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 2019043977, 2019043978, 9781799827832, 9781799827849, 9781799827856

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Accessibility and Diversity in the 21st Century University Gary A. Berg California State University Channel Islands (Retired), USA

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Linda Venis UCLA (Retired), USA

A volume in the Advances in Higher Education and Professional Development (AHEPD) Book Series

Published in the United States of America by IGI Global Information Science Reference (an imprint of IGI Global) 701 E. Chocolate Avenue Hershey PA, USA 17033 Tel: 717-533-8845 Fax: 717-533-8661 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.igi-global.com Copyright © 2020 by IGI Global. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or distributed in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, without written permission from the publisher. Product or company names used in this set are for identification purposes only. Inclusion of the names of the products or companies does not indicate a claim of ownership by IGI Global of the trademark or registered trademark. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Berg, Gary A., 1955- editor. | Venis, Linda, editor. Title: Accessibility and diversity in the 21st century university / Gary A. Berg and Linda Venis, editors. Description: Hershey, PA : Information Science Reference, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: “This book examines current trends in higher education in relationship to the issues of accessibility and diversity”-- Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2019043977 (print) | LCCN 2019043978 (ebook) | ISBN 9781799827832 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781799827849 (paperback) | ISBN 9781799827856 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Minority college students--United States. | Nontraditional college students--United States. | Education, Higher--Social aspects--United States. Classification: LCC LC3727 .A33 2020 (print) | LCC LC3727 (ebook) | DDC 378.1/982--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019043977 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019043978 This book is published in the IGI Global book series Advances in Higher Education and Professional Development (AHEPD) (ISSN: 2327-6983; eISSN: 2327-6991) British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. All work contributed to this book is new, previously-unpublished material. The views expressed in this book are those of the Copyright © 2020. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

authors, but not necessarily of the publisher. For electronic access to this publication, please contact: [email protected].

Advances in Higher Education and Professional Development (AHEPD) Book Series Jared Keengwe University of North Dakota, USA

ISSN:2327-6983 EISSN:2327-6991 Mission As world economies continue to shift and change in response to global financial situations, job markets have begun to demand a more highly-skilled workforce. In many industries a college degree is the minimum requirement and further educational development is expected to advance. With these current trends in mind, the Advances in Higher Education & Professional Development (AHEPD) Book Series provides an outlet for researchers and academics to publish their research in these areas and to distribute these works to practitioners and other researchers. AHEPD encompasses all research dealing with higher education pedagogy, development, and curriculum design, as well as all areas of professional development, regardless of focus.

Coverage

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• Adult Education • Assessment in Higher Education • Career Training • Coaching and Mentoring • Continuing Professional Development • Governance in Higher Education • Higher Education Policy • Pedagogy of Teaching Higher Education • Vocational Education

IGI Global is currently accepting manuscripts for publication within this series. To submit a proposal for a volume in this series, please contact our Acquisition Editors at [email protected] or visit: http://www.igi-global.com/publish/.

The Advances in Higher Education and Professional Development (AHEPD) Book Series (ISSN 2327-6983) is published by IGI Global, 701 E. Chocolate Avenue, Hershey, PA 17033-1240, USA, www.igi-global.com. This series is composed of titles available for purchase individually; each title is edited to be contextually exclusive from any other title within the series. For pricing and ordering information please visit http://www.igi-global.com/book-series/advances-higher-education-professional-development/73681. Postmaster: Send all address changes to above address. Copyright © 2020 IGI Global. All rights, including translation in other languages reserved by the publisher. No part of this series may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means – graphics, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, or information and retrieval systems – without written permission from the publisher, except for non commercial, educational use, including classroom teaching purposes. The views expressed in this series are those of the authors, but not necessarily of IGI Global.

Titles in this Series

For a list of additional titles in this series, please visit:

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Practice-Based Professional Development in Education Crystal Loose (West Chester University, USA) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 200pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799846222) • US $165.00 Handbook of Research on Ethical Challenges in Higher Education Leadership and Administration Victor Wang (Liberty University, USA) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 466pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799841418) • US $255.00 Handbook of Research on Enhancing Innovation in Higher Education Institutions Verica Babić (University of Kragujevac, Serbia) and Zlatko Nedelko (University of Maribor, Slovenia) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 695pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799827085) • US $255.00 Enhancing Learning Design for Innovative Teaching in Higher Education Sophia Palahicky (Royal Roads University, Canada) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 400pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799829430) • US $195.00 Engineering Education Trends in the Digital Era Şeyda SerdarAsan (Istanbul Technical University, Turkey) and Erkan Işıklı (Istanbul Technical University, Turkey) Engineering Science Reference • © 2020 • 302pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799825623) • US $215.00 Teacher Training for English-Medium Instruction in Higher Education Maria del Mar Sánchez-Pérez (University of Almeria, Spain) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 447pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799823186) • US $200.00 Handbook of Research on Adult Learning in Higher Education Mabel C.P.O. Okojie (Mississippi State University, USA) and Tinukwa C. Boulder (University of Pittsburgh, USA) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 756pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799813064) • US $245.00

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Preparing Students for Community-Engaged Scholarship in Higher Education Aaron Samuel Zimmerman (Texas Tech University, USA) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 465pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799822080) • US $195.00

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List of Reviewers

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Celeste Atkins, University of Arizona, USA Sumitra Balakrishnan, Xavier Institute of Management, India Lenis Colton Brown, University of Phoenix, USA Nate Bryant, Salem State University, USA Carlene Buchanan, EduPro Learning Center, LLC, USA Maggie Dominguez, University of Phoenix, USA Lesley Anne Evans, Midwest Regional Educational Service Center, USA Miriam L. Frolow, University of Phoenix, USA Unnatti Jain, Walden University, USA Christy Kuehn, University of Pittsburgh, USA Kristina K. McGaha, University of Phoenix, USA Lynne Orr, Walden University, USA Raquel Sapeg, Independent Researcher, USA Tricia Stewart, Western Connecticut State University, USA Sheila Thomas, California State University Chancellor’s Office, USA Robin Throne, Independent Researcher, USA Stacey A. Williams-Watson, Central Connecticut State University, USA



Table of Contents

Preface.................................................................................................................................................. xiv Acknowledgment................................................................................................................................ xxii Chapter 1 Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University: A Literature Review............................................ 1 Gary A. Berg, California State University Channel Islands (Retired), USA Chapter 2 DACA-Mexico Origin Students in the United States-Mexican Borderlands: Persistence, Belonging, and College Climate............................................................................................................ 20 Maggie Dominguez, University of Phoenix, USA Miriam L. Frolow, University of Phoenix, USA Chapter 3 A Dream Realized: Helping Low-Income Students Succeed in College............................................... 46 Nate Bryant, Salem State University, USA

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Chapter 4 College-Going and College-Staying Capital: Supporting Underrepresented Minority Students at Predominantly White Institutions.......................................................................................................... 68 Christy Kuehn, University of Pittsburgh, USA Chapter 5 A Critical Review of Gender Parity and Voice Dispossession Among Executive Women in Higher Education Leadership............................................................................................................................ 99 Tricia Stewart, Western Connecticut State University, USA Robin Throne, Colorado Technical University, USA Lesley Anne Evans, Midwest Regional Educational Service Center, USA Chapter 6 Underrepresentation of Latina Faculty in Academia........................................................................... 115 Raquel Sapeg, Independent Researcher, USA

 



Chapter 7 Teaching Up: Female Sociologists Teaching About Privilege............................................................. 140 Celeste Atkins, University of Arizona, USA & Cochise College, USA Chapter 8 Retirement or Return to School? Developing a Decision Model Based on Perspectives From Baby Boomers............................................................................................................................................... 157 Kristina K. McGaha, University of Phoenix, USA Unnatti Jain, Walden University, USA Chapter 9 Contemporary Peer Mentoring in Higher Education........................................................................... 177 Lenis Colton Brown, University of Phoenix, USA Chapter 10 Minority STEM Students’ Perspectives on Their Persistence in College............................................ 198 Stacey A. Williams-Watson, Central Connecticut State University, USA Chapter 11 Accessibility, Self-Advocacy, and Self-Efcacy of Students With Disabilities in the 21st Century University............................................................................................................................................. 218 Lynne Orr, Walden University, USA Pamela Brillante, William Paterson University, USA Linda Weekley, Walden University, USA Chapter 12 Women in Higher Education Administration Leadership and the Role of Institutional Support........ 234 Sheila Thomas, California State University Chancellor’s Ofce, USA Chapter 13 The Adult Learner in Higher Education: A Critical Review of Theories and Applications................ 250 Sumitra Balakrishnan, Xavier Institute of Management, Bhubaneswar (XIMB), Xavier University Bhubaneswar, India

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Chapter 14 Non-Traditional Students in Higher Education: Barriers and Strategies for Self-Directed  Learning............................................................................................................................................... 264 Carlene Buchanan, EduPro Learning Center, LLC, USA Compilation of References................................................................................................................ 280 About the Contributors..................................................................................................................... 324 Index.................................................................................................................................................... 329

Detailed Table of Contents

Preface.................................................................................................................................................. xiv Acknowledgment................................................................................................................................ xxii Chapter 1 Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University: A Literature Review............................................ 1 Gary A. Berg, California State University Channel Islands (Retired), USA This chapter provides an overview of the extensive, yet dispersed, research literature on what is variously termed access, equity, or diversity in higher education. The initial scholarly works on the history of higher education, which touch directly and indirectly on gender, race, and class, are discussed. Research, often conducted by governmental and professional organizations, and which provides data on participation rates of students, faculty, and university leadership, is examined. Academic felds and linked scholarship on gender and ethnic studies are summarized. The chapter also presents public policy milestones and documentation as well as the larger international political context. Finally, the author considers signifcant gaps in the current research, especially focusing on the complexity of the intersection of gender, race, and class in contemporary society.

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Chapter 2 DACA-Mexico Origin Students in the United States-Mexican Borderlands: Persistence, Belonging, and College Climate............................................................................................................ 20 Maggie Dominguez, University of Phoenix, USA Miriam L. Frolow, University of Phoenix, USA The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) Program enabled more than 700,000 undocumented youth and young adults since 2012 the chance to have a lawful presence in the United States for a 2-year renewable period. With DACA status, college students could have access to fnancial aid and possibly instate tuition, as well as opportunities to work legally. A correlational study was conducted in 2016-2017 with 30 DACA college students of Mexican Origin who were residing in California, Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico. They completed an anonymous online survey about their intent to persist to degree completion, their views on the college climate for diversity, and their sense of belonging on campus. The results of the study confrm the need for higher education faculty and staf to provide services and resources and to build trust with this vulnerable student population.

 



Chapter 3 A Dream Realized: Helping Low-Income Students Succeed in College............................................... 46 Nate Bryant, Salem State University, USA This chapter presents the characteristics and challenges that low-income students face culturally, socially, and academically, and identifes services that have a positive impact on their retention. Low-income students are defned as students whose total family income is below $50,000 a year. While higher education institutions boast about the increase in low-income students enrolling in college, the data show that the retention of these students is not as praiseworthy. Colleges and universities have not been nimble in meeting students where they are academically. Rather, they expect students to navigate the institutional structures and cultures that pre-date the changing demographics of higher education. Recognizing the characteristics of low-income students in relation to education, and understanding the challenges they face, will be helpful to higher education institutions as they create programs to meet the needs of this most vulnerable population. Chapter 4 College-Going and College-Staying Capital: Supporting Underrepresented Minority Students at Predominantly White Institutions.......................................................................................................... 68 Christy Kuehn, University of Pittsburgh, USA When underrepresented minority (URM) students from high-poverty, high-minority K-12 schools enter college, they often encounter academic, fnancial, and cultural obstacles in addition to experiencing discriminatory events. This chapter, focusing on the narratives of fve URM students, explores the relationships, experiences, and strategies that enabled college-going capital, in addition to the relationships, experiences, strategies, and policies that created college-staying capital for these students at predominantly white institutions (PWI). Utilizing research and the students’ experiential knowledge, recommendations are made that supportive teachers, dual enrollment courses, and scholarship programs enable URM students to overcome obstacles upon entering college. Once in college, overcoming cultural diferences and discriminatory occurrences was most aided by strong student communities (in the form of Black Student Unions, multicultural clubs, and supportive friendships) and confdence in their racial identity.

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Chapter 5 A Critical Review of Gender Parity and Voice Dispossession Among Executive Women in Higher Education Leadership............................................................................................................................ 99 Tricia Stewart, Western Connecticut State University, USA Robin Throne, Colorado Technical University, USA Lesley Anne Evans, Midwest Regional Educational Service Center, USA Postsecondary organizational statistics show women remain limited and underrepresented within presidential and provost appointments, and progress has slowed into the 21st century. This chapter presents a critical review of the current scholarship of gender parity among higher education executive leadership specifcally for a construct of voice dispossession. In past work, the authors have discussed how voice dispossession occurs among a dominant past culture and imbalanced power domains amid hierarchical structures for evolving organizational cultures as women often adopt a fltered voice or make attributional accommodations amidst challenges within these power and gendered organizational structures. This chapter extends the conversation by examining this focus within the larger body of research into women



in higher education executive leadership to reveal limits of access and career success. While these power domains have historically been predominant across North America, parallels exist among other continents. Chapter 6 Underrepresentation of Latina Faculty in Academia........................................................................... 115 Raquel Sapeg, Independent Researcher, USA This chapter explores the contributing factors of the underrepresentation of Latina faculty in tenured positions in one higher education institution through a qualitative case study. The narratives from eight tenured Latina faculty in one state public four-year university in the southeast area of the United States were analyzed to identify barriers or supports these minority faculty experienced while working to achieve tenure. Five main themes emerged from the analysis: organizational exclusionary practices, white male-oriented culture where resources are used to beneft white males, demoralizing microaggressions from white faculty, the university leadership’s lack of action and accountability to address diversity and inclusion challenges, and the lack of support networks and mentoring. This chapter addresses various reasons higher educational institutions need to remove barriers that negatively afect recruitment and retention of Latina faculty and provides recommendations to academic leaders to implement and hold everyone accountable to an inclusive academic environment. Chapter 7 Teaching Up: Female Sociologists Teaching About Privilege............................................................. 140 Celeste Atkins, University of Arizona, USA & Cochise College, USA

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In the current political climate, racial, gender, and sexual diferences are controversial topics, particularly on college campuses. This illuminates the need for increased focus on these issues in college classes. Although the literature on teaching about privilege is small, it is dominated by the voices of White faculty and almost completely focuses on racial issues. Marginalized faculty are rarely heard in this literature for our intersectional understanding of teaching about oppression and inequality. This chapter explores how female faculty (who also identify as working-class, queer, or as racial minorities) experience teaching about privilege. It builds an understanding of issues surrounding teaching about inequity from an intersectional perspective and moves the focus beyond tenure-track faculty. It expands an understanding of the experiences of faculty within the classroom and provides ways to support marginalized faculty in their teaching. Although the faculty interviewed here are sociologists, there are broad implications for teaching across disciplines. Chapter 8 Retirement or Return to School? Developing a Decision Model Based on Perspectives From Baby Boomers............................................................................................................................................... 157 Kristina K. McGaha, University of Phoenix, USA Unnatti Jain, Walden University, USA This chapter highlights environmental trends in the socioeconomic climate and in higher education, focusing specifcally on the Baby Boomer demographic. It demonstrates how older students remain underserved in research, and develops a compelling case for further research to be conducted focused on non-traditional aged students (namely, the Baby Boomers). These claims are supported by the analysis of survey data, which contributed to the development of a decision model about factors which infuence Baby Boomers’ decisions to return to school. There is discussion of what decision-making alternatives



exist when selecting traditional or online delivery of education. Framed with decision-making research from the felds of psychology, anthropology, and pedagogy, this study draws links to contemporary decision-making theory. The decision model and discussions in this chapter address the knowledge gap in the literature about non-traditional aged students and provides key insights towards attracting and enrolling students from this cohort. Chapter 9 Contemporary Peer Mentoring in Higher Education........................................................................... 177 Lenis Colton Brown, University of Phoenix, USA This literature review illuminates how contemporary peer mentoring practices typically function within collegiate settings and delineates strategies for further developing and professionalizing the services they provide. Peer mentoring ofers many advantages to the university, including the ability meet the needs of an increasingly diverse study body, which encompasses an array of ages, ethnicities, countries of origin, backgrounds, and abilities; the ability to draw from a large pool of student talent at a relatively low cost; and the improvement of retention rates by helping students navigate and succeed in their new environment. Topics include the main service models of peer mentoring; a consideration of what motivates university leadership, faculty, staf, mentors, and mentees to support peer mentoring programs; and the strategies required to ensure successful recruitment, training, deployment, supervision, and evaluation of peer mentors and the programs they serve. Suggestions for future research are provided. Chapter 10 Minority STEM Students’ Perspectives on Their Persistence in College............................................ 198 Stacey A. Williams-Watson, Central Connecticut State University, USA

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The United States needs to increase the number of science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) graduates to remain competitive in the global market and maintain national security. Minority students, specifcally African American and Hispanic, are underrepresented in STEM felds. As the minority population continues to grow, it is essential that higher education institutions improve minority students’ persistence in STEM education. This chapter addresses existing research focused on student retention and obstacles and barriers related to minority students. However, there is little evidence that researches have actually addressed the issue by uncovering the minority students’ perspectives. Consequently, the aim of this chapter is to provide a window into the minority student’s persistence in STEM programs through a theoretical framework of student retention and the students’ experiences. Chapter 11 Accessibility, Self-Advocacy, and Self-Efcacy of Students With Disabilities in the 21st Century University............................................................................................................................................. 218 Lynne Orr, Walden University, USA Pamela Brillante, William Paterson University, USA Linda Weekley, Walden University, USA Few studies have addressed the challenging transition that occurs when students with disabilities graduate from the K-12 system and enter the world of higher education. Once in college, students with disabilities no longer have, among other federally-mandated supports, a child-study team to represent them, and thus must develop strong self-advocacy and self-efcacy skills in order to receive the accommodations and modifcations they need to succeed academically. This chapter discusses the issues facing students with



disabilities during this transition, details the services and support ofered by colleges to guide students with disabilities, and shares recommended best practices for instructional strategies higher education can employ to ensure that these students fourish in the classroom and as self-assured, independent adults in society. Chapter 12 Women in Higher Education Administration Leadership and the Role of Institutional Support........ 234 Sheila Thomas, California State University Chancellor’s Ofce, USA Studies show women are underrepresented in higher education leadership. Nonetheless, women leaders achieve success when they receive strong institutional support. Mentors and coaches, both men and women, have the most impact on women’s success, while other institutional aids include fnancial assistance, leadership support, and open institutional culture. Women who advance in their careers tend to remain at their institution. At the same time, lack of institutional support, family and work conficts, and limited career advancement opportunities continue to pose barriers as women seek positions in the upper echelons of academic administration. Thus, there is a need for strong, consistent institutional support to improve and accelerate women’s progress. Institutions that implement change in an inclusive, adaptable, and fexible manner can build a supportive infrastructure that benefts everyone. Women who prepare academically and professionally and contribute to the scholarly literature will help shape the future of higher education. Chapter 13 The Adult Learner in Higher Education: A Critical Review of Theories and Applications................ 250 Sumitra Balakrishnan, Xavier Institute of Management, Bhubaneswar (XIMB), Xavier University Bhubaneswar, India

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Researchers and practitioners have come to understand adult learners as unique and diferent from child learners, and have developed diferent theoretical approaches, methodologies, and strategies attuned to their educational needs and life circumstances. This chapter examines the factors that impact the efectiveness of adult learning programs and classroom environments by using perspectives of education theorists. The needs of the adult learner, advantages of teaching adults, and principles that can be followed are explored with the help of Knowles’ andragogy model. The importance of the classroom’s eco-behavioral features—their physical and emotional environments—along with other factors that efectively facilitate the process of adult education are discussed. In this context, an adaptation of Astin’s I-E-O’s model is proposed to deepen the understanding of adult learning programs. Chapter 14 Non-Traditional Students in Higher Education: Barriers and Strategies for Self-Directed  Learning............................................................................................................................................... 264 Carlene Buchanan, EduPro Learning Center, LLC, USA The purpose of this qualitative study is to investigate the barriers that non-traditional students (defned as over 40) face in self-directing their own learning and the strategies they develop to succeed. First established are the main elements that defne non-traditional students, and the critical role that selfdirected learning plays in their complicated educational journey towards degree attainment. The author then analyzes frsthand accounts and triangulates the fndings with seminal research, which confrm that institutional, situational, and dispositional barriers in higher education pose serious difculties



to non-traditional students. Among the strategies for self-directing their learning in order to mitigate barriers and achieve success are setting attainable goals, seeking support, staying informed, remaining positive and focused when challenged, and planning. The chapter concludes with recommendations for higher education administrators regarding policies and procedures relative to non-traditional students and diversity in 21st-century education. Compilation of References................................................................................................................ 280 About the Contributors..................................................................................................................... 324

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Index.................................................................................................................................................... 329

xiv

Preface

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INTRODUCTION This collection brings together the latest thinking on issues concerning the emerging 21st century university which is characterized by an increasingly varied and diverse student and faculty population, and stakeholder pressures to meet evolving social needs. Recognizing the difficulty of trying to make overall pronouncements about the current environment, this collection delves into specific issues and phenomenon which collectively give the reader a sense of the direction towards which the new 21st century university is headed. There are rapid and significant changes occurring in 21st century universities. In addition to transitions in the ethnic and socio-economic composition of institutions, women are outperforming men generally in college attendance and academic achievement. This is not just an American phenomenon. Since 1990, according to the United Nations the global participation of women has increased at a faster rate than that of men, resulting in the tertiary enrollment ratios to reach parity in the year 2000. We can celebrate the distance we’ve come nationally and internationally in opening broader access to higher education for women, low-income, ethnic minority groups, and special needs students. Yet challenges remain, ones that are different than those apparent from the past. For universities the test for the future is to make changes needed throughout the university, and overall campus culture, to better serve the new majority of diverse students. This book collection is an attempt to help meet that need by presenting current research into trends to provide broader educational access. Both academic and popular interest in the subject of educational access in American society is blossoming. Attending college is not a singular experience, but a remarkably varied one depending on who you are, where you come from, and what university you attend. Universities change society incrementally through their human and intellectual products, but a more direct influence might come about from an improved appreciation of the specific challenges the new very diverse college student population brings. What is taught, the way it is taught, and the overall university culture might be better structured to accommodate students in the 21-century university. In scanning the field from a global viewpoint, a pattern in the term “diversity” is often used in regard to affirmative action and public policy issues, while the term “equity” is employed more broadly to analyze the distribution of different student groups in higher education. In many parts of the world, the term “diversity” is frequently used with regard to variety among the programs or services provided by academic institutions, and differences among the types of institutions themselves rather than social multiplicity.  

Preface

In the late sixties, universities in America began to develop academic disciplines which focused on traditionally underrepresented groups. Efforts at new course development were inspired both by the Civil Rights Movement and the model of Black Studies, which then influenced the development of Chicano Studies and Women’s Studies. In more recent years, Gender Studies as a subject surpassed the other traditional academic areas of study in frequency of publication. In terms of specific research topics, a key area of research on diversity in higher education centers on patterns and trends in enrollment. Additionally, the gender and ethnic diversity of faculty members, staff, and university administration has been a regular topic in research because of the understanding of the need to encourage role models. One important aspect of the literature on diversity centers on American federal and state public policy. Strategies and best practices for encouraging campus diversity is another area in the research literature. Some of the research considers best practices in regard to teaching-learning and curriculum, as well as administrative practices designed to influence positively student success. A growing area of scholarship focuses on serving students with disabilities. In 2020, the research on equity and diversity in higher education can be viewed as maturing as both social-political contexts and universities evolve. One important emerging area of research is in regard to what some have termed “intersectionality,” a perspective that considers the complexity of human identity. Rather than thinking about students as one constant group, this perspective argues that it is important to appreciate the intersection of race, socio-economic status, gender, and age. Academic book publications on diversity, multiculturalism, and educational access have been very popular and are extensively used in college education, sociology, and psychology programs. Titles similar to the current volume include Diversity’s Promise for Higher Education: Making It Work by Daryl G. Smith, and Diversity in American Higher Education: Toward a More Comprehensive Approach by Lisa M. Stulberg and Sharon Lawner Weinberg. Academic publications which discuss the broader topic of educational access include Understanding Mass Higher Education: Comparative Perspectives on Access, edited by David Palfreyman and Ted Tapper, and Access, Participation and Higher Education Policy and Practice edited by Annette Hayton and Anna Paczuska. IGI Global previous publications that take up similar subject matter include Diversity, Equity, and Inclusivity in Contemporary Higher Education by Rhonda Jeffries, and Promoting Ethnic Diversity and Multiculturalism in Higher Education by Barbara Blummer, Jeffrey M. Kenton, and Michael Wiatrowski. Popular trade publications on access and education in a comparable vein to this book include Peter Sacks’ Tearing Down the Gates: Confronting the Class Divide in American Education, Race Matters by Cornel West, and The New Class Society: Goodbye American Dream? by Robert Perrucci.

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ORGANIZATION OF THE BOOK In the spirit of the title of this collection and the 20 contributors whose wide-ranging scholarship, points of view, and methodologies comprise it, Accessibility and Diversity in the 21st Century University captures the challenges that contemporary higher education face and the opportunities to improve, refine, and sometimes remake it. The major through-line is intersectionality: how overlapping social identities of race/ethnicity, gender, age, class, and abilities create inequities of academic and professional attainment for students, faculty, and administrators. The wide-ranging strategies and solutions proposed here are a clarion call for universities and colleges to address and rectify systemic and cultural barriers, and make way for an inclusive environment reflective of their 21st century stakeholders. xv

Preface

The overall focus and organization of the book embody the centrality of intersectionality and the role of the university’s institutional structure, which includes factors such as size, mission, student-faculty ratio, and diversity, as well as its institutional culture of hierarchies, values, and patterns of behavior. The first chapter sets the stage for examining the contemporary university, followed by a series of research studies, literature reviews, case studies, and counter-stories that offers a multi-layered conceptual and experiential lens through which to view the topic, and from which major patterns and themes emerge. There are deep dives into fields for which there is a paucity of research, including Latina faculty, women in executive leadership, Baby Boomers returning to college, and students with disabilities transitioning from K-12 into higher education. Woven through-out the collection are narratives from non-dominant culture students and faculty which deepen and personalize the research. Voices not often heard in the literature come to life: underrepresented minority students at predominantly white institutions who regularly grapple with discriminatory comments, images, and social exclusion; female sociology professors with a range of marginalized identities who are teaching about privilege; minority STEM students whose self-motivation is the prime driver of their success; and non-traditional age students attempting to self-direct their own learning.

Common Patterns and Themes Two broad sets of patterns and themes define this collection: a combination of daunting barriers to accessibility and diversity, and a combination of institutional and personal solutions and strategies to overcome them.

Barriers to Accessibility and Diversity

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Academic Barriers and Family Dynamics Low-income minority students encounter academic hurtles long before they apply to college, as Nate Bryant in “A Dream Realized: Helping Low-Income Students Succeed in College” explains. Compared to their mid-and upper-class peers, the poorest get the least: less rigorous course loads, lower GPAs, lower rates of taking SATs, inadequate counselling, and a dearth of personal and familial institutional, social, and cultural capital. Bryant emphasizes the extra challenges low-income students encounter when adjusting to college. Not only do they enter a new world of increased academic rigor and autonomy, but they must navigate a social and cultural environment different from the one in which they grew up. Christy Kuehn in “College-Going and College-Staying Capital: Supporting Underrepresented Minority Students at Predominantly White Institutions” further points out that K-12 inner-city public schools are most likely to have underqualified teachers in math and science classrooms, use antiquated technology, teach using archaic curricula, and have less state funding per student. College enrollment and graduation statistics of students from high-poverty, high-minority neighborhoods whose populations include predominantly Black, Latino, and Native Americans underscore these disparities. Kuehn notes that if the current gap between the enrollment rates persists, by 2041 60% of white students between 25-34 years old will earn a college degree, while Black, Latino, and Native American students will lag behind until 2060. In “Minority STEM Students’ Perspectives on Their Persistence in College,” Stacey A. WatsonWilliams exposes one dramatic consequence of these statistics. Higher education in the United States must produce more Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (STEM) graduates who can compete xvi

Preface

in the global marketplace, and yet has not adequately addressed the lack of minority students enrolled in these programs. Watson-Williams establishes the disproportionate rate at which minorities drop out of STEM programs—they are 24% less likely to earn their STEM degrees compared to their white peers--and highlights the array of obstacles they face, including being stereotyped as affirmative action recipients and encountering a shortfall of role models and financial support. An attendant theme is the significant role that family dynamics plays in students’ access and persistence in higher education. While low-income minority parents support higher education for their children, their own frequent lack of college experience makes it difficult to assist in the college application process and to guide institution selection based on the student’s interests and goals rather than more immediate factors such as geographical location and perceived cost. Once in college, these students typically have work and family obligations which make it difficult for them to devote full attention to their studies, let alone immerse themselves in campus life, which adversely affects their ability to stay in and graduate from college. At the same time, the positive impact of family encouragement and a strong value system-specifically relating to being a minority—is seen as a powerful motivator.

Barriers of Discriminatory Practices

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Discrimination and stereotyping still permeate higher education culture--sometimes clearly rooted in identifiable domains of power within academic disciplines, hierarchies, and structures, other times bubbling up less detectably and often internalized by those to whom the discrimination is directed. Maggie Dominguez and Miriam L. Frolow explore this topic in “DACA-Mexico Origin Students in the United States-Mexican Borderlands: Persistence, Belonging, and College Climate,” the urgency of which has intensified with heightened anti-immigrant sentiments. With their legal status currently in limbo, DACA students report their academic engagement and opportunities undermined by the social stigma associated with their undocumented status, compounded by emotional and mental health issues caused by the ambiguity of their futures. Understanding the correlational relationship between these two sets of barriers and DACA students’ persistence to degree completion is a critical responsibility for higher education administration. Moreover, discrimination is institutionalized in the ways that research is prioritized, recognized, and rewarded, notes Raquel Sapeg in “Underrepresentation of Latina Faculty in Academia.” Scholarship published by Latinas tends to be discounted or dismissed, which intensifies their feelings of marginalization. A major effect of the devaluation of academic work that does not fall within the parameters of the authoritative norm is less chance of publication in prestigious journals, and ultimately less chance of tenure. Given the 2019 U.S. Department of Education report that only 1% of professorships are held by Latina faculty, the implications for higher education’s need to address institutional causes of its lack of diversity is clear.

Barriers of Gender While women now exceed men in earning undergraduate and advanced degrees in higher education, Sheila Thomas in “Women in Higher Education Administration Leadership and the Role of Institutional Support” points out the consistent gender inequity in high-level executive university positions, and cites the American Council on Education statistic that only 30% of women are presidents. Thomas states that women who aspire to leadership roles must be particularly strategic in dealing with campus policies and xvii

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politics, which can result in feeling that they have betrayed themselves in the process of navigating maledominant institutional structure. For African American women, gender inequality in higher education leadership roles is especially severe. Discussions of gender persistently identify the root causes of the imbalance of gender and race representation as higher education’s institutional structure and culture. In “A Critical Review of Gender Parity and Voice Dispossession Among Executive Women in Higher Education Leadership,” Robin Throne, Tricia Stewart, and Lesley Anne Evans note that “gender disparity often results from intersectional oppression and inequities rather than as any singular aspect within power domains of power: interpersonal, disciplinary, cultural, and structural.” They explore how the construct of voice dispossession represented by “silence, changes in vocality, attributional accommodation by women in higher education executive leadership” becomes a self-muting strategy that may facilitate promotion and recognition, but result in silencing different points of view which are critical to shaping and leading contemporary universities. Among the many other ways this imbalance often manifests itself are salary inequities; higher teaching and service loads; lack of mentoring; challenges to authority in the classroom, especially from male students; double standards based on age, looks, and ethnicity; women with children deemed less dedicated to their careers; deficient family-friendly policies and benefits that disproportionally affect women; institutional policies such as “stop the clock” that can impede faculty women’s career trajectory; and office spatiality. Finally, a qualitative study which focuses on the experiences of sociology faculty who identify as women but who also have marginalized identities of race/ethnicity, social class, gender, and/or disability, “Teaching Up: Female Sociologists Teaching About Privilege” by Celeste Atkins offers new insights into how intersectionality may affect teaching about power, privilege, and inequality. For example, the author explores how women faculty members manage a classroom or wish to be addressed often diverge by race, and why. “For many women in this study,” Atkins says, “titles are important and necessary to combat sexism,” with Black faculty more adamant than their White colleagues to be called “Doctor,” and White faculty more concerned with not being designated by marital status.

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Barriers of Age Approximately 60% of undergraduate college students fall into the traditional 18 to 21-year-old age range, with the remaining 40% comprising a diverse, ever-increasing population of non-traditional learners. In “The Non-Traditional Student in Higher Education: Barriers and Strategies for Self-Directed Learning,” Carlene Buchanan analyzes narratives of students who are over 40 years old and whose complicated professional and personal lives require the ability to initiate and sustain their own learning. All of Buchanan’s interviewees ultimately acquired the skills they needed to succeed in their quest for a degree, but had to overcome age-related obstacles such as filling in academic gaps, dealing with a scarcity of services suited to non-traditional student needs, and confronting the prevalence of age discrimination by faculty. Baby Boomers are returning to school in unprecedented numbers, thus defying the traditional arc of retirement, as Kristina K. McGaha and Unnati Jain reveal in “Retirement or Return to School: Developing a Decision Model Based on Perspectives from Baby Boomers.” While most of the literature focuses on socio-economic motivations, Baby Boomers choose to return to school for a multitude of reasons, including the love of lifelong learning, a desire to maintain mental and emotional health, the pursuit of a new career, and fulfillment of a personal dream. The authors stress the need for universities and colleges to include Baby Boomers as they broaden enrollment efforts to address generationally-sensitive matters xviii

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like diversity and inclusivity. Moreover, they caution that a failure to recognize this cohort’s potential contributions might cause a loss of an important “market share.” Sumitra Balakrishnan in “The Adult Learner: A Critical Review of Theories and Applications” discusses how prominent research models can provide higher education with methods that can best serve adult learners, who thrive in classrooms which recognize their life experiences and desire to gain relevant knowledge through collaborative, active, and self-directed learning. Physical and emotional environments in which they interact with peers and feel supported by teachers are also key.

Barriers of Abilities While students with disabilities have federally-mandated rights in the K-12 educational system, their transition to college requires them to assume the responsibility of being self-advocates to access available campus resources, effectively communicate their requirements and needs, and develop a network of support that help them to succeed academically. In “Accessibility, Self-Advocacy, and Self-Efficiency of Students with Disabilities,” Lynne Orr, Pamela Brillante, and Linda Weekly articulate how higher education can marshal services and instructional strategies to ensure that these students flourish in the classroom and beyond. The authors also note that low-income students with disabilities are less likely to receive accommodations at four-year institutions than students whose families’ earned incomes higher than $50,000 because many do not have access to the medical health services they need to provide documentation of their disabilities.

Strategies and Solutions To address these barriers and create an inclusive environment that enriches the whole higher education community, the authors of Accessibility and Diversity in the 21st Century University articulate a variety of institutional and personal strategies and solutions.

Institutional Programs and Services

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Student Retention Programs Peer mentoring is a “thrifty, malleable, and agile” way to help non-traditional, high need, and at-risk students--whose identities and needs often overlap—says Lenis Colton Brown in “Contemporary Peer Mentoring in Higher Education.” Drawn from a large pool of student talent to assist the academically vulnerable, peer mentors also connect mentees to resources within the campus community and provide caring guidance and support. As peer mentoring programs become increasingly vital, the mandate is to further develop and professionalize their services through data-reliant and consistent recruitment, training, supervision, and evaluation practices. Indeed, as Bryant stresses, “The biggest gains of retention come from multi-layered programs.” In addition to peer mentoring, low-income students need counselling, advising, tutoring, learning communities, cohorts, financial aid counseling, financial assistance, mid-semester evaluations, early registration, and academic workshops. Such services are not only critical for academic retention and success, but engender self-confidence and identity as a member of the university community. As Dominguez and Frolow underscore, DACA students are among the most vulnerable populations on campus, so systemxix

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atically providing services and resources to build trust and nurture their sense of belonging and feeling valued is central to their persistence towards earning their degrees. Equitable Practices and Policies One important way to level the historically and persistently uneven playing field for non-dominant stakeholders is through systemically driven and enforced practices and policies. Random acts of kindness and support, while often welcomed, can actually obscure addressing root causes. Through-out the collection, authors identify the requirement of many such ground-up practices and policies, including accountability measures for university leadership to ensure inclusionary values and practices—for example, getting rid of token hires; instituting a systematic methodology to conduct salary equity review and implementation; committing more financial assistance to low-income students through scholarships and tuition remission; and enforcing policies that counter the imbalances women faculty and administrators experience due to an often inordinate share of family obligations—for example, providing flexibility in work schedules, onsite daycare, and relief from “stop the clock” in the tenure process. Training, Development, Research, Recruitment, and Recognition When higher education institutions proactively address require training and enforceable standards to educate and address faculty and staff discriminatory practices, they are putting a stake in the ground for the necessity and benefit of diverse voices at all levels. To develop and support the current and new generations of stakeholders, no stone should be left unturned. Institutionally-sponsored pipeline programs for up-and-coming women leaders; the encouragement and rewarding non-dominant culture scholarship; formal networking opportunities that dissolve barriers of race, gender, and academic discipline; faculty and administrators who are representative of student body; research on policy and performance outcomes to improve equality, academic achievement, potential, and welfare of all: these are among the many ways accessibility and diversity in the 21st century university can be realized.

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Personal Strategies: Self-Confidence and Persistence In addition to these institutional strategies, the authors repeatedly affirm that personal qualities and strategies are key factors in the success of contemporary university stakeholders. Perhaps the frequency with which personal strength and determination, often products of family support and strong intersectional identities, were mentioned comes from the fact that the collection contains a number of qualitative and narrative-centric studies. Whatever the reason, this is one of Accessibility and Diversity in the 21st Century University’s major themes. The role of self-confidence is seen through under-represented minority students in pre-dominantly white institution who don’t doubt their right to be on campus and find resilience in their own cultures; in the minority STEM student who declares that, “I never considered quitting”; in the sociology professor who urges her colleagues to remember to “be true to what you teach, who you are and how you interact with folks”; in the self-efficacy of disabled students who advocate for themselves and succeed in their academic and personal lives. Likewise, the theme of persistence emerges consistently: in non-traditional students’ zeal to achieve, to “know that I had a built-in mechanism to thrive despite everything”; in women in executive higher education positions who prepare themselves professionally and achieve their career goals with grit and authenticity; in the DACA student who, in the face of an increasingly difficult political and cultural climate, declares: xx

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But I still see hope in the future. I see the Chicano movement. I listen to MLK I have a dream, and for me that’s what inspires me every day, because I have a dream too, to walk on stage.

CONCLUSION

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One of the starting points of this collection for the editors was the recognition that there are many academics with diverse backgrounds graduating from universities with research degrees in higher education. Understandably, many of these emerging scholars chose topics which reflect on their own personal and social experiences in the academy. As a result, there is an on-going wealth of original research on the subject of diversity in higher education, and much of it, because of limited academic publication venues, never reaches a broad audience. It is hoped through this collection that the editors have been able to tap rich scholarly research that may not have been available to the public. We thank the authors for their willingness to work with us on the sometimes-challenging academic process of double-blind review, editing, and publication.

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Acknowledgment

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The editors would like to express their gratitude to the reviewers who participated in the double-blind process. The overall quality of the collection was certainly improved because of their careful reading and constructive suggestions. Dr. Berg would also like to recognize the University of Phoenix for assistance with this project while he was a Senior Research Fellow.

 

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Chapter 1

Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University: A Literature Review

Gary A. Berg https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4572-9981 California State University Channel Islands (Retired), USA

ABSTRACT This chapter provides an overview of the extensive, yet dispersed, research literature on what is variously termed access, equity, or diversity in higher education. The initial scholarly works on the history of higher education, which touch directly and indirectly on gender, race, and class, are discussed. Research, often conducted by governmental and professional organizations, and which provides data on participation rates of students, faculty, and university leadership, is examined. Academic felds and linked scholarship on gender and ethnic studies are summarized. The chapter also presents public policy milestones and documentation as well as the larger international political context. Finally, the author considers signifcant gaps in the current research, especially focusing on the complexity of the intersection of gender, race, and class in contemporary society.

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INTRODUCTION This chapter embraces the general topic of the book collection in providing an overview of the extensive research literature on what is variously termed access, equity, or diversity in higher education. The initial scholarly works on the history of higher education, which touch directly and indirectly on the topic, are discussed, especially in regarding to gender, race, and class. The research often done by government and professional organizations providing data on participation rates of students, faculty, and university leadership is examined. Academic fields concentrated on gender and ethnic studies, and the linked scholarship, is summarized. Additionally, some of the research considers best practices in regard to teaching-learning and curricula. The chapter also presents public policy documentation and debate, as well as the larger DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch001

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 Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University

international context. Finally, the author considers significant gaps in the current research, especially focusing on the complexity of the intersection of gender, race, and class in contemporary society. The student composition of colleges first became a topic of discussion in the middle of the 19th century in both the United Kingdom and the United States. Up until that point, it was generally accepted and understood that college was intended for a very small group of White upper-class males pursuing specific religious and legal professions, intended to prepare them for leadership in society. Social class and gender absolutely limited access to advanced education (Berg, 2020). By mid-19th century America, social and practical pressures began to push open the doors of the academy, especially to prepare young women to become needed classroom teachers. The funding of land grant colleges after the Civil War accelerated the new form of gender-mixed coeducational higher education. By 1920, women had made prodigious progress to the point of equaling men in raw numbers in post-secondary education in America (Berg, 2020). As a result, early research on the increased access and diversity of the American university focused on women in higher education. After World War II, with the enormous influx of returning soldiers into higher education, scholars increasingly looked at other dimensions of diversity including race and class. However, it wasn’t until the 1960s, spurred by the social movements of that period, that a distinct area of research began to develop on access and diversity in higher education. Since then, researchers have written extensively about various aspects of what might be broadly described as “diversity” in higher education, yet the field remains somewhat amorphous. One factor in the development of this research literature is the increase in doctor of education programs in America with students of diverse backgrounds often choosing topics related to diversity for dissertation projects (Berg, 2020). In scanning the field from a global viewpoint, one sees a pattern in the term “diversity” often used in regard to affirmative action and public policy issues, while the term “equity” is employed more broadly to analyze the distribution of different student groups in higher education. Additionally, some of the research considers best practices in regard to teaching-learning and curriculum, as well as administrative practices designed to influence positively student success. In order to better understand the trends in higher education scholarship regarding this broad field, peer-reviewed journal articles from the ProQuest database were counted by decades using the subject terms of “higher education” and the variables “equity,” “diversity,” “inclusion,” “affirmative action,” “adult learners,” and “sexual identity.” One can see from this figure (Figure 1) that scholarship on “equity” and “diversity” has increased greatly in the past two decades. At the same time, “affirmative action” plateaued in 2000, and has declined since as an academic subject for study. When considering academic discipline areas and prevalence in research journals, the following figure (Figure 2) shows the occurrences of “Gender Studies,” “Black Studies,” “Chicano Studies,” and “Feminist Studies.” Gender Studies, as a subject phrase in journal articles, has in the last decade far surpassed the other traditional academic areas of study. One wouldn’t want to over-estimate the significance of this subject keyword analysis, but it does provide an indication of the changing concentration in relevant scholarship.

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Figure 1. Terms prevalence in journal articles

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Figure 2. Studies term prevalence in journals

MAIN FOCUS OF THE CHAPTER Diversity and Affirmative Action One important aspect of the literature on diversity centers on American federal and state public policy. Landmark court cases debating affirmative action in higher education admissions include the Regents of the University of California v. Bakke (1978), Hopwood v. Texas (1996), and the 2003 University of Michigan cases (Clapp, 2018). The debate on affirmative action has been most visible at the elite public

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 Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University

universities where diversity as a value to be pursued has become more common practice at many institutions in America. Beginning in the mid-1970s, the University of California became an increasingly selective institution because of a marked upswing in qualified applicants. In the late 1980s, Jerome Karabel led a special committee to look into the admissions practices at the university. In its subsequent report (Karabel, 1989), the committee found that the University of California was becoming increasingly less open to ethnic minority groups, noting that at that time only four and half percent and five percent of African-American and Hispanic high school graduates respectively met University of California eligibility requirements, while 15.8 of Whites and 32.8 percent of Asian-Americans did so. In the past two decades, explicit forms of affirmative action are clearly under attack both in the courts and among voters. While the much-discussed actions at the University of Michigan and in other states are still somewhat fluid, the examples where affirmative action policies have been rolled back show an immediate impact on the composition of university student bodies. For example, the first year the ban went into effect, the University of California at Berkeley law school suffered an enrollment decline of Black students from 20 to 1, while the number of Hispanic students dropped from 28 to 18. At the University of Texas law school, changes in admissions policies resulted in a drop to 3 black students from 31 the previous year, and 20 Latino students from 42 (Applebome, 1997). At the federal level, the last several years have seen renewed disputes over “affirmative action.” Some of the nation’s most prominent colleges and universities have abandoned their affirmative action-based admission policies and adopted race-neutral affirmative action as a result of two lawsuits against the University of Michigan, which threatened the availability of undergraduate and graduate program access to applicants of color. In one study, the authors identified how “Grutter v. Bollinger” has specifically impacted other institutions (Davenport, Howard & Harrington, 2018). In a comprehensive analysis of state-level direct democracy in education, one study examined the content and prevalence of education ballot initiatives used to shape U.S. educational policy over time. This analysis documents 282 ballot initiatives regarding a variety of education issues. These included initiatives directly related to both K-12 and higher education, as well as those which addressed policy issues related to finance, governance, civil rights, and equal opportunity. The author found that the prevalence of education initiatives has increased, and evolved over time, tending generally to limit the rights and opportunities of traditionally underrepresented students (Farley, 2019). Strategies and best practices for encouraging campus diversity is another area in the research literature. Some scholars have observed ways that diversity can be appropriately measured and encouraged (Aurangzeb, 2019). One such model builds on methodologies from biology and political science using data from over 1500 colleges and universities to develop a composite diversity index to account for and measure multiple diversity attributes (McLaughlin, McLaughlin, & McLaughlin, 2015). Another case study examined two faculty-driven diversity programs with a proven record of accomplishment as models of transformative learning practice for faculty and institutions to replicate (Scott & Sims, 2018). Some look at program-specific solutions, such as in a case study which presented the strategies that an honors program uses to meet the needs of a diverse student body (MacDonald, 2019). The gender and ethnic diversity of faculty members, staff, and university administration has been a regular topic in research because of the understanding of the need to encourage role models (Gould, 2018). Scholars often argue that more faculty diversity will lead to increased student success and better representation from all minority groups (Abdul-Raheem, 2016). In one such study, the relationship between faculty racial/ethnic diversity and graduation rates of undergraduate students is examined. Using IPEDS data, the researchers calculated a Diversity Score for each institution. Findings suggest 4

 Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University

U.S. faculty diversity is lower than in the U.S. national population. Overall graduation rates for underrepresented minority students of all races/ethnicities are positively affected by increased diversity of their faculty (Stout, Archie, Cross & Carman, 2018). Some scholars analyzed specific best practices in university administrative units, using Cox’s model to determine the commitment and potential of an educational unit to become an effective multicultural organization (Wilson, 2018). Other researchers have looked at the impact of diversity on specific administrative areas such as psychological counseling where there are inherent challenges facing campus stakeholders seeking to navigate an ever-evolving higher education landscape (Clauss & Parham, 2014). Many scholars consider diversity and specific student populations. For instance, one study engaged in a critical discourse analysis to examine statements from higher education leaders regarding the federal Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. Findings across the 139 institutional responses emphasize the depiction of students impacted by the DACA repeal, the forms of institutional commitment discussed in the responses, and the connections that leaders make to institutional identity (Mwangi, Latafat, Thampikutty, & Van, 2019). Another growing area of scholarship focuses on serving students with disabilities. Emerging trends suggest that the next phase of progress for students with disabilities in higher education will be in establishing and implementing shared norms about what it takes to make a campus more hospitable. Federal legislation in Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act and the Americans with Disabilities Act, according to some scholars, has had the unintended consequence of institutions being content with only meeting the letter of the law by providing accommodations and supports for equal access to the physical plant and to academic instruction, while neglecting the social sphere (Leake & Stodden, 2014). An additional barrier that scholars have identified in the current policy implementation is the use of the self-identification process. Students with disabilities may be negatively impacted if they perceive others viewing them as less significant members of the college community. In one study utilizing data from the Beginning Postsecondary Students Longitudinal Study, it was found that 59% of students who self-identified during the first year of postsecondary education then unidentified by the first follow-up period (Aquino & Bittinger, 2019). Another study found differential treatment by impairment type. Students with depression or dyslexia are provided less information and services compared to students with physical impairments or students with no disability. Psychological and learning impairments are less often recognized as disabilities (Deuchert, Kauer, Liebert & Wuppermann, 2017).

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Equity Another key area of research on diversity in higher education centers on patterns and trends in enrollment. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), over the past 25 years, the total enrollment of adults in degree-granting institutions increased for Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics. Within each racial/ethnic group, female enrollment increased more than male enrollment, although the rates of increase varied by race/ethnicity (NCES, 2019). In 2016, the total college enrollment rate was higher for Asian young adults (58 percent) than for young adults who were of Two or more races (42 percent), White (42 percent), Hispanic (39 percent), Black (36 percent), Pacific Islander (21 percent), and American Indian/Alaska Native (19 percent). From 2000 to 2016, total college enrollment rates increased for White (from 39 to 42 percent), Black (from 31 to 36 percent), and Hispanic young adults (from 22 to 39 percent) but were not measurably different for 5

 Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University

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the other racial/ethnic groups during this time period. Between 2000 and 2016, Hispanic undergraduate enrollment more than doubled (a 134 percent increase from 1.4 million to 3.2 million students). The enrollment for most other racial/ethnic groups increased during the first part of this period, then began to decrease around 2010. In 2016, a greater percentage of undergraduates were female than male across all racial/ethnic groups. The gap between female and male enrollment was widest for Black students (62 vs. 38 percent) and narrowest for Asian students (53 vs. 47 percent) (De Brey, 2019). One area of research on low-income students focuses on admissions practices, and financial aid. The Pell Institute for the Study of Opportunity in Higher Education published an expanded annual trend report and initiated the Search for Solutions Shared Dialogues. These reports draw from multiple sources of existing data to provide, in one place, indicators that describe trends in equity in postsecondary enrollment, choice, and degree attainment, as well as indicators of college affordability. The purpose of this project is to report the status of higher education equity in the United States, and identify policies and practices that promote and hinder progress (Cahalan, et al., 2019). Financial aid and graduation rates are two variables which have been of special concern for scholars. Among full-time, full-year undergraduate students, 88 percent of Black students, 87 percent of American Indian/Alaska Native students, and 82 percent of Hispanic students received grants in 2015–16. These percentages were higher than the percentages for White (74 percent) and Asian (66 percent) students. The six-year graduation rate for first-time, full-time undergraduate students who began their pursuit of a bachelor’s degree at a four-year degree-granting institution in fall 2010 was highest for Asian students (74 percent), followed by White students (64 percent), students of Two or more races (60 percent), Hispanic students (54 percent), Pacific Islander students (51 percent), Black students (40 percent), and American Indian/Alaska Native students (39 percent) (De Brey, et al, 2019). Many scholars point to two different ways of measuring how often people move up in society, either by income or occupation. Generally, the recent consensus is that there has been a slowing of mobility in the United States since the 1970s. According to one study (Beller & Hout, 2006), using either measure of income or occupation, only 30-40 percent stays in the same income or occupational bracket as their parents. Some scholars find no evidence of social fluidity in industrial societies worldwide. Mobility rates seem to fluctuate slightly without any constant pattern of improvement or worsening in modern society. In their book The Constant Flux: A Study of Class Mobility in Industrial Societies, Robert Erikson and John H. Goldthorpe (1992) trace the belief in unusually high rates of mobility in America to Tocqueville’s well-known studies conducted during the 19th century. In the same time period, Engels, in his work with Marx, also added to this perception by proclaiming that the United States was a country where everyone could become an independent capitalist of sorts.

Equity, Gender, Race, and Class The research on equity outside of statistical data covers the broad categories of gender, race, and class. Writing about gender in the journal articles, as displayed in Chart 1,, has been an especially productive area. The increase of women in higher education as students, faculty and administrators is possibly the most significant change in the academy over the past half century, and it is difficult to conceive of a volume on accessibility and diversity in higher education without an examination of the trend in women’s participation. Higher education researchers have focused on the history of participation of women in

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 Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University

higher education, women faculty, and administrators as well as public policy, curriculum, teaching strategies, and the international context. In terms of American higher education, there are a hand full of seminal researchers that repeatedly appear in the literature, including Newcomer (1959), Woody (1929), Rudolph (1990), and Solomon (1985). According to Newcomer (1959), during the first one and half centuries in the early history of America, little serious thought was given to the education of women at any level. College education was primarily for specific professions such as the clergy and law, and these were exclusively men’s occupations. As a result, there was no apparent need to include women in college. Most institutions were church founded up until the Civil War, and leadership was in the hands of the clergy (nine of ten college presidents were appointed from the church). The pre-civil war women’s colleges were church sponsored for the most part and were not equal to men’s colleges in either admissions or requirements for degrees. Scholars argue that the end of slavery led to a general reconsideration of human rights including those of women to seek education (Solomon, 1985; Newcomer,1959). Newcomer (1959) claims that there was a shift in the purpose of higher education for women from a sole concentration on personal improvement to one aimed at the larger sense of social responsibility and civic engagement, thus giving colleges a stronger reason for public funding. The emergence of land-grant universities in the late 19th century, spurred by funding from the Morrill Act of 1862, gave rise to coeducation on a broad level. By 1890 more girls than boys were graduating from high school, creating both a pipeline of qualified students and a swelling demand for college (Solomon, 1985). From the late 19th century into the early 20th century, American universities experienced an historic increase in women students, rising from 21 percent in 1870 to 47.3 percent of the student population in 1920 (Gordon, 1990). By the end of World War I, college was an important option for young women in upper-class families, and something to aspire to for others (Solomon, 1985). During WWI the proportion of women increased from 43 to 53 percent nationally. In the early 20th century, educators were disturbed not only by the large numbers of women going to college, but also rising ethnic diversity, leading to racial caps on admissions, especially on Jews. Some of the policies restricting enrollment by women established during this time period remained in place until the 1960s. In this way the restrictions on women admissions were consistent with those placed on other outsider groups (Solomon, 1985). After World War II, the GI Bill funded by the government led to an historical increase in college attendance of returning soldiers, who were primarily male, so that the trending proportional increase of women in college was interrupted by this significant public policy shift (Solomon, 1985). Postwar into the 1950s, resistance to women on campus actually grew harsher, coinciding with a general social shift to political conservatism after World War II (Gordon, 1990). The resulting downward enrollment trend gradually changed over the ending decades of the 20th century as women proportionally overtook men. In modern and contemporary research literature, extent of participation of women as students is tracked by publicly available government research. Since fall 1988, the number of female students in postbaccalaureate programs has exceeded the number of male students. This trend of increasing women in college has continued so that between 2005 and 2015, the number of full-time male postbaccalaureate students increased by 24 percent, compared with a 25 percent increase in the number of full-time female postbaccalaureate students. Among part-time postbaccalaureate students, the number of males enrolled in 2015 was six percent higher than in 2005, while the number of females was eight percent higher (U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2018). 56.4 percent of

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 Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University

enrolled four-year students are women, and 56.5 percent at two-year institutions. At non-degree granting institutions women far surpass men at a rate of 69 percent (U.S. Department of Education, 2017). On the international scale, the United Nations is a primary source for data on education. Female participation in higher education overall has increased globally and currently surpasses male participation in almost all developed countries. Since 1990, the global participation of women has increased at a faster rate than that of men, enabling the tertiary enrollment ratios of men and women to reach parity around the year 2000. Subsequently, the global participation of women exceeded that of men, shifting gender disparity from a male to female advantage. In 2012, the global tertiary enrollment of women to men was 1.08, reflecting a gender disparity highly favoring women (United Nations Statistics Division, 2015). The second common thread in historical literature is the rise and expansion of women in the ranks of the faculty. The number of female faculty members in the academy has been steadily increasing in overall percentage since the end of the 20th century, reaching 49.3 percent in 2016, up from 41.72 percent in 2010; 41.38 percent in 2000; and 33.2 percent in 1987 (U.S. Department of Education, 2017). Furthermore, there is ample evidence that a pay gap between men and women still exists across professions, and the situation is no different in academia (Roach, 2014). Many studies have examined various types of gender discrimination in academia and two areas in particular are problematic--salaries and representation of female faculty in upper ranks of academia. Women faculty remain underrepresented in many disciplines and prestigious institutions in the U.S (Reinert, 2016). The statistical evidence demonstrates that there still is a pay gap for female and male faculty. A larger disparity was found in the representation of women in the rank of Professor. According to the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), 93 percent of all reporting institutions pay men more than women for at least one rank. Furthermore, the report notes no change in inequity as women move through the professorial ranks (AAUP, 2018). At the executive level, women constituted less than five percent of American college presidents in 1975 (Touchton, Shavlik & Davis, 1993). By 1986 this percentage increased to 9.5%, and in 2011, women comprised 26% of all college and university presidents in 2011 (American Council on Education, 2012). Not surprisingly then, women are less likely to hold the senior administrative positions of academic dean, executive vice president or provost that mostly commonly serve as pathways to the presidency, with women representing only 23 percent of provosts, 16 percent of executive vice presidents, and 19 percent of deans (American Council on Education, 2008; King & Gomez, 2008). A revolution started in women’s athletics with the passage of Title IX of the Education Amendment Act of 1972. The Act required all educational programs and activities be treated on an equal basis, meaning women’s athletic programs had to receive the same services and benefits available to men’s programs. There was an immediately positive impact as a result of Title IX on female participation in sports. During 1970-71 academic year, before Title IX, high school girls composed seven percent of the pool of athletes, while in 1972-73, immediately after Title IX, those numbers rose to 17 percent for young women. The public soon realized the importance of Title IX when Sports Illustrated designated 1974 the Year of the Woman in Sports (Gilbert & Williamson, 1974). Evidence of the positive impact of participation in college athletics, while somewhat uneven for men, is clear for women. The NCAA commissioned Gallup (2016) to interview 1,670 former NCAA studentathletes about their college experiences and current well-being, and compared the responses to those of nearly 23,000 non-student-athletes graduating from the same colleges. The poll found that former student-athletes rated higher than other college graduates in four out of the five elements of post-collegiate well-being that Gallup studied. Among student-athletes, women stood out versus non-student-athletes in 8

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 Equity and Diversity in the 21st Century University

employment rates and workplace engagement, while men who played football or basketball in college rated higher than all others on measures of purpose and community well-being. One growing area of research in regard to diversity is that concentrated on sexual identity and preference. One study looked at the negotiation of university ideas about tolerance and becoming, often contrasted with religious homophobia. The author found that educational transitions allow students to negotiate identities more freely, but with ongoing constraints (Falconer & Taylor, 2017). Best practices in effectively accommodating LGBTQ students is another key area in this body of literature. One study investigated the relationship between high-impact practices and student–faculty interactions for LGBTQ students, demonstrating the significant influences of student and institutional characteristics on high-impact practice participation, in particular the all-important student–faculty interactions (Garvey, BrckaLorenz, Latopolski & Hurtado, 2018). The conversation about the impact of race on individuals has become increasingly multifaceted. In Being Black, Living in the Red, Dalton Conley (1999) holds that in order to understand the “life chances” of children of a family or class one must take into account “wealth” (total financial assets or net worth) in addition to income, education, and occupation. Generally, scholars, university administrators and policy makers use education, occupation, or father’s occupation, as well as annual income as indicators of socioeconomic status, or class. Conley (1999) cites statistics showing that at the end of slavery in 1865, Blacks owned one half of a percent of the total worth of the United States; by 1990 that figure had only risen to one percent. He further points out that in many ways race and class go hand in hand, but that what really keeps Blacks generally disadvantaged is their lack of generational family wealth. Rather than viewing education as an instrument perpetuating inequality, he sees inherited wealth as the primary culprit. As a result, Conley argues for class rather than race-based affirmative action. The research literature on low-income students in higher education, similar to women students, is broad but somewhat fractured. In terms of lower-class students in American history, there is a long record of looking at the genetic basis for intelligence and a consistent attempt to link disappointing performance of the poor in school to low intelligence (Berg, 2010). The notion of biological determinism holds that social and economic differences between groups are inherited, and position in society is a reflection of biology (Gould, 1981). In his seminal book Hereditary Genius, Francis Galton, a leader in the eugenics movement and halfcousin of Charles Darwin, looked at generations of various occupations in 19th century England from judges, politicians, poets, painters, religious persons, Cambridge students, oarsmen, and wrestlers. His conclusion was that intelligence and talent are indisputably passed along genetically (Galton, 1998). A more recent proponent of the link between genetics and intelligence is Arthur Jensen, who became a controversial leading figure in the intelligence debate from his academic home at the University of California, Berkeley. In his 1972 book Genetics and Education, Jensen claimed that he found the bias against a genetic link or pattern to intelligence was so strong in America because of a social philosophy insistent upon notions of intellectual equality (Jensen, 1972). In addition to the eugenics movement’s focus on intelligence, some have concentrated on the moral and ethical lapses of the poor. An example of the rhetoric of this position comes from Theodore Dalrymple, a well-known British psychiatrist, who treats the poor in slum hospitals and prisons in England, and argues that poverty is caused by a dysfunctional set of values which are reinforced by society (Dalrymple, 2001).

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Equity and Adult Learners What is variously termed “adult education” or “non-traditional,” “adult,” or “reentry” students focuses on students past the traditional 18-22 undergraduate age, and constitutes one strand of writing. It should be noted that the term “nontraditional student” is somewhat misleading in American higher education. The student population includes many adult learners with jobs, families, and responsibilities outside of school with which full-time traditional students are not burdened (Iloh, 2018). One important challenge is to understand this very diverse group, and their learning tendencies. For instance, adults who attend a public college are more likely to attend a community college than a 4-year institution, and are more likely to attend on a part-time basis (Cummins, Scott, Bahr & Nader, 2019). One area of research with adult students looks at understanding comparative motivation. For instance, one study suggests that non-traditional students had significantly higher intrinsic motivation, and lower values for most types of extrinsic motivation. This finding suggests that the absence of a motivation to study tends to be more common in younger students who are continuously receiving formal education (Novotný, et. al, 2019). A large area of research about adult, non-traditional students has to do with out-of-the classroom challenges and support systems. The literature tends to concentrate on traditional undergraduates, but the social support adult learners, particularly among those students who are first-generation college goers, is also important. One study found that the influence of parental educational level on academic self-regulation persists through midlife, and that perceived social support from family, friends, and peers predicts academic self-regulation (Williams, Wall & Fish, 2019). Scholars have also looked at female adult learners and found that the commitments of multiple roles, lower level of self-confidence, and insufficient family and social support were the most significant variables related to the barriers and challenges of this population (Lin, 2016). Specific populations of adult students such as military veterans and ethnic groups are also studied. One team of researchers looked at the implicit cultural values and expectations embedded in faculty and staff perceptions of veteran students, and learned that there was a “hidden curriculum” working against a smooth transition into higher education (Lim, Interiano, Nowell, Tkacik & Dahlberg, 2018). Another researcher examined the experiences of a group of Black men returning to college, and findings indicated that while they found support from certain professors on their campuses, there were few targeted programs specifically supporting nontraditional students like them (Goings, 2018).

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International Perspectives In many parts of the world, the term “diversity” is often used with regard to variety among the programs or services provided by academic institutions, and differences among the types of institutions themselves rather than social multiplicity (Santoalha, Biscaia & Teixeira, 2018). In Europe the use of the term is especially complicated because it can involve a discussion of both hierarchical institutional type, and respective student populations (Krempkow & Kamm, 2014). Internationally, the notion of equity and diversity is extremely complex given different historical contexts. For instance, one study set in South Africa looked at 12 Black faculty women’s gender perspective in a country where gender in higher education has always been an issue of contention (Ramohai, 2019). In Germany, research considered the results globalization strategies for increasing diversity of the students, improving international competitiveness, and increasing the brain-drain to German Higher 10

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Education Institutions (Altin, 2019). In Canada, evidence reveals that first-generation students and those whose parents did not attend university, Aboriginal peoples, and students with disabilities continue to be underrepresented in postsecondary education (Michalski, Cunningham, & Henry, 2017). One large cross-national study analyzed trends in the higher education expansion and equity focusing on the variables of private contribution to higher education, less hierarchical higher education systems, and the participation in the dual higher education system and greater public support. The researchers argue that there are different patterns of the trade-offs between expansion and equalizing opportunities, and that the most rapid expansion is observed in countries with high private contributions to higher education (Liu, Green & Pensiero, 2016). The rate of higher education participation in Australia has increased over the past decade for individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds. One study found the labor market outcomes for other equity groups mixed. Specifically, those from low socio-economic status backgrounds and regional and remote Australia performed well in the labor market, while graduates from non-English-speaking backgrounds and female graduates in science, technology, engineering and mathematics fields experienced substantial disadvantage in the labor market (Li, Mahuteau, Dockery & Junankar, 2017). One South African analysis of educational equity found that through providing significantly increased access, the South African education system has made remarkable progress in achieving racial, ethnic, and gender diversity in its student populations. Despite this progress with historically disadvantaged students, the country still trails in other diversity measures. The author argues that using the highlyesteemed American system as a model may not fix issues of equity in the South African environment where active interventions are required to address these challenges (Pillay, 2019).

SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

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Best Practices Teaching-Learning and Administration Some scholars have examined teaching methods designed to meet the needs of an increasingly diverse classroom population. For instance, one study considered a need to explore contemporary learning and instructional strategies that respond to diversity in courses and curricula (Alt, 2017). Another study looked at the implementation of blended learning in higher education with the aim of offering flexibility in terms of time and place to a diverse student population (Boelens, Voet & De Wever, 2018). The National Association of Diversity Officers in Higher Education (NADOHE) has developed and approved Standards of Professional Practice for Chief Diversity Officers (CDOs). These standards encompass a broad range of knowledge and practices that are reflected in the work of CDOs across differing professional and institutional contexts. The standards provide a set of guidelines to inform and assist individual administrators and institutions in aligning the work of CDOs on their campuses with the evolving characteristics of the profession (Worthington, Stanley & Lewis, 2014). Some scholars analyze university support systems for LGBTQ students. One study found universitylevel gaps in service provision and failures to support these students in their attempts to access, or to create opportunities to access, information regarding sexual and mental health, and to improve inclusion. They also indicated the importance of queer visibility and its impact in creating a positive experience for LGBTQ members of a campus community (Waling & Roffee, 2018).

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Another area for consideration has been to question the way that particular student populations might best learn, especially women. Ropers-Huilman and Palmer (2008) defined feminist educational methods as valuing experience as sources of interdisciplinary knowledge; recognizing gender effects on the learning process; and accommodating power hierarchies between teachers and learners. One of the primary principles of feminist pedagogy is that it legitimizes personal references in intellectual inquiry, something that goes against male traditions which typically value scientific “objectivity.” Feminist pedagogy posits from the start that knowledge is not neutral (Culley & Portuges, 1985). Finally, in the late sixties universities began to develop academic disciplines which focused on traditionally underrepresented groups. Efforts at new course development were inspired by both the Civil Rights Movement and the model of Black Studies, which then influenced the development of Chicano Studies and Women’s Studies (Boxer, 1988). From the start, these ethnic and gender-focused studies programs were envisioned not just academic programs, but places to encourage political activism. Specifically, the leaders saw the need to challenge economic, political, cultural, and psychological imperatives based on ethnicity and gender (Culley & Portuges, 1985). The challenge for gender and ethnic studies disciplines was essentially to rewrite each discipline’s history, and to question the basic assumptions and objectives of their fields (MacNabb, Cherr, Popham & Prys, 2001). Critics complained that these gender and ethnic studies programs too often led to “ghettoization” for faculty who taught in those majors. Others argued that such a structural position was a refuge. Still more raised the larger question of whether or not feminism had, in retrospect, significantly transformed the mainstream college curriculum (Quinn, 2003).

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FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS The research on equity and diversity in higher education is maturing as both social-political contexts and universities evolve. One important emerging area of research is in regard to what some have termed “intersectionality,” a perspective that considers the complexity of human identity. Rather than thinking about women as one constant group, this perspective argues that it is important to appreciate the intersection of race, socio-economic status, and age. This intersection of identities can mean additional disadvantage, or show how individuals can be advantaged in one way, while disadvantaged in another (for instance, coming from an affluent background, yet being an ethnic minority woman). “Intersectionality” first emerged out of feminist writing, with the argument that women are at the intersection of many identities that may have different relationships to power, so that all women cannot be gathered under one simple label. This perspective of intersection is relevant to ethnic studies as well because it provides a way of appreciating how different aspects of social and political discrimination overlap with each other. Overlapping social-group identities shape the experiences of many individuals. An example of this kind of research is one study that looked at five intersectional identity perspectives based on semi-structured interviews with 25 students at a research university who identified as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer students with disabilities. The researchers found that students adopted multiple perspectives simultaneously to resist oppression, navigate changing contexts, and build resilience and community, suggesting implications for researchers and practitioners who might adopt a more nuanced view of students’ intersecting identities (Miller, 2008). Another study compared sexual orientation and romantic relationship experience in a large sample of adolescents and adults with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), and found that compared to general population peers, more people with 12

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ASD, especially women, reported sexual attraction to both same- and opposite-sex partners (Dewinter, De Graaf & Begeer, 2017). Another key area for further research in this field is concentrated on new approaches to financial aid, especially income-contingent loans (Berg, 2014). Several wealthy colleges and universities have recently begun removing all loans from low-income students’ financial aid packages. One study found that the introduction of “no-loan” policies has positively impacted low-income enrollments, suggesting that this aid strategy may be an effective, though limited, way of increasing economic diversity on campus (Hillman, 2013).

CONCLUSION This chapter provided an overview of the research literature on equity and diversity in post-secondary education. This broad field is cross-disciplinary, and internationally, it typically describes the area as equity or diversity in higher education. The early scholarly reviews of the history of higher education touched on the topic especially in regard to the changing composition of universities in terms of gender, race, and class. Additionally, the chapter looked at the extensive data provided internationally coming from government and professional organizations on participation rates of students, as well as the diversity of faculty and university leadership are examined. The specific academic fields concentrated on gender and ethnic studies that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s were traced, as well as the proposed best practices in regard to teaching-learning. The chapter also presented the larger international context. Finally, consideration was given of the maturing research field where significant new directions in research focus on the complexity of the intersection of gender, race, and class and directions for the future.

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MacNabb, E. L., Cherr, M. J., Popham, S. L., & Prys, R. P. (Eds.). (2001). Transforming the disciplines: A women’s studies primer. New York, NY: The Haworth Press. McLaughlin, J. E., McLaughlin, G. W., & McLaughlin, J. (2015). Using Composite Metrics to Measure Student Diversity in Higher Education. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 37(2), 222–240. doi:10.1080/1360080X.2015.1019124 Michalski, J. H., Cunningham, T., & Henry, J. (2017). The Diversity Challenge for Higher Education in Canada: The Prospects and Challenges of Increased Access and Student Success. Humboldt Journal of Social Relations, (39): 66–89. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&Au thType=shib&db=sih&AN=124835850&site=eds-live&scope=site Miller, R. A. (2018). Toward intersectional identity perspectives on disability and LGBTQ identities in higher education. Journal of College Student Development, 59(3), 327–346. doi:10.1353/csd.2018.0030 Mwangi, L., & Thampikutty, V. (2019). Examining University Responses to the DACA Rescission: A Critical Discourse Analysis. Innovative Higher Education, 44(4), 249–265. Retrieved from https:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=eric&AN=EJ1222649&site=eho st-live&scope=site National Center for Education Statistics. (2019). Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/pubs2010/2010015/ indicator6_24.asp Newcomer, M. (1959). A century of higher education for American women. Washington, DC: Zenger Publishing. Novotný, P., Brücknerová, K., Uhaňák, L. J., & Rozvadská, K. (2019). Driven to be a non-traditional student: Measurement of the academic motivation scale with adult learners after their transition to university. Studia Paedagogica, 24(2), 109–135. doi:10.5817/SP2019-2-5 Pillay, V. (2019). Displaced Margins and Misplaced Equity: Challenges for South African Higher Education. South African Journal of Higher Education, 33(2), 142–162. doi:10.20853/33-2-2692 Quinn, J. (2003). Powerful subjects: Are women really taking over the university? London, UK: Trentham Books.

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Ramohai, J. (2019). A Black Woman’s Perspective on Understanding Transformation and Diversity in South African Higher Education. Transformation in Higher Education, 4. Retrieved from http:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=eric&AN=EJ1213065&site=e ds-live&scope=site Reinert, L. J. (2016). Silent strategy: Women faculty and the academic profession. University of Minnesota, ProQuest Dissertations Publishing. (10189915) Roach, B. L. (2014). It Is Still a Man’s Game. Discrimination of Women in Pay and Promotion Forum on Public Policy Online, 1. Ropers-Huilman & Palmer. (Eds.). (2008). Most college students are women: Implications for teaching, learning, and policy. Sterling, VA: Stylus.

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Rudolph, F. (1990). The American college and university. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press. Santoalha, A., Biscaia, R. R., & Teixeira, P. (2018). Higher education and its contribution to a diverse regional supply of human capital: does the binary/unitary divide matters? Higher Education, 75(2), 209–230. doi:10.100710734-017-0132-2 Scott, C. L., & Sims, J. D. (2018). Exemplary Models of Faculty-Driven Transformative Diversity Education Initiatives: Implications for Metropolitan Universities. Metropolitan Universities, 29(3), 108–122. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=eric&AN= EJ1189273&site=eds-live&scope=site Solomon, B. M. (1985). In the company of educated women: A history of women and higher education in America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Stout, R., Archie, C., Cross, D., & Carman, C. A. (2018). The relationship between faculty diversity and graduation rates in higher education. Intercultural Education, 29(3), 399–417. doi:10.1080/14675 986.2018.1437997 Touchton, J., Shavlik, D., & Davis, L. (1993). Women in presidencies: A descriptive study of women college and university presidents. Washington, DC: American Council on Education. United Nations Statistics Division. (n.d.). The World’s Women 2015: Trends and Statistics. Retrieved from https://unstats.un.org/unsd/gender/worldswomen.html U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS), Spring 2017, Fall Enrollment component; Spring 2017, Human Resources component; and Fall 2016, Completions component. (2018). Accessed at https://nces.ed.gov/programs/ digest/d17/tables/dt17_301.10.asp?current=yes U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2018). Digest of Education Statistics, 2016 (NCES 2017-094). Author. Waling, A., & Roffee, J. A. (2018). Supporting LGBTIQ+ Students in Higher Education in Australia: Diversity, Inclusion and Visibility. Health Education Journal, 77(6), 667–679. doi:10.1177/0017896918762233

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Williams, P. E., Wall, N., & Fish, W. (2019). Mid-career adult learners in an online doctoral program and the drivers of their academic self-regulation: The importance of social support and parent education level. International Review of Research in Open and Distributed Learning, 20(1). doi:10.19173/ irrodl.v20i1.3789 Wilson, J. L. (2018). A Framework for Planning Organizational Diversity: Applying Multicultural Practice in Higher Education Work Settings. Planning for Higher Education, 46(3), 1–9. Retrieved from https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=eue&AN=130667702&si te=ehost-live&scope=site Woody, T. (1929). A history of women’s education in the United States. New York, NY: The Science Press. Worthington, R. L., Stanley, C. A., & Lewis, W. T. Sr. (2014). National Association of Diversity Officers in Higher Education Standards of Professional Practice for Chief Diversity Officers. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 7(4), 227–234. doi:10.1037/a0038391

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ADDITIONAL READING Campaign for College Opportunity. (2018). Left Out: California’s Higher Education Governing Boards Do Not Reflect the Racial and Gender Diversity of California and Its Student Body. Campaign for College Opportunity. Campaign for College Opportunity. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login. aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=eric&AN=ED592846&site=eds-live&scope=site Dail, P. W. (2012). Women and poverty in 21st century America. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company. Duquaine-Watson, J. M. (2017). Mothering by degrees: Single mothers and the pursuit of postsecondary education. Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Hoffer, T. B. (2009). Doctorate recipients from US universities: Summary report. Chicago, IL: National Opinion Research Center. Illich, I. (1983). Deschooling society. New York, NY: Harper Colophon Books. Mohamad Karkouti, I. (2016). Professional Leadership Practices and Diversity Issues in the U.S. Higher Education System: A Research Synthesis. Education, 136(4), 405–412. Retrieved from https:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=eue&AN=116218127&site=eho st-live&scope=site Pew Research Center. (2016). Book reading 2016. Retrieved from https://www.pewinternet.org/2016/09/01/ book-reading-2016/ Sabni, U. (2017). Reaching for the sky: Empowering girls through education. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Access: Generally used to describe openness in admission practices by universities. Affirmative Action: Mandatory race-conscious measures that the federal courts imposed on American public universities. DACA: United States immigration policy, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals. Diversity: Variously defined around the world, generally in higher education context refers to mix by race, gender, class of students, faculty, and administrators. Ethnic Studies: Academic disciplines such as Black Studies and Chicano Studies that concentrate on individual, social, and political aspects of specific ethnicities. Gender Studies: Academic discipline that focuses on gender identity, and linked social-political issues. Intersectionality: This perspective on individual identity argues that it is important to appreciate the intersection of race, socio-economic status, and age.

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Chapter 2

DACA-Mexico Origin Students in the United StatesMexican Borderlands: Persistence, Belonging, and College Climate Maggie Dominguez University of Phoenix, USA Miriam L. Frolow University of Phoenix, USA

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ABSTRACT The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) Program enabled more than 700,000 undocumented youth and young adults since 2012 the chance to have a lawful presence in the United States for a 2-year renewable period. With DACA status, college students could have access to fnancial aid and possibly in-state tuition, as well as opportunities to work legally. A correlational study was conducted in 20162017 with 30 DACA college students of Mexican Origin who were residing in California, Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico. They completed an anonymous online survey about their intent to persist to degree completion, their views on the college climate for diversity, and their sense of belonging on campus. The results of the study confrm the need for higher education faculty and staf to provide services and resources and to build trust with this vulnerable student population.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch002

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 DACA-Mexico Origin Students in the United States-Mexican Borderlands

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INTRODUCTION Undocumented immigrants in the United States have been consistently brought into the ongoing antiimmigration debates at all levels of government, in the courts, media, and society, and on college campuses for the past few decades. The high points included the United States Supreme Court decisions in favor of undocumented immigrants receiving a public school education, California and Texas providing in-state tuition benefits for colleges and universities to undocumented students, and the implementation of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. The low points came when the media portrayed them as “illegal” and therefore unworthy of government or societal support and the DACA program was halted. In between these events, the voices of young adults started to be heard as undocumented and DACA individuals told their stories, while advocating for the ability to follow the American dream of continuing to be a contributing member of society. Anti-immigrant sentiment in the United States heightened in 2017 when President Donald Trump decided to rescind the DACA program that President Barak Obama introduced as executive order in 2012 (Beckwith, 2017; Muñoz, 2019). This decision continues to have a profound influence on the undocumented and DACA college student population on campuses nationwide. Luna and Ireland (2019) state, “The Trump era is marked by fear, uncertainty, and perpetual limbo as the topic of immigration reform is batted between the executive office, Congress, and judicial rulings, no closer to a clear direction” (p.196). This current political climate with anti-immigrant rhetoric has jeopardized the mental health and safety of undocumented students with DACA status (Muñoz, Vigil, Jach, & Rodriguez-Gutierrez, 2018). At the same time, this vulnerable population has begun to find advocates and support networks in the form of faculty, staff, and student organizations aimed at counteracting the negativity that undocumented and DACA students encounter. Historical and current problems that undocumented students face in the United States are access to higher education, difficulty persisting to degree completion, and the misfortune of dealing with social stigmas and social exclusion (Gildersleeve & Ranero, 2010; Lopez & Lopez, 2010; Muñoz et al., 2018; Pérez, 2012; Pérez & Cortés, 2011). This population includes young adults and college students who continue to have a temporary status that prevents them from being deported through the DACA program, even though the program has been halted and debated at all levels of government, as well as by the media and in court. More than 90 college and university presidents signed a petition in 2016 to continue and expand the DACA program in an effort to increase their support for their DACA students (Muñoz, 2019; Redden, 2016). This public support gave others in higher education the courage to find ways to be proactive in providing a safe and welcoming environment for this vulnerable student population. In the authors’ 2016-2017 study, DACA college students of Mexican origin (D-MO) who live in the Borderland States of California, Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico anonymously completed an online study that provided an opportunity to create a demographic profile of this emerging student population and to explore more about their intent to persist to degree completion. Studying persistence allowed for concentration on the behavior and attributes of students who are already successfully overcoming existing barriers (Rigali-Oiler & Kurpius, 2013; Wintre & Bowers, 2007). With an understanding of the barriers that DACA-Mexico Origin (D-MO) students face and how these students can overcome those barriers, higher education administrators and faculty may be able to propose and implement appropriate and effective solutions to increase persistence rates and make a college education accessible to this marginalized group.

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In this chapter, the social, political, and legal aspects that affect the undocumented and DACA student populations on campus provide the foundation for the discussion on the correlational relationship between DACA student persistence to degree completion and two sets of barriers: social stigma and social exclusion, and emotional and mental health. The primary goal of the study was to educate higher education administration (faculty, staff, and the Division of Student Affairs) to make informed decisions on what types of support programs to provide to a specific group of vulnerable students, which is actually part of a larger diversity and accessibility issue on many college campuses. However, the need for the study results, and its implications and recommendations has intensified due to the changing political climate and increased anti-immigrant sentiment.

BACKGROUND

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Legal Case History for Immigrants: 1982-2012 A turning point for the undocumented immigrant experience in the United States came with the case of Plyler v. Doe (1982), where the question brought to the United States Supreme Court was whether the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment was violated by the State of Texas when it denied undocumented children free public education (Cornell University Law School, n.d.). In this case, the United States Supreme Court decided that children of undocumented migrants who were in the United States without authorization and children who were in the country without their parents were allowed to attend public schools (Lopez & Lopez, 2010; Seo, 2011). This ruling passed without consideration about what would happen after high school graduation. As a result of Plyler v. Doe (1982), the struggles for undocumented high school students became a harsh reality when they discovered that they were not able to get a driver’s license, obtain a social security number, apply for a job, or easily pursue a post-secondary education because the limitations of their citizenship status (Lopez, 2010; Muñoz, 2019; Pérez, 2012; Pérez & Cortés, 2011). Often their parents had not shared with them their undocumented status until these students asked about their social security number needed to get a driver’s license. It was at this point that the undocumented students became aware of their differences from their peers, often causing increased levels of anxiety about their future. Approximately 98,000 undocumented students graduate from high school in the United States each year (Zong & Batalova, 2019). The students who had done well in high school (Pérez, 2012), now found themselves attempting to figure out on their own how to apply for college and what limited financial support might be available to them (Muñoz, 2019). Most decided that asking for assistance with access to college was a risk they were not willing to take if it meant having to reveal their undocumented status to someone who might not understand (Haney-Lopez, 1997; Huber, 2010). Another United States Supreme Court case in 1982 ruled in favor of making colleges and universities more accessible to undocumented youth. With Toll v. Moreno (1982), in-state tuition at public higher education institutions did not need to be restricted to legal, permanent residents and United States citizens (Gildersleeve et al., 2010); however, the decision to provide in-state tuition was left to the states and to higher education institutions (Lopez, 2010). Even with Toll v. Moreno (1982), the undocumented student population continued to experience problems submitting college applications, because they still did not have the ability to obtain a social security number needed to apply for financial aid (Nicholls,

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2013). Problems created by this ruling included the politics of federal versus state government agencies, as well as public higher education institutions and state policy makers.

The DREAM Act: A Possible Path to Citizenship (2001-Present) The Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act was first proposed in 2001 by Senator Richard Durbin (D-IL), and continued to evolve, often as part of a bipartisan comprehensive immigration reform plan continued in both the Senate and the House of Representatives (Congress. gov, n.d.a.; Mahatmya & Gring-Pemble, 2014). The different versions had varying degrees of success, although most ultimately stalled as a result of ongoing debates about how the United States should handle issues pertaining to undocumented individuals, and especially migrant children, who cross the United States borders or overstay their visas. The most recent versions include The Higher Education DREAM Act of 2019 (H.R.1298) and the American Dream and Promise Act of 2019 (H.R.6). H.R.6 passed the House and was read by the Senate twice in June 2019; no action on H.R.6 has been recorded as of August 2019 (Congress.gov, n.d.b.). The purpose of the DREAM Act was to provide undocumented students, who benefitted from the Plyler v. Doe (1982) decision, a path to gain legal residency in the United States (Gildersleeve et al., 2010; National Immigration Law Center [NILC], 2010; Pérez & Cortés, 2011). Although many believed that the passage of the DREAM Act would provide in-state tuition for all undocumented and DACA students (Lopez, 2010), the federal law would still allow states to make their own decision regarding in-state tuition benefits (NILC, 2010). The current states that provide in-state tuition benefits could continue to do so, and the other states would need state legislation to extend in-state tuition benefits to these students (NILC, 2010). A positive outcome of the DREAM Acts was the increased visibility of issues that the DREAMers faced, with some individuals stepping forward to be the voice of this vulnerable population, knowing that doing so also meant publicly revealing their undocumented status.

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DACA (2012): A New Direction to Support Undocumented Students While the debates about the DREAM Act continued, student-led groups and advocates used their voices to raise the visibility of the challenges that undocumented youth and young adults face. A key question for President Barak Obama’s Administration was how undocumented students who benefited from their right to a free public K-12 education could be denied the opportunity to pursue a college education and be contributing citizens in society. Hope came on August 15, 2012 with the DACA memorandum (Bruno, 2014). DACA was implemented as a form of prosecutorial discretion, providing noncitizens who were “low priority” and met certain requirements a lawful presence in the United States for a 2-year renewable period (Fiflis, 2013, p. 30). This meant that DACA recipients could obtain social security numbers and work permits, get a driver’s license in most states, and not be subject to deportation (Bruno, 2014; Immigration Policy Center, 2011). DACA college students could have access to financial aid, and possibly in-state tuition, as well as the opportunity to work legally. It was President Obama’s commitment to begin fixing the immigration system through the DACA executive action that enabled approximately 700,000 young undocumented individuals to come out of the shadows and obtain a temporary legal status to stay, learn, work, and join the military (Immigration Policy Center, 2011).

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Deferred action programs, like DACA, have been part of U.S. immigration policies multiple times over the past two decades. Three deferred action programs were instituted by The Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) between 1997 and 2002, and the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) instituted a deferred action program in 2009. “In sum, by the time DACA arrived in 2012, deferred action programs had become a well-accepted feature of the executive’s enforcement of our immigration laws, recognized as such by Congress and the Supreme Court” (USCIS, 2018, p. 6). The DACA program’s fate changed on September 5, 2017 when President Donald Trump’s administration rescinded the DACA Executive Order, citing the perceived negative impact of having illegal aliens taking jobs away from American workers (Beckwith, 2017; Muñoz, 2019). This executive announcement created high levels of uncertainty and stress for DACA recipients (Luna & Ireland, 2019), including many on college campuses. The study, which was completed in 2017, confirmed the negative impact national political decisions can have on this vulnerable college student population.

Undocumented and DACA Residents From Mexico According to Pew Research Center, Mexican citizens represented less than half (47%) of all unauthorized immigrants in the United States in 2017, a decline from 57% a decade earlier (Krogstad, Passel, & Cohn, 2019). Of the Mexican citizens residing in the United States, there was an estimated 2.1 million undocumented youth and young adults at the beginning of this decade (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). The term “undocumented” is often used, because these youth and young adults do not have documents required by the United States to remain in the country legally (Ritz, 2011). In 2016, USCIS reported that, from August 2012 through June 2016, there were 627,577 DACA applications approved from individuals residing in California, Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico, with only New Mexico not being in the top six states for DACA approvals (see Table 1). By September 2017, there was a small increase to approximately 689,900 active DACA approved applicants, with 79.4% being Mexican citizens (USCIS, 2017). Almost half of all DACA approved applicants from Mexico resided in these Borderland States (see Table 2).

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Table 1. DACA approved applicants in the borderland states, August 2012-June 2016

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Table 2. Approximate active DACA applicants in the borderland states as of September 4, 2017

DACA applicants are characterized as being 31 years old or younger as of June 15, 2012 and had provided the required documentation to remain in the United States without fear of deportation for two years (Bruno, 2014). They are either attending public school, enrolled at a 2-year or 4-year higher education institution, serving in the military, or working (Bruno, 2014). The exact number of college students with DACA status is unknown, because DACA students must self-disclose their immigration status, and due to the fact that the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) does not differentiate DACA and undocumented students from other international students in their data collection process (NCES, 2015).

PERSISTENCE OF D-MO COLLEGE STUDENTS IN THE UNITED STATES-MEXICAN BORDERLANDS Perceived and Real Barriers in Higher Education Based on the study, there are two perceived and realistic barriers that DACA students reported. The first barrier is social stigma and social exclusion associated with their undocumented status. The second barrier is the emotional and mental health issues associated with living in a state of fear of deportation for themselves and their families.

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Barrier 1: Social Stigma and Social Exclusion Goffman (1963) described how social stigmas and social exclusions are formed. Each society creates categories with attributes that one would usually encounter when in social situations with that particular group is deemed “ordinary” (Goffman, 1963, “Preliminary Conceptions,” para. 1). When a stranger is introduced, these attributes become expectations and demands that subconsciously lead to assumptions regarding how the society feels the stranger should be or act. If the stranger behaves differently or exhibits attributes that are undesirable in the extreme sense, then the society perceives the individual as threatening, inferior, or bad (Goffman, 1963). These types of discrediting attributes are called stigmas. “By definition, of course, we believe the person with a stigma is not quite human. On this assumption, we exercise varieties of discrimination, through which we effectively, if often unthinkingly, reduce his life chances” (Goffman, 1963, “Preliminary Conceptions,” para. 10). These assumptions are still part of the fabric of our culture 50 years later and found on college campuses when dealing with issues of diversity and inclusion.

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In association with Goffman’s description, the DACA and undocumented student population has experienced stigmatized discrimination (Nicholls, 2013). For example, Goffman (1963) described using specific stigma terms, which continue in mainstream society with the use of the term “illegal immigrants” for the undocumented population (Nicholls, 2013). This term continues to negatively influence this student population. In an effort to reduce this affect, many higher education professionals make it a point to use the term “undocumented students” on their campuses instead of specific stigma terms. Such efforts serve to reduce the social stigma and social discrimination barriers and create a campus culture that includes safe spaces for this vulnerable student population to feel more comfortable disclosing their immigration status. Williams (2016) conducted a research study regarding how the “concept of social exclusion is used to understand and explore the barriers to their access to higher education and experiences in college, relationships to community and governing institutions, and the struggles of poverty and discrimination” (p. 168). This study included interviews with 16 undocumented students from Mexico who lived in California while enrolled in two-year or four-year higher education institutions (Williams, 2016). The term social exclusion, in the context of the study, referred to situations where a group of individuals had limited or no opportunities to participate fully in society because of poverty, lack of resources, or access to social, economic, or political organizations (Williams, 2016). These types of limitations “work to exclude groups of people from conventional public and community life” (Williams, 2016, p. 171). Students in the study reported that the social exclusion barriers they encountered included: • •

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Discrimination by the police causing undocumented individuals to avoid obtaining protection in diferent situations; Discrimination expressed by peers, employers, and media regarding the anti-immigrant responses; and Discrimination from the local, state, and federal government regarding anti-immigrant policies and laws (Williams, 2016).

Undocumented and DACA students often feel isolated and have a fear of disclosing their citizenship status because of social exclusion factors. Pérez, Cortés, Ramos, and Coronado (2010) described situations in which students do not know whom to trust because of their anxiety and fear. This isolation tends to reinforce the social exclusion with undocumented and DACA students not seeking guidance from higher education staff and faculty or not taking advantage of existing resources focused on supporting their access to and persistence in higher education. Those who have self-identified as undocumented or DACA students might “also not feel comfortable disclosing their legal status in all spaces and places” (Muñoz, 2019, p. 188), which is based on their own risk assessment. In the 2016-2017 study of 30 D-MO students, the authors explored the relationship between the sense of belonging these students felt and their intent to persist from the perspective of the Latino Critical Race Theory (Haney-Lopez, 1997), which allowed them to relate the sense of belonging and campus climate for diversity variables to social stigmas and perceived discrimination. The campus climate for diversity variable included whether the students of their race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, political beliefs, and immigration background are respected on campus. The sense of belonging variable incorporated how students feel and see themselves as a part of the campus community, valued at the institution, and are included as a member and leader of the campus. Sense of belonging also included the participant’s perceptions of the racial/ethnic diversity of faculty and the student body, as well as respect for the expression of diverse beliefs. 26

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Barrier 2: Emotions and Mental Health Undocumented and DACA students are known to “experience challenging physical and mental health issues from the ongoing stress and anxiety” (Luna & Ireland, 2019, p. 198). DACA and undocumented students commonly feel fear, shame, guilt, anger, frustration, isolation, ambivalence, stress, depression, withdrawal, and anxiety (Muñoz et al., 2018; Nicholls, 2013; Pérez & Cortés, 2011). These emotions can create an accessibility barrier to a support network of higher education professionals who are trained to provide a welcoming college environment and connect these students to campus and community resources that could help them persist to degree completion. To better understand the underrepresented and emergent population of DACA and undocumented students, one of the theoretical perspectives that offers a critical vantage point is the seven vectors student development theory by Chickering and Reisser (1993). The emotional and mental health challenges that DACA students face in the current anti-immigrant climate could be explained through the lens of Chickering and Reisser’s student development theory (1993), which includes one vector that focuses on managing emotions, such as anger, fear, anxiety, depression, guilt, and shame. Undocumented and DACA students are often seen by mainstream society with the stigma of being illegal, which causes the students to experience fear, a deep sense of guilt, shame, and anxiety based on uncertainty about whom to trust or not to trust (Nicholls, 2013; Pérez & Cortés, 2011). Some of these emotions can be self-defeating, disruptive, or even crippling (Chickering & Reisser, 1993). These emotions could stunt the student’s preparation and persistence, because the emotions could catch them off guard (Chickering & Reisser, 1993). Students need to become aware of when these emotions relate to their undocumented or DACA status by learning how to recognize and acknowledge these feelings as a normal part of their behavior and experiences in life. This allows students to manage the emotions effectively and persist (Chickering & Reisser, 1993). In 2018, Muñoz et al., raised concerns about the effect that the current uncertainty with the DACA program’s future, created after the 2016 election of President Trump, had on the mental health of undocumented students with DACA status. In the Muñoz et al. (2018) study, 16 undocumented college students responded to semi-structured questions centered on the research question: “In what ways has racism and anti-immigration rhetoric from the recent election influence how undocumented Latinx students’ experiences with campus climate?” Their responses were in line with the emotional and mental health barriers that the D-MO students identified in the study, and in line with Chickering and Reisser’s (1993) focus on managing emotions. Many emotions were expressed by the students in the Muñoz et al. (2018) study including fear, frustration, sadness, hurt, and anger. Two students expressed that while the intent might be to comfort and console with kindness, their reaction is anger, hurt, or feeling pressured to discuss their citizenship status and how they are coping with their situation. A majority discussed how the political climate related to their emotions of fear and hope. One student demonstrated this when he stated, But I still see hope in the future. I see the Chicano movement. I listen to MLK I have a dream, and for me that’s what inspires me every day, because I have a dream too, to walk on stage. (Muñoz et al., 2018, p. 43).

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These students’ fears are rooted in the ambiguity of their futures. The students fear that they will be deported; they fear the uncertainty of finding a place in the workforce after college graduation; and they fear of starting over in a foreign country.

Study Background The purpose of the study was to explore the relationship among the student’s intent to persist to degree completion and four variables, two of which the authors focus on in this chapter: college climate for diversity and sense of belonging. Through a correlation analysis, the study intended to provide higher education faculty and administrators with generalizable data regarding the relationship between each of the variables and the student’s intent to persist toward degree completion, and to offer a deeper understanding of these issues in order to make informed decisions when creating programs to provide appropriate assistance and resources to support the DACA student population. In the study, 30 D-MO participants met the requirements of emigrating from Mexico, having DACA status, being enrolled at least part-time at a 2- or 4-year higher education institution in one of the Borderland states, and having completed a minimum of two semesters. DACA status duration of participants ranged from two to four years, with 63% having DACA status for four years, which meant they had already received a 2-year renewal/extension. None were enrolled in private institutions, with 90% enrolled in 4-year public institutions and 10% in 2-year colleges. Of the participants, 77% were fulltime undergraduate students, 13% full-time graduate students, and 10% were either part-time graduate or undergraduate students. Data was collected through an anonymous online survey using Survey Monkey, where participants first completed an informed consent form that explained how the participant’s privacy was protected and the intended benefits of this research. The participant had the option to either agree to participate in the study or opt out of the survey. Those that agreed to participate could not be contacted for follow-up questions.

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College Climate for Diversity Variable The college climate for diversity variable was composed of four items that use a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from (1) strongly agree to (4) strongly disagree (see Table 3) for the question descriptions included in this variable. Table 4 provides the Pearson correlation results for all four items used in the college climate for diversity variable that were included because of p > .40. The two items that had the most significant correlation (p = .95, significant at the .01 level, 2-tailed) were “Student of my race/ ethnicity are respected on this campus” (Q20A) and “Students of my socioeconomic status are respected on this campus” (Q20B). It was interesting to see that D-MO students agreed that students with their immigration background were respected on campus (Q20D). This result could be attributed to the fact that the study was conducted in the Borderlands, where there is a high population of DACA approved applicants from Mexico in the communities and colleges where the survey was administered (see Table 2). This result alone does not provide the complete picture of the importance of college climate for diversity on student persistence. However, it does show the value in exploring this variable for other student groups that could be experiencing diversity and accessibility issues on campus.

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Table 3. College climate for diversity variable question numbers and descriptions

Table 4. Pearson correlation for college climate for diversity items

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Table 5. Sense of belonging variable question numbers and descriptions

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Sense of Belonging Variable The sense of belonging variable included two sets of questions. The first set, Q21A-Q21E, used a 4-point Likert-type scale that ranged from (1) strongly agree to (4) strongly disagree. The second set of questions, Q22A-Q22D, used a scale from (1) very satisfied to (4) very dissatisfied. See Table 5 for the question descriptions included in this variable. Table 6 describes the Pearson correlation for all nine sense of belonging items. Six items were included in the scale for this sense of belonging variable, because the other three items (Q22A, Q22B, and Q22D) only had one or two Pearson correlations greater than or equal to .40. The two items with the most significant correlation (p = .83, significant at the .01 level, 2-tailed) were “I feel a sense of belonging to this campus” (Q21C) and “I feel I am a member of this campus” (Q21D).

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Table 6. Pearson correlation for all sense of belonging variable items

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The D-MO students in this study agreed and were at least somewhat satisfied with the aspects of college life related to their sense of belonging on campus. This is a significant and positive result, which suggests that efforts on their campuses regarding racial/ethnic diversity of the faculty and student body and respect for the expression of diverse beliefs are either working well or moving in the right direction. The results could also confirm that the college campus is starting to become a more welcoming environment for this and other vulnerable student populations, which is an encouraging finding related to diversity and inclusion efforts. The results also suggest that the D-MO students’ level of belonging is superficial. This is concluded from the data within the variable stating these students are satisfied and agree. For example, when asked if they agreed with the statement, “I feel valued at this institution” (Q21B), the mean was 2.2, on a scale where two equals agree. The lowest mean of any sense of belonging variables for this study were the questions that asked, “I see myself as part of the campus community” (Q21A) and “I feel I am a member of this college campus” (Q21D); both tied at a mean of 2.0. However, the analysis of the intent to persist variable demonstrated that many of the participants had rarely-to-never talked with faculty members (Q16B) or their academic advisors (Q16A) enough to discuss their plans to persist to degree completion or leave college, with the mean results were 1.8 and 1.6 respectively. These results point to a lack of trust in higher education professionals, even though they might feel a sense of belonging among their peers.

Intent to Persist Dependent Variable The intent to persist was the dependent variable in the study and consisted of two items that used a 4-point Likert-type scale from (1) often to (4) never. Table 7 includes the question descriptions for this variable, while Table 8 provides the Pearson correlation results (.75) for both items used in the intent to persist scale. It was important to look at these two questions together to see the strength of the relationship between the two different, but related, questions. From this data, the authors see there is a positive correlation between students speaking to their academic advisor and faculty regarding continuing or dropping out of school.

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Table 7. Intent to persist question numbers and descriptions

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Table 8. Pearson correlation for intent to persist dependent variable items

The result of the study included a significant and positive correlation between the D-MO student’s intent to persist and the sense of belonging and about feeling valued at the institution. The D-MO student’s intent to persist was measured through two questions (see Table 8). The 30 D-MO students responded that they rarely-to-never spoke to faculty members (83.3%) or academic advisors (76.7%) about their degree plans. Previous research demonstrated that undocumented and DACA students have difficulty self-disclosing their immigration status due to fear of deportation, shame, and guilt (Lopez & Lopez, 2010; Pérez, 2012), which could also contribute to the decision not to talk with faculty and academic advisors regarding their degree plans. According to Brown (2007) the emotion of shame leaves individuals feeling disconnected, desperate for belonging and recognition, and more likely to participate in self-destructive behavior, including not seeking help or guidance when needed. This study also demonstrated that the vulnerability and shame in disclosing their immigration status could have paralyzed this student population from engaging in educational research studies, such as this one, even when approached by the most trusted sources in their community. Chickering and Reisser (1993) described how particular emotions like fear and shame can stunt the student’s preparation and diligence. The D-MO student population is trying to manage multiple difficult emotions as typical college students do, with their personal and family’s immigration status as an additional source of stress and concern. Understanding how to manage these emotions is essential (Chickering & Reisser, 1993); however, the paralysis the D-MO students may suffer could be extended to engaging in support services on campuses.

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Significant Correlations Significant and positive correlations existed among individual components within the college climate for the diversity variable and the sense of belonging variable. For example, Q20A “Students of my race/ ethnicity are respected on this campus” (college climate for diversity variable) had positive correlations with Q21A “I see myself as part of the campus community” and Q22C “Respect for the expression of diverse beliefs” (sense of belonging variable). Another positive correlation was identified among Q20C “Students of my political beliefs are respected on this campus” (college climate for diversity variable) and Q21A “I see myself as part of the campus community,” Q21C “I feel a sense of belonging to this campus,” Q21D “I feel I am a member of this college campus,” and Q22C “Respect for the expression of diverse beliefs” (all within sense of belonging variable). In other words, D-MO students felt that they

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Table 9. Pearson correlation for all college climate for diversity variable items

fit in at a campus where diversity and inclusion were respected. See Table 9, Table 10, and Table 11 for complete details of the Pearson correlation values for college climate for diversity, sense of belonging, and intent to persist variables. The differential item of this sample population is their immigration status; therefore, Q20D “Students of my immigration status are respected on this campus” is the most significant survey item in the study. This result confirms that D-MO students put their immigrant status above other relevant factors for how they define their place on campus. Their immigrant status, even as a DACA student, could determine to what extent their experiences with the three barriers positively or negatively impacts their intent to persist to degree completion. As demonstrated in Figure 1, D-MO students who believed their immigrant status was respected on campus (Q20D) also felt that they personally were valued (Q21B), which was then linked to how often the students spoke to their academic advisors about continuing or dropping out of school (Q16A). In other words, there was a positive correlation in that the college climate for diversity is directly related to D-MO students feeling a sense of belonging on campus, which in turn could be connected to their intent to persist. Q20D had a Pearson correlation equal to .67 to Q21B, and Q21B had a Pearson

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Table 10. Pearson correlation for all survey items to college climate for diversity variable survey item

correlation equal to .37 to Q16A. Despite the small sample size of this study, the correlations for these survey items were significant, and could potentially be generalized to other vulnerable groups on campus.

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OBSERVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS The initial intent of the study was to gain a better understanding of the barriers that D-MO college students face when attempting to persist to degree completion. At first the goal was to educate higher education administration (faculty, staff, and the Division of Student Affairs) to make appropriate decisions pertaining to the types of support programs to offer these students. The importance of this study became much greater as time progressed due to the changing political climate and increase in anti-immigration sentiment. The conclusions and findings from the research provide an opportunity for all levels of higher education professionals, including senior leadership, to make appropriate decisions on support programs to increase graduation rates for this growing, vulnerable, and underserved student population. As well, they can begin or expand initiatives to improve the campus climate for undocumented and DACA students that could also shift the entire campus culture with active discussions and educational outreach. Additionally, this research provided an opportunity to explore the phenomena behind accessing a vulnerable college student population for both research and outreach purposes. This study resulted in

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Table 11. Pearson correlation- all survey items to sense of belonging variable survey items

a small sample size, despite maximized efforts and multiple strategies using trusted sources within the undocumented and DACA community. This led to additional research and conclusions to assist in both engaging this population for future research and assisting faculty and administrators to recruit more participants for their support services for undocumented and DACA students on their campuses.

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Recommendation 1: Tuition Equity and Financial Assistance Table 12 demonstrates that the 30 D-MO students who participated in the study reported that they relied mostly on a combination of scholarships, grants, and in-state tuition to pay for college. Family assistance was available to a third of the students, although the extent of this assistance was not explored. Four of the students (13.3%) funded their college education completely on their own. The complicated nature of funding a college education became apparent through this study. In-state tuition can make paying for college within reach for undocumented and DACA students, as well as from low-income families or for first generation students who tend to be less financially prepared for college. For example, the University of California in-state undergraduate tuition rate for 2019-2020 is $11,442. The nonresident supplemental tuition rate is an additional $29,754, which brings the annual tuition to $41,196, not including additional fees or housing (University of California, Office of the President, 2019). DACA students who reside in California qualify for in-state tuition rates, which gives them a sense of equity after being in the California public school system. In fact, California and Texas

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Table 12. Sources of financial assistance reported being used to pay for college

led the way in 2001 for providing “tuition equity” laws via state legislature, with 18 additional states following their lead to enable undocumented and DACA students to pay in-state tuition rates if they have attended public school for a certain number of years in that state (NILC, 2019). Despite Toll v. Moreno (1982) and the DREAM Acts that have been put forth via the state and federal government, there “has not been an effective route to opening up higher education access for these students…” (Thangasamy & Horan, 2017, p. 119). Individual action by the boards of trustees in public higher education institutions is one solution to lower the higher education costs for undocumented students (Thangasamy & Horan, 2017); however, public higher education institutions are still beholden to the state governments that provide the public funding that makes it possible for the public colleges and universities to offer in-state tuition rates. On an institutional level, the challenges of making college affordable becomes more of a student persistence issue when attempting to support undocumented and DACA students (Suárez-Orozco, Teranishi, & Suárez-Orozco, 2014). Higher education leaders must be ready to address the political and public pressure to include or exclude DACA and undocumented students from paying in-state tuition rates or working on campus. It is recommended that public higher education institutions implement tuition equity policies that include grants and scholarships to assist this population, regardless of what policy changes take place at the state and federal levels.

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Recommendation 2: Earning Trust and Training Faculty and Staff Higher education institutions can provide specialized programs for the targeted student demographic; however, the challenge becomes how to encourage a student population that is often hidden to accept the support and resources. Based on the implication of this study, it is unlikely that students will disclose their undocumented and DACA status on campus, use all academic or financial resources available, work with trusted campus sources, or participate in educational research studies such as this one. If the D-MO students do not feel comfortable and accepted on campus or resist approaching faculty and staff, they will be unlikely to take advantage of these services. Through this correlation study, it can be inferred

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that the students’ feelings about the respect of their immigration status is positively correlated to their intent to persist to degree completion. This study included active research during President Obama’s administration (2014-2015), the 2016 Presidential election, and the first 100 days of President Trump’s service in office (2017). The study confirms that as the political landscape changes on a weekly and sometimes daily basis, it is important for higher education leaders to have access to the most current information and have effective ways to inform staff and faculty of the rapid changes in the political climate so that they can support this marginalized student population. As President Trump works with the Department of Homeland Security on temporary fixes within its jurisdiction, and while the federal and state governments are politically battling immigration reform, higher education administrators must know what is happening, to be recognized as advocates and leaders for DACA and undocumented students on their campuses, and to be able to manage a staff that is known to build connections that establish trust among vulnerable student populations. The authors recommend that having a well-informed faculty and staff is a start to earning this student population’s trust. Training faculty and staff on political, legal, academic, and financial program considerations, as well as appropriate inclusive language to use with the students and the socio-emotional state of these students, is needed. Campuses should create electronic manuals that will be revised at regular intervals to reflect the quick changes in federal and state policies and procedures due to the political and legal undocumented/DACA landscape in higher education. Additional information regarding the university policies and procedures for the protection of students and student information relating to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and the Department of Homeland Security inquiries, in addition to the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) (U.S. Department of Education, 2018), should be included in this electronic manual.

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Recommendation 3: Promote and Increase Visibility A third recommendation is to promote and increase the visibility of services and faculty and staff who are trained to work with undocumented and DACA students. Having only one designated center on campus for undocumented and DACA students is not enough. Instead the authors recommend that a campuswide service program be created with a designated well-known symbol for campus representatives who are trained to be undocumented and DACA advocates. The idea is to have an additional way to provide visibility and services without requiring these students to inadvertently disclose their immigration status by physically walking into a building or by having them go through an entire semester not knowing if their faculty member knows what “undocumented” or “DACA” means. The symbol could be placed on a faculty member’s syllabus or website, or on their office door. The symbol could also be in different areas of campus where there are multiple staff members that have been trained to help undocumented and DACA students.

FUTURE RESEARCH Although D-MO students noted that they are respected on campus based on their immigration status and political beliefs, this small group of study participants are representing a population who tends to be reluctant to take advantage of campus services and resources that could help with their intent to persist to degree completion. Because most DACA and undocumented students are not taking advantage of all 37

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services available to them, especially those relating to minimizing college expenses, it can be implied that these students are not feeling fully safe and comfortable on campus, even if they are giving others the impression they feel respected and a member of the campus community. The researchers recognize that it took courage for the 30 D-MO students to participate in this study, even with much encouragement from trusted higher education professionals. Their willingness to selfdisclose their immigration status and share their experiences as college students in the Borderland states will hopefully pave the way for others like them to share in a way that could minimize risks and potentially maximize benefits for this emerging student population and for other marginalized student groups.

Research Opportunity 1: Campus Climate and Effectiveness of Available Resources Future research could explore the effectiveness of services and resources available on college campuses in meeting the needs of the undocumented and DACA student population. Campuses that have established a greater level of trust with these students may be able to effectively survey the students about how they feel their immigration status is perceived on campus by faculty, administration, and peers. These questions could provide valuable information to indicate the current college climate for diversity. Additional surveys can also assess the effectiveness of the services currently offered on campus, with the opportunity for undocumented and DACA students to recommend changes and improvements.

Research Opportunity 2: Explore Interpersonal Relationships and Establishing Identity To gain a deeper understanding of what undocumented and DACA college students experience and need, a study focusing on two more of Chickering and Reisser’s (1993) vectors could provide additional insight into how these vulnerable students develop mature interpersonal relationships and establish identity. Chickering and Reisser (1993) defined relationships as “connections with others that have a profound impact on students’ lives” (p. 145). Conducting focus groups with this student population could serve to identify more variables to research for correlational and causal relationships. This study touched on the interpersonal relationship between D-MO students and faculty and advisors (see Figure 1). The significant and positive correlation between feeling valued at the institution and a student’s intent to persist

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Figure 1. Direct and indirect positive correlations relating to immigration status being respected on campus

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to degree completion creates the need to explore ways in which trust can be developed, so that DACA students feel safer in utilizing the campus services and resources available to them.

Research Opportunity 3: Becoming Campus Leaders The scope of this study did not provide the opportunity to explore why some of the participants did and others did not take on leadership roles on their campuses; therefore, future research can explore this in more detail. To become a campus leader, a student needs to be visible and engaged, and the student must feel safe and welcome. On the one hand, the D-MO students might not be getting to this level of belonging on campus because of concern about their immigration status or because they are not willing to take the risk of others finding out. Avoiding leadership positions may also result in missed opportunities to advance their talents and skills and increase their sense of belonging on campus.

Research Opportunity 4: Additional Correlational and Causal Relationships From the study, additional research can be conducted with larger sample sizes to investigate the correlations presented to determine how generalizable the results of this study are to the general DACA and undocumented population. Additional comparative studies providing more insight as to the extent of the relationship among these variables to assist campus administrators, staff, and faculty to build meaningful connections and trust with the DACA students could provide value when deciding to begin or expand new services for this student population. Determining the relationship between in-state tuition benefits and DACA and undocumented student persistence to degree completion could provide the evidence needed to justify more higher education institutions to include tuition equity policies and practices for this and other disadvantaged student populations.

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CONCLUSION The United States has been both a welcoming and challenging place for DACA and undocumented college students in recent years. They have benefited from the public school systems, which integrated them into American society. Yet the DACA and undocumented student population continues to live in fear of uncertainty and deportation, while being subjected to social stigmas and social exclusion as the anti-immigrant sentiment and stalled immigration reform continue. As a result, these resilient young adults continue to find ways to pursue their dreams of obtaining a college education and continuing to be productive citizens in the country where they have lived most of their lives. The study discussed in this chapter focused on 30 brave D-MO students who were willing to complete an anonymous online survey during a turbulent period of anti-immigration rhetoric aimed at depicting them as not worthy of support or access to the college education they had prepared for since emigrating from Mexico. The purpose of the study was to explore the relationship among their intent to persist to degree completion with feeling a sense of belonging and the college climate for diversity. The information shared through the surveys allowed for the discovery of significant correlations, which could provide an understanding of the issues so that higher education professionals can make informed decisions when creating programs to provide appropriate assistance and resources to support and build trust with the DACA student population. 39

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There is strength in numbers. As more DACA and undocumented students graduate from American high schools each year (Zong & Batalova, 2019), and enroll in colleges and universities around the country, they will hopefully interact with faculty and administrators who are empathetic to their experiences and prepared to support them in their quest to degree completion. Colleges and universities will need to find ways to encourage a student population that is often hidden to accept the campus support and resources being offered. One way to gain their trust is to ensure that the higher education leaders and those directly in contact with DACA students have access to and be able to disseminate the most current information during the rapid and ongoing changes in the current political climate. Future research with larger sample populations will be necessary to confirm and expand upon the findings from this study. It will be the higher education professional’s responsibility to create a trusting relationship with this student population in order to increase persistence rates. It is both a challenge and an opportunity for higher education professionals to have a significant and positive influence on DACA students. It is often difficult for higher education professionals to establish trust and a strong relationship with the average college student who does not have the additional sense of shame, fear, and vulnerability that often comes with their citizenship status. Being more attuned to the needs and issues of this vulnerable population is necessary to gain their trust. The recommendations in this chapter provide guidance to higher education professionals in establishing a warm and welcoming environment for this vulnerable and growing student population. It is the authors’ hope that colleges and universities continue to identify and serve undocumented and DACA students with empathy, resources, and a college climate that is tolerant and understanding of the students’ immigration status. These efforts will simultaneously benefit, even indirectly, other marginalized and vulnerable student populations that seek to be part of a diverse and inclusive campus culture.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-forprofit sectors.

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Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982). Redden, E. (2016, November 21). In defense of DACA. Retrieved from https://www.insidehighered. com/news/2016/11/21/college-presidents-call-continuation-obama-administration-program-protecting Rigali-Oiler, M., & Kurpius, S. R. (2013). Promoting persistence among racial/ethnic minority and European American freshman and sophomore undergraduates: Implication for college counselors. Journal of College Counseling, 16(3), 198–212. doi:10.1002/j.2161-1882.2013.00037.x Ritz, B. (2011). Immigration reform: Here they are ready or not [Kindle version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com. Sallie Mae Bank. (2019). Fill out the FAFSA. Retrieved from https://www.salliemae.com/collegeplanning/financial-aid/fafsa/ Seo, M. J. (2011). Uncertainty of access: U.S. citizen children of undocumented immigrant parents and instate tuition for higher education. Columbia Journal of Law and Social Problems, 44(3), 311–352. Retrieved from http://jlsp.law.columbia.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2017/03/44-Seo.pdf Suárez-Orozco, M., Teranishi, R. T., & Suárez-Orozco, C. (2014). In the shadows of the ivory tower: Undocumented undergraduates in the uncertain era of immigration reform. Los Angeles: Institute for Immigration, Globalization, and Education, UCLA. Retrieved on August 21, 2019 from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2hq679z4 Thangasmy, A., & Horan, D. (2016). Lowering the cost barrier to higher education for undocumented students: A promising university-level intervention. Journal of Latinos and Education, 15(2), 113–120. doi:10.1080/15348431.2015.1066252 Toll v. Moreno, 441 U.S. 1 458 (1982) University of California, Office of the President. (2019, May 22). University of California 2019-2020 tuition and fee levels. Retrieved from https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/201920/2019-20.pdf

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U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. (2016, June). Number of I-821D, consideration of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals by fiscal year, quarter, intake, biometrics, and case studies: 2012-2016. Retrieved from https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Resources/Reports%20and%20Studies/ Immigration%20Forms%20Data/All%20Form%20Types/DACA/daca_performancedata_fy2016_qtr3.pdf U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. (2017, September). Approximate active DACA recipients: Country of birth as of September 4, 2017. Retrieved from https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Resources/Reports%20and%20Studies/Immigration%20Forms%20Data/All%20Form%20Types/ DACA/daca_population_data.pdf U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. (2018). The Regents of the University of California and Janet Napolitano, in her official capacity as president of the University of California, Plaintiffs, v. United States Department of Homeland Security and Kirstjen Nielsen, in her official capacity as Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security. Case 3:17-cv-05211-WHA (2018) Retrieved from htpps://www. uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Humanitarian/Deffered%20Action%20for%20Childhood%20Arrivals/234_Order_Entering_Preliminary_Injunction.pdf

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U.S. Department of Education. (2018, March 1). Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA). Retrieved on August 21, 2019 from https://www2.ed.gov/policy/gen/guid/fpco/ferpa/index.html Williams, J. C. (2016). It’s always with you, that you’re different”: Undocumented students and social exclusion. Journal of Poverty, 20(2), 168–193. doi:10.1080/10875549.2015.1094766 Wintre, M. G., & Bowers, C. D. (2007). Predictors of persistence to graduation: Extending a model and data on the transition to university model. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 39(3), 220–234. doi:10.1037/cjbs2007017 Zong, J., & Batalova, J. (2019). How many unauthorized immigrants graduate from U. S. high schools annually? Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. Retrieved from https://www.migrationpolicy. org/research/unauthorized-immigrants-graduate-us-high-schools

ADDITIONAL READING Awang, M. M., Kutty, F. M., & Ahmad, A. R. (2014). Perceived social support and well-being: First year student experience in university. International Education Studies, 7(13), 261-270. Retrieved from http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/ies Chomsky, A. (2014, May). Undocumented: How immigration became illegal [Kindle version]. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Ellis, L. M., & Chen, E. C. (2013). Negotiating identity development among undocumented immigrant college students: A grounded theory study. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 60(2), 251–264. doi:10.1037/a0031350 PMID:23421773 Flores, E., Tschann, J. M., Dimas, J. M., Bachen, E. A., Pasch, L. A., & de Groat, C. L. (2008). Perceived discrimination, perceived stress, and mental and physical health among Mexican-origin adults. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 30(4), 401–424. doi:10.1177/0739986308323056 Flores, S. M., & Horn, C. L. (2009). College persistence among undocumented students at a selective public university: A quantitative case study analysis. Journal of Student Retention, Research. Theory into Practice, 11(1), 57–76. doi:10.2190/cs.11.1.d

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Hernandez, S., Hernandez, I. Jr, Gadson, R., Huftalin, D., Ortiz, A. M., White, M. C., & Yocum-Gaffney, D. (2010). Sharing their secrets: Undocumented students’ personal stories of fear, drive, and survival. New Directions for Student Services, 131(131), 67–84. doi:10.1002s.368 Rincón, A. (2010). Undocumented immigrants and higher education. Sí se puede! El Paso, TX: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC. Stebleton, M. J., Soria, K. M., Huesman, R. L., & Torres, V. (2014). Recent immigrant students at research universities: The relationship between campus climate and sense of belonging. Journal of College Student Development, 55(2), 196–202. doi:10.1353/csd.2014.0019

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS College Climate: A term often used in this study is college climate. This study refers to college climate as the students’ experiences and interactions with peers, which can include harassment and discrimination to develop an understanding of how D-MO students experience the university or college environment (Yeung & Johnston, 2014). DACA-Mexico Origin (D-MO) Students: The sample in this study included students with approved DACA statuses who arrived from Mexico (D-MO) and currently enrolled in public 2- or 4-year higher education institutions. Immigrant: The term “immigrant” for the context of this study is one who has legal authorization to be in the United States (Ritz, 2011). In general, immigrants are not citizens of the country, but immigrants are lawfully admitted to staying in the United States (Castro-Salazar & Bagley, 2012; Lopez & Lopez, 2010). Often undocumented and DACA students are grouped with immigrants through the term “illegal immigrants,” which creates confusion and stereotyping (Gildersleeve et al., 2010; Lopez & Lopez, 2010; Pérez, 2012). Mexican Citizens and Mexican Immigrants: For this study, the initial adult family members who came to the United States are referred to as “Mexican Citizens,” unless the family members are in the United States legally. Those who are in the United States legally with proper and current documentation are referred to as “Mexican Immigrants.” Persistence: For this study, persistence is defined as the ability of a student to remain in full- or parttime status at a higher education institution (Tinto, 2012). Persistence is related to retention but different in the way that persistence focuses on why students stay in school (Tinto, 2012). Intent to persist to degree completion in this study is referred to as the dependent variable. Intent takes into consideration how the student feels about his or her desire and ability to complete the degree program. Sense of Belonging: As defined by the researcher, a sense of belonging refers to the notion of how D-MO students integrate into the college and university atmosphere given the campus climate about race, ethnicity, religion, and other environmental influences. Social Exclusion: The term social exclusion, in the context of the study, referred to situations where a group of individuals had limited or no opportunities to participate fully in the community because of poverty, lack of resources, or access to social, economic, or political organizations (Williams, 2016). Social Stigma: When a stranger is introduced, these attributes become expectations and demands that subconsciously lead to assumptions regarding how the society feels the stranger should be or act. If the stranger behaves differently or exhibits attributes that are undesirable in the extreme sense, then the society perceives the individual as threatening, inferior, or bad (Goffman, 1963). These types of discrediting attributes are called stigmas. Undocumented and DACA Students: The term undocumented students refer to children who were brought to the United States by undocumented parents without the proper documentation (Castro-Salazar and Bagley, 2012; Ritz, 2011). Prior to 2012, none of the undocumented students had an opportunity to obtain legal documents, such as a social security card or driver’s license (Pérez, 2012; Pérez & Cortés, 2011); however, with DACA approval, undocumented students can attain lawful presence in the United States and have documentation (USCIS, 2014). For this reason, this study refers to these students as DACA students.

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Chapter 3

A Dream Realized:

Helping Low-Income Students Succeed in College Nate Bryant Salem State University, USA

ABSTRACT This chapter presents the characteristics and challenges that low-income students face culturally, socially, and academically, and identifes services that have a positive impact on their retention. Low-income students are defned as students whose total family income is below $50,000 a year. While higher education institutions boast about the increase in low-income students enrolling in college, the data show that the retention of these students is not as praiseworthy. Colleges and universities have not been nimble in meeting students where they are academically. Rather, they expect students to navigate the institutional structures and cultures that pre-date the changing demographics of higher education. Recognizing the characteristics of low-income students in relation to education, and understanding the challenges they face, will be helpful to higher education institutions as they create programs to meet the needs of this most vulnerable population.

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INTRODUCTION “A Dream Realized: Helping Low-Income Students Succeed in College” introduces the reader to the stark realities of the plight of low-income students as they enter and attempt to assimilate and navigate the higher education landscape. Poor academic preparation and lack of parental and their own knowledge about college put low-income students at a distinct disadvantage. The result is lower expectation than their peers about the likelihood of earning a degree (Choy, 2001; Wilbur & Roscigno, 2016). In 2013, only one in five low-income students completed a four-year degree by the age of 24--comparable to data on graduation rates from 1970 (Korn, 2015). Meanwhile, upper income students saw a 55% increase of degree completion in the same time frame

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch003

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 A Dream Realized

The topic of accessibility and diversity in the 21st century university cannot be fully understood without knowing the complexities of the family dynamic and how it impacts access and retention for lowincome students. Family obligations, which include work and childcare responsibilities, make it difficult for low-income students to stay focused on educational objectives and limit their ability to get involved on campus or become acclimated to college life (Bryant, 2016). Because of such responsibilities, most low-income students attend college close to home, are commuters, take a reduced course load, and take a leave to accommodate family needs (Choy, Horn, & Chen, 2000; Terriquez & Gurantz, 2015). Terriquez and Gurantz’s research identified financial obligations to family as the primary reason for low-income students leaving college. Terriquez and Gurantz’s research supports the research conducted by Terenzini et al. (1996), which found that compared to their peers, low-income students attempted and earned fewer credit hours, took fewer liberal arts courses, studied significantly less, and worked more hours per week. These tendencies have a negative impact on academic performance. Low-income students who work significant hours are caught in a dilemma. Working long hours affects their academic performance and jeopardizes their academic standing; however, in order to remain enrolled in college, low-income students are forced to work to help subsidize the cost of their education (Arnold, Chewning, Castleman, & Page, 2013). Additionally, the income earned as a result of their employment may also be needed to help with family expenses. This affects their availability to participate in extracurricular activities and/ or seek additional academic support. The chapter begins by explaining how these characteristics of low-income students, along with traditional higher education institutional structures and the lack of informational, social, and cultural capital, can impede their retention in college. It then focuses on how multi-layered retention programs, through a combination of academic and theoretical capital-generating services such as counseling, advising, tutoring, mentoring, learning communities, cohorts, financial aid counseling, financial assistance, midsemester evaluations, early registration, and academic workshops, can effectively serve at-risk students. Among the strategies that have been proven to help low-income students is the Bryant Supply-SupportSucceed (SSS) Model, which posits that giving low-income students programmatic support, enforced by supportive relationships, can result in academic success. Further, the chapter looks at types of college retention programs and their ability to foster academic success on a larger scale, and offers solutions and recommendations to institutional leaders for ways to retain low-income students and provide a supportive pathway to degree completion and graduation.

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BACKGROUND The literature on low-income students has shown that this population is not retained at college at the same levels as its middle- and upper-class peers (Bryant, 2016). The research also indicates why. The unique characteristics that low-income students possess prior to enrollment in college (e.g., poor academic preparedness, limited parental knowledge) coupled with the responsibilities they have while being enrolled in college (e.g., family commitments, work responsibilities), negatively affect retention. Three areas of research help to explain the primary factors impacting the retention of low-income students: the unique characteristics that low-income students possess; the institutional structures and cultures of colleges and universities and how these structures and cultures impede retention; and the theoretical perspectives on student success, or capital theories.

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Low Income Students and Challenges of Getting Into and Staying in College Considerable research exists providing insight into the challenges low-income students face prior to arriving on a college campus. This research has uncovered three distinct categories of characteristics particularly relevant to low-income students: academic preparation, parental knowledge of higher education, and the student’s own knowledge of higher education, which are linked to family circumstances and dynamics. First, lack of adequate academic preparation and its consequences come in many forms. Low-income students’ high school course loads are far less rigorous than their middle- to high-income classmates (Korn, 2015; Warburton, Bugarin, & Nuñez, 2001.) Warburton et al.’s data showed that low-income students took college entrance exams (i.e., the SAT or ACT) at a lower rate and scored in the lower quartile at a significantly higher rate than their peers from middle- and upper-class households. Other signs of poor academic preparation include lower grade point averages and lower levels of math and writing competency. Saenz, Hurtado, Barerra, Wolf, and Young (2007) found that low-income students demonstrated lower self-esteem and were less likely to take on leadership positions. Students who could benefit from college and career counseling (e.g., pre-college course selection, college awareness, preparation, and access) receive the least (Bryant, 2016). McDonough’s (2006) findings showed that low-income students received less guidance counseling in the areas of college preparation than students with middle-or upper-class backgrounds. McDonough found that guidance counselors working in high schools in which 50% or more of the population were low-income students, had a student-to-counselor ratio three times higher than those at high schools where less than 50% of the population were low-income students. Almost 10 years later, Perna’s (2015) research shows the ratio increasing; in some school districts, counseling positions have been eliminated altogether. This has made it increasingly difficult for guidance counselors to serve those students who could benefit the most from their assistance. The National Association of College Admissions Counselors (NACAC) reported that students attending public schools, which overwhelmingly educate the most low-income students, received less than one hour of college counseling throughout their entire high school career (Hurley & Coles, 2015). This is not an indictment of guidance counselors. In addition to providing college and career counseling, guidance counselors are asked to take on other responsibilities that are not necessarily part of their job description (Bryant, 2016). Second, parents of low-income students are no different than other parents in wanting their child to be in a better place than they are financially (Perna, 2015). While they see higher education as a viable option to achieve this end and hold it in high regard, they may not have the knowledge or resources to help their child prepare for or enroll in college (Perna, 2015). Several studies have suggested that students whose parents did not attend college receive less support at home regarding the college admissions processes (Cox, 2016; Terenzini, Springer, Yaeger, Pascarella, & Nora 1996). Research has also shown that parents with no college experience were less likely than parents with some college experience to attend high school events or college visits, or to seek out information about financial aid and high school course selection (McCarron & Inkelas, 2006). Third, given these circumstances, when low-income students face the prospect of applying to college, their decision-making process is shaped by their academic background and immediate family realities, with little consideration of long-term planning and goals (Cox, 2016). These pre-enrollment characteristics contribute to their choice of college and the difficulties they face once they get there (Holland, 2017). Low-income students who are not familiar with the college selection process and cannot readily get access to this information from home or at school (Perna, 2015) may not consider a college based 48

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on academic interest, size, or financial aid eligibility (Cox, 2016). Once enrolled, many find the college environment to be apathetic to and less supportive of their personal experiences (Tate, Fouad, Marks, Young, Guzman, & Williams, 2015). Tate et al reported that low-income students felt marginalized and lacked the social networks to propel them to be more engaged. These feelings towards the academy are related to the institutional structures and cultures of higher education.

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Institutional Structures and Culture as Impediments to Low-Income Student Retention Kuh and Whitt (1988) defined institutional structure as the size, mission, residential character, studentfaculty ratio, endowment, and diversity of an institution. Daft (1983) defined institutional culture as “the behavioral patterns, concepts, values, ceremonies, and rituals that take place in the organization.” For most students, the adjustment to college comes with anxiety. Entering this new world, which includes meeting new people, increased academic rigor, and more autonomy, can be daunting. For low-income students, these anxieties are compounded by an environment that is different both culturally and socially from their experiences growing up (Pascarella et al., 2004). The expectations of higher education are significantly different than secondary education. Students are expected to master the role of a college student (Collier & Morgan, 2007) by successfully navigating faculty expectations and developing self-efficacy. As colleges and universities see an increase in low-income students enrolling in college, an argument can be made that the expectations of the academy itself put low-income students at a distinct disadvantage (Bryant, 2016). For example, the academy expects students who enroll in college to be academically prepared and have the intellectual capacity to successfully navigate the college landscape. This expectation creates an educational gap between what was learned in high school and what colleges expect its students to know (Spellings, 2006). While the transition to college for most students brings anxiety, low-income students have the added burden of cultural incongruity and social unfamiliarity (Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005; Pascarella et al., 2004). Unfamiliarity with the patterns, values, and rituals of higher education puts low-income students at a disadvantage before they arrive on the college campus. The institutional structures and cultures of colleges and universities were created by individuals who saw educational attainment as a rite of passage, and are not congruent with the cultural, social, and academic challenges that low-income students encounter (Bryant 2016; Pike & Kuh, 2005). The challenges are further complicated by a belief, instilled in low-income students from early on in their lives, that no one is going to help them figure it out and that it is entirely up to them to succeed (Longwell-Grice, 2009). This attitude, although admirable, may negatively affect their ability to be retained, for they may decline to use some of the resources that would benefit them. In 2005, Inside Higher Education reported that more than half of all low-income students took some remedial course work, compared to 27% of their peers. While on the surface, remedial course work, also known as developmental course work (Hagedorn & Kuznetsova, 2016; Super, 2016), would be vital for academic success, many low-income students see remedial work as an extension of the length of time they will need to receive a degree and a drain on their limited financial resources for courses that cannot be used toward the four-year degree (Bettinger & Long, 2004), particularly given the family and work responsibilities thrust upon them. Compared to their peers, a higher percentage of low-income students attend college part-time and work more hours (Wilbur & Roscigno, 2016).

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Students who have meaningful interactions with faculty are more likely to persist in college (Tinto, 2012). However, according to Longwell-Grice (2009), low-income students have difficulty interacting with faculty. Longwell-Grice posited that low-income students see faculty as imparters of knowledge in the classroom and not as individuals who have a genuine interest in their well-being. Longwell-Grice’s research found that low-income students felt that faculty looked at students seeking their assistance as weak and unsuited for the rigors of college. This was confirmed by Collier and Morgan (2007), who examined faculty and student perceptions of student success and found that they believed success in college goes beyond academic ability. Their research showed that students who took the initiative to talk with faculty during office hours made great strides in understanding the professor’s expectations, which led to a better understanding of the meaning of being a college student. They offered that mastering the role of being a college student is particularly difficult for low-income students, who are not familiar with the expectations of faculty and are reluctant to initiate faculty-student interaction. Collier and Morgan reported that understanding the role of being a college student is passed down from family members who are familiar with the inner workings of higher education. This phenomenon is related to theories of capital.

Theories of Capital and How They Influence Low-Income Student Success

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Informational Capital Capital theories provide context for understanding the significance of having requisite knowledge about college processes both pre- and post-enrollment (Bryant, 2016). Students who can access information deemed important for college enrollment and retention and who understand the expectations of college possess informational capital (McDonough, 1997). Informational capital is defined as having knowledge of the college selection process, which includes application for admission, financial aid processes, selecting a major, and course requirements. Parents of low-income students lack informational capital and therefore cannot effectively help their children with college processes (Horn & Nuñez, 2000). Horn and Nuñez’s research showed that low-income students received advice from guidance counselors too late in their high school career to help with college attainment. They offered that middle- to high-income students received this information much earlier. Increasing informational capital is beneficial in several ways. It helps students identify a college that may be the best fit (size, location, cost, etc.), makes for an easier transition to college, and increases first-year retention (Barr & Castleman, 2019; Pike & Kuh, 2005). Pike and Kuh argued that one of the reasons why low-income students have difficulty transitioning to college is that they lack knowledge about how to become engaged after enrolling. They maintained that low-income students lack the capital needed to understand what is required to be successful in college. Having informational capital gives students an advantage in preparing for college and increases their chances of retention once they are enrolled (Bryant, 2016).

Social Capital In addition to examining the impact of informational capital, researchers (Cox, 2016; Farmer-Hinton, 2002; Lin, 2000) have explored the extent to which social networks impact low-income students. The research suggests that low-income students typically associate with other low-income students, a phe50

 A Dream Realized

nomenon that also holds true with their middle- and high-income peers. The socialization between and among educated individuals provides a ready-made pipeline for acquiring the requisite resources for not only accessing higher education, but for creating easier access to resources and services that allow students to attend more prestigious colleges and universities. It also facilitates access to grants, scholarships, internships, and study-abroad programs, as well as to faculty and assistantships. These benefits are associated with social capital theory (Choy et al., 2000). Coleman (1988) described social capital theory as the relationships that exist between people and the potential benefits that can be garnered through those relationships. This includes relationships between family and friends, other students, and school administrators. Stanton-Salazar (1997) likened social capital theory to freeways that are accessible to some populations but not others, and that allow populations with access to move about more effectively and efficiently through mainstream society. This was confirmed by Choy et al. (2000) who offered that a strong predictor of college enrollment is having friends with college plans. In Choy’s study, when most or all of a student’s friends had college plans, that student was four times more likely to enroll in college. Similarly, parental knowledge provided the impetus to increase students’ likelihood of enrollment. Students whose parents engaged in school activities or provided encouragement were more likely to prepare for, develop, and maintain aspirations for college and ultimately enroll (Cabrera & La Nasa, 2002; Choy et al., 2000). Research has demonstrated that the development of social capital can help students to obtain the resources needed to be successful in college (Moschetti & Hudley, 2008; Smith, 2001.) High schools and programs that expose low-income students to college have seen an increase in college attendance (Perna, 2015; Bryan, Farmer-Hinton, Rawls, and Woods, 2017). However, the parents of low-income students often do not have the first-hand knowledge or information about college application processes or how to pay for college and therefore, their children do not have that information or support at home. Consequently, a low-income student’s social networks, which include their parents, peers, and school, will unfortunately have less impact on his or her educational attainment.

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Cultural Capital Cultural capital theory examines the relationship between cultural practices and those associated with educational attainment. Bourdieu (1977) explained cultural capital as the intellectual and social assets that are inherent in the dominant culture. Bourdieu offered that cultural capital is developed in the home and school and is based on cultural practices. Rogoff (2003) shared Bourdieu’s view and believed that cultural capital plays a prominent role in knowledge building, positing that cultural capital influences one’s beliefs, values, and abilities. Bourdieu offered that students whose parents attended college are part of the dominant culture and participate in activities that lend themselves to educational attainment. Some of these activities include participation in creative and performing and visual arts and other cultural activities. If cultural capital plays a prominent role in the shaping of values and beliefs (Rogoff, 2003) and is developed in the home and school (Bourdieu, 1977), then low-income students are at a significant disadvantage, beyond just academic ability (Bryant, 2016). Many do not hold those college-related cultural activities in high regard and cannot turn to home or school to learn about these activities. For many low-income students, educational attainment involves learning a new culture that perceives higher education as an expectation. Kaufman and Gabler (2004) found that among a national sample of high school students, cultural capital influenced college enrollment and the type of college attended. 51

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Like informational and social capital, cultural capital involves accessing information and acquiring knowledge that is fundamental to educational attainment, and there is overwhelming consensus that it positively impacts enrollment and retention (Bryant, 2016). Yosso (2005) acknowledged that all students have capital; however, the type of capital that low-income students possess may not be the type the academy embraces. To that end, for low-income students, the lack of informational, social, and cultural capital (as deemed necessary by the academy) puts them at a distinct disadvantage, as compared to their peers, who have obtained capital through family members or from high school personnel whose high school and college experiences are more closely aligned with middle- and upper-class students. From an examination of the literature on capital theory, a common definition of capital emerged. In the context of higher education, capital can be defined as resources that are embedded in some students and acquired by others and positively impact college enrollment, retention, and graduation (Bryant, 2016).

RETENTION PROGRAMS FOR LOW-INCOME STUDENTS

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Academic Support Services Influencing Retention Recognizing the characteristics of low-income students and attempting to meet their needs through traditional approaches has not garnered significant improvement in retention (Bryant, 2016). However, research exists showing that through intentional efforts, retention can be increased for this at-risk population, with the biggest gains coming from a multi-layered college retention program (Bryant, 2016; Perna, 2015). The author’s study attempted to determine the impact of college retention programs on low-income students by identifying the programmatic elements that influenced retention. Institutions that offer college retention programs vary in size, enrollment, demographics, and various other attributes; thus, the types of programmatic elements (support services) offered within the retention program will also vary. Some of the programmatic elements include counseling, advising, tutoring, mentoring, learning communities, cohorts, financial aid counseling, financial assistance, mid-semester evaluations, early registration, and academic workshops (e.g., test-taking, time management, information literacy, major exploration). Many college retention programs provide counseling that is geared toward helping low-income students transition to college and become connected to the institution (Museus, 2010). Many also offer career counseling, which helps students select a major (Bryant, 2016). As the literature on low-income students has shown, the lack of parental knowledge about college processes coupled with the limited interaction with high school guidance counseling hinders the ability of low-income students to become acclimated to college life (Cox, 2016; McDonough, 1997). College retention program counseling attempts to introduce students to various groups and clubs on campus, as well as social and cultural activities, all with the goal of getting the student connected (Bryant, 2016). In the area of career counseling, college retention programs conduct exercises that inform students of possible major and career paths. Advising also plays a significant role in helping them select the appropriate courses for the chosen major. Since advising assumes many different forms on college campuses (e.g., faculty advising, academic advising, and peer advising), the advising offered within college retention programs may serve as the clearinghouse for the recommendations offered by an institution’s official advisors (Bryant, 2016). The literature has demonstrated that because low-income students are reluctant to interact with faculty, the advising offered as part of a retention program has the potential to allow students to engage in more meaningful conversations regarding majors, minors, and course selection (Bryant, 2016; Muraskin, 1997). 52

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 A Dream Realized

Unlike faculty advisors, who are most knowledgeable about their specific discipline, advisors who are part of college retention programs are familiar with many of the majors offered and can help students who may be looking to change their major (Bryant, 2016). Further, retention program advisors are familiar with the institutional academic policies and can identify potential problems and provide interventions because they meet more frequently than once a semester, which is typical of the traditional faculty-advising model (Rosenthall & Shinebarger, 2010). Many college retention programs offer tutoring that is independent of the college-wide tutoring program. These tutoring programs may be able to provide one-on-one and small-group tutoring at a pace that is most beneficial to low-income students (Bryant, 2016). Further, self-contained tutoring programs may be able to identify times that are most convenient for program students, particularly those who have family or work obligations (Bryant, 2016). In some instances, retention program tutors themselves might have participated in the specific college retention program and can relate to the challenges that low-income students face. College retention programs also include mentoring as a key component for student success (Gandara & Bial, 2001). As Budge (2006) observed, traditional mentoring on college campuses excluded low-income students for years. To combat this phenomenon, many college retention programs began offering peer mentoring to support low-income students academically, socially, and emotionally (Engle, Bermeo, & O’Brien 2006). Their research showed that mentoring often involved the pairing of a low-income freshman with an older low-income student, and that mentees credited this service with helping them address academic problems. Mentors also helped to connect low-income students with tutors and other academic support services on campus, including math and writing centers. Furthermore, because mentors were often low-income students themselves, they could relate to the anxieties and challenges that first-year students experienced and offer ways to help overcome these challenges. Low-income students reported that mentors were more accessible than other college staff, which made them more feel comfortable talking about sensitive issues (Bryant, 2016). Some college retention programs monitor the academic performance of students through mid-semester evaluations or progress reports. The mid-semester evaluation process is not unique to college campuses; for years, athletic departments and student groups and clubs have used this practice to monitor academic progress. Mid-semester evaluations allow retention program staff to check in with students in order to address issues of concern or provide positive feedback for students who are doing well, which may help to build self-esteem and self-confidence. Additionally, some college retention programs assist lowincome students with the financial aid process. Providing financial aid counseling helps low-income students better understand the financial aid process and ensures that the proper forms and deadlines are met (Bryant, 2016). Fundamental to most college retention programs is the emphasis on academic support (Bryant, 2016; Perna, 2015, & Muraskin, 1997), which centers on developing those academic skills not acquired in high school. One of the ways that retention programs provide academic support is through academic workshops that focus on study skills, time management, and information literacy. As the literature has shown, the transition to college is challenging for many low-income students, with perhaps the biggest challenge being meeting academic expectations. Engle and Tinto (2008) reported that 60% of low-income students who drop out of college do so after the first year. They posited that retention programs have proven to be effective in helping to reverse this trend. Programs that provide academic tutoring, advising, personal development, and mentoring are in a prime position to increase first-year retention (Museus, 2010). Museus found that offering support programs early in a student’s academic career provided him 53

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or her with the social capital needed to stay connected to the institution. Such social capital included making a connection with academic advisors, peers, and other critical institutional agents. Castleman and Page (2017) argued that summer outreach prior to enrolling in college also positively impacted retention. They noted that once students graduate from high school, they no longer have access to school personnel for help with college and the many forms that arrive in the mail. Limited parental knowledge about the college process can leave low-income students vulnerable, and some who are admitted to college are so overwhelmed by confusing paperwork on financial aid, orientation, and tuition, and fees, that they do not end up enrolling. From navigating the campus to making connections with other students, a summer outreach component of retention programs can give low-income students the tools and resources they need to succeed in college. As part of the author’s research on what helps low-income students succeed in college, a survey was administered to students who completed one full-year in a college retention program. The survey questions were developed based on findings from the literature and from conversations with college retention program staff. The survey questions solicited responses about those programmatic elements that according to the literature, are fundamental to college retention programs and their positive influence: advising, tutoring, relationships with staff, and relationships with peers (Gullatt & Jan, 2003; Hong & Kircher, 2010; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005).Because not all program services were mandatory but offered instead on an as-needed model, research questions were constructed to allow program participants to identify those programmatic elements that they found to be the most impactful and to rate the frequency with which they utilized those elements. Moreover, to determine the impact of services on academic skills and abilities, program participants were asked to rate their competency in reading, writing, mathematics, overall academic ability, public speaking, self-confidence, and time management both pre-college and after completion of their first year of college, or after utilizing program services. The survey results confirmed that college retention programs positively influence retention for lowincome students. These programs play an important role in filling the gaps in low-income students’ academic experiences that started as early as middle school (or even earlier) and were exacerbated throughout high school. These programs work with the most at-risk students to provide opportunities for personal, academic, and social development, thereby contributing to their retention. Successful college retention programs for low-income students come with an array of programmatic elements (Bryant, 2016). These elements come in two forms: academic (e.g., advising, tutoring, mentoring, counseling) and the development of capital (informational, social, cultural). While providing the right programmatic elements is key to student success, also important is the amount of support the program provides.

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Institutional, Social, and Cultural Capital Influencing Retention To capture the essence of college retention programs and their impact on low-income students, the author saw Astin’s (1984) I-E-O model and theory of involvement as a conceptual framework and thought it most closely explained this dynamic. Astin’s I-E-O model and theory of involvement suggests that the backgrounds of students (inputs) can shape their characteristics (outcomes), which are reflected through their engagement in college (environment). However, the results of the author’s survey suggested that perhaps Astin’s model was too broad in its scope. With the significant increase in low-income students accessing college and the attempts at fine-tuning college retention programs, the author believed that Astin’s theory, while plausible in 1984, did not account for the changing environment of higher education

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or the increased scholarship in this area of research. These factors were instrumental in Bryant developing the Bryant Supply-Support-Succeed (SSS) Model for student success in college retention programs. The author’s Bryant SSS Model (depicted in Figure 1) offered that, while providing academic support services is important to student success, preparing students to navigate the college landscape is equally important. The Bryant SSS Model posits that low-income students’ success in college retention programs is in large part due to the program’s ability to supply students with academic support and capital and to create a supportive environment through the employment of caring staff who have overcome similar obstacles, ultimately contributing to the success (retention) of the students and program. This was confirmed by the author’s survey data as the results showed that relationships with staff were a close second to advising as the most influential programmatic element. The literature showed that the background and characteristics of low-income students are not typically congruent with the culture and practices of higher education. Introducing students to this culture through exposure to various forms of informational, social, and cultural capital may help to mitigate the disparities that exist. The relationships formed with caring and supportive staff who often possess similar lived experiences, helped to equip low-income students with the capital needed to succeed both academically and socially in higher education. Further, because many low-income students exhibit similar characteristics, the bonds they formed as a result of their lived experiences can serve as a unifying agent to propel them as a community to succeed.

Types of Retention Programs Most retention programs are either specific to an individual institution or are system-wide. The only national college retention program that works with students once they are enrolled in an institution is the federally funded TRIO Student Support Services (SSS) program. The genesis of the SSS program was the Economic Opportunity Act (EOA) of 1964, signed into law by President Lyndon Johnson as part of his Great Society program created to eradicate poverty and racial injustice, The primary focus of the EOA was to help impoverished individuals who had not completed high school acquire new skills and receive job training, and to improve adult literacy. With the passing of the Higher Education Act

Figure 1. Bryant’s SSS Model for student success in college retention programs

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(Source: Bryant, Nate, 2016)

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(HEA) of 1965, federal lawmakers took a major step toward increasing access to higher education for low-income students. The HEA provided financial assistance to help offset the cost of college tuition. While this program was helpful to many, it did not address the academic preparedness or lack thereof of low-income students. In 1968, the SSS, then known as Special Services for Disadvantaged Students, was created to fill the void. This program serves low-income students and closely monitors their progress through the first two years of college, and then provides assistance as requested, for the duration of the students’ enrollment (Bryant, 2016). Administrative staff monitor student academic performance, provide professional tutoring, assist with registration and advising, and provide financial aid counseling. The SSS program incorporates a student development counseling model where staff members are assigned to meet with each student on a regular basis. These regular meetings allow SSS staff to closely monitor the student’s progress at the institution. The U.S. Department of Education (USDOE), the governing body of the SSS, incorporates into the SSS program application process encouragement to employ staff members who have overcome similar obstacles as the program participants. This strategy is intended to strengthen the connection between students and staff. Moreover, some SSS programs use a tutoring model in which professional staff is hired to provide tutoring in English, math, science, and writing. Research on SSS revealed several factors that influence the retention of low-income students (Bryant, 2016; Muraskin, 1997). The author’s survey results showed the advising/counseling process is instrumental to the success of low-income students. In fact, advising received the highest marks for its positive impact on retention. Specifically, advisors who meet with students beyond the traditional once-per-semester model are better able to focus on the whole student and not just monitoring academic progress and course selection. Advising programs in which students meet routinely with their advisor allow students to talk about their out-of-classroom experiences and assists advisors in better understanding students’ needs and directing them to appropriate resources. Additionally, Muraskin reported that institutions and programs that require mandatory meetings, advising sessions, and tutoring also help to positively influence the success of low-income students. Requiring students to attend academic and personal development meetings and/or workshops ensures they are aware of and have access to the various services the institution has to offer. Further, by requiring students to attend meetings and/or workshops, they are encouraged to take responsibility for their learning and personal development. The SSS is a grant-funded program subsidized by the federal government. Because there are only a limited number of SSS grants available, institutions are required to apply; if accepted, they receive a four-year grant. Given the limited number of available SSS grants, some states (e.g., New York, California, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania) have instituted system-wide programs for their state colleges, universities, and community colleges (Bryant, 2016). The Educational Opportunity Program (EOP) is another major program which is offered, for example, at the State University of New York (SUNY). The largest state university system in the U.S., SUNY provides academic support and financial assistance to low-income, first-generation, and educationally disadvantaged students. The EOP has been part of the SUNY system for more than 40 years. The goal of EOP is to enhance student retention and success. Each campus with an EOP program employs a program director, counselors, and tutors. All services are self-contained within the program, which allows for close monitoring of students and increased opportunities for student engagement. Program offerings include one-on-one counseling, professional and peer tutoring, and group academic and personal development workshops on topics such as college survival skills, effective communications, academic 56

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technology, time management, and financial aid planning. At some four-year universities, a mandatory summer program is required. As of 2015, more than 12,000 students were enrolled in the EOP. Student participants in the EOP have a college graduation success rate comparable to students who entered the SUNY system without the benefit of the program. For example, research conducted on the entering class of 2002 showed that the EOP six-year graduation rate was 54%, which compared favorably to the national public college/ university graduation rate of 55% during the same timeframe. Further, SUNY’s EOP students’ first-year retention rate (84.5%) was 11.5% higher than the national public college/university rate (73.5%). Other institutions have created their own homegrown retention programs. The author’s own institution, Salem State University, located in Salem, Massachusetts, has offered a retention program for low-income students since 1979. The program, called the Summer Bridge Academy (SBA), begins with a mandatory six-week summer program that provides academic support by utilizing a peer-tutoring model, in which academic tutors meet with students on a regular basis. Moreover, SBA utilizes a student development counseling (SDC) model, which assigns professional staff members to meet with each student on a regular basis. These meetings, which continue during the academic year, allow the student and staff to identify and resolve issues that may be affecting academic performance. These one-on-one meetings also focus on specific topics, including goal-setting, time management, study skills, and living healthy lifestyles. In addition to one-on-one meetings, various departments, including Counseling and Health Services, Disability Services, and Career Services, host information sessions. The staff also monitors the academic progress of each student through faculty mid-semester evaluations. The evaluations allow faculty to comment on student academic progress, participation, initiative, and need.

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Benefits of Retention Programs Gullatt and Jan (2003) offered that introducing low-income students to the college environment as part of a retention program increases the aspirations to achieve a four-year degree. According to the researchers, retention programs possess three main components: academic instruction and support that was not provided in high school; the capital (informational, social, and cultural) needed to successfully navigate the college landscape; and opportunities for personal growth and development and cultivate positive relationships between the students and the institution, using a student-centered approach. College retention programs can be especially useful in boosting self-confidence, self-esteem, and a sense of belonging for low-income students (Bryant, 2016; Gullatt & Jan, 2003). Engle et al. (2006) held that college retention programs are effective in helping low-income students overcome the anxieties of college enrollment. Similarly, Grant-Vallone, Reid, Umali, and Pohlert (2004) found that students who took advantage of the services offered by retention programs had an easier time making academic and social adjustments to college. The researchers, after examining three retention programs at California University (in San Marcos) that provide support for low-income students —the Educational Opportunity Program (EOP), the Academic Support Program for Intellectual Rewards and Enhancement (ASPIRE), and the Faculty Mentoring Program (FMP)—found that students who routinely took advantage of support services were more committed to their institution than those who did not. The services offered within these programs include tutoring, personal and career counseling, academic advising, mentoring, cultural enrichment activities, and assistance with graduate school applications. Further, the data showed that students who accessed support services the most reported experiencing a higher level of satisfaction and commitment to the institution. Typically, these programs maintain close 57

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relations with each student, which in turn gives students confidence that they are not going through the process alone. Through these relationships, students develop self-confidence and self-worth and feel they are valuable members of the institution (Gullatt & Jan, 2003; Hong & Kircher, 2010; Tate et al., 2015). Kuh (2005) argued that targeted retention programs positively influence the success of low-income students and to that end, must not only be endorsed by the entire institution but also institutionalized and reinforced at the highest levels of administration. Campus leaders must value retention as a top priority and make this evident through their words and actions—by allocating resources (financial and personnel), expressing their commitment in public forums, and incorporating their support in the institution’s marketing and recruiting initiatives. The author’s research (2016) suggests that programs that have dedicated staff help to retain lowincome students by providing support that they can rely on for help, guidance, and support. Staff closely monitor the progress of students, routinely meeting to talk about individual students and identify any concerns that may impede their academic progress or s personal growth and development. Perhaps just as importantly, these programs provide a safe space where students of similar academic backgrounds, life experiences, and anxieties feel comfortable sharing their common experiences.

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS College retention programs share certain similarities, but they are all unique. While they all offer similar services (e.g., advising, tutoring, mentoring), how they choose to offer these services differ. Even so, the data on these programs suggest that colleges are delivering on their mission to provide academic support services, thereby increasing college retention and graduation (Bryant, 2016). What this suggests is that low-income students, who the literature has indicated are academically underprepared, can thrive on a college campus when placed in a caring environment and given access to support services. To that end, the author’s solutions and recommendations focus on four areas: (1) making a connection to the institution prior to enrollment; (2) seeking feedback from students and staff; (3) identifying and expanding those services that have positively influenced retention (and graduation); and (4) fostering the peer-to-peer relationship within college retention programs. Institutions should make efforts to connect students to the institution before they enroll. While many retention programs begin working with students once they begin classes, colleges and universities should consider offering summer programs for these students. Because it is known that the adjustment to college can be challenging, inviting students to arrive on campus before the semester begins will allow them to meet their peers, become acquainted with program staff, benefit from earlier staff intake to create a plan for program services, and better familiarize themselves with the campus. Further, an opportunity to take a summer course should be considered. This would help to familiarize students with the faculty-student dynamic and with expectations around college-level work. Campus leaders should seek feedback from students and program staff. Perhaps the area where the literature speaks the loudest is regarding the impact of staff on program participants. From helping students adjust to college to boosting their self-confidence, program staff members wear many hats. They are the shoulders to cry on, huggers to congratulate, parents during teachable moments, mentors, and confidants. When considering the student-staff dynamic college-wide, there are few college staff members who have gained the absolute trust of students. The exceptions include coaches, some faculty members, and retention program staff. 58

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As colleges and universities engage in conversations about retention, persistence, and graduation, retention program staff should have a seat at the table. For too many years, colleges have “rallied the troops” or brought in retention specialists to examine and solve retention-related problems. The research suggests that the specialists are already on campus. By virtue of the relationships that staff can cultivate with students, staff members are more in-tune with students’ wants and needs. This allows them to more clearly understand students’ problems or issues, and to address them in a timely fashion. College personnel should also listen to students. From the author’s personal experiences in the field of higher education, over the past 30 years, decisions about students are usually made with little to no input from students themselves. In the creation and maintenance of college retention programs, student input could prove valuable and allow for more informed decision-making by the faculty and administration. Institutions should identify and expand those services that have positively impacted retention. Data are only good if used—and really good if used to inform practice. Therefore, retention programs would do well to assess and re-assess all their services to ensure that not only are they influencing retention in the classroom (although that is most important), but also remaining viable at acclimating students to college, providing capital (informational, social, and cultural), and promoting personal growth and development. In other words, retention programs cannot rest on their laurels. With each new entering class comes a different set of challenges and opportunities. Assessing and re-assessing retention programs will ensure that services remain relevant, resources are maximized, and most important, students continue to excel and sing the praises of the program—which in turn puts these programs on solid footing with the greater campus community. The author’s final solution and recommendation is to more closely examine the peer-to-peer relationship within college retention programs. The research showed that work and family obligations prohibit the extent to which program students can interact with their peers. College retention programs will better serve the students if they create opportunities for them—social, cultural, or academic—to meet, share, bond, and mentor on a regular basis.

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FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS While the research shows that college retention programs positively influence retention, there are areas or programmatic elements that could have a greater impact on this vulnerable population than perhaps others (Bryant, 2016). There are three suggestions for future research relative to programmatic elements. The first suggestion is to study the relationship between students and program staff. Program staff members play an integral role in helping students get acclimated, gain self-confidence, and build self-esteem (Bensimon, 2007). Further, program staff can help to fill the gaps that exist in low-income students by virtue of the characteristics they possess. According to Pascarella and Terenzini (2005), positive academic experiences of students can be linked to positive relationships with institutional agents. This may particularly hold true for college retention program staff who serve as advisors, counselors, confidants, friends, or parental figures, and perhaps are the most trusted institutional agents on a college campus. Studying the relationship between student and staff may uncover strategies that can be implemented by other institutional agents on the campus, thereby improving retention and graduation for all students. The second suggestion for future research is to look at retention program students who did not persist. While it is certainly important for institutions to stay in tune with their currently enrolled students, perhaps 59

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valuable information can be gleaned by researching those students who opted to leave the program and/ or institution. For example, for those students who did not persist, did the characteristics of low-income students (e.g., work and family obligations) play a role? Moreover, could institutional culture be a factor? Perhaps these students could not make the adjustment in a world that is different both culturally and socially (Bryant, 2016; Pascarella et al., 2004). Understanding the reasons why participants dropped out can be just as valuable as identifying the reasons why they persisted. The third area where future research is warranted is identifying when to implement retention programs. Research presented by Castleman and Page (2017) suggests that college transition programs should start after the college application is submitted. Given the barrage of paperwork that needs to be completed and given the limited parental knowledge about the college process, college retention programs that start in the spring of the senior year may provide welcome and needed assistance for low-income students. Once the student is formerly accepted, college retention programs could begin preparing students for the enrollment process.

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CONCLUSION The benefits of a college degree are numerous. College graduates will play a critical role in resolving societal and global issues and, on a local level, advance their communities and improve their family conditions (Perna, 2005). While enrollment of low-income students has increased, their college degree completion has not (Korn, 2015). In fact, low-income students are dropping out of college at a significantly higher rate than their non-low-income peers (Castleman & Page, 2017; Engle & Tinto, 2008). Research has shown that for families of low-income students, it is not a lack of parental involvement that impacts educational attainment; on the contrary, these parents want to be involved. It is a lack of parental knowledge about the college process that impedes the student’s pursuit of higher education (McDonough, 2006; Perna, 2015). Because turning to high school guidance counselors is difficult, where are these students to turn for help? College retention programs have the potential to come to the rescue. The research concluded that college retention programs positively influence retention. These programs appear to be assisting in filling the gaps in low-income students’ academic experiences that started as early as middle school (or even earlier) and were exacerbated throughout high school. These programs are working with the most at-risk students to provide opportunities for personal, academic, and social development, thereby contributing to their retention and ability to persist at a rate comparable to their middle- and upper-income peers. Just as the benefits of a college degree for low-income students are many, for those who do not receive a college degree, the hardships are numerous as well. As reported by Perna (2005), low-income students who left after their first year of college were susceptible to committing higher rates of crime, earning lower wages, and relying on public assistance at a much higher rate than those who did persist in college. Lastly and perhaps most importantly, a college degree will create more opportunities for graduating students to compete for the jobs of today and the future and to make a better living for themselves and their families (Spellings, 2006). In 2018, the U.S. Department of Labor and the Bureau of Labor Statistics presented information on weekly earnings by educational attainment. The results are shown in Figure 2. Given that a bachelor’s degree will be needed to compete for many of these new jobs, students who do not earn a four-year degree will be at a distinct disadvantage.

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Figure 2. Weekly earnings by educational attainment (Source: U.S. Department of Labor, 2018)

Considering that low-income students are accessing higher education at increasing rates, it is crucial that institutions of higher education create programs and services that help retain and graduate lowincome students. Given the challenges that low-income students face upon arriving on a college campus, the one-size-fits-all approach is not the answer. In order to achieve success, colleges must be intentional in identifying, funding, and supporting those programs and programmatic elements that have positively impacted retention for low-income students.

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Kuh, G. D. (2005). Student success in college: Creating conditions that matter. An unshakeable focus on student learning. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Kuh, G. D., & Whitt, E. J. (1988). Using the cultural lens to understand faculty behavior. Paper presented at the annual AERA conference, New Orleans, LA. Lee, V. E., & Ekstrom, R. B. (1987). Student access to guidance counseling in high school. American Educational Research Journal, 24(2), 287–310. Lin, N. (2000). Inequality in social capital. American Sociological Association, 29(6), 785–795. Lingenfelter, P. (2007). Moving beyond the culture divide: The shared imperative of p-16 vision and action. Paper presented at the Association of American Colleges and Universities Annual Meeting, New Orleans, LA. Lohfink, M., & Paulsen, M. (2005). Comparing the determinants of persistence for first-generation and continuing education students. Journal of College Student. Longwell-Grice, R. (2009). First-generation students: Status quo is not enough. Arlington, VA: Starfish Solutions. MacGregor, J. T., & Smith, B. L. (1992). What is collaborative learning? College and university curriculum. Boston, MA: Pearson Custom Publishing. McCarron, G. P., & Inkelas, K. K. (2006). The gap between educational aspirations and attainment for first-generation college students and the role of parent involvement. Journal of College Student. McDonough, P. M. (1997). Choosing colleges: How social class and schools structure opportunity. Academic Press. Muraskin, L. (1997). Best practices in student support services: A study of five exemplary sites. Follow up study of student support services. Washington, DC: Office of Planning, Budget. Museus, S. D. (2010). Delineating the ways that targeted support programs facilitate minority students’ access to social networks and development of social capital in college. Enrollment Management Journal: Student Access, Finance, and Success in Higher Education, 4(3), 10–41. Pascarella, E. T., & Terenzini, P. T. (2005). How college affects students: A third decade of research (Vol. 2). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

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Perna, L. W. (2005). The benefits of higher education: Sex, racial/ethnic, and socioeconomic group differences. Review of Higher Education, 29(1), 23–52. doi:10.1353/rhe.2005.0073 Perna, L. W. (2015). Improving College Access and Completion for Low-Income and First-Generation Students: The Role of College Access and Success Programs. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn. edu/gse_pubs/301 Pike, G. W., & Kuh, G. D. (2005). First- and second-generation college students: A comparison of their engagement and intellectual development. The Journal of Higher Education, 76(3), 276–300.

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Rendón, L. I. (1999). Academics of the heart in higher education. Keynote address. National Conference on Race and Ethnicity, Memphis, TN. Rogoff, B. (2003). The cultural nature of human development. London: Oxford University Press. Rosenthall, K. I., & Shinebarger, S. H. (2010). Peer mentors: Helping bridge the advising gap. About Campus: Enriching the Student Learning Experience, 15(1), 24–27. doi:10.1002/abc.20012 Saenz, V. B., Hurtado, S., Barerra, D., Wolf, D., & Yeung, F. (2007). First in my family: A profile of first-generation college students at four-year institutions since 1971. Los Angeles: Higher Education Research Institute, Foundation for Independent Higher Education. Smith, M. J. (2001). College choice on an unlevel playing field: How low-income African American parents understand college choice. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Seattle, WA. Spellings, M. (2006). A test of leadership. Retrieved from http://www.ed.gov/about/bdscomm/list/hiedfuture/reports/pre‐pub‐report.pdf Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (1997). A social capital framework for understanding the socialization of racial minority children and youths. Harvard Educational Review, 67(1), 10–25. doi:10.17763/ haer.67.1.140676g74018u73k Super, D. J. (2016). Escaping the remedial curse: An evaluation of the impact of a credit bearing alternative to traditional developmental education. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/cgi/ viewcontent.cgi?article=1098&context=diss Tate, K. A., Fouad, N. A., Marks, L. R., Young, G., Guzman, E., & Williams, E. G. (2015). Underrepresented first-generation, low-income college students’ pursuit of a graduate education investigating the influence of self-efficacy, coping efficacy, and family influence. Journal of Career Assessment, 23(3), 427–441. doi:10.1177/1069072714547498 Terenzini, P. T., Springer, L., Yaeger, P. M., Pascarella, E. T., & Nora, A. (1996). First-generation college students: Characteristics, experiences, and cognitive development. Research in Higher Education, 37(1), 1–22. doi:10.1007/BF01680039 Terriquez, V., & Gurantz, O. (2015). Financial challenges in emerging adulthood and students’ decisions to stop out of college. Emerging Adulthood, 3(3), 204–214. doi:10.1177/2167696814550684

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Thayer, P. B. (2000). Retention of students from first-generation and low-income backgrounds. Washington, DC: Council for Opportunity in Education. Tinto, V. (2012). Completing college: Rethinking institutional action. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. U.S. Department of Labor. (2018a). Bureau of Labor statistics. Retrieved from https://www.bls.gov/ emp/chart-unemployment-earnings-education.htm U.S. Department of Labor. (2018b). Bureau of Labor statistics. Retrieved from https://www.bls.gov/ emp/ep_chart_001.htm

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Warburton, E. C., Bugarin, R., & Nunez, A. (2001). Bridging the gap: Academic preparation and postsecondary success of first-generation students. Statistical analysis report. Washington, DC: Academic Press. Wilbur, T. G., & Roscigno, V. J. (2016). First-generation Disadvantage and College Enrollment/Completion. Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World, 2(1). Retrieved from https://journals.sagepub. com/doi/full/10.1177/2378023116664351 Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community wealth. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91. doi:10.1080/1361332052000341006

ADDITIONAL READING Andrews, R. J., Imberman, S. A., & Lovenheim, M. F. (2019). Recruiting and supporting low-income, high-achieving students at flagship universities. Economics of Education Review, 101923. Barr, A., & Castleman, B. (2019, May). Exploring Variation in College Counselor Effectiveness. In AEA Papers and Proceedings (Vol. 109, pp. 227-31). doi:10.1257/pandp.20191016 Garcia, A. A. (2015). Fostering the success of learners through support programs: Student perceptions on the role of TRIO student support services from the voices of active and non-active TRIO eligible participants. The University of Texas at San Antonio. Hallett, R. E., Kezar, A., Perez, R. J., & Kitchen, J. A. (2019). A Typology of College Transition and Support Programs: Situating a 2-Year Comprehensive College Transition Program Within College Access. The American Behavioral Scientist. Hamilton, L., Roksa, J., & Nielsen, K. (2018). Providing a “Leg Up”: Parental Involvement and Opportunity Hoarding in College. Sociology of Education, 91(2), 111–131. doi:10.1177/0038040718759557 Jehangir, R. R., Stebleton, M. J., & Deenanath, V. (2015). An Exploration of Intersecting Identities of First-Generation, Low-Income Students. Research Reports on College Transitions No. 5. National Resource Center for the First-Year Experience and Students in Transition.

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Kezar, A., & Kitchen, J. A. (2019). Supporting First-Generation, Low-Income, and Underrepresented Students’ Transitions to College Through Comprehensive and Integrated Programs. The American Behavioral Scientist. Plaskett, S., Bali, D., Nakkula, M. J., & Harris, J. (2018). Peer mentoring to support first-generation low-income college students. Phi Delta Kappan, 99(7), 47–51. doi:10.1177/0031721718767861 Programs, T. R. I. O. (2017). Federal TRIO programs home page. Washington, DC: Office of Postsecondary Education, U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved from https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/ list/ope/trio/index.html Roksa, J., & Kinsley, P. (2019). The role of family support in facilitating academic success of low-income students. Research in Higher Education, 60(4), 415–436. doi:10.100711162-018-9517-z

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

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College Retention Programs: Programs offering prescribed services to foster student success. Cultural Capital Theory: Relationship between cultural practices and educational attainment. Informational Capital Theory: Knowledge of the college selection process. Institutional Agents: College personnel devoted to assisting low-income students. Low-Income Student: Undergraduate students with a total family income up to $50,000. Parental Knowledge: Familiarity of the college search, application, and enrollment process. Programmatic Elements: Specific programs or services geared towards academic success and personal growth and development. Social Capital Theory: Relationships between individuals and the benefits gained (by their knowledge of the higher education process).

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Chapter 4

College-Going and CollegeStaying Capital: Supporting Underrepresented Minority Students at Predominantly White Institutions Christy Kuehn University of Pittsburgh, USA

ABSTRACT When underrepresented minority (URM) students from high-poverty, high-minority K-12 schools enter college, they often encounter academic, fnancial, and cultural obstacles in addition to experiencing discriminatory events. This chapter, focusing on the narratives of fve URM students, explores the relationships, experiences, and strategies that enabled college-going capital, in addition to the relationships, experiences, strategies, and policies that created college-staying capital for these students at predominantly white institutions (PWI). Utilizing research and the students’ experiential knowledge, recommendations are made that supportive teachers, dual enrollment courses, and scholarship programs enable URM students to overcome obstacles upon entering college. Once in college, overcoming cultural diferences and discriminatory occurrences was most aided by strong student communities (in the form of Black Student Unions, multicultural clubs, and supportive friendships) and confdence in their racial identity.

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INTRODUCTION As this collection highlights, the 21st Century university landscape is composed of students with varied identities and needs, and as such, gaining a deeper understanding of the college experiences of Students of Color provides important insight for this discussion. While much research refers to a so-called achievement gap between Students of Color and White students, an understanding of institutional racism in the United Sates provides a context for why there are racial differences in college enrollment and attainment. DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch004

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 College-Going and College-Staying Capital

Acknowledging the systemic obstacles that Students of Color encounter during high school and college enables a better understanding of the need for strategies, policies, and practices that create and sustain college-going capital and college-staying capital. Using data gained by the author’s qualitative study (Kuehn, 2018), the narratives of underrepresented minority (URM) students at predominantly white institutions (PWI) provide a wealth of knowledge regarding the experiences of URM students at PWIs for educational leaders to utilize as they seek to create more inclusive 21st century campuses. When White students enter a four-year, predominantly white institution, they meet students, faculty, and administrators who look like them, sound like them, and have similar backgrounds—this is a privilege that not all students experience. The college experiences of Students of Color are quite different than those of their White peers (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Yosso, Parker, Solórzano & Lynn, 2004). Black, Latino, Native American, and Pacific Islander students are underrepresented minority (URM) groups on college campuses; when they enter college, they often experience discriminatory events in the classroom, in their dormitories, or at school events (Hurtado & Alvarado, 2015). These experiences are most pronounced for URM students who attended high-poverty, highminority K-12 school districts (Davis & Palmer, 2010; Kozol, 2005). The varying levels of access to and experiences during college—consequences of America’s history of racism within its institutions— leads to differences in success between White students and Students of Color (Bohrnstedt et al., 2012; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Kezar, 2011). Given that URM students who attend PWIs have different experiences than White students, it is imperative that the non-dominant stories are shared and utilized by institutions of higher education as a means of creating more inclusive campuses, thus creating more equitable access to, experiences during, and success throughout college for URM students.

BACKGROUND

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Attainment The percentage of 18-24-year olds enrolled in college has shown continual growth since 1970; however, college enrollment is lower among Students of Color than White students. While there is a difference in enrollment percentages, additionally, there is a variance in degree attainment. The racial differences in enrollment and degree attainment has not only persisted since the 1800s, it has steadily grown since 1995 (U.S. Department of Education, 1993; Eberle-Sudré, Welch, & Nichols, 2015; Kenna et al., 2016; Snyder, de Brey & Dillow, 2016). The enrollment difference between White and Black students has held at a near-steady rate of approximately 10% (11.6% enrollment gap in 1970; 9.6% gap in 2014) (Snyder, de Brey & Dillow, 2016). Looking forward, if these gaps persist, 60% of White 25-34-year olds will earn a college degree by 2041, while this same percentage of achievement for Black, Latino, and Native American students would not be achieved until 2060 (Smith, 2018). American mythology leads some who examine these so-called achievement gaps to blame a lack of effort (Holmes, 2007) or a general deficit in a racial group (Ladson-Billings, 1995b). However, the imbalanced achievement is due instead to structures of institutional racism that have led to educational disenfranchisement.

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Historical Context of College Inequities Since the inception of the United States, education has never been racially neutral (Solórzano, Villalpando, Oseguera, 2005). The dominant – subordinate paradigm of White individuals being elevated while People of Color are demeaned has been a part of the structures of academic environments from kindergarten through college since the Colonial Era (Gundaker, 2007). During the 150 years of slavery in the U.S., it was unacceptable—and illegal—to educate slaves or freed Black individuals (Butchart, 2010). Even though slavery ended with the passing of the 13th Amendment in 1865, Black Codes continued to legally allow racial discrimination and segregation across the country (Blackmon, 2009). In the South, Jim Crow laws, lynchings, and “lawless white citizens” (Andrews, 1917, as cited in Hudson, 2009) created further segregation and disenfranchisement.

Post-Civil War Education for African Americans During Reconstruction, African Americans’ access to and participation in educational institutions grew exponentially. In the 1860s and 1870s, nearly one third of Black children in the U.S. were enrolled in school—up from less than 2% before the Civil War (Butchart, 2010). During this time period, freed Black Americans and White allies established over 100 secondary and post-secondary schools (Butchart, 2010). It was shortly after these advancements that the KKK and other racist white groups began terrorizing Black schools—their teachers, the students, and the buildings. As Butchart (2010) presented through thorough investigative work and scouring documents from the 1800s, “White terrorism, systematic, organized and relentless, targeted the dream [of education] with deadly accuracy” (p. 36). Black schools, and Black churches that held schools, were burned down regularly. In 1866 alone, over 50 schools were burned down in Maryland and Tennessee (Butchart, 2010). Between 1866 and 1876, numerous teachers were assaulted and murdered in a variety of southern states at the hands of the Ku Klux Klan or other White terrorists (Butchart, 2010). It was unbridled “violence and terror, dating from the beginning of the education of the freed people” that took an “incalculable psychological, economic and physical toll” on the Southern Black community and its White allies that “set the stage for a white supremacist reshaping of black education” (Butchart, 2010, p. 36). This terrorism and mindset still reverberate in American education today.

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Community Segregation As Rothstein (2017) and Hudson’s (2009) texts elucidate, segregation in the U.S. is not de facto—by chance—but rather, de jure—by law and public policy. The Great Migration, the large resettling of Black Americans from the South to the North and West, changed the landscape of America (Hudson, 2009). Post -World War I, over half a million Black Americans left the South in hopes of better economic and academic opportunities and more just political treatment (Hudson, 2009). Post-World War II saw the Second Great Migration, when more than four million Black Americans migrated to the North and Midwest, again in hopes of better prospects and less racist treatment (Rothstein, 2017). White communities reacted to the change in demographics by employing a variety of practices to keep Black Americans out of their communities. From the informal practice of white flight and many private agreements among neighbors, Black Americans were kept from owning or renting homes near White Americans (Rothstein, 2017). Through the formal, legislative, and public policy avenues of segrega70

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tion ordinances, restrictive covenants, zoning laws, redlining, and discriminatory labeling, segregation became the public policy of housing (see Hudson, 2009; Power, 1983; Rothstein, 2017; Sampson, 2012; Solórzano & Velez, 2015; Woods, 2012). Segregation tactics were implemented from the local level of borough councils all the way up to the federal level of the Federal Housing Authority (FHA) and the federal banking system (Rothstein, 2017; Woods, 2012). Every segregationist and discriminatory law and policy was employed with the goal of limiting Black Americans’ access to housing, employment, wealth, and education. These practices resulted in densely populated disenfranchised Black communities (Rothstein, 2017; Sampson, 2012; Woods, 2012). Consequently, these neighborhoods’ K-12 schools deteriorated as teachers fled and budgets, based upon property taxes, nearly disappeared (Rothstein, 2017; Sampson, 2012). The systemic disenfranchisement of the property rights of African American and other Americans racialized as nonwhite (see Donato & Hanson, 2012) resulted in urban centers densely populated by Persons of Color living in poverty and attending deplorable K-12 schools (Davis & Palmer, 2010; Kozol, 2005, 2012; Rothstein, 2017). Even though school segregation was outlawed in 1954 with Brown v. Board of Education, public institutions of education continued to segregate and discriminate with the protection of the justice system until the Civil Rights Act of 1965, which outlawed discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.

K-12 School Inequities Regardless of the Brown v. Board of Education ruling in1954 and the Civil Rights Act of 1965, schools are still effectively segregated in the 21st Century. On average, Black students attend schools that are 48% Black, while White students attend schools that are only 9% Black (Bohrnstedt, Kitmitto, Ogut, Sherman, & Chan, 2015). In 2015, the vast majority of Black and Latino students attended public schools whose populations were made up of more than 75% minority students (McFarland et al., 2017). The schools with the highest density of Black or minority students are also inner-city, high-poverty schools—highpoverty schools are defined as schools where at least 75% of the population qualifies for free or reduced lunch (Bohrnstedt et al., 2015; McFarland et al., 2017). In 2015-16, 45% of Black students, 45% of Latino students, and 37% of Native American students in the U.S. were enrolled in high-poverty K-12 schools, as opposed to just 8% of White students (McFarland et al., 2018).

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College Enrollment and Graduation Statistics White supremacy has functioned as the institutional standard of higher education institutions (HEIs) in the U.S. (Allen et al., 2006; Beckert & Stevens, 2011), which has led to White cultural norms being ingrained into the fabric of HEIs. Thus, students whose culture, experiences, or racialized identities differ from whiteness are marginalized, viewed as outsiders, and often seen as “lacking” in normalized cultural behaviors (Hurtado & Alvarado, 2015; McGee & Martin, 2011). Understanding the historical context of these disparities provides a deeper understanding of the experiences of URM students at predominantly white institutions (PWIs), specifically those students who attended K-12 schools in high-poverty, highminority neighborhoods. The college enrollment of Black, Latino, and Native American students differs significantly from their White peers (Kena et al., 2016; McFarland et al., 2017). In 2016-17, enrollment in bachelor’s degree programs was highest for Asian students, with 58%, followed by White students at 42%, Black students enrolled at 36%, and Latino students enrolled at 39% (McFarland et al., 2018). These numbers decrease 71

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even more as students work toward attaining their degree. Among 25- to 29-year olds, the age range used by the U.S. Department of Education to gauge the rate of bachelor’s degree completion, 21% of Black students graduate with a bachelor’s degree, 16% of Latino students, and 15% of Native American students, while 43% of White students graduate with their bachelor’s degree (Kena et al., 2016). White students enroll at a higher rate and persist and graduate at higher proportion. Further, the racial inconsistencies in degree attainment between White and URM students has increased over the past 20 years (Eberle-Sudré, Welch, & Nichols, 2015). Although from 2000 to 2017, the attainment disparity between 25- to 29-year old White and Black students earning a bachelor’s degree or was not measurably different, holding at 19% (McFarland et al., 2018), the attainment disparity between 25- to 29-year old White and Black students earning a master’s degree or higher did widen from 2% to 5%, and the White-Hispanic attainment difference also increased from 4% to 6% (McFarland et al., 2018). In 2015, only 2.3 million of the total 17 million undergraduate students were Black, amounting to approximately 13.5% of the student population; the percentage of Black students enrolled in top 100 schools was only at 6% (rankings determined by the Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education) (Kena et al., 2016; McFarland et al., 2017). In short, Students of Color are not enrolling in or graduating from institutions of higher education at the same rate as White students.

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URM Student Experiences at PWIs One of the greatest obstacles confronting Students of Color at PWIs is racism. Due to segregated neighborhoods and schools, when Black, Latino, Native American, and Pacific Islander students attend a PWI, they are often entering an integrated academic environment for the first time, as are many of their White peers (Bohrnstedt et al., 2015). The burden of this situation falls on the minority students and they may struggle to feel a sense of belonging on campus (Berg, 2010; Flowers, 2007; Hurtado & Alvarado, 2015), deal with stereotyping in their classes (Aronson, Fried, & Good, 2002), endure racial microaggressions (Solórzano, 1998; Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009), and experience other racially aggressive behavior (Brayboy, 2004; DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; McGee & Martin, 2011). Kim (2005) found that “experiences of discrimination, discriminatory verbal comments, [and] visually offensive images” are highest on campuses with the lowest URM student population. Hurtado and Alvarado’s (2015) research analyzed data from 8,887 URM students at 58 four-year campuses around the country who participated in a Diverse Learning Environments survey. They similarly found that Students of Color regularly experience “discriminatory verbal comments,” “feel excluded from events and activities,” and see “visually offensive images on campus” (para. 6). Also, likewise, these discriminatory instances are highest at schools where the URM student population is lowest. These data further strengthen the argument that having a critical mass of Students of Color present on campus is necessary for all students to be successful in college.

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CREATING AND SUSTAINING COLLEGE CAPITAL: OBSTACLES, EXPERIENCES, AND RESOURCES Counter-Stories: Experiential Knowledge of URM Students The following counter-stories—stories that highlight the non-dominant narratives of society (Bell, 1992)— are derived from research into the URM student experiences at PWIs in Southwestern Pennsylvania (Kuehn, 2018). The author’s study sought to answer questions regarding the obstacles, experiences, and resources of underrepresented students at predominantly white institutions. Following, are the narratives of five participants as they related to themes of obstacles limiting success in college, college-going capital, and college-staying capital. These narratives provide experiential knowledge, which can be utilized by HEIs as they seek to create more inclusive campuses, enabling equitable success for all students. All participant names have been changed—and chosen by the participants—as a means of protecting their identity. All other schools, persons, and titles have also been changed to further protect participant privacy. While the sample size for the 2018 study consisted of eight participants, only five of those participants’ stories are included in this work, due to length requirements. The narratives of these five participants were chosen for this discussion as their experiences, thoughts, and words most mirror the research of numerous experts referred to in this work, including but not limited to Aronson, Fried, and Good (2002); Brayboy (2004); DeCuir and Dixson (2004); Hurtado and Alvarado (2015); McGee and Martin (2011); Yosso, Smith, Ceja, and Solórzano (2009). It must be noted that this is a small sample size; however, due to their profound experiences, they are reflective of the research.

Participants Malik A native of the Northside of Pittsburgh, Malik attended neighborhood schools from kindergarten through 12th grade on the Northside. Following graduation from Brighton High School, Malik attended a branch campus of Land-Grant University, where he played basketball all four years. The branch campus was located in a small, predominantly white town, approximately 45 minutes northeast of Pittsburgh. Malik attended all four years at Branch Campus and graduated with a bachelor’s degree in Criminology. He works at a Christian non-profit organization on the Northside and attends a seminary program one evening a week.

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Wayne Also a native of the Northside of Pittsburgh, Wayne attended neighborhood schools from kindergarten through 12th grade. After graduating from Commodore High School, Wayne attended Private College A—a small, Christian, private, liberal arts school about one hour north of Pittsburgh. Wayne played basketball at Private College A and earned a bachelor’s degree in Exercise Science. He currently works at a Christian non-profit organization on the Northside of Pittsburgh.

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Queen As an elementary student, Queen attended schools in different neighborhoods of the city, none of which were on the Northside. She chose to attend Commodore for high school because, at the time, it was a magnet school for STEM programs. Upon graduation from Commodore, Queen attended a branch campus of State-Related University. Her branch campus was located about an hour east of Pittsburgh, in a small, predominantly white town. At her branch campus, Queen played soccer her first year, but due to repeated injuries, decided to end her soccer career. She transferred to the main campus of State-Related University for the spring semester of her junior year. Queen graduated in May 2018 with her bachelor’s in Administration of Criminal Justice. She is currently working as a child development specialist in Pittsburgh. Pablo A native of the Lawrenceville neighborhood in Pittsburgh, Pablo attended elementary school in Lawrenceville, at the time a magnet program middle school, and then chose Commodore High School for its STEM magnet program, which was discontinued his junior year. After graduating from Commodore High School, Pablo went to a branch campus of State-Related University, located about two hours north of Pittsburgh, in a very small, predominantly white town. At his branch campus, he earned an associate’s in Business, then transferred to the main campus of State-Related University for his junior and senior years. Pablo graduated in May 2018 with a bachelor’s in Sociology. Nairobi Growing up in a variety of Pittsburgh city neighborhoods, Nairobi attended elementary school at three different schools, then attended Commodore High School. During the summer between her junior and senior years in high school, Nairobi attended a STEM college-prep camp at Private University D, a highly respected PWI in Pittsburgh. After graduating from Commodore, Nairobi attended Land-Grant University’s main campus. This campus is three hours east of Pittsburgh in a rural town with a predominantly white community. Nairobi had to leave college before her junior year, due to financial strain. Her plan was to return and graduate with a bachelor’s in Science, then continue on to graduate school for Chemistry.

Obstacles

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Academic Preparedness All participants attended one of two high schools in the largest school district of Allegheny County, which is the second largest county in Pennsylvania (discoverpps.org, 2019). Brighton High School, founded in 1925, and Commodore High School, founded in 1929, are located only 2.4 miles from each other. Due to declining enrollment, Brighton High School was closed, and those students began attending Commodore High School in the Fall of 2012. As of 2019, the 9th – 12th grade high school had a total student enrollment of 431 students (discoverpps.org, 2019). Of that population, 75% of the students are African American (district average, 53%), 16% are White (district average, 33%), and 1% are Latino (district average, 3%) (discoverpps.org, 2019). Financially, 79% of the student body is as economically disadvantaged, which is determined in the district as a student who receives free or reduced lunch, Medicaid Assistance, or services through Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TAFT) (discoverpps.org, 2019). Within

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 College-Going and College-Staying Capital

public high schools in the state of Pennsylvania, Commodore High School is ranked 615th out of 673 (schooldigger.com, 2019); it is not an academically high-achieving high school. Commodore High School represents a community of students with great needs, yet like other innercity schools, it is provided with the least provisions. Inner-city schools have the highest populations of homeless students, students living in high-poverty, enduring chronic health problems or mental illness, receiving special education services, and learning English as a second language (Darling-Hammond, 2015; Harry & Klingner, 2014; McFarland et al., 2017; Reiss, 2013; Sheehan et al., 2017; Williams, Priest, & Anderson, 2016). In the same vein, inner-city schools are also most likely to have underqualified teachers in math and science classrooms, use antiquated technology, teach using archaic curricula, and have less state funding per student (Darling-Hammond, 2015; Kozol, 2012; McGee & Martin, 2011). Additionally, inner-city school buildings are often falling apart, infested with mold, and crawling with insects and mice (Darling-Hammond, 2015; McGee & Martin, 2011; Kozol, 2012; Sheehan et al., 2017). All participants stated that they neither felt academically prepared for college, nor were they wellversed in the financial aspects of college. Malik stated that he did not feel that Brighton High School adequately prepared him and shared how he overcame this obstacle through personal dedication. When asked how academically prepared he was for college, Malik bluntly stated, “Um, not at all…my high school didn’t really prepare me as much as I thought…just the basics about studying.” He had to teach himself how to be a successful college student by “practicing how to study, practicing how to be on time—those small habits.” Describing his academic transition from Commodore High School to Private College A, Wayne said he had to adjust his priorities and habits. Wayne described his freshman year as “as kind of a struggle trying to balance playing basketball and doing school.” He had to “study more, cut things out, like video games and taking naps” and surround himself “with people who were going to the student learning center, who would keep me focused and hold me accountable.” Regarding how academically prepared she felt for college, Queen said, “I thought I was! Because I wasn’t challenged at Commodore and then when I got to college, I said ‘Oh, wow, so this is real work— this is work!’.” Queen took the time management and self-discipline that she learned from soccer and applied that to her academics to ensure she was successful in her courses. Financially, she did not know at first how to apply to FAFSA, how her Allegheny Agreement money would be distributed, or even the total cost of tuition. As time went on, she became more versed in the process. The branch campus that Pablo attended for college wasn’t challenging to him; therefore, he did feel academically prepared as he made the transition from Commodore. But when he transferred to the main campus of State-Related University, he encountered some academic struggles, describing it as “not a smooth transition”—but overcame that obstacle by managing his time and staying “accountable” to himself. These were skills that he did not learn in high school. He said, “At Commodore, I didn’t really have to do all that. It was a really easy-going school.” As he considered if he felt academically challenged in high school, he said, “Now, that I’m doing the work that I do now—no! I could have been stretched way more than I was at Commodore.” Attending the main campus of Land-Grant University was academically challenging for Nairobi. She stated repeatedly that she did not feel prepared. In spite of being under-prepared academically, she did very well at Land-Grant. She explained that, “I was pretty much scared. I did good my first semester, but I think it was because I was scared, so I scared myself into being great.” By the next semester, Nairobi said that she felt academically on-par with her peers. Nairobi explained just how under-prepared she

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was academically and financially for college, “I don’t feel like I was prepared at all. I wasn’t prepared. The amount of coursework, even just studying—I just wasn’t prepared at all. I just wasn’t prepared.” The experiences of the participants echo the findings of Darling-Hammond (2015), Kozol (2012), and McGee and Martin (2011). Further, they echo the specific words of Ladson-Billings (1995a): “Despite the current social inequities and hostile classroom environments, students must develop their academic skills” (p. 2). An inequitable K-12 education presents significant obstacles for students attending fouryear institutions of higher education. Statistics show that it is students from these high-poverty, racially segregated K-12 schools with the lowest college degree attainment rate (Kena et al, 2016; McFarland et al, 2017). Attending a high-minority, high-poverty school directly impacts student preparedness for and access to higher education, leading to the racial disparity between White students and Students of Color regarding college enrollment and attainment (Darling-Hammond, 2015; Kozol, 2012).

Discriminatory Experiences

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Being an Outsider The Diverse Learning Environments (DLE) survey showed that 44.3% of Latino and 48.1% of Black students “felt excluded from events and activities,” at schools with low URM student populations (Hurtado & Alvarado, 2015). When students feel isolated, alienated, or excluded, they are least likely to persist to completion (Stewart, 2011; Tinto, 1982). If White students don’t sit with Students of Color, include them in group work, or invite them to join study groups, then Students of Color are left wondering why they are being excluded (Yosso et al., 2009). Students in Yosso et al.’s (2009) study reported being distracted in class about why the White students sat separately: “The professor is talking and the whole time [I’m] thinking…Why doesn’t anybody sit here?” (p. 668). Any feeling of exclusion or of being an outsider negatively compounds a student’s ability to remain enrolled and successful in college. The lived experiences of the participants mirror the findings of Hurtado and Alvarado (2015); they all expressed feeling as an outsider in some way at school, specifically due to their identity as a Student of Color. For some participants, this was a pervasive feeling; for others, it was only momentary. In addition to feeling like an outsider, every participant shared that there were moments when they were expected to be a “representative” for their race in the classroom. They each experienced times where the course would reference a topic related to Black Americans—the institution of slavery, Black history, or redlining—and the whole class would look at them for their opinion. At Malik’s branch campus, there was such a small number of Black students that Malik could “count them on one hand” and they all knew each other. He recounted examples of feeling excluded by his White peers due to his racial identity. He shared a common classroom experience: “I’ve been in situations where I’m the only Black person in class, and maybe about, like, you know, history class, and slavery comes up, and they’re looking at me; I’m kind of uncomfortable.” At Private College A, Wayne stressed that he felt “love and compassion” from his professors and coaches, but also “constantly felt like an outsider.” He felt that he “couldn’t really connect” with a lot of the students, simply because their life experiences were so different. Wayne revealed this feeling: I’ve been in other situations where I was the only Black guy there, but it was just [Private College A] felt a lot different, just because there was kids coming from all over. Some kids haven’t seen a Black person before. … I felt like people were lookin’ at me… so that was kinda tough for me, just to realize

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that I was different from everybody else, and financially, not on the same page, and academically, not on the same page, so that was kinda tough in the beginning. As one of very few Black females at her branch campus, Queen’s mere presence caught the attention of her peers. She described the campus as “very, very, very, very White.” On her soccer team of over 40 students, Queen was one of two Black players. Because of this, she was recognizable on campus, which she said was “cool” because “you’re well-known.” She also verbalized the conflict of standing out, saying, “But then it’s like, ‘Damn, I wish I wasn’t known as the Black girl’” and “It’s like ‘these people don’t know me’.” Pablo’s branch campus had a racial composition that he had not expected. He said the town around the campus “is almost all White,” but on campus, “a good 70% of the population” are minorities. However, even with this high-minority population, Pablo was still one of very few Black students in his classes and was “almost always the only Black male” in his leadership roles, making him feel like an outsider. As Pablo reflected on his feelings of being an outsider in the community, he referenced the movie Get Out. Pablo provided a vivid description of his “non-reality” on his campus: We had this thing called ‘non-reality’. So, we felt we were living a non-reality [on campus]. We’re sitting there, in this space that doesn’t really exist but we’re just passing through the days to get out… so basically like Get Out, in our sunken place. Are we gonna get out of this place? State-Related, Land-Grant University’s main campus is extremely large—40,000 students—but only 5.9% of the student body is Black (PSU Admissions, 2019). This extreme lack of diversity impacted Nairobi’s sense of belonging on campus. She explained:

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It didn’t really hit me as much when I first got up there [how White the campus was] because I was just so excited to be in college and be taking that next step. But my freshman year, I got called a nigger on three different occasions. The first occasion was my first semester there. It was pretty bad. … But, we have a really tight Black community up there and we do all our social events together we didn’t exclude ourselves, but we basically found people like us and stuck together. ‘Cause there’s like, 40,000 students there and everyone’s White… I always felt like I was just a token—a token Black student in classes. … I just felt like I didn’t belong… not didn’t belong, because I felt like I belonged with my community. But on a bigger picture, I just felt like I didn’t belong. The participants’ experiences display with raw emotion the findings of Yosso et al. (2009) and Hurtado and Alvarado (2015). As URM students, all of the participants felt excluded, isolated, and alienated at different times. Stereotype Threat Aronson, Fried, and Good (2002) outlined the meaning of stereotype threat and how this pressure negatively affects the academic performance of African American students. Many students, when feeling stereotyped negatively in the classroom, respond by distancing themselves from academia. As Bell (1992) explained, racism is permanent and cannot be altered; for many URM students, the acceptance of this reality is helpful in that it enables them to focus their energies in other directions—namely on their

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own success—instead of attempting to alter an institutional structure of U.S. society (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; McGee & Martin, 2011). However, by managing stereotypes, URM students are in a “constant state of awareness that being Black is conceptualized by others as a marker of inferiority” (McGee & Martin, 2011, p. 1354). McGee & Martin (2011) found that “stereotypes and the threat of being stereotyped, particularly at predominantly white secondary institutions, were ubiquitous” (p. 1355); their mere presence as Persons of Color required that they deal with narrow expectations of how Black males or females should behave or speak. This was confirmed for all participants who dealt with a barrage of stereotypes, enacted by both their White and Black peers. Malik encountered stereotypes in his classes, revealing that there were times he wanted to say, “Just because I’m black doesn’t mean I’m illiterate.” In college and at her place of employment, Queen often felt that she had to negotiate around the tensions of racial stereotypes. She disclosed that her White co-workers would not even recognize her if she spoke the way she did when speaking with a Black person. But, said Queen, “that’s kinda how it is, you just have to play a role, everywhere you are.” Queen was regularly forced to navigate between the stereotypes placed upon her by the White community and the Black community. She was acutely aware of her place within and between those two worlds. She is “Queen, the Black White girl” or “Queen, the White Black girl” and it is, as she said, “exhausting.” Yosso et al. (2009) found that students who worked to counter stereotypes “relentlessly pursued academic and professional excellen[ce] to ‘prove wrong’ these racialized and gendered assumptions and low expectations” (p. 661). Consequently, they were forced to devote emotional energy to these experiences instead of focusing on their academic goals, which is what their White peers are able to do (Stewart, 2011). Pablo’s experience reflects this finding. As he thought about the expectations that were placed upon him by his White peers and detailed how he confronted those stereotypes daily, he said students would look at him and say, “You know how it is to be black,” and well, I do, but I’m not your standard Black male student… Actually, my life has not been what you expect it to be. And they’re like, “Oh really?” Well yeah, I have both my parents, I didn’t live in the projects ever in my life. I actually live in a relatively decent neighborhood…. so I don’t know where you’re trying to go with this. Unfortunately, Pablo and Queen show how students who are forced to deal with stereotypes on their campuses are placed in an emotionally vulnerable position, which can negatively impact their ability to be academically successful.

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Microaggressions Solórzano, Ceja, and Yosso (2000) defined microaggressions as “subtle, stunning, often automatic and nonverbal exchanges which are ‘put downs’ of blacks by offenders” (p. 145). Pierce (1995), the originator of the term microaggression, explained that microaggressions may seem harmless, but the “cumulative burden of a lifetime of microaggressions can theoretically contribute to diminished mortality, augmented morbidity, and flattened confidence” (p. 281). Microaggressions communicate to Students of Color that they are “insignificant and irrelevant” (Pierce, 1995, p. 303). They cause stress and require energy as the victim must “decipher the insult then decide whether and how to respond (Yosso et al., 2009, p. 661).

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Malik, Wayne, Queen, Pablo, and Nairobi each shared their examples of microaggressions—instances that stunned and shocked them—which they experienced on a regular basis. Malik talked about being at a party and being asked by White girls, “Can we say the N-word while we rock this song?” He adamantly told them, “No…no, what the heck are you doing? You don’t say that…. but I knew they were gonna say it after I left.” Wayne shared that students would sometimes make jokes and say things that were not appropriate, and he would call attention to their stereotypical statements: “I’d have to let them know, ‘that’s not true’.” Queen often heard statements from people that began with, “I’m not racist, but…” and she knew what followed was going to be racist. She also explained that she generally felt comfortable with her White friends, but there were moments when she realized she was the “entertainment” for her friends—even acknowledging that if she chose not to play the role of “entertainer” that she may have been “cast out [or] kicked off the island.” Queen did not specifically mention a moment of being asked to be a representative for her race in a classroom setting. However, her overall feeling of standing out on her campus, of being “the Black girl” points to this experience. Pablo also shared dealing with microaggressions during meetings in his various leadership roles. He recounted when the town or campus police officers would be presenting information in meetings and he could tell they were trying to “dumb it down” for him, as the only Black student in the room. Pablo recalled: “They would say and do certain things that I would be like, ‘Oh, you’re explaining this this way to me because I’m a Black male…Well, you don’t need to explain it that way. I understand what you’re saying’.” Yosso et al. (2009) found that students experienced microaggressions in a variety of ways on their campuses: professors were not always willing to meet with URM students, White students could be distant, or worse, nicknamed them with a racial label. Hurtado and Alvarado (2015) reported that 62% of students experienced verbal microaggressions and 44% were excluded from activities at low URMpopulation colleges (para. 6). Sadly, the experiences of the URM students reflected these findings.

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Racialized Identity The accumulation of feeling like an outsider, dealing with stereotypes, and confronting microaggressions leads to a generalized feeling of having a ‘racialized identity’—being seen for one’s race before being seen for one’s individuality. Every experience communicates to the Student of Color that they are inferior, do not belong, and are not worthy of their place on campus. They are left experiencing continual “feelings of self-doubt, alienation, and discrimination” (Yosso et al., 2009, p. 672). Participants shared numerous moments where they experienced negativity due to their existence as a Person of Color on a PWI campus. Malik, Queen, and Pablo associated these experiences with feelings of pressure. Malik called it a “weight” and Queen said, “it’s exhausting.” Some participants felt they were forced to negotiate between two worlds—the “White world” and the “Black community”—a tension expressed by Malik, Queen, and Pablo, while Nairobi generally felt ignored by her White peers. Attending a PWI created a lot of tension for Malik. He said, “I had to learn how to step into the White world.” Malik expressed the greatest internal conflict when balancing between White and Black worlds: “It’s a lot of tension with me because I always wrestle with that…it’s a weird juggle between the two…a weird balance.” Malik shared the inner conflict he sometimes feels when he’s the only Black person in a social situation:

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There are situations where… I’m the only Black guy. So, I’m just having these conversations with myself, like… “none of them understand what it means to grow up in a Black community.”… that can kind of isolate me sometimes, and it can also put this weight on me like, “Dang. Where’s all my Black friends?”… So, it’s just like how to live in this mixture of the White community and the Black community. Malik also shared a specific example of living a racialized identity at college, which involved the police. Someone had stolen his change of address card for his driver’s license and committed traffic violations. The police charged Malik with these violations and Malik had to appear in court. Malik told the police officer and the judge that he was at basketball practice when the events occurred, and the police officer responded by telling him, “But you fit the profile.” Malik clarified, “No, I was at practice,” but the officer was adamant: “I know it was you; you were in the car with a girl.” Malik tried again: “Sir, you got this all wrong. I wasn’t there.” Malik was essentially ignored and required to appear in court again. At the next court hearing, the officer maintained that Malik was the suspect: “I knew he was there; this was the guy.” But this time, Malik had someone to battle for him: “My mentor got into it and he’s White, so he talked to them and they finally let me go.” When leaving court, Malik was exasperated by the injustice of the situation, but his mentor did not see why Malik was upset. Finally, Malik bluntly stated: “Dude, I’m Black and I fit the profile and you spoke into it and now it’s completely gone.” Malik trailed off after sharing that incident, saying, “That’s just one out of many...” Nairobi felt that the White students on campus ignored the Black students. In those moments when she was noticed, it resulted in racial slurs being yelled. She was forced to lead a fairly segregated existence at her college. Not only did Nairobi deal with an extreme racialized existence at Land-Grant University, she also dealt with racially aggressive behavior. She shared that never in her life had she been called the n-word, yet within her first year at Land-Grant, she had that racial slur yelled at her three different times. On the first occasion, Nairobi and her friends attempted to ignore the advances of a group of White male students; the male students chose to yell the racial slur at Nairobi and her friends as they drove past them. Nairobi then described the second occasion she was verbally harassed in this way:

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We were walking down Frat Row, headed to a party. It was a Black party, but we had to go through Frat Row to get there. And then you just hear somebody screaming out of their window, “[n-word]!” We all turned around and we seen the house where that came from. … But it was just like, we were mindin’ our business, walkin’ down the street, and you took it upon yourself to scream out the window, calling us [n-words]. When asked about the third occasion, Nairobi shook her head and simply said, “It was bad.” These varied and relentless experiences of the participants’ constant racialization, that often results in verbal harassment for Students of Color, point directly to the findings of Brayboy (2004), Hurtado and Alvarado (2015) and Yosso et al. (2009). Sometimes, Students of Color experience racism from students they don’t know, such as racial slurs being shouted across campus (see Brayboy, 2004), but often racism comes from students they do know. Sadly, in every racialized experience, the responsibility of correcting the behavior falls to the victim and other Students of Color. Every experience communicates to Students of Color that they are inferior, do not belong, and are not worthy of their place on campus. They are left experiencing continual “feelings of self-doubt, alienation, and discrimination” (Yosso et al., 2009, p. 672). The victim in these situations must then choose 80

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between speaking up or remaining silent. If they remain silent, they may feel guilty for not standing up to the racial bullying, sometimes for years, and they may worry that by not saying anything, the behavior will likely continue (Yosso et al., 2009). If the victim does speak up, they risk being told that they are “being sensitive” and they need to learn “to take a joke” (Yosso et al., 2009).

College-Going Capital Due to the obstacles and negative experiences that URM students will most likely encounter as they begin their journey at a PWI, it is important to bolster these students with a foundation of college-going capital during their high school years. Tierney, Colyar, and Corwin (2003) outline that some of the most successful elements for college preparation include rigorous academic curriculum, family and community engagement, peer support, mentoring, and funding priorities. Tierney et al. (2003) stated that “college enrollment rates and persistence to graduation are higher” for students who participate in academically rigorous programs (p. 9). If available to students, these elements of college-going capital can enable success for URM students at PWIs.

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Influential Adults Cooper, Porter, and Davis’ (2017) study of the capital utilized by Black female college athletes included familial support, positive relationships with faculty, and supportive coaches. The student-athletes relied on the expectations of their parents, employed “intentional positive engagement with faculty” (p. 145), and utilized their coaches as “additional layers of accountability” (p. 146). Cooper (2002) reported on the elements for success for college access programs designed for URM students. She found that familial involvement, teacher and counselor support, and engaged mentors provided students with confidence, resiliency, and “cultural brokers” (para. 8) to assist them in their journey to a successful college career. The participants each confirmed Cooper’s (2002) findings—engaging family, educators, and mentors for support as needed. When asked who guided them through the application process, Malik, Wayne, Queen, and Nairobi all named teachers, parents, and coaches. Wayne listed several influential teachers from his time at Commodore, including Mrs. Sharron, who was a “mom-figure to all of us,” Mr. Gerald, a music teacher, who “cared about the kids and he cared about the music,” and Mr. Chuck, a basketball coach, with whom he still meets up “from time to time.” Queen talked about the positive influence of Mrs. Sharron also, describing her as “so awesome because you kind of feel like she’s watching out for you, but then at the same time, she makes the same effort for every kid.” Pablo listed several teachers, specifically mentioning Mr. Gerald, describing him as “my best friend at Commodore.” Nairobi repeatedly referenced her high school guidance counselor, Mr. Douglas, as a source of support: “He helped me do everything. He was the best. He made sure I had my stuff filled out. He made sure everything was perfect.” Queen and Malik also named their mothers as a source of guidance—women who believed in them and expected them to attend college. Queen’s mother specifically encouraged her college goals, repeatedly telling her, “You’re going to school no matter what.” Queen never questioned her ability to attend college, saying: “I know I can go to school ‘cause my mom says it’s going to work out” and she wasn’t dissuaded from attending a predominantly white school because, “My mom raised me to not care about being the only Black girl in the room.”

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Malik, Wayne, and Queen also explained that their coaches were influential in their exposure to their colleges. Malik learned about Land-Grant University’s Branch Campus A location when a former coach saw him play and recruited him. One of Wayne’s high school coaches was connected to Private College A and encouraged him to visit, apply, and attend the college. Queen was recruited by the coach at her branch campus of State-Related University. This extra element of adult support—coaches—reflects Cooper, Porter, and Davis’ (2017) findings that athletes have “additional layers of accountability and support” (p. 146).

Dual Enrollment

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Karp (2012) outlined the numerous benefits to dual enrollment. She showed that students in dual enrollment courses are able to discover their role as a college student early and “practice the expectations of college” (p. 25), preventing a difficult transition later. Yet another benefit of dual enrollment courses is that they often preclude the need for a student to take remediation courses or participate in a summer bridge program in college, which decreases a student’s likelihood to graduate. As outlined by Community College Research Center (2014), of 63,650 students from 57 community colleges who were placed in a remediation math class, only 11% of those students completed the sequence of courses and persisted to the gatekeeper course. Colyar (2011) showed that summer bridge programs can increase a sense of powerlessness among students who are forced to attend, as they have to shorten their summers, miss out on time with their family, and possibly even lose additional monies earned from a summer job. Colyar (2011) and Villalpando and Solórzano (2005) further warned that summer bridge programs often function from a deficit mentality, negatively impacting URM students. Nationally, 56% of Black students end up requiring remediation courses when they enter college (“Corequisite Remediation” 2019); however, none of the participants had to attend a summer bridge program or take remediation courses when they began college. Further, in 2009 (the latest data that is available), only 34% of U.S. high school students participated in dual enrollment courses, while three of these participants had the opportunity for dual enrollment (NCES, 2019), which is a high percentage of participants. Wayne and Malik both tested high enough on their placement exams that they did not need remediation or summer bridge courses. Queen and Pablo took dual enrollment courses at the community college during their junior and senior years of high school. Nairobi participated in a college prep summer camp at Private University B the summer before her senior year of high school and also took dual enrollment courses at the community college her senior year. All of these experiences required the participants to spend time on college campuses, gaining an understanding of college culture. Queen believed that having college experience during high school was truly beneficial to her ability to succeed in college later, stating: I took the community college courses in 11th grade, which was awesome. And even gaining that experience was cool—learning how to leave school and come back to school, learning how to do a college course and pass it. And I ended up getting a 4.0.

Financial Support As Chambers and Deller (2011) showed, for low-income students, scholarships are often an indispensable means for attending college. Scholarships alleviate both the immediate pressure of paying for college 82

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and the future pressure of repaying loans. Berg (2010) found that students from high-poverty families are faced with the added burden of paying for college, meeting their daily financial needs, and often, being expected to provide some sort of income for their family. Kezar and Walpole (2011) outlined the many economic stressors confronting students from high-poverty families: They are less likely to enroll on a full-time basis, live on campus, or continuously enroll; additionally, they are more likely to work off campus and be less involved in campus culture due to the added financial stressors. To meet their financial needs, 65% of low-SES students at four-year colleges work over 20 hours a week, which is a distraction from academics and can negatively impact their success and/or discourage their desire to persist (Berg, 2010; Tinto, 1982; Walsh & Robinson Kurpius, 2016). Financially, college was made more accessible for Malik, Wayne, Queen, Pablo, and Nairobi through financial resources, including high school-based scholarships, college scholarships, and tuition assistance through their parents’ workplace. Allegheny Agreement Malik, Wayne, Queen, Pablo, and Nairobi all qualified for the Allegheny Agreement, a scholarship fund run by a Pittsburgh-based non-profit organization for students who attend the largest school district in Pittsburgh. At the time of the participants’ graduation, students who had a 90% attendance rate, a 2.5 GPA, and had attended their school district from kindergarten through 12th grade, qualified for $10,000 a year scholarship if they attended an accredited college in Pennsylvania. Malik, Wayne, Queen each received the $10,000 a year scholarship. In addition to the Allegheny Agreement, Wayne and Malik both received athletic and academic scholarships from their colleges. Pablo also qualified for the full amount but did not receive the scholarship money. This bothered Pablo, as he had been led to believe that even if he had other financial support, he would still receive the Allegheny Agreement scholarship. Nairobi qualified for $9,500 a year, which was a great help in deferring college costs, but she was quite frustrated by the distribution of the funds. She said that the Allegheny Agreement releases its funds late in the semester, so every semester she had to apply for emergency loans through State-Related, Land-Grant University in order to purchase books for her classes. She had to seek out assistance from numerous resources on campus, finally connecting with a liaison to the Allegheny Agreement at Land-Grant.

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Other Scholarships Malik, Wayne, and Nairobi were all granted funds from other scholarships through their schools, further enabling them to attend college. Due to a combination of Allegheny Agreement and other scholarships, Malik graduated with only $20,000 in student loans from State-Related, Land-Grant University, where the annual cost is approximately $40,000 at his branch campus. Wayne, due to a combination of Allegheny Agreement and other scholarships, graduated with zero debt from Private College A, where the annual cost is approximately $28,000. Nairobi, with a combination of Allegheny Agreement and other scholarships offered to her by the school, would have graduated with approximately $20,000 in student loans, where the annual cost is approximately $46,000.

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Tuition Remission/Reimbursement Queen and Pablo both stated that a large part of their decision to attend State-Related University was tuition remission/reimbursement. Queen’s mother works at the large medical corporation closely associated with State-Related University, making her eligible for tuition remission for a portion of her tuition costs. Both of Pablo’s parents worked at State-Related University, making him eligible for tuition reimbursement. Queen, using a combination of Allegheny Agreement and tuition remission, graduated in the Spring of 2018 with approximately $40,000 in school loans; State-Related University costs approximately $33,000 a year. Pablo, using tuition reimbursement, Pell grants, and merit-based grants graduated in the Spring of 2018 with a small amount in loans. Clearly, all participants were able to avoid some of the academic stressors many low-SES students encounter during college. While the average student in 2019 graduated with a bachelor’s degree with $34,000 in loans (McFarland et al., 2019), none of the participants graduated with more than $20,000 in student loan debt.

College-Staying Capital For URM students from high-poverty and high-minority schools attending PWIs, it is important to utilize relationships, resources, and strategies to maintain success. These elements of capital can help students overcome the academic and financial obstacles they may encounter, the negative racialized experiences they may endure, and may help students to persist to graduation. This college-staying capital can be gained through relationships with professors and coaches, forming bonds with fellow community members, and maintaining a strong cultural identity.

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Mentors Mentors help students identify their personal, academic, and professional goals, then help them map out a path to achieving those goals. A faculty mentor can facilitate student success by providing information and resources that are not readily available to URM students (Santas & Reigadas, 2004). Haring (1999) emphasized that mentoring can be most useful to students in a period of transition, therefore, providing mentors to freshmen, senior, and transfer students is especially helpful. Campbell and Campbell (1997) found that minority students with faculty mentors are twice as likely to graduate and have significantly higher grade point averages. Santos and Reigadas (2004) explained that a faculty mentor can expand a student’s knowledge of available resources. A mentor can be especially helpful for students who are struggling with self-doubt, feelings of being an outsider, and stereotype threat (Aronson, Fried, & Good, 2002). Mentors promote a student’s self-belief by encouraging persistence and setting aspirational academic goals (Santos & Reigadas, 2004). Clubs and teams enabled participants to form a connection to campus, counteracting their feelings of being an outsider or experiences with discrimination. The relationships they built with professors, teammates, and friends provided them with the power to stay—to persist to graduation—at their PWI. Some participants had the opportunity to become close with faculty or administrators, confirming the findings of Campbell and Campbell (1997) and Santas and Reigadas (2004). Wayne’s close relationship with his professors created a solid connection for him. He felt that they understood his perspective and wanted to help him succeed in college. Wayne said, “I felt like the professors showed me a lot of care

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and compassion. I felt like they were definitely on my side.” Wayne’s feelings of being an outsider were counter-balanced by the love and acceptance he felt from the faculty, staff, and administration. Nairobi shared that the relationships she developed with some of her Chemistry professors were beneficial to her success. Her professors recognized a talent in her and she became a Teaching Assistant for her Chemistry classes. This created even more college-going capital, encouraging her to consider graduate school.

Teams Another source of connection to campus is athletic teams. Cooper, Porter, and Davis (2017) found that female student-athletes expressed “higher levels of personal self-concept” and “increased interactions with students other than teammates” (p. 133). Gaston-Gayles and Hu (2009) found that Black student athletes showed higher levels of self-concept and more positive interactions with peers than White athletes (p. 326). Further, Gaston-Gayles and Hu (2009) found that athletes reported more positive interactions with faculty and other “academic related activities” based upon the skills they learned as athletes (p. 326). For Malik, Wayne, and Queen, basketball and soccer teammates provided a sense of security and a connection to the campus community as shown by Cooper, Porter, and Davis (2017). Malik’s basketball team created the strongest connection for him to campus. He mentioned the friends he made on his team and being most at ease on the court. When asked about places where he was comfortable, he said: “playing basketball on [the] court.” For Queen, being a member of the soccer team created a connection to campus initially. However, when she stopped playing, her campus connections seemed to rely on a few close friendships and others that she described with a tepid affinity. Most of these friendships were built on her playing a role as “the Black girl” or being “the entertainment”; these were the friendships that she knew would end if she was “truly, truly, truly herself.” Consequently, when Queen transferred to the main campus of State-Related University, whatever benefits accrued by her soccer team association were superseded by that fact that she was now in a geographic environment with which she was more familiar, see her family more, and live off-campus with her best friend from childhood. This was a boost to her college-staying capital. She had the support of her friends and family at main campus, enabling her to persist successfully at school, in keeping with Cooper (2002).

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Counter-Spaces The constantly racialized climate of college campuses can feel exhausting for URM students; therefore, many students find safe spaces where they can be themselves, not feel like an outsider, and not have to defend themselves against racially aggressive behavior. Students find and create counter-spaces, which are safe, race-based places on campus (McGee & Martin, 2011). According to Guiffrida and Douthit (2010), race-based student organizations that can provide a respite from the White world—a place where they can feel comfortable “putting their guard down” (p. 309). Yosso et al. (2009) found that URM students who created a sense of home in their residence halls by speaking in their native language, cooking culturally authentic meals, and participating in culturally-focused extracurriculars formed a sense of family that enabled them to feel welcome at their colleges. In this context, McGee and Martin (2011) argue that students who have strong Black identities are more likely to consistently maintain a strong academic identity. Tierney, Colyar, and Corwin (2003) 85

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agreed that if URM students pinpoint their “cultural wealth that can be harnessed as a support” (p. 15), then they are more likely to succeed. Students with an appreciation for their cultural capital (Yosso, 2005) who have been exposed to culturally affirming strategies (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) will be more resilient to the discriminatory experiences they are sure to encounter at predominantly white institutions. Race-based student organizations are able to provide cultural affirmation when a campus climate is rife with discrimination, microaggressions, and stereotypes. Guiffrida and Douthit (2010) showed that URM students found that involvement in a race-based student organization helped them to feel more integrated on their campus, connected them to other Black professionals, and provided mentoring and support. Harper and Quaye (2007) showed that race-based student organizations provided many resources for URM students, including strengthening students’ comfort when communicating with students and faculty of a different racial identity, increasing students’ awareness and empathy for other marginalized groups, and more opportunities for leadership and mentorship. Race-based student organizations, which create safe spaces for URM students, are imperative for students to have the opportunity to exist as a non-racialized individual. Sometimes these counter-spaces attract negative attention from White students or faculty who may not understand the reasons for and benefits of a racial safe-space. Bourke (2016) aptly explained that “self-segregation may result from students of color searching for belonging that they have difficulty finding in a white-dominant world and that is accentuated by the heightened sense of whiteness in the microcosm of the PWI” (p. 18). If a PWI creates a more inclusive environment that honors diverse experiences on an institutional level, then the drastic need for race-based safe-spaces will lessen (Bourke, 2016; Yosso et al., 2009).

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Clubs For URM students, Black student unions (BSUs) can function as counter-spaces—places where Students of Color can spend time being affirmed, valued, and not being stereotyped by the majority-White campus population (see Kuehn, 2018). These clubs provide some of the most potent college-staying capital for URM students. For Pablo and Nairobi, that was exactly what the BSUs were; for Malik and Wayne, these clubs took the form of multicultural clubs. These students found a place where, as Guiffrida and Douthit (2010) stated, they could relax, be themselves, and not be constantly racialized. Malik became involved with the multicultural club at his school. Wayne joined a leadership group and a diversity club at Private College A. Both of the groups had a diverse membership, which Malik and Wayne felt were affirming and inclusive. Malik said his multicultural club was “about celebrating cultures and checking up on each other.” Wayne appreciated the benefits of the diversity group because it helped to be around “people that went through similar situations” and have a place to “voice what you’re feeling.” There was a BSU at Pablo’s branch campus and he did attend a couple meetings, but he didn’t agree with the tone of the BSU at his campus. However, at the main campus, Pablo did become a member of a Historically Black Greek Letter Organization (HBG). The HBG was open to all ethnicities and is focused on community service, characteristics that were very important to Pablo. Pablo was very proud to be a member of his HBG, describing it as: “It’s not an only Black organization, but it’s a Historically and Predominantly Black Fraternity.” Pablo’s membership with his HBG provided him with the opportunities to learn more about himself, become a stronger leader, be a positive role model, and spend time doing community service. 86

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The Black community at Land-Grant University was vital to Nairobi’s success at school. She did not feel connected to the campus as a whole; she did, however, feel strongly connected to the Black community on campus. The Black Student Union, the minority student lounge, and her Black friends were her clearest resources at Land-Grant University. As a scholarship student, she always lived in the Scholarship Dorm, which is almost entirely minority students. She explained the benefits of the dorm: “I’ve always had a Black roommate. And that’s one thing I’ve been thankful for—being housed with Black students.” Nairobi’s strong connection to the Black student community providing her with college-staying capital, in keeping with the findings of McGee and Martin (2011) and Tierney, Colyar, and Corwin (2003). She confronted a lot of racism at Land-Grant and she credits the BSU and strong community of Black students with helping her make friends, locate resources, and feel that she belonged on campus. In fact, it was almost entirely the Black community that enabled her to stay at Land-Grant. When asked if she considered transferring because of the racism that she withstood, she explained: No. Only because I’ve always had my Black community. So, at the end of the day, … I know that I can go to my Black community. I never felt like I didn’t want to be at Land-Grant because of the White people or the racism or anything like that. Because, at the end of the day, we always we do our own thing. So, I still have some sense of “I belong there” because of the [Black] community. For Queen, on the other hand, these groups were not beneficial. She felt that the BSU at her branch campus was too narrow in its identity and not inclusive. At the main campus, Queen attended a few events hosted by the African Diversity Club and did not enjoy those either. She wanted to be able to bring all of her friends—no matter their racial identity—to social activities in which she participated. She did not feel the club would be a resource: It’s all geared towards what makes Black people comfortable and, don’t get me wrong, I understand how valid that is and the validity of why that’s necessary, but [my two best friends who are White] are definitely not gonna be like, “Oh we wanna come with you”… So, it sucks because you have these programs that make you feel welcome within your specific cultural unity… but it kinda shuns out other people. Queen went on, expounding on how these strict categories of identity impacted her in other ways too, as a Black woman who is gay:

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I tried to become a part of the Rainbow Alliance…then when I got there it was all one type of person… I said, “I gotta get out of here.” I was the only Black one, and not even that, it was like, all one type of stereotypical gay that was there… this isn’t me.

Racial Identity As students who were constantly made to feel as if they didn’t belong on their college campuses, one of the greatest resources they each possessed was self-confidence. The participants did not doubt their right and ability to be on campus; instead, they relied on the resiliency their life experiences taught them. For every participant, this was rooted in a positive definition of their Black identity, one that is in keeping with cultural capital and critical pedagogy (see Ladson-Billings, 1995b, and Delgado and Stefancic, 2017).

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As defined by Yosso (2005), there are six main cultural assets of marginalized communities: aspirational capital, the ability to remain optimistic in the face of sustained institutional barriers to success; linguistic capital, the ability to be multi-lingual or multi-dialectal; familial capital, the “cultural knowledge nurtured among familia” (p. 79) along with a commitment to community well-being; social capital, the knowledge of community resources; navigational capital, the ability to maneuver through social institutions that marginalize Communities of Color to achieve a goal; and resistant capital, knowledge to employ oppositional behavior to challenge inequality. All participants described their racial identity with pride and as a source of strength, exploring these aspects of cultural capital in their descriptions. The participants’ descriptions evoked power and resilience, making it apparent that their racial identity was, and is, a tool used to counteract systemic racism. Malik defined being Black as being “beautifully different.” Malik explained his definition: I’m beautifully made and I’m different and that’s good. And my thoughts and my opinions matter. … I feel like every time—when a Black person speaks into something, it brings the struggle, it just brings this blast of change to circumstances and conversations and different things like that. So, I feel personally for me, that’s why I love being Black because I can bring change to things and I can lift up those who are Black and let them know that they are “beautifully different” and they need to embrace that. Wayne defined being Black as “symbol of different, not the normal … Although it might not be normal, it shouldn’t stop me.” He continued, saying that he has a responsibility to be a positive role model, an “opportunity to help people not view us in a negative aspect.” Wayne concluded by saying that being Black is “a symbol of change, a symbol of light, [and] wisdom.” Queen exclaimed, “Being Black is the best thing ever!” Queen continued:

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My mom raised me to just not care about being the only Black girl in the room. I think that’s also why I’m so okay with and comfortable being in a group of White people. Because I’m like, “Screw you. I’m just as smart as you guys … I’m gonna do two times what you do to get here and remain here, but I’m gonna do it … So, I think being Black is very powerful because…you’re not gonna knock me down. Pablo attempted to look beyond racial identity when he defined himself. He stated, “being Black is just to be me.” Further explaining that there are a variety of definitions for one’s Black identity, Pablo said: “I personally don’t have a specific ‘Oh, this is what it is to be Black.’ Because there are so many different things to be Black. There’s no one thing that you’re like, ‘that makes you black’.” He expressed frustration, saying, “I don’t see the reasons for making those differences, but I do understand that the differences exist and how to navigate those.” Nairobi shared a definition of empowerment: Before I went to Land-Grant, I knew I was Black—I went to a Black school—but I didn’t really think about it. But ever since I’ve been at Land-Grant, I’ve been more focused on who I am as a Black person. I think it’s because of the type of stuff that I endure at Land-Grant, that I’m so focused on not losing my identity. … I feel like I’m more Black-empowered ever since I started at Land-Grant… I focus more on just empowering anything Black. … I’m more into empowering Black things, Black people.

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Based upon the literature and the participants’ words, a list of seven recommendations can be made for PWIs. These recommendations are built out of the participants’ resources (dual enrollment courses, student organizations, and BSUs); participants’ experiences (representation, multiple measures of diversity, and a critical mass of students); and the participants’ own words (faculty training). 1. Dual Enrollment Courses High schools that provide the opportunity for dual enrollment courses will be better arming their students when they attend college. Colleges can play a part in this solution by partnering with local high schools and for students to attend the classes on campus. 2. Faculty Training It is important for college administrators to discuss White privilege, institutional racism, and implicit bias with their faculty. Reading counter-stories will enable a better understanding of the personal experiences of Students of Color at PWIs. 3. Representation Ensuring that administrators, faculty, and staff are representative of the student body creates a more inclusive atmosphere on campus. A diverse leadership can support a diverse student body and a plethora of student organization options. 4. Multiple Measures of Diversity It is important for HEIs to measure their diversity in multiple ways. Schools should seek to expand their measurements of diversity by looking at gender, religion, economic class, language, and country of origin.

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5. Critical Mass of URM Students Incidents of discrimination are highest on college campuses with the lowest population of URM students (Hurtado & Alvarado, 2015). For a school to truly change the tone of their campus, they must work to increase all populations of Students of Color, reaching a critical mass of nonwhite, diverse students. 6. Student Organizations Strong student organizations are key to helping Students of Color cope with the constant racism and helping them to feel connected to campus, thus increasing their sense of belonging. As administrators take an anti-essentialist view of their college practices and policies, it’s important to realize that some Black students will enjoy and need a vibrant BSU, while other Black students will gravitate to multicultural clubs; still others will want nothing to do with any race-based or race-conscious student organization.

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7. Black Student Unions For students who need and enjoy having a counter-space that is race-based, BSUs can be a lifeline on their PWI campus. These organizations connect the participants to financial resources, social activities, and leadership opportunities.

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS The results of the author’s study, as discussed in this chapter, showed there is much work yet to be done regarding the experiences of URM students at PWIs. Reflecting upon these results and the limitations of the study, there is a variety of future research that could be conducted in this area: 1. There appears to be a gap in the research regarding mentors for URM students at PWIs. Future research should explore various models of mentor programs for URM students and how these models impact student success at PWIs. 2. The participants in this study drew such strength from their strong racial identities, yet there is not a lot of research in this area. Future research needs to explore how a positive racial identity impacts the success of Students of Color as they encounter constant racialization. 3. The topic of intersectionality, specifically that of sexuality, gender, and race has not been fully explored in this research. The experiences of LGBTQ Students of Color should be the focus of future research, in order to fully present their counter-stories.

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CONCLUSION The aim of this chapter was to present the counter-stories of Students of Color from high-poverty, highminority K-12 schools who attended predominantly white institutions of higher education. The lived experiences of Malik, Wayne, Queen, Pablo, and Nairobi showed important truths regarding life for Students of Color on predominantly white campuses. First, the U.S. has allowed inner-city schools to become the most under-funded, mismanaged, and forgotten schools in the nation. By no fault of their own, when students graduate from an inner-city high school and enter college, they are less prepared than their suburban counterparts, simply because of their zip code. This bears upon academic and financial obstacles that not all students are asked to surmount, yet inner-city students do so every year. Supportive teachers, dual enrollment courses completed during high school, and a wide-scale scholarship program enabled these URM students to overcome these obstacles upon entering college—creating college-going capital. Second, when students from inner-city high schools enter predominantly white institutions of higher education, they experience racism perpetually. Students of Color are seen as their race before they are seen as students. These young people are constantly forced to push against stereotypes, negotiate between White and Black worlds, navigate among varying levels of racism in groups, and locate safe spaces where they can exist without judgement. The emotional and physical toll this takes on a student is fatiguing, and it takes away time and energy that could be put toward academic success. The student participants managed cultural differences and discriminatory occurrences by relying upon strong student

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communities (in the form of Black Student Unions, multicultural clubs, and supportive friendships) and a confidence in their racial identity—creating college-staying capital. Third, colleges must work to change the climate of their campuses so that racism does not remain a structure of their institutions. There may be some faculty and administrators who have never dealt with racism making it difficult for them to empathize with the experiences of Students of Color; therefore, it would be beneficial for all staff and faculty to learn about these difficult and stressful experiences from Students of Color. Administrators should ensure that faculty read counter-stories, process the experiences of Students of Color, and then use that knowledge to alter their campus appropriately. If PWIs recognize their normalized patterns of racism in terms of culture, behavior, and expectations, then seek to make changes to their policies and practices, they can create more inclusive campuses for all students. As a country that still grapples with institutional racism, the societal pillar of education is in a position to disrupt the racist rhetoric, pedagogy, and cultural norms that are present on college campuses. As a means to disrupting the cultural norms which are reliant upon racism, HEIs can listen to and learn from the experiential knowledge of their Students of Color. If HEIs undertake the hard work of creating inclusive schools, then all students—regardless of zip code or racial identity—can equitably achieve success on their campus.

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Rothstein, R. (2017). The color of law: A forgotten history of how our government segregated America. New York, NY: Liveright Publishing Corporation. Sampson, R. (2012). Great American city: Chicago and the enduring neighborhood effect. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226733883.001.0001 Santos, S., & Reigadas, E. (2004). Understanding the student-faculty mentoring process: Its effects on at-risk university students. Journal of College Student Retention, 6(3), 337–357. doi:10.2190/KGVC7218-DPER-RMBC Sheehan, W. J., Permaul, P., Petty, C. R., Coull, B. A., Baxi, S. N., Gaffin, J. M., ... Phipatanakul, W. (2017). Association between allergen exposure in inner-city schools and asthma morbidity among students. JAMA Pediatrics, 171(1), 31–38. doi:10.1001/jamapediatrics.2016.2543 PMID:27893060 Smith, A. (2018, June 14). States struggle to close degree-attainment gaps. Retrieved from https://www. insidehighered.com/news/2018/06/14/states-struggle-close-degree-attainment-gaps-black-latino-students\ Smith, W., Yosso, T., & Solórzano, D. (2007). Racial primes and black misandry on historically white campuses: Toward critical race accountability in educational administration. Educational Administration Quarterly, 43(5), 559–585. doi:10.1177/0013161X07307793 Snyder, T., de Brey, C., & Dillow, S. (2016). Digest of Education Statistics 2015 (NCES 2016-014). U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Solórzano, D. G., & Velez, V. N. (2015). Using Critical Race Spatial Analysis to Examine the Du Boisian Color-Line along the Alameda Corridor in Southern California. Whittier Law Review, 37, 423. Stewart, K. (2011). The role of social capital for Black students at predominantly white institutions. Sociation Today, 9(1), 1–26. Tierney, W. (1999). Models of minority college-going and retention: Cultural integrity versus cultural suicide. The Journal of Negro Education, 68(1), 80–91. doi:10.2307/2668211 Tierney, W. G., Colyar, J. E., & Corwin, Z. B. (2003). Preparing for College: Building Expectations, Changing Realities. Los Angeles, CA: Center for Higher Education Policy Analysis. Tinto, V. (1982). Limits of theory and practice in student attrition. The Journal of Higher Education, 53(6), 687–700. doi:10.2307/1981525

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U.S. Census Bureau. (2017). Quarterly residential vacancies and homeownership, first quarter 2017 (CB17-55). Author. U.S. Department of Education, Center for Education Statistics. (1993). 120 Years of American Education: A Statistical Portrait. Author. Villapando, O., & Solórzano, D. G. (2005). The role of culture in college preparation programs: A review of the research literature. In W. G. Tierney, Z. B. Corwin, & J. E. Colyar (Eds.), Preparing for college: Nine elements of effective outreach (pp. 13–28). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

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Walsh, K., & Robinson Kurpius, S. (2016). Parental, residential, and self-belief factors influencing academic persistence decisions of college freshmen. Journal of College Student Retention, 18(1), 49–67. doi:10.1177/1521025115579672 Williams, D. R., Priest, N., & Anderson, N. B. (2016). Understanding associations among race, socioeconomic status, and health: Patterns and prospects. Health Psychology, 35(4), 407–411. doi:10.1037/ hea0000242 PMID:27018733 Williams, G. (2012). Embracing racism: Understanding its pervasiveness & persistence. Multicultural Education, 20(1), 42–44. Woods, L. L. II. (2012). The Federal Home Loan Bank Board, redlining, and the national proliferation of racial lending discrimination, 1921–1950. Journal of Urban History, 38(6), 1036–1059. doi:10.1177/0096144211435126 Yosso, T., Smith, W., Ceja, M., & Solórzano, D. (2009). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate for Latina/o undergraduates. Harvard Educational Review, 79(4), 659–691. doi:10.17763/haer.79.4.m6867014157m707l Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91. doi:10.1080/1361332052000341006 Yosso, T. J., Parker, L., Solórzano, D. G., & Lynn, M. (2004). From Jim Crow to affirmative action and back again: A critical race discussion of racialized rationales and access to higher education. Review of Research in Education, 28(1), 1–25. doi:10.3102/0091732X028001001

ADDITIONAL READING Bell, D. A. (1992). Faces at the bottom of the well. New York, NY: Basic Books. Brayboy, B. M. J. (2004). Hiding in the ivy: American Indian students and visibility in elite educational settings. Harvard Educational Review, 74(2), 125–152. doi:10.17763/haer.74.2.x141415v38360mg4

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DeCuir, J., & Dixson, A. (2004). “So when it comes out, they aren’t that surprised that it’s there”: Using critical race theory as a tool of analysis of race and racism in education. Educational Researcher, 33(5), 26–31. doi:10.3102/0013189X033005026 Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2017). Critical race theory: An introduction (3rd ed.). New York, NY: New York University Press. Engle, J., & Lynch, M. G. (2011). Demography is not destiny: What colleges and universities can do to improve persistence among low-income students. In A. Kezar (Ed.), Recognizing and serving lowincome students in higher education: An examination of institutional policies, practices, and culture (pp. 161–175). New York: Routledge. Esteban-Guitart, M., & Moll, L. (2014). Funds of identity: A new concept based on the funds of knowledge approach. Culture and Psychology, 20(1), 31–48. doi:10.1177/1354067X13515934

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Freire, P. (1970/2000). Pedagogy of the oppressed. (30th Anniversary Edition). New York, NY: The Continuum International Publishing Group, Inc. (Original work published 1970). Gay, G. (2013). Teaching to and through cultural diversity. Curriculum Inquiry, 43(1), 48–70. doi:10.1111/ curi.12002 Ladson-Billings, G. (1995). Toward a theory of culturally relevant pedagogy. American Educational Research Journal, 32(3), 465–491. doi:10.3102/00028312032003465 McGee, E. O., & Martin, D. B. (2011). ‘You would not believe what I have to go through to prove my intellectual value!’: Stereotype management among academically successful black mathematics and engineering students. American Educational Research Journal, 48(6), 1347–1389. doi:10.3102/0002831211423972 Pierce, C. (1995). Stress Analogs of Racism and Sexism: Terrorism, Torture, and Disaster. In C. Willie, P. Rieker, B. Kramer, & B. Brown (Eds.), Mental Health, Racism, and Sexism (pp. 277–293). Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press. Solórzano, D. G. (1998). Critical race theory, race and gender microaggressions, and the experience of Chicana and Chicano scholars. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education : QSE, 11(1), 121–136. doi:10.1080/095183998236926 Yosso, T. J., Parker, L., Solórzano, D. G., & Lynn, M. (2004). From Jim Crow to affirmative action and back again: A critical race discussion of racialized rationales and access to higher education. Review of Research in Education, 28(1), 1–25. doi:10.3102/0091732X028001001

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Counter-Space: Formal or informal spaces, which are safe, race-based places on predominantly white campuses (McGee & Martin, 2011); these spaces can provide a respite from the White world. Counter-Story: Stories that highlight the non-dominant narratives of society (Bell, 1992). Cultural Capital: As defined by Yosso (2005), there are six main cultural assets of marginalized communities: aspirational capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, social capital, navigational capital, and resistant capital. Cultural Negotiation: Students of Color are often forced to navigate between two cultures, the one with which they most identify and the majority culture. This is sometimes referred to as “biculturation” and “code switching.” Implicit Bias: Being unaware of the negative stereotypes one holds against groups in society; therefore, being unaware of how those ideas turn into prejudicial behavior and actions. Institutionalized Racism: Deeply embedded, “structured inequality” that is present in all social institutions (Williams, 2012, p. 42). Microaggressions: As defined by Pierce (1995), microaggressions may seem harmless, but the “cumulative burden of a lifetime of microaggressions can theoretically contribute to diminished mortality, augmented morbidity, and flattened confidence” (p. 281). Students of Color often experience microaggressions at a near-constant level.

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Predominantly White Institution (PWI): Any institution that has historically had a majority enrollment of white students and is conducive to white cultural norms. Representative: When Students of Color, while being racialized, are asked to “speak for” the experience of “their people.” These experiences stand out for Students of Color as specific, often traumatic events, that stay with them for years. Underrepresented Minority (URM) Student: Students of Black, Latino, of American Native heritage, who have historically had less access to higher education, thus limiting their representation at higher education institutes. White Privilege: The lack of racism experienced by white persons; it is then assumed that all others, regardless of their race or national origin, experience the same non-biased treatment in life, thus white individuals are unaware of the privilege from which they benefit in society (Boatright-Horowitz, Marraccini, & Harps-Logan, 2012).

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A Critical Review of Gender Parity and Voice Dispossession Among Executive Women in Higher Education Leadership Tricia Stewart Western Connecticut State University, USA Robin Throne https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3015-9587 Colorado Technical University, USA Lesley Anne Evans https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6172-8236 Midwest Regional Educational Service Center, USA

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ABSTRACT Postsecondary organizational statistics show women remain limited and underrepresented within presidential and provost appointments, and progress has slowed into the 21st century. This chapter presents a critical review of the current scholarship of gender parity among higher education executive leadership specifcally for a construct of voice dispossession. In past work, the authors have discussed how voice dispossession occurs among a dominant past culture and imbalanced power domains amid hierarchical structures for evolving organizational cultures as women often adopt a fltered voice or make attributional accommodations amidst challenges within these power and gendered organizational structures. This chapter extends the conversation by examining this focus within the larger body of research into women in higher education executive leadership to reveal limits of access and career success. While these power domains have historically been predominant across North America, parallels exist among other continents.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch005

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 A Critical Review of Gender Parity and Voice Dispossession Among Executive Women

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INTRODUCTION Organizational considerations and promotional disparities for environments where interrogation of executive leadership inequalities may be allowed and barriers to those where it is not allowed is examined within the current literature for gender parity of women within higher education executive leadership roles. Further, professional associations, research organizations, and past scholarly researchers have reported organizational bias leads to exclusionary practices that limit opportunities and manifest in barriers for women to advance beyond academic leadership roles and limit further promotional opportunities to executive leadership. Along the trajectory of roles in higher education, women often face inequities beyond salary and benefit packages even when they are the majority among many higher education disciplines. Therefore, this critical review is focused on the scholarship specific to higher education executive leadership roles and offers an examination of the patterns of research published as related to gender and gender equalities. Specific solutions and recommendations from the researchers analyzed are discussed along with the empirical literature surrounding the focus of the review. The authors have previously defined voice dispossession from the literature of discourse analysis whereby voice is a social construct that offers characterization and impression of an academic and/or professional identity (de Magalhães, Cotterall, & Mideros, 2019; Throne, 2018, 2019). Dispossession of voice is considered as an occurrence of repression, silence, invisibility, or mischaracterization of meaning among the domains of power that define the relational structures within a higher education organizational entity (Hill & Bilge, 2016; Musil, 2015; Throne, 2019). In this chapter, voice is situated within the midst of the power domains of higher education executive leadership. This filtered, silencing, or reduction of vocality of opinions, ideas, and innovation among women, in addition to attributional accommodations in physical presence or tone, has occurred across the past centuries of U.S. higher education since the gendered barricades to entry existed (Gray, Bates, Graham, & Han, 2019). Contemporary organizational structures and assumptions continue that limit women’s advancement, opportunity, and longevity within executive leadership ranks such as seen in the documental data for salary and promotion, but also often hidden in informal structures such as office spatiality (who has access to doors and windows) or who may converse with whom (Musil, 2015). This chapter also considers the paucity of published research specific to women in executive higher education leadership as another illustration of the invisibility that exists around gender, gendered culture and organizations, and the overall role, connotations, and perceptions of women in leadership. The authors posit that journals with international foci increasingly are interested in a range of focus in this area that has not kept pace with the current state of educational leadership in the United States (U.S.). Additionally, the authors acknowledge the gains made over the past 40 years in relation to women in higher education leadership as well as women in executive business and management roles; however, continued issues that plagued women in academia in the 1980s and 1990s still exist today, which is not necessarily the case for other countries with different foci for what is considered important for research based on the advancements within their own locales. The objectives of this critical review are severalfold. First, the gendered dynamics explored in the organizational literature make clear the nature and causes for barriers women face in advancement and promotion to executive leadership roles. Second, the chapter illuminates the aspects of voice dispossession amid biased organizational structures, cultures, disciplines, and interpersonal environments. Third, the chapter’s findings underscore the need to identify aspects for improving opportunities for advancement of women into higher education senior and executive leadership roles as well as identify programs or 100

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initiatives that have led to improvement or gains in this area. These insights may lead to recommendations for next steps in the research to better understand gender parity among higher education senior and executive leadership.

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BACKGROUND Women represent half of the world’s population; yet, researchers have long reported the lack of parity for women in U.S. higher education senior and executive leadership roles (Patel, Sanders, Lundberg-Love, Gallien, & Smith, 2018). Teague (2018) highlighted the past research that has shown while women are highly innovative and effective leaders, barriers to advancement continue especially among senior-level and executive leadership positions. Researchers at the American Council on Education have reported the number of women in higher education executive leadership roles continues to increase; however, the gap between men and women remains significant, especially at the highest level college and university president roles where women comprise just over 30% of these appointments (Howard & Gagliardi, 2018, p. 1). For African American women in higher education, the lack of gender parity has been reported in the past research as even greater than that of other race/ethnicities (Patel et al., 2018; Teague, 2018). Davis and Maldonado (2015) also reported the lack of parity is especially distinct for African American women. These researchers highlighted the gaps in research specific to this demographic with continued need for research to incorporate intersectionality as a theoretical framework to explore these inequities. More recently, Sims and Carter (2019) noted discriminatory practices have continued into the past decade for academics of color, which manifest as “microaggressions, microinequities, gender bias, diversity intelligence, stereotype threat, role (in)congruity, tokenism, isolation, invisibility” among others (p. 108). While women hold most academic or educational roles across higher education, as well as a majority in terminal degree attainment, men continue to out earn women. Men also hold the majority of university leadership positions, while women within senior and executive leadership roles across U.S. colleges and universities remain in the minority (Johnson, 2016). One of the reasons this should be of concern is that the majority of students in higher education are women (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019); yet, these students do not experience institutional leadership that reflects them. Therefore, Teague (2018) called for more inclusive cultures to improve these and other imbalances. Likewise, Surna (2018) noted that without equity and a value for diverse voices at all levels of higher education leadership, student academic achievement can be impeded. Specifically, these disparities result in lost opportunities for improved “student self-efficacy, learning, and success” as “a homogenous team comes with a limited outlook, whereas a more diverse group often yields more nuanced decisions” (Surna, 2018, pp. 51-52). Concern about gender disparity in leadership is not just a phenomenon in the United States, as researchers in Australia and the United Kingdom have also reported gender disparities among higher education senior and executive level roles (Gray et al., 2019). Gray et al. (2019) noted parallels with the U.S. gender statistics and referred to the evidence of “gender asymmetry” as women in Australia hold the majority of lower-ranked academic positions but less than one-third of senior-level positions (p. 6). Further, the authors noted the existence of a sometimes disempowering and uncomfortable environment for women within higher education organizations. In this way, women are without a culture and climate that support them. This lack of cultural support exists despite female leader confidence and ambition; a noted repression of career trajectories for women can occur within these domains of power and privilege (Gray et al., 2019). 101

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Manfredi et al. (2019) examined leadership within the United Kingdom and noted the underrepresentation of women in higher education leadership roles. The study highlighted ongoing research showcasing the institutional barriers, entrenched homosocial cultures, and cognitive bias that limit equity and gender parity in candidate selection for executive leadership roles for women in higher education. Like the U.S. and Australia, in the UK women represent a majority of the overall higher education workforce and student population but hold less than one-fourth of senior leadership roles (Manfredi et al., 2019). Further parallels with these gender inequities have been reported across Europe, India, East and South Asia, and other regions (Ahad & Gunter, 2017; Aiston & Yang, 2017; Mathew, 2019; Myers & Griffin, 2018). In contrast, Nordic countries, specifically Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Finland, have made concerted efforts toward gender equality in higher education leadership and the overall labor market (Pinheiro, Geschwind, Hansen, & Pekkola, 2015). “Over the past decade, the Nordic countries have ranked highest in terms of a minimal gender gap in these areas, with Iceland, Norway, and Finland achieving the most favorable ratings” (Longman, 2018, p. 1). Given the wide range of countries that lag in gender equity for women in the upper echelons of leadership in higher education, and other organizations, it is reasonable to expect that action will have to be undertaken for substantial change. The literature reviewed in this chapter was analyzed through a lens of intersectionality of gender, race/ ethnicity, and voice dispossession. Voice dispossession as the critical review phenomenon is considered to ensure a non-dominant, leveling aspect to where, why, and how challenges exist among the literature and aspects of voice dispossession vary from viewpoint to vantagepoint. Accountability for gender equity is also considered from the layered individual, organizational, and societal perspectives found within the current research and international findings are considered within a U.S. context as viewed by the intersectionality of the domains of power. Gendered dynamics within the organizational literature may reflect reasons for these barriers to the advancement and promotion of women to executive leadership roles and the aspects of voice dispossession among gender amid organizational structure, culture, discipline, and the interpersonal environment. Critical review findings presented in this chapter may identify aspects to improve considerations for opportunities for advancement of women into higher education senior and executive leadership roles as well as programs or initiatives that have led to improvement or gains for these opportunities. These insights may lead to recommendations for the next step in the research to better understand gender parity among higher education senior and executive leadership.

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LITERATURE REVIEW OF GENDER PARITY IN HIGHER EDUCATION EXECUTIVE LEADERSHIP Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework for this critical review allowed for a lens to view gender parity in higher education executive leadership from Crenshaw’s (1991) original work with intersectionality and Hill Collins’ (2000, 2019) extensions that involve intersectional power domains. Crenshaw’s theoretical contributions for intersectionality have also been described as a sociolegal praxis and analytic sensibility to view the multiplicity of oppression (Carastathis, 2018). Hill Collins (2000) extended Crenshaw’s intersectionality as the particular forms of intersectional oppression and inequity (race, gender, sexuality) within intersectional paradigms whereby oppression cannot be reduced to one single form. Instead, 102

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oppression and the resulting inequities emerge from complex structural matrices as often well-organized domination or “structural, disciplinary, hegemonic, and interpersonal domains of power” across various forms of oppression (p. 18). As combined for this conceptual framework, Crenshaw (1991, 1998) and Hill Collins’ (2000, 2019) explication of gender and race/ethnicity disparities as components of intersectionality was an appropriate lens to view this critical review of the intersectionality of gender parity, race/ethnicity, and voice dispossession among higher education executive leadership, as gender disparity often results from/within intersectional oppression and inequities rather than as any singular aspect within power domains of power: interpersonal, disciplinary, cultural, and structural (Hill Collins & Bilge, 2016). The framework also provided a lens to view these complex intersections within existent higher education power domains and organizational structures which have allowed gender disparity in executive leadership roles to continue well into the 21st century (see Figure 1). Specifically, research into the intersectionality of women of color as academic leaders has remained incomplete, as noted by Carbado, Crenshaw, Mays, and Tomlinson (2013). According to these authors, international research into intersectionality has continued to highlight these gaps and expanded the conceptual lens of intersectionality to view an “ever-widening range of experiences and structures of power” (p. 3). It is from this understanding of intersectionality the authors viewed the current scholarship surrounding the intersections of gender parity, race/ethnicity, and voice dispossession among higher education executive leadership. Intersectionality also helped frame an understanding of the range of topics covered by journals that focus on gender as discussed in the conclusion section. Further, the framework also provided an opportunity to examine resultant voice dispossession among women in executive leadership roles and for those seeking career advancement. The domains-of-power heuristic described by Hill Collins (2019) and Hill Collins and Bilge (2016) in the conceptual framework offers a device to consider the intricacies of voice dispossession amidst the intersectional complexities of oppression for women in higher education executive leadership. The heuristic suggests the domains of power exist concurrently and may influence organizational power dynamics from intersecting factors within any given social context (Hill Collins, 2019). In addition, voice remains a socially situated construct within the higher education milieu (Falconer, 2016), which may manifest through muted silence or intentional changes in vocality. Gray et al. (2019) also noted how the cloak of invisibility often shrouds women within higher education leadership due to the sheer numbers as there are less women’s voices in the conversation than men. The authors also stressed voice as both a right and a privilege; women are needed within the conversation around gender parity for higher education executive leadership to allow in diverse voices and open a path beyond survivability for career satisfaction and rewarding longevity (Gray et al., 2019). Finally, invisibility has been long seen as a construct existent among women in higher education support roles (Musil, 2015) and specifically for African American women and other women of color as a companion to isolation (Sims & Carter, 2019). Other researchers noted the challenges for women to executive leadership promotion/advancement have included isolation, silence, and limited navigation skills especially for women seeking university presidential posts (Reis & Grady, 2018). The authors echoed earlier researchers who have figuratively likened the journey to a labyrinth over the glass ceiling metaphor, although the barriers to these posts often remain invisible (Reis & Grady, 2018). Further, they stressed the voice of decisions by male higher education leadership are more often upheld as believable over women despite the lack of evidence that male decision making is more effective. The authors posited this encourages women leaders to direct men to deliver decisions or messages, which creates a situation in which these female leaders become 103

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self-muting (Reis & Grady, 2019), which may also be due to engrained dominant perceptions of masculine leadership as more effective (Brower, Schwartz, & Bertrand Jones, 2019). Similarly, Jameson (2018) reported how “critical corridor talk” (CCT) existed for men and women at all levels of higher education organizational structures. Sharing of survival stories allowed colleagues to express feelings of undervaluation, marginalization, and poor treatment (p. 386). This CCT served to relieve the pressures when top leadership’s denial of problems had an “oppressive silencing effect” on executive administrators, leaders, faculty, and staff. Having their concerns stifled or being unable to their raise their voice around issues led to the need for CCT as a release mechanism (Jameson, 2018). Thus, mechanisms to reduce voice dispossession and increase survivability may further silence and foster increased invisibility for women in formal communication at executive organizational levels. Past researchers have also highlighted how aspects of voice dispossession has led women leaders to shapeshift professional personas or identities to ensure longevity within higher education settings. For example, Brower et al. (2019) reported how gender-based, attributional ambiguity limits advancement of women into higher educational leadership roles and may similarly impose barriers for other underrepresented groups where the research may be lacking. In these circumstances, voice dispossession may concurrently involve non-verbal aspects such gestures, facial expressions, and body language in addition to aspects of vocality such as voice inflection and tone. When attributional ambiguity exists, women leaders tended to reduce impressions of rancor or grievance to improve survivability or to reduce workplace conflict (Brower et al., 2019). Unfortunately, such means of subsistence may actually erode authenticity, innovation, and creativity as leader gender differences emerge from epistemological distinctions as to what constitutes truth, integrity, and relational power (Brower et al., 2019). Some of the very strategies to equalize opportunities for women to be tapped for additional leadership roles may be diminished as they mute their own authenticity through both attributional ambiguity and voice dispossession and fail to successfully negotiate the labyrinth to advancement that has also been associated with gender disparity.

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Methods and Data Sources To better understand the current research on issues of gender equity in higher education, and more specifically women in executive leadership, the authors examined patterns of publication across four scholarly journals with a history of publishing on women in leadership: 1. Administrative Issues Journal, 2. Advancing Women in Leadership Journal, 3. Gender and Education, and 4. Studies in Higher Education (see Figure 2). These journals were selected as they have demonstrated intentionality in the inclusion of articles on gender parity in higher education leadership overall and appeared best suited for higher education leadership in the past. Articles from these four journals were comprehensively and systematically sourced for the designated period. Although some research studies choose to use keyword searches for the selection of articles to analyze, the authors determined that a broader examination of the literature across all issues would be more informative. Therefore, a database was used for systematic analysis over keyword searches so as to include every article published between the three-year period, 2016-2018. The database included identifiers for each individual journal, the author(s), article title, year and month of first publication (for some journals this meant using the date published online). Given the meager amount of research in this time period on female executive-level leaders in higher education, the database afforded the opportunity to categorize the other types of research that were published including those that aligned with the intersectionality framework, calls for special issues 104

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Figure 1. Intersectional imbalance of gender equity among higher education power domains

around a themed topic, and those with a relevant regional coverage. Once the database was completed, the articles were collated as germane to the analysis of executive leadership in higher education and also those remotely connected to women in leadership to see what else could be gleaned from those studies. With the completion of the data collection phase, analysis involved qualitative thematic coding (Charmaz, 2006) of each selected article utilizing a code book for constancy. Central to the codebook, as shown in Figure 1, one sample article was utilized to identify preliminary codes which served as a discussion point from which the code book was generated. Once an initial round of individual coding was completed, the authors met to discuss and check the interpretive themes, which aided confirmability (Miles, Huberman, & Saldana, 2014).

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Findings The lack of peer-reviewed articles specific to women in higher education executive leadership included within the identified journals was evident. Only nine journal articles focused specifically on women in higher education leadership out of the total 2,743 articles published over the period of 2016-2018; only five percent of the articles published focused on women in leadership overall. Thematic content analysis of article findings and recommendations identified three main patterns: (a) relationality; (b) women’s work roles; and (c) vocality or attributional accommodation. While issues of gender equity have long been a subject of interest in the United States this review of the studies published between 2016-2018 highlighted the lack of gender equity for women in executive levels of leadership in higher education as an issue that requires further examination. Unfortunately, as

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Figure 2. Journal publication summary

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Note. Three-year summary: 2016-2018

seen in Table 1, very few studies addressed issues of executive leadership for women directly or indirectly in the journals under review and voice dispossession exists in one of the more extreme forms—invisibility. Less than .009% of articles for the time period under review addressed issues of women in higher education executive leadership as a central topic, while the number of articles that focused on other aspects of women in leadership doubled it was still a paltry .018%. Several of the studies, including Davidson (2018), Read and Kehm (2016), Redmond, Gutke, Galligan, Howard, and Newman (2017) and Woollen (2016), referred to the type of leadership that women engage in as “collegial.” One described their participants as leaders who were “collegial, consultative, and ‘taking people with them’…however, a collegial leadership style does not and should not imply that they are ‘going to be walked over’ and therefore, ‘developing those boundaries is probably something that females have to do more keenly than males (UK)’” (Read & Kehm, 2016, p. 820). In this way, women were conscious of the ongoing need to assert but not over-assert themselves. They also spoke in various studies spoke to the need to negotiate the labyrinth to advancement; some even called out specifically the glass ceiling, while one woman shared “I didn’t so much see glass ceilings, as I saw the brick wall of the boys’ club” (Redmond, Gutke, Galligan, Howard, & Newman, 2017, p. 343). To illustrate relationality, Davidson (2018) noted the relationality aspects of women leader work roles and the often “invisible skills” women leaders bring to higher education (p. 1). Women leaders within gendered environments, whereby organizational power is held at upper levels of the organization dominated by men, often reported emergent woman-to-woman relationships contributed to relational equity in spite of any differences in organizational roles held (Davidson, 2018). Women often see the gender-specific difficulties to move beyond middle management positions in higher education, which was corroborated in the analysis, as women leaders were shown to place focus on relationships and peer advancement over self-directed executive leadership advancement for themselves. Likewise, Redmond et al. (2017) pointed out that past research has shown mentoring offers relational aspects as beneficial to both mentees and mentors, including women in higher education leadership roles.

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However, the authors highlighted the lack of mentors for women seeking higher education leadership roles and further noted values for these types of relationships also contributed to growth in others as well as collaborative or non-hierarchical leadership styles, key factors commonly reported for research of women in leadership (Read & Kehm, 2017; Redmond et al., 2017). Finally, Woollen (2016) found women in executive higher education leadership roles stressed the importance of relationship building among all organizational levels and DeFrank-Cole, Latimer, Neidermeyer, and Wheatly (2016) noted the importance of cross-disciplinary relationships as well. The findings of DeFrank-Cole et al. (2016), although limited to one institution, spoke to strengths that come from targeting women as leaders and emphasizing relationship building in the process. In addition, women were not trained on the strategies and benefits of individual goal setting and having long range career aspirations (DeFrank-Cole et al., 2016). These paralleled findings of multiple studies that addressed how women created leadership opportunities through hard work or timely opportunity for advancement. The pattern of women’s work roles was characterized in a range of ways. Howe-Walsh and Turnbull (2016) noted the gendered disparities in science and technology disciplines where barriers to senior or executive rules included more temporary work contracts for women and male-dominated, exclusionary social networks. Heijstra, Steinthorsdóttir, and Einarsdóttir (2017) likened women’s higher education leadership responsibilities to “academic housework,” unlike their male peers who typically have fewer academic duties in gendered organizations. Read and Kehm (2017) noted women in executive leadership roles are like a “traditional housewife” who must do the “cleaning out and straightening up” concurrent with organizational change (p. 824), yet, often experience the attributional emphasis on such aspects as hair and clothing as success or leadership criteria. Redmond et al. (2017) referred to the problem with “no name” and the parallels of women within domestic settings with contemporary challenges for women in the journey toward executive leadership attainment and gender-specific problems identified 40 years ago persist (p. 348). Women who lack leadership aspirations for the highest levels of higher education leadership reported difficulties in advancement. Ironically, participants could recognize that they were at times misguided in their career trajectory, which included things like taking time off for children and not applying for positions when they self-doubted their level of readiness (Howe-Walsh & Turnbull, 2016; Redmond et al., 2017). Illustrations of vocality and other attributional accommodation were also apparent. For example, DeFrank et al. (2016) reported women supported within a leadership network conveyed a stronger sense of voice and less of a need to temper emotional tone or ideas, and Heijstra et al. (2017) pointed to the overall silenced voices due to underrepresentation of women in key leadership roles. Redmond et al. (2017) emphasized the “invisibility” and “chilly culture” that may lead to attributional accommodation among women leaders who achieve key influential roles (p. 332). Read and Kehm (2017) described how these attributional accommodations may be made by women who desire executive leadership roles due to cultural connotations of fit, power, and the socialized parallels between masculinity and strength of leadership in U.S. and other cultures. For example, women leaders often constrain image and behavior as they “need to be mindful of the ways in which their extra visibility as women leaders led them to be scrutinised at a higher level than men, and the different ways in which their behaviour and practices might be interpreted because they were women rather than men” (p. 825) and “assertiveness in women leaders is interpreted by others more negatively than if it was enacted by men” (p. 825). While it is not possible to ascertain why so few recent articles dealt with the issues of women in leadership, the authors reported potential reasons for this development. The first is that the topic lacks 107

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novelty, and many may believe that there is no longer a need to understand gender disparity for women in the workforce—that there is not a contribution that can be made for a topic that is more than 40 years old. Unfortunately, not much has changed in that 40 years when it comes to women serving at the highest levels of leadership in most organizations and in particular in higher education. While some research has been collected and some theories have been generated in that time, the on-going lack of achieving praxis in this area, in most countries, suggests that additional research that could lead to the creation of specific policies to advance women. In addition, more can be known about the type of mentoring and training that has helped advance individual women to the role of Provost (Chief Academic Officer) or President at higher education institutions.

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS While research into women in executive higher educational leadership was found to be extremely limited even among scholarly journals that may focus a substantial percentage of articles on women in leadership overall, the authors of the nine peer-reviewed articles sourced agreed upon the persistent and obvious paucity of women in executive higher education leadership (Davidson, 2018; Howe-Walsh & Turnbull, 2016; Huang, 2017; Redmond et al., 2017; Sherer & Zakaria, 2018). In addition, when women do attain executive leadership roles, researchers have noted the ongoing challenges and numerous barriers to substantive participation and ultimate success (Davidson, 2018; DeFrank et al., 2016; Howe-Walsh & Turnbull, 2016; Read & Kehm, 2017; Woollen, 2016). The authors of the nine articles examined offered a variety of solutions and recommendations specific to the advancement of women in executive higher education leadership roles. Read and Kehm (2017) noted how simply increasing the numbers of women in executive leadership roles will improve gender equity; yet, challenges remain to improve culture, leadership style, hierarchical organizational structures, and other aspects of gendered environments. Redmond et al. (2017) noted the equity and policy implications of the current research and recommended consideration of these data for national and international promotion of gender equity. Davidson (2018) called for more exploration into the use of women-to-women relationship development as an organizational resource to advance leadership skills and make invisible skills more overt and understood within the organization. As Jameson (2018) noted, formal channels should exist to address difficult topics within institutions—not just critical corridor talk. To advance these views, the chapter authors call for inquiry into the lack of supports to provide mentoring programs and childcare options to foster success for women aspiring to higher education leadership positions. The latter would help to equalize societal child-rearing expectations between men and women. Higher education institutions must do better to balance these perspectives and benefit from diverse leadership candidates, which may mean actively facilitating cultural and social capital for first generation academics. Institutions should also facilitate cultural and social capital opportunities for first generation academics and focus on areas of relatedness and competency as they seek to grow leaders from within; healthy environments are more conducive to organizational trust and employee commitment. Further, Woollen (2016) and Howe-Walsh and Turnbull (2016) recommended reconfigured recruitment processes for boards of trustees, institutional search committees, senior level administrators, and recruitment or search firms to source qualified women for executive leadership roles. This may require a more holistic analysis of curriculum vitae for women candidates and to better understand the myriad of hidden skills, knowledge, and relational strengths women bring from prior leadership positions 108

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(Woollen, 2016). Similarly, DeFrank-Cole et al. (2016) recommended the use of more horizontal organizational structures conducive to the relational and communal nature of women as leaders may assist in the development of social supports as circular and non-hierarchical in form. Finally, Howe-Walsh and Turnbull (2016) recommended reduction or increased awareness of existent male-dominated social support networks as well as the dissemination of external network opportunities for the advancement of women to leadership roles. Overall improvements in higher education leadership gender equity are needed, as women often leave gendered cultures at higher rates. Similarly, Read and Kehm (2017) suggested disrupting or deconstructing the gendered nature of embodied male leadership characteristics to improve understanding of women leaders as distinct from masculine connotations of leadership strength. Based on the critical review, the chapter authors also suggest female academics interested in women in leadership should volunteer as editors for special volumes of journals to advance the scholarship in this focus area and address the paucity in the current research. Existing journals that focus on issues of gender, leadership, or higher education should also review recency of calls for articles that address women in leadership and specifically women in executive higher education leadership. Ideally, researchers concerned with gender parity and who may have a desire to work towards gender equity should actively seek opportunities for gender/women’s advancement to be built into their own research agenda and scholarly publishing plans. In higher education practice, institutional leaders should widen the criteria and broaden the career frameworks so as to consider executive leader candidates from diverse interview pools to expand and equalize demographic characteristics for executive higher education leadership roles.

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FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS The authors of the nine scholarly journal articles examined for this study recommended a variety of future research directions to enhance the advancement of women in higher education leadership and to improve gender equity across higher education leadership. The studies reviewed were all qualitative in nature; therefore, more mixed methods and quantitative work are needed in this area of focus. Davidson (2018) called for future research into social supports for women in leadership and the parallels between women in executive roles in business with the hierarchical structures found in higher education. Redmond et al. (2017) noted the future research should focus on the personal and professional value of institutional support mechanisms. Woollen (2018) stated that retrospective examination of women in executive leaders in other sectors or industries, along with institutional supports to advance them, may offer ways to improve the current lack of gender parity in higher education. It may also generate more research focused specifically on women in executive leadership within higher education. Likewise, DeFrank-Cole et al. (2016) noted the need for longitudinal research to follow women participants in mentoring and support mechanisms for the career trajectory in higher education and Huang (2017) suggested research into collective forms of governance as a means to improve gender equity. Heijstra et al. (2017) called for future research specific to the construct of academic housework to bring attention to the gendered connotations among academic duties in higher education. Sherer and Zakaria (2018) called for research to explore policy and performance outcomes to improve diversity, equality, and overall student welfare. Howe-Walsh and Turnbull (2016) stressed the need to further investigate women leadership advancement within science and technology, and specifically the imposter syndrome within academia as an additional limiter for the advancement of women leaders within the discipline. Finally, based on the findings presented in this chapter, the chapter authors recommend continued 109

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research into the construct of voice dispossession as represented by silence, changes in vocality, or attributional accommodation by women in higher education executive leadership to better understand this phenomenon in the context of higher education gender parity and the advancement of women into higher education leadership.

CONCLUSION In conclusion, the current research presented in this chapter indicated the importance of social, relational, scientific, intellectual, and academic capital needed by women to advance and maintain executive leadership roles and opportunities in higher education as gendered organizational cultures continue among both U.S. and international institutions. Despite proactive measures over the past two decades to improve gender equity among higher education executive leadership and the exponential increase in female leaders, many recent studies have shown that a lack of gender parity continues to exist among higher education senior-level and executive leadership. In addition, many higher education institutions have never had a female as the president or top executive leader and women of color continue to be underrepresented. The findings discussed here, along with the findings in the research sourced, illustrate the many barriers women face to the attainment of higher education executive leadership and focus into the barriers that prevent the advancement of women and contribute to their ultimate success in executive leadership roles is needed. Further research in this specific area of inquiry may offer better understanding of the disparate and gendered organizational cultures across higher education that contribute to barriers to the advancement of women and gender equity among executive higher education leadership. Finally, ongoing research may further contribution solutions to gender inequities among higher education executive leadership.

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Brower, R. L., Schwartz, R. A., & Bertrand Jones, T. (2019). ‘Is it because I’m a woman?’ Gender-based attributional ambiguity in higher education administration. Gender and Education, 31(1), 117–135. do i:10.1080/09540253.2017.1324131 Carastathis, A. (2018). Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw. In M. Sellers & S. Kirste (Eds.), Encyclopedia of the Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer. doi:10.1007/97894-007-6730-0_1-1 Carbado, D. W., Crenshaw, K. W., Mays, V. M., & Tomlinson, B. (2013). Intersectionality: Mapping the movements of a theory. Du Bois Review, 10(2), 303–312. doi:10.1017/S1742058X13000349 PMID:25285150

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Crenshaw, K. (1998). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory, and antiracist politics. Feminism and Politics, 314-343. doi:10.4324/9780429499142-5 Crenshaw, K. W. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241–1299. doi:10.2307/1229039 Davidson, S. (2018). Beyond colleagues: Women leaders and work relationships. Advancing Women in Leadership, 38, 1-13. Retrieved from http://www.awlj.org/ Davis, D. R., & Maldonado, C. (2015). Shattering the glass ceiling: The leadership development of African American women in higher education. Advancing Women in Leadership Journal, 35, 48–64. doi:10.18738/awl.v35i0.125 de Magalhães, M. B., Cotterall, S., & Mideros, D. (2019). Identity, voice and agency in two EAL doctoral writing contexts. Journal of Second Language Writing, 43, 4–14. doi:10.1016/j.jslw.2018.05.001 DeFrank-Cole, L., Latimer, M., Neidermeyer, P., & Wheatly, M. (2016). Understanding “why” one university’s women’s leadership development strategies are so effective. Advancing Women in Leadership, 36, 26-35. Retrieved from http://advancingwomen.com/awl/awl_wordpress/ Falconer, H. M. (2019). “I think when I speak, I don’t sound like that”: The influence of social positioning on rhetorical skill development in science. Written Communication, 36(1), 9–37. doi:10.1177/0741088318804819 Gray, T., Bates, K., Graham, C., & Han, F. (2019). Exploring ways to elevate women’s leadership voices to achieve career longevity and gender parity. Centre for Educational Research, Western Sydney University. Retrieved from https://researchdirect.westernsydney.edu.au/islandora/object/uws:49068/ Heijstra, T. M., Steinthorsdóttir, F. S., & Einarsdóttir, T. (2017). Academic career making and the double-edged role of academic housework. Gender and Education, 29(6), 764–780. doi:10.1080/0954 0253.2016.1171825 Hill Collins, P. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. Hill Collins, P. (2019). The difference that power makes: Intersectionality and participatory democracy. In The Palgrave Handbook of Intersectionality in Public Policy (pp. 167–192). London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-98473-5_7 Copyright © 2020. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Hill Collins, P., & Bilge, S. (2016). Intersectionality. New York, NY: Wiley. Howard, E., & Gagliardi, J. (2018). Leading the way to parity: Preparation, persistence, and the role of women presidents. Washington, DC: American Council on Education. Retrieved from https://www. acenet.edu/news-room/Documents/Leading-the-Way-to-Parity.pdf Howe-Walsh, L., & Turnbull, S. (2016). Barriers to women leaders in academia: Tales from science and technology. Studies in Higher Education, 41(3), 415–428. doi:10.1080/03075079.2014.929102

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Huang, F. (2017). Who leads China’s leading universities? Studies in Higher Education, 42(1), 79–96. doi:10.1080/03075079.2015.1034265 Jameson, J. (2018). Critical corridor talk: Just gossip or stoic resistance? Unrecognised informal higher education leadership. Higher Education Quarterly, 72(4), 375–389. doi:10.1111/hequ.12174 Johnson, H. L. (2016). Pipelines, pathways, and institutional leadership: An update on the status of women in higher education. Washington, DC: American Council on Education. Retrieved from https:// www.acenet.edu/news-room/Documents/Higher-Ed-Spotlight-Pipelines-Pathways-and-InstitutionalLeadership-Status-of-Women.pdf Longman, K. (2018). Perspectives on women’s higher education leadership from around the world. Administrative Sciences, 8(3), 35. doi:10.3390/admsci8030035 Manfredi, S., Clayton-Hathway, K., & Cousens, E. (2019). Increasing gender diversity in higher education leadership: The role of executive search firms. Social Sciences, 8(6), 168. doi:10.3390ocsci8060168 Mathew, A. (2019). Balancing social and regional equity: Higher education policy trajectory in Kerala. Higher Education for the Future, 6(2), 207–225. doi:10.1177/2347631119857836 Miles, M. B., Huberman, A. M., & Saldana, J. (2014). Qualitative data analysis: A sourcebook (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Musil, C. M. (2015). Breaking ranks. Diversity & Democracy, 18(2). Retrieved from https://www.aacu. org/diversitydemocracy/2015/spring/musil Myers, R. M., & Griffin, A. L. (2018). The geography of gender inequality in international higher education. Journal of Studies in International Education, 23(4), 429–450. doi:10.1177/1028315318803763 National Center for Education Statistics. (2019). Fast facts. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/ display.asp?id=372#College_enrollment Patel, D. A., Sanders, G. D., Lundberg-Love, P. K., Gallien, J. A., & Smith, C. D. (2018). Issues confronting women leaders in academia: The quest for equality continues. In F. L. Denmark & M. A. Paludi (Eds.), Women and Leadership (pp. 79–95). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-72182-8_6

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Pinheiro, R., Geschwind, L., Hansen, H. F., & Pekkola, E. (2015). Academic leadership in the Nordic countries: Patterns of gender equality. In H. D. Syna & C. Costea (Eds.), Women’s voices in management (pp. 15–33). London: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/9781137432155_2 Read, B., & Kehm, B. M. (2016). Women as leaders of higher education institutions: A British–German comparison. Studies in Higher Education, 41(5), 815–827. doi:10.1080/03075079.2016.1147727 Redmond, P., Gutke, H., Galligan, L., Howard, A., & Newman, T. (2017). Becoming a female leader in higher education: Investigations from a regional university. Gender and Education, 29(3), 332–351. do i:10.1080/09540253.2016.1156063 Reis, T. C., & Grady, M. L. (2018). Women as university presidents: Navigating the administrative labyrinth. Leadership and Research in Education, 4, 97-113. Retrieved from https://files.eric.ed.gov/ fulltext/EJ1174445.pdf

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Reis, T. C., & Grady, M. L. (2019). Women university presidents: Leadership within Bourdieu’s Model of Cultural Capital. The Journal of Leadership Studies, 12(4), 27–40. doi:10.1002/jls.21619 Sherer, M. J., & Zakaria, I. (2018). Mind that gap! An investigation of gender imbalance on the governing bodies of UK universities. Studies in Higher Education, 43(4), 719–736. doi:10.1080/03075079.2 016.1196352 Sims, C. M., & Carter, A. D. (2019). Revisiting Parker & Ogilvie’s African American Women Executive Leadership Model. Journal of Business Diversity, 19(2). Retrieved from https://www.articlegateway. com/index.php/JBD/article/view/2058 Surna, A. (2018). Equitable representation among people of color and women in higher ed. Journal of College Admission, (240): 48–53. Teague, L. J. (2015). Higher education plays critical role in society: More women leaders can make a difference. In Forum on Public Policy Online (Vol. 2015, No. 2). Retrieved from https://eric. ed.gov/&id=EJ1091521 Throne, R. (2018). Voice as persona: Disinterring dispossessed women’s voices from a Sac & Fox Nation relocation and Gullah Sea island lowcountry heirs’ property. 21st Annual American Association of Behavioral and Social Sciences Conference, Las Vegas, NV. Throne, R. (2019). Dispossession of land cultures: Women and property tenure among Lowcountry heirs in the Gullah Geechee Corridor. In U. Onyebadi (Ed.), Multidisciplinary issues surrounding African Diasporas. Hershey, PA: IGI Global. Woollen, S. (2016). The road less traveled: Career trajectories of six women presidents in higher education. Advancing Women in Leadership, 36, 1-10. Retrieved from http://advancingwomen.com/awl/ awl_wordpress/

ADDITIONAL READING Burkinshaw, P. (2015). Higher education, leadership and women vice chancellors: Fitting in to communities of practice of masculinities. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. doi:10.1057/9781137444042

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Eddy, P. L., Ward, K., & Khwaja, T. (2017). Critical approaches to women and gender in higher education. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/978-1-137-59285-9 Eggins, H. (Ed.). (2016). The changing role of women in higher education: Academic and leadership issues: Vol. 17. The changing academy. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Fitzgerald, T. (2013). Women leaders in higher education: Shattering the myths. London, United Kingdom: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203491515 Jeffries, R. (Ed.). (2018). Diversity, equity, and inclusivity in contemporary higher education. Hershey, PA: IGI Global.

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Jones, K., Ante, A., Longman, K. A., & Remke, R. (Eds.). (2018). Perspectives on women’s higher education leadership from around the world. Basel, Switzerland: MDPI. Longman, K. A., & Madsen, S. R. (2014). Women and leadership in higher education. Charlotte, NC: IAP. Schnackenberg, H. L., & Simard, D. A. (Eds.). (2019). Challenges and opportunities for women in higher education leadership. Hershey, PA: IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7056-1 Yanıkkaya, B. (2020). What does it mean to be a “woman leader” in academia? Imposing patriarchal and capitalist ways of leadership on women. In B. U. Tan (Ed.), Macro and micro-Level issues surrounding women in the workforce: Emerging research and opportunities. Hershey, PA: IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9163-4.ch009

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Attributional Accommodation: Attributional accommodation may involve filtered or silenced voice, constraint of image, vocality, and behavior, or adoption of invisibility as a means of survivability within specific power domains or organizational dynamics. Executive Leadership: Executive leadership within higher education typically lies within an organizational structure under a board of trustees or governors that commonly involves a C-suite of chief executive officer (president, chancellor), a chief academic officer (provost, vice president of academic affairs), and chief financial officer (chief business officer). Some institutions may also designate a chief information or technology officer and conscious learning organizations may also designate a chief diversity officer among others. Gender Equity: Gender equity involves fairness, equivalent treatment and opportunities, equivalent economic advancement, empowerment, and respect for ability, aspiration, and advancement without the limitations often imposed within imbalanced power domains. Gender Parity: Gender parity is reflected by equality, fairness, balance, diversity, and integration of genders across organizational structures. Gender parity also reflects the removal of gendered obstacles to career or leadership advancement, leadership diversity, and the incorporation of conscious and intentional gendered strategies to ensure continued and ongoing gender parity and diversity across the organization. Voice Dispossession: Voice dispossession involves the filtered, silencing, or reduction of vocality of opinions, ideas, and innovation among specific groups due to oppressive hierarchies, gendered obstacles or barriers, or other organizational power domains. Fear or threat of consequences may also impede vocality of individuals amid these organizational structures, which can result in decreased wellbeing, unfair or imbalanced organizational dialogue, repressed innovation, barriers to leadership advancement, and leadership turnover.

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Underrepresentation of Latina Faculty in Academia Raquel Sapeg Independent Researcher, USA

ABSTRACT This chapter explores the contributing factors of the underrepresentation of Latina faculty in tenured positions in one higher education institution through a qualitative case study. The narratives from eight tenured Latina faculty in one state public four-year university in the southeast area of the United States were analyzed to identify barriers or supports these minority faculty experienced while working to achieve tenure. Five main themes emerged from the analysis: organizational exclusionary practices, white male-oriented culture where resources are used to beneft white males, demoralizing microaggressions from white faculty, the university leadership’s lack of action and accountability to address diversity and inclusion challenges, and the lack of support networks and mentoring. This chapter addresses various reasons higher educational institutions need to remove barriers that negatively afect recruitment and retention of Latina faculty and provides recommendations to academic leaders to implement and hold everyone accountable to an inclusive academic environment.

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INTRODUCTION The 21st century university landscape has evolved in response to increased diversity in the general population and the movement towards a more global economy, as reflected in the races, ethnicities, genders, and ages of its students, faculty, and administration. Unfortunately, however, the level of ethnic diversity among faculty--particularly Latina faculty--has not kept pace with larger changes in the population and workforce (Kanter, 2011). As more Latino students enter college, Latina faculty are critical in serving both minority and non-minority students in an inclusive environment. The general problem is that only a third of the 3% Latino faculty in higher education are Latinas, demonstrating a crisis in academia (U.S. Department of Education, 2019b; Machado-Casas, Ruiz, & Cantu, 2013). Among the many consequences of this statistic is the severe lack of Latina faculty to serve as mentors and supporters. Hispanic students thus find it more difficult to navigate their way to DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch006

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and through college, which can contribute to a never-ending cycle; less prepared Latinos lack the role models they need, and therefore are less likely to fill those roles for younger generations who aspire to attend college (Santos & Reigadas, 2002). The impact on the broader community is an immeasurable loss of talent to society (Gonzalez, Murakami, & Nunez, 2013). This chapter showcases a qualitative case study of underrepresented Latina faculty in a public state four-year university in the southeast area of the United States, and explores through their lived experiences how and why such underrepresentation persists. Framing the case study is a brief historical background leading to the present academic environment, and an overview of contributing factors to underrepresentation. The objective is to identify the practices, disparities, and barriers that contribute to the underrepresentation of Latina faculty, present new directions and ways of functioning in response to the new faces on campus, and suggest changes that higher education administration can make to support Latina faculty in securing tenure. Reflecting and responding to growing multi-ethnic and racial student populations by proactively focusing on the recruitment and retention of Latinas (Sanchez at al., 2013) would not only increase representation of Latina scholars, but contribute to a more equally diverse and inclusive academic environment, and help universities compete on more global scale.

BACKGROUND

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Current Statistics and Challenges for Latina Faculty Latinos or Hispanics, as named by the U.S. Census Bureau, continue to grow as the largest minority group, representing 59.9 million or 18.3% of the population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2019). There has been a 63% increase in Latino attainment of bachelor’s degrees between 1.9 million in 2004 and 3.1 million in 2013 (Excelencia in Education, 2015, p.9). However, Latinos still lag behind; in 2016, only 15% of Latino male and female adults 25 or older held bachelor’s degrees, compared to 35% of Whites, 21% of African Americans, and 54% of Asians (U.S. Department of Education, 2019a, p. 162). Having the lowest educational attainment among the most significantly growing minority can negatively impact the Latino community in the global market, which requires workers with higher intellectual capital (Mellahi & Frynas, 2015). With more Latino students enrolling in higher education, a critical strategy for supporting their unique needs is adequate representation among faculty (Martinez & Toutkoushian, 2014). In 2017, Latino faculty represented only three percent full-time professor rank compared to 81% of Whites, 4% of African American, and 9% of Asians; only one percent of Latino faculty were women (U.S. Department of Education, 2019b). When comparing female Latina faculty to women faculty overall, in 2017, 81% of total female faculty were White, nine percent were Asian, six percent were African American, and three percent were Latina (U.S. Department of Education, 2019b). Further, Latina faculty were significantly underrepresented in tenure positions; in senior college leadership roles, Latinos represented only four percent of higher-level administrators (Wilson & Myer, 2013, p.92). Among the factors which to contribute to the underrepresentation of minority and female faculty is the concept of the “pipeline” for adequately qualified candidates. In this context, Latinos are earning more doctoral degrees than the past, increasing by 126% from 5,200 to 11,800 between 2000 and 2016, allowing more prepared candidates to pursue an academic career (U.S. Department of Education, 2019a). However, even with a larger pool of candidates, higher levels of representation in faculty roles has not 116

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occurred. Researchers have documented the challenges leading to lack of representation and retention of ethnic and racial minority faculty in higher education in various disciplines (Banda, Flowers, & Robinson, 2017; Berk, 2017; Diggs, Garrison-Wade, Estrada & Galindo, 2009; Kaplan, Gunn, Kulukulualani, Raj, Freund, & Carr, 2018; Martinez & Toutkoushian, 2014; Reid & Curry, 2019). Multiple studies have also demonstrated the types of challenges that Latina faculty in particular encounter when seeking full-time tenured positions in a four-year institution (Machado-Casas et al., 2013; Martinez & Toutkoushian, 2014; Saldaña, Castro-Villarreal, & Sosa, 2013; Téllez, 2013). These ranged from issues associated with the campus culture, students, the scholarly environment, the institution’s administration, and on a personal level, with family and gender roles (Marchado-Casas et al., 2013). Based on some of these challenges, Latina faculty may perceive the academic environment as unwelcoming. Mainly qualitative personal narratives describe in detail how their underrepresentation creates stresses as they attempt to enter academia (Machado-Casas et al., 2013). They experience a daunting sense of demands and expectations placed on them, which in turn generates feelings of isolation and fear (Machado-Casas et al., 2013). Others have found that ethnicity, gender, and social status influence feelings of marginality in Latina faculty (Medina & Luna, 2000). Furthermore, fewer Latina faculty means that they are likely taking on additional advising responsibilities for minority students (Chang, Welton, Martinez, & Cortez, 2013). With the need for mentoring 19% of college students who are Latino (U.S. Department of Education, 2019a, p. 127), the Latino three percent of faculty may find this task challenging, especially given their other duties (U.S. Department of Education, 2019b, p. 2). On a broad scale, a study by Martinez et al. (2014) focused on the time allocation of Latino faculty, and noted that their higher levels of teaching, advising, and service loads can undermine their productivity and research output; they must therefore ensure that they prioritize progress toward tenure while still supporting minority students. The difficulty of juggling these competing priorities act can deter highly-qualified pre-tenured Latina faculty from pursuing valuable roles in the university.

Contributing Factors to Underrepresentation

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Faculty seeking tenure in higher education institutions are evaluated based on three areas: research and publications, teaching effectiveness, and service to the institution and community (Schimanski & Alperin, 2018). While the experiences of minority and female faculty have been generally examined, literature that focuses on Latina faculty specifically is very limited. What literature does exist identifies several contributing factors to their underrepresentation: leadership and gender stereotypes; devaluation of feminine roles; discounting Latinas as scholars; limited mentoring and formal networking opportunities; and student perspectives, all of which figure into Latina faculty and other minority faculty’s quest for tenure and promotion.

Defining Leadership by Gender Since the 1970s, women’s participation in the workforce has risen from 43% to 59% (U.S. Department of Labor, 2011, p. 13). However, although women represent almost half of the labor force, more than half of bachelor’s degrees, and hold about half of management positions, they continue to be “underrepresented in the upper echelons of America’s corporations and political system… [and] represent less than three percent of Fortune 500 CEOs” (Northouse, 2013, p. 352). Wallace, Budden, Juban, and Budden (2014) found that in higher education, only 18% of university presidents are women (p.86). 117

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Various factors contribute to the underrepresentation of women in leadership roles. One area focuses on how leadership is conceptualized and described. During the 1930s, trait theory was one of the first systematic attempts to study leadership (Northouse, 2013), identifying intelligence, masculinity, and dominance to distinguish leaders from non-leaders. Until the 1970s, the perception and description of leaders were framed in terms of masculine attributes and experiences; by contrast during the same time period, women leaders were characterized by attributes such as social, emotional, sensitive, supportive, kind, and affectionate (Rodler, Kirchler, & Holzl, 2001). In earlier literature, consideration of women in leadership roles was sparse, so that little guidance existed for women with such aspirations. As more women entered higher levels of management during the 1980s onward, they looked for guidance and models to follow, but often found it challenging to align with persistent masculine prototypes while remaining feminine. Because this prototype is still prevalent today, men are more easily associated with these ideals or characteristics in the workplace than women (Rodler et al., 2001). Such gender stereotyping is detrimental to women when used to evaluate female leaders who do not meet the biased ideals (Stevenson, 2016). Yeh (2018) noted how “women entering organizations, including those in higher education, are constantly faced with situations that require them to debunk these myths or exhibit the stereotypical images society has imposed on them” (p. 246). These issues related to gender and leadership can affect Latinas who do not explicitly meet the accepted attributes when they seek tenure or engage in a selection process for administrative and leadership roles in academia.

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Devaluation of Traditional Female Roles As Latina faculty balance the pursuit of tenure with fulfilling traditionally female roles, it is critical to consider how the choice to have and raise children as well as attend to other family obligations affects or conflicts with the demands of scholarly productivity and service expectations (Gardner, 2013; Saldaña et al., 2013). Without clearly delineated institutional policies or benefits from the academic administration, female faculty who are their family’s primary providers and caregivers encounter challenges that their non-parenting colleagues do not face (Gardner, 2013). These challenges are heightened for minority female faculty, and include issues related to accessing flexible schedules and health and paid benefits while on leave for a dependent (Gardner, 2013; Castaneda, Zambrana, Marsh, Vega, Becerra, & Perez, 2015), as well as negative perceptions if she embraces her femininity during motherhood (Tellez, 2013). Female faculty who have a child while in the tenure process are susceptible to being judged based on preconceptions of pregnant women and other non-performance related factors. Saldaña et al. (2013) found that having children can put candidates at risk and provoke the view that they possess fewer competencies than non-parent colleagues. Lingering positive perceptions of professionalism from a male perspective include being objective, unemotional, organized, and punctual. On the other hand, stereotypical views of pregnant women are that they experience emotional upheaval and physical discomfort, leading them to be cranky, rude, emotional, and disheveled (Tellez, 2013). Additionally, Tellez (2013) recorded how Latina faculty in the simultaneous roles of mother and professor experienced feelings of de-legitimization, isolation, and marginalization from the patriarchal norm. Some universities do not have family-friendly policies or benefits that protect the faculty who choose to have a child and take family leave to care for the infant. This creates an interruption in the tenure process, an issue that affects women disproportionately. In addition, the lack of benefits can result in the situation where female faculty who choose to take family leave risk being labelled as not fully committed to the institution. Moreover, this choice can contribute to a generalized view that women faculty who choose 118

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motherhood lack dedication to their university careers compared to non-parental faculty (Tellez, 2013). It follows, then, that the way Latina faculty prioritize their responsibilities between home and work can affect their success in attaining tenure and promotion. To counter such challenges, Ward and Wolf-Wendel (2017) recommended institutional policies to benefit pre-tenured professors (both female and male) with tenure “stop the clock” policies, lactation support, access to affordable childcare, and paid leave. Underscoring this need is the fact that, compared to professional women in other industries female university faculty members have the highest rate of childlessness at 43%, Tellez (2013). Skiba, O’Halloran, and Hope (2019) emphasized how paid leave could increase female retention and promotional opportunity in the workplace.

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Discounting Latinas as Scholars Among the three main elements of the tenure process--scholarship, teaching, and service--the aspect of validating and accepting Latina faculty’s scholarship has gained the most attention. Research suggests that scholarly articles published by Latinas, like other minority faculty, are perceived by academic peers and tenure evaluation committees as of lesser quality, and are undervalued or dismissed (Gonzalez et al., 2013; Reid & Curry, 2019; Squire & Cain, 2018). Gonzalez et al. (2013) noted how a narrow view of what constitutes scholarship discounts or dismisses works published by Latinas. Reid and Curry (2019) stated that the lack of diversity among recognized scholars perpetuates white male power in the prioritization and types of research a discipline produces. Reid et al. (2019) furthered stressed how “accepted paradigms determine which research agendas are appropriate and valuable, and these paradigms systematically devalue research about race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and identity as well as qualitative works” (Reid et al., 2019, p. 283). Topics of interest that are not a part of the accepted norm can lead to feelings of marginalization and limited collaboration opportunities for Latina faculty conscious of the pressure to produce highly-recognized works. In their exploration of the issue of discounting minority researchers’ choice of topics, Squire and McCann (2018) noted how the deterrence of topics that criticize dominant “racial and gendered norms by which the academy was built to reproduce racism and sexism” (p. 404) adversely impacts female minority doctoral students. Consequently, the lack of validation of research that criticizes and disrupts the “dominant White and often predominantly male culture that is held to be normative and authoritative” limits areas of research produced by minority faculty seeking tenure, in fear of their work being dismissed (Stanley, 2007, p. 14). The dismissal and devaluation of minority faculty work is reflected in its absence in prestigious journals and the lack of research citation (Reid et al., 2019). All of these discriminatory practices curtail the opportunity for Latina faculty to contribute to the body of knowledge on issues that affect themselves, their students, and the Latino community overall. Marginalization based on race, gender, and ethnicity compels underrepresented female faculty to legitimize their research, teaching, service, and their identity among their peers, the administrators, and with students (Chang et al., 2013). This need to fit into the “pseudo archetype of academia” allows an attack on the sense of self for Latina faculty moving through the tenure process, necessitating a reclamation of their cultural identity and a pursuit of equity,, creating a space for inclusion and acceptance (Vasquez, Flores, and Clark, 2013, p. 114). In efforts to counteract feelings of marginalization, Saldana et al. (2013) recommended the creation of support systems based on connections with colleagues who share in one or more identities, including parenting status. Kelly and McCann (2014) identified the need to support faculty development at the 119

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program, department, and university levels to offer more buffers to the isolation and tokenization that minority faculty experience. University leaders’ proactiveness to set an inclusionary approach is necessary to encourage minority faculty to express their opinions and feel that their voices act as “legitimate avenues for problem-solving and improving organizational performance” (Sabharwal, 2014, p. 201). Without the support of the institution’s leadership to assess and address feelings of marginalization and devaluation among Latina and other minority faculty, the sense of exclusion will permeate the unspoken academic culture that exists in predominantly white male higher education institutions. In addition to their scholarship, minority faculty often perceive that they must work doubly hard because they will be judged more harshly than their white male colleagues (Sánchez et al., 2013). WolfWendel et al. (2015) considered how the burden of service within large departments affected women’s productivity in other areas. Guarino and Borden (2017) found strong evidence that women faculty, on average, do more service than male faculty in academia, particularly internally, within their department and the university, thus shouldering a disproportionately large part of “taking care of the academic family” (p. 690). The lack of monitoring and assessing of equitable workloads and levels of scholarship can lead Latina faculty, like other minority faculty, to feelings of “isolation, which threatens their personal and collective identities” (Garrison-Wade et al., 2012, p. 94).

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Mentoring Mentoring is important to Latina faculty as they navigate the tenure process, and in turn, as they offer mentoring to junior faculty and students. Various studies identify mentoring for minority faculty as an important recruitment and retention strategy (Chang et al., 2013; Garrison-Wade et al., 2012; Oliva, Rodríguez, Alanís, & Cerecer, 2013). Mentors can support Latina faculty in smaller circles (Chang et al., 2013), provide guidance with the tenure process (Kelly et al., 2014; Wolf-Wendel et al., 2015), and help them to refine their research (Sanchez et al., 2013). Oliva et al. (2013) found that the adoption of formalized “culturally responsive mentor programs for untenured Latina faculty is critical and would demonstrate an institutional commitment to retaining Latina faculty” (p.103). A better understanding of how mentoring can support Latinas through the tenure process can significantly aid this underrepresented group in attaining secure academic positions. In considering some of the challenges found within mentoring relations, Sabharwal (2014) found when mentors and mentees are of a similar minority or female demographic, the mentor is often excluded from essential networks and is less aware of resources. This fact points to the need to have more than one mentor--specifically one who identifies with the majority group in order to bridge gaps and support in areas beyond the minority mentor’s access and resources. Of course, having a mentor who shares in the Latina faculty identity is also valuable to create spaces to talk and sister circles of support (Chang et al., 2013).

Networking Another area of focus in the tenure process for Latina faculty includes their level of involvement in various networks in order to connect with peers and other professionals for mutual support and opportunities, to learn and interact with colleagues, higher-level professionals, and newcomers outside of the formal establishment of work (Sánchez et al., 2013). Unfortunately, formal networks may pose a barrier for them. As Gasser and Shaffer (2014) noted, “men are included in the network of those expected to 120

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succeed within academia and women are fighting for both inclusion and the resources to make them worthy of inclusion” (p. 341). The inability to incorporate themselves into established networks in the academic environment can limit Latinas’ access to opportunities, resources, and other benefits, leading to feelings of marginalization and isolation. Fortunately, informal networks can provide important resources like friendships, mentors, and opportunities for professional advancement (Pifer & Baker, 2013). Many minority faculty members find networks among other faculty of color to be a refuge from the marginalization they experience, and provide a safe space to care and heal not available in more exclusive networks (Sanchez et al., 2013). While research considering how and why networks are used is limited (Pifer et al., 2013), it is clear that accessing supportive networks can help Latina faculty share their experiences and become better prepared to handle challenges associated with the tenure process.

Student Perspectives Teaching responsibilities are a critical part of the tenure process, so considering how students perceive Latina faculty is an integral part of the discussion. “Student perspective” includes the effect that Latina faculty have on college students, their satisfaction with the level of diversity among the faculty, and how faculty diversity contributes to their education (Lee, 2010). In broad strokes, in a review of quantitative data that examined the relationship between racially diverse faculty and student evaluations, Smith and Johnson-Baily (2011/2012) found that “non-White faculty received lower evaluation scores than White faculty” (p. 119) among predominantly White students. Because student evaluations carry weight in the tenure process, using more objective data to base decisions of promotion and tenure could help address student bias in the evaluation process (Smith & Johnson-Baily, 2011/2012). Focusing on how Latino students experience faculty in and outside of the classroom affects their ability to earn degrees and meet the university’s goal for graduation rates, García et al. (2015) found it “essential to understand the unique needs of Latino students and provide them with strong mentoring relationships that offer the combination of cultural support and assistance with their academic goals” (p. 95). The lack of faculty they can identify with culturally can leave Latino and minority students feeling disregarded and insignificant (Yosso et al., 2009, p. 673). Understanding this student perspective should be considered an essential part of the tenure process and in a Latina faculty’s role in the university.

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UNDERREPRESENTED LATINA FACULTY’S LIVED EXPERIENCES AND BROAD IMPLICATIONS FOR HIGHER EDUCATION Research Methodology A qualitative case study approach helped to capture and share richly detailed descriptions of the lived experiences of Latina faculty in their pursuit of tenure at a four-year institution. To this end, specific research questions helped to guide discussions about their perceptions of challenges or support due to gender and ethnicity as they pursued a tenured faculty position.

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The primary research question guiding this qualitative case study was, “What are the barriers that contribute to the underrepresentation of tenured Latina faculty?” Five secondary questions were used to augment comprehensively the primary question:

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RQ 1. What are the organizational and societal factors that contribute to the underrepresentation of tenured Latina faculty? RQ 2. What are the organizational and non-organizational barriers to increasing tenured Latina faculty in higher educational institutions? RQ 3. How does mentoring or the lack of mentoring affect Latina faculty in achieving tenure? RQ 4. How do organizational inclusionary practices or the lack of these practices affect Latina faculty’s perception of the higher education administration and organizational culture? RQ 5. How do Latina faculty perceive their influence on students, and how important do they believe their influence is? The university identified for the study was a doctoral degree-granting institution in the very high research activity category designated by the Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education. This university offered undergraduate, graduate, and doctorate degrees. There are 115 doctoral-level universities that share a very high research designation in the United States (Indiana University Center for Postsecondary Research, 2019, p. 9). In terms of the participants, using the snowball sampling method, a contact with one Latina faculty facilitated the recruitment of others who met the demographic criteria of the study: from the same university, of Hispanic ethnicity, had attained tenure at the same university, and were women. Recruited for the study were ten potential participants; data saturation was reached after the eighth interview. Recruitment for new participants ceased when the information collected met the data saturation point. The eight participants came from different disciplines, including Art History, Communications and Women’s Studies, English, Higher Education, History, Special Education, Speech-Language Pathology, and Social Work. They ranged in time from obtaining tenure from at least one year to more than 15 years at the university. The number of years of service at the university in the study ranged from seven years to 22 years (Figure 1). One faculty held a professor position and the others held assistant professor positions. Their ages ranged from 30 to 62 years old (Figure 2); most were between 50 to 59 years old at the time of the study. Seven of the eight participants were parenting while seeking tenure; the ages of their children while seeking tenure ranged from infant to teenager. Most participants with children, five of the seven, had a child in the 0-4 age range while completing the tenure process. The qualitative case study had some limitations that were important to consider. These included limitations in qualitative interviewing, the extent of research conducted in one of the theoretical frameworks, and the experiences and perceptions of Latina faculty in their pursuit of tenure in a higher educational institution. The final limitation was small number of participants--eight Latina faculty. The information gathered from their experiences may not represent those of all Latina or other minority faculty seeking tenure at their respective higher education institutions. Each of these limitations suggest other areas for future research.

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Figure 1. Distribution of years worked in the current higher education institution

Figure 2. Distribution of current age

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Significant Themes and Implications Five significant emergent themes emerged from the analysis of the commonalities found among the participants’ narrative responses, and their implications can be generalized to some degree to other minority faculty experiences in similar institutions. Illustrating the barriers, obstacles, and lack of supports experienced by the Latina faculty seeking tenure in higher education in the southeast area of the United States (Figure 1), these themes are: 1) organizational exclusionary practices against Latina faculty at the university; 2) white male-oriented culture in which resources are used to benefit white males; 3) demoralizing microaggressions towards Latina faculty from white faculty; 4) the university leadership’s lack of action and accountability to address diversity and inclusion challenges; and 5) the lack of support networks and mentoring to help guide Latina faculty. Each finding has an implication for practice.

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Figure 3. Five main emergent themes

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Organizational Exclusionary Practices The Latina faculty gave examples of when they experienced some or all of the following: being excluded, restricted, undervalued, and isolated from peers and the institution. Each described the challenges they endured and overcame in their tenure process. In different scenarios, Latina faculty told of situations where they perceived exclusionary behaviors from the majority of white male and white female faculty. Independent of female or male dominance in a department discipline, the majority of university and departmental leadership were white. The Latina faculty found participation in department-level committees, university-wide projects, or international opportunities sponsored by the university to be inclusive only of tight networks of white faculty, lessening Latina faculty’s opportunities for leadership roles and notable contributions to the university and international community. Within their areas of expertise, the Latina faculty described exclusion from grant and research opportunities with their peers and department, thus limiting access to research prospects and presence in academia. Unlike their white colleagues, some were told not to participate actively or share opinions in interdepartmental discussions during their tenure process. The challenge of balancing their faculty roles of teaching, scholarship, and service was often complicated by additional service and teaching responsibilities redistributed from the white faculty, which restricted time for their own research and scholarly publications. The perception of organizational exclusion permeates the other four themes as well. The implication of this finding indicates a need for institutional leaders to consider how effective the university is in integrating underrepresented minorities into its main culture. While the university in this case study has employed many diversity-focused strategies, such as hiring a diversity officer and using earmarked funds for “diversity hires” to increase representation of minorities, it has failed to integrate

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Latina faculty into the organizational culture. Instead, they are expected to adapt to the present culture, with no institutional effort to make it more inclusionary.

White Male-Oriented Organizational Culture All of the Latina faculty described the leadership of the university as predominately male. Inherent their descriptions was a perception that their white male colleagues had priority or received preferential benefits, and that this disparity was apparent through organizational policies, resources, and activities. The opportunity for leadership roles and promotion into administration roles at the department or the university administrative level were held primarily by white men, with rare exceptions for white women. In terms of recruitment of non-white faculty, the university used “diversity hire” funding as a way to increase diversity within predominantly white departments. Six of the eight Latina faculty said they were a diversity hire, in some instances discovering their status only after starting their positions. They subsequently endured the persistent perception of being less qualified as their white male peers and of breaking competency standards to accommodate minority faculty. Elimination of the diversity hire label would help decrease negative perceptions of Latina faculty by their peers, allowing minority and non-white faculty to see each other as equals based on their merit. As mothers (seven of the eight) of young children while in the tenure process, the Latina faculty reported that the university had minimal supports and friendly work-life balance policies that can significantly affect female faculty who had caregiver responsibilities. They also reported having higher teaching loads than their white-male peers, which limited their opportunity to prepare and present scholarly work. The university should increase the use of gender-neutral work-life policies, allowing both men and women to care for their familial responsibilities equally.

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Demoralizing Microaggressions All Latina faculty reported some form of a microaggression during their tenure process. The concept of microaggressions was first introduced by Chester Pierce (1969) to describe the offensive mechanism used towards blacks to “reduce, dilute, atomize, and encase the hapless into his ‘place.’ The incessant lesson the black must hear is that he is insignificant and irrelevant” (p. 303). Within an expanded context, the term microaggression describes an assault towards anyone that “produces fear, stress and emotional harm, and may embarrass or intimidate the victim, undermine his or her credibility, and expose vulnerabilities” (Berk, 2017, p. 64). For the Latina faculty, the incidents consisted of hostile comments or actions based on racism, sexism, or classism, among others, to humiliate and offend them. These types of offensive actions create a demoralizing academic environment where many of the Latina faculty expressed sentiments of vulnerability, anger, indignity, and isolation. They experienced microaggressions by white male and white female faculty in various settings, including in one-to-one and departmental meetings and on panels. For many of the participants, such behavior was shocking in an academic environment that should represent collegial relationships of respect and professionalism. They also spoke of how such microaggressions are often internalized, and can undermine self-perception, self-esteem, and self-confidence. In addition, they noted how the negative tone of faculty work-relations has the potential to transfer to how minority students are also perceived and treated. This finding reveals the need for the university to consider how non-minority faculty perceive Latina faculty and other minority staff, and holding faculty accountable when such microaggressions occur. Berk 125

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(2017)’s practitioner user manual provides a comprehensive approach to addressing microaggressions in an academic environment; specific recommendations include providing professional development to all staff and faculty with an initial measurement of everyone’s exposure to microaggression and implicit bias, and a process to formally document all incidents and describe the accountability measures for aggressors (Berk). This manual also offers guidance for victims, with one key recommendation being not to respond in anger or hostility. Berk (2017) emphasized, “the goal should be correction and education, not retribution.”

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Lack of Leadership Action and Accountability Three of the eight Latina faculty, who had 20 to 25 years of service at the current institution, expressed their frustration with the leadership and its longstanding failure to address reported discriminatory and diversity concerns. While all participants acknowledged the university leadership’s interest in diversity and inclusion, they agreed that the departmental leadership and faculty behaviors and practices were not aligned to promote full integration and equity among all faculty. All Latina faculty described annual meetings to address diversity issues within the institution, but explained that white faculty and key leadership members with authority to take action and effect change did not attend. This absence of critical stakeholders at the table made such meetings an issue for minorities and not an issue for the university. Two of the Latina faculty mentioned that the university had a diversity officer; however, neither did they describe this position’s role nor any actions taken to address exclusionary or discriminatory practices experienced or witnessed by the Latina faculty. Two Latina faculty also mentioned a recent university faculty survey indicating higher levels of dissatisfaction with the administration among Latino faculty. Four of the eight participants noted the university’s move towards meeting the 25% Hispanic student population mark to become a Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI), increasing the university’s eligibility to receive additional financial support through HSI designated federal funds. As student populations become more diverse in the southeastern area of the United States, leadership has implemented a diversity strategy to increase racial and ethnic diversity among the faculty. However, as mentioned previously, while university institutional leadership funds “diversity hires” of Latina and minority faculty within departments, it has failed to integrate these faculty into the overall organizational culture. These findings indicate that the leadership has failed to set the pace for how diversity and inclusion will be sustained and valued in the university. The board of trustees, president, and provost must proactively work action to address diversity-related conflicts and implement innovative practices that promote inclusion, integration, and a positive work environment for all faculty. University leadership should also consider assessing the faculty’s perceptions of diversity issues and create a system-wide institutional strategic plan in response which includes a path towards integration (Mor Barak, 2013; Wilson, 2015). This plan should outline accountability measures for the university president, provost, diversity officer, and extend to expectations for departmental deans and faculty members. Another implication for practice is to provide the university leadership with training and support to help manage differences among groups, which would move the organization towards more appreciation and integration of diverse groups into the core culture of the university.

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Lack of Support Networks and Mentoring Support networks and mentoring are vital for the success of Latina faculty seeking tenure, and all participants identified the need to connect with others. As the Latina faculty were often the only Latina or minority within their department, all described seeking outside support outside to help cope with the hardships of the tenure process and the university culture. This support took the forms of monthly gatherings with Latina faculty in other departments, professional associations, unions, professional counseling, friends, and family, among others. These outside support networks offered ways to connect with new people that led to opportunities for leadership, research, joint publications, grants, and life-long friendships. All Latina faculty emphasized that although their peers excluded them from internal opportunities, they were able to maneuver and succeed in their areas of expertise and collaborations with others. The university did not always assign a mentor to the Latina faculty upon starting, and some had poor or negative mentoring experiences. However, all participants did receive some level of mentoring. Many reported seeking out their mentor through professional associations, other departments, and professional gatherings. Seven of the eight participants believed that mentoring is essential to the successful attainment of tenure. One participant had negative mentoring experiences and challenges securing a mentor, explaining that she had lost faith in the effectiveness of mentoring. Many participants recommended that multiple mentors, based on the different Latina faculty’s needs, work best. As many Latina faculty are the first to attend college, they are at a greater disadvantage in accessing social and cultural capital, especially networks that are predominately white males (García et al., 2015; Gasser et al., 2014). Each participant identified the importance of having support to endure the challenges they encountered. Given this need, department and university leadership should advocate for network and mentoring initiatives for Latina faculty and by Latina faculty towards others.

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS To provide a theoretical lens through which to view the lives experiences of underrepresented Latina faculty in higher education, the author employed the frameworks of Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Organizational Inclusive Behavior (OIB) theory. As the primary theoretical framework, CRT critically considers how different systems in U. S. society legitimize racial inequalities, and helps to consider issues regarding social justice dating from the 1970s legal movements (Comeaux, 2013). Further, Hernandez (2016) found CRT useful in shifting the dialogue from the notion of “deficiency” in the Latino population as the cause of “educational disparities” to “an approach that uncovers how inequities of access, power, and resources in the educational system perpetuate the achievement gap” (p. 170). The theory has five main tenets: 1) the central role of race and racism and their intersection with subordination or oppression; 2) the challenges to the dominant ideology, described by Comeaux (2013) as the “Eurocentric epistemology and traditional claims that institutions make toward objectivity, knowledge, race neutrality, and equal opportunities in the educational system” (p. 455); 3) the consideration of the legitimacy and centrality of experiential knowledge; 4) the commitment toward social justice and transformative responses to oppression; and 5) the interdisciplinary perspective on the occurrence of racism within a historical and contemporary context (Hernandez, 2016). Yosso, Smith, Ceja, and Solorzano (2009) found that “these tenets present a unique approach to existing modes of scholarship in higher education because they explicitly focus on how the social construct 127

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of race shapes university structures, practices, and discourses from the perspectives of those injured by and fighting against institutional racism” (p. 663). Martinez (2014) suggested the use of CRT as a way to “actively challenge the status quo with regard to institutionalized prejudices against racial minorities that proliferate in the United States institutions of higher education” (p. 37). Significantly for this study, CRT provides critical points to help interpret the experiences of Latina faculty, and serves as a tool to analyze and explain the factors that contribute to disparities in representation of faculty in higher education (Comeaux, 2013). In alignment with CRT’s first tenet of subordination and oppression, and second tenet of dominant ideology, participants’ responses described a white male-oriented culture in which the university’s organizational policies, resources, and opportunities were prioritized and primarily offered to white men. The Latina faculty interviewed often found leadership positions and promotion to the university’s administration level restricted to white men, with the exception of a few white females, thus limiting their access to decision-making power and resources. The finding related to demoralizing microaggressions, aligning to CRT’s second tenet that focuses on how Eurocentric and traditional institutions are challenged to create an objective, race-neutral, and equal opportunity educational system (Comeaux, 2013). In this finding, the Latina faculty described hostile racist remarks or actions made towards them intended to humiliate or offend. The third tenet of CRT is expressed through university leadership’s lack of commitment to social justice. Their failure to respond issues of racism or inclusion were brought to their attention sent a clear message that such behavior or practices have no consequences. The result is the perpetuation of racism and sexism that is detrimental to Latina faculty, other faculty of color, and the university environment. The findings of this qualitative case study suggest that systemic racial oppression contributed to the underrepresentation of Latina faculty. The second theoretical framework, Organizational Inclusionary Behavior (OIB) theory, was introduced by Sabharwal (2014), and considers how organizational leaders use notions associated with inclusion in their current diversity efforts throughout the organization. The theory is constructed through the combination of social identity theory, social comparison theory, and optimal distinctiveness theory. OIB theory conceptualizes “three broad areas: (a) commitment from top leadership to foster inclusion, (b) ability of employees to influence organizational decisions, and (c) fair/equitable treatment from management” (Sabharwal, 2014, p.199). These areas consider, from different perspectives, the culture of inclusion experienced by a diverse workforce. The OIB theory seeks to distinguish inclusionary practices that enable all employees to partake equally in an organization from diversity management-styled activities like diversity training and minority-targeted strategies. Like CRT, OIB theory contextualizes the Latina faculty perceptions of inclusion and value during their pursuit of tenure. OIB theory helped to focus the discussion on barriers that affect Latina faculty in achieving tenure in higher education. The three main components of OIB theory include a commitment from top leadership to foster inclusion; the ability of employees to influence organizational decisions; and fair/equitable treatment from management (Sabharwal, 2014). In comparing the research findings with the OIB theory, the Latina faculty experienced an exclusionary academic environment in many respects (Figure 2). The findings identified the leadership’s lack of action and accountability as undermining inclusionary practices within the university, leading Latina faculty to feel excluded from positions or roles that influence organizational decisions, which in turn promulgated sentiments of isolation and marginalization. The absence of action was perceived by the Latina faculty to mean that the management did not promote fair and equitable treatment of all employees, echoed in the finding of the white male-oriented culture. 128

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Another finding identified Latina faculty as feeling excluded from established university networks; the fact that they received little to no mentoring demonstrated scant peer support in their respective departments. Overall, Latina faculty identified feeling excluded from actively participating in departmental and university level leadership, research, and decision-making opportunities. The five findings of this qualitative case study are evident in the challenges described in the two theoretical theories supported by the literature.

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Figure 4. Implication of organizational exclusionary practices based on sabharwal’s organizational inclusionary theory (2014)

This qualitative case study adds to the body of knowledge on leadership by providing findings that identify barriers to the underrepresentation of tenured Latina faculty within the context of organizational inclusionary or exclusionary practices. These findings support the need for higher education institution’s leadership to reassess the use of diversity management practices, their effectiveness, and whether they promote inclusion and an integrated workforce. The university’s leadership has a responsibility to its faculty, students, and the broader community to actively develop and effectively implement organizational inclusionary practices to promote unity among a highly qualified, diverse, and committed faculty. The contribution of the findings towards leadership applied from three perspectives included university leadership, departmental leadership, and women in leadership.

Next Steps for University Leadership The five findings support the need for the university’s leadership to take more action in creating a more inclusive academic environment. As the Latino population is expected to continue to grow in the United States, the university’s leadership must actively prepare to address the growing and specific needs of

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Latino students. Having culturally competent faculty, both minority and non-minority, will benefit the university in successfully preparing all students for the global market. The use of strategic planning tools that effectively address inclusion and diversity issues will support the university in transitioning away from a quota system with some diversity representation and little integration, towards an integrated campus at the student and faculty level. The research findings revealed that all eight of the Latina faculty described being under-appreciated by departmental and university leadership for the skills, scholarship, and service they offered to benefit the school, students, and broader community. The university’s leadership must reflect on whether its challenges in managing diversity issue originate from the heterogeneity of the workforce or the inability of their own management team to “fully comprehend its dynamics, divest themselves of their prejudicial attitudes, and creatively unleash the potential embedded in a multicultural workforce” (Mor Borak, 2013, p.2). University leaders need to develop organizational approaches that allow individual differences and points of view to be supported, respected, and integrated into the core of the organization and its overall strategy (Mor Barak, 2013; Sabharwal, 2014; Stevenson, 2016). Global organizations are moving away from a nationalist perspective where new employees must assimilate into the prominent culture towards a more pluralistic approach, which incorporates different individuals at all levels of management (Stevenson, 2016). University leaders should follow global organizations’ lead.

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Next Steps for Departmental Leadership The eight Latina faculty identified times where a disconnection existed between the university’s leadership diversity goals and the department leadership’s application of those goals. The Latina faculty shared various examples of some talk or effort towards diversity and fair treatment, but often found department leadership unsupportive of s the efforts, and might even manipulate diversity initiatives towards the department’s interests, without addressing detrimental effects towards the Latina faculty or the university overall. One example of the misuse of diversity hiring is to add at least one Latina or other minority faculty to the department just for the sake of increasing diversity without a real appreciation of the individual, leading to the feeling of tokenism, isolation, and marginalization (Mor Barak, 2013; Sabharwal, 2014; Stevenson, 2016). The Latina faculty spoke about feelings of isolation, and many addressed issues related to tokenism when required to fill in the diversity slot at committee meetings without an equal voice at the table. The Latina faculty also reported having additional duties in mentoring or advising a larger percent of the minority students, leading to a higher service responsibility than their non-minority peers and causing hardship in balancing teaching and publishing responsibilities. Having only one minority professor within a department or college to address all minority-related issues is overwhelming and unrealistic for Latina and other minority faculty, particularly at this study’s university that has a student population of almost 50% non-whites (personal communication, April 13, 2017). Departmental leaders must consider the racial demographics of their departments and seek to hire more diverse faculty to meet the need of their department and student populations, helping to distribute the responsibilities associated with a highly diverse student population. Like the university leaders, departmental leaders must also work towards creating an environment that incorporates each of their employee’s feedback and take action to address proactively diversity challenges at the department level.

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Another example included transferring already tenured Latina faculty from other universities to the university in the case study without tenure in order to receive the “diversity” funding from the university administration fund. This practice required the Latina faculty to undergo the tenure process a second time, while tenured white colleagues with similar or lower credentials from other universities transferred with tenure. The “diversity” funding had requirements for diversity hires to undergo the tenure process, regardless if they had already successfully achieved tenure at another university. The Latina faculty were essentially demoted to benefit the department financially, leading to diminishing perceptions of the Latina’s experience and scholarly capabilities. The university leaders must have checks and balances in place to address this detrimental department level practice or consider the use of diversity funding in a way that will support Latina faculty in the tenure process without diminishing their identity. A third example involved receiving support from the university’s leadership on Latino initiatives, but then lacking support from the departmental leadership and their peer faculty towards realizing activities that benefit or support Latina faculty, Latino students, or the Latino community at large. These insights help to bring awareness of the responsibility for the university’s upper and middle management structures to be aligned in their support of diversity and inclusionary practices and initiatives. The university’s diversity goals and strategies must have accountability measures in place to address the effectiveness of diversity and inclusionary practices at all levels, especially the departmental level.

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Next Steps for Women in Leadership The five findings add to the body of literature on women in leadership. The eight Latina faculty identified barriers to the advancement of women, and more specifically, Latina women, into leadership positions at the university. The Latina faculty described challenges with seeking promotion in rank to full professor, despite managing academic programs, million-dollar grants, and notable publications in prestigious journals similar or higher than white males who achieved full professor or leadership roles with lowerranking portfolios. Many of the participants perceived leadership positions as reserved for white males, with a few exceptions made for white females. None of the Latina faculty identified any Latina in the top 30 leadership roles at the university administration level and noted that at most, there were two to three full professors at the university with over 300 full professors, under the national average at one percent. The Latina faculty described prevalent ideals of leadership as still masculine within the university’s culture, noting that some of the women in leadership positions adapted masculine traits similar to their male mentors to fit in the culture. Some Latina faculty described feeling perplexed about how to behave in order to be perceived as a leader if they rejected a masculine prototype, but lacked a female model to follow. Ideals of leadership should continue to be challenged by women. The university leadership must assess how it views the prototype of leadership at the school and works towards breaking down stereotypical male ideals of leadership. One step would be to promote and hire more equally qualified women of different backgrounds into leadership roles at the university administration, departmental, and rank level. Additional strategies should include proposed practices previously mentioned to address each finding to create a more inclusive academic environment for women and racial minority faculty. Overall, this qualitative case study provided critical insights to experiences and supports that encouraged and fortified Latina faculty in their pursuit of tenure. The eight tenured Latina faculty interviewed in this case study shared the importance of learning to navigate the challenges associated with the tenure process as a new faculty, and stressed the importance of having confidence in their accomplishments, expanding upon their strengths, and embracing the identity, knowledge, and skills they demonstrated in 131

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attaining their doctorate. Also, key to becoming tenured faculty is possessing the drive, commitment, and love of teaching to endure and overcome the challenges associated with balancing a teaching load, service, and scholarship. Moreover, the Latina faculty emphasized the need to go beyond their immediate environment as necessary to seek support, stay balanced, and recharge through professional networks and associations, seeking various mentors responsive to the different roles of faculty, and sharing in informal groups based on their identity or interests. Aspiring Latina faculty should seek the available resources in their university and through professional associations to build collaborative relationships, contribute to scholarly communities, and strengthen their candidacy for their space in a tenure position in higher education.

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FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS The limitations of this study provide an opportunity to further explore and examine concepts beyond the scope of this study. The analysis of the Latina faculty’s narrative shed light on related issues that contribute to the discussion of diversity and inclusion but were not significant themes. Some of these concepts include: classism dynamics between first-generation college graduate/tenured Latina faculty and upper class students; elitist sentiment among faculty and administrative leadership in contrast to working-class Latina faculty; and the impact of reaching Hispanic Serving Institution status and the institution’s preparation in organizational operations, structure, and use of financial benefits to provide for the unique needs of Latino students. Another area for consideration is race and ethnicity among Latinos and their presence or invisibility in higher education. All participants of this case study were white or of light complexion, drawing attention to the lack of diversity in racial phenotype among the low number of Latina faculty in tenured positions. This phenomenon provides another area of exploration to support and promote diversity and inclusion in higher education with a closer look at the experience and intersectionality of race and ethnicity for Latino faculty. Afro-Latinos (Latinos that are of African background) or Latinos that are of indigenous origins are often absent in representation of Latinos and the challenges they face within the subgroup of American culture. Additional research could examine the effects of microaggressions among faculty in different universities across the country to help address the persistence of microaggressions. A quantitative approach can support the analysis of a large sample for insight on best practices to eradicate these behaviors from the workplace and encourage an integrated faculty. Finally, future research might critically explore the possible detrimental effects of underrepresentation of Latina faculty in higher education., including the effects that it may have on the low-educational attainment of Latina students. This proposed quantitative study could provide insight as to why Latinos are the largest minority but the highest college dropouts when compared to other ethnic groups. The results of the study could help to address challenges that Latina students encounter and how Latina faculty can support higher educational attainment among Latina students.

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CONCLUSION This qualitative case study explored the lived experiences of eight Latina faculty to determine if they were affected by factors that contribute to barriers in the underrepresentation of tenured Latina faculty at a four-year university in the southeast area of the United States. The narrative form of the qualitative case study was fundamental in providing a research design that captured the Latina faculty’s perceptions and experiences of challenges and supported they encountered as they worked towards attaining tenure. The five findings included: organizational exclusionary practices against Latina faculty at the university; white male-oriented culture where resources are used to benefit white males; demoralizing microaggressions towards Latina faculty from white faculty; the university leadership’s lack of action and accountability to address diversity and inclusion challenges; and the lack of support networks and mentoring to help guide Latina faculty. These findings described an exclusionary academic environment, where the Latina faculty often felt insulted, isolated, and underappreciated with little to no opportunity to advance or contribute equally to the university. A discussion on the implications for practice addressed how the findings supported the need for practices that can eliminate barriers in the underrepresentation of tenured Latina faculty in higher education. This chapter reviewed how the findings confirmed the two theoretical frameworks used in the study and suggested the significance of the study to leadership.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-forprofit sectors.

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ADDITIONAL READING Berk, R. A. (2017). Microaggressions Trilogy: Part 2. microaggressions in the academic workplace. Journal of Faculty Development, 31(2), 69–83. Retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/1 931650434?accountid=41558 Mor Barak, M. (2013). Managing diversity: Toward a globally inclusive workplace (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.

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Northouse, P. G. (2013). Leadership: Theory and practice (6th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Reid, R. A., & Curry, T. A. (2019). Are we there yet? Addressing diversity in political science subfields. PS, Political Science & Politics, 52(2), 281–286. doi:10.1017/S1049096518002068 Sabharwal, M. (2014). Is diversity management sufficient? Organizational inclusion to further performance. Public Personnel Management, 43(2), 197–217. doi:10.1177/0091026014522202 Stevenson, H. (2016). Awareness and emergence: A gestalt approach to global diversity and inclusion. Gestalt Review, 20(2), 162–187. doi:10.5325/gestaltreview.20.2.0162

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Ward, K., & Wolf-Wendel, L. (2017). “Good” places to work: Women faculty, community colleges, academic work, and family integration. New Directions for Community Colleges, 2017(179), 47–58. doi:10.1002/cc.20261 Wilson, J. L. (2015). Presidential plans: New college presidents and diversity efforts. Planning for Higher Education Journal, 44(1), 76–86.

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Diversity Management: Diversity management is a system of strategies to help organizations attract and retain a diverse workforce in terms of their ethnicity, age, race, and other attributes. Higher Education Administration: Higher education administration includes a university’s leadership team consisting of the president, department heads, and governing board. Latina(s) and Latino(s): The attribute of Latino or Latina describes a male or female from Latin America or Latin America descendent. Latinas reference only females. In certain contexts, Latinos may describe only males in a group or a group of both males and females. Mentoring: Mentoring is a process of supporting another individual of lesser experience to excel in a particular area or an educational or professional capacity. Microaggression: The term microaggression is used to describe an implicit assault towards a person to produce a sense of fear, stress, or humiliation to embarrass, intimidate, or undermine the victim’s credibility and value. Organizational Culture: The organizational culture describes the norms or behaviors that are established and are considered acceptable. Organizational Inclusionary Practices: Organizational inclusionary practices move beyond diversity management practices to allow different perspectives to be valued, accepted, and integrated into the decision-making processes to direct organizational performance Student Perspectives: Student perspectives describe the impact that minority faculty, particularly Latina professors, have on college students. The student’s perspective considers their perceptions concerning the student’s level contentment with how diverse the faculty is within the institution and that diversity affects their education. Tenure: Tenure describes the full-time position of a professor at a higher education institution with individual educational liberties, financial gains, and opportunities for promotion in administration. To obtain tenure in many universities, the faculty candidate must favorably perform over the years, depending on the institution. Work-Life Balance: Work-life balance describes how individuals balance the requirements of their job and still meet the needs of their personal life.

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Chapter 7

Teaching Up:

Female Sociologists Teaching About Privilege Celeste Atkins University of Arizona, USA & Cochise College, USA

ABSTRACT In the current political climate, racial, gender, and sexual diferences are controversial topics, particularly on college campuses. This illuminates the need for increased focus on these issues in college classes. Although the literature on teaching about privilege is small, it is dominated by the voices of White faculty and almost completely focuses on racial issues. Marginalized faculty are rarely heard in this literature for our intersectional understanding of teaching about oppression and inequality. This chapter explores how female faculty (who also identify as working-class, queer, or as racial minorities) experience teaching about privilege. It builds an understanding of issues surrounding teaching about inequity from an intersectional perspective and moves the focus beyond tenure-track faculty. It expands an understanding of the experiences of faculty within the classroom and provides ways to support marginalized faculty in their teaching. Although the faculty interviewed here are sociologists, there are broad implications for teaching across disciplines.

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INTRODUCTION The lack of diversity within the professoriate is an acknowledged problem (Moody, 2004; Ndandala, 2016). As the student body becomes increasingly more diverse, these changes are not reflected in the faculty. Data from the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) shows that 77% of full-time faculty are White, with only 8% identifying as Asian or Pacific Islander, 5% identifying as Black, 4% identifying as Latinx/Hispanic, 4% as nonresidential, 2% as unknown and less than 1% (.5%) as Native American. The picture is similarly bleak when exploring full-time faculty with tenure. A full 83% are White, 7% are Asian or Pacific Islander, 5% Black, 3% Latinx/Hispanic, 1% nonresidential, less than 1% unknown, and less than half a percent Native American. DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch007

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 Teaching Up

Furthermore, according to IPEDS, in fall of 2007 women were 42% of full-time faculty and only 34% of full-time faculty with tenure. Women who identify as racial minorities are underrepresented in academia across all institutions (Kelly & McCann, 2014). In order to create institutions that attract a diverse student population and more importantly, to facilitate a learning environment that is inclusive, welcoming, and engaging for those students, the author argues that a diverse faculty is needed. Empirical evidence illustrates that, particularly on predominantly White campuses, minority students experience a sense of isolation (Harpalani, 2017). While diversifying faculty is not the single solution to increasing diversity and inclusion, it is a vital step. Moreover, Ferber, Herrera, and Samuels (2007) posit “If racism, sexism, and homophobia are the result of a process of socialization, then mounting a public argument for equality and social justice from a forum such as the classroom can theoretically challenge students’ racist, sexist, and homophobic attitudes, and potentially evoke individual transformation and effect social and political change” (p. 521). The respondents from the study presented in this chapter utilize their classrooms to evoke social change and advocate for social justice and their successes create more space for diversity and inclusion in the campuses where they work. The literature on challenges faced by women faculty discusses sexist environments, gender inequity, having higher teaching and service loads than male counterparts due to the perception of women being more nurturing, and lack of mentoring (Kelly & McCann, 2014). The literature on faculty of color primarily focuses on issues of isolation, tokenism, and tenure (Pittman, 2010; Stanley, 2006; Turner, Gonzalez, & Wood, 2008). As teaching is central to faculty experiences in higher education, similar attention should be focused upon faculty experiences within the classroom. It is clear that women and faculty of color are more harshly criticized by their students in relation to their male White counterparts (Bavashi, Hebl, & Madera, 2010), but how does that play out in the learning environment? To explore this question, this chapter focuses on how women sociologists teach about privilege in their classes. Messner (1996) introduces the idea of “studying up” which “in sociology . . . refers to studying ‘up’ in the power structure” (p. 222). This concept led the author to the reframing of marginalized faculty, including women, teaching about privilege as “teaching up.” Although Tomlinson (2012) outlines how to “Teach Up for Excellence,” that concept focuses on how to help underserved students. In contrast, the focus here is on the experiences of teaching as a minority to the dominant group in line with Messner’s idea. The scholarly knowledge regarding teaching about privilege is incomplete. Most has been published by those in the dominant group. Much less has been written by those from marginalized statuses and most of the research focuses exclusively on issues surrounding race. There is a dearth of research on teaching about privilege beyond race, and there exists an intersectional understanding of teaching about oppression and inequality. This chapter explores how women sociology faculty’s position in social groups relates to their students’ perceptions of them and how this may affect their teaching strategies. Sociology faculty were chosen because of the pervasive focus on privilege and inequality in sociology classes. Data was drawn from a subset of semi-structured in-depth interviews with twenty-five faculty from a variety of social groups and diverse institutions who occupy a range of professional statuses from adjunct to tenured. The data in this chapter focuses only on those who identified as women (n= 15) to address the research questions: 1. 2. 3. 4.

What is the experience of women sociologists as they teach about privilege? How does the meaning-making of their experience vary across different intersecting social identities? How are these experiences and meanings reflected in their teaching practice? What implications do these findings have for retention and support of marginalized faculty? 141

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BACKGROUND Issues of diversity and inclusion are at the forefront on many college campuses in the current political climate. This priority illustrates the need for a more diverse faculty but also the need for classes that address and explore issues of social inequality. In the literature, much has been written about women faculty (Amey, 1996; Gardner, 2013; Greene et al., 2010; Kelly & Fetridge, 2012; Tierney & Bensimon, 1996), but this research tends to focus primarily on job satisfaction and barriers to success. In contrast, Kelly and Fetridge (2012) explored how student interactions affected job satisfaction for tenure track women. They found that for many women students were a source of joy; however, some reported that their biggest drawback to teaching was pushback from students and challenges to their authority in the classroom, mainly by male students. The literature about faculty of color (Pittman, 2010; Stanley, 2006; Turner, Gonzalez, & Wood, 2008) highlights issues of isolation, tokenism, and tenure, rarely focusing on experiences in the classroom. The research literature about privilege centers on White faculty, with its main focus on the role race plays. With only two exceptions (Brooms & Brice, 2017; Sue, Rivera, Watkins, Kim, Kim, & Williams 2011), research on teaching about privilege features the experiences of White faculty (e.g., Davis, Mirick, & McQueen, 2015; Lawrence & Bunche, 1996; Messner, 2011). Messner (2011) has written about how he “as a white, male, heterosexual, tenured professor [can] teach in a critical and self-reflexive way about privilege,” and acknowledges the ability to reflect on that is a privilege in itself (p. 4). Speaking about how privilege works to extend him even more privilege in his act of teaching about privilege, he uses Peretz’s (2010) idea of “the pedestal effect” which is “when men openly support feminism, [they] benefit” (p. 10). Messner (2011) finds “…I reinforce my own white male heterosexual tenured professor privilege in the very act of being so ‘open minded’” (p. 10), asserting that this is another way that structural privilege works in his favor. Lawrence and Bunche (1996) studied the effect of a one semester multicultural education class on five White future teachers using Janet Helm’s (1990) model of racial identity development. They posited that White persons must “alter their color-blind perspective and work through the feelings of guilt and shame” (p. 532) in order to teach effectively in a multicultural setting. These researchers found that while all five students made progress along the racial identity model, none reached the final stage and two were still unable “to abandon their racist personas” (p. 540). The current emphasis in the literature on how Whites should teach about privilege abandons faculty of color and faculty from other traditionally marginalized groups to traverse the rocky terrain of facilitating student understanding of their own privilege and structured systems of privilege without any sort of road map. In studies about faculty of color, the discussion centers again on race, such as Brooms and Brice’s (2017) case study of their own experiences of teaching about race and white privilege as Black men. Brooms and Brice introduce the conceptual framework of “noise” and argue “Whiteness is like a ubiquitous force that influences or is the standard by which all racial identities are framed” (2017, p. 151). They contend that as faculty of color, they too are immersed within that force, while trying to introduce students to concepts such as White privilege. Sue et al. (2011) interviewed faculty of color about their experiences discussing racially charged issues that emerged in the classroom. They found that “(a) faculty of color experience unique teaching challenges that make their classroom experiences less than positive, (b) they have learned to develop valuable teaching strategies to facilitate difficult dialogues on race, and (c) the impact of the professor’s race on students is an important factor that influences racial

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dialogues” (p. 32). It is unclear whether these faculty of color teach directly about privilege and oppression as sociology faculty do.

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WOMEN SOCIOLOGISTS: AN INTERSECTIONAL EXPLORATION The main focus of this chapter is an exploration of the experiences of fifteen sociology faculty gleaned through semi-structured in-depth interviews. They identify as women and come from a variety of backgrounds. Two of the women were at the beginning of tenure-track positions, although they did possess prior teaching experience, while two others were nearing the end of their teaching careers with over twenty-five- and thirty-five-years teaching, respectively. One woman identified as Asian, one as mixedrace Asian/Pacific Islander and White, eight identified as Black/African-American, and five identified as White. Two women identified as disabled and one identified as gay. Eleven of the women were tenured/ tenure-track, two were contingent faculty, and three taught at the community college level. From these diverse voices, some profound similarities and some interesting differences surfaced. The intersectional nature and purposefully diverse sampling in this chapter makes it unique and fills a clear gap in the scholarship. While race is arguably one of the major areas of social oppression in the United States, it is by no means the only area of oppression. Furthermore, many theorists argue that one cannot explore issues of race without paying attention to how race intersects with other social identities such as gender, sexual orientation, ability status, and age, among others, to shape the experiences of an individual. (Collins, 2015; Ferber et. al, 2007). This chapter centers on the experiences of faculty who identify as women and who also have marginalized identities such as working class, queer, disabled, and/or racial minority. Qualitative methodology is particularly appropriate in a project that focuses on traditionally marginalized individuals, as the “goal of qualitative research is to examine how things look from different vantage points” (Taylor, Bodgan & DeVault, 2016, p. 10). Interviewing as the primary means of data collection was a deliberate choice. Seidman (2013) asserts, “stories are a way of knowing…Telling stories is essentially a meaning-making process” (p. 7). He goes on to explain that, “At the root of in-depth interviewing is an interest in understanding the lived experience of other people and the meaning they make of that experience” (2013, p. 9). Deterding and Waters (2018, p. 14) offer a novel approach to coding which allows researchers to “communicate the logical steps underpinning their argument and report these as they write up their study findings.” Their flexible coding begins with indexing the transcripts (connecting content to the interview questions). As researchers work through this process, they start to develop an idea of how concepts may be related through memoing (Deterding & Waters, 2018, p. 15). In the second stage analytic codes are applied only to applicable sections of interview transcripts (as indicted in the indexing) and in the third stage, computer software is used “for conceptual validation, model building, and the testing and refinement of the data-based theory” (Deterding & Waters, 2018, p. 15). In the research that follows, the author uses a variation of this method by indexing the transcripts, including notating attributes, or “the salient personal characteristics of the interviewees” (Deterding & Waters, 2018, p. 17), to illustrate themes and patterns across and among institution types, and social groups incorporating intersectional analysis. Coding then focused only on the relevant sections of transcript, as indicated by the indexing, which discuss respondents’ experiences teaching about privilege, how they make meaning of these experiences, how those meanings are reflected in their teaching practices, 143

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and any implications for support and job satisfaction. This approach allows for reanalysis or secondary analysis focused on different themes in the transcripts. Three main questions from the interviews are considered here. The first question explored how central issues of privilege and inequality were to their curriculum. This question was central to the research as the assumption of the author was that in some way, all sociology classes focused on these issues. The second question asked faculty how they expected students to address them. The final question explored classroom management and their approach to teaching and it is here that differences emerge along racial lines. The section ends with the respondents’ advice to graduate students getting ready to embark on a teaching career.

Central Role of Teaching About Privilege and Inequality “No Matter What I’m Teaching, You Have to Always be Talking About Privilege” An overwhelming number of respondents felt that teaching about privilege was a major part of their teaching. Patty, a White heterosexual contingent faculty member, explains: “I feel like it’s so woven into my orientation to the discipline . . . my definition of sociology is the causes and consequences of socially patterned inequality . . . that entails being able to talk about privilege.” Eleanor, a Black heterosexual tenured faculty member, concurs: “Well, it’s really got to be central to what I do, because I’m, you know, working against social injustice and oppression. And obviously, that means they have to understand, you know, how these systems are relational, and that privilege is created through oppression.” Angie, a Black heterosexual tenure-track faculty member explains further: as a sociologist, I feel like privilege and discrimination are two sides of the same coin . . . only talking about discrimination . . . you’re missing a whole other side of the way the world is working. A more insidious side of the way the world is working because it’s super easy to tell people to quit beating that person over there, but it’s much harder to quit hiring Becky with the bad grades . . . This statement supports the underlying assumption that issues of privilege and inequality are embedded within sociology classes and within most instructors’ approaches to teaching sociology.

“Indirectly, It’s About Privilege”

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Among the minority who felt that privilege was not a core element of their teaching, explanations varied. Katherine Rose, a White disabled tenure-track sociologist, stated: Well, it’s probably implicit in everything I do. I could do a better job of teaching it explicitly. . . because I worry about coming across as too liberal . . . so I want to get them to the idea of privilege via the structural idea. In contrast, Marie, a Black Community College sociologist, asserts, “I would say power is what I teach most about . . . sometimes they go hand in hand, I talk about power and privilege.” She further explains that this is partly due to the student demographics as she teaches at a campus where Latinx and

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African American students are a majority: “and it’s also partly due to me, my kind of philosophy . . . how fundamental I think power dynamics are.” Mbali, a Black tenured sociologist at a predominantly White institution, feels that “it’s somewhere in the middle. And I say that, because everything I teach tends to have some Marxism in there.” Finally, Rebecca, a tenure-track White woman with many years of teaching experience who teaches mainly graduate students, shares: I do teach a lot about inequality. So indirectly, it’s about privilege. . .. Explicitly, you know, that’s like, not on the agenda, so to speak, as a topic, privilege for me, but it comes up all the time. These findings show that issues of privilege, inequality, and power are addressed broadly--both directly and indirectly in a variety of sociology classes that span institutions and class levels.

Faculty Expectations on How Students Address Them “After I Got That Sheet of Paper, Everyone’s Calling Me Doctor” For many of the women in this study, titles are important and necessary as a way to combat sexism. Eleanor, a Black woman, states, “Oh I make them call me professor or doctor . . . and I refuse to let them call me by any kind of marital designation…We do not do that to the other gender.” She shared that she used to let students call her by her first name, “But I found that only the White students were doing this…And the students of color were respectfully using my title.” Once that happened, she decided to use her title because “I’m going to be that for the students of color.” Similarly, Angie who is also Black, “asked the White man, ‘Do you ever get called by your first name? Or Mr. So and So instead of Dr?’” When he responded that 100% of his students called him Dr., she “integrated into my class how women, in particular women of color, are not given that title because it . . . jars their stereotypes” and decided “everyone’s calling me doctor.” Mbali stated:

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Oh, they have to address me as doctor or professor. Seriously, I put that out there the first day… I understand that there are people who have no problem with students calling them by their first names. I also find very interesting that a lot of people start doing that [when] there’s an increase of folks of color who become professors. So I’m not having it. Willie and Tina, both Black faculty members, started by “wanting to be cool” and having students call them by their first names, but they “got rid of that real quick.” Willie shared, “Honey, the first time somebody called me [Willie], I was like, I’m gonna have to put something in front of that . . . that thing hit deep. I was like, I ain’t that cool.”

“I Am No One’s Mrs.” For others it is less about what they are called and more about what they do not want to be addressed as. Lori, who is mixed race, states, “I do not want to be addressed as Mrs., Period.” She explains “I have students . . . that I’ve had, you know, consistently every semester, and I do have some students who by their senior year are calling me by my first name.” She reiterates, “I would actually rather be called by 145

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my first name then Mrs.” Patty, who is White, shared, “I have never required my student to refer to me by anything…I am no one’s Mrs. So I am not Mrs. my last name. But aside from that, I really don’t care.” She goes on to say, “it is not what they refer to me as but rather how they interact with me that matters.” Wendy, who is White and disabled agrees, “It’s not super important to me at this point . . . like all female faculty just avoid Mrs. or Miss.” She shares, “it usually doesn’t come up. My students are unfailingly polite.” Katherine Rose, a White woman who just earned her doctorate stated that her students call her by her first name. When asked why she stated, “Um, I don’t know? It’s my name. I don’t feel like it diminishes the respect they have for me.” However, once she starts her tenure-track position in the fall, “apparently the convention is doctor or professor last name. So I will apparently be changing that.”

“If You Don’t Know If They Have a PhD, Call Them Professor.” An interesting phenomenon appears when one looks more closely at who is giving which answers. For the Black faculty, they are overwhelmingly adamant about being called by their proper title. As stated above, for Angie once she found out that her White male colleagues did not have to address the issue at all, she drew the line in the sand. Tina also stated, “I think if I was not a Black woman, I would not feel compelled to say that on the first day of school.” Tutsy and Marie, who have taught twenty-five and fifteen years respectively and are nearing retirement, do not find it necessary to tell students how to address them. Marie states, “so most of them will say, Doctor.” The only time she corrects students is when they address her by her first name. “Yeah that seemed to come from a couple of students that probably are not Black on my online classes.” Tutsy has had “I would say, maybe half a dozen students over the past twenty-five years call me by my first name and other students kind of look at them.” For her, “that’s not where I get my respect from . . . students have been very respectful in the way they address me.” It seems that Black women, particularly at the beginning of their careers, feel the need to establish that respect through the title, although once they are established in other ways that may lessen. In contrast, the focus for the White women was more about not being designated by marital status. Patty jokes with her students “my mother was Mrs. my last name, as well as her mother-in-law before her. But I am no one’s Mrs. so I am not Mrs. my last name.” For Wendy, Mrs. comes up but she realizes that the students are attempting to be polite. “We usually more address it in a group… Remember, you want to address your female professors as doctor or professor, if you don’t know if they have a PhD, call them professor.”

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“I Don’t Believe in the Feminist Classroom for Women of Color” White feminists such as Maryellen Weimer, Ada Sinacore, and Karyn Boatwright argue for a shift in power in the classroom as part of a feminist, learner-centered approach to teaching. For example, Sinacore and Boatwright (2005) assert, “Principles and activities that define a unified feminist pedagogy include (a) addressing power and authority [and] (b) establishing equality” among others (pp. 109-110). Weimer (2013) believes:

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When students share power in the classroom, when they are entrusted with some decision making and feel a sense of control, there is less disruptive behavior. When they don’t feel powerless, they have fewer reasons to challenge authority. Power sharing redefines the teacher-student relationship, making it less adversarial (p. 97). Several of the white women in this study discussed being fairly informal or casual in their classrooms. Katherine Rose describes her teaching style as “very discussion based . . . for two reasons. One, I want them to take ownership of the knowledge. And, second, I think the discoveries are more powerful if they make them themselves.” Patty believes, “You can get A’s in my classes, even if you haven’t passed exams. But you’ve got to keep doing the rewrites and gotta bring it too, you gotta do that.” In contrast, Tutsy, a Black sociologist with twenty-five years’ experience, argues that this brand of White feminism will not work for Black women. White women . . . this is a gross generalization, but they come across as just wanting you to be nice, you know, the feminist classroom . . . which is bullshit!. . . I don’t believe in the feminist classroom for women of color because women of color are treated differently in the classroom. So you’ve got to come across as confident and assertive. And you know, I’m not taking any bullshit. If I tell you to put your phones away, that’s exactly what I mean. This belief is echoed in Kavita, who offers an Asian woman’s perspective: “I think it’s more about establishing my authority and experience and getting respect at first…I realized it matters to students . . . that gives me . . . some legitimacy in their eyes.” Angie, a tenure-track Black woman, finds her administration unsupportive when it comes to her policies. She is accused of being too rigid and inflexible. Angie retorts,

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[Administrators] don’t understand that they’re trying to get over on me because I’m a Black woman . . . students are skipping [my tests] and thinking I should just come in any time of day and let them have a makeup. They’re not doing that to the White man over there. I know because I asked him. For the Black women it seems to be an issue of respect that has cultural roots. Angie states, “You know why I’m so inflexible? The reason is that I’m constantly barraged with students who are being disrespectful . . . it’s not me being inflexible, not being a doormat is different.” Marie shares, “I feel very comfortable keeping control in a classroom . . . I had to make sure everyone understood…this is my class.” Tutsy remembers discussions with her White feminist colleagues: “They know I’m a feminist, but I’m just not the kind of feminist they are.” She believes that her colleagues’ brand of feminism will not work for her because “there is less respect for Black women in the classroom. And unless you plant your feet and assert that yeah, I have a PhD. So don’t ask me what my sources are . . . That’s disrespectful, disrespectful.” She goes on to say, “You’ve always got to prove yourself.” This finding leads to the conclusion that perhaps the multiracial feminist classroom, or the Black feminist classroom, may look very different from the feminist classroom advanced in the literature.

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS It is clear from the literature that women and faculty of color, as well as those who embody both identities, face specific challenges from their students based on their membership in a traditionally marginalized group(s). How does one face those issues and become an effective instructor? The advice from the faculty interviewed in this study forms a set of solutions and recommendations that primarily falls into five categories: 1) be confident and true to oneself; 2) reflect on your privilege and/or lack thereof and share that with your students; 3) be mindful of the context; 4) be prepared for pushback; and 5) make sure you find ways to get support.

Confidence and Authenticity “Look, You Belong Here” For Kavita, one challenge she faced was “just addressing that imposter syndrome or inferiority complex” and she encourages faculty to remember “You’ve put in the years of work and study and blood, sweat and tears to be here you have something to teach them.” Marie feels that “comfort and being true to yourself is important. So, make sure…even if you’re in institutions that are oppressive . . . you have to still be true to what you teach, who you are, and how you interact with folks.” Stella states, “To me, it’s important to be visible as a queer woman.” Her philosophy is “you should try as hard as you can to own who you are.” However, she warns, “at the same time, you don’t owe that to people, you don’t have to share any parts of yourself.” She reminds us that: people who have less privilege shouldn’t be the ones who have to be a prop for learning . . . maybe a guide . . . maybe a co-learner. But it should never be tell your sad story to make other people understand. Stella also wants her students to know she came from a working-class background “to make it a little less scary for them.” Tina reiterates trusting one’s expertise and asserts “teaching is not . . . something that you just learn how to do and you do it, it’s something that’s developed over time.” Another issue with being a marginalized individual is advocating for oneself. Marie talked about her experiences in this regard:

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I think you have to keep it real. What I dread all the time . . . that means that, you know, there’s some issues that sometimes you feel like, ‘Oh I don’t really want to be that voice again.’ But you know, I got to be that voice because maybe other people aren’t wiling…You have to own your own strength and own what you believe and feel. . . Where there aren’t spaces create them. Mbali agrees, saying that one needs to hold others accountable and gives the advice, “don’t be afraid to actually be contrary.” Willie concurs, encouraging new faculty to be sincere and honest about their experiences. I did not do that. . . And in some ways, I really wish that I would have been a little bit more vocal about my experiences . . . because if not, you might feel like you sold your soul.

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For faculty from marginalized groups who are often isolated or tokenized it may seem easier to assimilate in order to fit in. However, these faculty members argue for keeping one’s sense of self and finding ways to fit in without being inauthentic or losing oneself. This may mean calling out sexist and racist behaviors and microaggression when they occur.

Privilege and Self-Reflection “Tell Your Story” Several respondents discussed the importance of being reflexive in their teaching, particularly about privilege. For Tutsy, “I would say start with where you are, tell your story.” She believes the students need to see you, not a mystique. She advises, “Talk about what your privilege is. I’m Black, but I speak English, I speak Standard English. I’m light skinned. I’m thin. . . these are my privileges.” Lori asserts that it is important to “know who you are first . . . reflect on your own privilege, and those spaces where you have it or don’t have it.” Lori believes “the more you can insert yourself as a real person into the story and, you know, give real world examples, I think it makes it that much more accessible for the students.” Patty exhorts new faculty to “be firm in what your comfort zone is and knowing that you’ve examined it.” She further explains “don’t be afraid about speaking about things you know to be real.” What works for Shamari is to “talk about how I have privilege in which ways and how that works . . . Because I find when I put the privilege within myself and how it functions in different ways, I also always teach privileged intersections.” Finally, Katherine Rose speaks specifically about being disabled: As a group with disabilities, we can deploy disability as a way to identify in ourselves as an example, an identity that is less privileged. . . We can show our students sort of that vulnerability and open up the invitation to them. The consensus is that effective teaching often includes sharing one’s own experiences and vulnerability in order to help students see how it affects them.

Mind the Context

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“Base Your Pedagogy on Who Is in That Classroom” Another important issue in teaching, particularly teaching about privilege and inequality, is the social context. For Eleanor: I think you really have to base your pedagogy on who is in that classroom. If I’ve got a classroom full of very privileged people, I’m going to have them reading some novels or autobiographies to bring them inside the experience. Mbali agrees, stating “I would actually say, you know, learn your audience, get to know your audience. Don’t assume one size fits all . . . Try to understand the environment that you find yourself in.”

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She argues, “That matters on how you learn to teach your subject matter, because you need to know who your students are.” Rebecca reminds faculty: not to assume that the starting point of students is the same as their own . . . There’s, you know, a huge distance between the two. And that’s a really challenging thing to break through that and get people to see what’s going on. What worked for Marie at a school that is primarily students of color did not work for her at a predominantly White institution. Patty admits: If I were teaching at a more diverse school, I would have to learn all of this all over again, I’m only able to do a lot of what I do so relatively comfortably because I’ve been in this environment now, I’ve put down my roots for twenty years. But pick me up and put me some place in a city put me in a place that is, you know, more diverse, put me in a place that has different types of populations that I hadn’t worked with. And I’d have to learn it all over again.

Be Prepared for Pushback “I’ve Got Receipts” The reality of teaching about privilege and inequality in today’s social context is that one must be prepared for students to challenge and pushback. Patty states: Be real and expect that you may get pushback. But if you come from a place where you’re genuine and you have your facts on your side, any challenge that you may get, you will be able to more easily withstand. Tina asserts that one “not be intimidated to talk about it and to challenge the students to think about their own privilege.” Tutsy encourages faculty to “be real, be concrete, be data driven.” She goes on to say, “You have to think about how people are much more interested in stories, but you can tell stories in lots of different ways.” For Tutsy:

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I think in sociology, it’s really critical to sort of show that link between the personal lived experience and that larger data . . . both how it’s working in a social structural way and also here’s how it’s impacting the lived experiences of individuals in ways that are profound and impactful. Angie gives more practical advice, urging faculty: Document everything! I mean, I document everything because that way I’ve got receipts when people make complaints. Because know that they will make complaints either in your class or behind your back to your chair or on rate my professor. In sum, teaching about privilege and inequality is never easy. According to the respondents, one should expect a measure of disbelief and challenge, particularly from students who claim to not see or experience privilege. However, by using a combination of reflexive teaching, personal storytelling, sharing one’s 150

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own privilege, and connecting large scale data to individual experiences one can effectively introduce these concepts in a meaningful way. At the same time, one should also make sure to keep good records in case a student does lodge a complaint.

Finding Support Inside and Outside of Academia “Your Institution Isn’t Your End All Be All” The final recommendation from respondents is less about teaching and more about work/life balance. Stella would tell new faculty “to find mentors, and to find their teaching family, their comrades, their support network.” She advises: You need people that you can talk to about work and they know it and they get it . . . they’ve been there. And it’s ideal if there’s some folks who are just like you and some folks who are less so that there are different conversations you can have when you need them. Stella shares that she feels: super lucky. I’ve got amazing colleagues. . . It’s a very supportive campus. . .. My department is full of people who have a similar approach to teaching and want to talk about it. For Shamari: I am with my dream people . . . I came home to my academic home with the people who like raised me . . . I’m not sure how well I would have done amongst a bunch of strangers with no support that I trust.

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In any career, it is important to find a good fit with your organization. However, this may be more vital for marginalized women teaching about privilege. There are expected challenges teaching about inequality so having a supportive department, division, or institution becomes more pertinent. While finding a good fit within an institution is important, Mbali reminds faculty to “make sure that you have people that are your support system away from your institution, so that your institution isn’t your end all be all.” One way she does so is by participating in a women of color writing group. Stella also encourages faculty to “find some people outside of academia who will be the counterpart to that . . . people that they trust and feel good with, who don’t have any stakes in that academic game.” She goes on to explain: I keep thinking about sanity . . . I don’t mean to throw the word around lightly, but I think that we get tired and we get ground down. . . We love teaching about this stuff . . . It’s so exciting and it’s so fulfilling, and it’s so satisfying, and it will wear you down. It is often easy to base one’s whole life around career goals, finding a job, earning tenure, publishing in the right journals, but it is also important to have a life outside of work.

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FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS This research expands the understanding of women faculty, particularly when it comes to teaching about privilege; however, more research is needed. Future research should explore further the intersection of race and gender by including Latina and Indigenous women as well as more Asian and mixed-race women. Another area for further exploration is the experience of men of color. Issues of sexual orientation and disability are touched upon in this study; however, more research is needed that is specifically focused in these areas. Moreover, research that moves into the classroom to observe student-teacher dynamics would provide information that interviews cannot. As this research is based on a snowball sample, the results are not generalizable to the larger sociology faculty population in the United States. Efforts were made to find respondents from different areas of the country, from a variety of institutions including Research 1 institutions and with diverse backgrounds, but the small sample size indicates that important variations may be missed. However, while not generalizable, this research points to challenges women sociologists face in teaching about issues of privilege, inequality, and oppression.

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CONCLUSION In conclusion, it is clear from this study that, for these women sociologists at least, issues of power, privilege, and inequality are important if not central to their teaching and student outcomes. It is also clear that for most, what students call them matters. While some are not bothered by the use of a first name, most are emphatically against gendered terms such as Miss and Mrs. which, in the words of Shamari, have “all kinds of gendered layered patriarchal shit on top of it.” At the same time, there were clear racial differences in that White women were less likely to demand they be addressed by their title, while all but one of the women of color insisted they be referred to as Doctor or Professor. This may be due to different cultural measures of respect. For example, Katherine Rose (who is White) felt that using her first name did not diminish the respect she received from students, while Marie (who is Black) was not particular about what her students called her as long as it was not her first name. It seemed that for White women, the issue was the sexism inherent in the use of Mrs. which defines them through a man, while for Black women it was more about establishing respect. In terms of classroom environment, a clear racial divide also exists with women of color, particularly the Black women, needing to immediately assert their dominance and take control of the classroom. More research is needed to understand the subtleties of differences in definitions of “respect” in the classroom. From this study, it is clear that Black women prefer a classroom in which they have primary control and they see student misconduct and requests for special treatment as disrespect. One example would be Marie who encourages open dialogue, “but I’m definitely much more one who sets the tone early.” Another would be Tutsy, for whom “the subtext is privilege, but the outward is just disrespect, you know, talking and laughing in the classroom . . . I interpret that as total disrespect.” In terms of supporting marginalized faculty, this research suggests that building their confidence, encouraging them to find a teaching style that suits their own personality and cultural background, can make a difference. It is important as well to create institutional environments which support faculty and allow them safe places within which to debrief, process, and vent their frustrations. Moreover, instead of a nose-to-the-grindstone approach, a focus on work/life balance will help them to better cope with 152

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the challenges of teaching. It seems that in terms of retention, institutional climate and culture is key. Several of the respondents who have found ways to be successful still feel unhappy and unsupported in their work environment, such as Willie who mentioned feeling like she “sold [her] soul.” Moving beyond diversity as tokenism to creating an institutional culture that encourages diversity of thought, dress, and action that allows faculty to bring their individual strengths and passions to their work may prove an important step in retention. Overall, according to these respondents, when it comes to teaching about issues such as power, inequality and privilege, it is important to be reflective about one’s self and one’s own power and oppression as well as the experiences one brings to the table. Faculty should be encouraged to share their own experiences with oppression as well as with privilege and to find videos or books that immerse students in experiences different from their own. However, faculty should also be realistic that some students will not react well when faced with their own privilege.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT The author wishes to thank the sociologists who shared their time and experiences in this study as well as Dr. Regina Deil-Amen, Dr. Z Nicolazzo, and Dr. Kevin Henry Jr. at the University of Arizona’s Education Policy and Practice Department, Melody Allan, retired educator, the editors, and peer reviewers for their feedback on drafts of this paper. This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

REFERENCES Amey, M. J. (1996). The institutional marketplace and faculty attrition. Thought & Action, XII, 23–36. Bavishi, A., Hebl, M. R., & Madera, J. M. (2010). The effect of professor ethnicity and gender on student evaluations: Judged before met. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 4(3), 245–256. doi:10.1037/ a0020763 Collins, P. H. (2015). Intersectionality’s definitional dilemmas. Annual Review of Sociology, 41(1), 1–20. doi:10.1146/annurev-soc-073014-112142

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Ferber, A. L., Herrera, A. O., & Samuels, D. R. (2007). The matrix of oppression and privilege: Theory and practice for the new millennium. The American Behavioral Scientist, 51(4), 516–531. doi:10.1177/0002764207307740 Gardner, S. K. (2013). Women faculty departures from a striving institution: Between a rock and a hard place. The Review of Higher Education, 36(3), 349–370. doi:10.1353/rhe.2013.0025 Greene, J., Stockard, J., Lewis, P., & Richmond, G. (2010). Is the academic climate chilly? The view of women academic chemists. Journal of Chemical Education, 87(4), 381–385. doi:10.1021/ed800042z Harparlini, V. (2017). “Safe spaces” and the educational benefits of diversity. Duke Journal of Constitutional Law & Public Policy, 13(1), 117.

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Kelly, B. T., & Fetridge, J. S. (2012). The role of students in the experience of women faculty on the tenure track. NASPA Journal About Women in Higher Education, 5(1), 22–45. doi:10.1515/1940-7890.1095 Kelly, B. T., & McCann, K. I. (2014). Women faculty of color: Stories behind the statistics. The Urban Review, 46(4), 681–702. doi:10.100711256-014-0275-8 Lawrence, S. M., & Bunche, T. (1996). Feeling and dealing: Teaching white students about racial privilege. Teaching and Teacher Education, 12(5), 531–542. doi:10.1016/0742-051X(95)00054-N Messner, M. A. (1996). Studying up on sex. Sociology of Sport Journal, 13(3), 221–237. doi:10.1123sj.13.3.221 Messner, M. A. (2011). The privilege of teaching about privilege. Sociological Perspectives, 54(1), 3–14. doi:10.1525op.2011.54.1.3 Moody, J. (2004). Faculty Diversity: Problems and Solutions. New York, NY: Taylor & Francis. doi:10.4324/9780203463741 National Center for Education Statistics. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/ipeds/Search/ViewT able?tableId=4555&returnUrl=/ipeds/Search/View?resultType=all&sortBy=relevance&query=facult y+diversity&query2=faculty+diversity&query=faculty diversity Ndandala, S. (2016). A portrait of faculty diversity at selected elite universities. International Journal of Higher Education Management, 3(1). Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.arizona.edu/login?url=https:// search-proquest-com.ezproxy3.library.arizona.edu/docview/1874715417?accountid=8360 Peretz, T. (2010, Winter). No more Mr. Good Guy? Stepping off the pedestal of male privilege. VoiceMale: Changing Men in Changing Times, 10–13. Pittman, C. T. (2010). Race and gender oppression in the classroom: The experiences of women faculty of color with white male students. Teaching Sociology, 38(3), 183–196. doi:10.1177/0092055X10370120 Stanley, C. A. (2006). Coloring the academic landscape: Faculty of color breaking the silence in predominantly white colleges and universities. American Educational Research Journal, 43(4), 701–736. doi:10.3102/00028312043004701 Taylor, S. J., Bogdan, R., & DeVault, M. L. (2016). Introduction to qualitative research methods: A guidebook and resource (4th ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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Tomlinson, C. A., & Javius, E. L. (2012). Teach up for excellence. Educational Leadership, 69(5), 28–33. Turner, C. S. V., Gonzalez, J. C., & Wood, J. L. (2008). Faculty of color in academe: What 20 years of literature tells us. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 1(3), 139–168. doi:10.1037/a0012837

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ADDITIONAL READING Harris, J. C. (2017). Multiracial women students and racial stereotypes on the college campus. Journal of College Student Development, 58(4), 475–491. doi:10.1353/csd.2017.0038 Ladson-Billings, G. (1995). But that’s just good teaching! The case for culturally relevant pedagogy. Theory into Practice, 34(3), 159–165. doi:10.1080/00405849509543675 Ladson-Billings, G. (2014). Culturally relevant pedagogy 2.0: A.k.a. the remix. Harvard Educational Review, 84(1), 74–84. doi:10.17763/haer.84.1.p2rj131485484751 Levin, J. S., Haberler, Z., Walker, L., & Jackson-Boothby, A. (2014). Community college culture and faculty of color. Community College Review, 42(1), 55–74. doi:10.1177/0091552113512864 Levin, J. S., Jackson-Boothby, A., Haberler, Z., & Walker, L. (2015). “Dangerous work”: Improving conditions for faculty of color in the community college. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 39(9), 852–864. doi:10.1080/10668926.2014.917596 Lewis, M. (2012). Pedagogy and the sista’ professor: Teaching Black queer feminism through the self. In E. R. Meiners & T. Quinn (Eds.), Counterpoints: Vol. 367. Sexualities in Education: A Reader (pp. 33–40). New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing. Narui, M. (2014). Hidden populations and intersectionality: When race and sexual orientation collide. In D. Mitchell, C. Simmons, & L. Greyerbiehl (Eds.), Intersectionality & Higher Education: Theory, Research, & Praxis (pp. 185–200). New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing. Osei-Kofi, N., Shahjahjan, R. A., & Patton, L. D. (2010). Centering social justice in the study of higher education: The challenges and possibilities for institutional change. Equity & Excellence in Education, 43(3), 326–340. doi:10.1080/10665684.2010.483639 Penner, A., & Saperstein, A. (2013). Engendering racial perceptions: An intersectional analysis of how social status shapes race. Gender & Society, 27(3), 319–344. doi:10.1177/0891243213480262

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Stanley, C. A. (2006). Coloring the academic landscape: Faculty of color breaking the silence in predominantly white colleges and universities. American Educational Research Journal, 43(4), 701–736. doi:10.3102/00028312043004701

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

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Disability: A socially constructed social identity based upon differences in physical or intellectual ability. Diversity: The idea that a community or environment will benefit from the inclusion of a wide variety of individuals from various gender, racial, ethnic, religious, age, and ability statuses. Feminist Classroom: An approach to teaching that encourages reducing the power differential between faculty and students. Gender: A socially constructed social identity based on an individual’s sex, outward expression and internal identification as male, female, genderqueer, genderfluid, gender nonconforming, etc. Inclusion: The idea that for diversity to be successful various individuals need to not only be represented in a space, but welcomed and made to feel heard and respected. Intersectionality: The idea that an individual’s experiences are not based solely on one social identity such as race, but on the interactions of multiple social identities such as race, gender, sexual orientation, age, class, and ability status among others. Oppression: The denying of resources and privileges to a particular social group based on their membership in that group. Pedagogy: An individual teacher’s approach to teaching and learning including their teaching philosophy. Race: A socially constructed social identity loosely connected to biological factors such as skin color, eye shape, and hair texture. Sexual Orientation: A socially constructed social identity based on an individual’s attraction to or interaction with others of similar and different genders. Sociology: A social science that studies social groups and human interactions and focuses on social context.

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Chapter 8

Retirement or Return to School? Developing a Decision Model Based on Perspectives From Baby Boomers Kristina K. McGaha https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6365-9564 University of Phoenix, USA Unnatti Jain Walden University, USA

ABSTRACT

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This chapter highlights environmental trends in the socioeconomic climate and in higher education, focusing specifcally on the Baby Boomer demographic. It demonstrates how older students remain underserved in research, and develops a compelling case for further research to be conducted focused on non-traditional aged students (namely, the Baby Boomers). These claims are supported by the analysis of survey data, which contributed to the development of a decision model about factors which infuence Baby Boomers’ decisions to return to school. There is discussion of what decision-making alternatives exist when selecting traditional or online delivery of education. Framed with decision-making research from the felds of psychology, anthropology, and pedagogy, this study draws links to contemporary decision-making theory. The decision model and discussions in this chapter address the knowledge gap in the literature about non-traditional aged students and provides key insights towards attracting and enrolling students from this cohort.

INTRODUCTION A generational shift is occurring in the American workforce. As the newest working generation (Generation Z) begins to enter the job market in larger numbers, Baby Boomers are approaching or have already reached retirement age. Baby Boomers are typically defined as born between 1946 and 1964, and labelled as such to describe the drastic increase in birth rates immediately following the end of World War II (Lee, 2017). In their formative years, Baby Boomers first entered college in 1967; the last of their genDOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch008

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erational cohort entered college in 1982 (Edwards & Robinson, 2019). In 2011, the oldest of the Baby Boomers turned 65, the conventional age of retirement in the United States (Tyler, 2018). Influenced by the Civil Rights and women’s movements, the JFK election, administration, and assassination, and the Vietnam War and the draft, Baby Boomers have advanced society’s ideas of health, wellness, equality, and education (McGaha, 2018). Various socioeconomic factors have created an environment in which the arc of Baby Boomers’ third act is not as predictable as that of preceding generations. They might choose or be compelled to retire, but they also may choose—or be compelled--to continue working, or return to higher education (Dong et al. 2017). The U.S. Department of Labor (2013), in collaboration with the Bureau of Labor and Statistics, forecasted that by 2022, the economy will reduce the rate of growth for industries requiring postsecondary education. This survey data also suggests that of the predicted 50.6 million jobs created by 2022, two-thirds of these positions replace someone who is retiring. The result is a job market that grows increasingly competitive, especially for industries requiring postsecondary education. In the midst of this dramatically shifting landscape, Baby Boomers have felt the pressure to continue working to ensure financial stability. Whatever combination of public programs, pension offerings, and Social Security benefits they have earned might not be sufficient to accommodate an income-free retirement (Boveda & Metz, 2016). Rising healthcare costs may also impose restrictions on when Baby Boomers can retire. Other social trends, like the multi-generation household, continue to affect the financial security of the Baby Boomer generation (Pilkauskas & Cross, 2018); their responsibility of caring for family members may be extended, which impels the need to produce more income to maintain economic stability. Remaining in the workforce appears to be one prominent solution. Variations in personal health may play a role in the ability of Baby Boomers to extend their work life. Most organizations have increased the age of retirement to 65, and with Americans leading a healthier lifestyle, average life expectancy has increased. Tyler (2018) observed that as Baby Boomers enter their Third Age--the period of retirement--they are unraveling society’s preconceived notions and expectations of the country’s aging population. However, not all Baby Boomers enjoy robust health. Those with diminishing cognitive ability may experience and impaired decision-making skills (Hung, Luoto, & Parker, 2018), which might necessitate their employers to encourage retirement sooner. At the same time, unprecedented numbers of Baby Boomers are opting to return to school. Fortunately, some societal reforms have helped to pave the way for Baby Boomers to do so. As Lee (2017) described, increased awareness, advocacy, and legislation have aided those who require developmental postsecondary education to complete their degrees. Other motivations include preparing for a new career or fulfilling other personal or professional goals (Boveda & Metz, 2016). The literature is unclear to what extent each of these motivators influence the decision to return to school, and how they drive the decision to select a particular specific institution. This is perhaps because non-traditional aged students historically have not been as statistically relevant to the enrollment efforts of higher education institutions (Hardy et al. 2017). But as recent trends suggest, Baby Boomer students are a stable and growing cohort. In 2013, for example, the U.S. Census (2017) reported that upwards of 49,000 Baby Boomers had enrolled in some type of postsecondary program. The Post-Secondary National Policy Institute (PNPI) (2018) noted that enrollment rates have continued to grow to the extent that some 4-year institutions now count Baby Boomers as one-fifth of their student body. PNPI explained further that approximately 52% of students over the age of 40 will attend a 2-year/community college degree program. Overall, about 39% of students over the age of 40 have attended school in a part-time capacity (2018). 158

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In this chapter, the authors investigate how and why Baby Boomers decide to retire or return to school, and through conducting an exploratory study, they have developed a decision model which captures the perspectives of this generation of students. The self-reported factors driving the choice to return to school included age, financial stability, and the desire to learn, all of which are supported in the literature. In addition, new Baby Boomer perspectives emerged that have not been previously explored or considered, which the authors have framed in the context of decision-making theory, to clarify how and why Baby Boomers are making these decisions based on the factors identified. The objectives of this chapter include advancing further research and supporting best practices for Baby Boomers pursuing higher education, and positioning this cohort’s increased relevance to academia. Insights provided by this chapter may provide strategic advantage to universities and colleges seeking to grow their Baby Boomer student enrollment.

BACKGROUND Many higher education institutions struggle with how to support and market to Baby Boomers, which may be due to a lack of understanding what motivates them to return to school. This section attempts to fill in this knowledge gap by exploring Baby Boomers’ current roles and challenges in the workforce and higher education, and noting census trends and research to ascertain whether predictions of their retirement stage are occurring as expected. The section also covers the competitive needs of universities to increase enrollment and remain profitable, and how the Baby Boomers may help solve these issues. A review of residual issues and unknowns about Baby Boomers in higher education support the need for the study conducted in this chapter.

Baby Boomers in the Workforce and Higher Education

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Workforce Trends and Challenges Organizations have cycled through--often simultaneously--three generations of the workforce in the past sixty years: Baby Boomers, Generation X, and Generation Y, also referred to as the Millennials (Kaifi, Nafei, Khanfar, & Kaifi, 2012). Along with the newly emergent Generation Z, the workforce has continued to evolve and become more complex (McGaha, 2018). The distinguishing factors among each of these generations are the social, political, historical and economic environments in which they were raised and came to age, which lead to different expectations and values (Al-Asfour & Lettau, 2014). The latest generational shift has fundamentally transformed the working world, creating more demanding work, less hierarchy, less long-term employment relationships, greater expectations, greater importance on immediate supervisors, and more skilled supervising managers (Thigan, 2004). What might seem surprising in this new work world is that even though many Baby Boomers are reaching retirement age, many remain employed—thus going against previous predictions that they would cascade into retirement similar to their predecessors. Figure 1 illustrates the growth in the percentage of the workforce that was comprised of Baby Boomers (aged 65-69) from 1990 to 2014. Note the large percentage increase in 2010 following the Great Recession, which ended in 2009, reinforcing the idea that economic and social pressures influenced the Baby Boomers to continue working in lieu of retirement.

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Figure 1. Baby Boomer workforce composition in U.S. from 1990-2014 (US Census Bureau, 2017)

Furthermore, the U.S. Census Bureau (2017) reported figures which suggest an increase in Baby Boomers in the workforce between 2015 and 2040. Of course, Baby Boomers’ desire to stay in the workforce and share their professional expertise isn’t always welcomed or feasible (Salb, 2015). When they seek to transition in their careers, the process is often complicated and daunting (Schwabel et al. 2015). This is in large part due to the fact that members of this generation typically have devoted long portions of their careers to growing within fewer positions and organizations; consequently, they are not as nimble as younger generations in this regard. Given the challenges of finding employment in this dramatically different environment at an older age, many Baby Boomers must consider new options, which include retiring or returning to school for career advancement through reskilling (Lee, 2017).

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Motivations, Advantages, Challenges, and Impact on Higher Education Parks, Evans, and Getch (2013) identified the desire to be a lifelong learner and to engage in the collegetown lifestyle as two principal drivers for Baby Boomers to return to higher education. Researchers have also attributed their return as part of a strategy to maintain mental health and well-being (Hardy et al. 2017) or to fulfill a lifelong dream (Edwards & Robinson, 2019). In addition to traditional brickand-mortar universities, virtual learning, MOOCs, leisure learning, and lifelong learning centers such as university-based Lifelong Learning Institutes, funded by the Bernard Osher Foundation, exist to accommodate this population’s various motivations and desires for pursuing higher learning. Counter to the assumption that older people do not embrace or understand technology, this generation uses it ubiquitously (Dhanapal, Vashu, & Subramaniam, 2015) and are therefore relatively well equipped for the modern classroom. Baby Boomers have been credited with being valuable students, a prime

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example of which is their ability to share knowledge gained from a lifetime of experience with younger students who otherwise would not be exposed to that information (Tyler, 2018). Baby Boomers are also strong advocates of diversity, were the original civil rights activists of the modern age, and have been ascribed with being both flexible and spiritual (Díaz-Sarmiento, López-Lambraño, & Roncallo-Lafont, 2017). These traits have primed Baby Boomer students to excel in certain academic environments, particularly the liberal arts and social sciences. Despite positive motivations and contributions, Baby Boomer students encounter challenges upon returning to school. They may experience difficulty integrating into campus life, feel isolated from traditional students, or experience outsider status (Parks, Evans, & Getch, 2016). Higher education institutions have tried to offset these challenges with strategies like reduced tuition, work-study/co-op positions for Baby Boomer students, and other campus engagement programs. Universities have also found that increasing program accessibility through distance learning to be an influential factor in Baby Boomer enrollment, though little research exists that definitively differentiates between a Baby Boomer’s choice to enroll in a physical or digital classroom. As Baby Boomers expand as a student population each year, their return to higher education creates an impact on higher education stakeholders. Universities and colleges are increasingly pressed to understand and address the diverse perspectives and needs of this generation, along with Millennials and Generation X (Oblinger, 2003; Tyler, 2018). As a result, American universities and colleges have shifted their enrollment efforts to include generationally-sensitive matters of diversity, inclusivity, equality and sustainability (Treadgold, 2018). Baby Boomers also affect university stakeholders in another significant way, in that faculty members of this generation are retiring in numbers that exceed those now entering academia. Thus, there exists a more competitive job market for top higher education faculty the world over. Browning, Thomson, and Dawson (2017), described the phenomenon as currently experienced in Australia, which they see affecting all key elements of universities: The higher education sector is a dynamic environment where universities compete on a global basis for resources, students, and high-quality staff. The impending retirement of the baby boomer generation will create increased competition for research leaders (p. 361).

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Baby Boomer Higher Education Enrollment Trends From 2000 to 2010, the higher education enrollments increased in overall enrollment numbers, but then experienced a sudden decline in 2010 when the for-profit institutions were scrutinized by regulatory reforms and media, resulting in institutions undergoing major changes (Frisbie & Converso, 2016). Equally if not more significant is that in the past eight years, demographic changes have led to a decline in traditional-age college student enrollment (Fain, 2019). In contrast, statistics in recent years have shown that the Baby Boomers are positively contributing to the growth of universities (Pucciarelli & Kaplan, 2016). Between 1995-2012, for example, the enrollment rate for Baby Boomer undergraduates in universities increased from 5 percent to 13 percent (Arbeit & Horn, 2017). Specialized fields, like nursing, experienced an upswing in graduate enrollment of Baby Boomers seeking to continue working in the field (Daniel & Smith, 2018). In 2017, the National Center of Education Statistics reported that undergraduate enrollments of students aged 35 or older was increasing (2019). Figure 2 illustrates the figures reported by the U.S. Department 161

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of Education from this census data. While this demographic is not exclusive to Baby Boomers, this figure is significant for two reasons: 1) it reaffirms that Baby Boomer enrollment (as part of the nontraditional age group) is growing; and 2) it demonstrates one of the challenges with research regarding Baby Boomers in higher education: namely, they are not specifically highlighted in enrollment data sets. When multi-generational students from ages 35 and onward are categorized together, it is difficult for universities to identify and meet the needs of specific generations. It prevents them from conducting an accurate and comprehensive analysis of their student base to evaluate the efficacy of their policies. Figure 2. The National Center of Education Statistics characteristics of non-traditional age student enrollment for 2017 (2019)

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Baby Boomers as Growing Higher Education Market Share As universities compete for enrollments, they must look to increasing their market share by proactively attracting a diverse portfolio of students; striking the right balance between operating a place of learning and operating a business; and involving key stakeholders to create value (Pucciarelli & Kaplan, 2016). As to the first challenge, while traditional-aged students remain the majority of undergraduates, institutions that persist in recruiting only these students will undermine their own efforts to increase higher education enrollments by failing to reach out to underserved markets, including Baby Boomers. By ignoring this market, higher education stakeholders face challenges around developing age-integrated programs as well as criticism for not creating effective outreach and financial structures to support that generation’s continuing education (Terrain, 2007). Moreover, when contemporary universities do not form a connection between their traditional educational curriculum and the real-world needs of their students, including the growing non-traditional

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population, their own sustainability may be threatened (Cortese, 2003; Frisbie & Converso, 2016). With the enrollment rates of Baby Boomers on the rise, there is a growing mandate for higher education to understand the value of this non-traditional cohort of stakeholders, providing them with equal access and supporting their pursuit of higher learning after retirement from the workplace (Peppers, 2016). In addition, the advent of online learning and blended learning has increased the competition for enrollments, primarily because lower overhead costs and increased student accessibility has attracted universities to integrate this modality into their infrastructure (Harrison-Walker, 2010). A positive upshot for Baby Boomers is that this ease of access to education has fueled their interest in returning to school (Stevenson, 2014). Likewise, in informal learning environments such as community courses, MOOCs, and lifelong learning programs like OSHER, Baby Boomers demonstrate fondness for pursuing onsite and online learning (Sabo, 2017). Through online and blended learning, universities better equip themselves to cater to the lifestyles of multiple generations. Typically for Baby Boomers, this means universities have explored methods to increase learning engagement and the ability to teach/communicate effectively online (Peppers, 2016). Unfortunately, best practices which address Baby Boomer students specifically are inconsistent and under-researched, leaving Baby Boomers as a student body often misunderstood.

What Questions Remain about Baby Boomers and Higher Education Paucity of Research on Baby Boomers and Higher Education The U.S. Census Bureau has reported that the U.S. population is approximately 74 million Baby Boomers strong--one-fourth of the country’s total population (Colby & Ortman, 2014)—and suggests that the percentage of the higher education student population Baby Boomers represent has increased (U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2019). Nevertheless, research trends in higher education focusing on the issues of globalization, scholar mobility, impact of technology, and accessibility are rarely addressed beyond the traditional student base.

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Lack of Clarity About How Baby Boomers View the Higher Education Process A large number of Baby Boomer students are college-bound with the express purpose of re-entering the workforce. However, according to a national survey of people between the ages of 50 and 65, Baby Boomers searching for government employment had difficulty securing a position due to: 1) lack of knowledge; 2) negative perceptions; 3) hiring mismatch; and 4) mutual skepticism of being interviewed and hired by a younger employer (Hardy et al., 2017). Schaefer (2010) surmised that the return of Baby Boomers to college required researchers to gain a better understanding of how Baby Boomers view the higher education process and also explore their career aspirations.

Lack of Understanding About Baby Boomers’ Personal Motivations to Enroll The majority of the literature on Baby Boomers in the higher education context focuses on the postenrollment stages of learning; there is little available on their personal motivations to initially enroll. Parks, Evans, and Getch (2013) described three subgroups of Baby Boomers and their motivations to return to school: 163

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• • •

Goal Oriented Learners: Baby Boomers who return to school as a means to transition professionally into a new or better paying role. Activity Oriented Learners: Baby Boomers who believe returning to school will help them stay young by being mentally active and socializing with young people. They also desire to share their knowledge and experience for the betterment of their fellow students. Learning Oriented Learners: Baby Boomers who believe in lifelong learning, learning for the sake of learning, and learning because they are available to do so.

However, this research neither determined to what extent these motivational types exist within the greater Baby Boomer population, nor did their findings include mitigating variables or environmental influences imposed on the participants, including such factors as family needs, health, and financial stability. The last factor in particular has been found to influence both remaining at work and returning to school (Paullin, 2014).

Areas for Further Research Boveda and Metz (2016) used historic data from a large-scale survey conducted in 1995 to predict the end-of-career transitions of Baby Boomers as they reached retirement age. They determined four career trajectories: • • •

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No Retirement: Some Baby Boomers will reach retirement and continue working/doing what they have been doing since before their milestone birthday. Full Retirement: Some Baby Boomers will stop work, will not enroll in college, and enjoy leisure-living for the rest of their days. Bridge Employment: Some Baby Boomers will retire and begin part-time work to bridge the income gap they require for their retirement lifestyle. Encore Career: Some Baby Boomers may wish to pursue a drastic change in their professional career. This choice may necessitate returning to college, especially if the encore career choice is in a diferent feld than previously employed.

Boveda and Metz used a multitude of variables to determine early predictors of the trajectory choice, including age, gender, education, marital status, health, and wealth. While they were able to identify the four trajectories to show early regression patterns to these variables, they recommended further research into the salient factors of deciding to retire or return to school. Lee (2017) also made the connection between previous higher education experience and a Baby Boomer’s likelihood to return to school. After examining ex post facto data, enrollment, and completion rates, Lee found a high correlation between previous college experience and Baby Boomers’ decision to return (and complete) school. But this finding may not be a generalizable context for the whole generation because Lee was investigating individuals with developmental academic needs. This study was also unclear as to whether previous college experience was partial or full completion of a degree program, which may influence the type of motivating factors involved in returning to school. Once again, it was suggested that future research is required to support both Baby Boomer enrollment and program completion. So ultimately, further research is needed both into what motivates a Baby Boomer to enroll in school, and how that decision can be framed within what is currently understood about decision-making. 164

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DECISION MODEL BASED ON PERSPECTIVES OF BABY BOOMERS: RETIRE OR RETURN TO SCHOOL? Decision-Making Framework A short review of decision-making theory aids in framing the study and articulating how and why Baby Boomers may decide to return to school. Having established the complexities of deciding to retire or to return to school, the question about the decision-making process itself remains unclear. Geisler (2015) conducted a thorough review of the literature regarding decision-making. Much of the theoretical and practical research reviewed was from the field of psychology, as decision-making is an inherently cognitive process. Decisions are typically made in three stages: formulating of goal (of the decision); finding experts/doing research (to make an educated decision); and building a hierarchy of the criteria or decision-making factors (DMFs) to weigh the alternative options of the decision (Tsyganuk et al., 2017). This theoretical framework has been expanded upon to include the formation of a decision outcome inventory (DOI), a decision-making competence scale (DMC), and the influence of time behaviors (i.e. tendencies to procrastinate) on decision making (Bailey & Lee, 2016; Geisler, 2015; Jaworski, Reed, & Vernon, 2016). There is some disagreement among decision-making theorists as to whether everyday decision making is comparable to larger scale decisions (Geisler, 2015), or if including uncertainties into the decision-making frame is necessary (Galarza-Molina & Torres, 2019). As it applies to this chapter, the decision-making model created during data analysis was the result of fulfilling the three stages of decision-making, and then using scalable comparison responses to determine the conceptual structure of the decision. Figure 3 shows a conceptual map of the decisionmaking theoretical frame as described by Tsyganok et al. (2017) with the incorporated elements of the study design. Complex decisions that have more than one alternative outcome and have multiple criteria (Decision Making Factors=DMFs) are categorized as multicriteria decision-making (MCDM) (p. 229). Other elements of decision making, like decision-making style, or perceived stress of the decision maker, were not investigated in this study, although these components have been found to have an influencing effect (Geisler, 2015).

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Methodology Due to the nature of this study, an exploratory case study approach was used to examine the influencing factors for Baby Boomers in determining whether to retire to return to school. Case studies are particularly valuable when exploring new or descriptive phenomena. Since it is difficult to quantify or measure the extrinsic and intrinsic motivations of the individual, a case study design helps to better understand the agent of the phenomenon through providing both a detailed description and measurable nominal/scalable comparisons (Yin, 2018). Specifically, a case study allowed the chapter authors to: 1) explore the decision-making process from the point-of-view of the participants; 2) cultivate greater insight into the phenomenon from participant feedback; and 3) use basic statistical description to generate a decisionmaking model which can be measured and tested in future quantitative research. When establishing the selection criteria of the sample, the chapter authors considered many elements, including accessibility to the internet (for delivery of an electronic survey), the likely age range of Baby Boomers to be at the decision-making stage of their career, and weighted descriptive restrictions. Ultimately, the selection criteria established for the study was that participants must: 1) be between the ages 165

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Figure 3. Conceptual map of developing a decision-making model

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Note: Steps to develop a decision-making map were adapted from Tsyganok et al. (2017)

of 54 and 73; 2) have access to technology to complete and electronic survey; and 3) have previously thought about or considered retiring and/or returning to school. The rationale for this selection criteria was to optimize both response rate and generate high-caliber responses to address the research questions. Qualifying for the study was determined with a pre-screening link to the survey and the first question of the survey itself. Therefore, the sampling technique was purposive, and exploited non-probability sampling. Since the nature of the case study was exploratory and the authors were seeking to examine, not generalize, purposive sampling was deemed appropriate for the study design (Emmel, 2015). Of the 592 participants surveyed, 50 were rejected for not being able to meet the selection requirements or for not being able to complete the survey. Another three participants were removed from the final analysis for failing to identify if they were in the qualifying age group. The total participant surveys used for data analysis was N=539. Participants were recruited using a combination of social media outreach and the services of Survey Monkey, who also hosted the survey for the study. The survey was delivered electronically, and consisted of qualifying and open-ended questions. Additionally, Likert-scale questions to gauge relative importance of specific decision-making-factors (DMFs) were included to help frame the decision model. This was an additional step that was administered to refine the MCDM model process (Tsyganok et al. 2017). The survey was field tested and approved by a generational researcher and a faculty member of a higher learning institution. Data analysis required chapter authors to use an iterative coding technique, which included multiple reviews of responses by both researchers independently, and the consensus of coding categories and interpretation. Since the survey was delivered electronically to anonymous participants, additional feedback/comments were solicited from them at the time of the survey. No member checking or additional measures were performed to verify the interpretations of the participants’ responses; incorporating this step was not logistically possible for this study design. The themes established by the coded analysis were then compared to the weighted results of the Likert-scale questions. The factors that showed a higher Likert-scale average and a high frequency in the coded themes were deemed to be more significant/

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important/influential/salient in the decision-making-process of Baby Boomers deciding their future. The authors then reviewed the open-ended responses again for discussion points and recommendations for future research.

Decision-Making Factors The purpose of this study was two-fold: to identify influencing factors in a Baby Boomer’s retirement/ return to school decision making process; and to develop a decision-making model based on the survey responses. In so doing, the authors sought to provide insight to the higher education field about the Baby Boomer cohort. The research questions posed in this investigation were as follows: RQ1: What factors do Baby Boomers attribute to influencing their decision to retire or return to school? RQ2: According to Baby Boomers, which of these factors are more influential and why? RQ3: What other thoughts can Baby Boomers provide regarding their attitudes and beliefs about higher education?

Retirement The top three ranking DMF the participants felt influenced their decision to retire was health/medical needs (36.06%), age (34.96%), and the fact that they were tired of working (31.64%). To clarify, participants were equally inclined to retire if it was themselves or a loved one who had health/medical needs. They attributed job dissatisfaction, burnout, interpersonal disputes at work, and the inability to find new work as reasons for being ready to retire. Five participants mentioned that they had reached the maximum retirement benefits at their place of employment, so did not see a point of continuing to work. Many also conveyed that 65 was old enough to retire yet young enough to enjoy life after work. These findings parallel the work of Boveda and Metz (2016) who identified that both age and health would be predictive factors in Baby Boomers choosing a career trajectory. The Stanford Center for Longevity also constructed a 3D model of retirement-based decisions for Baby Boomers, wherein finances, health, and well-being were all domains of consideration before deciding to retire (Jaworski, Reed, & Vernon, 2016).

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Return to School The DMF that influenced a decision to return to school were much more diverse, and consistent with the literature that notes returning to school is a choice made for many personal, professional, and motivational reasons (Tyler, 2018). Of the DMF Baby Boomers attributed to returning to school, the largest factor was that they were bored and wanted to keep busy, learn new things, or make new friends (36.73%). This category included intrinsic motivations like setting an example for one’s family, fulfilling something they started in their youth, and a personal desire to be creative. This finding suggests that financial motivation is not the sole or primary factor in determining one’s return to college, but rather it is based on a more holistic view of the individual (Jaworski, Reed, & Vernon, 2016). Nevertheless, financial security was an important outcome of returning to school; participants desiring a new role/career (17.26%) or improved financial stability (15.49%) were the second and third highest ranked factors respectively. These factors were all self-reported by the participants. There were 331 significant statements identified that were coded and reduced to thirteen themes (six themes being DMF to return to school, and 167

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seven DMF to retire). These thirteen themes were used to formulate the Likert-scale questions provided to the participants. In these questions, participants were asked to rank how important each of these DMFs was to them on a scale of 1 to 6 (1 being the least important/influential, and 6 being the most important/ influential). Figure 4 illustrates the weighted averages of the thirteen themes. Figure 4. Weighted averages of thirteen DMF themes little return on investment for going back to school

The chapter authors found certain themes to be consistent with previous literature on retirement, such as age and desire to retire, while other themes represented influencing factors that had not been considered—for example, whether a spouse/partner had decided to return to school. Discovering new nuances to this phenomenon is one of the residual benefits of an exploratory study design. Based on these findings, the open-ended responses were matrixed against the weighted scores of the themes to determine the hierarchical structure of the decision model.

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Displaying and Interpreting the Decision Model There are many different ways to display a decision model. The most prevalent is perhaps the branching tree diagram method (also known as dendrograms), or the clausal IF-THEN decision chart (Bernard, Wutich, & Ryan, 2017, p. 188). IF-THEN decision charts are useful when there is a series of dependent conditions to be made during a decision. They can capture threshold barriers (both physical or abstract) of a particular phenomenon. The decision to go to the doctor, for example, could be demonstrated using IF-THEN charts (EX: IF I have a fever, THEN I take my temperature; IF my temp is over 102 degrees, THEN I go to the doctor…). Dendrograms, on the other hand, typically utilize binary branching (usually

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of a yes-no didactic) to determine how a decision is processed. This form of decision modelling can be useful for future quantitative measuring such as multifactorial analyses. For this chapter, the data was analyzed to develop a dendrogram to illustrate how (and why) Baby Boomers decide to return to school. Figure 5 is the decision map developed from this study.

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Figure 5. Decision map based on the data analysis

The decision map demonstrates that there are three primary nodes of consideration Baby Boomers take into account when deciding on their final/encore career trajectory: personal, familial, and financial. The strongest node (showing the most cases, codes items, and matrixed weighted scores) was personal DMF. The personal node included factors related to personal insecurities like feeling old and tired, but it also included environmental pressures such as being forced to retire by their employer. These feelings also seemed to have a higher salience, suggesting that these DMF were the most important or influential for Baby Boomers. The second strongest node was familial DMF. These factors reflected the participants’ need to provide for their families’ health and wellness. Spending time with family, or a spouse who has already retired, was the largest consideration taken during their decision-making process. A DMF the authors had not considered was whether a spouse/partner had already returned to school; in these cases, the participants reported that they desired to return to school based on this reason.

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The financial node, as suggested by the literature, was considered by Baby Boomers during the decision-making process, but it was not their primary rationale for making the decision to return to school. In fact, a majority of the participants viewed returning to school as not financially beneficial. They acknowledged that they could learn a new trade and continue working longer, but also stated that the return on investment at this stage of their career was not good. Many participants also felt that if they were not financially stable, then they were more comfortable simply continuing to work in their current role. In summation, the decision to return to school appears to be largely influenced by the following DMF: being healthy, wanting to learn a new skill/role/career, feeling bored, and having a spouse/partner who has already returned to school. The decision to retire was more strongly influenced by the following DMF: feeling tired/old, being financially secure enough to retire, the desire to spend more time with spouse or family, and having a spouse/partner who has already retired. When the conditional criteria of either alternative cannot be met, participants then made the decision to continue working. These insights may help higher education institutions better understand and cater to the Baby Boomer demographic.

Limitations

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The purpose of this chapter was to share the Baby Boomer perspective on deciding to return to school (or retire). While the study was fruitful in providing this perspective, and allowed the authors to develop a conceptual decision map, the study did possess certain limitations. Specifically, it was exploratory and qualitative in nature, making it difficult to provide truly generalizable findings. However, this drawback was mitigated by the use of Likert-scale questions to create a matrix analysis of the open-ended responses of the participants and a larger sample size (Bernard, Wutich, & Ryan, 2017; Yin 2018). Another limitation was the electronic delivery of the survey, which may have curtailed the length, detail, and frequency of responses to the open-ended questions. Outlying circumstances (like winning the lottery, for example) reported by the participants may be isolated occurrences within the sample, and may have influenced their decision-making in unpredictable ways. The sample also was evenly distributed between individuals who wished to retire and individuals who wanted to return to school. Future research focusing on the return to school specifically may necessitate a sample solely comprised of Baby Boomers who have already expressed a desire to return to school. Recommendations to address these limitations include altering the methodology to include open-ended interview questions to provide richer responses for the data set. Allowing for interviews would also create the opportunity to conduct member checking (or similar approval/rejection technique), thereby increasing the overall trustworthiness of the findings, an issue which was acknowledged earlier in this chapter.

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS Higher education in the 21st century will continue to trend towards the unexplored, the underserved, and the undiscovered. As new technologies provide ever-increasing accessibility to postsecondary learning, the diversity of the college student body will continue to shift. This chapter focused on one facet of diversity – namely, the age diversity being experienced in higher education, the workforce, and society. For Baby Boomers, the decision to return to school is influenced by many factors. While the research that addresses retirement, or preparing for retirement, is widely available, research investigating returning to 170

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school is sparse. The literature that does explore this topic or the Baby Boomer decision-making process has been more predictive (Boveda & Metz, 2016), too narrowly focused (Lee, 2017), or overemphasized the influential force of financial considerations (Tyler, 2018). This disconnect in the research may have negative implications on universities’ ability to attract and enroll students from the Baby Boomer cohort. Institutions of higher learning would benefit from continued research about their student population. Specifically, the chapter authors predict that exploring student population subgroups for means, access, and support needs will continue to trend in the future – a sentiment supported by the literature, which acknowledges isolation and lack of support to be key areas of opportunity (Parks, Evans, & Getch, 2016). With regard to this specific chapter, the study presented may be duplicated to increase accuracy of the findings, including some design modifications mentioned earlier in the chapter. It may also be applied to other student population groups of different ages for comparative examinations. But the authors strongly recommend using the findings presented to conduct larger-scale, measurable, quantitative investigations into this phenomenon and to test the decision model. The decision model developed in this study is both conceptual and cursory – there are alternative methods to test the validity of its structure and to what extent this decision model applies to Baby Boomers across the United States. Decision matrix research, such as Pugh matrix or enhanced MCDM matrix measures (Bailey & Lee, 2016; Gonczi et al. 2017), can be applied to these findings to enhance the decision model. Jaworski, Reed and Vernon (2016) created a 3D model about the decision-making processes of Baby Boomer retirement; the same modeling could also be applied to the decision to return to school. The authors recommend further investigation into DMF salience and regression modeling of Baby Boomer enrollment factors/trends. Further exploration into the qualitative nature of this study should be considered as well. This study focused on the DMF that were important or influential to Baby Boomers, but did not integrate decision styles (avoidant, dependent, rational, intuitive, or spontaneous) or cognitive ability/decision-making competence into the investigation (Geisler, 2015; Hung, Luoto, & Parker, 2018). Perhaps phenomenological inquiry into the experiences of deciding to return to school may also enhance the findings presented in this chapter. Galarza-Molina and Torres (2019) explained that uncertainties exist in decision-making; exploring those uncertainties in MCDM should also be explored further. Higher education research may benefit from exploring post-enrollment decision satisfaction to continually improve on their policies and offerings. “[Due to] the increase in older persons within the higher education arena, this need to understand how older persons learn will continue to be of importance to educators – and will contribute to a satisfying learning experience for this group of learners” (Edwards & Robinson, 2019, p. 285). As stated earlier in the chapter, the authors propose a richer exploration of this topic is needed through extensive interviews, narrative inquiry, or even Delphi studies.

CONCLUSION This chapter has presented a snapshot of how and why Baby Boomers may decide to return to school. There was discussion about the aging workforce population, the motivators to retire or return to school, and the potential benefits that higher education may reap from a growing Baby Boomer student body. Some of the findings, such as the decision to return to school being dependent on multiple factors, was consistent with previous research conducted on this phenomenon. However, contrary to the suggestion of Tyler (2018), financial considerations were not the most important or influential DMF in making a choice to retire/return to school. The decision was primarily based on personal/intrinsic motivators, sug171

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gesting that institutions enrolling Baby Boomer students must appeal to their personal goals or desires. The familial influences of needing to provide for family, spend more time with family, or follow the decision previously made by a spouse/partner to return to school were also important considerations in the decision-making process. The implication of this finding may be that an increased demand for remotely accessible education (i.e. online learning) may be preferred by Baby Boomer students. By using or applying the decision model developed in this study, scholars now have a tool to measure the decision-making process in the future research regarding the Baby Boomer cohort. Higher education practitioners may also use this decision map to gain insight into their Baby Boomer learners, and potentially improve their overall satisfaction and learning experience.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT The authors would like to acknowledge the faculty members of University of Phoenix who helped field test the survey instrument. This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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ADDITIONAL READING Altbach, P. G., Reisberg, L., & Rumbley, L. E. (2009). Trends in global higher education: Tracking an academic revolution. Boston College Center for International Higher Education Chestnut Hill.

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Arbeit, C. A., & Horn, L. (2017). A Profile of the Enrollment Patterns and Demographic Characteristics of Undergraduates at For-Profit Institutions. Stats in Brief. NCES 2017-416. National Center for Education Statistics. Barakat, B., & Shields, R. (2019). Just another level? Comparing quantitative patterns of global expansion of school and higher education attainment. Demography, 56(3), 917–934. doi:10.100713524-01900775-5 PMID:31001732 Díaz-Sarmiento, C., López-Lambraño, M., & Roncallo-Lafont, L. (2017). Understanding generations: A review of the concept, classification and distinctives traits among baby boomers, generation x and millennials. CLIO América, 11(21). doi:10.21676/23897848.2082 Gogodze, J. (2019). Ranking-theory methods for solving multicriteria decision-making problems. Advances in Operations Research, 2019, 1–7. doi:10.1155/2019/3217949

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Hancock, D. R., & Algozzine, B. (2017). Doing Case Study Research: A Practical Guide for Beginning Researchers (3rd ed.). New York: Teachers College Press. Johnson, M., & Bungum, T. (2008). Aging adults learning new avocations: Potential increases in activity among educated Baby-Boomers. Educational Gerontology, 34(11), 970–996. doi:10.1080/03601270802042156 Meotti, M. P. (2016). The states and higher education: An evolving relationship at a pivotal moment. Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning, 48(1), 39–45. doi:10.1080/00091383.2016.1121085 Munnell, A. H. (2016). Restoring public confidence in retirement income. Generations (San Francisco, Calif.), 40(4), 23–29. Palazesi, L. M., Bower, B., & Schwartz, R. (2007). Underlying consumer-valuing structures of Baby Boomers as older adults in community colleges: A grounded theory. Journal of Marketing for Higher Education, 17(2), 256–291. doi:10.1080/08841240801912690 Sandeen, C. (2008). Boomers, Xers, and Millennials: Who Are They and What Do They Really Want from Continuing Higher Education? Continuing Higher Education Review, 72, 11–31. ISSN-0893-0384 Stevenson, C. N. (2014). Leading Across Generations: Issues for Higher Education Administrators. Handbook of Research on Transnational Higher Education, 22–41. doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-4458-8.ch002

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Baby Boomers: Born between 1946 and 1964, this group was over 79 million strong at its height in the workforce. They have been retiring in increasing numbers, but they have also been steadily enrolling in postsecondary education as well. Decision-Making Factors (DMF): These are factors identified as being important or influential to making a particular decision. Dendrograms: A tree-branching decision model design; it usually branches in a binary (yes-no) structure. Higher Education: Any institution of postsecondary learning that offers degrees, professional certifications, or work-study programs. Multicriteria Decision-Making (MCDM): The process of making complex decisions that contain both multiple alternative outcomes and multiple criteria/factors to consider. Non-Traditional Aged Student: The National Center for Education Statistics has historically characterized the non-traditional aged student as someone enrolling in school over the age of 21 (for undergraduate programs) or 25 (for graduate level programs). For the purpose of this chapter, the nontraditional aged student that was examined was the Baby Boomer student. Retirement: The decision to discontinue employment/work to enter one’s third age or post-career leisure living. Return to School: The decision to enroll in a higher education program (in lieu of retirement), either as a new student or returning student.

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Chapter 9

Contemporary Peer Mentoring in Higher Education Lenis Colton Brown University of Phoenix, USA

ABSTRACT This literature review illuminates how contemporary peer mentoring practices typically function within collegiate settings and delineates strategies for further developing and professionalizing the services they provide. Peer mentoring ofers many advantages to the university, including the ability meet the needs of an increasingly diverse study body, which encompasses an array of ages, ethnicities, countries of origin, backgrounds, and abilities; the ability to draw from a large pool of student talent at a relatively low cost; and the improvement of retention rates by helping students navigate and succeed in their new environment. Topics include the main service models of peer mentoring; a consideration of what motivates university leadership, faculty, staf, mentors, and mentees to support peer mentoring programs; and the strategies required to ensure successful recruitment, training, deployment, supervision, and evaluation of peer mentors and the programs they serve. Suggestions for future research are provided.

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INTRODUCTION Modern American college students expect guidance services as a staple of the college milieu (Birkeland, Davies, & Heard, 2019). Increasingly, major university campuses augment their student service offerings with forms of peer-led guidance services (Collier, 2017b). Peer mentoring characteristically proliferates via stakeholders who recognize the benefits of students helping themselves (Cornelius, Wood, & Lai, 2016). Peer-staffed programs provide increased supports to mentees while allowing peer mentors to learn valuable skills in an authentic setting (Connolly, 2017). Administrators, staff, and faculty value opportunities to work with advanced students in a collegial manner (Walters & Kanak, 2016). A major driver for contemporary universities to develop robust peer mentoring services centers on the need to serve an increasingly diverse student population. As defined below, this new college student profile includes non-traditional, high need, and at-risk students, whose identities and needs often overlap. As awareness of vulnerabilities within learner populations increases, so do the calls for heightened DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch009

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 Contemporary Peer Mentoring in Higher Education

interventions (Alcocer & Martinez, 2018). Many members of the higher education environment believe that knowledgeable and caring peers can effectively guide atypical students through the college landscape (Hillier et al., 2018), and consequently, campus leaders are increasingly utilizing this practice (Gafni Lachter & Ruland, 2018). Interpersonal connection is a significant motivator for students; peers are often uniquely suited to providing emotional support and camaraderie. Also chief among peer mentoring’s advantages to universities is its role in providing a cost-effective way of augmenting staff-based student services by harnessing and systematizing students’ natural affinities (Drake, 2011; Shook & Keup, 2012). In the current era of austerity and institutional scrutiny, student services resources often remain fixed or dwindle (Collier, 2017b). The student body contains a large pool of talent that program leaders can typically acquire for a relatively low cost. Administrators often welcome strategies that provide high-visibility interventions for little monetary outlay (Bahran, Miller, Verschuren, & Fairchild, 2018). The popularity of peer mentoring is often based on its cost-effectiveness because professionally-based guidance services usually require significant financial allotments (Wood & Breyer, 2016). Moreover, peer mentorship, through a variety of traditional and innovative methods, can help retention by ensuring more learners become connected with various levels of the campus community. Multiple points of contact and deeper planes of integration into a school’s academic and administrative structure increases the chances that a student will remain enrolled and progress toward academic goals (Lundberg, 2014). Peer mentoring programs can be designed to identify and target students who need specific supports, including educational, emotional, social, or practical provisions (Collier, 2015). The objective of this review of contemporary literature is to illuminate how peer mentoring practices augment professional university-based student services. The chapter begins by offering a profile of the 21st century college student, which encompasses an array of ages, ethnicities, countries of origin, backgrounds, abilities, and needs, and indicates ways that peer mentoring can benefit them. The chapter’s main focus is an examination of current ways peer mentors are used, and delineates strategies for further developing and professionalizing the services they provide. Topics include service models of peer mentoring within campus-wide or narrowly focused programs; attitudes of university leadership, faculty, staff, mentors, and mentees; and recruitment, training, deployment, supervision, and evaluation of peer mentoring programs. Suggestions for future research are provided. The methodology consisted of annotating and narrating the central points within contemporary articles about collegiate peer mentoring. Many scholarly, academic, and professional resources were reviewed, including peer-reviewed journals, books, textbooks, and government publications. Most of the resources were found using online databases in the West Hills College and University of Phoenix libraries, including EBSCOhost, ERIC, Journal of College Student Retention, LexisNexis, ProQuest, SAGE Journals Online, Taylor & Francis Online, and Wiley Online Library. Other online databanks, such as Google Scholar, were also utilized. The following keywords and phrases were used to ensure thorough research parameters: college, collegiate, efficacy, engagement, evaluation, guidance, goal completion, implementation, intervention, paraprofessional, peer advising, peer counseling, peer leadership, peer mentoring, persistence, reform, remedial, remediation, retention, student services, student success, training, university and vocational. Compound searches were also conducted with combinations of the above terms. Approximately 95% of the articles used in this research were peer-reviewed. The balance of the research was books or government reports.

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BACKGROUND Seminal works in peer-to-peer support services literature identified peer affinity as the most crucial source of self-selected support for young students (Astin,1993). A desire to seek help from peers is consistent with the developmental stage of many first-year students (DeMarinis, Beaulieu, Cull, & Abd-El-Aziz, 2017). The power of peers offers a deep well that college leaders can systematically exploit toward institutional benefit (Birkeland et al., 2019). In addition to peer support for first-year students, research has shown that learners of many ages and backgrounds can benefit from peer-based services (Collier, 2015). Peer mentoring, which was developed outside the educational realm, is undergoing an adaptation process to better benefit today’s increasingly diverse college student population (Brewer & Carroll, 2010). Although contemporary peer mentors support a multitude of populations, most peer-to-peer programs center on administering residential life and orientation. This has been the case since the 1960s (Ganser & Kennedy, 2012).

New College Student Profile, At Risk Students, and Peer Mentoring

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The new college student profile is dynamic, with peer mentoring supporting a broader range of students than ever before. For the purposes of this study, the term “new college study profile” is used to describe the aggregate of 21st century university students who fall outside the traditional student range (typically characterized as young, economically sound, academically adept, and from college-educated parents.) First, there has been a steady rise of nontraditional student enrollment (Grites, 2013; Ryan, 2013; Swecker, Fifolt, & Searby, 2013; Young-Jones, Burt, Dixon, & Hawthorne, 2013). Typically, nontraditional students originate from regions with a sparse college-going culture. They are likely to be older, with an ethnic minority origin, limited fiscal resources, and insufficient academic preparation. Many nontraditional students are first-generation college attendees who are financially independent, live offcampus, and attend part-time (Cotton, Nash, & Kneale, 2017). Second, gender norms are shifting from an antiquated male-dominated higher education landscape toward a female-majority populace. Changes in gender ratios have prompted innovative approaches to supporting women students (Morton & Gil, 2019). Third, Dungy (2018) identified the following student populations as having “high needs”: • • • • • • • • • •

Re-entry students First-year students Science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) majors International students Disabled students Military veterans Foster youth Homeless students Online students Students from racial minority backgrounds

Finally, there is a group of students who belong to one or more groups above and are defined as “atrisk.” They typically include youthful students, first-generation students, international students, students 179

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with emotional hardships, and students hailing from underrepresented racial groups (Fam & Lee, 2019). Student attrition rates among at-risk student groups are significant. These members may require robust screening and intrusive guidance services (Christie, 2014). Peer mentoring has been shown to benefit students from at-risk categories (Belfield, Crosta, & Jenkins, 2014; Mertes & Hoover, 2014). It can help them access higher education, and offer a viable way to learn coping and self-advocacy skills to better navigate the hurdles of higher education (Walker & Verklan, 2016). For example, peer ambassadorship, which includes outreach and bridge program services, often helps groom prospective students toward ensuring a successful transition from secondary to higher education (Windrow & Korstange, 2019). In addition, peer mentors in outreach services assist with recruiting and supporting a more diverse college applicant base by targeting vulnerable groups that are unlikely to attend college without the benefit of robust recruitment strategies (Collier, 2017a). For instance, university peer mentors can be useful in interfacing with prospective college students who are attending K-12 institutions (Nelson et al., 2017). It should be noted that decisions about who might benefit from peer mentorship cannot be based solely on the level of academic proficiency. Although peer mentoring shows promise in supporting atrisk populations, it has also successfully underpinned undergraduate and graduate programming (Khoo et al., 2019; McConnell, Geesa, & Lowery, 2019). Even advanced study settings, like medical schools, have used peer mentoring to foster a culture of altruism among highly adept students (Prunuske, Houss, & Kosobuski, 2019). Overall, while students are becoming increasingly knowledgeable and vigilant consumers of education services (Firth, May, & Pocklington, 2017), the savvy to recognize and utilize guidance services varies by student population (Walters & Kanak, 2016). Many factors affect one’s insight and ability to understand, access, and benefit from supports (Taylor, 2016).

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Benefits of Peer Mentoring A university’s student body typically provides a diverse pool of human capital. Mentoring is especially useful when mentors and mentees are matched on significant demographic dimensions (Moschetti, Plunkett, Efrat, & Yomtov, 2017; Prunuske et al., 2019). People often value mentoring provided by someone they think understands them. Thus, students perceive persons of the same ethnicity or gender as the best fit when seeking advice (Sinanan, 2016). Increasing staff diversity through peer mentoring can improve students’ satisfaction with guidance services. Mentees are not the only students who benefit from peer mentoring. Peer mentoring allows for authentic lab experiences that bring advanced students and faculty together in highly interactive relationships. These connections expose peer helpers to a variety of advising, student retention, and leadership models (Collier, 2015; Cooper, 2018). Student leaders have identified peer mentoring experiences as some of the most vibrant learning or social experiences of their college careers (Scott, McLean, & Golding, 2019). If peer mentoring researchers can substantiate its general efficacy, an already popular student support is likely to become even more ubiquitous. Although there is a large amount of research into peer mentoring, most peer mentoring research is qualitative (Moschetti et al., 2017; Prunuske et al., 2019). More analysis using quantitative designs is indicated, as research using experimental methods and control groups can, and should, discern causal relationships (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Beyond establishing causation, there is a need to discover when, how, why, and with whom peer mentoring is most effective

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(Grace-Odeleye & Santiago, 2019). Fortunately, the contemporary spread of peer leadership programs provides a large pool of potential research subjects that researchers can utilize.

PEER MENTORING PRACTICES AND STRATEGIES FOR PROFESSIONALIZATION Having established the beneficial role peer mentors play and the range of students they serve, the chapter now examines how peer mentors are currently used to support university needs and goals, and suggests strategies for developing and professionalizing their role and the vital services they provide.

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Generalist and Boutique Service Models Presently, peer mentors are usually deployed via either the generalist or boutique approach (Jacobs, 2018). Often, peer mentors receive training as generalists across departments (Walters & Kanak, 2016). Typically, the generalist approach places the mentors in large-scope endeavors like first-year or student orientation programs (Shook & Keup, 2012). Generalists will likely be versed in the local college catalog or understand most campus clubs. However, they probably will not know in-depth information about particular programs. The second popular method of deploying peer mentors is the boutique model. When the depth of the student body allows for recruiting individuals uniquely suited to working with specific populations, the boutique model is feasible and preferable. In this system, peer mentors are trained and employed in specialized settings to target specific audiences. For example, someone who needs help in extending a student visa, obtaining disability services, or accessing financial aid is probably best served through the boutique model (Bryant & Terborg, 2008). To make the best mentor-mentee matches, a program that targets single parents may seek to employ peer mentors with a similar background; a student with military experience may be recruited to work in a veteran’s services office. Leading by example is an important tenet in most peer advising philosophies; a peer mentor who has “been there” can knowledgeably help others facing familiar challenges. The concept has empirical evidence of efficacy (Nejati & Shafaei, 2018). In both the generalist and boutique service models, a peer mentor may act like a friend who has technical expertise and a philanthropic agenda. Providing basic, practical help is a mainstay of the peer mentoring world. Mentors model study skills habits like making good use of instructor office hours. Peer mentors can address specific problems if a student divulges or displays an unmet need or desire. A friendly face with connections and insider knowledge can be a valuable aid to students encountering a new environment. Students typically appreciate the advice and introductions provided by mentors (Collier, 2015).

Traditional Retention Model and Peer Mentoring Most college student services remain rooted in the traditional retention model, which is primarily based on theories that identify immersion into college culture as a highly effective retention tactic. Under a conventional retention model, peer mentors typically usher mentees toward social groups and activities in order to facilitate deeper integration into the multilayered fabric of the school. In addition, they support academic advising needs (Hongwei, 2015; Siekpe & Barksdale, 2013). Until more research is 181

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completed, one can assume that college leaders will continue to deploy peer leaders, including mentors, primarily for this purpose, using scaled versions of professional services. There can be many positive outcomes. Deeper amalgamation into campus life broadens students’ sense of commitment to the larger institution. A mentor can assess which adjunct activities may enhance a mentee’s college experience, improving the targeted student’s involvement in add-on endeavors. Peer mentors can suggest participation in clubs, fraternities or sororities, internships and externships, student government, research opportunities, campus-based jobs, or other activities that will draw the student deeper into the campus milieu (Collier, 2015). A contemporary and prominently used student services framework is the institution-oriented model. This has changed the way many university educators view student retention and support. Previous models revolved around the notion that students and faculty posed crucial determinants of retention. Proponents of institution-oriented thinking saw student services as a collective effort that incorporated institutional proactivity with intrusive support techniques. The hallmark of institution-oriented models is adherence to interdepartmental cooperation and sound policy. Inherent in institution-oriented programming is the idea that universities should bear a level of responsibility for academic outcomes (Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003). Finally, multiple perspective models merge traditional and nontraditional student services models to provide a more accurate picture of individual student needs. Although multiple perspective models provide realistic images of problems faced by students, they suffer from too many constructs. A multiple perspective model seems impractical to many researchers and practitioners. Addressing too many complex student needs can overwhelm an institution’s resources. In most cases, multiple perspective models remain theoretical propositions (Grites, 2013).

Strategies for Professionalizing Peer Mentoring Services Evaluation An idea emerging within the peer mentoring movement is the recognition that programs need better methods of evaluation. At present, there is little uniformity of procedure across institutions. Peer-helping is increasingly vital to the mission of modern colleges and should receive the same level of data-reliant refinement as professionally-staffed intervention programs. Munsch and Cortez (2014) developed professional competencies for student affairs that included delineating clear performance expectations and assessments.

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Terminology Another substantial impediment to the refinement of peer leadership services is the inconsistent terminology used across schools and departments to describe peer mentoring (Bonin, 2013; Gershenfeld, 2014; Lowenstein, 2009). Peer leaders often serve in multiple roles, which can confuse categorization and quantification efforts (Ganser & Kennedy, 2012). Peer leaders inhabit the ranging roles of “model, mentor, guide, leader, friend, expert, supervisor, assessor, and coach” (Botma, Hurter, & Kotze, 2012, p. 1). Vagaries should be excised, and precise roles and expectations developed. Paraprofessional practices should rival professional staffing structures. In recognition of the need for better definitions, Cuseo (2010) proposed a peer mentor nomenclature and classification system. His 182

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system went beyond definitions and role expectations, introducing a system that identified peer advisors/mentors by the level of their service (i.e., individual, group, organizational, and community levels of association and impact.

Training Stakeholders should understand that peer leaders are learners in need of ongoing tutelage. Persons who are contemplating starting or enhancing peer mentoring programs must provide robust support and adhere to an appropriate scope of services (Holt & Fifer, 2016). Adequate training, communication, and professional oversight are vital parts of strong peer mentoring programs (Fayram et al., 2018; Hamilton, Stevens, & Girdler, 2016). Although emerging research offers information to guide peer mentoring implementation and monitoring, more reference materials are needed (Andreanoff, 2016; Collier, 2017b; Windrow & Korstange, 2019). Discerning and disseminating the best ways to train peer advisors presents significant research opportunities and imperatives. Practical training is often predicated on proper needs assessment measures (Hlinka, 2017). Some schools believe that outside consultation helps with program development (Freeman, 2008). The prevailing scholarly sentiment denotes a preference for custom-designed training that reflects local priorities. Beyond the penchant for non-generic training, there is little in the academic literature to guide those tasked with the preparation of peer mentors. According to Hatcher et al. (2014, p. 347), “relatively little research has been conducted on college peer counselor training.”

Recruitment

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Attracting the best student leaders involves understanding the diverse motivations of ideal candidates. Terrion and Leonard (2010) found that many peer mentors work for the intrinsic benefit of feeling good about helping others. Other researchers acknowledged the value of motivating peer mentors through monetary compensation or highlighting opportunities to gain knowledge (Esplin, Seabold, & Pinnegar, 2012). Varied and careful recruitment messaging are key to effective recruitment campaigns (Henning, 2009; Noufou, Rezania, & Hossain, 2014; Terrion & Leonard, 2010). Recruitment messages that characterize peer leadership as a networking opportunity were especially inviting to younger incoming students. Invitations that emphasize opportunities to guide peers appeal to more seasoned students (Terrion & Leonard, 2010). Counterintuitively, having a positive mentee experience was mildly correlated with a desire to mentor. Thus, peer mentoring program leaders must be vigilant about robust recruitment because the ranks are not necessarily self-perpetuating (Roszkowski & Badmus, 2014).

Customized Assistance Collegiate stakeholders should support rigorous research efforts to ensure that peer mentoring programs are based on sound underpinnings. As accountability continues to rise, programming will undergo scrutiny to guarantee the appropriate use of funds. While large-scale, mass-targeted generic orientation programs can provide the necessary supports to propel students toward success, students in the 21st century often need more customized assistance to ensure equitable outcomes (Byl et al., 2016). Student

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services designed to address the needs of nontraditional students may have to increasingly serve more significant numbers of students and help in more complex and time-consuming ways than in years past. There are numerous factors that place at-risk students in vulnerable positions. At-risk students may not be academically prepared, may not have family members who appreciate their desire to go to college, or may be older than traditional students. Many nontraditional students have parenting responsibilities, health risk factors, or financial hardship. Paraprofessionals can serve a variety of at-risk students within daycare facilities, healthcare clinics, personal counseling centers, financial aid offices, or tutoring centers. For instance, students with severe mental or physical challenges significantly benefitted from peer-to-peer help (Ames, McMorris, Alli, & Bebko, 2016; Daddona, 2011; Farley, Gibbons, & Cihak, 2014; Griffin, Wendel, Day, & McMillan, 2016), as did students from racial minority backgrounds (Goldrick-Rab, 2010; Museus & Ravello, 2010; Rios-Ellis et al., 2015). The use of peer mentors promotes diverse student services possibilities. Peer mentors showed promise when supporting students in technical fields (Botma et al., 2012; Corso & Devine, 2013; Reid, 2008), when offering empathetic social support (Mamiseishvili, 2012; Rosenthal & Shinebarger, 2010), and when helping graduate students, including doctoral and postdoctoral students (Floresh-Scott & Nerad, 2012; Hooker, 2013; Kuhn & Castaño, 2016; Mayer et al., 2014; Scott & Miller, 2017; Spielman, Hughes, & Rhind, 2015; Vulliamy & Junaid, 2013). Peer mentors assisted with physical education classes, action learning programs, library reference, and veteran’s programs. One nursing student program encouraged peer mentors to engage in gaming with mentees. The technique was deemed effective in building teamwork (Sulpizi, Price, Yetto, & Burris, 2014). Few campus environments appear inaccessible to peer leadership.

Summary: Advantages and Challenges to Implementing Peer Mentoring Programs Table 1. Advantages and uncertainties of implementing peer mentoring programs

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University-Based Peer Mentoring Program Advantages

University-Based Peer Mentoring Program Challenges

Relatively low cost when compared to professionally staffed programs

Inadequate funding streams, oversight structures, or employee supports are common

Abundant human capital typically exists within the student body

Scope of student-helper competency may be limited, requiring robust training and oversight to maintain credibility/ethical standing

Peer mentors help alleviate burdens on staff and diversify demographics within departments

May require significant staff effort to support student-helpers, especially during start-up phase

Work-study programs help fund peer mentoring programs

Professional unions may oppose peer-staffed programs

Numerous qualitative research studies have evaluated peer mentoring programs

Few studies with rigor and quantification to assess the efficacy of peer mentoring programs

Continued popularity and proliferation of peer mentoring programs offer abundant research opportunities

Researchers hesitant to be critical of popular programs

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS The sustainability of higher education systems is subject to increasing pressure from stakeholders (Sneyers & De Witte, 2018). Calls to be more competitive come at a time when higher education leaders are hoping to reduce costs, raise graduation rates, and shorten academic goal completion timelines (Webber & Butovsky, 2018). As pressing and sometimes conflicting priorities continue to mount, a wise path may be to help students help themselves, the following solutions and recommendations are offered.

Institutionalize Mutually Beneficial Peer Mentor-Mentee Services The proliferation of peer mentoring programs helps alleviate stresses incurred by overburdened collegiate student service personnel. The practice of peer mentoring appears to work well for both undergraduate and graduate students (Khoo et al., 2019; McConnell et al., 2019; Prunuske et al., 2019). Serendipitously, many upperclassmen and graduate students seek opportunities to practice the theoretical concepts they have learned. This confluence of need provides professional educators the opportunity to work cooperatively with peer mentors toward increasing mentee self-advocacy while bolstering peer leaders’ guidance skills (Collier, 2015). The option of using peer mentors should receive serious consideration whenever new or improved student services are contemplated.

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Enhance Automated Peer Guidance Systems Peer mentoring can take the form of students being employed as developers or stewards of automated guidance systems. Some students prefer, or only have access to, electronic supports. Asynchronous guidance provisions are advantageous for busy commuter students or students in remote locales. Shy students may benefit from reduced social demands when they access computerized supports. Robocalling, e-mailing, and texting can provide abundant, cost-effective, and insistent interventions. As with advertising, the repetition of a message can be highly effective. E-mentoring is evolving into a viable option for serving many student populations (Cabellon & Payne-Kirchmeier, 2016; Murphy, 2011; Risquez & Sanchez-Garcia, 2012; Travers, 2016). Computer-mediated guidance options should be robustly explored toward their optimization. Peer mentors are likely to make good candidates for staffing innovative support options because providing virtual guidance may involve working during challenging timeframes. Traditional staff might not be willing to advise students on evenings or weekends. Likewise, students may prefer hours that do not conflict with their class schedule; the flexibility of student employees should be touted. In addition to providing a source of information dissemination, electronic counseling can support emotional needs. Electronically mediated mentoring interactions allow students to establish significantly supportive relationships when face-to-face meetings are impractical (Risquez & Sanchez-Garcia, 2012). Many students increasingly receive most or all their support services via technology. In recent years, online higher education increased at 10 times the rate of traditional ground-based education (Travers, 2016). Peer-led student service designs can help future-proof standard student services. Many institutional stakeholders, including students, are knowledgeable and passionate about using technological supports toward the common good (Lachter & Ruland, 2018; Ruane & Lee, 2016). Perhaps university leaders should combine the talents of peer mentors with information technology (IT) majors

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to form cooperative initiatives. Technology-based interdisciplinary approaches could mimic real-world team-based scenarios toward stimulating and nurturing ingenious student services.

Prioritize Academic and Financial Needs of the 21st Century College Student Displaying concern for the plight of nontraditional students is a political imperative that is intensified as the university student demographic diversifies. Institutional leaders who demonstrate empathy and cultural competency through practical solutions to historic equity gaps will be a step ahead in promoting and managing their organizations (Rawlinson & Willimot, 2016). In the 21st century, being competitive entails helping all students reach their goals (Cotton et al., 2017; Vickers, McCarthy, & Zammit, 2017). School stakeholders must find innovative solutions to persistent sociocultural problems. Another contemporary strain on the higher education system is the student loan crisis (Witteveen & Attewell, 2019). Over a trillion and a half dollars of student loan debt has heightened scrutiny into how higher education is funded. Stakeholders want to know which schools provide marketable skills that can help students repay student loans (Loonin & Morgan, 2019). One way of reducing the cost of college is to utilize cost-effective student services solutions. Thus, peer mentoring’s thrifty nature should be thoroughly exploited by college leaders.

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS

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There are two areas within collegiate peer mentoring research that need further investigation. The first is a need for more studies using a rigorous methodology to evaluate the general effectiveness of peer mentoring. The second gap in the research is that only a few studies have compared the efficacy of various peer mentoring approaches (Jacobs, 2018). Most peer mentoring research relies on anecdotal testimonies collected from staff or mentee satisfaction perceptions from exit surveys (Collier, 2017b). Subjects in qualitative studies were often asked to render anecdotal data that was inherently subjective and difficult to quantify or replicate. Research has shown the efficacy of professionally staffed collegiate student services (Applegate, 2012). Perhaps because of the track record of professional services, it appears higher education administrators move ahead with peer mentoring programs using the assumption that peer-to-peer assistance operates the same as professionally staffed student services. Practitioners have assumed that peer mentoring programs are microcosms of their parent programs. This may not be the case. More research is needed to discern the similarities and differences between professionally staffed and peer-staffed student service programs. A quotation from the abstract of one study illustrates a common methodology in peer mentoring: A qualitative phenomenological approach and in-depth interviews were adopted. The results showed that participants deemed the peer mentoring experience as a unique interpersonal relationship experience and the experience helped them develop in the areas of self-awareness, responsibility, sense of mission, interpersonal interaction, resource utilization, leadership, management, coaching, problem-solving, and self-identity. (Yn et al., 2016, p. 437) Although much can be gleaned from qualitative research, the need to identify causal relationships is also necessary. 186

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Some studies have shown casual relationships. Snowden and Hardy (2012) used a rigorous model to display higher academic achievement among mentees. However, the study used a small number of subjects. Another study encompassed a quasi-experimental approach. The researchers discerned a link between receiving peer mentoring and increased academic performance. However, the authors noted that random subject assignment would strengthen the study’s conclusions by offering the ability to draw causal inferences (Asgari & Carter, 2016). The trend toward more rigor appears promising. More studies with large subject pools, random assignment, and stanch quantitative methodology are needed. Double-blind studies can employ control groups, which would allow researchers to clearly see casual relationships. Students offering positive subjective opinions about mentoring sessions does not necessarily mean peer mentored students will persist toward graduation at a higher rate than unmentored students. Graduation rates, momentum points, standardized testing cut-off scores, and grade point averages are essential metrics. Better data analysis would establish whether peer mentoring leads to desired outcomes (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Increasingly, peer mentoring is moving out of its origin of serving large numbers of traditional students toward service to at-risk students. Today’s student demographic encompasses students with multiple, and sometimes extreme, challenges. Peer mentoring seems a promising method to help these students (Belfield et al., 2014; Mertes & Hoover, 2014). Research needs to be directed at optimizing the components of peer mentoring programs. For instance, limited analyses exist regarding the recruitment, training, or supervision of peer advisors. University leaders need enhanced best-practice guidelines (Collier, 2017b). As accountability measures in higher education continue to rise, university leaders have a vested interest in fostering research initiatives that will determine the long-term value of peer mentoring (Webber & Butovsky, 2018). In the modern era, institutions are tasked with tracking students during their college careers (and sometimes after graduation). Ideally, investigators could discern whether peer advising leads to better graduation rates, as well as better postgraduation results, including job attainment or higher student loan payoff rates.

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CONCLUSION Peer mentoring is thrifty, malleable, and agile. Few options exist to offer students so much for so little cost. However, administrators need data about the relative merits of various methods of deployment (Cox et al., 2017). The increasing scale of peer mentoring programs, as well as the complexity and importance of their missions, make it imperative to track how the phenomenon evolves. Hopefully, the momentum of the data-based decision-making movement in higher education will encompass peer-leadership and mitigate the concerns about the lack of quantitative data. Computing power can help solve many student services conundrums. For example, IT labs can support student services by increasing the capacity to assess and serve remotely located students, while data mining can identify struggling students and heighten the effectiveness of peer-based student services. IT and peer mentoring will likely coexist together as student services evolve (Cabellon & Payne-Kirchmeier, 2016; Murphy, 2011; Risquez & Sanchez-Garcia, 2012; Travers, 2016). Students who study education, human services, and related majors frequently gravitate toward opportunities to practice the skills they acquired in theory-based courses. Educators understand the power of authentic practice and have often found that peer mentoring provided mentors with extraordinary laboratory experiences (Connolly, 2017; Walters & Kanak, 2016). A combination of professionals and 187

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peers is a unique way to offer student service options (Collier, 2017b). Increasingly, at-risk student populations need more robust student services than has traditionally been provided (Alcocer & Martinez, 2018). Opportunities for staff and students to work together toward institutional benefits for all students should be capitalized on whenever possible.

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ADDITIONAL READING Fosnacht, K., McCormick, A. C., Nailos, J., & Ribera, A. K. (2015, April). Seeking advice: An exploratory analysis of how often first-year students meet with advisors. Center for Postsecondary Education Indiana University, Bloomington. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Education Research Association, Chicago (pp. 1-24). Retrieved from http://nsse.indiana.edu/pdf/presentations/2015/ AERA_2015_Fosnacht_et_al_paper.pdf Hurford, D. P., Ivy, W. A., Winters, B., & Eckstein, H. (2017). Examination of the variables that predict freshman retention. The Midwest Quarterly, 58(3), 302-317,248,251. Retrieved from https://searchproquest-com.contentproxy.phoenix.edu/docview/1895133607?accountid=458 Hutson, B. L., Ye, H., & Bloom, J. L. (2014). How appreciative advising is revolutionizing academic advising framework, evolution and possible future directions. AI Practitioner, 16(2), 47–53. doi:10.12781/978-1-907549-19-9-8 Kelchen, R., & Goldrick-Rab, S. (2015). Accelerating college knowledge: A fiscal analysis of a targeted early commitment Pell grant program. The Journal of Higher Education, 86(2), 199–231. doi:10.1353/ jhe.2015.0007 Ledwith, K. E. (2014). Academic advising and career services: A collaborative approach. New Directions for Student Services, 2014(148), 49–63. doi:10.1002s.20108 Lo, S. (2006). Defining the peer advisor in the U.S. study abroad context. Journal of Studies in International Education, 10(2), 173–184. doi:10.1177/1028315305283305 Marquez Kiyama, J., Guillen Luca, S., Raucci, M., & Crump-Owens, S. (2014). A cycle of retention: Peer mentors’ accounts of active engagement and agency. The College Student Affairs Journal, 32(1), 81. McNair, T. B., Couturier, L. K., & Christian, K. (2015). A shared vision for student success. Peer Review : Emerging Trends and Key Debates in Undergraduate Education, 17(4), 4–7. Mooring, Q. E. (2016). Recruitment, advising, and retention programs – challenges and solutions to the international problem of poor nursing student retention: A narrative literature review. Nurse Education Today, 40, 204–208. doi:10.1016/j.nedt.2016.03.003 PMID:27125174

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O’Connell, P. K. (2014). A simplified framework for 21st century leader development. The Leadership Quarterly, 25(2), 183–203. doi:10.1016/j.leaqua.2013.06.001

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Advising Theories: Guides to the provision of services by clarifying roles, tactics, and desired outcomes. Learning Persistence: The rate at which students progress toward their educational goals. Peer Affinity: Natural tendency for students to seek camaraderie with peers, including informal guidance.

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Peer Mentor Compensation: Typically compensated via monetary means, course credit, or a combination of the two. Peer-Helping Strategies: Paraprofessional student services strategies, including emotional and academic support, to promote student adjustment, satisfaction, and persistence. Program Efficacy: Level at which a program is deemed useful in meeting goals. Retention Models: Frameworks used by stakeholders within institutions of higher education to guide various aspects of student services. Student Services: Services delivered by noninstructional personnel, including academic advising, financial aid counseling, and technology support.

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Minority STEM Students’ Perspectives on Their Persistence in College Stacey A. Williams-Watson Central Connecticut State University, USA

ABSTRACT The United States needs to increase the number of science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) graduates to remain competitive in the global market and maintain national security. Minority students, specifcally African American and Hispanic, are underrepresented in STEM felds. As the minority population continues to grow, it is essential that higher education institutions improve minority students’ persistence in STEM education. This chapter addresses existing research focused on student retention and obstacles and barriers related to minority students. However, there is little evidence that researches have actually addressed the issue by uncovering the minority students’ perspectives. Consequently, the aim of this chapter is to provide a window into the minority student’s persistence in STEM programs through a theoretical framework of student retention and the students’ experiences.

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INTRODUCTION The ability to produce Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (STEM) graduates who can compete in the ever-changing global market and maintain national security is a major concern of the United States of America’s government officials (Chen, 2009; Gonzalez & Kuenzi, 2012; McGlynn, 2012; Palmer, Maramba, & Dancy II, 2011, Office of Science and Technology Policy, 2019). According to Palmer, Davis, and Thompson (2010) and McGlynn (2012), faculty and administration in higher education institutions within the United States need to produce more STEM graduates. To accomplish this goal, there must be a specific increase in minority enrollment and graduation rates to ensure the economic growth of the United States (Palmer et al, 2010; McGlynn, 2012). This issue is of particular importance as minorities are considered the fastest growing demographic in the United States (McGlynn, 2012). One of the concerns facing higher education administrators is the lack of minority students enrolled in DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch010

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STEM programs--minority students are 24% less likely to earn STEM degrees compared to their White counterparts (Museus & Liverman, 2010). Furthermore, research indicates that minority students begin college interested in STEM; however, over the course of their college years, retention becomes an issue (Gasiewski et al., 2012). While historical trends can speak to the phenomena of retention and persistence in college in general, this chapter focuses on the specific issues that arise for minority students as they tackle challenging STEM curricula and strive to persist to graduation. The amount and severity of barriers and obstacles they face continue to far exceed those of their majority counterparts, and the result is that minority students drop out of college or change majors at alarming rates. The major objective of this chapter is to provide a window into this population’s persistence in STEM programs through a theoretical framework of student retention and to delve into the lived experiences that minority students perceive as contributing to their persistence in STEM programs. To help alleviate this problem and ensure their persistence, higher education institutions need to consider the minority students’ perspectives as they strive to succeed in this academically challenging, majority-dominated field. Another important objective of this chapter is to provide actionable strategies to assist in that process.

BACKGROUND

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History of STEM According to Gonzalez and Kuenzi (2012), the federal government has always had an interest in STEM, with a special concentration on scientific and technological literacy. In fact, during the first State of the Union address, President George Washington discussed the need to encourage scientific understanding. President Washington said, “Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature” (American Presidency Project, 2013, Para. 11). It is clear that STEM education is rooted deeply in the country’s history. In the 19th century the United States began offering engineering degrees at three schools, The United States Military Academy-West Point, Norwich University (under a different name), and Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute (History of Engineering, n.d.). These schools’ graduates, particularly those from West Point, played a major part in designing many of the roads, railroads, and bridges in the United States (Jolly, 2009). However, even with the development of these colleges, the United States recognized that additional science and engineering education was needed. Jolly (2009) discussed that the lack of STEM workers is not new to the United States. In 1862, the Morrill Act was developed to establish colleges where students could learn agriculture and mechanical arts (Engineering), and the colleges also supported basic science. Acknowledging military advancements and giving credit to a highly skilled workforce, the United States intensified STEM education policymaking in an attempt to maintain scientific growth after World War II (Gonzalez & Kuenzi, 2012). In 1950, Congress passed the National Science Foundation Authorization Act encouraging research and science education (Gonzalez & Kuenzi, 2012). After the Soviet Union launched Sputnik into space in 1958, the United States passed the National Defense Education Act (NDEA), providing funding to improve schools and meet the demands of national security (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2015). Malcom (2008)

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noted that engineers in the 1960s were all White males, recalling the NASA mission control room after Sputnik was launched. The government continued to legislate STEM-related measures and in 1984 passed the Education for Economic Security Act, which authorized the Department of Education (DOE) to provide grant money for STEM teacher training and development (Gonzalez & Kuenzi, 2012). In addition, in 2009 the Obama administration introduced the “Educate to Innovate” campaign designed to improve performance and participation in the STEM fields (Chen, 2013). In 2017, STEM continued to be a priority as President Donald Trump signed a memorandum that expanded and improved access to STEM education and Computer Science for students in grades K-12 (The White House, 2017). Recent nationwide collaboration has led the federal government to develop a five-year strategic plan for STEM education, which focuses on building strong foundations for STEM literacy, increasing diversity, equity, and inclusion in STEM, and preparing the STEM workforce for the future (Office of Science and Technology Policy, 2019). A report presented by members of the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (2012) claimed that if the United States is going to maintain its economic, social, and national security levels, government and higher education institutions must work towards increasing the number of students receiving STEM degrees by 34% annually. Palmer et al. (2010) also expressed concerns about the lack of students receiving STEM degrees and asserted that the increase of more STEM graduates must come from the minority population to meet the STEM demands (Palmer et al., 2010). To this end, according to data from the National Science Board (2018), Science and Engineering (S & E), degree attainment in STEM fields have shown improvement from 2000–2015. An increase of 60,022 students received a bachelor’s degree in the social/behavioral sciences; an increase of 61,045 in the biological/agricultural sciences; an increase of 40,042 in engineering; an increase of 22,079 in computer sciences; and an increase of 11,043 in mathematics (National Science Board, 2018). However, despite this improvement in STEM degree attainment overall, the progress is not as great for minority students, who still lag behind their White counterparts in degree attainment (Museus & Liverman, 2010). The data reveal that between 2000-2015, Latinos only achieved a 5.5% increase, while African Americans achieved a nearly invisible one tenth % increase (National Science Board, 2018). Evidence demonstrates that minority students experience problems accessing and persisting in STEM majors to graduation (Huang, Taddese, & Walter, 2000; Palmer et al., 2010). According to Chen (2013), between 2003 and 2009, 48% of students initially pursuing a STEM field bachelor’s degree and 69% initially pursuing an associate’s degree in a STEM field left by either changing majors or dropping out of college completely. While Watkins and Mazur (2013) note that in STEM majors, college attrition often occurs within the first and second years of college, these numbers are even worse for underrepresented minorities (Huang et al., 2000). Huang et al. (2000) found that among this population, 53% either drop out or switch from science and engineering majors within a five-year time frame. On the positive side, Wang (2013) examined why minority students choose STEM majors and revealed that the intent to major in STEM was positively influenced by self-efficacy and exposure to math and science in high school. In addition, the research showed that those who chose to major in STEM in postsecondary schools were college-ready and often received financial aid. The research goes on to discuss the importance of motivation in STEM-related education, of which there are four main attributes: attitudes toward math, math self-efficacy, intent to pursue STEM, and aspiration to earn a graduate degree in STEM.

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Minorities and STEM Education Persistence and retention are not new problems in higher education; researchers and theorists have long developed models that they believe would identify the basis of the problem, in hopes of alleviating it. Many who focused on persistence and retention based their models on the foundational work of Emile Durkheim and his theory of suicide, which centered on an individual’s failure to acclimate to society; this failure could lead to suicide (Pope, 1975; Poppel & Day, 1996). Building on Durkheim’s work, some theorists including Spady (1970) focused on the sociological aspect of student attrition and dropout rates. He assumed that students dropping out of college did so because of social aspects, including the students’ college experiences and social systems (Spady, 1970; Spady, 1971). Similarly, Tinto (1975, 1982) developed a model of student retention based on Durkheim’s theory. Tinto focused on the social aspect, believing that a student’s interactions before and while attending school would affect his or her goals and commitment to college (Tinto, 1975). Other work in the area of retention includes that of Bean (1979), who focused on students’ backgrounds to determine who would remain in college. Subsequently, theorists began to consider more than a single characteristic negatively affecting retention and persistence. For example, Pascarella and Terenzini (2005) combined some of the ideas from previous theorists and developed a model based on four developmental theories: psychological development, cognitive-structural theories, typological models, and person-environment interaction theories (Pasacarell & Terenzini, 2005). While all of these theorists and their and models are useful in informing the problems with student persistence and retention, it was Watson Swail who developed the geometric model specifically for minority student persistence. This model places the student at the center of cognitive factors (study skills, academic rigor, content knowledge), social factors (ability to interact with others, educational legacy, cultural values, religious background, and financial issues), and institutional factors (strategies and practices such as recruitment, curricula, student services, and financial services) of student persistence. Swail (1995) posited that if a student was persisting and showing personal and academic growth, they were achieving equilibrium. On the other hand, if equilibrium is lost, a student’s chances of dropping out increases. The urgency of this research for the potential of minority students’ contribution to STEM fields to the U.S. and global economy is highlighted by the population statistics. The U.S. Census Bureau projected that the number of minorities will increase to approximately 50% of the population in 2050 (Palmer et al., 2010). A recent report by the National Science Foundation (2015) identified Hispanic women as the largest minority group between the ages of 18-64, making up 8% of the population in that age group, with Black women not far behind at 7% of the population within that age group (National Science Foundation, 2015). With the minority population increasing, the United States must ensure that the number studying STEM also increases if the United States is to maintain a position in the global marketplace (Palmer et al., 2010). A suggestion by the President’s Council of Advisors (2012) encourages partnerships to diversify the STEM pathway by increasing the attention to non-traditional students. The Progress Report of the Federal Implementation of STEM Education Strategic Plan (2019) emphasized the need to increase diversity, equity, and inclusion in STEM education especially for underrepresented and underserved individuals in the STEM field.

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MINORITY STEM STUDENTS: OBSTACLES, PERSPECTIVES, AND SOURCES OF PERSISTENCE

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Barriers and Obstacles Many minority students who major in STEM are faced with barriers or obstacles which often prevent them from persisting in STEM programs and graduating (Chen, 2013; Cromley et al., 2013). Beasley and Fischer (2012) conducted a study to determine why minorities and women leave science, math, and engineering programs. Focusing on social-psychological barriers, they determined that stereotyping constituted a threat to science, engineering, and math retention (Beasley & Fischer, 2012). The research showed that stereotyping affected minority students negatively during test taking by creating performance anxiety, and also impacted their college life experiences (Beasley & Fischer, 2012). Many minority students believed that their White classmates regarded them as recipients of legislation like affirmative action (Beasley & Fischer, 2012). These authors suggested that higher education institutions should recognize the importance of role models by having a more diverse faculty and staff who are visible and active in supporting and inspiring minority students’ persistence. A survey conducted by Bayer Corporation (2012) revealed that U.S. colleges often discourage minority students and women from continuing in STEM education. The online survey given to 413 STEM department chairs from the top 200 research institutions that produce the most minority STEM graduates identified that 40% of women and minorities have been discouraged from pursuing a STEM degree in chemistry or chemical engineering. A study conducted by Peralta, Caspary, and Boothe (2013) looked at persistence in Latino/a STEM students, many of whom were English Language Learners (ELL). The focus group revealed that family influences played a large part in their educational persistence. Despite challenges in using the English language, family members encouraged and motivated the students to persist in their studies. The surveys and interviews shed light on the Latino/a students’ ability to persist in STEM and also focused on various negative influences they have experienced. A study conducted by Chen (2013) identified several major barriers minority students face, including their parents’ lack of higher education. A greater number of students whose parents had only a high school education or less departed from STEM programs as compared to those whose parents had more education (Chen, 2013). The lack of academic preparation, especially in science and math classes in low-income areas, posed another significant barrier. Charleston (2012) similarly focused on lack of preparation for college coursework, especially in math and science, by conducting a qualitative study to explore the factors that allow minority students to pursue Computer Science degrees. Four themes emerged: early exposure is imperative, positive social interaction is important, a clear, interesting curriculum is necessary, and a desire to pursue a STEM field (Charleston, 2012) must be present.

Student Experiences and Perspectives One major factor missing from the majority of studies is the student perspectives. There exist very few studies tend solely to focus on students’ persistence in STEM fields. There are even fewer studies that focus specifically on minority students in STEM fields, with a resulting shortage of minority students obtaining STEM degrees (McGlynn, 2012). In an attempt to uncover minority student experiences, the author conducted a qualitative, transcendental, phenomenological study which explored their persistence 202

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in STEM programs through their lived experiences. One-on-one interviews produced deep, intimate conversations which revealed behavior patterns, attitudes, and reactions. By putting herself into the place of the students, the author gleaned deeper knowledge and understanding.

Methodology To explore factors perceived as contributing to persistence in minority STEM students, one central and three sub-research questions were utilized. The central research question was: “What are the lived experiences of minority STEM students that have contributed to their persistence in a STEM program?” The sub-questions, the answers to which form the basis of the study’s findings, were: a) What led participants to major in STEM? b) What contributed to students’ success and persistence in STEM? and c) What advice do students have to offer? Further, the questions were fleshed out by nine interview questions, the answers to which produced ten main themes. The study was conducted at an anonymous public university in Connecticut. The University is comprised of more than one school; however, the research was conducted in the school with Science, Technology, Engineering, and/or Math affiliation. Within the school, students could decide to attend either part-time or full-time, choosing from over 100 majors. At the time the research was conducted, the school’s enrollment records showed almost 10,000 undergraduate students, of which over 3,000 were students from the school with STEM affiliation. Within the school, only 18% of those students were of Hispanic or African-American descent. The 2014-2015 completion records indicated that almost 500 students graduated with a Bachelor’s degree from the school with STEM affiliation, but less than 60 of those students were of African-American or Hispanic descent. In phenomenological studies, the sample population must come from individuals who have experienced the phenomenon (Smith et al., 2013). The study’s participants were minority students, specifically African-American and Latino juniors, seniors, and/or recent graduates enrolled in STEM programs at the university See Table 1). They were obtained by using the snowballing method, in which one participant refers another person to the study (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, 2009). Three females and nine males, ranging from ages 20 to 35, were interviewed individually for 30 to 60 minutes. All interviews were transcribed and shared with the participants via email to ensure accuracy. Using the modified Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen phenomenological data approach, the author took the approved interviews and coded them to look for themes using NVivo 11 software. The participants were given pseudonyms to protect their identities.

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Findings As indicated above, ten themes emerged from the data, with findings organized by sub-questions. Below each sub-question are the corresponding interview questions, along with the themes prearranged under each question. Sub-Question 1: What led participants to major in STEM? Interview Question 1: What led you to major in STEM? Two themes were apparent: positive childhood experiences and interests and positive educational secondary school experiences. 203

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Table 1. Participant information Pseudonym

Year in School

STEM Major

Colet

Senior

Mechanical Engineering

Kerry

Senior

Mechanical Engineering

Kaiser

Junior

Mechanical Engineering

Waverly

Graduate-2015

Construction Management / Construction Engineering

Shem

Junior

Mechanical Engineering

Alvin

Senior

Biology

Sebastian

Junior

Biomedical Science

Torrance

Junior

Networking & Information Technology

Dione

Junior

Biology

Krispin

Junior

Construction Management / Construction Engineering

Jasun

Senior

Computer Engineering Technology

Mike

Junior

Mechanical Engineering

N/A

58% Juniors 33% Seniors 8% graduate students

58% Engineering 25% Science 17% Technology

Theme 1: Childhood Experiences and Interests Ten out of the twelve participants discussed experiences when they were between 4 and ten years old of creating and exploring that ignited their passion for STEM. Fueled by a natural curiosity, they enjoyed problem solving and fixing and designing things. Krispin, a junior studying construction engineering, shared, “as a kid, I always liked building things and putting things together.” Dione, a Biology major, claimed, “I always liked science, since I was a kid; I liked to do all of my own little experiments, even when I was in elementary school.” Kaiser also recalled getting a dollhouse as a child and putting it together herself, one of her earliest engineering moments. Participants smiled and laughed when sharing memories of their childhood experiences: “I have always had a passion for designing things,” said Jasun, a senior studying Computer Engineering Technology.

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Theme 2: Positive Secondary School Experiences Participants cited their high school STEM-focused coursework as a route to choosing a STEM college major. Half noted they liked their science, mathematics, and computer courses, and also shared that they enjoyed specific subject matter they felt they were “good” at and for which they received good grades. Sub-Question 2: What contributed to students’ success and persistence in stem? Interview Question 2: What are the top four experiences that have contributed to your persistence in your stem program (think specifically about your first two years as a stem major)? Interview Question 3: How specifically did each of those (four) experiences contribute to your persistence in your stem program?

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Interview questions two and three were combined for this analysis, as question three was a follow up to question two. The two most persistent two themes were self-motivation and positive experiences with professors.

Theme 3: Self-Motivation This theme was the most prominent throughout the interview process, with nine of the twelve participants naming self-motivation as the primary source contributing to their persistence in STEM. Participants expressed that, above all, self-motivation prevented them from failure. “All in all, I know that I have to push myself, I have to keep on going, a lot of my support comes from me; I have to think, do I really want this, I have to push myself” (Kaiser). “I keep telling myself that I will finish eventually, personal motivation, and knowing that eventually it will end, and I will keep working at it until I get to where I want to be” (Torrance). “I do not like to start things and not finish – a lot of self-motivation” (Colet). Many of the participants talked about their personal drive, claiming that even bad experiences led them to increase their self-motivation.

Theme 4: Positive Experiences With Professors Seven out of the twelve participants articulated this theme. Not surprisingly, participants discussed some negative interactions. “I received negative opinions from professors and the Dean, I was told to change majors, and it was suggested that I go back to technology as a major… however, I never considered quitting” (Colet). Kaiser also shared that a professor constantly said that engineering is not for everyone and she should change her major to mechanical engineering technology. However, it was obvious that the few negative encounters did not sway these participants. In fact, they made it clear that the positive experiences they had played a key role in persisting in their majors. They stressed the value of professors as inspirational role models who made extra time for them, sometimes even on weekends, who became mentors, and who went “above and beyond” by assisting in resume writing and helping land internships. Kaiser shared, “I have had a lot of help from professors, extra help, support, office hours, weekend emails, homework help, and some are very supportive.” Colette shared several positive experiences she had with her professors.

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One teacher my club faculty advisor, he doesn’t only help in the club, but he also helps me personally. My structural teacher…talked to the Dean on my behalf and has given me a lot of encouragement. There was one point when people were bothering me in one class, and he even talked to them and asked them to leave me alone.

Theme 5: Family Encouragement and Values Another prominent theme was family encouragement, which consisted of the participants’ immediate and extended family, including cousins and in-laws, who supported their pursuit of STEM degrees. This theme revealed itself various times throughout the interview process, specifically relating to being a minority. Some participants also noted that their families helped them persist by instilling a strong value system which emphasized the importance of education. “Family told me to keep on going, they

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understand it is really difficult… I am a fifth-year college student,” said Kaiser. Dione also talked about her family being a driving force. I get a lot of help from my family. I live at home and don’t have to worry about bills or things…being at home when I say I am studying there is a lot of family respect to leave me alone and not have to worry about other obligations, that is really helpful. I also get a lot of positive reinforcement from my family. Interview Question 4: in what way(s) do you think the experiences you just shared relate to being a minority student in a STEM program? The students focused on three themes: the lack of minorities in STEM majors, their lack of preparation for STEM classes, and the need for financial assistance to attend school.

Theme 6: Lack of Minorities As African-American and Hispanic students in a STEM program, they were very much aware of being the minority in class. According to the institution’s records, in the fall of 2015, less than 20% of the enrolled STEM students were Hispanic and African-American students enrolled. When participants were asked how their experiences were related to being a minority student in a STEM program, four out of the twelve concentrated on the overall lack of minorities in STEM programs. Many talked about being the only minority in most of their major classes or classes directly related to STEM. While some participants said they were used to this situation, they wished there were more people like them in their classes. They also observed that many minority students start STEM programs, but very few finished and instead transferred to easier majors. Colet commented: I have realized that many of my friends that have switched out of the major were minorities…I believe they (minorities), might hear that they should change their majors more than others. I actually don’t know any non-minority students that have heard they should change their major and they (non-minority students) typically have lower GPAs than me.

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The feeling of not being prepared to start college is not a new problem for many college students. But when accompanied with being a minority in the classroom and possessing these feelings of insecurity, an individual’s chances of quitting are likely to increase.

Theme 7: Lack of Educational Preparation Participants indicated frustration regarding their lack of being prepared for college. They did not think they got a proper secondary education or an education equivalent to other students of different races, and as a result, received failing grades or very low grades, which slowed progress toward their degree. One contributing cause was that some attended urban secondary schools where the majority of students were African-American and Hispanic. The fallout included having to take remedial courses before starting their majors and being accepted into college under special circumstances or special programs. 206

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These programs required additional math and other preparation classes as prerequisites to STEM program acceptance. Kaiser said: I realized that the curriculum we had in high school is terrible, I struggled to keep up with the other kids who were ahead of me, I had to take extra math courses, I had to retake courses, and I had to be taught things I should have learned in high school. High school did not prepare us for college, so I think I struggled a little more than other students. Jasun shared: When I came out of school, I had a 2.0 GPA, and I did really bad on my SATs. When I started this program, I had to go through an education opportunity program, it is basically for students who did poorly on their SATs or not so good in high school. If you graduate from the program you are accepted at a University. I did well in the program, and I was motivated to start college and continue my future with confidence.

Theme 8: The Need for Financial Assistance The majority of participants mentioned the need to work to pay for their education because their family was unable to help with college expenses and whatever aid they received was limited. Some said that working curtailed their time for studying, participating in school programs, and/or joining organizations. Kaiser observed:

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I also work, that takes away from study time, the time I could be in the books and in study groups. I have to pay for my education and other expenses; I do not have financial support from my parents, so I have to work. Other kids do not have to worry about working; there is a lot we have to deal with. However, participants also shared that working in the field helped them gain experience and talked about how they received support from many of their co-workers. For example, Kerry focused on the positive aspects that came from working, noting that going into the labor force early allowing him to obtain a good paying union job. The job exposed him to different aspects of manufacturing and gave him the opportunity to learn from various types of engineers. His coworkers often encouraged him to finish school and get his degree. Participants did not seem to have a problem with the idea of working, but felt it put them at a disadvantage compared to other students whose parents could financially help them or those with more financial aid. The need for financial assistance caused students to extend their education or take longer to graduate--often because of scheduling problems and the lack of available courses within their major. In addition, many were transfer students and some had actually begun working full-time prior to starting school. Interview Question 5: What support did you receive from the school that assisted you in persisting in your STEM program?

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This question seemed to stump participants, as many felt they did not receive much support from their school. Three themes eventually emerged: positive experiences with professors, clubs and organizations, and friends within the major. Echoing Theme 4 above, nine out of the twelve participants mentioned positive experiences with professors, with many saying that they developed personal relationships with professors and saw them as mentors and advisors. Alvin shared: My advisor for pre-med students – he happens to be from my country, and he didn’t even have to say much to be a support just seeing his name with a Ph.D. after it was enough for me; to say someone came and did it and I can do it also. He has been verbally supportive for advice on which classes to take he goes out of his way to help me and even takes his time and gets a sense of my mindset and where I am in pursuit of my goal, so he has been a major support for me here. There have been other professors as well, who are just genuine people, and that helps as a whole they want you to achieve good things and get to the places they are at now Alvin’s experiences underscore the importance of having professors or mentors in your field who look like you.

Theme 9: Clubs and Organizations Club and organizations were extremely popular among the participants, who said they provided friends within their subject matter, opportunities to collaborate around STEM, and a sense of community and encouragement. These clubs included the West Indian club, hip-hop club, radio station, fraternities, and the National Society of Black Engineers (NSBE). A few participants specifically spoke about NSBE and the positive experiences they have had attending conferences and the help it provided with internships.

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Theme 10: Friends within Students’ Majors Although higher education institutions cannot offer friendship as part of an educational package for STEM majors, many participants believed it was an important part of what allowed them to persist in their STEM programs. In fact, four out of twelve participants believed having friends within the major was a benefit and something that contributed to their persistence. Mike stated: “Students that have taken the class, they are pretty good, and they suggest you take it with specific professors, or they help you out with studying.” Colet also discussed the importance of friendship: Good group of friends-- within the major--it has to be the same major because they understand what you are going through. The friends that switch out or have different majors can only have sympathy. However, the ones that get it can help you and study with you, and keep you on track. Kerry echoed this belief:

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The people I take classes with, my classmates. In certain classes you develop a group mentality, for me that is very helpful, you feel there are people who have your back and want to help you succeed. The best classes are like that, classes with labs. Interview Question 6: what support outside of school did you receive that has helped you persist in your STEM program? Students identified two reoccurring themes as main sources of support outside of school: family encouragement and values and self-motivation. All twelve students mentioned family support, while five mentioned self-motivation, believing that without it they could not have made it thus far. Interview Question 7: Do you believe any of the support you received either from the school or outside of the school was specifically related to you being a minority? Explain. Family encouragement and values, including religious values, were discussed eight times. Participants focused on family members reminding them that because they are a minority, they need to work harder than others. As Krispin noted, “If I do not have a competitive degree, I am at a disadvantage going into the job market as a minority, they always say it is bad enough; you have to have a competitive degree to stand out from the crowd.” All participants discussed being a minority in a STEM field and often feeling like the odd person out in classes. Kaiser said: “You feel a lot of pressure because you feel like you represent the entire race, it is a lot of pressure, but it motivates me to work harder. You don’t want to seem like the dummy in the class.” Sub-Question 3: What advice do students have to offer? Interview Question 8: What advice would you give to new students in a STEM program to help them persist in the program? Participants smiled when asked this question and all twelve participants agreed on one thing: selfmotivation. As Kaiser put it:

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Passion goes a long way; I would say that I want them to enjoy it, take the good with the bad. Take the bad as a good learning experience, study hard, ask a lot of questions, don’t be afraid to be the one black person in class to ask the dumb question. Waverly added: You have to believe in yourself; you have to love yourself and know that you can do anything you put your mind to. That is where it all begins, once you believe in yourself, you can do anything. Just believe in yourself and don’t give up. I feel like, life is going to be a rough path, no matter what, if you try to escape it, another rough path will appear. Additional advice is shared in Table 2:

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Table 2. Participant advice to future STEM students Additional Advice for STEM Students

Participant Comments

Support from others – learn from others (5 out of 12)

“If you cannot get homework done at home, find a study group that is focused and doesn’t talk to you about miscellaneous topics for 2 out of the 3 hours you spend together studying” (Colet).

Become a leader (4 out of 12)

“Be a leader in every way. I think it was that, that separated me from the crowds, not switching majors, not blowing off the work, and putting in the effort” (Colet).

Attend classes (3 out of 12)

“Go to class because there are a lot of attendance problems, for example I am taking chemistry and a teacher gasp[ed] about how empty the classroom was and from that point of view I feel like it makes a good impression if the professor knows your face, go to class and participate in class; it will help you be engaged and learn the material and allows it to stick in your mind. Super important and really underrated, college attendance does not count for a grade but go to class” (Dione).

Additional advice: study, think about your future, stay physically active, partake in school programs and organizations, make connections with professors, be religious, and pay attention to what classes you take.

Interview Question 9: What advice do you have for university leaders who want to help improve minority student’s retention in STEM programs? Participants loved the idea of sharing their thoughts and ideas with university leaders, although some were skeptical about the idea that they would listen. They came up with a list of over ten suggestions that are closely related to their experiences and themes discussed earlier in the chapter. The list of suggestions is shown in Table 3. The findings obtained from the research were consistent with many of the major points and research related to STEM education. The findings were also closely related to the work of Swail’s model of Forces Affecting Student Persistence in Higher Education (Swail, 1995) and the President’s Council of Advisors (2012). All shared the belief that three factors would improve retention in STEM fields: improving the first two years of STEM course work, providing students with the skills necessary for improvement, and diversifying the path to STEM degrees. The research can be categorized into three areas: (a) cognitive factors, (b) social factors, and (c) institutional factors, which also reflects Swail’s Forces Acting on the Geometric Model of Student Persistence and Achievement model. Swail’s model suggested that if students are persisting in cognitive, social, and institutional aspects they will be successful in college (Swail, 1995). Importantly, all the participants shared issues in all aspects of the model, and all were able to overcome their difficulties and persist.

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Based this research, the author created recommendations to help improve minority student retention and persistence in STEM majors. The first recommendation is that higher education officials improve institutional communication with minority students in STEM majors, which could include one-on-one meetings or conversations or even surveys. This effort would allow institutions to identify the needs of minority students in their STEM programs, who often feel their voices are not heard.

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Table 3. Participant advice to university leaders Advice to University Leaders

Participant Comments

Improve classes (8 out 12)

“Make it more about learning than grading, in some classes teachers say, we have to teach you a certain amount of material no matter what. No one cares about the teaching they are just trying to get it all in at one time” (Mike).

Improve evaluation process of faculty (4 out of 12)

“Evaluate teachers on things like diversity and really find out if they are helping and supporting students. When I was working, they included a category about diversity, and the leaders had to fulfill specific objectives” (Colet).

Outreach (4 out of 12)

“They know they can add to minority student support; they should design programs that will attract more minority people, in most of these community/local college there are high failures in black students. They can focus on those schools and try to draw programs that will attract those people” (Sebastian).

More diverse professor pool (3 out 12)

“There is a lack of diversity within our teachers also; they have recently gotten rid of one minority teacher. Right now, there are probably 2-3 women and in my major, there are no black professors. There is no diversity in professors that teach certain subject also; there is one professor and that is it, if you don’t like that professor’s teaching style, then you are pretty much stuck” (Kerry).

More financial aid & scholarships (3 out of 12)

“The other thing is I would say is if they offered more scholarships or had them more available for minority students to access in an easier way that will help. The program here, the majority of students do not finish in 4 years, and it will help money wise to have financial and academic assistance” (Krispin).

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Additional advice: improve living accommodations, design better programs, communicate, provide mentors, more clubs and organizations, and not enough teachers/professors.

The second recommendation is to diversify the faculty. Minority students benefit from being able to see people who look like them in positions of power. Griffin et al. (2010) believed that minority faculty members could develop a connection with minority students based on similar experiences in higher education. The third recommendation is to support peer mentorship relationships. Many students shared the need to have friends and peers in their major. Higher education institutions could form programs similar to the Big Brother Big Sister program, in which older, more experienced students mentor freshmen and sophomores of similar ethnicity, giving advice and helping them get through the first two years of school. The research shows that students often drop out of school within the first two years (Huang et al., 2000; Watkins & Mazur, 2013); peer mentors could offer the support that many students are lacking. In addition, a study conducted by Capri et al. (2013) shared that minority students’ have seen success through peer mentorship. The final recommendation is to offer assistance, grants, scholarships, etc. as an essential element to ensuring students with financial needs prosper. The ability to offer financial assistance would allow students to spend more of their time studying and participating in educational organizational and less time working or trying to fund their education. In addition, STEM students on average take over six years to graduate, meaning they will need to incur more expense than the average non-STEM student (Museus & Liverman, 2010). One major way to remedy the need for financial assistance is to consider federal government’s fiveyear strategic plan for STEM education, specifically, its approach to improve STEM education through developing and enriching strategic partnerships (Office of Science and Technology Policy, 2019). If higher education institutions work on growing these relationships, some financial assistance from these

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partnerships should emerge. These partnerships could also lead to real-world, hands-on experiences through paid internships.

FUTURE RESEARCH Future studies could improve transferability by increasing the number of participants, allowing for a wider range of STEM majors, and a wider range of minorities. Testing recommendations to administrators and leaders offered in this chapter could offer fruitful results: (1) communicate with students; (2) offer a diverse faculty; 3) develop peer mentors; and (4) offer financial assistance to help minority students persist in STEM programming. Consider a correlation between Swail’s Model discussed in the literature and minority student persistence in STEM. One area that may be considered for additional study is the concept of self-efficacy, as an overlay for the examination of the three aspects of Swail’s model. According to Bandura (1982), self-efficacy significantly influences the way people approach goals and challenges and may have a causal relationship with higher performance and lower affective (or emotional) reactions. It may be useful to understand more about the development of self-efficacy in students, given its existence and influence in student responses to cognitive, social, and institutional aspects of university life.

CONCLUSION

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The ability to create, develop, and improve upon things is part of what makes the United States competitive. In order for the country to maintain its position in the global market, leaders must realize the need to produce more Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (STEM) graduates. Unfortunately, American institutions are still not producing enough STEM graduates. Therefore, it is recommended that leaders and higher education institutions invest time and energy into the minority population as they are expected to be the majority population in the near future. This chapter illustrated one way to identify, cultivate, and produce more STEM graduates, specifically minority STEM graduates, is to go to the source: s peak to current minority STEM students and discover what factors allow them to persist in STEM programs when so many students drop out or leave. Self-motivation and early exposure where just two of the ten themes that emerged, but more importantly, students shared advice for future students and advice to administrators in hopes of increasing the minority student’s persistence in STEM programs.

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Encouraging Minority Scientists. (2009). Nature Immunology, 10(9), 927. doi:10.1038/ni0909-927 Gasiewski, J. A., Eagan, M. K., Garcia, G. A., Hurtado, S., & Chang, M. J. (2011). From gatekeeping to engagement: A multicontextual, mixed method study of student academic engagement in introductory STEM courses. Research in Higher Education, 53(2), 229–261. doi:10.100711162-011-9247-y PMID:23503751 Giving every child a fair shot: Progress under the Obama administration’s education agenda. (2016). Retrieved from https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs/giving_every_child_fair_shot_050316. pdf

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Gonzalez, H. B., & Kuenzi, J. J. (2012). Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) Education: A Primer. Congressional Research Service. Retrieved from http://www.stemedcoalition.org/ wp-content/uploads/2010/05/STEM-Education-Primer.pdf Griffin, K. A., Perez, D., Holmes, A. P. E., & May, C. E. P. (2010). Investing in the future: The importance of faculty mentoring in the development of students of color in STEM. New Direction Institutional Research, 148(148), 95–103. doi:10.1002/ir.365 Griffith, A. L. (2010). Persistence of women and minorities in STEM field majors: Is it the school that matters? Economics of Education Review, 29(6), 911–922. doi:10.1016/j.econedurev.2010.06.010 History of Engineering. (n.d.). Engineering Your Future. Retrieved from http://www.futuresinengineering.com/what.php?id=1 Huang, G., Taddese, N., & Walter, E. (2000). Entry and persistence of women and minorities in college science and engineering education. NCES 2000-601. National Center for Education Statistics, U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/pubs2000/2000601.pdf Jolly, J. L. (2009). The national defense education act, current stem initiative, and the gifted. Gifted Child Today, 32(2), 50–53. doi:10.4219/gct-2009-873 Malcom, S. M. (2008). The human face of engineering. Journal of Engineering Education, 97(3), 237–238. doi:10.1002/j.2168-9830.2008.tb00974.x McGlynn, A. P. (2012). Minority student shortage in science and technology. The Hispanic Outlook in Higher Education, 22, 8–9. Moustakas, C. (1994). Phenomenological research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. doi:10.4135/9781412995658 Museus, S. D., & Liverman, D. (2010). High-performing institutions and their implications for studying underrepresented minority students in STEM. New Directions for Institutional Research, 148(148), 17–27. doi:10.1002/ir.358 National Defense Education Act (NDEA). (2015). In Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved from http:// www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/404717/National-Defense-Education-Act-NDEA

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National Science Board. (2018). Science and engineering indicators 2018. Alexandria, VA: National Science Foundation (NSB-2018-1) Science and Engineering Indicators 2018. Retrieved from https:// www.nsf.gov/statistics/2018/nsb20181/ National Science Foundation, National center for science and engineering statistics directorate for social, behavioral and economic Sciences. (2015). Women, minorities, and persons with disabilities in science and engineering 2015 report. Retrieved from www.nsf.gov/statistics/wmpd/ Office of Science and Technology Policy. (2019). Progress report of the federal implementation of the STEM education strategic plan. White House. Retrieved from https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/ uploads/2019/10/Progress-Report-on-the-Federal-Implementation-of-the-STEM-Education-StrategicPlan.pdf

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Palmer, R. T., Davis, R. J., & Thompson, T. (2010). Theory meets practice: HBCU initiatives that promote academic success among African Americans in STEM. Journal of College Student Development, 51(4), 440–443. doi:10.1353/csd.0.0146 Palmer, R. T., Maramba, D. C., & Dancy, T. (2011). A Qualitative investigation of factors promoting the retention and persistence of students of color in STEM. The Journal of Negro Education, 80(4), 491–504. Pascarella, E. T., & Terenzini, P. T. (2005). How college affects students. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Peralta, C., Caspary, M., & Boothe, D. (2013). Success factors impacting Latina/o persistence in higher education leading to STEM opportunities. Cultural Studies of Science Education, 8(4), 905–918. doi:10.100711422-013-9520-9 Pope, W. (1975). Concepts and explanatory structure in Durkheim’s theory of suicide. The British Journal of Sociology, 26(4), 417–434. doi:10.2307/589820 Poppel, F., & Day, L. H. (1996). A test of Durkheim’s theory of suicide-without committing the “ecological fallacy”. American Sociological Review, 61(3), 500–507. doi:10.2307/2096361 President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology. (2012). Engage to excel: Producing one million additional college graduates with degrees in science, technology, engineering, and math. Retrieved from https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/microsites/ostp/fact_sheet_final.pdf President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology. (2012). Report to the president: Engage to excel: Producing one million additional college graduates with degrees in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. Retrieved from https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/microsites/ ostp/pcast-engage-to-excel-final_2-25-12.pdf Smith, J. A., Flowers, P., & Larkin, M. (2009). Interpretative phenomenological analysis: Theory, method, and research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Spady, W. (1970). Dropouts from higher education: An interdisciplinary review and synthesis. Interchange (Washington, D.C.), 1(1), 64–85. doi:10.1007/BF02214313 Spady, W. (1971). Dropouts from higher education: Toward an empirical model. Interchange (Washington, D.C.), 2(3), 38–52. doi:10.1007/BF02282469

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Stern, G. M. (2008). A new report issued on the lack of minorities in STEM – but will it make a difference? The Hispanic Outlook in Higher Education, 19, 22-24. Retrieved from http://search.proquestion. com/docview/219302728?accountid=35812 Strayhorn, T. L. (2010). Undergraduate research participation and STEM graduate degree aspirations among students of color. New Directions for Institutional Research, 2010(148), 85–93. doi:10.1002/ir.364 Swail, W. S. (1995). A conceptual framework for student retention in science, engineering, and mathematics (Dissertation). George Washington University, Washington, DC. Swail, W. S. (2004). The art of student retention: A handbook for practitioners and administrators. Educational Policy Institute. Retrieved from https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED485498.pdf

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Swail, W. S., Redd, K. E., & Perna, L. W. (2003). Retaining minority student in higher education: A framework for success. ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Report, 30(2), i-62. Teijlingen, E., & Hundley, V. (2002). The importance of pilot studies. Nursing Standard, 16(40), 33–36. doi:10.7748/ns.16.40.33.s1 PMID:12216297 The Department of Homeland Security - Ice. (2012). STEM designated degree programs. Retrieved from https://www.ice.gov/sevis/stemlist.html The White House. (2017). President trump signs memorandum for STEM education funding. Retrieved from https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/president-trump-signs-memorandum-stem-education-funding/ Tinto, V. (1975). Dropout from higher education: A theoretical synthesis of recent research. Review of Educational Research, 45(1), 438–4554. doi:10.3102/00346543045001089 Tinto, V. (1982). Limits of theory and practice in student attrition. The Journal of Higher Education, 53(6), 687–700. doi:10.2307/1981525 U.S. Census Bureau. (2012). Statistical abstract of the United States. Income, poverty, and health insurance coverage in the United States: 2009, Current Population Reports. Retrieved from http://www. census.gov/hhes/www /cpstables/032010/pov/toc.htm U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2015). The condition of education 2015 (NCES 2015-144). Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=1 U.S. Government. (2011). A report from the federal inventory of STEM education fast-track action committee: Committee on STEM education national science and technology council. The Federal Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) Education Portfolio. Retrieved from https://www. whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/microsites/ostp/costem__federal_stem_education_portfolio_report. pdfrep U.S. Government. (2011). Title 20 - Education. Sec1067k. Retrieved from https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/ USCODE-2011-title20/html/USCODE-2011-title20-chap28-subchapIII-partE-subpart3-sec1067k.htm Wang, X. (2013). Why students choose STEM majors: Motivation, high school learning, and postsecondary context of support. American Educational Research Journal, 50(5), 1081–1121. doi:10.3102/0002831213488622

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Watkins, J., & Mazur, E. (2013). Retaining students in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) majors. Journal of College Science Teaching, 42(5), 36–41. Williams-Watson, S. (2017). Persistence among minority STEM majors: A phenomenological study (Doctoral Dissertation). Available from Dissertations & Theses @ University of Phoenix; ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global.

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ADDITIONAL READING Bandura, A. (1982). Self-efficacy mechanism in human agency. The American Psychologist, 37(2), 122–147. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.37.2.122 Palmer, R. T., Davis, R. J., & Thompson, T. (2010). Theory meets practice: HBCU initiatives that promote academic success among African Americans in STEM. Journal of College Student Development, 51(4), 440–443. doi:10.1353/csd.0.0146 Palmer, R. T., Maramba, D. C., & Dancy, T. (2011). A Qualitative investigation of factors promoting the retention and persistence of students of color in STEM. The Journal of Negro Education, 80(4), 491–504. Palmer, R. T., Maramba, D. C., & Gasman, M. (2013). Fostering success of ethnic and racial minorities in STEM: The role of minority serving institutions. New York, NY: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203181034 Swail, W. S. (1995). A conceptual framework for student retention in science, engineering, and mathematics. Dissertation conducted at the George Washington University, Washington, DC. Swail, W. S. (2004). The art of student retention: A handbook for practitioners and administrators. Educational Policy Institute. Retrieved from https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED485498.pdf Swail, W. S., Redd, K. E., & Perna, L. W. (2003). Retaining minority student in higher education: A framework for success. ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Report, 30(2), i-62.

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Minorities: Ethnic groups including, Blacks, Hispanics, Native Americans, Alaska Natives, and Native Pacific Islanders. Persistence: A student who remains in a higher education program throughout their college career. Students are considered persistent if they were enrolled from the previous year(s) or have attained their degrees. Retention: The rate at which students persist or move forward in an educational program. This rate includes the number of students seeking a degree for the first time, students who were enrolled from the previous year and have re-enrolled in the current year. Self-Efficacy: An individual’s belief that he or she is capable of executing a specific task, an individual’s confidence in him or herself. STEM: An acronym for science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. STEM Education: Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics education from pre-school to post-doctorate learning. STEM Programs: Programs that encompass the sciences including physical, biological/life, and earth, computer and information science, engineering and science technologies, engineering, and mathematics.

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Chapter 11

Accessibility, Self-Advocacy, and Self-Efficacy of Students With Disabilities in the 21st Century University Lynne Orr Walden University, USA Pamela Brillante William Paterson University, USA Linda Weekley Walden University, USA

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ABSTRACT Few studies have addressed the challenging transition that occurs when students with disabilities graduate from the K-12 system and enter the world of higher education. Once in college, students with disabilities no longer have, among other federally-mandated supports, a child-study team to represent them, and thus must develop strong self-advocacy and self-efcacy skills in order to receive the accommodations and modifcations they need to succeed academically. This chapter discusses the issues facing students with disabilities during this transition, details the services and support ofered by colleges to guide students with disabilities, and shares recommended best practices for instructional strategies higher education can employ to ensure that these students fourish in the classroom and as self-assured, independent adults in society.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch011

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 Accessibility, Self-Advocacy, and Self-Efficacy of Students With Disabilities in the 21st Century University

INTRODUCTION In the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act of 2001 (IDEA), Congress stated: Disability is a natural part of the human experience and in no way diminishes the right of individuals to participate in or contribute to society. Improving educational results for children with disabilities is an essential element of our national policy of ensuring equality of opportunity, full participation, independent living, and economic self-sufficiency (sec. 601). As increasing numbers of diverse learners with special needs attend college, including those with hidden disabilities, this statement rings truer and more urgently than ever. Beyond what colleges and universities are required to provide in terms of appropriate academic adjustments deemed necessary to prevent discrimination against students with disabilities, much more remains to be done. This chapter begins by presenting the public policy and research literature on teaching students with disabilities in higher education, how it differs from teaching in K-12 public education, and documents the main challenges they face in transitioning from secondary to postsecondary education. The chapter next details the services and support offered by colleges to guide students with disabilities, then outlines the essential developmental skills higher education must offer in order to equip these students for their post-college roles and responsibilities. Of critical importance to students with disabilities is acquiring self-advocacy and self-efficacy tools to support their learning, and embracing the dignity of risk. The objective of “Accessibility, Self-Advocacy, and Self-Efficacy of Students with Disabilities in the st 21 Century University” is to acknowledge the significant changes in providing accessibility though the implementation of key legislation while at the same time focusing on the changes needed in policies, practices, and perceptions to reduce barriers obstructing the full inclusion of individuals with disabilities into higher education and society at large.

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BACKGROUND There is considerable American federal legislation relevant to accessibility and disability in educational programs. According to the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act of 2004 (IDEA), each schoolaged child with a disability is entitled to a “free and appropriate public education” (FAPE) from the age of three until high school graduation. In the case of students with more significant disabilities, this resource can be available until the age of 21. Throughout this period, parents have a voice in their child’s education. Section 300.8 of the regulation of the IDEA of 2004 lists disabilities which are considered possible reasons for providing accommodations or modifications to a child’s education. These are: (a) autism, (b) deaf-blindness, (c) deafness, (d) emotional disturbance, (e) hearing impairment, (f) intellectual disability, (g) multiple disabilities, (h) orthopedic impairment, (I) other health impaired, (j) specific learning disability, (k) speech or language impairment, (l) traumatic brain injury, or (m) visual impairments. Many secondary students with identified disabilities are assigned an Individualized Education Program under the regulations of the IDEA of 2004, or a 504 Plan under the regulations of Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. A team of parents, teachers, evaluators, and other school personnel work together to write the IEP, which suggests accommodations that provide the best education for the child. The IEP includes current levels of functioning, goals to be reached during the year, and adaptations or 219

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modifications needed to help the child reach those goals. Section 504 does not require an IEP, but does ensure that the child with a disability has equal access to an appropriate education. Both the IDEA of 2004 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 were written to ensure equal access to education for every child from kindergarten to twelfth grade, including those with disabilities. When students with disabilities enter higher education, new challenges emerge due to the absence of an Individualized Education Program (IEP) team. However, while the IEP team does not follow students through postsecondary education, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990 is a civil rights law that protects students with disabilities from discrimination, and requires that colleges make education accessible to all students (Deckoff-Jones & Duell, 2018; Dyer, 2018). Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 (1998), along with the ADA, requires colleges to offer reasonable accommodations. Furthermore, according to the National Center for Special Education Research (2016), secondary education has a responsibility to be proactive in ensuring that students with disabilities have access and fully participate in postsecondary education. Legislation becomes even more critical as the numbers of students with disabilities attending higher education institutions continue to increase significantly (Deckoff-Jones and Duell 2018). The 2017 National Center for Education Statistics estimated 20.4 million students entered college, with 11% reporting a learning disability (U. S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2019). According to several sources that have independently identified specific disabilities, approximately 67% have a learning disability; 67% also have speech/language disabilities; 75% have a hearing impairment (Newman, 2015); and approximately 17,500 are on the autism spectrum (Shattuck et al., 2014).

CHALLENGES, SERVICES, AND SUPPORT FOR STUDENTS WITH DISABILITIES Challenges

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Common Misconceptions about Transition Between K-12 and Higher Education Many parents and students with disabilities believe that IEPs and 504 plans are automatically sent to higher education institutions as part of the student’s educational records, and are not aware that students must report the need for adaptations on their own. In point of fact, the IEP is not shared with personnel in the higher education institution unless students personally seek advice from the Disability Services office and advocate for their own needs. To add to the confusion, educators at the secondary level often use the terms “accommodation” and “modification” interchangeably. Accommodations, as discussed below, change how a student participates or learns the materials, and are allowed for students who self-disclose their disabilities. On the other hand, modifications, including modified exams, modified grading, and modified assignments, change the expectation of what the student is taught or is expected to learn and are not likely at the postsecondary level (Keenan, Madaus & Lombardi, 2018; Newman, 2015). If such modifications produce a fundamental alteration of an academic standard, they are not permitted in higher education institutions. This point is often not explained to students and parents, which can lead to false expectations in what support a higher education institution can provide. Secondary teams must ensure that parents and students understand these distinctions and limitations. 220

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Self-Disclosure and Types of Disabilities Newman and Madaus (2015) found that students with more apparent disabilities, such as hearing, visual, orthopedic impairments, multiple disabilities, or deaf-blindness, were more likely to receive accommodations than students with hidden disabilities such as learning disabilities or emotional disturbances. Unfortunately, approximately two-thirds of the postsecondary students with disabilities who transition to college claim they do not have a disability at the time of enrollment (Newman & Madaus, 2015). In other words, only 28% of those who received services from their secondary schools self-disclosed at the higher education level. The reasons that students with disabilities often do not identify themselves to the Disability Services office include negative experiences with special education in secondary education; fear of discrimination upon being identified by fellow students and professors; insufficient knowledge about their disability; unavailable accommodations; and the stigma associated with disability (Lyman et al., 2016). Several students in Lyman et al.’s study identified six main barriers to using accommodations: Desire for SelfSufficiency, Desire to Avoid Negative Social Reactions, Insufficient Knowledge, Quality and Usefulness of Disability Services and Accommodations, Negative Experience with Professors, and Fear of Future Ramifications. In addition, sometimes students are unable to access professional assessments (Couzens et al., 2015), which disproportionally affects students with disabilities who come from lower-income families, who are less likely to receive accommodations at four-year institutions than students whose families’ earned incomes higher than $50,000 (Deckoff-Jones & Duell, 2018). The consequences can be severe. These students who for whatever reason do not receive accommodations tend to lack self-advocacy resources and skills, which results in a lower retention rate compared to their peers who did self-disclose when enrolling in college (Roberts, Ju, & Zhang, 2016). The retention rate for students with disabilities is approximately 41%, compared to students without a disability who graduate at a 59% rate (Newman et al., 2011; Snyder, de Brey & Dillow, 2016).

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Documentation Challenges The Association of Higher Education and Disability (AHEAD), the professional membership association for those serving in Disability Services offices, has issued revised guidelines for documentation, stating that “no legislation or regulations require that documentation be requested or obtained in order to… seek reasonable accommodations” (AHEAD, 2012). Postsecondary institutions are advised against using documentation policies that “have the effect of discouraging students from seeking protections and accommodations to which they are entitled (AHEAD, 2012). Nevertheless, postsecondary students must demonstrate substantial limitations in a major life activity and need to show that their functional limitations keep them from accessing aspects of their college or university experience to be eligible for accommodation (Lovett, Nelson, & Lindstrom, 2015). The requirement for supporting documentation can discourage students from seeking accommodations. Disability Services personnel are placed in a tough position when they are required to ask for documentation that is difficult to obtain and produce. As indicated above, this challenge especially affects students with disabilities who come from lower socioeconomic status or underserved populations, who rarely have access to medical or mental health professionals. More research in this area can guide

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Disability Services professionals in what documentation is required and what can be considered tertiary or supporting documentation, as specified by AHEAD (Lovett, Nelson, & Lindstrom, 2015). AHEAD guidelines and best practices relating to the provision of accommodations are often found on the webpages of Disability Services offices and provide a framework for determining acceptable forms of documentation used to verify the existence of a disability (AHEAD, 2012). However, the process for determining appropriate accommodations should not be strictly dictated by these guidelines, but instead consist of an individualized, interactive process with each student to determine the impact of the reported disability (Sarrett, 2018). For example, students with ADHD often have difficulty with time management, organization, and prioritization of tasks. Although commonalities exist in disabilities, Disability Services staff should avoid making assumptions when determining the specific impact of an individual’s disability.

Services and Support for Students with Disabilities in Higher Education Applying for Accommodations To apply for academic accommodations, students must contact Disability Services personnel to disclose and substantiate the existence of a disability and provide appropriate documentation. The ADA defines a person with a disability as a person who has a physical or mental impairment that substantially limits one or more major life activities (ADA, 1990). Major life activities include seeing, hearing, eating, sleeping, walking, standing, lifting, bending, speaking, breathing, learning, reading, concentrating, thinking, communicating, and working. If they disclose to a professor, advisor, or other university staff, those college personnel should refer them to Disability Services to begin the process of identifying reasonable accommodations. Many Disability Services offices allow students to register and apply online; remote access reduces the stigma of physically entering the Disability Services office (Wright & Meyer, 2017).

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Types of Accommodations A wide variety of accommodations and support systems exist for students with disabilities in college, as well as a provision of any educational support services alongside college peers without disability. According to the National Center for Education Statistics, during the 2008–2009 academic year, 93% were provided additional exam time, 77% were provided classroom note-takers, 72% had faculty that provided written course notes or assignments, 72% were provided help with learning strategies or study skills, 71% were provided alternative exam formats, and 70% were provided adaptive equipment and technology (Raue & Lewis, 2011). Extended time accommodation is based on the notion that students with certain disabilities have functional limitations that impact their processing or reading speed, or their ability to focus or concentrate on exam material, and therefore require additional time on exams and quizzes (Miller, Lewandowski & Antshel, 2015); it is not intended to provide a student with a disability with an unfair advantage or to access more exam material than their non-disabled peers (Holmes & Silvestri, 2019). It is typical to provide 25%, 50%, or 100% extra time as an accommodation for students with disabilities. Many Disability Services offices in postsecondary institutions determine the exam time based on what students requested or previously received during their secondary education and on previous standardized tests (Miller et al., 2015). Students with psychiatric disabilities may also require extended time on exams due 222

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to side effects of medication, internal distractibility, and slower processing speed. In a survey of over 500 current and postsecondary students with a mental illness, 29% of the students indicated that they used extended test time as an accommodation (Salzer, Wick, & Rogers, 2008). While teachers in high school may have provided students with disabilities who had IEPs with notes and study guides as a part of their classroom accommodations and modifications, postsecondary students are expected to take notes during academic lectures and create study guides based on the covered material and assigned course readings. An exception may be students with documented disabilities that impact their ability to process information quickly, write notes, and fully absorb the lecture material based on difficulty in concentrating. For instance, students with ADHD and information processing disorders have difficulty with a lecture-style college format because, as Costello and Stone (2012) explained, “they lack the metacognitive skills needed to receive information, evaluate it, select what is important, and produce a written summary within a matter of seconds” (p. 121). Note-taking accommodations can include using a peer’s notes, permission to record lectures in audio, or using a laptop or electronic device. The type of note-taking accommodation students receive is based on the specific functional limitation associated with their disability. However, students might request note-taking as an accommodation due to lack of instruction or guidance during their secondary education. A possible solution to address the need for a note-taking accommodation in college is to improve instruction on how to take relevant notes during class and how to use those notes to create useful study guides (Newman & Madaus, 2015).

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Learning Strategies and Study Skills Many students with disabilities have difficulty organizing their thoughts and their lives. Teaching these students learning strategies not only helps them remain focused on their assignments, but also aids them in every aspect of college. Such learning strategies may include instruction on how to use a calendar to remember due dates and how to break down an assignment into smaller achievable steps, thus assisting them to complete the task on time. As students acquire these skills, they should be encouraged to monitor their success and celebrate the small accomplishments (Vaughn, Danielson, Zumeta, & Holdheide, 2015). Comprehension can be challenging for those with a processing difficulty. Students with learning disabilities can experience challenges with short-term, long-term, or working memory (Costello & Stone, 2012). Teaching these students to read aloud, or listen to recorded lectures a second or third time may help them understand the concepts better. Thinking out loud using self-talk is a strategy suggested by Vaughn et al. (2015), wherein students are taught to read a paragraph or two, pause, and then ask themselves questions to check their understanding of the material. Instruction in test-taking strategies can entail highlighting keywords or any word that is unfamiliar to them, to be researched at a later time. Creating one’s own study guide by rephrasing the content into questions also helps the student in test-taking (Hamblet, 2014). Understanding what to highlight in a text in order to return and study the critical concepts is often difficult for students with disabilities, so teaching them how to find and call out essential ideas facilitates their test preparation.

Assistive Technology According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2013), 70% of higher education institutions report Assistive Technology (AT) as a support for students with disabilities. AT services consist of an 223

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assessment of the individual student’s needs and recommendations for potential technological accommodations that can help with completing academic tasks. Examples of AT include text-to-speech software similar to that used on smartphones, and screen readers, which use assistive technology to read what is printed on the screen of the computer. Another form of AT is the live scribe pen, a ballpoint pen with an embedded computer which when uploaded synchronizes the notes taken with the audio recording. Notetaking applications for the phone, tablet, or computer are other AT devices available (Hamblet, 2014.)

Less Common Accommodations Additional available accommodations include reduced course loads, priority registration for courses, extended time on written assignments and projects, flexible attendance, course substitutions, and use of a scribe or a reader (Newman & Madaus, 2015). For example, in a survey of over 500 current and postsecondary students with mental illness, 44% of the students indicated they used extended time to complete assignments as an accommodation (Salzer et al., 2008). An additional support for students with disabilities is training on effective communication with peers. Due to the increased use of cell phones and social media to communicate with others, college students often have a difficult time initiating in-person conversations with peers, an essential requirement of courses that involve group work and presentations. A possible solution is for professors to provide class time to allow peers to interact with one another with facilitated support (Reed & Kennett, 2017).

Communication, Appropriateness, and Implementation

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Accommodations of any type require communication among the student, personnel in the Disability Services office, and professors. Students may be approved for more unusual accommodations based on an acute medical or psychological condition (Dyer, 2018), but in all cases, implementing accommodations requires an interactive process in which Disability Services personnel and professors engage in a case-by-case, assignment-by-assignment basis. Even if such accommodations are approved, their appropriateness and implementation require mutual participation among all relevant parties. For example, while a student with a disability may be approved for a basic function calculator, in a skills or developmental math class that teaches and evaluates the ability to complete basic math calculations, the professor may not allow using the calculator for an exam. The student must understand that some accommodations may be denied if the skills being taught are foundational and necessary (Wright & Meyer, 2017).

RECOMMENDATIONS AND SOLUTIONS Teaching Students With Disabilities Learning and Life Skills Once students self-disclose their disability and ask for accommodations (Newman & Madaus, 2015), the university can help guide them towards academic success by equipping them with key learning and life skills. Disability Services personnel encourage students to enhance self-efficacy in learning, practice self-advocacy, and work directly with professors to ask for accommodations. This office also specifies practices and guidelines to professors for how to monitor students and program development 224

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once documentation is provided (Couzens et al., 2015). Best practices in teaching students with disabilities in higher education may help those who often lack much-needed skills for success in college and independence in life. A project funded by the Tennessee Department of Education, Cabeza et al. (2013) of Vanderbilt University identified the most essential skills for equipping students with disabilities for eventual roles and responsibilities of adulthood, including choice making, decision making, problem solving, and goal setting.

Choice Making, Decision Making, Problem Solving, and Goal Setting A major skill for successful functioning in college and beyond is choice-making. Opportunities to train students how to make responsible choices in their education is to allow them to choose classes early (Newman & Madaus, 2015) and select what assignment to complete from a list of several options. Other ways to practice this skill in a safe environment include allowing students to select what form of assessment they will complete, proving mastery of a concept (Dyer, 2018), and choosing work partners or settings in which to study (Reed & Kennett, 2017). Competent, independent adults need to make decisions quickly and responsibly in all aspects of their lives, and thus decision-making is a second necessary skill for students with disabilities to develop. Acquiring decision-making skills in higher education entails students learning how to analyze situations to determine multiple possible outcomes, choosing the best outcome for themselves at that particular time with the information they have, and following through with their decision. Learning to make decisions contributes to the well-being of students with disabilities and increases their sense of identity (Bigby, Whiteside, & Douglas, 2017). A third area is problem-solving skills, which stress the importance of critical thinking and decisionmaking skills. Students must learn to solve problems systematically by identifying a problem, generating possible solutions, evaluating the effect of each alternative, and ultimately choosing the best option. Learning this skill within the higher education environment provides students the chance to participate in problem-solving activities that prepare them for real-life challenges and opportunities. College can be overwhelming, so learning how to set specific, achievable, and measurable academic goals is essential. Such goal-setting and attainment skills include breaking a big assignment into smaller pieces (Hamblet, 2014), using a calendar for assignment due dates, and setting a study schedule. These skills help students with disabilities in achieving both short- and long-term goals during college and throughout their adult lives, and is something with which higher education personnel in Disability Support Services can encourage students to develop these skills. Copyright © 2020. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Self-Advocacy and Leadership Self-advocacy skills, discussed in more detail below, is the ability to stand up for oneself with confidence and to know what to request to achieve one’s goals. Teaching students with disabilities to exercise selfadvocacy in a clear and assertive way is crucial in helping them lead successful, independent lives. Also essential are acquiring leadership skills as well as strategies for being a good team member. The ability to lead requires students to be assertive and negotiable, communicate effectively, and utilize interpersonal skills in multiple situations.

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University advisors can introduce these skills during the first year. They might, for example, guide students to access unfamiliar college resources or role-play appropriate communication while speaking with instructors concerning possible adaptations. Charles Drake, the founder of Landmark College, often encouraged instructors, “Don’t do for the student what the student can do for him/herself” (D’Alessio & Osterholt, 2018, para. 6). This advice is a key component of guiding students with disabilities to speak up for themselves and lead others.

Self-Management and Self-Regulation Self-management and self-regulation skills allow students to monitor and assess their behavior, time management, and learning process. Hamblet (2014) suggests encouraging students who are easily distracted to sit near the front of the class and teach them to use haptics on a watch to remind them to refocus (Hamblet, 2014). These skills build on students’ competencies in the development of their choice-making, decision-making, problem-solving, and goal-setting abilities. As students progress through school and prepare for life in the community, they should rely less on the supports they have in place and more on themselves.

Self-Awareness and Self-Knowledge Students who possess self-awareness and self-knowledge recognize their strengths, limitations, and abilities (Hamblet, 2014). Additionally, these students can apply this understanding to improve upon their previous experiences and accomplishments. Students should gain an increasing amount of knowledge about how their disability impacts them in multiple situations, including understanding how they best learn, communicate, and appropriately deal with their emotions. Once students can recognize their abilities and needs, they will be in a much better place to guide the outcomes for their lives (Cabeza et al., 2013)

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Self-Advocacy and Self-Efficacy Once students with disabilities transition into postsecondary education, they are responsible for arranging academic accommodations, and thus must advocate for themselves. Test, Fowler, Wood, Brewer, and Eddy (2005) outlined self-advocacy as a behavioral skill that an individual with a disability adopts for requesting educational support. Roberts et al. (2016) noted, “self-advocacy skills for students with disabilities have been linked to elevated school retention rates and more successful adult outcomes” (p. 209). Therefore, college students with disabilities with better self-advocacy skills have greater success in postsecondary education (Dalke, 1993; Eckes & Ochoa, 2005; Getzel & Thoma, 2008). These skills help them become independent decision-makers, function independently, and advocate of their wants and needs as a way to improve their overall quality of life (D’Alessio & Osterholt, 2017). The process of self-advocacy may not come naturally to many college students with disabilities despite being a goal of many K-12 transition programs. According to the Colorado State University Access Project (2010), there are three main elements to successful self-advocacy: • • • 226

Know Yourself Know What You Need and Want Know How to Get What You Need and Want

 Accessibility, Self-Advocacy, and Self-Efficacy of Students With Disabilities in the 21st Century University

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It is critical for students with disabilities to have a comprehensive grasp on their disability and how it impacts them in both personal and academic settings daily. Beyond understanding the medical aspect of their disability, students need to know what academic and social tasks may pose barriers to their success, and how different kinds of accommodations can help remove these barriers. For an effective self-advocacy, students must be clear about what accommodations or types of assistance they need to be successful. It is also vital for them to possess a strong knowledge of their federallyprotected rights against discrimination and their responsibilities in accessing the resources available to them on campus (D’Alessio & Osterholt, 2017). They need to use effective communication skills to express their wants and needs, assert themselves, and be persistent with the right people on campus in different situations during their academic careers. Finally, competent self-advocacy entails developing a supportive network on campus that may consist of faculty members, disability service providers, professional advisors, and other student services professionals to accomplish their goals (Nelson, 2011). Along with self-advocacy, self-efficacy is a significant factor in students with disabilities effectively attending and finishing college. Fichten et al. (2014) defined self-efficacy as “confidence that one can successfully execute a task or a behavior necessary to reach a desired result” (p. 274), while Shattuck et al. (2014) defined it as “one’s perceived ability to do things for one’s self and be successful.” (p. 2). Costello and Stone (2012) combined the frameworks of positive psychology and self-efficacy as suggested principles for higher education professionals. Their goal was to improve the self-efficacy of college students with disabilities by focusing on their strengths, and by creating a positive learning environment. Students with low academic self-efficacy might avoid experiences in which they feel inadequate, which can likewise impact how they can handle disappointments. Preparing college-aged individuals with disabilities to understand how their disability impacts their strengths and weaknesses is essential in helping them succeed in college. Capitalizing on their academic and personal strengths and recognizing what they can already do independently and successfully is the foundation of having overall academic success and independence in higher education classrooms. Working with the students’ interests and skills also plays a large part in helping those with disabilities choose meaningful majors and career paths. It is essential to help students with disabilities think about themselves as both learners and as independent, successful adults (Nelson, 2011). Overall, providing a positive learning environment and focusing on strengths increases the level of self-efficacy in students with disabilities (Costello & Stone, 2012). According to Costello and Stone (2012), “individualized coaching grounded in positive psychology would prove beneficial for college students with disabilities” (p. 124). It is, therefore, a recommended practice to provide individual screening and apply positive psychology to help students with disabilities. In addition, faculty need continued training and professional development concerning the capabilities of students with disabilities.

Affording Students with Disabilities the Dignity of Risk Allowing individuals with disabilities to take risks and move towards greater independence is an essential component of their becoming dignified, independent adults and strengthening their self-respect, empowerment, and self-advocacy skills (Shogren, 2013). While most students with disabilities have their parents and other public school personnel as advocates to shelter and protect them in K-12 schools, that is no longer the case in higher education, nor should it be. Many students with disabilities have little experience with the various skills needed to be self-reliant, so one way to teach these much-needed skills is to 227

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offer them opportunities that afford the “dignity of risk.” Dignity of risk is a phrase that grew out of the experiences of the deinstitutionalization of the developmentally disabled during the 1970s (Teel, 2011). For many years, conventional wisdom supported the notion that younger individuals with disabilities were incapable of self-sufficiency. Prevented from living independently, they were deprived of experiencing different levels of success and failure in order to learn and grow (Teel, 2011). If the opportunity to take risks is denied, a barrier to self-advocacy is created because the young person lacks a primary learning tool required in life: acquiring knowledge from experience, including the inevitable realities of making poor choices, and using that knowledge in the future (Opportunity for Independence, 2011). Taking risks provides individuals with disabilities different learning opportunities and experiences within their environments to test their limits, discover capabilities they may not have known they have (Opportunity for Independence, 2011), and become thoughtful and pragmatic about risk-taking (Teel, 2011).

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS

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With the advent of AHEAD in 2012, personnel in colleges and universities are becoming more aware of the need to provide accommodations to students with disabilities. Advocates in the disability services offices college are knowledgeable about the needs of these students, but for many professors, this is a new challenge and requires working effectively to prepare them. Therefore, education on best practices, how to implement these changes, and time to adopt the shift in thinking is required. With students learning how to better advocate for their needs and advocates in the disability services offices working alongside them, the chance for success in higher education is promising. Future research on current practices will help further the knowledge of college administrators, faculty, staff, and students with disabilities. Additional research is needed to guide student success. Because of the growing population of college students with disabilities, there is a need for empirical evidence on effective strategies institutions can develop, and effective instructional strategies faculties can use in their classrooms (NCES, 2016). Also, given that previous studies on self-advocacy interventions primarily targeted high school students (Roberts et al.; Test et al.), additional studies are necessary to offer evidence of successful strategies amongst college students with disabilities. Continued research can lead to discovering the effectiveness of faculty training as well as increasing disability awareness. The authors further recommend additional studies on academic outcomes and different teaching methods for students with disabilities. Lastly, little is known about the college experience as experienced by students with disabilities, and studies are still necessary to discover students’ subjective experiences (Shattuck et al., 2014) and successful interventions from their viewpoint (Smedema et al., 2014).

CONCLUSION There is often a disconnect between higher education professionals and their work in understanding and following the letter and intent of the ADA and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act to maximize the academic learning experience for students with disabilities. Disability Services’ offices or Accessibility Resource Centers at each college or university must decide where to teach these missing skills to students with disabilities. Student services professionals on campus are responsible for addressing the need for

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teaching these skills concurrently with the students’ academic program or through a pre-college transition program, but how to do that is still an issue on many campuses across the country. There is a lack of knowledge across many administrative offices and academic programs in higher education for successfully supporting students with learning, sensory, and psychiatric disabilities, veterans with service-related disabilities, and those on the autism spectrum. Many colleges and universities have programs to prepare K-12 teachers of students with disabilities. However, there is now a growing demand across all industries for professionals who understand the needs of adults with disabilities. Academic programs in Disability Studies are increasingly addressing this gap. These new academic programs intersect many overlapping disciplines in the humanities, sciences, and social sciences, which prepare individuals to work directly with individuals with disabilities across different settings. They also work to reduce the physical, legal, and attitudinal barriers that have continued to marginalize individuals with disabilities from fully participating in society. Higher education programs in Disability Studies will not only prepare professionals for work in programs that support students in higher education, but they also prepare the next generation of individuals with disabilities to be independent and successful adults. This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or notfor-profit sectors.

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Lyman, M., Beecher, M., Griner, D., Brooks, M., Call, J., & Jackson, A. (2016). What Keeps Students with Disabilities from Using Accommodations in Postsecondary Education? A Qualitative Review. Journal of Postsecondary Education and Disability, 29(2), 123–140. Mazher, W. (2019). Teaching secondary school students with learning disabilities to cope in preparation for college. The Clearing House: A Journal of Educational Strategies, Issues and Ideas, 92(1-2), 53–62. doi:10.1080/00098655.2019.1571989 Miller, L. A., Lewandowski, L. J., & Antshel, K. M. (2015). Effects of extended time for college students with and without ADHD. Journal of Attention Disorders, 19(8), 678–686. doi:10.1177/1087054713483308 PMID:23590977 Nelson, V. (2011). Does your college student know how to advocate for what they need? Retrieved from https://www.collegeparentcentral.com/ Newman, L., & Madaus, J. (2015). Reported Accommodations and Supports Provided to Secondary and Postsecondary Students with Disabilities. National Perspective, 38(3), 173–181. doi:10.1177/2165143413518235 Newman, L., & Madaus, J. W. (2015). An Analysis of Factors Related to Receipt of Accommodations and Services by Postsecondary Students With Disabilities. Remedial and Special Education, 36(4), 208–219. doi:10.1177/0741932515572912 Newman, L., Wagner, M., Knokey, A. M., Marder, C., Nagle, K., Shaver, D., & Wei, X. (2011). The Post-High School Outcomes of Young Adults with Disabilities up to 8 Years after High School: A Report from the National Longitudinal Transition Study-2 (NLTS2). NCSER 2011-3005. National Center for Special Education Research. Opportunity for Independence. (2011). Dignity of risk. Retrieved from http://ofiinc.org/dignity-risk-0 Raue, K., & Lewis, L. (2011). Students with disabilities at degree-granting postsecondary institutions (NCES 2011-2018). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, U.S. Government Printing Office. Reed, M., & Kennett, D. J. (2017). The importance of university students’ perceived ability to balance multiple roles: A comparison of students with and without disabilities. Canadian Journal of Higher Education, 47(2), 71–86.

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Roberts, E. L., Ju, S., & Zhang, D. (2016). Review of practices that promote self-advocacy for students with disabilities. Journal of Disability Policy Studies, 26(4), 209–220. doi:10.1177/1044207314540213 Salzer, M., Wick, L., & Rogers, J. (2008). Familiarity with and use of accommodations and supports among postsecondary students with mental illnesses. Psychiatric Services (Washington, D.C.), 59(4), 370–375. doi:10.1176/ps.2008.59.4.370 PMID:18378834 Sarrett, J. C. (2018). Autism and accommodations in higher education: Insights from the Autism community. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 48(3), 679–693. doi:10.100710803-017-3353-4 PMID:29243099 Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. 34 C.F.R. Part 104.

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Shattuck, P. T., Steinberg, J., Yu, J., Wei, X., Cooper, B. P., Newman, L., & Roux, A. M. (2014). Disability identification and self-efficacy among college students on the autism spectrum. Autism Research and Treatment, 2014, 1–7. doi:10.1155/2014/924182 PMID:24707401 Shogren, K. A. (2013). Self-determination and transition planning. Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes. Smedema, S. M., Chan, F., Yaghmaian, R. A., Cardoso, E. D., Muller, V., Keegan, J., & Ebener, D. J. (2014). The relationship of core self-evaluations and life satisfaction in college students with disabilities: Evaluation of a mediator model. Journal of Postsecondary Education and Disability, 28(3), 341–358. Snyder, T. D., de Brey, C., & Dillow, S. A. (2016). Digest of education statistics, 2014, NCES 2016-006. National Center for Education Statistics. Teel, A. S. (2011). Alone and invisible no more: How grassroots community action and 21st century technologies can empower elders to stay in their homes and lead healthier, happier lives. White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Publishing. Test, D. W., Fowler, C. H., Wood, W. M., Brewer, D. M., & Eddy, S. (2005). A conceptual framework of self-advocacy for students with disabilities. Remedial and Special Education, 26(1), 43–54. doi:10. 1177/07419325050260010601 Timmerman, L., & Mulvihill, T. (2015). Accommodations in the College Setting: The Perspectives of Students Living with Disabilities. Qualitative Report, 20(10), 1609–1625. Retrieved from https://search. proquest.com/docview/1734381409/ U. S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2019). Digest of Education Statistics, 2017 (2018-070). Author. Vaughn, S., Danielson, L., Zumeta, R., & Holdheide, L. (2015). Deeper learning for students with disabilities. In Students at the Center: Deeper Learning Research Series. Boston, MA: Jobs for the Future. Wehmeyer, M. L., Shogren, K. A., Little, T. D., & Lopez, S. J. (Eds.). (2017). Development of self-determination through the life course. New York, NY: Springer Publishing. doi:10.1007/978-94-024-1042-6 Wright, A. M., & Meyer, K. R. (2017). Exploring the relationship between students needing accommodations and instructor self-efficacy in complying with accommodations. Higher Learning Research Communications, 7(1), 65–83. doi:10.18870/hlrc.v7i1.367

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ADDITIONAL READING Ahmed, A. (2018). Perceptions of Using Assistive Technology for Students with Disabilities in the Classroom. International Journal of Special Education, 33(1), 129-139. Retrieved from https://searchebscohost com.ezp.waldenulibrary.org/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&AN=EJ1184079&site=e ds-live&scope=site

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Frost, G., & Connolly, M. (2018). Managing the Transition from Concussion to Return to Learn in Postsecondary Education: Strategies Based on Principles of UDL. Collected Essays on Learning and Teaching, 11, 109-117. Retrieved from https://search-ebscohost-com.ezp.waldenulibrary.org/login.asp x?direct=true&db=eric&AN=EJ1182848&site=eds-live&scope=site Johnston, P., & Goatley, V. (2015). Research Making Its Way Into Classroom Practice. The Reading Teacher, 68(4), 245–250. doi:10.1002/trtr.1278 Lee, B. A. (2014). Students with Disabilities: Opportunities and Challenges for Colleges and Universities. Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning, 46(1), 40-45. Retrieved from https://search-ebscohost-com. ezp.waldenulibrary.org/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&AN=EJ1026816&site=eds-live&scope=site Morgado, B., Cortés-Vega, M. D., López-Gavira, R., Álvarez, E., & Moriña, A. (2016). Inclusive Education in Higher Education? Journal of Research in Special Educational Needs, 16, 1. doi:10.1111/14713802.12323 Orzek, A. M. (1984). Special needs of the learning disabled college student: Implications for interventions through peer support groups. The Personnel and Guidance Journal, 62(7), 404–407. doi:10.1111/j.2164-4918.1984.tb00237.x Ryan, S. M., Nauheimer, J. M., George, C., & Dague, E. B. (2017). “The Most Defining Experience:” Undergraduate University Students’ Experiences Mentoring Students with Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities. Journal of Postsecondary Education and Disability, 30(3), 283–286. Retrieved from https://search-ebscohost-com.ezp.waldenulibrary.org/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eue&AN=1269370 18&site=eds-live&scope=site Thomas, S. E. (2000). The Necessary Library Revolution in Community College Developmental and Remedial Programs. Community & Junior College Libraries, 9(2), 47–57. doi:10.1300/J107v09n02_07

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS At-Risk Students: Students who are in jeopardy of performing poorly. Educationally Disadvantaged: Within the educational system and experiencing challenges which prevent from moving forward. Hidden Disabilities: A non-physical disability, unable to see the disability. Learning Disabilities: A disability pertaining to the learning process. Postsecondary: After secondary schools, referring to college. Special Needs: A unique need or unique requirement. Student-Centered Learning: When the teacher evaluates and adapts teaching to the particular group of students. Students With Disabilities: A student in college whose abilities are challenged.

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Chapter 12

Women in Higher Education Administration Leadership and the Role of Institutional Support Sheila Thomas California State University Chancellor’s Ofce, USA

ABSTRACT Studies show women are underrepresented in higher education leadership. Nonetheless, women leaders achieve success when they receive strong institutional support. Mentors and coaches, both men and women, have the most impact on women’s success, while other institutional aids include fnancial assistance, leadership support, and open institutional culture. Women who advance in their careers tend to remain at their institution. At the same time, lack of institutional support, family and work conficts, and limited career advancement opportunities continue to pose barriers as women seek positions in the upper echelons of academic administration. Thus, there is a need for strong, consistent institutional support to improve and accelerate women’s progress. Institutions that implement change in an inclusive, adaptable, and fexible manner can build a supportive infrastructure that benefts everyone. Women who prepare academically and professionally and contribute to the scholarly literature will help shape the future of higher education.

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INTRODUCTION The acceptance and support of women higher education leaders in the United States through institutional culture and policies constitutes a key indicator of their success. Women have progressively gained access to higher education leadership positions since the 1970s (Easterly, 2008), and current studies identify a trend that support for women higher education leaders is growing internationally as economic and governmental norms are being challenged (Longman, 2018). Even though higher education institutional cultures, policies, and practices have not always served women leaders as well as male counterparts (Eddy, 2008; Jackson & O’Callaghan, 2009; Shollen, Bland, Finstad & Taylor, 2009; Bingham & Nix, DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch012

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 Women in Higher Education Administration Leadership and the Role of Institutional Support

2010), some institutional policies, such as parental and family leave, have become more accommodating for women (Mayer & Tikka, 2008). While women have made significant gains in earning degrees in higher education, that achievement has not fully translated into equivalent representation in leadership positions. In 2017, the United States Department of Education reported women accounted for 56 percent of undergraduate enrollments, and women earned more than 50 percent of the master’s and doctoral degrees issued in the United States (American Council on Education, 2017). Despite these positive statistics, the percentage of women obtaining presidency positions remains relatively low at 30 percent (ACE, 2017). The phrase “the higher the few” has been used to describe the disconnect between educational attainment and employment for women in senior level higher education positions (ACE, 2017). This chapter examines the ways in which strong, systematic institutional support can address this disconnection, as well as pinpoints lingering barriers that impede women’s ability to advance through the ranks of higher education administration. The topic is explored foremostly through a case study conducted with women who hold positions of dean or higher from 12 institutions as well as aspiring leaders in the field, corroborated by research. The chapter also provides recommendations for both individuals and institutions to create and improve pathways going forward. The objective is to encourage higher education institutions to implement change in an inclusive, adaptable, and flexible manner to build a supportive infrastructure that benefits not just women leaders, but everyone who aspires to serve at the highest levels.

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BACKGROUND Until recently, the research literature focused on the barriers and challenges women continued to face in higher education leadership administration. In some cases, the aggregate of disadvantages encountered by women in such positions resulted in the adoption of a pluralistic leadership style, blending professional and personal characteristics (Wheat & Hill, 2016). A more current trend in the literature has been to examine the positive professional experiences of women who have attained senior leadership positions (Hannum, Muhly, Schockley-Zalabak & White, 2015), including how supportive institutional policies and practices have enabled systematic movement up the administrative ladder. According to the Association for the Study of Higher Education (2017), policy and curricular reform and research has enhanced women’s access to senior level positions. In addition, opportunities for mentoring have provided some women with a positive environment to succeed (Searby, Ballenger & Tripses, 2015). Some institutions have invested in formal professional development programs and mentoring opportunities to help prepare women for leadership positions. For example, administrators at Ohio State University created the Women’s Place and the President and Provosts Leadership Institute (Hornsby, Morrow-Jones & Ballam, 2011). Recognizing there has been some overall progress, the literature also confirms the need for an expanded role for institutional support as a way to improve access for women to higher education leadership positions (Shepherd, 2012; Tolar, 2012). As part of institutional succession planning, upcoming women leaders need to be cultivated and mentored for a successful transition (Hannum et al, 2015). In a study based on the experiences of 71 high-achieving female Truman Scholars who had at least 10 years of work experience (Tolar, 2012), participants were asked to comment on institutional support, inputs, or advantages affecting leadership. Many cited mentoring as an important component in leadership 235

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development and as a way to remove barriers to success, but others did not find mentoring to add value to their educational experience.

CASE STUDY ON INSTITUTIONAL SUPPORT AND BARRIERS FOR WOMEN LEADERS IN HIGHER EDUCATION ADMINISTRATION Women have navigated institutional systems to become successful higher education administrators such as deans and provosts in spite of existing barriers and challenges. Key factors such as academic preparation and personal persistence (Hannum et al., 2015), combined with professional development and mentoring, are important. A qualitative study of strategies women college presidents and business executives used to lead dually successful lives revealed some women succeeded by creating linkages between commitments and redefining goals (Cheung & Halpern, 2010). Nonetheless, consistent institutional support is a critical missing piece in expanding opportunities for women in their quest for leadership positions (Tolar, 2012). The following case study articulates how a more defined role for institutional support benefits aspiring and emerging women leaders by examining the experiences and insights of women who have experienced institutional support.

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Methods and Data Sources The purpose of this qualitative, multiple case study was to explore the role of institutional support in the development of women higher education leaders who successfully moved from student to administrator within a single institution, with the goal to begin mapping a more defined leadership pathway for aspiring women leaders. A case study research design was appropriate to provide in-depth understanding of variables, examine contextual conditions relevant to a phenomenon, and answer “what” questions (Baxter & Jack, 2008; Yin, 2012; Cox & Salsberry, 2012). For this study, public four-year higher education institutions located in the United States where women administrators found support served as the unit of analysis. Women holding positions of dean or higher from 12 institutions which demonstrated this support for leadership development were invited to participate. These administrators had obtained at least a master’s degree from an identified institution or system where they spent five years or more in administrative positions. The participants engaged in semi-structured, individual telephone interviews utilizing open-ended questions. In addition, to explore the role of institutional support with women doctoral leadership graduates as potential leaders, a virtual focus group of eight women students or recent graduates of doctoral leadership programs from institutions within the United States was conducted. The study candidates were identified by institutional program directors as having high potential to ascend to senior level administrative positions. Research questions posed to all participants were: 1) What institutional factors aid in the development of women in higher education leadership; 2) What institutional barriers exist; and 3) What advice should women receive who are starting an academic career today? The interviews and focus group were recorded and transcribed, and the data were analyzed and coded, reporting on themes and meanings.

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Institutional Aids The findings identified the following formal and informal institutional aids as central to women’s upward mobility in academic administration.

Mentoring and Leadership Support The most powerful institutional aid for the advancement of women comes in the form of relationships. Specifically, mentoring and leadership support were cited by the majority of study participants as the most important factors in institutional aid. Mentoring took several forms including formal, informal, and spontaneous. An example of a formal model of a long-standing, institutionally-based development mentoring and leadership program is at the University of Minnesota, which includes staff and faculty, with a focus on women of color and women in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM). More often, mentoring relationships are often dependent upon the individuals in charge, with women purposefully helped by individuals within the institution apart or in addition to formal programs in place. As such, the presence of women in leadership should not be interpreted as an absence of institutional inequity (Bonebright, Cottledge & Lonnquist, 2012). While it is assumed power resides within the senior leadership ranks and women administrators are often mentored by a senior leader, there are nonetheless individuals in support staff positions who can exert strong and positive influence and serve as mentors. These qualified and potentially helpful individuals may be overlooked based on their having a less prominent position within the institution. Also in the realm of informal mentoring, the findings showed that while women administrators benefit equally from men and women mentors, they sometimes seek out other women with similar energy levels, values, and shared goals. For instance, a mentor’s understanding and support for an institutional aid such as flexible scheduling can make a difference in a woman moving forward in her career. Mentors can be external to the institution through networking at professional organizations and genderbased sub-groups. Sometimes women can speak more freely with someone not directly connected to the institution and who can provide a neutral perspective. Women administrators can mentor other women by helping to create formal professional development programs, promoting diversity in hiring practices, and using the authority of leadership positions. Overall, women administrators benefit from strong leadership support, most often when they articulate their goals or simply ask. Women administrators who take the initiative are accommodated. Others prefer to work “under the radar,” proving their value to the institution in less overt ways. In these cases, women who had the desire to succeed usually did. Copyright © 2020. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Policy, Financial, and Institutional Culture Support Vital components of institutional aid for women’s career advancement are fair and flexible policies, which include family leave, diversity, hiring practices, and affirmative action and anti-discrimination laws. Moreover, flexibility in work schedules to attend classes, policies that tend to family needs, and onsite daycare are tangible demonstrations of institutional support for women. Being introduced to administrative work while working as part-time faculty, sometimes in traditionally male-dominated fields such as science and engineering, is also beneficial, and allows a woman to know if she likes the work.

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Financial support, including tuition waivers or remission, loan forgiveness and stipends to pay for childcare are important aids for career advancement. The ability of institutional leaders to recognize the importance of providing such tangible support can make the difference for a woman trying to make educational and personal choices based on financial considerations. Finally, a culture that demonstrates an openness to women in leadership positions by supporting opportunities for advancement through institutionally-sponsored pipeline programs, access to education, participation in institutional or national leadership opportunities and professional organizations is a powerful institutional aid. There is recognition that institutions can benefit from a pluralistic leadership style (Wheat & Hill, 2016). A culture that values a qualified woman’s goal of moving up in a progressively responsible position increases the likelihood she will remain at the institution; if opportunities are not available, she may look elsewhere. This is consistent with findings in a study of women faculty utilizing social cognitive career theory (Jones, Taylor & Coward, 2013). Social cognitive theory emphasizes personal, environmental and experiential experiences.

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Institutional Barriers The case study also revealed major institutional barriers for women in higher education leadership. Chief among these barriers are how women are perceived and treated within academia. Institutional norms favoring men put women in a difficult position, with women leaders still experiencing a double standard as documented in recent literature (Davis & Maldonado, 2015). The case study showed that the perception that women must work harder than men and bring “extras” remains a barrier to development, as does a disparate evaluation of a woman’s qualifications and career commitment. To cope with such obstacles, some women feel compelled to be strategic and deferential to gain respect from others; they are aware that being perceived as aggressive, an overachiever, or too polished can be considered negative behaviors for a woman. In this regard, some are content or at least resigned to the notion that they must compete in a system that favors men while others feel it is a betrayal of their personal integrity and authenticity. These women often choose to leverage their strengths and style to chart their own path. One administrator noted that being the only female on a committee or in senior leadership was a good opportunity to educate male colleagues, rather than a barrier to development. In this process, dealing with campus politics and knowing where to focus attention are potential pitfalls, particularly if a woman has not cultivated a sense of purpose that aligns with personal values (Ibarra, Ely & Kolb, 2013). Not surprisingly, women’s under-representation in leadership positions continues to persist. Some women experience a “push” away from the organization and their aspirations, while others might experience a “pull” toward the organization and opportunities (Longman, Daniels, Bray & Liddel, 2018). Navigating institutional culture is a complex issue, complicated for many women who must simultaneously manage a career and family, and anticipate subsequent difficulties and consequences in the workplace. While women whose mentors are also champions are typically better able to follow a path to leadership positions, many still encounter negative experiences regarding their age, appearance, and ethnicity. Institutions can do more to create a more open and welcoming culture by examining policies for unconscious bias and providing education and training. Systemic problems and existing power struggles were also mentioned as barriers for a few women administrators. Among them, the lack of appreciation for women’s needs in the workplace, such as access to affordable childcare, was mentioned. Institutional leadership can begin to identify and address any 238

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pervasive, unseen barriers like bias through education and training by following four guiding principles: 1) overcoming bias; 2) honoring women’s leadership styles; 3) building collaborations and networks; and 4) leading for equity and systems change (Bonebright et al., 2012.). Formal leadership programs can provide an opportunity to increase competencies, bolster self-confidence, and expand networks (DeFrank-Cole, Latimer, Neidermeyer & Wheatly, 2016). Overall, whatever progress has been made, perceptions, policies, and institutional culture may have not significantly changed.

Strategies for Aspiring Women Leaders The study yielded several important ways that women who seek to serve in higher education leadership roles can do so—in addition to institutional aids or despite institutional barriers.

Academic and Professional Preparation Obtaining advanced education early and being professionally prepared are keys to being a successful woman leader. As (Hannum, et al., 2015) notes, degree preparation can influence future occupational outcomes. Being purposeful and thoughtful in exploring and defining a career pathway allows women to explore multiple ways to achieve career goals, and they should be prepared to compete for jobs they want. Women students should look for professional opportunities through committee work, international and study abroad opportunities, fellowships, and research. Volunteering for jobs no one else wanted and delivering excellence is a good way to show value to the institution.

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Self-Motivation, Self-Efficacy, and Harmony Equally important to professional preparation is self-motivation, and the expanded concept of selfefficacy, which is the perception of a person’s confidence in their ability to perform (Jones, Taylor & Coward, 2013). Self-efficacy can be a strong predictor of success, and to the extent that institutions can provide opportunities for women to cultivate self-efficacy to alleviate feelings of self-doubt and timidity through formal and informal opportunities, the better chance they have to advance to leadership positions (Jones et al., 2013). While “balance” is typically used in the context of personal and professional preparation, the term “harmony” may more accurately describe how women manage competing priorities. There is a real pressure to be superwomen and do it all; trying to balance time between family and work, although an individual decision, can lead to burnout. Sometimes the intensity of work can be overwhelming. Women should strive for harmony and tend to all aspects of life, and be aware they cannot be at their best if exhausted. Women need to take time to rejuvenate and reflect. While most administrative jobs are “thinking” jobs, individuals don’t think at their best when they are tired, so making time for self-care is critical.

Mapping A Career Pathway for Aspiring Women Leaders Higher education institutions have historically approached change on an incremental basis (Taylor & De Lourdes Machado, 2006), employing a consultative process (Sayers, 2005), thereby creating options for identifying strategic direction. Higher education institutions have not historically been a welcoming environment for women (Hollenshead & Miller, 2001; Morris, 2011), and the role of institutional sup239

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port in the development of women in higher education leadership is complex. Consistent with historical practice, the study’s findings were incremental rather than revelatory. By examining the experiences of women administrators and recent graduates, the study results aligned with other published findings and started the process of mapping a career pathway for aspiring women leaders. Commonly shared themes include financial assistance, coaching/mentoring, leadership support, and an open institutional culture. Additional themes include availability of women role models and policies.

Leadership Support and Mentoring The importance of the intersection of institutional support and individual preparation cannot be understated. While the findings were inconclusive that being a student and administrator at the same institution was advantageous, the actions of individuals within institutions helped women who were students and administrators. Although institutional aid was available for all employees, it was the support of key individuals, both men and women, which had the most impact on women’s success. The apparent randomness of leadership support as experienced by study participants has clear institutional implications. Higher education institutions face challenges in building a more supportive structure. Despite past efforts, the need for an even stronger, strategic role for institutional support in helping to improve and accelerate women’s progress in higher education leadership still exists particularly as evidenced by the persistence of the glass ceiling and lingering pay inequality (ACE, 2017). Whether direct benefit is derived or not, institutional leadership that implements organizational change in an inclusive, adaptable, and flexible manner succeeds in building a more supportive structure (Mohrman & Lawler, 2012). Mentors, regardless of gender, had a significant influence on women’s success, and gender need not be a major factor with mentoring and women’s success. Mentoring can be an important aspect of women’s leadership development, in both formal and informal relationships and can benefit from both men and women mentors (Searby, et al., 2015). It is important to present dynamic female champions and expose both men and women to strong leaders of both genders (Carbonnell & Castro, 2008). Many female women administrators have been or are being mentored (Searby et al, 2015).

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Institutional Culture The role of policies and culture are both aids and barriers for women in leadership, depending on how they are applied. Any lingering discrimination towards women may change over time as the workplace becomes more diverse, and with the inevitable generational and gender changes in leadership. Engaging more women in leadership roles will help to shift perceptions about women leaders (DeFrank-Cole, et al., 2016). The inclusive and collaborative aspects of shared governance in higher education can be leveraged to introduce change, providing there is a recognized need and support from institutional leadership (Basham et al., 2009; Hannay & Fretwell, 2010; Van Amburgh et al., 2010). One way that institutions can tangibly support aspiring women leaders is to provide financial support for professional development for faculty and staff. If the institution provides professional development opportunities, then women do not have to go off-campus for opportunities. If the institution does not value professional development, then it will not happen. Aspiring women leaders also benefit when they have access to senior women leaders. Institutions can create opportunities for women to connect as it is not always easy to ask for help which may mean the difference between success and failure.

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Despite statistical stagnation, with the number of women presidents increasing only slightly year-toyear (ACE, 2017), there is reason to be optimistic that more opportunities for women exist, and having more women in leadership positions was a positive thing for women in general. Early leadership theories did not incorporate women’s leadership abilities because women had not held a significant number of upper management or senior level positions (Jogulu & Wood, 2006). Women are enrolled in graduate programs in record numbers and are the future faculty members and administrators. For example, there are plenty of qualified women to serve as campus presidents, yet there is a disconnect between the number of women who could and do become presidents (DeFrank-Cole, et al., 2016). Aspiring women leaders’ published research will become part of the scholarly literature and help shape the future direction of higher education leadership. Commonly shared themes that emerged as barriers for women include negative perceptions; gender, racial, age and ethnic discrimination; unfriendly policies, and unwelcoming institutional culture. Additional themes include succession planning, career pathways and reward for educational attainment.

Perception Instances of discrimination, equal opportunity, and treatment within the institutional culture linger in the higher education environment (Carbonnell & Castro, 2008). The continuing presence of these issues put some women in a difficult position to navigate career advancement. Negative perceptions about a woman’s qualifications and commitment were difficult to overcome and participants dealt with the situation in different ways. Being self-motivated and showing value to the institution benefited some women. Persistence was a term used to describe the amount of effort demonstrated by women in a study of graduate program completion (Gardner, 2008; Shepherd & Nelson, 2012), and fits with the idea of self-motivation. Self-motivated women weren’t afraid to stand up for themselves against odds, such as knowing how to manage challenges to authority. How women chose to deal with a situation made a difference in how successfully they navigated institutional culture. Exhibiting self-motivation and acknowledging any self-doubt, while not being paralyzed by it, made a difference for women. Yet, stereotypical beliefs about women’s leadership style, such as confusing consultation with indecision, still influenced the ability of some women to obtain top positions (Wheat & Hill, 2016).

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Discrimination and Policies The prevailing instances of perceived discrimination were both disappointing and surprising. Additionally, the perception that women felt they had to work harder than men to achieve success in higher education leadership positions has not changed significantly (Easterly, 2008). Despite affirmative action, anti-discrimination and family leave policies, relatively few women attain senior level leadership positions (Hannum, et al., 2015). Lack of resources for women to aid in leadership development included affordable daycare, family medical leave, and nursing stations. Academic policies affected women faculty participants who experienced stressors such as concern over tenure and promotion opportunities. In a faculty career trajectory, the “stop the clock” phenomenon, when a woman’s career is put on hold because of other obligations, caused some women to lose ground on tenure compared to men. Strong institutional support, recruitment, and retention of women faculty and administrators increase the availability of women to serve as role models (Shepherd & Nelson, 2012). Institutional leaders have an opportunity to improve the situation by implementing a collaborative and 241

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inclusive culture to further the institutional vision (Watkins, 2005), and modeling women’s leadership behavior to help reduce future inadvertent bias (DeFrank-Cole, et al., 2016).

Gender Bias Women in higher education leadership respond to gender bias in different ways. Some women wait to be asked to participate while others are more proactive. But the unseen barrier of unconscious bias, also known as second-generation bias, is pervasive. Unconscious gender bias within an institution can inhibit women’s leadership development (Ibarra, et al., 2013; Madsen & Andrade, 2018). The shortage of women role models can signal gender as a liability rather than an asset. The traditional structure of many institutions may still favor men’s leadership participation and those women who may have uncomfortably adjusted in order to succeed. The manifestation of leadership springs from an internal identity and a sense of purpose. This outward display may be met with acceptance or rejection which can affect how a woman sees herself and others. Women may also be chastised for being either timid or aggressive (Ibarra et al., 2013), or experience discouragement and sabotage (Hannum et al., 2015). Institutional leaders have an opportunity to address unconscious gender bias through education and strategic women-only leadership development programs. Leadership development program structure should have a distinct, inclusive focus that incorporates standard leadership topics and tools (Madsen & Andrade, 2018).

SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

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Women have made gains in higher education leadership as deans, provosts, and presidents, but there were still lingering issues impeding success. Lack of institutional support, family and work conflicts, and limited career advancement opportunities continue to challenge the ability for some women to succeed (Dominici et al., 2009; Lepkowski, 2009; Gerdes, 2010). Examining the role of institutional support through the experiences of women provide a basis for recommendations, practical application, and future research suggestions. The first recommendation fulfills the goal of the study to begin mapping a career pathway for aspiring women leaders. The pathway begins with the following five principles: 1. Be academically prepared. Complete education early and earn a doctorate. It will be more difficult later with competing priorities and may limit future career opportunities. 2. Be professionally prepared. Take advantage of opportunities as a student, professional staff, and faculty. Be purposeful and prepared to go in several directions. Enhance skills with some teaching and classroom management experience. 3. Be authentic. Be okay not fitting a mold or with the dominant culture. Have clear values, principles, and standards. Embrace a leadership style. Be fully present. Be willing to change the conversation by just showing up even if not invited. Be willing to mentor promising women graduate students, and be willing to share knowledge with others. 4. Be self-motivated. Educational and professional preparation is not enough without self-motivation. A predisposition to self-doubt can undermine a woman’s career options. Therefore, be purposeful and follow your passion. Self-motivation enhances a woman’s ability to succeed. Women who wait to be asked will be on the sidelines as long as they remain silent. Women benefit from champions who recommend them for job positions, as well as other leaders who recognize potential. Women 242

 Women in Higher Education Administration Leadership and the Role of Institutional Support

who can demonstrate to leadership they are interested and qualified, have a champion, and work in a diverse culture are likely to achieve goals. 5. Be mindful of work/life balance and harmony. Know what sacrifices are worth the risk. The desire and/or expectation to do it all, to have less time with family, and the implications of stop the clock tenure for women faculty are issues to be considered carefully. Weigh the potential sacrifices against gains in upward mobility, equality, and financial security. Take time to rejuvenate, refresh, and network. Each individual must determine a level of comfort or risk related to career goals. The second recommendation encourages institutional leaders to build a stronger, strategic role for institutional support in helping to improve and accelerate women’s progress in higher education leadership. Leaders who recognize the value and contributions of women, and who are willing to challenge stereotypical norms, can begin the process of introducing positive institutional change. The third recommendation is for women to take control of their professional career objectives. Women should not have to be dependent on others to achieve career success; but there is value in leveraging the help of others and institutional resources in creating a career pathway. Women have an opportunity to shape the future of higher education by actively learning, researching, publishing and challenging institutional norms.

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FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS There are several recommendations for future research. A follow-up study which includes race as a variable may help further define the role of institutional support for women in higher education leadership. There is scant research on how race and gender interact to inform African-American women’s leadership development, and how mentoring opportunities can play an important role in preparing women for leadership positions, even as African-American women remain underrepresented in key leadership roles (Davis and Maldonado, 2015). Another area for follow-up is how loyalty may contribute to why women stay at an institution as a student and administrator. Expanding this study to include a deeper dive into the issue of gender salary inequity would also be beneficial. Finally, while women make up slightly over half of the United States population, earn a majority of undergraduate and graduate degrees, and occupy approximately half of managerial and professional jobs, their wages do not reflect these achievements when compared to men (Chisholm-Burns, M., Spivey, C., Hagemann, T., & Josephson, M. 2017). Although large, bureaucratic organizations such as higher education institutions are generally slow to change, a systematic methodology to conduct a salary equity study that includes engaging the institution in discussions about what measurements are important and acceptance that appreciation for the study takes time are key components (Taylor, L., Lahey, J., Beck, M., & Froyd, J., 2019).

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CONCLUSION This chapter explored the role of institutional support in the development of women higher education leaders who successfully moved from student to administrator within a single institution. The goal was to begin mapping a more defined leadership pathway for aspiring women leaders. Higher education institutions have not historically been a welcoming environment for women (Hollenshead & Miller, 2001; Morris, 2011). The need for an expanded role for institutional support as a way to improve access for women to higher education leadership positions has been cited in the literature (Shepherd, 2012; Tolar, 2012). Institutional aids and barriers for women were examined and career advice for aspiring leaders mapped. The study findings were incremental rather than revelatory. Higher education institutions continue to face challenges in building a more supportive structure for women. Despite past efforts, the need for a stronger, strategic role for institutional support in helping to improve and accelerate women’s progress in higher education leadership still exists (Gardner, 2008; Shollen et al., 2009; Mansfield, Welton, Lee & Young, 2010; Hornsby et al., 2011). Leadership that is open to implementing organizational change in an inclusive, adaptable, and flexible manner can begin to build a more supportive structure (Mohrman & Lawler, 2012). The continuing presence of discrimination, negative perceptions, and unfriendly policies put some women in a difficult position to navigate career advancement. Institutional leaders have an opportunity to change the situation, but must be ready to model collaboration and inclusive behavior in order to better implement an institutional vision (DeFrank-Cole et al., 2016). The primary recommendation of this study is to begin implementation of the career pathway articulated here for aspiring women leaders. Being academically and professionally prepared, being self-motivated and authentic, and watching for burnout are the key starting components. Additional recommendations include encouraging institutional leaders to more intentionally build a stronger, strategic role for institutional support to improve women’s progress in higher education leadership, and encouraging women to leverage the help of others and take advantage of existing institutional resources in taking control of their career objectives. Finally, future research suggestions include expanding the scope of the study by increasing participant numbers, and by including race, institutional loyalty, salary inequity and regional nuances as variables to further define the role of institutional support for women.

REFERENCES

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American Council on Education. (2017). The American College President 2017. Retrieved from http:// www.acenet.edu Ballenger, J. (2010). Women’s access to higher education leadership: Cultural and structural barriers. Forum on Public Policy Online, 5. Academic OneFile. Basham, M., Stader, D., & Bishop, H. (2009). How “pathetic” is your hiring process? An application of the Lessig “Pathetic Dot” model to educational hiring practices. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 33(3/4), 363–385. doi:10.1080/10668920802564980 Baxter, P., & Jack, S. (2008). Qualitative case study methodology: Study design and implementation for novice researchers. Qualitative Report, 13(4), 544–559. Retrieved from http://www.nova.edu/ssss/ QR/QR13-4/baxter.pdf

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Bingham, T., & Nix, S. (2010). Women faculty in higher education: A case study in gender bias. Forum on Public Policy: A Journal of the Oxford Round Table. Bonebright, D., Cottledge, A., & Lonnquist, P. (2012). Developing women leaders on campus: A human resources-women’s center partnership at the University of Minnesota. Advances in Developing Human Resources, 14(1), 79–95. doi:10.1177/1523422311429733 Carbonell, J. L., & Castro, Y. (2008). The impact of a leader model on high dominant women’s selfselection for leadership. Sex Roles, 58(11-12), 776–783. doi:10.100711199-008-9411-9 Cheung, F., & Halpern, D. (2010). Women at the top: Powerful leaders define success as work + family in a culture of gender. The American Psychologist, 65(3), 182–193. doi:10.1037/a0017309 PMID:20350017 Chisholm-Burns, M., Spivey, C., Hagemann, T., & Josephson, M. (2017). Women in leadership and the bewildering glass ceiling. American Journal of Health-System Pharmacy, 74(5), 312–324. doi:10.2146/ ajhp160930 PMID:28122701 Cox, K., & Salsberry, T. (2012). Motivational factors influencing women’s decisions to pursue upperlevel administrative positions at land grant institutions. Advancing Women in Leadership, 32, 1–23. Davis, D., & Maldonado, C. (2015). Shattering the glass ceiling: The leadership development of African American women in higher education. Advancing Women in Leadership, 35, 48–65. DeFrank-Cole, L., Latimer, M., Neidermeyer, P., & Wheatly, M. (2016). Understanding why one university’s women’s leadership development strategies are so effective. Advancing Women in Leadership, 36, 26–35. doi:10.18738/awl.v36i0.18 Dominici, F., Fried, L., & Zeger, S. (2009). So few women leaders. Academe, 95(4), 25. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com.proxy1.ncu/edu Easterly, D. (2008). Women’s ways of collaboration: A case study in proposal development. Journal of Research Administration, 39(1), 48-57. Retrieved from ABI/INFORM Global. (Document ID: 1833468531) Eddy, P. (2008). Reflections of women leading community colleges (2008). The Community College Enterprise, 14(1), 49-66. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/educationpubs/12

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Hannay, M., & Fretwell, C. (2011). The higher education workplace: meeting the needs of multiple generations. Research in Higher Education Journal, 10, 1-12. Retrieved from ABI/INFORM Global. (Document ID: 2249169511) Hannum, K. M., Muhly, S. M., Shockley-Zalabak, P., & White, J. S. (2015). Women leaders within higher education in the United States: Supports, barriers, and experiences of being a senior leader. Advancing Women in Leadership, 35, 65-75. Retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/1682223456?a ccountid=10043 Hollenshead, C., & Miller, J. (2001). Diversity workshops: Gender equity—a closer look. Diversity Digest. Retrieved from http://www.diversityweb.org/Digest/sp01/research2.html

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Hornsby, E., Morrow-Jones, H., & Ballam, D. (2011). Leadership development for faculty women at The Ohio State University: The President and Provost’s Leadership Institute. Advances in Developing Human Resources. doi:10.1177/1523422311428758 Ibarra, H., Ely, R., & Kolb, D. (2013). Women rising: The unseen barriers. Harvard Business Review, 91(9), 60–66. Jackson, J., & O’Callaghan, E. (2009). What do we know about glass ceiling effects? A taxonomy and critical review to inform higher education research. Research in Higher Education, 50(5), 460–482. doi:10.100711162-009-9128-9 Jogulu, U., & Wood, G. (2006). The role of leadership theory in raising the profile of women in management. Equal Opportunities International, 25(4), 236–250. doi:10.1108/02610150610706230 Johnson, H. L. (2017). Pipelines, pathways, and institutional leadership: An update on the status of women in higher education. Academic Press. Jones, S., Taylor, C., & Coward, F. (2013). Through the looking glass: An autoethnographic view of the perception of race and institution support in the tenure process. Qualitative Report, 18, 1–16. http:// www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR18/jones58.pdf Lepkowski, C. (2009). Gender and the career aspirations, professional assets and personal variables of higher education administrators. Advancing Women in Leadership. 29(6), 1-15. Retrieved from http:// search.ebscohost.com Longman, K. (2018). Perspectives on women’s higher education leadership from around the world. Administrative Sciences, 8(3), 35. doi:10.3390/admsci8030035 Longman, K., Daniels, J., Bray, D. L., & Liddell, W. (2018). How Organizational Culture Shapes Women’s Leadership Experiences. Administrative Sciences, 8(2), 8. doi:10.3390/admsci8020008 Madsen, S., & Andrade, M. (2018). Unconscious gender bias: Implications for women’s leadership development. The Journal of Leadership Studies, 12(1), 62–67. doi:10.1002/jls.21566 Madsen, S., Longman, K., & Daniels, J. (2012). Leadership programs for women in higher education. Selected Works.

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Mansfield, K., Welton, A., Lee, P., & Young, M. (2010). The lived experiences of female educational leadership doctoral students. Journal of Educational Administration, 86(6), 727–740. doi:10.1108/09578231011079584 Mayer, A., & Tikka, P. (2008). Family-friendly policies and gender bias in academia. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 30(4), 363–374. doi:10.1080/13600800802383034 Mohrman, S., & Lawler, E. III. (2012). Generating knowledge that drives change. The Academy of Management Perspectives, 26(1), 41–51. doi:10.5465/amp.2011.0141 Morris, L. (2011). Women in Higher Education: Access, Success, and the Future. Innovative Higher Education, 36(3), 145–147. doi:10.100710755-011-9184-x

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Rothwell, W. (2005). Effective succession planning. Ensuring leadership continuity and building talent from within (3rd ed.). New York: American Management Association. Searby, L., Ballenger, J., & Tripses, J. (2015). Climbing the ladder, holding the ladder: The mentoring experiences of higher education female leaders. Advancing Women in Leadership, 35, 98-107. Retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/1686199857?accountid=10043 Shepherd, J., & Nelson, B. (2012). Balancing act: A phenomenological study of female adult learners who successfully persisted in graduate studies. Qualitative Report, 17, 1–21. Retrieved from http://www. nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR17/shepherd.pdf Shollen, S., Bland, C., Finstad, D., & Taylor, A. (2009). Organizational climate and family life: How these factors affect the status of women faculty at one medical school. Academic Medicine, 84(1), 87–94. doi:10.1097/ACM.0b013e3181900edf PMID:19116483 Taylor, J., & De Lourdes-Machado. (2006). Higher education leadership and management: From conflict to interdependence through strategic planning. Tertiary Education and Management, 12(2), 137-160. doi:10.100711233-006-0003-3 Taylor, L., Lahey, J. N., Beck, M. I., & Froyd, J. E. (2019). How to do a salary equity study: With an illustrative example from higher education. Public Personnel Management. doi:10.1177/0091026019845119 Tolar, M. H. (2012). Mentoring experiences of high-achieving women. Advances in Developing Human Resources, 14(2), 172–187. doi:10.1177/1523422312436415 U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Statistics. (2017). Retrieved from http://nces.edu.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=98 VanAmburgh, J., Surratt, C., Green, J., Gallucci, R., Colbert, J., Zatopek, S., & Blouin, R. (2010). Succession planning in US pharmacy schools. American Journal of Pharmaceutical Education, 74(5), 1-7. Retrieved from Career and Technical Education. (Document ID: 2088551931) Watkins, K. (2005). What would be different if higher educational institutions were learning organizations? Advances in Developing Human Resources, 7(3), 414-421. Retrieved from ABI/INFORM Global. (Document ID: 873133121)

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Wheat, C. A., & Hill, L. H. (2016). Leadership identities, styles, and practices of women university administrators and presidents. Research in the Schools, 23(2). Yin, R. (2012). Case study methods. In H. Cooper, P. M. Camic, D. L. Long, A. T. Panter, D. Rindskopf, & K. J. Sher (Eds.), APA handbooks in psychology®. APA handbook of research methods in psychology, Vol. 2. Research designs: Quantitative, qualitative, neuropsychological, and biological (pp. 141–155). American Psychological Association. doi:10.1037/13620-009 Yin, R., & Davis, D. (2007). Adding new dimensions to case study evaluations: The case of evaluating comprehensive reforms. New Directions for Evaluation, 113(113), 75–85. doi:10.1002/ev.216

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ADDITIONAL READING Block, B., & Tietjen-Smith, T. (2016). The case for women mentoring women. Quest, 68(3), 306–315. doi:10.1080/00336297.2016.1190285 Grant, C., & Ghee, S. (2015). Mentoring 101: Advancing African-American women faculty and doctoral student success in predominantly White institutions. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education: QSE, 28(7), 759–785. doi:10.1080/09518398.2015.1036951 Hannum, K., Muhly, S., Shockley-Zalabak, P., & White, J. (2015). Women leaders within higher education in the United States: supports, barriers, and experiences of being a senior leader. Advancing Women in Leadership, 35, 65-75. Retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/1682223456?account id=10043 Helgesen, S. (1990). The female advantage: Women’s ways of leadership. New York: Doubleday. Martin, N. A., & Bloom, J. L. (2003). Career aspirations and expeditions: Advancing your career in higher education administration. Champaign, IL: Stipes Publishing. Reed, D. E., & Blaine, B. (2015). Resilient women educational leaders in turbulent times: Applying the Leader Resilience Profile® to assess women’s leadership strengths. Planning and Changing, 46(3/4), 459–468. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ehh&AN=126593 939&site=ehost-live Sandberg, S. (2013). Lean in - women, work and the will to lead. New York: Random House. Schmidt, E., & Faber, S. (2016). Benefits of peer mentoring to mentors, female mentees and higher education institutions. Mentoring & Tutoring, 24(2), 137–157. doi:10.1080/13611267.2016.1170560

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS American Higher Education System: A loosely coupled network of postsecondary institutions in the United States including public, private non-profit and for-profit institutions offering degrees and certificates beyond high school (Trow, 1988). Career Patterns: Parameters combined in different ways reflecting the unique patterns of a career (Sullivan & Mainiero, 2008). Glass Ceiling: A metaphor for the intangible systemic barriers preventing women from obtaining senior-level positions (ACE, 2017). Higher the Few: A phrase used to describe the disconnect between educational attainment and holding a senior level academic or administrative position for women (ACE, 2017). Institutional Culture: Institutional policies, practices, beliefs and traditions affecting the careers and lives of faculty, staff, administration and students (Bingham & Nix, 2010). Leadership Development: Assisting incumbent and emerging leaders with opportunities and resources to acquire the capabilities and competencies to lead institutions today and in the future (Madsen, 2012).

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Leadership Theory: The study of the ways in which an individual influences, encourages and motivates others to action. Women were not represented in early leadership theories due to their relative absence in management positions (Jogulu & Wood, 2006). Mentoring: The process by which one professional is paired with one or more seasoned professionals either through a formal program or informally through a network, as a way to provide guidance and share knowledge (Darwin & Palmer, 2009). Succession Planning: Finding the right person for the right job at the right time (Rothwell, 2005).

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Chapter 13

The Adult Learner in Higher Education:

A Critical Review of Theories and Applications Sumitra Balakrishnan https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5593-2468 Xavier Institute of Management, Bhubaneswar (XIMB), Xavier University Bhubaneswar, India

ABSTRACT Researchers and practitioners have come to understand adult learners as unique and diferent from child learners, and have developed diferent theoretical approaches, methodologies, and strategies attuned to their educational needs and life circumstances. This chapter examines the factors that impact the efectiveness of adult learning programs and classroom environments by using perspectives of education theorists. The needs of the adult learner, advantages of teaching adults, and principles that can be followed are explored with the help of Knowles’ andragogy model. The importance of the classroom’s eco-behavioral features—their physical and emotional environments—along with other factors that effectively facilitate the process of adult education are discussed. In this context, an adaptation of Astin’s I-E-O’s model is proposed to deepen the understanding of adult learning programs.

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INTRODUCTION Evolving theories and approaches to the teaching and learning of adults are central to the increasingly diverse 21st century university. Researchers and practitioners have come to understand adult learners as unique and different from child learners, and therefore design programs attuned to their needs. In order to make the learning experience meaningful for goal-oriented adult students, educators have expanded and diversified their teaching approaches. This chapter reviews pertinent literature related to the evolution of adult education learning theories, and identifies the taxonomy of an adult learner in terms of learning style and specific needs. A review DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch013

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 The Adult Learner in Higher Education

of the research literature on adult learning theory is followed by a special focus on the I-E-O model by Alexander Astin (1991) to explain the relationship among major factors in a learning program, and determine their contributions towards effectiveness of adult learning programs. An expansion of the I-E-O model is offered as a conceptual application to adult education.

BACKGROUND Researchers have defined adult learners in overlapping but somewhat different ways. Merriam (2008) describes adult learners as those whose age, social roles, and self-perception define them as adults. Other scholars employ a demographic description which includes chronological age and additional factors such as part-time attendance, full-time work while enrolled, financial independence, and single parenthood (Bourke, 2014; Strange & Banning, 2001). Similarly, (MacDonald, 2018) indicates that specific criteria for an adult learner include: being at least 25 years old; waiting at least one year after high school before entering college; having a GED (General Education Diploma) instead of a high school diploma; being a first‐generation student (FGS), or have re-entered a college program. Adult learning theory arose from many theories by foundational scholars in related fields such as psychology and sociology, including Piaget, Maslow, Rogers, Bandura, Durkheim, Kolb, Tinto, and Bean and Metzner. Theories of behaviorism, cognitivism, humanism, constructivism, and connectivism illuminate different learner types and their disposition towards the process of education. The main ideas, approaches, and contributions of these theories have been summarized in the figure below (Table 1). The denotation of the theory or approach is indicated as per the theorists in their major works; the application is derived from the critical analysis of theories, scholarly examinations of relevance of theories, and meta-analyses of social theories of various scholars.

ANDRAGOGY AND HEUTAGOGY

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Pedagogy Versus Andragogy There are three broad epistemologies of learning methodology: pedagogy, andragogy, and heutagogy. Andragogy is based on Maslow’s humanistic approach and his hierarchy of needs, and through Malcolm Knowles, became known as a teaching and learning theory (Halupa, 2015). While pedagogy generally is seen as teacher-centered learning, andragogy is student-centered, with the role of the teacher as “interactor” rather than “instructor.” According to Knowles, self-directed learning in its broadest sense is a process “in which individuals take the initiative, with or without the help of others, in diagnosing their learning needs, formulating learning goals, identifying human and material resources for learning, choosing and implementing appropriate learning strategies, and evaluating learning outcomes” (1975, p.18). Adult learners bring more relevant experience and information to the classroom, as compared to a child learner, and as a result, their educational needs and expectations differ. Knowles’ notion of andragogy (1984) is the most widely accepted model used to characterize adult learners and understand them better. The main qualities of adult learners, according to Knowles, are: 1) a desire to know what, how, and why they are learning and see its practical application; 2) a recognition of when it is necessary to adapt to new circumstances, and the ability to attach value to learning 251

 The Adult Learner in Higher Education

Table 1. Summary of chief theories of learning

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Theorist/ Thinker

Approach/ Premise

Application

Emile Durkheim

Sociology of Education

Education as a social process

Skinner

Behaviorism

Resultant change or modification in behavior, largely overt behavior

Piaget

Cognitivism

Importance of observation, attention and personal involvement by the teacher along with practice aimed at bringing out individual capabilities

Maslow

Humanistic

Importance to the human capacity for choice and growth, and inner emotions, linked to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs.

Carl Rogers

Humanistic

Learning needs to be student-centered and personalized

Piaget

Constructivism

Learning is facilitated by providing an environment that promotes discovery and assimilation/accommodation

Lev Vygotsky

Social constructivism

Collaborative learning in the presence of facilitation and guidance. Group-work is encouraged.

George Siemens

Connectivism

Uses behaviorism, cognitivism and constructivism together. It is about knowledge is distributed across an information network, storage, connectivity and new forms of learning communities.

Kolb

Experiential learning

Easy acquisition of abstract concepts based on practice

Tinto

Interactionalist

Persistence and departure from learning programs as a result of individual and environmental factors

Astin

(Student) Involvement

Change and development as an output of curricular and co-curricular factors

Bean & Metzner

Persistence (model)

Retention, attrition and persistence with special focus on nontraditional students

Knowles

Andragogy

Autonomy in learning and self-directed learning programs

Bandura

Social Learning

Learning from peers through methods like observation, modelling and imitation. This is of importance where there is low to no contact with an instructor.

that facilitates this process; 3) a defined sense of self (what Knowles calls the “self-concept”), which makes them autonomous, self-directed, and comfortable making decisions; 4) an acquisition of past experiences that drive their present and future endeavors, accompanied by physical, mental, intellectual and emotional resources that shape their mental framework; 5) an orientation to learning that is more intrinsically rather than extrinsically motivated. Andragogy has been studied by many scholars including Pratt, Merriam, Thompson and Deis, Houde, McGrath, Taylor, and Harper. Pratt (1988) started with analyzing the meaning, antecedents, facilitators, and the aim of learning. He also argued that andragogy was more of a philosophical stance, and “not so much of an explanatory theory about adult learning” (1993, p.21). It was thought to be the basis for a theory of adult learning, but one that needed more empirical evidence to be considered solid. Houde (2006) criticized Knowles’ work as lacking empirical evidence, but appreciated its offering key links to psychological motivation theories such as self-determination theory. Thompson (2004) furthered Knowles’ principles and brought them closer to “real-world” application, with proposals of methods like simulations, cases, and use of technology. Merriam’s many significant works stressed selfdirected learning, learning from experience, and the inclusion of new methods. Taylor and Kroth (2009) provided empirical evidence along with proposed instruments for measuring andragogy. References to

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learning through self-reflection, life-experience, educating the character and vocational education in specific reference to education in adulthood can be seen as early as 1833 in Kapp’s work (Wang, Henschke & Fay, 2013). The concepts of socio-emotional selectivity and self-determination theory both lend perspective to the model of andragogy. First, socio-emotional selectivity works in adults, particularly with the perception of shrinking time horizons, to influence their goals, and subsequently their social preferences and networks. With this change in perception, individuals tend to prioritize emotion-focused over information-focused goals. Second, self-determination theory states that motivation stems from innate psychological needs of competence, autonomy, and relatedness. Human beings look towards satisfying psychological needs as they pursue and attain their desired outcomes (Deci & Ryan, 2000).

Heutagogy Heutagogy is the study of self-determined learning which emphasizes maximum flexibility and freedom for the learner, and builds on the principle of double-loop learning outlined by Argyris (2002). Halupa (2015) explains while pedagogy is objective-based and andragogy is competency-based, heutagogy is capability-based. The seminal work of heutagogy was authored by Hase and Kenyon (2001), who posited that in this methodology, instructors simply provide the material and the students decide how to negotiate their own learning process. This highly student-centric approach focusses on autonomy, capacity, and capability, and reinforces lifelong learning’s socio-emotional goal of increasing knowledge. Heutagogy has a non-linear design (Blaschke, 2012), is dynamic, and develops students’ understanding of how they learn and how to contribute to that process; the learner has an internalized goal and can use the most suitable resources or methods to achieve it. As a result, the capabilities of the learner and ability to use available and alternate resources become central.

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Research on Teaching Methods for Adult Learners In andragogy, the centrality of the learner and the importance of responsibility for constructing the learning process are pivotal. The teacher’s purpose, in Bruner’s words, is to serve “the learner as a vicarious form of consciousness until such time as the learner is able to master his own actions” (Bruner, 1985, p. 24). In the contemporary adult classroom, the increasing role of the following factors in developing trust are key (Kumar & Balakrishnan, 2019): 1) importance of “knowing” the teacher; 2) importance of dialogue; 3) feedback; 4) class participation; 5) instruction changing to interaction; and 6) the redefined student-teacher equation in and beyond the classroom. Prominent teaching methods are analyzed and presented in Table 2. The basis of analyses are the role of the instructor, dominant formats and types in each teaching method as explored by experts, the extent of use of technology, the dominant role of activities, and outcomes. Self-directed learning is best explained as independent learning, with or without the presence of an instructor. The self-directed learner has the ability to choose from a full range of available and appropriate resources and thus makes more informed choices. Active learning is accomplished through students solving problems that simulate a real-life situation. This process allows them to identify their own learning needs and make appropriate use of available resources, then apply this new knowledge to the original problem and evaluate their learning processes. 253

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Table 2. Prominent teaching methods and learning environment interactions Name of method

Types or Formats explored by experts

Use of Technology

Activity oriented vs Instruction oriented

Outcome- learning and skills

Self-Directed

Passive/ Facilitator

Self-paced study, reflection

Varied

No or minimal instruction. Activity if required

It enhances the capacity to articulate the norms and personal values and beliefs

Active

Active or Passive depending on learning goal / Instructor or evaluator

Problem-based learning, Tell-HelpCheck,

Yes

Activity oriented

Critical thinking, resolution of real-life problems, identify their own learning needs

Active

Live projects, Discussion, simulation, case method, and problem-solving

Instruction led activity

Enhancement of existing skills, identification of gaps between theory and practice, work with multiple choices or solutions to the same problem, review the outcome of an applied solution

Activity-oriented

Discussion in a group and consensus for implementable solution or resolution to a problem, project or challenge. Action learning places equal emphasis on accomplishing the task and on the learning/ development of individuals, teams and organizations.

Activity-oriented

For adult learners with professional positions, collaborative group work sharpens current skills. It benefits the larger group i.e. the class, by improving ability to negotiate, group communication, and group affiliation.

Activity - oriented

Clear orientation, focused and easier instruction, ‘re-teach’ by the teacher, expectations for student learning can be created by student leaders, instructors or co-created.

Experiential

Action

Collaborative

Peer-led Learning

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Role of Instructor

Passive

Role-play, Casestudy, ethnographic studies

Active

Group work, projects, discussion

Active /Passive

Group-work, projects, discussion, case -study

Varied

Low

Low

Varied

Experiential learning enables adult students to utilize their skills and insights and apply them in a setting similar to their own in order to identify gaps between theory and practice. Experiential procedures such as re-enactments, case studies and critical thinking tap into and develop the students’ skills. Action learning is to do and learn. Learners actively participate in group discussions centered on a problem, project, or challenge, with the goal of reaching consensus for implementable solutions or resolutions. The learners may form small groups, study their actions and experiences to improve performance (Revans, 2017). Collaborative learning is compelling for adult students, particularly those with professional positions, since it enables them to utilize their shared connections and experiences to clarify and expand upon ideas from class. The opportunity to work with a like-minded group increases participants’ communica-

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tion and networking circles, and lessens their professional isolation, expands critical thinking skills and negotiation abilities, and stimulates thinking beyond one’s horizon of compensation. Peer-led learning is particularly prominent in the teaching of science and engineering-based subjects. In addition, peer-mediated instruction (PMI) is important to provide necessary tutoring in educational, behavioral, and social concerns, especially in special education needs. Peer-led team learning uses workshops to demonstrate, discuss, and debate important concepts, help problem-solving, and aid participatory learning. Peer to peer learning is emergent in the digital age and also helps where mediated instruction can occur. It may not always be formal but serves as a great medium for transfer of learning. As well, peer-led learning is the best method to set benchmarks and for self-organization.

SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Alexander Astin’s I-E-O model can be used effectively to explain the relationship among student motivation and needs, environmental factors, and student outputs. The model was used first by Astin in 1962 to understand the relationship between the input of high-achieving freshmen and output of doctoral program graduates (Bingham, Bureau & Duncan, 2015). He defined each factor as follows: 1) “inputs” includes a student’s demographics, background, and any previous experiences; 2) “environment” accounts for all of the experiences a student would have during college; and 3) “outcomes” cover a student’s characteristics, knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and values that exist after graduation from college. Inspired by Gagne’s classic definition of learning as a change in behavior (Gagne,1968), the inputs used are causes, environment acts as a moderator, and the output is seen in various forms of resultant behavior. Further, these factors are inter-related. The success a student’s output depends on the success of the environment and positive inputs.

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Concept of Inputs in Adult Education In considering how these three factors work can be useful in furthering the understanding of adult learning, Inputs in this context include both personal characteristics and social factors that determine the desire, drive, and motivation to learn. Consistent with andragogical method of learning, wherein individuals take charge of their learning based on their life experiences and goals, it is appropriate that social factors are included. The social factor is especially relevant for students enrolled in distance programs, non-credit programs, certification programs which may be part of their workplace requirement, and enrichment programs. It is also applicable to re-entry students and informal learners who might be pursuing a course to learn a new skill in an area of interest, which may or may not give them employment. Thus, an adult learner’s inputs are more complicated, conflicted, and critical than those of Astin’s subjects. As previously noted, adult learners come to the classroom with an established system of values and beliefs, which they draw upon to set and realize their educational goals. This can lead to rigidity and low tolerance for subject matter they do not see serving their purpose. Adults juggle a lot of responsibilities, carrying the stress of family and work commitments while simultaneously pursuing their education (McGrath, 2009). Previous negative experiences may cause adult learners to come to the classroom with low self-esteem and a negative self-image. The consequences may be poor class participation, poor learning outcomes, and non-attainment of required goals. On the other hand, both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation can 255

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Figure 1. I-E-O model source: Astin & Lising-Antonio (2012)

help build self-esteem and stimulate the motivation to learn. McGrath (2009) notes that motivation is frequently blocked by barriers such as negative self-concept and time constraints. As identified by K.P. Cross (1981), a seminal researcher in the field of adult education, students who are re-entering the university may experience dispositional, situational, and institutional barriers. Of particular relevance here are dispositional barriers, which can include the feeling that they are too old to learn, fear of failure, or low self-esteem, and situational barriers, which involve both their life circumstances and challenges related to scheduling and adjusting to class demands and the campus climate. Finally, adult learners sometimes find it difficult to accept external authority. In childhood, learning is formative whereas, in adulthood, it is transformative (Graham, 2015). This is a possible cause why adults have a tougher time accepting any external authority easily, and might be both defensive and argumentative, especially with younger authorities or teachers.

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Concept of Environment in Adult Education As Knowles noted, adults need to know the reasons and benefits of learning certain material (Knowles,1994); if not convinced, they resist or withdraw. Significantly, the learning environment facilitates or impedes this crucial aspect of adult learners’ education; it cannot be considered passive or neutral, and tends to exert either a repressive or strengthening effect. Both physical and psycho-social elements contribute to the learning environment in the classroom.

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Physical Environment Physical classrooms mostly function in the way of “task systems” which are the “work” that students are required to do during their lessons, and represents class life as a set of three interrelated systems-managerial, instructional, and student social--in which changes in one system are likely to influence changes in another. Understanding how this dynamic works assists in classroom management and performance management. Facilitating easy communication and expression aids in creating a rich learning and teaching experience. A first step is to remove the physical barriers within the classroom itself, so that the space accommodates a large community which can interact and collaborate with each another. This arrangement is particularly useful when a group work and collaborative learning is required; it also facilitates team games in which participants need to move, talk, and form “zones” of communication.

Emotional Environment The second part of the classroom’s eco-behavioral feature is the emotional environment. Adult classrooms can be more dynamic, with elements of simultaneity, multidimensionality, and unpredictability. Within this situation, the teacher must create comfort, convenience, and compatibility in the learning relationship. It is through the teacher that learners can see many of their requirements take shape and come true. As noted by Groundwater-Smith, “It is the teacher’s responsibility to value each and every one of the students in their class so that each student feels special and important” (Groundwater-Smith, 1998, p. 95). The emotional environment can be structured and conditioned to have a greater impact than the content of the course material and the textbook. A significant body of research indicates that academic achievement and student behavior are influenced by the quality of the teacher and student relationship. The more teachers connect and communicate with their students, the more likely they will be able to help them learn at a high level and accomplish quickly, and create a positive classroom environment (Harvey et al., 2012). This positive class climate, in turn, has been linked to constructs such as friendliness, competitiveness, cooperation, cohesiveness, support, welcoming, and positive peer interactions. Of course, a teacher is not going to understand every problem of every student, but should acquire enough information about those students who are struggling with specific tasks. Even more important is for teachers to address the needs of students with management and behavioral issues. The environment of peer-support and other parts of the educational ecosystem are equally important to the development of a healthy environment. The growing need for methods like “collaborative classrooms,” “flexible learning environments,” “networked learning,” “peer feedback,” and “group learning” can be particularly effective methods to study outside the primary classroom. Copyright © 2020. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Primary Learning Environment Adults utilize primary and secondary learning environments in which to study. The primary learning environment is the immediate learning environment, where the learner spends the most developmental time. These include the classroom, activity center, or main zone of learning, like an academic block or department. Some examples of factors that function in the primary environment are faculty-student interaction, pedagogical techniques, classroom arrangements and composition of the classroom.

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Secondary Learning Environment The secondary learning environment is primarily outside the classroom or primary learning area, but within the institution, or where the learner spends the major part the day. The secondary environment is composed of factors like peer group support, residential facilities, institutional infrastructure, and family interface. These practices, activities and environmental experiences inside and outside the immediate learning environment are moderators in the learning process.

Concept of Outputs in Adult Education Outputs are tangible or non-tangible outcomes that occur as a resultant behavior of personal characteristics and orientation towards learning, in the presence of a learning environment. This may be measured with the help of assessments and evaluation methods, which give tangible outputs. There are also other non-tangible outcomes such as marked changes in student engagement, oratory skills, confidence levels which are best observed by peers and the instructor. These outputs are pre-defined, identified, or proposed end-results, that the program wishes its students to achieve. Challenges that come with teaching adults can affect outputs. In spite of the best efforts of a teacher in trying to acknowledge the adult learner as a person with exclusive needs and tailor a classroom that suits his needs, there are likely to be some issues in the classroom. As Wingert and Molitor say, “Professors have struggled with students who arrive late, leave early, chat through class, dominate the class, or refuse to participate at all” (Wingert & Molitor, 2009). Disruptive behavior ranging from mild antics to dangerous, potentially lethal aggression has increased significantly in the college and university classroom over the last two decades. Understanding the function of a behavior aids in knowing how to deal with that behavior. Understanding why a person exhibits a behavior is, however, no reason to tolerate it. Every behavior has a function, so it is important to understand the need and function for the same and then appropriately address it.

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FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS The factors relevant to adult learning can be applied to Astin’s I-E-O model to suit the needs of adult learners. The above model can be used easily in the analysis of any teaching-learning program. The model holds strong for adult learning programs, as the adult learners are active decision-makers and selfwilled, making the importance of the “I” and the “E” in the model very high. The “O” in the form any behavior will depend very highly on what functions crucially as Input and Environment. For example, the social factors in the “I” component differ significantly -for non-traditional students returning too full-time educational programs after a long break, differ from that of their traditional student classmates. The secondary learning environment as part of the “E” also stands a fair chance of being different from their peers enrolled in the same program. These factors individually, or in combination, will affect the “O” or output. As discussed above, the classroom environment is composed of the physical environment (eco) and emotional environment (behavioral) in the classroom, and these physical spaces and emotional climate of educational institutions and classrooms exert major influence on students and their learning. In adult 258

 The Adult Learner in Higher Education

Figure 2. Astin’s I-E-O Model adapted for adult learning programs

education, aesthetic sensitivities are often not considered, or often seen as costly, time-consuming elements of design. More research on the impact of the eco-emotional environment and adult learning outcomes is suggested. Scholars note that there is a gap between the use of technology and sound pedagogical models. There may be a sizable chunk of adult learners who may not be comfortable with advanced technology, particularly if introduced to it without adequate training. The pedagogical soundness of many technology-based learning methods has not yet been fully investigated, and therefore may bear further research. According to some scholars, there is not enough empirical evidence to support claims of effectiveness of modern methods like flipped classrooms and e-classrooms.

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CONCLUSION Adult education is a distinct category in the field of education planning and administration. As stakeholders in the growing market of education, adults need tailored programs that deliver specific outcomes aimed at particular expectations, self-direction, and levels of autonomy. Teaching a classroom of adults is challenging, and demands constant pedagogical and instructional advancements by the teacher. The learner comes into the classroom as an autonomous, self-willed person with a set of expectations, and is ready to judge. Unlike young children in a classroom, the learner has many questions for the teacher and these serve to evaluate the teacher’s capacity too. In the summary of theories, one can see that most learning programs use more than one approach. Similarly, the best learning programs do not abstain from a mix of multiple teaching methods to deliver the best to the learner. The instructor needs to understand these

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and choose the best possible teaching method or a combination of more than one to suit the student. The eco-behavioral setup has an equal role to play in determining program outcome and student satisfaction. Astin provides a strong and easy to understand model that can be used to understand these elements in any learning program or training program for adult populations. The I-E-O model can be used to see how personal characteristics of a student work in interaction with environmental factors to determine output in form of success or failure. Technology as a dominant factor in instruction has not been factored into the model. As a teacher, in working towards designing a strategically firm learning program, a model like Astin’s I-E-O model can be used as a strong framework to guarantee student motivation and success.

REFERENCES Argyris, C. (2002). Double-loop learning, teaching, and research. Academy of Management Learning & Education, 1(2), 206–218. doi:10.5465/amle.2002.8509400 Astin, A., & Lising-Antonio, A. (2012). Assessment for excellence: The philosophy & practice of assessment & evaluation in higher Education. Lanham, MD: Rowan & Littlefield Publishing Group. Astin, A. W. (1991). Assessment for excellence: The Philosophy and practice of assessment and evaluation in higher education. Washington, DC: American Council on Education/Oryx Press Series on Higher Education. Bingham, R., Bureau, D., & Duncan, A. G. (Eds.). (2015). Leading assessment for student success: ten tenets that change culture and practice in student affairs. Stylus Publishing. Blaschke, L. M. (2012). Heutagogy and lifelong learning: A review of heutagogical practice and selfdetermined learning. The International Review of Research in Open and Distributed Learning, 13(1), 56–71. doi:10.19173/irrodl.v13i1.1076 Bourke, B. (2014). Adult Millennials: Conceptualizing a student subpopulation with implications for online teaching and learning. In Adult and Continuing Education: Concepts, Methodologies, Tools, and Applications (pp. 126-142). IGI Global. Bruner,J.(1985).Modelsofthelearner.EducationalResearcher,14(6),5–8.doi:10.3102/0013189X014006005 Cross, K. P. (1981). Adults as Learners. Increasing Participation and Facilitating Learning.

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Deci, L. E., & Ryan, M. R. (2000). The “What” and “Why” of Goal Pursuits: Human Needs and the Self Determination of Behavior. Psychological Inquiry, 11(4), 228–229. doi:10.1207/S15327965PLI1104_01 Gagne, R. M. (1968). Contributions of learning to human development. Psychological Review, 75(3), 177–191. doi:10.1037/h0025664 PMID:4874111 Graham, H. (2015). Re-engaging with Education as an Older Mature Student: Their Challenges, Their Achievements, Their Stories (Masters Dissertation). Dublin Institute of Technology. Groundwater-Smith, S. (1998). Putting teacher professional judgement to work. Educational Action Research, 6(1), 21–37. doi:10.1080/09650799800200051

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Halupa, C. M. (2015). Pedagogy, Andragogy, and Heutagogy. In Transformative curriculum design in health sciences education (pp. 143–158). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-8571-0.ch005 Harvey, S. T., Bimler, D., Evans, I. M., Kirkland, J., & Pechtel, P. (2012). Mapping the classroom emotional environment. Teaching and Teacher Education, 28(4), 628–640. doi:10.1016/j.tate.2012.01.005 Hase, S., & Kenyon, C. (2001). Moving from andragogy to heutagogy: Implications for VET. Graduate College of Management Papers, 142. Hastie, P. A., & Siedentop, D. (2006). 3.2 The classroom ecology paradigm. Handbook of physical education, 214. Houde, J. (2006). Andragogy and Motivation: An Examination of the Principles of Andragogy through Two Motivation Theories. Academic Press. Knowles, M. (1984). Andragogy in action: Applying modem principles of adult learning. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Knowles, M. S. (1975). Self-directed learning: A guide for learners and teachers (Vol. 2). New York: Association Press. MacDonald, K. (2018). A review of the literature: The needs of non-traditional students in postsecondary education. Strategic Enrollment Management Quarterly, 5(4), 159–164. doi:10.1002em3.20115 McGrath, V. (2009). Reviewing the Evidence on How Adult Students Learn: An Examination of Knowles’ Model of Andragogy. The Irish Journal of Adult and Community Education. Merriam, S. B. (2008). Adult learning theory for the twenty‐first century. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, 2008(119), 93–98. doi:10.1002/ace.309 Pratt, D. D. (1988). Andragogy as a relational construct. Adult Education Quarterly, 38(3), 160–172. doi:10.1177/0001848188038003004 Pratt, D. D. (1993). Andragogy after twenty-five years. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, 57(57), 15–23. doi:10.1002/ace.36719935704 Revans, R. (2017). ABC of action learning. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315263533

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Strange, C. C., & Banning, J. H. (2001). Educating by design: Creating campus learning environments that work. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Taylor, B., & Kroth, M. (2009). Andragogy’s transition into the future: Meta-analysis of andragogy and its search for a measurable instrument. Journal of Adult Education, 38(1), 1–11. Thompson, M. A., & Deis, M. (2004). Andragogy for adult learners in higher education. In Allied Academies International Conference. Academy of Accounting and Financial Studies Proceedings, 9(1), 107. Wang, V. X., Henschke, J. A., & Fay, K. M. (2013). A Critical Review of Reflectivity, Andragogy, and Confucianism. In Handbook of Research on Teaching and Learning in K-20 Education (pp. 356–376). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-4249-2.ch021

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Wingert, D., & Molitor, T. (2009). Best practices: preventing and managing challenging classroom situations. Currents in Teaching and Learning, 1(2), 4-18.

ADDITIONAL READING Aljohani, O. (2016). A Comprehensive Review of the Major Studies and Theoretical Models of Student Retention in Higher Education. Higher education studies, 6(2), 1-18. Bandura, A., & Walters, R. H. (1977). Social learning theory (Vol. 1). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-hall. Beder, H. & Medina, P. (2001). Rutgers University. Classroom Dynamics in Adult Literacy Education. NCSALL Reports #18. December. Bonwell, C. C., & Eison, J. A. (1991). Active Learning: Creating Excitement in the Classroom. 1991 ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports. ERIC Clearinghouse on Higher Education, The George Washington University, One Dupont Circle, Suite 630, Washington, DC 20036-1183. Choitz, V., & Prince, H. (2008). Flexible Learning Options for Adult Students (Adult Learners in Higher Education- Barriers to Success and Strategies to Improve Results, Employment and Training Administration Occasional Paper 2007-03). U.S. Department of Labor. Guardino, C. A., & Fullerton, E. (2010). Changing behaviors by changing the classroom environment. Teaching Exceptional Children, 42(6), 8–13. doi:10.1177/004005991004200601 Guerrettaz, A. M., & Johnston, B. (2013). Materials in the classroom ecology. Modern Language Journal, 97(3), 779–796. doi:10.1111/j.1540-4781.2013.12027.x Guthrie, K. L., & Jenkins, D. M. (2018). The role of leadership educators: Transforming learning. IAP (2nd ed.). Information Age Publishing. Henard, F., & Leprince-Ringuet, S. (2008). The path to quality teaching in higher education. Paris: OCED Publication. Hooker, M. (1997). The transformation of higher education. The learning revolution. Boston, MA: Anker Publishing Company, Inc.

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Kolb, D. A., Boyatzis, R. E., & Mainemelis, C. (2001). Experiential learning theory: Previous research and new directions. Perspectives on thinking, learning, and cognitive styles, 1(8), 227-247. Kumar, I., & Balakrishnan, S. (2019). Beyond basic: A temporal study of curriculum changes in a firstyear communication course. International Journal of Research in Business Studies. LeVine, R. A. (2003). Childhood socialization. Comparative studies of parenting, learning and educational change. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong. Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self and society (Vol. 111). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Merriam, S. B. (1989). Contributions of qualitative research to adult education. Adult Education Quarterly, 39(3), 161–168. doi:10.1177/0001848189039003004

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Merriam, S. B. (2009). “Beyond Andragogy: New Directions in Adult Learning Theory,” Adult Education Research Conference. Novak, J. D., Gowin, D. B., & Bob, G. D. (1984). Learning how to learn. Cambridge University Press. Palmer, P. J. The courage to teach: exploring the inner landscape of a teacher’s life. San Francisco, CA: Jossey Bass. Shea, P., Pickett, A., & Li, C. S. (2005). Increasing access to higher education: A study of the diffusion of online teaching among 913 college faculty. The International review of research in open and distributed learning, 6(2). Sprague, J. (1992). Expanding the research agenda for instructional communication: Raising some unasked questions. Communication Education, 41(1), 1–25. doi:10.1080/03634529209378867

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

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Adult Learners: Various defined, but generally indicates students beyond secondary education. Andragogy: Learning theory specifically aimed at adult learners. Experiential Learning: Examples of experiential types of learning include projects, simulation, and case method. Heutagogy: The study of self-determined learning. I-E-O Model: Used to effectively explain the relationship between student motivation and needs, environmental factors, and student outputs. Pedagogy: Learning theory aimed at children. Self-Directed Learning: Independent learning, with or without the presence of an instructor.

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Chapter 14

Non-Traditional Students in Higher Education: Barriers and Strategies for Self-Directed Learning Carlene Buchanan EduPro Learning Center, LLC, USA

ABSTRACT The purpose of this qualitative study is to investigate the barriers that non-traditional students (defned as over 40) face in self-directing their own learning and the strategies they develop to succeed. First established are the main elements that defne non-traditional students, and the critical role that selfdirected learning plays in their complicated educational journey towards degree attainment. The author then analyzes frsthand accounts and triangulates the fndings with seminal research, which confrm that institutional, situational, and dispositional barriers in higher education pose serious difculties to non-traditional students. Among the strategies for self-directing their learning in order to mitigate barriers and achieve success are setting attainable goals, seeking support, staying informed, remaining positive and focused when challenged, and planning. The chapter concludes with recommendations for higher education administrators regarding policies and procedures relative to non-traditional students and diversity in 21st-century education.

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INTRODUCTION In line with the overall scope of Accessibility and Diversity in the 21st Century University, this chapter addresses the important topic of the barriers nontraditional students face in self-directing their learning and the strategies they develop to succeed, key elements of which are persistence and dedication to lifelong learning. It is important to note at the outset that the overall field of adult learning and education uses various terms, which in some cases overlap, to describe the characteristics of this population. Additionally, scholars and educational institutions themselves define non-traditional students in various DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch014

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 Non-Traditional Students in Higher Education

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ways for statistical reports. For the purposes of this study, non-traditional students, sometimes termed “reentry students,” are defined as mature students over 40 years old who have reentered universities to complete undergraduate and graduate degrees after a hiatus of 10–15 years from the classroom. Approximately 60% of undergraduate college enrollees are traditional students (18–21 years old), and approximately 40% are older students (22–55 years old). Public universities have made steady advancement in their campus operations and student diversity based on an open access policy (Wardley, Belanger, & Leonard, 2013). For example, original university retention models created for traditional students were insufficient to capture adequately non-traditional students’ concerns, but have since been modified to address these insufficiencies. However, according to Witkowsky, Mendez, Ogunbowo, Clayton, and Hernandez (2016), non-traditional students remain “one of the underserved student populations in higher education, and campus leaders have been inadequate in their response to supporting the increasing number of this group” (p. 30). The chapter begins with a profile of non-traditional students whose lives are complicated by conflicting or disparate priorities, including familial and financial obligations which often take precedence over their roles as university students. Also established is self-directed learning as a critical skill for this population. According to Morris (2019), self-directed learning is broadly defined as the process by which students initiate their own learning with or without direct instruction; further, it constitutes a “critical competence that empowers adults to adapt accordingly to fluid and complex contextual change” (Morris, p. 1). The chapter then focuses on a case study which explores the barriers to and strategies for self-directed learning to achieve academic goals. The research problem is important because very few firsthand accounts from non-traditional students focused on self-direction exist in the literature. As a researcher and educator of mainly non-traditional students, the author’s interest is piqued by research centered on students from diverse social environments and who have varying educational abilities (see Figure 1). In the larger scholarly context, as Arjomandi, Seufert, Obrien, and Anwar (2018) determined, there is a dearth of exclusive studies on non-traditional students, including on the best ways for them to learn. Even as the numbers of non-traditional students increase, this population continues to face barriers to acquiring one of the most critical tools they need in order to succeed in college: strategies for self-directed learning (Sanchez, Rodriquez, & Martinez, 2019). This chapter’s objective is to show that higher education for adult learners is not a single-pronged platform, but rather, a tiered stage for self-direction. The chances for non-traditional students’ success are increased in a post-secondary education system that emphasizes how they learn, as opposed to the length of time it takes to learn. The chapter concludes with a set of recommendations for helping nontraditional students to succeed in their journey towards engaging in self-directed learning and earning their higher education degrees.

BACKGROUND Profile of the Non-Traditional Student Adult education as an academic field emerged formally in the early 20th century with the establishment of the American Association for Adult Education (Given, 2000). Many scholars have written about the education of adult learners, sometimes termed re-entry, nontraditional, or mature students. Cross (1981), 265

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a seminal researcher in the field of higher education, classified non-traditional students as mature adult learners who have an interest in obtaining higher education. While women have a greater tendency for reentry than their male counterparts, both men and women alike depend on their professors for guidance in actively self-directing their own learning (Colvin, 2013). Significantly, Cross identified three barriers to the reentry students which are still present in postsecondary education: situational, dispositional, and institutional. What Cross theorized about nontraditional students was reiterated by Given (2000), Clover (2013), and Tolliver, Martin, and Salome (2018). In delving into the three barriers, Cross illuminated their effects on non-traditional students, thereby providing a roadmap for higher education administrators to address the issues that the increasing numbers of the non-traditional students face. Situational barriers, as Cross (1981) describes, refer to “scheduling problems, home responsibilities, childcare, finances and health” (p. 22). Situational barriers have to do with the non-traditional students’ life circumstances, including babysitting issues, spousal and familial obligations, and other obstacles that can impede their educational progress (Cross, 1981). Dispositional barriers include reactions to age discrimination, low self-esteem, and fear of failure (Cross, 1981). Success depends on how non-traditional students perceive themselves as well as how they adapt to their new environment. Those who lack confidence may suffer from being overly concerned about what their cohorts and instructors think about them, while others are goal-oriented and resist condescension regarding their abilities (Colvin, 2013). Similarly, Cross identified shyness in new situations as a barrier; the mere thought of going back to school appears to be a quantum leap for some, triggering a psychological barrier of uncertainty. Others, however, are able to cope with the fear of the unknown when returning to school. Thus, they have a better chance of flourishing, despite the fact that, as Cross further posits, post-secondary institutions have limited resources in place to help students transition and court success. Institutional barriers are pivotal to the non-traditional student’s educational experience (Cross, 1981). An institutional barrier is a “less obvious, but more subtle barrier of exclusion that often awaits the student who has managed to scale the closely-related demographic barriers of race, gender, geography, and time” (Colvin, 2013, p. 25). Institutional barriers include, but are not restricted to, entrance requirements, lack of services, and scheduling problems. The most arduous institutional barrier for non-traditional students is the entrance exam, particularly the Graduate Record Exam (GRE), which is a criterion for acceptance into many graduate programs. Research indicates that the GRE requirement is a deliberate strategy that university administrators use to deter students from applying to graduate programs (Colvin, 2013; Jacot, Frenay, & Cazan, 2010; Van Rhijn, Lero, Bridge, & Fritz, 2016). Van Rhijn’s et al. (2016) explanation of institutional barriers is analogous to the red tape and bureaucracy in higher education institutions, which impede students’ academic progress. Other researchers variously characterize non-traditional students as having a low socio-economic status, the first of their generation to attend college, and who are mature, often attend part-time, possess diverse experiences, and more prone to attrition as opposed to traditional students. The Center for Education Statistics (2014) delineates seven characteristics of the non-traditional student: (1) postpone college/university for future dates from the year they graduate from high school; (2) enroll part-time in a given academic year; (3) are full-time employees working 35 hours or more per week; (4) are considered financially independent for financial aid purposes; (5) usually have spouses and dependents; (6) are single parents (divorced or never been married); and (7) have a GED instead of a high school diploma. In addition, Brown and Brown (2015) suggest that a plethora of studies indicate that middle-aged women are returning to school in pursuit of graduate degrees. Some return to college to break the trend 266

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Figure 1. Profile of non-traditional students

in their family situation and become the first to attend college; others return for economic stability, job safety, and cultural change (Brown & Brown, 2015). Still others return to obtain graduate degrees such as masters and doctorates for self-actualization. One statement in the research on the characteristics of non-traditional students would likely resonate with many: “The non-traditional student has more on their plate [than] classes and figuring out which events to attend on campus” (Vale & Roat, 2015, p. 2). Challenging personal circumstances that inhibit their participation in extra-curricular activities may include, but are not limited to, working multiple jobs for economic survival, caring for young children and siblings, having a long and tedious commute to classes, and embarking on heavy course work assignments. Yet, despite what can be insurmountable circumstances, some non-traditional students persist and complete a planned program of study (Kearney, Stanley, & Blackberry, 2018; Vale & Roat, 2015). The following figure lists the common elements of a non-traditional student found in the research literature.

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Non-Traditional Students and Self-Directed Learning The general field of adult learning theory was defined by Knowles (1984) when he coined the term “andragogy” as learning theory and practice for adults, as opposed to pedagogy for children. It encompasses the experiences, abilities, drive to learn, and environmental factors that distinguish non-traditional students from their traditional counterparts (Alexakis & Andert, 2015; Tolliver, Martin, & Salome, 2018). One of the most important aspects of adult learning theory is self-direction of the educational process by the student. Self-directed learning enhances adult learners’ cognitive responses to creativity and adaptability. When a learner conceptualizes an idea, it is fueled by habitual practices and ultimately becomes an integral part of the learner’s cognitive process, shaping how that learner tackles an assignment. Self-directed learning is not a mutually exclusive paradigm but represents a medium for change that requires a balance between the learner’s personal commitments and societal demands. A balance of control is necessary when the learner undertakes responsibility for learning under the auspices of the educator.

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According to Morris (2019), self-directed learning enables students to have control over the choices they make regarding learning. They have free rein in choosing the kinds of skills and the knowledge that fit within the context of their own inquiry. Control involves proactive engagement in multimodal activities, including reading books, blogs, and websites, viewing videos, listening to lectures, and engaging with experts in the field and other learners (Morris, 2019, p.62).

CASE STUDY ON BARRIERS AND STRATEGIES FOR SELF-DIRECTED LEARNING Lifelong learning is widely viewed as a conduit for change, and the literature confirms that non-traditional students enter college to improve their quality of life, make career changes, support their families, and gain empowerment. Unfortunately, in their quest to earn higher education degrees, they often face barriers that inhibit self-directed learning and a successful outcome. To investigate this issue, the author employed a qualitative method with a case study design using content analysis and NVivo 11 Pro software for coding. This design allowed for the framing of the research question to gain a better understanding of the phenomenon. Participants responded to semi-structured, open-ended questions about their experience as non-traditional students. Although the sample size is small, findings may be transferable to similar circumstances in higher education institutions. There were six participants, five males and one female, between 40 and 80 years old; they selfidentified as black Jamaican, Caucasian, black Nigerian, or African American. They fit the profile of non-traditional students in terms of demography and because their social or cultural environment, experience, commitment, and college readiness exemplified the current diversity in higher education. All had obtained undergraduate and advanced degrees as non-traditional students, attending both brick and mortar and/or online universities. The subjects were mentees or colleagues at the author’s learning center and gave first-hand accounts of their experiences as non-traditional students while enrolled in universities. Thematic analysis began with clustering nuggets of data by selective coding (i.e., underlining and bracketing words, phrases, and analogies from the raw data). Themes developed as a result of tagging each line of response from participants and identifying emergent patterns.

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Findings From Narratives This study considers aspects of self-directed learning understood in a broad sense as the ways students take responsibility for their own education as they interact with faculty and university resources. While the literature discusses a limited number of strategies to overcome barriers, this chapter’s case study used firsthand accounts to determine specific ways non-traditional students succeeded in obtaining undergraduate and graduate degrees. All participants agreed that the criteria for mitigating barriers and achieving success included setting attainable goals, seeking support as needed (from peers, faculty, and staff), staying informed, remaining positive and focused when challenged, and planning. Two major themes and two subthemes emerged from the participants’ narratives:

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Figure 2. Participants’ themes and subthemes

Theme 1: Challenges as Manifestos Turned into Victories All six participants reported “challenges” as a major theme. Respondents expressed these challenges as resulting in “manifestos,” which are beliefs or strategies they used to turn those challenges into successful self-directed outcomes. In articulating the circumstances surrounding their challenges, the participants were candid. For example, Mira stated: “It has been over 13 years since I have been in the learning environment. I pursued my master’s degree the non-traditional way and I found the experience quite challenging.” Joshua said, “I ran into a hurdle in the form of college algebra. It had been many years since I had taken any math and things like set theory were foreign to me. There were no remedial courses available at (University name intentionally not disclosed) at the time.”

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Figure 3. Themes and subthemes

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In addition, Pebbles shared: I am a Jamaican immigrant, who migrated here twenty-two years ago. At the time of my arrival, I experienced difficulty navigating the educational system, particularly getting my credits from a University in Jamaica recognized by MARE (pseudonym for university). After a series of back and forth with MARE’s administration, only some of my credits were recognized and I had to repeat some of the courses I had already completed in Jamaica. In the same vein, Harry said:

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Though I was successful in completing a Master’s degree in the medical field, it was not without challenges. I went back to school 10 years after completing my undergrad degree and the rigor in the Master’s program was overwhelming at times. I had forgotten some of my study techniques (my self-created mnemonics), and sometimes the time and poise to work out things took its toll. Not to mention, I had to find a way to be at ease and be my own observer of self. Being bombarded with information and pressure to perform forced me to do a proper self-assessment of my progress and techniques to get through my program of study. Further, the author identified “uncertainty in many forms” as a common sub-theme among participants as to how they felt about self-directing their own learning. Monty said, “I wanted to know if I had what it takes to complete an educational program at the doctoral level,” expressing apprehension about how he was going to fare or if he had the capacity to undertake doctorate degree. Nevertheless, he was highly motivated to achieve his goal: “I was surprised I was able to read, understand, and apply the concepts.” Other types of uncertainty surrounding the participants’ quest for their degrees also surfaced. Joshua’s military career assignments prevented him from knowing where he was going to be at any time: “I could probably be more successful in the business world in the city of New York, if I had a college degree. This job almost entirely precluded going to school at night because I was never in one place very long.” Of his undertaking a Master’s, Harry referred to his uncertainty about “the learning environment and the work.” Finally, the participants identified their age as a challenge. Bernice said, “The older we get, the more our brains start to slow down.” (Buchanan, 2016, p.102). Princess acknowledged: “The hardest thing is my age keeps creeping up on me, and I am losing a good part of my life before I get educated.” (Buchanan, 2016, p. 102). Others linked this particular challenge to ageism. Harry explained: “We are often branded and labeled because of our age and how long we are out of the classroom.” Importantly, however, participants articulated how they turned their challenges into victories. One of these participants was Monty, who said, “I did well in all courses, but they were challenging which meant I learned many different concepts in business and leadership. Working individually and in the teams weekly in a virtual environment and annually in teams in a physical location.” Nello reported that, “The environment was conducive to learning and [was] challenging. Ultimately, I was highly motivated. Ultimately, I obtained my degree and achieved my desired aim.”

Theme 2: Zeal to Achieve All participants’ responses expressed their zeal to achieve as a key characteristic of successful self-direction, referencing this theme more than once. The most significant drivers of pursuing higher education 270

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included the love of learning and passion for their field of study; fulfillment of career goals; the desire to make a positive impact on society; and availability of funding. Mira shared: This desire is a personal aspiration. Being called Dr. Mira was something I dreamed of as a young child. Lifelong learning not only boost my confidence as a black woman from very humble beginnings, but it also daily positions me within my organization for obtaining promotions and recognitions. Joshua confirmed what people can achieve when they are zealous: I completed 22 semester hours in sixteen weeks at (name of college withheld) and was awarded a Bachelor of Science degree in Professional Aeronautics, Maxima Cum Laude. I completed this degree (Doctorate of Management & Organizational Leadership) in 3 years when I was 72. To cite several other participants on the dedication and motivations fueling their attainment of higher education: “My primary reason for going back to school was rooted in a thirst for knowledge and a desire to pursue my dream career in law enforcement. I wanted to become a probation officer” (Pebbles); “I went back to school to enhance my professional marketability and to become more informed...Non-traditional learning is not for the faint hearted, but it is a rewarding experience as you get a better understanding of the global insight” (Monty). Nello declared: “I shall encourage others around me to do the same because education is like the air we breathe; we all need it.” “Built-in resilience” surfaced as a subtheme of the zeal to achieve as participants stressed that it took guts and extreme flexibility to adjust to college demands and succeed in their program of study. Harry articulated this quality several times, noting, “Finally, it is good to know that I had the built-in mechanism to thrive despite everything –the good, the bad, the indifferent.” He also pointed out that “being bombarded with information and pressure to perform forced me to do a proper self-assessment of my progress and techniques to get through my program of study.”

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Correlation With Research Literature The findings indicated that all students had challenges in self-directing their own learning, and some of their experiences mirrored claims from previous research in terms of Cross’ contextual framework of situational, dispositional, and institutional barriers. Situational barriers included familial obligations and other life circumstances. Participants had dispositional barriers based on age and stereotypes. The first step towards the ability to self-direct their learning was the adjustment participants had to make after re-entry into college. Some had difficulty navigating the sometimes hostile academic and social environment. Harry’s response about faculty and staff and the advice he gave in his narrative echoed what some other participants had to say: Professors should epitomize what they teach. Some come mocking and hypocritical. Some come expecting of you as the student to do what they (the professors are not doing). It is unsettling to know that the experiences we bring to the classroom and ideas are sometimes not valued. The findings correspond with the work of Brown and Brown (2015) who concluded that faculty’s ageism toward non-traditional students is an unresolved and prominent issue in higher education. In this 271

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study, one faculty member informed a participant that “she was not smart enough because of her age” (p. 142). The findings also documented other challenges non-traditional students face as substantiated in the literature. Van Rhijn et al. (2016) posited that non-traditional students “experience social exclusion … and feeling that they are not understood by their peers or institutions” (p. 1). According to Kearney et al. (2018), non-traditional students are marginalized or underserved because of who they are (i.e., not the typical traditional student); they are judged based on socioeconomic standing. Moreover, some of the challenges the participants encountered were what Cross (1981) described as institutional barriers. One participant delineated his back and forth experiences of getting his credits transferred; even after repeated attempts, only some of his credits were approved. This situation underscores the need for a proper system to review credits in real time. Time lost because of red tape and bureaucracy could have been used more productively by students for studying and by administrators for enhancing the quality of services they deliver to non-traditional students. The findings contravene research by Witkowsky (2013) that non-traditional students lag behind their traditional counterparts. In the current study, all participants completed their planned program of study within a specified time frame. Another element that was unique about the study was that there were more male than female participants. While Brown and Brown (2015) echo many other studies indicating that women are enrolling and completing undergraduate degrees in higher numbers than men, the current study, albeit a very small sample, illustrate that men are also enrolling and completing degrees. The five male participants completed advanced degrees. Finally, the findings parallel the work of Tinto (2017), which indicates that persistence is a process-that despite challenges, individuals can pursue desired goals and achieve those goals. Persistence requires commitment and dedication on the non-traditional students’ part, as well as the unfailing support of faculty for students to succeed. The findings align with seminal researchers in the field of higher education who postulate the way nontraditional students perceive their university experience sets the precedent for enhancing the service the students receive (Kearney et al., 2018; Macqueen, 2017; Tinto, 2017; Whannel & Whannel, 2015).

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Pathway and Meaning of Self-Directed and Lifelong Learning While it is widely acknowledged that self-directed learning is a transformative process in students, it is an acquired skill, not a “given.” None of the participants had it easy in making up their minds to attend university after years of being out of the classroom. For some participants, the decision to go back to school was a chore in itself. Cross (1981) suggests going back to school is a difficult process, and overall, the findings echo researchers on the challenges of non-traditional students in higher education, including Alexakis & Andert, 2015; Brown & Brown, 2015; Kearney, Stanley, & Blackberry, 2018; Wilson, 2014. Despite the challenges, the participants progressed through the final leg of the transformation process, which was completing their educational journey and earning advanced degrees. The participants identified several ways to self-direct their own learning that were essential for non-traditional students in order to persist to graduation: team-building, engagement in-and-out of the classroom, meeting and collaborating, and time management. Participants attribute the following meanings to lifelong learning: • 272

Lifelong learning builds confdence

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• • • • • • •

Lifelong learning allows for the making of personal and professional choices Lifelong learning allows for the pursuit of educational goals while managing personal and professional responsibilities Life-long learning means learning new ideas and concepts throughout life Lifelong learning is continuous and dynamic and is devoid of age limitations or restrictions Lifelong learning bolsters a person’s ability to refect on everyday life and enhances long-term planning Lifelong learning brings self-improvement and accomplishment Lifelong learning is valuable and inescapable

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS The following five recommendations are aimed at addressing challenges non-traditional students confront as they seek higher education and practice self-directed learning. First, college administrators should develop policies to allow faculty to validate students’ experiences and skills that they bring to the classroom. Age discrimination and the stereotypical view of non-traditional students should be proactively mitigated. Services should be tailored to students on an individual basis as opposed to a “one size fits all.” For example, one-on-one support is recommended for the non-traditional student from the start of a planned program of study until self- sufficiency in navigating the learning environment is achieved. Second, professors should engage in professional development courses to incorporate inclusivity in what they teach and lead by example. Based on participants’ concerns in the research, professors should validate students’ experience by asking them to share ideas that fit within the paradigm of the professors’ teaching philosophy. Professors could also develop content with the students’ input and provide the opportunity to self-direct their own learning. Third, to address the common issue of non-traditional students’ family situations that frequently hinders their progress, personnel should promptly assist students in difficult circumstances. To further aid non-traditional students, the university should facilitate peer support. For example, the creation of a Members Only Non-Traditional Student League could help to develop a critical mass in support of each other in the form of peer-to-peer interaction and academic support. Fourth, to mitigate the difficulty of transferring credits, a team of professionals should review and promptly address students’ degrees from overseas to reduce the time and stress for credit transfer. Fifth, the author recommends consideration of the RAG Model, which was developed to work with students one-on-one or in small groups at Edu-Pro Learning Center, which she owns and manages. The RAG Model (Red, Amber, Green) is based on the traffic light rule: red for stop, amber for caution, and green for go. The figure below summarizes the RAG Model. Depending on the responses from students in Phase 2, the instructor usually adjusts the teaching strategies by finding new ways to get the subject matter across to the student, spending more time on the subject, or giving the student more individual attention in the form of office hours. The RAG model coincides with other teaching models in academia that benefit non-traditional students. One such model is the Lean Philosophy, a business principle used in Toyota Production Systems (TPS) to maximize productivity by eliminating non-value-added elements of production (Singh, 2019). In academia, the Lean Philosophy is systematized to maximize non-traditional students’ learning po273

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Figure 4. Phases of the RAG model

tential; the basic steps involve planning, observation, and improvement. According to Singh (2019), the integration of lean principles is a means of streamlining the learning process for maximum efficiency leading to “simplification of work, changes in traditional course planning and delivery methods and improvements in the overall quality of courses” (p. 349). How much the Lean Philosophy is used in academia needs additional research. From the author’s perspective, the RAG model works in a similar manner as the Lean Philosophy in enhancing students’ learning potential through the delivery of course content in unique ways.

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FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS Trending in research is a dialogue about barriers that prevent adult learners from thriving in postsecondary institutions. As such, researchers are beginning to challenge the status quo in which faculty fail to validate students’ experiences in the classroom. Validation is a major component of self-directed learning. According to Morris (2019), learning is a dynamic process that requires the engagement of the learner. Learning does not occur in a vacuum but encompasses cogent contributions from educators and from the students’ experience they bring to the classroom. Morris further posited: For an adult educator, the idea of instruction being part of self-directed learning may seem somewhat paradoxical. However, if an enquiry is a process of creating a fitting solution to a question, issue, case,

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or problem, then learned exposure to a wealth of information concerning established knowledge or skills seems imperative (p. 62). However, more scholarly research is needed to bridge the gap. Three areas for further investigation suggested are: 1) a phenomenological study on how ageist attitudes affect non-traditional students in 4-year universities; 2) a multiple case study on how blended learning affects non-traditional students’ outcomes in post-secondary institutions; and 3) a comparative case study of how validation or the lack of validation of students’ experiences by professors affects students’ outcomes. Additionally, the RAG Model might be considered as template that educators could adapt in the process of guiding their non-traditional students towards self-directed learning and maximizing their potential for successful learning outcomes. By understanding and supporting this population’s various learning styles and abilities, faculty are better equipped to promote active learning. According to Silberman (1996), “when learning is active, the learner is seeking something or wants an answer to a question, need information to solve a problem, or is searching for a way to do a job” (p. 4). A key part of how this model helps students to thrive and succeed is by accommodating the students’ individual needs based on their academic abilities and preparedness through differentiating instructions. If after a formal or informal classroom assessment additional support is required, one-on-one assistance or tutoring should be available. The goal is to equip students from a range of social environments and cultures with the necessary tools to promote intuitive and lifelong learning, including how to seek out resources on their own, which is tantamount to self-efficacy.

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CONCLUSION The purpose of this qualitative study was to investigate why non-traditional students have difficulty selfdirecting their own learning. The author analyzed first-hand accounts from documents and conducted a literature review of relevant research on nontraditional students. Participants in the study were all re-entry students, who went back to school after 10-15 years out of the classroom and completed advanced degrees despite challenges. Collectively, the students’ zeal to achieve allowed them to turn their challenges into victories. The findings illuminated the research question of why do non-traditional students have difficulty in self-directing their own learning? The participants talked openly about the concept of goal setting, goal attainment, active engagement, and andragogical principles of lifelong learning, which is characteristic of self-directed learning. All participants suggested that planning, being proactive about educational pursuits, and setting attainable goals were effective tools for self-directed learning. Solutions and recommendations for higher education administrators regarding policies and procedures were offered to support non-traditional students in their goal of attaining undergraduate and graduate degrees. These included an original teaching tool termed The RAG Model designed specifically to address challenges re-entry often face in the classroom by providing clear ongoing assessment and feedback.

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REFERENCES Alexakis, G., & Andert, D. (2015). Learning at the speed of readiness: An express learning model. Journal of Hospitality & Tourism Education, 27(4), 147–160. doi:10.1080/10963758.2015.1089512 Arjomandi, A., Seufert, J., O’Brien, M., & Anwar, S. (2018). Active teaching strategies and student engagement: A Comparison of traditional and non-traditional business students. E-Journal of Business Education & Scholarship of Teaching, 12(2), 120–140. Retrieved from https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ EJ1193332.pdf Brown, P. P., & Brown, C. S. (2015). Transformative learning theory in gerontology: Nontraditional students. Educational Gerontology, 41(2), 136–148. doi:10.1080/03601277.2014.950492 Buchanan, C. (2016). Factors that contribute to minority students’ low retention in community colleges: A qualitative case study (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Phoenix, Phoenix, AZ. Buglione, S. M. (2013). Nontraditional approaches with nontraditional students: Experiences of learning, service and identity development (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umb. edu/doctoral_dissertations/65/(AA13511270) Buxton, E., & De Muth, J. (2012). Adult learners’ perceptions of a professional development program comparing live distance learning versus live local learning. The Journal of Continuing Higher Education, 60(1), 12–19. doi:10.1080/07377363.2012.649125 Colvin, B. B. (2013). Where is Merlin when I need him? The barriers to higher education are still in place: Recent re-entry experience. New Horizons in Adult Education & Human Resource Development, 25(2), 19–32. org.contentproxy.phoenix.edu/10.1002/nha.20014 Cross, K. P. (1981). Adults as learners: Increasing participation and facilitating learning. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, Inc. Francois, E. J. (2014). Motivational orientations of non-traditional adult students to enroll in a degreeseeking program. New Horizons in Adult Education and Human Resource Development, 26(2), 19–35. doi:10.1002/nha3.20060

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Given, L. (2000). Envisioning the mature re-entry student: Constructing new Identities in the traditional. Reference Librarian, 33(69/70), 79. org.contentproxy.phoenix.edu/10.1300/J120v33n69_08 Jacot, A., Frenay, M., & Cazan, A.-M. (2010). Dropout of adult learners returning to University: Interactions of motivational and environmental factors. Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Brasov. Series VII: Social Sciences Law, (52), 83–90. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com.contentproxy. phoenix.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=58688559&site=eds-live Kearney, J., Stanley, G., & Blackberry, G. (2018). Interpreting the first-year experience of a non-traditional student: A case study. Student Success, 9(3), 13–23. https://doi-org.contentproxy.phoenix.edu/10.5204/ ssj.v9i3.463

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Khiat, H. (2015). Measuring self-directed learning: A diagnostic tool for adult learners. Journal of University Teaching & Learning Practice, 12(2), 1–15. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com. contentproxy.phoenix.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eue&AN=124614749&site=eds-live Knowles, M. (1984). The adult learner. A neglected species (3rd ed.). Houston, TX: Gulf Publishing. Morris, T. H. (2019). Adaptivity through self-directed learning to meet the challenges of our ever-changing world. Adult Learning, 30(2), 56–66. doi:10.1177/1045159518814486 National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). (2014). Nontraditional student definitions and data. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/pubs/web/97578easp Sánchez, P. A., de Haro Rodríguez, R., & Martínez, R. M. M. (2019). Barriers to student learning and participation in an Inclusive school as perceived by future education professionals. Journal of New Approaches in Educational Research, 8(1), 18–24. doi:10.7821/naer.2019.1.321 Singh, J. (2019). The lean prescription for non-traditional adult learners. Quality Assurance in Education, 27(3), 347–359. doi:10.1108/QAE-09-2018-0100 Tinto, V. (2017). Reflections on student persistence. Student Success, 8(2), 1–8. doi:10.5204sj.v8i2.376 Tolliver, D. E., Martin, A., & Salome, N. (2018). Competency-based education, lifelong learning and adult students: Insights from international partnerships between East Africa, Southern Africa and USAbased Institutions of higher education. Journal of Pan African Studies, (1), 123. Retrieved from http:// search.ebscohost.com.contentproxy.phoenix.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=edsglr&AN=edsgcl.559 893748&site=eds-live Vale, D., & Roat, A. E. (2015). Programming for the new majority: Non-traditional students. Campus Activities Programming, 48(4), 32–36. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com.contentproxy.phoenix. edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eue&AN=110434996&site=eds-live Van Rhin, T., Lero, D. S., & Burke, T. (2016). Why go back to school? Investigating the motivations of student parents to pursue post-secondary education. New Horizons in Adult Education and Human Resource Development, 28(2), 14–26. doi:10.1002/nha3.20135

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Van Rhin, T. M., Lero, D. S., Bridge, K., & Fritz, V. A. (2016). Unmet needs: Challenges to success from the perspectives of mature university students. Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education, 28(1), 29–47. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com.contentproxy.phoenix.edu/login.aspx?direct =true&db=eue&AN=115542529&site=eds-live Wardley, L., Bélanger, C., & Leonard, V. (2013). Institutional commitment of traditional and nontraditional-aged students: A potential brand measurement? Journal of Marketing for Higher Education, 23(1), 90–112. doi:10.1080/08841241.2013.810691 Whannel, R., & Whannel, P. (2015). Identity theory as a theoretical framework to understand attrition for university students in transition. Student Success, 6(2), 43–52. doi:10.5204sj.v6i2.286 Witkowsky, P., Mendez, S., Ogunbowo, O., Clayton, G., & Hernandez, N. (2016). Nontraditional Student Perceptions of Collegiate Inclusion. Journal of Continuing Higher Education, 64(1), 30–41. https:// doiorg.contentproxy.phoenix.edu/10.1080/07377363.2016.1130581

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Zainuddin, Z., Haruna, H., Xiuhan Li, X., Zhang, Y., & Chu, S. K. W. (2019). A systematic review of flipped classroom empirical evidence from different fields: What are the gaps and future trends? On the Horizon, 72(2), 72–86. doi:10.1108/OTH-09-2018-0027

ADDITIONAL READING Alshebou, S. M. (2019). Non-traditional students in a traditional college—A Feminist Perspective. International Education Studies, 12(7), 28. doi:10.5539/ies.v12n7p28 Brändle, T., & Lengfeld, H. (2016). Drifting apart or converging? Grades among non-traditional and traditional students over the course of their studies: A case study from Germany. Higher Education, 73(2), 227–244. doi:10.100710734-016-0010-3 Dolch, C., & Zawacki-Richter, O. (2018). Are students getting used to Learning Technology? Changing media usage patterns of traditional and non-traditional students in higher education. Research in Learning Technology, 26(0). doi:10.25304/rlt.v26.2038 Glowacki-Dudka, M. (2019). How to Engage Nontraditional Adult Learners Through Popular Education in Higher Education. Adult Learning, 30(2), 84–86. doi:10.1177/1045159519833998 Hooshangi, S., Willford, J., & Behrend, T. (2015). Self-regulated learning in transfer students: A case study of non-traditional students. 2015 IEEE Frontiers in Education Conference (FIE). doi:10.1109/ fie.2015.7344390 Hope, J. (2018). Use data to drive success for each student. Recruiting & Retaining Adult Learners, 20(11), 12–12. doi:10.1002/nsr.30382 Hunter-Johnson, Y. (2017). Demystifying Educational Resilience: Barriers of Bahamian Nontraditional Ad Adult Learners in Higher Education. The Journal of Continuing Higher Education, 65(3), 175–186. doi:10.1080/07377363.2017.1275230 Marshall, C. A. (2016). Barriers to Accessing Higher Education. Widening Participation, Higher Education and Non-Traditional Students, 1–18. doi:10.1057/978-1-349-94969-4_1

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Sutton, H. (2017). Address challenges in higher education that impact adult learners. Recruiting & Retaining Adult Learners, 20(1), 1–5. doi:10.1002/nsr.30282 Tieben, N. (2019). Non-completion, Transfer, and Dropout of Traditional and Non-traditional Students in Germany. Research in Higher Education. doi:10.100711162-019-09553-z

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

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Active Teaching Strategies: Purposeful techniques for engaging students in academic activities. Barriers: Encumbrance to progress. Differentiated Instructions: Instructions tailored to students’ specific needs and abilities. Various types of materials are used to develop content for maximum benefits to students. Guided Practice: Specific teaching methods used to assist students in achieving mastery of content. Metacognition: Learning about learning. RAG Model: The Acronym represents Red, Amber, Green – A teaching strategy based on the Traffic Light Rule developed for working with students one-on-one or in groups in an academic setting. Self-Directed Learning: Taking the initiative about learning and receiving minimum guidance from others.

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