ship insignia bearing the names (or images) of the Dioscuri (Dioskouroi, from Dios kouroi, “sons of Zeus”), Castor and Pollux, the twin sons of Zeus and Leda, brothers of Helen, attests one of the many ways in which these two deities functioned as “saviors” in the ancient world. One of their main salvific roles was protection from dangers of the sea.71 That an Alexandrian ship would display the Dioscuri on its prow is not surprising, since there is ample evidence of their veneration in Egypt. Vestiges of an itinerary are evident in the next stops mentioned. On the southeast coast of Sicily, Syracuse (modern Italian: Siracusa), because of its strategic location opening on to the Mediterranean Sea, enjoyed sustained economic prosperity, especially from the third century BCE onward. As a major center for intellectual thought and artistic achievement, it boasted monumental buildings, including one of the largest theaters in the Greek world. Praised by Cicero for its size, unequaled beauty, and impressive harbors, Syracuse became a center of Roman provincial government.72 Rhegium (or Regium; modern Reggio di Calabria), a coastal city at the southwest tip of the Italian boot and located across the Strait of Messina from the Sicilian port of Messana (modern Messina), was strategically located on the route between Italy and Sicily.73 Puteoli (Gk. Dicaearchia, modern Pozzuoli), a major Campanian coastal city west of Neapolis (Naples), acquired commercial importance as a center for trade, especially in receiving grain imports for Rome, but also as a favored 70. See Casson 1995, 183–99, 297–99; and comments on 27:6 above. 71. For the Dioscuri as protectors from sea dangers, see Epictetus, Disc. 2.18.29; Horace, Odes 1.3.2; 3.29.64; Aelius Aristides, Or. 43.25 (in Behr 2:255), “Poseidon and the Dioscuri save those at sea”; 44.16 (Behr 2:259); Tales 4.36 (Behr 2:325). 72. Cicero, Verr. 4.51–53 §§115–119. See Woodhead and Wilson; A. Betz. See Xenophon of Ephesus, Eph. Tale 5.1, in which Habrocomes’s ship lands at “the large and splendid port of Syracuse” (CAGN 158). 73. Lomas 2012b; Wineland 1992e.

Completing the Journey: From Syracuse to Rome 505

resort area for wealthy Romans.74 Whether the trip from Rhegium to Puteoli could be made in two days is disputed.75 Because of the size, strategic location, and economic vitality of Puteoli, it is not surprising that “brothers” (adelphous, Acts 28:14) would be present there, perhaps in conspicuous numbers, by the early 60s. With Luke’s mention of Aquila and Priscilla’s expulsion from Rome by Claudius (41–54), he has already hinted at Christian presence in Italy before Paul’s arrival (Acts 18:2; cf. 2:10), an undisputed point acknowledged by Paul himself (cf. Rom 1:13).76 By this point in the narrative, the centurion and the attachment of Roman soldiers guarding the prisoners have dropped out of the picture, a thematic trend already well established with the Malta episode.77 A seven-day visit with Puteolian disciples is yet another instance of extraordinarily generous treatment of Paul.78 The double mention of Rome (vv. 14b and 16) seems awkward, suggesting that the itinerary Luke was following ended at verse 14, and that he added verse 15 to underscore the hearty welcome that Paul received from “the brothers [in Rome].”79 The welcoming party mentioned in verse 15 is, after all, the only explicit mention of the church in Rome in Acts 28.80 With verse 17 the focus shifts to the Jewish community in Rome (28:17–28).81 The explicit report of Paul’s arrival in Rome (v. 14b) represents the narrative fulfillment of Paul’s earlier resolve in Ephesus to “see Rome” (19:21), as well as the risen Lord’s visionary reassurance after Paul’s speech before the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem that “you must bear witness also at Rome” (23:11; similarly, 27:24, the angelic vision, “You must appear before Caesar”).82 74. Lomas 2012a; Carroll 1992a. On Puteoli/Dicaearchia as a major receiving port for Rome, see Suetonius, Aug. 98.1–3; Strabo, Geog. 17.1.7; Seneca, Ep. 77.1–2. 75. According to ORBIS, the fastest ancient Roman journey from Rhegium to Puteoli in July takes 3.3 days, covering 240 miles (386 km). 76. By the time Paul writes Romans, Prisca and Aquila are back in Rome, hosting a church in their house (Rom 16:3–5). See comments on Acts 18:2–3, especially the discussion of Suetonius’s report that Claudius expelled Jews from Rome owing to disturbances relating to Chrestus. 77. The centurion and soldiers are last mentioned in 27:42–43; another soldier is mentioned in 28:16. 78. See comments on 24:23. For other seven-day visits, see 20:6 (Troas); 21:4 (Tyre). 79. The narrative reads smoothly from v. 14a to v. 16. 80. Christians may be among those “welcomed” by Paul (28:30), but this is not specified. On Christianity in Rome, see Lampe; Jewett 2007; and Donfried and Richardson. 81. For the history of Judaism in Rome, see the foundational work of Leon; also Schürer 3.1:73–84; and Smallwood 201–19. 82. Some think the articular “Rome” in v. 14 (eis tēn Rhōmēn) refers to the district, whereas the anarthrous “Rome” in v. 16 (eis Rhōmēn) refers to the city. But Luke refers to Rome using both anarthrous (Acts 19:21; 23:11; 28:16; cf. Rom 1:7, 15; 2 Tim 1:17) and articular forms (Acts 18:2; 28:14), all of which envision the city of Rome, however generically. On Rome, see Richmond, Castagnoli, and Patterson; Dudley; Coulston and Dodge.

506

Acts 28:16–31

The Forum of Appius (Lat. Appii Forum), a market town on the Appian Way about forty miles (65 km) south of Rome, is remembered by Horace as a town “crammed with boatmen and stingy tavern-keepers” and known for its horrible water.83 Three Taverns (Lat. Tres Tabernae), about ten miles (16 km) farther north on the Appian Way, is mentioned several times by Cicero in his Letters to Atticus.84 Reporting Paul’s thankful reception of the emissaries from the Roman church and their buoyant effects on his psyche is Luke’s way of further underscoring the solidarity between Paul and the Roman church. He is warmly welcomed, not as someone whose controversial reputation precedes him or as a threat to the church’s belief and practice, but as God’s duly appointed messenger who has come there to “bear witness” to the gentiles (23:11; cf. Rom 1:13). 28:16–31 Paul in Rome This section has the following parts: (1) Paul’s arrival in Rome, living under house arrest and meeting with Jewish leaders in Rome (vv. 16–22); (2) Paul’s discussions with Roman Jews and his prophetic rebuke (vv. 23–29), and (3) the concluding summary noting his two-year ministry in Rome (vv. 30–31). 28:16–22 Arrival in Rome, House Arrest, Initial Meeting with Jewish Leaders Now when we entered Rome, Paul got permission to live in his own quarters with the soldier who guarded him.a 17 When three days had passed, Paul summoned the most prominent Jewish leaders.b When they came and met with him, he said to them, “Fellow brothers,c even though I did nothing against our people or our ancestral customs,d as a prisoner from Jerusalem I was handed over to Roman custody.e 18 After interrogating me, the Romans tried to find a way to release me because there was no basis for the death penalty in my case.f 19 When the Jews contested this, I had no choice butg to appeal to Caesar, even though I did not have a complaint against my people.h 20 This is whyi I have made an appeal to see you and to speak with you. I am wearing this chain because of the hope I share with Israel.”j 21 Then they said to him, “We have received no letters about you from Judea, nor have any of the brothers who have arrived here reported or spoken anything evil about you. 22 We think it is 28:16

83. Horace, Sat. 1.5.3; on Horace’s stay at Appii Forum, see Casson 1974, 194–95; also BDAG 125 s.v. Appiou phoron. 84. Cicero, Att. 1.13; 2.10 [Tres Tabernae mentioned along with Appii Forum], 12, 13; see BDAG 987 s.v. tabernai; also Casson 1974, 200. See Kleberg 63–64, noting other locations—e.g., in Illyricum on the Egnatian Way (R. Talbert 49, C3)—bearing the name Tres Tabernae.

Arrival in Rome, House Arrest, Initial Meeting with Jewish Leaders 507

fitting to hear from you the views you hold,k for we are well aware that people everywhere speak against this religious group.”l a. Worth noting is the addition at v. 16 in the D-text, which, sensing the gap created by no report of Paul’s being turned over to the Roman authorities, reads: “When we came into Rome, the centurion handed over the prisoners to the captain of the guard [stratopedarchō]. As for Paul, he was allowed to stay outside the barracks with a soldier guarding him” (LDT 632–33). See Metzger 1998, 443, noting that the addition in the first sentence was preserved in the Byzantine text and is thus retained in the KJV: “the centurion delivered the prisoners to the captain of the guard.” See BDAG 948 s.v. stratopedarchēs; also A. N. Sherwin-White 1963, 108–12. b. Lit., “those who were first of the Jews” (tous ontas tōn Ioudaiōn prōtous). c. Lit., “men, brothers” (andres adelphoi). d. Lit., “having done nothing against the people or the customs of the fathers” (ouden enantion poiēsas tō laō ē tois ethesin tois patrōois). e. Lit., “I was handed over to the hands of the Romans” (paredothēn eis tas cheiras tōn Rhōmaiōn). f. Lit., “because there was no cause of death in me [or, in my case]” (dia to mēdemian aitian thanatou hyparchein en emoi). g. Lit., “I was compelled” (ēnankasthēn). h. Lit., “not as having anything to charge [against] my nation” (ouch hōs tou ethnous mou echōn ti katēgorein). The D-text amplifies Paul’s claim in v. 19 that he “did not have any complaint against [his] people.” In the D-text v. 19 reads: “When the Jews started objecting and shouting, ‘Away with our enemy!’ I was compelled to call upon Caesar, not because I had any accusation against my nation, but rather to save myself from death” (LDT 634–35). See Metzger 1998, 444. i. Lit., “on account of this reason therefore” (dia tautēn oun tēn aitian). j. Lit., “for on account of the hope of Israel I am wearing this chain around” (heneken gar tēs elpidos tou Israēl tēn halysin tautēn perikeimai). k. Lit., “the things you are thinking” (ha phroneis). BDAG 1065 s.v. phroneō 1. l. Lit., “for concerning this sect it is known to us that it is spoken against everywhere” (peri men gar tēs haireseōs tautēs gnōston hēmin estin hoti pantachou antilegetai).

[28:16–22] With this final mention of “we” (v. 16), the implied presence of the narrator ends. Although at the beginning of the journey to Rome, Aristarchus was introduced as a companion of Paul (27:2), he has not been mentioned since, prompting some to suggest that, if this is a historically realistic rather than a fictive account, he may have left the traveling group along the way, perhaps to return to Thessalonica in Macedonia. He is, however, mentioned as Paul’s fellow prisoner in Col 4:10, which may reflect a tradition that at least one Pauline coworker was a fellow prisoner in Rome.85 In Acts 28, however, 85. Epaphras is mentioned as a fellow prisoner in Phlm 23 (Aristarchus is also mentioned in Phlm 24, but described as a “fellow worker”); cf. Rom 16:7.

508

Acts 28:16–22

no other ­companion of Paul is mentioned, apart from the soldier (v. 16). Luke’s description of Paul’s housing arrangement is straightforward and unproblematic. “He got permission” (epetrapē, v. 16), literally, “it was permitted,” implies that decisions about his lodging lay with Roman officials.86 That he was able to “stay by himself” (menein kath’ heauton), live in his own quarters, is equally clear, yet in the custody of a Roman soldier, thus not alone.87 The mention of “prominent Jewish leaders” (v. 17) recalls Luke’s earlier report that “the chief priests and most prominent Jewish leaders” (hoi prōtoi tōn Ioudaiōn) informed Festus against Paul (25:2; cf. Luke 19:47). That there was a sizeable Jewish community in Rome by the mid-first century CE is well attested.88 A delegation of Jewish leaders might well have included archisynagōgoi, presbyteroi, or archontes from various Roman synagogues.89 Paul’s remarks (Acts 28:17–20) summarize charges against him or other motifs that have been reported earlier in the narrative: “nothing against our people” (21:28; 25:10); “nothing contrary to our ancestral customs” (21:21; 26:3); “nothing deserving of death” (23:29; 25:25; 26:31); arrest in Jerusalem and being handed over to Roman authorities (21:11, 27–36; 23:23–26:32); his status as a prisoner (23:18; 25:14, 27); appeal to Caesar (25:11–12, 21, 25; 26:32); and 86. BDAG 385 s.v. epitrepō 1. The passive form, “it is permitted,” is also used in Acts 26:1; 1 Cor 14:34. 87. Ulpian (Digest 48.3.1) describes four levels of custody in descending order of severity: prison, military custody, entrustment to sureties (in the care of a guarantor), and, finally, release on one’s own recognizance (permission to reside in one’s own house). Acts 28:16 is usually seen as belonging to the third category, thus as some form of custodia libera, literally, “free custody” or house arrest, which is attested under the Roman Republic but continued with some refinements in the Roman Empire. No guarantor, however, is mentioned in Acts 28:16; the presence of a soldier as a guard in Paul’s lodging does not sound like release on one’s own recognizance. Thus it is not altogether clear which of these categories, if any, Acts 28:16 describes. See BDAG 631 s.v. menō 1.a.α; Rapske 20–35; Tajra 179–81; Skinner 80–82; Hillner 126–27; cf. Diodorus S., Hist. 4.46.2; Fragments of Book 27, 6.1 (LCL 11:211); Livy, Hist. 39.14.1–3, 9–10; Sallust, War Cat. 47.3–4; Pliny the Younger, Epistles 10.57.2. 88. Jewish presence in Rome by the mid-second BCE is reflected in 1 Macc 8:1–32; 12:16; 14:24. The numerical strength of the Jewish community in Rome is clearly indicated in Cicero’s famous defense of Lucius Valerius Flaccus before a Roman jury in 59 BCE. Flaccus had been charged with confiscating gold collected by Jews in the province for their annual contribution to the Jerusalem temple (see Cicero, Flacc. 66–69). Even if one allows for some hyperbole in Philo’s description of Jews in Rome under Augustus, his remarks nevertheless offer reliable testimony of the relative size, strength, and location of Roman Jewry (Emb. Gaius 155–158). Josephus reports that shortly after the death of Herod the Great in 4 BCE a group of 8,000 Jews in Rome joined the delegation of 50 Jews from Judea who came to Rome, requesting Augustus to grant Jews in Palestine autonomy that would end Herodian rule (Ant. 17.300). On the origins of the Jewish community in Rome, see Leon 1–45; Tajra 182–83; Richardson 1998; L. Levine 2000, 97–99. 89. On the organization of the Roman Jewish community and the various forms of leadership reflected in the sources, especially inscriptions, see Leon 167–94.

Discussions with Roman Jews, Prophetic Rebuke, T ­ wo-Year Ministry 509

the (resurrection) hope of Israel (23:6; 24:15; 26:6–8). This is Luke’s literary strategy by which the Roman Jews become acquainted with (and the readers are once again reminded of) what has been reported earlier, in chapters 21–27. If “wearing this chain” (tēn halysin tautēn perikeimai, v. 20) is metaphorical, it means “I am a prisoner” (cf. Eph 6:20). If literal, it would refer to the chain with which he is handcuffed to the Roman soldier.90 The absence of letters or any other formal documents from Jewish authorities in Judea is further proof that Paul is not a “universal pest,” as Tertullus charged (24:5). “Brothers” (tōn adelphōn, 28:21) must mean Jewish, not Christian, brothers who have arrived in Rome from other parts of the empire. By reporting that no critical or defamatory reports against Paul have been received by the Roman Jewish community, Luke extends to Jews the declarations of innocence, which to this point have primarily occurred on the lips of Romans. And yet, by having the Jewish leaders acknowledge that “this sect” (peri . . . tēs haireseōs tautēs, v. 22) is universally spoken against (hoti pantachou antilegetai, v. 22), Luke not only underscores the distinction between church and synagogue but also Jewish awareness, at least at the western end of the Roman Empire, of the controversy, both socially and politically, if not also religiously, caused by the Jesus movement.91 Literarily, Luke positions the Roman Jewish leaders as uninformed but fair-minded, interested parties who obviously have a vested interest in Paul and matters related to his trial. For one thing, he is a fellow Jew, a Roman citizen at that, who has been brought to Rome for a trial before Caesar. Moreover, it is in their interest to determine whether he is friend or foe, an ally or a threat. 28:23–31 Paul’s Discussions with Roman Jews, Prophetic Rebuke, ­Two-Year Ministry in Rome Now after they had set a day, many of them came to Paul in his own quarters. In his explanations to them, he bore witness to the kingdom of God and tried to persuade them about Jesus from the law of Moses and the prophets. This went on from morning until evening. 24 Some found what he said persuasive, but others were unconvinced.a 25 Now on their way out, as they were disagreeing with each other, Paul had a final word for them: “The Holy Spirit said it well when he spoke to your ancestorsb through Isaiah the prophet, 26 saying: Go to this people and say: ‘You will cup your ears to listen, and you will not understand at all;c 28:23

90. BDAG 48 s.v. halysis. 91. On the use of hairesis, see comments on 5:17 and 24:5.

510

Acts 28:23–31

And you will open your eyes to see, and you will not see at all;d 27 For the mind of this peoplee has gotten dull, Their ears have grown deaf,f Their eyes have become blind.g The result?h They will not see with their eyes, They will not hear with their ears, They will not understand with their mind,i They will not experience a change of heart, j And I will not heal them.’ 28 Therefore, let this message sink in:k This salvation of God was sent to the gentiles; they are the ones who will listen.”l 30 Now he lived for two years in his own rented quarters, and he welcomed everyone who called on him.m 31 He spent this time preaching the kingdom of God and teaching things about the Lord Jesus Christ, and did so with all boldness and without hindrance.n a. Lit., “And while some were persuaded at the things he said, yet others did not believe” (kai hoi men epeithonto tois legomenois hoi de ēpistoun). b. Some MSS (L 614. 1241. 1505 gig vg) read “our ancestors” (pateras hēmōn), probably to bring his language into conformity with earlier passages (e.g., 13:17), but possibly to mitigate the inference that Paul, by referring to “your ancestors” (pateras hymōn), is now distancing himself from his Jewish heritage. c. Lit., “in hearing you will hear and will in no way understand” (akoē akousete kai ou mē synēte). d. Lit., “and seeing you will see and will in no way see” (kai blepontes blepsete kai ou mē idēte). e. Lit., “the heart of this people” (hē kardia tou laou toutou). f. Lit., “and with the ears they have heard with difficulty” (kai tois ōsin bareōs ēkousan), i.e., have become hard of hearing. g. Lit., “and their eyes they have closed” (kai tous ophthalmous autōn ekammysan). h. Lit., “lest they see . . .” (mēpote idōsin . . .). i. Lit., “and understand with their heart” (kai tē kardia synōsin). j. Lit., “[lest they] turn [or, return]” (epistrepsōsin). BDAG 382 s.v. epistrephō 4.a. k. Lit., “therefore let it be known to you” (gnōston oun estō hymin). l. Verse 29, omitted in NA28 and thus in RSV and NRSV, is supplied by the D-text (cf. KJV): “And after he had said these things, the Jews departed while having much debate among themselves” (kai tauta autou eipontos apēlthon hoi Ioudaioi pollēn echontes en heautois syzētēsin). See LDT 636–37. m. Lit., “he was receiving all those who came in to him” (apedecheto pantas tous eisporeuomenous pros auton). n. At the end of v. 31 the D-text adds: “saying that this is Christ Jesus, the Son of God, and that by him the whole world will be judged.” This “pious Western addition,”

Discussions with Roman Jews, Prophetic Rebuke, T ­ wo-Year Ministry 511 says Metzger, greatly weakens “the artistic literary cadence of the concluding phrase of the book of Acts and the powerful note of triumph.” See Metzger 1998, 444–45, also noting that some later witnesses add a final “Amen,” suggesting liturgical use.

[28:23–31] “Paul’s own quarters” (eis tēn xenian, v. 23) is a more specific description than the earlier report that he “stayed by himself” (v. 16). The term xenia, usually “hospitality” or “entertainment,” can also mean “guest room” (cf. Phlm 22). It should be understood in connection with Acts 28:30, “in his own rented quarters” (en idiō misthōmati), or possibly “at his own expense” (RSV, NRSV).92 Paul’s explanations (exetitheto, v. 23) were two-pronged: bearing witness (diamartyromenos, v. 23) and persuading (peithōn, v. 23). His role as witness fulfills Ananias’s charge to Paul, “You will be his witness to all the world of what you have seen and heard” (22:15 NRSV; cf. 9:15; 26:16), but also to the risen Lord’s reassuring vision in 23:11. It is somewhat strange to see the “kingdom of God” (tēn basileian tou theou, 28:23) as the content of Paul’s witness, as opposed to the risen Lord, whom he has seen and heard in his visionary call; yet here, and in the concluding summary (v. 31), it serves as a comprehensive symbolic expression that embraces multiple aspects of the gospel, including the claim that Jesus is the Christ (18:5), the necessity of repentance and faith (20:21), and the gospel of God’s grace (20:24). Understood this way, “kingdom of God” need not be thought of exclusively either in an eschatological sense as the future reign of God, or in an ecclesial sense as the present reality of the church. It is rather the multifaceted range of claims that are encompassed by, and derived from, the inbreaking reign of God that began with John the Baptist and Jesus. The persuasive focus of Paul’s explanations is christological—arguing from Scripture that promises and expectations encoded for centuries in “the law of Moses and the prophets” (v. 23) have come to fulfillment in Jesus Christ.93 The reader knows that the details of these arguments have been rehearsed earlier in the narrative, as in the Pisidian Antioch sermon in Acts 13, yet also more broadly in numerous other speeches and narrative episodes. “From morning until evening” (apo prōi heōs hesperas, v. 23) signals the intensity of the discussions. The split response replicates what has been reported earlier, as shown at Thessalonica, where some Jews were initially persuaded but eventually others offered stout, even violent, resistance (17:4– 9; similarly, 14:1–2). Reporting internal disagreements among the Jewish 92. BDAG 683 s.v. xenia; 654 s.v. misthōma. See Cadbury 1926, esp. 319–20, noting the unusual use (and probable meaning of) xenia and misthōma. KJV renders 28:30 as “in his own hired house.” See Skinner 164–65. 93. This reinforces the recurrent Lukan emphasis on promise-fulfillment (Luke 24:27, 44; Acts 3:18; 24:14; 26:22).

512

Acts 28:23–31

leaders (28:25) reiterates the division within Israel that began with Jesus and continued in the post-Easter period. This is worth recognizing, since outright, unqualified resistance and rejection on the part of the Jewish leaders might be seen as a justifiable catalyst for Paul’s following remarks. As it is, Paul’s concluding denunciation, consisting mainly of his quoting Isa 6:9–10 virtually unchanged from the LXX, seems unduly harsh. Attributing the quotation to the Holy Spirit gives Paul’s declaration special weight (1:16; 4:25), especially given the Spirit’s role in prophetic denunciations (13:9). In the context of First Isaiah, the passage reports YHWH’s words to Isaiah immediately after he has experienced his prophetic call in the temple vision (Isa 6:1–8). YHWH thus instructs Isaiah to speak boldly to Israel, but these prophetic words, rather than inciting repentance, harden Israel’s resistance, which then paves the way for YHWH’s judgment against them. As an OT text signaling Israel’s nonresponsiveness, Isa 6:9–10 was variously employed in early Christian discourse, most notably in Mark 4:12 (|| Matt 13:13 || Luke 8:10) to explain that Jesus’s parables are intentionally obscure, intended to block the understanding of outsiders. In similar fashion John 12:40 cites Isa 6:9–10 to explain Jewish refusal to believe in Jesus. Luke’s decision to conclude Acts with Isa 6:9–10 advances beyond the Gospels, in which the passage is either cited by Jesus or by the evangelists with reference to Jesus. Here the passage is cited some three decades after the death of Jesus in order to explain why the Pauline mission, which has always been bifocal in its outreach to both Jews and gentiles, finally fails to achieve success among Roman Jews, who, according to Luke, begin the day of discussions with an open mind. Moreover, Paul’s interpretive comment in Acts 28:28 clinches the matter, bringing closure to the mission to the Jews. As happened at Pisidian Antioch, Jewish rejection of the Pauline gospel prompts a dramatic turn to the gentiles (13:47; cf. 18:6). By asserting that “the salvation of God was sent to the gentiles” (28:28a), Paul fails to mention the numerous instances of successful mission among Jews reported in Acts 13–20. And by insisting that “they are the ones who will listen” (v. 28b), the Lukan Paul signals that the future of the church lies with the gentile mission.94 Luke’s construal of the Jew-gentile controversy differs significantly from that of Paul in Rom 9–11, in which, despite the stiff resistance he has encountered from his fellow Israelites, there is some lingering hope that “all Israel will [eventually] be saved” (Rom 11:25–26). Reporting a two-year period in which Paul resides in his own quarters, receiving what appears to be a constant flow of visitors (cf. 2 Tim 1:17), and 94. Justin (Dial. 69:4) quotes Isa 6:9–10 to explain gentiles’ resistance prior to their conversion. On early Christian use of Isa 6:9–10, see Lindars 17–19, 159–67.

Discussions with Roman Jews, Prophetic Rebuke, T ­ wo-Year Ministry 513

an ongoing ministry of unobstructed preaching and teaching, has led some to wonder whether Paul ever went to trial.95 That he continued proclaiming the gospel “with all boldness and without hindrance” is an emphatic—and triumphant—conclusion to the narrative, an exclamation point, as it were, confirming what Gamaliel has wisely predicted: “If it is of God, you will not be able to destroy them” (5:39).

95. The ending of Acts has been a perennial puzzle. See L. Alexander 1999; Moessner 2004; Troftgruben.

INDEX OF SCRIPTURE AND OTHER ANCIENT SOURCES

OLD TESTAMENT Genesis 1–3 345n124 1:14 344n114 1:24 232, 243 1:26–28 344 1:30 243 1:31 38 2:7 344 3:1–19 501n65 4:3 38 4:8 38 5:24 274n53 6:4 84n18 6:20 232 9:19 344 10 96n56 11:1–9 94 11:26 164n226 11:31–32 164 11:31–12:4 164 11:32 164n226 12:1 55, 160, 164 12:1–2 164 12:1–3 472 12:3 50n143, 54, 114n99, 121n107 12:4 164n226 12:19 262 13:15 164 14:15 194 14:18 174n248 14:18–19 174n247 14:19–20 324n45 14:22 174n247 15:1 493n38 15:1–6 472 15:2 194 15:13 164, 266, 275 15:13–14 55, 160, 164 17:8 55, 164 17:9–14 354 17:10 164 17:13 164

18:18 114n99, 121n107 18:19 450n151 19:11 477 21:4 164 21:17 493n38 22:1 197n53 22:18 50n143, 54, 114n99, 121n107 23:1–20 166 23:19 166n230 24:7 343n109 25:2 169n234 25:4 169n234 25:6 169n234 25:24–26 164 26:4 50n143, 54, 114n99, 121n107 26:24 493n38 28:13 450n152, 493n38 29:31–30:24 164 31:11 197n53 33:4 401n336 33:18–20 166 34:25 311n2 37–50 165 37:11 165 37:28 165 37:36 165 38 165 39–41 165 39:1 189n25 39:2–3 165 39:21 165 39:23 165 41:43 165 41:45 204n81 41:46–57 165 42 165 42–45 165 45:4 165 45:8 165 45:14 401n336 46:1–47:12 165 46:2 195n47, 197n53, 211 46:3 493n38

46:27 165 46:29 189 47:13–26 165 47:27 167 48:4 55, 164 49:28 472n219 49:29–33 165 50:7–14 165 50:13 166 Exodus 1:1–2:10 160, 167 1:5 165n229 1:7 167 1:8 55, 167 1:9–14 167 1:15–22 167 2 168 2:1–10 167 2:11 168 2:11–15 168 2:11–22 161 2:12 168 2:13–14 55, 168 2:14 55, 168, 171 2:14–15 169, 169n233 2:15–22 169 2:22 55, 160, 164, 169 2:23–24 55 3–4 161 3:1 169, 169n234 3:1–4:17 169 3:1–12 169 3:2 55, 169, 171 3:3–4 160 3:3–5 170 3:3–11 170 3:4 195n47, 197n53, 211 3:5 55, 170 3:5–10 55 3:6 43n129, 54–55, 114n97, 116–17, 160, 170, 450n152 3:7–8 55, 170 3:7–10 160

516 Exodus (continued) 3:10 55, 170 3:11 170 3:12 55, 160, 164 3:13 424n61 3:15–16 424n61 3:15 54, 170 3:15–16 43n129, 114n97, 117 3:20 170 4 167 4:1 170 4:1–9 170 4:5 43n129, 114n97, 170 4:10 167 4:10–17 170 6:1 267n35, 275 6:6 267n35, 275 7:3 171, 299n8 7:8–12 171 7:14–11:10 171 8:2 432n88 8:8 186 8:28 186 9:3 262 9:28 186 10:17 186 10:19 171n239 12:40 164 12:40–41 266 13:18 171n239 14:21–25 171 15:4 171, 171n239 15:22 171n239 15:22–25 171 16 171 16:2–3 172 16:3 172n243 16:7–9 151 16:29 77 16:35 266–67, 275 17:1–7 171 17:2 172, 298 17:3 172n243 17:6 169n235 18:4 169 18:17–23 153 19–20 160 19:16 194 19:16–25 92n45 20:4 302n17 20:7 157 20:11 54, 131, 289n97, 343n106 20:16 158n218 22:18 261n19 22:28 55, 433, 474n223 23:1 158n218 23:16 91n42

Ancient Sources: Old Testament 23:31 171n239 24:4 472n219 24:17 194 25:8–9 174 25:22 173–74 25:40 174 26 161n224 26–27 174 27:21 173 29:38–42 113n94 31:18 172 32:1 55, 172 32:1–35 172 32:4–6 172 32:8 450n151 32:9 175n249 32:10 275 32:11 267n35, 275 32:23 55, 172 32:32–33 282n68 33 161n224 33:3 175n249 33:5 175n249 33:6 169n235 34 267 34:9 175n249 34:17 302n17 34:22 91n42 34:29–35 159n222 Leviticus 1:3 237 2:2 230n107 2:9 230n107 2:16 230n107 4:3 433n90 11 232 16 487n13 16:6–10 89n41 16:29 487 17:1–9 303n19 17:6 303n20 17:8–9 303n21, 307n33 17:10–13 303n21 17:10–14 307n33 17:10–16 303n20 18 303, 303n18 18:6–23 303n21, 307n33 18:21 173n244 18:26 303n21 19:4 302n17 19:5 237 19:12 157 19:15 432 19:26 261n19 19:31 261n19 20:2–5 173n244 20:6 261n19 20:27 261n19

21:17–24 189 22:17–27 237 23:5–8 389n288 23:15–21 91n42 23:26–32 487n13 23:27 487 23:29 54 24:10–23 158, 474n223 24:14 176n253 24:15–16 474n223 26:1 302n17 26:4 290n100 26:41 175 Numbers 1:18–22 84n20 6 412 6:1–21 357, 411 6:9 415 6:10–12 412 8:10 259n9 9:15 173 10:4 119 10:5–10 135n144 11–12 161n224 11:1 151 11:18–20 172n243 13:2 119 14:27 151 14:33–34 171, 266–67, 275 15:35 176n253 18:1–32 135n144 18:20 135n145 21:5 172n243 23–24 87 24:4 172n241 24:16 172n241, 174n247 26:53–55 84n20 27:4 84n19 27:7 84n19 27:14 175 27:15–23 154 27:18 185n16, 259n9 27:23 185n16, 259n9 28:1–8 113n94 28:26 91n42 29:7 487 31:8 87 31:16 87 32:13 171n240 Deuteronomy 61 1:2 169n235 1:6 169n235 1:6–17 432 1:9–18 153n200 1:31 266 2:5 164 2:7 171n240 4:7 345n119

Ancient Sources: Old Testament 517 4:12 195n49 4:15 169n235 4:16 302n17 4:19 173 4:23–25 302n17 4:29 344n116 4:34 267n35, 275, 299n8 4:37 267, 275 5:2 169n235 5:8 302n17 5:15 267n35, 275 5:26 289n96 6:22 299n8 7:1 267n36, 275 8:2 84n25, 171n240 8:4 171n240 9:10 172 9:12 450n151 9:16 84, 84n26, 450n151 9:26 267n35 9:29 267n35 10:9 135n145 10:15 267, 275 10:15–17 275 10:17 236 10:22 165n229 11:28 450n151 12:12 135n145, 186 12:13–28 303n19 12:16 303n20 12:23–24 303n20 13:5 450n151 13:15 437 14:27 186 14:29 186 15:4 109 15:23 303n20 16:10 91n42 16:16 91n42 17:3 173 17:7 176n253 17:20 84n26 18 117–18 18:1–2 135n145 18:1–8 135n144 18:10–11 261n19 18:15 43, 111, 114, 162, 171, 277 18:15–19 54, 118, 131n129 18:19 111, 114 19:15 209 19:16–18 158n218 19:16–19 432 20:17 267n36, 275, 437 21:22–23 177, 239n121 23:1 189, 191 23:4 87n38 25:1–3 149

27:15 302n17 28:28–29 262 28:45 172n242 28:62 172n242 29:5 171n240 29:17 302n17 29:18 186 30:3 94n48 30:4 177n254 31 161n224 31:6–8 493n38 31:29 450n151 32:5 106n73 32:8 344n115 32:21 302n17 32:46–47 172 33:2 175 33:9 172n241 33:16 171 34:7 168 34:9 259n9 Joshua 161n224 1:9 352n151 2:15 200 3:3 174 3:10 267n36, 275, 289n96 3:14 174 5:6 171n240 5:15 170n237 6:17–19 138 7 137–38 7:6 429n69 13:3 188 17:4–6 84n19 18:1 174 18:10 84n27 22:13 433n90 23:9 174 24:1–5 267, 275 24:11 267n36, 275 24:18 174 24:32 166 24:33 433n90 Judges 161n224, 266 1:31 406 2:4 428 2:15 262 2:17 450n151 2:22 450n151 3:9 268, 276 3:15 268, 276 6:23 493n38 6:29 429n70 7:15 8 8:1 331 13:5–7 357 14:1 234

16 188 17:4 378n245 17:6 84n18 18:1 84n18 18:6 328n59 19:1 84n18 Ruth 1:13 262 1 Samuel 161n224 1:11 357 1:17 328n59 1:22 357 2:12 446n135 3:4 195n47, 197n53, 211 3:20 267n38, 275 4:9 436n103 4:18 266 5:6 262 6:17 188 7:13 262 8:5 267, 275 8:10 267, 275 10:21 267, 275 10:24 267, 275 10:27 446n135 12:3 400 12:15 262 13 267n40 13:1 267n39, 275 13:14 55, 174, 267, 275 14:41–42 89n41 14:45 496n49 15:23 267, 275 16:1 267, 275 16:7 84n25 16:9–10 298 16:12–13 267, 275 16:13 84n19, 238 17:26 289n96 17:36 289n96 20:42 328n59 25:17 446n135 25:23–24 234n113 25:25 446n135 30:2 477 30:22 446n135 2 Samuel 161n224 1:16 352n145 7 161n224 7:4–17 275, 276, 277 7:12 267, 278 7:12–13 277, 472 7:13 174 14:9 352n145 14:11 496n49 15:9 328n59

518 2 Samuel (continued) 15:25 174 20:10 84, 84n24 22:50–51 276 22:51 267 24:15–16 255n185 24:17 432n88 1 Kings 1:25 433n90 1:52 496n49 2:37 352n145 4:29–34 167 5–8 161n224, 174 5:3 174 6:2 174 8:9 169n235 8:14–21 161 8:16 298 8:20 174, 298 8:23–53 345n119 8:27 162, 174 8:39 84n25 8:44 298 8:48 346n128 11:7 173n244 13:34 86 15:29–30 86 17:19 225 17:21 392 18 262 18:12 66n182, 191n33 18:36 43n129, 114n97 19:5 251 19:8 169n235 19:10 175n250 19:11–12 92n44 19:14 175n250 21–22 86 21:27 195 2 Kings 2:1–12 274n53 2:11 75 2:16 66n182, 191n33 4:33–35 392 4:35 225 4:37 234n113 5:19 328n59 6:18 262 7:1 124n115 9:25–26 86n33 9:30–32 189 10:32 84n18 15:37 84n18 17 180n5, 182 17:12 338 19:4 289n96 19:15 131, 289n97, 343n106 19:16 289n96

Ancient Sources: Old Testament 19:35 255n185 20:16 124n115 21:22 450n151 23:2 477 23:5 173 23:9 84n19 23:10 173n244 25:19 189n25 1 Chronicles 1:1–2:2 96n56 8:12 223 9:38 84n19 12:17 43n129 15:14 433n90 17 161n224 22:6–19 161 24:31 84n27 25:8 84n27 25:8–9 89n41 26:13–14 84n27 26:14 89n41 28 161n224 28:4–5 298 28:9 84n25 29:18 43n129, 114n97 2 Chronicles 2–7 161n224 5:6 229n102 5:10 169n235 6:5–6 298 6:34 298 7:12 298 12:15 10 13:7 446n135 13:22 10 15:7 436n103 18:18 124n115 19:7 236 20:6 43n129 20:14 190 24:20 190 24:20–22 175n250 28:26 10 30:8 175n249 35:17 389n288 35:18 267n38, 275 36:16 175n250 Ezra 7:6 245n145 7:27 43n129 7:28 245n145 8:1 84n22 Nehemiah 1:4 259n6 5:13 351 9:6 131, 289n97, 343n106 9:6–37 161

9:7 298 9:9–11 171 9:10 171 9:16 175n249 9:16–17 172n242 9:18 172 9:21 171n240 9:26 175n250 10:34 84n27 11:1 84n27 11:35 223 13:2 87n38 Esther 2:3 189 2:14–15 189 8:3 234n113 Job 1:6–9 476n227 1:12 476n227 2:12 429n69 11:4 396 16:9 176 19:2 444 33:9 396 34:19 236 42:6 346n128 Psalms 2 144 2:1 196 2:1–2 55, 65, 111, 131– 32, 269n43 2:2 131n132, 132 2:7 55, 131n131, 200, 265, 272, 277, 333 2:8 28n94 2:9 131n131 7:12 346n128 7:13 210 8:4–6 345n124 9:7–8 346 12:6 172n241 12:7–8 106n73 14:4 197n58 15:4 229n102 15:10 272 16 54, 99, 104–5, 142n156, 144, 472 16:8–11 54, 99, 103, 131n129, 132, 278 16:10 119, 131, 265, 272–73, 333 18:1–2 324 18:3 197n58 18:7 133n134, 326n51 19:14 171 22:8 54 22:22 104n68 22:23 229n102

Ancient Sources: Old Testament 519 22:27 114n99, 121n107 22:28 50n143 27:1 194 27:12 158n218 27:14 436n103 29:3 164 31:5 176 31:6 302n17 31:24 436n103 32:1–2 274n54 34:19 165 35:3 324 35:11 158n218 35:13 195 35:16 176 37:12 176 37:39 324 40:6–8 104n68 42:2 289n96 44:1 297 44:21 84n25 51:14 324 55:17 113, 231 60:1–2 326n51 63:2 176 68:31 188 69:18–25 82 69:21–28 83 69:25 54, 65n181, 80, 82 69:28 282n68 74:17 344nn114–15 77:5 297 78 161 78:8 106n73 78:18 298 78:34 346n128 78:35 171 78:37 184, 186 78:41 298 78:58 302n17 89 267n40 89:20 55, 267, 275 91:13 501n65 95:10 171n240 96:5 302n17 96:11–13 346 97:7 302n17 98:8–9 346 99:6 197n58, 425n66 104:25 477 105:21 165 105:22 165 105:24 167 105:27 171 105:44 174 106 161 106:14 298 106:19 169n235, 172 106:25 172n242 107:11 172n241

107:13–16 326n53 107:19–20 269n44 107:20 237 109:2 83 109:4–5 83 109:8 54, 65n181, 80, 82–83, 88 110 99, 104–5, 144, 472 110:1 54, 99, 103, 105, 131n129, 132 115:4 174 116:4 197n58 116:13 197n58 116:17 197n58 118:4 229n102 118:22 54, 70, 111, 127–28, 131n129 118:26 366n200 119 299 119:33 450n151 119:158 172n241 132:5 174 132:11 54, 267, 277 132:11–12 276 132:17 267–68 135:9 299n8 143:5 297 145:15 290n100 145:18 345n119 146:5–6 131 146:6 54, 289n97, 343n106 147:8 290n100 147:18 269n44 147:18–19 237 Proverbs 1:22–23 346n128 8:20 450n151 10:9 262 11:18 87 14:5 158n218 19:25 446n135 24:9 446n135 24:28 158n218 28:10 87n39 Isaiah 1:10 124n115 2:2 100 2:8 174 5:9 246 5:11 101n64 5:24 172n241 6:1 176 6:1–10 512 6:1–13 213, 426 6:9–10 51, 55, 512n94 9:1–2 476 13:13 133n134 14:11 254n184

14:14 174n247 18:2 188 18:7 188 20 407 24:17–20 133n134 26:19 472 28:13 172n241 28:14 124n115 29:5–6 326n51 30:21 450n151 32:15 90 33:24 239n127 34:17 89n41 37:16 131, 289nn96–97; 343n106 37:26 297 37:36 255n185 40–66 90 40:3 194, 362n186, 450n151 40:18–20 338n82 40:19 302n17 41:10 352n151 42:1 90 42:5 343n106 42:6 476 42:6–7 212, 476 42:16 212 43:5 352n151 43:23 444 44:3 90 44:9–20 338n82 44:17 302n17 44:28 55, 275 45:20 302n17 45:21 300 48:17 450n151 48:20 73 49:1 217 49:6 55, 68, 73, 281, 282n65 49:8 282n65 52–53 117–18, 131 52:7 238 52:11 235n114 52:13 42, 114, 116–18 52:13–53:12 190 53 54, 70 53:2 42 53:4–6 191 53:7–8 55 53:11 43 53:12 70, 114, 117, 277 55:3 55, 265, 272, 277, 333, 472 55:6 344n116 56:3 189 56:3–7 189 56:6–7 237

520 Isaiah (continued) 57:19 106 58:6 90, 186 58:8 190 58:11 238 60:14 234n113 61:1 238 61:1–2 90, 111, 127 62:11 73 63:10 175 65:5 396 65:17 168 65:17–25 120 66 162 66:1–2 54–55, 159–61 66:15 92n44 66:18–20 96n56 66:22–23 120 66:24 254n184 Jeremiah 1:4–5 424 1:5 198, 217 1:8 352n151 1:10 198 1:19 352n151 2:5 289 2:30 175n250 3:15 267, 275 3:18 267, 275 5:4 450n151 5:24 290n100 5:27 262 6:10 175 6:22 73 7:18 173 8:2 173 9:26 175 10:5 302n17 11:20 84n25 13:23 188 17:10 84n25 19:13 173 23:3 94n48 23:1–4 399n322 23:17 172 23:23–24 345n119 26:23 175n250 29:13 344n116 32:35 173n244 36:20–26 374n234 41:8 84n19 43:6 456 44:20 456 49:2 186 50:25 210 51:35 352n145 Lamentations 1:7 297 2:10 429n69

Ancient Sources: Old Testament 2:17 297 3:15 186 3:19 186 Ezekiel 1:1 176n252 1:3 245n145 1:28 194n46 2:1–2 476 3:14 191n33, 245n145 3:23–24 194n46 7:4 432n88 8:3 66n182, 191n33 11:1 66n182, 191n33 11:5 190 11:19 90 11:24 66n182, 191n33 13:10–16 432 14:6 346n128 16:36 303n18 18:6 303n18 18:12 303n18 18:15 303n18 20:5–31 161 20:18 302n17 20:31 302n17 22:3–4 302n17 22:27 399n327 23:7 303n18 23:30 302n17 23:37 303n18 27:30 429n69 33:4–6 352n145 34 399n322 36:18 302n17 36:25 302n17 36:26–27 90 37:1 245n145 37:1–14 472 37:23 302n17 38–39 96n56 40:1 245n145 43:3 194n46 44:4 194n46 44:7 175 44:9 175 45:21–24 389n288 47:13 472n219 Daniel 1:8–17 235n114 2:5 186 2:23 43n129 3:26 174 3:26 LXX 43n129, 174n247 3:28 252n173 3:29 186 3:52 LXX 43n129 3:96 Theod. 186 6:10 113, 231

6:11 326n52 6:20 289n96 7 344 8:4 187 8:9 187 8:17 194n46 9:3 259n6 10–12 436n102 10:7 195n49 10:7–21 475n224 10:9 194n46 10:12 493n38 10:18–19 436n102 11 96n56 12:1 282n68 12:2 280, 451n155 12:2–3 472 Hosea 1:10 289n96 6:2 472 14:9 262 Joel 2 54, 99, 103 2:28 100 2:28–32 54, 90, 98, 101 2:30 92 2:32 197 Amos 5:18–20 102 5:25–27 54–55, 159–61, 173 9:11–12 55, 68, 300–302, 424 Obadiah 15 102 Jonah 488 1:2 213 1:5 491n28 1:7 89n41 2:8 289 3:1 213 3:5 195 Micah 7:8 194 Nahum 1:15 238 3:2 429 Habakkuk 1:5

55, 259, 265, 274, 274n56 2:18 302n17 Zephaniah 1:7–16 102 3:10 188

Ancient Sources: OT Apocrypha 521 Haggai 2:4 436 2:5 91 Zechariah 2:10–13 301n12 3:1–2 476n227 8:15 84n18 10:3 399n322 11:16 399n322 12:10 90 12:10–13 177 14:4–5 326n51 Malachi 1:10–11 237 3:1–2 266 4:4 169n235 OT APOCRYPHA Tobit 1:10–11 235n114 2:1 91n42 5:4–8 253n175 5:10 436n103 5:22 253n175 7:6 401n336 7:16b 343n109 7:17 LXX 343n109 8:5 43n129 11:13 196 12:8 230n106 13:13 94n48 Judith 4:8 143n160 4:8–15 250 4:13 259n6 5:5–21 161 8:12 298 8:26 293 8:35 328n59 9:12 131, 343n109 10:8 43n129 11:14 143n160 12:1–2 235n114 13:13 477 14:8 84n18 14:14–18 289 15:8 143n160 16:17 254n184 Additions to Esther 16:10–11 500n63 Wisdom of Solomon 2:2 87 4:19 84n23 5:4 480n234 5:5 477n230 5:15 87 6:7 238

7:1 235 7:1–6 289n95 7:15 84n22 7:18 344n114 8:3 238 9:9 343n108 12:19 243n138 13–15 338n82 13:6–7 344n116 14:8 302n17 14:12 303n18 14:18 472n218 14:27 472n218 18:3 84n22 19:10 267, 275 Sirach Prologue, last line 471n213 1:30 262 4:31 400n335 6:35 8n36 7:10 230n106 7:17 254n184 9:15 8n36 10:8–11 254n184 10:20 84n19 11:22 88 17:15 297 17:24 346n128 19:3 254n184 19:26 262 20:4 189n25 21:6 346n128 22:6 8n36 27:11 8n36 27:13 8n36 28:7 346n127 34:31 259n6 35:1–13 230n107 35:14 236 35:14–17 236 38:11 230n107 38:25 8n36 39:2 8n36 39:24 262 45:16 230n107 46:13 267n38, 275 48:21 255n185 49:10 173 Baruch 1:4 477 1:5 259n6 2:30 175n249 4:5 436n103 4:36–37 94n48 5:5–6 94n48 Susanna 14 Theod. 429n70 46 352

Bel and the Dragon 18 383n259 41 383n259 1 Maccabees 11n67 1:21–23 447n142 1:54 447n142 2:19–22 149n185 2:23 420n47 2:49–68 149n185 3:9 73 3:38 154n205 3:46 320 3:51 447n142 4:2 84n22 4:15 192n35 7:26–50 154 7:41 255n185 8:1–32 508n88 10:24 265n33 10:61 446n135 10:77–84 192n35 11:29 441n119 11:34 223 11:71 429n69 12:6 143n160 12:16 508n88 14:24 508n88 14:33 420n47 15:2 441n119 15:3 446n135 15:15–23 96n58 15:16–21 193 15:21 446n135 15:23 135n146, 157n215, 260n12 2 Maccabees 11n67, 85n29 1:4 322 1:10 143n160 1:27 177n254 2:18 94n48 2:23 157n215 2:32 8n37 3:1–40 61, 85, 255n185 3:27–29 204n81 3:39 432n88 4 334 4:6 446n130 4:31 385n271 4:47 499 5:15 84n22 6:1 431n80 6:17 8n37 7 149n185 7:9 280 7:19 61, 149 7:23 343n108 7:27 266

522 2 Maccabees (continued) 8:9–36 154n205 8:33 87 9 61, 85, 85n29, 255n185 9:5–6 85, 85n31 9:5–9 254n184 10:25 429n69 11:8 235 11:16 441n119 11:25 431n80 12:32 91n42 14:1–15:37 61, 85, 154n205, 255n185 14:15 429n69 14:35 344n111 15:11 265n33 1 Esdras 1:20 267n38, 275 3:3 326n54 9:40 433n90 9:49 433n90 3 Maccabees 11n67 1:18 429n69 1:23 421n52 3:4 229n102, 235n114, 431n80 5:50 84n23 6:23 84n23 7:5 499 7:20 320 2 Esdras (4 Ezra) 3:18 133n134 4:2 450n151 5:13 259n6 5:34 450n151 6:13 476 6:13–16 133n134 6:31 259n6 7:28–32 120n106 7:32–44 451n155 13:10 92n44 13:25–36 120n105 13:29–50 94n48 14:1 195n47 4 Maccabees 2:8 431n80 4:10 194 5:7 472n218 5:13 472n218 5:25 343n108 8:19 84 12:13 289n95 12:17 450n152 15:3 280 16:16 421n52

Ancient Sources: New Testament NEW TESTAMENT Matthew 26, 38, 59n165, 151 1:2–3 472n220 1:20 317n20 2:12–13 317n20 2:19 317n20 2:22 317n20 2:23 103n67 3:1–12 268, 366n197 3:3 194, 362n186 3:7–10 478 3:11 92n46, 243, 268, 366n198 3:14 191 3:16 232 3:17 272 4:13 103n67 5:34–35 174 6:2–4 451n158 6:2–6 230n106 7:15 399n327 9:3 474 9:18 259n7 9:20–22 140, 371n219 9:25 225 10:1 77, 153n196 10:1–4 77, 153n196 10:2 249 10:5–6 180n5 10:5–14 77 10:14 351n144 10:16 399n327 10:30 496n50 10:40 195n48 11:3 366n199 11:5 59n165 11:10 266 11:25 343n109 11:21 371n217 11:21–22 404n7 11:28–30 298n6 12:1–14 158n220 12:10 187 12:22–24 480n234 12:27 372n222 12:29 373 12:46–50 78n11 13:13 512 13:19 124n116 13:20 124n114 13:22 124n114 13:23 124n114 13:54 371n217 13:55 78n12, 253 13:58 371n217 14:1 258n4 14:19 109

14:34–36 371n219 15:36 109 15:1–20 158n220 15:21 404n7 15:43 270n45 16:16–18 301n10 16:21 239n122 16:21–23 60n168 17:1 250 17:20 155n211 17:22–23 60n168 17:23 239n122 18:6 134n135 19:16–30 280 19:28 78, 176n251, 472nn219, 221 20:17 153n196 20:17–19 60n168, 77, 407n17 20:19 239n122 20:20–28 250 20:23 250 21:9 366n200 21:11 103n67 21:21 155n211 21:23 126 21:42 70, 111n88 21:42–44 127 21:44 127 21:45 127 22:16 362n186 22:23–33 124n112, 434 23:4 298n7 23:15 280 23:35 175n250 23:39 366n200 25:1–13 391n297 25:31 176n251 25:35–40 195n48 25:42–45 195n48 26:3 126n118 26:14 78, 153n196 26:20 78 26:26 108, 391, 496n47 26:39 407 26:42 407 26:47 78 26:57 126n118 26:59–61 158n219 26:60–61 69n189 26:63 77n9, 190, 372n220 26:64 176n251 26:65 289, 474n223 26:69 95n50 26:73 95 27:2 407n17 27:3–10 69, 79, 85 27:8 85n32 27:19 317n20, 353

Ancient Sources: New Testament 523 27:24 352 27:25 352n145 27:26 149 27:34 82 27:40 158n219 27:57 270n45 27:57–61 270n45 27:64 239n122 28:1 391 28:4 392n300 28:9 234 28:16 78 28:17 234 28:18 238 28:19 366n201 Mark 5–6, 24, 26, 38, 59n165, 60, 151, 239 1:1–8 366n197 1:2 266 1:2–3 238 1:2–11 238 1:3 194, 362n186 1:4 239n131 1:4–5 268 1:7 268, 366n198 1:8 92n46, 243 1:9 103n67, 238 1:9–11 238 1:10 232 1:11 272 1:14 238 1:21–28 238, 372n228 1:22 262–63n27 1:24 103n67, 238 1:26 180 1:27 263n27 1:32–34 238 2:16 435 2:23–3:6 158n220 3:7 238 3:8 404n7 3:13–19 77 3:16–19 153n196 3:17 249 3:19–21 78n11 3:21–22 480n234 3:27 373 3:31–35 78n11 3:35 398n320 4:12 512 4:16 124n114 4:18 124n114 4:20 124n114 5:7 174n248, 324n45 5:20 237n118 5:21–43 265n32 5:22 223

5:25–34 371n219 5:27–33 140 5:31–16:20 25 5:39 392 5:40 225 6:2 371n217 6:3 78n12, 253 6:5 259n7 6:6–13 77 6:7 153n196 6:11 282n73, 351n144 6:14 258n4, 465n203 6:14–29 258n4 6:20 454n166 6:53–56 371n219 7:1–23 158n220, 237n118 7:24 404n7 7:25 234n113 7:26 237n118, 404n7 7:31–37 237n118 7:32 259n7 8:23 259n7 8:25 259n7 8:31 239n122 8:31–33 60n168 9:2 250 9:26 392n300 9:30 238 9:30–32 60n168 9:31 239n122 9:34 331 9:38–41 372n222 9:42 134n135 9:48 254n184 10:1 238 10:17–31 280 10:20 471 10:32 153n196 10:32–34 60n168, 77, 407n17 10:34 239n122 10:35–45 250 10:39 250 10:45 191 10:46 35n111 10:47 103n67 11:9 35n111, 366n200 11:22–23 155n211 11:27–28 126 12:6 127 12:10 70, 111n88 12:10–11 127 12:12 127 12:14 362n186 12:18–27 124n112, 434 13:36 194 14:10 78, 153n196 14:17 78 14:21–41 239n121

14:22 108, 391, 496n47 14:32 35n111 14:36 407 14:43 78 14:55–58 158n219 14:56–58 69n189 14:61 190 14:62 176n251 14:63 289 14:63–64 474n223 14:67 103n67 14:70 95, 95n50 15:1 407n17 15:7 119, 386n277 15:15 149 15:22 35n111 15:23 82 15:29 158n219 15:42–47 270n45 15:43 270n45 16:1–8 239n122 16:2 391 16:9 390 16:14 78 16:15 59n165 16:18 501 16:19 75 Luke 1–2

1–2, 4n27, 5–6, 6n34, 8, 26, 38, 59n165, 67n183, 239 38, 50–51, 78, 142n155 1:1 7–8 1:1–4 3–4, 7, 38, 68, 72 1:2 121n108 1:3 7, 73, 441 1:5 97n60, 249n163 1:11 170n236, 188n21 1:13 170n236 1:11–19 231n110 1:12 373n230 1:13 493n37 1:14 191n34 1:15 357 1:16 198n62 1:18–19 170n236 1:19 59 1:21 415n27 1:26 95, 103n67, 170n236, 202, 209 1:26–38 231n110 1:30 170n236, 281n59, 493n37 1:32 174n248, 324n45 1:32–33 334n74 1:34–35 170n236 1:35 119, 131, 174n248, 324n45

524 Luke (continued) 1:38 170n236 1:56 209 1:65 97n60, 373n230 1:66 245n145 1:68 171 1:69 43, 276 1:69–71 269n44 1:76 174n248, 324n45, 362n186 1:77 120n104, 239n131, 269n44 1:79 68, 237–38 2:1 224, 247n154, 447n140, 459n186 2:1–7 6n33, 161 2:4 95, 97n60, 103n67, 209, 238 2:8–21 231n110 2:9 188n21, 251, 373n230 2:9–10 170n236 2:10 59, 493n37 2:11 268, 276 2:13 170n236, 194, 243n137 2:14 174n248, 238 2:20 243n137 2:21 162 2:22–24 412 2:23 119 2:25 93, 177 2:25–35 301n10 2:25–38 222 2:26 74 2:29 131n130 2:29–32 281 2:32 68, 196 2:34 68 2:37 259 2:39 95, 103n67, 202, 209 2:40 281n59, 292n109 2:41 92n43 2:47 182n11 2:51 103n67, 209 2:52 157, 281n59 3:1 97n60, 249n163, 258n4, 459n186 3:1–2 6n33 3:1–17 238, 276, 366n197 3:2 126, 126n118 3:3 106, 120n104, 213, 239n131, 276, 365 3:3–14 268 3:4 194, 362n186 3:4–6 190 3:6 68 3:7–9 478 3:8 106, 213

Ancient Sources: New Testament 3:10 105, 327 3:10–14 6n33 3:15–17 74 3:16 89, 92n46, 106, 243, 268, 276, 366n198 3:18 59, 406, 456, 493n33 3:18–20 276 3:19 6n33, 249n163 3:19–20 258n4 3:20 250 3:21 176n252, 232 3:21–22 74, 79, 238 3:22 131, 157, 272, 277 3:33–34 472n220 4:1 176, 246 4:1–15 74 4:2 224 4:5 447n140 4:13–20 155 4:14 95n51, 176, 238 4:14–30 157 4:16 103n67, 209, 238, 263, 446 4:16–30 71, 74, 82, 90, 112n89, 127, 238, 369 4:17–19 190 4:17–21 363 4:18 406 4:18–19 111 4:18–21 176 4:20 158 4:21 72, 191 4:24–28 168 4:29 176 4:31 95n51 4:31–37 324, 372n228 4:32 262n27 4:34 103n67, 119, 209 4:36 140, 157 4:38 78n10 4:38–39 502 4:38–41 502 4:40 185n17, 197, 259n7, 502 4:40–41 238 4:41 429 4:42 437, 496n46 4:43 59n166, 68n184, 73n1, 183, 406 4:44 95n51, 97n60 5:1 124n114, 153, 280 5:1–11 76n7, 78, 202 5:3–10 78n10 5:8 289n95 5:10 253n177, 493n37 5:13 199

5:17

95n51, 97n60, 223n85 5:17–20 119n103 5:17–26 114, 223, 287 5:18 180 5:24 223, 239n131 5:25–26 243n137 5:26 373n230 5:27–28 76n7 5:30 151, 151n189, 435 5:32 106 5:33 259n6, 366n194 5:35 224 6:1–11 158n220 6:12 224 6:12–16 76n7, 77, 202 6:13 496n46 6:13–16 153n196 6:14 78, 78n10, 180, 249, 253n177 6:15 253n178 6:16 253n179 6:17 97n60, 404n7 6:18 140, 180, 300 6:18–19 223n85 6:19 140 6:20 68n184, 73n1 6:20–22 400 6:22 60 6:23 175n250, 191n34 6:32–36 322n40 6:35 174n248, 324n45 6:37 176 7:1–10 119n103, 237n118 7:1–17 392 7:3 247n157 7:5 230 7:7 223n85 7:11–17 119n103 7:14 225 7:16 243n137, 373n230 7:17 97n60 7:18 366n194 7:19 366n199 7:22 59n166 7:27 266, 362n186 7:28 68n184, 73n1 7:29 366n197 7:30 281n63, 398n320 7:41 91 7:50 328n59 8:1 59n166, 68n184, 73n1, 77, 183 8:1–3 78, 183 8:3 249n163 8:4–8 352 8:8 256 8:10 68n184, 74, 512 8:11 153, 179, 280

Ancient Sources: New Testament 525 8:12 327n56 8:13 124n114, 134n135, 185n13, 280 8:15 124n114, 352 8:19–21 78n11 8:21 124n114, 153, 280 8:22 260, 485 8:26 95n51 8:26–39 238, 324 8:27 182n10 8:28 174n248, 180, 324n45 8:37 373n230 8:39 8 8:41 223 8:41–42 392 8:43–48 119n103, 371n219 8:44 140 8:47 223n85 8:49 265n32 8:49–56 392 8:50 493n37 8:51 253n177 8:54 225 8:56 182n11 9:1 59, 153n196 9:1–2 77 9:2 68, 223n85 9:5 282n73, 351n144 9:6 59, 179n1 9:7 233, 258n4 9:7–9 249n163, 258n4 9:11 68n184, 183, 223n85 9:12 72 9:14 91 9:20 74 9:21–22 60n168 9:22 68n187, 239n122, 247n157, 333, 346n130, 478n233 9:23–25 397 9:27 68n184 9:28 250, 253n177 9:28–36 78 9:31 68n187, 478n233 9:36 224 9:42 223n85 9:43–45 60n168 9:44 68n187, 478n233 9:46 331 9:47 340n91 9:49 372n222 9:51 75, 238 9:51–19:27 47, 61, 402, 402n1 9:52 39n125 9:52–53 180n5

9:52–55 183 9:54 253n177 9:60–62 68n184 10:1 39n125, 150n187, 154 10:1–12 60 10:3 399n327 10:4–12 282n73 10:9 68n184 10:11 68n184 10:13 371n217 10:13–14 404n7 10:16 60, 195n48 10:17–20 180 10:19 501 10:20 191n34 10:21 343n109 10:25–28 280 10:29–37 180n5 10:39 124n114 10:41 195n47 11:1 366n194 11:2 398n320 11:14–15 480n234 11:14–26 238 11:19 372n222 11:20 68n184 11:21–23 373 11:28 124n114, 153, 280 11:32 243n138 11:41 225, 451n158 11:46 298n7 11:49 177 11:51 175n250 12:1 398 12:7 496n50 12:8 433 12:8–12 60 12:9 171n238 12:11 384n269, 469n209 12:11–12 60, 127, 469 12:13–21 185 12:23 397 12:32 399n321, 493n37 12:33 225, 451n158 12:40 239n129 13:3–5 213, 327n58 13:3–7 243n138 13:6–17 158n220 13:10 263 13:13 197, 243n137, 259n7, 502 13:14 265n32 13:14–16 263 13:17 191n34 13:18–20 68n184

13:28–29 68n184 13:31 249n163 13:31–32 258n4 13:31–35 112n89 13:33 68n187, 478n233 13:33–34 43, 213, 407 13:34–35 6 13:35 366n200 14:1–6 158n220 14:4 223n85, 340n91 14:5 263 14:14 451n155 14:15 68n185 14:15–24 68 14:26 397 15:5–7 191n34 15:7 243n138, 327n58, 346n128 15:8 374 15:10 243n138, 327n58 15:11–32 243 15:17 252 15:32 191n34 16:6 91 16:16 59n166, 68n184, 183 16:28 106n72, 397n312 16:30 243n138, 346n128 17:3–4 243n138 17:11 95n51 17:11–19 180n5 17:15 223n85, 243n137 17:18 243n137 17:20–21 68n184 17:24–26 239n129 17:25 60, 68n187, 333, 478n233 17:30 239n129 17:33 397 18:11 342n94 18:12 390 18:16–17 68n184 18:18–30 280 18:21 471 18:24–25 68n184 18:29 68n184 18:31 153n196 18:31–33 68n187, 478n233 18:31–34 60n168, 77, 407n17 18:33 239n122, 346n130 18:35 35n111 18:35–43 114 18:37 103n67, 209

526 Luke (continued) 18:43 243n137 19:1–10 186 19:6 191n34 19:8 342n94 19:9 269n44 19:11 68n185 19:11–27 6n33, 112n89 19:20 370 19:28 238 19:28–23:56 61 19:37 191n34, 243n137, 371n217 19:38 334n74, 35n111, 174n248, 366n200 19:43–44 6, 162 19:46 320 19:47 108n80, 457n175, 508 20:1 59n166, 126, 247n157 20:1–2 126 20:4 366n197 20:9 182n10 20:13 127 20:17 70, 111, 111n88 20:17–18 127 20:19 249 20:20 340n91 20:21 362n186 20:22–25 459n186 20:26 340n91 20:27–33 434 20:27–40 124n112 20:37 346n130 20:41–44 103 21:6 158 21:8 399 21:11 133 21:12 141n149, 177, 249, 282n72 21:14 384n269, 469n209 21:15 157 21:18 496n50 21:20–24 6, 162 21:21 97n60 21:24 158, 196, 344n113 21:26 373n230, 447n140 21:27 239n126, 239n129 21:31 68n184 21:36 239n126, 239n129 22–23 402 22–24 103 22:1–2 92n43 22:1 389n288 22:2 126, 200 22:3 78, 137 22:3–4 153n196 22:4 123–24

Ancient Sources: New Testament 22:4–6 119 22:7 389n288 22:8 113n90, 185n14 22:14 78 22:16–18 68n184 22:18–22 119 22:19 108, 391, 496n47 22:19–20 191 22:28–30 72, 78 22:30 472nn219, 221 22:31 78n10, 195n47 22:37 70, 117–18, 190, 211, 277 22:40 35n111 22:41 225n88 22:42 398n320, 407 22:43 142n155, 231n110 22:47 78 22:48 119 22:51 223n85 22:52 124, 126, 247n157 22:53 249 22:54–62 82 22:56 128 22:59 76n7, 95n50 22:61 280 22:63 149 22:66 108n80, 126, 422, 445, 496n46 22:66–71 158, 269 22:66–23:1 407n17 22:66–23:16 128 22:67–70 190 22:69 176n251, 239n129 22:69–71 474n223 22:70 200 23:1–6 119n102 23:1–25 269n43, 276 23:2 132 23:2–4 334n74 23:4 69n190, 119, 191, 276, 328, 425, 435n98, 458n182 23:5 76n7, 97n60 23:5–6 95n51 23:6 128 23:6–12 69 23:6–15 258n4 23:6–16 132, 190 23:7 224 23:7–8 249n163 23:8 182n10 23:11 132 23:11–12 249n163 23:11–13 119n102 23:13 126, 132 23:13–15 119, 425, 435n98 23:13–25 276

23:14 458n182 23:14–15 69n190, 191, 276, 328 23:15 249n163 23:18 417, 429 23:18–25 277 23:19 386n277, 436n99 23:20 119, 119n102 23:20–22 69n190 23:22 119, 191, 276, 425, 435n98, 458n182 23:23 35n111 23:24 119n102 23:25 118–19, 386n277, 436n99 23:26 245n142, 340n91 23:26–31 177 23:32–49 239n121 23:34 60, 83, 176, 346n127 23:35 74, 126, 132 23:36 82, 132 23:37–38 334n74 23:41 69n190, 119, 191, 276, 425, 435n98, 456 23:42 334n74 23:46 60, 176 23:47 43, 69n190, 86, 116, 119, 175, 211, 243n137, 276, 328, 425 23:49 78, 95, 202, 270, 277, 336 23:50 177, 246 23:50–51 270n45 23:50–56 270n45, 277 23:51 10, 68n185, 270n45 23:52 119n102 23:55 78, 95, 336 23:2 459n186 24 73, 82, 239, 270, 277 24:1 391 24:1–12 239n122, 277 24:4 76, 142n155, 233, 251 24:5–7 346n130 24:6 76n7, 95n51 24:6–7 407n17 24:7 68n187, 118–19, 172, 239n122, 478n233 24:9 78 24:10 78, 253n180 24:12 78 24:13–49 239nn123, 124; 270

Ancient Sources: New Testament 527 24:14–15 392n301 24:18 224 24:19 103n67, 167, 209, 371n217 24:20 118–19, 132, 269n43, 276 24:22 182n11 24:23 76, 142n155, 231n110 24:24 173 24:26 68n187, 73, 331, 333, 478n233 24:27 191, 238, 451n153, 478n232, 511n93 24:28–35 74 24:30 108, 392 24:30–31 496 24:33 78 24:34 78n10 24:35 108 24:39 345n118 24:41 253 24:44 49, 54, 173, 238, 451n153, 478n232, 511n93 24:44–46 68n187 24:44–47 60 24:44–49 239n125 24:45 322 24:46 73, 239n122, 331, 333, 346n130, 478n233 24:47 68, 106, 120n104, 239nn127, 131; 327n58 24:48 52n145, 239n128 24:49 74, 89, 271n49 24:50–51 72 24:51 73, 270 24:53 101 John 26, 113, 151, 154, 280 1:12 134n137 1:15 366n198 1:19–42 276 1:23 194, 362n186 1:26–27 366n198 1:27 268 1:29–30 190 1:33 92n46 1:41 131n132 1:45 103n67 1:45–46 103n67 1:51 176n252, 232 2:19 69n189 2:19–22 158n219 3:2 238 3:13 75

3:14 75 3:15–18 134n137 3:23 368n207 3:23–24 268 3:26–30 368n207 3:36 134n137 4 180n5 4:1 268 4:4–42 180n5 4:22 269n44 4:40 240 4:42 268 4:53 243n134, 322n39, 352n149 5:8 223 5:18 474n223 5:22 239nn126, 130; 346n129 5:24 124n116 5:27 239n130, 346n129 6:11 496n47 6:62 75 7:12 151n189 7:27 103n67 7:35 177n254 8:28 75 8:29 238 10:1–18 399n321 10:7–18 399n327 10:20 480n234 10:23 113n93 11:32 234n113 11:44 370 11:49 126n118 12:13 366n200 12:20 189, 450n149 12:31 212, 476n228 12:32–34 75 12:40 512 12:41 176 13:2 137 13:27 137 14:6 362n186 14:19–24 239n128 14:24 124n116 14:30 212, 476n228 15:26–27 239n128 16:8 454n167 16:11 212, 476n228 17:20 134n137 18:13 193n38 18:13–14 126n118 18:19–24 432n87 18:24 126n118 18:28 126n118 19:13 353 19:15 417, 429 19:20 417 19:31 391

19:38 270n45 19:38–42 270n45 19:39–42 270n45 20:1 391 20:7 370 21:13 239n124 20:17 75 20:19 391 20:22 90 20:23 274n54 20:31 199 21:15–17 399n321 Acts 4n27, 5, 6, 6nn32,34; 7, 8, 9, 11, 20, 26, 38 For subsections of Acts, also see table of contents 1 49 1–2 115 1–6 43 1–7 31, 184 1–12 32, 34, 298 1–15 32, 36, 294 1:1 7, 15, 444 1:1–2 4, 7, 16, 21, 35, 59, 142 1:1–3 68, 72 1:1–8 19 1:1–11 270 1:1–26 22, 71–89 1:1–2:6 19 1:1–8:3 71–177 1:1–8:20 21 1:1–8:29 26 1:1–13:6 21 1:1–15:3 22, 25 1:2 10n54, 89, 184 1:2 73 1:2–5 15 1:3 28n94, 68, 73, 270, 277, 291, 331, 369n211, 398n317, 425 1:3–11 239n124 1:4 74, 89, 183, 271n49 1:4–5 15, 106, 364 1:5 36n115, 74, 89, 92, 243, 276, 366n197 1:6 74, 456 1:6–11 53, 72, 215n84, 223 1:7 15 1:7–11 15 1:8 31, 31n101, 52n145, 89, 97n60, 177, 213, 239nn125, 128; 240, 277, 425 1:9–11 120 1:10 38n123, 76, 235

528 Acts (continued) 1:10–11 15 1:11 72, 76, 95, 128 1:12 31n101, 35n112, 487n14 1:12–26 32 1:13 77–78, 113n90, 153, 180, 185n14, 225, 249, 253nn177–78; 391n296, 406 1:13–14 81 1:13–15 15 1:14 78n12, 130, 179, 277 1:15 82n15, 83n17, 92, 151, 224, 355, 406n14 1:15–16 84 1:16 49, 65n181, 79, 82, 83n17, 84n21, 86, 131, 512 1:16–17 40 1:16–20 69 1:16–22 79 1:18 84, 84n23, 86–87, 456 1:18–19 15, 79n14, 82, 85 1:19 31n101, 35n112, 83n17, 85n32, 86n33, 225, 373n229 1:20 54, 65n181, 79–80, 83, 399n324 1:20–22 40, 427 1:21 135n141, 245n144, 277, 327n56 1:21–22 82, 88, 108, 198, 270n47, 283 1:22 52n145, 72, 83n17, 129, 239n128, 276, 366n197, 425 1:22–25 15 1:23 83n17, 305 1:23–26 80, 88, 153 1:24 297 1:24–25 41, 52n152, 79, 84, 130 1:24–26 65n179 1:26 89, 92 2 22, 44–45, 49, 51–52, 89–109, 95n49, 111–12, 155, 191, 307n31, 365, 472 2–3 58, 130, 149 2–4 136 2–11 317 2–12 78

Ancient Sources: New Testament 2:1 38n124, 81–82, 107 2:1–4 66, 90–92, 298 2:1–13 95n53 2:1–3:13 21 2:2 76 2:2–4 15 2:4 184, 240, 363, 366 2:5 31n101, 93 2:5–13 302n15 2:6 94n47, 383n260 2:6–17 17 2:6–3:26 15 2:7 38n123, 128, 182n11 2:7–11 95 2:9 97n60, 316n15 2:9–11 44, 50, 447 2:10 245n142, 316, 505 2:11 240, 280 2:11–22 17 2:12 182n11, 233 2:14 31n101, 32, 108, 342n94 2:14–36 40, 52n148 2:14–28:31 17 2:16 27n90 2:16–21 54 2:17 65, 68, 121, 317n20, 407 2:17–18 99 2:17–36 184 2:18 64, 224 2:18–20 27n90 2:19 109n81, 299n8 2:20 102 2:21 168n232, 197 2:22 17, 53, 63, 97, 103n67, 109n81, 209, 238, 299n8, 371n217, 423, 446n136 2:22–28 17 2:22–36 132 2:23 49, 53, 132, 239n121, 398n320 2:24 63n175, 135, 239n122, 270n46, 277, 346n130 2:25 104 2:25–28 54, 265, 278 2:26–28 17 2:27 119, 272 2:28 142n156 2:29 84n21, 128, 369n209 2:30 54, 63, 172, 268, 276 2:30–31 278 2:30–37 15

2:31–32 135 2:32 52n145, 53n153, 63n175, 239nn122, 128; 277, 346n130 2:32–33 66 2:33 53, 74, 76, 176, 271n49 2:34–35 54 2:34–36 63 2:36 51n144, 53n153 2:36–45 19 2:37 84n21, 327, 431 2:37–43 10n54 2:38 53, 53n154, 66, 106, 120, 120n104, 183–85, 191n29, 210, 213, 239n131, 240, 240n132, 243, 243n138, 278, 327n58, 346n128, 364–65, 366nn196, 201; 425n65 2:38–40 40, 52n148 2:39 64, 68, 106, 198, 271n49, 281 2:40 256, 397n312 2:41 27, 130, 183, 202n77, 245n146, 282n69, 284n82, 375n236, 410, 456 2:42 32, 130, 391–92, 496n48 2:42–43 184 2:42–47 46, 46n133, 57, 134n140, 138, 138n148 2:43 31n101, 32, 139, 156, 299n8, 373n230 2:44 134n136, 183, 262, 366n195 2:44–45 322n40 2:45–3:2 17 2:45–3:8 17 2:46 94, 113, 179, 391, 496n48 2:46–3:2 15 2:46–5:42 149 2:47 46n134, 64, 65n180, 106n74, 107n76, 155, 202n77, 243n137, 245n146, 270, 415n27 3 277, 287n88 3–4 112, 139, 473 3–5 109–10, 158 3–6 57n158 3–7 56 3–11 68 3:1 78, 113n90, 130, 133, 185n14, 230, 296n4

Ancient Sources: New Testament 529 3:1–3 113n91 3:1–10 57, 64, 139, 180, 223 3:1–16 32n104 3:1–26 133 3:1–4:31 109–33 3:2 35n112 3:2–3 451n158 3:2 287 3:2–4:18 21 3:3–4 78, 185n14 3:4 287 3:5–6 17 3:6 103n67, 114, 144, 183, 209, 223, 324 3:7 139, 324 3:8 65n180, 113n91, 287 3:8–10 392 3:9 127, 243n137, 270 3:10 113n91, 451n158 3:10–12 17 3:11 113n90, 139, 185n14 3:12–13 18 3:12–26 40, 42, 52n150 3:13 27n91, 43, 53, 54, 63, 63n174, 144, 168 3:13–14 162, 171n238 3:14 43, 69n190, 144, 175, 424 3:15 52n145, 63n175, 119, 135, 142, 144, 239nn122, 128; 270n46, 346n130, 479 3:15–16 18 3:16 144, 183, 287, 327n56 3:17 132, 168, 346n127 3:18 63, 65, 68n188, 238, 333, 451n153, 478nn232–33; 511n93 3:19 106n70, 127, 213, 224n86, 239n131, 243n138, 245n147, 278, 346n128, 425n65 3:20 39n125, 63 3:21 65, 120 3:22 63, 171 3:22–23 43, 54 3:23 111 3:24 120 3:24–4:13 18 3:25 50n143, 54, 63, 116, 144

3:25–26 131 3:26 38n124, 63, 115, 170, 277, 346n130 4 44 4–5 149, 158 4:1 32n104, 113n91, 142, 155 4:1–2 60 4:1–3 22 4:1–22 431 4:2 108n78 4:1–22 431 4:2–6 15 4:3 249–50 4:3–5:34 16 4:4 46n134, 106, 107n75, 124n114, 129–30, 134n136, 139, 155, 183, 202n77, 245n146, 262, 366n195, 410 4:5 31n101, 38n122, 110, 247n157, 291n106 4:5–6 142, 164, 430n77 4:5–22 60 4:6 193 4:7 144 4:8 65, 108n80, 247n157, 291n106, 363 4:8–12 40, 52n150 4:8–27 15 4:9 287, 447 4:9–10 144 4:9–12 144 4:9–7:16 19 4:10 51n144, 63n175, 103n67, 127–28, 135, 144, 183, 209, 239n122, 270n46, 324, 346n130, 423 4:11 54, 70, 112 4:12 168n232, 269n44, 276, 287 4:13 58, 78, 113n90, 185n14, 369n209 4:13–31 32n104 4:15 126n120 4:16 31n101, 129, 225, 373n229 4:17–20 18 4:18 108n78, 328 4:19 78, 113n90, 144, 185n14 4:19–20 22, 40, 52n150 4:19–21 64 4:20 148, 239n125, 425n63 4:21 243n137, 328

4:22 269n44 4:23 130n128, 247n157, 291n106, 453n162, 457n175 4:23–31 69, 110, 250, 252 4:24 54, 63n172, 289n98, 343 4:24–30 41, 52n152, 65n179 4:25 65, 196, 512 4:25–26 55, 65 4:25–28 269n43, 276 4:26 132 4:26–27 132 4:27 51n144, 53, 112, 196, 198, 238, 249n163, 258n4, 435n98 4:27–36 15 4:28 53, 132, 132n133, 398n320 4:29 64, 132, 186n20, 193, 245n141, 327n57, 369n209 4:29–27:25 15 4:30 38n124, 53, 57, 64, 109n81, 139, 156, 299n8, 435n98 4:31 27, 67, 128, 132, 144, 153, 186n20, 245n121, 280, 327n57, 369n209 4:31–37 14 4:31–5:11 21 4:31–5:42 132 4:32 27, 107n75, 183, 262, 366n195 4:32–35 46n133, 107, 138 4:32–37 57, 322n40 4:32–5:16 22 4:32–5:42 110, 110n87, 133–49 4:33 27n91, 32, 52n147, 135n141, 144, 245n144, 327n56 4:33–37 10n54 4:35 184 4:36 79n13, 155, 201, 245n140, 246, 258n3, 312, 408 4:36–37 46, 135, 306 4:36–5:2 15 5:1 196n51 5:1–11 46, 61 5:2–9 14 5:3 67, 196n51 5:3–4 42 5:3–21 18 5:4–5 64 5:4–6 243 5:5 196n51, 373n230

530 Acts (continued) 5:8–10 15 5:9 38n123, 67 5:10 243 5:10–21 15 5:11 107, 138n148, 172, 373n230 5:12 32, 57, 109, 109n81, 113, 132, 259n7, 299n8 5:12–16 46, 46n133, 107, 142 5:13–14 183 5:14 46n134, 106n74, 107n75, 109, 155, 183, 245n146, 262, 366n195, 410 5:14–16 502 5:15 27, 57, 371 5:16 31n101, 110, 180, 324 5:17 124, 142, 258, 446, 509n91 5:17–21 326 5:17–26 430n77 5:17–32 62 5:18 10n54, 32, 141n149, 249 5:18–19 250 5:19 64, 142, 170n236, 188n21, 231n110 5:19–32 22 5:20 142n156, 342n94 5:20–21 109, 113n91 5:21 51n144, 108n78, 126n120, 144, 198n62 5:23–7:2 21 5:24 35n113, 124, 130n128, 233 5:24–26 124 5:24–25 113n91 5:25 38n123, 108n78, 109 5:26 124 5:27 126n120, 164 5:28 31n101, 38n123, 108n78, 144 5:29 10n54, 32, 64 5:29–32 40, 52n150 5:29–9:38 16 5:30 53n153, 63n174, 63n175, 116, 144, 239nn121–22; 270n46, 346n130 5:30–39 15 5:31 51n144, 53n154, 63, 106n70, 119, 120n104, 144, 176, 191n29,

Ancient Sources: New Testament 239n131, 243n138, 268, 276, 425n65 5:32 52n145, 66, 144, 239n128 5:33 176, 200 5:34 61, 126n120, 146, 295n1, 421n51 5:34–38 18 5:35 398 5:35–39 41 5:36 183 5:36–37 6n33 5:38–39 61 5:39 27, 64, 243, 255, 476, 513 5:40 10n54, 32 5:41 39n125, 126n120, 149, 191n34, 198, 407 5:41–42 151 5:42 27n91, 32, 59, 108n78, 110, 113n91, 180n3, 191, 199–200, 245n144, 286n87, 351n143, 406 6–7 149 6:1 151, 152n191, 244 6:1–2 366n194 6:1–6 14 6:1–7 32, 135 6:1–7:2 22 6:1–8:3 149–177 6:2 32, 280 6:2–3 184 6:2–4 42 6:3 154n201, 176, 246 6:4 57n160 6:5 56n155, 246, 258, 280, 363, 406 6:6 10n54, 57n160, 185n16, 259n9 6:7 31n101, 46n134, 106n74, 202n77, 245n146, 262n26, 280, 291n104, 295n1, 366n194, 375n236, 410 6:7–10 18 6:7–7:2 15 6:8 16, 27n91, 57, 64, 109n81, 246, 299n8 6:8–15 14 6:8–8:1 33 6:9 157n216, 201, 245n142, 316n15, 415, 450 6:10 65, 159, 363 6:11 64, 159, 415 6:12 126n120, 247n157, 291n106

6:12–15 18, 420 6:12–7:57 431 6:13 159, 354n157, 415, 447, 458nn184–85 6:13–14 149, 161 6:14 69, 103n67, 159, 423 6:15 126n120, 142n155, 159n222, 448 7 44, 52, 162, 265, 275, 277, 402 7:1–16 267 7:1–53 155 7:2 63n174, 84n21, 160n223 7:2–3 63 7:2–4 162 7:2–8 54 7:2–10 21 7:2–53 40, 52n150 7:3 55, 160, 164 7:4 63, 162, 164 7:5 35n114, 55, 163–64, 174 7:5–6 164 7:6 160, 160n223, 166, 169, 266 7:6–7 55, 164, 166, 472 7:6–9 160n223 7:6–10 14 7:7 160, 160n223, 162 7:8 63, 162, 164, 164n227, 472n219 7:9 160n223, 162, 165 7:9–10 51, 165 7:9–16 54 7:10 63, 165 7:10–21 15 7:11 116, 165 7:12 116, 165 7:13 165 7:13–18 14 7:14 165 7:14–15 165 7:15 116, 165 7:16 163, 165–66 7:17 63, 160n223, 161, 166, 271n49, 433, 472 7:17–22 160 7:17–43 54, 160 7:17–44 163 7:18 55, 167 7:19 116, 167 7:20 63, 161 7:20–21 167 7:20–22 421n48 7:21 28n94, 35n114, 167 7:22 167 7:23 198n62 7:23–29 51, 160

Ancient Sources: New Testament 531 7:24 28n94 7:24 168 7:25 63, 160n223, 161, 168, 269n44 7:26 84n21, 436 7:26–27 168 7:27 161, 168, 171–72, 281n63 7:27–28 55, 168 7:29 169 7:30 55, 142n155, 160, 169, 171–72, 175, 231n110 7:30–34 160–61 7:30–38 188n21 7:31 160n223, 170, 196n52, 230, 317n20 7:32 55, 63, 63n174, 160, 170 7:32–41 15 7:33 160n223, 170 7:33–34 55 7:34 63, 160, 170 7:35 55, 63, 142n155, 160n223, 161–62, 168, 172, 175, 231n110 7:35–37 160 7:35–42 161 7:36 63, 109n81, 171, 173, 299n8 7:37 54, 63, 111, 160n223, 162, 171, 198n62 7:37–41 118 7:38 116, 138n148, 142n155, 160, 172, 231n110 7:39 160, 168, 172, 281n63 7:39–40 161 7:40 55, 172 7:40–41 160 7:41 151, 172, 224 7:41–44 63 7:41–53 54 7:42 160n223, 173, 301n13 7:42–43 55, 100, 159–61, 172 7:43 173 7:42–8:2 21 7:44 161 7:44–45 116 7:44–53 54 7:44–50 161n224 7:45 39n125, 160n223, 161n224, 163, 174, 498

7:45–46 63, 161n224 7:46 174 7:46–50 163 7:47 161, 161n224, 173–74 7:48 63, 161, 172, 174, 324n45, 344, 378 7:48–49 160n223 7:48–50 55, 149 7:49 160n223, 174 7:49–50 159 7:51 67, 131, 160 7:51–52 116 7:51–8:4 22 7:52 119, 424, 435n98 7:52–8:1 15 7:53 63, 142n155, 160 7:54–8:1 60, 159 7:55 27n91, 65, 246, 363 7:56 38n123, 232 7:58 176, 192, 205, 207, 474 7:59 60, 65n179, 135n141, 327n56, 245n144 7:60 60, 225n88, 401 8 1, 54, 70, 155, 166, 205, 246n152 8–12 31 8:1 10n54, 33, 44, 97n60, 107, 138n148, 172, 176, 178, 192, 196, 207, 223, 242, 245, 282n72, 422, 474 8:1–3 150 8:2 32, 93 8:3 138n148, 141n149, 192, 200, 207–8, 422n57 8:4 59, 177, 196, 245, 286n87 8:4–25 31, 33, 257, 296 8:4–40 149, 178–92, 193 8:4–12:25 178–257 8:5 180n2 8:6 38n124, 223 8:6–7 57 8:7 180n4, 223, 324 8:9–13 66, 261 8:9–24 375 8:9–25 57 8:9–9:22 21 8:11–28:31 17 8:12 59, 68, 73n2, 107n75, 286n87, 291, 369n211, 398n317, 406 8:12–13 366n195

8:13

57, 109n81, 188, 299n8, 371 8:14 10n54, 32n104, 78, 113n90, 242, 246, 280 8:14–24 32 8:14–25 15, 202, 295, 296n4, 454n171 8:14–40 22 8:15–17 53, 240, 366 8:15–19 240n132 8:15–24 66 8:16 106, 135n141, 240, 245n144, 327n56, 366n201 8:16–17 364 8:17 185n18, 259n8 8:18 10n54 8:18–25 57 8:20–23 42 8:21 64 8:22 213, 243n138, 346n128 8:22–24 65n179 8:24 27, 57n160 8:25 59, 106n72, 280, 286n87, 327n57, 397n312, 406 8:26 4n28, 64n176, 142n155, 170n236, 231n110 8:26–32 15 8:26–39 6n33, 31 8:26–40 33, 56n155, 257 8:27 38n123, 450n149 8:27–11:13 21 8:28 190 8:29 233, 247n153, 405n12 8:29–10:14 16 8:31 35n113 8:32–33 55, 211 8:32–35 68n188 8:34–9:6 15 8:35 59, 245n144, 286n87, 406 8:36 38n123, 240n132 8:37 187, 366n195 8:39 27, 66n182 8:40 31, 59, 179n1, 180, 201n71, 223, 226–27, 286n87, 356, 359, 406 9 45, 176, 213, 219–22 9–11 213 9:1 151n188, 208, 366n194, 474 9:1–2 207, 422n57, 422n60, 473

532 Acts (continued) 9:1–9 208 9:1–19 475 9:1–22 22 9:1–25 257 9:1–29 419, 467, 468n206 9:1–30 33, 203–22 9:1–31 192–222 9:1–32 31 9:2 47n135, 194n43, 208, 306, 361, 369n212, 377n243, 422n55, 450n151, 474 9:2–3 193n40 9:3 38n122, 38n124, 208 9:3–6 230n109 9:3–9 206, 208, 423 9:4 195 9:4–24 21 9:5 172, 209 9:8–10 193n40 9:8–17 209 9:9 438 9:10 151n188, 210, 306, 352n150, 366n194, 493n35 9:10–11 38n123 9:10–12 317n20 9:10–16 230 9:10–19 251n171, 424 9:11 57n160, 246n150, 418nn42, 44; 421n49 9:12 185n17, 230n109, 502 9:13 204, 474 9:13–14 207–8 9:14 130n128, 207, 425n66 9:15 51n144, 159, 211, 217, 464, 493, 511 9:15–16 210, 398 9:15–18 210 9:16 60, 397, 407 9:16–27 15 9:17 185, 230n109, 245n144, 259n7, 270n47, 502 9:18 324 9:18–19 207 9:19 151n188, 193n40, 306, 366n194, 426 9:19–20 207 9:19–22 478 9:20 260n12, 264n30, 284n80, 351n140, 368n208 9:20–29 212 9:21 130n128, 182n11, 204, 207–8, 425n66

Ancient Sources: New Testament 9:22

94n47, 193n40, 351n143, 383n260 9:23 198n66 9:23–25 62, 62n170, 216, 388n281, 457n179 9:23–30 426 9:25–26 151n188, 366n194 9:26 242 9:26–29 4n26, 427 9:26–30 4n22, 257, 306, 478 9:27 10n54, 33, 135n143, 193n40, 209, 246, 258n3, 340n91 9:27–28 363n188 9:27–29 128n122, 369n209 9:28 436 9:29 151–52, 198n66, 244 9:30 33, 82n15, 197, 201n71, 213, 226, 234n112, 242, 246, 246n150, 306, 312n4, 418n42, 421n49 9:31 46, 46n134, 67, 97n60, 106n74, 138n148, 180n5, 202n77, 245n146, 400, 410 9:31–32 196 9:31–43 205 9:32 38n122, 179n1, 192–93, 197, 474 9:32–35 46 9:32–42 22, 154 9:32–43 57, 136, 257 9:32–11:18 203, 222–43 9:33–10:1 15 9:34 172, 223n85, 324 9:35 245n147 9:35–43 31 9:35–10:2 15 9:36 192, 451n158 9:36–38 193 9:36–42 21, 392 9:36–43 46 9:37 38n122, 151 9:37–39 77, 391n296 9:38 151n188, 366n194 9:40 57n160, 225n88, 401 9:41 193, 197, 474 9:42 46n134, 106n74, 245n146, 327, 366n195, 373n229 9:43 38n122 10 45, 56, 57n158, 58, 246n152, 257 10–11 45, 52, 205, 298, 307n31, 359, 453n162 10:1 201n71, 229, 406n15, 417n35

10:1–8 251nn170–71; 485n2 10:1–16 196 10:1–48 31, 203 10:1–11:18 225–26, 406 10:1–11:20 245 10:2 57n160, 101, 225, 266–67, 321n38, 352n148 10:2–4 65n179, 451n158 10:3 64n176, 142n155, 170n236, 188n21, 196n52, 231n110, 317n20, 352n150, 493n35 10:4–20:31 21 10:5 78n10 10:7 142n155, 170n236, 231n110, 417n34, 440 10:9–16 64 10:10 426n67 10:10–23 15 10:14–21:2 26 10:15 64 10:17 35n113 10:17–19 196n52, 317n20, 352n150, 426n67, 493n35 10:17–21 38n123 10:18 78n10 10:19 190n27, 405n12, 501n68 10:19–20 66 10:20–13:35 16 10:22 64n176, 142n155, 170n236, 231n110 10:23 82n15, 500n63 10:23–33 253n176 10:24 201n71, 322n39 10:25 28, 38n122 10:25–43 22 10:26 289 10:26–31 15 10:28 64, 230, 235, 420n47 10:30 38n123, 57n160 10:31 65n179, 451n158 10:31–41 15 10:32 78n10, 500n63 10:32–35 16 10:33 53, 64 10:34 65, 237 10:34–40 53n153 10:34–43 40, 52n149, 468 10:36 51n144, 59, 191, 198n62, 238n119, 286n87, 307n30 10:36–38 63

Ancient Sources: New Testament 533 10:36–40 22 10:37 97n60, 366n197 10:38 103n67, 162, 209, 223n85 10:39 52n145 10:40 270n46 10:40–41 63n175, 346n130 10:40–45 16 10:41 28n94, 63 10:42 53, 64, 106n72, 346n129, 397n312 10:43 53n154, 120n104, 191n29, 366n195, 425n65 10:43–13:1 16 10:44 53, 124n114, 365 10:44–47 185n15 10:44–48 66, 283n75, 298, 356 10:45 182n11, 243n135, 314n7 10:46 65n180, 185 10:46–47 367 10:47 191, 240n132, 243n136 10:48 366n201 11 45, 47, 218, 295 11:1 10n54, 82n15, 97n60, 185, 185n13, 234n112, 243n135, 246, 280 11:1–18 257 11:1–19 31 11:2 28, 295, 410 11:2–5 16 11:2–14 15 11:5 57n160, 196n52, 317n20, 352n150, 493n35 11:5–17 40 11:9 64 11:11 38n123, 201n71 11:12 27n90, 66, 82n15, 190n27, 234n112, 247n153, 405n12 11:13 64n176, 78n10, 142n155, 170n236, 231n110 11:14 322n39, 352n149 11:15 38n124, 243n136, 365 11:15–16 53 11:15–18 66, 298 11:16 92, 276, 364, 366n197 11:17 27, 134n136, 135n141, 191, 225, 245n144, 307n30, 327 11:17–18 64, 283n75

11:18

32, 65n180, 106n70, 243n135, 410, 478n231 11:19 179n1, 186n20, 245n141, 296, 312, 327n57, 404n7, 405–6, 486 11:19–20 244 11:19–26 257 11:19–29 258 11:19–30 31, 244–48 11:20 27n91, 59, 135n141, 151–52, 191, 201, 245nn143–44; 258, 286n87, 327n56 11:21 46n134, 106n74, 202n77, 245n146 11:22 135n143, 138n148, 185, 246, 258n3 11:22–26 33, 306 11:23 64, 191n34, 281n59, 291, 292n109, 398n316 11:24 106n74, 46n134, 67, 258 11:24–26 245n146 11:24–12:5 15 11:25 197, 246n150, 312n4, 418n42, 421n49 11:25–26 33, 216, 258, 281 11:25–30 28 11:26 38n122, 138n148, 151n188, 366n194, 481 11:26–28:31 24 11:27 151, 258 11:27–28 318n21, 407 11:27–29 6n33 11:27–30 4n26, 57, 322n40 11:28 3n18, 66, 190n27, 447n140 11:29 82n15, 97n60, 151n188, 213, 234n112, 366n194 11:29–12:5 18 11:30 4n22, 16, 33, 135n143, 246n148, 247n157, 256, 258n3, 292n108, 296, 394n309 12 141 12:1 138n148, 377 12:1–3 16 12:1–5 32 12:1–11 326 12:1–17 21 12:1–18 257 12:1–23 61 12:1–25 31, 248–56

12:2

32, 60, 78, 253n177, 408 12:2–19 62 12:3 389n288 12:3–4 92 12:3–11 141 12:4 141n149, 487n14 12:4–6 141, 417n34 12:5 16, 57n160, 65n179, 138n148, 253 12:6–10 142 12:6–11 46 12:7 38n123 12:7–8 170n236 12:7–9 16 12:7–11 64n176, 142n155, 231n110 12:7–17 188n21 12:9 196n52, 230, 317n20, 352n150, 493n35 12:10 28n94 12:10–11 170n236 12:11 64 12:11–19 256n187 12:12 130n126, 245n146, 256, 263n28 12:12–17 46 12:13–22 15 12:15 142n155, 253, 480n234 12:16 182n11 12:17 32, 64, 78, 82n15, 234n112, 267n34, 301, 301n9, 408, 469n208 12:18 35n114, 36n115, 296n2, 417n34, 437 12:19 97n60, 201n71, 447 12:19–20 227 12:19–23 6n33 12:20 486 12:21 353, 458n181 12:22 383, 501 12:23 64n176, 142n155, 148, 188n21, 231n110 12:24 46, 46n134, 106n74, 202n77, 245n146, 280, 359, 375n236 12:24–25 257 12:25 4n22, 135n143, 246n148, 248, 248n158, 257–58, 258n3, 398 13 45, 47, 49, 52, 54, 162, 246, 256, 351, 472, 511

534 Acts (continued) 13–14 135n143, 213, 248, 257n1, 293, 299, 306, 309, 360, 409, 478 13–15 246n148 13–20 31, 398, 512 13–28 31–32, 34, 198n65, 202 13:1 138n148, 245nn140, 142; 247, 249n163, 308, 334n74 13:1–2 256 13:1–3 31, 256, 257–59, 292, 299, 306, 307n31, 312, 317, 356, 359 13:1–5 356 13:1–14:28 257–93 13:2 33, 57n160, 190n27, 233, 247n153, 274n56, 405, 405n12 13:2–3 399 13:2–4 67 13:3 185n16 13:4 245n140, 404n7, 484 13:4–12 48, 181, 355 13:4–13 33, 259–63, 372n222 13:5 27n91, 198n65, 200n68, 252, 280, 320, 320n29, 333 13:5–7 280 13:6–8 182 13:6–12 57, 375 13:6–16 15 13:7 6n33, 56, 124n114, 256 13:8 291n104 13:9 246, 256, 363, 512 13:9–11 66, 285, 299 13:10 362n186 13:10–11 42 13:11 38n123, 64, 195, 324 13:12 56, 262n27, 293, 312 13:13 33, 252, 258n5, 260, 287, 311–12, 403n2, 485 13:13–14 292 13:14 200n68, 202n72, 320, 320n29, 333, 351n140 13:14–15 284n80 13:14–16 22 13:14–52 263–83 13:15 84n21, 265n32

Ancient Sources: New Testament 13:16

33, 51n144, 229, 237, 469n208 13:16–41 41, 52n148, 159, 162, 394, 451 13:16–47 198n65 13:17 63n174, 116, 510 13:17–18 63 13:17–20 267n37 13:18 171n240, 266 13:19 63 13:20 63 13:21–22 63 13:22 55, 63 13:23 53, 63, 268, 472 13:23–24 51n144 13:24 35n114, 39n125 13:24–25 53 13:25 38n123, 398 13:25–36 15 13:26 53, 168n232, 229, 237 13:26–30 22 13:26–36 333 13:26–39 22 13:27 49, 168, 346n127 13:27–29 28 13:28 458n182 13:28–29 17 13:29 49 13:30 53n153, 63n175, 239n122, 346n130, 479 13:31 52n145, 53 13:32 59n167, 116, 286n87, 406, 472 13:32–33 49, 63 13:33 27n91, 28n94, 55, 131n131, 200, 202n73, 272n51 13:33–34 53n153, 63n175, 346n130 13:34 55, 63, 239n122 13:35 54, 65 13:35–37 265 13:36 55, 63, 116, 398n320 13:37 53n153, 63n175, 239n122, 270n46, 346n130 13:38 53n154, 84n21, 120n104, 239n131, 274n55, 425n65, 477n229 13:38–39 191n29 13:39 4n23 13:39–46 17 13:40–41 55, 100, 301n13 13:41 64, 259, 274n56 13:42 33n105, 258n5 13:42–43 287

13:43

28n95, 64, 200n68, 229, 246n149, 256, 291, 292n109, 293n110, 320, 351n140, 352n148, 398n316, 409n19 13:43–45 56n157, 333 13:44 124n114, 280, 292, 320n29 13:45 198n66 13:45–46 202n74 13:46 38n123, 128n122, 172, 186n20, 245n141, 256, 258n5, 327n57, 352, 363n188, 369n209 13:46–47 42, 121, 426 13:46–48 69, 198n63, 280 13:46–14:3 15 13:47 55, 68, 168n232, 269n44, 512 13:48 132n133, 191n34, 240, 243n135, 293, 364n192 13:48–49 280 13:49 106n74, 292, 375n236 13:50 33n105, 176–77, 198n66, 202n74, 256, 258n5, 306, 352n148, 476 13:51 351n144 13:52 151n188, 246, 364n192, 366n194, 409n19 14:1 33n105, 38n122, 46n134, 106n74, 200n68, 202nn72, 77; 245n146, 256, 258n5, 293, 293n110, 320, 320n29, 333, 351n140, 364n192, 370n215, 409n19 14:1–2 511 14:1–7 283–86 14:2 28n95, 56n157, 82n15, 234n112 14:2–5 202n74 14:3 52n146, 109n81, 128n122, 157, 182n10, 259n7, 292, 299, 299n8, 363n188, 369n209, 398n316, 400n330 14:4 10, 88 14:4–27:3 16 14:5 307

Ancient Sources: New Testament 535 14:5–23 21 14:6 313, 383n261, 387 14:6–20 337 14:6–23 314 14:7 59n167, 286n87, 406 14:8–10 57n161, 285, 299, 502n69 14:8–18 198n63, 503 14:8–19 48 14:8–20 287n88, 286–90 14:9 258n5, 287, 327n56 14:10 27n91, 223 14:11 428 14:11–15 501 14:12 167n231, 258n5 14:12–14 256 14:13 258 14:14 10, 27, 88, 198 14:15 59n167, 63n172, 131, 224n86, 235, 245n147, 327, 343, 406 14:15–17 41 14:15–23 15 14:16 47n135, 346n127 14:17 36n115, 63n173, 296n2, 344 14:19 56n157, 177, 198n66, 202nn74– 76; 336, 392n300 14:19–20 60, 202n76, 307, 476 14:20 313, 383n261 14:20–21 293 14:20–22 151n188, 366n194 14:20–28 290–93 14:21 59n167, 286n87, 406 14:22 60, 68, 73n2, 262n26, 312, 369, 392, 397 14:23 57n160, 138n148, 247n157, 259, 394n309 14:25 186n20, 245n141, 327n57 14:26 64, 246n149, 258, 281n59, 398n316, 484 14:26–28 257, 309 14:27 64n177, 138n148, 240, 243n135, 296, 409, 478 14:27–15:10 18 14:28 36n115, 151n188, 293, 296n2, 366n194 15 31–32, 34, 45, 52, 293, 296n5, 409, 413 15–28 32

15:1

82n15, 97n60, 306, 327, 410 15:1–3 234n112 15:1–5 26n89, 294–96 15:1–30 4n22 15:1–35 294–308 15:2 28n95, 33n105, 36n115, 135n143, 256, 289, 296n2, 297, 386, 436n99 15:2–4 412, 451 15:2–6 247n157, 292n108, 296n3, 394n309 15:2–7 15 15:2–23 10n54 15:2–30 4n26 15:3 82n15, 180n5, 245n140, 404n7 15:3–4 138n148 15:4 64n177, 293, 408–9 15:4–6 32 15:5 305, 410, 446 15:6–12 21, 297–99 15:7 27, 59n165, 82n15, 84n21, 124n114, 234n112, 240, 243n135, 271n48, 398n315 15:7–8 64 15:7–11 40, 254, 301n10, 409 15:8 243n136 15:9 64, 241–42, 291n104 15:10 116, 151n188, 366n194 15:10–11 4n23 15:11 135n141, 245n144, 246n149, 292n109, 324, 327n56, 363n191, 398n316 15:12 33n105, 109n81, 135n143, 213, 240, 243n135, 256, 293, 299n8, 306, 409, 412 15:12–14 64n177 15:13 78, 82n15, 84n21, 234n112, 253 15:13–21 41, 408, 299–304 15:14 50, 258, 301n12, 409 15:15–17 55, 100 15:16 49, 63 15:16–17 51, 68, 317 15:17 131 15:17–18 424 15:18 301n14 15:19 64, 224n86, 245n147, 289

15:19–27 15 15:20 28, 29, 29n96, 303n22, 305, 307, 410 15:21 304n23, 466 15:21–24 14 15:22 32, 33n105, 135n143, 138n148, 256, 306nn24–25; 412 15:22–23 82n15, 234n112, 247n157, 292n108, 296n3, 312, 312n3, 394n309 15:22–29 4 15:22–35 245n140, 258, 304–8 15:23 306n27, 312n4, 315, 441 15:23–29 42 15:25 135n143, 256 15:25–26 412 15:26 135n141, 198, 202n76, 307, 407 15:26–32 14 15:26–38 21 15:27 306n25 15:28 67, 190n27, 399 15:29 27–29, 29n96, 303, 303n22, 307, 307n34, 410, 412n24 15:29–31 16 15:30 135n143 15:30–31 414 15:31 191n34 15:32 27, 247, 258, 265n33, 291, 306 15:32–33 82n15, 234n112 15:32–34 306n25 15:33 312n3 15:33–36 313n5 15:34 305 15:34–41 16 15:35 59n167, 179, 256, 286n87, 406 15:35–36 280 15:35–39 135n143 15:36 82n15, 234n112, 309 15:36–41 33, 294, 308–12 15:36–16:10 311–18 15:36–20:38 309–402 15:38–39 253 15:38–16:4 15 15:39 245n140 15:40 33n106, 82n15, 234n112, 246n149, 292n109, 305, 363n191, 398n316

536 Acts (continued) 15:40–41 312n3 15:40–18:5 306n25 15:41 135, 138n148, 291, 313 16 47, 141 16–18 213 16–19 309 16–20 213, 248, 257n1, 309–10, 356, 360, 376, 409, 413, 451, 478 16–28 32, 33, 36, 294 16:1 33, 33n107, 38n123, 151n188, 290n102, 311, 366n194, 388, 409n19 16:1–2 291n103 16:1–3 284n81, 315n10, 337 16:1–4 16, 312n3 16:1–5 325, 333 16:2 82n15, 234n112 16:2–3 172 16:3 290n102, 314n10, 315n11, 411 16:4 4, 28n95, 247n157, 292n108, 295, 296nn3, 5; 394n309, 409 16:4–17:9 337 16:5 46n134, 106n74, 138n148, 202n77, 245n146, 262n26, 291 16:6 186n20, 245n141, 316n15, 327n57, 370n215 16:6–7 375 16:6–8 257n1, 311 16:7 67, 172 16:8 316, 389n287, 391 16:8–10 309 16:9 317nn19–20; 476 16:9–10 196n52, 212, 230n109, 317n20, 352n150, 436n101, 493n35 16:9–12 317n19 16:10 59, 64, 286n87, 406 16:10–11 1 16:10–17 3n18, 47n139, 317, 389n286 16:11 260, 389, 391, 403n2, 436, 485 16:11–15 336 16:11–40 48, 318–30 16:12 320n28

Ancient Sources: New Testament 16:13

1, 200n68, 202n72, 263, 351n140 16:13–15 364n192 16:13–40 16 16:14 189, 229, 352n148 16:14–15 327 16:15 243n134, 322n39, 352n149 16:15–21 15 16:16 38n122, 57n160 16:16–18 57, 502n69 16:16–34 198n63 16:17 47n135, 168n232, 174n248, 194n44, 269n44, 389n286 16:17–20:5 389n286 16:18 57n161 16:19 33n106, 306n25, 315n11, 340n91 16:19–22 325 16:19–24 202n74 16:19–34 62, 141 16:19–40 198n66, 476 16:20 447 16:20–21 354n156 16:21 459n187 16:23 141n149 16:23–24 141 16:23–39 397 16:25 33n106, 57n160, 65n180, 315n11, 325, 392 16:25–34 142 16:26 202n76 16:27 252, 326n55 16:29 33n106, 306n25, 315n11, 325 16:30 28n95, 106 16:30–31 324 16:30–17:17 18 16:31 27n91, 135n141, 225, 245n144 16:31–32 243n134 16:31–34 322n39, 352n149 16:32 186n20, 245n141, 280 16:32–40 15 16:35 28n95, 437, 496n46 16:35–38 325 16:35–40 58, 429n72 16:36–39 202n76 16:37 149, 176 16:37–20:10 16 16:40 57, 82n15, 234n112 17 45, 47, 52, 58, 311 17:1–2 200n68, 202n72, 320n29, 351n140 17:1–9 46 17:1–10 16

17:1–15 330–37 17:2 172, 191, 331, 369n210, 391n295 17:3 53, 68n188, 73, 172, 180n3, 199, 202n73, 351n143, 478n233, 479 17:4 33n106, 36n115, 198n63, 296n2, 306n25, 315n11, 325, 352n148, 364n192 17:4–9 511 17:5 56n157 17:5–9 202n74 17:6 82n15, 177, 234n112, 247n154, 447, 447n140 17:7 326, 354n156, 459nn186–87 17:9–17 15 17:10 33n106, 82n15, 200n68, 202nn72, 76; 234n112, 306n25, 315n11, 320n29, 325, 351n140, 476 17:10–14 46 17:10–18 19 17:11 185n13, 280, 322 17:12 36n115, 198n63, 296n2, 364n192, 409n19 17:13 56n157, 202n74, 280, 290n101 17:14 82n15, 202n76, 234n112 17:14–15 33nn106–7; 306n25, 351, 375 17:14–33 315n11 17:15 27 17:16–34 48, 198n63, 337–47 17:17 200n68, 202n72, 229, 320n29, 331, 351n140, 352n148 17:18 27n90, 35n113, 59, 172, 191, 286n87 17:22 465 17:22–31 41, 52n149, 394 17:24 131, 289n98, 378 17:24–25 172 17:24–26 63n172 17:25–28 63n173 17:26 39n125 17:27 35n113, 36n115, 296n2 17:27–29 18 17:28–18:2 15 17:29–23:8 19

Ancient Sources: New Testament 537 17:30

64, 106n70, 213, 243n138, 446n131, 478n231 17:30–18:2 15 17:31 27n90, 53, 53n153, 63n175, 64, 239n122, 239n126, 247n154, 270n46, 277, 447n140, 479 17:31–34 18 17:32 202n74 17:34–18:19 21 18 48 18:1–17 48, 347–56 18:2 33n108, 505, 505n82 18:2–3 309, 363, 505n76 18:3 27, 400 18:4 200n68, 202n72, 284n81, 320n29, 331 18:4–5 27n91 18:4–6 369 18:5 33nn106–7; 106n72, 180n3, 199, 202n73, 306n25, 315n11, 317n19, 337, 351n143, 375, 397n312, 436, 511 18:5–7 363 18:6 69, 202n74, 281, 282n73, 388, 398n319, 426, 512 18:7 189, 229 18:8 198n63, 243n134, 265n32, 322n39, 364n192, 409n19 18:8–26 18 18:9 172, 196n52, 212, 230n109, 317n20, 436n101, 476, 478, 493n35, 493n37 18:11 280, 320 18:12 28n95, 353, 354n152, 363, 388n279, 458n181 18:12–13 56n157, 202n74 18:12–16 14 18:12–17 326n50, 388, 476 18:13 64, 458 18:14–15 51, 442 18:14–16 56, 334 18:15 56, 297, 465, 449n144 18:16–17 353, 458n181 18:17 265n32, 340n91 18:17–18 15 18:18 33n108, 82n15, 234n112, 350, 357, 411–12, 411n21 18:18–23 356–60

18:19

200n68, 202n72, 320n29, 331, 363, 397 18:19–20 363–64 18:19–21 358n168 18:20 369 18:21 64, 260, 485, 487n14 18:21–23 213, 365–66 18:22 4n22, 138n148, 201n71, 245n140, 258, 363, 408 18:22–23 257n1, 309, 451 18:22–24 309n1 18:22–25 15 18:23 151n188, 291, 316n13, 358n168, 366n194 18:24–28 309–10, 367 18:24–19:1 33n109 18:24–19:41 309, 360–86, 360n178 18:24–20:38 386 18:25 15, 66, 366n197, 367n204 18:25–26 194n44 18:26 33n108, 128n122, 194n43, 200n68, 320n29, 350, 358, 364 18:27 15, 28n95, 64n178, 82n15, 151n188, 234n112, 354n152, 358n168, 363, 366n194, 369, 398n316 18:27–28 15 18:27–19:1 376 18:27–19:6 14 18:28 180n3, 191, 199, 351n143 19 11n66, 48, 213, 366, 397 19–20 486n6 19:1 27, 28n95, 38nn122, 124; 151n188, 309n1, 316n15, 358, 358n168, 361, 366n194, 367, 387 19:1–2 365, 374n231 19:1–4 15 19:1–6 369 19:1–7 106, 360 19:1–22 376 19:1–20:1 397 19:2 185n15, 367n204 19:2–7 240n132 19:2–8 15 19:3 185n15, 366n197 19:3–4 367 19:4 268 19:4–5 27n91

19:4–17 21 19:5 135n141, 240, 245n144 19:5–6 185n15 19:5–7 66 19:6 66, 185, 185n18, 240, 259n8, 367n202, 367n204 19:6–8 15 19:8 68n186, 73n2, 128n122, 183, 200n68, 202n72, 291n105, 320n29, 363n188, 369nn209, 211; 391n295, 398n317, 399n329 19:8–9 202n74, 331 19:8–10 352, 360 19:9 28n94, 47n135, 56n157, 151n188, 194n43, 361, 366n194, 377, 383, 397, 415 19:10 124n114, 198n63, 280, 284n81, 316n15, 320, 369, 378, 399n329, 409n19 19:11 36n115, 64, 259n7, 296n2, 478 19:11–12 57n161, 502n69 19:11–20 360, 502–3 19:13 77n9, 135n141, 245n144 19:13–14 371, 372nn220, 224 19:13–16 15, 372 19:13–17 372n223 19:14 28n95 19:15 15 19:17 135n141, 225, 245n144, 284n81, 358n168, 378 19:17–18 409n19 19:17–19 15 19:18 10, 134n136 19:18–19 15 19:18–20 57 19:19 181 19:20 46n134, 64, 106n74, 245n146, 256, 378 19:21 386, 397, 436, 436n104, 478, 505, 505n82 19:21–22 317n19, 360 19:21–41 48, 476 19:21–28:31 402n1 19:22 33n107, 315n11, 316n15, 320, 376, 376n240, 394, 399n329

538 Acts (continued) 19:23 47n135, 194n43, 359n174, 361 19:23–24 36n115, 296n2 19:23–27 360 19:23–38 6n33 19:23–41 46, 198n66, 202n74, 377n242, 387 19:25–27 41, 378 19:26 358n168 19:26–27 316n15 19:27 247n154, 382, 447n140 19:28 28n94, 358n168 19:28–34 486n6 19:28–41 360, 19:29 94n47, 176, 286, 317n19, 383, 383n261, 387, 388, 394, 485 19:29–30 377n242 19:30 151n188, 366n194, 387 19:30–31 202n76 19:30–33 383 19:31 58, 316n15 19:32 94n47, 138n148, 383n260 19:33 384n268, 469n208 19:35 381 19:34–35 358n168 19:35–40 37n117, 41 19:38–40 469 19:39–40 138n148 19:40 436n99, 447n139 19:41–20:1 386 20 45, 309, 356, 386–401 20:1 151n188, 366n194, 399n329 20:1–2 390n293 20:1–3 317n19 20:1–6 452n159 20:3 27, 35n114, 62, 62n170, 200, 202nn75–76; 260, 386, 388n281, 397, 457n179, 485 20:4 3n21, 33, 33n107, 286, 291n103, 316n15, 337, 376, 383, 383n261, 388n282, 389n287, 394, 407, 416, 486 20:4–6 315n11 20:4–15 391 20:5 389, 389n286 20:5–13 316

Ancient Sources: New Testament 20:5–15

3n18, 47n139, 317, 386, 389n286, 403 20:5–21:18 403 20:6 1, 92, 393, 405n10, 411, 487n14, 505n78 20:7 35n114, 263, 496n48 20:7–9 331 20:7–12 57n161, 130n126, 389, 471 20:8 77, 225 20:9 387 20:9–10 502n69 20:9–13 15 20:10 392 20:11 108, 392, 392n301, 496n48 20:11–16 15 20:12 36n115, 296n2 20:13 260, 485, 497 20:13–15 389n286 20:14–17 499 20:15 436, 484 20:15–16 15 20:16 92n43, 386, 411, 450, 487n14 20:16–17 358n168 20:16–18 316n15 20:17 138n148, 247n157, 394n309 20:17–38 309, 386 20:18–35 41, 52, 52n152 20:19 62n170, 127, 200, 202n75, 388n281, 400, 457n179 20:21 64, 106n70, 135n141, 243n138, 284n81, 327n56, 477, 478n231, 511 20:21–24 106n72, 397n312 20:22 38n123, 67, 386 20:22–24 15 20:23 66, 190n27, 247n153, 405, 405n12 20:24 59n165, 64n178, 135n141, 245n144, 246n149, 271n48, 281n59, 292n109, 327n56, 398, 398n315, 407, 511 20:24–28 15 20:25 38n123, 60, 68n186, 73n2, 183, 291n105, 369n211, 398n317, 400–401 20:26 352 20:26–38 15 20:27 64, 398n320

20:28

4n24, 67, 138n148, 292 20:29 60, 401 20:30 151n188, 366n194 20:31 320, 352, 376, 397 20:32 64n178, 281n59, 398, 477n230 20:34 351n139 20:35 3, 57, 135n141, 245n144, 267n40, 327n56 20:36 57n160, 225n88 20:36–38 405 20:36–21:3 15 20:38 309, 400–401 21 31, 60, 205, 248n158 21–23 417n36 21–25 417, 465, 468 21–26 402, 479, 485, 486n6 21–27 509 21–28 31, 420, 458 21:1 38n122, 319 21:1–2 485 21:1–4 15 21:1–6 486n7 21:1–16 394 21:1–18 3n18, 47n139, 317, 389n286, 403 21:1–26 403–14 21:1–23:22 294 21:1–26:32 402–82 21:2 245n140, 404n7 21:2–7 21 21:2–10 16 21:3 245n140 21:4 130n126, 151n188, 190n27, 247n153, 366n194, 389n291, 397, 407, 505n78 21:5 38n122, 57n160, 225n88, 401 21:7 82n15, 234n112, 245n140, 406, 408 21:7–8 130n126 21:8 33, 59n165, 154– 55, 192, 201n71, 398n315, 406 21:8–9 179–80 21:8–10 359 21:8–14 227, 453n162 21:9 407 21:10 97n60, 247, 258, 407, 408 21:10–15 26 21:10–22:2 21 21:11 56, 66–67, 190n27, 196, 198n66, 233,

Ancient Sources: New Testament 539 247n153, 397, 405n12, 417, 508 21:11–13 202n75 21:12 407 21:13 27n91, 60, 135n141, 198, 245n144, 407 21:14 67, 398n320 21:15–23:30 4n22, 31 21:16 130n126, 151n188, 201n71, 227, 245n140, 366n194, 453n162 21:16–17 28n95 21:16–18 16 21:17 35n114, 82n15, 234n112, 449, 449n148 21:17–18 32, 253, 389n287 21:17–19 296n5 21:17–26 4n26 21:18 78, 247n157, 292n108, 301, 389n148, 394n309, 436, 485 21:19 64n177, 293, 398, 478 21:19–22:10 26 21:20 51, 65n180, 234n112, 410 21:20–25 41 21:21 204, 315, 478, 508 21:23–24 6n33, 357 21:23–26 452 21:24 57n159 21:25 4, 29, 29n96, 303n22, 307n32, 412 21:26 149, 452 21:26–27 15, 412, 449n148 21:27 94n47, 249, 316n15, 383n260, 405n10, 437–38, 449n148, 452 21:27–28 458 21:27–30 56n157, 447n141 21:27–36 198n66, 202n74, 397, 508 21:27–22:30 414–30 21:27–23:22 441 21:28 204, 284n81, 354n157, 422, 446n131, 447, 458, 478, 508 21:29 358n168, 389 21:30 340n91 21:30–33 6n33 21:31 94n47, 202n75, 383n260, 440–41, 478 21:31–33 417n33, 466

21:31–22:20 16 21:32 417n34 21:32–39 202n76 21:33 340n91, 407, 444 21:34 417n36, 429, 436 21:35 417n34 21:36 429, 478 21:37 302n15, 417nn33, 36 21:38 6n33, 441, 480 21:39 27n90, 36, 58, 197, 246n150, 296n2, 306, 418n42, 420, 420n47, 421n49 21:40 205, 267n34, 419–20, 469n208, 475–76 22 45, 52, 206, 210, 213, 215, 219–22, 468 22–24 420 22–26 61, 211 22–28 61 22:1 41, 84n21, 384n269, 431, 469n209 22:1–21 402 22:2 419, 475–76 22:3 58, 64, 146, 197, 207, 246n150, 306, 418n42, 421, 421nn49, 52; 439, 471, 471n215 22:3–4 205 22:3–5 206, 207, 219 22:3–21 41, 52n151, 159, 436, 468, 468n206 22:3–30 203–22 22:4 47n135, 141n149, 194n43, 208, 361, 422, 473–74 22:4–5 207, 431, 473 22:5 82n15, 193n40, 207–8, 234n112, 422n58, 445, 473–74 22:5–16 475 22:6 38n122, 187, 193n40, 194, 208 22:6–11 206, 208, 219–20, 465, 475 22:7 195, 208, 475 22:8 103n67, 206, 209 22:9 195, 207, 423 22:10 106, 327 22:10–11 193n40 22:10–20 16, 21 22:11 195, 209 22:11–14 15 22:12 93, 177, 196 22:12–14 15 22:12–16 210, 221, 475 22:13 196 22:13–15 211

22:14

116, 217, 398n320, 424, 435n98 22:14–15 64, 398 22:15 52n145, 198, 425, 511 22:15–21 211 22:16 196, 197, 207, 431 22:16–17 15 22:17 35n114, 38n122, 197, 201, 232, 317n20, 352n150, 426n67, 436n101, 493n35 22:17–18 213, 218, 230n109, 426n67 22:17–21 207, 222, 465, 478 22:19 149, 225, 327 22:19–20 207, 431 22:20 52n145, 176, 205 22:20–29 26 22:21 106, 170, 196, 198, 213, 218 22:22 198n66, 202n75, 417, 438, 467, 478 22:22–29 328 22:22–30 222, 442 22:23–29 202n76 22:24–29 417n33 22:24 417n36, 436 22:25 328n61 22:28 429 22:29 329 22:29–28:31 16 22:30 126n120, 130n128, 430, 438–39, 449n148 23–26 48, 359 23:1 41, 57n159, 84n21, 126n120, 451n157 23:1–5 5n28, 445n125 23:1–10 206 23:1–25 430–43 23:2 126n118, 196n51, 443, 445 23:3 5n28, 64 23:5 55, 451 23:6 41, 84n21, 126n120, 295n1, 450–51, 472, 509 23:6–8 465, 479 23:6–9 451n154, 471 23:6–10 124n112 23:7 386, 436n99 23:8 142, 142n155, 371 23:8–24 21 23:9 57n159, 142n155, 429, 435, 442, 458n183, 467n205, 482n240

540 Acts (continued) 23:10 198n66, 386, 417n33, 417n36, 429 23:11 52n146, 106n72, 197, 202n76, 212, 230n109, 317n20, 352n150, 375n239, 397n312, 476, 478, 493n35, 505–6, 505n82, 511 23:11–12 449n148 23:11–17 15 23:12 438n105, 496n46 23:12–15 198n66 23:12–22 62, 62n170, 200, 457n179 23:12–29 202n75, 388n281 23:12–35 6n33 23:14 130n128, 247n157, 291n106, 457n175 23:14–15 42 23:15 126n120, 443, 417n33, 457n176 23:15–23 22 23:16 417n36 23:16–22 413, 471n216 23:16–35 202n76 23:17–19 417n33 23:18 508 23:18–24:15 16 23:19 340n91 23:20 126n120 23:20–21 42 23:22 294, 417n33, 443, 457n176 23:23 201n71, 417n34, 440, 449n148 23:23–24 440n110 23:23–24:23 46 23:23–26:32 294, 508 23:25–29 15 23:26 417, 441, 445n127 23:26–30 37n117, 41, 206, 417n33, 444 23:27 198n66, 329 23:28 126n120, 458n182 23:28–29 469 23:29 51, 57n159, 435n97, 452, 465, 478, 508 23:30 35n114 23:31 417n34 23:31–33 440n110 23:32 417n36, 440, 449n148 23:33 201n71 23:33–35 445 23:34 306, 456 23:35 227, 249n163, 397 24 37n117, 45, 52, 58

Ancient Sources: New Testament 24:1

126n118, 196n51, 247n157, 291n106, 449n148, 457n176 24:1–2 441n112 24:1–26 206 24:1–27 227, 443–55 24:2 441 24:2–3 470 24:2–8 37n117, 41 24:4–28:31 22 24:5 48, 51, 56, 103n67, 142, 209, 247n154, 355, 386, 436n99, 509, 509n91 24:5–6 204, 478 24:6 458 24:7 417n33 24:9 202n74 24:10 35n114, 384n269, 420, 441n112, 470 24:10–21 37n117, 41, 52n151, 159, 402, 414n25 24:11 189, 458n180 24:12 331 24:12–13 57n159 24:14 47n135, 56, 142, 194, 194n43, 238, 361, 421n52, 422n56, 433, 451n153, 460, 478n232, 511n93 24:15 451n155, 465, 471–72, 479, 509 24:16 101, 431n81 24:17 3, 225, 248, 376, 414, 451 24:18–24 202n74 24:19 316n15 24:20 57n159, 126n120 24:22 47n135, 194n43, 361, 417, 417n33, 422n56, 441 24:22–27 441n112 24:22–25:5 17 24:23 130, 198n66, 397, 486n8, 500n63, 505n78 24:24 6n33, 291n104, 449n148, 477 24:25 58, 331 24:26 3, 248, 376, 392n301, 414 24:27 4, 205, 250, 352, 397, 439, 449, 449n148, 454n166, 455n173, 464 24:27–25:12 206 24:27–25:22 46

25 455n173 25:1 201n71, 449n148, 455n173, 467 25:1–3 205 25:1–12 227 25:1–22 455–66 25:2 130n128, 202n74, 443, 458, 462, 464, 508 25:3 198n66, 202n75 25:4 201n71, 455n173 25:6 201n71, 353, 449n148, 458n181, 465, 467 25:6–12 205 25:7 202n74, 458n182, 465 25:8 35n114, 57n159, 204, 354n157, 384n269, 420, 447, 469n209, 478 25:9 250, 455n173 25:10 353, 458n181, 469, 508 25:10–11 41 25:10–12 459n186 25:11 57n159, 435n97, 466–67 25:11–12 493n39, 508 25:12–14 455n173 25:13 6n33, 198n64, 201n71 25:13–14 449n148 25:13–27 206 25:13–26:32 227 25:14 439, 441n112, 508 25:14–21 41 25:15 130n128, 202n74, 291n106, 443, 457nn175–76 25:16 384n269, 420, 464– 65n202, 469n209 25:17 353, 449n148, 458n181 25:18 342n94, 435n97, 458n182 25:19 56, 342n96, 468 25:20 297 25:22–23 449n148 25:22–25 455n173 25:23–26:32 6n33, 466–82 25:21 35n114, 459n186, 493n39, 508 25:23 198n64, 417n33 25:24 202n75, 428 25:24–27 37n117, 41 25:25 35n114, 57n159, 435n97, 508 25:26 35n113, 238, 469

Ancient Sources: New Testament 541 25:27 26

439, 508 37n117, 45, 52, 58, 206, 210, 213, 219–22 26:1 27, 198n64, 267n34, 508n86 26:1–2 420, 469n209 26:1–23 402 26:1–24 384n269 26:2 469, 478 26:2–3 202n74 26:2–23 41, 52n151, 159 26:2–32 203–22 26:3 508 26:5 142, 295n1, 446 26:6 63, 116 26:6–8 271n49, 509 26:6–27:4 17 26:7 64, 469 26:7–8 14 26:7–18 17 26:8 64, 346n130, 479 26:9 103n67, 209, 474 26:9–11 207 26:9–20 419 26:10 130n128, 197, 207–8 26:10–11 192 26:10–12 207 26:11 207–8 26:12 130n128, 193n40, 207 26:12–18 208 26:13 194, 208 26:13–14 208 26:13–18 475n224 26:14 195, 207–8, 209n83, 419, 423 26:15 209 26:15–18 398 26:16 52n145, 209, 212, 270n47, 424–25, 511 26:16–18 198, 210–12 26:17 108n80, 170, 217 26:17–18 212 26:18 53n154, 120n104, 191n29, 224n86, 239n131, 245n147, 425n65 26:19 36n115, 230n109, 296n2 26:19–27:16 16 26:20 14, 64, 97n60, 106n70, 193n40, 213, 224n86, 243n138, 245n147, 289 26:20–27:13 21 26:21 198n66, 202n75

26:21–22 64 26:22 183, 238, 451n153, 511n93 26:23 53, 68n188, 333 26:24 420, 469n209, 471 26:25 52n151, 441 26:25–27 41 26:26 36n115, 48, 128n122, 296n2, 363n188, 369n209 26:27–29 52n151 26:28 246n151 26:29 35n113, 41, 65n179, 449n148 26:29–28:26 16 26:30 6n33 26:30–32 484 26:30–28:25 21 26:31 508 26:31–32 16, 57n159, 435n97 26:32 355, 455n173, 459n186, 482n241, 484, 493n39, 508 27 486n6 27–28 483–513, 483n1 27:1 227, 466, 482n241 27:1–28:10 294 27:1–28:15 62, 483–506 27:1–28:16 3n18, 47n139, 226, 318, 389n286, 485 27:2 260, 316n15, 317n19, 383, 388, 389n287, 482n241, 486n5, 497, 507 27:3 245n140, 449n148, 453n163, 486n7, 498n58, 500n63 27:4 245n140, 260 27:5 403, 486n9 27:6 497, 504n70 27:6–7 16 27:7 449n148 27:8 489n19 27:9 182n10, 389n288, 449n148, 493n33 27:10 497 27:10–11 202n76 27:12 35n113, 260, 449n148, 489n20 27:16 491n21 27:18–19 491n28 27:18–21 449n148 27:18–23 494n41 27:20 36n115, 296n2 27:21 260, 342n94 27:21–26 41, 202n76 27:22 493n33 27:23 142n155, 170n236, 188n21, 197, 212,

230n109, 231n110, 317n20, 352n150, 436n101, 449n148 27:23–24 64n176, 476 27:23–26 501 27:24 38n123, 62, 198n64, 375n239, 436n104, 459n186, 493n37, 505 27:24–25 64 27:26 500 27:27 449n148 27:29 437, 449n148, 496n46 27:31 41, 202n76, 417n34 27:32 417n34 27:33 437, 449n148, 494n41 27:33–34 41 27:34 269n44 27:35 57n160, 65n179, 391 27:35–38 108 27:39 35n113, 437, 449n148, 494n41, 498 27:42 417n34 27:42–43 505n77 27:43 202n76, 453n163, 486n8, 500n63 28:2 36n115, 296n2, 453n163, 486n8, 500n63 28:3–31 17 28:5–6 202n76 28:5–31 16 28:6–7 449n148 28:7 453n163, 486n8, 500n63 28:8 38n122, 185n17, 197, 223n85, 259n7 28:8–9 57n161 28:8–17 17 28:10 260 28:11–14 449n148 28:11–31 294 28:14 130n126, 389n291, 405n10, 505n82 28:14–15 82n15, 234n112 28:14–16 375n239, 505n79 28:15 57n160, 65n179 28:16 3, 141, 417nn34, 36; 440, 453n163, 486n8, 500n63, 505nn77, 82; 508n87 28:16–17 439 28:16–31 21, 506–513 28:17 84n21, 198n66, 407, 449n148, 456

542 Acts (continued) 28:17–19 57n159 28:17–20 41 28:17–22 468 28:17–28 505 28:17–31 483 28:18 435n97, 447, 458n182 28:19 202n75, 459n186, 493n39 28:20 35n114 28:21 57n159, 97n60 28:21–22 42 28:22 142, 447 28:23 68n186, 73n2, 106n72, 238, 291n105, 369n211, 397n312, 398n317, 449n148, 451n153, 478n232 28:23–28 69 28:24–27 202n74 28:25 116, 131 28:25–27 55, 190 28:25–28 41 28:25–29 468 28:26–27 51, 426 28:27 223n85 28:28 51, 64, 352, 512 28:30 449n148, 453n163, 486n8, 500n63, 505n80, 511n92 28:30–31 18, 352 28:31 46n134, 68n186, 73n2, 128n122, 135n141, 183, 202n76, 291n105, 307n30, 369nn209, 211; 398n317, 402 Romans 4n23, 160, 314, 314n10, 375–76, 388 1:1 88, 211 1:3 268 1:3–4 277 1:4 74n3 1:5 198n60 1:7 197n55, 474, 505n82 1:10–15 375n239 1:13 505–6 1:15 505n82 1:16 121, 281, 352 1:18–32 289, 346 1:21 289 1:23 232 1:24 172 1:26 172

Ancient Sources: New Testament 1:28 172 2:3 454n170 2:9 281 2:11 236 2:15 431n81 2:16 1, 239n126, 346n129 2:18 424 2:22 385n275 2:25–29 411n20 3:22 134n136 3:24 299, 363n191 3:24–25 4n24 3:25 274n54, 346n127 3:27–31 238 3:28 274n55, 278 4:5 274n55, 278 4:7 274n54 4:24 134n136 5:1 274n55, 278 5:1–2 299 5:2 363n191 5:5 240 5:12–21 4n25 5:15 281, 299 8 90 8:3 274n55, 279 8:9 366n196 8:11 74n3 8:27 474 8:29 471 8:33 469 8:34 469 9–11 512 9:1 431n81 10:12 238 10:12–13 197, 425n66 11:1 472n220 11:1–2 281n63 11:2 471 11:11 352 11:13 198n60, 398n314 11:25–26 512 12:2 237 12:6–7 258n2 12:11 397 12:13 405n11, 500n63 13:1–7 470 13:5 431n81 14:1–2 400n334 14:9 239nn126, 130; 469 14:9–10 346n129 14:10 353, 458n181 14:14 245n144 14:17 291n105, 369n211, 454n168 14:21 400n334 15–16 388n280 15:14–33 376, 388n280

15:16 198n60, 237 15:18–19 299, 371n218 15:18–33 4 15:22–29 375n239 15:22–33 3n20 15:23–24 405n11 15:24 73 15:25 388n280 15:25–31 452n159 15:25–33 413 15:26 317n19, 354n152, 390 15:28 73 15:30–31 414 15:31 398n314, 414 16:1 153n199 16:1–2 357, 363n190, 388n280, 405n11 16:3 350 16:3–5 505n76 16:5 149, 316n15 16:7 507n85 16:16 401n337 16:21 258, 334, 387–88 16:21–23 388n280 16:23 375, 376n240, 383n261 16:25 1, 400 16:26 198n60 1 Corinthians 3, 314n10, 355, 361, 361n179, 376, 390n292 1–4 376 1:1 348, 353, 355 1:2 197, 197n55, 399n325, 425n66, 474 1:4 363n191 1:11 376 1:12 361, 376 1:13–15 240 1:14 348, 352, 383n261 1:14–17 348 1:16 243n134, 322n39, 326n55, 352n149 1:22 348n135 1:22–23 371n218 1:24 348n135 1:26–31 348 2:1–5 348 2:3 352n151 2:6 212 3:4 361 3:5–6 361 3:10 281 3:22 361 4:1 476 4:5 454n170

Ancient Sources: New Testament 543 4:6 361 4:12 351n139, 400n333 4:17 376 4:20 291n105, 369n211 5:4 245n144 5:5 245n144, 476n228 5:9 376 6:1 197n55 6:9–10 291n105, 369n211 6:11 425n65 7:1 376 7:5 476n228 7:8–9 152 7:9 454n169 7:19 411n20 8–10 307n32 8:1 307n32 8:4 307n32 8:7 431n81 8:10 307n32, 431n81 8:11–12 400n334 8:12 431n81 9:1 217, 476 9:6 135n143, 246n148 9:12 400n332 9:15 400n332 9:19–23 348n135 9:20 413, 418, 420 9:25 454n169 10:16 108 10:16–17 391 10:19 307n32 10:25 431n81 10:27–29 431n81 10:32 348n135, 399n325 11:16 399n325 11:19 447n138 11:23 245n144 11:23–26 391 11:24 108 11:30 400 12–14 92 12:2 338 12:3 438n106 12:9 155n211 12:10 367n202, 371n218 12:13 348n135, 366n196 12:28–29 258n2, 371n218 13:2 155n211 14 240, 365, 367n202 14:3 202 14:29–33 258n2 14:34 508n86 14:37 258n2 14:39 258n2 15 451n155, 479 15:4 239n122 15:5 153n196 15:5–8 198, 270n47, 277

15:7 15:8 15:9

2, 78n12, 253 216–17, 423, 476 193n36, 204, 422, 473n222 15:15 476 15:21–23 4n25 15:24 291n105, 369n211 15:32 358n168, 376 15:33 392n301 15:45–49 4n25 15:50 291n105, 369n211 16:1 248, 316n13 16:1–4 3n20, 376, 452n159 16:2 390–91 16:2–8 390n292 16:3 363n190 16:3–4 3n21 16:5 317n19 16:8 358n168 16:9 293 16:10 376 16:12 361 16:15 326n55, 354n152 16:19 316n15, 348, 350 16:20 401n337 16:22 438n106 16:23 245n144, 363n191 2 Corinthians 3, 376, 390, 390n293, 413 1:1 197n55, 354n152 1:3 245n144 1:3–7 388n278 1:8 316n15, 376, 415n26 1:12 431n81 1:16 317n19, 390n292 1:19 306n25, 348 2:1–11 376 2:3–4 397n311 2:4 400 2:11 476n228 2:12 293, 316–17 2:12–13 390n292 2:13 317n19, 352n147 3:1 363n190 4:1 398n314 4:2 431n81 4:4 212, 476n228 4:14 245n144 5:10 239n126, 353, 451n155, 454n170, 458n181 5:11 431n81 5:18 398n314 6:2 282n65 6:3 398n314 6:5 439n108 6:15 314n7

7:2 400n332 7:5 317n19 7:5–8 390n292 7:6 352n147 7:13–14 352n147 7:13–16 390n292 8–9 3n20, 248, 376, 452n159 8:1 135n142, 317n19 8:6 352n147 8:16 352n147 8:18 2 8:20–23 3n21 8:23 352n147 9:2 317n19, 354n152 9:4 317n19, 390n292 9:14 135n142 10–13 348 10:10 167n231 11:3 501n65 11:6 167n231 11:9 317n19 11:10 354n152 11:14 476n228 11:22–23 348 11:23 290, 439n108 11:23–29 198 11:24 149, 348n135 11:25 290, 326 11:26 202n75, 388n281 11:30–33 216 11:31 245n144 11:32 193–94, 475 11:32–33 200, 202n76, 426 12:2–3 191n33 12:7 476n228 12:12 371n218 12:14 390n292 12:18 352n147 13:1 390n292 13:10 400 13:12 401n337 Galatians 4n23, 160, 216, 314, 314n10, 413 1–2 4, 203 1:1 88, 210–11 1:2 316n13 1:7–8 296 1:8–9 438n106 1:12 88, 423 1:13 193n36, 204, 422, 473n222 1:13–24 215–17, 427 1:13–2:14 4 1:14 420–21 1:15 476 1:15–16 424

544 Galatians (continued) 1:16 198n60, 423 1:17 194, 201, 475 1:18 202 1:19 253 1:21 306n28, 312n4, 418n43 1:23 193n36, 422 2:1 352n147 2:1–2 216 2:1–3 352n147 2:1–10 296 2:1–13 135n143, 246n148 2:3 314, 352n147 2:6 236 2:7 198n60, 216 2:9 253 2:9–10 3n20 2:10 248, 452n159 2:11 245n140, 258 2:11–14 359n177 2:12 242, 253 2:14 235 2:15 418, 420 2:16 274n55, 279 3:5 371n218 3:8 274n55, 278 3:10–14 298–99 3:13 239n121 3:16 355 3:17 164 3:19 175 3:24 274n55, 278 4:16 397 5:1 298 5:2–3 296 5:2–6 314 5:6 411n20 5:7 444 5:20 375n237, 447n138 5:21 291n105, 369n211 5:23 454n169 6:12–13 296 6:15 411n20 Ephesians 1:1 358n168 1:7 274n54 1:11 398n320 1:13 124n117, 269n42 1:15 245n144 1:18 400n331 2:2 212, 476 2:5 299 2:8 299 2:17 238 3:1 439n108 3:13 291 4:1 439n108

Ancient Sources: New Testament 4:8–10 75 4:11 59n165, 399n323, 406 4:19 172 4:28 351n139 5:5 291n105, 400n331 5:8 212, 476n226 5:18 98n63 5:23 268 5:26 425n65 6:9 237n116 6:15 238 6:19–20 363n188 6:20 509 6:21–22 388n283 Philippians 376, 454–55 1:1 153n199, 197n55, 292, 399n324 1:7 439n108 1:11 454n168 1:13–14 439n108 1:14 186n20, 245n141, 327n57 1:16 384n269 1:17 439n108 1:18–26 397 1:19 316 1:27 431n80 1:29 198 2:9 176 2:14 151n189 2:19 245n144 2:19–30 3n19 3:5 418, 434, 472n220 3:5–6 421 3:6 193n36, 204, 358, 422, 473n222 3:18 397n311 3:20 268 4:15 317n19 4:16 333n70 4:18 3n19, 237n117 Colossians 3, 376, 400 1:7–8 370n215 1:9 424 1:12 400n331, 477n230 1:12–13 212 1:13 291n105, 476n226 1:14 274n54 1:24 198 2:1 370n215 2:18 472n218 3:17 245n144 3:24 397, 400n331 3:25 237n116 4:3 293 4:7 370n215, 388n283 4:7–14 3n19

4:10

135n143, 246n148, 253, 363n190, 383n262, 507 4:11 242, 291n105 4:12–14 370n215 4:14 2 1 Thessalonians 334, 337n80 1:1 306n25, 337n80 1:6 185n13 1:7–8 317n19, 354n152 1:9–10 224n86, 289, 333n70, 346n129, 478n231 2:1–2 333n70 2:2 330, 363n188, 368–69 2:9 333n70, 351n139, 399–400, 400n333 2:12 291n105, 369n211, 388n278 2:13 124n117, 185n13 2:15 175n250, 245n144 2:15–16 388n281 2:18 444, 476n228 2:19 245n144 3:1–2 337n80 3:2 388n278 3:3 291 3:6 337n80 3:10 399–400 3:11 245n144 3:13 197n55, 245n144 4:1 388n278 4:1–2 245n144 4:6 106n72, 397n312 4:10 317n19 4:13–18 451n155 4:17 76 5:21 397n312 5:26 401n337 2 Thessalonians 334 1:1 306n25, 337n80 1:5 291n105 1:5–7 291 2:9 476n228 3:2 456 3:7–8 351n139, 400n333 1 Timothy 6 1:3 317n19, 358n168 1:3–7 399n328 1:5 431n81 1:12 398n314 1:13 193n36, 473n222 1:19 281n63, 431n81 1:20 384n267, 476n228 2:9 480n236

Ancient Sources: New Testament 545 2:15 480n236 3:1 399n324 3:1–7 292 3:2 292, 399n324, 500n63 3:5 399n325 3:8–13 153n199 3:9 431n81 3:15 399n325 3:16 75 4:1–5 399n328 4:6 153n199 4:10 314n7 4:12 471 4:14 155n212, 185n16, 259n9 4:16 398 5:1 247n157 5:1–2 292 5:2 247n157 5:3–16 152 5:15 476n228 5:16 314n7 5:17 247n157, 292 5:19 247n157, 292 5:21 106n72 5:22 155n212, 185n16, 259n9 6:2 314n7 6:3–5 399n328 6:4 297 2 Timothy 3, 6, 420 1:3 399–400, 431n81 1:3–14 493 1:4 397n311 1:5 314, 314n7 1:6 155n212, 185n16, 259n9 1:8 420, 439n108 1:10 268 1:11 420 1:15 316n15 1:17 375n239, 505n82, 512–13 1:18 358n168 2:8 1 2:12 171n238 2:14 106n72, 397n312 2:22 197, 425n66 2:23 297 2:25 243n138 3:1–9 399n328 3:11 290 3:15 314n7 4:1 106n72, 239n126, 239n130, 291n105, 346n129, 397n312 4:5 59n165, 406

4:7 397–98 4:9–21 3n19 4:10 316n13 4:10–11 2 4:11 253, 398n314 4:12 358n168, 388n283 4:13 316–17 4:14 384n267 4:18 291n105 4:19 350 4:20 375–76, 389n284 Titus 6 1:4 268 1:5 247n157, 292 1:5–9 292 1:6 314n7 1:7 292, 399n324 1:8 454n169, 500n63 1:10 242 1:10–16 399n328 2:6 480n236 2:13 268 3:4 500n63 3:5 425n65 3:6 268, 240 3:9 297 3:12 388n283 3:13 361 Philemon 3, 376, 454–55 1 439n108 2 149 5 197n55, 245n144 7 197n55 9 439n108 10 439n108 10–14 3n19 13 439n108 22 511 23 3n19, 507n85 24 253, 383n262, 507n85 Hebrews 2, 34, 59n165 1:5 131n131, 277 2:2 175 2:6 106n72, 397n312 2:10 116, 119 2:11–12 104n68 3:10 171n240 3:17 171n240 5:5 131n131 6:2 155n212, 185n16 6:10 197n56 6:17 398n320 7:1 174n248, 323–24n45 8:5 174

9:15 400n331 10:5–7 104n68 10:22 425n65, 431n81 11 159 11:2 247n157 11:8 400n331 11:27 169n233 12:2 116, 119 12:15 300 12:18 345n118 13:2 500n63 13:7 186n20, 245n141, 327n57 13:18 431n81 13:20 245n144 13:22 265n33 13:24 197n56 James 1:1

177n254, 441, 472n219 1:6 241, 490 1:21 185n13 1:22–23 124n116 1:26–27 472n218 1:27 152 2:4 241 2:6 241 2:16 328n59 5:14 247n157, 292 5:17 289n95 1 Peter 59n165 1:1 177n254, 316nn13, 15 1:4 400n331 1:17 237n116 1:19 190 2:4–8 128 2:5 237n117 2:7 111n88 2:9 212, 476n226 2:25 292, 399nn323–24 3:16 431n81 3:18 424n62 3:21 431n81 4:5 239nn126, 130; 346n129 4:7–10 230n106 4:9 151n189, 500n63 4:16 246n151 4:17 59n165 5:1 239n128, 247n157, 292 5:1–4 399n323 5:5 247n157, 292 5:12 306nn25–26 5:13 253 5:14 401n337

546 2 Peter 87 1:1 243n136, 268, 301n10 1:6 454n169 1:9 425n65 1:11 268 2:1 447n138 2:12 86n35 2:13–15 86 2:15 86n36 2:20 268 3:2 268 3:17 471 3:18 268 1 John 113 1:1 345n118, 425n63 1:3 425n63 1:9 274n54 2:1 424n62 2:7 124n116 2:12 274n54 2:19 399 2:22 199 2:22–23 171n238 3:7 424n62 3:11 124n116 4:14 268 5:1 180n3, 199, 351n143 2 John 113 1 247n157 10–11 405n11

Ancient Sources: OT Pseudepigrapha 3:5 282n68 3:8 293 6:10 131n130 8:3–4 197n56 9:9 189 9:21 375n237 10:6 131, 289n98 11:12 75 11:15 131n132 11:18 197n56 12:9 501n65 13:8 282n68 14:6 59n165 14:7 131, 289n98 17:8 282n68 17:18 131n132 18:19 429n69 18:23 375n237 19:10 234–35, 289n95 19:11 176n252, 232 19:19 131n132 20:2–3 501n65 20:12 282n68 21:8 375n237 21:12 472n219 21:27 282n68 22:8 234 22:15 375n237 22:20–21 245n144 OT PSEUDEPIGRAPHA Ahiqar 8.38 84n24

3 John 26, 113 1 247n157 5–8 405n11 12 378 15 486n7

Ascension of Isaiah 2.5 181n7 3.11 189n23 3.13 153n196

Jude 87 3 197n56 4 131n130, 171n238 8 317n20 11 86n36

2 Baruch 22.2 195n47 26–30 120n105 27.7 133n134 32.6 120n106 78.7 94n48

Revelation 59n165 1:4 316n15 1:5 75 1:11 358n168 1:17 194n46, 234n113, 392n300 2:1 358n168 2:6 154 2:14 307n32 2:15 154 2:18–29 321 2:20 307n32 2:26–27 131n131

3 Baruch Prologue 2

113

1 Enoch 1–5 434n93 6.4–6 438n106 13.9 326n54 14.9–10 91 14.15 91 37.4 280 39.3 75n5 40.9 280 45.4–5 120n106

47.3 282n68 51.1–2 451n155 58.3 280 62.13–16 451n155 70.2 75n5 71.1 75n5 72.1 120n106 101.4–5 491n28 103.1–8 451n155 104.1 282n68 108.3 282n68 2 Enoch 34.1 298n6 48.8–9 298n6 Appendix 51.3 298n6 3 Enoch 35.6 298n6 Ezekiel the Tragedian line 73 449n143 4 Ezra See OT Apocrypha, 2 Esdras Greek Apocalypse of Ezra 2.9 431n80 Jannes and Jambres 25a 133n134 Joseph and Aseneth 8.9 212 8.9–10 476n226 8.11 120n105 14.1–8 204–5n81 14.3 194 14.4 195n47 14.7 195n47 15.7 120n105 15.12 212, 476n226 22.13 120n105 Jubilees 1.27 175 1.29 175 2.1 175 8–9 96n56 22.16 235 30.19–22 282n68 47.12 169n233 48.1–4 170 Letter of Aristeas 37n119, 362 1 8n37 8 8n37 115 406 149 428 192 432n88 211 344n111

Ancient Sources: Dead Sea Scrolls / Rabbinic Sources 547 278 454n167 301 321n33 305–306 321n33 322 8n37 Liber antiquitatum ­biblicarum (Pseudo-Philo) 4.1–10 96n56 6.17 133n134 11.4–5 133n134 Lives of the Prophets 11.3 133n134 12.13 501n65 Psalms of Solomon 1.4 73 3.12 280 7.9 298n6 8.15 73 14.8 297 16.4 476n225 17.30 298n6 17.30–31 94n48 Pseudo-Eupolemus frag. 1.3–4

164n225

Pseudo-Phocylides 149 374n233 Questions of Ezra 28 133n134 Sibylline Oracles 374n234 3.249 472n219 3.271 96n58 4.128–129 261n13 5.450–452 261n13 Testament of Abraham 13.6 472n221 Testament of Job 9.8 113n95 Testament of Moses 3.11 171 Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs Testament of Benjamin 9.2 94n48, 472n221 Testament of Dan 2.1 398n318

9.4 326n52 Testament of Judah 8.2 304 9.3 392n300 21.6 490 Testament of Levi 2.6 195n47 3.9 133n134 5.7 326n54 18.10 120n105 Testament of Naphtali 6.4–6 488n16 6.6 497–98 Testament of Reuben 1.3–4 398n318 DEAD SEA SCROLLS 450n151 Damascus Document (CD) I, 13 194n45 II, 6 194n45 VI, 5 194n41 VI, 19 194n41 VII, 19 194n41 IX, 10–15 109n82 X, 18–20 109n82 XII, 6–7 109n82 XIII, 14–15 109n82 XIV, 20 109n82 XIX, 34 194n41 XX, 7 109n82 XX, 12 194n41 XX, 18 194n45 Rule of the Community (1QS) I, 11–13 109n82 V, 1–3 109n82 V, 14–16 109n82 V, 20 109n82 VI, 17–25 109n82 VI, 25 138n147 VII, 24–25 109n82 VIII, 22–23 109n82 IX, 3–11 109n82 IX, 17–18 194n45 X, 21 194n45 XI, 13 194n45

Testament of Issachar 4.2 400n332 6.1 399n326

War Scroll (1QM) II, 10–14

Testament of Joseph 1.1 398n318 8.5 326n52

4Q386 451n156

96n56

4Q385 451n156 4Q521 451n156

RABBINIC SOURCES Babylonian Talmud ʿErubin 53b Pesaḥim 57a

95n52 432n85

Jerusalem Talmud Yoma 1.5 (39a)

254n184

Mishnah

77n8, 113n92, 146, 235, 249, 314, 357n167, 411, 436n99 ʿAbodah Zarah 235, 235n114, 303n17 ʾAbot 1:16 146nn164–65  3:5 298n6 Berakot 2:2 298n6  8:6 235  9:1 303n17   9:5 113n95, 170n237, 436n99 Bikkurim 3:4 249n164 Demai 6:10 303n17 ʿErubin 4:3 77n8  5:7 77n8 Giṭṭin 4:2–3 146n164 Kelim 1:8 415n29 Keritot 1:1 303n17 Middot 1:4 113n92  2:3–6 113n92 Nazir 357n167  1:3–4 411n22  1:6 411n22 Niddah 4:2 436n99 ʾOhalot 18:7 235 ʿOrlah 2:12 146n164 Parah 3:3 436n99 Peʾah 2:6 146n164 Pesaḥim 5:1 113n94 Qiddušin 3:12 314n9 Roš Haššanah 2:5 146n164 Šabbat 6:8 113n95  9:1 303n17 Sanhedrin 434n92  5:1 303n17  6:4 303n17  7:3 249n165  7:4 303n17  7:5 474n223  7:6 303n17  7:10 303n17  8:7 303n17  9:1 249n165  9:3 303n17  10:1 451n155   11:1 261n14, 303n17  11:6 303n17

548

Ancient Sources: Other Jewish Sources

Mishnah (continued) Šeqalim 3:3 146n164  6:1 146n164 Soṭah 5:3 77n8  7:8 249n164   9:15 146n164, 146n167 Tamid 4:1 113n94 Temurah 6:1 303n17 Yadayim 4:6–8 436n99 Yebamot 7:5 314n9   16:7 146n164, 146n166 Yoma 487n13 Other Rabbinic Works ʾAbot de Rabbi Nathan 1.5.3 87n39  2.5.2 87n39   36.6.1 86n34, 87n39 Numbers Rabbah 20.1–25 87n39 Seder ʿOlam Rabbah 266 Sipre Deuteronomy 150a 168  357 168 Sipre Numbers 157.4 87n39  157.8 87n39 Targum Onqelos at Num 22:7 87n39 OTHER JEWISH SOURCES Aristobulus 343n105 frag. 3 38n119 frag. 5.10 447n137 Artapanus frag. 3.23–25 Josephus

141, 251n172 141n151 6, 6n33, 10, 44, 151, 416, 418, 434–35, 453

Against Apion 1.53 369n213 1.58 331 1.249 386n276 1.310 386n276 2.38–39 359n176 2.44 157n215 2.45–47 362n183 2.121 235n114 2.130 342, 342n98 2.167 343n104 2.237 386n276 2.258 235n114 2.269 499 Jewish Antiquities 42, 463 1.120–147 96n56 1.154 164n225 2.284 181n7 2.560 193n39 2.561 193n39

3.237 113n94 3.252 91n42 4.207 386n276 4.323 267n34 6.263 297 6.378 267n39 7.278 331 8.42–49 261, 261n17 8.108 345n119 8.275 267n34 9.277–291 182 10.143 267n39 10.164 500n63 10.166 443 11.11–25 142n153 11.34 326n54 11.112 266 11.185 314n6 11.215 441n119 12.8–118 38 12.11–118 362n183 12.106 321n33 12.125–128 359n176 12.130 490 12.142 431n80 12.145 415n29 12.147–153 264, 264n30 12.164 384n266 12.239 334 12.253 472n218 13.92 192n35 13.166 143n160 13.171 446n137 13.171–173 142n153 13.252 91n42 13.284 260n12 13.284–287 135n146 13.287 260n12 13.293 436n99 13.296–298 436n99 13.297 435n95 14.21 389n288 14.65 113n94 14.68 10n60 14.110 229 14.115 96n58 14.115–118 157n215 14.149–155 339n85 14.192 461n194 14.223–230 359n176 14.228–240 328n60 14.234 359n176 14.240 359n176 14.258 321n33 14.262–264 359n176 14.324 456 14.337 91n42 15.121–123 326n51 15.136 175

15.272 96n58 15.276 96n58 15.282–291 6n33 15.380–425 113n92 15.403–409 416n31, 422n59 15.417 415n29 16.27–30 359n176 16.29–57 6n33 16.59–60 359n176 16.143 442n123 16.162–168 359n176 16.163 461n194 16.172–173 359n176 16.314 369n214 16.327 369n214 17.168–187 255n185 17.169 254n184 17.222–342 6n33 17.254 91n42 17.300 508n88 17.317–318 258n4 17.317–320 177n255 18.1–5 6n33 18.6 148n176, 148nn177, 180 18.9 148n177 18.9–10 148nn176, 181 18.11–25 435n94 18.16 435n95 18.18 451n156 18.18–22 109n82 18.29 389n288 18.35 193n38 18.81–84 326n50, 351n137 18.95 193n38 18.109–119 6n33 18.117 6n33 18.126–309 249n161 18.132 463n197 18.194 463n197 18.195–204 417n37 18.196 251n169 18.202 228n97 18.202–203 453n161 18.229–232 228n97 18.229–233 453n161 18.235 453n161 18.237 6n33, 251n169 18.284 493n34 19.1–366 249n161 19.276–277 463n197 19.292–296 251n169 19.294 6n33 19.328–331 249n164 19.331 454n165 19.332 384n266 19.343–352 6n33, 254, 254n183 19.354 463n197

Ancient Sources: Other Jewish Sources 549 19.354–55 453n164 19.360–363 463n195 20.10–14 470n211 20.44–46 6n33 20.51 247n156 20.97–102 6n33 20.97–99 200n70 20.101 6n33, 247n156 20.102 147nn171, 174; 148n182 20.103 196n51, 432nn82, 85 20.104 463nn195, 197 20.105–112 250n168 20.117 386n277 20.131 196n51, 432n83 20.134–223 463n195 20.137–144 441n114, 445n129 20.138 6n33 20.139–44 453n164 20.141–143 6n33, 441n117 20.141–144 261, 261n18 20.142 262n24 20.143–146 463n197 20.145–146 6n33 20.169–172 6n33, 418n40 20.173–178 460n188 20.173–184 227n90 20.174 385n271 20.179 432n84 20.182 441n118 20.182–196 455n174 20.199 124, 446n137 20.199–200 434n91 20.205 196n51 20.205–207 432n85 20.208–210 196n51 20.213 196n51 20.215 454n171, 464n201 20.219–223 113n93 20.222 470n210 23.26 445n129 Jewish War 42, 463 1.153 385n272 1.242 456 1.253 91n42 1.370–372 326n51 1.408–416 227 1.417 442n123 1.447 331 1.474 193 1.527 369n214 1.618 449n147 1.629 449n143 1.630 449n147 2.11 6n33

2.42 91n42 2.93–94 258n4 2.96 177n255 2.101 421n48 2.117–118 6n33 2.118 148nn175, 177– 79 2.119–166 142n153, 435n94 2.120–161 109n82 2.154 451n156 2.162 472n217 2.178–220 249n161 2.215 6n33 2.217 463n197 2.220–221 463n197 2.223–227 250n168 2.228 154n202 2.243 196n51, 432n83 2.252–270 441n114, 445n129 2.254–265 418n40 2.261–263 6n33 2.266–270 460n188 2.266–292 227n90 2.271 455n174 2.272–273 454n171, 464n201 2.287 456 2.309–314 464n199 2.310–314 463n197 2.313–314 411n22 2.333–334 463n197 2.335–421 463n195 2.336 463n196 2.345–401 42n128 2.358–387 96 2.381 491n25 2.391–394 470n212 2.400–401 470n212 2.405 463n197 2.411 434n91 2.426 196n51, 432n86, 463n197 2.429 432n86 2.433 148n175 2.441–442 432n86 2.444 421n53 2.477 406n13 2.490–493 383n263 2.508 224 2.515 223 2.523–526 463n195 2.563–565 421n53 2.595 463n197 2.611 385n271 2.651 421n53 3.56–58 463n195 3.195 490

3.361–391 42n128 3.414–427 224 3.443 463n196 3.472–484 42n128 4.161–162 421n53 4.193–232 421n53 4.271 385n271 4.444 223 4.588–604 227n91 5.144 110n85, 430n79 5.147–155 249n161 5.184–227 113n92 5.185 113n93 5.194 415n29 5.238–245 416n31 5.383 385n272 5.520 456 6.8 471 6.124–126 415n29 6.143 130n127 6.293–294 251n172 6.299 91n42 6.333–336 415n28 6.343 386n277 6.354 110n85, 430n79 7.42–62 6n33, 383n260 7.47 383n263 7.100–111 383n260 7.107 383n263 7.253 148n175 7.320–336 42n128 7.341–388 42n128 7.368 193n39 The Life 463n195 10 446n137 12 431n80, 433, 446n137, 472n217 15 494n42, 496 13–16 488n16 34 282n71 49 463n196 141 460n189 169 282n71 190–191 146n168, 434n91 191 421n52, 446n137, 472n217 197 434n91 336 8n37 Philo

151, 249, 331, 362

Against Flaccus 25–40 249n161 26–27 486n11 41 383n263 45–46 96n57, 264n30 74 383n263 84 383n263 95 383n263

550 Against Flaccus (continued) 109–115 228n94 158 421n48 173 383n263 Allegorical Interpretation 3.42 343n109 3.48 398n313 3.223 319 Cherubim 32–34 87n39 42 342n96 Confusion of Tongues 4–8 94n47 183–195 94n47 Decalogue 33 92n45 44 92n45 52–81 338n82 87 476n225 160 91n42

Ancient Sources: Artifacts, Inscriptions, Papyri On Agriculture 174 319 On Providence 2.64 450n150 On the Creation of the World 105 391n298 On the Virtues 161 431n80 188–189 476n226 Special Laws 1.13–31 338n82 1.51 280 1.156 385n272 2.141 500n63 2.176 91n42 2.193–203 487n13 3.93–94 261n19 3.100–101 261n19 4.226 431n80

Drunkenness 146 98n63

NT APOCRYPHA AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHA

Embassy to Gaius 10 96n57 155 157n216 155–58 508n88 212 415n29 244 461n194 245 157n215 261–333 249n161 278–329 249n166 281 264n30, 333n69, 336, 339, 351n141 281–284 96, 157n215 282 135n146, 260n12 286 238n120 315 359n176 356 238n120

Acts 84n21

Every Good Person Is Free 74 261n19 75–91 109n82 Hypothetica 11.1–18 109n82 Life of Moses 1.263–304 87n39 2.19–20 96n57 2.20 264n30 2.25–44 38, 362n183 Migration of Abraham 113–115 87n39 On Abraham 62 164n225 87 344n116 235 109n84

Acts of John 38–44 379n251 Acts of Paul 486n9 3 284n79 Acts of Pilate 1.1–2 146n169 11.3 (La) 146n169 Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions 1.65 146n169 Gospels Gospel of Thomas 71 158n219 Protevangelium of James 1.1 472n219 14.2 317n20 ARTIFACTS, ­INSCRIPTIONS, PAPYRI Artifacts, Archaeology Agora, Athens 339 Arch of Titus 55 Beroea 335 cargo vessel, skiff 491n22 cities   Athens, Mars Hill 340  Corinth 351n141  Ephesus 359   Iconium 284

 Miletus 401  Thessalonica 332 coins  Agrippa 249   Domitian 385n273  Philippi 320  ship 498n55 monuments   Colossus of Rhodes 404n4  Martyrium, Saint Philip,  Hierapolis 407n16 roads   Lechaion, Corinth 363   Pydna to Athens 336n79   via Egnatia 320, 320n28, 332, 335, 388–89, 506n84   via Maris 188   via Recta 197   via Sebaste 264, 282, 315 rudders 498n54 statues   Artemis 381   Augustus, Caesarea 227  idol 303n18 synagogues  Aegina 339n85  Alexandria 323n45  Delos 323n45   Samaritan 182 temples   Aphrodite, Old Paphos 260   Artemision, Ephesus 359, 377–82, 379n251, 380nn253–54  Chersiphron, architect   of Artemision 379n251   Doric, Assos 393  Jewish temple warning 415, 415n29  Sebasteion, Aphrodisias 96n58   Serapis temple 228n95 Inscriptions, Epigraphs 229n100, 408 Acmonia 471n213 Agdistis 284n77 Agrippa II 463 Ananias, Masada 432n82 Aramaic, Greek, Latin,   in Palestine 418, 418n39 Asclepius and Hygeia,  Lycia 143n159 Astypalaia 305 Corinth 350, 351n141 Curators of Tiber 261 Delphi 354, 354n153 Ephesian Letters 374n233

Ancient Sources: Apostolic Fathers / Other Early C ­ hristian Sources 551 Erastus, Corinth 376n240 Eutychus 391 Gallio 472 IEph 2212 378n246 IGR 3.159 10n59 Jewish 508n89  Athens 339n85  Beroea 336n76   synagogue 321, 321n32, 323n45   temple warning 415, 415n29 Julius Germanus 229n100 Maltese leader 502 Philippi 320 Publius Aelius Glykon, Phrygia 143n159 Saïttaï, Lydia 183n12 Samaritan, Thessalonica 333n69 Sebasteion, Aphrodisias 96n58 Serapis temple 228n95 Theodotus 157, 157n216 Zeus Hypsistos, Beroea 336n76 Papyri and Ostraca 238n120, 253n175 Apollos 361n179 exorcisms, spells 372n223, 374n233 P.Amherst 2.133, 4 493n34 P.Euphrates 5 228n96 P.Fayum 111, 8 458n182 P.Hibeh 1.112, 81 154n202 P.Lipsius 111, 5 493n34 P.Oslo 2.21 228n96 P.Oxyrhynchus   34 I, 13–14 429n70   37 I, 4 443   67, 6 446n133   237 VII, 25 443   483, 21–24 450n152  2234 228n96 APOSTOLIC FATHERS Barnabas 4.12 237n116 19.12 373 20.1 181n7 1 Clement 84n21 1.3 237n116 2.1 267n40, 400n335 18.1 267n40 48.5 314n7 55.6 472n219 59.2 476n226 62.3 314n7 63.3 314n7

2 Clement 5.2–4 399n327 8.3 373 16.4 230n106

Athenagoras

Didache 2.2

Augustine

261n19, 3 75n238 4.9 471 4.14 373 5.1 181n7 7.4 195 11.3–6 405n11 12.1–2 405n11 14.1 391n294 15.1–2 258n2 15.4 230n106 16.3 399n327 Shepherd of Hermas Mandate 4.3.4 297 Similitudes  6.2.3 403  8.7.4 314n7  8.9.1 314n7  8.10.1 314n7  9.22.1 314n7 Vision 3.1.5 373 Ignatius 6 To the Ephesians 7.2 478n233 19.3 181n7 20.2 391n294 To the Philadelphians 2.2 399n327 To Polycarp 3.2 478n233 4.1 152n192 To the Smyrnaeans 13.1 152n192 Martyrdom of Polycarp 3.2 417n38 9.2 417n38 Polycarp 6 To the Philippians 4.3 152n192 6.1 237n116 OTHER EARLY ­CHRISTIAN SOURCES

Apology 2.1 460n189 3 465n202 203, 314n10

Clement of Alexandria 2, 9, 314n10 Adumbrations in 1 Peter 2n14 Christ the Educator 2.1.16.1 9n47 Fragments 22.5 9n48 Miscellanies 1.11.50.6 9n47 1.23.153.3 9n48 2.20 154n210 4.15.97.3 9n47 5.11.75.4 9n47 5.14.96 297 6.8.63.5 9n48 6.18.165.1 9n47 12.82.4 9n47 18.89.4 9n47 19.91.1 9n47 23.154.1 9n48 Cyprian 9 Epistles 3.2.1 9n52 11.3.1 9n52 59.4.3 9n52 67.4.1 9n52 72.1.2 9n52 73.17.2 9n52 73.24.2. 9n52 Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 11 2.21.1–3 418n41 3.4.6–7 1, 1n2 3.4.10 347n133 3.31.3 406n16 4.23.3 347n133 6.14.2 9n48 Preparation for the Gospel 227n93 Hippolytus of Rome Refutation of All Heresies 7.24 154n210

Ambrosiaster 314n10

Irenaeus

Anti-Marcionite ­Prologues 2, 8

Against Heresies 1–2, 5 1.21.2 274n54

8, 154

552

Ancient Sources: Greco-Roman Works

Against Heresies (continued) 1.23.1 1n5, 183 1.23.1–2 1n7 1.23.1–5 182 1.26.3 153n198, 154n210 2.22.5 471 3.1.1 1n6 3.3.4 358n169 3.12.8 191 3.12.10 153n198 3.12.11 8n44 3.13.3 1nn4–5; 8nn41–42 3.14.1 2n9 3.14.1–4 2n10 3.15.1 8n43 4.15.1 153n198 4.23.2 1n8 Jerome

2, 314n10

Commentary on Matthew preface 2n16 Commentary on Philemon 23 430n76 On Illustrious Men 5 430n76 7 2n17 John Chrysostom 314n10, 352n146 Justin Martyr

5

First Apology 5 3 465n202 11.1 429n70 16.13 399n327 26 180, 182 39.3 1n3 49.5 1n3 50.12 1n3 61.2–3 195

1.49 435n95 1.57 9n49 1.64 153n196 2.1 9n49 2.63 9n50 3.46 9n49 5.8 9n49 6.11 9n49 6.78 480n237 Commentary on the Gospel of John 1.3 (15) 9n50 1.23 (149) 9n50 13.17 (106) 9n49 13.18 (111) 9n49 13.20–21 9n49 Epistle to Africanus 15 9n49

To Autolycus 2.16 274n54 GRECO-ROMAN WORKS Achilles Tatius Leucippe and Clitophon 3.1–5 488n16, 499n59 3.2 490 3.5 493n36 5.17.6 355n162 7.7–12 354n154 7.13.1–4 379n251 8.2.1 381 8.2.1–4 379n251 8.6–10 379n251 8.6.11–14 379n251

Fragments on the Gospel of John 37.18 9n50

Aelian

Homilies on the Gospel of Luke 2n15

Aelius Aristides

Polycrates of Ephesus 406n16 Tertullian 2, 9, 152, 314n10 Against Praxeas 28.2 9n51 Apology 1.3 465n202 2.2 465n202 3 351n137 Baptism 8 185n19 10 9n51 20 195

Dialogue with Trypho 34.2 478n233 35 399n327 36.1 478n233 39.4 480n234 69.4 512n94 120 182

The Flesh of Christ 15.1 9n51

Marcion See also anti-Marcionite  Prologues

On Fasting 10.3 9n53

5

Theophilus

Modesty 13 153n193 Monogamy 11 153n193

Historical Miscellany 6.10 421n52 Orations 26.91–107 96n58 43.25 504n71 Sacred Tales 2.11–14 488n16, 493n36 4.36 504n71 Aelius Theon See Theon Aeschylus 141 Agamemnon 1624 476n225 Pentheus 122n110 Prometheus Bound 323 476n225 838 490 Seven against Thebes 769–771 491n28 Alexander Polyhistor 227n93 Anaxagoras 480n235 Anaxilas

Prescription against Heresies 22–23 9n51

Lyre-Maker frag. 18

2, 9, 314n10

The Soul 34.2 9n51

Anaximander 393

Against Celsus 1.24–25 372n223

Veiling of Virgins 9 153n193

Muratorian Fragment 2, 8 Origen

374n233

Anaximenes 393 The Acts of Alexander 10

Ancient Sources: Greco-Roman Works 553 Anonymous

9.8.2

Homeric Hymn to Demeter lines 90–117 287n89

Politics 2.1.2–4.13 109n83 2.5 109n84 5.9 (1315a) 342n96

Poimandres in Corpus hermeticum 398n320 Res gestae divi Augusti 10, 264 25–33 96n58 Antipater of Sidon in Greek Anthology 9.58 379n251, 380n254 Apion 235n114 Apollodorus Library 3.8.1 288n91 Apollonius Molon 235n114 Apollonius of Rhodes 334n72, 404n4 Argonautica 1.1362 497 2.352 497 4.41 251n172 4.1235–1258 491n25 Appian Civil Wars 1.11.100 227 1.13.108 457n177 2.9.60 228n98, 372n225 3.8.54 464–65n202 4.4.20 228n99 5.9.88 492n30 5.11.98 504 5.11.99 488n15 Apuleius The Golden Ass 10.6.3 465n202 10.25–11.25 357, 357n165. 11.30 324n45 Aratus Phaenomena 2–4 345n120 3–4 344n117 5 345 6–9 344n114 Aristotle

339, 393

Nicomachean Ethics 3.1.5 492n29 8.9.1 109n84

109n84, 134n138

Arrian Periplus of the Euxine Sea 19.5 489n19 Athenaeus Learned Banqueters 12.520b 129n124 12.525c 379n251 12.548c 374n233

On Duties 1.16.51 109n84 1.17.56 134n138 On Friendship 25.92 134n138 On Laws 1.8.24 344n112 On the Making of an Orator 1.13.56 480n237 On the Nature of the Gods 3.2.5–6 326n50 Philippic Orations 2.41.104 101n64

Aulus Gellius

Pro Flaccus 66–69 508n88

Attic Nights 10.22.17–24 480n237

Republic 1.2.2 480n237

Callimachus 362

Second Speech against G. Verres 1.34–47 465n202 4.46–47 (103–4) 500n61 4.51–53 504n72 5.27–30 (69–79) 329n66 5.53–55 (139–44) 329n66 5.57 (147) 429n73 5.62 (161–62) 429n73 5.64 (167–68) 429n73 5.64–67 (165–73) 329n66 5.66 (169–70) 329, 329n66 5.72 (184) 500n61

Hymn to Artemis 233–258 379n251, 382, 382n256 Callisthenes The Acts of Alexander 10 Catullus 64.205–207 133n134 Chariton Chaereas and Callirhoe 47 1.12 340, 340n93 3.3 488n15 3.3–6 488n16 5.4–8 354n154 6.3.7 499 Chrysippus 339 Cicero 404n4 Against Piso 36.89 335 In Defense of Rabirus 4.12 329n64 Letters to Atticus 1.13 506n84 2.10 506n84 2.12–13 506n84 5.15 285n84 Letters to Friends Bk. 13 363n190 15.1.2 285n84 15.2.1 285n84 15.4.2 285n84

Tusculan Disputations 4.20.45 431n81 Claudius Letter to Alexandrians 449n146 Cleanthes 339 Hymn to Zeus 393 4 345n123 Collections Collected Ancient Greek Novels 17–124 47n136 54n52 488nn15, 16 54–60 488n16 79–86 354n154 135 383n259 145 497 158 504n72 208–11 488n16 209–10 499n59 263–67 354n154

554

Ancient Sources: Greco-Roman Works

Collected Ancient Greek ­Novels (continued) 301–2 488n16 309–10 354n154 371 488n16 377–79 488n16 650–735 47n136 807–8 488n16 822–23 488n16 823 503 Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 72 T 3 10n56 124 T 26, frag. 14 10n55 124 T 26, frag. 28–38 10n55 176 10n58 Greco-Roman Novels 488 The Greek Anthology 7.289 498 7.290 501n66 8.177 379n251, 380n254 9.58 379n251, 380n254 Demetrius On Style 11 342n95 280 342n95 283 342n95 Demetrius of Phalerum frag. 28 374n235 Democritus of Ephesus Temple of Ephesus frag. 1

379n251

Demosthenes Orations 1.14–16 342n95 4.8–10 340n93 25 342n95 25.8 342n95 25.13–14 342n95 25.22 342n95 25.34 339n84 25.80 446n134 Dio Cassius Roman History 37.17.2 343n104 44.17 251n172 55.11.1–2 262n23 56.16.1 372n225 56.20.2–5 230n105 56.24.7 461n192 57.18.5a 326n50 60.6.6 351n137

60.11 247n155 60.17.4–9 430n75 60.24.3–4 230n105 62, Epitome 29 11n63 65, Epitome 15.3–5 463n197, 464n200 65.15.4 464 66, Epitome 8.1a.1 463n197, 464n200 68.22.3 228n94 68.32.1–3 135n146 68.32.2–3 260n12 Dio Chrysostom Orations 1.53–58 323n42 5.8–11 491n26 5.9 498n56 7 488n16 7.2–8 500n64 7.25 429n68 12 346n125 12.27 345n124 12.30.26–27 345n124 12.61 345n124 12.74 345n124 12.75–76 345n124 3.14–15 400n332 3.110 109n84 4.14–15 128n121 31.40 404n4 31.54–55 379n251 32.7–11 369n209 32.7–12 479 38.14 386n277 43.7 128n121 43.11 471n214 76.4 443 Diodorus Siculus Library of History 1.3.3 10n62 1.69.1 10 1.75.1 371 2.29.6 142n154, 447n137 3.1.1 10 3.44.7 489n19 3.55.8 490 4.46.2 508n87 5.10.1 489n19 5.12.2–3 499, 500n61 5.13.3 489n19 5.34.3 138n147 5.58.2 490 9.26.4 129n124 11.62 319 13.19.6 154n209 14.79.4 492n30 16.1.1 11

18.5.4 285n84 20.97.7 196n51 22.4 355n162 25.10.1 73 27, frag. 6.1 508n87 32.15.5 154n209 34.1.2 235n114 40.3.4 235n114 Diogenes Laertius 10 Lives of the Philosophers 1.18–19 447n137 1.49 342n95, 480n234 1.109–111 345n122 1.110 342n102 2.3 10n56 4.5 10n61 6.72 109n84 8.10 109nn83–84; 391n298 8.34–35 391n294 9.49 379n251 9.52 374n234 10.11 109n83 10.139 347n132 Diogenes the Cynic apud Stobaeus 2.33.10 134n138 Dionysius of ­Halicarnassus 37 Demosthenes 44 369n213 On Literary Composition 1 369n213 2 447n137 17 369n213 Lysias 33 342n95 Roman Antiquities 2.56.2 75n4 5.19.3–5 329n63 7.20–67 465n202 Epictetus 339 Discourses 1.5.7 331 1.14.15 238n120 1.29.16–17 123 1.29.34 369n213 1.29.36 480n237 1.29.48–49 149n186 1.30.1 129n124 1.55–57 480n237 2.1.38–39 149n186 2.6.26–27 326n52 2.12.17 480n237

Ancient Sources: Greco-Roman Works 555 2.13.21 331 2.16.44 477 2.18.29 504n71 3.24.41 429n74 4.1.12 238n120 9.23–24 331

4.44–45 378n249 4.49 319 5.63 129n124 7.8 319 7.134 154n209 8.105 189n23

Epicurus 339 Epicureans 48, 347, 347nn131, 132

Herpyllis in CAGN 823 503 novel frag. 488n16

Epimenides

Hesiod

345, 345n122

Eratosthenes 362

Works and Days 663–665 488n15

Euripides 141

Hippobotus

Andromache 376–377 109n84

On Philosophical Sects 447n137

Bacchanals 122, 468 45–46 148n184 794–795 476n225 Helen 408–436 488n16 Hippolytus 86 195n49 Ion 8

36n115, 418n44

Iphigenia among the Taurians 86–88 385n274 1384 385n274 Madness of Hercules 849 36n115 Medea 334n72 Orestes 735 109n84 Hecataeus of Abdera 235n114, 355 Heliodorus Ethiopian Story 1.22 488n16 1.31–33 488n16 Herodas 403n3 Herodotus Histories 1.4 319, 378n249 1.92 379nn251–52 1.182 404n5 2.5 495 2.54–57 499 3.25 73 3.115 319

Iamblichus Life of Pythagoras 6.30 109n83 6.32 109n84 18.81 109n83 30.167–168 109n83, 134n139 Mysteries 2.4 (75.8–11) 133n134 124–125 98n63 Julian Orations 2.60C 498n52 8.246B 476n225 Julius Caesar

Hippocrates 403n3

Civil War 228n98

Homer 47

Gallic War 2.25 228n98 5.44 228n98 6.38–40 228n98

Iliad 37, 223, 345, 362 1.528–530 133n134 5.749 251n172 5.896 345n123 16.344 262n25 Odyssey 37, 345 1.23 188n22 2.267–269 287n89 5.265–493 488n16 9.148 497 9.151 494 9.306 494 9.436 494 9.546 497 17.482–487 287n89 20.357 262n25 22.88 262n25 27.29 483 27.41 483 Horace 506 Odes 1.3.2 504n71 1.8.1 321n35 1.13.1 321n35 1.25.8 321n35 3.9.6–7 321n35 3.9.20 321n35 3.29.57–64 490 3.29.64 504n71 Satires 1.5.3 506n83 Hyginus Fabulae 176 288n91

Julius Paulus Prudentissimus (by attribution) Sententiae Pauli 5.23.18 374n233 5.26.1 329n64 Justinian See also Laws Code of Justinian 9.4.4 252 Digest of Justinian 1.16.1–9 261n20 48.3.12–14 252 Juvenal Satires 6.156–160 464n198 6.159 170n237 6.542–547 262n23 7.222–224 368 12.17–82 488n16 14.96–106 230, 355, 355n160 Laws See also Justinian; Ulpian Lex Cornelia 374n233 Lex Iulia de vi publica 329 Romulus Laws 374n233

556 The Twelve Tables 1.3 465n202 1.7–8 465n202 8.1b 374n233 8.8ab 374n233 Livy 343n104 History of Rome 1.16.1 75n4 1.45 379n251 10.9.3–6 329n64 21.51 500n61 29.10.4–6 385n274 37.16.1–2 404n6 38.24.2–10 228n99 39.9–10 508n87 39.14.1–3 508n87 39.16.8 374n234, 351n137 39.37.17 129n124 40.29.3–14 374n234 45.27.10–11 339n84 Longus Daphnis and Chloe 1.29–31 488n16 2.15–16 354n154 Lucan Civil War (Pharsalia) 2.592–593 343n104 8.244–249 404n6 9.20 238n120 Lucian Alexander the False Prophet 323n41 47 374n234 Demonax 11 342n95 57 342n95 How to Write History 55 8n39 58 468n207 Lover of Lies 16 372nn222, 228 22 133n134 Menippus 9–10 133n134 Nigrinus 5 98n63 25–26 400n332 Parliament of the Gods 1 480n237 Passing of Peregrinus 12 153n194

Ancient Sources: Greco-Roman Works Philosophies for Sale 1–2 488n16 Podagra (Gout) 173 261n16 The Ship (The Wishes) 7 486n11, 4 94n40 7–9 488n16, 489n18 9 493n36, 503 Toxaris (Friendship) 19–20 488n16 A True Story 1.6 488n16, 494n40

Ovid Fasti 5.1d.11 (lines 493–544) 287n89 Metamorphoses 1.89–112 109n83 1.179–180 133n134 1.199–243 288n91 3.511–733 122n110 3.532–537 148n184 8.611–724 287n90 9.782–784 133n134 15.671–672 133n134

Zeus Rants 45 148n184

Tristia 5.10.28–30 499 5.10.37 499 5.10.51 480n234

Lucretius

Pacuvius

On the Nature of Things 2.991–998 344n112 5.1194–1203 338n82

Pentheus 122n110

Marcus Aurelius 339 Martial Epigrams 4.8 368 8.2.5–6 238n120 9.68 368 11.21 321n35 11.69 321n35 11.102 321n35 12.57 368 Maximus of Tyre Philosophical Orations 14.6–7 342n96 Metagenes 379n251 Musonius Rufus 339 Nicolaus of Damascus frag. 43 288n91 Ninus novel frag. C

488n16

Panaetius 404n4 Paul of Alexandria 97 Pausanias Description of Greece 1.1 339n84 1.1.4 342n102 1.24.3 342n97 2.2.3 357, 357n166 3.11.4 466n204 4.29.13 73 4.31.8 379, 379n251 5.12.4 379n251 5.14.8 342n102 6.3.15–16 379n251 7.2.6 379n251 7.5.4 379n251, 382n257 10.38.6 379n251 19.2 379n251 38.6 379n251 Petronius Satyricon 114–115 488n16 115 500n64 Phidias 346n125

Nonnus

Philitas 403n3

Dionysiaca 44–46 122n110 44.35–45 133n134 44.150–166 148n184 44.202 148n184 45.22 148n184 45.253 148n184 46.177 148n184

Philostratus Epistles 32 385n270 65–67 379n251 67 381, 381n255 Life of Apollonius of Tyana 1.33–36 189n25

Ancient Sources: Greco-Roman Works 557 4.2–3 379n251 4.21 321n37 4.38–44 123 4.45 225n89 6.3 343 7.9–8.10 123 7.38 141n152 8.7.8 358–59, 359n172 8.30 141n152

Republic 1.341CD 488n17 4.420C–422B 109n83 4.424A 109n84 5.449C 109n84 5.462C 134n139 5.464A–E 109n83 5.474A 429n68 8.543B 109n83

Lives of the Sophists 2.23.605 379n251

Timaeus 27A 343n107

Pindar

Pliny the Elder

Isthmian Odes 4.71 488n17

Natural History 2.86.200 326n51 3.92 500n61 4.10.33 335 4.12.61 491n21 5.4.26–7.41 491n25 5.15.73 109n82 5.16.74 194n42 5.25.95 284n76 5.41.145 282n74 7.37.125 379n251 9.60.125–65.141 321n36 16.79.213–216 379n251 21.22.45–46 321n36 28.17 374n233 30.2.11 261, 261n16 34.19.53 379n251 35.26.44–27.46 321n36 35.36.92–93 379n251 36.21.95 382n257 36.21.95–97 379n251 36.56.179 379n251

Pythian Odes 2.94–95 476n225 4 334n72 10.51–52 498n57 Plato 339 Apology of Socrates 123 17A–C 342n95 24B 340n90 26D 480n235 29D 129n124 33C 477 Critias 110CD 109n83 Crito 50E 421n48 51C 421n48 Gorgias 485D 480n237 508A 343n107

Pliny the Younger

Laws 3.679BC 109n83 3.684CD 109n83 4.716A 501n67 5.739BC 109n84 5.739B–D 134n139 5.739B–E 109n83 5.744B–746C 109n83 6.757A–E 109n83

Epistles 10.57.2 508n87 10.96 392n302 10.96–97 474n223

Meno 94C 154n202

Alexander 2.5 373 3.3–5 379n251 7.3 369n213

Phaedrus 244A 480n236 279C 109n84 Philebus 29A 490 Protagoras 320DE 344n112 323B 480n236

Plutarch

11, 35, 347n131

Advice about Keeping Well 11 101n64

Aristides 27.4 500n63 Bravery of Women 22 228n99 Brotherly Love 1 134n138

Cicero 48.1–6 228n99 Demetrius 25.5 189n23 Dialogue on Love 21 109n84 Dinner of the Seven Wise Men 3 109n81 4 98n63 Isis and Osiris 357 287n89 Julius Caesar 16.3–4 228n98 Life of Publicola 9.4 (101)

133n134

On Being a Busybody 2 480n237 On Borrowing 7 378n248 On Exile 14 369n213 On the Fame of the Athenians 347D 11n64 On Listening to Lectures 8 369n213 On Superstition 2.165C 342n96 On the Obsolescence of Oracles 9 323n43 40 98n63 Philosophers and Men in Power 3 400n335 Phocion 10 342n95 Pompey 73.3 489n18 73.6 489n18 Precepts of Statecraft 807BC 489n18 Roman Questions 112 98n63 Table-Talk 2.10.2 109n84 7.1 421n48 7.4 374n233 9.14.2 109n84

558

Ancient Sources: Greco-Roman Works

Talkativeness 507AB 491n27

Res gestae divi Augusti. See Anonymous

Thebaid 4.331–332 133n134

Timoleon 12.9 251n172

Sallust

Statyllius Flaccus

War with Cataline 47.3–4 508n87 51.21–23 329n64

in Greek Anthology 7.290 501n66

On Tranquillity of Mind 469E 493n34 Polybius

35, 344n113

Histories 1.1.1 10n62 1.78.3 267n34 3.36.1 8n38 4.1.3 11n63 5.59–61 260n10 9.1.5–6 10n62 12.25b.3 344n113 12.25e.3 344n113 13.11 465n202 21.38.1–7 228n99 22.6.5 465n202 38.4.1 8n38 Posidonius 404n4 Pseudo-Aristotle Rhetoric to Alexander 29 460n189 Pseudo-Callisthenes

Seneca the Younger 339 Moral Epistles 12.9 431n81 28.8 123 41.1–2 345n120 43.5 431n81 77.1–2 505n74 81.17 400n335 90.3 138n147 90.40 109n84 95.47–50 344n111 On Anger 353 On Benefits 1.5.4 500n64 3.9.3 500n64 3.35.4 500n64 4.11.1–3 500n64

The Alexander Romance 47

On Consolation (To Polybius) 13.3 480n237

Pseudo-Diogenes

On the Happy Life 354

Epistles 36.1 342n100

Servius

Pseudo-Heraclitus Fourth Epistle lines 10–18 lines 19–23 lines 20–26

344n110 342n100 289n99

Pseudo-Hippocrates Epistles 1273 36n115 Pseudo-Lucian Lucius (The Ass) 34 335 Pseudo-Plato Greater Alcibiades 1.122B 421n48

On the Aeneid 4.469 122n110 Socrates

37, 52, 123, 129n124, 326, 339–40, 342

Sophocles Ajax 15 195n49 Antigone 450–470 129n124 451 501n67 538 501n67 Oedipus the King 387 261 Sosylus

Stoics philosophers 48 writings 393 Strabo

10, 157n215, 260n12, 289

Geography 1.1.8 73 2.1.9 10n57 2.5.22 498n56 2.5.39 285n84 2.31 73 3.1.8 73 4.1.4 317n20 4.6 73 6.2.11 499 7, frag. 26 335 8.6.14 418n44 8.14 263 9.1.16 339n84 10.4.3 489n20 12.4.10 285n84 12.6.1 282n74, 286n85 12.6.4 263 13.1.51 485, 485n3 14.1.22–23 379n251 14.1.24 358, 358n171 14.2.5 404n4 14.2.28 499 14.2.29 285n84 14.5.9–15 197 17.1.7 505n74 17.1.43 10n55, 10n57 17.3.16 499 17.3.17–20 491n25 Historical Sketches 10n57, 96n58 Suetonius The Deified Augustus 31.1 374n234 98.1–3 505n74 100.4 75, 75n6 The Deified Claudius 18.2 247n155 25.4 350, 350n137 28 441n117, 454n164

Pythagoras 109n83, 343n107

The Achievements of Hannibal 10

Quintilian

Statius

The Deified Julius 68.4 228n98

The Orator’s Education 2.1.2 468n207

Silvae 2.7.32 356n163

The Deified Titus 7 463n197, 464n200

Ancient Sources: Greco-Roman Works 559 Domitian 13.2 238n120 Gaius Caligula 21 228n95

Themistius

Vergil (Virgil)

Orations 22.265BC 480n237

Aeneid 1.34–179 488n16 3.90–92 133n134 9.106 133n134

Theocritus 403n3

Galba 9 461n192

Theon of Alexandria (Aelius)

Tiberius 14.4 262n23 36 326n50

Progymnasmata 46n132 60.23–31 468n207 68.22–25 468n207 115.11–118.6 468n207

Tacitus 453 Agricola 15.2 228n99 Annals 1.11 96n58 2.65–67 228n94 2.85 326n50 3.60–63 379n251 6.20–21 262n23 12.43 247n155 12.54 441n115, 445n128 15.5 228n94 15.44 5n29, 351n137 Histories 1.6 465n202 2.2 463n197, 464n200 2.78 227 2.81 463n197 5.5 235n114, 354n155 5.9 441n115, 445n128, 454n164 5.13 251n172 Terence Brothers 803–804 109n84 Phormio 77 476n225 Thales 393

Thucydides

Vitruvius

37, 44

History of the Peloponnesian War 2.80.5 154n204 2.90.5 498n52 7.63.1 498n52 7.72.2 498n52 8.105.1 498n52 Ulpian resource for Digest of Justinian See also Justinian Roman Digest 48.3.1 508n87 48.6.7 329n65 48.17.1 465n202 Valerius Maximus Memorable Doings and Sayings 3.2.23 228n98 8.14. Ext. 5 379n251

Architecture 2.9.13 379n251 3.2.7 379n251 3.4.4 379n251 7, preface 12 379n251 7, preface 16 378n244, 379n251 10.2.11–15 379n251 Xenophon of Athens Anabasis 1.2.19 282n74, 285n84 1.2.23 197 3.2.23 285n84 6.4.4 497 Cyropaedia 1.2.6 480n235 1.2.16 11n63 3.3.58 342n96 Hellenica 6.4.7 251n172 Memorabilia 1.1.1 340n90 1.1.16 480n236 4.3.16 344n117 Xenophon of Ephesus

Concerning Military Matters 4.39 488n15, 492n32

An Ephesian Tale 383 1.11.5 383n259 2.11 497 5.1 504n72

Velleius Paterculus

Zeno 339

Vegetius 492

Compendium of Roman History 2.20.4 228n99

INDEX OF SUBJECTS AND AUTHORS

Aaron, 170–72, 186 Aaronides, 135n144 abandonment, 160, 172 Abijah, 10 ʿAbodah Zarah, 235n114 abortion, 374n233 Abram/Abraham, 43–44, 50–51, 54, 65, 114–17, 164, 194, 298, 354, 450 God’s covenant with/promise to, 50, 54–55, 63, 114, 114n99, 121, 131, 144, 161, 163, 174, 271n49, 354, 472 Jesus glorified by “the God of,” 43 in Paul’s sermon in the synagogue, 265, 267–68, 269n41, 271n49, 275 in Stephen’s defense speech, 159–69, 174 See also God (of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob) accountability, 58, 64, 451–52, 454 Achaia, 2, 56, 310, 353–54, 360, 363, 375, 386, 388, 390, 449n144 provincial designation, NT use, 354n152 Achan, 137–38 Achilles Tatius, 381 action/active role of God, 50, 62–65, 103, 162–63 Acts of Paul, 284n79, 486n9 Acts of the Apostles, book of addressee of (Theophilus), 72–73 as apologetic, 11n68, 469n209 apostles, list of, 77–78 authorship of, 1–4, 6, 9, 318 Codex Bezae (D) and the D-text tradition, 26–29 date of, 4–7 deistic views of, xix as diēgēsis, 7–8 dramatic events in, 120 ending of, 513n95 four textual groups, 23–26 geography, 32, 47, 97, 162, 387 God’s unfolding mission in, 131 as history, 11–13

literary genre of, 7–11 literary structure, 30–34 literary style as an expression of theological purpose, 34–48 major themes, 48–67 manuscripts containing, 14–23 narrative unity of, 67–70 Paul’s leading role in, 33–34 praxis and praxeis, 8–11 prosopopoeia, 46n132 purpose of, 34–37, 48–67 sources for, 13, 34–35, 47, 50, 95n53, 96, 148, 153n195, 194, 262, 318, 337, 356, 366–67, 377n242, 407, 409, 412, 445, 465n202, 486n6 Spirit, roles of, 65–67 Stephen as setting framework for story of, 51 textual groups, four, 23–26 textual history of, 13 theories about the two textual traditions of, 29–30 three major summaries in, 138–39 title of, 8–11 See also historical reliability of Acts; patristic views of Acts; “we” passages Acts of the Apostles, major themes, 48–67 the church as divinely favored, 61–67 the church as extension of Jesus’s ministry, 58–61 the church as politically harmless and socially redemptive, 55–58 faithful Christian witness, 52–55 fulfillment of God’s purpose, 48–52 Acts of the Apostles, outline of, viii–xiv Acts of the Apostles, sermons/speeches in. See sermons/speeches in Acts Acts of the Apostles, structure of mission of the Jerusalem church, 1–256 mission of Paul, 257–513 Adam ʾādām, 300 Christ as Second, 4

562 adelphoi, designation of Jesus’s followers, 82, 82n15, 201, 234, 306, 406n14, 408 administrative assistants, 150n187 administrative municipal officer (city clerk), 385 Adramyttium (Adramytteion), 484–85 Aegean Paul sailing from the Aegean to Palestine via Tyre, 403–5 Paul’s mission around, 309–401 See also more under specific locations, e.g., Ephesus; Philippi Aeneas, 46, 136, 222–25 Aere, 229n100 Aeschylus, 141, 476n225 Aëtius, Aurelius, 446n133 Africa, 21, 23, 26, 156, 491 Agabus, 65–66, 246–47, 318n21, 405–7 Against Heresies (Irenaeus), 1–2, 5 Agdistis, 284, 284n77 agency, divine, 62, 99, 103, 235 “age of innocence,” 341, 346 ages in one’s life. See “Life, Stages of” agraphon, 400 Agrippa. See Herod Agrippa I; Herod Agrippa II Ahab, 85–88 Ahaz, 10 Ahiqar, Story of, 84n24 Alexander (at Ephesus theater), 382, 384 Alexander (at Peter and John’s trial), 124, 126 Alexander Polyhistor, 227n93 The Alexander Romance (Pseudo-Callisthenes), 47 Alexander the False Prophet (Lucian), 323n41 Alexander the Great, 10, 37, 128n121, 154, 379n251, 380 Alexander, Loveday, 7n35, 8n40, 31n103, 35n110, 47nn137,140; 446n132, 513n95 Alexander, Philip, 261n15 Alexander, Tiberius Julius, 148n182, 247, 463 Alexandria, 19, 24, 26, 228, 323n45, 359–64, 367, 403n3, 484, 486–87 grain trade and, 486, 489n18, 504 Alexandrians, 156, 449n146 Claudius’s letter to, 449n146 Alexandrian textual tradition, 24 Alexandria Troas. See Troas “all people,” 211, 221, 424 alms/almsgiving, 112–13, 226, 234, 248, 448–49, 451–52 and prayer, 230 altar, 342 Amasa, 84–85 amazement, 93–94, 112–14, 125, 260, 279 Ambrosiaster, 314n10

Index of Subjects and Authors ambushes. See plots and ambushes Amidah, 230 Ammonites, 87, 185–86 Amos, book of, 54–55, 68, 102, 159–61, 173, 300–302, 424 Amphipolis, 320n28, 330–32 Ananias and Sapphira, 46, 61, 67, 133, 135– 39, 148, 150, 196n51 Ananias of Damascus, 192–222, 464 Ananias the high priest, 5n28, 196n51, 432 excessive appetite, 432n85 Anastasis, 338, 340, 347, 434 anathema, 137, 437–38 Anatolia, 264, 282n74, 285–86, 316, 319, 321 Anaximenes of Lampsacus, 10 angels, 59, 64, 76, 142, 169–72, 470 “an angel or a spirit,” 433–35 “angel of the Lord,” 140, 142, 169–72, 178, 188, 230, 250, 254, 255n185 apostles’ arrest/miraculous escape, 140–43 appearances to major characters in LukeActs, 142n155, 170n236, 230–31n110 Cornelius’s vision in Caesarea, 226, 230, 232–33, 235, 241, 243 divine retribution, as agents of, 254, 255n185 the Ethiopian eunuch’s conversion, 178, 186–88, 190 guardian, 253, 253n175 Herod struck down by, 254 law as ordained by, 175 as Lukan motif, 170n236 “man…in shining clothes,” 235 Moses, appearing to, 169–72, 175 Paul, reassurance to (storm at sea), 492–93, 505 peace announced by, 238 Peter and, 28n94 Peter delivered from prison by, 64, 250–54 Sadducee vs. Pharisee beliefs regarding, 433–35 Stephen’s angelic appearance, 156, 158–59 Torah received under angelic direction, 63, 175 anger On Anger (Seneca), 353–54 enemies, excessive rage of, 176 of God, 133n134, 138 Angites (or Gangites) stream, 320 animals animal sacrifice, 288 clean and unclean, 231–32, 243 “fighting with beasts,” 376 four-footed creatures, 231, 241 improperly slaughtered, 28–29, 300, 303, 305, 307n33, 409

Index of Subjects and Authors 563 sheet coming down from heaven, 231–32, 241–43, 426n67 See also specific animals, e.g., sheep Annas (Ananus), 124, 126, 146n169, 193 anointing, 55, 63, 90, 120n105, 130–32, 236, 238, 276 Antiochian (Westcott-Hort), 24 Antioch in Syria, 31, 244–45, 356–60, 404 Barnabas, Saul, and John Mark traveling to, 246, 255–56 church in, 28, 257–59, 308, 359–60 commissioning Barnabas and Saul, 257–59 disciples first called “Christians” in, 246 gentiles, witness to, 244–48 gospel spreading to, 244–48 Jerusalem decision reported to (re. gentile Christians), 304–8 Judean Christians, relief fund for, 246–48 mission to Gentiles establishing Christianity in, 244–46 Paul’s return to, 290–93 Paul’s return to (between second and third missions), 356–60 Paul’s transition to Troas from, 311–18 Antioch of Pisidia, 263–83, 320 conversions in, 293 Paul in the synagogue, 263–65 Paul’s sermon in the synagogue, 265–79 responses to Paul’s sermon, 279–83 Antiochus III, transfer of Jewish families, 264 Antiochus IV Epiphanes, 61, 85, 88, 254n184, 255n185, 447 Antipas. See Herod Antipas Antipater I the Idumaean (father of Herod the Great), 442 Antipater II (son of Herod the Great), 449n143, 449n147 Antipater of Sidon, 379n251, 380n254 Antipatris (Judean city), 442 antiquity of religion, value of, 340 anti-Semitism. See under Jews: anti-Jewishness Antonia Fortress, 416–17, 422, 429, 436, 439–40 Apelles, 380 Aphrodisias, 96n58 inscription and Godfearers, 229 Aphrodite, 260–61, 303n18, 357 apocalypse/apocalyptic language, 75–76, 115, 120, 133n134, 147n173, 216, 232, 423, 434 Apocryphal books, 84n23 apodosis, 434 Apollonia (in Illyricum), 332 Apollonia (in Macedonia), 332

Apollonius of Tyana, 123, 141 miracles as reflecting popular belief, 123n111 revival of young woman, 225n89 Apollonius Rhodius, 404n4 Apollos, 33, 66, 191, 309–10, 358, 360–367 bold testimony of, 128n122, 360, 363–64 as fired by the Spirit, 66, 361 instructed by Priscilla and Aquila, 360–64, 367 leadership role in Corinth, 376 name, derivation of, 361n179 apologetics, 11–12, 58, 204, 402, 420, 481 apologia, apologeomai, NT use, 384n269 Acts as, 11n68, 469n209 apologies (defense speeches). See under ­sermons/speeches in Acts aposiopesis, 434 apostasy, 172, 410 apostles, 78 apostolic circle, reconstituting, 72, 79–89 arrest and miraculous escape of, 140–43 authority of, 133–36, 155, 185 bold testimony of, 60, 134, 328 church, role vis-à-vis, 108n77, 135–36, 184 commissioning of, 72–74, 77 courage of, 407 the eleven, 32, 74, 76, 78, 81, 89, 99, 101, 153 Galileans, identified as, 95 gathering in Jerusalem, 76–79 in Jerusalem, strategic role of, 184 Jesus’s postresurrection appearances to, 72–75 Judas’s betrayal as breach in apostolic circle, 71–72, 78 and Judas’s death, 79–89 as judges, 78 lists of, 77–78 Luke’s Gospel, role in, 77–78 in Luke’s narrative vision, 32, 110 Luke’s two lists of, 77–78 Matthias, selection of, 71–72, 79–83, 88–89, 153 ministry of, 135, 184 miracles (signs and wonders) worked by, 108–11, 113–14, 138–40, 154, 184 opposition to, 60, 121–24, 140–44 Paul as exceptional, 2, 10, 198 Paul’s apostolic self-understanding, 217, 282 Paul’s relationship with original apostolic circle, 218 persecution of, 248–50 Peter as rehabilitated, 82 Peter’s prominence within apostolic circle, 32, 78, 89, 101, 136, 185, 218, 298

564 apostles (continued) power of/power, source of, 134, 140 reconstituting the Twelve, 72, 79–89 as representatives of the Jesus movement, 145 risen Jesus as instructing, 71–74, 184, 215n84, 239 role in Acts, 110, 110n87 role of, 184, 239 Samaritan mission of, 183–86 before the Sanhedrin, 140–49, 176 Spirit as promised by risen Jesus to, 72–74 Spirit-inspired speech of, 92, 101 in the temple, 109–33, 138–40 vindication of (Gamaliel), 144–49 as witnesses, 71, 81, 134 See also disciples of Jesus; Paul and Barnabas; Pentecost and other events; Twelve, the; individual names apostles’ feet, 134–36 apostolic assistants, seven. See Seven apostolic assistants apostolic church, 133–49 apostolic community, 107–9, 135–36 apostolic witness extended, 149–77 to the gentiles, 222–43 Appian Way, 506 Appius, Forum of, 506 aprons, 370 Apuleius, 324n45, 357, 357n165, 465n202 Aquila, Cornutus Arruntius (governor of Galatia), 264 Aquila, Priscilla and, 33, 309, 347–51, 356–58, 505 Apollos instructed by, 360–64 Arabia, 93, 95, 98, 201–2, 215–16, 427 Aramaean kingdom, 194 Aramaic language, 36, 79, 85, 92, 135, 152, 195, 208–9, 225, 244, 264, 301–2, 302n15, 418–20 extent of usage, 418–19, 419n45 Galilean, 95, 97 Jesus’s Aramaic voice, 207–8, 214, 218, 220, 475 Luke’s tendency to avoid, 35, 35nn111–12 readers unfamiliar with, 86 Paul’s use of, 205, 418–20, 421n50 Aratus, 343n105, 344nn114, 117, 345, 345n120 archaism, 39, 42–43 Archelaus, 177 Arch of Titus, 55 archisynagōgos, 264–65, 265n32, 349, 352–53 non-Jewish use, 265n32

Index of Subjects and Authors archomai, pleonastic, 72, 444 Areopagus council, 340n92 meaning, 340 Areopagus Sermon, Paul’s, 41, 45–46, 52, 310, 337–38, 340–46, 378, 394 Aretas, King, 200, 216 arguing, 369 Arisarcha (aristocratic woman), 317n20 Aristarchus (Paul’s coworker), 33, 382–83, 387–89, 389n287, 394, 484–86, 486n6, 507n85 Aristotle, 10, 109n83, 339, 393, 491–92 ark of the covenant, 174 arrests of apostles, and miraculous escape, 140–43 of Peter and John, 121–29 of Stephen, 155–59 See also Paul, arrest and trial of; prison/ imprisonment arrogance, 61, 88 Artapanus, 141, 251n172 Artemion, 260n12 Artemis (Diana), 310, 317n20, 377–85 Artemis-Cybele shrine, 380 Artemis Ephesia (Diana Ephesia), 359, 381– 85, 385n273 Artemision/Artemisium, 359, 378–82, 380n253 ancient descriptions, 379n251 as rebuilt after arson, 380 artisans, 41, 351, 377–78, 384, 500 ascension of Christ. See Jesus, ascension of ascension, pagan examples, 75 asceticism, 123 Asclepius/Asclepius cult, 57, 143, 357, 359, 493n36, 501n68 Ascough, Richard S., 265n32, 378n246 Aseneth, Joseph and, 194, 204–5n81 Ashdod (Azotus), 178, 191–92 Asia, 380, 387, 394, 484–85 Asia (continent), 96, 264n30, 319, 378n249, 380 Asia (Roman province), 33, 93, 98, 156–57, 157n215, 204, 264n30, 310, 315–16, 316n15, 319, 356, 358, 365, 368, 370, 370n215, 375–78, 378n249, 383, 387–88, 389n286, 392, 394–95, 399n329, 403n3, 414–16, 415n26, 437, 444, 448, 452, 458 See also Ephesus (capital); Phrygia Asia, “ports in,” 485 Asia Minor, 31, 33–34, 44, 48, 95, 97, 156, 188, 202, 211–13, 246, 252, 255–58, 260, 263–64, 264nn29–30, 292, 306, 306n25, 307n31, 309, 311–12, 316–17, 321, 321n33, 328n60, 350, 356, 358, 360, 378,

Index of Subjects and Authors 565 380, 387, 388–89, 393, 403n4, 404n5, 409, 412, 421, 485, 487 Paul and Silas strengthening churches in, 312–15 See also specific locations Asiarchs, 48, 58, 382–83, 383n265 Assos, 392–94, 485 Assyrians, 179, 182 astral deities, 172–73 astrology, 96–98, 181–82, 261–62, 262n24, 381, 503 Astypalaia, 305 Athanasius of Alexandria, 23–24, 30 Athena, 287n89 Athens, 339 city, description of, 339 filled with deities, literary trope, 339n84 idolatry in, 338–40 Jewish presence in, 339, 339n85 Paul’s Areopagus Sermon, 340–46 Paul’s discussions in, 337–40 Paul’s witness in, 337–47 responses to Paul’s preaching, 346–47 Atomus, 261, 262n24, 441n117 atonement, 345n122 Atonement, Day of (Yom Kippur), 487–88, 487n13 auditory language, 46 Augustan Cohort, 482–85, 482n241 Augustine, 23, 25, 97, 100, 188, 203, 314n10 Augustus Caesar, 10, 37, 75, 177, 179, 193, 227–28, 258n4, 264, 284, 286, 320, 358, 374n234, 403n3, 461n192, 466, 488n15, 508n88 authorities, religious confronting/confrontation stories, 121–23, 121n108, 128 See also Jews (religious leaders/authorities); resistance, myths of authority apostolic, 155, 185 divine, 123, 129, 131, 144 human, 123, 129, 144 of Mosaic law, 160, 175 author of Acts. See under Acts of the Apostles: authorship of Author of Life, 119, 479 automatē, 251 avarice, 46, 61, 88, 138, 138n147, 185, 228n99 Azotus (ancient Ashdod), 178, 187, 191–92, 223, 406 Baal, 262 Babel, Tower of, 94, 94n47 Babylonian exile, 173

Bacchanals (Euripides), 122, 468 Balaam, 86–88 greed of, ancient texts attesting, 87n39 baptism, 66 baptismal creed, 191 baptismal formula, 106 and Christian identity, 66, 367 of the Ethiopian eunuch, 191 fasting and, 195 and forgiveness of sin, 106, 240 of gentiles, 240 and household conversions, 322, 322n39 immersion, 191 of Jesus, 74, 78–79, 131–32, 176, 232, 238 by John, 105–6 John’s disciples baptized by Paul, 364–68 John the Baptist’s preaching of, 266–68 of Lydia and her household, 322, 322n39 in the name of Jesus, 106, 240 of the original community in Holy Spirit, 90 and reception of the Spirit, 106, 106n71 and repentance, 105–6, 268 of Saul, 205, 207, 210, 213–15, 217–18, 221 with the Spirit, 74, 90–92, 240, 243 in Synoptic tradition, 268 with water, 243 “with the Holy Spirit and fire,” 89, 92 Baptist movement, 366 barbarians, 381, 464, 499–500, 502–3 barbaros, meaning, 499 Bar-Jesus. See Elymas/Bar-Jesus Barnabas, 306n25 in Antioch, 246, 255–56 character in Acts, 135n143 the church’s generosity and, 133–35 as encourager, 79n13, 134–35, 201, 312 at Jerusalem Council, 297–99 leadership role of, 135, 135n143 as native of Cyprus, 312 Paul’s split with, 311–12 as Zeus, 286–90 See also Paul and Barnabas Barrett, C. K., xviii, 1n3, 6n34, 12n72, 14n81, 21n82, 29n97, 38n121, 39n126, 81, 84nn20, 24; 164n228, 173n245, 191n31, 205n81, 208n82, 238n119, 258, 282n67, 358n169, 361, 370, 465n202, 483n1 Barsabbas. See Joseph (Barsabbas, nicknamed Justus) Barsabbas, Judas, 304–8, 308 basket, Paul’s escape in. See under Damascus: Saul’s escape in basket Baucis, Philemon and, 287–88, 287n90 Bauckham, Richard, 87, 87n39

566 BDF (Blass, Debrunner, Funk), 97, 97n61, 116, 154n207, 249, 258, 263, 428, 434, 449, 462, 469, 477, 480, 487, 490 beatings/floggings, 32, 145, 149, 207–8, 222, 326–29, 329n66, 348n135, 353, 355, 416, 425, 428–29, 429n70 beatitude, 400 Beautiful Gate, 35n112, 109, 110, 112–13, 287 beheading, 249n165 Beirut (Berytus), 486 bēma (tribunal), 353 Benjamin, tribe of, 266–67, 275, 472n220 Berea. See Beroea Berger, Klaus. See Boring, M. Eugene, Klaus Berger, and Carsten Colpe Bernice (or, Berenice), 205–6, 219, 461–64, 463n197, 466–67, 473, 478, 481 Beroea, 33, 46, 290n101, 306n25, 309–10, 315n11, 330, 333n70, 334–38, 336n76, 351, 351n140, 354n152, 364n192, 375, 387–89, 389n286, 409n19 Beryllus, 455 Berytus (Beirut), 486 Beza, Theodore, 24, 26 Bible biblical story, continuing, 34–35, 49–52, 162, 165 biblical tradition, Luke’s view of, 120–21 King James (Authorized) Version, 24 Luke’s biblicism/use of biblical language and imagery, 37–40, 38nn122–24; 39nn125–26; 42–44, 43n129 Luke’s view of biblical inspiration, 131 See also Scripture; specific books binding decisions, 313, 315 birds, 231–32, 241, 338, 412, 432n85, 499 birth, 101, 378, 381 See also Jesus Christ, birth and infancy of bishops, 292. See also overseers Bithynia, 264n30, 315–16, 378n249 bitterness/bitter gall, 184, 186 blasphemy, 64, 155–59, 176, 280–81, 349, 351, 384–86, 386n276, 433, 473–74, 474n223 charges against Stephen, 69, 156–60, 176 Blass, Friedrich, 29n98, 97, 477, 483n1, 497 blessing, 50, 88, 114–16, 121, 302, 312n3, 345n124, 400, 400n335, 472n219, 477 blindness Elisha’s prayer for YHWH to strike Aramaeans with, 262 Elymas, blinding of, 259–62, 299 “Opening the eyes [of the blind],” 476 of Saul, 195, 197, 199, 209–10, 214, 220–21 See also sight

Index of Subjects and Authors blood animal, 303n20 moon transformed into, 99 prohibition against, 28–29, 303, 409–10 See also Hakeldama (Field of Blood) body imagery, 39, 39n125 body of Christ (church). See church body of Christ (Eucharist). See Eucharist Boismard, M.-É., 26n89, 29n98 boldness/bold witness, 27, 32, 52, 60, 67, 122–25, 128, 130, 313, 397, 478–79 in Acts, list of those engaging in, 369n209 in confrontation stories, 122–23 God as enabling, 65 in the name of the Lord, 201, 212 Spirit as prompting, 65–66 See also under individual names and descriptions, e.g., apostles; Peter book, being enrolled in God’s, 282, 282n68 book burnings, 374 examples from antiquity, 374n234 Boring, M. Eugene, Klaus Berger, and Carsten Colpe, 305, 317n20, 321n32, 326n50 bread breaking, 107–8, 390–92, 495–96, 496n48 symbol of friendship, 391n294 See also Eucharist Breytenbach, Cilliers, 262n22, 264n29, 283n74, 287n90, 289n94 bribery, 236, 430, 430n75, 452–54, 454n171, 455, 464n201 “brothers,” 82, 82n15, 168, 201, 234, 234n112, 306n27, 505, 509 See also adelphoi brothers of Jesus. See under Jesus, family of Bruce, F. F., 11n68 builders. See cornerstone burial, 165–66, 177, 273, 335 of Jesus, 265, 270n45 Burkitt, Francis Crawford, 96 burning bush, 55, 160, 169–71, 175, 424 Byblus, 404 Byzantine period, 332 Byzantine Text, 24–25 Cadbury, Henry J., xviii, 6n34, 36n115, 67, 67n183, 128n123, 151–52nn190–191, 193n37, 244, 460n190, 471, 511n92 Caesar/Caesars, 204, 211, 238, 238n120, 255, 330, 458, 468, 482n241, 484, 505 Augustus, 193, 227 Julius, 228n98, 350 Paul’s appeal to (Nero), 41, 458–61, 466– 67, 493, 507–9 See also individual names, e.g., Augustus; Nero; Tiberius

Index of Subjects and Authors 567 Caesarea (Maritima), 178, 201–3, 225–27, 246, 356, 406, 406n15 Festus consulting with Agrippa in, 461–66 gospel first preached to gentiles in, 226–40, 406 Paul answering Jewish charges in, 458–59 Paul sailing to Crete from, 484–89 Paul’s imprisonment in, 442, 452–82 Paul’s transfer to, 439–43 Paul’s trial in, 443–53 Paul traveling to, Agabus’s prophecy, 405–7 Peter meeting Cornelius in, 233–35 Peter’s witness at, 235–39 Philip as effective founder of church at, 406 references in Acts, 201n71 Spirit’s appearance in, 240–43 vision of Cornelius in, 226–33, 235, 241, 243 See also Paul, arrest and trials of (Jerusalem and Caesarea) Caiaphas, Joseph, 124, 126, 126n118, 146n169, 193, 193n38 Caligula. See Gaius Caligula call, divine futility of resisting, 476, 476n225 See also Damascus Road experience call, prophetic, 424, 476 Callimachus, 362, 382 Callisthenes Aristotle’s nephew, 10 Seleucid opponent of Judas Maccabeus, 87 Calvin, John, 26, 282n67 Canaan/Canaanites, 50, 63, 163–64, 166, 173–74, 265–67, 275, 303n18 Candace, queen of the Ethiopians, 186, 189, 189n26 caning, 326 canonical Gospels. See Gospels, the four Cappadocia, 93, 98, 282–83n74, 284–85 captatio benevolentiae, 219, 342, 445n128, 467, 470 Cassander (Macedonian leader), 332 Cassius Scaeva (centurion), 228n98, 372n225 Casson, Lionel, 389n290, 486n10, 488nn15, 17; 489n18, 491n22, 491n24, 492nn31– 32; 494n40, 495n44, 498nn53, 55; 504n70, 506nn83–84 casting lots, OT practice, 89n41 Castor, 503–4 Catholicism, early, 5–6 Catholic Letters, 26 Catullus, 84n24 Cauda, island, 489–91, 494 Cenchreae, 354n152, 356–57, 357n166, 375 Census of Quirinius, 145–48, 147n171

centurions, 228–29, 228nn96, 98–99; 229n100. See also Cornelius Chaereas and Callirhoe (Chariton), 47 chain(s), 250–51, 251n169, 324, 326, 396, 407, 416–17, 432, 479, 506–7, 509 chariot, 189 Chariton, 47, 340, 340n93, 354n154, 488nn15–16; 499 charity, 135, 135n142, 146, 451. See also alms/almsgiving; generosity; love Cheirocrates (Deinocrates), 380 Chenephres, 251n172 chief priests, 70, 123, 126, 129–30, 130n128, 140, 195, 197, 199, 207–8, 208n82, 220– 22, 269n43, 428. See also Sanhedrin Chiomara (Gallic noblewoman), 228n99 “chosen instrument,” Paul as. See under Paul: as chosen instrument Chrestus, 350–51, 350n137, 505n76 Christ (title). See Jesus (Christ) Christ event, 39–40, 104, 331 essential paradox of, 128 Spirit as witness, 144 Christian fellowship. See fellowship Christian identity, full, 66, 366–67 Christianity/Christian movement Antioch, mission to gentiles establishing in, 244–46 growth of/numbers, 106, 106n74, 139–40, 150, 202, 202n77, 245, 313n5, 315, 505 Johannine, 32, 113, 399 Judaism, separation from, 11n68 Luke’s portrayal of, 55–67 opposition to, 56 Pauline, 388 Romans’ view of, 56 Saul as archenemy of, 56 See also faith; gospel; Jesus movement; religion; specific topics, e.g., apologetics; specific topics and events, e.g., HellenistHebrew dispute Christian life, 57, 237, 367 Christians, 103n67 Christian identity, full, 66, 366–67 designations for followers of Jesus, 197 disciples as given the name, 246 “holy people” (saints), 197 Judean, Antioch’s relief fund for, 246–48 Luke as belonging to second generation of, 5 as missionaries, 328–29 opposition to, 56, 56n157 population, early second c., 481n238 as “sect of the Nazarenes,” 142 Spirit, ongoing experience of, 144 “those who call upon the name of Jesus,” 197

568 Christians (continued) See also church; community; gentile Christians; Jewish Christians; missionaries; specific topics, e.g., obedience; persecution Christian witness. See witness, Christian Christology, 42–44, 83, 111, 114, 142n156, 175, 190, 191, 238, 245n144, 346, 365 Lukan, 60, 74–75, 114–15, 117–19, 190– 91, 478, 478n233 Lukan summaries, christological subtext of, 162 Luke’s christological titles, 42–43, 114–15, 119, 144, 268, 424, 424n62 NT, 74–75 OT passages, christological interpretation, 111–12, 127–28, 130–32 necessity of Jesus’s suffering, 53, 60, 68, 117, 333, 478, 478n233 pietistic christological expansions, 27, 27n91, 30 Saul/Paul and, 212–14, 511 “Servant” christological motif, 117–18 “the most primitive,” 43 Chrysippus, 339 Chrysostom, Dio, 323n42, 345n124, 346n125, 369n209, 379n251, 400n332, 403–4n4, 479, 488n16, 491 Chrysostom, John, 23, 314–15n10 church, early/community of believers, 50, 107–9, 208, 399 in Antioch, 28, 257–59 “a people for God’s own name,” 50, 301, 301n12 apostles’ role vis-à-vis, 108n77, 135–36 apostolic, 133–49 baptism with Holy Spirit, 90 Barnabas and, 133–35, 135n143 biblical story, as continuing, 50–52 birth of, 90 bold testimony of, 67, 369n209 in Corinth, establishing, 347–52 as divinely favored, 61–67 early/new community, 107–9 establishing new churches, 312 as extension of Jesus’s ministry, 58–61 formation of, 50 “gathered people,” 170–72 generosity of, 133–35 growth/geographical expansion of, 44, 48, 67, 177, 245, 284, 313, 315 Hellenistic influence within, 150–52 Herod’s action against, 248–54 in Jerusalem, beginning of, 71–177 in Jerusalem, mission of, 71–255 Jerusalem agreement and admission of gentiles to, 3–4, 299–308

Index of Subjects and Authors Jesus as model for, 58–61 Luke’s portrayal of, 50–52, 57–59 as multiethnic/multicultural, 234–38 Paul’s pioneering role, 6 as politically harmless and socially redemptive, 55–58 prayer as typifying, 109, 250 prayer for Peter and John, 129–33 role in Roman society, 57–58 scattering of, 44, 177–79, 244–45 as socially appealing movement, 57–58 Spirit and, 65–67, 90–91, 202 story, unfolding of, 44 strengthening already-established churches, 312 and synagogue, 509 utopian descriptions of, 57, 109, 134 See also Christianity; gospel; house church; Jerusalem church; Jesus movement; people of God; unity; universality; Way, the Cicero, Marcus Tullius assassination of, 228n99 Beroea, location, 335 charges against Verres, 329, 329n66, 500n61 Jews in Rome, size and influence of, 508n88 law of Porcius, 329n64 letters of recommendation, 363n190 Lucius Valerius Flaccus, defense of, 508n88 “not in a corner,” 480n237 “pangs of conscience,” coined by, 431n81 Rhodes, education in, 404n4 Roman citizenship, pride and protection under, 329n66, 429, 429n73 Route of, in Asia Minor, 286 sanctity of Roman religion, 326n50 Syracuse, praised by, 504, 504n72 Tres Tabernae (Three Taverns), mentioned by, 506, 506n84 Verrine Orations, 500n61 Cilicia, Roman province of, 98, 156, 157n215, 197, 202, 215–16, 260, 264nn29–30, 304, 306, 306n28, 311–12, 312nn3–4, 315, 418n43, 427, 442–43, 456, 463–64, 484, 486. See also Tarsus circumcision, 162 as covenant given to Abraham, 163–64, 354 gentiles and, 294–96, 294–308, 314, 327 hoi ek peritomēs, 242 of heart, 175 Paul’s disparagement of, 411n20 of Timothy, 312–15, 314–15n10 citizenship (Roman). See Roman citizenship city clerk, 384–86, 385n270

Index of Subjects and Authors 569 Clark, Albert C., 336n79, 35n113, 423, 440, 448, 482n241, 484 Clarke, W., 83n17, 84nn23–24, 85n29 class, social, 50, 336 Claudiconium, 282–83n74 Claudius (emperor), 182, 230n105, 247, 261, 282–83n74, 286, 348, 350, 354, 430n75, 432, 441, 449n144, 449n146, 453–54n164, 456, 463, 470, 505 Claudius Lysias (Roman tribune). See Lysias, Claudius “clean” and “unclean.” See purity Cleanthes, 339, 393, 345n123 Clement of Alexandria, 2, 9, 23–24, 30, 154n210, 97, 314–15n10 cloud imagery, 75–76 Codex Alexandrinus (A), 16, 24 Codex Bezae (D) and the D-text tradition, 26–29 anti-Judaic tendency, 27, 27n92, 288 expansionistic details, 28nn94–95 notable omissions, 27n90 christological title expansions, 27n91 Codex Vaticanus, 13–14n81, 16, 24 Cohen, Shaye J. D., 180n5, 314–15nn8–10, 420n47 cohort, 226, 228–29, 416–17, 440, 440n110. See also Augustan Cohort; Italian Cohort collection project, Pauline. See under Jerusalem church: Pauline collection project collective ownership, ancient ideal, 109n83, 134 Pythagorean roots, 134n139 Colossians, Letter to, 3, 376, 400 Colpe, Carsten. See Boring, M. Eugene, Klaus Berger, and Carsten Colpe command, divine, 170, 231–32, 476 “I command you in the name of Jesus Christ,” 322, 324, 371 commission “discharged”/formal commissioning., 307 encompassing both Jews and gentiles, 476 See also prophetic commission; individual names and descriptions, e.g., Paul and Barnabas: commission of commission of Saul. See Damascus Road experience common property, 138n147. See also collective ownership; community community, 133–35 avarice as vice that destroys, 138n147 collective ownership, pagan texts, 109, 109n83 common life of, 133–35 of goods, 108–9, 109n83, 134 Hellenistic notions of ideal, 57, 109n83 prayer, 129–33

Qumran, collective ownership, 109n82 solidarity, the apostolic church and, 133–49 utopian, 57, 109, 109nn82–83 Vaccaei, Celtic tribe, tradition of common property, 138n147 See also apostolic community; church; solidarity; specific communities, e.g., Qumran community of believers. See church companions of Paul. See under Paul: coworkers/companions of competition, 150n187 conception of God, how derived, 346n125 confidence, 469 confident assertions, 104 prayer for full, 130, 132 See also hope conflict. See confrontation stories; resistance Confrontation Clause of the Sixth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, 464–65n202 confrontation stories, 121–23, 121n108. See also resistance, myths of conquest, of Canaan, 47, 50, 63, 163, 174, 266–67, 275 conscience, 203, 430–32, 448, 451 consecration, 487n13 Constantinople, 26, 332 constellations, 338 “controlling desires,” 454 conversion, 120, 215, 223–24, 237 of “a good many disciples” in Derbe, 291 of Aseneth, 204n81 of both Jews and gentiles, Peter’s, 68 of Cornelius, 226–243, 246n152 “from darkness to light,” 476, 476n226 of gentiles, 224, 240, 243, 246, 293, 327 household, 243n134, 322, 322n39, 352, 352n149 in Iconium, 293 of the jailer, 324–27 of Jews, 243 of Lydia and her household, 318–22 most critical part of, 237 of priests, large number of, 155 of Saul, 192–222 of Sergius Paulus, 56, 259–63, 293 the Spirit and, 66 of Thecla, 284 of Timothy’s mother, 291n103 “turning to living God,” 224n86 See also Ethiopian eunuch Conzelmann, Hans, xviii, 6n34, 11n67, 48n141, 79n14, 85n28, 389n285, 441n112, 476n225, 483n1, 486n6, 488n16, 493n36, 495n45, 504

570 Coponius, 147n171, 177 Corinth, 347–56, 354n152 church in, establishing, 347–56 history of, 350 Jewish presence in, 351, 351n141 mission to, 347–52 opposition to Paul in, 347–48, 390 Paul’s appearance before Gallio, 353–56 Paul’s preaching in, 348–52 Corinthian Letters, 3, 314–15n10, 348, 355, 361, 376, 390, 390nn292–93; 413 Cornelii, named after Sulla, 227 Cornelius the centurion conversion of, 56n155, 246, 246n152, 359, 366n201 generosity of, 226, 230 Peter meeting in Caesarea, 233–35 Peter receiving messengers of, 232–33 Peter’s sermon to family and friends of, 40, 45, 235–39 Spirit, outpouring of, 242–43 status as first gentile convert, 246n152 vision of, in Caesarea, 225–33, 235, 241, 243 corner: “not done in a corner,” 36n115, 48, 479–80 proverbial use, references, 480n237 cornerstone/stone/builders, 54, 70, 111–12, 125, 127–28 Cornutus Arruntius Aquila, 264 corpses, 357, 411–12, 415 corruption, 101, 271, 273, 277–78 Cos, 403–4, 403n3, 487 Council, Jerusalem. See Jerusalem Council councils, 142–43, 143nn159–60 “of elders,” 422 courage of the apostles, 407 See also boldness/bold witness; martyrdom covenant, ark of, 174 covenants, 51, 55, 63,114, 116–17, 121, 137, 144, 174, 272, 276–77 of circumcision, 63, 163–64 coworkers of Paul. See under Paul: coworkers/ companions of creation, new, 120, 120n106 Creator God, 286–90, 337 creeds, 191, 289, 468 Crete, 95, 98, 345, 403–4n4, 484–92, 494, 494n42, 498 Paul sailing to, 484–89 Crispus, 310, 347–48, 352 Croesus, King, 379 “Croesus temple,” 380 “crooked generation,” 106 cross. See Jesus, crucifixion of

Index of Subjects and Authors crucifixion of Jesus. See Jesus, crucifixion of cultural sophistication, 57–58 Cumanus, 432, 463 Cumont, Franz, 96 curse, with blindness, 259–62, 299 cursing a leader, 55, 430–36 the name of God, 157–58 Cuspius Fadus, procurator, 147, 147n172, 148n182 custody, four levels of, 508n87 Cyprus Barnabas as native of, 312 conversion of Sergius Paulus, 259–63 Jewish presence, ancient sources attesting, 135, 135n146, 260n12 Cyril of Alexandria, 23–24 Cyril of Jerusalem, 23, 25, 30 D, D-text tradition, 26–29 anti-Jewish tendency, 27n92, 269, 280, 353, 437 negative view of women, 331, 335 Dahl, Nils, 301n12 Damaris, 48, 347 Damascus Acts, role in, 193n40 Jews in, 193n39, 424 Saul’s activity/witness in, 199–200 Saul’s encounter with Jesus en route to, 192–95 Saul’s escape in basket, 62, 199–200, 212, 216, 426 Saul’s persecuting activity in, 474 Damascus Road experience/Saul’s call and conversion, 31, 45, 56, 192–222, 397, 407, 419, 422–28, 475–78 Daniel, book of, 436n102 darkness “from darkness to light,” 476, 476n226 “misty darkness,” 262 sun transformed into, 99, 102 See also light (light-darkness dichotomy) date of Acts, 4–7 David, 42–43, 55, 65, 80–81, 90, 99–100, 104–5, 128–29, 131, 161n224, 162, 172– 74, 265–67, 270–78, 298–99, 351 death and burial of, 273 God’s will as fulfilled through, 63 “Holy One” as not, 273–74 Jesus’s continuity with the line of, 53 prophecy of, 273–74 rebuilding fallen tent/house of, 49, 51, 63, 302 Spirit as speaking through, 65 Davidic-Solomonic dynasty, 74

Index of Subjects and Authors 571 day time of, 496n46 See also night and day Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur), 487–88, 487n13 “the day of the Lord,” 101–2 deacons, 150, 153, 357, 399n324 deaf mute, Jesus as healing, 237n118 death, 347, 378 bonds of, 101 Greek and Roman views of, 347, 347n132 OT figures who, rather than dying, were “taken up,” 274n53 painful, as literary trope, 254n184 See also resurrection of the dead death of Jesus. See Jesus, crucifixion/death of debate, 331, 369 Decalogue, 131 decapitation, 249, 249n165 Decapolis, 194, 200, 237n118 deceit, 61, 83, 137–39, 259, 262, 353–55 Decius, 332 defense speeches. See under sermons/speeches in Acts dei, 49 Deinocrates (Cheirocrates), 380 deisidaimonia, 342n96 deistic views, xix deities. See gods; worship, pagan Delos, 182, 321nn32–33, 323–24n45 Delphi Gallio inscription discovery, 354 oracle at, 323, 323n44 Demetrius, a “slave of Artemis,” 380 Demetrius I of Macedonia, Poliorcetes, 404n4 Demetrius I of Syria, Seleucid king, 61, 85, 154, 255n185 Demetrius the Silversmith, 377–82, 378n244 demons/demon-possession “I command you in the name of Jesus Christ,” 322, 324 Jesus as exorcising/healing, 237n118, 238 the Seventy as vanquishing, 180 See also evil spirits; exorcism; unclean spirits Derbe Paul preaching in, 290–93, 291n103 Paul revisiting, 312–15 determinism and free will, Josephus’s criteria for differentiating Jewish groups, 435n94 Deuteronomic history, 40, 49, 61 Deuteronomy, book of, 135, 149, 186, 189, 209 Deut 18, use of, 117–18 diakonos, 153 dialegomai, 331

dialogue, 392, 392n301 diamartyromai, 106n72, 397n312 Diana. See Artemis diaspora Jews. See Jews, diaspora dietary laws. See food laws diēgēsis, 7–8 Dikē (Justice), 499, 501, 501n67 Dio Chrysostom Artemision, 379n251 dithalattos, 498n56 encounter with prophetess in Greece, 323n42 human conceptions of God, origin, 346n125 human kinship with God, 345n124 ideal Cynic, description of, 369n209 parrhēsia (boldness) of philosophers, 128n121, 479 philosopher’s refusal of money, 400n332 Rhodes, address to, 404n4 sea voyage, 488n16 strife, 386n277 Syrtis, danger of, 491 Zeus, giver of life, 345n124 Diodorus Siculus, 10–11, 138n147 Diogenes Laertius, 10, 109nn83–84; 342– 43n102, 345n122, 347n132, 374n234, 379n251, 391n298, 480n234 Diogenes the Cynic, 134n138 Dionysian cycles, 141 Dionysius the Areopagite, 48, 347 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 37, 447n137 Dionysus, “son of Zeus” (god), 122, 148, 359, 476n225 myths of resistance, role in, 122, 122n110 diopētēs (“fell from Zeus”), 385, 385n274 Dioscuri, 503–4 protectors from sea dangers, 504n71 diptych, 136–37, 178 discernment, 399 disciples, twelve, of John the Baptist, 66, 106, 310, 364–68 disciples of Jesus bold testimony of, 64–66 as given the name “Christians,” 246 Jesus’s characterization of, 398–99 Jesus’s warning to, 60 as Jewish, 51 Luke’s portrayal of, 57, 60 mission of, risen Jesus as initiating, 239 nucleus of Jesus’s followers (three groups), 77 religious practices of, 57, 57n160 resistance by Jewish leaders to, 51 as witnesses, 30–31 See also apostles; church; Pentecost Inaugural

572 dishonor, experiencing, for a deity, 149, 149nn185, 186 disobedience. See obedience and disobedience disputes, 150–55, 241–43, 294–308, 436, 436n99. See also Hellenist-Hebrew dispute “divine necessity” theme. See under suffering: “divine necessity” theme divine retribution, examples of, 255n185 doors opening automatically, 251n172 Dorcas. See Tabitha dove, 78–79 drachma, value of, 374n235 dramatic events in Acts, 120 drunkenness, 98, 98n63 ecstatic speech as, ancient texts, 98n63 Drusilla, 261, 441, 441n117, 452–54, 453n164, 454n166, 463 Dupont, Jacques, xviii, 130n125, 465n202 Dyrrhachium, 228n98, 320, 332 earthquake(s), 133, 142, 324, 326, 326n51, 328 in antiquity, 326n51 Judea, 31 BCE, 326n51 sign of divine anger, 133n134 theophanies, feature of, in pagan authors, 133n134 Tiberius’s reign, twelve Asiatic cities destroyed, 326n50 Easter, 71–73, 76, 78, 103, 391, 425 the post-Easter appearances, 88, 270 post-Easter division of Israel, 511–12 eating benefits of, 496 context of “eating together,” 74 See also food laws; meals Ecclesiastical History (Eusebius), 1, 11 Ecclesiastical (Textual Group A), 24 ecclesiology, Lukan, 108n77, 154 Edom, 300–301 education, 57–58 Egypt, 172 400-year period of enslavement in, 164 famine in, 164 See also Alexandria; exodus; Joseph (son of Jacob) “Egyptian false prophet,” 418, 418n41, 441, 455, 480 Egyptian textual tradition, 24 eidōlothytōn (“food offered to idols”), 307, 307n32 ekklēsia, 107, 138, 172, 383–384, 399 usage in Acts, 138n148 pagan usage, 107n76

Index of Subjects and Authors elders council of, 142–43, 143n159, 422 Ephesian, Paul’s farewell speech to, 41, 44–45, 310–11, 386, 394–400, 402–3 episcopoi, 292 Paul and Barnabas appointing, 290–92 presbyteroi, 247n157, 291–92, 291n106 Spirit as appointing, 67, 399 See also under Sanhedrin Eleazar, defender of Masada, 42n128, 44 Eleazar (Jewish exorcist), 261 Eleazar “the brigand chief,” 441 Eleazar the priest (son of Aaron), 75, 154 Eli, 266 Eliezer (son of Moses), 169 Elijah, 39, 52, 65–66, 75, 86, 120, 225, 251, 262, 274n53, 392 Elisha, 66, 120, 262, 392 Elymas/Bar-Jesus, 42, 64, 181–82, 259, 261– 62, 263n27, 299 Embassy to Gaius (Philo), 96 emic identification/etic description, 450, 481 Emmaus story, 73, 76, 78, 496 emperors, 37, 238, 359, 385 cult, 227, 326n50, 350, 354, 359, 359n175, 385 See also individual names encouragement, 108, 202, 263, 291, 327, 329, 386–88, 390. See also under Barnabas: as encourager “end of the earth,” 44, 279–80 parallel references, 73 enemy/enemies love for, 83 power of, Paul triumphing over, 501 rage of, 176 Enoch, 75, 370n215 Epaphras, 507n85 eparcheia (administrative area), 456–57 Ephesian elders, Paul’s farewell address to, 41, 45, 311, 386, 394–400, 402–3 Ephesia grammata (Ephesian Letters, six words), 374n233 Ephesians, Letter to, 400 An Ephesian Tale (Xenophon of Ephesus), 383 Ephesus, 176, 356–87, 394–400 Apollos instructed by Priscilla and Aquila, 360–64 Artemis Ephesia (Diana Ephesia), 359, 381–85 Christian origins in, 358n169 church in, 358 craftsmen opposing Paul in, 377–86 cults, 359 disturbance incited by Demetrius the Silversmith, 377–82

Index of Subjects and Authors 573 false religion in, 370–75 history of the city, 358–59 Jewish presence in, 359, 359n176 magic books burned, 373–75 Paul and church in, 358 Paul arriving in, and baptizing twelve disciples of John, 364–68 Pauline Letters as composed in, 376 Paul’s final farewell, 400–402 Paul’s healing miracles and the seven sons of Sceva, 370–73 Paul’s ministry/preaching in, 368–70 Paul’s travel plans, 375–77 population, 359 riot in the theater at/town clerk calming the crowd, 382–86 Spirit’s appearance in, 364–68 twelve disciples of John the Baptist, 364–68 Ephraem of Syria, 23, 25, 188 Epictetus, 339, 447 Epicureans/Epicureanism, 48, 337–39, 347 Epicurus in Athens, 339 view of death, quotation, 347n132 Epimenides, 345 stops Athens plague, 345n122 epiphanies, 172, 176, 503 episkopoi and episkopos, 292 episodes, 46–48 Epp, Eldon Jay, 23n83, 25nn85–86; 26n88, 27n92, 269, 280, 437, four textual groups/clusters, 23n83 equality, 50, 183, 234–38 Erasmus, 24, 97 Erastus, 315n11, 375–76 Eratosthenes, 362 escapes, dramatic, 62. See also under prison: escapes from eschatology, 94, 102, 120, 239, 346–47, 369, 398n317, 435, 454, 472–73, 477, 511 Jesus, eschatological role for, 53, 63–64, 76, 114–15, 346n129 Joel’s eschatological vision, 51 new creation, 120n106 pagan views, 347n131 Paradise restored, Jewish views, 120n106 Pauline, 454 reconstituted cosmos, 115, 120 Sadducees, eschatological skepticism of, 124 “times of rest/refreshing,” 115, 120 Esdras, Second (4 Ezra), 120nn105–6; 133n134 Essenes, 109n82, 142, 435n94, 446n137, 451, 473 eternal life, 279–82, 496. See also resurrection of the dead

ethics/ethical behavior, 367, 369, 473 Ethiopia, Ethiopians, 188–89 Ethiopian eunuch baptism of, 191 conversion of, 1, 33, 54, 56n155, 59, 70, 155, 178, 186–92, 246n152, 359, 406, 450n149 ethnicity/ethnic groups and identity, 12, 56n155, 93, 95, 98, 185, 203, 230, 246n152, 298, 314 difference between Jews and gentiles, 235 God as not favoring one over another, 234–38 Jewish, 350, 384, 415 Phrygian, 284 ethnos, meaning, 93 etic description/emic identification, 450, 481 euangelion (gospel, good news, glad tidings), 59, 271n48 euangelizomai, 286n87 Eucharist/eucharistic observance, 108, 391–92, 496 eunuch(s), 189, 189n25, 379n251. See also Ethiopian eunuch Euraquilo, 490 Euripides, 122, 141 Euroclydon, 490 Europe, 96, 264n30, 319, 333n69, 378n249 Eusebius of Caesarea, 1, 11, 23, 227n93, 406n16 Eutychus, Paul as reviving, 390–92 evangelistic language, 59n165 evangelists/evangelistic activity, 69, 78, 149, 239n122, 362n186, 512 “evangelist,” the title, 406 See also individual evangelists and locations evil spirits, 77n9, 180, 370–73. See also demon possession; unclean spirits Exodus, book of, 153, 160–61, 167–69 exodus/the exodus, 50, 87, 160, 172, 266, 299n8 exorcism, 77, 179, 238–39, 261, 325–26, 360, 372 explanation of term, 77n9, 372 Jewish exorcists, 370–73, 372n222 Paul’s exorcism of the slave girl, 322–24 Syrian exorcist in Lucian, 372n222 use of names in, 372n223 eyes. See blindness; sight; vision eyewitnesses, 1, 5, 45, 52, 112, 121n108, 129, 318, 485. See also witnesses Ezechias (brother of Ananias), 432 Ezekiel/ book of Ezekiel, 121, 432 4 Ezra (Second Esdras), 120nn105–6, 133n134

574 face (body imagery), 39 Fadus (Roman procurator), 147, 147n172, 148n182 Fair Havens, 484–87, 489–91, 489n19 faith “by faith having cleansed their hearts,” 297 full-fledged, 66 God’s “opening a door of,” 293 “He believed,” 262 healing and, 114–21 in Jesus’s name, 119 salvation and, 327 of Stephen, 60, 65, 155 “the faith,” 291, 291n104 See also Christianity; repentance faith, attacks on. See bold witness; persecution “falling at [someone’s] feet,” 234, 234n113 false prophets, 86, 261n14, 399, 432 Alexander the False Prophet (Lucian), 323n41 “Egyptian false prophet,” 418, 441, 455, 480 false witnesses, 69, 156, 158 famine, 28, 164–65, 244, 246–48, 255 under Claudius, 247, 247n155 fanaticism, religious, 55, 421, 474 Farber, Rabbi Zev, 86n33 fasting, 57, 195, 206, 217, 220, 257, 423 Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur) as day of, 487 prayer and, 259, 292 fear assurances of God’s presence linked with injunctions not to fear, 352 and awe, at dramatic demonstrations of God’s power, 373 of God, 235, 237 “Have no fear,” 493 that “came over the whole church,” 138 See also “Godfearers” Felix the procurator, 439–55 indecision of, 452–53 “king with slave’s instincts” (Tacitus), 441 Paul before, 443–55 Paul’s defense speech before, 447–52 response to tribune’s letter, 452–55 tribune’s letter to, 439–43 fellowship, 32, 108 with gentiles, 29, 240, 242, 435 festivals, Jewish. See Jewish festivals Festus, Porcius consulting with Agrippa in Caesarea, 461–66 Paul before, 455–66 Paul’s interchanges with Agrippa and, 479–81

Index of Subjects and Authors pressured by Jews, 455–57 summarizing charges against Paul, 466–67 Field of Blood. See Hakeldama fire baptism with, 89, 92 tongues of, 91–92 See also burning bush First Apology (Justin Martyr), 5 First Jewish Revolt, 74, 193n39, 208, 223–24, 227n90, 421, 432, 455 Fitzmyer, Joseph A., 26n89, 238n119 Flaccus, Aulus Avillius, 228 Flaccus, Lucius Valerius, 508n88 floggings. See beatings flood story, 284 food/food laws, 64, 235n114, 237n118, 242, 435 avoidance of unclean things, 235n114 clean and unclean animals, 231–32, 241 idols, food offered to, 307 See also eating foreign deities, 338, 340, 359 foreknowledge, 49, 53, 99–100, 374n233 forgiveness of sin, 50, 53, 476 baptism as conferring, 240 in the name of Jesus, 239 Lukan language, 274, 274n54 Stephen’s plea for, 60 forty days after Jesus’s Resurrection, 28n94, 71, 73, 215n84, 239 Forum of Appius, 506 four-footed creatures, 231, 241 four prohibitions, 299–304 four textual groups, 23–26 freedom light/darkness dichotomy and, 476 transition from oppression to, 476 friendship, 134n138 “friends” (philoi), as designation for Christians, 486n7 Paul’s “friends,” 452–53 proverb, “friends hold things in common,” 109n84 proverb, “one soul, two bodies,” 134n138 fruits of the Spirit, 454 Fulvia, 326n50 Funk, Robert W., 97 future, 39–40, 74. See also eternal life; hope; new era Gaius Caligula, 96, 228, 238n120, 249, 249n166, 251n169 Gaius of Corinth, 352 Gaius of Derbe (member of Paul’s entourage), 33, 286, 291n103, 383, 383n261, 387–88

Index of Subjects and Authors 575 Gaius of Macedonia, 382–83, 383n261, 387–88, 485 Galatia, 213, 264, 282, 296, 309n1, 311, 315– 16, 356–57, 360, 365, 378n249, 397, 409 Roman province, 264, 316 Galatians, Letter to, 160, 216, 278–79, 314, 314n10, 413, 427 Galba, Emperor, 461n192 Galilee apostles identified as Galileans, 95 Aramaic accent ridiculed in talmudic story, 95 as focal center of Jesus’s ministry, 77, 95, 238 as Jesus’s hometown, 95 Peter, Galilean identity of, 95 Gallio, proconsul of Achaia inscription, 354n153 Paul’s appearance before, 353–56 Gamaliel I (the Elder), 27, 41, 61, 144–49, 219, 295n1, 419–21, 513 in Christian tradition, 146n169 Gospel of, 146n169 Mishnah references, 146n164 Gamaliel II, Rabban, 146 Gangites (or Angites) stream, 320 “gathered people,” 172 Gaulinitis, 147n174 Gaza, 4n28, 31, 178, 186, 188–89, 192 Gemini, 503 gender/“men as well as women,” 183 generations/“this crooked generation,” 106 generosity, 46, 57, 67, 133, 226, 230, 322, 367, 500n63, 503 of the church (Barnabas), 133–35, 139 misguided (Ananias and Sapphira), 135–38 See also charity Genesis, book of, 160, 164–66, 344 gentiles in Antioch, witness to, 244–48 baptism of, 240 Caesarea, gospel first preached to gentiles in, 226–43, 406 Christ as proclaimer of “light to our people and to the gentiles,” 479 as Christians, 42, 235, 302, 314n10, 414 and circumcision, 294–296, 314, 327 as clean, 241–43 before their conversion, 476 conversion of, 68, 240, 243, 246, 293, 327 and Cornelius’s conversion, 56n155, 240 four prohibitions suggested by James for, 302–3, 409 God’s agency in extending salvation to, 235 and God’s purposes, 161 inclusion of, 243

Jerusalem agreement/admission to church, 4, 299–308 Jerusalem debate over acceptance of, 294–308 mission to, 198, 293, 302, 409 mission to, in Gospels, 237n118 Paul and Barnabas, work of, 299 Paul as missionary to, 131, 218, 236, 257–513 and Paul’s ministry, 398 Pentecost of, 240 people of God, inclusion in, 282, 302–4, 309, 314, 424 Peter’s conversion of, 68 Peter’s ministry to, 222–43 salvation extended to, 235, 503 Spirit as initiating mission to, 67 Spirit received by, 240, 243 and the temple, 415 and “the prince of the power of the air,” dominion of, 476 Timothy regarded by some as, 314n10 “unclean,” “gentile” and, 230 and worship of God, 237 See also Cornelius; “Godfearers”; specific locations, e.g., Malta; specific topics, e.g., circumcision; ethnicity geography church/gospel, geographical expansion of, 44, 48, 177 the risen Lord’s predicted pattern of geographical expansion, 177 symbolism, geographical, 97 See also travel Gerasene demoniac, healing of, 237n118 Gershom, 169 Gitta (Samaritan town), 180, 182 glory/glorification of God, 410 of Jesus, 43 glossolalia, 66, 91–92, 240, 365–67 Gnosticism, 146n169, 182, 399, 486n7 goads, kicking, 209, 209n83, 423, 474–76 proverb, ancient references to, 476n225 God action/active role of, 50, 62–65, 103, 162–63 agency of, 62, 103, 235 as ancestor of humanity, 346n125 anger of, 133n134 creative activity, 289, 289n97 foreknowledge of, 49, 53, 99–100 glory of, 410 goodness of, 289 hand of, 132 how human beings develop their conceptions of, 346n125

576 God (continued) impartiality of, 65, 236–37 invisible, 172 Jesus as divinely appointed representative, 53 Jesus glorified as “the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, the God of Jacob, the God of our ancestors,” 43 living, 224, 288–89, 289n96 mission of, in Acts, 95, 131 name of, 302 opponents of, 88 power of, 66, 183, 267, 373 presence of, 43, 62–63, 66, 104, 120, 165, 174, 194, 234–35, 343–44, 352, 373 promises of, 49–50, 71 providence of/as providential, 62–63, 65, 148, 301, 307, 476, 488, 493 purpose of, 48–53, 49, 53, 99–100, 161, 278, 282n67, 398 right hand of, 100, 104–5, 143, 176 and Scripture, 49–50 self-description of, 131 sovereignty of, 129, 131, 204n81 Spirit as surrogate presence of, 65 as trustworthy, 493 universal dominion of, 238 See also covenants; specific topics, e.g., justice God (of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob), 43, 54–55, 63, 115, 117, 121, 169, 450n152 God of fathers/ancestors, 116 God (“I am”), 160, 169 God (Creator), 131, 286–89, 337 God (kyrios), 160n223 God (Sovereign Lord), 131 God (the Most High), 160n223 God (the Tetragrammaton), 474n223 God (the temple), 155 God (YHWH), 84, 105, 185, 197, 262, 269n44, 274, 278, 302, 323, 343n105, 362n186, 425n66, 426–27, 436, 474n223, 512 God, fighting against. See “God-fighters” God, kingdom of. See kingdom of God God, will of. See will of God God, worship of. See worship of God “Godfearer(s),” 93, 153, 189, 229, 246n152, 267, 269, 279, 281n58, 284, 287, 321n38, 333, 336, 338, 349, 351–52 Aphrodisias inscription, 229 definition, 229–30 “God-fighters”/fighting God, 61, 145, 148–49, 243, 248, 255, 434, 476 divine retribution against, examples of, 255n185

Index of Subjects and Authors ancient sources attesting, 148n184 gods, pagan appearances in disguse to humans, 287n89 astral deities, 173 deities collaborate with humans in council decision, 305 foreign deities, 338, 340, 359 Greek and Roman deities, 284 handmade, 377 Paul and Barnabas paid homage as, 287–89 shift from a polytheistic to monotheistic worldview, 289 “unknown god,” 342–43 See also idols; worship, pagan; individual deities, e.g., Artemis “God’s high priest,” 432–33 gold, 112, 508n88 “golden age” of humanity, 109n83 golden calf, 63, 84, 172 Golden Rule, 22 negative version of, 29, 303n22, 305, 410 goods, community of, 107–8, 134–35 gospel, Christian, 511 in Antioch, 244–48 euangelion, 59, 271n48 growth/spread/geographical expansion of, 44, 48, 155, 177, 178–256 Jewish resistance to, 52 popular religion, encountering, 263, 310 reaching Rome/Roman respect for, 329 Samaritans’ reception of, 66, 177, 180, 183 as source of power/healing power, 375 triumph of, 310 universal scope of, 68, 92–98 See also church; word of God Gospel of Gamaliel, 146n169 Gospels, four, 2, 5, 24, 26, 59, 67, 69, 73, 78, 270n45, 362n186, 372, 400, 435, 512. See also specific Gospels Gospels, Synoptic. See Synoptic Gospels grace, 398, 511 ethnicity as irrelevant to, 234–38 “full of grace and power,” 156–57 God’s saving, 314 and Pauline soteriology, 299 risen Lord bearing witness “to the word of his grace,” 285 salvation “through the grace of the Lord Jesus,” 299 “the gospel of God’s grace,” 398 grain trade, 486, 491, 504 “Great Power,” 183n12 Greece Dio Chrysostom in, 323n42 Paul’s final ministry in, 386–90

Index of Subjects and Authors 577 See also Athens and other locations; Hellenism Greece (Achaia), 386, 388 greed, 87–88, 138, 186, 432, 454 Greek and Roman deities, 284 Greek language, 9, 152, 264, 350, 418 Greek translation of the Jewish Scriptures, 362 Jews as using, 323 Luke’s grasp of Greek grammar and syntax, 34–35 Paul’s use of, 421n50 See also Koine Greek Old Testament. See Septuagint Greek polis, Iconium as, 283–84 Greeks/Greek people cultured behavior of, 503 See also gentiles; Jews and Greeks “Greek worshipers,” 331, 333 growth metaphor, 155 reports of church’s growth, 106, 106n74, 202n77 Habakkuk, book of, 274n56, 279 Hadrian, Emperor, 283n74 Haenchen, Ernst, xviii, 1n3, 11n68, 25n86, 30n100, 39n126, 150n187, 208n82, 429n69, 483n1, 489n20, 495n45 Haggai/book of Haggai, 91 hagioi (holy people, saints), 196–97, 197nn55–56 hairesis, “philosophy,” “school of thought” definition, 142, 142n154, 446, 446–47n137, 448 Josephus’s description of Jewish groups, 142, 142n153, 446–47n137 Lukan usage, 142, 509 outsiders’ perspective of Jesus’s followers, 194 Hakeldama (Field of Blood), 35n112, 81, 85–86 Hamor, 165–66 “hand of the Lord,” 245, 245n145 hands, laying on of. See laying on of hands Hanhart, Robert, 300 Hannibal, 10 happiness, 339 On the Happy Life, 354 Haran, 162–64 Harnack, Adolf, 5n30, 486n7 harvest, 91, 138n147, 344 Hasmonean dynasty, 74 healing ministries, 57, 111, 503 and the commission of the Twelve, 77 of Jesus, 58, 127 healing miracles, 114

of Aeneas, 46, 136, 222–25 by apostles, 114, 154 faith and, 119n103 God as true source of healing power, 64, 114 Greco-Roman world, importance in, 57n162 healing power as linked with Jesus’s name, 183 importance in Greco-Roman world, 57n162 of Jesus, 223, 237n118 Jesus and his followers as healers, not magicians, 57 Jesus healing Syrophoenician woman, 237n118 lame beggar, Peter and John healing, 112–14 lame man at Lystra, Paul healing, 27n91, 286–87, 299 on Malta, 499–503 pagan traditions, 114n96 paralytics healed, 203, 223, 299 of Paul, and the seven sons of Sceva, 370–73 Paul healing slave girl, 322–24 Paul reviving Eutychus, 390–92 Peter and John healing lame beggar, 112–14 Peter healing Aeneas in Lydda, 46, 136, 222–25 Peter raising Dorcas in Joppa, 224–26 Peter’s twin healing episodes, 46 response to, 114 use of divine names in, 114 See also laying on of hands; miracles; individual names, e.g., Peter healing power gospel as an alternative source of, 375 See also under Jesus, name of: healing power of “hearing the word”/“hearing the word of God/ the Lord,” 124 heart/hearts not right (or straight) before God, 186 “uncircumcised,” 175 heaven “open,” 232 See also eternal life Hebrew Bible, 152, 182 “Hebrew born of Hebrews,” 434 Hebrew-Hellenist dispute, resolving, 150–55, 244 Hebrew language, 36, 38–39, 92, 116, 152, 195, 208–9, 262, 300–302, 305, 418–19, 475 Hebrews, Letter to, 2, 34, 59n165, 174 Hebrews, “Synagogue of,” 351n141 Hecataeus of Abdera, 235n114, 355

578 heirs of God’s covenant with Abraham, 121 Helen, 504 Helena (former prostitute), 182 Heliodorus (Seleucid official), 85, 88, 204n81, 255n185 Hellenism early church, influence within, 150 Hellenist-Hebrew dispute, resolving, 150–55, 244 Hellenistic writers of Luke’s day, 35 Paul’s interactions by, 421n50 Stephen and Hellenistic Synagogue, 155–58 See also under specific topics, e.g., community: Hellenistic notions of ideal Hellenist-Hebrew dispute, 150–55, 151n190, 244 Hellenistic Artemision, 380 Hellenistic period, 10, 155, 179, 227n93, 260, 280, 362, 404nn4–5 propaganda wars during, 340 Hellenistic-Roman tradition, 57–58 Hellenists, meaning, 244 hendiadys, 151, 192, 262, 262n25, Heracles, 323n42, 418, 477 Heraklean Syriac, 454n166 heresy, 86, 182, 399n327, 436n99 Against Heresies (Irenaeus), 5 hermeneutics/hermeneutical assumptions, 49, 83, 478 Hermes, 286–88 Herod Agrippa I (Marcus Julius Agrippa I), 6n33, 61, 96, 147–48, 227, 248–56, 432 death of, 254–55 executing James and imprisoning Peter, 248–50 as “God-fighter,” 255 persecution of apostles by, 248–50 Herod Agrippa II (Marcus Julius Agrippa II), 41, 96, 227, 402, 432, 441 death ca. 92/93 CE, 463 declaring Paul’s innocence, 481–82 Festus consulting with, 461–66 “king,” 463 Paul before, 466–82 Paul’s defense speech before, 467–79 Paul’s interchanges with Festus and, 479–81 Resource for Josephus’s Jewish War, 463 Herod Antipas, 69, 112, 130, 132, 258, 258n4, 269n43, 454n166 Herod Archelaus, 177 Herod of Chalcis, 432, 463, 470 Herod the Great, 179, 227, 249, 254– 55nn184–185; 258n4, 416, 432, 442–43, 449n143, 449n147, 463, 508n88

Index of Subjects and Authors Herod, “King,” Lukan motif, 248, 249n162 Herostratus, 380 Herpyllis, 488n16, 503 Hesychian textual tradition, 24 high priests, 56, 124, 126, 130, 135, 140, 142– 43, 155, 163–64, 192–93, 197, 207–8, 219, 370–72, 383, 419, 422, 432, 473 Agrippa II convincing Claudius to return high-priestly vestments to Jewish control, 463, 470 “God’s high priest,” 432–33 list of Jewish, 126n118, 372, 372n226, 422n58 Onias, 204n81 Sceva, 370–72 See also Ananias; Annas; Caiaphas Hillel, school of/Hillel the elder, 145–46 Hippocrates, 403n3 historians, 11 historical reliability of Acts, questions about, 5, 11–13 Annas and Caiaphas as high priests, 126 Aramaic words of Jesus, 218 charge against Paul in Philippi, 326 Cornelius as first gentile convert, 246 Jewish conspiracy to kill Paul, 438 Hellenist-Hebrew dispute, 150, 150n187 high priest presiding over Sanhedrin, 126 Jerusalem, extent of legal jurisdiction, 208 Nazirite vow, 410–13 Paul in Jerusalem after his conversion, 427 Paul’s appeal to Caesar, 461 Paul’s collection for Jerusalem poor, 413–14, 452 Paul’s voyage to Rome, 507 Sanhedrin’s power in capital cases, 145 Sceva, high priest, 372 Theudas revolt, 146–47 historicity, 11, 427 history Acts as, 11–13 See also human history; Israel: history of Hittites, 166 holiness, 87 “Holy One,” 99–100, 104–5, 119, 172n241, 270–71, 273, 278 “holy people,” 197, 208. See also church Holy Spirit (Spirit), 65–67, 90 in Acts, 65–67 in Apollos, 66 and the apostles’ commission, 72–74 arrival, universal impact of, 97 as author of Scripture, 65 baptism and reception of, 106 baptism of, 240 baptism with, 74, 90, 243

Index of Subjects and Authors 579 baptism “with the Holy Spirit and fire,” 89, 92 and Christian identity, full, 66, 367 the church and, 65–67, 202 church leaders, as appointing, 67, 399 conversion and, 66 democratization of, 66 descent of/as descending, 78–79, 144, 232 as directing people’s movements, 66 disciples, as imparted to, 90 dove, as like, 78–79 dramatic manifestations of, 66 effusion of, 240 faith and, 66 filled with/“Spirit-filled,” 65–67, 90, 154 fruits of, 454 gentiles receiving, 240 as gift, 74, 144, 243 gift of, at Pentecost, 53, 64, 66, 89–106 as God’s surrogate, 65–66 hope of receiving, 106 impartiality of, 240 inaugural events, 90–91 Israel, as no longer confined to, 240 Israel, as promised to descendants of, 144 Israel’s disobedience and, 67 Jesus anointed with, 63, 90, 238 Jesus as unique bearer of, 71, 74–75 “joy and the Spirit,” being filled with, 283 the law and, 160 Lukan emphasis on, 68, 97 Luke’s conception of, 65–67, 74, 90, 97 in Luke’s Gospel, 74 lying to, 136 mission, as initiating, 67 movements, as directing, 66 and obedience to God, 66–67, 144 OT promise of, 90–91 OT prophets lifted and transported by, 191 Paul, as warning, 395 Paul as not referring to his own reception of, 217 Paul’s conferral of, through the laying on of hands, 366 Peter and, 243 Peter’s speech at Pentecost, 98–106 Philip’s Spirit-induced exit, 191 power of/received through, 65–67, 72, 74 prayer prior to reception of, 78–79 presence of, 74 promise of, 106 prophetic denunciations, role in, 512 and prophetic impulse, 65–66 prophets, Spirit-anointed, 90 reception of, 66, 74, 79, 185n15, 191, 199, 217, 240, 240n132, 243, 367

risen Jesus as dispensing, 74, 76, 90, 99, 106, 144 salvation equated with, 66 Samaritans, transmission to, 66, 366 Saul’s reception of, 199 Scripture, as author of, 65 speech, as inspiring, 65–66, 101 “Spirit of Jesus,” 67, 315–17 as symbolizing the presence of God’s saving power, 66 testimony, as enabling, 65–66, 101 two narrative accounts/ inaugural events, 90–91 universal accessibility of, 97 warning of “imprisonment and hardship,” 397 and wind, 91–92, 102 as witness, 144 witness to, at Pentecost, 92–98 See also bold witness (Spirit as source of); glossolalia; laying on of hands; Nazareth Inaugural; Pentecost; Pentecost Inaugural; individual names, e.g., Peter; Stephen Holy Spirit, outpourings of, 66, 90–92, 120, 240 at Caesarea (gentiles as receiving), 66, 240 upon disciples of John at Ephesus, 66, 364–68 upon gentiles, 240, 243 upon Jews at Pentecost, 66, 89–98, 243 upon Samaritans, 183–85 See also glossolalia Homer, 37, 47, 133n134, 188, 287n89, 362, 488n16, 494, 497–98 hope fulfillment of prophetic, 238 “in God,” 451 of Israel, 507, 509 of resurrection, 434, 451, 472 See also resurrection of the dead Horeb, Mt., identified with Sinai, 169n235 Horst, Pieter W. van der, 98n63, 129n124, 133n134, 134n138, 341nn100–101; 343nn102–3; 374n233 “Hosanna,” 35n111 hospitality, 87, 108, 232, 322, 327, 405, 486, 496, 500, 502–3, 503, 511 house church, 149, 258, 292, 350, 357, 392 household conversions, 322, 352 human history, 162 humanity God as ancestor of, 346n125 Luke’s vision of, 131 human life, 378 humor, 12, 46, 185, 253, 391–92 hymns, 182, 326, 381, 474n223

580 Hymn to Artemis (Callimachus), 382 Hymn to Zeus (Cleanthes), 393 hypocrisy, 432 Hyrcanus, John, 179 bronze statue in Athens, 339n85 “I am,” 160, 169, 192, 209, 214, 220, 422–23, 474 Iberia, 138n147 Iconium, xvii, 157, 264, 279, 281–82, 282n74, 283–86, 288, 290–91, 293, 299, 320, 336, 351n140, 364n192, 409n19 Claudiconium, 283n74 conversion of Jews and Greeks in, 293 conversion of synagogue attendees in, 293 “double community,” 283n74 Paul and Barnabas in, 281–86 Paul revisits, 315 idols/idolatry ‘Abodah Zarah, 303–4n17 in Athens, 338–39 commerce of the defiling effects of, 303n17 food offered to idols, 307 the four prohibitions, 302–3, 307 gentiles to avoid meat sacrificed to, 409 the golden calf, 172 Israel, prohibiting from worshiping, 302n17 Jerusalem Council on, 302–3, 307 Jewish polemic against, 338–39, 338n82 and sexual immorality, 303n18 See also worship, pagan Idumaea, 177 ignorance, 115, 120, 168, 269, 341, 343, 346, 465 in Luke-Acts, 346n127 Iliad (Homer). See Homer imagery, 39, 46, 75, 92, 190, 211–12, 337, 399, 423, 426 biblical, 289, 340 See also specific images, e.g., tongues of fire immorality, sexual. See sexual immorality immortality of the soul, Greek and Roman notions of, 347 imperial cult, 227, 326n50, 350, 354, 359, 359n175, 385 imprisonment. See prison/imprisonment impulsore Chresto, 350n137 impurity from dusty sandals, 170n237 inaugural events, 90–91. See also Nazareth Inaugural; Pentecost Inaugural initiative, divine, 62 injustice/the wicked as doing “unjust works,” 87

Index of Subjects and Authors innocence, 352 age of, 341, 346 Jesus’s, 69, 119, 191, 425, 435 Paul’s, 52, 57, 222, 276, 328, 435, 442, 452, 458, 467, 481–82, 501 Inscription, citation as rhetorical device, 342, 342n100 Irenaeus, 1–2, 5, 8, 22, 25, 30, 100, 154, 182–83, 188, 191, 358n169, 471 Isaac, 65, 163–64, 450. See also God (of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob) Isaiah/book of Isaiah, 53–55, 70, 90, 119, 121, 174, 186, 189–90, 213, 217, 509 as instructed to speak boldly to Israel, 512 Servant Song in, 70, 90, 117, 190, 211, 476 temple vision of/prophetic commission, 426–27 See also suffering servant Isis, 287n89, 357, 359 Ismael, son of Phiabi, 432 Israel disobedience and resistance, repeated pattern of, 172, 175 division within, 512 God rejected by, 172 history of, 43–44, 48, 54, 89, 117, 131, 159–61, 172, 265 hope of, 507, 509 Isaiah instructed to speak boldly to, 512 Jesus as God’s messenger sent to bless, 114–15 Jesus rejected by, 112 for Luke, 51 Moses rejected by, 49, 51, 55, 65, 171–72 post-Easter division of, 512 restoration of, 72, 90, 94–95, 299, 302 Sanhedrin and, 175 Spirit as no longer confined to, 240 Spirit promised to descendants, 144 twelve tribes of, 72, 472–73 YHWH thus instructs Isaiah to speak boldly to, 512 See also covenants; exodus Italian cohort, 226, 229 Italy, 98, 348, 350, 483–84, 494, 498, 504–5. See also Rome and other locations, e.g., Sicily itineraries, 46–48 Jacob, 65, 163–66, 173–74, 211, 472n219. See also God (of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob) jailer, conversion of, 324–27 Jairus, 223 James, 78, 253–54 four prohibitions suggested by, 302–3

Index of Subjects and Authors 581 NT Jameses, 253 speech before Jerusalem Council, 299–304 speeches of, 41 James, the son of Alphaeus (another apostle), 253 James the brother of John/James the apostle/ James the Great, 60, 248–50, 253 James the father of Judas (not Iscariot), 253 James the son of Mary at the resurrection, 253 Jason of Thessalonica, 334 jealousy, 140, 162, 164–65, 279, 330, 333 Jehoiakim, King, 175n250, 374n234 Jeremiah/book of Jeremiah, 121, 203, 217, 374n234, 424 Jerome, 314n10 Jerusalem, 294 apostles, women, and Jesus’s family gathering in, 76–79 apostles’ strategic role in, 184 beginning of church in, 71–177 destruction in AD 70, 223 diaspora Jews living in, 149 famine relief sent to, 246–48 gentiles, debate over acceptance of, 294–308 and gospel, spread of, 178 Jesus’s family gathering in, 71, 76–79 Jesus’s ministry in, 239 Lukan emphasis on, as sacred space, 74 Passover as observed in, 250 Paul’s activity in, 447 Paul’s travels/visits to, 4, 356–60, 427, 450 Paul’s upbringing/schooling in, 421n50 Paul’s visits to, 202–2, 427 Paul’s visits to—Paul in Jerusalem and Caesarea, 402–82 Paul’s visits to—plan to visit (while in Ephesus), 375–77 Paul’s visits to—second visit, 247–48 Peter answering critics in, 241–43 Peter’s speeches in, 98–106, 114–21 Roman capture of, 74 Sanhedrin members from (Paul’s trial), 445, 447, 450–51 Saul’s activity in, 201–2 Spirit as no longer confined to, 240 as symbolic center, 50 See also Paul, arrest and trials of (Jerusalem and Caesarea); Pentecost; temple in Jerusalem Jerusalem Agreement, 299–308 extent of applicability broadened, 315 Spirit as “cosigner,” 67 Jerusalem church authority of, 246

early, 71–149 James as leader of, 78 leadership structure, change in, 296n5 mission of, 1–256 outreach beyond Jerusalem, 150–255 Pauline collection project, 3, 248n158, 255, 376, 388n280, 390, 398n314, 413–14, 451, 454 Paul’s relationship with, 4 Peter as missionary to Jews in, 71–149 proposal of/four men with a vow, 409–14 Jerusalem Council, 45 Gentiles, deciding terms of admission for, 294–308 on idols, 302–3, 307 James’s speech, 299–304 the Jerusalem Agreement and its positive effects, 299–308 Peter’s speech and the report of Barnabas and Paul, 297–99 See also Jerusalem Agreement Jerusalem decree. See Jerusalem Agreement Jesus and “Anastasis,” 338–40, 347, 434 baptism of, 74, 78–79, 131, 232, 238 church, as model for, 59 David’s line, continuity with, 53 eschatological role for, 53, 63–64, 76, 114–15, 346n129 as fulfilling promises, 49–50, 65, 162, 451 glorification of, 43 God as with, 63, 162 as God’s divinely appointed representative, 53 as God’s messenger sent to bless Israel, 114–15 as healer, 57 healing power of, 503 before Herod and Pilate, 69 hometown of, 103n67 identity of, 269 as Isaianic Suffering Servant, 69–70 Jewishness of, 50–51 life, death, and resurrection as according to God’s plan, 98–105 life of, God’s active role in orchestrating, 103 Luke’s portrayal of, 50–51, 57, 59, 63, 162 OT, Jesus story in light of, 49–50, 65, 162 and Paul, parallels between, 402 Paul’s speeches, centrality in as prefigured by Moses and Joseph, 162 as rejected stone, 70, 127–28 suffering, “divine necessity” of, 53, 60, 68, 117, 333, 478, 478n233

582 Jesus (continued) trials of, 402 universal lordship of, 238 See also Christ event; Christology; specific topics Jesus, ascension of, 53, 71–76, 89, 95, 105, 120, 198, 215n84, 270 NT traditions about, 75 separate event from resurrection in Acts, 104–5 Jesus, birth and infancy of Lukan narrative, 38, 59, 68, 78, 119, 142n155 Jesus, crucifixion/death of, 103, 239, 425 as according to God’s “fixed purpose and foreknowledge,” 53 blame/responsibility for, 269n43 burial of, 265, 270n45 the cross, 104, 143, 236, 268–70, 314, 417 events around, 54 Jesus as heavenly figure who has transcended death, 476 Luke’s portrait of, 59, 83 saving significance of, 4 women at, 270 See also passion narrative; suffering: “divine necessity” theme Jesus, family of brothers of, 76–78, 253 descent from tribe of Judah, 476n220 gathering in Jerusalem, 71, 76–79 mother of, 76, 78 See also James Jesus, followers of nucleus of, three groups comprising, 77 See also apostles; Christians; disciples of Jesus; Jesus movement Jesus, Holy Spirit and, 74 Jesus as Spirit-anointed, 63, 90, 238 Jesus as unique bearer of the Spirit, 71, 74 the risen Lord as dispensing the Spirit, 74, 76, 90, 99, 106, 144 “Spirit of Jesus,” 67, 315–17 See also Nazareth Inaugural; Spirit of the Lord Jesus, ministry of, 7, 13, 45, 50, 63, 99, 127, 140 the church as extension of, 58–61 divine approval of, 238 evangelistic preaching during, 183 in Galilee/Galilee as focal center of, 74, 77, 95, 238 healing, 58, 127 in Jerusalem, 239 and John the Baptist’s ministry, 268

Index of Subjects and Authors Judea, spread to, 238–39 role of women during, 336 Spirit’s empowerment during, 74 Jesus, miracles of, 180, 223, 238 exorcising demons, 238 healing the Syrophoenician woman, 237n118 Jesus, mission of, 237n118, 269 Jesus, name of, 197 baptism in, 106, 240 Christians as “those who call upon the name of Jesus,” 197 faith in, 119 forgiveness of sins in, 239 healing power of, 114–21, 183, 322, 371 Peter’s speech in Jerusalem Temple, 114–21 prohibition to speak in, 149 as signifying therapeutic power, 473 Jesus, names/titles of. See Jesus—designations/titles for (below) Jesus, postresurrection appearances of. See under resurrection of Jesus Jesus, resurrection of. See resurrection of Jesus Jesus, risen. See risen Jesus Jesus, story of in light of the OT, 50 summary of, 238–39 Jesus—designations/titles for Luke’s christological titles, 42–43, 114, 119, 144, 268, 424 See also specific designations (below) Jesus (Author of Life), 119, 479 Jesus (Christ), 27, 30, 53, 63, 101, 103n67, 105–106, 112–113, 124, 140, 180, 183, 191, 223, 236–237, 240, 304, 306–307, 322, 350, 365, 454, 511 Jesus (God’s Servant), 115 Jesus (Holy), 119 Jesus (Holy and Righteous One), 115, 119, 424 Jesus (Holy One). See “Holy One” Jesus (“I am”), 192, 209, 214, 220, 422–23, 474 Jesus (judge), 53, 239, 346 Jesus (king), 334 Jesus (Lord), 27, 30, 53, 63, 236, 238, 292, 304, 306–307, 365, 398 Jesus (Lord of all), 238n119 Jesus (“Lord Jesus” in Acts), 135n141, 245n144 Jesus (Master), 57 Jesus (Messiah), 60, 98–106, 114–21, 363 Luke as connecting the Messiah’s suffering to the fulfillment of Scripture, 60

Index of Subjects and Authors 583 Jesus is Messiah/Messiah is Jesus, distinction, 199 Jesus (of Nazareth), 103, 103n67, 209, 236, 238, 369, 423, 450 Jesus (Pioneer of Life), 114, 119 Jesus (prophet), 90 Jesus (prophet like Moses/new Moses), 63, 111, 114–15, 117–18, 162, 170–72, 180, 182 Jesus (Righteous One), 119, 424 Jesus (Savior), 63, 95n49, 143–44, 265–66, 268–69, 271, 276 Jesus (Second Adam), 4 Jesus (Servant/suffering servant), 42, 53, 55, 60, 63, 69–70, 90, 117, 190 Jesus (Son of God), 188, 191, 199–200, 202, 212–14, 410 Jesus (Son of Man), 75, 176, 239, 346 Jesus (the Nazarene). See under Nazarenes: Jesus called Jesus (the stone), 70, 127–28 Jesus movement, 44, 82, 107, 141, 250, 355, 453, 474, 509 apostles as representatives of, 145 “Christians,” as named, 246 growth of, 284 identification with, 367 as “of God,” 148 public nature of, 480 Roman officials as positively inclined toward, 263 See also Christianity; Christians; church; Way, the Jethro, 153 Jews/Judaism. See Judaism; specific topics, below Jewish believers/Christian Jews, 4, 150n187, 197, 204, 240, 243, 302, 410, 413, 477 converted Pharisees, 295–96 at Cornelius’s house, 234 the first (at Pentecost), 89–98 “Hellenists” and “Hebrews,” 152 “Messianists,” 208 and Mosaic law, 314n10 Paul and, 4, 348 Jewish festivals, 91, 182, 411, 416, 418, 487–88 Lukan chronological marker, 92n43 Jewish missionaries, 323 Jewish presence in Rome, 508n88 Jewish remnant, 94–95 Jewish Revolt, First. See First Jewish Revolt Jewish Scriptures, Greek translation of, 362 Jewish sects, 435 Jews anti-Jewishness, 27n92, 50–52, 383n260, 437

conversion of, 68, 243 expulsion from Rome by Claudius, 350, 350n137 Jesus as Jewish, 50–51 “Jews and Greeks,” 284n81 language used by, 323 and Luke’s portrayal of Jesus and the church, 50 opposition to Christian preaching, 285 pagan perceptions of, 227n93, 230, 230n103, 235n114, 326n50, 343n104, 354n155, 355 Paul as Jewish, 196–97, 402, 417–20, 427, 460, 472–73, 509 and Paul’s ministry, 397 Peter as Jewish, 98–99 Peter’s conversion of Jews, 68 riots against, 383n260 Roman citizenship, 328n60 Spirit poured out to, 66, 89–99, 243 as “the people” in Luke-Acts, 270 Timothy, Jewishness of, 314n10 See also specific locations, e.g., Roman Jews; specific topics, e.g., ethnicity Jews (religious leaders/authorities), 121–49 Asian Jews charging Paul with temple defilement, 414–16 in Caesarea, Paul answering charges of, 458–59 as jealous, 279, 330 Jesus and disciples encountering resistance from, 51 and Jesus’s death, responsibility for, 269n43 Jesus’s rejection by, 112 Paul, plot to kill, 437–39 Peter and John arrested by temple authorities, 121–28 in Rome, Paul’s meetings/discussions with, 506–13 Stephen’s arrest and trial, 155–59 See also chief priests; Pharisees; Sanhedrin Jews, diaspora, 155, 409–11 Aegina, 339n85 Aetolia, 333n69 Alexandria, 156, 323n45 Antioch of Pisidia, 264, 264n30, 394 Antioch of Syria, 244, 258 Argos, 333n69 Asia Minor, 156, 157n215, 264n30, 321n33 Athens, 339, 339n85 Attica, 339 Beroea, 335–36, 336n76 Bithynia, 264n30 Boeotia, 333n69 Cilicia, 156, 157n215, 264n30

584 Jews, diaspora (continued) Corinth, 56, 333n69, 351n141 Cyprus, 135, 135n146, 260, 260n12, 261, 262n24, 312 Cyrene, Cyrenaica, 156, 157n215, 245, 245n142 Damascus, 193, 193n39, 200 Delos, 321n32 Egypt, 157n215, 321n32 Ephesus, 359, 359n176, 384, 397, 415n26 Europe, 264n30, 333n69 Halicarnassus, 321n33 Iconium, 284, 284n80, 285 lists, countries in which Jews live, 96, 96nn57–58, 157n215, 264n30, 333n69 Lydia, 264, 264n30 Lystra, 290, 290n102, 314 Macedonia, 333n69 Ostia, 321n33 Pamphylia, 264n30 Paul (Saul) as, 197 Paul’s “inaugural speech” to, 45 Peloponnese, 333n69 Philippi, 320–21 Philo’s list of Jewish “colonies” in the diaspora, 264n30, 333n69 Phrygia, 264, 264n30 Pontus, 264n30 return to land of Israel, 94, 94n48 Rome, 505, 505n81, 508, 508nn88–89 Salamis, 260, 260n12 Stephen opposed by, 157 Syria, 157n215 Thessalonica, 333n69, 336 Thessaly, 333n69 Jews, non-Christian, 201, 204, 218, 244, 413–14 Paul and, 4 Jews, Peter as missionary to, 71–255 early church in Jerusalem, 71–149 outreach beyond Jerusalem, 150–255 Jews and gentiles ethnic difference between, 235 Jews first, in mission outreach, 121 Jewish attitudes toward gentiles, 235 See also table fellowship Jews and Greeks, 227, 283–85, 293, 330, 348, 370 Jipp, Joshua, 499, 500nn60, 63 Joab, 84–85 Joanna, 78 Job/Job, book of, 113n95, 429n69, 476 Joel/book of Joel, 54, 65, 90, 92, 97–101, 103, 112, 197 Johannine Apocalypse, 75 Johannine Christianity, 32, 113, 399

Index of Subjects and Authors Johannine Letters. See John, Letters of John the apostle Acts, role in, 113 apostolic action of, 366 See also Peter and John John, Gospel of, 24, 32, 75, 134, 268, 274n54, 362n186, 476n228. See also Gospels, the four John, Letters of (Johannine Letters), 26, 32, 113, 345n118, 405n11, 486n7 John Chrysostom, St. See Chrysostom, John John Mark, 252–53, 263, 306n25, 312 Antioch, traveling to, 255–56 disagreement between Paul and Barnabas over role of, 33, 252–53, 311–12 See also Mark, Gospel of “John” (present at Peter and John’s trial), 124, 126 Johnson, Luke Timothy, xix, 258 John the Baptist, 53, 59, 68, 89, 92, 105–6, 129, 258n4, 265–66, 357, 362, 366, 411 baptism by, 106 disciples of, twelve, 66, 106, 310, 364–68 disciples of, twelve, Paul as baptizing, 364–68 as herald of an age of peace, 238 “John baptized with water, but you will be baptized with the Holy Spirit,” 243 ministry of, and Jesus’s ministry, 50, 63, 236, 238, 265, 268, 276 preaching of, 63, 106, 213, 406, 454n166, 478 on repentance, 106, 213, 346 Jonah/book of Jonah, 224, 488, 491n28 Jonathan, son of Annas (Ananus), 193n38 Jones, A. H. M., 286n85, 329nn62, 65; 404nn8–9; 441n113, 456, 460n190, 461, 461n193, 485n4, 486n9 Joppa, 192, 202, 223–26, 231–34, 240–43 Peter raising Tabitha in, 224–26 Peter’s vision in, 45, 218, 225–26, 231–32, 241 Jordan River, 147 Joseph (son of Jacob), 43–44, 51, 54–55, 63, 159–60, 162–67 Joseph and Aseneth, 204n81 Joseph (Barnabas). See Barnabas Joseph (Barsabbas, nicknamed Justus), 81, 88, 305 Joseph Caiaphas, 193 Joseph of Arimathea, 177, 246, 270n45, 277 Josephus, 10, 13, 42, 148 Adriatic, 494n42 Agrippa I, death of, 254–55 Agrippa I, imprisonment of, 453n161 Agrippa I, piety praised by, 249, 453

Index of Subjects and Authors 585 Agrippa I, popularity with Pharisees, 249 Agrippa I, reign of, 249n161 Agrippa II, gave Josephus information for Jewish War, 463 Agrippa II, knowledge of Jewish affairs, 470 Albinus, procurator, 464n201 Ananias, high priest, son of Nedebaeus, 196n51, 432, 432n82 Antiochus III transfers 2000 Jewish families from Parthia to Asia Minor, 264 anti-Jewish riots, 383n260 Antipatris, 442 Antonia Fortress, Roman garrison, 416 Apollonius Molon, 235n114 Athenians as pious, 342 Athens, Jewish inscriptional evidence, 339n85 Atomus, Jewish astrologer from Cyprus, 262n24 Azotus, 192n35 barbaroi, 499 Bernice, 363–64 “born, reared, educated,” 421n48 bribery, use of to achieve release from prison, 454n171 Caesarea Maritima, dispute between Jews and Syrian/Greek inhabitants, 460, 460n188 Caesarea Maritima, renamed by Herod the Great, 227 Catullus, death of, 84n24 centurions as prisoner guards, 228n97 Cuspius Fadus, procurator, 147n172 Cyprus, Jewish communities, 135n146, 260n12 “chief priests,” 130n127 Damascus, prominence of Jewish community in, 193n39 description of main Jewish “schools of thought,” 142, 142n153, 435, 435n94, 446–47n137 description of Simon, son of Gamaliel I, 146 earthquake in Judea in 31 BCE, 326n51 Drusilla, 453n164, 453–54 dynatoi, Jewish leaders, 456 Egyptian false prophet, 418, 418n40 eparcheia, 456 Ephesus, Jewish presence in, 359n176 Essene belief in resurrection, 451n155 Essenes, collective ownership, description of, 109n82 Fadus, procurator, 147 Felix, procurator, 418, 441, 445, 453, 460 Felix’s seduction of Drusilla, 441n117

Festus, 455, 455n174, 461n194 famine in Judea, 247 Gamaliel I, description of, 146 gerousia, 143, 143n160 God as knower of human heart, 297 God as unknowable, 343n104 Godfearer(s), 229 God’s nearness to humans, 345n119 Hellenists, 151–52, 154 Herod’s power to reclaim fugitives, 193 Herod the Great, death of, 255n185 high priestly garments kept in Antonia Fortress, 422 Jason, name adopted by Jews called Joshua, 334 Jewish rights won under Seleucids, ratified by Romans, 415, 415n28 Jews in Damascus, size and strength of the community, 193n39 Jews of Halicarnassus, 321n33 Jews as Roman citizens, decrees reporting, 328n60 John Hyrcanus I statue in Athens, 339n85 Joppa, center of Jewish resistance to Rome, 224 Judas the Galilean, 148, 148n182 judges, period of, length, 266 “king,” designation for Agrippa II, 463n196 list of nations subject to Roman rule, 96, 96n58 Lydda in First Jewish Revolt, 223 Moses’s death, tradition of, 75 Nazirite vow, 411 neōkoros, 385n272 noble death, 460n189 Passover, relation to Feast of Unleavened Bread, 389n288 Pentecost, Shavuot, Festival of Weeks, 91n42 Pharisees, allegiance to, 433, 472n217 Pharisees, strictness of, 472 Pharisees and Sadducees, opponents, 436n99 praxeis, use of, 10 Ptolemais, massacre of 2,000 Jews, 406 Quirinius census, 147–48, 148n175 Roman resistance to Jews, 351n137 Roman soldier’s indecent exposure, 250n168 Rome, Jewish community in, 508n88 Sadducees, 124 Samaritans, 182 Sanhedrin, composition of, 434, 434n91 Sanhedrin, meeting place near temple, 110n85, 430n79 Saul’s reign, length, 267n39

586 Josephus (continued) sea voyages, description of, 488n16 Septuagint, translation of, 38n119, 362n183 shipwreck en route to Rome, 496 Simon, son of Gamaliel I, 146 Solomon as exorcist, 261 source for Acts, 6, 6nn32–33,; 148 speeches, use of, 42, 42n128, 44 Syrtes, 491, 491n25 Tamid, 113n94 temple gates described, 113n92 temple inscription forbidding entry of foreigners, 415n29 theaters and amphitheaters, riots in, 383n263 Theudas, 147, 200 Tiberius’s expulsion of Jews from Rome, 326n50 Zealot(s), 420–21, 421n53 Joshua (assistant to Moses), 75, 147, 154, 161n224, 173–74 Joshua, book of, 120, 137, 161n224 Joshua son of Jehozadak, the high priest, 436 Joshua, the name, 262, 334 journeys, 46–48. See also Paul’s missionary journeys joy being filled with “joy and the Spirit,” 283 Lukan moments of, 191 Judah, 165 Judah, tribe of, 472n220 Judaism belief and practice, 6, 206, 302, 355, 454, 468, 470 Christianity’s separation from, 11n68 Christians seen by Romans as Jewish sect, 56 piety, Jewish, 451 three Jewish “philosophies,” and “fourth philosophy,” 435n94 “three schools of thought” among, 446n137 See also Jews; temple in Jerusalem; specific topics and events, e.g., First Jewish Revolt Judaism, Second Temple. See Second Temple Judaism Judas (Iscariot) actions and fate of, 81–88 betrayal as breach in apostolic circle, 72, 78 death of, 79–89 See also Hakeldama (Field of Blood) Judas Barsabbas, 304–5, 308 Judas Maccabeus, 85 Judas the Galilean, 6n33, 142n153, 145–48, 147n174, 435n94 Jude, Letter of, 86n36, 87

Index of Subjects and Authors Judea, 343n104, 449 Caesarea as Roman capital of, 48 extent of, 97n62 famine in, 244 Ioudaia, with/without article, 97 Jesus’s ministry in, 238–39 Jewish resistance in, 56 “Judea and Samaria,” 177 Peter’s ministry in, 222 restored to direct Roman rule, 177, 249, 441, 449n144 Spirit as no longer confined to, 240 See also Caesarea Judean Christians, Antioch’s relief fund for, 246–48 judges, 63, 434n92, 449 apostles’ role as, 78 period of, 50, 266–67, 275 subordinate, 153 See also Jesus (judge) Judges, book of, 161n224 judgment, divine, 160, 185, 254n184 “coming,” 369, 453–54 of God, 64, 102, 512 Jesus as judge, 53, 239, 346 of living and dead, 53, 64, 236, 239 resurrection as corollary, 451 See also Ananias and Sapphira; Simon the Magician judgment, good, 146 judgment, human “his judgment was taken away,” 187, 190 “in my judgment,” 299, 302 legal, 353, 430, 444, 459 sitting in judgment (krinantes), 268–69, 430 Julius Caesar, 228n98, 350 Julius (centurion, Augustan Cohort), 227, 482–87, 482n241 Julius Germanus (centurion, “benefactor and founder of Aere”), 229n100 justice, 168, 177, 187, 190–91, 236–37, 432, 454n167, 459 enacted/”doing what is right,” 237 hall of, 466, 468 as the personified goddess (Dikē), 499, 501 justification by faith, 4, 271, 274, 274n55 Justin Martyr, 1n3, 5, 22, 180, 182 Justus. See Joseph (Barsabbas, nicknamed Justus) Juvenal, 230, 355, 464 kardiognōstes, 297 Kenchreai. See Cenchreae. kerygma, 43–44, 53–54, 73, 104, 115, 118, 127, 142n156, 153, 239, 268, 289, 331, 346, 436, 468–69, 479

Index of Subjects and Authors 587 the Lukan, 53 nine elements central to, 53 pre-Pauline kerygmatic language, 289 Keturah, 169n234 keystone. See cornerstone kicking the goads. See goads, kicking “kill and eat,” 231–32, 241 kindness, 446, 486, 499–500, 503 kingdom of God, 68, 183, 398n317 in Acts, 291, 291n105, 369 and the apostles’ commission, 77 in Paul’s preaching, 395–96, 398, 510–11 Philip’s evangelistic proclamation of, 183 King James (Authorized) Version, 24 1 and 2 Kings, Books of, 120 king(s)/kingship Jesus, kingship of (central feature of Paul’s preaching), 334 “kings of the earth,” 132 title, use of, and tetrarch, 158n4, 258n4 kissing, 401 koina ta philōn, 109, 109n84 Klauck, Hans-Josef, 57n162, 107n76, 108n79, 114n96, 123n111, 138n148, 225n89, 238n120, 288n93, 339n87, 345n120, 346n125, 347n131, 359n175 Kloppenborg, John S., and Richard S. Ascough, 265n32, 378n246 Knox, Wilfred L., 261n15, 351n137, 367nn205–6; 372n223, Koine language, 24, 34, 35, 92 koinōnia, 107–8 use in Greek and Roman associations, 108n79 Konya, Turkey. See Iconium kosher, 64. See also food laws krinantes (sitting in judgment), 268–69 kyrios, 160n223, 209, 238 Kyrychenko, Alexander, 227n92, 238n120, 440n110, 442n124, 453n161, 485, 485n2 Lake, Kirsopp, xviii, 6n34, 230n103, 247n155, 261n21 lambs/lamb imagery, 190, 412. See also sheep imagery lame, healing of beggar, Peter and John healing, 112–14 man at Lystra, Paul healing, 27n91, 286–87, 299 Lamouille, A. See Boismard, M.-É., and A. Lamouille language, Luke’s, 39, 486 languages multilingualism, 417–20 Tower of Babel, 94 See also tongues, speaking in; specific languages, e.g., Aramaic; Greek

“last days,” 101 Last Supper, 78, 108, 117, 496 Latin language, 9–10, 21–23, 25–27, 92, 100, 350, 418 Lausberg, Heinrich, 46n132 law, Roman/legal venues, 386 law of Moses, 54, 155, 265, 271, 274, 279, 294–95, 314, 354n157, 355, 511 “as ordained by angels,” 175 authority of, 160, 175 Christian Jews and, 314n10 justification, impossible through, 274n55 knowledge of as common among non-Jews, 355 life-giving power of, 172 as living oracles, 172 for Luke, 175 oral, 435 Paul and, 160, 175, 204, 409–11 read in synagogue, 299–300 Spirit and, 160 Stephen and, 160 worship contrary to, 353–54 written (Pentateuch), 435 yoke of, 298–99 the Law (Scripture), 49 laying on of hands, 53, 66, 185, 197, 240, 259, 364, 366. See also healing miracles leaders, Jewish. See Jews (religious leaders/ authorities) leadership, church appointing, Spirit’s involvement in, 67, 399 qualifications for, 154 See also elders; individual names, e.g., Barnabas Le Clerc, Jean, 29n98 Leda, 504 Lesbos, 393 Letters to Atticus (Cicero), 506 letters of recommendation, 363, 363n190 Leucippe and Clitophon (Achilles Tatius), 381 Levine, Lee I., 157n216, 227n91, 264n31, 265n32, 321nn32–33; 324n45, 339n85, 351n141, 508n88 Levites, 134–35, 155 Leviticus, book of/Levitical legislation, 176, 232, 303, 307, 487n13 Lewis, Naphtali, and Meyer Reinhold, 329nn63–64; 374n233 Lex Iulia de vi publica, 329 “liberator,” 171 lies/lying, 138n147 of Ananias, 136 to God, 64 to the Holy Spirit, 136

588 life Christ as author of, 479 human, 378 new, 74, 104, 119 stages in one’s life, 391n298, 471 transcendent, 479 valuing one’s own life transcendentally rather than self-referentially (Pauline sentiment), 397 See also eternal life; resurrection of the dead light blinding, 423 Christ as proclaimer of, 479 “from darkness to light,” 476n226 from heaven, 475 light/darkness dichotomy, 476 risen Christ as proclaimer of “light to our people and to the gentiles,” 479 literary connections, 68–70 literary genre, 7, 11, 110, 394 literary structure, 30–34 literary style as an expression of theological purpose, 34–48 biblicism, 37–40 other features (summaries, episodes, travel, itineraries, journeys), 46–48 speeches, 40–46 litotes, 35–36, 254, 296, 336, 371, 377, 418, 492, 499 parallel references, 36n115, 418n44 uses in Acts, 36n115, 296n2 “living oracles,” 172, 172n241 logios, 362 loimos, 446n135 “Lord,” 292. title of Roman emperors, 238, 238n120 See also Jesus (Lord); Spirit of the Lord lots, 81, 84, 88 love divine, 285, 298 for enemies, 83 Lucifer of Cagliari, 23 Lukan theology, 111, 366 Luke’s theological agenda, 111, 295, 488 Luke’s theological vision, 53, 114, 501 Luke apostles, two lists of, 77–78 appeal of, 50 and authorship of Acts, 1–4, 9, 318 biblicism/biblicizing style of, 37–42 characters as portrayed by, 47 christological titles used by, 42–43 Christology of, 60, 74–75, 114–15, 117, 190, 478 church, portrayal of, 50–51

Index of Subjects and Authors as connecting the Messiah’s suffering to the fulfillment of Scripture, 60 death of, 2 evangelistic language of, 59n165 hermeneutical assumptions of, 478 as historian, 11n68 language of, 39, 59n165, 486 life of, 2 literary style/sophistication of, 34–37 mimesis, use of, 42 narrative unity of Luke-Acts, 67–70 narrative vision of, 47 pairing events, fondness for, 330 Paul, as traveling companion of, 1, 3, 389 as poet and preacher, 488 Psalms, use of, 80 Scripture for, 49–50 sources for, 96 travel narrative of, 402 See also Acts of the Apostles; Luke, Gospel of; Luke-Acts; “we” passages; specific topics, e.g., Holy Spirit Luke, Gospel of, 72, 132 apostles, list of, 77 date of, 5–6 purpose of, 72–73 See also Gospels, the four; Luke-Acts, below; Synoptic Gospels; specific topics, e.g., apostles Luke-Acts continuity of themes, 68 episodes omitted in Luke yet included in Acts, 69 evangelistic language of, 59n165 Jesus as Isaianic Suffering Servant, 69–70 Jesus as rejected stone, 70 Jesus before Herod and Pilate, 69 literary connections, 68–70 Lukan themes, 243n138, 269n44, 451n153, 498 narrative unity of, 11, 67–70 origin of hyphenated phrase, 67n183 Stephen’s speech, important role of, 162 See also specific topics, e.g., mimesis Luke’s Sermon on the Plain, 400 Luther, Martin, 203 Lycaonia, 264n29, 282n74, 283–88, 285n84, 311, 383n261, 387–88 Lycus Valley, origin of Christianity in, 370n215 Lydda, 31, 192, 202, 442 origins and history, 223 Peter healing Aeneas in, 46, 136, 222–25 Lydia (person), 48, 229, 327, 329 conversion of, 318–22

Index of Subjects and Authors 589 Lydia (region), 183n12, 264, 358 Lydian kings, 379 lying. See lies Lysias, Claudius (Roman tribune), 37n117, 41, 428–30, 437, 441–42, 444, 452–53, 465 Lystra, 33, 48, 235, 264, 311, 320, 337, 388, 409n19, 503 gentile converts in, 293, 327 Paul and Barnabas fleeing to, 283–86 Paul and Barnabas paid homage as gods at, 287–88 Paul and Barnabas preaching to pagans at, 286–90 Paul healing lame man at, 27n91, 286–87, 299 Paul revisiting, 312–15 Paul’s missionary sermon at, 41 Paul stoned at, 288, 290, 307 Maccabean-Hasmonean kingdom, 74 Macedonia, 317, 336, 354n152 Area of activity in Pauline letters and Acts, 317n19 Paul, Silas, and Timothy called to, 315–18 Paul’s final ministry in, 386–90 Macedonian vision at Troas, 315–18 MacMullen, Ramsay, 121n108, 323n43, 374n232 madness, 222, 480 magic Elymas, Bar-Jesus, 259 gospel opposition to, 263, 310 Jewish, 261, 261nn15, 19; 325 Luke’s portrayal of Jesus and followers as healers, not magicians, 57 magic books, ancient evidence of, 374n233 magic books burned, 360, 373–75, 374n233 magician, magos, 261 magicians in Roman world, 323, 374 prohibitions of, 374n233, 375 religion and, 181, 261 Romulus, 374n233 Simon the Magician, 180–83 standard treatments of, 182n8 terminology for, 373 Twelve Tables, 374n233 use of names in, 372, 372n223 vice lists, inclusion in, 181n7 magistrates, Roman, 282, 334, 429n73 politarchas, 334 See also under Philippi: magistrates of Majority Text, 24 majuscules, 16–18 makarism, 400 male and female characters paired, 136

Malherbe, Abraham J., 128n121, 153n194, 307n35, 337n81, 342n100, 363n190, 369n209, 388n278, 394n310, 400n332, 405n11, 469n209, 479, 480nn234, 236, 237; 486n7, 493n33 Malta, 499–503 mania (madness), polemical charge, 480, 480n234 manuscripts containing Acts, 14–23 many convincing proofs, 72 Marcion, 5 anti-Marcionite prologues, 2, 8 Marcus Aurelius, 339 Marguerat, Daniel, xviii, 12nn69, 77 Mark, 253. See also John Mark Mark, Gospel of, 34–35, 38, 50, 60, 70, 191, 237n118, 239, 269n44, 271n48, 331 date of, 5–6 See also Gospels, the four; Synoptic Gospels Mark Antony, 416 marriage, 230n105 mixed, 315 martyrdom, 52, 60–61, 148–49, 154 of James the apostle, 60, 248–50 of Jesus, 425 of prophetic figures, 175n250, 177 of Stephen, 52, 60, 159, 176–77, 250 Mary Magdalene, 78 Mary (mother of Jesus), 78, 170n236 Mary (mother of John Mark), 251–54 Masada, 74 Masoretic Text, 182 mathētēs (disciple), designation for Christians, 151, 151n188, 366, 366n194 matrilineal principle, 314 matrilineal principle, rabbinic, 315n10 Matthew, Gospel of, 26, 38, 59n165, 69, 76–78, 85, 126n118, 269n44, 270n45, 271n48. See also Gospels, four; Synoptic Gospels Matthias, 71–72, 79–82, 88–89, 153 meals sacrificial, 288 table fellowship, 29, 435 See also Eucharist; Last Supper Mediterranean world, 34, 93, 96, 114, 419, 501 Menahem, 432 Mendenhall, George, 169n234 mercy, 57, 224, 276 Messiah bringer of earthly peace and heavenly rest, 120n105 false messiahs, 399 eschatological roles, Jewish views, 120 See also Jesus (Messiah)

590 “Messianists,” 208. See also Jewish believers Messina, Sicily, 486, 504 meteorites, 385 Metzger, Bruce M., 3n18, 19, 23n83, 25n84, 73, 96, 96n54, 97n62, 100–101, 101n65, 102n66, 107n76, 155n213, 179, 188, 191n31, 244, 268, 280, 284, 287–91, 295, 297, 303n22, 305, 306n27, 307n34, 313, 316, 318n21, 319, 320n28, 322, 328, 331–32, 335, 338, 341, 347, 349, 353, 357, 361, 365, 368, 371, 373, 383, 385, 387, 391, 396, 403, 408, 410, 420, 423– 24, 434, 437, 440, 445, 448, 454n166, 469, 471, 477, 482n241, 490–91, 495, 499, 504, 507, 511 Middle Platonism, 339n87 Midian, 169, 169n234 midrash, definition, 50n142 Miletus Paul’s farewell, 400–402 Paul’s speech to Ephesian elders at, 41, 394–400 Paul’s voyage to, 392–94 mimesis, Luke’s use of, 37–39, 42–43, 58 Minhah, 230 ministerial succession, 155 ministry accompanied by the shedding of tears, 397 apostles’ role in the ministry of the word, 184 See also under individual names and descriptions, e.g., church: ministry of; Paul, ministry of minuscules, 19–21 miracles, 103 apostles, as worked by, 108, 114, 138–40, 154, 184 apostles, miraculous escape after arrest of, 140–43 faith, role in, 119, 119n103 false attempts at, 370–75 Jesus as a benevolent, itinerant miracle worker, 238 miracle stories, 110, 112, 197, 199, 203, 223–25, 287, 324, 392, 502 at Pentecost, 89–98 Simon the Magician and, 180–83 standard features of a miracle story, 225, 324 vs. magic, 57 See also healing miracles; signs and wonders; individual names, e.g., Peter, miracles performed by miracle workers, 114, 122–23, 180, 238, 287, 371, 483, 502 Mishnah, 146, 235, 249, 314, 411

Index of Subjects and Authors mission God’s unfolding mission in Acts, 131 Spirit as initiating, 67 See also under individual names and descriptions, e.g., Jerusalem church: mission of; Paul, mission of missionaries, 64, 283, 288, 317 Christians as, 328–29, 334 Jewish, 323 missionary journeys, framework of, 257n1. See also Paul, mission of missionary sermons/speeches, 40–41, 44, 52–53, 83n17, 236, 368, 402 missionary work, 259 “misty darkness,” 262 Mitchell, Stephen, 56n156, 261n21, 262n22, 264n29, 283n74, 286n85, 287n90, 316nn12, 14–15, 17; 317n18, 324n45, 378n249, 393n303, 404n5, 486n9 Mitylene (or Mytilene, modern Mytilini), 393 Moabites, 87 Moloch (Molech), Canaanite-Phoenician god of the sky and sun, 173, 173n244 monetary compensation, 400 monetary gain, motif of, 87, 184. See also wealth monetary sin, 186 monotheism, 182, 289, 302, 338, 354, 501 moon, 173, 289n99 transformed into blood, 99 moral life, 367, 451 Mosaic law. See law of Moses Moses, 39, 49, 54–55, 63, 211, 230, 252n173, 261, 317n20, 421n48, 440 Artapanus’s account of, 141, 251n172 as authorized to speak on behalf of God, 65 the burning bush, 55, 160, 169–71, 175, 424 cloud, engulfed by, 75 delegating responsibilities to subordinates, 153–54 disobedience to, 172 “from Samuel and his successors forward,” 120–21 God and, 63, 65, 114, 424 Jesus as prophet like, 63, 111, 114–15, 117–18, 162, 170–72, 180, 182 liberating role of, 171 mimesis/mimetic references, 39, 43 Pharaoh’s confession of sin to, 186 as predicting Jesus, 477–78, 509, 511 as rejected by his own people, 49, 51, 55, 65, 171–72 “resident alien” status of, 169 Samaritan belief, role in, 180, 182 Sinai encounter with God, 114n97, 117

Index of Subjects and Authors 591 in Stephen’s defense speech/Stephen’s treatment of, 28n94, 44, 51, 54, 111, 155–76 Theudas and, 147n173 Moses, law of. See law of Moses Moule, C. F. D., 116, 152, 192, 195n50, 244, 249, 350, 355n158, 425n64, 448–49, 471, 473, 484 Mount Gerizim, 180, 182 Mount Ida, 491 Mount of Olives, 407, 418 Mount Sinai, 114, 169–70, 172 Mount Vesuvius, 454n164 Mummius, Lucius, 350 Muratorian Fragment, 2, 8 Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome, 379n251 Musonius Rufus, 339 Myra, Lycian city of, 403, 484, 486–87, 486n9 myths of resistance Apollonius of Tyana and Domitian, 123 Dionysus and Pentheus, 122 Socrates, 123 See also resistance, myths of Naboth, 85–86 Nadad, 84n24 names, nature and power of, 372n223. See also under God: name of; Jesus, name of Naples (Neapolis), 22, 504 narrative unity of Luke-Acts, 67–70 nations, 476 list/table of, 50, 95–96, 447 nationhood, 93 parallel texts listing tables of nations, 96n58 Pentecost, convergence at, 44, 50, 93, 95 Roman rule, countries under, 96n58 nautical literature, 488, 494 length of voyage (in days), feature of ancient accounts, 494n40 rescue from storm by deity, 493n36 sailing season for Mediterranean, 488n15 sea voyages, ancient descriptions, 488n16 shipwreck survival, modes of, 497 Nazarene(s), 48, 56, 142, 204, 209, 443, 446–47, 450 Jesus called, 100, 103n67, 112–13, 124, 156, 158–59, 206, 209, 220, 423, 446n136, 473 Nazareth, 158, 176, 236. See also Jesus (of Nazareth) Jesus’s hometown, 103n67, 209 Nazareth Inaugural, 71, 74–75, 82, 90, 238, 369 Nazirite vow, 357–58, 357n167, 411–12, 415, 464 Neapolis (Kavala), 318–20, 388, 389, 389n289

Neapolis (Naples), 22, 504 necessity, divine, theme of. See under suffering: “divine necessity” theme neōkoros, 381, 385, 385n272 nephew of Paul, 437–39 Nero (Caesar), 2, 5, 96n58, 123, 238n120, 441, 455, 460, 460n188, 461, 461n192, 463, 466–67 Paul’s appeal to, 459–61, 466–67 Nestle, Eberhard, 29n98 Neutral (Westcott-Hort) textual tradition, 24 new creation, 120n106 NewDocs = New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity, 125, 230n103, 253n174, 261n21, 265n32, 282n71, 300, 321nn32, 36, 38; 323n45, 333n69, 351n141, 369n213, 383n265, 456 new era, 74, 89–106, 112, 133, 184 new life, 74, 104, 119 “new teaching,” 340 New Testament Christology, 74–75 Nicanor, governor of Judea, 61, 85, 88, 255n185 Nicanor, one of the Seven, 150, 154 Nicanor Gate, 113 Nicholas, legend of St., 486n9 Nicolaitans, 154 Nicolaus, 154–55 night and day, 289n99, 395, 399–400, 440, 470 Nikanor, 154 noble death, 460n189 Nock, Arthur Darby, 261n15, 344nn112–13; 372n223 “no part, no share,” 186 Northeaster, 490 novels/novelistic tradition, 12, 47, 340, 354n154, 381, 383, 488 obedience and disobedience exclusion of the disobedient from the people, 54 to Moses, 172 Spirit as possession of “those who obey [God],” 66–67, 144 “obeying God rather than humans” ancient examples, 129n124 Octavian, 227, 320, 488n15. See also Augustus Caesar Odyssey (Homer). See Homer Old Testament christological interpretation, 111, 128, 131 Jesus story in light of, 49–50, 65, 162, 451n153 prophets, 120–21 Satan in, 476

592 Old Uncial textual tradition, 24 Omri, 179 On Anger (Seneca), 353 Onias (high priest), 204n81 On the Happy Life (Seneca), 354 opening eyes. See under eyes opponents of God, 88 opposition to apostles, 285 to Christians, 56 in Corinth, 348 oppression light/darkness dichotomy and, 476 transition to freedom from, 476 oracle at Delphi, 323 oracles, “living,” 172 ORBIS, Stanford Geospatial Network Model of Roman World, 32n102, 245n139, 311n2, 356n164, 365n193, 389n289, 394n308, 505n75 order God’s goodness and, 289 natural, regularity in, 289 “ordered world,” 343 ordination, 259 ordination service, 155 Origen, 314n10 Ostia, 321n33 outpourings of the Spirit. See under Holy Spirit: outpourings of overseers, 292, 399 Spirit as appointing, 67, 399 See also elders owl, 255 ownership of property, 109n83 Paeonius (Ephesian architect), 380 pagans/paganism Jews perceived as standoffish by, 235n114 at Lystra, Paul and Barnabas preaching to, 286–90 pagan converts, 347 pagan life, 288 philosophical thought, pagan, 337 See also idolatry; worship, pagan paideia (instruction) within HellenisticRoman tradition, 57–58 pairs/pairing, Lukan literary device, 32, 46, 76, 78, 103, 110n86, 131, 136, 178, 222, 256, 258, 310, 316, 325, 330, 354, 360, 367, 387, 404n7, 457n175, 486, 496 Palestine, 36, 44, 57, 93, 181, 193, 294, 418– 21, 463–64, 468, 470, 508n88 Caesarea Maritima as seat of Roman government in, 203, 227 Greek influence in, 155

Index of Subjects and Authors multilingualism in, 418–20 Paul sailing from the Aegean to Palestine via Tyre, 403–5 See also Caesarea Maritima Pallas, Antonius, 441, 455 Pamphylia, 93, 98, 252, 260, 263–64, 290, 292, 311, 316, 484, 486. See also Perga “pangs [pain] of death,” 101 Paphos, 48, 259–61, 263, 285 papyri, 14–16 parable of the wicked tenants, 127 paraenesis/paraenetic discourse, 307, 388n278, 492–93 paralytics, healing of, 203, 223, 299 Parmenas, 154–55 parousia, 44, 76, 120 parrhēsia (boldness), 128, 128n121, 130, 132, 281, 283, 328, 363, 368–69, 479 Cynic virtue, 369n209 passion narrative, 77–78, 83, 128, 245n142 Lukan, 69, 95, 103–4, 118–19, 132, 158, 402, 425 Pauline, 61 Passover, 91–93, 182, 248, 250, 389n288 violence during, 250n168 Pastoral Letters, 6, 155, 292, 399 pathein, kerygmatic use, “die,” 73, 331, 333 patriarchs, twelve, 50, 162–64, 167, 267, 472. See also individual names patristics/patristic views of Acts, 1n1, 13, 21–25, 28, 30, 314n10 Paul, 33, 256–513 Acts, leading role in, 33–34 Acts, Paul’s controversies in, 4 as “amateur,” 338–39 ancestry of, 472n220 as apostle, 2, 10, 198 apostolic circle, original, relationship with, 218 baptism of, 207, 215, 217 birth/birthplace of, 418, 421, 428, 471 bold testimony of, 52, 201, 212, 368–69, 369n209, 478, 510, 513 call/conversion of (Saul), 192–222 character profiles of, 52, 468, 488 as “chosen instrument,” 159, 195, 197–98, 210, 217–18, 221, 402, 488 circumcision, disparagement of, 411n20 commission of, 207 conferral of the Spirit through the laying on of hands, 366 coworkers/companions of, 1, 3, 33–34, 47, 62, 64, 78, 192, 195, 207–11, 214, 217–18, 220, 253, 258–59, 263, 270, 291, 306, 309, 311, 315–19, 322, 324–25, 327–28, 330, 334, 337, 348, 350, 359,

Index of Subjects and Authors 593 361, 363–64, 367, 370n215, 375–76, 382–83, 386–89, 391, 393, 423, 474–75, 483–86, 507–8 Damascus road experience, distinctiveness of, 215n84 death of, 5, 60, 398–401, 467 disciples of, 368–69 eschatology of, 454 exorcism of the slave girl, 322–24 “final days” of, 402 as “God-fighter,” 476 guiding principle of, 451 healing of slave girl, 322–24 healing power of, 503 as Hermes, 286–88 in Jerusalem, 450 Jerusalem, second visit to, 247–48 Jerusalem, visit to, 201–2 in Jerusalem and Caesarea, 402–82 Jerusalem Council, report at, 297–99 and Jesus, parallels between, 402 as Jewish, 196–97, 402, 417–19, 420, 427, 460, 472–73, 509 Jews, “inaugural speech” to (diaspora), 45 languages used/spoken by, 421n50 and the law, 160 life, guiding principle of, 451 the Lukan, 58, 60, 273, 468, 488, 496, 501, 512 as “mad,” 222, 480 as missionary to the gentiles, 257–513 name change of, 262 and Nazirite vow, 357–58, 411–14 nephew of, 437–39 opposition to, 280, 348 as “pest,” 443, 446, 509 as Pharisee, 206, 421, 433–34, 450 plots against, as surviving repeated, 62 prophetic vocation of, 424 reaching Rome, 62, 483–513 as Roman citizen, 52, 58, 327–29, 429–30, 444, 509 self-understanding of, 217, 282, 369n209, 476 soteriology of, 299, 363 Spirit and, 67, 217, 262, 395 stoning of, 288, 290, 307 thaumaturgic powers of, 502 theology of, 366 “the Way,” becoming chief proponent of, 56 travels of, compact Lukan summary, 389–90 trials of, 402 truthfulness of, 397–98, 450, 479–80 two-pronged ministry of, 397

upbringing/schooling of, 421n50 visions of, 207, 209, 317, 426, 475–76, 478, 493, 511 as witness, 58, 198, 511 zeal of, 205, 358, 421 See also Damascus Road experience; Saul of Tarsus; specific topics and events Paul, arrest and trials of (Jerusalem and Caesarea), 402–82 Agabus’s prophecy, 405–7 before Agrippa, 466–82 arrest in Jerusalem/speech before the crowd in the temple, 414–30 Caesarea, transfer to, 439–43 Caesarea, travel to/Agabus’s prophecy, 405–7 Caesar (Nero), appeal to, 458–61, 466–67 charges, Paul’s rebuttal of, 447–52 charges against Paul, 443–47 before Felix, 443–55 before Festus, 455–66 Festus consulting with Agrippa, 461–66 Festus hearing charges against Paul, 455–57 imprisonment, 452–55 innocence declared by Agrippa, 481–82 the Jerusalem Church’s proposal/four men with a vow, 409–14 Jewish charges, Paul answering, 458–59 Paul’s request to address the crowd, 417–20 Paul’s speech before crowd in the temple, 419–28 Paul welcomed in, 407–9 the plot to ambush Paul, 437–39 the riot and Paul’s arrest, 414–17 Rome, house arrest in, 506–9 before the Sanhedrin, 430–36 before the Sanhedrin/plot against Paul/ transfer to Caesarea/Felix receiving tribune’s letter, 430–43 trial in Caesarea, 443–53 tribune, attempted examination by, 428–30 voyage to Jerusalem, 402–14 Paul, imprisonments of, 439 in Caesarea, 2, 452–55 in Ephesus, 376 house arrest in Rome, 506–9 the Prison Letters, 3, 454–55 as Spirit’s prisoner, 67, 397 Paul, ministry of, 213, 397–98 as for both Jews and gentiles, 397 in Ephesus, 376–401 “Lord Jesus” as source of, 398 opposition by Christian Jewish teachers, 348 opposition in Corinth to, 348 Paul’s defense of, 414–513

594 Paul, ministry of (continued) Paul’s epistolary descriptions of, 400 in Rome, 509–13 suffering as intrinsic part of, 397 as two-pronged, 397 Paul, miracles of Elymas cursed with blindness, 259–62, 299 healing of slave girl, 322–24 lame man at Lystra healed, 27n91, 286–87, 299 Paul’s thaumaturgic powers, 502 reviving Eutychus, 390–92 and the seven sons of Sceva, 370–73 the Spirit and, 259, 262 Paul, mission of, 68, 248, 257–513 around the Aegean, 309–401 audience for, intended, 212 to both Jews and gentiles, 131, 198, 246, 257–513 first, to Cyprus and south-central Asia Minor, 257–93 God’s active guidance behind, 478 God’s creative work as major motif in, 131 Jerusalem, activity in, 447 Jerusalem, second visit to, 247–48 Jerusalem, visit to, 201–2 in Jerusalem and Caesarea (arrest, trials, and imprisonment), 407–82 Jerusalem council, 294–308 Lukan perspective of God’s active guidance behind, 478 missionary journeys, framework of, 257n1 missionary journeys, organizational scheme of, xvii, 257n1, 309, 356 role of women in, 336 in Rome/journey to Rome, 62, 402, 483–513 second (Galatia, Macedonia, Greece), 312–58 Spirit as guiding, 67 third (Ephesus, Macedonia, Greece), 358–405 Paul, mission of—Cyprus and south-central Asia Minor, 257–93 in Antioch of Pisidia, 263–83 Lystra: healing a lame man, preaching the Creator God, and being attacked, 286–90 preaching in Derbe and returning to Syrian Antioch, 290–93 resistance in Iconium, fleeing to Lystra and Derbe, 283 Paul, mission of—around the Aegean, 309–401 Antioch to Troas, transition from, 311–18 Athens, 337–47 concluding, 386–401

Index of Subjects and Authors Corinth, 347–56 from Corinth to Ephesus via Caesarea, Jerusalem, Syrian Antioch, Galatia, and Phrygia, 356–60 Ephesus, 360–86 Macedonian vision at Troas, 315–18 Philippi, 318–30 Thessalonica and Beroea, 330–37 Paul, mission of—three major missions, 257–408 first, to Cyprus and south-central Asia Minor, 257–93 second (Galatia, Macedonia, Greece), 257n1, 312–58 third (Ephesus, Macedonia, Greece), 257n1, 356, 358–405 Paul, mission of—to Rome Paul in Rome, 506–13 Paul’s arrival/house arrest/meeting with Jewish leaders, 503–9 Paul’s voyage/journey to, 62, 483–506 Paul under house arrest, 506–9 shipwreck/getting to shore, 497–99 Paul, preaching activity of, 212–14 central features of, 334 central theme of, 213 in Ephesus, 368–70 to gentiles, 131 God’s creative work as major motif in, 131 Jewish resistance to, 202n74, 397 the kingdom, preaching, 395–96, 398, 510–11 Luke’s three-point summary of, 454 in synagogues, 200, 200n68, 202, 202n72, 310, 330, 333n70, 347, 349, 358, 364n192, 368–69, 397 Paul, speeches/sermons of, 41, 488 defense speeches, 45, 419–28, 447–52, 467–79 defense speech before Agrippa, 467–79 defense speech before crowd in the temple, 419–28 defense speech before Felix, 447–52 four, in chapter 27, 488 grand trilogy of sermons preaching to Jews, Greeks/gentiles, and Christians respectively, 311 missionary sermons, 263–83, 337–47, 394–400 missionary sermon in Athens (Areopagus), 340–46 missionary sermon in Pisidian Antioch (synagogue), 265–79 pastoral sermon in Miletus (farewell speech to Ephesian elders), 41, 394–400 Paul and Aristarchus, 486

Index of Subjects and Authors 595 Paul and Barnabas, 306n25 Antioch, return to, 291–93 bold testimony of, 279, 281, 285, 369n209 commission of, 257–59 at Derbe, 290–91 elders, as appointing, 290–92 gentiles, work among, 299 at Iconium, 283–86 Jerusalem Council, report at, 297–99 John Mark, disagreement over role of, 33, 311–12 at Lystra, 286–91 paid homage as gods, 287–89 Paul’s split with Barnabas, 311–12 Spirit as initiating mission of, 67 Paul and Luke, 1, 3, 389. See also “we” passages Paul and Silas, 306n25, 311 at Derbe, Lystra, and Iconium, 312–15 imprisonment of, and the jailer’s conversion, 141, 324–27 Macedonia, call to, 315–18 at Philippi, 318–30 strengthening churches in south-central Asia Minor, 312–15 Thessalonica and Beroea, establishing churches in, 330–37 and Timothy, 315–37 Paul and Timothy, 312–37 Pauline chronology, 354, 389 Pauline collection, 248n158, 390, 398n314, 454 Pauline language, 274, 293, 399, 476 post-Pauline language, 398 Pauline Letters, 3–8, 67, 124, 197, 203, 217, 246, 248n158, 258, 271n48, 292, 307n32, 308n36, 316n15, 317, 352, 361, 369n211, 388n278, 397, 399–400, 411, 413, 418, 421, 451n155, 468, 479 Ephesus as location for composition of, 376n241 See also specific Letters Pauline themes, central, 4 Pauline theology, 366 Paul in Jerusalem and Caesarea, 402–82 Paul in Rome, 483–513 journey to Rome, 62, 483–84 See also Paul, arrest and trials of Paul of Alexandria (astrologer), 97–98 Paulus, Sergius, 56, 259–63, 293 Pausanias, 342, 357, 379, 382 peace, 50, 63, 104, 120n105, 167–68, 202, 235–38, 254, 304 age of, 238 being sent “in peace,” 308, 327–28 “prolonged peace,” 443–46

prophets’ inherently contradictory message of, 432 penitence, 195 Pentateuch, 182, 435, 451 Pentecost, 39, 44–45, 53, 71, 76, 81–82, 89–106, 91 agricultural festival, 91 ancient texts describing, 91n42 apostles immersed with the Spirit at, 184 convergence of nations at, 44, 50, 95 conversions at, 366n201 events of, as fulfilling earlier promises, 89 festival/celebration of, 91–94 of gentile world, 240 gift of the Spirit at, 53, 64, 66, 90–92 Luke’s account of, 89–94 new era beginning at, 89–106 the Pentecost Inaugural, 90–91 Peter’s speech at, 32, 39–40, 44–45, 54, 66, 68, 78–79, 82, 98–106, 114 Peter’s speech, response to, 105–6 Sinai, relation to, 91n43 Spirit, outpouring of, 66, 89–99, 243 three thousand converts at, 105–6 the witness to the Spirit, 92–98 Pentecost Inaugural, 90, 114 Pentheus, 122, 148, 148n184 people of God, 94, 118, 302–4 gentiles included in, 282, 302–4, 309, 314, 424 See also church people/peoples “all people,” 211, 221, 424 ethnos, 93 “every people under heaven,” 93 Jesus’s rejection by, 112 Peraea, 463 Pergamum, 386 Pericles, 37, 44 periploi, 47, 318 persecution, 5, 282 of apostles, 60, 248–50 following Stephen’s death, 177 of Jesus’s disciples, 60 Jesus’s warning to disciples, 60 by Saul, 33, 56, 177, 192–95, 199, 205, 207–8, 215, 217, 422, 473–76 of Saul, 200–203 persuading, 222, 330, 348–49, 368–69, 383, 397, 439, 479, 509–11 Pervo, Richard I., xviii, 1n3, 4n27, 5–6nn31–33, 12n74, 26n89, 47n137, 79n14, 84nn20–21; 96, 96n55, 97n62, 105n69, 121n108, 141n150, 148n183, 164n228, 205n81, 230n103, 465n202, 483n1, 488n16

596 “pest,” Paul called, 443, 446, 509 Peter, 68, 71–255, 366 apostolic action of, 366 apostolic circle, prominence within, 298 bold testimony of, 52, 99, 111, 132, 135– 36, 369n209 Caesarea, meeting Cornelius in, 233–35 Caesarea, witness at, 235–39 character profiles of, 52, 82, 135–36 conversion of both Jews and gentiles, 68 Cornelius, meeting in Caesarea, 233–35 Cornelius, receiving messengers of, 232–33 Cornelius, sermon to family and friends of, 235–39 Galilean identity of, 95 healing Aeneas in Lydda, 46, 136, 222–25 healing Dorcas in Joppa, 224–26 imprisonment of, 248–50 inaugural sermon of, 32, 39–40, 44–45, 54, 66, 68, 78, 82, 98–106 Jerusalem, answering critics in, 241–43 Jerusalem Council, speech before, 297–99 as Jewish, 98–99 in Judea and the Coastland, 222–43 Luke as salvaging reputation of, 82 Mary’s house, meeting with believers at, 251–54 ministry to the gentiles, 222–43 as missionary to Jews and gentiles, 71–255 as preacher, 135 prison, escape from, 64, 250–51 prominence within apostolic circle, 298 as rehabilitated apostle, 82 roles of, 52, 135–36 Scripture interpreter, role as, 82, 135 sermon in the temple, 114–21 Spirit, as filled with, 65 vision in Joppa, 45, 218, 225–26, 231–32, 241 Peter, Letters of, 59n165, 87 Peter, miracles performed by, 222–26 Aeneas, healing of, 46, 222–24 Dorcas, raising of, 46, 224–26 twin healing episodes, 46 See also Peter and John Peter, mission of/as missionary, 68, 71–255 early church in Jerusalem, 71–149 outreach beyond Jerusalem, 150–255 Peter, speeches of, 40, 130 before Cornelius, 45 before the Jerusalem Council, 297–99 at Pentecost, 32, 39–40, 44–45, 54, 66, 68, 78–79, 82, 98–106, 114 and the Spirit’s descent, 243 in the temple, 114–21

Index of Subjects and Authors Peter and John, 110–14, 121–33, 366 arrested by temple authorities, 121–28 bold testimony of, 125, 128–30, 369n209 chief adversaries of, 111 church’s prayer for, 129–33 healing lame beggar, 112–14 miracles/signs performed by, 112–14, 180 role as eyewitnesses and earwitnesses, 129 in Samaria, 178 before the Sanhedrin, 124–29 Simon, interchange with, 178 Spirit, conferral of, 178 Pharisees, 142 Christian Pharisees, 305 converted, 295–96, 410 hairesis, 142 Paul as, 206, 421, 433–34, 450 Sadducees, differences with, 433–35 theology, Pharisaic, 451, 468 as “the strictest form,” 472 See also Sanhedrin Phidias, 346n125, 380 Philadelphia, 284n77 philanthrōpia, 500n63 Philemon, Letter to, 3, 376, 455 Philemon and Baucis, 287 Philip (apostle), 180, 406 Philip (evangelist), 33, 154, 406–7 Caesarea, as effective founder of the church at, 406 character profile of, 52 ministry of, 178–92 miracles/signs performed by, 179–80 preaching in Samaria, 178–80 as prophet, 52 the Seven, as one of, 33, 154 and Simon the Magician, 181–86 Spirit-induced exit of, 191 later traditions about, 154 See also Ethiopian eunuch, conversion of Philip II, 332 Philippi conversion of Lydia and her household, 318–22 history of, 320 magistrates of, 48, 324–30, 334, 459n187 Paul and Silas’s imprisonment and the jailer’s conversion, 324–27 Paul and Silas’s release, 327–30 Paul’s exorcism of the slave girl, 322–24 Paul’s mission/witnessing in, 318–30 as Roman colony, 320 Philo of Alexandria, 96, 249, 362, 463 Abraham’s call and antiquity of Jewish origins, 164n225 Agrippa I, 249, 249nn161, 166

Index of Subjects and Authors 597 Babel, Tower of, 94n47 Balaam,87n39 Bastus, centurion, 228n94 “born, reared, educated,” 421n48 civic metaphor, 431n80 completing one’s course, 398n313 “confusion” (synchysis), 94n47 consilium, 461n194 Corinth, Jewish presence, 351n141 Cyprus, Jewish presence, 135n146, 260n12 “darkness to light,” 476n226 Day of Atonement, 487n13 deisidaimonia, 342n96 dialegomai, 331 drunkenness, ecstatic speech, 98n63 Ephesus, Jewish presence, 359n176 Essenes, 109n82 euthydromeō, 319 “friends all things common,” 109n84 Gaius Caligula, “lord,” 238n120 goads, kicking against, 476n225 idolatry, polemic, 338n82 Jews, diaspora locations, 96, 96n57, 157n215, 264n30, 333n69, 336, 339, 351n141, 508n88 “Lord of heaven and earth,” 343n109 magic, 261n19 neōkoros, 385n272 Pentecost, 91n42 philanthrōpia, 500n63 “proselyte,” 280 reputation, 362 Roman world, geographical extent, 96n57 Rome, Jewish presence, 508n88 sailing route, Rome and Alexandria, 486n11 seeking God, 344n116 Sinai, giving of law, 92n45 stages of human life, 391n298 temple inscription forbidding entry of Gentiles, 415n29 temple visit, 450n150 theater(s) as riot scenes, 383n263 Theodotus Inscription, 157n216 Tiberius Julius Alexander, nephew, 463 translation of Septuagint, 37–38n119, 362n183 philosophy/philosophers, 122, 339n87 Greek, 339, 343 pagan philosophical thought, 337 true, 128 See also individual philosophers; specific philosophies Philostratus, 123, 141, 343n102, 358–59, 381 Phoenicia, 31, 244–45, 294, 296, 403–4, 406, 486, 500. See also Sidon; Tyre Phoenix, coastal city of Crete, 489, 489n20

Phrygia, 93, 98, 213, 263–264, 282, 284–285, 287, 309n1, 311, 315–316, 356–357, 360, 365. See also Asia (Roman province) Pibechis, 372n223 pietism, 27, 30, 191 piety, 88 of Jesus and disciples, 57 Jewish, 50, 230, 451 of Romans, 57 pigeons, 412 Pilate, Pontius, 69, 112, 115, 119, 130, 132, 265, 268–69, 277 “Pioneer of Life,” 119 Pisidian Antioch. See Antioch of Pisidia Plain, Luke’s Sermon on, 400 Platonism, 339n87 pleasure, 339 Pliny the Elder, 109n82, 194n42, 261, 261n16, 282n74, 284n76, 321n36, 326n51, 335, 374n233, 379n251, 382, 382n257, 491nn21, 25; 500n61 Pliny the Younger, 392n302, 474n223, 508n87 plots and ambushes, 62, 199–200, 202n75, 212–15, 386–88, 388n281, 396–97, 413, 426, 437–39, 456, 457n179 Paul as surviving repeated, 62, 437–39 Plutarch, 11, 35, 347n131 poets, 345n123 politarchas (city magistrates), 334 politics/ the church as politically harmless and socially redemptive, 55–58 Pollux, 503–4 Polycleitus, 380 Polydeuces, 503 polytheism, 289 Pontus (Roman province), 350 poor, the. See poverty Porcian Law, 329 Posidonius, 404n4 possessions, 109 Qumran, common ownership, 109n82 friendship as shared possession, 109n84 Greco-Roman views about common ownership of, 109n83 poverty care for the poor, 367 Lukan emphasis on, 68 See also charity; generosity; Jerusalem church: Pauline collection project power of apostles/apostles’ source of, 134, 140 divine, 66, 183, 267, 373 dramatic demonstrations of God’s, 373 “full of grace and power,” 156–57

598 power (continued) gospel as an alternative source of, 375 “Great Power,” 183n12 healing, 111, 140, 183 Jesus anointed with Spirit and, 63, 238 judicial/administrative, 446 from the Spirit, 65–67, 72 of “the ruler of this world,” 476n228 praising God, Lukan narrative motif, 243, 243n137 praxis and praxeis, 8–11 prayer, 130 believers’ ongoing experience of, 144 Christian, 131 church/Christian community, as typifying, 109, 250 church’s prayer for Peter and John, 129–33 community, 130 daily schedule of, 113 falling to the knees as Lukan feature, 225, 401 and fasting, 259, 259n6, 292 fervent, 253 for “full confidence,” 130, 132 Jewish piety and, 230 kneeling and, 401 Lukan emphasis on, 68 as Sabbath activity, 182 of Simeon, 131 Spirit, prior to reception of, 78–79 Spirit’s descent at prayer meeting, 144 of Stephen, 60 preaching early Christian, 239, 398 monetary compensation for, 400 See also under individual names, e.g., Paul, preaching of; specific events and locations predestinarian, 132n133, 282 predestination, 282n67 presbyteroi/presbyteros, 291–92 Priapus, 303n18 priests, 124 conversion of large number, 155 Sadducees as aligned with, 124 See also chief priests; high priests “prince of the power of the air,” 476 Priscilla and Aquila. See Aquila and Priscilla prison/imprisonment apostles’ arrest and miraculous escape, 140–43 custody, four levels of, 508n87 guard negligence, capital offense, 252 jailer, conversion of, 324–27 miraculous escapes from, 64, 140–43, 250–54, 324–27 motif in Acts, 141n149

Index of Subjects and Authors Moses’s escape from, 141, 251n172 Paul and Silas in/jailer’s conversion, 141, 324–27 Peter in, 248–50 Peter’s escape from, 64, 250–54 Saul as imprisoning believers, 473 singing, 326 Spirit’s warning about, 397 warning of “imprisonment and hardship,” 397 See also arrests; Paul, imprisonments of Prison Letters, 3, 454–55 Prochorus, 154 prohibitions, Jerusalem Council, 299–304 promise/promises, 49–50, 71, 271n49 in Acts 2:39, 106 Luke’s understanding of promise fulfillment, 49, 65, 162, 451n153 the risen Lord’s, 240, 243 Scripture, for Luke, as collection of, 49 See also under Jesus: as fulfilling promises propaganda wars, 340 property ownership, 109n83 prophecy/prophetic speech, 366 of Agabus, 405–7 democratization of prophetic gifts, 102 Spirit and prophetic impulse, 65–66, 366 prophetic call/commission, 424, 426, 476 prophetic gifts, democratization of, 102 prophetic rebuke, 55, 506, 509–13 prophetic visions, 54, 90, 98–99, 102, 104, 120, 127 prophets, 120–22 as authorized to speak on behalf of God, 65 democratization of prophetic gifts, 102 female, 322–23 Former, 120 fulfillment of prophetic hope, 236–38 Jesus as Spirit-anointed, 90 Latter, 120–21 lifted and transported by the Spirit, 191 martyrdom of prophetic figures, 175n250, 177 Paul’s prophetic vocation, 424 peace, inherently contradictory message of, 432 Philip as, 52 “prophet and teacher,” 258, 258n2, 308 prophetic call motif, 476 quotations attributed to, 100 Samuel as designated, 267 as a “sign-prophet,” 146n170 “sons of,” 121 Spirit-anointed, 90 Spirit-filled, 66, 305 See also individual prophets, e.g. Joel

Index of Subjects and Authors 599 prophets, false. See false prophets Prophets/“book of the Prophets,” 173 the Prophets (Scripture), 49 proselytes, 279–80 prosēlytos, definition, NT occurrences, 280 proselytism, 326 Roman attitude toward, 326n50 proseuchē (synagogue), 321n32 prosopopoeia, 46n132 providential theme, 62–63, 65, 148, 301, 307, 476, 493 Psalms, book of, 28n94, 49, 54, 69–70, 79–83, 88, 99, 103–5, 128, 131–32, 231, 270–73, 277, 299 Jesus as speaker in, 104, 104n68 Luke’s use of, 80 Pseudo-Callisthenes, 47 Ptolemaic rulers, 406 Ptolemais, 245n140, 404–6 Ptolemy II Philadelphus, 406 Publius Aelius Glykon, 143n159 Publius (leading citizen of Malta), 502–3 Publius Valerius (consul), 329 purification rites, 149, 409–11, 413, 448, 452 purity/“clean” and “unclean,” 230–33, 235n114, 303n17 cleansing, 297–98 gentiles as clean, 241 Nazirites/Nazirite vow and, 411 See also animals; animals: clean and unclean; food laws purity laws, 237 purple industry, dye, 318, 321, 321n36, 404 Puteoli (Gk. Dicaearchia, modern Pozzuoli), 389n291, 405n10, 483, 503–5 Pythagorean philosophy, 109n83, 123, 134n139 Python, spirit of, 322 Quadratus (Syrian governor), 432 Quirinius (Roman governor of Syria), 147–48 Qumran/Qumran community, 109, 134, 138n147, 194, 326n51, 418, 450n151 collective ownership, 109n82 lying about possessions punished, 138n147 rabbinic matrilineal principle, 315n10 race, 93. See also ethnicity Rahlfs, Alfred, and Robert Hanhart, 300 recommendation, letters of, 363, 363n190 reconciliation, 50, 122, 274 redivivus legends, 345n122, 465 Red Sea, 171, 171n239 Rehoboam, 10 Reicke, Bo, 96 Reinhold, Meyer, 374n233

rejection disciples, 60, 195 God, 172 gospel, 68, 172, 281 Jesus, 54, 70, 111–12, 118, 162, 168 Joseph, 51 rejected Moses, 49, 51, 55, 65, 160–62, 171 rejected stone, 70, 111, 127–28 Saul, king of Israel, 267 Saul/Paul, 213, 426–28, 512 theme in Acts, 34, 52, 111–12, 112n89 religion confrontation stories, 121–22 disciples of Jesus, religious practices of, 57 fanaticism, religious, 474 God as certifying legitimate religious movements, 64 gospel encountering popular religion, 263, 310 new, 121–22 “new teaching,” 340 popular, 57, 181, 263, 310, 330 See also Christianity; Judaism repentance, 64, 66 baptism requiring, 106, 268 John the Baptist on, 106, 213, 346 Lukan theme, 243, 243n138 universal, call for, 346 Rephan (deity), 173, 173n245 repudiation, 115, 118–19, 168, 170–72, 281, 351 Res gestae divi Augusti, 10, 96n58, 264 resistance, 62 myths of, 121–23, 129, 141, 143, 148 See also bold witness rest, 63, 115, 120, 120n105, 173, 299, 487n13 restoration, 72, 90, 94, 115–16, 120, 299, 302 resurrection of Jesus, 53–54, 63–64, 71–75, 101, 103, 112, 121, 129, 135, 172, 198, 239, 265, 270, 273, 346, 465, 468–69, 472–73 asserted in Luke-Acts, 346n130 and “divine necessity” theme, 68 as first instance of resurrection, unusual, 479 forty-day period after, postresurrection appearances during, 28n94, 53, 71–73, 215n84, 239, 425 the gospel of, 277–78 Luke’s distinct understanding of, 66 pioneer of transcendent Life for all, 479 and Sadducees’ eschatological skepticism, 124 the Spirit and, 74 on third day, 239n122 See also risen Jesus; witnesses

600 resurrection of the dead, 123, 346–47, 449, 477–78 “Anastasis” and, 347 as guiding principle of Paul’s life, 451 hope of, 434, 451 and immortality of the soul, Greek/Roman notions of, 347 Paul’s confident hope in, 472 in Paul’s speeches, 479 of “the righteous and the unrighteous,” 451 Sadducee vs. Pharisee beliefs regarding, 433–35 Reuel, priest of Midian, 169 Revelation, book of, 59n165 revelation, divine, 39, 215–16, 289, 421n50, 423 revelation, natural, 289 in pagan thought, 289n99 reversal, divine, 128 Rhegium (or Regium; modern Reggio di Calabria), 503–5 Rhoda, 252–53 Rhodes, 403, 403–4n4 Rhodius, Apollonius, 404n4 righteousness, 61, 87, 119, 194, 235, 237–38, 259, 287n89, 342, 346, 453–54 practicing, 237, 454 resurrection of the righteous and the unrighteous, 451, 451n155 rioting, 46, 250n168 in Jerusalem, 222, 428 in the theater at Ephesus, 310, 360, 382–84 risen Jesus, 30–31, 53–54, 60, 82, 89, 92, 172, 191, 239, 270, 322, 345n118, 369n211, 398n317, 493 apostles, as instructing, 71–74, 184, 215n84, 239 disciples’ mission, as initiating, 239 the forty days after Resurrection, 28n94, 71, 73, 215n84, 239 as fulfillment of Scripture, 54, 60 as one who pours out the Spirit at Pentecost, 53, 66, 74, 76, 90, 99, 106, 144 in Paul’s visions, 505, 511 as proclaimer of “light to our people and to the gentiles,” 479 promise of, 240, 243 Spirit, as promising to apostles, 72–74 as witness, 285 See also Damascus Road experience; resurrection of Jesus Roloff, Jürgen, xix romance, 12, 46–47, 204n81 Roman Christians, 483–84 Roman church, Paul’s solidarity with, 506

Index of Subjects and Authors Roman citizenship, 461n192 buying and selling, 430n75 Paul as Roman citizen, 52, 58, 327–29, 429–30, 444, 509 Paul’s exchange with the Roman tribune about, 428–30 security attached to, 329n66 Roman colonies, 320 Roman Empire, 96n58, 255, 264, 415, 461–62 Asclepius cult throughout, 57 charge that Christians threaten Roman order, 56 church, role in Roman society, 57 Roman imperial rule, 74 See also specific events, e.g., First Jewish Revolt; specific locations, e.g., Joppa Roman Jews, Paul’s meetings/discussions with, 506–13 Roman officials as positively inclined toward the Jesus movement, 263 special treatment of Paul by, 498 Roman religion, sanctity of, 326n50 Roman rulers Paul before Agrippa, 466–82 Paul before Festus, 455–66 See also Roman tribune Romans, Letter to, 160, 278–79, 314, 375–76, 388, 505n76 Romans (Roman people), 94, 324–25, 482, 504–5 cultured behavior of, 503 gospel, respect for Christian, 329 socially constructive practices of, 57 view of Christians by, 56 See also citizenship (Roman) Roman tribune attempted examination of Paul by, 428–30 letter to Felix, 439–43 Paul’s exchange with, about citizenship, 428–30 rescuing Paul, permitting Paul to address the crowd, 416–19 See also Lysias, Claudius Roman world, geographical extent of, 96nn57, 58 Rome fire in, 5 grain trade and, 504 Jewish presence in, 508n88 Paul in, 506–13 Paul’s arrival in/house arrest/meeting with Jewish leaders, 503–9 Paul’s resolve to see, 505 Paul’s voyage/journey to, 62, 402, 483–506 Paul under house arrest in, 506–9

Index of Subjects and Authors 601 as symbolic center, 50 Tiberius’s expulsion of Jews from, 326n50 “you must bear witness also at Rome,” 505 Romulus ascension of, 75 laws relating to magic, 374n233 Ropes, James H., 14n81, 100, 456 “ruler of this world,” 476n228 Sabbath, 263, 268, 276, 279–80, 299–300, 304, 318, 320–21, 330, 333, 348, 369, 390, 411, 435, 464, 470 designation for day, week, 390–91 “a Sabbath day’s journey,” 76 “Sabbath limit,” 77n8 Samaritan observation of, 182 sacraments. See baptism; Eucharist/eucharistic observance sacrifice animal, 288 daily, 454 God’s presence through ongoing, 174 to idols, 172 to other gods, 303n21 sacrificial meals in pagan life, 288n93 Saddok, a Pharisee, 147n171, 148 Sadducees, 142 beliefs of, 124, 433–35 canon, views toward, 435n95 eschatological skepticism of, 124 “heretics,” 436n99 jealousy of, 140 Pharisees, differences with, 433–35 prophetic books, rejection of, 435n95 on resurrection, 433–35 See also Sanhedrin Saint Nicholas, legend of, 486n9 “saints” the designation, 197 inheritance reserved for, 400 Salamis, 259–61 salvation, 50 Christ’s sacrificial death, saving significance of, 4 cross, salvific effects of, 314 as distinctly Lukan theme, 269n44 faith and, 327 gentiles, as extended to, 64, 226–46, 281–82 God as source of, 64 as Lukan theme, 269n44 Pauline soteriology and, 299 Spirit and, 66 “through the grace of the Lord Jesus,” 299 See also sōtēria Samaria/Samaritans, 177–86

apostles as confirming Samaritan mission, 183–86 conversion of, 366n201 diaspora, communities in, 182 evangelization of, 178–80, 186 gospel, reception of, 66, 177, 180, 183 history, 179 “Judea and Samaria,” 177 Luke’s portrayal, 180n5 mission to, 183–86 Moses, role in Samaritan belief, 180, 182 origins and 2 Kgs 17, 180n5, 182 Peter and John in, 178, 186 Philip preaching in, 178–80, 182 Sebaste, 180 Simon’s conversion, 178 Spirit transmitted to, 66, 366 theology of, 182 See also Simon the magician Samaritan Pentateuch, 182 Samothrace, 318–19, 389 Samson, 188, 357, 411 Samuel, 114, 116, 120, 161n224, 211, 266–67, 275, 357, 400, 411 1 and 2 Samuel, books of, 161n224 sanctification, 212, 475, 477 Sanhedrin, 40–41, 51, 56, 61, 110, 133, 193, 197, 208n82, 269, 270n45, 422, 430, 438, 444 apostles before, 139–49, 176 capital crimes, jurisdiction over, 145 depicted as mystified and helpless, 129, 143 as elders, 291, 422, 445 Gamaliel as member, 144, 146, 421 gerousia, 141–43 gerousia in Jewish sources, 143n160 gerousia in non-Jewish sources, 143n159 Jesus before, 269, 269n43 Joseph of Arimathea as member, 270n45 jurisdiction, extent of, 208n82 leadership of, 126, 126n120, 143–44, 146, 430n77, 433–34, 445 location, 430, 436 membership of, 126n120, 130, 197, 206, 291, 430n77, 434, 434n91, 445, 447, 450–51, 457 one, or more, 142, 142n157 and Paul’s arrest/trial, 219, 222, 402, 428, 430–39, 442–53, 457, 460, 505 Peter and John’s arrest and defense, 110– 11, 121, 124–29 Saul as member, 474 Stephen’s sermon/defense speech before, 149, 156, 158–76, 420 synedrion, in non-Jewish sources, 143n159 tribune’s power to convene, 430, 442, 444

602 Sapphira, Ananias and, 135–38 Sarah, 166 Satan, 136–37, 212, 474–76, 503 Saturn, 173 Saul, king of Israel, 267n39 Saul of Tarsus, 33, 176–77 Ananias’s vision and commissioning of, 195–99 Antioch, traveling to, 246, 255–56 as archenemy of the Christian movement, 56 baptism of, 207, 215, 217 basket, escaping in, 62, 199, 212, 216, 426 blindness of, and sight restored, 195, 197, 199, 209–10, 220–21 call/conversion of, 192–222 commission of, 207 commission of Barnabas and, 257–59 Damascus, activity/witness in, 196–200 Jerusalem, activity in, 201–2 name changed to Paul, 262 persecution of, 200–203 persecution of church by, 33, 56, 177, 192–95, 199, 205, 207–8, 215, 217, 422, 473–76 Sanhedrin, as member of, 474 sight restored to, 195, 197, 199 Spirit, reception of, 199 Stephen’s death, presence at, 176, 474 Tarsus, move to, 201–2 vision of, 475–76 See also Damascus Road experience; Paul Savior, Jesus as. See Jesus (Savior) scattered people of God, 44, 94, 177–78, 244–45 Sceva, seven sons of, 360, 370–73 Schneider, Gerhard, xviii, 6n34, 11n67, 14n81, 21n82, 152n191 schools of thought, Jewish, 446–47n137 scholē, ancient usage, 369n213 Schürer, Emil, 4n28, 95n52, 110n85, 126nn118, 120; 130n127, 143n160, 145n163, 157n216, 193n38, 194n42, 197n57, 208n82, 224n87, 230n103, 249n160, 258n4, 260n12, 333n69, 336n76, 339n85, 351n141, 359n176, 362n180, 372n226, 406n13, 415n29, 422n58, 430nn78–79; 432n82, 433– 34nn90–91; 441n112, 454n164, 455n174, 456, 461n194, 463nn195–96; 505n81 scorpions, 501, 503 scribes, 70, 73, 124, 126, 156, 263n27, 336, 361n179, 382, 385n270, 424, 433, 435, 444 Scripture as answer to eunuch’s question, 191 divine intent in, 49–50

Index of Subjects and Authors fulfillment of, 60 God as speaking through, 65 interpretation, and speeches in Acts, 54 for Luke, 49–50 Peter’s role as an authoritative interpreter of, 82 Spirit as author of, 65 See also Bible; New Testament; Old Testament; specific topics, e.g., promises sea, storm at, 489–96, 505 sea-voyage literature, 488, 488n16, 494 Sebaste, in Samaria, 180 Second Temple Judaism, 194, 208, 218, 372, 433n90, 468, 472 sect, Christianity as, 450, 509 sects, Jewish, 435 Secundus, 33, 387–88, 485–86 sedition, 374, 384, 386, 447 Seleucia, 259–60 Seleucus I Nicator, 260 self-control, 454 Seneca the Younger, 123, 138n147, 339, 344n111, 345n120, 353–54, 400n335, 500n64, 505n74 avarice, destructive of community, 138n147 conscience, good and bad, 431n81 indwelling holy spirit, 345n120 Septuagint, 37–39, 79, 83–84, 87–88, 301, 333 ancient sources reporting translation, 37–38n119, 362n183 Lukan mimesis of, 38 Luke’s dependence on, 39, 79–80, 83n17 Septuagintalism, 38, 83n17, 95 Sergius Paulus, 56, 259–63, 293 sermons/speeches in Acts, 36, 40–46, 54, 130, 155, 159, 213, 289, 445, 468 by James in Jerusalem, 41 missionary sermons/speeches, 40–41, 44, 52–53, 83n17, 236, 368, 402 by others, including prayers, letters, and shorter speeches, 41–42 by outsiders, 41 by Paul, 41 Paul’s defense speeches, 419–28, 447–52, 467–79 Paul’s defense speech before Agrippa, 467–79 Paul’s defense speech before crowd in the temple, 419–28 Paul’s defense speech before Felix, 447–52 Paul’s missionary sermons, 263–83, 337–47 Paul’s missionary sermon in Athens ­(Areopagus), 340–46 Paul’s missionary sermon in Pisidian Antioch (synagogue), 265–79

Index of Subjects and Authors 603 Paul’s pastoral sermon in Miletus, 394–400 by Peter, 40 Peter’s missionary sermons, 98–106, 114–21, 234–40 Peter’s sermon at Pentecost, 98–106 Peter’s sermon in the temple, 114–21 prosōpopoiia, a “speech in character,” 468 Scripture interpretation as feature of, 54 by Stephen, 40, 159–76 servant christological motif of, 117 Jesus as, 63 See also suffering servant Servant Song. See under Isaiah/book of Isaiah: Servant Song in “Serving the Lord [Jesus],” 397 the Seven apostolic assistants, 32–33 appointment of, 149–55 Luke’s portrayal of, 150n187 selection and installation, 153–54 seven sons of Sceva. See Sceva, seven sons of the Seventy, 501 as vanquishing demons, 180 Seven Wonders of the World, 380 seven-day stays, 389, 389n291, 404n10, 505, 505n78 sexual immorality, 303n18, 303n21 gentiles to avoid, 409 relationship to idolatry, 303, 303n18 sharing, 108 Sharon, plain of, 223–24 Shauf, Scott, 11n66, 62n171, 67n183, 181n6, 182n8, 358n170, 359n176, 360n178, 366n194, 367n203, 369n210, 371, 372n221, 373, 374n233, 376n241, 382n258, 402n1 Shavuot, the Festival of Weeks, 91. See also Pentecost Shechem, 163, 165–66, 180 sheep, 286, 345n122, 374n235. See also lambs. shepherd imagery, 187, 190, 398–99. See also lambs. sheet coming down from heaven, 231–32, 241–43, 426n67 Sherwin-White, A. N., 329n62, 441n120, 460n190, 507 shipwreck, 497–99 Sicarii movement, 417–18, 441, 455 Sicily, 329, 486, 494, 499–500, 504 the sick, helping, 77, 400 See also healing ministries; healing miracles Sidon, 237n118, 254, 404, 484, 486, 494n40 sight “opening the eyes [of the blind],” 476

restoration of Saul’s, 195, 197, 199, 209–10, 221 See also blindness; vision signs, 66, 89 signs and wonders apostolic signs and wonders in the temple, 138–40 attesting to Jesus as God’s divinely appointed representative, 53 Paul’s use of, 371n218 recurrent feature of Acts, 109, 109n81, 299n8 source of power behind, 285 See also miracles; specific signs, e.g., tongues of fire Silas, 306n25 imprisonment of Paul and/the jailer’s conversion, 141–42, 324–27 Paul, Timothy, and, called to Macedonia, 315–18 Paul and, release of, 327–30 Paul and, strengthening churches in SouthCentral Asia Minor, 312–15 Silvanus (Silouanos), 306n25 silver, 184 silver and gold, 112 silversmith(s), inscriptions, 378n246 Simeon, 93, 131, 177, 281, 299 Simeon (Aramaic name of Peter), 301, 301n10 Simeon Niger, 257–58 Simon, son of Gamaliel I, 146 Simoneans, 182 Simon Peter. See Peter Simon the Magician/Simon Magus, 66, 180–86 “simony,” 186 sin/sins monetary, 186 See also forgiveness; wickedness singing, 324, 392 of prisoners, 326 See also hymns Siracusa (Syracuse), 504 slave girl, Paul’s exorcism of, 322–24 slavery, 298 400-year period of enslavement in Egypt, 164 See also Joseph (son of Jacob) “Slaves of the Most High God,” 322–23 Smallwood, E. Mary, 135n146, 142n157, 147nn171–72, 264n30, 326n50, 328n60, 351n137, 362n180, 415n28, 422n58, 456, 460n188, 505n81 Smyrna, 6, 359, 386 Smyth, Herbert Weir, 151, 179, 198n61, 244, 262n25, 355n158, 367n202

604 snake(s), 501 guarding oracle at Delphi, 323 snakebite, 62, 484, 501, 501n66 symbol of evil, 501n65 viper, Paul’s deliverance from, 500–502 social class, 336 Socrates, 37, 52, 123, 129n124, 326n52, 339–40, 342 soldiers, Roman, 228–29, 230n105 solidarity, 78, 101, 107–9, 133–49, 248n158, 506 Solomon, 167. See also under temple: Solomon’s building of Solomon’s Porch, 110, 113, 115 Son of God, Jesus as. See Jesus (Son of God) Son of Man, Jesus as. See Jesus (Son of God) “sons of the prophets,” 121 soothsaying, 57 Sopater, 388 sophia, 157 sōphrosynē, 480n236 sorcery, 181, 261n19, 374n233, 375. See also magic Sosipater, 388 Sosthenes, 355 Sosylus, 10 sōtēria (salvation or wholeness), 111, 125, 127, 168, 269, 276, 280, 324, 327n56, 492, 495–96 sōtēria, sōzein, bivalence, 111, 125 soteriology, Pauline, 299, 363 soul, immortality of, Greek and Roman notions, 347 Spain, 413 speaking in tongues. See tongues, speaking in speech Spirit as prompting, 65–66, 101–2 See also bold witness speeches in Acts. See sermons/speeches in Acts; individual speakers, e.g., Paul; Peter; Stephen spermologos, 338–39 Spirit, Holy. See Holy Spirit; Spirit under specific topics spirit and wisdom, 150, 154 Spirit of the Lord, 66–67, 136, 187, 316 spirits “an angel or a spirit,” 433–35 Sadducee vs. Pharisee beliefs regarding, 433 spirits, unclean. See unclean spirits stasis, 386, 386n277, 436n99. See also sedition Stendahl, Krister, 203, 217, 431n81 Stephanus, 24

Index of Subjects and Authors Stephen angelic appearance of, 156, 158–59 apostles scattered after death of, 44, 177– 78, 244–45 arrest and trial of, 155–59 blasphemy, as charged with, 69 burial of, 177 character profile of, 52 charges against, 159 debate with Hellenistic Synagogue, 155–57 faith of, 65, 155 martyrdom of, and its impact, 52, 60, 159, 175–78, 250 prayer of, 60 Saul’s presence at death of, 176, 474 sermon/defense speech before the Sanhedrin, 149, 156, 158–76, 420 as setting the framework for overall story of Acts, 51 as Spirit-filled, 65 See also under Moses: in Stephen’s defense speech/Stephen’s treatment of Sterling, Gregory E., 6nn33–34; 12n69, 44n131 Stern, Menahem, 96n58, 135n146, 235n114, 343n104, 354n155, 355nn159–60 St. Elmo’s fire, 503 “stiff-necked,” 175 Stoicism, 48, 149, 337–39, 345, 347n131, 353, 393, 404n4, 447n137 stone Jesus as, 70, 127–28 See also cornerstone stoning of Paul, 288, 290, 307 See also under Stephen: martyrdom of storm at sea, 489–96, 505 strangled (animals), 28, 300, 303, 305 Suetonius, 75 Claudius’s expulsion of Jews from Rome, 350n137, 505n76 suffering, 59–60 “divine necessity” theme, 53, 59–60, 68, 117, 333, 478 and Jesus’s messianic identity, 60 Luke as connecting Messiah’s suffering to fulfillment of Scripture, 60 in the name of Christ, 198 Paul’s ministry, as intrinsic part of, 397 vicarious, 191 See also Jesus, crucifixion/death of; passion narrative suffering servant, 42, 53, 55, 60, 69–70, 190 summaries, 46–48

Index of Subjects and Authors 605 sun, 99, 173, 194, 208, 220, 259, 404n4, 474, 489 superhuman status, disclaimers, 289n95 supersessionism, 50 superstition, 342, 342n96 Susanna, 78 Synagogue of Freedmen, 156–57 “Synagogue of the Hebrews,” in Corinth, 351n141 synagogue(s), 509 Aegina, archaeological remains, 339n85 archisynagōgos, 264–65, 265n32, 349, 352–53 Corinth, archaeological evidence, 351n141 Jerusalem, 156–57, 157n216 proseuchē, diaspora term for, 321n32 synagōgē, pagan use of term, 265n32 synagōgē, use of term, 321n32 synagogue leader, role of, 264–65 See also Paul, preaching of; specific events and locations, e.g., Antioch of Pisidia synchysis (“confusion”) Lukan usage, 94 Synoptic Gospels, 47, 134, 151, 238, 269n44, 280 See also Gospels, four; Luke; Mark; Matthew Syracuse (Siracusa), 501, 503–4 Syria, 404, 427. See also Antioch in Syria Syrian (Textual Group A), 24 “Syrophoenician”/Syrophoenician woman, healing of, 237n118, 404n7 Syrtis/Syrtes, 489, 491, 491n25 tabernacle, 173 Tabitha (Dorcas), 136, 222, 224–26 table fellowship, 29, 435 table of nations. See under nations: table of Tamar, 165 Tamid, 113 Tarsus, 197, 306 as Paul/Saul’s hometown, 197, 202, 212, 219, 417–19, 421, 430, 433, 442 Paul’s Tarsus connection as Lukan emphasis, 246 Saul’s move to, 201–2 Tatius, Achilles, 354n154, 355n162, 379n251, 381, 488n16, 490, 493n36, 499n59 Taurus Mountains, 285–86, 311, 358, 404 tax revolt, 148 te kai, 198n61 teachers, 122 heretical, 86, 399n327 “prophet and teacher,” 308 teaching, “new,” 340 tears, shedding, 397

temple, Artemision/Artemisium. See Artemision/Artemisium temple at Jerusalem, 113 almsgiving, 113, 113n95 apostolic signs and wonders in, 138–40 apostolic testimony in, 109–33 Asian Jews charging Paul with temple defilement, 414–16 courtyard of, 94, 113, 416, 426, 447 “desecrating,” charge of, 447 destruction of, 6, 158, 162, 469 gentiles and, 415, 447 inscription forbidding Gentile entry to inner courts, 415n29 Isaiah’s temple vision, 426 Paul’s speech before crowd in, 419–28 Paul’s vision in, 207, 426, 478 Peter and John arrested by temple authorities, 121–24 Peter’s sermon in, 114–21 police, 143 promise to destroy, rebuild in three days, 158 purification rites in, 452 rebuilding, 90–91 rebuilding in three days, 69, 158 the riot and Paul’s arrest, 414–17 Solomon’s building of, 159, 161, 174, 345n119 Spirit no longer confined to, 240 Spirit’s appearance at, 93–99 threatened, 61, 85, 255n185 worship in, 107, 189 “temple keeper,’ 385 Ten Commandments, 131 tentmaking, 27n90, 348–49, 351 Terah, 164 Tertullian, 9, 25, 30, 97, 152, 314n10, 351n137 Tertullus, 37n117, 443, 445–46, 450, 509 formal charges against Paul, 443–47 testimony. See boldness; speech; witness “textual clusters,” 23n83 textual groups, four, 23–26 textual history of Acts, 13–30 textual traditions of Acts, two, theories about, 29–30 Textus Receptus (TR, Received Text), 24 theater at Ephesus, riot in, 382–84 Thecla, 284 themes continuity of, 68–70 Lukan, 243n138, 269n44, 451n153, 498 major, of Acts, 48–67 Pauline, 4 See more under Acts of the Apostles, major themes

606 Theodorus of Samos, 380 Theodotus Inscription, 157, 157n216 theology “theological historiography,” 11n66 theological purpose, literary style as an expression of, 34–48 See also Lukan theology; Pauline theology theomachos/theomachein, 61, 148–49, 148n184, 204, 243, 434, 476 theophanies, 195 gods appear in disguise to humans, 287n89 Theophilus, 4, 7, 35, 72–73 Theos Hypsistos, 160n223, 174, 323–25, 323–24n45, 336n76 Thessalonian Letters, 334, 337n80 Thessalonica, 330–34 church, founding of, 333n70 Jewish presence in, 333n69 Thessalonike, 332 Theudas, 6n33, 145–47, 200 revolt of, first with messianic-apocalyptic overtones, 147n173 “third day,” on the, of Jesus’s resurrection, 239n122 Three Taverns (Lat. Tres Tabernae), 506 Thucydides, 37, 42, 44, 498n52 Thyatira, 321 Tiberius, Emperor, 96n58, 251n169, 262, 326nn50–51, 351n137, 453n161, 472 Tiberius Alexander (Roman procurator). See Alexander, Tiberius Julius Timon, 154 Timothy circumcision of, 312–13, 315 disappearance from story line, 325, 337 ethnic status of, 314–15 patristic views of ethnic status, 314n10 hometown of, 388 Macedonia, accompanying Paul and Silas to, 315–18 mother of, 291n103 Paul and, 312–37 Timothy, Letters to, 3, 420 Titius Justus, 349, 352 title “Acts of the Apostles,” 9 Titus, Arch of, 55 Titus (emperor), 42n128, 463–64 Titus, Letter to, 292 Titus, Pauline coworker, 216, 296, 314–15, 352, 390n292 tongues, speaking in, 66, 91–92, 240, 365–66 tongues of fire, 91–92 Torah, 264 angelic direction, as received under, 63, 175, 433

Index of Subjects and Authors Paul’s loyalty to, 433 reading, as Sabbath activity, 182 Torrey, Charles C., 36, 67n183 Tower of Babel, 94 tradition, biblical, Luke’s view of, 120–21 travel, 46–48 itineraries, journeys, and voyages used by Luke, 46–48 Luke’s travel narrative, 402 Paul’s travel plans, 375–77 Tres Tabernae (Three Taverns), 506 trials trial scenes, literary motif, 354n154 See also under individual names tribune, Roman. See Roman tribune Troas (Alexandria Troas), 311n2, 316–17, 389n289, 393, 405n10 Christian meeting in/Paul reviving Eutychus, 390–92 Macedonian vision at, 315–18 Paul’s transition from Antioch to, 311–18 Trophimus, 33, 387–89, 394, 415–16 trust, 438 in God, 493 truth, 87, 122 divinely revealed, 122 essential, of early Christian preaching, 128 “gathered in truth,” 130 Jesus as teacher of, 362n186 Paul’s willingness to declare, 397–98, 450, 479–80 the Sanhedrin and, 438 turtledoves, 412 twelve, symbolism associated with, 97 twelve disciples of John the Baptist, 364–68 twelve patriarchs. See patriarchs Twelve/the Twelve, 77 acting with the Lord’s authority, 108n77 church, apostles’ role vis-à-vis, 108n77 the eleven, 78 only mention in Acts of, 153 See also apostles Twelve Tables, the, 465n202 twelve tribes of Israel, 72, 472–73 two textual traditions of Acts, theories about, 29–30 Tychicus, 33, 370n215, 387–89, 394 Tyrannus, 28n94, 368–69, 397, 399n329 Tyre, 237n118, 245n140, 254, 389n291, 397, 403–6, 486, 505n78 Paul sailing from the Aegean to Palestine via Tyre, 403–5 warning at, 403–5

Index of Subjects and Authors 607 Ulpian, 508n87 unclean, clean and. See purity/“clean” and “unclean” unclean spirits, 139–40, 179. See also demon possession; evil spirits “undergirders,” 489, 491 United States Constitution, 464n202 unity, church, 27 universality, 50, 54, 68, 93, 95n49, 97, 127, 181, 214, 236–39, 346, 447 impact of the Spirit’s arrival, 97 “universe,” 343 “unknown god” cults of, 342n102 different construals of, 343n103 Unleavened Bread, Feast of, 91n43, 248, 387, 389n288, 393, 411, 487n14 “unreasonable,” 466 Upper Room, 76–79 Uriah the prophet, 175n250 utopianism/utopian community. See under community: utopian Vaccaei (Celtic tribe), 138n147 Valerius, Publius, 329 ventriloquism, 323 Verres, Gaius, proconsul of Sicily, 329, 329n66, 500n61 versions, 21–22 Vespasian, Emperor, 224, 227, 261 via Egnatia, 320, 320n28, 332, 335, 388–89, 506n84 via Sebaste, 264 villains, Lukan, 454 vindication, divine, 62, 202n76 viper, Paul’s deliverance from, 500–502 vision/visual imagery, 423, 475. See also blindness; sight visions, 120, 209, 232 in Acts, long list of, 196n52, 317n20, 493 angelic reassurance to Paul (storm at sea), 492–93, 505 of Cornelius in Caesarea, 225–33, 235, 241, 243 of Joel, 90 of Paul, 207, 209, 230n109, 316–17, 426, 475–76, 478, 493, 511 of Peter in Joppa, 45, 218, 225–26, 231–32, 241, 251 use of by a deity to establish a colony, 317n20 visionary language, 212 See also angels; prophetic visions; individual names, e.g., Peter: vision of

vocation, 198, 209, 217, 424 vow, Nazirite. See Nazirite vow “the Way,” 47–49, 56, 192–94, 207–8, 219, 291, 310, 360–63, 368–69, 369, 377, 415, 419–20, 422, 427, 448, 450, 452, 473 “the way of the Lord,” 362n186 the weak, helping, 400 wealth Lukan emphasis on, 68 See also monetary gain, motif of Weaver, John B., 121nn108–9, 141n150, 148n184, 248n159 Weeks, Festival of (Shavuot), 91. See also Pentecost Weinstock, Stefan, 96 “we” passages, 3, 5, 47, 317–18, 389n286, 403, 485 Wesley, John, 203 Wettstein, Joannis Jacobus, 315n10 “whitewashed wall,” 432 wholeness, 111, 125, 127, 502 wickedness/the wicked, 61, 83, 87–88, 127, 277, 323n42, 332, 435, 446n135. See also sin widows, 152–53 Wilcox, Max, 85 Wilken, Robert, 481n238 wilderness, 43, 50, 55, 63, 118, 138n148, 151, 160, 162–63, 171, 188, 266–67, 275 will of God, 63, 398, 424 the Spirit and, 67 See also under God: purpose of Wilson, J. M., 29n98 wind noisy/mighty, 89, 91–92, 102 storm at sea, 484–91, 497, 503–4 wisdom human, 399 of Solomon, 167 spirit and, 150, 154 witness, 52–55 to “all people,” 211, 221, 424 apostolic, extended, 149–77 apostolic, to the gentiles, 222–43 bearing witness (diamartyromenos), 397 bold speech and, 397 of disciples, 31–32 faithful, as major Acts theme, 52–55 Paul as, 197–98, 511 of Peter, 52 of risen Jesus, 285 Spirit as, 144 “you will be my witnesses,” 72 See also boldness

608 witnesses, 239, 270 apostles as, 71, 81, 134 importance of (Lukan emphasis), 239 patristic, 22–23 two, 75 See also eyewitnesses witnesses, false. See false witnesses wolves, 399 women at the crucifixion, 270 “devout women of high standing,” 282 gathering in Jerusalem, 76–79 “many other women,” 78 role of, 331–32, 336 wonders, 66. See also signs and wonders word of God, 153, 281. See also gospel work (missionary work), 259 works, unjust, 87 world, 447 God’s mission to, 95 “ordered,” 343 See also under nations: table of; universality worship, 265n32, 307, 346, 448–50, 472 “falling at [someone’s] feet,” 234 illegal, 353–54 religious fidelity, 450 “To the unknown God,” 341–44 worship, pagan/of false gods, 55, 63, 170–72, 284, 289, 302, 338n82, 378–79 See also idolatry worship of God, 54–55, 64, 229–30, 318–21, 338, 348, 367, 470, 501 gentiles and, 237, 338 “Greek worshipers,” 331, 333

Index of Subjects and Authors religious fidelity, 450 true, 342 “worship me in this place,” 160, 162–63 worship service, 258–59 Xanthus River, 404n5 Xenophon of Athens, 282n74 Xenophon of Ephesus, 383, 497, 504n72 Yavneh, 223 YHWH. See God (YHWH) yoke, 298 Jewish metaphor, 298n6 Yoma (mishnaic tractate), 487n13 Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), 487 Zahn, Theodor, 29n98 zealots/Zealots, 421 Zechariah (father of John the Baptist), 90, 170n236, 171 Zechariah (prophet)/book of Zechariah, 175n250, 177, 301n12 Zeno, 339, 345 Zerubbabel, 436 Zeus, 48, 122, 343n105, 344n117, 345nn120, 123–24; 346, 359, 381, 385, 393, 477 Barnabas called, 286–89 depictions with Hermes/Mercury, 287n90 “sons of,” 503–4 vegetation deity, 289n94 Zeus-Lycaon legend, 288n91 Zipporah, 169 zodiac, 96–98, 381. See also astrology zōē aiōnios (eternal life), 280

The New Testament Library

“Based on a lifetime of reading Acts and texts from both the Jewish and GrecoRoman worlds, Carl Holladay has produced a commentary on both Acts and the world in which it was set. This is erudition devoted to a contemporary reader. It is historical-critical scholarship at its very best. I highly recommend it to all who take the text seriously.”

MATTHEW. BY R. ALAN CULPEPPER, MCAFEE SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY, MERCER UNIVERSITY MARK. BY M. EUGENE BORING, BRITE DIVINITY SCHOOL, TEXAS CHRISTIAN UNIVERSITY LUKE. BY JOHN T. CARROLL, UNION PRESBYTERIAN SEMINARY JOHN. BY MARIANNE MEYE THOMPSON, FULLER THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ACTS. BY CARL R. HOLLADAY, CANDLER SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY, EMORY UNIVERSITY ROMANS. BY BEVERLY ROBERTS GAVENTA, BAYLOR UNIVERSITY I CORINTHIANS. BY ALEXANDRA R. BROWN, WASHINGTON & LEE UNIVERSITY II CORINTHIANS. BY FRANK J. MATERA, THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA GALATIANS. BY MARTINUS C. DE BOER, VU UNIVERSITY AMSTERDAM EPHESIANS. BY STEPHEN E. FOWL, LOYOLA UNIVERSITY MARYLAND PHILIPPIANS AND PHILEMON. BY CHARLES B. COUSAR, COLUMBIA THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY COLOSSIANS. BY JERRY L. SUMNEY, LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY I & II THESSALONIANS. BY M. EUGENE BORING, BRITE DIVINITY SCHOOL, TEXAS CHRISTIAN UNIVERSITY

Acts

CLASSICS HISTORY AND THEOLOGY IN THE FOURTH GOSPEL. BY J. LOUIS MARTYN, UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK

IMAGES OF THE CHURCH IN THE NEW TESTAMENT. BY PAUL S. MINEAR, YALE DIVINITY SCHOOL

UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA, CHAPEL HILL

CARL R. HOLLADAY is Charles Howard Candler Professor of New Testament at Candler School of Theology, Emory University. He is the author of several books and coauthor of Biblical Exegesis: A Beginner’s Handbook. He is the 2016 President of the Society of New Testament Studies.

Carl R. Holladay

I & II TIMOTHY AND TITUS. BY RAYMOND F. COLLINS, THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA HEBREWS. BY LUKE TIMOTHY JOHNSON, CANDLER SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY, EMORY UNIVERSITY JAMES. BY JOEL B. GREEN, FULLER THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY I & II PETER AND JUDE. BY LEWIS R. DONELSON, AUSTIN PRESBYTERIAN THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY I, II, & III JOHN. BY JUDITH M. LIEU, UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE REVELATION. BY BRIAN K. BLOUNT, UNION PRESBYTERIAN SEMINARY

PAUL AND THE ANATOMY OF APOSTOLIC AUTHORITY. BY JOHN HOWARD SCHÜTZ, THEOLOGY AND ETHICS IN PAUL. BY VICTOR PAUL FURNISH, PERKINS SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY, SOUTHERN METHODIST UNIVERSITY

THE WORD IN THIS WORLD: ESSAYS IN NEW TESTAMENT EXEGESIS AND THEOLOGY. BY PAUL W. MEYER, PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

GENERAL STUDIES THE LAW AND THE PROPHETS BEAR WITNESS: THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE NEW. BY J. ROSS WAGNER, PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

NEW TESTAMENT BACKGROUNDS. BY CARL R. HOLLADAY, CANDLER SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY,

A COMMENTARY

www.wjkbooks.com

Ë|xHSKGQEy2 1 95zv*:+!:+!

“Professor Holladay’s reputation for precision while simultaneously entertaining his audiences with spellbinding episodes from the past continues unabated in his magnificent retelling of Luke’s account of the continuation of the life-transforming events of Jesus, Lord and Christ, into the movement of his apostles from the center of Jewish faith in Jerusalem to the vortex of the nations in Rome. In his own inimitable way, Carl Holladay combines accuracy of description in summoning events and personages and cultural-classical texts critical to Luke’s telling, while at the same time extracting with magnetic-like force their importance in the much larger theologicalmissional intent of Luke’s interactive narrative arc. As a highly skilled historian, Holladay enables the lasting significance of Luke’s kerygmatic message to present itself from within the historical-literary-cultural contexts that he highlights so well. His new telling will soon become the commentary of choice for scholars of antiquity and people of faith.” —DAVID P. MOESSNER, A. A. Bradford Chair of Religion, Texas Christian University

EMORY UNIVERSITY

ISBN-13: 978-0-664-22119-5

Acts A Commentary

A Commentary by CARL R. HOLLADAY

—GREGORY E. STERLING, The Reverend Henry L. Slack Dean and Lillian Claus Professor of New Testament, Yale Divinity School

The New Testament Library

COMMENTARY SERIES

ACTS

. . . offers authoritative commentary on every book and major aspect of the New Testament, providing fresh translations based on the best available ancient manuscripts, critical portrayals of the historical world in which the books were created, careful attention to their literary design, and a theologically perceptive exposition of the biblical text. The editorial board consists of C. Clifton Black, Princeton Theological Seminary; M. Eugene Boring, Brite Divinity School; and John T. Carroll, Union Presbyterian Seminary.

The New Testament Library

The New Testament Library

CARL R. HOLLADAY