Abraham Fornander: A Biography 9780824887193

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ABRAHAM FORNANDER

Abraham Fornander, about 1878. (Courtesy of Kungliga biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden)

Abraham Fornander A Biography

Eleanor Harmon Davis

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF HAWAII ® Honolulu

Copyright © 1979 by The University Press of Hawaii All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Manufactured in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Davis, Eleanor H Abraham Fornander : a biography. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Fornander, Abraham, 1812-1887. 2. HawaiiPolitics and government—To 1893. 3. Statesmen—Hawaii —Biography. 4. Historians—Hawaii—Biography. 5. Sweden—Biography. DU627.17.F67D38 996.9'02'0924 [B] 78-31368 ISBN 0-8248-0459-7

In memory of Carl

History, by apprising them of the past, will enable them to judge of the future. It will avail them of the experience of other nations and other times; it will qualify them as judges of the actions and designs of men; it will enable them to know ambition under every disguise it may assume; and, knowing it, to defeat its views. Thomas Jefferson, Notes on Virginia

CONTENTS

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

Acknowledgments Introduction Isle of Wind and Sun The Walled Island Of Love and Learning The Whaler A Fair Haven Printer's Ink The New Era The Sandwich Islands' Monthly Transition The Polynesian Lahaina Interlude The Educator Bitter Fruit On the Bench Years of Fulfillment An Account of the Polynesian Race "The End Crowns the Work" Notes Glossary of Hawaiian Words Bibliography Index

ix xiii 1 12 21 31 46 59 78 101 122 132 155 161 179 195 214 239 265 279 295 299 315

ILLUSTRATIONS

Abraham Fornander, about 1878 Gardslòsa Church as it appeared during Abraham Fornander's boyhood Gardslòsa rectory today Building occupied by Kalmar gymnasium during Abraham Fornander's schooldays Merchant Street, Honolulu, in the 1870s Fort Street, Honolulu, about 1856 to 1858 Catherine Fornander, 1861 Lahaina Courthouse as it appeared in Fornander's day Abraham Fornander, 1861 Catherine Fornander, in her early twenties First page of a letter from Fornander to Erik Ljungstedt, April 1878 Closing page of a letter from Fornander to Erik Ljungstedt, July 1878

frontispiece 3 8 16 80 114 127 160 197 233 248 251

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

F i r s t of all, my thanks to Charles W. Kenn of Honolulu for his generosity in making available to me both his manuscript collection of genealogies relating to the ancestry of Abraham Fornander's wife, Pinao Alanakapu, and other materials from his collection, as well as for his advice, encouragement, and knowledge of things Hawaiian. Without the help and unfailing response to inquiries made of various Swedish libraries, both in person and by mail, the re-creation of Fornander's early life and background would have been an impossible task. The letters he wrote to his friend Erik Ljungstedt reveal the man more clearly than any other source; long before they appeared in print, copies were made available to me by the Royal Library of Stockholm, and for these and other material, my thanks, especially to Magdalena Hellquist, assistant librarian, and to Harry Jarv, keeper of manuscripts. The resources of the Uppsala and Lund University libraries were opened to me by Gosta Thimon and by Dr. and Mrs. Christian Callmer, all of whom personally searched out elusive bits of information both before and after I returned home, and whose assistance and enthusiasm for the

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project were unlimited; in addition, their gracious hospitality while I was in Sweden helped make the time spent in their cities unforgettable. The archives of the Stagnelius School in Kalmar unfolded a treasure in the letters of the Reverend Anders Fornander and the school records of the young Abraham, made available by its librarian, Gunilla Ranebo. Though we have so far met only through letters, my thanks extend as well to Sten Almqvist and the Emigrant Institute of Vaxjo, who generously supplied many a bit of difficult-to-uncover genealogical or other information, or referred me to the proper sources where it was to be found. The Ethnological Museum of Stockholm unpacked for my private examination the Hawaiian artifacts contributed to it by Abraham Fornander, and the National Museum of Natural History shared with me its correspondence with him and the minutes about his botanical gift to them. To all of these, as well as to several private individuals and various regional archives in Sweden, my deepest gratitude and thanks. For the records of Fornander's whaling experience which they unearthed, I am grateful to the National Archives of Washington, D.C., and the New Bedford Public Library's Melville Whaling Room. In Hawaii, several particularly rich veins of source material were uncovered at the Public Archives of the state, especially in the letters and reports written by Fornander as inspector general of schools, as well as in other material made available by Agnes Conrad, state archivist, and her staff. I was a constant visitor to the Hawaiian Historical and the Hawaiian Mission Children's Society libraries, where, in addition to printed material of an earlier day, letters in the latter collection by church leaders provided an interesting insight into their views of Fornander and his activities; Barbara Dunn of the first library and Elizabeth Larsen and Lela Goodell of the second were unfailingly and cheerfully cooperative. Lyons K. Naone, Jr., former chief clerk of the Second Judicial Circuit, Wailuku, made available the many files of court proceedings for the

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years of Fornander's judgeship, without which the chapter "On the Bench" could not have been written; my thanks both to him and to the Second Circuit Court. The Kalanianaole Collection at the Bernice P. Bishop Museum Library proved helpful in relation to Fornander's career as acting governor of Maui, and its Fornander Collection held some interesting items. The Sacred Hearts Convent School; the University of Hawaii's Sinclair and Hamilton libraries, and especially Clara Cutright of the latter and Gail Bartholomew of the Maui Community College Library, through whose efforts I was able to draw on the resources of the Manoa campus; Punahou School's archives in the Cooke Library; the many individuals personally interviewed or whom I called upon for assistance in translation—to all of these my most sincere mahalo. A very special thanks is due my husband for his unfailing enthusiasm and encouragement, sustained in spite of recurring illness and pain, and for his cheerful sharing with Abraham Fornander of several years of our life together.

INTRODUCTION

- A . 1 1 lives are unique. But Abraham Fornander's life had a special quality because of the peculiar blend of conflict and continuity that marked both its external events and the inner forces that impelled them. His name today is remembered by few, and then most often only vaguely as a historian of Hawaii's far distant past and a collector of its legends and folklore. Yet in his time Fornander was perhaps the most widely known man in the Hawaiian Islands, not only by name and repute, but by personal encounter with people of every race and every level of society in even the most remote corners of the kingdom of Hawaii. A sophisticated and scholarly man, university trained, with a background of social grace and prestige, Fornander arrived in Hawai'i as one of those despised creatures, a whaleman, veteran of the roughest life at sea possible to imagine. Although active in several careers and areas of government and the trusted friend of three kings, for a goodly share of his days he was not recognized socially by an important segment of the islands' white community. A deeply religious man, the descendant of a long line of ecclesiastics and himself once des-

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tined for the church, he was for years the object of virulent hatred by many of the most influential clergy and church leaders in the kingdom. His name was known among scientific and intellectual circles of two continents before his contributions were recognized in his own community. This many-sided, buoyant man who entered so wholeheartedly into the life of his adopted country during some of its most troubled years, who saw so deeply, because of his sense of history, into both its past and its future, is a man not only of his own time but of ours. His was an island world, not only of Hawai'i but of many islands. Yet the seas around him, of time and of space, did not separate him from what lay beyond. Past and present were one, and he was equally at home in both. He deserves to be remembered.

1 ISLE OF WIND AND SUN

I t might be said of Abraham Fornander as it was said of Sir Edward Coke, the great English jurist, that he "lived on an island, a small island, and it affected him in his blood and bones." 1 Oland, Sweden's "fair land of summer, isle of wind and sun," 2 was his birthplace. Lying like a long, slender ship at anchor off the southeast coast, it looks to the west across the sound to the mainland and the old walled city of Kalmar with its guardian castle, to the east to the Baltic and the far horizon. It is like no place else in Sweden. Under the gentle blue gray skies of spring and early summer, breezes fragrant with the scent of the heath and fresh with the smell of the sea blow over Oland's meadows of wild orchids, carrying the songs of cuckoos and nightingales. But November days can be dull and gray, with deluges of rain, and harsh winds from the steppes of Russia. Then the old Gardsldsa church, on the east coast's high plateau, appears bleak and lonely. With the green leaves and flowers of summer long gone, the grave slabs and monuments within the churchyard wall seem to press close to the old cruciform stone building.

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But on this November day of 1812 the gutter of many candles lighted the damp, dark interior and brightened the gloom of the high vaulted ceiling. The beautiful altar, the high pulpit, carved and painted, even the little votive ship, a century and a quarter old, which hung from the ceiling, gleamed and sparkled in their light. Carriage after carriage drove up and guests and participants bustled expectantly through the magnificent six-hundred-yearold portal. For this was a very special occasion—the baptism of a second child, born November 4 to the Reverend Anders Fornander, rector of Gardslosa church, and his young wife Karin. Even though it was a repetition of a similar scene that had taken place in the springtime of the previous year, centered around the rector's first-born, Theodor Carl, today's occasion was no small thing. For the spiritual oversight of this child was to be placed in the charge of no fewer than twenty-four godparents. In recognition of the importance of the occasion, twenty were present for the ceremony. Those chosen earlier to watch over the well-being of little Theodor had accounted for many friends and relatives, but this second baby's list was even more impressive, and almost tripled his brother's in length. Topping it was knight of the Vasa order, Herr General-Consuln Per Wiik. Then there were the close relatives, some from the Fornander and some from the Foenander sides of the family, whose surnames were so confusingly similar. Among them were the child's maternal grandmother, widow of the wealthy shipping tycoon, trader, and shipbuilder, Theodor Foenander, dead just a year earlier; his spinster sister; and another prosperous merchant and shipowner, the rector's older brother Jons, the most important of the many Fornanders living in Kalmar. Important also was Theodor Foenander's bookkeeper, Lars Johan Gardell, who would later marry a daughter of his late employer and play a part in the boy's and his family's future. Then there were godparents from Oland itself, some from Gardslosa parish and some from other parts of the

Gardslosa Church as it appeared during Abraham Fornander's boyhood. (From an etching in Abraham Ahlqvist's Olands historia och beskrifning [1822-1827])

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island—a clergyman, a medical officer, a ship's captain, and several prosperous farmers and aldermen and their wives.3 Colorful frescoes of biblical scenes, which during the lives of several generations of churchgoers had covered the church walls and arched ceiling, had unfortunately been whitewashed some thirty years earlier into an invisibility that was to last almost two centuries before they would be restored to view. But the altar picture of Christ praying in Gethsemane, the statuary, and the thirteenth-century crucifix, old as the church itself, still remained. Now the rector and dean of a neighboring parish, in his embroidered vestments, performed the solemn yet happy ceremony at the old baptismal font of the dark Oland stone, which already had served so many generations of Gardslosa children. The new baby was given the name Abraham, for his paternal grandfather, who had died eleven years earlier after almost three decades in the pulpit of the church at Runsten, a parish to the south of Gardslosa, where his son Anders was born. Abraham Fornander had been a man of almost fifty, and a veteran of twenty-two years as a cavalry chaplain, before he became a parish priest and later a rural dean in charge of Oland's central area. The civilian society into which he moved was as class-conscious as the army. Lines were rigidly drawn, and the clergy, described by a contemporary traveler as perhaps the most highly educated in Europe,4 identified itself completely with the dominant social classes. In general it was an aloof and lordly group, concerned in religious matters principally with ceremonies, sacraments, and canon law, and with maintaining the cold, strict orthodoxy of the Lutheran church of the time. But during the last half of the eighteenth century a ferment had begun to work, creating new warmth and a spirit of love and devotion within the church, with emphasis not on forms but on a genuinely Christian life for all. This movement was led by a group called the Herrnhutare, known in America as the Moravian Brothers. As a young man, before he entered ar-

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my life, grandfather Abraham had been the center of a bitter dispute because of his support of this movement, with its stress on the rights and duties of the individual. His ordination as a cavalry chaplain in 1750 carried with it a stern warning by the presiding bishop to abide by sound doctrine in the future. Perhaps his interest in the Moravian teachings was a reaction to the rigidity of life with his own father, another former chaplain, who had carried military discipline into his civilian parish: any churchgoer who appeared without his psalmbook took another journey the next Sunday, this time to sit in the stocks.5 The household at the Gardslosa rectory into which the newest Fornander was born must have been a happy one for a boy to grow up in. Although many a beginning clergyman received his appointment only with the understanding or even the expressed condition that he marry his predecessor's widow, and thus save the church its meager pension payments, this was not the case with thirty-two-year-old Anders Fornander and his twenty-year-old bride and second cousin. He must often have been a guest in her handsome home, one of the finest in Kalmar, as a student attending the town gymnasium, or preparatory school, and later, when he returned to it from the University of Lund, first as a teacher of history and then as an assistant rector in the great cathedral. The house was known as The Little Court, for it was here that the Duke of Angouleme, later to become the last dauphin of France, had stayed with his retinue as guests of Theodor Foenander in 1804, when the exiled royal family had come to Kalmar at the invitation of King Gustaf IV to plot its future. As the eldest daughter in such a household, the young wife Karin had no doubt been well trained for the busy life of the Gardslosa rectory. Her husband's activities and ideas, his hearty welcome, and the wit and wisdom of his conversation brought many guests, often for long visits. There were always babies underfoot—eight in sixteen years—and the tragedies of

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the early loss of several. In six dreadful months of the year 1819, while one child was born, two little girls of four and two were lost, the younger scalded to death when she tumbled into a cauldron of boiling whey.6 For the two older boys, only nineteen months apart, Gardslosa and its surroundings offered delightful scope for their energies, and laid the foundation for the tremendous endurance and vitality that never failed Abraham throughout his long and demanding life. Gardslosa, considered the most beautiful and fertile parish on the eastern side of the island, was level country, dotted with many windmills. There were velvety green pastures where sheep and sleek cattle grazed, and well-cultivated fields of grain and vegetables surrounded here and there by groves of deciduous trees and occasional stands of spruce or pine. Through the woods near the church ran Kyrkbacken, a rippling stream bordered with violets, where a small boy might loiter and dream under the willow trees, or try a bit of fishing in the leaf-covered, flickering water. Or he might go down to the seashore to watch the passing ships that fed the wanderlust and longing for adventure which young Olanders have always felt, and often followed. In addition to grandmother Fornander, still living at Runsten, there were uncles, aunts, cousins, and friends scattered in parishes up one coast and down the other. Several relatives lived on the fringes of the alvar, a strange and for most of the year barren limestone steppe, which stretched down the center of the southern third of the island. But during spring and early summer it burst into life and became a botanist's paradise of rare plants, some found nowhere else on earth, others native to such widely separated parts of the world as the tundras of Siberia and the shores of the Mediterranean. It was a mecca not only for botanists, including the great Linnaeus, but also for antiquarians and others interested in its great number of fossil and archaeological remains. Perhaps lured at first, as any boy would be, by authentic tales of accidentally

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unearthed Roman gold and Arabic silver hidden from marauders centuries before, young Abraham, too, dug and collected. Throughout Gardslosa parish, as in all of Oland, there were reminders of four thousand years of history everywhere in the open landscape. Along country roads, at the seashore, in fields, or on the alvar, the passerby was constantly confronted by ancient grave fields, burial mounds, cairns, runestones, memorial crosses, medieval churches, and the remains of old chapels. The ruins of fortifications, climaxed by those of the magnificent castle of Borgholm across the island, bore witness to centuries of warfare with invading Germanic tribes and plundering Vikings, and with Danes who periodically overran the island in a contest for ownership of the fertile southern provinces of Sweden and the narrow strategic strait that separated Oland from the mainland. Even in the boy's own courtyard had occurred the opening of an ancient grave mound, unearthed when the rector had a new cellar dug. 7 So it was not strange that young Abraham became imbued with a sense of history and a respect for the influence of the past, which remained with him all his life. The rectory itself was comparatively new, a long redpainted, one-and-a-half story, sod-roofed structure that had to be extended to two stories as the rector's family grew. The Reverend Fornander's predecessor had spent many years here before he left to become bishop in charge of the Kalmar diocese, and it was here that his son was born and spent his boyhood. Erik Johan Stagnelius, who became one of Sweden's greatest lyric poets, wrote nostalgically of the Gardslosa countryside, of the walnut tree in the rectory garden, and the maples in the courtyard which he loved to climb to watch the sun come up and the larks flying happily skyward to meet it. Winter was a different story when the north wind brought snowstorms that filled the roads with great drifts, keeping people housebound for days, and in some years even freezing the strait between Oland and Kalmar. This was a time for study,

Gärdslösa rectory today. (Photograph by Eleanor H. Davis)

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when the rector turned teacher for his sons. But there were some years when he was gone for weeks or even months at a time. Then, while the boys were still too young to go away to school, his teaching duties were probably taken over by the young adjunkter, pastoral assistants, who were usually part of the household, particularly after 1815 when the Reverend Fornander became rural dean for his section of Oland. For a time a university student also lived there, perhaps earning money for further study by acting as konditioner, private tutor, as students often did. Dean Fornander's longest absences came during the three terms of 1815, 1817, and 1823, in which he served as a member of the Riksdag, the national legislature. The clergy was one of the four estates that constituted the parliament, and it was an extremely influential body. The dean was a busy member of several committees. He also did some preaching before the royal family, for which he was given the honorary title of royal chaplain, and had at least one audience with the king, to whom he presented a book on Oland newly published by his nephew, Abraham Ahlqvist. On this occasion, it was fortunate that the Reverend Fornander was acquainted with languages other than the Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and so-called Oriental of which he was an acknowledged master. For in spite of the fact that Karl XIV Johan—Napoleon's former Marshal Bernadotte—had already spent more than a dozen years in the country, he spoke little Swedish and their conversation had to be carried on in French.8 Whatever time could be spared from official duties during the Riksdag sessions the dean spent in the national archives, doing research on church history, his favorite avocation. He had taken on the project of correcting and bringing up to date an older encyclopedic collection of biographies of clergymen and schoolmasters of the Kalmar diocese, from earliest times to the present. This required much searching of church archives, not only in Stockholm but also in Kalmar and in other parts of the diocese, which occasionally took him from home for weeks at a time.

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Anders Fornander was also working tor his doctoral degree, which he received from Uppsala University in 1818. Such scholarship and study were not part of the usual pattern among rural clergy of the time. Most of them, once they had received their required university degrees and had passed the necessary pastoral examinations and been appointed to a comfortable living, were much more inclined to settle down cozily as petty tyrants of their parishes. They became far more interested in their cheeses and hams, their winnings at gambling, or in some pretty girl who might be seduced, than in either intellectual matters or the spiritual guidance of their parishioners. So it was not surprising that Anders Fornander's name began to be spoken of beyond Oland or even Kalmar. It was most unusual for a clergyman to receive a promotion outside his own diocese. Nevertheless, two outstanding calls came to the dean to deliver trial sermons along with two other candidates, as was the custom. One was from the admiralty church at the great naval base of Karlskrona, where he placed first, the other from the prestigious Storkyrka in Stockholm, the cathedral where royalty worshiped and Sweden's monarchs were crowned. Yet he remained in Gardslosa, turning aside by choice from a more brilliant career. The two Fornander boys, also, must of course be educated for professions. Surely at least one would go into the church to become a fifth-generation Fornander clergyman. In any case, they must be prepared for university entrance, which meant long years of study, particularly in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. The place for this, aside from their father's teaching, was the Kalmar gymnasium, the two-hundred-year-old preparatory school which so many Fornander and Foenander boys had already attended. The spring of 1823 would see the beginning of another long biennial session of the parliament, which meant that Dean Fornander would be absent from home for many months. Perhaps the current adjunkt was not a suitable substitute teacher, or perhaps the boys had become too lively and adventuresome

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for their mother to handle alone. At any rate, the decision was made that it was time for the next stage in their education. And so, in the fall of 1822, the young brothers took the first step in a journey that in the course of another decade would carry one of them across oceans and halfway around the globe.

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I f "childhood shews the man, as morning shews the day," as Milton affirms, the small boy of almost ten who left Oland to cross the sound was no timid, fearful child looking tearfully back as the island was left behind. Instead, confident and adventuresome, Abraham watched eagerly for the first glimpse of Kalmar Castle, splendid with ramparts and towers, the heart of his country's history for centuries. Kalmar nyckel it was called, key to the kingdom. For hundreds of years a busy town had crowded around the castle's base—a town that was one of the great trading centers of the Hanseatic League, and the port from which the threemasted Kalmar nyckel sailed for the New World in 1637, with a shipload of Swedish settlers for a colony in Delaware. Many times destroyed by fire—sometimes by accident, sometimes by the misfortunes of war—and as many times rebuilt, it was abandoned in 1647. For after a disastrous conflagration reduced the newly rebuilt city to ashes, Queen Christina's government decided to move the town from the blood soaked site so dangerously close to the castle to one which would be easier to defend.

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Thus the great stone walls, whose bastions and arched gateways came into view as Abraham's boat nosed its way into the harbor, belonged to a comparatively new Kalmar. They also belonged to Abraham's second island, for the town was located on the little isle of Kvarnholm, just north of the old settlement and connected to it by short bridges. The new town was built like a strong fortress. Only during sea battles with the Dutch and Danish fleets, in the wars of 1676 to 1679, was it ever in danger of assault. After 1658, when Sweden acquired its present natural boundaries, Kalmar ceased to be its country's southernmost frontier. No longer was it the hub around which the country's stormy history swirled. But instead of sinking into obscurity and oblivion, it became a great center for trade and shipbuilding, and one of the nation's richest seaports. It was no city of strangers for Abraham and Theodor. Kalmar abounded with Fornanders, but with lives and interests, as members of the leading seagoing and shipowning family, far removed from the rectories of Oland. There was Dean Fornander's first cousin Olav, sea captain and shipbuilder, and father of two sons who were following in his wake as future captains. As for the dean's brother Jons, a merchant and shipowner, one of his sons was already a captain, while a second, at the age of fourteen, had just gone to sea on his first voyage, under his older brother's command. Jons Fornander, alderman and Riksdag member, had married Anna Abrandt, daughter of an old seafaring and merchant family: her brother, two of her nephews, and four of her cousins were all Kalmar sea captains. As for the Foenanders, they still lived in the impressive family home, but in circumstances far different from those of a decade earlier, when they had attended Abraham's baptism. For nine years after Theodor Foenander's death in 1811 the trading company, the shipyard, and the fleet of ships continued to operate. Then in 1820 the business collapsed, another victim of the Napoleonic wars which engulfed Sweden along

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with the rest of Europe. The peace that followed brought ruin to Scandinavian shipping and to the great trading companies, as well as to many private merchants. It was a time of economic disaster—an almost complete collapse of Scandinavian industry and commerce, in which all classes suffered. There was no money to maintain The Little Court, and the house had to be sold. In this time of distress, one of Foenander's former employees came forward—the young bookkeeper, Lars Johan Gardell—who bought the house, and in 1823, a year after the arrival of the boys from Oland, married nineteen-year-old Anna Foenander. But the shock of the collapse of the business had apparently been too much for her mother, Theodor Foenander's widow, who died in November of 1820. Gardell proved to be a loyal friend to the Fornander family, both now and in later times of trouble, and this friendship was the young brothers' good fortune. Most boys who came from elsewhere to attend the gymnasium stayed in lodgings, three or four to a crowded room, usually bringing with them from home a supply of food to be cooked for them by their landladies. Abraham, at least during his second year, lived in the pleasant surroundings of the Gardell house, where of an evening the man and the boy sat reading Latin or playing chess together, with Anna at her piano in the background.1 Perhaps here his desire for adventure and far places was whetted by his aunt with tales of great-uncle Samuel Foenander, who went to the East Indies, married the daughter of a colonial governor, and was killed in an invasion of Ceylon during Napoleonic days. Or of his grandmother's nephew, another Anders Fornander, who was even then in America, where he explored the new country on foot from Philadelphia to the upper reaches of the Mississippi, and by rowboat down the river to New Orleans, before becoming mate and then master of a river boat. For two young boys who had known only the freedom of Oland and the respect paid them as sons of a clergyman and

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one of the island's leading citizens, life at the gymnasium held many changes, not all of them pleasant. The records of their first year are scanty, but during their second Abraham was among the very youngest in the headmaster's class. As new boys they would be expected to wait on and take the bullying of older students, some of them sixteen and seventeen years of age. They sat all day on hard benches, from early morning to late afternoon, for classes in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, theology, mathematics, geography, and history. But the brothers must have been well taught at home, for they held their own with the rest, particularly in the classical languages. This was fortunate, as all teaching and conversation were conducted in Latin. A bundle of switches for use on recalcitrant scholars was an accepted part of school furnishings of the time, and no doubt Abraham and Theodor received their share of thrashings, for their marks in behavior were only average.2 The classrooms, though each had its own stove, could be bitterly cold in winter. Then the boys sat all day in their caped greatcoats, mittens, and visored student caps. Yet it was probably more comfortable than most schools. For the handsome two-story building, the oldest in Kalmar, had been constructed not for this purpose but as the residence of the burgomaster, lord mayor, in the mid-1650s, and so the rooms were smaller and more easily heated than were most larger classrooms. Its biggest drawback was its location; though in the center of town and only a city square away from the cathedral and marketplace, it was so near an iron warehouse that the clatter of metal sometimes made it impossible for teachers and students to make themselves heard. It had been intended only as a temporary replacement for the original school building, built in the shadow of the cathedral, which had burned down some years earlier. Yet twenty years had gone by and it was still in use, and would be for more than a decade longer. The Fornander brothers were extremely fortunate during their two years at the gymnasium, for among the faculty was

Building occupied by Kalmar gymnasium during Abraham Fornander's schooldays. (Photograph by Eleanor H. Davis)

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their father's nephew, the Reverend Abraham Ahlqvist, son of another Oland clergyman. Young Ahlqvist, a teacher for several years, had been appointed the gymnasium's first instructor in natural history just a year before their arrival. This was a tremendous event in the unchanging, tradition-bound curriculum of not only this but all the early nineteenth-century Swedish gymnasia. These schools were a part of the state church, and the teachers all members of the clergy. Because of the extremely low pay, they were all too often either ambitious, uninterested young men chafing for their first pastoral appointments or older misfits unable to obtain any. But there were glowing exceptions, and one of these was the Reverend Ahlqvist. He was an innovative, enthusiastic young man of tremendous energy and drive, in spite of the fact that his health had been permanently impaired during his university days because of lack of proper food and other hardships of extreme poverty, combined with overstudy. For his father had died when Abraham Ahlqvist was a young child, and there was little or no money available for his education. He had three great extra-theological loves—botany, topography, and the historical and archaeological antiquities of his native Oland. Ahlqvist was not a teacher who limited himself to classroom and herbarium. He startled his superiors by his insistence on field trips as essential for the teaching of natural history, and pressed hard but in vain for the establishment of a botanical garden for the students' use. The first of his several volumes on Oland's churches and archaeology, Olands historia och beskrifning [Oland's history and description], was published during his young cousins' first year at Kalmar, and it was this book which their father presented to King Karl XIV Johan. A warm and happy relationship subsisted between the Reverend Ahlqvist and his uncle Anders. So when the latter's young sons left Gardslosa to attend the gymnasium, the dean asked his nephew to keep a fatherly eye on them. In the informal, relaxed letters, filled with gentle humor, which the

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Reverend Fornander wrote to Ahlqvist, he never failed to refer affectionately to his boys. He felt they were very young to be away from home, and often asked his nephew to hear them read, or otherwise guide them in their studies or with his advice.3 After their second year, the boys did not return to Kalmar. Their father was no longer in the Riksdag and was once more able to take over the completion of their preparation for the university. In May 1827, three years after the boys left Kalmar, Ahlqvist gave up a bitterly fought-for promotion to assistant headmaster of the gymnasium and returned to Oland as rector of his grandfather's church in Runsten. There was no doubt great rejoicing at Gardslosa. For the dean, there was the pleasure of sharing his progress in recording diocese history with another ardent student, and of discussing ecclesiastical gossip and the prejudices of their bishop more safely and fully than was possible by letter. For the boys, there was the stimulus of an enthusiastic antiquarian and naturalist. Through their cousin, they came into contact with other scientifically-minded men. Chief among them in influence on Abraham was Gabriel Marklin, an eccentric and learned collector who specialized in fossils, mollusks, and insects. He was a peasant's son, obsessed with a passion for learning, who had attended school for the first time when he was twenty. Though he never earned a university degree, Marklin became an assistant in Uppsala University's natural history museum and in its scientific society. He lived only for his collections, which he accumulated and financed by a lifetime of incredible frugality, until they were the largest and most complete privately owned ones in Sweden. Almost every year, knapsack on back, he would make walking tours to various parts of his own country or abroad, seeking out others with like interests. In exchange for food and lodgings, he would catalog their collections and, if lucky, add to his own by trading specimens. Marklin and

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19

Ahlqvist were old friends; so when he came to Oland he visited the hospitable household at Gardslosa. Young Abraham, also a fossil collector, was eager to learn all he could about classifying them from the older man, and so the two became friends and correspondents. The boy was even able to contribute some fine specimens to the famous collector.4 Occupying the minds of the brothers and their father at that time was the question of which university they should attend. Most Fornander and Foenander men were graduates of Uppsala, whether or not they followed the theological courses which were considered its particular strength. Others had gone to schools in Finland and Germany, or had been apprenticed to merchants in Germany, Holland, or France. Anders Fornander alone had attended Lund University. Apparently his first intention had been to go into governmental work and not into the church, as at that time training for public service was looked upon as Lund's particular province. Perhaps there he fell under the far-reaching influence of Henrik Schartau, the great spiritual leader at its cathedral, whose stress on faith with good works, on warm zeal, and on the need for combining theology with an understanding of human nature and of advancing knowledge in other fields, excited and inspired so many young theologians who heard him preach. For unknown reasons it was Abraham and not the eldest son who was selected to follow the family tradition and enter the church, though it would seem that for one with his interests some branch of science might prove a more satisfying choice. Theodor would go into medicine like his grandfather's cousin, Andreas Nicolai Fornander, who had been an outstanding student of Linnaeus, the famous botanist and physician at Uppsala. And it was the latter school which was chosen for both boys to enter in the autumn of 1828. But in February of that year a tragedy occurred—the sudden, unexpected death of the serene and kindly dean, not yet fifty years old. His widow was left with two boys ready to at-

20

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tend the university; and two little girls of three and six. The church provided a small settlement in such cases, but only for a limited period, and it was far from sufficient to provide permanently for a family of five and to send two sons through the university. And as unfortunately hard times still prevailed, little help could be expected from the many godparents. Mrs. Fornander and her daughters were able to stay on at Gardslosa until 1835, when their good friend Lars J o h a n Gardell brought them to Visby, on the island of Gotland, where he had entered government service shortly after the boys completed their work at Kalmar. But, before she left the parish, the widow had one last loving task to perform for her late husband. The dean had left unfinished the collection of diocesan annals on which he expended so much time and energy. Mrs. Fornander collected the completed sections, together with pages upon pages of closely written notes, excerpts, and abstracts, all filled with endless citations and abbreviations. These she sent to another clergyman, the Reverend N . I. Lofgren, who had been helpful to the dean in the course of his research, asking that all or some of them be published in his memory. Lofgren was appalled at the difficulty of the task, but finally accepted out of regard for his old friend, and because he knew the need for the work and the great expectancy with which its completion had been anticipated by the clergy. Thus at least a part of Anders Fornander's labors was preserved, as the basis of Lofgren's biographical and historical compilation of ecclesiastical officials of parishes and secondary schools in the Kalmar diocese, which he published in 1836. 5 Meanwhile, as planned, in the fall of 1828 Abraham and Theodor left Oland to begin their university studies at Uppsala, city of G o d and learning.

3

OF LOVE AND LEARNING

I^>r any except a pair of healthy and eager sixteen- and seventeen-year-old boys the journey from Oland to Uppsala would be tiring and uncomfortable. After the long boat trip to Stockholm, the capital city about which they had heard so much from their father, there were still forty miles of rough roads to travel, by mail coach or horse and cart, before reaching their destination. They would bring with them as much as could be managed in the way of food for the future— cured meat, cheeses, potatoes, perhaps a goose or a duck—for poor boys with no father to support them could not afford many restaurant meals. Like others in their circumstances, they would look for a shabby room in one of the dozens of lodging houses, kept usually by a clergyman's or schoolmaster's widow, where, if meals were not included, their landlady might be persuaded to roast an occasional fowl or boil a pot of potatoes for them. There could be no expensive trips home during the school year to renew supplies. After the rural charm of Oland and the gracious dignity of Kalmar, Uppsala with its dusty, dirty, ill-lighted streets, its sod-roofed houses on which goats and sheep were tethered to

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graze, must have been a disappointment. The original town —a thousand years earlier the capital of Viking kings and the site of a great pagan temple lined with sheets of gold—lay three miles away. Now it was only a village, with a parish church where the massive edifice once stood. Modern Uppsala spread over a flat plain on both sides of the river Fyris. Its central avenue, deep in dust or mud, rose in a gradual ascent of the only hill for miles around to confront the beginnings of what was to become a magnificent library building. Carolina Rediviva, still in its early stages of construction, would house eventually a tremendous collection of more than a hundred thousand books and many precious manuscripts of medieval times, large numbers of them brought back as loot by the victorious armies of Gustavus Adolphus and other conquering kings. Close by were the older university buildings, and the botanical garden through which Linnaeus strolled as a student a century before. There, also, was the seat of the archbishop of Sweden—a great Gothic cathedral hundreds of years old, built of incongruous red brick, but impressive nevertheless. Within were the huge sarcophagi of the mighty Gustavus Vasa and other kings and queens, as well as the silver coffin of Eric, patron saint of Sweden. At the very crest of the hill stood the red brick castle, burned more than a hundred years earlier, along with most of the town, and never completely rebuilt. It was painted in a manner that caused an English traveler of the time to remark that, from a distance, it looked less like a royal palace than like the Great Western Steamer.1 The Fornander brothers passed their entrance examinations before the dean of the philosophical faculty and were enrolled among the university's almost eight hundred students just a week after Abraham's sixteenth birthday. He began his studies in the theological faculty, while Theodor entered the medical.2 There were four such—theology, law, medicine, and philosophy, which included science and mathematics. Teaching

OF LOVE AND LEARNING

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was done by a couple of dozen professors and a much larger number of adjunkter, assistants. There were also private teachers, some of them working for degrees themselves, who tutored or lectured students preparing for examinations. The latter were not required to attend any classes at all, so long as their tests were passed satisfactorily and their written treatises and oral disputations were acceptable. The days were long past when such renowned professors as Celsius, Linnaeus, and Rudbeck made Uppsala famous throughout Europe as a great scientific center and drew students from all over the continent. In the collapse that followed the Napoleonic period the natural sciences still flourished, but it was in such humanistic studies as history, philosophy, aesthetics, and literature that the university now became particularly eminent. Many Swedish scholars and poets of the day sought escape from depression and defeat through romanticism, one school looking backward to the glorious traditions of an earlier and more heroic Scandinavian age. The outstanding representative of this group, and perhaps the most influential figure at Uppsala during Abraham's day, was Eric Gustav Geijer. Poet, folklorist, scholar, author, and lecturer on both legal and Swedish history, he gave tremendous impetus to historical research, and his stress on the continuity of history led to a deepened understanding of social life and social problems. Geijer was dedicated to the revival of old Nordic valor, and to the memory of its bygone deeds. His inspiring lectures would attract audiences of more than two hundred, and made such an impression on Abraham that he never forgot him—half a century later he paid tribute to the historian's memory in his own work. Without a doubt the boy also read and thrilled, and later reacted in a very personal way, to Geijer's well-known romantic poem, "The Viking," which was permeated by the roar of the North Sea and the feeling that everything material was cramped and valueless compared to the freedom of the seafaring life.

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Most professors avoided personal contact with individual students who attended their lectures, though there were a few notable exceptions to this attitude. But the strong class consciousness which permeated Swedish life was fortified in university circles by pride of profession and an arrogance of erudition, particularly strong among less able teachers, that gave a "touch me not" quality to the relationship in many cases. Abraham's closest contacts, accordingly, were with the members of his "nation," a fraternal university organization peculiar to Sweden. There was one of these for each of the principal dioceses represented among the student body. Each young man automatically became a member of the nation of his home district; so the Fornanders became "Kalmarites," as did a dozen others of their family before and after them. In Abraham's day the nation had no club building or dormitory of its own; yet in a sense it became for him, as for others, a home away from home. Within the group, he was welcomed by teachers and students who shared a common background of gymnasium, friends, and geography, whose fraternal responsibility it was to watch over, advise, and help him in time of need. There was then no student union of nations. Each group segregated itself rigorously from the rest, cultivated the comradeship of its own members, and thus developed its own particular blend of group personality which set it apart from every other group. There was often hostility between the various nations, which sometimes erupted into open battle with the students releasing their aggressions and frustrations by beating each other gloriously black-and-blue. Each nation had an elected but autocratic curator-member at the top, senior members who enforced the rules and jealously guarded its prestige, and juniors who were the loyal opposition until they, too, progressed to the upper house. As for the lowly newcomers, their function was to listen and learn and keep their mouths shut, until they passed the nation's examination at the end of the school year and were eligible to become juniors in turn.

OF LOVE AND LEARNING

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Except for a few dandies among the sons of nobility and wealth, the students in this time of depression were a shabby lot, with little money to spend on either dress or amusement. In warm weather they swam in the placid Fyris, danced in the meadows beside its willow-fringed banks, walked in the country, went on trips to gather fossils or artifacts or botanical specimens for their collections, or wandered the streets of an evening with their friends, singing together or serenading under a lady's window. When all else failed, there was always the prospect of a good fight with the town apprentices to break the monotony; the state of constant war between the two groups frequently led to real bloodshed and violence. In winter the students skated on the river, engaged in snow fights, or huddled in their drafty rooms trying to keep warm. When they could afford it, they gathered in one of the many taverns to smoke, drink, sing, and argue the issues of life, love, or literature—or simply drank, for drunkenness and debauchery were all too common a part of student life during this period. The winter was long and dark and cold, but at last the snows melted. The streets then became incredibly deep quagmires of mud, which turned to dust that swirled and choked. Finally the big festival of the year arrived—Walpurgis Night, the evening before the first of May. As it grew dark, huge bonfires burned on the Uppsala plain. The students gathered, and by torchlight marched together up the hill to the castle. The various nations in turn sang the songs that were their own, and together they welcomed the return of spring. All night there was revelry, in celebration that the blessed sun had come back and the days of darkness were done with for another year. Now time passed swiftly, and the end of the final term approached. At some time during this first year Abraham should have taken his stora, the major theological examination, but for some unknown reason failed to do so. Perhaps he found other subjects of more interest, such as science, history, or literature,

26

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and failed to prepare sufficiently, or he may have been expressing a rebellion against the career chosen for him. Whatever the reason, the only test for which he sat was the nation examination, an unofficial one not recognized by the university; he passed it successfully. The school year ended, and the brothers left Uppsala. Though they did not know it, and it was not their plan at the time, neither would ever return to this university. Theodor went back to Oland to spend the summer vacation with his mother and small sisters. "Abbe," as he was known to his fellows, travelled across Sweden in the opposite direction to Kalv, a rural parish near Gothenburg where his mother's younger sister, Christina, lived with her husband, the Reverend Carl Johan Grevillius. Why did not Abraham, too, return home? Perhaps he was restless—the tremendous physical vitality characteristic of the man must have been at least equally marked in the boy, and the tranquillity of Oland no longer a sufficient outlet for his abounding adolescent energy. Most immediately, there was the need for money to enable him to return to the university, which Abraham apparently hoped to earn by tutoring. For in the Grevillius family was a young son, Johan, thirteen years old, ready to be prepared for the university, and Abraham was joining the household as a konditioner, a tutor. Dean Grevillius had been an army chaplain, a veteran of the grim Russian war and its prison camps. He was not popular among some of his more casual or free-living fellow clergymen, who felt he set too high a value on the formalities of proper social and clerical behavior. But the dean was a generous man, who had already taken into his home at various times five of his wife's and his own needy relatives, as well as a number of genteel maiden ladies who were longtime guests. His youngest aunt, Eva Foenander, had come to Kalv to live with the Grevillius family soon after the Gardells moved to Gotland; she was now twenty-one. Another young girl of fif-

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teen was also a long-standing guest, and there was in the household a twenty-five-year-old curate whom she later married. 3 So Abraham had no lack of youthful companionship. In addition, Kalv was a pleasant place to live for a vigorous seventeen-year-old who liked the out-of-doors, for it abounded in lakes and streams and forests. Several months after Abraham arrived, he received a letter of condolence on the death of his father from Gabriel Marklin, who had been gone for some time on collecting trips abroad. Abraham replied wistfully. He wrote of his longing to return to Uppsala, his worry about accumulating enough money to do so, and his regret at having to leave his fossil collection behind when he left the university. Otherwise, he continued, he was perfectly content with life in Kalv and hoped to go on an excursion to a neighboring area the next summer, if he could spare the time, to see some fossil limestone formations and to compare them with those of Oland. Surely he would return to Uppsala by the autumn of 1830, or the following spring at the latest. 4 But this was not to be. When the fall term of 1830 arrived Abraham and Theodor were back in school, but at the University ofLund. Like Uppsala, Lund was a very old city, with more than eight hundred years of history. It overlooked the rich farming lands of southern Sweden over which that country and Denmark had fought for centuries, but being miles from the sea had been neither a strategic battle center nor a busy market place for shipping and trade. Instead, it was a cultural center revolving around university and church; at the beginning of the Middle Ages it had been the see of the archbishop of all Scandinavia. It was to a charming and dignified little city that Abraham came in the fall of 1830. Crumbling embankments, unneeded since the victorious days of the mid-seventeenth century when the Swedes once and for all won the town and the province of

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Scania, enclosed a network of narrow, winding streets. They were lined with neat one-story, half-timbered dwellings and small shops, and an occasional merchant's residence with a second-story storage area for his goods. Here and there stood red brick reminders of an earlier day—tall, narrow houses with stepped gables, the very old cathedral school of the mid1500s, the fifteenth -century former cathedral chapter library. Some of the residences sat well back from the street in groves of trees, from which glimmered white facades plastered in the newest fashion. The town's stately center was a huge Romanesque cathedral, consecrated almost seven hundred years earlier, its impressive interior a treasure of religious history and craftsmanship. Between cathedral and university, and surrounding the buildings of the latter, was the Lundagard, an enclosed park and botanical garden shaded by beautiful old trees and crossed by pleasant walkways. A dignified red brick library was its most imposing structure; it had been a royal residence built by King Frederick two hundred and fifty years earlier, and the university's principal building almost from its founding in 1668.

Lund University had only very recently come to be considered the equal in academic prestige of its older and larger rival, Uppsala, and had only half as many students. It is difficult to guess why the Fornander brothers made the change to attend Lund. Uppsala, except for their father's apostasy, was traditionally the Fornander family's school, and Abraham only the previous year had been longing to return to it. Perhaps Theodor thought he might receive better training at Lund, though, at the very time he left, Uppsala's medical faculty received a tremendous impetus with the arrival of Professor Israel Hwasser from Finland's University of Abo, a man who would play an important role in Sweden's medical development. Abraham spent only a year at Lund. Perhaps part of the reason lay in the differing academic emphases of the two univer-

OF LOVE AND LEARNING

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sities. There was a newly awakened enthusiasm for natural history at Lund, which would have appealed to Abraham, but broad concern with philosophy, aesthetics, and literature was lacking. Revitalized historical interest, which at Uppsala had given such vigor to the study of the Scandinavian past, turned here to church history and the classical writings of Greece and Rome. The one exception, and the person who had almost single-handedly brought Lund to its new eminence, was no longer part of its faculty. This was Esaias Tegner, formerly professor of Greek, but since 1824 Bishop of Vaxjo, in another part of Sweden. Tegner, a spellbinding orator and lecturer, was deeply imbued with Swedish nationalism and Scandinavianism. During his period at Lund he had written much poetry on these themes. Just five years before Abraham's arrival he had published his Fritkiofs saga, an epic poem based on the exploits of an Icelandic folk hero whose popularity spread immediately throughout Europe. The boy was apparently deeply affected by his reading of it, for a copy was still a part of his library many decades later. Whatever the cause, Abraham was not happy during his stay at Lund. Even before he became a student there he was restless and uncertain of the future; as early as April 1830 he had already taken out a passport for "Copenhagen and further abroad."' His disquiet was due partly to worry about money to complete his education, and partly to a desire to see the world and make a way of life for himself. Perhaps this desire was whetted by tales told him by his young aunt Eva of her older brother Pehr, who had made a trip to America in 1827 and returned to Kalv for a visit afterward, no doubt regaling the family with accounts of his experiences. Many years later the son of a gymnasium classmate and fellow nation member of Abraham's at Lund wrote an account in a Kalmar newspaper of the life of his father's old friend. According to the writer, his fellow students at Lund soon noticed a tenseness and restlessness about Abraham that puzzled them, for it was so different from his usual buoyancy and im-

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pulsiveness, and seemed to have no logical cause. Their guess was that he was unhappily in love, and after some quiet investigation this proved to be the case. Unfortunately, it was a completely hopeless situation: the girl was someone so closely related to him that according to Swedish law of the time marriage was impossible—in fact, she was a close relative of his mother, and about five years older than he. His friends could do nothing to help. They could not even discuss it with Abraham as he completely avoided any reference to the matter, hoping to forget the unhappy episode in his new life at Lund.6 The girl in the case, unidentified until now, was no doubt Eva Foenander, his mother's youngest sister and a fellow guest in the household at Kalv, four years his elder.7 Whoever the girl and whatever the cause, Abraham could not settle down to student life in Lund. Suddenly one day in 1831, apparently with no farewells, he traveled the few miles south to the seaport of Malmo and took ship for Copenhagen. The lost years had begun.

4 THE WHALER

"T JL will say nothing of the hardships, the escapes from danger, the vicissitudes of life which I experienced during that period; I have stood beneath the portals of death several times, ashore and on the sea,—and the latter in situations more horrible than the former." 1 Thus Abraham Fornander many decades later described his life during the dozen or more years after he so suddenly left the country of his birth for the New World. These were the lost years, especially after 1835, when even his family knew little or nothing of his whereabouts. The Swedes are a proud people, and the contrast between young Fornander's present circumstances and the family background, and with his brother's staid and proper life as a medical student and rising young physician, may have been too great for his pride to reveal. Silence was his answer. Perhaps he did write; there was some correspondence with his brother after he reached America, but within a few years it ceased. Mail to and from ship's crews was handed from vessel to vessel, left in counting rooms and stores—in the Galapagos it was deposited in a large covered shell, a box nailed to a tree, or a barrel on a stick, to be picked up by captains who thought

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they might be able to deliver it. The chance of such letters reaching their destinations was slight; out of a hundred, perhaps a half-dozen might reach those to whom they were sent. Abraham once wrote of his travels that he had visited numbers of the principal ports of North America and the West Indies. " I have been to the Azores Islands, to St. Helena, to Cape of Good Hope. I have been up and down the coast of S. America, from Conception bay in Chili to Guayaquil in Columbia. I have doubled Cape Horn three times, and I have cruised over the broad Pacific Ocean from Tahiti to Hawaii, from coast ofJapan to coast of California. I have been to Kamshatka (Petropsulowski three times)." 2 To a large extent this was the pattern followed by most whaleships of the time. Some cruised the Atlantic, following the west coast of Africa as far south as the Cape of Good Hope. But the majority of American whalers, on leaving ports in New England or Long Island, crossed the Atlantic to the Azores and the Canary and Cape Verde islands in search of crewmen and of water, fruit, and other supplies. They traveled down the east coast of South America and around Cape Horn, sometimes heading immediately into the Pacific, but usually stopping in Chile and in Peru; then on to the Galápagos Islands for turtles and fresh water, to pick up and leave mail, and for an exchange of news with other whaleships. The next ports of call were in the Sandwich Islands, where lengthy stops were made in the spring and the fall on both inbound and outbound voyages, to allow the men liberty and to refit the ships and transship the whale oil. In June and July the search for whales took them north of the Sandwich Islands, then on to the grounds off Japan, or farther still past the Kuril Islands and into the fog and rain of Okhotsk, off the coast of Siberia. They might cross and recross the Pacific more than once, searching for whales along the equator and south toward the Marquesas and the Society Islands, before sailing finally for the coast of South America, the dangerous doubling of Cape Horn, and the return to the busy whaling ports which they

THE WHALER

33

had left two to four long years earlier. In later years, new grounds and new dangers were found off the coast of Alaska and in the ice of the Arctic Ocean, but by then Fornander's career as whaler and man of the sea was over. According to his own words, the young man visited the Sandwich Islands first in 1833 and 1834. 3 His last and only documented voyage began on a whaler out of New Bedford in 1841. By then he occupied the very responsible and demanding position of harpooner, also known as boatsteerer, one which would not be filled except by a practiced whaleman. So it is likely that Fornander's whaling life began early in his seagoing career, probably on the voyage during which he first visited the Sandwich Islands. He undoubtedly sailed on an American ship, since he once remarked that it was after his arrival in the United States that the force of circumstances sent him to sea. 4 It was a time when the life of any common seaman was indescribably harsh. That which young Fornander chose, or drifted into, was probably the roughest and most miserable of all, especially during the period that covered the later years of his life at sea. His lack of experience would have been no drawback, for during the 1820s and early 1830s at least half an American whaler's foremast hands consisted of inexperienced landlubbers—greenhorn farm boys dazzled by the lure of adventure and the glowing promises of ships' agents, or young sons of New England seagoing families, hoping to achieve the quite possible goal of a captaincy by the age of twenty. Except for the officers and specialists—the harpooners, cooper, cook, carpenter, and blacksmith—the remainder of the roster of ordinary seamen would be made up of older, experienced sailors usually too irresponsible, unintelligent, or depraved to progress further. If young Fornander's first whalers were the usual ones, it would not be surprising if he did not keep his family informed about the details of his life. Home for the ordinary seaman

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was the forecastle, a low, dark, airless twelve-foot-square room in the bow of the ship, lined with rough planks for bunks. Often it was foul with the stench of rancid oil, stale tobacco, and lantern smoke; mildewed oilskins, unwashed clothes and bodies; sweat, urine, and vomit; and infested with rats, cockroaches, and other vermin. On some ships the food was frequently little better than garbage, and the menu unvarying after the potatoes and other fresh produce gave out. Its staples were salt pork or beef, hard as rock; unspeakable stews of hardtack, pork fat, or other grease; puddings whose ingredients were mixtures of flour or powdered hardtack, lard, and perhaps yeast, cooked with molasses or dried fruit; all washed down with weak tea or bitter coffee, often cold. These delights were served on deck, or in the forecastle in bad weather, from one or two large pots, each man coming equipped with his own metal plate, cup, spoon, and the sheath knife from his belt; the utensils were stored after use in a net bag over his bunk. There were exceptions, of course, such as the whaler North America, where the forecastle was scrubbed regularly every morning, and a table and lamp provided where the men could practice writing or read from the ship's library of some two hundred volumes; but these were an increasing rarity.5 The crews were generally a very mixed bag—New Englanders, Europeans, Negroes, Indians, Cape Verdeans, Azoreans, and natives from many islands of the South Pacific. Over them all ruled a hardfisted captain whose power was absolute. He and his officers were almost always superb seamen and skilled whalers, no matter how poorly they read and wrote, if at all. Sternness was the rule of the day, degenerating all too often, especially in later years, into extreme harshness and tyranny, with strict control maintained by strong muscles, hard fists, and the cat-o'-nine-tails applied to a naked back. For by the 1840s and 1850s greater opportunities provided by the combination of New England factories and the westward movement, and the expansion of the whaling industry itself, creat-

THE WHALER

35

ed a need for crewmen which was hard to meet. The percentage of undesirables increased, and the brutality used to control them and others as well made life aboard many a whaler one of unrelieved filth, misery, and danger. Since the viciousness of older crew members could often match the brutality of some officers, it was fortunate that young Fornander, seasoned by rough battles with rugged apprentices and fellow students, was strong and well able to take care of himself. It was fortunate, too, that Swedes of the 1820s and 1830s were people of robust habits—even a clergyman's son, growing up among the crude and earthy peasants of rural Oland and among seagoing cousins and uncles, would be no sheltered and fragile innocent. Nevertheless the twenty-yearold who was facing this rough new life was sensitive and intelligent, and even his basic self-confidence and pluck could not protect him entirely against the shock of the degradation and danger to which he was often exposed. His memory of those harsh days was still vivid many decades later. But though he spoke of his life at sea as a long and severe ordeal, a time of hardship and difficulty, of squalor endured and dangers faced, no details remain. Only that "it was a rude experience and it met me early, still my heart was ever buoyant and fresh, and with a steady eye and an easy conscience I looked adversity in the face, and always got the best of it. " 6 From accounts in ship's logs and by less reticent whalers it is plain that there must have been perils in plenty. On board, in storms and in high seas, men fell from yardarms to be crushed on deck or lost overboard. When the enormous mammal that was their prey was sighted and the small boats lowered in pursuit, death was a close companion. With the lines attached after a successful harpooning, the boat and its occupants might be pulled fathoms deep beneath the waves in the whale's wild efforts to escape, or the creature might suddenly turn and attack, capsizing the feeble shell or crushing it with powerful flukes. Even after the whale was killed and attached to the mother ship, and the vessel became a floating butcher

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shop, deep in blood, slime, and grease, there was still danger. While the men slipped and slid on the whale's back, cutting away strips of blubber, hungry sharks swam impatiently below or rushed in to seize huge mouthfuls. The boiling oil in the enormous 250-gallon try-pots, under which fires burned far into the night in the process of rendering the blubber, was another risk, especially in rough weather. Even in quiet seas and during the many months of boredom—of long watches and hard work in preparation for these periods of feverish activity—there was danger. Men were killed by brutal officers or vicious shipmates, and died of scurvy, pneumonia, or other illnesses caused by the hardships of the voyage, their only help the simple remedies in the captain's medicine chest. Sometimes an entire crew was lost when a ship piled up on a reef, caught fire, was attacked by hostile natives, or simply disappeared at sea. The brightest spots of every cruise were always the stops in the Sandwich Islands, to which young Fornander came with his ship for the first time in the riotous days of 1833 and 1834. The New England missionaries had been increasingly successful, in the years following their arrival in 1820, in imbuing the more influential of the ruling chiefs with their Calvinistic puritanism. But though they had brought about the passage of blue laws even more rigid than those of their native Massachusetts and Connecticut, they could not control the waterfront of Honolulu. During the spring and fall whaling seasons of the early thirties, more than a hundred ships a year would drop anchor. During their stays of two or three weeks, Fid Street, a ragged lane lined with grogshops and brothels leading inland from the harbor, became a maelstrom of boisterous and drunken seamen, tipsy natives, tattered vagrants, diseased prostitutes, and young women fresh from the country, eager to make quick and easy money for finery or for their families. Fortunately, there was one refuge for seamen whose need was for

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peace and quiet—the Seamen's Bethel, a two-story structure opened in late November of 1833, which offered reading rooms, a library, and a chapel for their use. The straggly little town was the most popular port in the Pacific with deserters, even though capture and return to the ship meant a merciless flogging; escape, the loss of wages and destitution in a strange country. Those caught after the ship sailed faced imprisonment in a jail even filthier and more uncomfortable than the forecastle, food scantier and worse than at sea, and hard labor under overseers as brutal as those they had left. This was Honolulu in ordinary times. But 1833 and 1834 were extraordinary years. Many of the several hundred white residents of the town— traders, merchants, mechanics, vagrants—as well as a hard core of native chiefs, resented bitterly the influence of the missionaries in the previously one-sided contest between naivete and cupidity, for pecuniary and exploitative as well as moral, and immoral, reasons. Ever since Kamehameha III reached adolescence the vicious and avaricious had struggled with every means at their hands for control of the young king. Success seemed theirs, for in March 1833 the nineteen-year-old monarch declared open revolt against the restraints of his Christian regents by a suspension of all laws except those against theft and murder. For two unrestrained years the freedom lasted. Ancient sports and pastimes which had been forbidden by the missionaries were restored; church attendance dropped; schools emptied; gambling, drinking, and sexual freedom were enthusiastically and openly practiced. Only Hoapili, the deeply dedicated Christian governor of the island of Maui, living at the busy but strait-laced whaling port of Lahaina a hundred miles away, continued his unceasing struggle against fornication, adultery, and strong drink, no matter what the laws or people's inclinations. The revolt lasted until June 1834, when the king suffered a physical collapse, victim of his own invitation to license. Early

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in the following year he conceded defeat. A new code of laws was promulgated, to be strongly enforced by his premier and former regent, Klna'u, a missionary-led chiefess. Even powerful chiefs who disobeyed her edicts were stripped of their authority and possessions, a fact that would have an unforeseeable but very personal effect on Fornander's life years later, when she was long dead. But that was far in the future. This time he sailed with his ship back to New England, and once again the lost years are veiled in obscurity. He spent considerable time in the northern United States and came to know many of its principal ports, probably by shipping out of them. He traveled through much of the South, visiting Charleston several times. He earned his master's papers, perhaps in the merchant service to the West Indies. There are apparently false reports of another voyage to the Sandwich Islands in 1838, and unconfirmed rumors of a long stay in Mexico.7 Then, in 1841, the clouds of obscurity once more parted. When the Ann Alexander sailed on October 28, 1841, from the busy Massachusetts whaling port of New Bedford, listed among her crew was one "Abr. Fornander." The ship, bound for "the Pacific Ocean and elsewhere," was under the command of Captain Pardon Taber II, who had in his charge a crew of twenty-two men, one of whom deserted and had to be replaced even before she sailed. Except for two Negroes and a Dane, plus four about whom no information is listed beyond their names (three "Antonio"s and Fornander), the remainder were all native-born white Americans. They ranged in age from eighteen to thirty-three—more than half were twenty-two years old or younger—and were remarkably small men, considering the rugged life they would lead. All but Fornander and two others were between five feet two and five feet seven and a half inches tall, with most of them at the shorter end of the scale. 8 The ship was a three-master, built in 1805 for the merchant trade by a group of Quaker shipbuilders, and transferred in

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1820 to whaling. At this time her capacity was enlarged to 253 tons, still well below the average of 300 to 400 tons for vessels engaged in this work. The Ann Alexander had a long and adventurous life. On her first voyage she missed being at Cape Trafalgar at the time of the famous battle by only a few days; she was twice captured by Spanish privateers, was cast ashore by a hurricane, and experienced a small mutiny before coming to a spectacular end on the second voyage after Fornander left her. She was a temperance ship, on which no distilled spirituous liquor was carried, except for medical purposes. Such a lack did not necessarily indicate a higher-than-usual moral character among a ship's owners and officers, but at times only that the former had found one more way of saving money at the expense of the crew's comfort. On this, her fourteenth whaling voyage, Captain Taber was to take the Ann Alexander around Cape Horn to Peru, thence to the Galapagos and westward. She would spend the major part of the forty-three and a half months of her voyage in the South Pacific or on whaling grounds off Japan. Fornander by now was a mature man of twenty-nine, tall, broad-shouldered, deep-chested, tempered by danger and the harsh physical demands of life at sea. On this voyage he would serve as a harpooner, or boatsteerer, one of a group of men upon whom much of the success of a cruise depended. A whaleship carried several harpooners, each charged with the care of one of the small boats used to pursue and kill the whale. It was a responsible position, for any scamping of this care could mean the loss of several lives and thousands of dollars of possible profits. To each of these boats were also assigned four foremast hands to man the oars and a mate, or the captain himself, to direct operations and handle the steering-oar in the stern during the early stages of pursuit. The harpooner pulled a short oar in the bow, shouting words of encouragement or imprecation or roaring out songs to stimulate the efforts of the seamen, until the moment came for him to stand up and throw his harpoons with all his strength into the whale. This was the crucial moment, which might not

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come again for several weeks, and failure could well mean a return to the forecastle. If he succeeded in sinking his first harpoon into the body of the whale, and hopefully his second as well, the harpooner quickly changed places with the officer in the stern and assumed his second role of boatsteerer. The two hundred fathoms of line attached to each harpoon soon ran out as the whale made furious attempts to free itself—attempts that might take minutes, or even hours, and were the most dangerous of the entire cruise. With luck, the lines would hold and the whale would tire so that at last the boat could approach close enough for the officer in charge to strike the killing blow by thrusting the long, razor-sharp lance several feet deep into its vitals. After the dead whale had been towed to the ship and secured against its side, another dangerous task awaited the harpooners, or sometimes one of the mates. He was lowered by ropes to the whale's slippery back, there to insert a huge hook into a deep incision in its neck so that the blubber might be cut and stripped off. It was also the harpooners who, along with the officers, oversaw the trying-out, another hazardous process. The compensation for these added risks and responsibilities was a bunk in the steerage stateroom, amidships, between the officers aft and the crew in the forecastle. The harpooners ate from chinaware at a table in the officers' cabin and shared their food, but after the latter had finished eating and without their luxuries of sugar and butter. Their share, or lay, might be anything from one thirty-eighth to one hundredth of the profits, compared to the one hundredth to one one-hundredsixtieth paid to ordinary experienced seamen. For Fornander, his lay for this voyage was one eightieth. During her first seventeen months out of New Bedford, the Ann Alexander's logbook told the usual story of whales pursued, of irons that missed and lines that parted, of boats stove or cracked, of whales captured and taken alongside only to have the fluke chains break. There were weeks of sighting no

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whales at all, and days when whole schools appeared and as many as three were taken, followed by weary hours upon hours of cutting in, trying-out, and stowing down oil. By March 1843 the Ann Alexander had collected four hundred barrels of valuable sperm oil. Supplies were low and it was time to refit. Unexpectedly, it was toward neither Lahaina nor Honolulu that Captain Taber headed his vessel, but rather to the quiet little town of Hilo, on the island of Hawai'i. During all the months at sea he had been lucky with weather. But on the seventeenth of the month the ship was caught in a heavy squall that split the main and mizzen top-gallant sails. Nevertheless, two days later the ship dropped anchor in Byron's Bay. It was a lovely spot—the gentle curve of the bay, the luxuriantly green shore, the sleepy village, over which towered the great mountains, often capped with snow during the months of winter and early spring. Here one might find only half a dozen vessels anchored during the busy seasons of the year when the Lahaina roadstead held ninety or more at one time. Perhaps Captain Taber had heard through other whaleships of the international complications that had kept Honolulu in a state of tension all though the previous year and, just a month before the Ann Alexander's arrival in Hawaiian waters, had forced King Kamehameha III to cede his kingdom provisionally to Great Britain. Or perhaps he simply hoped to avoid the temptations offered by these livelier towns, for Hoapili was dead, and Lahaina as wicked now as Honolulu. Whaling ships in double the numbers of ten years earlier were now using these ports—a total of almost four hundred in 1843, and even more the following year. But if Captain Taber hoped that in staid little Hilo his men would not be tempted away from him, his hopes were dashed. Within ten days of his arrival on March 27, five men deserted; two were recaptured. The cooper, very ill, was discharged, and to find a replacement the captain found it necessary after all to go to both Honolulu and Lahaina. By mid-April the Ann Alexander was heading for the rich

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grounds near. Japan. Fornander had missed by two weeks a possible encounter with another whaler with whom he might have found much in common. Herman Melville, a deserter in the Marquesas, a mutineer in Tahiti, arrived in Lahaina aboard his third whaler, and was discharged there on May 2, 1843. Three months later, long before Fornander returned to the Sandwich Islands, the twenty-four-year-old Melville was on his way back to New York State, his life as a whaler and beachcomber behind him, and ahead the long years as author and civil servant.9 Meanwhile, the Ann Alexander once more proved to be a lucky ship. Whales were plentiful, three of them sighted by Fornander. There was a heavy gale in their area on August 11. A week later the crew began sighting bits of wreckage, and soon came upon a water-filled, deserted ship, which had been irretrievably damaged in the storm. Soon two more whalers arrived, one with survivors which she had picked up. Six others had been washed overboard during the storm and lost. They watched the bark sink, but not before the three ships had stripped her of oil, supplies, and equipment. In spite of his experience with deserters in Hilo, Captain Taber, apparently an optimist, brought the Ann Alexander back in mid-October to take on supplies and for painting and cleaning. His luck was no better. This time six men had to be replaced, three of them deserters and three discharged, before the ship sailed again for the South Pacific. But in the matter of oil Captain Taber's good fortune or skill did not fail, for by spring he had collected twelve hundred barrels of sperm oil. It was time to transship; so it was to Honolulu, the Hawaiian "fair haven," that he brought the Ann Alexander on March 11, 1844, for a twenty-six-day stay. The king's sovereignty had been restored and the country's independence recognized by both England and France. The missionary group was once more in firm control of the government, though not of the waterfront. Here the area swarmed

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even more thickly than on Fornander's visit ten years earlier with peddlers, procurers, loafers, drunkards, prostitutes, and seamen on leave, as well as with constables eager to make arrests and collect a percentage of the fines levied. There were other changes since Fornander's visit of 1834. The Seamen's Bethel was now in the charge of the genial Reverend Samuel Chenery Damon, who boarded all the ships entering the harbor to offer the crews a cheerful invitation to visit his mission and library, and to check his unofficial post office for letters. No doubt the bookish Fornander accepted more than once, for the library offered not only tracts and Bibles in many languages but also foreign newspapers and books such as Prescott's Conquest of Mexico, Mrs. Trollope's Domestic Manners of the Americans, and Irving's History of the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus.™ This was bait that Fornander could not resist, for both at sea and ashore he used every opportunity that offered itself both to preserve what he had learned and to add to it, incuding the mastery of several modern foreign languages. Perhaps it was now that the two men, whaler and chaplain, were drawn together into a friendship that would endure for all of Fornander's life. Two impressive buildings, of which even a large city might be proud, had gone up since the visit ten years earlier. Together, they symbolized a conflict that would play an enormously important role in Fornander's future. One was the handsome Roman Catholic cathedral; the other the great coral-block Kawaiaha'o Church belonging to the Protestant mission, a replacement for an immense thatched structure which had seated a congregation of more than three thousand people. On April 14, 1844, Captain Taber and his crew were off once again for the Japan grounds, hopeful of a return to the home port after this summer's cruise was finished. But several more men who had been with him since the beginning of the voyage were no longer on board. There had been three desertions in Honolulu according to the logbook—one of them Abraham Fornander. There must have been strong reasons to

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bring this about so close to the end of the cruise, for it meant that the deserters would lose their entire earnings for almost two and a half years of work and misery except for whatever debts they owed for purchases from the ship's store. There were, of course, greedy captains who made a point of causing this to happen, as it meant a richer share for master and owners when the profits were divided. Taber, purposely or otherwise, had managed things so that this next-to-the-last leg of the whale hunting voyage required the hiring of ten new men, the largest turnover yet—none of them, according to the Ann Alexander's "Whalemen's Shipping Papers," a harpooner. Not until October was a replacement hired. There is no record that Fornander was ever apprehended. The captain may have made little effort to find the deserters, and perhaps did not even report them to the authorities. At any rate, the eager constables did not pick him up, and no mention was apparently ever made by him or by either his friends or his detractors to the fact that his permanent residence in the kingdom began as a deserter. That it did begin in 1844 is attested by his two earliest references in print to the date, 11 though in later years his statements grew vaguer and at times gave the impression that Hawai'i became his home a year earlier or a year or two later. Whatever the explanation, the Ann Alexander sailed for the Japan grounds without him. Again her luck held, and on October 6, 1844, she was back in Honolulu, the major part of her voyage completed. Nineteen days later, her refitting finished, the long trip home began. On June 12, 1845, the Ann Alexander sailed proudly into the harbor of New Bedford. She had been gone forty-three and a half months, and collected almost seventeen hundred barrels of sperm oil, without a single fatality listed in her logbook. Two voyages later her end came, with appalling abruptness. After a harpooned whale had smashed two boats, the men returned to the ship but the captain refused to give up the pursuit of his quarry. Suddenly the great mammal reversed itself,

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sounded, and then raced straight toward the vessel. It struck just below the water line, and as the sea poured in the captain and his men took to the remaining boats to save their lives, with no time to collect supplies. Fortunately they were picked up the next day; but by then the Ann Alexander had sunk beneath the waves, her forty-six years of adventure ended forever.

5 A FAIR HAVEN

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-Lhe rugged green mountains and the blue waters of the Pacific, which held the straggling village of Honolulu captive between them, sparkled in the morning light. The storm winds that had arrived with New Year's Day, bending the coconut palms before them, tearing the thatch from the roofs of grass huts and adobe houses indiscriminately, and hurling down squalls which left the unpaved streets deep in mud, had long since blown themselves out. During most of the year dust from the plains beyond the town covered Honolulu every afternoon with a gritty pall that penetrated everywhere. But the winter rains had settled the sandy soil, and the air this morning of January 19, 1847, was fresh and clean. 1 A young European—dark haired, broad shouldered, deep chested, according to those who knew him—strode down Fort Street, keen gray eyes no doubt surveying the scene with characteristic relish and an occasional twinkle of amusement. There were no sidewalks, but since the town possessed few carriages and no herds of cattle were being driven to the wharves, there was ample space for both pedestrians and horseback riders, as well as for packs of mangy, starved-looking dogs and

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an occasional lazy, self-possessed pig wallowing in a pothole. At this hour almost everyone was afoot—haoles as somberly clad and well covered as if they had been walking the streets of home, thousands of miles away; Hawaiian women in the long, loose-fitting gowns introduced by the missionaries; native men in such strange combinations as a pea jacket and no trousers, the simple dignity of top hat, loincloth, and heavy shoes, or perhaps just a malo and a pair of gloves. The young foreigner was on his way to the old fort, which gave its name to the lane that extended from Beretania Street, marking the mauka limits of the town proper, seaward to the fortification's principal entrance. The first block had a certain dignity because of the presence on its waikiki side of a few impressive buildings, such as the Charles Brewer house (a handsome two-story affair with railed galleries on each level, topped by a captain's walk and lookout), the very large Roman Catholic cathedral, and the Hotel de France, a two-story plastered adobe structure with a balcony around its upper floor, and a high wooden fence. The remaining three blocks were a higgledy-piggledy mixture of grass huts and small store buildings of adobe, almost all with thatched roofs; shingles, which had to be shipped around the Horn, were prohibitively expensive. At the foot of the street and directly on the water stood the old fort, with its heavy wooden gate facing the road. An armed sentry swung it open on massive iron hinges, and the foreigner found himself on an immense parade ground, almost square and more than two acres in extent. There were carriage-mounted cannon on the parapets of the walls that surrounded it on all sides, more than twice his height, and twenty feet thick at the base. But their seeming strength was an illusion—the coral-stone facing was filled only with adobe and rocks, from which grew a few crooked hau trees. Along the full extent of the three-hundred-foot sea wall was a row of stone cells, for both civilian and military prisoners. On the waikiki side stood the powder magazine with its whitewashed

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stone arches, and beside it and flush with the wall, their upper stories resting directly on the rampart, two additional buildings, one of which housed the police court. It was to the other that the young man took his way, for here the chief Kekuanao'a, judge and governor of the island of O'ahu, had both his residence and his official headquarters. However, as he had been absent from his duties for several weeks, it was to the acting governor that Abraham Fornander presented himself. This was John Papa T l , with Mataio Kekuanao'a one of the most influential and respected Hawaiians of his day. T l was a man of two worlds. Born in 1800, he had spent his boyhood and youth at the court of the great Kamehameha I, as attendant and close companion of Liholiho, the king's son and heir to the throne. There he was carefully trained in etiquette toward royalty, the traditional athletic and military skills of the ali'i, and the rigid kapu and customs that guarded the royal presence and all its prerogatives. He had absorbed with respect the teachings about the Polynesian pantheon of gods, and followed the prescribed religious rites scrupulously and with deep faith. Yet when sent by royal orders to the newly arrived missionaries, to learn their language and the mysteries of reading and writing, as well as to observe the effects of the new religious teachings, he absorbed and accepted these, too. He became a sincere and practicing Christian, a faithful friend of the mission, yet one who never lost his respect for the old ways, nor his loyalty to his own people and their rulers. He was one of the few who seemed able to experience the almost complete overthrow of all he had learned to value during the first twenty years of his life, and yet to accept the tragically destructive changes without confusion or loss of pride and dignity. His ability to do so had already been tested by several responsible governmental assignments, which he fulfilled with distinction. Many more were to follow. The thirty-four-year-old Swede and the strong-featured, middle-aged Hawaiian were an almost exact physical match,

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both just an inch or two below six feet tall, broad-shouldered, full-chested, muscular yet lithe. In this first official encounter between the two, as the brooding eyes of the older man studied Fornander's face, did he perhaps wonder what motivation had brought this foreigner to him? Was he a taker, or a giver? A greedy, contemptuous seeker after money like so many who had come in the past, and would come in the future, to fatten on the little kingdom and its bewildered people? Or was he one of the few who were willing to give of their talents, their energy, and, rarest of all, their respect to help her make her way into a strange new world? For Abraham Fornander had come to swear upon the Holy Evangelists his oath of allegiance to His Majesty, Kamehameha III, and his support of the constitution and laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom. 2 Henceforth, this set of islands, seven thousand miles from Oland and Kalmar's Kvarnholm, would be his home. It was now almost three years since he had left the Ann Alexander, with perhaps some of that time spent on a final short cruise that began and ended in Honolulu. There had been opportunity to form a friendship that helped settle his roots deep in Hawai'i, and may have influenced his unusual decision to become a naturalized citizen of that country. His new friend was Dr. Thomas Charles Byde Rooke, one of the few foreigners in Honolulu who had sworn allegiance to the king, as required of all who wished to marry a Hawaiian woman or accept a governmental appointment. Of the 351 men listed by name as foreign residents of the town at the beginning of 1847, fewer than a third had taken this final step. 3 Dr. Rooke, graduate of England's Royal College of Surgeons, had settled in Honolulu in 1830, after a voyage as medical officer on a whaler. That same year he married Grace Kama'iku'i Young, widow of the regent Ka'ahumanu's brother, Ke'eaumoku, and daughter of John Young, the English

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seaman who was adviser and friend of Kamehameha I during the last twenty-nine years of the king's life. The couple, who had no children of their own, had adopted the infant daughter of Mrs. Rooke's sister; the child grew up to share Hawai'i's throne as Queen Emma, wife of Kamehameha IV. The genial, rubicund, and elegantly dressed doctor was a favorite not only of the royal family, whom he served as court physician, but of Hawaiians generally. He gave freely of his services and his medicines to all who needed them, whether or not they were able to pay, and every day the grounds and verandas of his handsome residence, which was also his dispensary, were crowded with natives waiting to consult him. The doctor was also popular among the more worldly and sophisticated members of the foreign community, for he was affable and hospitable. His spacious, tree-shaded home on the corner of Nu'uanu and Beretania Streets was a cool oasis of books, flowers, and beautiful furniture, of good conversation and excellent wines. Dr. Rooke's library was reputed to be the best in the kingdom, and he was generous with the use of its treasures. Perhaps it was the kindly Reverend Mr. Damon who made the introduction, after Abraham Fornander had exhausted the resources of the Seamen's Bethel library. The literary tastes and classical education of the physician and the ex-whaler formed an immediate bond of sympathy between the two men, and the newcomer was given free access to the doctor's valuable books. 4 Perhaps, too, it was at Dr. Rooke's home that Fornander first met the young Hawaiian girl, Alanakapu Kauapinao, whom he would marry. In 1847 Pinao was twenty-three, the daughter of a medical kahuna, Kaenaku Kalili, who until the late 1830s had been governor of the island of Moloka'i, as had his father and grandfather before him. Six generations earlier an ancestor of Pinao (an alVi of Puna and a descendant of Kihanuilulumoku, a famous early mo't, sovereign chief, of the island of Hawai'i) had come with his followers to settle on Moloka'i and had married the daughter of its most powerful

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chief. Pinao was also related to the ali'i of Maui, tracing her lineage through both parents back to the illustrious mo'i Kiha-a-Pi'ilani, celebrated not for warlike deeds but for the peace and prosperity he brought to his realm.5 Of more immediate significance were the young woman's family ties, not of blood but of loyalty and friendship, to the Kamehameha dynasty. The chiefs of Moloka'i had felt very close to the great Kamehameha I from his earliest youth. They called him their keiki, and there, especially in the Kalama'ula home of Kekuelike, Pinao's grandfather, he had felt safe even in times of treachery and violence. There, in the ancient phrase, "he could sleep with his malo off," unarmed but secure. And when Kamehameha invaded Maui in 1790, defeating its ruling chief in a battle so devastating that the waters of 'lao Stream ran red with blood, it was across the channel to Kekuelike that the wife of the conquered chief fled for safety. With her came her widowed daughter and her grandchild Keopuolani, a little girl of lineage so exalted that she outranked almost everyone in the kingdom, including the conqueror himself. Kamehameha followed them to Moloka'i, not to punish but to make his peace with the wife of the man he had defeated. He found a dying woman, and with her consent took the young mother and her child under his care and protection.6 Keopuolani grew up to become the great man's sacred wife, and, because of her exalted rank, mother of the two sons that followed their father to the throne—Kamehameha II and Kamehameha III. Incongruously, it was the enmity of another of the conqueror's progeny, Kina'u, half-sister of these two Kamehamehas, that was immediately responsible for Pinao's presence in Honolulu. For after the missionary-dominated Kina'u became premier of the kingdom in 1835, a number of chiefs were summarily stripped of their lands and honors because they displeased her in one way or another, among them Pinao's father, Kalili. He was forced to leave Moloka'i, and with his wife and children he came to Honolulu, where he

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continued to practice as a medical kahuna of some renown until his death in February 1847.7 During the month that followed, Pinao became the wife of Abraham Fornander. 8 By this time he was working for Dr. Rooke, who had extensive holdings of land in Nu'uanu Valley, a lush rural area above Honolulu, toward the mountains. Some of these lands had been leased to him by the king as token payment for his services as physician to the royal family. Others had been given him by his brother-in-law, the handsome and personable John Young II (known to the Hawaiians as Keoni Ana), premier and closest friend of Kamehameha III, who had originally inherited them from his mother's brother. Dr. Rooke was one of the pioneers in the cultivation of coffee in Hawai'i. Introduced into the islands by the Spaniard Marin in 1813, it was reintroduced in the latter part of the 1820s and grown in larger and larger quantities during the next two and a half decades. Exports had risen from 248 pounds in 1845 to 58,000 pounds in 1848, and it continued to be a thriving industry until the mid-1850s, when a devastating blight brought an end to most of the coffee plantations. But in the mid-1840s, Dr. Rooke's Nu'uanu coffee was doing very well, and Fornander was hired as superintendent of the plantation. The method of cultivation he followed was simple. First, one located a sheltered ravine with a growth of large kukui trees, preferably at the foot of the mountains and with either an easterly or westerly aspect, where the soil consisted largely of disintegrated lava and decayed vegetable matter. Then one lopped off the lower branches of the trees, grubbed out and cleared away the undergrowth of shrubs and weeds, and put in the small plants. When these reached a height of eighteen to twenty inches, the kukui were cut down, leaving only a row of them on each mountain ridge to shelter the young growth from wind. In early winter the fallen trees were cut into short pieces and left to rot into nutriment for the young plants. The frequent rains of the valley provided the necessary moisture until the coffee trees matured and the ber-

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ries ripened.9 This simple method was evidently successful, for even today wild coffee springs up in the shade of old kukui trees in Nu'uanu's sheltered areas. Fornander also did land surveying for Dr. Rooke, and probably for others as well. This was a time when the services of those proficient in this skill were much needed—a skill easily mastered by those adept in using the instruments and mathematical knowledge required for marine navigation. For the kingdom was preparing to undertake a momentous change in its system of landownership. In early Hawai'i all land belonged to the ali'i nui, high chief, of each island, who distributed control over various districts to his lesser chiefs, which they in turn divided among their followers, until a new high chief came into power and the process was repeated. After the death of Kamehameha II the custom of periodic redistribution was given up, and the principle of hereditary ownership of all land by the royal family adopted. In 1840 all people were granted the right to remain on their lands, so long as they obeyed the laws of the kingdom. But the land still belonged to the king and could be transferred only with his consent. Foreign residents pressed strongly for much more drastic change, and at last a law was passed creating a Board of Commissioners to Quiet Land Titles, to begin functioning in February 1846. The monumental task had begun of putting an end to the old feudal system and replacing it with the Western concept of private and inviolate ownership, with the right to sell or transfer at will. It was a long and complicated process, involving division of the land into portions allotted to the government, to the crown, and to the chiefs, as well as settlement of the claims of individual commoners and foreigners. Under certain circumstances the latter, both naturalized and aliens, were allowed title in fee simple to property previously given them, as was the case with Dr. Rooke in 1849, though it was not until 1850 that aliens were granted the right to buy

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and sell land. Finally, in 1855, the land commission was dissolved, having completed the major part of its task. Such a change in landownership was probably inevitable. But coming only a few decades after the breaking of the kapu in 1819 and the subsequent collapse of the religious system, its effect on many of the Hawaiian people was a cultural confusion of traumatic proportions. Particularly devastating was the provision allowing the sale of land to aliens, with no protection from victimization for the naive and shortsighted original owners. But in 1847 this was still to come, and Fornander was apparently busy with his surveying of lands for which claims were to be submitted, since the law required that this be done before any award could be made. Another year went by. The land commission labored at its complicated assignment. The government struggled with the apparently unending task of trying to arrive at mutually satisfactory treaties with the United States, Great Britain, and France—a task made even more difficult in the first two cases by the insolent and insulting U.S. Commissioner, Anthony Ten Eyck, and the difficult old British war horse, General William Miller. The kingdom's first minister of public instruction died, and another Protestant clergyman left the mission to take his place—the Reverend Mr. Richard Armstrong, whose work Fornander was to spend the most difficult years of his life in Hawaii attempting to rectify or to ruin, depending on one's point of view. Then—a thunderbolt!—the discovery of gold on January 24, 1848, at Sutter's Mill in California. The news electrified Honolulu, overshadowing other significant events, including the arrival of a new French consul. M. Guillaume Dillon, arrogant and disagreeable, soon made the treaty-making efforts of the government even more unpleasant, if that were possible. It was not long before he was involved in local politics as well, stirring up Catholic dissatisfaction with the school system and its officials, and viciously encouraging jealousy and suspi-

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cion between the king's two chief advisers. These were the autocratic but extremely effective American, Dr. Gerrit P. Judd, former medical missionary and now minister of finance, and his Scots archrival, the affable and loquacious minister of foreign relations, Robert C. Wyllie. The gold craze also diverted public interest from the fact that members of the Protestant mission were undergoing a struggle of conscience versus practicality. Should they or should they not reverse the thinking and teaching of almost thirty years by taking the step of swearing allegiance to the king and buying large tracts of fee simple land? This was land made available to them individually at a special reduced rate by the government. The problem was quickly resolved by some in favor of independence and a few hundred acres. Public preoccupation with the news of the California gold fields was temporarily deflected by an epidemic of measles and whooping cough that took a thousand lives on O'ahu in November alone. But the attack of gold fever took its own toll, beginning in July when the first shipload of foreigners and Hawaiians left for California, and continuing at as feverish a pace, as twenty-seven ships rushed into round-trip service between the West Coast and Hawaii could attain. Abraham Fornander, too, was a victim of the delirium. But his young wife was pregnant, and it was not until the baby was born on the last day of March, 1849, that he felt free to leave. The child was a little girl, baptized Catherine Kaonohiulaokalani—to her proud and devoted father, always his "darling Katy." Once the child was safely born and all seemed well with mother and baby, Fornander lost no time in joining the California-bound procession. In April he left for the gold fields, probably as a ship's officer or crew member, since his name does not appear on any of the required newspaper lists of those announcing their intent to leave. As for his adventures during the six or seven months away, Fornander typically left no record, beyond the terse statement many years later

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that he was one of the pioneers whose pulses were stirred by news of the discovery, that he left for California in April of '49 and spent the summer in the mines, but that, though he made enough to pay his expenses and a trifle more, he was not one of fortune's favorites.10 A much more thrilling but completely unverified account, with a totally jumbled timetable, tells of two attempts at gold mining by Fornander. The first was supposedly in company with an Irishman, who robbed him of a tremendous fortune and almost killed him before disappearing. The second attempt, this time with an Englishman, resulted in a fabulous amount of gold, including nuggets the size of pigeons' eggs, which one man always guarded while the other slept. The two made their way back to San Francisco with this wealth, but at the very gates of the city were ambushed by a gang of masked robbers who stole the gold, shot and killed the Englishman, and seriously wounded Fornander. He emerged from a long stay in the hospital a broken man, and returned to the Sandwich Islands, there to be shipwrecked and rescued by the chief's daughter who became his wife!11 Fornander was back in Honolulu by late autumn, arriving with bag and bedding on the brig Veloz on October 30, 1849, seventeen days out of San Francisco. As he sailed into the harbor, he could see that the cannon on the walls of the old fort were no longer there to protect the town from assault. The obnoxious M. Dillon had finally gone beyond the bounds of diplomatic propriety. When the government would not accede to his excessive demands, he called for assistance from the French fleet. While representatives of the Hawaiian government were aboard one of the two warships, and in actual conference with Rear Admiral de Tromelin at the latter's express request in an attempt to come to satisfactory terms, his men were systematically destroying the defenses and looting the old fort. They dismounted, spiked, and dismembered the cannons; smashed open kegs of powder; and threw the contents into the sea. They utterly destroyed the interior of the gover-

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nor's residence—demolished furniture and household utensils, scrawled obscenities and other graffiti on its white walls, smashed his valuable calabash collection. They even dragged away the camphor wood chests which had belonged to his dead wife, Klna'u, and pilfered from them her kahili and other personal mementoes. The residence was never occupied again. The Honolulu to which Abraham Fornander returned was still depleted by the fever of emigration. For many months every departing ship had been crowded with passengers for California, and though some stragglers had come back, the town was still almost emptied of foreigners. Many of those who stayed at home were enjoying a greater prosperity than their more venturesome fellows. Wages had jumped because so few mechanics and laborers remained. Stores were stripped of merchandise salable in the California markets, much of it sent there on speculation. Prices rose to incredible heights, except for real estate, which depreciated with the exodus. Sugar exports soared, and thousands of tons of potatoes and yams were shipped across the Pacific. Even laundrymen and laundry-women profited, as returning ships brought loads of dirty linen and clothing from the West Coast; it was easier and cheaper to send them on the round trip to Hawai'i than to have them washed in California. Politically, things were comparatively quiet, since the storm center of much of the internal dissension had left the country for what proved to be an entire year's absence. For in September 1849 Dr. Judd and the young princes, fifteen-year-old Alexander Liholiho, heir to the throne, and his older brother Lot Kamehameha, had sailed for North America and Europe, in a last desperate attempt to resolve the ugly situation with France. Judd hoped to persuade her to join with England and the United States in guaranteeing the independence of the Hawaiian Kingdom. But he was not overly hopeful of success and carried secret instructions authorizing him, in the last ex-

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tremity, to place the islands under foreign protection or rule, and to sell the sovereignty of the country and all the private lands of the king and the chiefs. The decade that was about to close had been a time of tremendous and, to the Hawaiians, confusing change. It had opened with the promulgation of the Constitution of 1840, establishing for the first time a Western type of government with executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The islands had achieved recognition as an independent kingdom, though that status was still threatened. The old feudal land system had been revolutionized to conform to the idea of individual ownership. Foreigners were no longer merely "advisers" but held by appointment most of the key positions in government, in spite of a strong undercurrent of bitterness and resentment among the indigenous population against their growing power. During his months in California, time and distance had apparently allowed Fornander to reflect on island affairs and to wish that he might play some part in influencing them in the directions he felt they should go. He had scarcely arrived home when he took the first few steps toward what was to become the next of his several careers—a career which, though it lasted only a dozen years, shaped his image in the island community grotesquely and ineradicably.

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- A . new paper, the Honolulu Times, had begun publication almost simultaneously with Abraham Fornander's return from the gold fields. Its editor, Henry L. Sheldon, an able and experienced newspaperman, arrived in the islands in 1846 and two years later went to California. There he had some luck in the gold mines but none at all in publishing a paper in San Francisco. Returning to Honolulu shortly before Fornander, he immediately started his new journal. Though Sheldon himself had a long and honorable journalistic career in Hawai'i, his Honolulu Times lasted only a year. But during that period it set a new standard for an opposition press, with an approach much more reasonable and restrained than that of several vituperative predecessors. Fornander's first known venture into journalism took the form of a series of letters to the new editor, which appeared in the December 13, 19, and 26, 1849, issues of the Times. The first was introduced by Sheldon as "one of the most ably written things of its kind, emanating from the pen of a Hawaiian citizen . . . highly creditable to any well educated and think-

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ing man." Like almost all newspaper letters of the day, they appeared over a pseudonym, in this case ' 'Alpha.'' Alpha's concern was the legislative branch of the government, its membership, and how they acquired their seats. The larger and more important of its two bodies, consisting of the king, the premier, and fourteen chiefs who were listed specifically by name in the constitution, acted both as an upper house and as the king's privy council. The second had only seven members—two from Hawai'i, two from Maui and its satellite islands Moloka'i and Lana'i, two from O'ahu, and one from Kaua'i—who were selected from names submitted by ballot letters to the king signed by any number of petitioners, with no voter qualifications. Those named by the greatest number were presumably chosen to serve. Though to be valid a law had to be passed by a majority of each house, subject to the king's veto, in actuality the smaller body exercised little power. It was an unorganized, inexperienced minority, strongly influenced by the commoners' traditional veneration of and submission to the chiefs. In his letters Alpha criticized the use of the term constitutional monarchy to describe a government in which there were neither open elections nor voting rights. He felt that the houses of the Legislative Assembly were too disproportionate in size, and did not reflect adequately either the populations of the various islands or the mercantile and progressive interests of the community, as opposed to those of the landed and conservative groups. He recommended that the vote be limited to adult males, both native and foreign born, who had paid the poll tax and were able to read and write; that the election laws be made more precise and clearly understandable; and that secret elections and legislative operations be abolished. For "if we have a right to choose, we also have the right to be informed of the proceedings of our chosen ones, and we insist that they shall consult with, and receive their instructions from those who constitute and pay them, and from no other source whatever!'' 1

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The letters were written in the flowing, stately style, with frequent literary allusions and Greek and Latin phrases, that was distinctively Fornander's among the journalists of the day. In time the style would become more relaxed, less wordy, and often playful. In response, Fornander had his first taste of the rough pen of Edwin O. Hall, former printer and assistant secular agent of the Protestant mission, who a few months earlier had been appointed director of the government press and editor of its official paper, the Polynesian. Hall answered Fornander's first restrained and moderate letter, on the need for suffrage reform, by editorial comment filled with personal invective—the first of many such comments in the years ahead. To the charges of being a Don Quixote, a demagogue, and a political incendiary, Alpha replied that "men sound at heart, though their opinions on political subjects may differ, are ever courteous towards each other. . . . I say with Lord Chesterfield, 'A gentleman will not insult me, and no other can.' " 2 This was an attitude which Fornander tried hard to adhere to, though for many years of his life he would be subjected to a superabundance of crude personal abuse, and not least of all from Hall. Whether or not affected by Fornander's letters, the following July 1850 saw the passage of new voting laws. These provided for annual elections on the first Monday of each January for road supervisors, and for a House of Representatives of twenty-four members, two from Honolulu and one each from twenty-two single-member districts in rural O'ahu and on the outer islands. Every male citizen, native or naturalized, and every male resident who had lived one year in the kingdom, who was at least twenty years of age, not insane or convicted of an unpardonable felony, could vote, with no literacy or property qualifications. On the following January 6, 1851, the first modern elections in the history of Hawai'i were held. Two thousand voters —almost 14 percent of the town's population—appeared at

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the polls in Honolulu, and Dr. Rookc and another naturalized citizen, George M. Robertson, were elected to represent it in the Legislative Assembly. For the next two years one hears nothing of Fornander—the last hiatus in his life, for after this period he became a public figure. Apparently he continued quietly with his surveying and with working Rooke's land in Nu'uanu Valley, perhaps living there with his wife and daughter in the doctor's thatched cottage. A new baby, another little girl, was born on November 30, 1851. She was named Johanna Margaretha,3 for the elder of the two small sisters her father had left in Sweden, to which were added her Hawaiian names, Naokalani Kalanipo'o. The child lived to reach her first birthday, but there is no record of when, during her second year, her short life ended. A few months earlier a twenty-one-year-old Californian named Mathew K. Smith had arrived in Honolulu, perhaps, like so many others, in search of health. He was a printer, "of much intelligence and amiable character," 4 who brought with him at least a small amount of capital. Immediately after the new year, on January 6, 1852, Smith applied for a license to publish a newspaper, to be printed at Weaver and Company's plant on Fort Street, oppoite the French hotel. Smith, sole proprietor, would be editor and proofreader, with publication offices two blocks away at the corner of Merchant and Fort streets. Only the most confirmed optimist could have chosen such a time to start a new paper, for in contrast to the boom years of 1849 and 1850, the kingdom was now in the midst of a serious depression. The previous year had been a bad one for trade, with the demand from California diminishing as it developed its own resources. The value of exported domestic produce amounted to only half that of 1850, and in addition the number of whaling ships visiting Honolulu had dropped to the lowest level in almost a decade. Many sugar and coffee plant-

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ers were bankrupted because other countries joined the stampede for the California trade and threw immense quantities of these products on the market, causing ruinously low prices. Even in better times starting an English-language newspaper in Honolulu was a hazardous undertaking. The number of potential readers was small, for though the missionaries boasted of their accomplishment in bringing a whole nation to literacy, this was literacy in the Hawaiian language, and at a very low level indeed. Adult foreigners or others fluent in English in the little town still numbered only in the hundreds. There was already one English-language paper; so the competition for readers, advertisers, and side-line printing would be great, especially since the competitor was the well-established, government-subsidized Polynesian. The youthful proprietor, who named his venture the Weekly Argus, began with other problems also. The print shop was old and in confusion, the equipment rickety and troubleprone. One of the men employed for printing immediately defected, and Smith had to take the composing stick in his own hands, as well as laboring night and day collecting and arranging material. 5 In the first issue of the Argus, dated January 14, 1852, the editor announced that the sovereign's true interests and those of his people, his welfare and the nation's advancement, would be the objects of the newspaper's most zealous attention. Any actions by officers of His Majesty's government that encroached upon these interests would be ruthlessly exposed, and the active interference of ministers of the gospel in political matters opposed. The improvement of the country's economic condition, the development of resources now lying idle, and the distribution of the "provisions of G o d " equally among men—these ends it hoped to promote. In short, the Argus, like its short-lived predecessors the Sandwich Islands Gazette, Mirror, and News, and the Honolulu Times, would constitute the opposition press. Like every newspaper known to Hawai'i before, during, and long after

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this period, it existed frankly to advance a particular point of view by any means available, unfettered by laws of libel, claims of neutrality, or any restraint except the editor's good taste. The Argus drew a sharp distinction between its hostility toward the missionary-influenced elements in the government and the policies they advocated and its support of the king. Its existence was in two phases, the first lasting through September 1853. The second began when it rose, phoenix-like, under a new name, from the political holocaust it helped bring about. In its first phase, the paper's predominant goal was the overthrow of Dr. Judd. As corollaries, it also opposed legally enforced teetotalism, the participation of clergy in government, and the selling of public lands to the Protestant missionaries, as a reward for their contributions to the nation, at what the paper considered a pittance. There were other goals that the Argus advocated strongly throughout both phases of its life: free trade, a property tax which would place support for governmental services, especially public education, in the purses of those best able to pay, the granting of municipal government to Honolulu, the establishment of a savings bank, and the improvement of streets and roads. It threw its support and publicity toward all that would enrich the cultural and social life of the community—better schools, lectures, theater, concerts, libraries. One wonders how many of these goals and enthusiasms originated with the youthful editor and proprietor, a sixmonths' resident of the islands, and how many had another source. For in the very first issue of the paper appeared two lengthy pseudonymous letters to the editor on identical subjects, one of them signed by the familiar name, Alpha. It was a reply to a recent lead editorial in the Polynesian, and its theme was the need for a property tax as the only just and equitable means of raising more adequate funds for schools, instead of continuing to tax poor and rich alike. Perhaps in an effort to disarm the strong Yankee influence in business and

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government, it quoted in support that "greatest American statesman now living," Daniel Webster. Three days later appeared the older paper's welcome to the newcomer—a scathing editorial criticizing particularly Smith's lead article, " a deformity penned by an ignoramus," filled with grammatical blunders, fustian affectation, and selfcomplacency.6 With this gracious salute Edwin O. Hall established the temper of the future relationship between the two papers. The letters from Alpha continued in almost every one of the Argus' first half-dozen issues—correspondence over this signature, and on occasion over the name "Halifax," frequently occupied half the columns not devoted to advertising. Though happenings of the day, from volcanic eruptions to the doings of Chief Pakl's destructive pig, received some attention, the paper was actually not so much a news sheet as a journal of political commentary. In a place as small as Honolulu, why report what was already the talk of half the town? The most important event of the day was the proposed new constitution. The simple document adopted in 1840 was no longer adequate to cope with the revolutionary changes brought by the past decade, and so a commission, consisting of Dr. Judd, representing the king, John T l for the House of Nobles, and William L. Lee, chief justice and Speaker, for the House of Representatives, was appointed to prepare a revision to be submitted to the legislative session of 1852. The results of the commission's work amounted to practically a new constitution, which was published for the first time in the Polynesian of November 29, 1851. Alpha's letters in the Argus objected strongly that the document deprived the king of almost all the powers of a constitutional monarch and placed them in the hands of an irresponsible, self-nominating, and self-perpetuating oligarchy, which consisted of the premier, the privy council, the cabinet of the king's ministers, and the House of Nobles. Except for one-third of the latter, these were all to be appointed offices, secure from public

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opinion and legislative impeachment. Alpha felt strongly that there must be a ministry responsive and responsible to the people—a new idea in Hawaiian political thinking, and one that the Argus stressed again and again. The lower house and the governors of the various islands were to be elected, but the letter writer disapproved of the fact that naturalized citizens were barred from the latter offices, and that the lesser authorities, in particular the district justices, were to be appointed. He strongly supported one section of the document, which declared the clergy ineligible for election to the House of Representatives. Thus, though the new constitution in its first draft is usually described as American and democratic in its point of view, it would seem that the Yankees on the commission were considerably less so than its European-born critic. So far, Alpha's criticisms were not found to be unduly objectionable, even when he countered the Polynesian's accusation that the Catholics indulged in bloc voting to promote their own interests and to set one sect against the other, by describing them as a minority which was slighted, maligned, and misunderstood, and praising their priests' meekness, forbearance, and temperance in the face of repeated provocation.7 Far worse was Alpha's comment that the Protestant missionaries had completely secularized themselves, had become greedy, grasping, and contentious, and had desecrated their pulpits by turning them into political rostrums. Not only did he support the proposed section of the new constitution that would make the clergy ineligible for election to the House of Representatives; he would completely exclude them from participation in the government.8 But though the Polynesian exploded in rage against the Argus' "gross and glaring falsehoods," declaring that its main object was to vilify the American missionaries and to serve as "a sewer for the discharge of this same sort of filth," in the same issue it referred to Alpha as a very clever writer. With tongue in cheek, Fornander thanked the paper for its compli-

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ment and disclosed his identity as both Alpha and Halifax. Hall replied editorially with what were the last gracious and friendly words he would ever print about his rival-to-be: " W e have not the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with Mr. F., but from the productions of his pen which we have read, he is a correspondent of whom the Argus may well be proud," and one whom the writer considered to be both "the Alpha and Omega of that print.' ' 9 That they had not met seems strange, since Hall had been living in Honolulu since 1835 and Fornander permanently at least since his naturalization in January 1847, when there were only about four hundred adult foreigners living as established residents in the little town of some ten thousand inhabitants. But it was a white population made up of tight little circles, with a vast space separating Hall and his mission associates from a former harpooner with a native wife, no matter what his education, family background, and intellectual attainments. And little as he may have had in common with the former group or enjoyed their companionship had it been offered, to a proud and cultivated man, the son of a distinguished clergyman, this lack of any friendly gesture during a period of many years of living in the same small town implied a condescension which he deeply resented. Combined with the basic differences in their cultural, sociological, and religious points of view, it was an irritant that made Fornander's attitudes toward the Calvinistic clergy abrasive beyond what might otherwise have been the case, bringing in turn a counterreaction almost unbelievably bitter and long-lived. Soon after this episode Fornander, on March 17, 1852, became joint editor of the Argus, with responsibility for lead editorials and for the news department. Many of his early articles in this capacity reflected the debate in the Assembly about the new constitution. Wyllie, the king, and the princes Alexander Liholiho and Lot Kamehameha favored a document strengthening the monarchy, and limiting suffrage in some

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degree by property or other qualifications that would indicate that the voter had some stake in the country. Even Dr. Judd gave them considerable support. In its final form the constitution as adopted was a compromise. It increased the monarchial powers somewhat, and decreased those of the threatened oligarchy, erasing the ineligibility of the clergy for office but retaining the provision for universal male suffrage without property or literacy qualifications. On the night of June 14, 1852, with the chief Kapa'akea (whose children would become the last two monarchs of the kingdom) holding the candle, the king signed the new constitution in the presence of the premier, Ministers Armstrong and Wyllie, and the whole privy council.10 During its first seven months the Argus mounted other platforms, such as calling for the improvement of streets and roads and the establishment of a Royal Hawaiian Museum before the last relics of antiquity, from feather capes to native flutes, disappeared from the islands. It reported, with wry comment, the major squabbles in the legislative body. These included a vote of censure in the House of Representatives against the minister of public instruction, for undue favoritism in spending during 1849 the discriminatory sum of three cents more per pupil in predominantly Catholic schools than was spent in Protestant schools. The minister had compounded this evil by increasing the difference to twelve cents in 1850, as well as by spending five dollars and forty-two cents more on each Catholic schoolhouse built in the same year.11 Fornander was an enthusiastic theatergoer and concertgoer, and never failed to attend and review whatever presentations were available. He no doubt put himself further into the black books of the puritans by his statement that, next to a church and a courthouse, a well-conducted theater was a higher proof of civilization than any other public resort then in vogue. Those who sanctimoniously condemned it had better first devise some other "equally harmless and efficient mode of abstracting the mind from the toils and cares of the day, and

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of amusing the resident citizen and the thousand and one strangers that annually come here." 12 Dr. Judd's problems provided material for many columns. In spite of his inestimable services to the kingdom, the minister of finance had made many enemies through his autocratic ways and his implacable hostility toward those who opposed him. His long career was approaching its dismal end, and he was kept busy defending himself against those who would hasten his downfall. During the spring of 1852 he engaged in a bitter feud, conducted largely in the columns of the Polynesian and the Argus, with the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the House Committee on Accounts, over a draft on the treasury which he refused to honor. Then in May and June the same House conducted a detailed investigation of his department, in which he was accused of fraud and held responsible for a deficit in the treasury books. Judd's difficulties, and the Polynesian's defense of him, in the face of the House's actions, occasioned a statement by the Argus of another precept of governmental accountability, new in the islands' ideas of political economy. This was that ' 'when a constitutional nation has spoken through a legislative majority, Government officers ought either to bow in silence, if they retain their seats, or resign them before they presume to criticize." It was accompanied by a recommendation that the House rebuke the official organ for attempting to undermine its adopted reports.13 With the end of the legislative session and the adoption of the new constitution, the Argus' major task was done, and it took an August and September recess, probably in part to refill an always very thin purse. Shortly before the newspaper ceased publication, one item of immediate personal interest to Fornander was reported: the visit of His Swedish Majesty's frigate Eugenie, the first Swedish man-of-war ever to call at the islands. The ship arrived on June 22, 1852, on a commercial and scientific voyage around the world. During her ten-day stay the captain and officers

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were presented to the king, and a very satisfactory reciprocity treaty between the two countries concluded. Two members of the expedition, Lieutenant First Class C. Skogman, astronomer, and N. J. Andersson, botanist and lecturer at the University of Uppsala, wrote long accounts of the voyage which were published in Sweden during the next three years. Skogman delighted in the color and liveliness of the local scene—children gayly splashing in the water off the pier; the public market place, swarming with noisy, laughing Hawaiians and offering for sale the everyday food of the islanders, such as fish, poi, and fruit of all kinds, especially the great piles of watermelons; the dusty streets, with their wooden, adobe, or grass houses set back in little gardens surrounded by picket fences or adobe walls. There were long descriptions and detailed social and statistical analyses, but little mention of individual foreigners, beyond a few governmental ministers, and none at all of Fornander. 14 Mathew Smith returned to California, where he died of consumption eight years later. When the Argus reappeared on October 6, 1852, it was with Abraham Fornander's name on the masthead for the first time as sole editor, a position that included among other chores those of clerk, billsticker, and printer's devil. The Argus' hundred eyes had not been asleep but had awaited the approach of two important events—the elections for the 1853 legislative session, and the effective date of the new constitution—as well as the proper time to influence public opinion further in the direction of free trade. For the farsighted new editor saw Hawai'i as a halfway house on what he felt would soon be one of the great thoroughfares between the Eastern and Western hemispheres; as "an oasis in the desert of waters," it had a bright future that could only be impeded by the policy of protectionism and the lack of an adequate property tax. The key events of the year following the Argus' reappearance were the Sailor's Riot of November 8, 9, and 10, 1852,

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the proclamation of the new constitution, and the tragic smallpox epidemic of 1853 with its political reverberations. The riot occurred at a time when a hundred American whaleships were anchored in Honolulu's harbor, with at least a thousand seamen ashore at a time with little to do but frequent the grog shops and dance houses. Several drunk and disorderly sailors were confined in one cell in the old Fort Street prison. There was a fight with the jailer, who accidentally killed one of them. The result was a three-day battle that raged through the streets of the town, and a declaration of martial law. It was typical of the paper's role as commentator, rather than reporter, that it contained no account of the event itself, except for what appeared several weeks later in a plea from the Hawaiian Temperance Society to its friends, urging them to redouble their diligence in the work of reform. Instead, there was a long editorial on how the riot showed the need for a reasonable property tax, to make it possible to hire more and better police to prevent such happenings, at a rate of pay high enough to induce "discreet and reputable persons to offer their services." 15 When the new constitution was proclaimed on December 6, 1852, with appropriate ceremonies at the stone church, Kawaiaha'o, the Argus recognized a newsworthy event and reported it as such. The king, unhappy with the document because it gave the people power he felt they were not yet prepared to use judiciously, made a short but impressive extemporaneous address. He pointed out that, whereas formerly the chiefs alone had made the laws of the land, this constitution was the work of the people themselves through their representatives in the Legislative Assembly, to whom he had surrendered the lawmaking power. He exhorted them to use that power with wisdom, prudence, and moderation, for on themselves depended henceforth the prosperity and improvement of the country.16 Two months later, on February 1, 1853, Fornander took a step in his personal life that gave him great satisfaction in the

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years ahead. He was a friendly and extroverted person who enjoyed the companionship and conversation of his fellows; so he was pleased to be initiated into one of Honolulu's earliest fraternal groups, the Independent Order of Odd Fellows. Fornander was the ninety-second member accepted since Excelsior Lodge No. 1 was organized on December 9, 1846, joining his friend Dr. Rooke and other townsmen from business and the professions. He felt a deep commitment to this benevolent society, with its doctrines of belief in a Supreme Being, the Christian code of ethics, and the Christian religion as the basis of justice, mercy, truth, and happiness. He took an active part in its fraternal life and in its assistance to members and their families. In an isolated mid-Pacific community like Honolulu, there were times when the emotional and financial help of such a fraternity of friends filled a great need, as events of the very near future would prove. Just a few days later, on February 10, an event occurred which presaged the months ahead. The ship Charles Mallory arrived from California with a case of smallpox on board. She was quarantined off Waiklkl for fourteen days and thoroughly fumigated before being brought into port. All clothing and bedding from the forecastle were burned, and the infected seaman was isolated on a little reef island and left largely to shift for himself. The six vaccinated passengers were restricted for two weeks in a grass house in the present Kapi'olani Park, though there was a strong suspicion that their quarantine existed largely on paper. Laws had been passed as early as 1839 to prevent the introduction of smallpox from ships into the islands, but there was none requiring universal vaccination. There had been sporadic efforts, especially by the missionaries, to encourage immunization, but nevertheless by 1853 the native population was largely unprotected. It was obvious that should smallpox be introduced, the results could be catastrophic. So Dr. Judd was appointed by the privy council to meet with the town's physicians and to report on the best ways to handle the threat

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and where to locate a pest house and quarantine quarters. The council, strangely penny-conscious throughout in combatting the disease, even considering the small national treasury, disregarded the doctors' recommendation for universal vaccination. Instead, it invited them to donate their services free and, under the direction of the Reverend Mr. Armstrong, minister of public instruction, to provide the needed vaccine. Some preparations were made, but when a real epidemic sprang up in May, Honolulu was almost completely unready to cope with the situation. A national health commission consisting of Dr. Judd, Dr. Rooke, and Police Marshal William C. Parke was hastily appointed. They in turn selected several subcommissioners for each of the outlying islands, and ordered a general vaccination. In Honolulu the situation was soon completely out of hand. There was insufficient vaccine available, and much of it was ineffective. Doctors tried to produce their own, or resorted to inoculation with live virus directly from the pustules of the diseased. There were long arguments about the effectiveness of one method versus the other, what techniques should be followed, and by whom, for there were far too few physicians in the kingdom to cope alone with the emergency. The quickly erected pest houses could contain only a minute fraction of those affected, and amounted to little more than brief way stations to the shallow graves, dug in frantic haste and often as little as six inches apart, that soon completely filled the designated burial grounds. The Hawaiians were in a complete panic, for the mortality rate of those infected was appalling, and whole families were wiped out. Most victims had little or no care, or even food, and all too often disregarded what medical advice was available. Some rural areas, and several harbors on the outer islands, tried to prevent the entry of the terrified, diseasecarrying Honoluluans who fled to them for safety, but the government was of little help in confining ships and possible carriers to the capital. Commerce must go on. The situation reached its peak in July. The threat that the

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epidemic might extend into autumn and prevent the visits of the whaling fleet with its lucrative trade brought things to a climax. Politics showed an ugly face, and public meetings called to make further recommendations about what to do erupted into name-calling and accusations. Petitions against Judd and Armstrong for their presumed mishandling of the situation were prepared, calling for their dismissal from office. A few days later, another public meeting and a petition bearing three thousand signatures, mostly of natives, prayed that the king disregard the earlier ones. A committee of the privy council recommended that the petitions against the two ministers be disregarded, as the charges were vague, general, and unsubstantiated. But still the agitation went on. Up to the time of the July meetings the Argus had been in the forefront of the criticism, particularly of Judd. But now Fornander himself fell ill of smallpox, as did his mother-in-law and his little daughter. His wife, who was several months pregnant, apparently escaped the infection, but her mother died. 17 The new baby, a little girl stillborn on September 19, was given the names of her father's younger sister, Anna Martha Alaikauokoko.18 Apparently still out of touch with his family, he did not know that the child he remembered had died seven years earlier, at the age of twenty-two. After the July 20 issue of the Argus, the paper did not appear again until August 25. Fornander's first gesture on returning to work was to express his gratitude for all the kindness and help received during his family's time of trouble. He was obviously deeply touched by the sympathy that had come from all classes of the community, and wanted to record his "testimony to the ready, uninquiring, open-handed kindness and charity which has ever been the most glorious characteristic of . . . Honolulu." Since he and his home had been in quarantine, Fornander's name did not appear either on the anti-Judd and Armstrong petitions, for which a committee was appointed to collect signatures following the July meeting, or on the later one in

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their favor. By the time he returned to work, J u d d had resigned from the health commission. But he still retained his position as minister of finance in the face of agitation so violent that there were some who threatened to overthrow the government to get rid of him—a threat serious enough that on August 24 nineteen respectable residents petitioned the king for immediate annexation to the United States to preserve peace in the kingdom. These petitioners, including such eminent Americans as Charles R. Bishop, Samuel N . Castle, W. B. and W. H. Rice, and Amos S. Cooke, felt that even if the ministers in question were removed, the peace and security of the kingdom would not be permanently restored, and that in the interests of prosperity annexation should be carried out immediately. Prince Alexander Liholiho, who replaced J u d d on the health commission, fiercely resisted both him and annexation. In spite of his youth (he was only nineteen), he had been for several months an active and influential member of the privy council, and one to whose judgment the king deferred. Perhaps at the prince's insistence, the king at last called for the resignations of all four members of the cabinet. On September 7, even before the official announcement, the Argus scooped the Polynesian with the news that the king had requested and received the resignations of his entire cabinet, and had then reappointed all but J u d d . The White King's long and stormy reign as the power behind the throne was over. His faithful follower and the monarch's close friend, John Young II, went with him into partial eclipse. For though Young retained the ministry of the interior, he was replaced as kuhina-nui, premier, by Prince Lot Kamehameha. But the annexationists had won a partial victory—Judd's successor as minister of finance was Elisha Allen, who had just completed his term as American consul at Honolulu. Fornander was jubilant. For he believed firmly in ministerial responsibility to the people and had expressed his opinion on

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the preeminence of the legislative branch as their representative, as early as J u n e 23, 1852. Again, on May 25, 1853, he had called for the resignation of the ministry because he felt that legislative proceedings showed that it did not have the confidence of the country. There was perhaps a personal basis for his attitude toward J u d d , but, since Fornander consistently avoided comment about himself, one can only surmise. However, in the light of J u d d ' s intense and unforgiving hatred of any opposition, and Fornander's equally strong Scandinavian pride and his resentment of the slurs and slights he felt had been inflicted on him by the missionary group from which J u d d came, it is quite possible that the enmity had to some extent a personal basis in some now unknown series of episodes. However, even on a basis strictly of policy there were sufficient differences to explain his attitude—among them J u d d ' s autocratic assumption of the preeminence of the ministry with himself as its head, his uncompromising teetotalism, and his sympathetic attitude toward annexation by the United States —all of which were abhorrent to Fornander. In an exuberant lead editorial on October 22, 1853, the editor announced a new dress "with larger skirts and more ballast in its pockets," and a new name for the Argus, in keeping with the new era in Hawaiian history. The most urgent of the reforms which he had advocated since taking over the editorship was a change in the administration of the government, without which he considered that all other efforts would be in vain. But now that this had been achieved and public opinion was in the ascendancy, the paper must have an appropriate name. Henceforth it would be known as the New Era and Argus, and it was to follow the Herald and Alta California of San Francisco as models of independent journalism. By selecting them as exemplars, Fornander had chosen a thorny path. Like other California papers of the day, they were outspokenly biased in their political views and gave much space to caustic editorials. The personal invective that was then

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the vogue seems shocking to later readers. There were many verbal and sometimes physical attacks between rival editors, and between editors and their victims. More than one was killed by political henchmen, including Edward Gilbert of the Alta California in 1852; John Nugent of the Herald was twice wounded by pistol shots, in 1852 and 1853. The former paper in particular prided itself on its independence and was always outspoken in its criticism. It became a strong influence in California politics, and Fornander's hopes were high that the New Era would achieve the same position in the Hawaiian Kingdom. His announcement of its future pattern was a clear portent of troubled times ahead.

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T h e year 1853 ended on a peaceful note. The epidemic had almost worn itself out, with a horrifying loss of life. The official count of O'ahu's dead was about twenty-five hundred, but many went unrecorded—the marshal of the kingdom, W. C. Parke, listed close to six thousand people. Almost all of these were Hawaiians. 1 In spite of the epidemic, a new theater, the Varieties, opened in Honolulu during the fall, and Fornander and his townsmen enjoyed a late December touring production of Hamlet, with an Ophelia whom he found deeply touching. A special joy as the year closed was the splendor of the Christmas Day High Mass in the Catholic cathedral, a ritual much like that which Fornander had known in his boyhood and youth. For a Swede this holy day was a high point of the year, both at home and at church; perhaps this time there was an added thankfulness that he and his family had been spared the worst ravages of the epidemic. Though not a day for special religious celebration among the Calvinists, other more liberal Protestants were at the cathedral to enjoy the service also, among

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them the heir to the throne, and cabinet ministers Wyllie and Allen.2 The New Era and Argus had by now moved to Merchant Street, for a long time to come the town's newspaper and printers' row. The building it occupied had once been the home of another opposition paper, the Sandwich Islands Gazette, and stood next door to the structure known as the Honolulu Hale, which housed government offices but would soon be vacated, to be occupied instead by the post office and by Mr. Whitney's combined bookshop and stationery store, a welcome neighbor for one with Fornander's interests. The building whose spacious upper level was used by the New Era was a substantial two-story wooden affair built some time before 1838, with railed verandas opening off the front and rear of each floor. The quarters used by the paper had been the counting rooms of its predecessor, the English mercantile firm of Starkey, Janion and Company. Compared to the momentous events of 1853, life in Honolulu was quiet during the little journal's short life under its changed name. For Fornander personally, the first event of importance was his initiation into freemasonry: on February 13, 1854, he entered the Masonic Hawaiian Lodge No. 21. Two months later he reached the degree of Master Mason, just five weeks after Prince Lot Kamehameha's promotion to the same degree in the same lodge. This was Honolulu's second group of Masons—the Lodge le Progres de l'Oceanie, organized in 1843 under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Council of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of France by a French whaling ship captain, was the first to be established west of the Missouri or anywhere in the Pacific. These groups were prestigious fraternities and, like the IOOF, provided fellowship and assistance both to strangers and to residents who were members either of Honolulu lodges or of those elsewhere in the world. All his life Fornander felt a strong pride in his Masonic membership, shared with three Hawaiian kings and a prince consort; ten years after his entry into freemasonry, his

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Merchant Street, Honolulu, in the 1870s, mauka side, looking ewa. The horse and cart are standing in front of the building whose verandahed upper story was occupied by the New Era and Argus. (Courtesy of the Archives of Hawaii) interest and efforts were recognized when he became Worthy Master of his lodge, the highest honor at its disposal. Fornander was happy in this fraternal society, both because it helped fill a need for comradeship and because it reinforced his own philosophy. His critics applied many labels to him in relation to his supposed religious views, covering the spectrum from atheist to Roman Catholic. Actually, he was a deist. The pillars of his faith were reverence for a Supreme Being, hope of immortality, belief in the perfectability of human nature, and altruism toward his fellow men—tenets that were also the spiritual doctrines of the Masonic fraternity. Because of his love of music, the cultural highlight for Fornander during this period was a concert by the celebrated Irish soprano, Catherine Hayes, who paused in Honolulu on a tour of America, Australia, and India. She sang in the courthouse to an audience that overflowed into the square; fortunately she

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and her companion musician, M. Coulon, were able to find local accompanists in the two German physicians, William Hillebrand and Edward Hoffmann. Fornander wrote that he had heard the great operatic singers Angelica Catalani and Henriette Sontag in the prime of their power and glory—this must have been during his youth in Sweden, since both retired from their singing careers, either temporarily or permanently, in 1828. To hear again so beautiful a voice as Catherine Hayes' was to Fornander a particular pleasure: it seemed to him "a living Aeolian harp," and her singing of "Kathleen Mavourneen" would "charm a soul from Purgatory." 3 There was little or no dramatic news to report. The Varieties Theatre presented a production of Romeo and Juliet, but the greatest enjoyment to Fornander came from the superb playing of a violinist in its accompanying orchestra, whom he urged Honoluluans to spend their dollars to hear. The dramatic climax of the season, however, was the performance of the great Edwin Booth, also on tour. There was a full house for his appearance at the Royal Hawaiian Theatre, the most enthusiastic audience Fornander had ever seen in Honolulu; it was excited particularly by Booth's characterization of Richard III." The town, as usual, teemed with minor feuds between warring cliques and opposing political, social, and religious groups, but most of their clashes were too petty and too well circulated by word of mouth to be covered in the news columns. Fornander concentrated instead on community concerns. He expounded on the necessity for a levee and wharfage, and urged that public improvements be granted by the legislative body on the basis of greatest need, and not as a result of barter between members. He pressed for the establishment of public hospitals and the restraint of injudicious treatment by native kahuna. Arguments in favor of free trade filled many columns. Fornander's major concern during the life of the New Era was the public school system. A man to whom apathy was unknown, his feelings on the subject of education were par-

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ticularly intense, based as they were on a very deep and personal involvement with the interests of the native Hawaiians, a solicitude expressed as early as his first letter to the Honolulu Times. This concern was all the stronger since it was not that of an outsider, but of one who lived with the people, knew them and their problems personally, and identified with them. Hawaiian and part-Hawaiian children were an especial source of anxiety to Fornander—both in their present, growing up in the disintegrating culture of a confused and dying people, and in their future, competing with foreigners who were already in control of the country. With a child of his own as a constant reminder, the problem of Hawaiian education became a matter of immediate and continuing urgency. Fornander felt no personal animosity toward ex-missionary Richard Armstrong, minister of public instruction, and had no wish to bring about his dismissal. But he had a strong belief that the Department of Education, as presently organized, was not accomplishing what it should in guiding the Hawaiians through this transition period. Most of the population were apathetic about education, and took no pride in their schools. The schoolhouse was often the worst and shabbiest structure in the district. It was usually of thatch, sometimes with sides or an end missing, completely bare of furnishings, perhaps even used by hogs at night and children by day, like one described by the Reverend Elias Bond of Kohala. Fornander felt that some way must be found to restore community pride and the competition for excellence between various schools and districts which had existed in the days when they were attached to the various Protestant missions.5 As the legislative session of 1854 approached, Fornander expressed in the New Era his dissatisfaction and ideas for change. His remedies were simple, and the reactions of his opponents immediate and violent, though both would shift from their initial positions many times during the years ahead. For the school problem was a complex one, and there were no easy answers. Fornander's proposed solutions would return to

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haunt him a dozen years later when the immediate responsibility for change and improvement in education was his. The educational process had, of course, long preceded the coming of white men to the islands. In the days before the first contacts with Western civilization, the Hawaiians had developed very effective ways of imparting their far-from-simple culture to succeeding generations. Children of commoners learned informally from their parents and members of their extended families, but it was necessary that sons of the ali'i be taught in a systematic way the complex skills expected of them in both war and peace. The priestly class of the kahuna, too, specialists in many fields both temporal and spiritual, required years of training. But schools in the Western style did not begin until after more than forty years of contact with white foreigners, extending from encounters with explorers and their ships' crews, through traders, to the first whalers of 1819 and the missionaries of 1820. The earliest classes were conducted by individual missionaries and their wives, at first for adults and later for children, with the primary aim of improving the means of imparting religious instruction. For this purpose the Hawaiian language was reduced to written symbols, the Bible translated, a few textbooks in Hawaiian prepared, and reading and writing taught. Arithmetic, geography, and other subjects were added later, though on a very elementary level. But the teaching of their own variety of Protestantism remained the missionaries' major intent. Catholic priests, who arrived a few years later, started their own Hawaiian-language schools, again with religious instruction as their basic purpose. When in 1840 education became for the first time a legal responsibility of the government, Protestant mission schools became government-supported common schools. But the aim of teaching a particular Protestant sectarian body of beliefs did not change, and Protestant missionaries by law continued to a great extent in control of the school system and of individual

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schools, though the taxes used to support them were collected from all unexempt adult males. Under strong protests from Catholics in the islands, backed up by pressure from the French government represented by French warships, various changes were made to accommodate that religious group. But even after the establishment in 1846 of a supposedly nonsectarian Department of Education headed by a minister of public instruction of cabinet rank, and the removal of the missionaries' legal power over local schools, sectarian strife continued. Catholic parents demanded government subsidies for their establishments, or relief from school taxes; both sides insisted that the religious affiliation of every teacher hired be carefully matched to that of the majority of his pupils, or trouble followed. Religious instruction at the same time had to follow the beliefs of most of the community involved, yet not offend its minority members. In addition to these church-connected problems, there was growing pressure from Hawaiians for English-language schools. Most of the missionaries were not in sympathy with this idea, though at the Chiefs' Children's School, established for those of the very highest chiefly rank, instruction had always been in that language. By the day of the New Era it had been renamed the Royal School and was largely attended by white children, with less than a quarter of its pupils Hawaiian or partHawaiian. A second English-language school was the Honolulu Free School, originally intended for the part-Hawaiian offspring of foreign fathers and privately supported. Now it was open both to them and to white children, and maintained by a tax on foreign adult males only. Fornander saw no justification for this special taxation and believed this school, too, should have governmental support. The teacher-training seminary at Lahainaluna, transferred by the mission to the government several years earlier, had made sporadic attempts at teaching English, most recently about 1853. But so eager were the Hawaiians to have their children learn the new language, in order to hold their own with the foreigners, that small pri-

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vate schools established for this purpose constantly appeared and disappeared, unfortunately often conducted by teachers whose own knowledge of English was extremely scanty. The minister of public instruction was an able and conscientious man, who, in spite of his own strong anti-Catholic and anti-French bias, tried hard to insist on impartial treatment for children of both sects. He made the rounds of inspection of the hundreds of schools as frequently as possible, and with the assistance of his twenty kahu kula tried earnestly to improve the quality of education. But these agents or inspectors, appointed one to each school district by the king, on the minister's recommendation, were not always either knowledgeable or efficient, even with the unofficial advice of the local missionaries. The minister had other problems as well: with parents more often than not indifferent, except for their alertness to religious affronts, who cared little whether the children studied their textbooks or made kites of the pages; with barely literate teachers; and with a chronic shortage of funds that often left the teachers unpaid for months on end. All this made for slow progress, not helped by the fact that since he was a member of both the privy council and the cabinet, there were innumerable demands on the minister's time and energy in addition to his assigned duties of maintaining the school system, "invigilating" public and private morals, supervising parish and church foundations, and directing the census. Fornander began his campaign for the reform of the schools with the fairly mild and logical suggestion that since the Hawaiians had reached a point in civilization where they were expected to provide their own teachers, they should also be considered ready to share in the control of that instruction. But then he grew rhetorical and visionary, a habit which his hardheaded, down-to-earth Yankee fellow townsmen always seemed to find particularly irritating. The Hawaiians, he insisted, wanted something more nourishing than religious

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bones. They wanted political meat: an insight into their duties and rights, and knowledge of what was going on among and around them, their place in the world, and how a small and poor nation could become respected, enlightened, and prosperous. If by wanted Fornander meant needed or lacked, he was undoubtedly correct, but if he meant wished for, these were ideas that probably never entered the thoughts of more than a minute fraction of the populace. Whichever he had in mind, he was convinced that these things the people would never have a chance to learn so long as their instruction depended on the judgment of one man or the control of one sect or party.6 When he expressed this conviction, the result was an explosion in the Polynesian. Obviously, the editor of the New Era, and men like him, wished no less than to crush the Hawaiian school system, one of the nation's chief glories. They would turn it adrift without compass, captain, or chart, instead of encouraging the young to acquire the branches of knowledge that would qualify them to become something besides "bearers of wood and drawers of water."7 Fornander hastened to explain. When he suggested that instruction in the public schools could be left to the care of the people in the respective districts, he did not mean that the schools should be thrown overboard by the government, or left to the mercies of voluntary effort. Although each district was already allowed to elect two school trustees from among the parents or guardians of its pupils, he hoped that more control at the community level would stimulate and awaken the interest of the people in education. He wished to see the schoolhouse become a place in which they would take pride, and teaching become attractive through decent salaries and the right to tenure as long as the teacher enjoyed the confidence of his pupils' parents. Most of all he hoped to see education removed from political or sectarian control by doing away with the Department of Education as such and placing the schools under a bureau or person, perhaps in the ministry of finance,

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whose sole concern would be with public instruction. Instead of remaining most of the time in Honolulu, the individual in charge should spend the bulk of the year in tours of inspection, examining the proficiency of the students and the effectiveness of the teachers.8 Fornander's explanation did not quiet the storm of protest. The Polynesian was joined by the Hawaiian-language papers Elele and Nu Hou, both issued from the mission press. The former, edited by the Reverend Mr. Armstrong, accused Fornander by name of opposing the minister of public instruction, and missionaries in general, because he was one who encouraged vice and immorality and was prevented by these worthies from indulging his own lawless desires. The Nu Hou, edited by a former clerk of the Department of Education, begged the Hawaiians not to forsake in this dispute those who had been their friends in days of trouble, among whom it obviously did not include Fornander.9 When the annual report of the minister of public instruction to the Legislative Assembly appeared, the New Era's editor was pleasantly surprised to find Armstrong expressing agreement with several ideas which Fornander himself had been proposing. The first was the minister's recommendation of a property tax for the support of the schools. Second was his recommendation for the establishment of English-language schools, as many as ten scattered through the islands, though Fornander would have liked to see one in every district. Third, and most ironically, Armstrong, by legal definition the guardian of public and private morals, in effect voiced the same opinion that had caused Fornander to be reviled and mocked by the mission press as not only immoral himself but the propagator of immorality in others. Fornander had brought down this wrath by suggesting that legislation upon morals was not only unwise in itself, but had a bad effect upon the morality of a people. Now Armstrong actually asserted the radical view that the tremendous evil of prostitution, which was rapidly consuming the native race, could not be remedied by

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legislation but only by improving the general moral health of the people.10 At last, with only one of Fornander's suggestions for educational reform adopted, the legislative session drew to a close, though ideas had been planted which would germinate later. The New Era honored the end of the sitting with an obituary: On the 12th August, 1854, expired, In Honolulu, Oahu, Hawaiian islands, THE HAWAIIAN LEGISLATURE, Aged four months and four days. It cost the Nation sixteen thousand dollars. But IT REPEALED THE TONNAGE DUES, IT APPROPRIATED FOR THE CLEARING OF HONOLULU HARBOR, and IT REPEALED THE SALE OF LIQUOR LICENSES AT AUCTION. It left a large Legacy Of unfinished work To its successors. Its like was never seen; REQUIESCAT IN PACE! 11

In two more months the New Era would celebrate its first anniversary. For most of the year it had displayed a great improvement in both size and quality over the old Weekly Argus. A copy of the June 8, 1854, issue found its way to Edinburgh where Chambers Journal gave it a long review, from which the Boston periodical Littell's Living Age of March 1855 quoted several extracts which Fornander reprinted: It is a paper of four pages, somewhat smaller in size than the London Globe. . . . In its general appearance it precisely resembles an American local newspaper, but it is well printed, on shabby paper. . . . A glance over the columns of the New Era, gives the coup de grace to any lingering romantic fancies associated with the name of Honolulu, and that of the island of

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Oahu, of which it is the capital. We are struck with the one pervading idea, that Honolulu is a place where business traffic—ordinary, prosaic buying, selling, and exchanging—is the general, if not the sole pursuit of the people. All that meets our eye in the paper has some connection with dollars and cents. At the outset we count one hundred and seventy five advertisements, occupying thirteen out of the twenty columns of the paper. . . . Of the remaining seven columns of the paper, nearly four are occupied by reports of the Hawaiian legislature; one contains foreign intelligence, and the residue is occupied by editorial paragraphs. . . . The reports of the Hawaiian parliament are novel and interesting. As in England, the real burden and business of legislation is evidently done in the Lower House. . . . There were a number of petitions presented of the usual character—one of which, by the way, curiously enough, shews that the canine race is becoming as great a nuisance in the Hawaiian group as with us in Britain. It prays "that the dog tax be raised to five dollars per head. . . . " Turn we now to the editorial department, to which is prefixed the motto: "Open to all—controlled by none." Adverting to the expected arrival of the English and French squadrons, the editor calls the attention of the legislature to the necessity of deepening and widening the harbor. . . . Several paragraphs on local subjects of interest follow. . . . It would appear that the personal comfort of the editor is worthily held in thoughtful remembrance, for he begs that "the person, gentleman or lady, (for kind hearts are of both sexes), who, during our absence the other day, furnished our sanctum with a commodious editorial chair, will be pleased to receive our grateful acknowledgments. . . . " Some omissions in the paper strike us as rather remarkable. For instance, there is not a single paragraph relating to crimes, trials, or accidents; there are no births, marriages, or deaths announced; there is not a single scrap of poetry or of literary extract. The foreign news is solely confined to intelligence concerning the European war; and it would seem that the Hawaiian islands either are singularly barren of incidents of domestic interest, or that the good people there are totally devoid of all curiosity or concern in any and every subject, except what immediately relates to their pockets. But taking it all in all, the

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Honolulu New Era is a literary curiosity, and docs honor to the press in the Pacific. It has given us a clearer idea of the growing importance and the splendid future promise of the Hawaiian Islands, than the perusal of a dozen books of travel would have done. 12

At the time of the Chambers review the New Era was at its most flourishing. But with the close of its first year the paper began to experience difficulties. It moved from its spacious offices to a small building half a block down Merchant Street in Mr. J . J . Caranave's yard, on cobble-stoned Nu'uanu. It was here that a certain small boy of the neighborhood would come for short but frequent visits to the genial editor, whenever he could manage to slip away from his chores at home. 13 This was the first introduction to the fascination of type and press for twelve-year-old Thomas G. Thrum, who would grow up to become a far more financially successful newspaperman, printer, and publisher than his editor friend. By now Fornander had invested funds of his own in the paper. He was losing money, even though the number of advertisements increased, no doubt from difficulty in collecting payment from advertisers and subscribers. Though the editor was a creative man of many ideas, he was not then, or ever, a sharp businessman. By December 7, the paper consisted of the same number of pages, but the number of columns of news, editorial comment, letters, and other such material was less than half that of six months earlier. There were no issues at all from December 15, 1854, to February 1, 1855, because of a lack of paper. Later in Fornander's career, whenever this happened one Honolulu journal would lend supplies to the other, until more arrived from the United States. Possibly the relationship with Hall and the Polynesian was too unpleasant to allow this courtesy. As a consequence, the New Era was not able to report Kamehameha Ill's death and the accession of Prince Alexander Liholiho to the throne until weeks after these events occurred.

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Death had come to the king on December 15, 1854, after a long reign of thirty years. His funeral, on January 10, was a sad occasion, for the king, last son of the mighty Kamehameha I to occupy the throne, had been much loved. It was a splendid and imposing event, far beyond anything ever before seen in the kingdom, with four thousand people in the procession and almost five times that number of quiet mourners lining the streets as it passed. The king's unhappy life of forty-one years had seen the destruction of a society and a culture, and what appeared to be the rapidly approaching death of his people. Their numbers had dropped from 250,000 or more at the time of Captain Cook's arrival in 1778 to 180,000 in 1831-1832, and to fewer than 71,000 Hawaiians and part-Hawaiians in 1853. Kamehameha III was born at a time when the king was the supreme head of an almost absolute monarchy, and his person, his family, and his possessions were believed sacred. From earliest childhood he had been trained to a sense of sacrosanct superiority. As a man he suffered arrogant condescension, contempt, and ridicule, both as a Hawaiian and as a sovereign, and saw his kingdom humiliated and threatened. His father, Kamehameha I, by strength of will and intellect used those about him, including the encroaching foreigners, to fulfill his needs and desires and to enhance his power. But the son was himself used: as a child by his own mother to break the kapu system, as a youth by traders who sought to control by debauching him, as a man by various individuals and groups who wished to mold the Hawaiian Kingdom into a reflection of their own Anglo-Saxon world, or to advance a particular religious, cultural, political, or economic point of view. A kindly and amiable man caught between two cultures, wishing to enjoy the pleasures of one while leading his people safely into the inevitability of the other, he was able to do neither. Instead, his life ended in sadness, frustration, and drink. On the day after the funeral of his uncle and adopted father, Alexander Liholiho, twenty-one years old, took the oath of allegiance as Kamehameha IV in a solemn ceremony in the

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stone church, before all the principal officers of state and an immense crowd of people. In his inaugural address, he reviewed the reigns of his predecessors, and concluded: Today we begin a new era. Let it be one of increased civilization —one of decided progress, industry, temperance, morality and all those virtues which mark a nation's advance. . . . This is beyond doubt a critical period in the history of our country, but I see no reason to despair. We have seen the tomb close over our Sovereign, but it does not bury our hopes. If we are united as one individual in seeking the peace, the prosperity and independence of our country, we shall not be overthrown. The importance of this unity is what I wish to impress upon your minds. Let us be one and we shall not fall!14

A week before his predecessor's death annexation to the United States had seemed imminent. But with a new king on the throne who was inexorably opposed, its chances of coming about were postponed for a long time to come, and negotiations in that direction which had been going on for the past year were dropped. Within a week of his inaugural Kamehameha IV appointed his cabinet, all of whom had been in office at his uncle's death. His brother Lot became commander of the armed forces and, through his position in the cabinet, the privy council, and the House of Nobles, one of the most important members in the government. He was replaced as kuhina-nui by their sister Princess Victoria, a purely nominal appointment, as she was only seventeen years old. In his first address to the cabinet, the young king gave some indication of the path he hoped to follow: In a cabinet divided into factions, differing on fundamental points of policy, I could place no confidence; and should I find mine thus divided, I should feel it my duty to reorganize it. I am determined that my government, if any power invested in me can attain that object, shall be respected for its honesty and efficiency. Unsupported by these two pillars no kingdom is safe. . . . Though young, with the help of God, I shall endeav-

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or to be firm and faithful in the execution of the high trust devolved upon me and never let my feelings as a man overcome my duties as a King. 1 '

The new sovereign was much better prepared than his unhappy predecessor to cope with the changing world. He had an excellent mind, and his missionary teachers at the Chiefs' Children's School had given him a thorough basic education, enriched by a year of travel in Europe and America. He had a fine command of both Hawaiian and English, plus some knowledge of French and Spanish. He was cultured and elegant, with a strong belief in his inherent right to govern and direct his people, and pride in his heritage and country. The confidence with which he took over his duties was firmly based on three years as an active and influential member of the privy council, as well as experience in other governmental roles. At his side stood his loyal and capable elder brother, whose royal pride and firmness of character were reminiscent of their illustrious grandfather, Kamehameha I. Both brothers were definitely out of sympathy with the Calvinists who had dominated their boyhood. The king, not quite six years old, had been taken from the loving, indulgent, and reverential arms of his kahu, or guardian, and his retinue of personal servants, to be turned over to the stern discipline of the missionary boarding school. There he had been firmly overtrained in New England virtues to the point of active revolt, particularly against any humility before God's earthly representatives in the Sandwich Islands Mission. Though he included a number of Americans among his closest friends and advisers, they were not of the missionary group, and he found the Anglican church much more in harmony with his religious feelings than the Calvinism of his childhood. He was anti-United States and pro-Great Britain in his political leanings, because of his fears of annexation and his observations and treatment during the year abroad. Fornander welcomed the new monarch's ascension to the throne with buoyant hope for what it could mean for his

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chosen people. H e exulted that " a new K i n g has ascended the throne of the K a m e h a m e h a s ; a new Star has risen on the Hawaiian horizon. The era of transition f r o m barbarism to civilization, the era of antagonism and compromise between old and new ideas, 'the day of little things,' is about to close, and then will young Hawaii, in the strength of G o d , and in confidence in itself, assume its proper place as 'the heart of the Pacific.' " l 6 Even while recording this exuberant hope for the future, Fornander did not forget the problems of the present. Since he firmly believed that the foundation of every nation's independence, greatness, and prosperity lay in the intellectual development of its people, he used the same article to turn the attention of the coming legislative session in that direction, in particular toward the reorganization o f the Department of Education and the question of English-language schools. A language that had no written literature except the Bible in translation, a few elementary textbooks, and no vocabulary for the concepts of the new civilization, was scarcely adequate for the changing times: The first great error of those who assumed the responsibility of instructing this people—predicated at the time and verified by subsequent experience—was their neglect or unwillingness, to open schools in the English language, and to make that language the medium and standard of intellectual progress. They instituted schools and attempted to build up a literature in a language that was, for all purposes of business, commerce, knowledge, political science and social improvement, a dead language; they could not discern the purposes of God's Providence in making these Islands the halfway house, the servitor and connecting link between two hemispheres. . . . The geographical position of the country, the increasing intercourse with foreign nations, the wants of business, and commerce, the political necessity and the moral well being of the people require the radical introduction of a language better adapted to disseminate truth and combat error.

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The Legislature of last year, practically endorsed our views by voting $10,000, for the institution of English schools through the country. But their means were limited, and must continue so, while it is thought possible to keep two sets of schools agoing. Things done by halves are never well done, let then the coming Legislature, show that they understand this truth, and by reorganizing the school system, infuse in the young Hawaiians, a new life, new energy and new aspirations, through the medium of a new language.

Fornander was equally concerned with the physical wellbeing of the Hawaiians, and he revived a proposal first brought forward in 1849 by an early editor of the Polynesian, Charles Gordon Hopkins, but which at that time called forth no public response at all. This was for the establishment of National Government Hospitals for the sick and the invalid of the native population. This action would, he felt, do the members of the coming legislative session "more honor, than the most hair splitting definitions and tortured Jurisprudence on liquor drinking, Sabbath-breaking, dog taxes, and other cognate subjects which generally occupy two-thirds of their time." 17 This time the suggestion did not fall on barren ground. In his first message to the session of 1855, which convened on April 7, Kamehameha IV expressed alarm over the devastating decrease in the Hawaiian population, and his concern that laws be passed to stay the destruction of his people—specifically, to provide for the establishment of public hospitals. It would be several years before this aim was accomplished, and then to a great extent through the personal efforts of the king and his queen. But once again, Fornander had planted an idea and would continue to nurture it through the years ahead. As the legislative session convened he continued to press for reforms in the school system. The Department of Education was top-heavy, and too closely connected with the "bigotry and prejudices of a peculiar sect . . . in painful contrast to the religious toleration and liberal opinions" essential to the progress of a young nation. 18 He would like to see it redesigned,

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with the whole of the present school fund devoted to the establishment and support of English-language schools. As was to be expected, the Polynesian responded with shocked dismay to both suggestions. The first would inflict irreparable injury on Hawaiian youth for generations to come, the second was too absurd even to consider, as the whole revenue of the kingdom would scarcely be sufficient to accomplish such a result. Did he want to abolish the common schools altogether, and expend the entire school revenues on English schools for natives?19 Fornander replied that this was exactly what he wanted. It was "better to give 20 children yearly an English education, and thereby the means of developing their mental powers to a level, with the knowledge and the spirit of the age in which they live, than to keep 10,000 children on the intellectual treadmill which is now honored by the name of an Hawaiian education."20 Even the minister in his annual report to the legislature admitted the great interest and progress in learning English, and asserted that all labor, care, and expenditure on this account would be richly repaid. Now, and not some time in the vague future when the nation would supposedly be better prepared for it, was the time for change. As for reorganization, Armstrong himself now placed before the legislative body a bill reforming his department into a Board of Education, consisting of a president and two directors appointed by the king. The bill passed, and Armstrong became president of the board, assisted by Prince Lot Kamehameha and Elisha Allen, minister of finance, as directors. There was little change either in his duties or in the conduct of the schools, except that now he would report through the minister of the interior. Since Armstrong was no longer a member of the cabinet, it did remove a certain amount of missionary influence from the government, which was thought to be the reason for the king's approval of the measure. But rather than democratizing education, as Fornander had hoped, the reorganization gave the board additional responsibilities formerly

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belonging to the school agents and the legislative body, strengthening rather than weakening the centralization of educational power. Nevertheless, Fornander was pleased with the change, since a board of several members, hopefully made up of liberal and impartial men, lessened the control of public education by any one sect or man. But he made it very clear that, much as he opposed sectarianism, he did not wish to do away with moral and religious instruction in the common schools. The time had not yet come in the islands when such teaching could be left entirely to parents, and he did not believe that the children should be left to pick up their morals and religion in the highways and by-lanes.21 For Fornander himself the time had come to make an important decision. What was to be the future of the New Era? Financially, the paper was a losing venture in spite of the fact that it was carrying well over two hundred advertisements and business cards. Contrary to what has sometimes been assumed —that because Fornander opposed legally enforced teetotalism and high duties on wine and other liquors, his newspapers were dependent upon these interests for their support—there were very few advertisements for these commodities. By comparing issues of the Polynesian and the New Era for June 1855, it is obvious that the liquor interests were doing equally little to keep the opponents afloat. But when E. O. Hall, out of favor with the new regime, retired as editor of the Polynesian, on June 30, 1855, no doubt by request, one of the paper's major reasons for existence disappeared. For Hall's successor was Charles Gordon Hopkins, the king's close friend and an urbane and liberal Londoner, who had served briefly as editor pro tem in 1849. Between the two appointments he had attended Kamehameha III as his agent for the rental and sale of crown lands, as honorary member of the privy council, and as the king's private secretary. Fornander and this convivial man about town

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were completely in accord on almost all issues, and so there seemed little point in continuing the New Era. Its editor decided to cease publication, at least until business revived with the fall whaling season. But the June 28, 1855, issue proved to be its last. Having done what it could to open the door for better days, the New Era joined the small company of earlier opposition papers that had labored for brief periods, and then disappeared into oblivion. Its explosive history was soon forgotten by all except the bitter and unforgiving enemies it had earned for its editor. Aside from journalistic adventures, the year 1855 had been marked for Fornander by personal events both pleasant and unhappy. On March 28 the sailing vessel Fanny Major arrived, bringing with her a remarkable young Swede, Carl Axel Egerstrom. Abandoning a promising career as a professional army officer, he had traveled to India and thence to the California gold fields. Now he came to the Sandwich Islands on a healthseeking voyage. He would stay a month in Hawai'i, but only nine days in Honolulu before going on to Maui and then to Hilo. Egerstrom had read carefully his Skogman and Andersson and, by supplementing them with Dibble, Jarves, and other writers on the Hawaiian scene from Mr. Whitney's bookshop, was well able to appreciate and understand what he saw and heard. He was an indefatigable sightseer, not only visiting places of interest on horseback and on foot, but attending the opening session of the 1855 legislature to hear the young king's maiden address, and the theater to catch further glimpses of royalty and other notables. Through the consul for Sweden and Norway, Captain Heinrich Hackfeld (a German), he met Prince Lot Kamehameha, Minister of Foreign Affairs Wyllie, and other public figures, including his fellow countryman: I made the acquaintance of a compatriot, Mr. Fornander from Kalmar, who thirty years ago had left Sweden, which he be-

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licved he would never see again. Here he was a much respected man and editor of the Honolulu newspaper Argus, which is published in the English language. In his charming cottage in the Nuuanu valley I spent many pleasant hours and although Mr. F. had almost forgotten his mother tongue and we had to converse in English he showed that he had deeply preserved memories of his native land and his relatives and friends there. He was married to a Hawaiian woman and had three beautiful children, whom I saw running gayly between the fig, banana, and coffee trees after some indescribably brightly colored butterflies which fluttered from flower to flower. Over the story of his earlier life Mr. F. cast a veil, which it did not become me to try to lift. 22

The Fornanders were perhaps at the time once more in the Rooke cottage, on holiday from their residence in the Palama area, a district a mile or so seaward of the coffee plantation and a little east of Honolulu proper, where their first child was born. Of the three children whom Egerstrom saw playing, only one, four-year-old Katy, was their own, but in typical Hawaiian fashion they had no doubt opened their home to relatives and friends. That it was an English-speaking family, at least in front of Katy, is attested by a statement from Fornander that he would "rather hear a parent speak broken English to a house full of children, than pour forth the 'sweetness and melody' of the purest Hawaiian." 23 At the same time, he himself had acquired a fluency in Hawaiian that made him a master of the language, both spoken and written. As for his disinclination to dwell on the past, this was typical of Fornander throughout his life, unfortunately for those who would reconstruct his history. Egerstrom went on to Maui and Hawai'i, and while visiting the missionary Titus Coan, in Hilo, was introduced to a whaling captain who came to make his farewell call before sailing on a three-month cruise to the South Pacific. He was willing to take a passenger who could leave immediately, and so in short order Egerstrom was on his way. The cruise included

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calls in the Marquesas and the lies de Home, near Fiji, with glimpses of New Caledonia, the New Hebrides, and other farflung islands, before the ship once more anchored off Honolulu on July 15. During the six days before his return to San Francisco Egerstrom again called on Fornander, this time at his Nu'uanu Street office. After three more adventurous years in the gold fields of California and Australia, he went home to Sweden, but he remained only long enough to write an entertaining and informative account of his experiences. Egerstrom's narrative included an eloquent appeal to Swedes not to emigrate, especially not in answer to the gold seeker's siren, an appeal he himself ignored. For the writer's adventures were only beginning, and more than forty years as a soldier of fortune in Fiji, New Guinea, and Australia lay ahead of him. The pleasant interlude with Egerstrom was soon followed by less happy events. In the April 20, 1855, issue of the New Era, Fornander apologized for the mildness of his reportage on legislative doings: an anxious personal care left him little time or inclination for political target shooting. With his usual reticence about his private affairs he gave no hint of what this worry might be. However, later events proved that his wife was then pregnant, for the fourth time in their eight years of marriage, and all was not well. On August 12 Pinao Alanakapu gave birth to her first son, Abraham Kawelolani Kanipahu— Kawelolani, the star that rises in a month when dark storms, the seas, and the thunders roar, and soon disappears—a stillborn child whose brief existence was not included when Fornander in later years listed the children he had fathered, perhaps because his birth was so premature.24 As the year 1855 drew to a close, his anxieties lifted. Fornander gradually regained his buoyancy, and the everrecurring itch to write once more asserted itself.

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jA.braham Fornander was tough, resilient, and combative. He was also a scholarly intellectual and a man of vision in a community that felt little need for those qualities—moreover, he was one who showed an unerring gift for choosing the unpopular or minority view. For almost three years Fornander had used these qualities in operating an opposition newspaper; now he would launch a periodical to express the spirit of the new and better times ahead. And so, six months after the demise of the New Era and Argus, a victim of hard times and the lack of a point of view to oppose, a new Fornander literary creation greeted the boisterous little town of Honolulu. The islands' only comparable venture had been the shortlived Hawaiian Spectator, which ran for two years with eight quarterly issues during 1838 and 1839. Though most of its contributors were connected in one way or another with the Sandwich Islands Mission, there were a number of others who wrote for it, and many of its articles were not on churchNote: This chapter appeared in slightly different form in the Hawaiian Journal of History, vol. 6 (1972), pp. 107-128, and is reprinted with permission.

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related subjects. They dealt with all the islands of the Pacific, and particularly those of Hawai'i—their history, description, climate, languages, social problems, their harbors and shipping. At first the list of local contributors was long and varied. But they became fewer and fewer, at last ceasing entirely, and the readable and attractive little periodical expired. But now Fornander felt that the community again needed such a magazine. He and his unidentified backers had very definite ideas of what it should include. Though there would be some discussion of the great questions of the day—scientific, literary, and theological—the periodical was to be devoted principally to matters of local interest. It would concern itself with the history and traditions of the Sandwich Islands; their scenery, geology, and natural history; their trade, commerce, and agriculture. Such sensitive subjects as religion and politics would not be avoided. Foreign missionary enterprise, and its effects on the social state of the native population would be treated thoughtfully and candidly. Men and affairs of government were to receive attention that would disregard personalities but view public men as public property, exposing their shortcomings and pointing out true courses and policies to be pursued. Above all, the magazine was to be thoroughly independent in its tone, and free from all extraneous influence. 1 It seemed to Fornander that the time was right for such a publication. The new king seemed to him the symbol of a new and brighter day, a happy blending of the old and the new. It could well be that his interests and attitudes would have a broadening effect on the community. For times were definitely changing. Not only at the royal court but in the community, the influence of what had been the Sandwich Islands Mission but was now the independent Hawaiian Evangelical Association was being steadily eroded as the number of foreigners in the kingdom grew. Though an increasingly large number of them were Americans, their interest was not in the evangelism of clerics and their followers, still

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called popularly "the missionaries" and "the missionary party," but in money or pleasure. Even in the best society, people enthusiastically attended the theatre, danced at private parties and royal balls, served alcoholic drinks. In spite of various restrictions on the availability of such liquor, including its sale to native Hawaiians, there was a brisk and profitable illegal trade throughout the islands, and newspapers vigorously fought the battle for and against prohibition. Brothels and amateur prostitution had long flourished, in spite of the missionaries' best efforts, but now the appalling spread of venereal disease was no longer regarded simply as God's just punishment. Instead, control by inspection and licensing was seriously discussed. Not only the evils of this world threatened Calvinistic New England Protestantism. The handsome Roman Catholic cathedral on Fort Street and the many Catholic schools attested to the success of priests who had struggled for a foothold against the determined enmity of the Sandwich Islands Mission. The Mormons had arrived to give battle to both, the Methodists had a start, and even occasional Episcopal services had been held. Honolulu was no longer a Calvinistic enclave. But was its cosmopolitan English-reading population large enough, and sophisticated enough, to support a magazine of the intellectual appeal that Fornander had in mind? Economically, the town was still dependent upon whaling ships. After the catastrophic low of 90 visiting ships in 1851, the number had jumped to 226 in 1852, but steadily decreased each year after. Would 1856 be any better, or would the Sandwich Islands' Monthly Magazine be another victim of hard times, like the New Era and Argus? And a third question—what about writers?—since Fornander expected to depend for contributors on people in the community "who are actively engaged in various professional and commercial pursuits, whose education well qualifies, but whose leisure leaves them only at liberty to devote a small portion of their valuable time to the objects set before us." 2

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Probably these questions caused more anxiety to his unidentified backers than to the always confident Fornander. Whatever the case, in January 1856 the first issue of the Sandwich Islands' Monthly Magazine made its appearance. The new periodical, printed at the old newpaper office on Nu'uanu, was small—5V2 by 9 inches—and each issue contained slightly more than thirty pages. It sold for fifty cents a copy. The January number included no advertising, but the last two pages of later issues consisted of advertisements from S. C. Hillman's general agency of newspapers, magazines, and reviews and from Henry M. Whitney, publisher and importer of American and English books and periodicals. Both firms offered real competition for the patronage of readers, the former listing seventy-two magazines from those always on hand. The January number was the prototype for succeeding issues. It began with several lines from "Locksley Hall," published just fourteen years earlier by the popular young poet, Tennyson, which expressed admirably the middle-aged editor's Victorian optimism: Yet I doubt not through the ages one increasing purpose runs, And the thoughts of men are widened with the process of the suns.

There were two articles, two poems, a short story, three "extracts," or quotations, that emphasized the editor's point of view, and several pages of "Monthly Chit Chat," sprightly or acid comment by Fornander on current affairs. Succeeding issues added a monthly summary of shipping intelligence, listing the arrivals and departures of ships. Sometimes there were summaries of government reports, with editorial comment and criticism. In this first issue, none of the contributions was signed except by an initial or two, if that. " H . " appeared several times as author not only of the long "Prefatory," but also of a sentimental short story and a poem about whaling, neither of any

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particular literary value. Another January contributor was " G . " who wrote on "The Polynesian Race, and the Lost Islands of the Pacific," based on opinions stated by Darwin in his Naturalist's Voyage on the "Beagle" of 1839, and by James Dwight Dana, mineralogist with the U.S. Exploring Expedition of 1838-1842. The essay conjectured that the islands of Polynesia were once part of a large archipelago, whose people traveled by purposeful navigation from one island to another. The group first inhabited by the Polynesians was the Samoan Islands, but, by using as steppingstones islands that have long since subsided into the ocean, they spread as far as New Zealand in one direction, and through the Society Islands and the Marquesas to Hawai'i in the other. These conclusions were reached by a comparative study of languages—a method to be adopted long afterward by Fornander himself. The article so delighted Chaplain Damon that he asked permission to reproduce it in its entirety in the March issue of his own periodical, the Friend: a Monthly Journal Devoted to Temperance, Seamen, Marine and General Intelligence. Fornander himself contributed the second article, "Civilisation, a Thought," an article of particular importance because it contains the essence of his attitude toward the Hawaiians. He pointed out, to those who boasted of superiority, that no people or race could take credit for having originated their own civilisation, that "what the 'naked and painted' Britons were in Caesar's day, such were the naked and painted Hawaiians of Cook's day. Civilisation looks back through sixty generations on the one occurrence, while here the advent and tragic fate of 'Lono' is still in the recollection of 'the oldest inhabitant.' " He pleaded for gentler treatment, more forbearance, more kindliness, more charity, from those who claimed that the Hawaiian race was doomed to extinction. He pointed out the traumatic effects of the introduction of Western civilisation, which "in its earnest, unceasing, often violent endeavor to work out its purpose, has like repeated shocks from a galvanic battery, completely stunned the recipient who is only

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now slowly awakening from the stupor." He emphasized the grave responsibility of the foreign element in the kingdom, and pointed out that "whatever shape or feature civilisation may assume in the Hawaiian Islands, we, as its parents, will be held responsible. This people cannot die physically, unless we are dead morally." Unless some other pen assumed the task, he promised in later issues "to show what civilisation . . . has done in the performance of its duty towards these Islands and their inhabitants, and also wherein it has erred; grievously, seriously, and perhaps, irretrievably erred." 3 Fomander expressed the social philosophy contained in this article again and again throughout his long life. Often his terms were bitter and biting, and made enemies for him on every level of society. For there were few in his day, whether drunken whalemen carousing on Nu'uanu Street, merchants busily pursuing their fortunes, missionaries intent on saving souls, or diplomats maneuvering for privilege and power, who saw the Hawaiian and his culture as worthy of respect and preservation, who escaped the prevailing attitudes of condescension, pity, or exploitation. The extracts in this first issue quoted from Milton's "Areopagitica" on the power of truth in free and open encounter, from Lady Mary Montagu on the pleasures of reading, and from Sherlock on the foolishness of intemperance. The month's "Chit Chat" was disarmingly mild and innocuous. Fornander discussed Dr. William Hillebrand's "Report on Labour and Population," from the first Transactions of the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society, which proposed domestic remedies for the decrease in population; the condition of the past business season; the recent appearances of Lee and Marshall's National Circus and Long and Raphael's Great Western Circus; his hope that the manager of the Royal Hawaiian Theatre would avoid staging five-act plays in a room 20 by 30 feet with the thermometer at 90 degrees; the loss of the steamer Kalama at Koloa, Kaua'i; and the January 7 election of representatives to the Legislative Assembly.

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The Honolulu appearance of the Great Western Circus was not the end of its story. A later "Chit Chat" reports the sequel: Some weeks ago the ladies of Lahaina sent in a petition to the Legislature, that no Circus be permitted in that virtuous village because it "kept their husbands out at nights." What a sorry picture of domestic life that petition exhibited: con-cat-enation of cat-as-trophes, from broken vows up to broken heads—what a cloud of divorce bills in the judicial perspective! What cruel, brutal and benighted husbands! What perfect Sultans them! Who would have thought, a few months ago, when the Great Western Circus went up to Lahaina during the shipping season, to amuse the conflux of strangers there, and to subserve the morals of the place by diverting dissipation from the usual pursuits of licentiousness and drunkenness—who would have thought that it should have fallen like a bomb in a powder mill, like a bull in a china shop, like a comet in a horsepond, and that blighted hopes, shivered affections and—this petition— would have been its legitimate results? But so it is. A number of strong minded women of Lahaina have attested their rights and their monopoly of their husbands' time. Their petition did "a tale unfold." We have but a word to add to this singular document. It was duly read before the House of Nobles; but the majority of that body, being widowers, with a self denial truly praiseworthy, referred the petition to the Executive department. As His Majesty's Government is composed two to one, of bachelors, there is yet some hope that the Ladies of Lahaina may receive that attention which the Legislature and their husbands refused.4 This first issue of the Sandwich Islands' Monthly Magazine was very well received by both the Friend and the Polynesian. Mr. Hopkins editorialized that "when our readers have learned that it is conducted by Mr. Abraham Fornander, they will need no farther guarantee of its honesty of purpose and kindliness of tone," and referred to "that gentleman's long established reputation as a writer whose style is marked by a

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happy combination of the scholastic and playful." 5 However, Hopkins disapproved of the use of authors' signatures, and even of initials. When his suggestion that they be dropped was ignored, he refused to review any signed contributions. But when he accused a writer, who signed himself " I O T A , " of shielding himself from the Polynesian's praise or blame by using a signature, he went too far. He got a sharp reply from the author, who appears to have been Fornander himself, that he did not think an article or book ought to be dependent on the review of any public journal, and would like better to see every reader his own critic first.6 The result was no reviews at all of the next issue by the Polynesian. And who were these secretive contributors? Those whose offerings are without any signature at all will probably never be known, though style or point of view often suggest Fornander himself. Some can be surmised with more or less certainty from a fortunate happenstance. In his personal file of the magazine, now in the Hawaiian Historical Society Library, the editor would pencil in a letter, or add a further one, occasionally an entire surname. The initial that appeared most frequently was " H . , " to which Fornander, in every case, added the letter " R . " H.'s contributions were always "literary"—poems or essays of about the same caliber as those which appeared in the January issue. One of the latter, however, "Our Verandah," has such an amusingly graphic description of the condition and traffic of Honolulu's streets that one wishes he had written more about the local scene, and fewer sonnets and sermons.7 It is impossible to be positive about his identity, and were it not for Fornander's addition of a second initial one would suspect it to be Charles Gordon Hopkins. By the process of elimination, one arrives at the possibility that H. R. may have been Henry Rhodes, brother of Godfrey, the latter a frequent letter writer to the Fornander newspapers. As is the case with almost all of the possibly identifiable contributors to the Sandwich Islands' Monthly, Henry was an Englishman. He first arrived

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in the Sandwich Islands in 1836, on his way to British Columbia to take a position with the Hudson's Bay Company. But in 1856 he was living in Honolulu, perhaps working for the same employers, though a few years later when the company's local agency closed, he returned to Victoria, B.C., this time to work for Janion, Green and Company. Another literary contributor whose identity is difficult to guess accurately is " B r o w n , " whose two poems in the February and April issues are unsigned except for Fornander's penciling of the surname. Could this be Thomas Brown, brother-in-law o f Henry and Godfrey Rhodes, former landscape gardener for Queen Victoria, in charge of all the gardens and hothouses of Windsor Castle, and designer of many of its beautiful vistas? Brown came to Honolulu in 1846, bringing with him across two oceans a stately prefabricated house, a mansion that became the family home on a thousand-acre Kaua'i estate. But by 1856 he was more prosaically employed as recorder of deeds in the Bureau of Conveyances at Honolulu. Fornander's penciled " G . Kenway," at the end of an " O d e on the Marriage of Kamehameha I V " in the June issue, indicates George Seymour Kenway as the poet. This close personal friend of the young king was another of the editor's English associates—a retail merchant, owner of a schooner, later to become a circuit court judge in Hilo. The marriage on June 19, 1856, of Alexander Liholiho and his lovely classmate from the Chiefs' Children's School, Emma Rooke, was a gala occasion. The ceremony took place at Kawaiaha'o Church, its bareness disguised by garlands of flowers and greenery. Its former minister, the Reverend Mr. Armstrong, performed the Episcopal service, a prefiguring of the religious path the young couple would follow. There were salutes from the fort and from men-of-war, and that evening, illuminations and a grand ball. Unfortunately, its "literary" contributions were the most amateurish and usually the least interesting of any in the

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various issues of the magazine. This was true not only of several additional poems with no clues to authorship, but also of several prose attempts by the editor himself of a vaguely philosophical turn, full of ponderous metaphors and archaic turns of phrase. A more pragmatic writer was " W . , " who in the February issue presented "Island Steam Navigation and Island Ports," on the need for improved harbors and landing places on all the islands, and usable roads in connection with them. Fornander identifies him as "Webster"—no doubt young William Webster, a Scotsman who had come to Hawai'i in 1849 or 1850. He was a well-qualified and successful civil engineer and surveyor, agent for the crown lands, later secretary to Kamehameha IV, and in the days of the Monthly already a member of the legislative body. Webster was known as one of the best and most sympathetic friends of the Hawaiians, and like Fornander spoke their language fluently. Much was hoped of him in contributions to the political life of the kingdom, but, unfortunately, he lived only a few months longer than the young king. It was in popular science that the little magazine offered real stimulus to its readers, after an excellent start with an article by " G . " on "The Polynesian Race" in the January number. Fornander penciled in before the initial the letters " W . L . , " which makes the authorship easy to guess. William Lowthian Green, still another of Fornander's English friends, had come to the islands in the early 1850s. Unlike Fornander, he achieved great success both in business and in government, and at the same time remained a trusted and sympathetic friend of the Hawaiian monarchy. At the time of the Sandwich Islands' Monthly, Green was already managing the British mercantile company he had gone to work for soon after his arrival in Honolulu. By 1859, when Henry Rhodes went to Victoria to represent it, Green was managing partner, and the name had become Janion, Green and Company, predecessor of Theo. H. Davies, Ltd.

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Green's great love was geology, which he studied and wrote about throughout his life. More than likely, the unsigned "Geological Notices on the Sandwich Islands," which appeared in the April, May, and June issues, came from his pen—and disturbing they must have been to orthodox readers who followed their Bibles literally. They were based on Laplace's nebular hypothesis of the origin of the solar system which although sixty years old at the time was still no doubt new and shocking to many, and on Alexander von Humboldt's more recent writings on calculating the age of plant and animal remains found in sedimentary deposits. The articles go on to discuss at some length J . D. Dana's views on the origin and geological development of the Sandwich Islands, and then to summarize his observations, first on polyps and coral formations, and finally on the geological history and location of O'ahu's various lava and tufa craters. When one studies their interrelations, it seems possible that some grouping of these British friends, perhaps with the addition of the coffee planter, legislator, and public figure, Godfrey Rhodes, who also had a fluent pen, could have been the unidentified backers of Fornander's magazine. Only one contributor was allowed his full name, and no doubt insisted on it—Dominique Frick, L.L.D., member of the Imperial Academical Society of Sciences, and of the Geographical Society of Paris. Frick was a conchologist, chemist, and geographer, who had fought under Napoleon, been exiled during the Restoration, and returned to favor under the Republic of 1848. He had come with his wife and eight children to join the French consulate in 1851. Frick had met Alexander Liholiho in Paris the year before his arrival in the Sandwich Islands, and all his sympathies were with the Hawaiian government in its constant difficulties with Louis Perrin, the contentious French consul. So it was not long until Perrin managed to have him ousted, and even the costs of repatriation denied him. It was not until 1859, after the death of his wife, that the unfortunate Frick was able to leave Honolulu for

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California, where, during his few remaining years, his witty and facile pen was busily at work editing and writing for the French-language press. Meanwhile, the learned and eccentric Dr. Frick worked as a practicing chemist and added to his large collection of land shells, while operating an illegal liquor still on the side. In the May Monthly, under the pedestrian title ' 'Notes on Terrestrial Conchology," he wrote in graceful, informal, nonscientific language of his collecting experiences in the islands, the new species he had discovered, how and where the shells were to be found, and the danger of their annihilation by wild cattle. It is a delightful and all-too-short article, a real stimulus for readers to follow in Frick's path. Fornander himself found the natural history and ethnology of the islands absorbing; later he received a medal from the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences for some of his own collecting. The excitement of his introduction to science in those far-off days on windswept Oland and at the Kalmar gymnasium never left him, nor did his efforts to communicate it to others ever cease. He tried again and again to interest fellow Honoluluans in the wealth of material of scientific interest around them, in studying, preserving, and exhibiting it. In the March "Chit Chat" he wrote of the need for a public library and a museum of antiquities, perhaps in conjunction with one another. In "A Museum for Honolulu," in the May Monthly (unsigned, but probably by Fornander), he developed the theme further, suggesting that the Legislative Assembly finance a collection and library illustrating the natural history of the islands—the zoology of its ocean and seashore; its insects, geology, ethnology, and antiquities; even a meteorological register of weather, tides, earthquakes, and eruptions. When a new government building, Ali'iolani Hale, opened its door almost twenty years later, his dream achieved a limited reality in the establishment of a natural museum and library. But the life of both was short, and books and artifacts were absorbed within a few decades by other institutions.

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Ecology was not a term one encountered in Fornander's day, but his understanding of the science and its implications was very clear indeed. He had long advocated the planting of trees along the streets, in private gardens and orchards, on the bare plains, and on the slopes and mountains, not only for comfort and beauty, but because of the relationship between lack of trees, amount of moisture, and productivity of the soil. An unsigned article in the February Monthly, "The Influence of Cattle on the Climate of Waimea and Kawaihae, Hawaii," discussed changes there both in rainfall and in the frequency and violence of hurricanes, which the author attributed to the destruction by wild cattle of the original heavy stands of trees. The changes in climate occurring both there and in Honolulu he called " a cabinet specimen, as it were, of the mutual action and reaction on each other, of earth, sea, man, animals and plants"—as modern a definition of ecology as one could ask.8 But the major theme, recurring again and again in the magazine, was Fornander's concern for the present status and future condition of the Hawaiian people. His plea for respect for the native culture, and for social development based upon integrating the ways of Western civilization into it, rather than by destroying one to make way for the other, took many forms. His views on the subject were suffused throughout by a strong sense of history; like Emerson, he felt that a people without a past at its back could never go forward. It was their lack of historical perspective rather than any corrupt or selfish motives that caused the missionaries to make their original errors. Fornander developed this theme in the two-part essay "Civilisation, a Fact," which appeared in the February and March issues, defining civilization in the historian François Guizot's terms as consisting on the one hand of society's political and social development, and on the other of man's internal and moral advancement. Tracing the Polynesian race from its beginnings in the "Islands of Malasia" to the framing of the second Hawaiian constitution, he claimed that by the time it came into contact

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Fort Street, Honolulu, about 1856 to 1858, looking mauka. (Courtesy of the Archives of Hawaii) with Europeans for the first time in the eighteenth century, the race had declined from whatever degree o f civilization had existed at its starting point to a state of terrible despotism and superstitious terror. To this were added the destructive social and religious effects o f the arrival and death o f Captain Cook. Fornander was convinced that social and moral development was quite possible without what he called "Christianisation," and as proof he outlined Kamehameha I's tremendous accomplishment in providing in one short generation a central power that ended "royal anarchy" and brought "peace in the land, security to life, a reward to industry and toleration o f opinion, all this before Christianity had entered the islands." 9 Then came the breaking o f the tabus in 1819, followed by the arrival of the missionaries, who through "great ignorance and gross misconceptions of the country, the people, their former intellectual and social habits, and the civilising causes already scattered over the land and actually at w o r k , " 1 0 pro-

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cecded to make what Fornander considered their first error. By ignoring the fact that Christianity did not spring from, and was not compatible with, the stage of social development then existing among the Hawaiians, they pushed too fast. They tried to introduce the new religion and its alien morality by force of royal proclamations, imposing fines and penalties until a nominal Christianity had been enforced. The next step was political reform. The gradual decay of the powers of the chiefs, the voluntary renunciation by the king of many of his ancient prerogatives, and the advancements in the social condition of the people had made a Western-style constitution necessary. It was then that the civilizers committed their second grave error—an error for which the missionaries were largely responsible, because of the great political influence they exercised during most of Kamehameha Ill's minority and reign. Instead of studying the past and present state of the Hawaiian culture and asking themselves if the Hawaiians were really capable yet of self-government, they started at the other end with the constitutions of the most civilized countries before them as models. The result was a document based on political abstractions that had no archetype in the Hawaiian past. Said Fornander, "They made garments of snow for the burning south and have been obliged to patch them ever since." 11 In these two articles Fornander gave the missionaries great credit for their true accomplishments in providing security, emancipation, and education. But he pleaded that "those who lead and are looked up to as the representatives of civilisation, will divest themselves of their own local prejudices and consider that the spirit of civilisation is cosmopolitan, but its form sectional, depending more or less on the extent of country, variations of climate, density of population, characteristics of race, associations of the past and other social incidents which to ignore is culpable in a statesman, which to co-erce in uncongenial channels is folly or fanaticism." 12 Hopkins in his Polynesian review of the March issue com-

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plimented Fornander on his efforts to be fair, his courage in stating his conclusions, and the elegance of the language in which he expressed them. But Hopkins warned that his opinions would not be happily received, for he touched some tender nerves in laying this subject open. 1 3 He was correct. Fornander was even more pointed in his remarks on civilizers in the June issue, in his introduction to a speech by Prince Lot to the Hawaiian Agricultural Society delivered on May 19, 1856. This was a group formed with the hope that it would do for the native Hawaiian farmers what the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society was doing for the largely foreign planters. Once again he pleaded for more understanding from those introducing civilization to Hawai'i, by whom he meant all Westerners and not missionaries alone: In their pride of place, too many too often forget the meanness of their own origin, that the most civilised people of today is but the slow and painful development of the most barbarous, that this development has required a period of nineteen hundred years, and that, after all its past struggle and present boasting, its luminous disk contains many black spots which neither time nor any future lustre can efface. There are men also of the present day who do not scruple to assume that the only destiny of a barbarous people is to occupy the land, until a more enlightened race, shall stand ready to ease them of it; with whom extinction is mercy, and a Christian "ticket of leave" the highest stretch of philanthropy. . . . They look with eager and self-satisfied attention over the statistical accounts of the nation's decrease; they calculate to the month the time when not a Hawaiian shall remain to reflect back the warm tint of his native sun, and they cannot understand the necessity of studying the predilections, prejudices, characteristics and capabilities of those whom a few years will see beneath the sod. They have not studied civilisation in their own lands, and have no conception of its workings here.14 One of Fornander's most deeply held beliefs was that the foundation of every nation's independence, greatness, and

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prosperity lay in the intellectual culture of its people. While giving the missionaries credit for their accomplishments in educating the Hawaiians, he felt very strongly that because of their efforts to bring masses of students as quickly as possible to a low level of literacy in the Hawaiian language only, the quality of education had suffered severely. The people were thirty years behind where they might have been in their efforts to adapt and compete in an English-speaking and Englishreading world. From the most unlikely starting places and subjects he ended up again and again with earnest appeals to the Legislative Assembly for funds and teachers to change this situation. He suggested other means as well to prepare the Hawaiians more quickly and adequately to administer their own government and compete with the growing number of foreigners or Hawai'i-born whites into whose hands business, land, and power flowed at an ever-increasing rate. The government should give free grants to a certain number of native students to attend the newly established Oahu College, the renamed, missionary-created Punahou School. It should appropriate yearly stipends to enable the most promising young Hawaiians to travel and study in foreign lands, and thus prepare themselves by practical education for careers such as engineering, for example, so that the country would not always be dependent upon strangers to improve and develop it or to carry on the institutions already established. "Hitherto the height and ambition of a Hawaiian education, seems to have been to qualify the student for quoting the Bible a tort et a travers, for making prayers by the yard, for entering 'holy orders' or unholy law," and this was not adequate for the needs either of the present or of the future. 15 Fornander apparently joined no congregation in Hawai'i and never severed his ties with the Lutheran state church of Sweden except by his naturalization as a Hawaiian citizen. As a good friend of Chaplain Damon he no doubt went sometimes to hear him preach; he felt at home in the Roman Cath-

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olic cathedral, and he attended Episcopalian services whenever they were available. But in the February "Chit Chat" he recommended that parents spend Sunday outdoors with their children, instead of turning the day into "a pack bullock for your weekly sins." However, if one must go to church, it should be in a spirit of love and sympathy toward the pastor, who, so often dependent on the whims of his congregation, must preach for popularity or starve. And if he expounded the word of God in a spirit of love, one ought to listen without carping and criticism, "avoiding that sin of the fallen angels— intellectual pride.'' 16 Fornander believed firmly in religious tolerance; any quarrel of his with the missionary group was not with their religious faith, but with their temporal attitudes and activities. And it was one such incident that led to his last acidulous remarks about them in the pages of the Sandwich Islands' Monthly. It had long been the special privilege of members of the Sandwich Islands Mission to pay only half-price for the copies of the Polynesian. This privilege Hopkins suddenly withdrew from the mission's successor. The resulting quarrel between members and newspaper appears to have been the immediate cause for the founding of a new journal, the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, at this particular time. Almost at once the business manager of the Polynesian, Henry M. Whitney, son of a pioneer missionary, had resigned his position to start the new project. With more than his usual acidity, which one cannot blame his victims for resenting, Fornander commented about those he referred to as "the Reverend Fathers" of the Protestant Mission in the May issue of the Monthly: "They could stand much; they could bear to have their measures condemned, their opinions ridiculed, their candor called in question, but could not stand this. Political influence and personal consistency may be sacrificed in these hard and degenerate times, but the dollar—never. . . . And forthwith some forty of their number shook the dust off their feet and withdrew their subscriptions from the Polynesian."17

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Perhaps the sharpness of Fornander's reaction was the result of disappointment over the reception of his magazine. Just as in the case of the Hawaiian Spectator of the 1830s, as the months went by he encountered more and more difficulty in persuading people to write for him and in eliciting the caliber of contributions he hoped for; certainly all the talent represented by the so-called missionary group was lost to him. As a result, two-thirds of the May issue appeared to be from his own pen. With a few exceptions, Fornander's writing had been the most stimulating and readable of any. But his feelings were apparently too intense, his pen too sharp, his tongue too caustic. With a greater variety of contributors the total effect might have been diluted to an acceptable blandness, or if their talents had been of high enough quality, the level of excellence might have compensated for the bitter flavor. As it was, it alienated too many of the small group of Honoluluans well enough educated and of a sufficiently intellectual and sophisticated turn of mind to be interested in a magazine of the kind Fornander intended. The first few issues had been enthusiastically received, if so friendly a critic as Hopkins of the Polynesian is to be believed. But journalistic birth and death followed close upon each other. The June issue closed the magazine's first volume, and with it died the six-months-old venture. Wrote the editor in his last "Chit Chat": "The aim and object of the Magazine was not to fan the flame, the bitterness of creeds, the rancour of deferred hopes; but to compose the strife, to reform the hopelessly separated atoms and, if possible, furnish a mental pablum, around which 'all good men and true' could join." 1 8 But with his usual optimism Fornander overestimated the progress of the community toward consolidation of opinions and habits, and the degree to which "national and religious oddities and 'isms" had been softened and modified by the friction of physical, social, and political change. He placed the blame upon himself, upon the abrasive effects of his own opinions as expressed in the editorial "Chit Chat."

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Fornander's last entry was the rueful, half-bitter, halfamused recognition of a Swede abroad that his country's proud history and ancient culture could be so little known, and so little regarded. Quoting an item from a Hawaiianlanguage newspaper, Hoe Hawaii, the official voice of the Department of Public Instruction and edited by its chief clerk, to the effect that the American Bible Society was about to print the Gospel of John and the Acts in the Spanish language for the schools on St. Domingo, the New Testament in the Chinese language, and the whole Bible in Swedish, he commented: Poor Sweden! A country that gave Linnaius [sic] to science, Tegnér to poetry, Geier [sic] to history, Oxenstiern to politics, and Fredrika Bremer to romance; a country, whose universities are second to none; a country, where a Man's oath is not taken in a court of law unless he has been confirmed by a clergyman, and where he is not confirmed, until he knows Luther's greater Catechism by heart, and can give proper answers and explanations thereto. A country where Christianity was established A.D. 980, where the Bible was translated and printed in the vernacular about 1530. . . . "How the mighty have fallen!" This country, once so glorious for the valour, the learning, the piety and probity of its people, is now by an Hawaiian editor placed on a par with St. Domingo and China.19

By this time, June 1856, Abraham Fornander had been a naturalized citizen of the Hawaiian Kingdom for almost ten years. He had not seen the country of his birth for a quarter of a century, and though he would live for more than thirty years longer, he would never see it again. But to the end he never lost pride in the land of his origin. In spite of his accomplishments and participation in the life of his second country, and perhaps because of the very fact of his cosmopolitanism, he seemed always a little more European than most of its foreignborn citizens, and always in one way or another a part of a minority.

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The Hawaiians, also, were even then a minority in influence, wealth, and power in their own kingdom. Their rulers were at the beginning of a last, hopeless struggle to regain their prerogatives—a struggle that would go on long after Kamehameha IV's untimely death. The bitter taste of condescension and disregard was something that Abraham Fornander, too, knew well. Perhaps from this understanding came his deep sympathy for the people of his adopted country, and his unceasing efforts to help their culture and history achieve the recognition and respect he felt they deserved. And despite the collapse of the Sandwich Islands' Monthly Magazine, those efforts would soon find another outlet.

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TRANSITION

W h e n the Sandwich Islands' Monthly Magazine faded out of existence in mid-1856, Abraham Fornander found himself for the first time in several years without any journalistic responsibility. He retained his printshop on Nu'uanu Street, and it was here that the Counting House Almanac and Register for 1857 was published. This was a calendar with a roster of public officials as well as other information about people and places in Honolulu, printed on cardboard to sell for fifty cents, or on paper for twenty-five cents. Fornander's good friend Hopkins cooperated by reprinting it in its entirety in the Polynesian for January 3, 1857, with a warm recommendation of its usefulness to both strangers and residents. His friends in government came to his aid with an appointment as tax assessor for O'ahu, which was renewed a year later. Generally speaking, this was a quiet period for Fornander, a short respite from the responsibility of putting out a newspaper practically single-handedly, and from the quarrels that editorship engendered. It was also a time of personal sorrow and added care.

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In March of 1857 the Fornanders would have celebrated the tenth anniversary of their marriage. On January 16 Pinao Alanakapu gave birth to her second son, Charles Theodore Kalililani Kalanimanuia. Four days later she was dead; the child lived just eleven days longer. Fornander was left alone with his little Katy, not yet eight years old. He would never remarry, and for the rest of his days Katy would be the center of his life. Abraham Fornander was essentially a very private person in spite of the public positions he occupied, and seldom referred to his personal life. But he wrote his old friend, Erik Ljunstedt, long afterward, that it was a happy marriage, and elsewhere that he himself was one "whose holiest memory lies in a Hawaiian grave." 1 Pinao was not the keeper of the family chants and records—these were the responsibility of her cousin Kalama of Moloka'i, son of her father's half-brother, and it was he who put the genealogies into written form. 2 But undoubtedly it was from his wife that Fornander absorbed much of his respect not only for her personal background, but for the Hawaiian people and their traditions; and it was to her that he owed his knowledge of their language. A few months later, probably in May, Fornander went to work for his friend Hopkins at the Polynesian as manager of the paper and deputy director of the government press, which in addition to printing all government releases also did private job work. This appointment did not help Fornander's popularity with the so-called missionary group and its followers, for Hopkins was even less in their good graces than he, not only because of the Englishman's public attitude toward them, but also because of his convivial life as close friend and frequent companion of the young king. This did not concern Hopkins, who much preferred the companionship of the more sophisticated members of the European community to that of most Americans, and particularly enjoyed the friendship of the Hawaiian ali'i. The fact that he strongly advocated intermarriage of natives and whites

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and had a part-Hawaiian son of his own did not endear him to the missionary group either, for most of them were less than enthusiastic about the integration of the races. (By far the greater number of the original missionaries strongly opposed such marriages for themselves and their children, though two students from the Chiefs' Children's School, one definitely and the other presumably part-white, left it to marry American husbands with their teachers' approval and encouragement.) Hopkins was often gone from Honolulu on royal tours with the king, or else to spend time on his sheep and cattle ranch at Kahuku, whose vast acreage swept from the slopes of windward O'ahu around the northernmost point of the island. In his frequent absences Fornander had ample opportunity to exercise his writing hand, without the ultimate responsibility for what was printed in the newspaper. In 1859 Egerstrom's book on his travels was published in Sweden. An old friend of Fornander read it, and coming across the passages about the author's visits in Honolulu wrote to Abraham's mother and his sister Jenny. 3 They were the only ones left of the immediate family, for Anna Martha had died in 1846 and Theodor in 1853, a year after going back to Oland to take up an appointment as government physician for the northern part of the island. The three women had returned in 1843 to the same little village of Runsten where grandfather Abraham and uncle Ahlqvist had been rectors. Jenny was now a spinster in her late thirties, and the much respected postmistress. The little cottage which she and her mother shared through the years from I860 until their deaths many years later housed not only the post office, but also a counter where she sold homemade candies and a quilting frame for the quilts which she made for others, to eke out a meager income. When word came placing Fornander in Honolulu, Jenny wrote to her brother. The years of unexplained silence were over, and they corresponded regularly until the end of his life. They exchanged portraits; Jenny's clear, in-

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telligent eyes and strongly defined features look out from hers with a vivid impression of strength and character. Abraham sent his sister gifts of money and curios from Hawai'i. The children who came to buy candies lingered to look at these mementoes from another island, seven thousand miles away, and to hear about this faraway adventurer who had once been a boy on Oland. 4 The same year of 1859 saw a change in Katy Fornander's life as well. On the fourth of May a ship arrived in Honolulu carrying the first Catholic nuns to Hawai'i. These were ten Flemish and French Sisters of the Congregation of the Sacred Hearts, who had been on their way for eight long months. When the ship dropped anchor offshore, a small boat went out to meet her and each sister was carefully lowered into it by means of a barrel and rowed to where the king and queen waited to greet them. A large crowd stared curiously at the strange sight of the nuns, dressed in flowing white, their faces framed by the deep fluted border and veil of their order's headdress. They went first to the cathedral to be welcomed by the bishop and a special mass. Then at last the tired women were able to retire to their convent, close to the church walls, where ten mattresses laid out on the floor awaited them. These sisters had come to open a series of schools for girls. The next month their prospectus appeared in the Polynesian announcing that on July 9 a boarding school would open, followed on August 2 by a completely separate day school. In each, there would be classes, taught in English, in reading, writing, grammar, composition, arithmetic, history, and needlework. In addition, the boarding students would learn elocution, geography, the use of globes, chronology, mythology, logic, bookkeeping, music, drawing, painting, French, and German. Day students who wanted to learn these languages could attend classes after regular school hours, and later they would be offered special music instruction as well. There was even a separate French class for the ladies of the community.5 Immediately, it became the fashion for both Catholic and

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non-Catholic parents who could afford it to send their daughters to the sisters' school. Thirty-six girls, both white and partHawaiian, attended the day school that first year of 1859— 1860, for which their fathers paid a tuition of four dollars a month, plus four dollars extra for French and German. The enrollment included many familiar names from the business and professional community, such as Cartwright, Dudoit, McKibbin, Gregg, Mclntyre, Paty, Brickwood, and Cornwell. Among them were three married women, probably attending the special French class for adults—Mme. G. Rhodes, Mme. Bishop, and Mme. J. Lee. Number twenty-five on the list for the day school was Mile. Kate Fornander. The following spring, on April 2, 1860, she also began four years of special classes, probably in music.6 A few of the day students dropped out during the first year, but others stayed on to finish their formal education with the sisters. Katy remained for five years, until a new appointment sent her father, with Katy, to live on Maui for a time. It must have been a great relief for Fornander to have his daughter safely in the sisters' care, together with the children of many of the leading men of the community, and to feel that he was giving her what seemed to him the best available preparation for her future. Meanwhile, Henry Whitney's Pacific Commercial Advertiser was making great strides as the Polynesian'% rival. It began publication on July 2, 1856, with offices and press in the same building on Merchant Street that housed Whitney's stationery store and bookshop and the post office. It was an antigovernment paper, in the same opposing position once occupied by the Weekly Argus and the New Era. At first, the Commercial, as it called itself, came out in two editions, one completely in English and the other with the last of its four pages in Hawaiian, following a suggestion made by Fornander two years earlier to the Polynesian, but not adopted.7 The new paper was immediately popular, and soon began to

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fil

Catherine Fornander, 1861. (Courtesy of Lennart Gardell, Visby, Sweden)

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make inroads on its older rival's subscription list. Hopkins' worldly point of view and his satirical writing style, full of turns and graces, were as irritating as his life-style to more staid and matter-of-fact Honoluluans. Their disapproval of what he had to say and how he said it was a reflection of their attitude toward the government, even though an amendment to the law, passed on June 30, 1856, declared the Polynesian to be free and independent of all such influence. But apart from allowing the government to wash its hands of responsibility for any troublesome remarks the Polynesian might make, this act of emancipation had little effect, since both Hopkins and Fornander were well known as strong supporters of the king and his policies. There were many statements in their paper to which the Commercial took strong exception. For Hopkins did not cease the constant skirmishing with the missionary party which had contributed to the decision to start the new paper. The Polynesian must be assumed to have been Hopkins' voice, though the pen now may often have been Fornander's. It continued to express both men's disapproval of the manner in which a morality and way of life, completely without foundation in the mores and customs of the Hawaiian people, had been forced upon them, without allowing adequate time to assimilate these new ideas into their cultural traditions. Another of Hopkins' continuing concerns was the shocking drop in numbers of the native Hawaiian population. He pressed for the establishment of a public hospital to help cope with this problem, and by 1857 was joined in his efforts not only by the king and queen but also by some members of the medical profession. In 1859 the dream became a reality when the Queen's Hospital opened in temporary quarters; a year later its own building was under construction. In 1860 Hopkins played a strong role in bringing into being a piece of legislation that would rock Honolulu with controversy for years to come. He had pleaded again and again, through the columns of the Polynesian, for compassionate

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help for the appalling number of unfortunate women who, as a result of casual relationships or outright prostitution with the thousands of vagrants and seamen who preyed upon them, had become victims of venereal diseases, and were spreading them throughout the country. Wyllie, also, and a few other like-minded men had been trying unsuccessfully for years to bring about the passage of laws to control the problem by licensing and inspection. Then, in I860, an Act to Mitigate Evils and Disease Arriving from Prostitution was introduced into the House of Nobles. Hopkins was a member, and generally suspected of being the instigator of the bill. A bitter fight followed, but the law passed. It required that prostitutes in Honolulu register with the sheriff, or go to prison. They would be examined by a government physician, and if found free of disease would have their names entered on a register, to be removed from it if they left the trade. Those found to be diseased were to be treated free of charge at the new Queen's Hospital. A very vocal segment of the community considered the law a condonement of sin, and the Commercial became their mouthpiece. As for the Polynesian, it earned from a writer in the rival paper the epithet of ' 'the Government Prostitution Organ." 8 During the same legislative session that saw the passage of this Act to Mitigate, as it was popularly called, a bitter controversy arose over financial support for the government press and for the Polynesian. By now, the Commercial had made such inroads that the newspaper was able to raise only half the revenue needed to support its publication. In the past this had not mattered, as it was able to draw upon the proceeds of the government press to make up any deficit. But now Whitney and the Commercial began to raise strenuous objections not only to this procedure but also to the printing jobs which the government press had long been allowed to do for private customers. The Polynesian, it said, must not only operate within its own assigned budget, but this

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amount must be rigorously cut. The government press should be limited strictly to governmental printing, or better yet be completely abolished and the work put out for bid. The Commercial would have been most happy to have the Polynesian done away with as well, for the government had no right "to publish a political journal to traduce any portion of its citizens . . . or discuss political questions with the view to engender political feuds.' ' 9 The efforts of the Commercial were successful, at first partially and in the end completely. For though the I860 budget left the newspaper and press with a director-editor and its printers, it eliminated Fornander's post of deputy director. The amount of money allowed for office help and reporters was reduced from $3,000 to $800 for the biennium, and operational funds were cut by one-third, with no access allowed the Polynesian to the printing receipts of the press to make up any deficit incurred. The result was exactly what his enemies hoped for— Hopkins' resignation. The cut in salaries disturbed him most, as it would be impossible for him or anyone else to edit the paper with no more staff than $400 a year would allow. Under such circumstances he could not possibly produce a journal that could compete with its rival. And if it could not meet competition, the Polynesian must throw in the sponge. "If it be any satisfaction to those who put their heads together to undo the Polynesian, I am willing to confess before the first blow is struck, that I think it very likely their machinations will succeed. And I say this in justice to the gentleman who has assumed my late position. . . . I would bespeak for him the good will of the public. He has everything against him." 10 The person to whom he referred was, of course, Abraham Fornander, who on October 6, 1860, became the new editor of the Polynesian and director of the government press. He was greeted by the Commercial with the laconic threat that it would soon show up the paper under its new leadership

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in its true colors. Fornander's optimistic reply to this welcome was that he hoped to bring about a more courteous style of discussion, with less focus on personalities and fewer scurrilities than were exhibited by some of his contemporaries. 11 And thus began the struggle to revive a dying newspaper, against opponents only too willing to hasten its demise.

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There is wrong in this world. Many and terrible are the wrongs that buffet and try individuals and nations, and a troubled course is the lot of all. But through the darkest and deepest, the sorest and worst, runs the silver thread of God's providence, supporting here, consoling there, recompensing elsewhere, and everywhere bearing mankind upward and onward from shadow and doubt to brightness and truth. . . . "When things are at the worst, they mend." 1 ' X h e buoyancy that made it possible for Abraham Fornander to face each new challenge of his life with ever-renewed optimism had its source in this belief, fortified by an overflowing physical energy and zest for each new project. It was with this statement and in this frame of mind that he began his term as director of the government press and editor of the Polynesian. Though he now carried for the first time the full responsibility for the newspaper, no doubt for years he had been shouldering most of the day-to-day work. Hopkins, with his political duties in the privy council and the House of Nobles and his various personal concerns, would have had little time and energy to spare for more prosaic routines. Nevertheless, the light touch and satirical attitude that were the marks of his style had given the paper a distinctive character, which it lost under the heavier-handed and more earnest approach o f For-

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nander. Both for this reason and because of the serious controversies that divided the community during his editorship, the strained relations between the Polynesian and the Commercial grew more and more antagonistic, lessened not at all by the latter's itch for the profits accruing from the private printing done by the government press. Though the proportion of Calvinists in the population had become smaller, their influence was still extremely strong, especially among the devout, churchgoing section of the Hawaiian population. The Act to Mitigate Evils and Diseases Arriving from Prostitution received the full force of their attention, especially during the first year or so after its enactment, and the columns of both papers were filled with editorials and letters, one journal lauding the law's purpose and accomplishments, the other exposing its evil effects. It was not long before the women of Honolulu were deeply into the controversy. The respectable ladies of the town objected vehemently to having registered prostitutes sent to the Queen's Hospital, and said so emphatically in a letter to its trustees signed by thirty-four of them. They were willing and anxious to support and work for the development of the hospital, but not if it placed them in the position of seeming to acquiesce in an action that they felt would not only endanger the institution's respectability and reputation, but also make it appear as if respectable women actually sanctioned the prostitutes' sinful occupation. There were agitated articles and letters in both papers, with Fornander sheathing his sharp pen and editorializing gently and delicately that the petitioners did not understand the social necessity or the hygienic importance of the subject.2 Even when the trustees refused to reconsider, the ladies persisted until they at last agreed to place the despised sinners in a separate building. Then it was that Fornander removed the sheath and chided the ladies sharply for the ignorance and inhumanity that could lead respectable women to refuse to lift a hand to save the wretched outcasts—an action "it will take

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more than barren protests to repair, than purest motives to excuse." But time was on his side. The law survived for many decades. Long after the tempest of the 1860s, another group of respectable women would submit a petition at the turn of the century, this time against the law's repeal!3 The duel continued, with the Polynesian defending the Act to Mitigate and its efficacy by statistics from official reports of the sheriff and the inspecting physician. By way of contrast, it quoted from the Hawaiian newspaper Hoku Loa, edited by members of the Protestant mission, which considered the law utterly opposed to that of Jehovah, and its defenders a class of people determined to spread sin throughout the land. The Commercial considered it a disgraceful statute, intended to provide fresh recruits and healthy, merchantable women for the foreign commerce of the port; moreover, publishing official reports and statistics on the law's operation was fresh evidence "that the government organ is upheld for the sole purpose of abusing the community." The Oahu Clerical Association, composed of all the Protestant clergy of the island, resolved to do its best to bring about the repeal of the act, as it was virtually a recognition and approval of the sin of licentiousness, and in direct opposition to the law of God. To which Fornander replied in the words of Oliver Wendell Holmes: "The mind of a bigot is like the pupil of the eye; the more light you throw upon it, the more it contracts." 4 On these sharply drawn lines the quarrel continued, every exchange one more proof to the Commercial of the folly and evil of a government-supported newspaper. A year and a half later, in 1862, the argument about the Act to Mitigate flared up violently once again. A Scots physician of Lahaina, Dr. Ferdinand W. Hutchison, had written Foreign Minister Wyllie a letter in reply to a request that he clarify a statement made to a mutual friend in which he had said that if the present state of affairs continued, the Hawaiian race would be extinct in twenty-five years. The doctor's graphic answer appeared, thanks to Wyllie, in the August 2,

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1862, issue of the Polynesian, together with a note from Fornander to the effect that the picture it drew was not exaggerated and that he knew every word to be true. Hutchison had been touring the islands of Maui, Moloka'i, and Lana'i in connection with his duties as vaccinating officer, and his description of the decimation of the population was startling to those who knew only the crowded conditions of Honolulu and other seaports. Settlements were vanishing in all directions, and others were reduced to one or two houses. One could ride for miles and scarcely meet a human being. The depopulation was too great to be accounted for by migration —no new villages were appearing, and there were many consisting of a large number of families in which either no children at all, or at most very few, were being born, and these died within a month or two. Disease of all kinds was doing its deadly work, and there were few children growing up to fill the gap left by those who were its victims. The greatest cause of death was venereal disease, especially syphilis. But there were other causes for the alarming decline of the native population. Among them were the praying to death practiced by the native kahuna 'and'ana, and the medical practices of the healing kahuna lapa'au, who now added traces of poorly understood and applied Western medicine to their traditional treatments; an increase in typhoid, due to streets polluted with putrefying garbage; lack of proper care, nursing, and feeding of babies, due usually to ignorance but sometimes to indifference, especially among young mothers; a drop in birthrate resulting not only from disease but also from abortion, both deliberate and involuntary, often causing the death of the mother as well as the child; too early sexual intercourse; and the practice of polyandry, in the form of the traditionally accepted behavior pattern known as punalua. There was no time to lose, Hutchison continued, in remedying these evils. Education was not the answer, as unfortunately the nation would have disappeared before it was effective, and half-measures would be useless. The Act to Mitigate was the

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most benignant and useful measure passed by the legislative body in years, and should be strictly enforced and extended to all ports. Perhaps if Dr. Hutchison had known that his letter to Wyllie was to be pubished, he might have been less outspoken. At any rate, his frankness was horrifying to the Commercial, which, ignoring all but the sexual implications of the letter, burned with shame and indignation at such an abominable traducement of the Hawaiian people. Views like Dr. Hutchison's were nothing but the cries of pseudo philanthropists interested only in the amount of money they could sponge from the public treasury, and writing solely to create a false impression at home and abroad and to influence legislation that would provide them with a temporary livelihood.' In spite of such impassioned protests, Dr. Hutchison's and Fornander's statements apparently had an effect. Before the 1862 session of the Legislative Assembly adjourned, it passed a Joint Resolution for the Establishment of a Sanitary Commission, for the purpose of thoroughly investigating the sanitary condition of the country and the causes of its depopulation. The commission was to report its findings and suggest remedial measures to the king within six months, after which the monarch could take whatever measures he thought necessary. The same session passed a second measure for the well-being of the people, an Act to Establish an Insane Asylum, which both the Polynesian and the New Era had advocated for several years. But it would require much more prodding before the asylum was finally constructed four years later. In the midst of the argument about the Act to Mitigate, a new writer was introduced in the columns of the Polynesian. This was John Rae of Hana, Maui. Rae was a most unexpected figure to be found living in one of the most isolated corners of the islands—a learned sixty-five-year-old Scotsman, the author of a book on the theory of economic growth and capital accumulation, with the imposing title Statement of Some New Principles on the Subject of Political Economy, Exposing the

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Fallacies of the System of Free Trade and of Some Other Doctrines Maintained in the "Wealth of Nations. " At the time of its publication in Boston in 1834, the book was a financial failure, and in spite of praise by John Stuart Mill, and translation into Italian a score of years later as one of the classic works on political economy, fell into an oblivion that lasted more than half a century. It was not until 1905 that a reissue of the book brought belated recognition and an interest among economists of many countries in the author's contributions to economic thought. Rae had a brilliantly creative mind, and a broad background of knowledge acquired at the University of Aberdeen and at the medical school of the University of Edinburgh, as well as through European travel. In 1822 he emigrated to Canada where he taught, and where he was for many years headmaster of a school in Ontario. He was recognized as an excellent teacher, but in 1848 he became a victim of the struggle between leaders of the Church of England and those of the Church of Scotland for control of Canadian education, and was dismissed from his position. Rae was basically a scholar, and he valued his teaching career not as an end in itself but for the quiet leisure it afforded him for study, thought, and writing, even though it kept him in barely genteel poverty. Throughout the years in Canada he wrote not only his book on political economy but another on that country's economic geography (the only manuscript of which was lost in the mail), as well as many articles and essays. After a short teaching career in Boston and New York and a brief stay in California during the gold rush, Rae came to the Sandwich Islands in the spring of 1851. A few months later found him on the island of Maui, living on a solitary farm beyond Hana, which he later shared with a Hawaiian wife, in one of the most beautiful but remote areas of the Hawaiian Kingdom. The closest companions of the tall, spare Scotsman were two huge dogs that he used to hunt wild pigs, and that accompanied him wherever he went. Hana must have been the most barren of intellectual deserts for a man who all his life

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yearned for the spacious libraries of London and Paris, the leisure and means for deep meditation on abstract and scientific truth. Rae was no doubt speaking of himself when he wrote that he "who dwells in the world of possible moral beauty and perfection, moves awkwardly, rashly, and painfully, through this of everyday life, he is ever mistaking his own way and jostling others in theirs. . . . Unable to fight their way ably, cautiously, and perseveringly, through the bustle of life, poverty, dependence, and all their attendant evils, are most commonly their lot." 6 Apparently never in the right place at the right time to make full use of his talents, he tried to carry out ambitious agricultural operations, practiced medicine, and performed his duties as coroner and district judge. But he continued to write, usually letters to friends in Honolulu and abroad, his subjects now his observations and conjectures—philological, scientific, and sociological—about the past, present, and future of the Hawaiian Islands. Many have long been lost, but fortunately some were sent to his fellow Scotsman and friend in Honolulu, Foreign Minister Wyllie, who in turn passed them on to Abraham Fornander for publication in the Polynesian. The first group of these letters, with the lengthy title "Thoughts on the System of Legislation Which Has Prevailed in the Hawaiian Islands for the Last Forty Years; on the Evils that Have Arisen From It; and the Possible Remedies for Those Evils," appeared in twelve issues of the Polynesian between February 2 and April 29, 1861, and again, after an interruption due to Rae's illness, from May 17 to June 21, 1862. In these he discussed the difficulties of the Hawaiians in making the transition from their original beliefs to those of Christianity and Christian morality, and the unhappy results of puritanical and repressive legislation. Pure morals, he believed, cannot be compelled. Ideas must first be introduced by preachers and teachers, and the people persuaded to accept them before they are made into civil law. Rae felt that the reasoning of Jonathan Edwards, that there was only one narrow path of light and that outside it lay only

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sin, misery, and eternal death, made Calvinism the theological system least able to understand and sympathize with the "rude virtues of a semi-barbarous people." Consequently, it was the narrow Calvinistic belief of those who had been the real legislators for the past forty years—that only they possessed infallible truth—plus the extremity of the penalties their laws inflicted, in comparison to the gravity of the offenses committed, which was responsible for the present evils. These included the almost total disregard among Hawaiians for the sanctity of an oath, the consequent inability of the laws to enforce justice, the astonishing extent of sexual immorality, and the wide and fatal spread of the terrible diseases that resulted. However, the puritanic laws could not be suddenly abolished, or a period of extreme license would follow. Before that could be done, the ancient feeling that parents and husbands were the proper guardians of domestic purity must be revived. There must be changes in the penal system. First, its punishments were too harsh; they were vindictive and not reformatory; and in sexual crimes they fell on the woman rather than on the guilty man. Second, the system erred in huddling together prisoners of both sexes and all ages and degrees of degradation or innocence, without proper supervision or suitable buildings. Education, too, must be reformed, for here also there were grievous faults. Among these were the emphasis on reading the Bible, and the resulting misconception of many Hawaiians that this act in itself was a key to material success; the appointment of teachers whose only qualifications were that they could read the Bible and maintain discipline; the mingling and improper supervision of both sexes congregated together in classes; the lack of vocational training; the lack of emphasis on the teaching of the English language. Above all, there must be an end to the railing at each other between the puritanic camp in power and those of the opposition party, both so inflamed as to see no good in the other. If not, the result would be division and disaster. Foreign Minister Wyllie thought so well of these articles that

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he sent copies of two of them to the illustrious John Stuart Mill in England. Mill's reply was so complimentary that Fornander determined to collect the series into pamphlet form, to be sold at seventy-five cents a copy if three hundred subscribers could be found to sign the advance subscription list.7 Evidently the needed number was not forthcoming, for the pamphlet was never issued. This series was followed a few months later by a second, consisting of three articles by Rae entitled "Polynesian Languages." 8 In them, Rae tried to answer several related questions. Where did the Polynesian race come from, and when did it arrive in the Hawaiian Islands? What is its language like, and what light does it throw on the original formation of language itself? What connection does it have with other languages? Rae traced the origin of the race to central or western Asia, perhaps India, and conjectured that in times of great antiquity it had colonized the Polynesian islands. The remnant of the group that remained in Asia was overrun, and its culture crushed by foreign forces. But because of isolation this culture survived in the colonized islands, though, through lack of intercourse with the mother country, in a less civilized state than in its original form. The inhabitants found by Captain Cook in the Hawaiian Islands, descendants of the original migrants, were neither savages nor barbarians. They excelled particularly in fishing, navigation, and irrigation—skills that must have been brought to the Pacific by their forefathers. Rae believed that language had an imitative source, the first significant primitive sounds being monosyllabic and expressing only force, form, and movement, and that the study of Polynesian languages could provide a key to its origin. By comparing the structure of the Polynesian languages and the likeness of many of their words to those in Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, and others of the Indo-European group, he came to the conclusion that they were either cognate, or that one had sprung from the other. He advanced many proofs of the great antiquity of the languages of Polynesia and concluded that Hawaiian must have been the great mother tongue of all, un-

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corrupted by any others, surviving just as it had existed at one time somewhere on the Asiatic continent. Perhaps it was even the original universal language of the earth—before men attempted to construct the Tower of Babel! Did traces of its existence still remain in the great AsiaticEuropean continent from which it came? Rae admitted his lack of competence to pursue this inquiry, and revealed frankly the feeble base for his great structure of conjecture. He was no great linguist in either modern or ancient languages. The only Polynesian tools he had to work with were the Hawaiian Bible, a manuscript Hawaiian dictionary, a New Zealand and a Tahitian dictionary, and Bibles, New Testaments and prayer books in several Polynesian languages. Nevertheless, Rae's conjectures stirred a profound interest in at least one reader—Fornander himself—and proved to be the animating influence for his many later years of research and writing. These articles, too, Wyllie sent to John Stuart Mill, who was favorably impressed by Rae's theory of the development of all languages from a few hundred words, and of the way these primitive words may themselves have originated. According to a fragment of the draft of a letter from Rae to Mill, apparently found among the former's posthumous effects and assigned the approximate date of 1866 by one of his editors, R. Warren James, the articles were merely a letter to Wyllie, and never intended for publication. Now Rae had expanded them into a book, which he wished to dedicate to Mill. The first part of the volume was devoted to his theory that "the race from which the Polynesians spring was at the head of civilization of the age of stone, and were settled in Hindustan and along the southern and more fertile shores of Asia. . . . The second pertains to the language.' ' 9 Whether the letter was ever sent is unknown, but the book never appeared, and according to Thrum, its manuscript was accidentally destroyed by fire.10 Once again Rae's ideas passed into limbo, not to be rescued by linguists until the 1930s and 1940s, when Sir Richard Paget and Alexander Johannesson, philologists of England and Ice-

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land, praised his gesture theory of the origin of language, and "Polynesian Languages" was reprinted in full in Paget's scholarly book Human Speech There were indications that others were awakening to an interest in the Hawaiian past—an interest that with few exceptions appeared to have been dormant since the 1830s and 1840s, when the Reverend Sheldon Dibble of Lahainaluna Seminary encouraged his students to record historical chronicles in their native language, and produced his own history of the Sandwich Islands. Now, in 1862, the Hawaiian newspapers Hoku o ka Pakipika and Kuokoa were printing accounts of the ancient kings and heroes. When letter writers to both the Polynesian and the Commercial criticized certain passages in the Hawaiian papers as obscene and vulgar, even when somewhat rewritten for the sake of delicacy, Dr. William Hillebrand rose to the defense. The interests of this German physician and director of the new Queen's Hospital extended far beyond his profession. He was an avid student of Hawaiian flora, an adventurous plant collector, and the creator of a wonderful garden which he was gradually filling with strange and beautiful trees and plants from all parts of the world. Now he insisted emphatically that all the ancient Hawaiian lore and traditions that still existed should be gathered and preserved in their original, unadulterated form, and should continue to be presented unexpurgated in the native papers. 12 For many years Fornander had urged the collection of Hawaiian artifacts. Now he joined Hillebrand in urging that it was surely high time to collect and collate Hawai'i's scattered songs and sagas, its lore of older times— anything that would throw light on its origin and earlier conditions and history. Rae, System warned and its

in one of the early articles of his "Thoughts on the of Legislation," had given excellent advice when he of division and disaster if the puritanic camp in power opposition continued to quarrel. But the spokesmen

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for both sides, as represented in the Commercial and the Polynesian, ignored his counsel, and the accusations and sneers became more and more vicious, particularly in the pages of the former paper. Fornander's criticism of the selling at public auction of pew assignments at the Fort Street Church called forth charges that his chief aim was to ridicule and oppose everything good, and to promote evil and dissension in the community. When the Polynesian performed its legitimate duty of printing the quarterly government statistics on finance, commerce, and agriculture, the Commercial decried it as exhibiting the country's nakedness and poverty to the world, shaming the people, and, most important, frightening away capital and industry. Even the Polynesian's account of an amateur operatic presentation before an invited audience, in which the king and queen performed, called forth ill-natured references to the "self-complacent reporter" of the Polynesian, "puffed up with the accomblé des richesses"; Fornander had been invited by what his rival described as the ' 'personal invitation of a high personage," while the latter had been ignored.13 But in the excitement of seeing the first live elephant ever to visit the islands all quarrels were forgotten, and issue after issue of both papers in December 1860 and January 1861 called attention to this enthralling member of Wilson and Company's circus. Fornander, and without question Katy, found the occasion a particular delight. The mules and ponies, the matchless riders and fearless acrobats, the clown, the friendly giant, the clever ringmaster, and especially the elephant—Fornander enjoyed them all, as well as the sea of animated little faces at the special Saturday afternoon performance for children and families. The Year of the Elephant —both the scheduled performances and the free exhibition when the huge animal escaped its shed for an independent tour of destruction—an epoch to date from! The arrival on July 4, 1861, of Walter Murray Gibson, announced as an American gentleman traveling for scientific

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purposes connected with the ethnology of the Malaysian and Polynesian races, was noted by both papers, and his lectures on the Malay Archipelago enthusiastically reported. But then the Commercial used Gibson's statements about the growth of the native populations of Java and the Philippines, and the bounteous production of those lands under the harsh and coercive rule of the Dutch and Spanish, to advocate a similar policy at home. After all, said the lead editorial, it was a great ethnological fact that whenever the superior, or white, and the inferior, or dark-skinned, races mingled, "the former will furnish the brains and the latter do the manual labor. . . . Wherever the two races live together . . . the inferior, if free, becomes debauched and dies, as the Hawaiians; if coerced, at least multiplies, as at Java." 14 The reaction of the Polynesian was predictable, and the battle joined. This latest feud between the two papers had been preceded by two rather surprising letters which appeared in the Polynesian on August 3 and August 10, 1861, signed "Hawaiian Pastor." The first questioned gently why Fornander, arriving in the islands as a young man, "a stranger to our persons and religion," should have persisted ever since in firing at the clergy, with seemingly no other purpose than to put them down. With what seemed unnecessary warmth, Fornander replied that the pastors, too, had arrived as strangers to the Hawaiians and their religion, and that they were indebted to the kindness of the foreigners who had arrived before them. Whereas he, whose labors for the good of the people were quite as conscientious, disinterested, and pure-minded as theirs, had after eighteen years yet to receive the first kind word from the brethren of the mission.1' The second letter from Hawaiian Pastor apologized for a possible failure in Christian duty on the part of the clergy in not replying to Fornander's statements about them with kind words. The writer invited him to come down from his high antagonism and let them take him by the hand, promising in return kind words and kind feelings. Fornander's reply was

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abrupt, almost surly. He was grateful for the invitation, but he found its tone of condescension unpleasant. Much as he might esteem their kindness and return it in kind, he was too sensitive to accept a patronage which "in a social point of view we have learnt to do without, and which in a moral and intellectual point of view we do not acknowledge." 16 The invitation was never repeated. Fornander had assessed the situation correctly. There was no common meeting ground between the two opponents, though in a sense both were vestigial. One represented a Calvinism already obsolescent in its own New England; the other was at one and the same time a relict of the eighteenth-century Age of Reason and a pioneer of the intellect who had forged too far ahead of his community for their comfort or his. The Commercial returned to the attack. But now it was not the editor of the Polynesian who was their villain. It was the government, using him as a tool to ridicule the Protestant religion, stigmatize it as hypocritical, and traduce its sympathizers. In vain Fornander protested that he, and not the government, was responsible for everything in the newspaper except notices published and labeled "By Authority." In vain he protested his personal sympathy with and reverence for religion, which was a divine gift of God to be nourished and cultivated in the heart of man. It was religious forms for which he had little regard—they were "human, variable, changeable, and as much subject for scrutiny and criticism as forms of government, society, or fashion." That "those who had ever been the most intolerant, calumniatory, vituperative and derisive of other forms of religion should now be so terribly touchy of their own" showed "human rivalry and human pride . . . but very little of religion." 17 Whether because of immediate or because of cumulative effect, this argument marked the end of the Polynesian as a government-supported newspaper. The very next issue, on November 2, 1861, announced that the government was disposing of its printing office. The Polynesian would continue,

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but as an independent paper for which Fornander had leased the press, its premises and furnishings. Henceforth he would carry on the printing business and publish the newspaper at his own risk and responsibility. But—a blow to the Commercial—the Interior Department, now headed by Prince Lot, announced that it had contracted with Fornander to continue to do all the government printing and publishing. Throughout most of 1861 another crisis had been developing in counterpoint to these domestic issues—the American Gvil War. Long before the secession of the Southern states, foreigners in Hawai'i had taken strong positions on the matter of slavery and abolition. The ex-Yankees, almost to a man, were abolitionists and upholders of the Union, though only two missionaries, the Reverend Jonathan Green and the Reverend Lorrin Andrews of Maui, felt so strongly that both resigned from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions in 1842 rather than accept support that was tainted by having come partially from contributors in slaveholding states. While islanders were thrilling to the sight of the elephant, quarreling about the Act to Mitigate, and reading John Rae, South Carolina was leading the procession out of the Union, Fort Sumter was bombarded, and the Northern blockade of the Southern ports declared. Immediately, lines were drawn in Hawai'i, and every foreigner who was not a rabid Unionist became suspect as a secessionist. There was no place for rationalists who tried to follow the middle way. One of these was Fornander. As early as March 2, 1861, he had tried to present both positions taken in the United States. Aware that people would at once be talking about "union" and "secession" without knowing very much about either, he began by printing a long letter to the editor which, he felt, presented very correctly and lucidly both points of view as stated by Webster and Calhoun, and followed it with reprints from American newspapers. He also wrote editorials.

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Fornander might remark facetiously that he always objected to fighting, unless one were sure to win—it had such a tendency to disfigure the face of man and of nature, and to make property change hands at short notice and inconvenient seasons. But his objections were serious and deep-seated, and he was convinced that every means of preserving the Union, short of war, should be explored and tried. To coerce the Confederacy of five million people by military force to rejoin the Union seemed to him fundamentally destructive of the principles of liberty and government by reason and not force, which were the vitality and pride of American democracy. He did not doubt the eventual victory of the North, because of its superiority in both numbers and material. But would the South in the end be any better off than the various conquered national minorities of Europe who had been forced to accept governments not of their own making, and with interests and sympathies opposed to their own?18 The reaction of the Commercial and its supporters, who thought hanging too mild a punishment for the secessionist leaders, can easily be imagined. No statements from Fornander that his sympathies were with neither the North nor the South could reconcile them. His concern that after war came peace, and that the longer the war went on the greater the danger of military occupation of the South, and the greater the difficulty of reconstruction and of rebuilding a centralized, consolidated government, was too farsighted for such heated times. All through 1862 and 1863 the Commercial and the Polynesian fought their private war. The former reported delightedly on "the humorous incidents" of the 1862 Fourth of July celebration on the Honolulu plain—the hanging of Jefferson Davis in effigy from a gallows erected near the refreshment booths, and the repetition of this "amusing" incident during the evening when the effigy was again raised and burned. 19 Fornander became "our secessionist neighbor"—a natural epithet for a newspaper so inflamed that it advocated hanging

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for every rebel against the Union. It also hailed the notorious General Benjamin F. Butler for the harshness of his long military occupation of New Orleans, urging that he be sent to Charleston with the powers of a dictator to teach its hotblooded citizens their duty of obedience. As the Commercial became more heatedly pro-Union in its statements, Fornander, while still repudiating the secessionist label, continued to decry civil war as a greater evil than Southern slavery. He advocated a new compact between the two sections of the country, based on compromise and forbearance rather than on the Union and the Constitution. Even the ever-courteous Friend at last questioned his apparent sympathy with slaveholders rather than slaves. Fornander denied the accusation—he firmly believed that slavery in the South would in any case eventually be abolished. But to so suddenly and ruthlessly redress a social evil might well result in a greater wrong than the one it sought to remove. The path to peace and freedom lay elsewhere than in "the lurid light of burning cities, the meteor light of the bursting shell, the snake-eyed glare of strife and discord."20 By the time the conflict was over and the bitter legacy of hate he so feared became apparent, Fornander had long left the journalistic field, and one can only imagine his comments. On more immediate issues, too, the faultfinding between the two papers, particularly on the part of the Commercial, developed an ugly aspect, no doubt exacerbated by disagreement over the war. When the Polynesian compared the efficiency and lower cost of post office service under its present incumbent to that which existed when the Commercial's editor, Whitney, had been postmaster, the result was a major explosion, with fireworks continuing at intervals for many months. The Commercial denied and refuted, and then took the offensive with insinuations against Fornander of shortcomings and crimes ranging from inefficiency and overpricing to fraud, and even to treasonable designs against king and country.21

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Among California journalists of the day such statements might very well have resulted in duels and bloodshed. Fornander's attitude, however, was one of contemptuous and lofty scorn for such crude and ungentlemanly language, and as a result the Commercial's hysteria quieted somewhat. Various social problems engrossed the Polynesian throughout 1862 and 1863. Among them were the need for a revision of the 1852 constitution, especially in regard to imposing voter qualifications, and for changes in the liquor laws to permit its manufacture under certain restraints and its sale to natives under the same restrictions imposed on sale to foreigners. As for the school system, Fornander had many recommendations for reform. These included the separation of the sexes; the establishment of boarding schools for the industrial as well as the academic training of both native boys and girls; the appointment of teachers of the same religious denomination as the majority of the parents in individual public schools; systematic and continuous moral and religious education, which at the same time would be neither bigoted nor intolerant; limited government support for Catholic private schools, in addition to what was already given to those of Protestants; the introduction of instruction in gymnastics. These were simple enough to suggest. But the time was fast approaching when Fornander would learn at first hand the difficulties involved not only in introducing educational reforms, but in seeing that they were effectively carried out. Throughout 1863 Fornander began to display obvious signs of boredom with his role as journalist, and with life in Honolulu generally. He agreed with the public that the Honolulu papers, including his own, were dull and uninteresting. Often there were no ships arriving with foreign news, and when the Legislative Assembly was not in session or pending, there was a dearth of political news and of lively letters from correspondents. Moreover, what was there for an editor in this country to write about in literature, music, and drama? There had been no first-rate man of letters, said Fornander, since

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James J. Jarves, historian, novelist, art critic, and first editor of the Polynesian. There were no literary gatherings to stimulate wit and talent. There was an amateur musical society, but it existed only to improve its members' proficiency and no longer gave public recitals. There were no plays—though half of society would attend with pleasure, the other was not permitted to go, being taught, said Fornander, that "sin, like bird lime, sticks to the seats of the theatre." As for dancing, there had not been a ball in Honolulu for a year. There were no public parks or promenades, with a city band playing music; no hall or public place for meetings, lectures, exhibitions, concerts, fairs, or balls; no public library, museum, or reading room. Fornander yearned for reading societies, private theatricals, dancing parties, musical evenings: for a man to turn his back on the pleasures of this world appeared to him both insulting and ungrateful to the world's maker.22 In the earlier days of the reign of Kamehameha IV and his queen, Honolulu had been a gay and joyous place. Crowds of people met together to enjoy themselves at parties, balls, and public affairs of all kinds, and the barriers between various social groups seemed to be breaking down. Now they were again split into separate constellations, moving in independent orbits. No doubt with his daughter Katy, now a young lady of fourteen, in mind, Fornander worried about the young Hawai ians. With such artificial barriers between groups, they grew up isolated from contact with the tastes and manners of good society, which many of them were educated to enjoy and participate in. Even though his own generation could bear the lack of social intercourse stoically, growing up in a society which ticketed and labeled them like lots in an auction room, without the freedom to associate with other well-bred and refined people, would surely work injury and social deterioration on their children.23 Part of the problem was the great change that had taken place in the young king and in the life of his court. No longer

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was it a bright center for lighthearted gaiety, a focal point for the elegant social life of Hawaiians, part-Hawaiians, and congenial Westerners. Shame and guilt over a scandal that had taken place in 1859 had brought about the transformation. For in a fit of jealousy, augmented by a bout of drinking, Alexander Liholiho, Kamehameha IV, deliberately shot and critically injured a young American friend, Henry Neilson. In his remorse the young king tried to abdicate, and though persuaded not to do so, had become restless and melancholy. He turned toward the church—not that of the missionaries who had educated him but, instead, the Anglican, the Church of England. Then, six months after the lingering death of Neilson, the sturdy four-year-old heir to the throne and only child of the royal couple fell suddenly and fatally ill. His death a few days later, on August 27, 1862, was a tragedy from which his father never recovered. Fortunately, the arrival of Hawai'i's first Anglican bishop six weeks later, the establishment of the Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church, and the king's work in translating the English Book of Common Prayer into Hawaiian absorbed a portion of his grief. During the fifteen months of sorrow that followed the death of their child, the king and queen had no heart for gaiety and public celebration. So when the announcement came that there would be a public reception at the palace on the evening of November 28, 1863, to celebrate the recognition of the independence of the kingdom by England and France twenty years earlier, it was received happily and expectantly in the community as an indication that perhaps the long months of mourning were at an end. But when the eagerly awaited evening arrived, the young queen greeted the guests alone. The king was ill and unable to attend. Two days later he was dead, at the age of twenty-nine. Fornander's bright dreams for the reign of Kamehameha IV had not been completely realized, for Alexander Liholiho did not prove to be as strong a leader as the older man had hoped. A constitutional monarch in fact and by temperament, he had

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considered himself an arbitrator between opposing views, rather than the supporter of any line of policy which his own judgment preferred. Yet the two men were good friends. Fornander could gossip cozily with the king by letter about a mutual acquaintance who had been horsewhipped because he forgot "not to kiss and tell," or about the efforts of the missionary group to discourage native reading of a new Hawaiianlanguage newspaper, but at the same time carefully observe all the courteous formalities due his monarch.24 Fornander devoted the entire editorial page of the December 5 issue of the Polynesian to the death of the king, and to the proclamation of Prince Lot as Kamehameha V. It was a deeply felt and poignant farewell to "the brightest and most intelligent among a bright and intelligent people—the readiest thinker in the country—the leader in every council—the promoter of every good work—the true friend—the Prince given to hospitality—the lover of literature—the fosterer of manly exercise—the graceful and admired in Society." Later issues described the long lying in state in the solemn, dark chamber; the ceaseless waving over the pall, day and night, night and day, of the dark fly brushes; the relays of attendants who took turns at the bier with their long, swaying kahili; the deep silence, undisturbed except for now and again a sudden eerie wail from the mourners outside. At last, on February 6, 1864, came the description of the magnificent and sorrowful funeral cortege and the entombment ceremonies, followed the same night by a solemn torchlit procession carrying the remains of the little prince of Hawai'i from his temporary resting place on the palace grounds to lie beside his royal father. Only one member of the American clergy marched in the king's funeral cortege. They were protesting by their absence the "insult" of being referred to in its printed program as a group of ' 'Ministers of Religion of the Several Denominations," while the Roman Catholic bishop and the officiating clergyman, His Lordship the Right Reverend Bishop of Honolulu of the Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church, were given their full titles.25

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The Commercial noted briefly the life, death, and lying in state of the late king, together with the proclamation of the accession of Kamehameha V. Said Whitney's lead editorial: "It is not the fit time nor place here, while the nation is still unrecovered from the first shock of grief at the announcement of the death of their King, to make a review of his short reign, or to pass a eulogium on him. That should be reserved for the future." 26 Later there was a long description of the midnight litany and the funeral procession. But the proper time for eulogy, review, or even any expression of sympathy for the bereaved young queen never came. Instead, there was a long carping letter in the December 10 issue, objecting to the bad taste of the Polynesian for its "slurs and insinuations against the American missionaries as a body, and Mr. and Mrs. Cooke individually, as instructors of his late Majesty." That newspaper had contained a statement that the late king and his brother had left the Chiefs' Children's School when there was nothing more they could learn from its teachers; the Anglican bishop, Staley, had made a similar remark from his pulpit. In neither case was the statement intended as a point of issue, but merely a passing comment in reviewing the events of the late king's life. The same issue of the Polynesian which recorded so sorrowfully the processions to the tomb of king and prince marked the last appearance of Abraham Fornander as a journalist. The paper was a financial failure, and he asked for and was granted a release from his contract with the government. Said Fornander: " W e started in journalistic life under the heaviest prejudices against ourselves; we have encountered obloquy, traduction, malevolence, but we have lived down all that, and the path we tread, though not smoothed, is illumined by the knowledge that our moral integrity has been vindicated and recognized even by our assailants."27 He was right. In an obituary kinder and longer than the one it gave the dead king, the Commercial sympathized with his pecuniary loss. He had done his best, and in releasing him

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from his obligations the government had acted honorably. The Polynesian would be missed. "For all its faults, it had some good qualities, and served to put us on our guard, as a competitor must always do, checking the bold style we have sometimes indulged in, or correcting us on matters of fact and figures, reflected back in a light in no wise flattering to a writer's vanity. . . . We shall regret standing alone. . . . There has no doubt been much unnecessary bitterness at times expressed. 'Let bygones be bygones.' " 2 8 In his leave-taking of the Polynesian and the newspaper world, Fornander wrote sentimentally of standing on the descending slope of life, as if all its adventures were over and nothing remained but the downward path. After all, he was now fifty-one years old. Instead, in the quarter-century ahead lay his most productive years and, in the immediate future, the most demanding and controversial time of his life.

11

LAHAINA INTERLUDE

O n e of the first acts of the new monarch was to recognize Fornander's sympathetic point of view and his past contributions as a friend of the Hawaiian people. On December 7, 1863, he was commissioned and on February 1, 1864, took the oath of office as a member of the privy council, a place of honor he would occupy throughout the reign of Kamehameha V. The council of which he became a part included thirty of the most distinguished men of the kingdom, evenly divided between foreigners and native Hawaiians. Among them were many whose names would make an impress on Hawaiian history—two future kings, Kalakaua and Lunalilo, Prince Consort Dominis, men of business Samuel N. Castle and Charles R. Bishop, Bishop Staley of the Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church, and four future justices of the supreme court, as well as other well-known men. From them would be chosen the king's ministers and other members of his government. Though Alexander Liholiho had been very close to his older brother throughout their youth and had maintained an effective working relationship with him throughout his reign, the

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contrast between them was striking. Lot Kamehameha was tall, massively built, with a craggy, inscrutable face. In place of his brother's elegance, charm, and sensibility, his was an aloof dignity, a manner reserved and taciturn, creating an impression of immense control and even coldness. Six years older than his brother, he had apparently been deeply marked by the longer period of exposure to the imperious rights and expectations of the chiefly rank. His resentment of the abrupt process of democratization which followed his entry into the Chiefs' Children's School was correspondingly more deepseated. Unlike his brother, he did not come to the throne an eager, idealistic youth. He was a mature man o f thirty-three, and there was little he had not observed or experienced of the process of government in his kingdom, its stresses and strains of conflict. He knew well the constant maneuvering and competition for control over his country that went on between various groups and individuals of the foreign community—and despised them for it. Basically, Kamehameha V was a nativist, resolutely dedicated to the survival of his people and kingdom, and the perpetuation of their ancient culture and values, so far as that was possible in this new and alien world. He believed strongly that the influence of the crown must pervade every function of government. To make this possible he abrogated the constitution of 1852, and in 1864 replaced it by proclamation with another, which greatly enlarged the powers of the monarch and his appointed cabinet, while curtailing those of the privy council. Property qualifications for voters replaced universal suffrage, for which he felt his people were neither ready nor traditionally suited. The popularly elected House of Representatives no longer met as a separate body, but was combined with the Nobles into one Legislative Assembly. The native Hawaiians were deeply loyal to the Kamehameha family and to the king personally, but he was understandably not popular with foreigners, particularly Americans. That this

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was of little concern to him became immediately apparent in his choice of a cabinet, with its small proportion of Americans and followers of traditional Protestantism. It was a widely divergent group, no longer dominated by a Judd or a Wyllie— it was the king himself who was its driving force and unifying power. Just as this year of 1864 was one of adjustment and change for the Hawaiian Kingdom, so was it also for Abraham Fornander. He had taken his leave of journalism, and now must find another career. Kamehameha V had decided that this should be as a part of his government. The question was, where could he be used most effectively? During the past four years, Dr. Hutchison had been serving in Lahaina both in a medical capacity and as circuit court judge. When he resigned to accept the appointment as court physician in the spring of 1864, the problem of a successor arose; there was a similar vacancy in Hilo. These were difficult places to fill, for men with legal training or experience were few in Hawai'i, particularly any with adequate knowledge of the kingdom, its people, and its native language. Therefore it was often necessary to extemporize when making legal appointments. On the morning of May 6, the king called a meeting of his privy council at the palace and proposed to its members two names—for the Hawai'i Island vacancy, that of George S. Kenway, and for Maui, Abraham Fornander. The first was accepted quickly, after a mild statement from Charles Bishop decrying Kenway's irregular habits. When Fornander's name came up as the king's choice and that of the cabinet, there was some discussion of alternative candidates. Although George M. Robertson, first associate justice of the supreme court, believed Fornander to be competent and had no real objection to the appointment, he favored the idea of promoting a capable police magistrate, while Kapa'akea preferred a Mr. Hoapili. Foreign Minister Wyllie, Charles C. Harris (an American

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lawyer, a longtime resident in the islands, and Kamehameha V's attorney general), and Samuel Castle (a former member of the Sandwich Islands Mission who had left it to go into business) all spoke in Fornander's favor. Charles Gordon Hopkins recommended him strongly as the most competent person for the office, of better education and clearer head than Robertson's candidate, loyal, open to all, a moral and even religious man. 1 Mr. Wyllie's motion for appointment carried, and the onetime attendant at a few university lectures on jurisprudence became Judge Abraham Fornander of the Second Circuit Court for Maui, Moloka'i, and Lána'i. However, his broad reading, his habits of avid study in every field of interest to him, and his thorough knowledge of Hawaiian culture, language, and social problems provided him with a background much stronger than that of many who preceded or followed him on the bench. But the appointment was somewhat unexpected; only three and a half months earlier he had replied to an inquirer in the Polynesian who wished to know the meaning of the term full court that ' 'we really understand nothing of law." 2 Lahaina was a far different town from the wide-open, roistering seaport teeming with boisterous, drunken whalemen that the new judge had known some twenty years earlier. There were fewer whaleships calling nowadays. The Civil War had caused some to be withdrawn to their home ports to await more peaceful times; others were transferred to the merchant trade, and many were sunk by Confederate cruisers. In 1864, this was a quiet village, drowsing on its narrow strip of land in a blazing tropical sun, the calm waters of the roadstead in front, green cane fields behind; and beyond, the dramatic backdrop of the gaunt West Maui mountains, slashed here and there with verdant valleys. Beyond the white foam of the reef stretched the intensely blue Pacific, and the breathtaking panorama of the nearby islands of Kaho'olawe, Lána'i, and Moloka'i.

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Fornander's headquarters were on the waterfront in the center of town, in a combined courthouse, post office, customhouse, and governor's office. This two-story structure, the pride of Lahaina, had been completed four years earlier. It replaced the old government building located a short way down the beach, originally the official residence of Kamehameha III, which had collapsed in the strong February winds of 1858 that destroyed more than twenty other structures. The foursquare new government house was no architectural treasure, but its coral block walls were so sturdily built that more than a century later the building would still be in everyday use. The circuit court system in which Abraham Fornander now served was the second highest of the kingdom. Above it, and charged with the responsibility for overseeing all inferior ones, was the supreme court, made up of a chief justice and two associate justices, which had original jurisdiction in certain types of cases and also served in an appellate capacity. Below the circuit court were the police and district courts, over which it had immediate supervision and from which it heard appeals, as well as having some original jurisdiction. At the time, there were four circuits—one for O'ahu, one for Hawai'i, one for Kaua'i and Ni'ihau, and one for Maui, Moloka'i, Lana'i, and Kaho'olawe. They heard all types of criminal and civil actions, both between individuals and those in which the government was the plaintiff, when the claim was over one hundred dollars. Excepted were certain maritime suits and those against the Hawaiian government itself. On the island of Maui, the circuit court terms were held in June and December, presided over, as elsewhere in the kingdom, by one of the justices of the supreme court in association (when physically possible) with the circuit court judge. However, the latter was empowered to hear cases himself in chambers, as well as to exercise certain other powers in this manner. As well as presiding in the circuit courtroom and the chambers at the Lahaina government house, the judge traveled about his three major islands on a regular schedule, hearing

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Lahaina Courthouse as it appeared in Fornander's day. Photograph taken about 1892-1895. (From the Brother Bertram Collection in the Society of Mary Archives at St. Louis-Chaminade Education Center.)

cases from one end of Maui to the other—at Wailuku, Makawao, Honua'ula, and Hana—and on Moloka'i and Lana'i. Fornander arrived in time for the June term. This first tour of duty on Maui proved to be a short one. Nevertheless, it included, in addition to the jury cases, a number of others both in Lahaina and elsewhere on the island, ranging from an appeal of a conviction for killing a neighbor's hog to housebreaking, assault, and adultery, a crime that occupied much of the courts' time during that period. These decisions proved to be his last for several years to come.

12

THE EDUCATOR

O n November 15, 1864, the minutes of the Board of Education recorded the resignation of the superintendent and treasurer of the Honolulu school district, and the appointment in his stead of Abraham Fornander. Four months later, on March 10, 1865, the members of the new Board of Education took their seats. Selected from the privy council, they consisted of the aged President Kekuanao'a (the king's father), Charles Gordon Hopkins (minister of the interior), Charles de Varigny (minister of finance), Bishop Staley, and Dr. Hutchison. Their first act was the appointment of Fornander as the first Inspector General of Schools for the Kingdom of Hawai'i. This was a new position, created by the act reorganizing the educational system passed by the Legislative Assembly of 1864, and approved by the king on January 10, 1865. Though the Ministry of Education had lost its cabinet status in 1855, to become instead a three-man Board of Education reporting to the minister of the interior, the old title of Department of Public Instruction had been retained. It now became instead the Bureau of Public Instruction, with the inspector general as executive officer under the direction of the five-man board,

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which, though responsible to the legislative body, in actuality functioned as a committee of the privy council. Office matters and day-to-day liaison with the Board of Education were largely handled by the latter's secretary, located in Honolulu. The inspector general was expected to spend much of his time in travel from island to island, though he was in constant touch with the secretary by letter, and with the board by his official written reports and by personal appearances before it during his returns to Honolulu between trips. His duties were exclusively educational—to inspect individual schools; examine students; examine, certify, and appoint teachers; inform officials of their duties; inspect records and accounts; effect changes in the course of study; and provide information to the board about the lands set aside by law for the support of education (beyond the funds derived from school taxes in each district, which must be used only within its borders). The inspector would be represented in each school district (reorganized to correspond to the taxation divisions) by a school agent, or luna kula, to be appointed by the board, whose major duties, as originally outlined, were to act as treasurer of the district school funds and trustee of school property, as well as to keep the schoolhouses in repair. The former school committees were done away with, and replaced with ex-officio groups consisting of the school agent, the district judge, and the tax collector—a change that Fornander did not entirely approve, as he had long advocated more grassroots participation by parents in educational affairs. The king's appointments were a bitter disappointment to the Evangelical Association. Of the five board members, only Kekuanao'a belonged to its church, three others being of the distrusted Anglican or Reformed Catholic faith, and one a Roman Catholic. The association counted on little help from the venerable Hawaiian, approaching his mid-seventies, with a feeble command of English and little or no knowledge of educational matters. But if the makeup of this group disappointed the evangeli-

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cals, the appointment of Fornander as inspector general infuriated them. They had hoped for someone sympathetic to their attitudes and beliefs. Instead, this "atheist," this "Roman Catholic," this "Jesuitical Incubus," as he was variously called by them, had been thrust into the position. To association members it was both a personal affront and a threat to their authority and religion—moreover, it was a direct challenge from the king that was immediately accepted. It is quite probably that in the mid-1860s there was no one in the kingdom, in or out of the teaching profession, who had devoted more thought to the question of what was wrong with Hawaiian education than Abraham Fornander, or who had more definite ideas about what should be done to improve the quality of what was being offered the native population. Though he had not always been of that opinion, he now placed first and foremost, since this was the will of the king, the necessity of putting the common schools on a strictly nonsectarian basis. Equally important to Fornander was the necessity of upgrading the educational opportunities for girls, for upon them, as future mothers, depended the development of the Hawaiian race. This could best be done by separate schools, he believed, preferably boarding schools. But, at the very least, the mixed common or public schools should offer, in addition to the usual subjects studied by all pupils, special classes for girls in deportment, sewing, and other household arts, taught by supplementary woman teachers. There must also be more teaching of, and in, English for all young people, and more and better teaching materials in the Hawaiian language so long as that remained the medium of instruction. Now that the opportunity had come to implement these ideas, the inspector general's energy and enthusiasm rose, as always, to meet a new challenge. It was a time when Hawai'i's children were deeply in need of whatever help he or others could give them. Life for many of the native people was at its lowest ebb, sociologically, psychologically, and physically. They were still adjusting to

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the unaccustomed freedom that came with the destruction of the feudal and patriarchal system, and, with the old restraints and compulsion to labor removed, many were idle and purposeless. Decades of stress on the inferiority, worthlessness, or downright evil of their most cherished traditions, beliefs, and customs left many either listless or helplessly adrift. Others clung with naive and unquestioning faith to the guidance of their new religious leaders, in matters both divine and secular. An editorial in the Hawaiian Gazette, a new paper that replaced the Polynesian as the official voice of the government, described the difficulties of growing up in the middle years of the nineteenth century: Let us trace the Hawaiian from his birth. . . . The infant first sees the light in a straw hut in some remote district, surrounded by poverty and disease. Immediately after its birth, it is bestowed by its thoughtless parents upon some relative or friend, by whom it is informally adopted and reared. In this process of rearing, it is at one moment indulged in every childish whim, and the next beaten unmercifully on any slightest pretext. From the first moment of consciousness and dawn of reason it is familiarized with vile thoughts and open and frequent allusions to the lowest instincts of humanity. As it grows up, it is by law sent to school to learn the rudiments, with a mixed crowd of both sexes and of all ages, from the toddling four-year-old to the adolescent boy and girl. . . . There, however much book learning the Hawaiian youth may imbibe, it has ample opportunity to cultivate the latent talent common to all the sons and daughters of Adam,—that of acquiring the arts of intrigue and deception,—and none whatever to learn the grace of modesty, or even to dream of the quality or uses of virtue. Does any one feel surprise at the results of such training? Is it not rather a matter of wonder that, in spite of such influences, our representative youth sometimes turns out a passably good man or woman, full of faults and follies, and evil tendencies, but withal capable and desirous of better things? And that it is so, is, we contend, an undeniable proof of the natural capabilities of the race.1

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Though there were of course exceptions to this unhappy background, it was often Hawaiian children such as these who attended the free common schools, when they went to any school at all. To Father Damien De Veuster (then stationed at Kohala, on the island of Hawai'i), Fornander wrote in a letter dated January 15, 1866, that "the Government schools are National schools, within whose walls the children of all religious denominations should be able to meet without conscientious scruples, and without apprehension of having their peculiar mode of worship either tampered with or impugned. The Government simply attempts to impart an elementary instruction in the common schools, and such a training of the children as may lay the foundation for physical health, for truth, honesty, and a decent conduct in after l i f e . " 2 It was with these schools that the inspector general was principally involved, although, as the government expanded its policy of grants-in-aid, the scope of his responsibility gradually enlarged beyond the common schools and Lahainaluna Seminary. It grew to include, also, many church-supported boarding schools, associated with both the Evangelical Association and the Anglican clergy. There were, as well, a number of tuition-charging English day schools on all islands, independently owned except for two and later a third operated by the government in Honolulu. Unfortunately, the practical problems that had faced Armstrong in administering the common schools—problems which he, even with the combined backing of both the government and his missionary brethren, had not been able to solve—not only still remained but had become far worse after half a decade of neglect. These were the wretched physical condition of most of the schoolhouses; the meagerness of funds; poorly prepared teachers; inefficient and careless school agents; indifferent parents; the low quality and inadequate supply of schoolbooks and other teaching materials. To these was now added what proved to be the greatest problem of all, and the

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stumbling block that stood in the way of solving most of the others. This was the outspoken and irreconcilable enmity, and absolute refusal to cooperate with the inspector general, of certain members of the Hawaiian Evangelical Association, particularly the Reverend Elias Bond of the North Kohala district on Hawai'i, and Dr. Luther Halsey Gulick, association secretary. The iron-willed and tenacious Bond had a deep and abiding interest in Hawaiian education. Over a period of many years he had succeeded in developing a few excellent schools in his area, both public and church-operated, which he was not about to have tampered with in any way, even if it meant bringing the whole effort at educational reform to a standstill throughout the kingdom. When his district's agent was replaced, he had further reason for disgruntlement, for both Bond himself, after long years of service as treasurer of the school district, and his favored candidate, a Scots doctor, were passed over in favor of a Hawaiian who was well known to be no friend of the mission. He and Gulick immediately began to rally their forces for an implacable crusade against Fornander and the Board of Education, whose sole motivation, Bond believed, was the king's enmity toward the Protestant church and toward himself personally. The inspector general's survival or destruction became for Bond a symbol of victory or defeat. In actuality, Fornander's duties and responsibilities were far more strictly circumscribed by the Board of Education than his enemies credited. The board met often, sometimes several times a week. During the inspector general's long and frequent absences from Honolulu, he was in constant correspondence with its secretary, W. James Smith. Through him he made his scheduled reports, described in detail his activities and observations, and relayed requests for guidance or permission for various actions. He might recommend, but it was the board that was empowered to make rules for internal regulation of the common schools and to decide on support for all others. It kept a firm grasp on the administrative power. It was

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difficult to get the members to make policy decisions, as they preferred to decide individual cases as they arose. As time went by and precedents were established, Fornander was allowed more freedom. But the board did not hesitate to reverse either itself or him, and it frequently acted without consultation as to his opinions or desires. He was never the free agent his critics assumed him to be, either mistakenly, or for the purpose of having a whipping boy on whom to vent their enmity toward the king. Fornander's first action as inspector general was to issue, on March 18, 1865, a new set of rules and regulations for the district school agents and the teachers in the common schools. The latter were strictly forbidden to impart any religious tenets or doctrine during school hours. Instead, the board urged ministers and parents to use their best efforts to provide this instruction themselves. The schools were to be open four and a half hours, broken midway by a half-hour recreation period, five days a week. There were to be two vacations a year—a month at midsummer and two weeks at Christmas. The subjects to be covered included primary instruction in reading, writing, arithmetic, geography, Hawaiian history, and if possible some sort of gymnastics, as well as at least four hours a week of manual labor for the boys and needlework, if it could be arranged, for the girls. The teaching of singing was encouraged, but only outside regular instructional hours; this was possible since the teachers were hired on an all-day basis, not just for the four and a half hours of classes. Instructors were to maintain good moral character, lead sober and discreet lives, treat the children with kindness, and see that the school premises were kept neat and tidy and that the children were orderly and clean. Both agents and teachers were especially requested to enjoin parents to encourage their children to find recreation in the national amusements and sports. But in order to keep them from unsuitable sights and associations, they were not to loiter

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or play on the public streets and highways after school hours, and especially not at night. Agents were asked to visit the schools in their districts frequently, and to hold semiannual examinations in all of them. They were to talk often with parents, to impress upon them the importance not only of sending their children to school, but also of conducting themselves in such a way that they would provide no example or excuse for disobedience, deceit, and idleness.3 Shortly thereafter Fornander began his first inspection of the schools outside of Honolulu, beginning with rural O'ahu, and going on to six weeks of visitation on Maui and Moloka'i, a like period on Hawai'i, and three weeks on Kaua'i. This was to become his annual pattern, except that the tours to Hawai'i and to Maui and its satellite island often extended to two or two and a half months. Kaua'i seems frequently to have been omitted, probably because its excellent agents—Valdemar Knudsen, Paul Isenberg, the missionary Dr. J . W. Smith, and later the missionary-teacher Abner Wilcox—were unusually capable and responsible deputies. On all the islands Fornander found some first-rate schools, with classes of bright, orderly students, mostly below the age of twelve now that the sugar plantations offered ready employment to the older boys. The buildings might be of stone, wood, or grass, usually with thatched roofs, and the better ones boasted clean windowpanes and floors, and adequate benches. Some had neat fences enclosing gardens which the children tended, the produce being used to help pay the teacher or to sell for the benefit of the school. The pupils learned from simple Hawaiian textbooks, paid for by their parents, and used slates which the parents also provided. The best of the instructors came from the Reverend David Belden Lyman's Hawaiian Boarding School for Boys in Hilo, or from Lahainaluna Seminary, though far too many of the best graduates of the latter school drifted into jobs that paid better wages than the twelve and a half to thirty-seven and a half cents which was the usual daily wage of most teachers. The school agents, both Hawaiians and foreigners, were

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busy men who carried out their duties as luna kula in addition to their own regular full-time work. For their salaries of forty to a hundred dollars a year (except in the Honolulu district, which paid two hundred), some gave generously of their time and effort in supervising the schools and teachers of their areas, seeing that wages were paid on time, examining the children in their studies, and keeping the buildings and grounds in proper condition. But, more often than not, the situation was far different. Each district had little beyond the school tax collected within its own confines to pay its teachers, school agent, truant officer, tax collector, and registrar of births, deaths, and marriages, to say nothing of repairing old buildings and constructing new ones. (The interest on the sale or lease of school lands, which could be used to supplement construction costs as well as for other specified educational purposes, was too meager to be of much help.) A few populous towns, such as Honolulu, Hilo, and Wailuku, were well provided with funds, in some cases more than they spent, one reason being that these were centers where men came to find work to support families that often remained at home in another district. A man paid his tax where he worked, which meant that frequently it went to the support of one district while his children attended school in another. In most areas outside such towns the few families were widely scattered. Because of the lack of transportation for the predominantly young children who attended, this meant many small schools scattered throughout the countryside. The tax money to support them was meager and there was scant supervision by school agents, too often much too busy with their own concerns for the timeconsuming task of visiting their charges at reasonable intervals. Fornander's acquaintance with the comparatively well maintained schools of the capital had not prepared him for conditions in other more isolated areas, and he was often horrified at what he found. Even when buildings were adequate, too often they were located in barren, windswept spots where little or nothing would grow, unshaded by trees and far from water.

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Too often they were unpainted and filthy, completely lacking in furniture, and with floors, when they existed, as unswept as if brooms were unknown. Many had gaping holes in their roofs, or were open to the sky; glass windowpanes were unwashed or broken, or perhaps there were no window openings at all. Human sties or stone coffins, Fornander called some of them, unfit even to kennel a dog. One school met in dark and dismal quarters underneath the teacher's house, and another could not meet at all in stormy weather because pupils lived on the wrong side of a dangerous stream that was often impassable on wet days. A situation that never failed to irritate the inspector was to find such dilapidation in close proximity to a portly, prosperous-looking, and well-maintained church, of whatever sect. In many places the schools had no separate buildings, but met in Protestant meetinghouses or Catholic chapels, some of them constructed in part with district school funds. The grounds on which these structures stood might be either church-owned or government property, but in either case the schools were merely tenants that could be asked to leave at any time. The people of the district considered these buildings primarily religious rather than public school structures. If a meetinghouse or chapel belonged to a denomination different from the one the parents subscribed to, they often objected strongly to sending their children to attend school there, even though teachers were strictly forbidden, on pain of dismissal, to indulge in sectarian indoctrination. The choice of teachers was meager, and many who were obviously not properly qualified had to be retained at least on a provisional basis because no replacements were to be found. But some dismissals there had to be. At Olowalu, on Maui, Fornander made two visits within a few days of each other. On the first, he found the children playing on the beach—the teacher had gone fishing; on the second, one of the older pupils was in charge—the teacher had appointed him to take over while he paid a visit to the neighboring island of Kaho'olawe. At Hanalei, on Kaua'i, a teacher was asked to

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compute the following sum on the blackboard: a man bought 12 sheep, afterward he bought 120 more—how many sheep did he buy? The answer: 240. On the map, the school agent pointed to South America; the teacher guessed it was Asia. When asked where Africa was to be found, he pointed, after some hesitation, to Asia. He was also a very poor reader and could not answer the questions in the first chapter in the textbook on arithmetic! There was an even greater scarcity of women than there was of men teachers, and consequently few places where Fornander could carry out his plan of separate schools for boys and girls. Usually he was fortunate if he could find a competent woman for a few hours of instruction in sewing and deportment each week, more often than not the wife of the schoolmaster. As he wrote the Reverend Mr. Bond on March 5, 1866, a year after taking office, the Sacred Hearts sisters' school was "as yet the only establishment that will receive grown Hawaiian girls, (irrespective of their religion,) desirous of becoming teachers in the female common schools, taught a variety of female work and trained in virtuous habits and womanly self-respect."4 Unfortunately, these teachers, no matter how well qualified, were not welcome in districts such as Mr. Bond's. In one of his many long, critical letters to the newspapers, Bond expressed his opinion about the matter: And when the school Inspector General tells us, as he has done, that notwithstanding the pronounced unsectarianism of his official course, he prefers officially to patronize Roman Catholic schools in Honolulu, and when by his official influence, put forth through the agency of Popish priests, to obtain and proselyte young Protestant girls, therefor, and then send them as teachers in schools wherein the pupils are all Protestant—and all this because forsooth the schools "are not now as formerly sectarian" (!), we beg leave to decline implication in the process of stultification therein attempted.5

Mr. Bond's opinion of the whole matter of separate common schools and any part they could play in preparing Hawai-

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ian girls to become better wives and mothers was equally low, as he wrote in the same letter: And when it is generally known that to this new process of "elevating the social condition" of this people (that is by keeping the sexes apart for three or four hours each school day,) the children are obliged to go, in several instances, two or three miles—the sexes meeting on the way, in secluded ravines, which in rainy seasons are impassable for days together—I say when these things are generally known, some others, besides the Protestant Hawaiians, will fail to see the wonderful astuteness of this much vaunted specific for an unsatisfactory state of social morality. Indeed if the combined wisdom of the government could devise a more unphilosophical or more stupid plan for effecting, under existing circumstances, the ends proposed, it surely would be little to the credit of their practical common sense.

As if dilapidated schoolhouses and poorly qualified teachers were not enough, there was also the problem of textbooks and other teaching materials. In 1865 the Board of Education took over from the mission its remaining supply of Hawaiian-language schoolbooks in spelling, arithmetic, history, and geography, which up to that time had been prepared by the American missionaries, printed on their presses, and sold by them below cost. After mastering the beginning speller, there was no reader in Hawaiian for the children to progress to. For lack of anything else the Bible or a Catholic religious manual had to be used. The supply of Mr. Pogue's Hawaiian history was almost exhausted, and it badly needed revision, as did the two geographies available. The need of readers in the Hawaiian language was so acute that Fornander offered to try to write one himself, but never found the time to do so. Though in 1869 or 1870 no less a personage than the future king, David Kalakaua, was preparing a translation of the Progressive Second Reader,6 the series was not published until 1871, and then under the name of the next inspector general as editor. The quality of the geographies can be judged by a letter

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which appeared in the Hawaiian Gazette for April 15, 1865, in which an anonymous " C . " drew attention to the need for a replacement for the one then in use in the common schools: It commences without any attempt to explain the reasons of day and night, the seasons, and so on, or what is called astronomical geography. . . . It is simply descriptive, and the "reliability" of its descriptions will be judged of by a few specimens. Of Spain, then, we read: "the majority of its inhabitants are benighted (naaupo>); they are not taught the Word of God. Some of the rich, however, are intelligent." Similar expressions are used with regard to the people of Austria, Russia, Portugal, and Prussia. The State of New Jersey, in America, affords a pleasing contrast to these countries; there "the people are benevolent (lokomaikai), they observe the righteousness of the Lord." The State of Pennsylvania received only a qualified praise—"some of its people are Germans, dark-hearted," while "those speaking English, are intelligent." But the account given of the condition of things in Europe is truly shocking. "There are not many school-houses for the poor in Europe; for the rich, there are schools. In some of the lands they observe the Pope worship, (Pope pule)—the people are forbidden to read the Word of God. The majority of the people in Europe are darkhearted (naaupo), they do not clearly understand the observance of what is right (pono). They are kept down (hoohaahaaia), and are oppressed (hookaumahaia), by their chiefs and the rich. Some, it is true, have knowledge and observe the Word of God. The chiefs and the rich are instructed and understand the things of the body; they are riotous (uhauha); some of them are given to pleasure (lealea)." No less than thirty pages are devoted to the United States. England and France have to be content with one, Prussia with half. Surely, Sir, it is time the Board of Education drew up a new set of school books. This need for new geographies was not met for some time, though a new edition of the I860 textbook was issued in 1867. However, the change consisted only of an appendix of information about the Hawaiian Kingdom, edited by Fornander himself.

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The Board of Education sent supplies of available books, slates, and stationery to the school agents, who distributed them to teachers for sale to parents, as well as maps and geography charts for the use of instructors. But even when books and slates were available, it was difficult to persuade parents to buy them, sometimes because of indifference and sometimes because of poverty. Fornander found school after school lacking in such supplies—no geography charts, one slate to ten pupils, or perhaps none at all, three spelling books in a school of thirty-eight students, sewing classes of girls whose parents failed to supply them with either needles or cloth. Until 1868 there was no legal pressure for parents to provide their children with textbooks, but at this time it became mandatory, and the costs were added to the school tax of those who failed to buy voluntarily, unless they were judged totally unable to pay. Fornander usually made his tours accompanied by a servant, a Hawaiian assistant, and, more often than not, particularly during the first couple of years, by Katy as well. There were no hotels or inns at which to stay, but hospitable friends or colleagues opened their homes to the travelers. Sometimes one or two of Katy's friends came along to keep her company. Most frequently it seemed to be Martha Swinton, sister-in-law of Fornander's good friend, Captain John H. Brown. Martha's Hawaiian mother came from Waikapu, on Maui; so the girls often stayed there, or with other friends such as Rufus and "Becka" Brickwood Lyman in Hilo, or the Rudolph Meyers on Moloka'i. A trunk with their "visiting" wardrobe preceded the young ladies to such social centers as Lahaina and Hilo, but there were times when they had to postpone making calls while awaiting its arrival on some ship delayed by the vagaries of wind and weather. Katy was a fashion-conscious young woman; so not only her best clothing but also the latest issue of Godey's Lady's Book was forwarded from Honolulu, along with her father's indulgences—literary reviews and foreign

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journals, a supply of the best ale, and an occasional bottle of good brandy. For one man to examine on a regular basis all the common schools of the kingdom, plus those of the select and boarding schools which either received or requested government aid, was an unbelievably demanding task in terms of travel alone. The channels between the islands were rough, and adverse winds or unexpected calms might keep the crowded, uncomfortable passengers at sea for as long as a week between ports. Roads were few and the horse trails leading up and down the high cliffs and deep gulches, and through dense tropical undergrowth which sometimes required the help of a guide to penetrate, were often slippery and dangerous with mud that could reach the horses' bellies. At times the only safe way to travel the steep pali was by foot. Often the Fornanders traveled through days of unceasing rain, arriving at their destinations each night bone-weary and soaked to the skin. Bridges were almost nonexistent, and streams and waterfalls swollen by heavy downpours a frequent hazard. Fornander described one such occasion to board secretary Smith in a letter from Hana, on the island of Maui: We arrived here last Saturday after another of those memorable journeys which the outside public is apt to look upon as so pleasant and amusing. Raining, as it only rains on the Koolau side of Maui, we were detained, after leaving Hamakua, the better part of two days in the woods of Kaloa, waiting for the rain to clear up and the streams to fall so as to be able to cross them. As it was, we had one horse upset by the torrent. Of course my saddle bags and clothes were thoroughly drenched; lucky that I did not lose them altogether. At another of those pleasant streams, with water running like a millsluice and up to the horse's flanks—where the only course to be pursued was to keep the horse's head to the stream and push on with all speed, on the principle of diagonal forces—my horse suddenly stopped, probably to afford me one of those exquisite sensations produced by finding yourself alone in a raging mountain torrent

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with a water-fall of some 200 feet sheer descent down a jagged gorge and not over 100 yards behind you. To make the situation more intensely sensational, Katy's horse came up just then behind me and was stopped by mine, as she could not pass me without her horse losing his footing. So there we stood—it might have been only minutes, though it seemed hours—until my horse recovered from his fit of abstraction and with two or three vigorous bounds landed me at the foot of the Napomahoi pali, next to Honomanu. How we struggled up and slid down those Koolau palis would no doubt have been highly amusing to a man looking out from a parlour window; but we, who were knee-deep in mud and soaked to the skin did really not have quite so keen appreciation of the fun. But all pleasures pall by over-indulgence, even that of fording torrents and performing feats of agility on slippery palis; so that by the time we reached Hana a little sunshine and dry clothing was quite a change in the week's programme.7 Even without streams there were hazards. On one occasion, Fornander turned his horse sharply to avoid a bog; the animal's hind feet slipped off the bank and it fell over backward into a hole some seven or eight feet deep. Though he extricated himself as quickly as possible from the saddle, Fornander's legs were backed against the banks of the hole, with the weight of the animal resting upon the left one. The inspector thought his leg was done for, but fortunately, except for losing the skin in several places, there was no damage. A trip to Hana is somewhat of an adventure even today, but in 1869 it was considerably more so. As Fornander wrote to the secretary: I would like to give you a description of the descent of the Honomanu pali which lands you plump into the sea, through which you have to wade for a distance of say 150 yards, skirting the base of the pali, passing a large cave or arch where you are sure to be drawn in if the surf is any ways high, before you reach the beach and dry land begins; but as you never traveled the road, you would probably not appreciate the situation of being

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caught by some heavy rollers when just abreast of that cave. I got off with a wetting however, and am thankful nothing worse befell me. I also passed safely over the Hamakua Mud-lane (Upuola). There really is bottom to those mud-holes, if the horse's legs are long enough to reach it. They are going to make a new road however over this delightful place, and I congratulate future travellers on their prospective comfort; but the romance of the place will be gone. 8

The dangers and discomforts were not always those of mud and water; for variation there were the fearful sandstorms of central Maui, enough to cure a man of travel for pleasure, and volcanic eruptions and earthquakes on Hawai'i. On April 2, 1868, occurred the strongest quake in island history. Fortunately, Katy was in Honolulu, and Fornander himself escaped its worst effects, which were centered in the Ka'u district, for he arrived in Hilo from Puna the very day of the shock. Following the quake came a tremendous tidal wave, sweeping the coast from South Point to Hilo. Village after village was inundated, their houses and people swept out to sea. Great cliffs broke off and fell into the ocean; huge areas of land were buried beneath earth slides or lava flows, bringing sudden death or narrow escapes to people, horses, and cattle. A total of at least eighty-one human deaths and the loss of more than a thousand head o f livestock resulted from this cataclysm. Fornander described it all in a long letter written to his daughter from Hilo on April 6 and 7. In great detail he delineated his own experiences from the time he rode out o f Wai'dhinu in the Ka'u district on March 25—his stay at the Volcano House (where the first heavy quakes were felt on March 28 and 29), his quiet travels through Puna while the areas he had left behind experienced shock after shock. It was while he was riding through the Pana'ewa forest, a few miles from Hilo, that the most violent quake of all occurred, late in the afternoon o f April 2. The rolling, rushing sound, the sharp, peculiar motion of the ground forward and back, the bending and swaying o f the tall

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'ohi'a trees from side to side, like willow wands in a gale of wind, were frightening, but lasted only a moment. Much longer was the wild ride to escape the resulting fire that swept the pandanus woods a little farther on. When Fornander arrived in Waiakea and Hilo, he found people in a panic because of the extensive earthquake damage and their fear of high seas to follow. He described the reports as they came in during the next few days from Ka'u and Puna—the spectacular volcanic eruptions, the terrifying movements of earth and water. The original letter has disappeared. But fortunately, even though not written for publication, it was reproduced in four full-length columns in the Hawaiian Gazette for April 29, 1868—a vivid and detailed account of one of the worst natural disasters recorded in Hawai'i. It is no wonder that the fifty-four-year-old Fornander wrote board secretary Smith after his first year of travel: "I wish the Board would appoint you Inspector General in my place. I am not sick, but I feel myself growing old and am soon wearied after riding over the country on all sorts of horses."9 There was also a price to be paid in colds, sore throats, bad backs, rheumatic pains, and for Katy a long and frightening siege of dysentery, which kept her bedridden and dangerously ill for many weeks on the island of Hawai'i. After Katy recovered enough to go home she remained there through several tours, while her father made his way through the various islands. Except to be with her, he disliked returning to the capital. Since he was not supposed to have any fixed headquarters, he thought of moving his home to Maui, or even resigning and earning a more comfortable living in Lahaina as a lawyer and conveyancer.

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T h e enmity of most of the so-called "missionary g r o u p , " spearheaded by the Reverend Elias Bond and by Dr. Luther Gulick, secretary of the Hawaiian Evangelical Association, was making Fornander's efforts to improve the school situation more and more difficult, but he refused to surrender to their efforts to oust him. The columns of the Pacific Commercial Advertiser and of the Missionary Herald, Boston voice of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, were filled with a continuous flow of letters and reports accusing the inspector of ineffectiveness and every sort of discrimination. Many were signed by Bond, 1 but others only by unidentifiable initials or by such aliases as "Missionary" or "American Missionary." In vain, the Hawaiian Gazette published statistics and factual lists of names, places, and dates, which indicated beyond a doubt to any unprejudiced reader that there was no religious favoritism in the selection of teachers or in the construction and repair of schoolhouses; that far from being discriminated against, schools presided over by those whose tenets coincided with the beliefs of the Evangelical Association received a disproportionately large share of grants-in-aid, and, in fact, that most

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could probably not even function without this help; that instructors and school agents guilty of reported and proved immorality or inefficiency were dismissed from their posts; that sectarian religious teaching was no more allowed in schools with Catholic teachers than it was in those with teachers of other sects; that the inspector and the board were not responsible for the drop in school enrollment, which kept pace with the drop in population and the proliferation of private English-language schools. Still, the faultfinding and accusations, the petty carping, continued. The Reverend Titus Coan of Hilo, even in letters to the Missionary Herald, at first denied that discrimination on the part of the inspector and the board existed in his area, and admitted privately that some of the accusations were untrue. Hoping that a rapprochement with the Evangelical Association could be made, the Board of Education tried through Coan to arrange a meeting. But his fellow members would have none of it, on the basis that this was not a legitimate approach made through the proper channel. 2 Coan was apparently never quite comfortable about what was being done, but eventually he, too, gave way to Bond's iron determination to oust Fornander. 3 Some simply abstained from voting one way or the other on the various accusatory reports and resolutions. A few were more positive. Abner Wilcox, missionary and school agent at Hanalei on Kaua'i, wrote to the Board of Education of his harmonious and pleasant relationship with Fornander, who seemed to have the welfare of the schools at heart—none of the things complained of on some of the other islands were apparent in his district. 4 Samuel N. Castle not only held a seat on the board of the Evangelical Association, but was also treasurer of Oahu College, the renamed Punahou School. He tried again and again to persuade his fellow members into a more moderate and courteous approach to the educational authorities of the government, into some effort at cooperation with them, and into a recognition that their interest in the welfare of the schools was no less than that of the association.

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But his efforts had no effect, and in June 1869 he temporarily resigned both his posts as a final protest against his fellow evangelicals' attitudes and methods.' Meanwhile, other adverse elements were at work. At the time that Fornander took over the position of inspector general, there lived in Hilo two brothers, David Howard Hitchcock, thirty-three years old, and Harvey Rexford Hitchcock, three years younger. They were the sons of a pioneer missionary who, in 1832, established the first station on the island of Moloka'i, and labored there until his death twenty-three years later. At the time of Fornander's first inspection tour, David Hitchcock was a police magistrate and member of the House of Representatives; a year later he became school agent for the district. H. R. Hitchcock was a teacher, whose private English day school included some sixty Hawaiian and part-Hawaiian pupils, both boys and girls. Fornander had high praise for his abilities as a teacher and urged government aid for his establishment. When Hitchcock, in 1868, proposed to the board that he take over the common schools of the district and combine them with his own into one graded school, with the help of the government-paid native teachers as assistants, Fornander seconded his request. But when the inspector informed him that he would only be allowed to absorb two, instead of all four, of the Hilo schools, Hitchcock reportedly denounced Fornander before a large meeting at the Protestant church, claiming that the limitation was not the intent of the board but a work of popery favored by Fornander, which he would fight. 6 After the board informed him that the inspector's decision had been approved and would be sustained, Hitchcock was again rebuffed when he tried to persuade its members to build a second story on his school to hold the entire student body, rather than have separate buildings for girls and boys as originally agreed. In spite of this unpleasantness, Fornander continued to be generous in his praise of Hitchcock's competence, as well as that of his brother as school agent.

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By 1868 H. R. Hitchcock was not only a member of the Legislative Assembly, but chairman of its Committee on Education and author of its report to the president of the Assembly, who was the same high chief Mataio Kekuanao'a who presided over the Board of Education. The report accepted Fornander's recommendation of special financial aid to needy districts, but by a special appropriation rather than by his suggestion of using the funds collected from one to assist another. It suggested two grades of teachers, with two rates of pay as an incentive for improvement, and urged liberal government aid to boarding schools, especially those for girls, and to English day schools for Hawaiians, as well as help for select, or private, schools for foreigners. There was no hint of criticism of Fornander and his administration, though it did recommend changes in the makeup and powers of the local school boards —changes which the king did not allow to become law. The report led to the first indications of future events. Dr. Gulick's Hawaiian-language newspaper, Kuokoa, praised it, but did not stop there. It went on to enlist the help of "the All Powerful One who controls all Governments" against "the present Inspector General of Schools, who sits over the Government Schools, and thus infecting, retards their advancement," in the hope "that some one be appointed to that office who really feels for the children of the people, and who is competent to lead them onward and upward, as the enlightened person who composed this report of the Committee on Education, viz: H. R. Hitchcock, one of the Representatives from Hilo." 7 All through 1869 the campaign against Fornander and the Board of Education maintained its bitterness. The Pacific Commercial Advertiser (now acquiring the popular name of the Advertiser rather than the Commercial) cited the king's rejection of the bill providing for changes in the school law as one more example of the government's hatred of free institutions, and argued the undesirability of government aid to parochial schools, of whatever denomination. "An American

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Missionary'' in the same paper labeled the inspector the fitting and willing tool of the petty despotism of a government that had inflicted on the country an entirely new group of school agents, all, with rare exceptions, grossly immoral men or, if "tolerably" moral, hostile to the missionaries and their religion. By some peculiar logic on the part of the letter writer, these appointments had also caused the land to be flooded with intoxicating liquor and open concubinage. The Hawaiian Gazette convincingly proved the falsehood, name by name, of the accusations against the agents, except for a very few who had been removed for misconduct or incompetence. 8 As a result of various concessions by the Board of Education, the Evangelical Association's Committee on the State of the Church acknowledged in June 1869, in the sixth annual report of the association, that there had been " a little improvement" in schools of "districts where great opposition was shown to the unskillful and inefficient" management of the inspector general, but none in others. The report passed only after a struggle on the floor of the association meeting, for some members wished to strike out the word "little" and omit the suggestion that this improvement was the consequence of agitation. 9 The Reverend J . S. Green of Makawao, Maui, an independent pastor of the American Missionary Association who had long since severed his connection with the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, protested in a letter to a San Francisco religious newspaper, the Pacific, that "this constant pecking at Government officials is disgusting to not a few good men and true." He doubted that there were "many Governments, nominally Christian, that do more for the cause of education and good morals than the Hawaiian. 10 Throughout the years of insults and quarreling, Fornander had consistently kept his dignity and his temper, though in his letters to board secretary Smith he more than once expressed his pity and scorn for some of his enemies and the tactics they stooped to. Even Bond was forced to admit the grace with

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which he met defeats and the reversal of his decisions by the Board of Education. Through the years of controversy he did not blame those Hawaiians who opposed him, but only the men who he felt were influencing and misguiding them. Perhaps this influence was not the only reason for opposition among certain of the natives. For on his tours of inspection he never missed an opportunity to talk to parents about their responsibilities to the schools and to their children, and when he felt it necessary he did not hesitate to speak very plainly about their deficiencies in this respect. As is usually the case, those most at fault were least likely to attend the school examinations and special gatherings where he spoke, while the dutiful endured the perhaps resented scoldings. There were those who questioned whether Fornander was a sufficiently lively and inspiring personality for the post. He was friendly and approachable, but in spite of his rough days of knocking about the world and his pleasure in conversational exchanges of opinion, he was also a middle-aged European intellectual, with the ineradicable dignity that implies. As the Advertiser editorialized: " W e do not doubt his literary abilities, nor his gentlemanly manners, nor the value of his ethnological researches. . . . We have nothing against him as a fellow-citizen. . . . [But] can the present officer elicit a cheer from an audience of appreciative parents? Can he raise a furor amongst the students of Lahainaluna? or even make an impression quiet indeed, but lasting? Does he inspire any Hawaiian young men and boys with enthusiasm and ambition?" 1 1 An anonymous writer to the Gazette objected to this model of an inspector general, since "earnestness of purpose and firmness of character will, however, be preferred to the somewhat doubtful quality of 'eliciting cheers from an audience of parents,' or 'raising a furor amongst students,' by those at least who prefer wisdom to charlatanism. Amongst the continual self-sacrifices, the quiet, steady, and earnest labors which that position involves, there will be, I think, but little or no

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room left for any other ambition than that of possessing a clean conscience, and of knowing that one's duty has been honestly fulfilled." 12 In February 1870 the belligerent Dr. Gulick, whose public pronouncements on various issues had succeeded in offending even some of his associates, resigned his position with the Hawaiian Evangelical Association and left the islands permanently. Fornander had one less enemy to contend with. But even though many of the issues that had caused problems earlier were now resolved, often by compromise or surrender on the part of the Board of Education, as in Kohala where almost all of the Reverend Bond's demands were met, the harm was done. The Legislative Assembly of 1870 convened with H. R. Hitchcock not only chairman of the Committee on Education once again but also vice-president of the total body, its most powerful position. There were the usual proposals for changes in the school law and, on June 30 and July 6, uncomplimentary references to the inspector general's performance—complaints which Board of Education member Harris promised would be considered if properly presented. But in actuality the blow had already fallen. Because of the resignations of de Varigny and Staley, Dr. John Mott Smith had been appointed to the board only the previous December, along with Charles R. Bishop. W. P. Kamakau, of the House of Nobles, had assumed the presidency of the group on the death of Kekuanao'a the previous year, leaving only Hutchison of the original five, Charles C. Harris having very early replaced Hopkins. On June 21, 1870, Dr. Smith presented to his colleagues on the board a memorial signed by twenty-one of the twenty-eight members of the House of Representatives. Of these twenty-eight, seven were foreigners, four of whose signatures appeared on the petition, as did those of one former and one active school agent; the names of three other former or active agents did not, includ-

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ing H. R. Hitchcock. In addition to Hitchcock, one other missionary son, C. H. Judd, did not sign, though a third, C. J . Lyons, did. The memorial read: We the undersigned, Representative members of the Legislature of the Kingdom, hereby humbly ask that the present Inspector General of Schools be removed from that office, for the reasons herewith stated. 1st. His age and feebleness prevent his being efficient in his occupation, which is an arduous one to fill efficiently. In some of out districts, or parts of districts, he has not been seen for several years. The principal portion of his time is occupied in traveling leisurely along the road, in a feeble manner, and in that way a great portion of the Government's time is wasted. 2nd. In consequence of the feebleness of the Head, the subordinates are also inefficient. We have not seen efficiency in the Schools, nor among the Lunas, School teachers, or children, seeming as though on account of the want of vigilance in the Head, the subordinates are becoming inefficient. The children are not made to feel joyous (or glad) by the Inspector General, nor can they be, because he is of an older generation (or School) that is passing away. 3rd. The present Inspector General of Schools is not competent to fill the office he holds. He is not a School teacher, nor is he a person who has been among children as an instructor of youth, previous to his assuming the duties of Inspector General. For these reasons he is incompetent to have to do with children. Our children are not inspired by him with confidence. They do not take to him; and in our mistaken views (or in our ignorant way) we liken him to a General of an Army, whose men are undrilled, but if they do not possess confidence in their leader, what would be the result? 4th. The Inspector General has not visited frequently our districts. We are of opinion, that this office of Inspector General is a very arduous one, and (only) fit for a person of physical strength, vigilant, competent to instruct children, and able to inspire the rising generation with confidence. A person who will make frequent tours of inspection without

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wearying. For these reasons, we humbly lay our request before your Hon. Board, trusting in your good judgment some one, in every way competent, will be appointed to fill this important office.1» While all this was happening, Fornander was absent from the island of O'ahu on one of his school tours. Secretary Smith had written him a month earlier of rumors that the inspector was resigning in favor of H. R. Hitchcock, and that if so, he was to receive a permanent settlement for the balance of his life. Fornander answered that "to me such report conveys a soothing sensation, implying relief from a duty that is every day becoming more onerous to my bodily strength, more wearying to my patience." As for the settlement, "it is an acknowledgement and appreciation of past services, which I certainly did not expect"14—with good reason, as time would soon prove. More than a month went by before the board took action on the memorial. But then things happened with unbelievable speed. On July 27, with no record of the discussion that preceded their decision, the board passed a motion: "Resolved, That the office of Inspector General of Schools is declared vacant on the 1st of August next ensuing; and that whereas, the office is thus declared vacant, without notice, therefore it is Resolved, that the sum of $250 be granted as a gratuity to the present incumbent, A. Fornander Esq. on his retirement.15 This was the total expression of appreciation and the ' 'life settlement." Dr. Smith immediately presented the name of Harvey Rexford Hitchcock as Fornander's successor, and at the next meeting of the board, on July 30, the appointment was made, effective August 1. Not until August 2 was any notice sent to Fornander, who had by now returned to Moloka'i from an inspection tour of Maui. There had been no warning, no indications of the board's actions, except Smith's private letter two months earlier. The reaction of the previously virulent Pacific Commercial

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Advertiser to these events was unexpected and puzzling. The editorial page of the August 6 issue devoted no less than three articles to the matter, hinting darkly at unexplained undercurrents. The first, "Thirty Pieces of Silver," expatiated on the proverbial ungratefulness of republics in contrast to the gratitude of monarchies, pointing out the appointment of the vicepresident of the Assembly as one of several instances. It further commented that "to the individuals the pay for the amount of soiled linen washed may seem adequate; but to the outsider who considers reputation of some value it is a reminder of the birthright and pottage bargain." The second found little to praise in the new appointee: "The public is doubtless aware that we hold no very exalted opinion of the conduct of the Vice President of the late Legislative Assembly; but we are disposed to give him the benefit of any act of his which reflects. He certainly made an earnest effort to secure the repeal of the odious 'Act to Mitigate' the social evil." The third article, "Gazetted," rebuked the manner of Fornander's dismissal: "Had the Government removed him at the time that good and sufficient reasons were given for his removal, they might have claimed some credit, but to wait until his policy in regard to public education was so modified as to merit the approval of those interested in the advancement of Hawaiians, and only to make way for one whom they once feared, but whose sting had been removed by the promise of the position, is a transaction not deserving of commendation." In the years that followed, Fornander's term as inspector general has been consistently ignored or belittled. Yet there were substantial accomplishments, in spite of greater obstacles and more organized obstruction than was faced by any other director of schools in the history of Hawaiian education, beginning at the moment he took office. He inherited a school system that had been the responsibility of government for only twenty-five years, during the first score of which it had barely begun to function; this was followed by half a decade of

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neglect. He struggled not only against the indifference of a people, the majority of whom had little or no conception of the purposes and benefits of the type of education he hoped to achieve for them. He also faced the violent opposition of perhaps the most vocal segment of the population, a small group wielding power and influence far beyond its numbers. The author of a most sympathetic and admiring life of the Reverend Elias Bond calls the inspector " a n able man in a difficult position." 1 6 Abraham Fornander was more than that—or less—depending on the viewer's sense of values. He was an intelligent man with a detailed vision of what Hawaiian education could and should become, able to articulate it but unable to inspire and convince others. Through no fault in the vision itself, it was doomed in his day because of the identity and past of the man who dreamed it. And what were the accomplishments of Fornander's fiveyear term as inspector general, compared to his hopes? The increased grassroots participation in the educational process which he advocated would be realized slowly. The first step was mandated by the same legislative session that successfully urged his dismissal, though a hundred years later advocates of his philosophy were insisting that the goal was still unreached in Hawai'i. But his aim of true nonsectarian public education was on the verge of fulfillment. By the end of Fornander's term of office the importance of education for girls was not only generally accepted but enthusiastically embraced. Though the lack of Hawaiian women teachers and of facilities to train them was a great drawback in establishing separate common schools, the inspector was able by the close of the 1864-1866 biennium to report the existence of twenty-nine schools for girls only, compared to fifteen twelve months earlier. However, three of these were lost in the next two years. His years of urging the establishment of government-supported boarding schools for Hawaiian girls bore fruit in the enabling act of 1865, which promised aid to such establishments whether operated by the government or

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by private groups and individuals, spelling out in detail the terms of the "capitation," or per capita, grants per pupil. Soon even the Advertiser was printing enthusiastic editorials about the need for and accomplishments of such "family" schools. Little headway was made in making English the official language of the common schools. The government could not afford to support fully any English-language day schools beyond the Royal School for boys, the Mililani School for girls, and later the Fort Street School, all in Honolulu, though in some others English was taught as a second language. However, it did all it could to encourage properly conducted private English day schools whose owners were willing to accept inspection. By 1877 even the Reverend Mr. Bond, who had bitterly opposed any changeover, was petitioning the board to adopt English as the medium of instruction in public schools and at Lahainaluna Seminary. Though soon accepted for the latter, more than ten years and three inspectors general would go by before English became the official language of the common schools. Even so, a few schools that used Hawaiian would survive the passing of the kingdom. Improvement in textbooks in the Hawaiian language was a slow process. Fornander saw the publication of a new arithmetic textbook in 1868, and the readers he had urged were finally printed in 1871; revised geographies would not appear until 1872 and 1874. But early in his career as inspector he insured that ample supplies of available titles were in the hands of all school agents for distribution, and the 1868 revision of the law saw to it that they reached the pupils. One of Fornander's greatest concerns had been the government's Lahainaluna Seminary, intended to educate leaders for the Hawaiian people. In a long special report in 1865 he recommended sweeping changes—in rebuilding and repairs; in dormitories, feeding, and recreation; in the teaching of social niceties and the improvement of the students' self-image as Hawaiians—all of which were inadequately provided, to an

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unbelievable degree. In the matter of changes in the course of study his recommendations were startling, coming from one so often accused of being an impractical visionary. When the government accepted the school from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions in 1849, a solemn promise was made not to change its denominational character. But, said Fornander, it should be possible, without breaking faith, to pay attention to more practical subjects. He looked to English as the eventual medium of instruction, but urged that meanwhile the students be helped to acquire a correct pronunciation and enough proficiency in reading English to enable them to understand English books and current English literature: Theology, Philosophy and higher mathematics may engage the attention of the student after his college course is finished, if leisure and inclination combine, and then be gathered from a language better able to express their varied terms than is the Hawaiian. . . . Instead of Church history and Moral philosophy I would substitute natural philosophy, the knowledge of soils, their qualities and adaptedness to different cultures, and illustrate the lessons by actual working on the land of the college. I would read Geography, not only as a repertory of names of places, but with reference to the products and commercial interdependence of the various parts of the world. I would read history, not as a gallery of kings, but as a panorama of peoples, showing the origin, development and influence of the aits, sciences and institutions which make a people civilised and refined. I would read mathematics only so far as related to surveying and a correct understanding of mechanical principles. In short, the studies pursued and the education imparted should have an eminently practical character, leaving abstruse and speculative subjects entirely out of question. I would work the lands of the College entirely, or so far as possible so, with the students, from ploughing to reaping, explaining at every step the how and the wherefore. Not only staple culture, but also orchard-growing and horticulture should be attended to. . . . Last, though not least, Gymnastic exercises, regular, daily,

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complete should form a principal feature of the education imparted. . . . I seek no quarrel with the Institution itself or with the men who have conducted it; but the system pursued has, in my opinion, been too one-sided in its scope, has had more reference to making speculative students and theological polemics than to preparing practical citizens; and hence its alumni and graduates have failed in far too many instances to draw that benefit, themselves, or to obtain that influence among their fellowmen, which a more liberal treatment and more practical studies could not have failed to confer.17 Of all these recommendations, Fornander was able to replace and repair several of the Lahainaluna buildings, to make a number of changes in the teaching staff, to see instruction in the English language introduced, and agricultural training extended. It was Fornander's successor, H. R. Hitchcock, during his term as principal of Lahainaluna, who is given credit for its transformation into a modern school, even though many of his changes were reversed by the inspector of the day. But the first clear vision of what the school could and eventually did become was Fornander's. The most visible result of his five years in office was in providing decent housing for the nation's schoolchildren. As a result of his first tour in 1865, the inspector found that of 238 schools, 97 should be condemned against further use. By the end of 1867, 49 new ones had been built and much of the repair work on those requiring major renovation completed. The report to the Legislative Assembly of 1870 reported 38 additional schoolhouses constructed. These were very plain little buildings, usually of rough boards. But they had watertight roofs, porches and floors, doors and windows, and benches for the children to sit on. They were painted or whitewashed, fenced, and located in as pleasant and convenient locations as the inspector could provide, with sufficient land for the cultivation of gardens. In theory, the parents of a district were expected to contribute toward their construction, but these

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promises were not always carried out, nor was proper maintenance always insisted upon by the school agents between inspection visits. Fornander had succeeded in persuading the board and the Legislative Assembly that the financing of education could not be left to the individual districts. Teachers in common schools were now paid fifty cents a day, with a small bonus for those with more than fifty pupils, and the women who taught the girls needlework and deportment received one dollar a week. These increases in salary and the long-overdue renovations frequently left the poorer areas without enough money to stay open for the recommended number of days and weeks. To correct the situation, Fornander urged that an educational pool of tax monies collected throughout the country be established, from which appropriations based on need could be allotted to the various areas. Though this did not come to pass in his day as inspector general, by 1870 there were special appropriations from the Assembly both to build new schoolhouses and to supplement the operating funds of needy districts. This demonstrated acceptance of the idea that every child's schooling is a responsibility of the central government, and that he is not to be penalized because of the remoteness or poverty of the particular geographic area in which he lives was perhaps the most lasting contribution of Fornander's five years of struggle. It remains, more than a century later, the basic educational philosophy of Hawai'i. The wonder is not that Fornander did not accomplish more to make his vision of Hawaiian education a reality, but that in the face of such determined opposition he was able to do as much. His two immediate successors, both sons of missionaries, began their careers as inspector general with great fervor, enthusiastic support from those who had opposed their predecessor, and the advantage of being professional teachers. The first, H. R. Hitchcock, survived two years longer than did Fornander, before he, too, was ousted almost as summarily. Only

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four years after his appointment, the Legislative Assembly turned over to the board four petitions from as many districts demanding his removal. By January 1877, he was inquiring of the board whether or not he should still consider himself inspector general, and by April his successor, D. Dwight Baldwin, had been selected. Baldwin's career in the post lasted almost nine years, before its unhappy ending. From the vantage point of a new and happier post, Fornander, the former inspector general, saw both his successors exiled in turn to Lahainaluna, Hitchcock as principal and Baldwin as first assistant teacher. And as a resident of the same small town, he observed Hitchcock's abrupt transfer and second demotion, immediately after a new inspector's initial visit to the school. Twelve years after Fornander left the office, the same conditions that he had tried to correct in the schools of Hawai'i were still the subjects of complaint. A new paper, the Saturday Tress (published by his young friend of New Era days, Thomas G. Thrum), editorialized in 1882 on the niggardliness of the Board of Education, headed now by Charles R. Bishop. It complained of the low value placed by the board upon its teachers' services, as evidenced by their miserable pittance of fifty cents to a dollar a day; the scanty and antiquated textbooks; the cheaply built and ill-furnished schoolhouses; the disgraceful level of literacy of the pupils, the mere smattering of book knowledge they attained, and the bungling manner in which they read and wrote. 18 But by then, the insecurities and contentions of life as an educator were long past for Fornander. His time of fulfillment had at last arrived.

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T h e quiet months that followed Abraham Fornander's tempestuous years as inspector general were a hiatus, a pause that gave him time to reflect on the past and to weigh his hopes for the future. When it was over, it was as if a new Fornander emerged, at the age of fifty-eight a much harder, less idealistic man, one who no longer hoped to change the values of the society in which he lived, or agonized publicly over its wrongs. From now on he lived in two worlds. One was the harsh, everyday life of business and government. Here he worked efficiently, competently, and with no philosophizing or theorizing, to produce the concrete results that one would expect from a single-minded, practical man of affairs. The other was a private world of ideas, to which he returned after his public duties were finished, sharing it with few of his immediate associates. There he worked with intense concentration to develop his theories, seeking out in scores of books and articles the facts to support them, and setting them down in hundreds upon hundreds of pages of handwritten manuscript. There is no record of where Fornander spent this quiet period, or how. But ever since the days of the Polynesian, John

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Rae's conjectures on the origin of the peoples of the South Pacific and their languages had stayed with him, crystallizing at last into the idea of writing a book on what he called Polynesian archaeology. So it is reasonable to assume that this period of quietude was devoted to the project. There were no libraries within two thousand miles possessing the materials needed to clarify his thinking or add to his background of knowledge, though he made use of what was to be found in the government library. For the most part, he had to search in books and literary magazines for clues to others that would be of help to him, then add them to his personal library. This was no quick or easy task, for the majority had to be ordered from England, Germany, or Australia, sometimes more than once before he got what he wanted. Friends also aided by searching for titles during their travels, or by sending gifts of books which they thought might be useful. Young Frank Damon, son of his old friend, the chaplain of the Seamen's Friend Society, during several years of service as secretary, interpreter, and charge d'affaires with the Hawaiian minister at Berlin, helped in this way, as did several others. There were a few books published abroad dealing specifically with the Sandwich Islands which Fornander was able to add to his library, including those by Jules Remy, Henri Jouan, James Jackson Jarves, and William Ellis. But to a great extent he had to depend on local sources, both written and oral. Fortunately, the Reverend Sheldon Dibble, a young missionary who arrived in the islands in 1830, had a lively interest in, and respect for, early Hawaiian history and traditions. While teaching at Lahainaluna from 1834 to 1837, and again from 1840 to 1845, he encouraged his pupils to collect and write down the folklore and customs of their society. Some of their material he used in his own History of the Hawaiian People, printed at Lahainaluna in 1843. Two of his students made lasting contributions to the history of their countrymen, and to these Fornander had access. Samuel Manaiakalani Kamakau wrote many articles which ap-

Abraham Fornandcr, 1861. (Courtesy of Lennart Gardell, Visby, Sweden)

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peared in the Hawaiian-language newspapers Kuokoa and Au Okoa from 1865 to 1871.1 David Malo's name is connected with two books with the same title, Moolelo Hawaii [Hawaiian history or antiquities]. The first consisted of materials collected by Dibble's Lahainaluna students, including Malo, who formed themselves into a historical society about 1835 or 1836. The results of their efforts were printed in book form in 1838 at the school, and appeared in an English translation in the Hawaiian Spectator in 1839. Later the volume was translated into French by Jules Remy and published in Paris in 1862. The second book, whose style and treatment were very similar and language often identical with that of the first, was published in Hawaiian in 1858. Compiled by the Reverend John F. Pogue, who was stationed at Lahainaluna from 1851 to 1866, it combined the earlier book with many extracts from a manuscript written about 1840 by Malo for the Reverend Lorrin Andrews, principal of the school. The first translation of Malo's manuscript and notes into English was not published until 1903, with a second edition in 1951.2 A third man also wrote a Moolelo Hawaii. This was Kepelino, who studied not at Lahainaluna but at the Catholic high school at 'Ahuimanu, on windward O'ahu, where, about 1868, he wrote a manuscript that became the property of the Catholic mission and was not published until 1932.3 There is some doubt that Fornander saw it, since its version of certain important legends is not used by Fornander in his writings. John T l also wrote of the old days. His accounts of the reigns of the first two Kamehamehas and the early days of the third were printed in the newspaper Kuokoa from December 1868 to his death in 1870. As well as historical events, they included much about early customs, traditions, and leaders. David Malo died in 1853, having spent the last twenty-five or thirty years of his life on Maui, and John T l in 1870. Neither would have been of any personal help to Fornander, Malo because of the dates of his sojourn on Maui and his death, T l because Fornander's name would probably have

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been anathema to one so missionary-influenced and orthodoxly devout. But he had many long talks with Kamakau and Kepelino, in which they elaborated and expanded upon what they had written.4 It is more than likely that it was during the quiet months of 1870 and 1871 that the two men had their closest contact with Fornander, probably on O'ahu, their home, since after that time he had his permanent residence elsewhere, with only brief occasional visits to that island. Both informants died a few years after his move to Maui, Kamakau in 1876, Kepelino in 1878. Though there is no record of most of their names, Fornander had long made it a point on his journeys to talk to as many old Hawaiians as possible, for he realized that much of what they knew had never been written down. Many of them would soon die, and with them their memories—a treasure of songs and sayings, folklore and legends, customs and traditions, lost forever. Fornander realized that he could not rescue them single-handedly, and also that some would never be confided to a foreigner. So he hired two, and sometimes three, intelligent and educated Hawaiians whom he paid for several years to travel throughout the islands, taking down from the lips of the elders, in their exact words, all they could remember of the past.5 More difficult of access were the sacred family chants and genealogies, known in their entirety only to the haku mele, master bards, attached to the high ranking ali'i of whose ancestors the narratives told, and transmitted orally through the generations. Fornander's access to this material may have been eased by his relationship with his wife's family, and by his warm friendships both with Hawaiian ali'i and with several foreigners who had married into chiefly families. Among these was Hermann Widemann, who had left his home in Germany as a boy of fourteen with a volume of Dickens under his arm, and who, like Fornander, had arrived in Hawai'i as a whaler. He, too, had sought gold in California, and returned to the islands to grow coffee. After marrying

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Mary Kaumana, whose ancestry included both the progenitors of the Kamehameha dynasty and Kaumuali'i, last md'i of Kaua'i, he went on to success in the sugar industry, appointment as an associate justice of the supreme court of the Hawaiian Kingdom, and achievements in other areas of government. Another was Arthur Brickwood, postmaster general of the country, married to Louisa Chu Chu Gilman, child of a chief and chiefess of windward O'ahu, and descendant of a mO'i of that island. There was also Frank Pratt, a government official whose wife was Elizabeth Keka'aniau, great-granddaughter of the half-brother of Kamehameha I, a close friend of Princess Bernice Pauahi Bishop, and a classmate of three future kings and a queen at the Chiefs' Children's School. Because of his trusted relationship as a family friend, doors may well have opened to Fornander, tales been told, and chants disclosed that were forbidden to others. Absorbed in his avocation and content to be at home with Katy after years of constant travel, the months passed busily for Fornander. He had long ago learned to live in the present, and to cast off worries and irritations that he could do nothing about. He had no fears for the future, for his self-confidence was firmly based, and he knew that he could always earn an adequate living. He might even follow his earlier dream and return to peaceful Maui as a lawyer. For the king under whom Fornander had served for six turbulent years, life was less tranquil. The reign of Kamehameha V had not been an easy one, and the stress to which he had been subjected, not only as a monarch but also as a Hawaiian and as an individual, showed its effects. Though his integrity was unquestioned, many white foreigners bitterly resented the king's nativist attitude and the contempt for many of them which his arrogant and coldly withdrawn manner barely concealed. But in spite of his best efforts, their power was growing, and with it racial antagonism, particularly of Hawaiians against Americans.

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There were also economic problems. Sugar had replaced whales as the mainstay of the kingdom, but the growth of the industry and the continuing decline in native population was creating a serious shortage of laborers. Workers for fields and mills had been brought in, mostly from China, under a hiring system that tied them to a particular plantation for a stated number of years at a fixed salary, along with certain minimal perquisites of food and housing. Its strict limitation on rights and freedoms caused some to label the system a form of slavery, and arguments for and against it divided both business and government. The pressure for annexation, which Lot Kamehameha and his brother had fought against during all their adult lives, once more threatened the future of the kingdom. During the Gvil War the flow of sugar to the United States, taking the place of that normally produced in the South, had resulted in generous profits for the planters of Hawai'i. But those golden days were past, and now they wanted tariff-free entry into the American market, in order to sell their product at a competitive price. Negotiations for a reciprocity treaty between the two countries dragged on and on, only to be defeated by the U.S. Senate in June 1870. The result was added pressure in the business community for that dread alternative—annexation. The king had experienced his share of personal tensions as well. He had never taken a wife, for though he once hoped to marry the Princess Bernice Pauahi and later, according to report, his brother's widow, both refused him. By 1871 he was a sick man, spending much of his time in a Hawaiian way of life at his Waiklkl beach retreat or his Moloka'i ranch, though neither this relief nor the efforts of Western medicine combined with that of the native kahuna appeared to be of much help. In spite of increasing ill health, the king carried on with the affairs of state, and on May 12, 1871, he announced a new judicial appointment. Abraham Fornander would become,

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once again, judge of the Second Circuit Court for Maui, Moloka'i, Lana'i, and Kaho'olawe. The term was four years, an appointment that was to be renewed three times. Fornander once more established himself in Lahaina. From the sea, the village to which he so happily returned still appeared to be an idyllic tropical retreat, and even ashore, a drowsy Polynesian charm remained. Lahaina stretched its hot, dry length for two miles along either side of a narrow road, deep in red dust, which ran parallel to the shore. The scattered houses along this Main Street (now known as Front Street), and the narrow lanes leading from it toward the mountains, were deep in lush growth and brilliant flowers. Above them arched huge sheltering trees, breadfruit and mango, kukui and kou. But signs of neglect were everywhere—broken fences and fallen adobe walls, dilapidated or abandoned houses, ragged and overgrown taro patches and banana groves. The collapse of its principal industry and the decline in population had taken their toll. Whaling had never recovered from the catastrophic losses of the Civil War. In 1862, the number of whalers calling at Lahaina dropped to only twelve, plus four merchant vessels. By 1864, the total was five, all whalers. 6 In the customhouse shipping statistics for 1871, Lahaina was no longer even listed. The final blow to the industry, and to Lahaina as an industrial and population center, came only a few months after Fornander's return. In mid-September, thirty-three whaleships caught by an early winter freeze in the Arctic ice, far to the north of Bering Strait, had to be abandoned. Only seven escaped, bringing back to Honolulu more than twelve hundred seamen, two captains' wives, and seven children, rescued from the small whaleboats in which they made their way out of the floes. Lahaina was a quiet place now, quieter than it had been for many decades—surely a haven for a man who yearned, he thought, for a calm and tranquil life. The house which became Fornander's home for all of his

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years on Maui was a big, rambling affair, surrounded with verandas. It was neglected now, but twenty years before it had been one of the most impressive dwellings in Lahaina, the home of the town's first citizen, after the governor. Henry S. Swinton, father of Katy's friend Martha—deputy governor, collector of customs, prefect of police, superintendent of public houses, harbor master, health officer, auctioneer, and general commission agent—was also a speculator. After having been warned once before,7 in January 1852 he was indicted and tried for embezzlement of public funds, but because of extenuating circumstances found not guilty. In repayment for the money appropriated, he turned over to the government certain of his properties, including the big house now rented to Fornander.8 It was well located for a man in his position, on generous grounds fronting Main, at the corner of Jail (now Prison) Street. A short walk in the direction of the ocean brought one to the courthouse. A few hundred feet mauka was Hale Pa'ahao, the Place of Confinement. This old prison, built in 1852 and surrounded by high coral block walls which had once formed part of the old fort near the waterfront, had seen turbulent times in the days of the whaling frenzy. Now, like the rest of the town, it lay somnolent and forlorn. Just beyond the judge's house on Main Street, to the south, lay historic Mokuhinia Pond, with its little island where the complex of thatched houses once stood which was Kamehameha Ill's private residence, in the days when Lahaina had been the capital of the kingdom. Behind the pond was Waine'e, the Protestant mission church, and the cemetery which held the bodies of Kaumuali'i, last mo'i of Kaua'i, KeOpuolani, Kamehameha I's sacred wife and the mother of two kings, and other important members of Hawaiian royalty and ali'i. A long block up Main Street in the other direction led one to the old missionary complex—a balconied, two-story residence and a storehouse with the Masters' and Mates' Reading

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Room above, overlooking the first Kamehameha's adobewalled taro patch and the landing beyond. Several lanes further on stood a cool, thickly walled coral-block building with long verandas, once the U.S. Marine Hospital for sick and disabled seamen. Now it housed the Lahaina Family School, also known as St. Cross, presided over by the charming Anglican Sisters of the Holy Trinity, Mary Clara and Phoebe. Here, in a happy, relaxed atmosphere that included fun, frolic, and pretty print dresses, Hawaiian and part-Hawaiian girls received a solid English education and a thorough training in domestic arts. 9 Only a meager handful of foreigners lived in the Lahaina area, aside from the resident clergy and the teachers at Lahainaluna and the Family School; a visitor of 1874 found but four white families, plus two bachelors and a maiden lady. 10 Fortunately the judge was of a sociable disposition and did not demand that his friends share either his race or his intellectual interests. From his earlier residence and his trips as inspector general, he counted among them P. Nahaolelua, governor of the island since 1854. This venerable ali'i, who had also been school agent for Lahaina and Lana'i during Fornander's term as inspector, was a man for whose ability he had great respect. Another friend was Peter Treadway, sheriff of Maui for the past twenty years and a fellow IOOF member. He shared his home with eight or ten orphans whom he and his wife were educating, in addition to their own two sons. A well-loved and much respected man, Treadway had never lived down the embarrassment of his 1859 "arrest" of the notorious buccaneer Bully Hayes, when, after a bibulous night on board the latter's ship in Kahului harbor, he had to go ashore without his prisoner, or suffer the ignominy of being kidnapped. 1 1 There was also the Turton family, with whom Katy had spent much time on earlier visits; Henry, after various vencures in whaling and hotel-keeping, was now co-owner with James Campbell of the Pioneer sugar mill and plantation. Lahaina also had its resident eccentric, the hospitable, half-

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French Francis Oudinot, whom Fornander had known for many years. Called "the Marshal," from his pride in the man whom he claimed as his father's brother, Napoleon's marshal of France of the same name, he was also a grand-nephew of Daniel Boone. His colorful career included fur trapping in the Rockies with Kit Carson and fighting as a Texas Ranger in the Mexican War. He arrived from San Francisco in 1851 on the same clipper ship that brought Sam Brannan, California capitalist and opportunist, who with his accompanying gang of rough gold-field cronies, was suspected of planning to overthrow the Hawaiian government—a plot that never materialized.12 Oudinot was supposedly the original for Mark Twain's Markiss, "King of Liars," in Roughing It, and for Charles Warren Stoddard's "pestiferous O ," great talker and descendant of Ananiases in the short story "The Palaoa," from his Island of Tranquil Delights. When Oudinot died, Lahainans awaited with fearful anticipation the last, ghostly visit they were sure he would make to his fields of sugar cane, which grew so fast its crackling growth had disturbed his sleep, to his famous grape arbors and fig trees, and to his garden which had produced twenty-pound beets and fifty-one-pound pumpkins. 13 Kate probably accompanied her father to Maui, but to his great disappointment refused to live there permanently. There may have been other reasons, but certainly Lahaina would have been a dull place for a girl in her early twenties, accustomed to the livelier attractions of Honolulu and the company of her contemporaries, especially since her father's official duties took him away from home so often. Among the close friends whom she did not wish to leave behind in Honolulu were her former classmates the part-Hawaiian Brickwood girls, whose home, like others in its nonmissionary neighborhood of Alakea Street and Adams Lane, was the center of a happy and busy social life. Louisa Brickwood was already teaching at Honolulu's Royal School on Emma Street,

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and in the fall of 1873 Kate joined her there as a teacher in the primary department. This successor to the Chiefs' Children's School was now an English-language select school, open to the public but limited to boys only. Fornander was proud of his daughter's career, but he missed her sadly even though they wrote to each other often, and he looked forward eagerly to the summer vacations when she always returned to Maui. But there was little time for loneliness, as Fornander's days on the bench proved to be busy ones. The 1870s were litigious times, when neighbor sued neighbor over trifles, in what seems almost an escape from tedium, and overzealous constables eagerly sought out lawbreakers in order to earn their share of the resulting fines. The police and district courts received the bulk of the suits, but hundreds of cases reached the circuit courts as well. During his first full biennium on the Second Circuit Court, 1872-1873, Judge Fornander heard alone, in chambers at Lahaina or in the various outlying places where he held court, 112 suits, plus an additional 195 probates. The June and December terms, when he shared the bench with a visiting associate justice of the supreme court, covered an additional 72 criminal and 12 civil cases.14 Until 1874 these terms were always at Lahaina, but then the law was amended so that in June of each year thereafter the judge and justice held court at busier Wailuku. The 1872-1873 case load was actually a sharp drop over that of the preceding two years; the reduction probably reflected a closer oversight of the lower courts, for many of the cases which reached the circuit court had been the result of appeals from errors made there, or from too severe penalties imposed. Unfortunately, a circuit court judge, though responsible for these other courts, exercised no control over the appointment of their judges. This was a perquisite of the governor of the island, who might or might not choose to consult him or take his advice. The experience of one H. Holstein indicates the quality of

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judicial conduct in some of the lower courts. Mr. Holstein, a storekeeper, sued a Hawaiian for an uncollectable bill. When he went to Makawao, where the district judge held court on the veranda of the home of one of the constables, he found that proceedings would be delayed because the members of the court, the policeman, and the accused were enjoying a feast whose main course was a liberal supply of chickens provided by the defendant. By the time the case opened, according to Holstein, the constable was maudlin with drink, and the judge so befuddled that he ignored all discrepancies in the testimony. The defendant was cleared and the plaintiff saddled with the court costs. But there was a happier ending: Holstein won the case on appeal and the debt was eventually paid, though some of the defendant's property had to be seized and sold to do so.15 Fornander was very stern with overeager constables who exceeded their authority, or acted illegally in their desire to make arrests. One such case came to light, involving his old acquaintance John Rae, when plantation owner August Unna of Hána entered a complaint against a constable who repeatedly invaded private property without warrants from the district judge. Unna cited an instance where the officer, acting on authority of a note in which the seventy-fíve-year-old Rae asked him to keep an eye during his absence on his apparently much younger wife, complied by spying on a neighbor's house to discover if he and Mrs. Rae were misbehaving. Fornander discharged the constable with a stern reprimand.16 The life and mores of the time are reflected in the cases that appeared before the judge. Many involved property ownership or division, and were tied to the land grants and decisions of the Great Máhele. Some were extremely complicated, involving hundreds of acres and in one instance several years to unravel; this was a petition for partitioning more than eight hundred acres of land belonging to a hui, association, of twenty-eight individuals, which took from 1877 to 1881 to untangle.17 As taro was important in the economy—the poi

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derived from it was the Hawaiian food staple—cases involving the withholding of water and the ownership of taro crops and land were frequent. Cattle, horses, pigs, and poultry caused much litigation. One suit over a disappearing hen and her brood of half-grown chicks went through six months and three trials, from the Makawao district court to a hearing with fourteen witnesses in Judge Fornander's chambers, and finally to a circuit court jury, before the accused thief obtained a verdict of not guilty. 18 Criminal trials held during the biannual terms and involving the joint action of both associate justice and circuit court judge, largely involved crimes of violence, ranging from assault and battery to murder. Yet the killings were very rarely premeditated, but seemed rather to be sudden explosions of rage and frustration. Offenses against the stringent liquor laws, especially selling without a license or selling to natives, were next in frequency. Sexual crimes such as adultery, fornication, and rape ran a close third, and it was as difficult then as it would be more than a hundred years later to obtain a jury verdict of guilty for the latter, even when a child is the victim and the evidence seems indisputable. Interestingly, the penalties for desertion by a wife were far more severe than those for adultery: a district judge might impose a sentence of as much as a year at hard labor for desertion, but for adultery a woman usually received a fine of thirty dollars or less and three months imprisonment, and the man sixty to seventy-five dollars and four to six months, with frequent acquittals on appeal. On the other hand, in the criminal suits that appeared before Judge Fornander between terms, sexual crimes outnumbered those of violence two to one; two-thirds of those accused of adultery, fornication, and illicit cohabitation were acquitted. Gambling charges followed in number those involving violence, with liquor law offenses a close fourth. Opium cases appeared not infrequently, both during the terms and between, as a result of attempts to smuggle the drug and also for

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illegal possession and selling without a license. During the 1870s and 1880s it was usually Chinese who were involved with opium, though later its use spread to other segments of the population, and it was not unknown for a young man of respectable non-Oriental parentage to become a hopeless addict. By the 1870s the problem of leprosy, known to the Hawaiians as ma'i Fake, the Chinese disease, had intruded into the courts. The first group of lepers arrived at the segregated setdement set aside for them on Moloka'i in January 1866. By the close of 1872 approximately six hundred had been sent there to die, with no resident physician, no provision for treatment, no hospital facilities, and with tragically inadequate housing, food, and water in the early years. Sometimes cases had to be dismissed or postponed because one of the parties to a suit had been sent to Moloka'i, or because testimony from a witness now residing there had somehow to be obtained. In June 1881 Fornander took time to write to his friend Rudolph Meyer of Moloka'i about a poor old Hawaiian widow of Lahaina who had been smitten with leprosy and would be sent away the next day. She had sold her few pieces of property, all she owned in the world, to Mr. Turton for $225, and the judge feared that if she took the money with her it would soon be lost or squandered. He had persuaded her to take only $25 for immediate needs, and to let him write Meyer to take charge of the rest, a trust he hoped his friend would accept. He enclosed four $50 drafts made out in her name, asking Meyer, who visited the settlement regularly as the official representative of the Board of Health, to dole them out to her as needed, or to keep them until from time to time she could send somebody to collect one. 19 Certain crimes on the way to becoming obsolete still made an occasional appearance in the circuit court, such as sabbath breaking, blasphemy, and the unlicensed sale of 'awa, a narcotic drink made from the kava shrub which was also used medicinally by native doctors. These kahuna, themselves cul-

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tural relics who were fast disappearing though their influence would linger on for generations, originally were of many kinds. Not all practiced the healing arts. Some dealt in sorcery or poisons to inflict illness or death. Others were experts in agriculture, carving, canoe building, or observing omens in the sky. Some took care of the sacred images and carried them before the chiefs in battle. But one large group did consist of healers. Among them were many specialists—bone setters and manipulators, herb doctors, experts in massage and physiotherapy, diagnosticians, those who relieved pain through prayer, those who attended women in childbirth, and others. Unfortunately, by the 1870s and 1880s many of the old and often very effective therapies, especially those using native plants as healing drugs, were lost or their use confused. Licensed native doctors certified by the government to practice medicine did exist, but many others treated patients surreptitiously—a statutory offense. The offenders when caught usually maintained that they did so free of charge as a neighborly act of kindness, with no claims to being either kahuna or practitioners of Western medicine. There were few if any complaints about successful treatments. But if the patient died, the would-be healer often found himself accused in the courts by the victim's family. There were eleven such suits during Fornander's first two years as judge, but after that usually only one or two a year were appealed to the circuit court from convictions by the police or district judges. Most of the practitioners who appeared before Fornander were accused of being recognized kahuna lapa'au, priestly herb doctors, and of having demanded money for their services. In some cases the sick person or his family were reportedly threatened with the anger of the gods if they dared to use the white man's medicine or sought the help of another healer. Invariably, in the Maui court cases, the patient had died, and almost as invariably the jury's verdict was not guilty of practicing medicine without a license, no matter how overwhelming the evidence as recorded in the transcripts seemed to be.

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The composition of these juries depended on the race of the persons involved. If Hawaiian, it had to be composed of natives only; if foreigners—the term applied to all nonHawaiians, whether Hawai'i-born, naturalized, or alien—it must be composed of foreigners. If one party to a suit were a native Hawaiian and the other a foreigner, it had to be made up of an equal number of each, unless all those involved agreed to waive the right to a mixed jury. The jury must consist of at least twelve men, but only nine needed to agree on a verdict. Certain types of cases required a jury trial; in others, it was open to settlement between defendant and plaintiff. Attorneys were a mixed bag. They were licensed to practice by the supreme court, and included many Hawaiians as well as foreigners. From the transcripts of the Maui trials, it is obvious that some who practiced had little formal legal training. But probably few were as frank about their qualifications as one J . M. Crowell of Wailuku, who wrote the chief justice of the supreme court that "as I am at this time out of employment, and expect to be until next spring . . . I beg to petition your Honor to grant me a lisence [sic] to practice law in the police and district courts of Wailuku and Makawao. I do not pretend to be learned in the mysteries of the law sufficiently to pass a very thorough examination—but if you would be pleased to grant my prayer, I . . . will promise if I can do no good to those who need assistance—I will at least bring no disgrace or dishonor to the profession." 20 There were no court reporters, but, according to the statutes, the clerks of the circuits included among their duties that of attending all courts held in their respective areas and recording the proceedings. But in the various trials over which Judge Fornander presided or shared the bench, he prepared the original transcripts himself, recording in detail the facts and testimony, and the relevant citations on which he based his decisions. These transcripts give one the impression of an overwhelming number of Hawaiian males who were lawbreakers. In one sense this was true, for they made up the largest single group

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in the population. But the 1888 report of the chief justice of the supreme court to the Legislative Assembly, covering the years 1886-1887, changes the picture somewhat. This report records the total number of convictions for crimes throughout the kingdom (6,622), broken down into various racial groups and the percentages of their populations represented. Apparently foreign males both native-born and immigrant, naturalized and alien, but not including Orientals or Portuguese, were by far the most criminally inclined. Almost a quarter of their number, 1,334 or 24.21 percent, were convicted of crimes by one or another of the courts. This was more than double the percentage for Hawaiian men, for only 11.95 percent of their total population, or 2,822, were so involved. Chinese males were a close third, for 9.28 percent or 1,583, were convicted. This count is not broken down by islands, or for any of the various types of crimes except drunkenness, which accounted for almost 30 percent of the total. One is left with the impression that, if the results of drinking, gambling, and sex are excepted, the people of the kingdom were a remarkably mild and law-abiding group. The Second Circuit was considered to be particularly difficult to adjudicate, probably because it included four islands. The judge's salary was set by law at $1,200 a year, in contrast to $900 each for the two judges in the Third Circuit of Hawai'i, and $1,000 for the one judge of the Fourth Circuit of Kaua'i. Abraham Fornander filled the position for fifteen and a half years. He handled alone, without an associate judge at his side, approximately six hundred cases, plus well over a thousand probates. None was of monumental or precedent-making importance, but he carried out the responsibilities they involved competently and honestly. No one ever accused him of being biased in his judgments, and seldom was any exception taken to his decisions on points of law. Probably no circuit judge before or since knew his geographical area, and the individuals who occupied it, more thoroughly than did Fornander, not only through his many years on the bench but

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also because of his earlier trips as inspector general to all the islands which it was his responsibility to oversee. And certainly no foreigner who ever occupied the Second Circuit bench knew better than he did the culture of the native peoples he served, their language, and the social problems that gave rise to their difficulties with the law. The judge made his constant rounds of Maui on horseback, clad according to hearsay in a long black coat and top hat, shaded by an umbrella, and, when the riding was smooth enough, reading a book.21 Eventually old age and rheumatism forced him to travel by express wagon, when this means of transportation was available. The horrible roads leading from one section to another of the 728 square miles making up the island precluded the greater elegance and comfort of a carriage. After 1879 he was able to enjoy the use of Captain Thomas Hobron's Kahului, Wailuku and Hamakuapoko Railroad for a small fraction of his travels, though this was primarily a freight line for carrying sugar; not until 1884 was the luxury added of a car exclusively for passengers. For travel between islands, or from one Maui port to another, there were uncomfortable, crowded little sailing schooners, the Annie Laurie and the Nettie Merrill, and during his first half-dozen years on Maui the accident-prone, schooner-rigged steamer Kilauea, jokingly accused of having scraped her bottom on every Hawaiian reef. Later there were her successors the Likelike, the Kinau, and the Lehua, whose schedules were so undependable that would-be passengers might be left waiting at the wharf for a ship that never arrived or did not stop to pick them up. This left Fornander raging at the stupidity of a government that sold the Likelike to a private company over which it had no control, and that did not insist on the right to one or two dispatch boats of its own.22 But generally ships were more comfortable than horses for an aging man with rheumatic knees, and Katy was much relieved when her itinerant father at last consented to take care of himself, promising to avoid whenever possible the long and fatiguing rides that had been part of his life for so many years.23

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I t was not his judicial duties alone that kept Fornander constantly on the move. During his years on Maui, he carried other governmental responsibilities as well, often simultaneously—president ex-officio of the tax appeals board, tax collector, registrar of conveyances, commissioner of boundaries, commissioner of rights of way and water rights, acting magistrate of Lahaina. Most demanding, and eventually most frustrating, were his eight years as acting governor. But before that appointment took place, other events of importance occurred, both personal and national. One of great sadness was the death of Kamehameha V. Fornander had traveled to Honolulu in February 1872 to participate in the elaborate Masonic ceremonies of laying the cornerstone for a new government building, Ali'iolani Hale, located across the street from the palace grounds on the site of John T l ' s Western-style cottage. This was one of the last times judge and sovereign met, for on December 11, his fortysecond birthday, death came to the long-ailing king. When Princess Bernice Pauahi, now married to the ambitious Yankee businessman Charles R. Bishop, rejected his wish that she

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become his successor, he had refused to name another and died without an heir to the throne. William Lunalilo, grandson of a half-brother to Kamehameha I, and a high-ranking ali'i very popular with the people, was elected king by the Legislative Assembly. He reigned only a year before he, too, was claimed by death. When the legislative body met in February 1874, presided over by Fornander's good friend, Governor Nahaolelua of Maui, it was confronted with the difficult task of selecting a new sovereign. The two candidates were old acquaintances of the judge—Prince David Kalakaua and Queen Emma, widow of Kamehameha IV. The dowager queen was a popular favorite, and when the vote was recorded as thirty-nine to six in favor of the prince, the waiting crowd of Hawaiians exploded with rage and disappointment. The mob sacked the legislative hall in the courthouse building, injuring several legislators painfully and one fatally; only the landing of troops from United States and British warships dispersed it. One of the first actions of the new king was to appoint Nahaolelua minister of finance, to serve in his first cabinet with two other old friends of the judge—William L. Green, minister of foreign affairs, and Hermann Widemann, minister of the interior—as well as with Alfred Hartwell of the supreme court, who became attorney general. In place of Nahaolelua another capable Hawaiian, John Kapena, became governor of Maui. The new king very much resembled Kamehameha IV in his courtliness, elegance, and quick intelligence, to which was added a love of music and a real talent for musical composition. But he was like Kamehameha V in his years of experience in government, his desire for personal authority, and his nativist tendencies. Kalakaua was much more devious and selfserving than either of these predecessors, characteristics which, when combined with his extravagance, his strong will, and his confidence that he could match his shrewdness and cunning against the cupidity of the foreigners and win, would have

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disastrous results in the years to come. He wanted men about him who would do his bidding, and was not fastidious about the means used to achieve his ends. Gradually the Kalakaua regime acquired a reputation for political corruption, which was exploited to the full by those who resented his increasing assumption of power and his efforts to strengthen and restore Hawaiian customs and traditions. But for the present Kalakaua was intent on consolidating his position and in counteracting any ill-feeling that remained from his defeat of Dowager Queen Emma and the ugly rumors of bribery that accompanied it. First on the agenda was a triumphal royal procession throughout the kingdom. The steamer carrying King Kalakaua and Queen Kapi'olani to the island of Hawai'i anchored briefly off Lahaina on the morning of March 31, 1874. Immediately, blazing bonfires burst into flame for miles along the shore and on the hills behind the town. Torches and lanterns illuminated the courthouse square, church bells rang, and a fleet of boats brilliant with the light of hundreds of torches, loaded with people singing songs of welcome, made its way across the water to the steamer. The king and queen did not disembark, but welcomed visitors on board, promising to come ashore on the return voyage. 1 The great day arrived at last. Very early on April 13 the royal party arrived at Lahaina on board the Kilauea. Governor Kapena and other Maui officials, accompanied by a great crowd of cheering people, were waiting on the wharf to greet the king and queen and escort them to former Governor Nahaolelua's house, where they were to stay. At noon the throng crowded into nearby Waine'e Church, which was filled to overflowing, to hear their sovereign speak, and that night there was a ball at the Turton residence in Their Majesties' honor. 2 Later that year, when Kalakaua voyaged to the United States to press for passage of a reciprocity treaty, Governor Kapena was one of the two intimates he selected to accompany him,

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the other being his brother-in-law, John Owen Dominis. Their efforts and those of the members of the reciprocity commission who had preceded them to Washington were successful, though the final agreement was not signed by President Grant until August 1875. The eight-year treaty allowed sugar and a long list of other items to enter the U.S. duty free, and granted the same privilege to a schedule of American goods entering Hawai'i. It made no mention of Pearl Harbor, which would play a large part in negotiations for later renewals, though the terms bound the Hawaiian government not to transfer any territory to other foreign governments during the period covered, nor to extend reciprocity privileges to any country but the United States. The same ship that brought unofficial word of the signing of the treaty also brought to Honolulu one of the two men who would do most to encourage Kalakaua in his ambitions for regal power and glory. This was Claus Spreckels, a German emigrant and California industrialist, who before the sugar planters had time to digest the news and raise their prices had bought up half the next year's crop. During the next three years he obtained from the cabinet council the water rights enabling him to dig an irrigation ditch that, together with another already under construction by the Hamakua Ditch Company, would transform the barren, dust-dry plains of central Maui into thousands of acres of fertile sugar cane fields. He had leased twenty-four thousand acres of crown lands on that island in exchange for a $40,000 personal loan to the king and an outright gift to him of $10,000. In addition, he bought from a private individual a half-interest in sixteen thousand acres. By 1880 his ditch was completed and, with irrigation, full plantation operations began. The very efficient management methods which Spreckels introduced into both fields and mill were something new to Hawai'i, and within a few years transformed the entire sugar industry. In the same year that saw the completion of his ditch, Spreckels persuaded Princess Ruth Ke'elikolani, half-sister of

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Kamehameha V, to sell him for $10,000 her claim to a halfmillion acres of crown lands, worth $750,000 at the going rate. Two years later the twenty-four thousand acres leased from the government became Spreckels' own property in fee simple, in exchange for a quit claim to the interest in the crown lands he had bought from Princess Ruth, even though there was some doubt about her legal right to dispose of it in the first place. Meanwhile, a bank, a sugar factoring company, and a steamship line were added to the Spreckels holdings. There seemed no end to his expanding economic power over the islands, or to the increasing debts owed him by the king for personal extravagances. The California industrialist reached the pinnacle of his power in the Hawaiian Kingdom in 1883, when he persuaded Kalakaua to appoint him agent for the minting of $1 million in silver coins, for a profit to Spreckels of $150,000. The following year the country was rocked by his efforts to bring about the establishment of a national bank with far-reaching powers, including that of issuing paper money. This attempt by Spreckels to complete his economic control of the kingdom was defeated, but it gave added impetus to the growing opposition, among businessmen particularly, to his power over the king and the government. The second influence in Kalakaua's life during this period was a man as eager for political authority as Spreckels was for economic control. This was Walter Murray Gibson, the adventurer whose arrival and exotic background had so intrigued Honolulu in 1861. By 1878 he was a member of the legislative body, by 1880 the owner of two newspapers, the Pacific Commercial Advertiser and the Hawaiian-language Ka Elele Poakolu, by 1882 premier of the kingdom. During the next four years he occupied, in turn or simultaneously, every ministerial post in the government. In order to achieve the political power that was his aim, Gibson was ready and willing to indulge the king's most extravagant whims. At the same time, this complex man was a sincere friend of the Hawaiian people, who ac-

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ceptcd him as their spokesman in the government. Together with Spreckels, he was one of the two men in the kingdom most hated by the business community. In the surviving remnants of Abraham Fornander's private and official correspondence of the 1870s and 1880s, there is little hint of these political complications, or that the kingdom was undergoing one of its periodic times of stress—this time with stakes higher than ever before, and players more skilled, or more determined. He was now writing regularly to Sweden: to his sister on Oland, to his cousin Johan Gardell in Visby, and to an old friend of gymnasium and university days, Erik Ljungstedt, a government official in Stockholm.3 As he remarked to Ljungstedt, he was an old man now, who no longer meddled in politics, and the subject was seldom mentioned. Perhaps he was more outspoken in his letters (now lost) to Katy, but his occasional brief comments to his Swedish correspondents were detached and tolerant. It might be that the legislature was notable more for noise than for sense, but its members were young in the constitutional saddle; in spite of much preliminary verbiage and friction, they eventually setded down to business and attended to the wants of the kingdom. As for the king, he was most tenacious of his powers and prerogatives—"some people think he is too much so." 4 The judge's letters were concerned instead with official business, with his writing, or with personal matters. Katy was never far from his thoughts, judging from the frequent mention of her name. He enjoyed her summer visits—and the small companion who soon began to enliven even more the big old Lahaina house. For in 1875 the widowed Emma Brickwood Fitzsimmons, Kate's old friend and classmate, had become Mrs. William Robert Buchanan, and a succession of small sons and daughters soon followed. Little Lydia Fitzsimmons, nineteen months old when her mother was widowed and almost four at the time of the remarriage, was given permanently into Kate Fornander's care.

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Until the end of the foster mother's life, her devotion to the child was so intense, and she clung to her so closely, that one wonders if she was trying to compensate for the loss of a child of her own whom she could never acknowledge. There is some evidence, though no documented proof, that such a child was born in 1877 to Catherine and the son of a prominent Honolulu business man. To keep the knowledge of its existence from the judge, the baby was supposedly placed at birth with a Hawaiian couple and grew up with no knowledge of her true parentage until long after the death of the woman who came so often to visit during her childhood, and whom she knew only as "Aunt Kate." 5 The child's parentage was apparently a well-kept secret. For the only surviving memories of Catherine Fornander appear to be of a handsome, intelligent woman of much dignity, probity, and almost prim propriety. If this birth actually did occur, it could have been concealed from the judge more easily than one might suppose. During at least the first half of 1877 he was absorbed, when free of his official duties, in completing and hand copying the manuscript of the first volume of his monumental work An Account of the Polynesian Race, its Origin and Migrations, and the Ancient History of the Hawaiian People to the Times of Kamehameha I. The fact that his friend Hermann Widemann had taken over the task of raising the necessary funds for the book's printing removed a major necessity for leaving Maui, allowing Fornander to avoid interrupting his work with any unnecessary trips to Honolulu. By the time summer arrived, Kate, restored to her normal health, could once more join him in Lahaina. Unfortunately, no letters from either one remain to throw any light on this period. Fornander's manuscript traveled seven thousand miles to Triibner and Company of London. The resultant book bore the publication date of 1878, and the share of the edition intended for Hawaiian distribution reached the islands in March of that year. This first volume of an eventual three was con-

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cerned with the hypothesis of an "Aryan" origin for the Polynesians, followed by a long passage through India and the Malay Archipelago, and thence into the Pacific. It was based on a comparison of languages, especially place names and numerals, and of traditions and mythology. The arrival of this first volume found Fornander hard at work on its sequel, covering the great migratory period extending from the eleventh century through the battle of April 1795 which made Kamehameha I master of the islands of Hawai'i, Maui, Kaho'olawe, Lana'i, Moloka'i, and O'ahu. Fornander hoped to complete his book before the end of the year, but added official responsibilities soon put an end to that timetable. Early in 1878, William Luther Moehonua, who had replaced John Kapena as governor in 1876, went to Honolulu to attend the legislative session as a member of the House of Nobles, and appointed the judge acting governor during his expected several months of absence. By fall this responsibility had become a permanent one. On September 8, 1878, Moehonua died while still in the capital city, and John Owen Dominis succeeded him as governor. Dominis, only son of a sea captain who disappeared with his ship on a sandalwood voyage to China when the boy was fourteen years old, had been brought up almost exclusively by his devoted but domineering Bostonian mother. Predictably, he grew up to be a mild man of no great force, and in 1862 acquired a wife at least as strong-minded as his mother. This was Lydia Pakl, sister of King Kalakaua and heir to the throne since the death of a younger brother in 1877. Dominis had been governor of O'ahu since the days of Kamehameha V, and more recently commissioner of crown lands as well. When in 1878 the king wished to replace him in the latter position, Lydia Dominis (now Princess Lili'uokalani) was deeply offended and demanded in exchange that her husband be made governor of Maui and its satellite islands, as well as of O'ahu. 6 Kalakaua acceded to her wish. Since Dominis would to a great extent govern in absentia,

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with his principal residence and duties in Honolulu, it was necessary to have someone on the spot to carry out the day-today responsibilities of the position. Judge Fornander was immediately reappointed acting governor. The first letter from his superior addressing him by that title is dated September 13, 1878, and he continued to hold the position until Dominis himself was replaced in October 1886. Busy as he was with official duties by day and his writing by night, Fornander was pleased to be interrupted early in February of the next year by a letter from the California Academy of Science. The secretary of its Oriental section, Dr. A. B. Stout, complimented him on his book and invited him to become a corresponding member. Along with his reply Fornander enclosed one of his few defenses of missionaries, a long newspaper article that had appeared in the Advertiser on February 16, 1878.7 It was a rebuttal to a book by an Australian clergyman, Dr. John Dunmore Lang, originally published in London in 1834 under the title Origin and Migration of the Polynesian Nation and reissued in a new edition in Sydney in 1877. Dr. Lang hypothesized that the South Sea islanders were of Asiatic origin and Malay race and that on voyages from Easter Island they had settled the American continent, thus becoming the ancestors of the American Indians. The author complained bitterly that the Reverend William Ellis in his writings about the activities of the London Mission Society in the South Seas had pirated his "discovery" of these colonizations. Fornander pointed out that Ellis' Polynesian Researches, published first in 1829 and reissued in several later editions, not only simply mentioned such a possibility without claiming any credit for it, but also had preceded Dr. Lang's volume by several years. He chastised severely the latter's attempt to tarnish the Reverend Mr. Ellis' good name, and his egotistical claim that his thoughts on origin and migration were "God's Thoughts," revealed by the doctor to a skeptical and unbelieving world.

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During the same year of Fornander's correspondence with the California Academy of Science, 1879, the king honored him for his first book with the decoration of Knights Companion, the insignia of the fourth class of the Royal Order of Kalakaua. His selection was approved by the executive council early in February but for some reason not announced until September 20. Thus he became one of seventy-three subjects and men of other countries upon whom this award for distinguished merit was conferred between 1876 and 1892. It meant a great deal to Fornander to have his work recognized in this manner, and he was obviously hurt by the cynical remarks of his friend Erik Ljungstedt, himself honored by the king of Sweden with the Order of the North Star (Nordstjarneorden), on the meaninglessness of such decorations.8 The year 1879 closed on a happy note for Abraham Fornander. King Kalakaua had decided that the simple one-anda-half-story coral-walled house which had borne the name 'Iolani Palace since the days of Kamehameha III must be replaced by another structure more in keeping with the dignity of the monarchy. On the last day of the old year, in elaborate ceremonies conducted by the Masonic order, was laid the cornerstone of the new building. There were three speakers— Judge Fornander, Chief Justice Charles C. Harris of the supreme court, and John Kapena, now postmaster general. The judge's speech was a statement of the essential religious beliefs underlying freemasonry, without which no man could legally become a member of the order or with any propriety remain one—faith in God, "The Great Architect of the Universe," to whom each was responsible for his actions, hope of immortality, and charity to all mankind. To Fornander, these were not mere threadbare phrases, but the very cornerstones on which his own life was built. 9 Another honor for Fornander arrived the following year, when in December 1880, after the publication of volume two of his Account of the Polynesian Race, he received an invitation from Sweden to become a corresponding member of the

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Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography (Svenska sallskapet for antropologi och geografi). This honor he attributed to the efforts of his friend Ljungstedt and to Elof Tegnér (grandson of Lund's famous author and lecturer), secretary of the society, and at this time assistant librarian of the Royal Library (Kungliga biblioteket) in Stockholm.10 The next year still another honor followed. Fornander had never lost his early interest in natural science and his boyhood enthusiasm for collecting scientific specimens. He sent to Ljungstedt for presentation to the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences (.Kungliga vetenskapsakademien) a collection of Hawaiian ferns and related plants. On September 24, 1881, his "extremely beautiful and well preserved collection of vascular cryptograms" earned for him from the academy the silver Linné (Linnaeus) Medal.11 It must have been considered a truly worthwhile acquisition to receive such recognition, though today neither the collection itself nor any detailed description of its contents is to be found. This award helped to make up for a disappointment that had occurred earlier in 1881, when Fornander learned for the first time that one of the most eminent anthropologists of the day had come and gone after a long summer visit to Honolulu.12 This was Dr. Adolf Bastian, professor of ethnology at the University of Berlin, coeditor of Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, and author of many books on the subject. It was a great disappointment for Fornander not to meet and talk to this noted scholar. Bastian was one of the founders of modern ethnology, an advocate of the theory that all ethnic groups have the same psychic disposition, and that this basic alikeness is the source of similarities in cultural traits, folklore, and beliefs. Differences in form exist, but only because of the effects of geographic environment on early societies, and of historical influences in later periods. It was during Bastian's several weeks' visit that Kalàkaua loaned the German ethnologist his manuscript copy of the

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"Kumulipo," a prayer chant of his family's genealogy and divine origin, extending back to the creation of the universe, the stars, the earth, its plants and its animals. This chant was one of Kalakaua's most precious possessions, and to his people one of the strongest supports of his hereditary claim to the throne. After having been passed by word of mouth from generation to generation by the haku mele, it was apparently committed to writing as early as 1856.13 The sections of the "Kumulipo" which Dr. Bastian was able to have translated became a part of his book Die Heilige Sage der Polynesier: Cosmogonie und Theogonie, published in Leipzig in the same year as his visit to Hawaii. In it the author compared the "Kumulipo" with similar creation chants from widely separated parts of the world. Bastian's book was soon added to Fornander's private library, and he took pride in the fact that during the anthropologist's stay in Honolulu the author was reported to have spoken approvingly of Fornander's writings, and that he referred to them more than once in Die Heilige Sage.14 It is a matter for regret that the opportunity to meet one of the great ethnologists of the day should be so narrowly missed, and for speculation as to whether an exchange of ideas between them might have made a difference in Fornander's anthropological theories. In the first volume of his Account of the Polynesian Race, Fornander refers specifically to the "Kumulipo" genealogies, though according to John F. G. Stokes, Bishop Museum ethnologist from 1899 to 1929, those he used differed greatly from the Kalakaua version. A present-day scholar who has made a close study of Polynesian creation myths claims unequivocally that from the internal evidence of Fornander's books the complete version must have been unknown to him. 15 Yet the preface to this first volume acknowledges Kalakaua as an important source of information, and though the statement may have been in part simply a formal courtesy due one's sovereign, in the light of the king's interest in reviving

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and maintaining the old Hawaiian traditions and genealogies, it may very well have been literally true. For his efforts included the passage of a law in 1880 establishing a Board of Genealogists of the Hawaiian Chiefs, whose principal duty was to collect genealogies, ancient histories, and early relics. He also organized a Royal Genealogical Society, with membership limited to those who could and would provide proof of their noble ancestry by presenting their name chants and genealogies in written form. Under the circumstances, one can only conjecture why the Kalakaua version of the " K u m u l i p o , " an invaluable source for the study of Hawaiian cosmogony and legendary history, should have been given to Bastian, a stranger, yet withheld from a knowledgeable and deeply interested friend. Though he missed meeting the German ethnologist, other events of 1881 brought Fornander into direct contact with a very different type of European. Because of the tremendous expansion of the sugar industry due to the effects of the reciprocity treaty and the successful development of irrigation, a far larger labor force than the dwindling Hawaiian population could provide was now needed. As a result, the government and the planters began to seek, more and more anxiously, for workmen from other sources. Great numbers came from China—8,422 in the four years between 1876 and 1880 alone—but it seemed wise to introduce some variation. Japan was closed as a source of supply, for after an initial group that arrived in 1868, its government allowed no others to follow until 1885. India was considered but rejected, both because of the unwillingness of the Americans in Hawai'i to risk falling into England's sphere of influence, and because of the complications of complying with English rules and regulations governing emigration. Small groups of Polynesians from Rotuma and the Ellice Islands, Micronesian Gilbertese, Melanesians from New Hebrides, as well as Pacific islanders from other areas, were tried, but the experiment was not a success.

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The planters were primarily interested in docile laborers, content to work long hours at low rates of pay in fields and mills, and with little ambition for independence or town life, or even to remain in Hawai'i after their contracts expired. But the Hawaiian government saw a need for a different type of immigrant as well; it hoped to recruit people who would remain in the kingdom to become stable and substantial citizens. With this hope it brought in groups of European contract workers between 1878 and 1889, primarily from three sources—Portugal, Germany, and Scandinavia. The smallest of these groups, but without a doubt the most troublesome, comprised two shiploads of Norwegians and Swedes which arrived in February and May of 1881, supposedly handpicked by Christian L'Orange, a Norwegian planter of Maui. The 613 men, women, and children who survived the miseries of the voyages were distributed to plantations throughout the islands, most of them on Maui and Hawai'i. The working and living conditions they found awaiting them were not at all to the liking of these contract laborers, most of them single men, and they soon made their discontent known to their employers, to the courts, and to their consul, as well as to the outside world through many and vivid letters to newspapers in the United States and Scandinavia. When these methods failed, they resorted to insubordination and strikes. That the government sincerely wished to adjust any legitimate complaints is attested by the fact that only two months after the arrival of the first group of Scandinavians, Judge Fornander was asked to investigate the discontent of the laborers with their food and other matters. Six months later, on October 10, 1881, the president of the Board of Immigration and minister of the interior, Henry A. P. Carter, once more called upon Fornander for assistance, this time to go to the district of Hilo, where the Hitchcock and Brothers plantation at Papa'ikou had been experiencing the stormiest times of any to which the Scandinavians had been sent. Carter's letter gave the judge full authority to have the contracts canceled by the court if he

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felt the immigrants had been dealt with unjustly, or to take any other action he felt to be desirable. But the laborers received little sympathy from the judge; he found their complaints without foundation. Even after further investigations the furor continued, to such a degree that a year later the government of Sweden and Norway felt obliged to send its own representative to inquire into the situation. This step Fornander considered quite unnecessary: the laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom were as liberal and its courts as just as any in Europe or America, and they were dealing properly and adequately with the problem. 1 6 Special investigator Johan Anton Wolf Grip arrived in Honolulu on October 1, 1882, and remained in the islands for ten weeks. He visited nearly all the plantations employing Norwegians and Swedes to observe their conditions of work, quarters, food, medical care, and other matters under complaint. The report he made to his government after his departure on December 18 gave little comfort to the workers. He felt that most of their dissatisfaction had its roots in the wages specified by the contracts, which were low compared to those paid on the open market. On his recommendation, the management of the Hitchcock and Brothers plantation agreed to shorten its laborers' contracts by one year, and the Hawaiian government made a minor adjustment on payments of food allowances for married women. 17 Few of the Scandinavian contract workers remained in Hawai'i after their terms of labor were completed. Many went to California or to the Pacific Northwest, and the remainder were soon absorbed into the life of the community. During the same month of Grip's arrival in Honolulu and the beginning of his investigation of plantation conditions, another caller, a highly individualistic one whom Fornander would come to know well, made his first visit to Maui. In August 1882 a new United States minister to the kingdom had arrived in the capital. President Chester Arthur's appointee,

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Rollin Mallory Daggett, proved to be a person of unusual contrasts. A man of wealth through his mining investments, and formerly Nevada's lone member of the House of Representatives in Washington, his crude eccentricities, originally assumed to suit the taste of his rough-and-ready constituents, offended some proper Honoluluans. It shocked their sensibilities to hear of a United States minister who on occasion greeted callers at the legation in shirt sleeves, his suspenders hanging, and his trousers rolled to the knees above bare shanks. But Daggett was more than a successful politician from wide-open Virginia City and the notorious Comstock Lode country, with personal habits appropriate to such a career. He was also a professional journalist, a versatile prose writer, a prolific versifier, and an accomplished and popular orator, with a broad background of knowledge in history and literature. At twenty-one years of age he founded and edited one of California's most notable literary weeklies, the Golden Era, followed it with a San Francisco newspaper, the Mirror, and later served with Mark Twain as a reporter on the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise. Daggett was a man of great personal magnetism, well able to adapt his dress and manners to the demands of any situation. He soon became a poker-playing, whiskey-drinking crony of the king, and a good friend of Premier Gibson and Governor Dominis. When Dominis and his wife, Princess Lili'uokalani, made a visit to Maui in October 1882, just two months after his arrival, Daggett accompanied them. Twice during the trip his party was in Lahaina, and no doubt at this time he met Judge Fornander. Their acquaintance was soon renewed, at what was a notable social event for the judge. Three years earlier the Masonic order had participated in laying the cornerstone of a new 'Iolani Palace. Now the ornate Italian Renaissance building was completed, its modest size and rococo style a perfect setting for the pomp and gaiety of Kalakaua's miniature court. Its first guests were the members of Honolulu's two Masonic lodges.

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So, on the night of Dcccmber 27, 1882, 112 brother Masons, in full evening dress and regalia, marched in a body to the palace and, after being received in its throne room by the king and by Governor Dominis, sat down to a banquet in the state dining room. The candle-lit glitter of the great crystal chandeliers shone down on glossy damask, sparkling glass, and royal china, the setting for an elaborate feast of the finest foods and wines. For the affable Kalakaua reveled in festive occasions, and this was to set the precedent for many to follow. On the king's right sat the American minister resident, Rollin Daggett, and next to him the judge. After dinner there were formal toasts, responded to first by Kalakaua's brothersin-law, Archibald Cleghorn and John Owen Dominis, and then by Abraham Fornander, followed by many others, alternating with selections played by the Royal Hawaiian Band. The evening ended with the members joining hands to sing "Auld Lang Syne." Then the king retired, and after a rousing chorus of "For He's a Jolly Good Fellow," and three hearty cheers, the brothers went their ways.18 The banquet with all its ceremony closed a perfect holiday season for the seventy-year-old judge, and he hurried back to Maui refreshed and ready to begin another of his official tours of the island in his role of acting governor. His acquaintance with the American minister, so pleasantly begun, continued and deepened. For Daggett soon developed an interest in Hawaiian traditions and legends, which led to closer contacts, to articles and poems on Hawaiian themes, and eventually to a book of his own. Following closely upon this December event came the coronation of Kalakaua and his queen, Kapi'olani. The king had made a nine-month tour around the world two years earlier, and his visits to the royal courts of Europe and Asia whetted his appetite for regal splendor. He longed for all the accoutrements of royalty that had not been a part of his own shadowed inauguration. A coronation would also, he hoped, enhance the prestige of the monarchy, and with it that of the kingdom and the Hawaiian people. The occasion was set for February

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12, 1883, the ninth anniversary of Kalakaua's election as sovereign. It was a tremendous event for the king, who planned for it all the dignity and ceremony possible. However, his enemies used the whole program as a target for ridicule. They condemned it as an unnecessary extravagance and denounced as heathenish and disgraceful the traditional Hawaiian dances, songs, and chants that were included in the two weeks of entertainment which followed the ceremony. What Fornander thought of it is not known; he was an invited guest and planned to attend, 19 but there is no record of whether he actually did so. One may surmise that he made the trip—it is difficult to imagine a man who so enjoyed a social event missing such an occasion—and participated in the festivities with his usual zest. Later that same year another event took place which was important to him personally. On September 17, 1883, at the Roman Catholic Cathedral of Our Lady of Peace, Catherine Fornander became the wife of John H. Brown, her father's old friend and contemporary, and the former brother-in-law of her friend Martha Swinton. Strangely enough, though the judge received a letter from Erik Ljungstedt written four days after the wedding, his reply contained no mention of the marriage or even of Katy herself, and her new station in life was never referred to in any later correspondence with this old comrade, to whom he wrote at such length and so familiarly. John Brown was Catherine's senior by thirty years, and the father of five children ranging in age from two to twenty at the time of their marriage. Though Fornander always punctiliously included courteous greetings to his twice widowed son-in-law whenever he wrote to his daughter, and entertained the Brown children during summer vacations as freely as he did Kate and her Lydia, one may assume from his silence to Ljungstedt that he was not overjoyed at her choice of a husband. Captain Brown, as he preferred to be called, from his position as commander of the king's little company of Honolulu Rifles in the 1850s, was a New Englander, born in Ips-

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wich, Massachusetts, in 1820. He had made his first appearance in Honolulu in 1840 as a seaman, and narrowly missed losing his life on the voyage to China from which John Dominis' father never returned. He had made one sandalwood voyage with Captain Dominis, and was slated to sail with him again on the brig William Neilson when it left Honolulu on August 5, 1846. But at the last moment Dominis replaced him with another man at a lower wage, and the ship sailed without him. After he left the sea Brown held various governmental positions; he was sheriff of O'ahu in 1858 and 1859, then jailer of O'ahu Prison, and at the time of his death in 1892 registrar of elections.20 Though sixty-three years of age when he married thirty-three-year-old Catherine Fornander, in properly posed profile he was still a handsome man in spite of a scarred cheek and an eye patch which he wore as the result of a gun explosion on a duck-hunting expedition many years earlier. The three Brown daughters, thirteen, sixteen, and twenty, and the elder of the two sons, who was about ten years old at the time of the marriage, may have resented the coming of a step-mother and foster-sister. The youngest boy, only two, was probably too young for such a reaction, and in any case, Martha Swinton—Aunt Mattie, as she was called by the family of which she was always a part—remained to provide a feeling of continuity, as well as to ease the new wife's adjustment to a complicated household. The three Brown girls and Lydia, as they reached an age to enjoy such occasions, became a part of the gaiety of the royal court and the social life of the town, its dances, horseback riding, and expeditions to the mountains and the sea and to house parties around the island. But not, apparently, Catherine, remembered as she grew older as a quiet, rather austere, but forceful person, to whom great respect was due because of her long career as a teacher (work which continued to the end of her life in 1905) and her lineage as an ali'i. A letter from Ljungstedt received on October 20, 1883,

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Catherine Fornander in her early twenties. (Courtesy of Margareta Fornander, Stockholm, Sweden) brought news of an impending event that filled Fornander with eager anticipation. The steam frigate Vanadis, of the Swedish Royal Navy, would visit Honolulu in June or July of 1884 on a round-the-world cruise. Among the company, which included the young Prince Oscar, second son of Sweden's king, would be one of much greater interest to Fornander. This was Dr. Hjalmar Stolpe, archaeologist, ethnographer, and assistant at Stockholm's Royal Academy of Literature, History, and Antiquities (Vitterhets-, historie-, och antikvitetsakademien). Each was acquainted with the other's work, and Fornander looked forward to meeting both him and his companion "Swedes of cultured minds and literary tastes." 2 1

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The judge received word from Dr. Stolpe that the ship would arrive from Tahiti about June 23, and hurried to Honolulu to meet it. He made formal calls on the commodore of the ship and on the prince, and from the day after their arrival was with his former countrymen constandy. One of Dr. Stolpe's missions on the voyage was to collect archaeological and ethnographic artifacts from the various countries visited. He was disappointed to find only a small harvest to take back from Honolulu, for, as Fornander remarked, already in 1884 there was little to be obtained there from private individuals. Even the collection in the National Museum (established at last in 1872) was very small; so much had been carried away by foreigners that Boston, London, Paris, even Berlin, had more to show than Honolulu.22 Many of the artifacts which Stolpe was able to collect were gifts, the greater number from Fornander himself. His personal contribution of twenty-five items included gourd flasks and bowls, a beautifully shaped and polished and obviously very old wooden bowl, a stone bowl and pestle, a well-polished antique-looking wooden spittoon with a handle, several stone adzes, shell armbands, a woven fish basket, a fly whisk of feathers, a coconut hula rattle, lauhala mats, and a tiny model of a thatched house. His most valuable gift was a leipalaoa, a necklace consisting of a carved whale's tooth pendant suspended from coils of braided human hair, an ornament worn only by ali'i, and kapu to the touch of commoners on pain of death. There were other benefactors also, among them August Unna, Christian L'Orange, and Princess Miriam Likelike (Mrs. Archibald Cleghorn). Some artifacts were purchased, a number from fishermen encountered at the seashore; others were found or bought on expeditions to WaimSnalo, or to the valleys of Kalihi and Waolani. All of these eventually found their way to the Ethnographical Museum (Etnografiska museet) in Stockholm, where they are still to be seen.23 Dr. Stolpe visited only O'ahu, which Fornander regretted, as he believed the ethnographer might have found a richer harvest had he trav-

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eled to the other islands to visit their ancient heiau, burial grounds, and battlefields. Only Prince Oscar, accompanied by two Vanadis officers and an aide-de-camp of King Kalakaua, left the island of O'ahu, journeying to Kllauea volcano on Hawai'i. While they were gone Fornander made a quick trip to Maui to catch up on official business. On their return the prince and his party stopped off at Lahaina, where the judge was happy to entertain them in his home and to accompany them to Honolulu for the remainder of their stay.24 All of the Vanadis officers spoke English fluently. So they were able to participate fully in the dances, dinner parties, and picnics given for them and for the prince by Kalákaua, Princess Lili'uokalani, and many others. A lü'au at Dowager Queen Emma's Waiklkl beach home (at which the prince alone, because of the niceties of royal etiquette, was unable to refuse the proffered delicacy of roasted dog) particularly intrigued them. Fornander himself especially enjoyed the dancing party given on board the Vanadis by the commodore and officers in appreciation for the hospitality shown them by their many Honolulu hosts and hostesses. The tasteful decorations, the incomparable and seemingly inexhaustible refreshments, the roomy deck space for dancing, the music of the ship's band, and the unaffected courtesy of his hosts—all charmed him. But in spite of all the efforts to entertain them, the young officers had found Honolulu boring after the more ingenuous charms of Tahiti, and were not sorry when, on July 10, they steamed out of the harbor on their way to Japan. 25 For Abraham Fornander, the Vanadis interlude was one of the high points of his life. It had been a great refreshment of spirit, after all the years of exile, to meet these men from home who treated him with gracious Swedish courtesy and attention, drank his health as a countryman they were pleased and proud to know, and shared his intellectual interests and love for literate conversation. But for the men of the Vanadis the visit to the Sandwich

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Islands was only one episode of many in their long cruise, which extended from 1883 to 1885. Fornander waited in vain, with longing and anticipation, for reports of their stay. More than two years later no one except the Swedish consul, in or out of Honolulu, had received a word of acknowledgment from any of those who had been so wholeheartedly welcomed. One short paragraph in Ymer, the annual journal of the Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography (Svenska sailskapet for antropologi och geografi) described in a few sentences the collections brought back by Dr. Stolpe. But no official narrative of the expedition was ever printed. It was perhaps as well that Fornander never saw the lively but somewhat contemptuous account of the Honolulu visit compiled from the notes of a young officer, Svante Natt och Dag, and published in 1887. The judge's last surviving letter, written in May of that year to Erik Ljungstedt, mentions Dr. Stolpe, Prince Oscar, and the officers of the Vanadis, but not the book. Neither is there any record of his ever having seen the description of the visit to Kllauea volcano included in the prince's privately printed memoirs, which mentioned his name. 26 Before the year 1884 ended, another of the Kamehamehas was gone. Princess Bernice Pauahi Bishop, granddaughter of Kamehameha I's eldest son (who preceded his father in death) and herself the last direct heir of the dynasty, died on October 16. Childless, her heirs in turn were the children of Hawai'i, for whom she placed in trust the vast royal family lands she had inherited. High on a hilltop overlooking Honolulu and the sea stands the school bearing the Kamehameha name and maintained by her trvst. Far below lies the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, built by her husband and endowed with his funds to safeguard her collection of Hawaiian and Polynesian antiquities, but grown over the years far beyond its original purpose. It was to Abraham Fornander that Mrs. Bishop's husband, immediately after her death, turned for help in the important

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task of drawing up her genealogy. The judge was on Moloka'i when the request came, and needed his Lahaina papers to fill in details. But by memory alone he was able to reconstruct not only the outlines of her descent for six generations but also those of Emma, the dowager queen, Kalakaua, and his own daughter. There was also the question of who was entitled by closeness of blood relationship to ride as chief mourner in the same carriage with Mr. Bishop in the funeral procession. Wrote Fornander to Catherine: "Strange how people are scrambling for A/«-ship, and connections now adays, that would not have been allowed 30 years ago." 27 Eight months later, on April 25, 1885, Dowager Queen Emma followed Princess Bernice Pauahi in death. For Fornander himself, 1885 was a comparatively quiet year. He even found time for such an unerudite pursuit as compiling a long nonsense letter to his friend Frank Pratt in the ministry of finance. From his long years as editor of newspapers that made liberal use of exchanges from other journals, Fornander still had the habit of snipping and saving bits and pieces that took his fancy. Now from his drawer of clippings the scholarly old man, patriarchal in his grizzled beard, chose a dozen of his favorite jokes, verses, advertisements for patent weight reducers, and other snippets that amused him. These he carefully pasted to several pages of letter paper, with a witty running commentary, and sent off as official correspondence. It was properly classified, for at the very end was the briefest of postscripts, announcing that certain board commissions had been received and duly forwarded.28 The surviving letters written by Fornander to John Dominis, in his capacity as acting governor, date from only this year and the one following. Those for 1885 contain some complaints— the terrible condition of the Maui roads, the do-nothing attitude of some members of the government concerning the needs of the island, the long-overdue inspection of harbors and landings by the governor and the minister of the interior,

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and Dominis' questionable charity in retaining a district judge whom Fornander considered unfit and untrustworthy. But in general the tone was jovial and chatty, with many personal comments, joking asides, and greetings to mutual friends in government circles. However, this comfortable relationship was to change in the near future. A break-/» at the Wailuku jail was the most exciting event of 1885 that Fornander was able to report to Governor Dominis. On the night of July 26, Maui suffered a terrible storm, apparently of hurricane proportions. Trees were uprooted, fences disappeared, houses blew down. In Lahaina, coconuts bombarded the roof of the judge's residence, and the next morning he not only harvested a crop of forty nuts on the ground outside the house, but also sixteen inside! At the height of the storm, burglars managed to bore their way through the heavy two-inch planking of the Wailuku jail into a cell used as a storeroom. Escaping by the same route, the thieves took with them twenty-seven half-tins of confiscated opium, as well as four hundred dollars in coins belonging to the jailer. It was a daring robbery, but as Fornander commented, in the uproar of the storm the whole prison could have tumbled down without anyone being aware of it, unless hit by the falling timbers.29 More importantly, 1885 saw the completion of one more volume of An Account of the Polynesian Race. Having attempted in his first book to prove by genealogies, customs, and legends the "Aryan" ancestry of the Hawaiian people, Fornander now turned for proof to linguistics, documenting his hypothesis with a 252-page comparative vocabulary of the Polynesian and Indo-European languages. It was the third and final volume of the series, the end at last to so many years of concentrated effort. With it ended, too, a sustaining avocation, a vital center of interest, which had given to Abraham Fornander's life a continuity of purpose and a glow of enthusiasm and energy that belied his seventy-three years.

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AN ACCOUNT OF THE POLYNESIAN RACE

I n Honolulu's Makiki Cemetery stands a marble shaft crowned by three sculptured books on which is carved the words Finis Coronat Opus, The end crowns the work, and the name Abraham Fornander. Certainly the three volumes of An Account of the Polynesian Race were to Fornander his crowning accomplishment. He was a man of commitment, an ardent man with a rare gift for complete involvement—this time with an idea rather than with the social problems that had been his primary concern in earlier years. His desire to search out and record the Polynesian past was the deepest and most enduring of a long lifetime of intense enthusiasms. Fornander had a double purpose in his writing. First, to prove the theory of the "Aryan" beginnings of the Polynesian race—a term that today has no reference to the physical makeup of a people, but simply means that theirs is an IndoEuropean language. Fornander, however, in his conjectures about a northern origin for the Polynesians beyond the borders of the Middle East and India, also used it as a synonym for Caucasian, in a racial sense, which is sometimes confusing to contemporary readers.

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His second purpose was to record the annals of the Hawaiians, from the legendary accounts of their arrival in the islands that became their final home, through the days of Kamehameha I's conquests. Those days were still vivid in the memories of men yet alive during the period of Fornander's inspector generalship, when he began seriously to collect oral materials. Fornander's interest in the origin and history of the Hawaiians probably began with the genealogies written down by Alanakapu Pinao's cousin, and with the accounts told him of the feats of her distinguished ancestors. Even more basic was a deep philosophic belief in the continuity of past and present and in the importance of a sense of history, which he wished to pass on to the daughter to whom he dedicated his books, as a representative of her mother's people. There is little doubt that this sense of history and interest in times long gone had very early roots, exposed from childhood as he was to his father's orientalist and historical scholarship, and to his cousin Ahlqvist's enthusiasm for the antiquities of Oland. Also, during his formative years at gymnasium and university, Sweden was experiencing a tremendous surge of interest in Viking mythology, folk literature, and early Swedish history, collected by scholars such as Raaf and Afzelius, and popularized by widely read and much-discussed writers like Atterbom, Geijer, the elder Tegner, and Fryxell. The puzzle of the Polynesians' origin and migrations had intrigued writers long before the days of John Rae and Abraham Fornander. From the journals of Captain Cook's voyages and those of later exploring expeditions, the accounts of missionaries, and the theorizing of early philologists and ethnologists emerged many conjectures about the past of these island peoples. It was a subject that interested historically-minded readers in Hawai'i, too, as Chaplain Damon demonstrated a year and a half after the Rae articles when he published in the Friend a a long two-part piece on "The Polynesian Language, Its

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Origin and Connections." 1 Its author was William Dc Witt Alexander, missionary son, graduate of Yale, for several years professor of Greek at Oahu College (Punahou School), and since 1857 its president. In his articles Alexander listed eighteen authors in addition to Rae who had written on the subject, summarizing the content of their work and the theories they propounded. He began with Dr. Reinhold Forster, who on Cook's second voyage drew up a table comparing fortyseven words from eleven Oceanic dialects with corresponding terms in the Malay, Mexican, Peruvian, and Chilean languages. Alexander brought the list down to his own day with the contemporary work of Brian H. Hodgson (whom he named as the highest living authority on the spoken languages of India), and J. R. Logan of Singapore, editor of the Journal of the East Indian Archipelago. Alexander marveled at the remarkable analogies which these last two scholars claimed to have discovered between the languages and customs of the Bhotiya race, believed by them to be the original inhabitants of northern India, and those of southeast Asia and Polynesia. Alexander's article contained good background material for a beginning student of philology in the 1860s. He reviewed the six groups of languages to be found in the Oceanic region: Polynesian, Micronesian, Melanesian or Papuan, Australian, Malaysian, and Malagasy. He discussed the three classes into which Asian and European languages are divided by grammatical structure. He summarized contemporary theories on the various waves of migration that swept through India into the archipelago, and eventually to the islands of the western Pacific and Australia. Whether Alexander's article inspired and assisted Fornander in his researches, or whether the situation was reversed, is unknown. Most of the authors listed are referred to or quoted from in the first volume of An Account of the Polynesian Race, and the theories they presented and Alexander summarized include some of the bare bones from which Fornander constructed the skeleton of his own hypothesis.

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Information about botany and zoology, and winds and ocean currents, played a part in the development of several of these early conjectures about the Polynesian past. But in Fornander's day it was philology and ethnology that were used most frequently to prove or disprove such theories. The two most popular conceptions, then as now, traced these Pacific islanders back to origins in either America or Southeast Asia. The idea of an Oceanic beginning, either on a lost continent or in New Zealand, also had its followers, as did that of the believers in either the Chinese or the Lost Tribes of Israel as progenitors. Fornander believed that the Polynesians who settled the islands lying in the vast oceanic triangle, stretching from New Zealand westward to Easter Island and northward to Hawai'i, first entered the Pacific from the Malay Archipelago. Basing his estimate on genealogies and Javanese history, he felt sure that this migration occurred not later than the first or second centuries A.D., though he conceded that it may have happened centuries earlier. The first major Polynesian settlements in the Pacific, he believed, were located in Melanesianoccupied Fiji, and when its earlier inhabitants expelled the migrants several generations later, they made their way to Samoa, Tonga, and other areas to the east and to the north. Various groups of them could have gone their separate ways at about the same time to different islands, or they could have progressed by stages from one to another. Fornander estimated that the first Polynesians came to Hawai'i between A.D. 400 and 500 and remained there in almost complete isolation until the eleventh century. Then new groups began to arrive from the Marquesas, the Societies, and Samoa, with travel in both directions continuing for five or six generations, when once again contact with the outside world ceased. Except for the chance appearance of shipwrecked castaways, some of them probably white, it was not resumed until the arrival of Captain Cook in 1778.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE POLYNESIAN RACE

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But Fornander was not content with Southeast Asia as the ultimate homeland of the Polynesians. It seemed to him that he could discern a faint trail leading back before the dawn of history, or even legend, to an origin far to the north, to an Aryan people who over the centuries made their way to the shores of the Persian Gulf, or perhaps into southern Arabia, and then into northwest India. Their original culture absorbed and replaced by the dominant Cushite-Arabian culture surrounding them, and their racial makeup altered by admixture with the Middle East's Cushite and India's Dravidian strains, the people who were to become the Polynesians eventually made their way southward into the Malay Archipelago. This they occupied from Sumatra to Timor and the Philippines until pushed into the interior and into the Pacific by a later wave of alien, warlike migrants. The first volume of Fornander's Account of the Polynesian Race was devoted to this thesis. He did not depend for support on speculation alone. From dozens of volumes he collected and sifted material—journals and accounts of travelers, explorers, and missionaries; books of history, geography, ethnology, philology, folklore, and mythology in many languages; dictionaries and grammars of the various languages of Europe, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Polynesia. In the theories that he developed from his studies, Fornander made no claim to have solved completely the problem of the Polynesians' origin. He did not consider that he was presenting direct and positive proof, and expressed only the hope that his data were circumstantial and cumulative enough to make his solutions extremely probable. The evidence of physical anthropology and radiocarbon dating did not exist in Fornander's time, and little or nothing in the way of archaeological excavation had as yet been done in the geographical areas of his interest. But lacking other proof, he felt very strongly that the folklore of a group, including its language and customs, offered legitimate clues to the connections or divergences between different peoples.

244

ABRAHAM FORNANDER

He wished to allow the Polynesians themselves to present the evidences and traditions about their origin and their past. This he attempted to accomplish by a comparison of languages, customs, and legends from various areas of the Pacific, and from the parts of the world through which the group supposedly traveled during its centuries of migration. Certain similarities of language he considered especially significant, particularly numerals, place names, and names of families, chiefs, and gods. He sought for similarities of nomenclature among the speech of various Polynesian groups, the languages of the Malay Archipelago, and the archaic forms of the Aryan tongue. Circumcision, burial methods, classes or castes, the tabu system of enforcing religious or political laws, the use of holy water, the divisions of the year into seasons, months, and days, the use of human sacrifices, cannibalism—these were among the many customs Fornander examined in search of resemblances. Legends played a large part in his reconstruction of the past, particularly those relating to the homelands of the Polynesians' ancestors, as well as myths relating to the creation, to the homes of the gods, and to other religious beliefs and symbols. From many different Polynesian groups Fornander collected variations on the themes of the creation of the world from a primeval abyss of boundless night or silence or ocean; its destruction by fire or water, and its reconstruction; the creation of human life, the introduction of evil into the universe, and the fall of man. Like many others before and after him, Fornander was struck by the resemblance of some of these legends to Old Testament accounts. Later scholars have accused him of naively accepting as Polynesian traditions the biblicized versions of certain Hawaiian myths given to him by the Christian informants S. M. Kamakau and Kepelino, as well as others collected or perhaps even composed by Thomas Clifton Lawson (a former whaler's mate who had settled in the Marquesas) which were actually nineteenth-century fabrications or adulterations.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE POLYNESIAN RACE

245

That he was not completely blind to such a possibility, and perhaps discarded on this basis others that were offered him, is attested by his reaction to a legend that paralleled the biblical story of an exodus from a place of oppression to a new and better land. It was given to him by Kamakau; he at first "inclined to doubt its genuineness, and to consider it a paraphrase or adaptation of the Biblical account by some semicivilised or semi-Christianised Hawaiian, after the discovery of this group by Captain Cook. But a larger and better acquaintance with Hawaiian folklore has shown me that, though the details of the legend, as narrated by Christian and civilised Kamakau, may possibly in some degree, and unconsciously to him, perhaps, have received a Biblical coloring, yet the main facts of the legend, with the identical names of places and persons, are referred to more or less distinctly in other legends of undoubted antiquity. " 2 Perhaps because he called attention to such biblical parallels, Fornander has also been mistakenly assumed by some to be either the source or a supporter of the theory that the Hawaiians were descendants of the Lost Tribes of Israel. This was not at all the case. He asserted again and again his firm conviction that the Hawaiians were definitely not of Hebraic or Semitic ancestry. The parallelism of certain legends he attributed to the fact that they were probably mementos of the past, modifications of tales acquired by the Polynesians during their centuries of exposure to "Chaldaeo-Arabico-Hebraic" cultural influences.3 Other similarities were in his opinion independent versions of once common legends, held alike by Semites, Aryans, and others, but changed by the passage of time and the diverging social and religious environments of the various Polynesian peoples. Moreover, far too many of the most important events of Hebrew history as related in the Old Testament had no traces in Polynesian folklore. Those tales existing in both that did resemble each other strongly were so comparatively few in number that Fornander believed it most unlikely that they could have been introduced on such a selec-

246

ABRAHAM FORNANDER

rive basis by wandering or emigrant Jews from the ancient kingdoms of Israel orjudah. 4 The Pacific Commercial Advertiser welcomed this first volume with a long and enthusiastic review. Though ignored in the United States, it elicited a respectable number of comments in the English literary journals. Only the Westminster Review was wholeheartedly enthusiastic; its short, unsigned notice marveled at the author's vast knowledge, so well digested and arranged, and praised his agreeable style. The Academy reviewer, S. J . Whitmee, a missionary to Samoa, was himself a writer on anthropological subjects. Fornander had criticized in his book an essay in which Whitmee put forth his own belief in the Malayan origin of the Polynesian race, based on the comparison of a number of words. Whitmee, in turn, was unconvinced by Fornander's etymological arguments, though he felt they should be considered deferentially, and praised the volume as a valuable contribution to Polynesian ethnology and archaeology. The British Quarterly Review's unidentified writer was also unconvinced and felt that what really needed to be done, to show the affinities between the Polynesians and other races, was to ignore etymology and concentrate on collecting and comparing the mythologies of the various island groups.5 But the Saturday Review was utterly devastating, an attitude that set the tone for the anonymous reviewer's reception of later Fornander volumes as well. In a sarcastic, tongue-incheek vein, he ridiculed both the book's thesis and its attempts to relate Polynesian words and legends to Aryan precedents, for he felt that the contemporary vogue of philologists to find such affinities had gone too far. His advice to Fornander was to use his talents and background to write a severely accurate account of Hawaiian social institutions and customs: then he might become the "Schoolcraft of the Hawaiians and win an honored name" as Henry Rowe Schoolcraft had done with his studies of the American Indians. This review did not

AN ACCOUNT OF THE POLYNESIAN RACE

247

upset Fornander unduly. He wrote his friend Hermann Widemann, who had sent him a copy of it, that ridicule was not criticism, and decried the writer's ignorance of the subject. As for writing an account of Hawaiian practices, did the reviewer not know how exhaustively they had already been described in English, French, Spanish, and German? 6 A further contribution on the subject by the Reverend S. J. Whitmee, however, really disturbed him. That clergyman, on a visit to England to lecture and write on Polynesian subjects, spoke to the prestigious Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland in June 1878. Though he made only brief mention of Fornander by name, the views he presented were decidedly in opposition to the idea that the Polynesians sprang from a pre-Malay race and that their origin could be traced eventually to western Asia. He also had little faith in a chronology based on legends and genealogies. The speech was reprinted in the institute's Journal, but did not reach Fornander in time for any effective rebuttal. He wrote young Frank Damon, in Germany, of his fears that the address might prejudice the members of the institute against his hypothesis. It was only such difficulties in communicating with fellow researchers and with literary opinion in Europe that made him regret that he lived in so remote a part of the world.7 Two years after the first volume of An Account of the Polynesian Race, the second appeared. By now Fornander was firmly convinced that the first Polynesians had reached Hawai'i during the sixth century from Tahiti and the Marquesas, very close to the time those islands, too, were settled. Some also may have come from Samoa, as was the case in much later waves of migration which occurred after an interval of several hundred years. He believed that linguistic evidence showed that the three variations of Polynesian speech closest in form to the original Aryan mother tongue were those of the areas geographically farthest away from their common source—New Zealand, Easter Island, and Hawai'i. He concluded also that the legends referring to a time before the Polynesian emer-

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CHAPTER 17. ''THE END CROWNS THE WORK' '

1. Fornander to Dominis, 3 February 1886, Kalanianaole Collection, BPBM. 2. Ibid., 5 April 1886, Kalanianaole Collection, BPBM. 3. Ibid. 4. Dominis to Franklin S. Pratt, 26 March 1886, Governor of Maui Letter Books, 1878-1886, AH; Fornander to Dominis, 5 April 1886, Kalanianaole Collection, BPBM. 5. Fornander to Ljungstedt, 9 June 1886, in Thirteen Letters, p. 56; Fornander to Brown, 23 September 1886, Kalanianaole Collection, BPBM; Fornander to Gardell, 9 October 1886, Etnografiska museet, Stockholm; Fornander to Ljungstedt, 22 May 1887, in Thirteen Letters, p. 596. Hawaiian Hansard, p.546. 7. Fornander to Ljungstedt, 17 July 1882, in Thirteen Letters, p.36. 8. Hawaiian Gazette, 11 January 1887; Fornander to Ljungstedt, 22 May 1887, in Thirteen Letters, p. 59. 9. Fornander's personal copy of N. I. Lofgren's Tjensteman, vol. 1, in the Hawaiian Historical Society Library. 10. Kuokoa, 5 November 1887. 11. Pacific Commercial Advertiser, 2 November 1887; Hawaiian Gazette, 8 November 1887; Kuokoa,5 November 1887. 12. A copy of the official printed program of the funeral procession is found together with the originals of Fornander's letters to Erik Ljungstedt at the Kungl. biblioteket in Stockholm. The account of the funeral as reported in the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, 3 November 1887, omits a few participants listed in the official program. 13. Hawaiian Gazette, 14 February 1888.

294

NOTES

14. Catalogue of the Vornander Library and Manuscripts, Legends, Chants, Meies, &c. (Honolulu: Press Publishing Co., n. d.). 15. Minutes of the Honolulu Library and Reading Room Association, 1 March, 5 April 1888; Annual Report, the Association, 1 October 1888; both in AH. 16. Harold W. Kent, Charles Reed Bishop: Man of Hawaii, pp. 219-220. 17. Abraham Fornander, Fornander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-Lore, trans., rev., and illus., with notes by Thomas G. Thrum, Bernice P. Bishop Museum Memoirs nos. 4, 5, and 6 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum, 1916-1920). 18. Elizabeth Coatsworth, Maine Memories (Brattleboro, Vt.: Stephen Greene Press, 1968), p. 145. 19- Selma Lagerlof, Charlotte Lowensköld, in Ring of the Lowenskölds, 3 vols, in 1 (New York: Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1931), p. 301.

GLOSSARY OF HAWAIIAN WORDS

Definitions are based on the Hawaiian Dictionary by Mary Kawena Pukui and Samuel H. Elbert (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1965). ali'i

Chief, chiefess, nobility, royalty. Piper methysticum, the kava, a shrub whose root was chewed or pounded, then mixed with water and strained, to prepare a narcotic drink used in ceremonies and medicinally.

ewa haku mele

Place name west of Honolulu, used as a direction term. Poet, composer, bard. House, building, hall.

hale haole hui

kahili kahu kula kahuna kahuna and'and kahuna lapa'au

White person, American, Englishman, Caucasian; originally any foreigner, or thing of foreign origin. Club, association, society, partnership. Feather standard, symbolic of royalty. School master, school supervisor. Priest, sorcerer, expert in any profession. Sorcerer who practices black magic, as praying someone to death. Medical practitioner, healing expert, herb doctor.

296

GLOSSARY OF HAWAIIAN WORDS

kapu

Tabu, prohibition; sacredness; forbidden, consecrated.

keiki

Child, offspring, descendant, boy, son, nephew, son of a dear friend.

kuhina

nui

Powerful governmental officer in the days of the monarchy; usually translated as "prime minister" or "premier," but carrying greater power and sharing executive power with the king. Ka'ahumanu, a widow of Kamehameha I, was the first to hold the title, after his death in 1819- The powers of the position were reduced by constitutional amendment in 1862, and it was abolished in 1864.

kukui

Aleurites moluccana, the candlenut tree, whose nuts contain white, oily kernels formerly used for lights and still cooked for a relish; the uncooked nut is a drastic purge. The wood was used for canoes and gum from the bark for painting tapa\ a black dye was obtained from nut coats and roots.

lei

Garland, wreath, or necklace of flowers, leaves, shells, ivory, feathers, or other ornaments, worn about the neck or the head.

leipalaoa

Ivory pendant, originally probably whale's tooth, occasionally stone or wood, later also of walrus tusk; the carved whale's tooth pendant, suspended from coils of braided human hair, was worn only by the ali'i, and forbidden to the touch of commoners on pain of death.

lu'au

Modern name (apparently dating to the 1850s) for a Hawaiian feast, so called because of the taro tops, known as 1&'au, which were served.

luna

kula

School superintendent. Portion, division, share; the process of division or

mihele

apportionment. ma'i

Pake

Leprosy; lit., Chinese disease.

makai

In the direction of or toward the sea.

malo

Loincloth.

mauka

Inland, upland, toward the mountains.

mele

Song, poem, chant of any kind. A word of post-European-discovery origin, meaning king, queen, ruler, sovereign; an extremely high chiefly

m6'i

GLOSSARY OF HAWAIIAN WORDS

pali pot puntdua

Waiklki

297

rank, but below those tracing their descent from the great god Kane, one of the four leading Hawaiian gods. Cliff, precipice, steep hill. Usually cooked taro corms or occasionally breadfruit, pounded and thinned with water. Relationship in which two husbands shared a wife or two wives one husband; also, a family linkage by which wives of brothers or husbands of sisters became related companions but without sexual privileges. Place name used as a direction indicator in Honolulu.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS AND ARTICLES

Aberg, Alf. "Abraham Fornander: svensken som skrev Havajiöarnas historia" [Abraham Fornander: the Swede who wrote the Hawaiian Islands' history], Världoch vetande 12 (12 October 1953):359-362. Adler, Jacob. Claus Spreckels: the Sugar King in Hawaii. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1966. "The Hawaiian Navy under King Kalakaua." Hawaiian Historical Society Annual Report 73 (1964):7-21. Alexander, William DeWitt. "A Brief Memoir of Abraham Fornander." In Index to "The Polynesian Race, " compiled by John F. G. Stokes, pp. v-vi. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication, no. 4. Honolulu: Bishop Museum, 1909- Index and "Memoir" also included in Fornander, Abraham. An Account of the Polynesian Race, Its Origin and Migrations, and the Ancient History of the Hawaiian People to the Times of Kamehameha I. 3 vols, in 1. Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1969. "Obituary of Abraham Fornander." Hawaiian Historical Society Annual Report 14 (1906):19. "The Polynesian Language, Its Origin and Connection." Friend, 1 January 1864, pp. 1-3, and 5 February 1864, pp. 9-12. Allen, Riley H. "Hawaii's Pioneers in Journalism." Hawaiian Historical Society Annual Report 37 (1928):69-103. Andersson, J. Gunnar, and Gunnarsson, Olov. "En ölanning pá Hawaii [An Ölander in Hawaii]. In Svenska öden i fjarran land [Swedish destinies in foreign lands], pp. 196-201. Stockholm: Saxon & Lindstroms förlag, 1957.

300

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Areen, Ernst. "Kalmar laxoverks byggnadshistoria" [Construction history of the Kalmar state grammar school]. In Storskolen i Kalmar [Upper schools of Kalmar], edited by Albin Roosval and Waldemar Swahn, vol. 1, pp. 101-168. 2 vols. Kalmar: Hjalmar Appeltoffs bokhandel, 1923-1924. Areskog, Carl. En bok om Oland [A book about Oland]. Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1941. Barrere, Dorothy B. The Kumuhonua Legends: A Study of Late 19th Century Hawaiian Stories of Creation and Origins. Pacific Anthropological Records, no. 3. Honolulu: Bishop Museum, Dept. of Anthropology, 1969. "Revisions and Adulterations in Polynesian Creation Myths." In Polynesian Culture History: Essays in Honor of Kenneth P. Emory, edited by Genevieve A. Highland, et al., pp. 103-119- Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication, no. 56. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1967. Cited hereafter as Polynesian Culture History. Baxley, H. Willis. What I Saw on the West Coast of South America and at the Hawaiian Islands. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1865. [Bernadotte], Prince Oscar Carl August. "Kilauea." In Vara minen [Our memories], by princes Oscar Carl August [Bernadotte], Oscar Carl Wilhelm, and Eugen Napoleon Nicolaus, pp. 1-16. Stuttgart: privately printed, 1886. Bille, Steen Anderson. "Extract from Steen Bille's Report on the Voyage of the Danish Corvette Galathea round the World, in the Years 1845'46-'47." Translated by F. Banning. Friend, 1 January 1863, pp. 2-3; 2 March 1863, pp. 18-20; 1 May 1863, pp. 34-35. Billing, Gottfrid. Biskopen M. M. Ebbe Gustaf Bring och nagra minnesblad [Bishop M. M. Ebbe Gustaf Bring and some pages of memory]. Lund: C. W. K. Gleerups forlag, 1886. "Biografie" [of the Reverend Anders Fornander], Calmar stifts-tidningar, no. 11 (29 November 1828); no. 12 (31 December 1828). "Biography of Rev. Anders Fornander, D. D." Translated by. L. M. Vetlesen from Officials of the Parishes and Institutions of Learning in the Diocese of Kalmar, from Ancient until the Present Times, 1836. Hawaiian Historical Society Annual Report 14 (1906):20-22. Bird, Isabella L. Six Months among the Palm Groves, Coral Reefs, and Volcanoes of the Sandwich Islands. London: John Murray, 1875. Reprinted as Six Months in the Sandwich Islands. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press for Friends of the Library of Hawaii, 1966. Bissell, Clifford H. "The French Language Press in California," part 2. California Historical Society Quarterly 39 (June 1960):l4l-173. Bjorck, Staffan. "Olandsforskaren Abraham Ahlqvist: nigra anteckningar

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till hans biografi" [Oland's antiquarian Abraham Ahlqvist: some notes for his biography]. Kalmar nations skriftserie 16 (1939):7-31. Borgwall, Manne. "Hur man levde i Kalmar pa 1830-talet: nagra ogonblicksbilder, hamtade ur gulnade papper" [How they lived in Kalmar in the 1830s: some glimpses, collected from paper yellowed with age]. In Kalmar i minnets skimmer [Kalmar in the glow of memory], pp. 77-81. Kalmar: Hjalmar Appeltofts bokhandel, 1954. Borjeson, Bertil. "Abraham Fornander, ett markligt olandskt livsode" [Abraham Fornander, a remarkable Olandish life story]. Kalmar nations skriftserie 36 (1959):6l-77. Brown, Malcolm. Reminiscences of a Pioneer Kauai Family, with References and Anecdotes of Early Honolulu. Honolulu: Thomas McVeagh, 1918. Carlzon, Lars. "Prastsonen fran Oland som blev folkuppfostrare pa Hawaji" [The clergyman's son from Oland who became the educator of Hawaii's people], Ute och hemma: tidning for svenskt sjofolk 28, no. 13 (Christmas 1955): 19-23. Castle, William R. life of Samuel Northrup Castle. Honolulu: privately printed, I960. Catalogue of the fornander Library and Manuscripts, Legends, Chants, Meles, &c. Honolulu: Press Publishing Co., n. d. A Century in Hawaii, 1859-1959• Honolulu: Sisters of the Sacred Hearts, 1959. Chinen, Jon J. The Great Mahele: Hawaii's Land Division of 1848. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1958. Clark, Albion; Borthwick, William; and Costa, Carol. 128 Years of Odd Fellowship in Hawaii. Honolulu: Excelsior Lodge no. 1, IOOF, 1974. Clark, T. Blake. "Honolulu's Streets." Hawaiian Historical Society Papers, no. 20, pp. 4-25. Honolulu: Hawaiian Historical Society, 1939Clemens, Samuel Langhorne. Mark Twain, Business Man. Edited by Samuel Charles Webster. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1946. Conde, Jesse C. Narrow Gauge in a Kingdom: The Hawaiian Railroad Company, 1878-1897. Felton, Cal.: Glenwood Publishers, 1971. Damon, Ethel M. Father Bond of Kohala: A Chronicle of Pioneer Life in Hawaii. Honolulu: The Friend, 1927. Koamalu: A Story of Pioneers on Kauai and of What They Built in That Island Garden. 2 vols. Honolulu: privately printed, 1931. Samuel Chenery Damon: Chaplain and Friend of Seamen, Historian-Traveler-Diplomat, Doctor of Divinity, Journalist, Genial Companion, Genealogist. Honolulu: Hawaiian Mission Children's Society, 1966. "The 'Seamen's Bethel' in Honolulu." Friend, June 1933, pp. 124-131.

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Davis, Eleanor H., and Davis, Call D. Norwegian Labor in Hawaii—the Norse Immigrants. Honolulu: University of Hawaii, Industrial Relations Center, 1962. Daws, Alan Gavan. "Honolulu—the First Century: Influences in the Development of the Town to 1876." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawaii, 1966. Microfilm-xerography facsimile. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1972. Dutton, Meiric K. Henry M. Whitney: Pioneer Printer-Publisher and Hawaii's First Postmaster. Honolulu: Loomis House Press—Hale Pai o Lumiki, 1955. Egerström, Carl Axel. Borta är bra, men hemma är b'dst: ber'dttelse om en fard till Ostindien, Nordamerika, Kalifornien, Sandwichöarna och Australien ären 1852-1857, i sammandrag efter under resan förda enteckningar [Away is fine, but home is best: narrative of a trip to the East Indies, North America, California, the Sandwich Islands and Australia during the years 1852-1857, a summary based on sketches made during the journey]. Stockholm: Albert Bonniers förlag, 1859Ek, Bror. "Gärdslösa socken" [Gärdslösa parish]. In Svensk statistisktopografisk uppslagsbok [Swedish statistical-topographical encyclopedia], edited by Sigurd Erixon, vol. 4, pp. 194-199- Uddevalla: Olof Ericson bokförlaget, 1959Ekelöf, Adolf. Ett är i Stilla haftet: reseminnen ftran Patagonien, Chili, Peru, Californien, Britiska Columbia och Oceanien [One year in the Pacific Ocean: travel memories of Patagonia, Chile, Peru, California, British Columbia and Oceania]. Stockholm: Lith. Art. Anstalt 72. Emerson, Nathaniel B. "The Honolulu Fort." Hawaiian Historical Society Annual Report 8 (1900): 11-25. Emory Kenneth P. "Origin of the Hawaiians." Journal of the Polynesian Society 68, no. 1 (March 1959): 29-35. Engström, Sten. "Esaias Lindwalls almanacka: en Kalmar-student i Uppsala 1833" [Esaias Lindwall's diary: a Kalmar student at Uppsala 1833]Kalmar nations skriptserie 23 (1946): 19-35Engström, Th. Öland, dess historia, land och folk [Öland, its history, countryside and people], Kalmar: A. Peterson & söner boktryckeri, 1903. Feher, Joseph, comp. Hawaii: A Pictorial History. Text by Edward Joesting and O. A. Bushneil. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication, no. 58. Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1969. Finney, Ben R. "New Perspectives on Polynesian Voyaging." In Polynesian Culture History, pp. 141-166. Fornander, Abraham. Abraham Fornander: Thirteen Letters to Erik Ljungstedt. Edited by Christian Callmer. Kungl. humanistiska vetenskapssamfundet, Scripta Minora studier 1972-1973, no. 2. Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1973. Original letters in Kungl. biblioteket, Stockholm.

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An Account of the Polynesian Race, Its Origin and Migrations, and the Ancient History of the Hawaiian People to the Times of Kamehameha I, 3 vols., 1878-1885. New ed. (3 vols, in 1), including Index to "The Polynesian Race, " comp. John F. G. Stokes, 1909- Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1969Pomander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-Lore: The Hawaiian Account of Their Islands and Origin of Their Race with the Traditions of Their Migrations, &c. As Gatheredfrom Original Sources. Translated, revised, and illustrated with notes by Thomas G. Thrum. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Memoirs, nos. 4, 5, and 6. Honolulu: Bishop Museum, 1916-1920. "Hawaiian Names of Relationships, etc. (in Reply to Ren. [sic] C. M. Hyde)." Hawaiian Annual, 1885, pp. 46-53. , ed. "He mau ui no ka pae aina o Hawaii" [Some questions on the Hawaiian Islands]. In Olelo hoa kaka [Words of explanation]. [Honolulu], 1867. . Selections from Pomander's "Hawaiian Antiquities and FolkLore. " Edited by Samuel H. Elbert and illustrated by Jean Chariot. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1959"Story of Kahahana." Hawaiian Historial Society Annual Report 14 (1906): 14-18. "The Volcano!" Hawaiian Gazette, 29 April 1868. Forsstrand, Carl. "Abraham Fornander." In Svenska lyckoriddare i frammande lander [Swedish soldiers of fortune in distant lands], pp. 97-103. Stockholm: Hugo Gebers forlag, 1916. "Carl Axel Egerstrdm." In Svenska lyckoriddare i frammande lander, pp. 62-69. Frear, Walter F. "Hawaiian Statute Law." Hawaiian Historical Society Annual Report 13 (1905): 15-61. Gardslosa: en sockenbeskrivning. [Gardslosa: a parish description]. Kalmar: Gardslosa fornminnesforening, 1966. Gilman, Gorham D. "1848—Honolulu As It Is: Notes for Amplification." Edited by Jean S. Sharpless and Richard A. Greer. Hawaiian Journal of History 4 (1970): 105-156. "Honolulu and Its Suburbs in the Latter Forties: Recorded Impressions of Early Honolulu, As Recovered from Papers Sent Home at the Time.." Hawaiian Annual, 1909, pp. 118-128. "Streets of Honolulu in the Early Forties." Hawaiian Annual, 1904, pp. 74-101. . "The Streets of Honolulu in the Early Forties." Hawaiian Annual, 1909, pp. 83-91. Green, R. C. "The Immediate Origins of the Polynesians." In Polynesian Culture History, pp. 215-240.

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DOCUMENTS AND MANUSCRIPTS

Goteborg Landsarkivet. Husforhorslangder, Prastgarden, Kalf forsamling, Alvsborg lan. [Household examination rolls, rectory, Kalv parish, Alvsborg adminstrative district]; travel permit for Eva Foenander, 8 October 1825, no. 705. Honolulu Bernice P. Bishop Museum Library. Fornander Collection; Kalanianaole Collection. Hawaiian Historical Society Library. "Steen Bille's Report of the Corvette Galathea Around the World in the Years 1845, '46, and '47." Translated from W. v. Rosen's German edition, 1852. Typescript. Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Library. William DeWitt Alexander Collection; American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and members of the Sandwich Islands Mission, correspondence between (xeroxed copies of originals from the Houghton Library, Harvard University); Elias Bond, Letters to the Hawaiian Board, 1864-1872;

312

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Samuel N. Castle Collection; Titus and Fidelia Coan Letters, vol. 5, 1861-1872; Samuel Chenery Damon Papers; Wilcox Collection. Charles W. Kenn Collection. Fornander Papers, (Pinao Alanakapu genealogies and other Fornander material). Punahou School Archives, Cooke Library. Board of Trustees, Oahu College. Secretary's Records, 1864-1888. Sacred Hearts Convent School Archives. "Noms et prénoms des élèves de 1'external, avec les dates de leur entrée et de leur sortie, depuis la fondation 1859, Fort Street Catholic School." State Archives of Hawaii. Courts. Letters of the Second Judicial Circuit, 1864, 1871-1886; probates of wills. Emma Collection. Nylen-Altman Papers. Governor of Maui Letter Books (outgoing), 1878-1886. Harbor Master's Records. Journal of William Paty, January 1842January 1845; lists of ships entering and leaving the harbor. Honolulu Library and Reading Room Association. Annual Report, 1888; Minute Book, March-April 1888. Pinao Brickwood Houston Collection. Board of Immigration and Naturalization. Minute Book, 1879-1899; Naturalization Book, 1846-1847; passenger lists, 1849. Interior Department. Letter Books (outgoing), 1845, 1881. Kalanianaole Collection. Privy Council. Minute Book, 1859-1872. Department of Public Instruction. Board of Education Minute Books, 1864-1887; Inspector General's reports on each island, 1865-1870; Letter Books (outgoing), 1864-1887; letters received, folders filed by island, 1865-1870; "Memorial Concerning Inspector General," 8 December 1870, document no. 8. Hamilton Library, University of Hawaii. Hawaiian Collection. "Trip of H[ezekiah] R. Geiger, Springfield, Ohio, 1874." Typescript. Also in Hawaiian Historical Society Library. Kalmar Stagneliusskolan arkivet. Examens katalog vid slutet av host terminen âr 1823 för rector's class uti Calmar högre lärdoms skola; Examens katalog vid slutet av vär terminen âr 1824 [Examination ratings at the end of the fall term 1823 and spring term 1824 of the headmaster's class of Kalmar upper academic school]. Letters of the Reverend Anders Fornander to the Reverend Abraham Ahlqvist, 1823-1824. Matrikel pâ de vid Calmar högre lärdoms skola och lägre apologist skola

BIBLIOGRAPHY

313

intagne lärjungar, 2 September 1822 [Register of students enrolled in the Kalmar upper academic School and the lower apologist School]. lahaina Pioneer Mill Company. Hawaiian Government Survey Map of Lahaina, 1884. Surveyed and drawn by S. E. Bishop. Lund Dr. Christian Callmer Collection. Personal memoirs of Ebba Lagström Callmer. Universitets biblioteket. Kalmar nations inscrivnings-matrikel, 6 October12 October 1831 [Kalmar nation's enrollment register]; letter from Fornander to Esaias Tegner, 20 January 1883. New Bedford Free Public Library. Melville Whaling Room. Ann Alexander, 1841-1845: Logbook; Whalemen's Shipping Paper. Stockholm Etnografiska museet. Two letters from Abraham Fornander to [Lars Theodor Johan] Gardell, 1885, 1886; samlade Vanadis, vol. 2, catalog 38, 1887-1888 [Catalog of the Vanadis Collection], Kungl. biblioteket. Letters of Abraham Fornander to Erik Ljungstedt, 1876-1887. Kungl. krigsarkivet. Flottans pensionskassas arkiv. Verificationer till huvudböckerna, enka- och gratial fonden [Naval pension fund. Receipts for general ledgers, ordinary and relief payments fund]; passport fees, 22 April-27 July 1830. Kungl. svenska vetenskapsakademiens bibliotek. Draft of letter from E. E. Nordenskjöld to Fornander, 24 September 1881. Uppsala Universitets biblioteket. Rectore, 30 October-21 November 1828 [Vicechancellor's enrollment register]; letter, Fornander to Gabriel Marklin, 16 December 1829. Vadstena Landsarkivet. Forsämlingsbok, Gärdslösa församling, Kalmar län och stift. Längd för födde, vigde, döde samt in- och utflyttnings-längder [Parish book, Gärdslösa parish, Kalmar administrative district and diocese. Register of births, marriages, deaths as well as arrivals and departures], Stadsförsamlingsbok, Enkefru An. B. Foenander, Kalmar stadsförsamling, 1818-1827 [Town parish book, Widow An. B. Foenander, Kalmar town parish].

314

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Wailuku Second Judicial Circuit. Inactive transcripts of court proceedings, 1864, 1871-1887. Washington, D. C. National Archives. Record group 36. Crew list of the Ann Alexander, 1 October 1841.

INDEX

Äbrandt, Anna. See Fornander, Mrs. Jöns Academy, 246, 250, 252, 260, 261 Account of the Polynesian Race, Its Origin and Migrations, 220-221, 223, 225, 238, 239-240, 241, 243-247, 249-250, 252-254, 257-264 Ahlquist, Abraham, 9, 17-18, 19, 240 'Ahuimanu School, 198 Alanakapu Kauapinao. See Fornander, Mrs. Abraham Alexander, William D . , 241, 257, 261, 276; "The Polynesian Language, Its Origin and Connections," 240-241 Alexander Liholiho. See Kamehameha IV Ali'iolani Hale, 112, 214 Allen, Elisha, 75, 79 Alpha, pseud. See Fornander, Abraham Atta California, 76-77 American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 179, 183, 191. See also Hawaiian Evangelical Association; Lahainaluna Seminary; Sandwich Islands Mission American Missionary Association, 183 American Seamen's Friend Society, 196 Andersson, N . J . , 70 Andrews, Rev. Lorrin, 146 Ann Alexander (ship), 38-39, 40-42, 43, 44-45 Annexation to U. S., 75, 92, 201 Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 247 Argus. See Weekly Argus Annstrong, Rev. Richard, 54, 68 , 73, 74, 82, 85, 87-88, 96, 109 Athenaeum, 250, 252, 261

Atlantic Monthly, 252 Au Okoa, 198 Baldwin, D. Dwight, 194 Bastian, Dr. Adolf, 224-225; Die Heilige Sage der Polynesier, 225 Bernadotte, Jean Baptiste Jules, 9 [Bernadotte], Oscar Carl August (prince), 233, 235; "Kilauea," in Vara minen, 236 Bernice Pauahi. See Bishop, Mrs. Charles R. Bishop, Charles R., 75, 155, 157, 185, 194, 214, 236, 274, 275, 276 Bishop, Mrs. Charles R. (Bernice Pauahi), 126, 200, 201, 214-215, 236, 237 Bishop Museum, 236, 276 Bond, Rev. Elias, 82, 166, 171, 179, 180, 183-184, 185, 190, 287-288 n.l (ch. Booth, Edwin, 81 Bopp, Franz, Über die Verwandtschaft der Malayisch -Poly nesischen Sprachen mit den Indisch-Europäischen, 257 Brickwood, Arthur P., 200 Brickwood, Mrs. Arthur P. (Louisa Chu Chu Gilman), 200 Brickwood, Emma (Mrs. William R. Buchanan), 219 Brickwood, Louisa B., 205 Brickwood, Rebecca H. See Lyman, Mrs. Rufus A. British Quarterly Review, 246, 250, 252, 260-261 Brown, John H., 174, 231-232 Brown, Mrs. John H. (Catherine K. For-

316 nander), 99, 123, 125, 150, 177, 200, 203, 204, 205, 213, 232, 237, 267, 273; birth 55; smallpox victim, 74; attends Sacred Hearts Convent School, 126; accompanies father on school inspection trips, 174-176, 178; becomes teacher at Royal School, 206; possibly gives birth to illegitimate chim, 220; adopts Lydia K. Fitzsimmons, 219; marries John H. Brown, 231, 232; death, 276 Brown, Thomas, 109 Buchanan, Mrs. William R. (Emma Brickwood), 219 California, 54-56, 57, 62-63, 70, 72, 76-77 California Academy of Science, 222 Calvinism, 93, 103, 133, 138-139, 145 Campbell, James, 204 Carter, Henry A. P., 227 Castle, Samuel N., 75, 155, 158, 180181

Charles Maliory (ship), 72 Chiefs' Children's School, 84, 93, 109, 153, 156, 200, 206. See also Royal School Circuit Court, Second, 157-158, 159160, 201-202, 206-213 Civil War (U. S\ 146-148, 201, 202 Cleghorn, Archibald, 230 Cleghorn, Mrs. Archibald (Princess Miriam Likelike), 234 Clemens, Samuel L., 229, 255-256 Coan, Rev. Titus, 99, 180, 252, 288 n.3 Coan, Dr. Titus M., 252 Coffee industry, 52-53, 62-63 Committee of Thirteen, 271 Constitutions: of 1840, 58, 115; of 1852, 65-66, 67-68, 71, 156; of 1864, 156; of 1887,271-272 Cook, Capt. James, 240-241, 242, 245, 249, 252 Cooke, Amos S., 75, 153 Counting House Almanac and Register for mi, 122 Courts. See Circuit Court, Second; Judiciary Crowell, J . M., 211 Cummins, Mrs. Thomas P. (Lydia K. Fitzsimmons), 219-220, 231, 232 D ^ g e t t , Rollin M., 229, 230, 254-255; Legends and Myths of Hawaii, 230, 256-257 Damien, Father, 165, 253 Damon, Francis W., 196, 247 Damon, Rev. Samuel C., 43, 50, 105, 196, 240

INDEX Davies and Company, Ltd., Theo. H., 110 Depression of 1851-1852, 62-63 Dibble, Rev. Sheldon, 142; History of the Hawaiian People, 196 Dillon, Guillaume, 54, 56 Diseases: measles, 55; smallpox, 72-74, 78; venereal, 103, 129, 133-136, 139; whooping cough, 55 Dominis, Capt. John, 232 Dominis, John O. (prince consort), 155, 217, 221, 229, 230, 232, 237, 265-267 Earthquake of 1868, 177-178 Easter Island, 242, 247 Education in Hawaii: history of, 83-85; Fornander's journalistic efforts at reform of, 64, 81, 83, 85-87, 94-95, 149; pressure to use English language in schools, 84-85, 94-95, 117; Protestant vs. Catholic pressures, 68, 83-84, 85, 171; establishment of Department of Education, 84; reorganizations, 9697, 161-162; Fornander appointed first inspector general of schools, 161, 162-163; condition of schools at time of appointment, 165, 168-171, 172174; problems leading to his ouster, 162-163, 165-167, 171-172, 179187; his accomplishments, 189-193; problems of his successors, 193-194. See also 'Ahuimanu School; Bond, Rev. Elias; Castle, Samuel N.; Chiefs' Children's School; Coan, Rev. Titus; Fort Street School; Gulick, Dr. Luther H.; Hawaiian Evangelical Association; Hilo Boarding School; Honolulu Free School; Kamehameha Schools; Lahainaluna Seminary; Mililani School; Royal School; Sacred Hearts Convent School; St. Cross School EgerstrOm, Carl Axel, 98-100, 124-, Borta Election laws: of 1840, 60; of 1850, 61; of 1864, 156; of 1887, 272 Elele (Messenger), 87 ElelePoakolu (Wednesday Express), 218 Ellis, Rev. William, 196, 222 Emerson, Nathaniel B., 276 Emma (queen), 50, 109, 125, 150-151, 201, 215, 216, 237 Epidemics. See Diseases Episcopal Church, 93, 103, 109, 151, 152, 165, 204, 273. See also Staley, Bishop Thomas N. Ethnographical Museum (Stockholm), 234 Eugenie (ship), 69-70

INDEX Fid Street, 36 Fiji, 242, 263 Fitzsimmons, Emma Brickwood. See Buchanan, Mrs. William R. Fitzsimmons, Lydia K. See Cummins, Mrs. Thomas P. Foenander, Eva (aunt of Fornander), 26, 30, 281 n.7 (ch. 3) Foenander, Karin (mother). See Fornander, Mrs. Anders Foenander, Samuel (great-uncle), 14 Foenander, Hieodor (grandfather), 2, 5, 13, 14 Foenander, Mrs. Theodor (Anna Barbro Fornander, grandmother), 2, 14 Fornander, Abraham: birth and christening, 2, 4; childhood on Oland, 6-9; schooldays in Kalmar, 14-18; death of father, 19; attends Uppsala University, 21, 22-26; life at Kalv, 26-27; love for Eva Foenander, 29-30; attends Lund University, 28-30; leaves Sweden, 30; life as a whaler, 31, 32, 33, 36, 38-42, 43-44; other travels, 31, 32, 38, 281282 n . l (ch. 5); 1833 and 1834 visits to Sandwich Islands, 33, 36; reports of 1838 visit, 38, 281-282 n.l (ch. 5); naturalization, 49; and Dr. Rooke, 4950, 52, 53; marriage, 50, 52; in California gold fields, 55-56; letters to Honolulu newspapers, using pseudonyms "Alpha and "Halifax, 5961, 64-67; defense of Catholic missionaries, 66; critical attitude toward American Protestant missionaries, 66, 94, 114-115, 117, 118, 144-145; becomes joint editor of Weekly Argus, 67; editor 70; joins Independent Order of Odd Fellows, 72; falls ill of smallpox, 74; criticism of G. P. Judd, 74, 75, 76; changes name of paper to New Era and Argus, 76; joins Masonic Order, 79; presses for reform of public schools and reorganization of Department of Education, 82, 85-88, 94-95, 95-97, 149; advocates English language schools, 84, 94-95, 117; urges retention of moral and religious instruction in schools, 97; ceases publication of New Era, 98; establishes Sandwich Islands' Monthly Magazine, 102, 104; suggests need for library and museum of antiquities, 112; advocates local and foreign scholarships for Hawaiian students, 117; ceases publication of Sandwich Islands' Monthly, 119; publishes Counting House Almanac and Register far 1837, 122; death of wife, 123; appointed manager (A Polynesian

317 and deputy director of government press, 123; becomes editor of Polynesian and director of press, 130-131; supports Act to Mitigate Evils and Diseases Arising from Prostitution, 133134; urges collection and preservation of Hawaiian lore and traditions, 142; becomes publisher of Polynesian, 145146; criticized for attitude toward American Civil War, 147-148; ceases publication of Polynesian, 153-154; appointed to Privy Council, 155; appointed judge of Second Circuit Court, 157-158; appointed superintendent and treasurer of Honolulu school district, 161; appointed first inspector general of schools for kingdom, 161; enmity of Hawaiian Evangelical Association, 162-163, 166, 171-172, 179-187; other problems as inspector general, 165-167, 169-171, 172-174, 181, 184, 185-187, 188-189; dismissal, 187; accomplishments in position, 189-193; collects oral traditions, 199; reappointed judge of Second Circuit Court, 202; judicial activities, 206210, 213; appointed president ex-officio of Tax Appeals board, tax collector, registrar of conveyances, commissioner of boundaries, commissioner of rights of way and water rights, acting magistrate of Lahaina, 214; acting governor of Maui, 214, 221-222; publishes first two volumes of An Account of the Polynesian Race, 220-221; made corresponding member of California Academy of Science, 222; awarded decoration of Knights Companion of the Royal Order of Kalakaua, 223; speaks at laying of cornerstone of new 'lolani Palace, 223; made corresponding member of Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography, 224; receives Linné Medal from Swedish Academy of Sciences, 224; investigates discontent of Scandinavian contran laborers, 227-228; invited to coronation of King Kalâkaua, 231; marriage of daughter, 231; visit of Vanacns, Swedish naval vessel, 233— 236; visited by Prince Oscar at Lahaina, 235; completes volume three of An Account of the Polynesian Race, 238; deteriorating relationship with Gov. Dominis, 265-267; sufferings from cancer, 267, 269, 272-273; made Knight Commander of Royal Order of Kamehamcha I, 268; named to Order of the North Star, 268; swears alle-

318 giance to new constitution of 1887, 272; death, 273; funeral, 273-274, 293 n. 12; obituaries, 273; monument, 239, 274; library and manuscripts purchased by C. R. Bishop, 274-275; Fornander Collection compiled from manuscripts and published by Bishop Museum, 275-277; enthusiasm for theater, 68, 81; interest in science, 112-113; love of music, 68, 80-81; personality, 277-278; religious beliefs, 72, 117-118, 132, 145, 223; sympathy and concern for the Hawaiian people, 105-106, 113-115, 121, 128, 278; theories of racial and geographic origin of Polynesian peoples, their migrations, and the Indo-European sources of their languages, 239, 242-246, 257-262; these views of Polynesian origin and migration compared with later theories, 262-264; value of his work in preserving oral traditions of Hawai'i's past, 261, 264 Fornander, Mrs. Abraham (Alanakapu Kauapinao, Pinao Alanakapu): family background and ties to Kamehameha dynasty, 50-51; marriage, 50, 52, 282 n.8; birth of first child, 55; birth and death of second child, 62; death of her mother and birth of stillborn child, 74, 282 n.7; birth of stillborn first son, 100; her death after birth of second son, and death of child, 123; influence on Fornander's Polynesian interests and knowledge of Hawaiian language, 123, 240; monument in Makiki Cemetery, 274 Fornander, Rev. Abraham (grandfather), 4-5 Fornander, Abraham K. K. (son), 100 Fornander, Anders (grandmother's nephew), 14 Fornander, Rev. Anders (father), 2, 4, 5, 9-10, 17-18, 19-20, 240, 273 Fornander, Mrs. Anders (Karin Foenander, mother), 2, 5, 124 Fornander, Dr. Andreas N. (grandfather's cousin), 19 Fornander, Anna M. (sister), 20, 74, 124 Fornander, Anna M. A. (daughter), 74 Fornander, Catherine K. (daughter). See Brown, Mrs. John H. Fornander, Charles T. K. K. (son), 123, 274 Fornander, Jenny (Johanna M., sister), 62, 124-125, 219, 272, 285 n.4 Fornander, Johanna M. N. K. (daughter), 62, 274

INDEX Fornander, Jons (uncle), 2, 13 Fornander, Olaus (great-grandfather), 5 Fornander, Olav (father's cousin), 13 Fornander, Dr. Theodor C. (brother), 2, 15, 19, 20, 22, 26, 27, 28, 31, 124 fornander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and folklore, 275-277 Fort Street, 47, 62 Fort Street School, 190 France, relations with Hawaii, 42, 54, 56, 57, 84 Frick, Dominique, 111-112 Friend, 105, 107, 148, 240, 252, 257 Gardell, Johan, 219, 267 Gardell, Lars J., 2, 14, 20 Gardell, Mrs. Lars J. (Anna Foenander), 14 GardslOsa: church, 1-2, 4; parish, 6-7; rectory, 7 Geete, Robert, 261 Geijer, ErikG., 23, 240 Gibson, Walter Murray, 143-144, 218219, 229, 269, 271 Gilman, Louisa Chu Chu (Mrs. Arthur P. Brickwood), 200 Godey's Lady's Book, 174 Great Britain, relations with Hawaii, 41, 42, 54, 57 Green, Rev. Jonathan S., 146, 183 Green, William L., 110-111, 215 Grevillius, Rev. CarlJ., 26 Grevillius, Mrs. Carl J. (Christina Foenander), 26 Grip J. Anton W., 228 Gulick, Dr. Luther H„ 166, 179, 182, 185 Hackfeld, Capt. Heinrich, 98 Hae Hawaii (Hawaiian Flag), 120 Halifax, pseud. See Fornander, Abraham Hall, Edwin O., 61, 65, 67, 90, 97 Harris, Charles C., 157-158, 185, 223 Hartwell, Alfred, 215 Hawai'i, island of, 177-178. See also Bond, Rev. Elias; Hilo; Hitchcock and Brothers plantation; Kllauea volcano; Lyman, Rev. David B.; Papa'ikou Hawaiian Agricultural Society, 116 Hawaiian Antiquities (Malo), 198 Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-lore, Fornander Collection of, 275-277 Hawaiian Evangelical Association, 102, 152, 162-163, 165, 166, 179-181, 183, 185 Hawaiian Gazette, 164, 173, 178, 179180, 183, 184-185, 252-253, 273 Hawaiian Historical Society, 108, 275

INDEX Hawaiian League, 269, 271 Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church See Episcopal Church Hawaiian Spectator, 101-102, 119, 198 Hayes, Catherine, 80-81 Hillebrand, Dr. William, 81, 106, 142 Hilo, 41, 42, 181 Hilo Boarding School, 168 History of the Hawaiian People (Dibble), 196 Hitchcock, David H., 181 Hitchcock, Harvey Rexford, 181-182, 185, 187-188, 192, 19Î-194 Hitchcock and Brothers plantation, 227, 228 Hoapili, 37, 41 Hobron, Capt. Thomas, 213 Hoku o ka Pakipika (Star of the Pacific), 142 Hoku Loa (Morning Star), 134 Holstein, H., 206-207 Honolulu, 36-37, 4 2 ^ 3 , 44, 46-48, 57, 63, 67, 70, 73. See also Ali'iolani Hale; Bishop Museum; Fort Street; Kawaiaha'o Church; Makiki Cemetery; Merchant Street; Our Lady of Peace Cathedral Honolulu Free School, 84 Honolulu Hale, 79 Honolulu library and Reading Room Association, 275 Honolulu Mirror, 63 Honolulu News, 63 Honolulu Reformatory, 270 Honolulu Rifles, 231, 271 Honolulu Times, 59, 63, 91 Hopkins, Charles, G., 95, 97-98, 107108, 115-116, 118, 119, 122, 123124, 128-129, 130, 132, 158, 161, 185 Hospitals, 95, 204. See also Queen's Hospital; U.S. Marine Hospital Human Speech (Paget), 142 Hutchison, Dr. Ferdinand W., 134-136, 157, 161, 185 Hyde, Rev. Charles M., 253 T l , John Papa, 48-49, 65, 198, 214 Immigration, promotion of, 201, 226228 India, 140, 243, 258, 263 Independent Order of Odd Fellows, 72, 274 Insane Asylum, Act to Establish an, 136 'Iolani Palace, 223, 229-230 Isenberg, Paul, 168 Janion, Green and Company, 109, 110 Jarves, James Jackson, 149-150, 196, 268

319 Judd, Dr. Gerrit P., 55, 57-58, 64, 65, 68, 69, 72-73, 74, 75, 76, 157 Judiciary, 159-160; composition of juries, 211; racial breakdown of convictions, 1886-1887, 21? Kaenaku Kalili, 50, 51, 52 Kahului, Wailuku, and Hamakuapoko Railroad, 213 Kahuna, 81, 83, 135, 201, 209-210 Kaläkaua, David (king), 155, 172, 215216, 217, 218, 219, 221, 223, 224226, 229, 230-231, 235, 237, 268, 269-272, 274 Kalama, 123, 240, 282 n.7 Kalili. See Kaenaku Kalili Kalmar, 12-13; gymnasium, 10, 14, 15, 17; the Little Court, 5, 14 Kalv, 26, 27 Kamakau, Samuel M., 196, 198, 199, 244,245 Kamakau, W. P., 185 Kamehameha I, 51, 114, 200, 203, 204, 221, 236, 250 Kamehameha II, 51, 53 Kamehameha III, 37-38, 41, 51, 67, 9091, 115, 159, 203, 223 Kamehameha IV, 57, 67, 75, 90, 91-94, 95, 96, 102, 109, 110, 111, 123, 125, 128, 150-153, 155-156, 215 Kamehameha V, 57, 67, 75, 79, 92, 93, 96, 98, 116, 146, 152, 153, 155-157, 200-201, 214, 215, 218, 221 Kamehameha Schools, 236 Kapa'akea, 68, 157 Kapena.John, 215, 216, 221, 223 Kapi'olani (queen), 216, 230 Kauikeaouli. See Kamehameha III Kaumana, Mary. See Widemann, Mrs. Hermann Kaumuali'i, 200, 203 Kawaiaha'o Church, 43, 109 Keane, A. H., 258 Ke'elikölani, Ruth, 217-218 Keka'aniau, Elizabeth. See Pratt, Mrs. Frank S. Kekoanaö'a, Mataio, 161, 162, 182, 185 Kekuelike, 51, 52 Kenway, George S., 109, 157 Keoni Ana. See Young, John II Keöpüolani, 51, 203 Kepelino, 198, 199 , 244; Moolelo Hawaii, 198 Kiha-a-Pi'ilani (mö'i of Maui), 51 Kihanuilulumoku (mö'i of Hawai'i island), 50 Kllauea volcano, 235, 236 Klna'u, 38

320 Knudsen, Valdemar, 168 "Kumulipo," 225-226 Kuokoa (Independent), 142, 182, 198, 273 Labor, contract, 201, 226-228 Lahaina, 37, 41, 158-159, 202, 205, 216, 229, 235, 238, 265-267, 273. See also Circuit Court, Second; Masters' and Mates' Reading Room; Missionary complex; Mokuhinia Pond; Pa'ahao, Hale; U. S. Marine Hospital; Waine'e Cemetery; Waine'e Church Lahaina Family School, 204 Lahainaluna Seminary, 84, 168, 190192, 194, 196, 204; Moolelo Hawaii, 198 Land Titles, Board of Commissioners to Quiet, 53-54 Lang, D r j o h n D., 222 Lawson, lliomas Clifton, 244 Legends and Myths of Hawaii (Kalikaua ed. by Daggett), 256-257 Legislative Assembly, 60, 61, 71, 88, 156, 182, 185-187, 215, 219, 267268, 269-270, 272 Lesson, Dr. A., 253; Les Polynesiens, leur origine, leur migrations, leur langues, 253 Liholino. See Kamehameha II LiJcelike, Miriam, 234 Lili'uokalani, 221, 229, 274 Linnaeus, Carl, 19, 22, 23 Ljungstedt, Erik, 123, 219, 223, 224, 231, 232, 236, 254, 267, 268, 269, 290 n.3, 293 n.12 Lftfgren, N. I., 20, 273 L'Orange, Christian, 227, 234 Lost Tribes of Israel, 242, 245 Lot Kamehameha. See Kamehameha V Lunalilo, William Charles, 155, 215 Lund, 27-28; University of, 19, 27, 2829 Lyman, Rev. David B., 168 Lyman, Mrs. Rufus (Rebecca Brickwood), 174 Mackintosh, Rev. Alexander, 273, 174 Makiki Cemetery, 239, 274 Malay Archipelago, 113, 221, 242, 243, 244, 258, 263 Malietoa (king of Samoa), 270, 271 Malo, David, 198; Hawaiian Antiquities, 198 Maori language, 253 Marklin, Gabriel, 18-19, 27 Marquesas Islands, 42, 242, 249, 263 Masonic Order, 79-80, 214, 223, 229230, 273, 274

INDEX Masters' and Mates' Reading Room, 203204 Maui, 159-160, 175-177, 221, 229, 237, 238. See also Circuit Court, Second; Hamakua Ditch Company; Kahului, Wailuku, and Hamakuapoko Railroad; Ke'elikölani, Ruth; Lahaina; Spreckels, Claus; Spreckels Ditch; Wailuku jail Melanesia, 263. See also Fiji Melville, Herman, 42 Merchant Street, 79, 126 Meyer, Rudolph W., 174, 209 Mililani School, 190 Mill, John Stuart, 140, 141 Missionaries, American Protestant: arrival, 36, 114; influence, 36, 42, 114115; revolt of Kamehameha III against, 37-38; land purchases by, 55; Rjrnander's criticisms of, 66, 94, 114-115, 117, 118, 144-145; early schools conducted by, 83; influence on public schools, 83-84; Chiefs' Children's School, 84, 93; attitude of Kamehameha IV and V toward, 93; missionary attitude toward intermarriage with Hawaiians, 124; accusation against Polynesian of slurs, 153 Missionaries, Catholic, 66, 83, 103 Missionary Herald, 179, 180 Moehonua, William L., 221 Moloka'i, 181, 201, 209 Mokuhinia Pond, 203 Moolelo Hawaü (Kepelino), 198 Moolelo Hawaii (Lahainaluna Seminary), 198 Moolelo Hawaii (Pogue), 198 Moravian Brothers, 4-5 Museums, 68, 112. See also Bishop Museum; Ethnographical Museum (Stockholm); National Museum Nahaolelua, P., 204, 215, 216 Nakuina, EmmaM., 276 Nation, 252, 259 National Museum, 112, 234 Natt och Dag, Svante, Jorden rundt, under svensk örlogsflagg (Melander), 236 New Era and Argus, 76, 79, 81-82, 8587, 88-90, 93-96, 97, 98, 100, 126, 136,276 Newspapers. See AJta California; Au Okoa; Elele Poakolu; Hae Hawaii; Hawaiian Gazette; Hoku Loa; Hoku o ka Pakipika; Honolulu Mirror; Honolulu News; Honolulu Times; Kuokoa; New Era and Argus; New York Evening Post; Nu Hou; Pacific Commercial

INDEX Advertiser; Polynesian; Sandwich Islands Gazette; San Francisco Herald; San Francisco Pacific; Saturday Press; Weekly Argus New York Evening Post, 259 New Zealand, 247, 253 Nu Hou, 87 Nu'uanu: battle of, 250; Valley, 52-53, 62

Oahu Clerical Association, 134 Oahu College, 117, 180-181, 241 Odd Fellows, Independent Order of, 72, 274 Öland, 1, 6-7, 26, 35, 124. See also Gardslösa; Runsten Ölands historia och beskrifning (Ahlquist), 17 Opium license scandal, 269-270, 271 Order of the North Star, 223, 268 Oscar (prince). See [Bernadotte], Oscar Carl August Oudinot, Francis, 205 Our Lady of Peace Cathedral, 43, 78, 231 Pa'ahao, Hale, 203 Pacific Commercial Advertiser, 118, 126127, 128, 129-131, 133, 134, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147-148, 153, 154, 179, 182, 184, 187-188, 218, 222, 246,273 Paget, Sir Richard, 141-142; Human Speech, 142 Pakt, Lydia. See Lili'uokalani Päpa'ikou, 227 Parke, William C., 73, 78 Petrin, Louis E., I l l Philippine Islands, 243, 263 Pinao Alanakapu. See Fornander, Mrs. Abraham Pioneer Mill Company, 204 Pogue, Rev. John F., 172; Moolelo Hawaii, 198 Polynesian: C. G. Hopkins as editor pro tem, 95; E. O. Hall as editor, 61, 63, 64-65, 66, 69, 75, 86, 90, 96, 97; C. G. Hopkins as editor, 97-98, 107108, 115-116, 118, 122, 123, 126, 127-131, 132; Fornander as editor, 133-136, 138-141, 142-143, 144-145, 195; Fornander as editor and publisher, 145-150, 152-154, 158 Polynesian languages, historical and comparative linguistics of, 140-142, 240241, 244, 246, 247, 253, 257-259, 262 Polynesian legends, 240, 243, 244, 247, 249, 253, 255, 256-257; Biblical parallels to, 244-245, 254-255

321 Polynesian triangle, 242 Polynesians: theories of racial and geographic origin and migrations, 140, 141, 195-196, 239, 240, 241, 242243, 247, 249, 262-264; theories and chronology of their arrival in the Hawaiian Islands, 140, 242, 245-246, 247, 249, 263-264 Population, decrease of native Hawaiian, 78, 128, 134-136 Pratt, FrankS., 200, 237 Pratt, Mrs. Frank S. (Elizabeth Keka'aniau), 200 Prince of Hawaii, 151, 152 Privy council, 155, 156, 157 Prostitution, Act to Mitigate Evils and Disease Arriving from, 129, 133-134, 135-136, 188 Punahou School, 117. See also Oahu College Queen's Hospital, 128, 129, 133, 142 Rae, John, 136-142, 146, 195-196, 207, 240, 241, 286 n.10; Statement of Some New Principles on the Subject of Political Economy, 136-137; "Thoughts on the System of Legislation Which Has Prevailed in the Hawaiian Islands for the Last Forty Years," 138-140; "Polynesian Languages," 140-142, 195-196, 240, 286 n.10 Reciprocity, Treaty of, 201, 216-217 Remy, Jules, 196, 198 Rhodes, Godfrey, 108, 109, 111 Rhodes, Henry, 108-109, 110 Robertson, George M., 157 Roman Catholic Church, 83, 103, 152. See also Missionaries, Catholic; Our Lady of Peace Cathedral; Sisters of the Congregation of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary Rooke, Dr. T. C. B., 49-50, 52, 53, 62 Rooke, Mrs. T. C. B. (Grace Kama'iku'i Young), 49 Royal Academy of Literature, History, and Antiquities (Stockholm), 233 Royal Admiralty Church (Karlskrona), 10 Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society, 106, 116 Royal Hawaiian Band, 230, 274 Royal Order of Kalikaua, 223 Royal Order of Kamehameha I, 268 Royal School, 84, 190, 205-206, 273. See also Chiefs' Children's School Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, 112, 224 Runsten, 4, 6, 18, 124

322 Sacred Hearts Convent School, 125-126, 171 Sailors' Riot, 70-71 St. Andrew's Cathedral, 273 St. Cross School, 204 Samoa, 242, 263, 270-271 Sandwich Islands Gazette, 63, 79 Sandwich Islands Mission, 36, 55, 66, 83-84, 93, 102, 103, 158. See also Hawaiian Evangelical Association Sandwich Islands' Monthly Magazine, 101, 102, 103, 104-120, 121 San Franciscan, 255, 257 San Francisco Herald, 76-77 San Francisco Pacific, 183 Sanitary Commission, 136 Saturday Press, 194, 252, 253 Saturday Review, 246-247, 250, 260-261 Schartau, Henrik, 19 Schools. See Education; individual schools: 'Ahuimanu; Chiefs' Children's; Fort Street; Hilo Boarding; Honolulu Free; Kamehameha; Lahainaluna; Mililani; Royal; St. Cross Science, 259 Seamen's Bethel, 37, 43 Seamen's Friend Society, 196 Sheldon, Henry L., 59-60 Ships, interisland, 213, 216, 266 Sisters of the Congregation of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Maiy, 125. See also Sacred Hearts Convent School Sisters of the Holy Trinity, 204 Skogman, Carl J. A., 70 Smallpox. See Diseases Smith, Dr. John Mott, 185 Smith, Dr. James W., 168 Smith, MathewK., 62, 65, 70 Smith, W. James, 166, 175, 178, 187 Society Islands, 242, 263. See also Tahiti Spreckels, Claus, 217-218, 219, 269 Stagnelius, Erik j . , 7 Stagnelius, Bishop Magnus, 7 Staley, Bishop Thomas N., 151, 152, 153, 155, 161, 185 Starkey, Janion and Company, 79 Stoddard, Charles W.: bland of Tranquil Delights, 205 Stokes, John F. G., 225 Stolpe, Dr. Hjälmar, 233-235, 236 Sugar industry, 62-63, 201. See also Hamakua Ditch Company; Hitchcock and Brothers planation; Immigration, promotion of; Ke'elikölani (princess Ruth); Labor, contract; Reciprocity, Treaty of; Spreckels, Claus Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography, 224, 236. 254. See also Ymer

INDEX Swinton, Henry S., 203 Swinton, Martha, 174, 203, 231, 232 Taber, Capt. Pardon (II), 38, 39, 41, 42, 43,44 Tahiti, 247 Tegngr, Elof, 224 Tegnfr, Esaias (grandfather), 29, 224, 240, 254 Tegner, Esaias (grandson), 254 Ten Eyck, Anthony, 54 Thrum, Thomas G., 90, 141, 194, 276 Thurston, Lorrin A., 269 Tonga, 242, 263 Tread way, Peter, 204 Tromelin, Rear Admiral Legoarant de, 56 Triibner and Company, 220, 261 Tuamotu Islands, 263 Turton, Henry, 204, 209, 216 Twain, Mark. See Clemens, Samuel L. Unna, August, 207, 234 Uppsala, 20, 21-22; University of, 19, 22-24, 27 Vanadis (ship), 233-236 Vancouver, Capt. George, 249-250 Vara minen (Princes Oscar Carl August [Bernadotte], Oscar Carl Wilhelm, and Mugen Napoleon Nicolaus), 236 Varieties Theatre, 78, 81 Varigny, Charles de, 161, 185 Wailuku jail, 238 Waine'e: cemetery, 203; Church, 203 Webster, William, 110 Weekly Argus, 62-67, 68-69, 70-71, 74, 75, 76. See also New Era and Argus Westminster Review, 246, 260 Whaling, 31-36, }8-42, 43-45, 62, 202 Whitmee, Rev. S. J., 246, 247, 250, 252 Whitney, Henry M., 79, 104, 118, 126, 148, 153 Widemann, Hermann, 199-200, 215, 220, 247 Widemann, Mrs. Hermann (Mary Kaumana), 199-200 Wilcox, Abner, 168, 180 Wise, John H., 276 Wyllie, Robert C., 55, 67, 79, 98, 134, 139-140, 141, 157, 158 Ymer, 236, 254, 261 Young, John II (Keoni Ana), 75 Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 224