A Unesco Study of Social Tensions in Aligarh, 1950-1951

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A UNESCO STUDY OF SOCIAL TENSIONS IN ALIGARH 1950-1951

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A UNESCO STUDY OF SOCIAL TENSIONS IN ALIGARH 1950-1951

PARS RAM I

Edited, with an Introduction,

by GARDNER MURPHY

NEW URDER BOOK CO. Ellis Bridge Ahmedabad-6 -

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India

First Edition 1955

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INTRODUCTION

When serving in India, from August, 1950, to January, 1951, as technical consultant to the Ministry of Education‘, on an assignment by UNESCO for the study of “ social tensions,” my continuous inspiration was the opportunity. to work with a great psychologist and social scientist, Professor Pars Ram of the East Punjab University, formerly of Forman Christian College in Lahore. Pars Ram was an inspiration to all of us who shared this UNESCO project in India. His -extraordinary capacity to sense the grassroots reality of Indian life and the direction of its changes, while at the same time using the social science methods borrowed from the Westem world, made it possible for him to conduct a unique investigation of the economic and social conditions out of which I-Iindu-Muslim tension and some other types of social tension emerged; and without partisanship or pettiness of any sort, to look forward to the massive strength which a democratic secular state in modern India might soon hope to achieve.‘ Of the many able scholars at Indian universities who assisted this UNESCO project, Pars Ram was the only one who found it possible to give up all other activities and devote himself to these investigations for an entire year. The investigation, based upon a historical, sociological and economic survey of the city of Aligarh and its surroundings, and intensive systematic interviewing with samples of Hindus and Muslims in the city, was almost complete in August, 1952, when death suddenly took him from us. Since that hour of sorrow and frustration through the failure of the many enterprises to which he had lent his hand, both in social and in child psychology, I have looked for an opportunity to make possible the publication of his book. This opportunity has now been offered by a subsidy made available by the Centre for International Studies of

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the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts, based upon a grant from the Ford Fauntletion, sufficient to permit the printing and distribution cf this and probably one other social investigation in India. It remains only to say that I have left the manuscript essentially as he left it, except for slight editing with respect to English style, and to note that Mrs. J. L. Khanna, who assisted Pars Ram in the Aligarh investigation, has also read the manuscript and given helpful suggestions. We cannot, at all points, be absolutely certain how Pars Ram

would have completed the manuscript. We believe it better to give it to the reader essentially as it stood at the time of his death, rather than to try to bring it up to_ date. There have, of course, been many changes in India since the writing of the book. The reader will simply have to view

the situation through Pars Ram"s eyes, as of the writing in 1951-1952. _ But we hope that there is much more here than sheer factual information from an investigation made between 1950 and 1952. One has an opportunity to see a really great psychologist at work in the analysis of profoundly impor-

tant human problems. One experiences a broadening of vision and increased sense of social reality, and an awareness of the possibility of integrating systematic social science methodology with subtle and human perception of individual feeling and attitude. I believe that both Indian

and Westen scholars will be grateful for the contact with a mind like that of Pars Ram. The following document, among the many which he sent me during the course of the study, was not offered by

him as part of his book. It is, nevertheless, such a clear and genuine expression of his viewpoint in undertaking the Aligarh study, that I feel it appropriate to include it at this point.

viii

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Statement of the Objectives of the Aligarh Centre

Assumptions on which research on intergroup tension has been envisaged at the Aligarh Centre are stated below : 1. (a) Political emancipation in India has resulted in a new ferment amongst all sections of the population. This ferment has aroused new aspirations, however vague and unformulated these aspirations are for most people Ht present. Examples: (i) The Harijans’ refusal to remove dead

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cattle from the village, and their ambition to settle as agriculturists. (ii) Every one wanting to be heard by the government officers so as to have his ways accepted in administering day-to-day affairs, (iii) Some sections’ tendency to become more aggressive toward minorities, (iv) Aspirations for capturing political power. (b) Since circumstances permit scant chances for many sections to realise their aspirations in an objective way, their mental energy takes regressive trends (including oversimplification-of issues). Examples: (i) Worship of “ isms ’", utopian mentality, and delusional strivings after imaginary goals, (ii) Extreme demoralisation of certain sections, particularly certain minorities, (iii) Impotence in moulding the immediate surroundings, found in almost all sections of the popultaion, (iv) Especially dangerous, the strengthening of the old ties of groups such as the caste, the joint family, the revivalist group, etc. (c) This regression has reference of hostility to other groups. To the Muslims, Hindus appear as the aggressors. Many Hindus, likewise feel that the government is a closed community and is hostile to them, and within each political party, there are rival factions pouring hostility on each other.

(d) This regression is constantly engendering magical and omnipotent beliefs in political "means as cure-ails amongst people at the cost of their acquiring social material skills to master their surroundings for purposes of better living. is

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Examples: (i) Hundreds of ‘ teen-agers in any city will be found spending their leisure hours in acquiring fighting skill with the Lathi (wooden stick). They play games of attacking an imaginary medieval fort in a medieval fashion. But there are no facilities for them to learn skills involving manual work with metal, wood, cotton, paper, etc. There is definite evidence of repentance in some of them in their early twenties, when they feel that the skills they learned in the ‘teens have no relevance to the life they have to live ahead. Many of the crime incidents at the college stage, though due to the anxiety about a career, show the skills acquired in the ‘ teens. Spending a couple of years in lathi practice implies the presence of an enemy round the corner, and the skill is spent against an imaginary enemy. (ii) Many insufliciently employed people in villages do not have the capacity to create new occupations for themselves and turn to the comfortable vocation of becoming agitators. They thus acquire a status for themselves which is far superior to those who are engaged in gainful occupations and productive pursuits. Very often these agitators fan the conflict so as to have prestige and a following.

(e) Social fermentation observable in the Indian scene can be understood as a general desire on the part of all people to master and understand their material and SOCIAL environment. The demoralisation and_the regression referred to above is a consequence of the frustration in failure to achieve these goals.

2. The way out of this demoralisation is : (a) To create a taste amongst people for the effort to improve their immediate circumstances with the help of the resources available. (bl To understand scientifically the material and cultural circumstances which form the warp and weft of their world. ( If the very processes of daily work are scientifically understood ,they will -be an effective check against regressive delusional and utopian trends).

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(c) The taste for making effective use of one’s resources has to become a positive force, which means that a favourable social atmosphere has to be created for their endeavour to make efiective use of their resources. Examples:

(i) If workshop facilities, courses on

production, uses of metal and the socio-economic channels through which metal travels from its natural state to useful objects are made available to ‘teenagers, they will appreciate the skills required to exploit metals for human use and the interdependent nature of all races and cultures. They may also come to have a feeling of appreciation for the boys who do good metal work, and this appreciation may minimize antagonism to the caste from which good metal workers hail. They may be able to find a career in the community as manu-

facturers of metal goods of a particular kind, and may be able to understand the barriers to acquisition of metal at reasonable rates and may create circumstances which can traverse these barriers. All these skills are in sharp contrast with the skill acquired as an expert in the use of a stick attacking an imaginary

medieval fort under the leadership of an agitator who keeps the ‘teen-agers together by race and group superiority slogans. 3. The ideal way to plan an experiment on the basis of this assumption is to throw together a team of banking experts, mechanics, adult educationalists and psychologists in a compact area, with the necessary material help to set up a couple of workshops, recreation facilities, etc. as a loan to engage the under-employed in additional occupations, and organize banking facilities to start a few new vocations in terms of the raw material available in the neighbourhood. It is assumed that within the span of a year

or two the community will acquire new ways of managing their affairs in terms of the maximum use of their own

resources and will pay in installment the cost of initial equipment loaned to them.

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The purpose of the research will then be to note (i) Changes in attitudes acquired in the process of adjusting to a situation demanding realistic orientation ; (ii) Changes in social norms, group formation, leadership ; (iii) The efiiciency with which the new social skills are acquired; (iv) Permanence of new learning, and (v) Attitudes which defy change.

Some agency, such as the Planning Commission, must undertake the same in the interest of planning, and for total education. The Central Institute of Education is another agency that might be concerned. But an experiment on these lines is called for to apply scientific knowledge to social reconstruction.

When the offer came my way to be associated with the Group Tension Research Project of the Unesco under the guidance of Dr. Gardner Murphy, I accepted it, as it opened up an opportunity to carry on the experiment on a small scale on lines detailed above. , Steps in the present experiment: 1. (a)

To find out the attitudes of the typical mem-

bers of a social group toward other groups. (b) To find to what extent the various groups feel that they can help in bringing about a change. (c) To tap the resources of each group for setting up a situation involving the active cooperation of difierent groups. 2. To view the deeper (psychoanalytic) meaning of : (a) Attitudes toward other groups. (b) Mental mechanisms such as depressive disposition, affective liability, compulsions, masochism, sadism, rigidity, etc. (c) Investment of anxiety in larger institutions such as the government Indo-Pakistan relations. Such tests are to be coducted before the experimental situation is put into operation.

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3. Experimental situation. Here the following are envisaged:

-» (a) Setting up of a club for college students of all communities. The club activities would centre around (i)- community centre to be run by the College students, (ii)a women’s centre run by women students for all castes and communities. . 4. Study of resistances to the formation of the new group goals : _

(a)

Group resistances.

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ib) Lack of skills on the part of the individuals who are otherwise keen. A study of the methods for tackling these resistances. 5. If the experiment proves to be'successful, a retest of the participants in the experiment, noting changes both in behaviour and at the deeper personality level. Limitations of the experimental design :

(a)

People with crystallized group attitudes who are

extremely intolerant of others will probably not be involved in the experiment.

(b) Many students are not prepared to “ give " to the community. They are still at the “ take " level. Therefore the experiment does not involve a heterogeneous but a selectd group of students.

xiii.

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It remains only to say that I have taken the liberty of using in the present volume some material from Pars Ram already published in Humtm Organisation (See pp. 14

below) and a few pages from my summary of Pars B.am’s work in my book In the Minds of Men, New York. Basic

Books, 1953 (See pp. 82 below).

Gardner Murphy The Menninger Foundation Topeka, Kansas June, 1954

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CONTENTS

Chapter

I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII XIII XIV XV

Page

Introduction by Gardner Murphy . THE UNESCO Group Tensions Research Project in Aligarh . . . . Recent Changes in Small City Life Population and Method . . Attitudes toward Religion . . How Hindus Perceive Themselves . How Muslims Perceive Themselves . A Rumour Reflecting Muslim Insecurity Rumours about the Tensions Research . Attitudes toward Caste . . . The Attitudes of Harijans . . . Attitudes toward the Government . Attitudes toward Political Parties and Power Groups . . . . How do They Spend Their Leisure Hours ? . . . . . Student Problems . . . . Conclusions . “‘ . .

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i 3 8 18 33 52 66 82 94 103 135 144

156 169 172 187

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169, Table L1(b) : for along spell alone 171, line 19 : for expeiments, spell experiments 172, : for chapter xiii, substitute xiv 179, line 28: for Weltonschauung, spell Weltanschauung Ps 180, line 3 : to read : The groups about which the students are most enthusiastic include the Students Union. Enthusiasm lasts for . . . . . . . . . . : for chapter xiv read chapter xv Ps 187, Ps 187, line 18: for staus, spell status Pg. 191, line 7 : for praticular, spell particular line 11 : for (for more yarn), read (or more yarn) Pg 194, line 14: omit “ a " in “ lack of foul play ii line 20 : for makes, spell make

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SOCIAL TENSIONS

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CHAPTER I

THE UNESCO GROUP TENSIONS RESEARCH PROJECT IN ALIGARH

This is not a report on the atrocities committed by Hindus on Muslims or by Muslims on Hindus, though interview statements of 50 Muslims and 50 Hindus on their current problems lasting for more than one hour and a half with each interviewee are bound to reveal sources of pinpricks for one religious community from the other. No attempt is made to verify the complaints made by one community against the other. I-lad the facilities for consulting the police records been made available, attempts could have been made to sift fact from fiction about the atrocity stories current. We found government employees reticent to sit for the interview, and therefore no government officer, particularly from the judiciary police and administration, was included amongst the interviewees for the purpose of this report, out of deference for the current governmental regulations about the conduct of officers. Our effort was mainly directed toward finding out what weighs on the mental horizpn of an ordinary Hindu and an ordinary Muslim citizen of India which makes for Hindu-Muslim hostility. This report is not a piece of

research because no hypothesis about Hindu-Muslim conflict has been carefully tested in a scientific way to correct errors of conception. Yet the data collected compel the formulation of Hindu-Muslim problems in a new way, and if the formulation of a problem in a new way is also research this report can be claimed as a piece of research. This study is at best a search for clues to the understanding of the Hindu-Muslim problem. The data have been collected with a bias, with certain half-conscious and

half-unconscious suppositions. An attempt is made here to verbalize these suppositions, with the following results: (1) The Hindu-Muslim conflict which is being studied in 1951 has its antecedents. The living memory records '1

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the following symbols around which Hindu-Muslim hostility has been expressed : (a) The Cow phase dates back to the last decade of the last century, when cow slaughter became the symbol of Hindu-Muslim conflict. The English settlers in India were great consumers of beef and some of the best breeds of the cow were raised by Muslims. But the symbol “ cow " overtly raised much hostility against Muslims. At moments it appeared that all will be well with the situation if cow slaughter could be stopped. A student of psycho-analysis sees powerful opposite forces meeting in the perception of animals whose flesh is prohibited as a diet, revealing cultureis way of dealing with oral impulses — impulses which are involved in the preservation and the maintenance of life from a very early level of existence. (b) The language phase. Urdu-Hindi conflict became

the symbol of conflict early in this century. Words are the earliest soothers of anxiety. The hearing and speaking of words is the earliest ego activity and the Hindu-Muslim conflict was directed towards preserving the most infantile modes of adjustment around “ word " symbols. (c)

The Erect symbol phase after the World War I.

Moharram Tazia processions i—erect representative of the

coflin of Hussain—taken out by_Shia Muslims (usually depised as infidels by the Sunni Muslims) were deliberately

made sufficiently tall to interfere with the branches of pipal trees held sacred by Hindus. Muslims could not be appeased unless the branches of the trees were cut for an easy passage of the Tazia, and non-Shia Muslims too joined the fun of the riot. The Hindu-Muslim riots were fought at the phallic phase level of mental development and with ;all those mental characteristics which go with this phase.

(d) Ideological symbols. Conflict over these came into the forefront in 1937 with slogans of Pakistan and Akhanda Bharat (undivided India), resulting in the partition of India. This way of describing Hindu-Muslim conflicts may appear to be an argument from analogy, but it reveals the ___,§

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kind of involvement in the conflict and its repercussions for personality development. To what extent the ideological fight has been at a reality level and to what extent.

at the autistic level need not be discussed here. Our concern is with symbols of conflict which have been directed in 1951 towards the cultural and social contexts of conflict. Hence this study aims at finding out the involvement of Hindus and Muslims in the various cultural and social institutions and groups surrounding them today.

(2) Hostility towards others, stated in general terms, is due to oneis inability to look at others as they look upon themselves. (3)

This inability is partly inherent in the very

physical build of man. The stress of keeping a certain balance amongst chemical elements both in health and disease and the management of aggression promotes a certain amount of introversions and autism. Even the most saintly are reported to succumb to these anatomical forces"

for some minutes during the day; lose temper and are unable to take delight in seeing others as they see themselves. According to the psycho-analytic theory of mental development physiological activities begin to carry the

meaning of persons long before others are appreciated as persons in their own right. The images of persons strongly

embedded in these biological activities carry the meaning of powerfully evil forces such as ghosts, hobgoblins. These biological activities when communicated and reciprocated become the source of pleasure, as in marriage, sharing meals, or a game. Vihen not reciprocated they carry the archaic meaning of hostility. Hence refusal to share a meal or a game or partnership in marriage means a barrier of communication at the most primitive level of communication and is extensively practised against persons and groups towards whom hostility is to be expressed in India and probably elsewhere. When these archaic means of communication are curtailed, a limited and rigid communication loaded with hostility continues between two persons, with plenty _of autistic evaluation of each other taking the place of zestful reciprocity. -

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(4) The most important source of the inability to appreciate others as persons is the frustration of needs which are directly or indirectly related to the biological activities associated with the maintenance of life. There is evidence to believe that valence for understanding others as they are is present and is inherent in everything at the

most primitive and impulsive level -of life of the individual. (5) This urge to understand others as they are is marred by the autistic thinking about others promoted by frustration which serves as a barrier between the persons involved. The therapeutic efforts at promoting better understanding of others is an antidote for hostility, as is

evidenced by various schools of psycho-therapy. (B)

The above principles are also involved in the

misunderstandings operating amongst groups. Members of an. isolated community have a very good understanding amongst themselves but a stranger means to them a frustration of the need to understand the meaning of his presence. " (7) People whose life used to centre round biogenic groups such as the family and the clan are now faced with hosts of other groups, both face-to-face and other secondary groups, vis., employers, political parties, rationing oflicers, and others of the Government — to name a few only. (8) If there is enough communication between the people and these social groups there will be less chance of the hostility accumulating and less chance of their choosing a scape-goat for an outlet. (9) A particular view of mental development which can as well be the autistic thinking of the author has been the guiding principle of this study. He has formulated the following criteria of mental maturity for his clinical and therapeutic work: (i) the ability to entertain new ideas, appreciate modes of life current in different cultures without hostile images and with adequate capacity for identification ; (ii) the ability to entertain other persons without being hostile or indifferent to them; (iii) the ability to entertain and accept oneis own self. The same criteria may

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be applied to mental health of groups. Since this is a diagnostic study of Hindu-Muslim conflict, there has been a constant search after the technique for promoting mental maturity in the community. The Christian virtue of forgiveness is equated with the scientific notion of growing out of the torture of autism. In fact this study has been motivated by the intention of promoting democratic living at various levels of community life as the most effective wayiof negating hostility. The data presented here have been collected to find -out the present status of communication of Hindus and Muslims belonging to working, upper and middle classes of comparable status. with various social groups by which

they are surrounded, and find out if there is a real dinerence between Hindus and Muslims in their communications with other groups and if frustration on that score leads them to choose a scape-goat for an outlet of their hostility. The study of group conflict presumes basic research on many problems such as the following: Criteria for defining the concept of class ; standardization of the interview situation; sampling; reliability and validity of interview data. Rough and ready methods Had to be used in the absence of scientific data from the Indian contexts. All the time the stress has been on the factors operating in creating a particular kind of group climate and less emphasis on the prejudiced individual. The study has certainly resulted in wisdom and experience on some of the above problems.

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CHAPTER II

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RECENT CHANGES IN SMALL CITY LIFE

The data on conflict situations which form the body of this report are from a cityof moderate size. To provide the perspective, it is therefore proper to begin with a general picture of the social relations which characterize such towns. ' Small towns in the Pre-British period. Small towns

grew round the forts and castles of petty Chiefs. The social groups constituting the town population consisted of (1) the Chief and his innumerable blood relations, holding administrative and army posts under the Chief in all grades; (2) priests and law givers, who supplied an ideology for a particular kind of social relations; (3) traders ; (4) artisans, who under the patronage of the rulers in the same town acquired remarkable skill and fame in their work; and (5) a very substantial population of

underprivileged people who performed menial jobs for the above classes for little or no payment. These sections of the population were distributed around the fort or castle, the distance from the castle being in inverse ratio to the prestige. The ruling Chiefs family occupied the centre of thetown, the priestly and the lawgiving class next, etc. ' The main income of the group was derived from the land constituting the Chiefs territory, where tillers of the soil worked for the Chief. The town in return gave to the

villages a kind of security against attack from the outside, a system of justice. Its life, moreover, served to give tone to the ethos of the community, e.g. through standards to be maintained in crafts as the artisans of the towns supplied through the town traders various usable goods not locally manufactured. Yet sections of the population other than the Chiefs family and the priests had an uncertain status. The ruling Chief was most of the time occupied with maintaining a certain kind of relation with the central power at Delhi and his main skills were flattery or conspiracy, or both. _ 3

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Small towns in the British period. British rulers

approached India via the sea. One of the first things they did after consolidating their power in India was to put a network of railways in operation to connect sea ports with inland towns for transportation of goods and for defence purposes. This opened new opportunities for trade for the traders in small towns. They constructed markets near railway stations to exchange raw material from villages for manufactured goods to be distributed amongst rural popu-

lations. They, along with men from the priestly class whohad been displaced from their status by a strong central

power taking over judicial and legislative functions, availed themselves of the opportunities for British edu-

cation and formed the line of petty administrators to carry out the policy of the new rulers. These classes formed the backbone of small towns. The capital they amassed

through new opportunities for trade was invested in advancing loans to villagers who were until recently in a chronic state of indebtedness. The more forward looking amongst them set up industrial plants. A new ideology to suit the new callings of this class was provided by the nineteenth century reformist movements, like Arya Samajand Brahmo Samaj. Recruits to the professions, such as medicine, teaching, law, engineering, banking, hailed from these classes. The more ambitious and competent amongst them moved to big cities. The mediocrities who were

satisfied in a stabilized status continued to stay in small towns. The Status System in small towns. The commercial classes had to maintain good-relations with the rural population. They were strongly entrenched in the traditional ways. They had to deal with the modern system of banking,

the agency system, office equipment, etc. to which they also adjusted. Traders, absentee village landlords and a

colony of government oflicers constituted the gentry of a town in India during the British period. All of them were

functionally related to the village. The absentee landlord received all his income from the village. The trader

advanced loans to the village population, and made huge

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profits through the purchase of the agricultural commodities from the village and through the sale of the manufactured goods to the village. The Government omcers responsible for maintaining law and order were looked up to by the rural population. This elite suflered from a peculiar cultural lag. They had imbibed certain cherished values of the modern industrial civilization such as personal freedom and the individualism of the industrial city, and a detachment from traditions. At the same time they were strongly entrenched in feudal habits, with a host of people working

for them like slaves. They talked of democratic rights for themselves and expected abject slavery from their clients in the village. -On the one hand they acquired _all the "modern facilities of the telephone, the radio, the electric refrigerator, and yet at the same time they continued the primitive practice of carrying water from the well to the kitchen and a primitive sewage system, while using a host of servants who received no adequate wages, riot even a decent minimum. It is not uncozmnon to find in factories in small towns that certain processes are mechanized while others are left to human labour in accordance with a tradition thousands of years old. ' Those who have capital play safe. Either they advance against security of land or gold or they invest in very well established trades and industries. There are examples of members of a joint family pooling their resources to finance a business concern. But to raise capital for new ventures from the average citizen is impossible. Only tried and tested channels of investing capital find favour. It is individuals and families who run businesses; there are very few Joint Stock Companies organized on modern lines. Some adventurous people take chances starting new concerns in towns. If they prove to be a success others take to them. In a few years time there develops tremendous competition and the quality of the manufactured good goes down. Other industries are ignored. The displacement of persons from certain occupations increases the number of rickshaw pullers. This gives

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-opportunity of investment to people whose capital does not _go beyond three figures and who can buy a rickshaw out -of the capital and rent it to the rickshaw coolie on a daily basis. But nothing happens in a big way. Hence the migration of people of humbler status from towns to cities. Once in a decade or two an officer takes it into his head to improve the recreational facilities of the town and helps in laying out a garden or park. These parks will be found "in a dilapidated condition after a few years. His ideas are not followed by further improvements. The same with schools, clubs and other social organizations. In other words there are no maintenance agencies to develop the "few innovations that come the way of a town. Human consequences of stabilized status in a small

ftown. Four kinds of consequences of the changes are apparent : (1) When there are few rich and many poor and when the people from lower strata work in over-crowded professions with diminishing returns and new openings for "them are blocked, the aspirants after new roles look to the big cities for new openings. Sales agencies for new manufactures are eagerly sought after by those who have the -capital to invest in them. Others identify themselves with new political parties and new ideological movements of a -political character. The Congress movement in the past is -one example. Most of the people in the upper strata remained only ‘passive supporters of the movement and 'hob-nobbed most of the time with the British rulers. The 'bulk of the people who suffered were drawn from the -sections who had uncertain status in their professions. (2) A halo is built around new' ideas and new persons. Since very few people have active. initiative and the rest of the population suffers from inner passivity in "relation to the new, this halo gives place to the opposite ‘feeling of cynicism. (3) The atmosphere is naturally charged with tension and one of the releases for this tension is gossip and rumour. Feuds, litigation, internal strife are typical of the situation.

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(4) There is a lack of individual dynamic in most. people; hence feudal human relations prevail between workers and employers. There are very few trade unions and no organized method of dealing with the labour-capital disputes. New Trends in Towns After 1947

Several new influences have had an impact on the situation in the town. (1) There has been an enormous growth in the bureaucratic control of trade. Restricted availability of commercial goods, controlled sale of most commodities, a series of taxes, new limitations imposed on transportation have had a telling effect on the trading community and all kinds of devices have been developed to adjust to this new

situation. (2) The rural people have found good returns for their labour because of the rise in the prices of agricultural produce. This has given them relief from their indebtedness

and they can dictate terms. (3) The political emancipation has shifted power to a. limited degree to those drawn from humbler walks of life. The villager is becoming conscious of the power which is

invested in him by the adult franchise. The rising prices have affected the upper strata more than the village population (the former had the aspiration of better standards and the latter had few needs). . (4) Displaced persons from Pakistan offer the threat of new competiton and are a force with which the local population must reckon.

These new forces have shifted the monopoly of power from one class to a number of other gorups. At present there is a lack of integration between the various nuclei. It is difficult to find which will create new integration. But the following forces are important.

1.

Since higher edpuation has been accepted as the

criterion of admission to the new class there has been a phenomenal rise in the demand for higher education. The

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ill-equipped schools and colleges catering to a few hundreds in the past are now taking care of thousands with the same equipment. People from all strata - and particularly from the rural areas — are drawn to these colleges. They-‘had no traditions of literacy and education, so that when they come to the colleges they bring with them the village habit of clinging together in groups or gangs. Since most colleges have no extra-curricular activities and there are no guidance or counselling services the young people are left to find their own recreations. Hence youth drifts. In some places one becomes a ready tool in the hands of political power-seeking parties and in other places one becomes a member of a gang of questionable integrity. The young people are a force to reckon with. 2. Litigation is on the increase and is one expression of the new trends, and so is crime. The constructive trends in the Indian town situation will be commented on later. 3. Development of road transport in the countryside for the past few decades has brought to the villages urban amenities such as the newspaper, a supply of fresh fruits. vegetables, ice, aerated waters, etc. This has opened possibilities for new occupations and has weakened the social and psychological barriers between the village and the town population. The villages no longer remain “ exploited." _ 4. Abolition of landlordism with compensation to landlords has resulted in some landlords taking to new careers in trade and business and has supplied openings for employment to skilled and unskilled workers. Some Muslim landlords, unable to adjust themselves to the abolition of landlordism, migrate to Pakistan. Landlord abolition legislation provides for the land-

lord to retain certain lands to himself such as land for fruit orchards. etc. There has been tremendous activity amongst landlords to retain as much of the land to themselves as possible through their taking advantage of the legislation on abolition of landlordism. This has strained the relation between landlords and their tenants. The latter too have become conscious of their new power. The new situation

G0 glc

l4

has afiected Hindu-Muslim relations. Cases are not wanting of Hindu landlords suggesting migration to their Muslim tenants or Muslim landlords becoming more friendly to their Hindu tenants. This has brought more activity to small towns which are also the seats of courts of law. 5.

Rise in prosperity of the peasants on account of

the higher return they get for their commodities is also a factor in the situation. All these factors coerce the townspeople to be more fair in relation to the village, which means a levelling-up tendency i.n the relation of towns with villages. It is too early to review the manifestations of this tendency. In the meanwhile the archaic symbols such as revivalism are activated and interfere with the natural process of integration. Now we turn specifically to the problems of Aligarh.* Aligarh is a _ predominantly Hindu city; but it has an

influential minority of Muslim landlords and real estate owners, who form the elite of the city and the surrounding areas. This influential Muslim group early realized the necessity of starting an institution of European learning to train Muslim young men for avenues of employment thrown open to Indians due to the impact on .India of 19thcentury Europe. This institution developed into the Muslim University and it attracted Muslims from every part of India. It became a new symbol of the Muslim political aspirations, the nucleus for the ideology of a separate sovereign state for the Muslims of India ; and, finally, the executive tool of this ideology. The partition of India sent thousands of Muslims to Pakistan -- oflicials and scholars, artisans and labourers. The newly-created state needed Muslim ministers, Muslim professors and Muslim administrators. There was an opening for merchant and white-collar Muslims, as well as barbers, laundrymen, bakers, smiths, and so on, whose clientele were Muslim migrants. Then there were those "‘ The next four pages are taken from an article by Pars Ram and Gardner Murphy, in Human Organization, 1951. ‘ -

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__

15

who looked to Pakistan as the basis for a new life. The disturbed Hindu-Muslim relations consequent to the partition led to a general panic among Muslims in India, which was intensified in no small measure by their own uneasiness at having brought about the partition of the country. But the University, the lock factories, and other agencies kept many Muslims in Aligarh. From a rather proud and self-sufiicient group, they have suddenly become a very insecure minority group. Many hear and believe rumours that their shops will be looted and disappear at night ; cowherds, butchers, and leather workers fear that Hindus will attack them as “ cow-‘killers " ; cloth merchants feel that they get less than their quota of cloth, and can barely exist on what they do receive ; Muslims in general believe that unemployment is due to hostility of the present Government. Specific incidents point up the daily psychology of the situation: a Hindu kicks a Muslim toy-vendor's basket and scatters the toys, to the obvious

amusement of Hindu bystanders; Muslim children returning from school hear taunts of : “ Go to Pakistan " ; a Muslim rickshaw puller gets a few cents for four hours’ work and is told that if it is not enough he should go to Pakistan; an excited Hindu says that the return of -the feast of Holi* will usher in. new killings. Thus, stories

spread, many Muslims become terrified, and their leaders go to the authorities to request special police protection during the period of danger. _ The number of Hindus preying upon anti-Muslim sentiments is no greater than the usual anti--social element found in any large city. The Indian Government has provi-

ded safeguards for the protection of the minorities in Aligarh, as everywhere else. There is a committee of

Muslim public men to help the local government oflicers in the rehabilitation of Muslims returning from Pakistan and also to help in the general protection of Muslims. There is i‘ Holi is a Hindu festival celebrating spring when people throw coloured water and powder on each other.

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16

also a large number of Hindu public leaders who actively cooperate with Muslims and the Government to keep down aggression. But the Muslims’ feeling of insecurity, generated through their loss of prestige and their reduced numbers, continues to be an important factor in their feeling of anxiety, particularly as they have not discovered an adequate basis for a new ego identity in India since the

fierce anti-Hindu propaganda of the Muslim League during the previous decade. _ _ The general pessimism of the Muslims is evidenced in their response to the first question : “ Now that India is free, what will the future bring? “ Half the Hindus but three-quarters of the Muslims queried answer in somber,

frequently despairing terms. From subsequent questions one obtains dozens of indications of economic insecurity. Islam, always a strongly cohesive force, in this case means an intensification of the religious outlook. Muslims are spending a great deal more time on religion than are Hindus and, of course, religious observances are for the most part collective rather than purely personal matters. Although there is the usual sprinkling of those who are skeptical about all religion, there are a few at the other extreme who are trying to meet the crisis by being better Muslims than ever before. About two-thirds of them are convinced that the Hindus, and specifically the Govern-

ment of India, are constantly discriminating against them. They fail to realize that unemployment is general, and attribute their own unemployment to their minority group status ; similarly, although the police are inevitably ineffi-

cient because of the sudden departure of the large British and Muslim police establishment, they attribute the failure of the police to protect them as a deliberate, organized attempt to squeeze them out of India. Most Hindus, on the other hand, cannot understand what all the excitement is about. The fact that within the year, 18 Muslims were killed in the city in riots is not mentioned in the course of interviews with Hindus. Hindus are not in the line of communication through which is spread the continuous gossip of Muslim troubles.

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17

Similarly, in the Bombay study led by C. N. Vakil it became evident that most Hindus are unaware of Muslim insecurity - indeed, they are even unaware of the psychological condition of Hindu refugees from Sindh who live near them. They move along in their own groove, aware neither of the facts nor of the reasons for Muslim insecurity. One might say that the Muslims feel isolated because they actually are isolated. We hope these statements will make clear that it is utterly fatuous to ask “ who is to blame " in the present difficulty.

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CHAPTER III

POPULATION AND METHOD

-

The methods employed in this investigation comprise : (1) historical, economic sociological and political study of the city of Aligarh ; (2) intensive study of recent crises and episodes involving social tension ; (3) the study of gossip, spontaneous conversation relating to the Hindu-Muslim problem, and in particular the spread of rumours revealing

basic anxieties; (4) most important of all, a prolonged interview (two to six hours) with fifty adult Hindu males

and fifty adult Muslim males (some females were interviewed as occasion permitted, and certain special groups, such as shop-keepers and students, were also studied carefully). ' The writer did most of the interviewing himself. He was ably assisted throughout the year, especially in the study of women’s groups, by Miss Prabha Bhagat (now Mrs. J. L. Khanna). There was at times some assistance from additional interviewers. The sample of males, aged 20 to 60, was so drawn as to represent each of the main sections of the city; and also so as to give us, within each of the two religious groups, 15 working-class, 20 middle-class and 15 upper-class individuals. On the “ face sheet " giving data about each individual, we have information on (1) education, (2) occupation, (3) income, (4) number of dependents, (5) living space, (6) type of school attended, (7) newspaper reading habits. Analysis of the data by the chi-square method show that these Hindu and Muslim samples do not differ significantly from one another with respect to any of the first five categories. Since our problem was to compare Hindus and Muslims both in terms of mass trends and in terms of groups equated with respect to other important social variables, it is believed that the sampling is reasonably

adequate ; but the reader will find below the breakdowns with respect to education, number of dependents, and

living space.

"

18

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19

Table 1 : Education (on 5-point scale, from least to most)l 14 7 2l

Muslims Hindus Total

2 10 9 19

3 3 8 ll

4 13 10 23

5 10 16 26

Total 50 50 100

Chi-square shows no significant difference. Table 2 : Number of dependents §—II

Dependentsfl 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 s 91011121314 212s40§ Religion

Uh

H Total

ll-I

hi Li-I

I-'J"\

-Ii

42237104432110] LI-I 4;, l‘~J i_, _;| |—lg -I 934111314 l—HG |I L“ Lhin Li-I Ln MLn

I-'-|' I-1

[-* ifll 50 1050 mi“ -—-=:- 11100

Table 3 : Living space (5-point scale from least to most) Space

l

2

3

4

5

Total

l2 5

I2 17

10 7

10 I2

6 9

50 50

17

29

17

22

15

100

Religion

M H Total

The groups seem roughly comparable from a socioeconomic viewpoint. But, of course, when type of school —-largely a religious matter — is considered, the picturechanges. Table 4 : Type of school attended. 1=-=no school ; 2=Muslim school ;; 3-=-non-Muslim school. School Religion M H Total

1

2

3

Total

ll 6 I7

15 4 19

24 40 64

50 50 100

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20

Computation of chi-square ignores column 1 (those who attended no school) ; it is based on columns 2 and 3. The result is significant at the one per cent level. There is a significant difierence between Muslims and Hindus with regard to the type of school attended. Muslims have a definite tendency to prefer schools under direct management of Muslims alone, whereas there are more Hindus who prefer a school which caters to the Hindus and the non-Hindus alike. The first impulse is to attribute this to the presence of the Muslim University and Muslim high schools which are unquesionably of superior type compared to the Hindu schools and to which the nonMuslims naturally flocked. A careful scrutiny of the data shows that most of the interviewees had had their schooling outside Aligarh. Hence the difference between Hindus and Muslims on choice of school must be attributed to some other factor than the one suggested. In each group of 50, a total of 42 newspapers habitually read is reported. Among upper-class Hindus and Muslims English-language newspapers are frequently read. Middleclass Muslims read Urdu newspapers somewhat more frequently than nfiddleclass Hindus do. Most members of the working classes read no newspapers at all.

The newspaper habits of Muslims at Aligarh ‘By Economic Class I

I

I

Newspapers

i

I1.

--iII—1I-‘I

—i-

-

I1I—

"ii

j'I-

II——'I

I

I

I'—

‘Working Class Middle Class Upper Class Muslims Muslims Muslims 15 20 15

Daily paper English: Statesman — Hindustan Times — Amrit Bazaar Patrika — Pioneer — Times of India — Hindu -—-

C-0 glc

3 2 — — — —

12 -—---—-——

Daily paper Urdu ;

Siasat El-Jamiat ' Milap Partap Daily paper Hindi:

2

5

I-*l—*t'.Tl

Arjun

—-

-

Vir Arjun Hindustan

— —

— —

-—-—-

The newspaper habits of Hindus at Aligarh By Economic Class

“mini "Working E:'1£§s Middle e1.siia,,;;.ia;;. Newspapers _—

I-

*

Ii“

Hindus 15 Lu

II

1-L

I

i

I

i.

Hindus 15

I

Daily paper English : Statesman Hindustan Times Amrit‘ Bazaar Pioneer Times of India Hindu Daily paper Urdu : Siasat El-Jamiat Milap Partap Daily paper Hindi : Arjun Vir Arjun Hindustan F

Hindus 20

_-

4 7 1

-ii

4 1 1

Iii‘

L

Ii

2

iii

iii

Iii

1 4

iii

1

1 2 2

1 _

r-_.|

_.|_-

i

L

1 _

I

__

_

--____

M,

We conclude: the differences to be reported between Hindus and Muslims in the chapters that follow cannot properly be attributed to amount of education, occupation, income, number of dependents, or living space available to

C-0 glc

t

22

the family. They bear a relation, as will be seen, to newspaper reading habits. Frame of Reference of the Interviewee

This study is based primarily on interviews with an

adult male sample. How was the sample secured ‘E’

The population of the town was classified according to the occupation and social status into the following groups : (1) Workers who were either in regular employment in factories and firms or whose services were hired by the public in a casual way. Carriage and automobile drivers, unskilled employees at factories, bearers and men working as assistants to mechanics fell under this category. (2) Lower middle class group included shop-keepers, small plant owners (employing 5 to 10 workers and skilled workers in the employment of others). (3) Upper class people included landlords, factory owners, doctors, University teachers and lawyers. The town was divided into zones: (i) North East, -(ii) North West, (iii) South East and (iv) South West zones. The number of upper and middle class households in

each zone was easy to find and a random selection was made of 15 upper class names from the Northern and 15

from the Southern quarters of the town, and also 20 from the North and South of the middle-class families. It was not possible to list all the working class people in the same way. The quota of interviewees from the NE, NW, SE, SW for the working class was fixed (7 8 8 7 respectively) -and automatic selection was made (every hundredth family was selected if the total population was of 700 families in the locality). ' Out of those selected at random 23 refused to be drawn into the interview situation. Their substitutes were selected at random. Only those between 20 to 60 years of age were selected for interview.

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23

Since women were not sufficiently communicative they were excluded with the exception of the professionals and

the two who responded. The sample was based on topographical location of the interviewee occupation (and therefore of social status) and religious affiliation. The Interview

The best way to study one’s attitude towards various local groups is to discover the standards and norms they bring into action in perceiving a social situation. People rarely become conscious of the operation of the standards they accept in judging situations. There can be no denying, however, the determining influence that norms exercise on oneis social perception. One of the basic occupations of the human mind is to bring into effective use, and if necessary to create, standards of judgment, particularly when the external situation has very few clues to ofler. If the material stimuli are plentiful they have a compelling way of giving a meaning to the situation. Psychologists of the Gestalt school have worked out the principles on which the organization of the stimuli takes place in perceptual activities. Experience in work situations, recreation, contact with other persons, etc. give exercise to certain ways of evaluation. To cobblers other people are wearers of shoes.

The build of the ‘body is the first to attract notice of the athlete. When the external situation is vague and unstructured

it gives very few clues to the individual to enable him to give it meaning. He then falls back on his subjective experience, his habit system, and his inner resourcefulness, to give a shape to the situation. This inner world of experience, having its basis in the biogenic needs and their early conditioning in relation to objects with which one must cope, is slow to change and provides a frame of reference influencing subsequent experience. The first question in our interview schedule : " Now that India is free what shape will events take ? " is sufficiently vague and unstructured. Any adequate effort at answering this question’ has to be elaborate and poised.

C-0 glc

24

And very few interviewees took pains to examine all the implications of the question. Most people blurted out what they wanted to unburden themselves of. In many cases the answer bore no logical relation ,to the question. Still others were embarrassed by the question and answered

this in terms of their immediate worries and anxieties. All in all, answers to the question revealed the formulation put upon it by inner experience and personal needs. The First Thought

_ The following statements contain the first thought communicated by 51 of our interviewees in their eflort at answering question No. 1. (We have arranged these in an order which will clarify their grouping and discussion.) (1) There is nothing to eat. (2) If we remain ill-fed conditions will be bad (at least for us). (3) For some time we shall have difficulties, till the food situation is improved. (4)

Grain is not available.

(5) (6) (7) (3) (9)

People will get less to eat. We shall starve. There is a shortage of electricity. There is very little co-education in this country. Prices are shooting up and I cannot manage my affairs within my income.

(10) (11) (12)

There is no work_for me. Metal is sold in the black market and I cannot run my trade without a supply of metal at an economical rate. My business should be facilitated.

(13)

Our industries will flourish in the long run.

(14)

Unless the economic conditions improve the country will go to the dogs. The country will become economically independent in due course. My business is coming to a standstill. The country will prosper if it becomes industrialized. -

(15) (16)

(17)

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I5

(13)

(19) (20) (21) (22) (23)

Economic conditions will change for the better i:n due course. The Government is giving me trouble because all articlm of daily use cost a lot.. The Government was never ours. nor is it now.

People are against the Government because they do not have much by way of food and clothing. If we have good Oflicers the future will be better. The present Government ' is accomplishing nothing. i

(24) The Government cannot control black marketing, crime, etc. (25) The future depends on what the Governnlent does. (25) The Congress Government has not acquired suficient stability, and hence difficulties for people like me. (27) The Congress promised this and promised that to us before they came to power. Now they are

(28) (29)

helping the rich alone. The days of this Government are numbered. Communism will ultimately prevail in India and solve our economic difficulties.

Because we have achieved independence, all will be well shortly. (31) We are in the throes of a revolution and terrific bloodshed will take place in the near future. (32) There is little chance that the Congress will win the next elections. (33) A third world war is inevitable. (34) The present state of affairs will go. Russia might dominate. (35) Communists will create trouble. (36) Socialism is bound to come. (37) There is a political stalemate now. (38) Conditions will become lawless, as regards the safety of persons and property.

(30)

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26

(39) (49) (41)

We are a minority and we are suppressed in every way. Our well-meaning friends amongst the majority community have changed their minds about us. Hindus do not sell goods at controlled rates as

they did before the partition. (42) Hindu-Muslim relations are the problem of the day. (43) Communal conflicts will disappear. (44) I think different groups will acquire a basic integration. (45) There will be conflict because each political party is pressing its own point of view. (46) If the people work in an united way the future will be good. (47) Every community is stressing its own rights and no one works for national harmony. (43) People do not realize their responsibilities and duties. . (49) The root of all evil is the way some people are asked to work as slaves. (50) What is needed -—- more of love and humaneness in human relations? (51) People are dishonest, and they have to change ethically if we are to have prosperity. We have arranged these responses so as to bring out the following main emphasis : (1) Statements 1 to B refer to the urgent need for food. ' (2) Statements 7 and 8 refer to secondary necessities like electricity and education. (3) Statements 9 to 18 refer to occupations, employment and economic conditions. (4) Statements 19 to 28 refer to the Government. (5) Statements 29 to 38 contain reflections on the future in broad ideological terms. (6) Statements 39 to 43 refer to Hindu-Muslim relations.

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27

(7) (8)

Statements 44 to 47 refer more generally to group conflicts as their resolution. Statements 48 to 51 have a reference to the moral regeneration of society. How is the Future Perceived if

(1) Some interviewees were confused by question 1 and gave answers of the following kind : “ Better ask this of the politicians. I am not gifted suflicient intelligence and cannot answer." “ There is enough worry for the present. Who

knows about the future? " Some became involved in narrating their day-to-day

troubles and ignored the question. They were so full of the present that they could not be brought into a mood to discuss the future. (2) Others gave an emotion-charged picture of the future. “ The future is going to be bad." “ No hope for the future," “ I am hungry and therefore the future will be bad; if I get enough to eat the future shall be good." “ There will be anarchy." “ The future is bright." Beyond these personal statements, these interviewees could not say

anything about the shape of things to come. (3)

Then there was the third kind of answer which

made a very specific reference to the future. The following statements are typical : “ If the Kashmir issue is settled amicably, there will be peace and prosperity for India and Pakistan ; otherwise the nightmare of a perpetual garrison awaits us." '“ Communism is already knocking at Indiais door." “We have already moved towards socialism and in the future the Government will be run on socialistic lines." “ With increased electric power India will become a highly industrialized country."

Finally the future can be perceived as favourable, unfavourable, or neutral. The following statements illustrate a favourable, view: “ The future is bright." “ The best is yet to be." " We are not happy at the moment but

there will come a time when everybody will be employed

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28

and everyone will have enough to satisfy his daily needs." An unfavourable view is illustrated by the following: " Very bad days ahead." I do not see any chances of progress." " The unscrupulous will win the day." “ Capitalists are becoming unscrupulous, and they will not let us prosper." Then there was an attempt in some replies to give an objective factual picture. The following typify this attempt: " The Congress has carried on propaganda against the rich landlords. This has already resulted in creating a basis for a socialist revolution." "'The Government is already providing compulsory health insurance for the worker ; we can imagine a welfare state very soon." There is a negligible difierence between Hindus and Muslims in frustration caused them through non-availability of essential goods and the pin-pricks that occur in occupational pursuits. The Hindu interviewees do not refer these matters to communal conflict. They refer to the degenerating ethical tone of the Government. (Note the difference between the Hindu and the Muslim references to the moral tone of the administrative machinery. Here the Hindu complaints are more numerous than the Muslim complaints as seen in items 3, 4, 6, Table II). On the other hand, there is almost equal frequency of references to the

frustration of occupational aspirations and of vital needs. The ‘ Communal conflict ' is the problem emphasized by many Muslim replies to the first question, but of no Hindu replies.

In summary it appears legitimate to conclude that both Hindus and Muslims are exposed to frustration on the score of inadequate employment and non-availability of

needed goods, but the Hindus react to this by becoming more vocal on moral regeneration, changing the social

order, etc., while Muslims often react to the same by expressing their suspicion of the Hindus.

The first hypothesis to be tested was this : With the changed conditions, Muslims suffer more frustrations than the Hindus on the score of employment,

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29

-availability of needed goods, etc. This frustration leads them to develop a sense of persecution and hostility directed against their Hindu" neighbours.

Data from the sample of the population tend to confirm the hypothesis. They reveal that about the same number of Muslims and Hindus complain of the main frustrations. The Hindus show more acceptance of these frustrations than the Muslims. The latters’ thinking has been channelled into a specific kind of stereotype ; Hindus ‘persecuting Muslims. These reflections ate based on observed frcqtlences which will be examined more carefully below. TABLE I a

Replies to Question 1 in terms of topic stressed by percent: by religion, economic class and literacy status. 0

Total

I

ll

Unable Future pro- Second- Educa-

No.

to say

jccted in

ary

anything terms of about the vital future. nccessmcs.

-__--- -

Workers 30 Lower Middle 40 Upper Class 30 j

Illiterate Literate

tion.

Necessities.

6 ‘ion 1 1“ .20 *"‘““#*rs.i_i+_“=' . _ _ 50 .24 .14 _ _so .16 .12 --

Muslims Hindus

i

III

|-|

-.

|

-_1_-

40 so

-

-

-iii

-

_|

I

.40 .15 .06 -

.

.1

_.._i-_|..|.-i._-.

as .04

--H.

1-1-._

-_i.1_|1__.

.16 .20 .00 _

_

_

V

VI

.

-1

.14 .12

nistra- Order

tion-

Total Group Muslims Hindus

.12 .14 .10

.12 .08 .16

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1

|_|

VII

Occupa- Admi- Social Corntion

_ i_

—— — -—

-

IV

_

munal

I

-

i_

______

___?-

— — —

I

____

i_

.

I-._._|.

__ _|.i-_|

___

VIII

IX

Inter-

Moral

group

Values

Conflict Conflict

.28 .24 .32

.06 .12 .00

|

.04 .02 .06

.05 .02 .08

30

Workers Lower Middle Upper Class illiterate Literate

.15 .07 .16 .12 .12

.10 .13 .14 . .09 .15

.10 .25 .50 .12 .44

.04 .05 .10 .07 .05

.07 05 .00 .07 .01

TABLE I b Favourable and unfavourable views of the future I II III IV I—iIiII1—I1

I

—

I

I—:1

No answer

Neutral '

.17

.11

Total Group

Unfavour Favour able able

.44

Hindu vs. Muslim Muslims Hindus

50 50

Workers 30 Lower Middle 40 Upper Class 30 Illiterates Literates iI

u

111

—

40 60

—- -

In

—- -

.20 .10 .50 .14 .12 ‘.38 Economic Class .33 .13 .400 .125 .05 .475 .066 .166 .433 Literate vs. Illiterate .35 .15 .40 .085 .085 .46

—

1

I

I

—

I

—

-

TABLE I e

Degree of Articulateness in Reference to the Future I

II l

I

_

eetefeeeeg, Muslims Hindus ?

—

H 50 50 I

Workers

—No ‘Answer Vague

:30

.13 .22 .14 Ii

—

—

-

'-

.34

hhzllear

.20 .23 .30 I

In‘-

.50 2-“

Lower Upper

40 30

.15 .07

.27 .10

Illiterate Literate

40 00

.32 .00

.40" it .10

L

-—-.

.

-1..

.

.

.i_

1-..

.

i

in

_--i_--__

I I

C-0 316

_.-

IZ

—'—iI

ml-—'i1I'Il7i_

31

TABLE I d

Directness in answering. l '

i-3-‘

ii‘

I

5551064044

2 2

-1--I

II

-—-

Ill

I-ii-|i

Q

flgm*

Straight-

Round-

Not

forward Answer

about Answer

Determined

C C .00 C 2

;ee*"*‘ .15

Muslims

50

.52

.30

.18

Hindus

50

.68

.20

.12

Workers 2

20

.50“ C0720

Lower Middle Class 40 Upper Middle Class 30 I$I_I-I-I11‘

Illiterate Literate

_

I1

I

40 00

.78 .70 —i-

'-1F

.52 .05

it .27 '-

. 10 .23 I

--

II“.

-1I—1

I

—

.20 .2s

. 12 .07 1

-

.23“ .07

TABLE II

Attitude of Muslims and Hindus towards the Government and Political Parties. MUSLIMS I-IINDUS N=5U N=$U

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

6.

Complaints about the Governmentis obstructing the way to an adequate food supply .. Complaints about difiiculty in getting cloth .. Complaints about nepotism amongst Government officers .. Complaints about bribes to Government ofiicers ..

13

13

3

7

7

12

10

14

Complaints about the Governmentis

occupying land without suflicient compensation .. Complaints about the Governmentis favouring the rich ..

C-0 glc

0

1

2

7

32

7.-

Discontent with the present ruling political party ; loss of faith in political parties

..

17

13

8. 0.

Desire that British rule should return 3 3 Favourable attitudes toward the . political party in power .. 13 19 (Some gave more than one answer). There is no great difierence between Hindus and Muslims on most of these 9 items. Below are the two items on which the Hindu perception of the situation diflers substantially from the Muslim perception. TABLE III a

1.

2.

Complaints that their own communities are persecuted by the Government .. Complaints that Government Oflicers do not carry out Government policy ..

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22

7

'15

8

CHAPTER IV

ATTITUDES TOWARD RELIGION

Conflict between Hindus and Muslims has often been described as a religious conflict. It will be relevant to our study therefore to assess the attitudes of Hindus and ‘Muslims toward religion and the way in which religious aspirations become a source of conflict. The word “ religion " has been used to connote the following activities in the present context I (a) To appreciate the existence of more in their environments than can be reacted to by human beings with their present socio-psycho-biological equipment. (b) To enforce a certain discipline and set of rules to make this appreciation a reality in the texture of life experience. (c) To create social institutions such that religious experience becomes a force to reckon with in the group norms. Data on religion were collected to assess the following: (i) What concept of “ beyondncss "_ is entertained by our interviewees ? ' (ii) ‘What means seem to the interviewees feasible for achieving the religious end ? - (iii) The extent of involvement of our interviewees in religion. This is a tall order for even the open-end interview type of inquiry. But it is worth while presenting what is revealed by this inquiry. The following questions were asked : (i) ‘What docs religion mean to you? (Question 18). (ii) How can one lead a religious life (Question 18a.) (iii) "What do you do for your religion '2' How much time do you devote to religious activity? How much money '? (Questions 16b, c, d. e.) I. What does religion mean to you 1'

The following statements reveal the concept of ‘" beyondness " entertained by our interviewees.

33 3

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34

(1) I have no faith in religion and it means nothing to me (No. 26). (2) I am working for a political party. I have perfect faith in my own faculties to discover the way to make my values real. I don't need religion (No 20). (3) Religion in my mind is associated with I—IinduMuslim quarrels. The more I think of it the more I am convinced of the harm that religion is doing to us. I am afraid of religion. (No. 47) 4) It does not mean anything to me. (No. 93) (5)Religion is something that happens to men in old age. We live with passion for life in youth. When we are old we need support to live from outside ourselves. That is

religion for me. (No. 16) (6)

Religion for me is nothing but a way of labelling

people. (Nos. 21, 22) (7) Religion is a fear device to enforce particular relations amongst humans in society. (No. 38) (8) Religion is the regularization of relation between man and man. (No. 95) (0) If people live at peace with one another, religion too is there. If, not, there is no religion. (No. 4) (10) Religion is understanding the real basis of my being. (No. 44) (11) A form of moral life based on spiritual principles. (No. 45)

.

(12) Discover the best in you and live that sincerely. (Nos. 89, 00) (13) Your conscience is the frontier post between God and you, and to the extent the boundaries of the conscience within you. (No. 07) (14) All those mental activities which make life significant are God. _ (15) Religion is a search for the ultimate reality, and diflerent people do it in different ways and ultimately they

reach the same goal. (No. 1) . (16) The ideal of personal life is religion for me. Nothing supernatural about it. (No. 100)

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(17) Religion is the revelation of Godis nature, which is different from man ; and to take risks in order to follow this is living a religious life.

(18) God does not reveal himself except through the prophet, and what the prophet has written in the holy book gives a code for men to follow. (No. 10) (10)

To have faith in the prophet and to be like him

is the path of religion. (20) All that the Gita prescribes for me by way of belief and action is my religion. (No. 00) (21) Ramayan and other Hindu books prescribe a way of life, concept of character --- that is religion. (22) Religion is duty to follow the revealed book. Does not matter whether that book appeals to you or not. (23) Conformity to truth in the religious book. (24) All the people in my community say prayers and so do I. I do not know what else religion is. (25) I pray in segregation (isolation). That is what religion is. (26) These are subtle questions. I don't know. I simply go to the mosque with other people. t_ The above statements permit the following classificaions: I. (a) Statements 1 to 4. The interviewees making these statements have found the concept of the beyond wanting, and have discarded the concept. They have very little disposition to examine the subtleties of the mystic disposition. (b) Statements 5 to 0 imply an effort to understand religion as a social device and as a rational approach to discover a basis for moral law. The centre of reference for religion IS not the “ sense of beyondness “, but 1s a biological or sociological device to produce a result. (c) Statements 10 to 16 imply a more philosophical approach to religion, based on inner experience. These statements include comments on the “ basis of my being " and on a “ moral life based on spiritual principles.“ (d) Statements 17 to 23 imply reference to an external authority not fully understood by the individual which

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7.~

8. 9.

Discontent with the present ruling political party ; loss of faith in political parties .. Desire that British rule should return Favourable attitudes toward the

17 3

18 3 .

political party in power

13

19

..

(Some gave more than one answer). There is no great difference between Hindus and Muslims on most of these 9 items. Below are the two items on which the Hindu perception of the situation difiers substantially from the Muslim perception. TABLE III a

1.

2.

Complaints that their own communities are persecuted by the Government .. Complaints that Government Officers do not carry out Government policy ..

C-0 glc

22

7

15

6

q

CHAPTER IV

ATTITUDES TOWARD RELIGION Conflict between Hindus and Muslims has often been described as a religious conflict. It will be relevant to our study therefore to assess the attitudes of Hindus and "Muslims toward religion and the way in which religious

aspirations become a source of conflict. The word “ religion " has been used to connote the following activities in the present context :

(a) To appreciate the existence of more in their environments than can be reacted to by human beings with their present socio-psycho-biological equipment. (b) To enforce a certain discipline and set of rules to make this appreciation a reality in the texture of life

experience. (c) To create social institutions such that religious experience becomes a force to reckon with in the group norms. Data on religion were collected to assess the following: (i) What concept of “ beyondness "_ is entertained by our interviewees '? (ii) What means seem to the interviewees feasible for achieving the religious end ? - (iii) The extent of involvement of our interviewees in religion. This is a tall order for even the open-end interview type of inquiry. But it is worth while presenting what is revealed by this inquiry. The following questions were asked :

(i) "What does religion mean to you ? (Question 18). (ii) How can one lead a religious life (Question 18a.) (iii) ‘What do you do for your religion? How much time do you devote to religious activity? How much money? (Questions 16b. c, d, e.) I. What does religion mean to you ‘I’

The following statements reveal the concept of ‘" beyondness " entertained by our interviewees. 33

3

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(1) I have no faith in religion and it means nothing to me (No. 26). (2) I am working for a political party. I have perfect faith in my own faculties to discover the way to make my values real. I don’t need religion (No 29). (3) Religion in my mind is associated with HinduMuslim quarrels. The more I think of it the more I am convinced of the harm that religion is doing to us. I am afraid of religion. (No. 47) 4) It does not mean anything to me. (No. 93) (5)Religion is something that happens to men in old age. We live with passion for life in youth. Vlihen we are old we need support to live from outside ourselves. That is religion for me. (No. 16) (6) Religion for me is nothing but a way of labelling people. (Nos. 21, 22) (7) Religion is a fear device to enforce particular relations amongst humans in society. (No. 38) (8) Religion is the regularization of relation between man and man. (No. 95)

(9) If people live at peace with one another, religion too is there. If, not, there is no religion. (No. 4) (10) Religion is understanding the real basis of my being. (No. 44) (11) A form of moral life based on spiritual principles. (No. 45) _ ' (12) Discover the best in you and live that sincerely. (Nos. 89, 90) (13) Your conscience is the frontier post between God and you, and to the extent the boundaries of the conscience within you. (No. 97) (14) All those mental activities which make life significant are God. _ (15) Religion is a search for the ultimate reality, and difierent people do it in different ways and ultimately they reach the same goal. (No. 1) . (16) The ideal of personal life is religion for me. Nothing supernatural about it. (No. 100)

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(17) Religion is the revelation of God's nature, which is different from man ; and to take risks in order to follow this is living a religious life. (18) God does not reveal himself except through the prophet, and what the prophet has written in the holy book gives a code for men to follow. (No. 10) (19) To have faith in the prophet and to be like him is the path of religion. (20) All that the Gita prescribes for me by way of belief and action is my religion. (No. 99) (21) Ramayan and other Hindu books prescribe a way of life, concept of character -—- that is religion. (22) Religion is duty to follow the revealed book. Does not matter whether that book appeals to you or not. (23) Conformity to truth in the religious book. (24) All the people in my community say prayers and so do I. I do not know what else religion is.

(25) I pray in segregation (isolation). That is what religion is. (26) These are subtle questions. I don't know. I simply go to the mosque with other people. The above statements permit the following classifications: I. (a) Statements 1 to 4. The interviewees making

these statements have found the concept of the beyond wanting. and have discarded the concept. They have very little disposition to examine the subtleties of the mystic disposition.

.

(b) Statements 5 to 9 imply an effort to understand religion as a social device and as a rational approach to discover a basis for moral law. The centre of reference for religion is not the “ sense of beyondness ", but IS a b1ological or sociological device to produce a result. (c)

Statements 10 to 16 imply a more philosophical

approach to religion, based on inner experience. These statements include comments on the “ basis of my being " and on a “ moral life based on spiritual principles.” (d) Statements 17 to 23 imply reference to an external authority not fully understood by the individual which

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demands conformity to a certain ethical code. This approach is an act of faith in a life different from the present. The reality of this life is accepted. Revealed books and also the prophet are regarded as manifestations of this reality. To accept this authority unconditionally and to take the risk involved in a faith of the kind was referred to by the interviewees making these statements. (e) Statements 24 to 26 imply a herd-like obedience to" certain codes without awareness of the basis of this obedience. Conformity to religious practice was stimulated more out of a social fear than a religious fear. TABLE R 1. I

What religion means to you.

(Muslim-Hindu differences in replies.) Muslim Hindu Total 50 50 100 I

-iIii

(a) Religion viewed as delusion .. 3 (b).#_Religion viewed as a social device ' P to perptuate certain kinds of _ human relations .. 7 -(c) Religion viewed as inner experience .. 3 (d) Religion viewed as obedience to an . agency outside human experience. I31 (-e) Religion viewed as conformity to group religious practices .. 6 '

1

4

4

11

10

13

35

66

—

6

TABLE R 2.

What does your religion means to you ? (Social status difference in replies) Working Middle Upper Total

class I

(a) (b) ' I

Religion viewed as delusion . . Religion viewed as a social device to perpetuate certain kinds of human relations ..

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cl: ss

class

30

40

30

100

0

2

2

4

1

4

6

11

37

(c) Religion viewed as inner experience (d) Religion viewed

as

.. obe-

.. 1

dience to an agency outside human experience . . 23 (e) Religion as conformity to group religious practices . . 5

5

7

13

28

15

66

1

0

6

II. . “ How can one live a religious life '3' "

The following represent all the different kinds of answers to this question. (1) If I had enough money I would go about spending this on institutions built for the sake of charity. - Being a poor man I cannot do much for religion. (No. 2) (2) One can become religious if he can live together with other people with inner joy. If he cannot, he is not religious.

'

(3) Not to put obstacles in other people’s way is to be truly religious. (No. 21) (4) No cruelty“ and no aggression on others is the path to religious goals. (No. 25) (5) To strive to bring equality amongst mankind is my religion. (No. 29)

(6) Correct behaviour toward others is religion. (No. 40) (7) One can become religious through social work and through help to others. (No. 41) (8) Serve Godis creation. That is the way to live a religious life. (No. 42) - (9) Religion for me is a moral code which enjoins upon me to do to others what I want to be done towards me. (No. 46) (10)

Don’t inflict pain on others. Don’t look at others’

women with covetous eyes. Do good deeds. Tliat is the path of religion. (No. 63) _ (11) Work for others and not for yourself. (No. 67)

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(12)

Be honest in your dealings.

(13) So long as we regard some people as untouchables, we cannot he religious. (14) Observe non-violence in your relations with others. (No. 95) (15) I follow my religion by preaching it to others.

(No. 39) (16) Glorify God by letting others know about your religion. (No. 62) (17) I say my Namaz (the Muslim way of wprshipping God), and observe fasting. to be religious. (18) Namaz and Kalm (Kalm is the Muslim article of faith : “ There is no God but Allah and Mohammad is His Prophet ") are the way to a religious life. (No. 10) (19) God has revealed Himself through the Quran and to conform to the Quranic discipline is the way to a religious life for me. (No. 15) (20) Follow the Quranic code. (No. 18) (21) The path to the religious life is through Quran, Namaz and fasting. (No. 34) (22) Read Ramayan. (23) Do Puja Path (the Hindu form of worship) ; bathe. (24) Read Granth Sahib (Sikh religious book) (No. 82)

(25) Obedience to religious preceptors. No. 80) (26) Go to the temple. Read religious books. (No. 98) (27) Say your prayers at prescribed times and in a prescribed way. (No. 99) (28) All those activities which are in consonance with oneis idealism. (No. 100) (29) Listen to the inner voice when God speaks to you and relax yourself to enable this voice to influence you. (No. 97)* (30) I do not believe in religion and I do nothing for it.

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These statements can be lumped together into the following groups : (a) Statement 1. A religious man is ‘one who gives freely for a religious purpose. ' (b) Statements 2 to 14 imply reference to other men in living a religious life; " correct behaviour toward other persons ", etc. (bl) Statements 15 to 16 refer to religious activity

through spreading a religious message. (c)_ Statements 17 to 27 refer to obedience to an authority outside oneself who must be listened to and obeyed through the reading of holy books, through following rituals, etc. (d) Statements 28 to 29 refer to religion as a constant effort to achieve one’s ideals. 2 (e) Statement 30 implies denial of religion. TABLE R 3 II.

How can one live a religiouslife ?

(Hindu-Muslim differences) Muslim 50 '

(a) Through expenditure for religious purposes .. (b)Through correct behaviour toward other men. (Main reference social) .. (c) Through obedience to God, doing duties assigned by Him through His prophet and holy books. (Main reference God). . (d) Through oneis ideals and through religious exercises of a personal nature .. (e) Nothing for religion ..

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Hindu 50

Total 100 i

IiI1iI

1

0

1

12

22

34

29

14

43

3 5

11 3

14 8

40 -

TABLE R 4

II. How can one live a. religious life? -(Social Status difierences)

Working Middle Upper Total class 30

(a) Through expenditure for religious purposes .. (b) Through correct behaviour towards other men .. (c) Through obedience to God, doing duties assigned by Him through His Prophet and holy books .. (d) Through living one’s idealism and through religious exercises of a personal nature .. (e) Do nothing for religion . . III.

class 40

class 30 100

1

6

0

1

12

14

8

34

14

19

10

43

3 0

4 3

7 5

14 8

What do you do for your religion ?

' The following statements illustrate the kind of replies received in response to the above question. (1) I do nothing for religion because I do not believe in religion. (2) I do nothing because I am busy in other ways. (3) I do nothing for religion because I think the whole of life is a religious pursuit. (4) I am not particular about religion. (5_) I offer Namaz (Muslim form of worship). (6) I do Puja Path (the Hindu way of worship). (7) I pray in my own way. (8) I fast. ' (9) I read the Gita. (10) I read the Quran.

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(11)

I -read Ramayan.

'

(12)

I went to Mecca for Haj.

(13)

I bathe.

(14)

I give to charity.

(15)

I help the sick, and the poor.

(16)

I preach my religion to others.

The above statements admit of the following grouping: (a)

Statements 1 to 4 imply indifference to religion.

(b) Statements 5 to 14 refer to the interviewees’ involvement in conventional religious activities, such as prayer, fasting, visits to holy places, reading of religious books, and charities. (c) Statements 15 and 16. Here a primary purpose of religious activities is to relate oneself to others. TABLE R 5

,

III. .‘What do you do for your religion ?

(Hindu-Muslim differences) M uslirn 50

Hindu 50

‘i.

Total IUU -

(a) Those who do nothing for _

religion

..

6

11

17

(b) Those who perform the routine rituals of a religious character, e.g., prayer, fasting, etc. ..

40

36

76

(c) Those whose religious activities have a reference to other people ..

4

3

7

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TABLE R 6

III.

What do you do for your religion 7

(Social status difierences) Lower Working Upper Total middle class class class

30

40

30

106

0

5

12

17

30

30

' 16

76

6

5

2

7

(a) Those who do nothing for religion .. (b) Those who perform the rou_ tine rituals of a religious ' character, e.g., prayer, fasting, etc. .. (c) Those whose religious activities have a reference to other people .. IV.

How much time do you devote to religion 1"

Replies varied from " not a minute " to more than three hours a day. These replies are recorded in Table R in the following manner : ' IVa Not a minute. i IVb Half an hour or less. IVc More than a half-ho_ur, not over one hour. IVd More than one hour, not over two hours. IVe More than two hours. IV.

TABLE R 7

Hindu-Muslim difierences in involvement in religious activities in terms of time Muslim Hindu - ‘Total 50 50 100

IVa.' Not a minute

'IVb. Half an hour or less .. We. More than a half hour, not over one hour ..

'

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11

13

24

7

28

35

9

4

13

43

Wd. More than an hour;not over _ two hours .. .. We. More than two hours

18 5

5 0

23 5

IV. TABLE R 8 Social status difierences in terms of the involvement of time in religious activities Working Lower Upper Total class middle class class 30 40 30 100

2 s mp1s

IVa. Not a minute .. IVb. Half hour or less .. IVc. More than half hour, not over one hour .. Nd. More than an hour, less than two hours ..

IVe.

More than two hours

..

14 9

24 as

5

5

3

13

10 3

10 1.

3 1

23 5

. V. TABLE R 9 Hindu-Muslim difierences in spending money for religious purposes

Muslim 50

. .

V.

Those who spend money for religious purposes .. Those who do not ..

Hind u 50

Total 160

28 22

37 13

65 35

TABLE R 10

V.

Status difference in spending money for religious purposes Working Lower Upper Total class

middle class class

30

40

30

160

17 1.3

31 9

17 13

as 35

I'I

V.- Those who spend money - for religious purposes ' . . Those who do not ..

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_

44

Comments

The following observations on the Muslim and the Hindu attitudes toward religion are relevant in this connection. (a) The Muslim mode of worship is standardized, in contrast with the Hindu mode of worship. A Muslim is called upon to offer five prayers a day, preferably in congregation. The time for each prayer is fairly rigidly fixed and no prayer is ofiered by a Muslim outside those hours. The time for prayer is announced by a human voice from each mosque as a signal for the faithful to flock to the mosque. Then various verses from the Quran are recited in various bodily poses, standing, kneeling, squatting, etc. by the congregation, in consonance with the leader (Imam). Muslims all over the world face Mecca at the time of offering prayers. We are concerned with the group-formation value of the prayer. The whole process of prayer is socially defined. The stimuli coming five times a day from the same place and the same persons, and the -congregation’s repeating the identical quotations from the Quran, facing the same direction and in the same bodily pose, provide the situational basis for conformity. Every prayer

ends with silent blessings of each Muslim for the Ummat (the Community of the faithful). The same kind of social regulation is stressed on the occasion of the month of Rarnazan when it is expected of every Muslim to participate in the Travis, the late evening prayers and recitation from the Quran. These exercises make for deep interpersonal ties amongst the group members. _ In contrast, the Hindu mode of worship is not at all regimented. From a bath in the early morning and offering water to the Sun, standing on one leg in water to the highly meditative exercises of the yogis, there is a large variety of exercises which go by .the name of prayer. While a Muslim must frequently voice his faith in God and in Mohammad as His prophet, among the Hindus neither the language of the prayer nor the time and frequency of the prayer have been standardized. The congregational

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'

prayers are not frequent and are not at all compulsory. Even when many Hindus assemble in one temple, each one will be found muttering a different Mantram in any language he likes. Many efforts have been made amongst certain reformed Hindu congregations to have a standardized form of prayer during the last hundred years. Amongst the Hindus only the Sikhs have succeeded in developing a measure -—- and only a measure — of conforInity in their mode of worship. Other experiments in

conformity have failed. (b) The festivals amongst Muslims are essentially of a religious character. In contrast with this the worship part of a Hindu festival is limited to the Hindu family members and the fun part of it is commonly shared by all. Gatherings in Hindu temples meet for “ Darshan " or to catch a glimpse of the image of deity and not for performing the standardized devotional exercises. Perhaps the Hindu and the Muslim attitudes toward religion are reflected in the practices obtaining at the Benares Hindu University and the Muslim University at Aligarh. The first thing that impresses a visitor to the Muslim University is the University Mosque which supplies an imposing perspective for the whole University. Each Muslim University Hall has its own corner of worship where residents gather for their prayers five times a day. There is no central place of worship in Benares Hindu University. No congregational prayers are conducted in the University Halls. The foundation for a temple for the Hindu University was laid decades ago and there is no possibility of this temple being completed for the next five to ten years. The only religious exercises are the morning sermons on the Gita. to which not many are attracted.

‘

(c) A third difference between the Hindu and the Muslim attitudes toward religion is this. Muslims constantly endeavour to, model their dav-to-day life on the pattern of the P1"'fiphEt’S dealings with similar situations. Certain Do’s and Dontis related to such simple matters as the combing of the hair. dress, table etiquette. etc. are

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followed with religious zeal by Muslims because these have their basis in the practices followed and commended by the Prophet. There are Muslim theological seminaries which take stock of the new situations to which Muslims are exposed with changing times. Muslim scholars in these seminaries studiously examine the practices which were followed by key-Muslims in the days of the Prophet relating to the issues confronting present-day Muslims, and recommend the correct Islamic way to the faithful. Just as these lines are being written, a Muslim theologian from Pakistan has declared Indian Muslims to be inferior in quality to the Pakistan Muslims, and the marriage between Indian Muslims and Pakistani Muslims to be against the spirit of the Quran. The same theologian declared in 1948 that Pakistanis designs on Kashmir were un-Islamic. These theologians have their following amongst Muslim -priests who broadcast these findings through the Friday congregational prayers. These -recolmnendations of the theologians carry the force of a religious command and therefore sensitize the conscience of the Muslims who accept these commands with awe and fear. Thus there are well established channels of communication between the masses of Muslims, and these are charged with the task of giving moral tone to community life. Yet sometimes the “ Fatwa " passed by one theologian is challenged by other theologians. Many Muslims, moreover, have become indifferent to these “ Fatwas ". Yet they are a real social force to reckon with in many sections of the Muslim population. There are no such well stabilized institutions amongst the Hindus who, when they are exposed to a new situation, have to fall back on their own wits to find a solution. The gods and prophets of the Hindus lived in pre-historic times and they are seldom looked up to for a solution to a new situation. Again, the well established Hindu religious practices aim at transcending all human relations intellectually and emotionally, to acquire a new perspective upon life. When followers of Mahatma Gandhi met after his death to find ways and means to popularize

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'

his teachings amongst the masses, they arrived at this conclusion : every one should be free to interpret Gandhi according to his own light to others. The attitude of the Gandhites reflects the climate of opinion amongst Hindus on things that matter. (d) Muslim prayer (Namaz) is ofiered in the Arabic language. Muslim children make their first acquaintance with Arabic script (which is a shade difierent from the Urdu script) through the Quran. Muslim boys learn to recite the Quran long before they are mature enough to understand the meaning of the Arabic verses. And most children never get beyond mere recitation. No such introduction to a specific verbal formulation enters into a Hindu childis education. Most Hindus use their own vernacular as a medium for expressing their religious cravings. Initiation into Sanskrit is not at all compulsory for Hindu children. There is a tremendous sense of belongingness amongst Muslims through the fact that God prescribed the Arabic words of the Quran, the final moral code for mankind, Mohammad being the last of Godis Prophets. An average Muslim feels deeply hurt if a leaf of an Arabic book and -—particularly the Quran — is thrown in the dust bin or on the floor. The same kind of reverence is extended to the person of the Prophet of Islam. Anyone playing the role of the prophet on the stage‘ or screen carries for a Muslim the meaning of an ordinary mortal " pretending to be the Prophet ". Often Muslims demand a ban on books which treat the prophet of Islam as an ordinary mortal. This is considered sacrilege. Since reverence is to some degree carried over to all persons within the circle of Islam (Ummat), a Muslim is for another Muslim not just another person but one related to him through having identical relations with the prophet of Islam.

In summary, an average Muslim childis behaviour is subjected to modification at every step of his growth in the light of the carefully worked out ethical system deriving

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P

its inspiration from the life of the prophet of Islam. He has to adjust himself to a system of etiquettes and fashions having their roots in the tradition of Islam. Thus religion for Muslims is a completely regulated life both in its external manifestation and in its inner experience. When an average Muslim thinks of religion he has a sense of belongingness with a group, with a specific person to whom God bestowed prophethood, with certain etiquettes and ways of taking care of oneis person, and with specific language and script. To quote the words of a Muslim interviewee: “A Muslim feels, thinks and behaves differently from the rest of the creation. Man in his natural state is just an animal. It is only when he has been Muslim-ized that he becomes cultured and spiritualized." It is not implied that all Muslims feel the belongingness of the type described above. This, however, has tremendous influence on the group norms. These statements will help us to appreciate the different meanings the same word “ religion " conveys to different people and the limitations that language puts on gauging an attitude towards religion. With these limitations in view we may now proceed to comment on the data supplied by our interviewees about their attitudes toward religion. r I. What does religion mean to you ‘E’

Table R 1, item (d) suggests the involvement of most Muslims and most Hindus is in an agency external to man. We may assume that the replies will reveal something of the basic structure of the Hindu and the Muslim attitudes toward religion. There. are 15 Muslims and 19 Hindus who represent traditional viewpoints (Vide table R 1). For Muslims the group remains the centre of reference. Three interviewees who reject religion look to communism or socialism to restore certain relations amongst humans. For seven interviewees religion appears to be a biological device to maintain certain relations amongst men. For six, religion means a blind obedience to the group. In contrast with this, most of the Hindu deviants when they give up the conventional attitude toward religion look toward rich

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49,

inner experience as religion (10;§.out of 15) and five Hindus look toward restoring proper human relations amongst men as the core of religion. _ Table R 2 presents difierences in the perception of religion in terms of the social status of the interviewees. There is more deviation in the upper class of the interviewees than in the other classes. It would not be a farfetched conclusion to say that education and economic prosperity provide the dynamics of this deviation. II. How can one live a religious life ?

This question was asked to find out what aspirations the interviewees entertain about living the ideal religious life. Here there are obvious differences in the Hindu and Muslim attitudes. The Hindu replies are distributed over three categories i.e., service to ‘man, service to God, and enriching the inner experience, ¢ 14, 22 and 11 respectively (Vide table R 3). In contrast td this, most Muslim replies centre round two categories i.e,, service to God (29) and service to man (12). There aregonly three Muslims under the category of personal experience in contrast with 11 Hindus in the same category. Among both Hindus and Muslims, upper class Hindus and Muslims value personal experience less and the conventional religion more than those low in the social hierarchy. So much for religion as it is perceived and conceived and the ideals of a religious life. Now about the actual pI‘3.C1;iCES.

1

III. What do you do for your religion '3'

In actuality many Hindus and Muslims are indifferent to religion (22% of the Hindus and 12% of the Muslims vide table R 5). In contrast with this only 6% of the Muslims and 2% of the Hindus reject religion on reflection. This “ passive rejection " and “ active acceptance " of religion needs further investigation. Again, ideally conceived, the interviewees would like to do something different from what they actually do for religion. When made to do a bit of thinking on the problem in 1_',erms of questions I and II HIDOVE. 76% accept passively the conventional practices which had been rejected by many.

G0 glc

50

- IV.

Hindu-Muslim difierences in investment of time and money in religious activities. I Psychological significance of the investment of time and money in religious activities. Investment of money is no sure indication of a positive orientation toward the cause for which money is offered. A husband may be generous in making gifts of money to his discarded wife and son. And yet he may be doing this to save himself the embarrassment of meeting them personally. Money is given from various motives. On the other hand, investment of time betokens a more positive interest in the cause for which time is spent. Again, spending money for a cause does not indicate lively interest. Often money is paid as _a concession to our laziness. But when time is spent for the same object the mental and physical energy means involvement in the object. The average time daily spent by a Hindu on the score of religion comes to less than 20 minutes, whereas in the case of Muslims it approximates 55 minutes per day. But, whereas Hindus spend less time on religion, more of them spend more money for religious purposes than do Muslims. (It was not possible to get correct figures on monetary expenditures.) The sense of belongingness to Islam amongst Muslims is concrete and lively and touches almost all aspects of their lives. There seems to be no such belongingness among Hindus. A Muslim financier is puzzled in lending money to others because Islam does not permit the charging of interest on loans. A Muslim clerk feels estranged with oflice hours because he cannot offer two prayers in congregation which are timed to be offered during office hours. A Muslim hesitates to eat mutton curry at a Hindu house because Muslims can eat only such animals as have been slaughtered in the name of God. This sense of belongingness hedges them off from the Hindus in many sectors of day-to-day life.

How far does this strongly religionized in-group feeling make for Hindu-Muslim conflicts is a moot question.

Go glc

51

The best Muslim theological traditions see no conflict between oneis being a Muslim and being an Indian. At the same time, this belongingness created a widespread belief among _Muslims that Muslim values can be lived in a Muslim state only, since script, dress, hair, the slaughtering of animals in a particular way, etc. are all loaded with a sense of belongingness. Any injury to the sense of belongingness on any minor point, therefore, is easily extended to the whole. For the Hindu the problem is comparatively simple. When he is out of spatial contiguity with his caste he canbreak the caste rules without compunction. Religion has not been very much mixed up with caste-restrictions in the case of the Hindus.

'

It is not at all implied that the sense of belongingness in Muslims is a liability. The problem for action research is to discover the techniques by which the sense of belongingness can be harmonized with belongingness to a nation. And those who are used to the experience of belongingness in one sphere of life can take it to others as well. The problem becomes more difficult with those who lack this experience. Nor can this problem be tackled in

the abstract. There are many techniques developed ‘thy psychologists in recent years to promote this belongingness. We are living in an epoch where the State has to interfere with most spheres of an individualis life. Totalitarian states were created through promoting a sense of belongingness to a way of thinking and an ideology and thereby a way was paved for the large-scale interference by the “ own way ". To create belongingness to a democratic state is bound to be an arduous process.

Go glc

CHAPTER V

'

HOW HINDUS PERCEIVE THEMSELVES

'

In their natural and spontaneous conversation during the interview very few Hindu interviewees referred to themselves as Hindus. Most of the references of the Hindu interviewees to themselves as Hindus were made in response to the question “ Has the present set-up done anything to harm your religion ? " Only 12, or 24%, of the Hindus replied to these questions in terms of their identity with “ Hindus ". These replies can be classified under the following headings: " (i) Nothing done to harm their interests: ‘“ Hindus are undoubtedly the rulers at the moment, and how can their -religious interests be harmed‘? "' “ Hindus are the Government." (ii) Healthy self-criticism : “ Nothing is wrong with the Hindus now. On the other hand they are aggressive toward Muslims." “ Hindus finance R. S. S." “ Hindus are

grabbing all the privileges of political freedom and they leave nothing for Muslims." “ The present Government is doing nothing to harm the Hindus. Hindus on their part are divided and it is true that Hindus belonging to different religious caste-groups should be re-united." (iii) Feeling of temporary rejection of their group: '“ The present Government is harming the economic interests of Hindus to appease Muslims." “ The Government is doing nothing for the refugees.“ (iv) Feeling of permanent rejection of their group : '“ The Government is secular and therefore inimical to the Hindu interest.“ “ Nothing is being done to revive the ancient Hindu glory." “ The Hindu Code Bill is an attack on Hindu religion." (v) Feeling of personal rejection. (vi) Feeling of personal rejection and persecution. 52

Go glc

53

TABLE I H. M. P. Hindus’ and Muslims’ perception of themselves

(i)

(ii)

Muslims Hindus 50 -,__§..°__. Those who believe that Working Class 4 15 nothing is being done

Lower Middle

to harm their interests in the present set-up.

Class Upper Class

l O

13 10

Total 5 Those who show a heal- Working class l thy self-criticism of their Lower Middle own Hindu or Muslim Class 0 groups. Upper Class 2

33 0

Total

2 2

3

4

(iii) Those who feel that their Working Class 6 Hindu or Muslim group Lower Middle is rejected by the GoveClass 3 rnment or the public or -Upper Class 4

0

2 2

both. (In the case of the Hindus by the present Government alone.) (Temporary phase) (iv)

—-Total 13 These who regard the per- Working Class 0 . secution of their group Lower Middle (Hindu or Muslim) as a Class '2 permanent feature. Upper Class 2 Total

(v)

-—4 0 O 0

4

0

Those who regard them- Working Class I selves (as Hindu or Lower Middle

0

Muslim) as rejected.

4 7

3 1

12

4

Class Upper Class

Total

C-0 glc

'

54

(vi) Those who regard them- Working Class 3 selves as both rejected Lower Middle

and persecuted. .

0

Class

10

0

Upper Class

0

0

Total

13

0

h|_i_|

I

When Hindus feel rejected or persecuted, they refer to the present government as the rejecting and the persecuting agency. At the same time they feel confident of overcoming the handicap through changing the Government with the help of adult franchise. In contrast, when Muslims mention rejection and persecution, they add to their mental strain conveyed by these words, through involving the public and the government alike. To the Hindus, therefore, the feeling of rejection and persecution appears to be a passing phase. To the Muslims, on the other hand, the strain is the beginning of a storm, and to some at least, something which has come to stay. No more than 12% of the Hindus blame the Government for rejecting them or persecuting them; against this, 84% of the Muslims are weighed down with the feeling of rejection or persecution. 2.

The changing ego identity of the Hindus.

Against 24% of the Hindu interviewees reflecting “ Hindu-consciousness " there were 76% who used the phase “ people's problems " when referring to their personal problems. Probably this is due to the political self-determination and the creation of Pakistan in August 1947. It may be the result of the political movement’s capturing the people’s imagination for the past three decades or so. Anyway, Muslims do not weigh heavily on the Hindus as a force to reckon with. This is in sharp contrast with the Muslim interviewees, for whom Hindus are a force to reckon with. When a Hindu uses the word “ people " he means thereby people versus the Government. When a Muslim uses the word “ people " his

C-0 glc

55

reference is to Muslims versus the Government and the Hindu public. . 6. The following are the different meanings of the word Public as used by the Hindus. I. (i) “ We are the government. We can reform the Government.“ . (ii) “ If people unite they can fight for increase in wages.“ (iii) “ If people ask the Govermnent they will have their demands accepted." II. (i) “ The trouble with people is that they always black-market and do not purify themselves of their own shortcomings." (ii) “ People should protest against the malpractices of the leaders who stand in the way of the peopleis

interest." (iii) “ If people understand their responsibility all will be well." (iv) “ The rich will not cooperate with the poor in protecting the right of the people." III. (i) “ People should cooperate with the Government in increasing production." (ii)

“ The people do not let the Government work

with unity of purpose. They always create difficulties." Broadly the ego identity of the Hindus shows the following features :

(i) People are the Government. (ii) People are divided amongst themselves -—- rich against the poor, the black-marketeers against the honest citizens. (iii) People foolishly fight the Government. TABLE II. I-I. M. P.

Seventy-six per cent of the Hindu interviewees referred to the “ people " in the following senses :

'

“”'

Working Middle Upper Total Class

1.

People are the Government if they could only work it out in practice ..

G0 glc

Clsss

Class

' 6

1

' 1

" 8

56

2.

People are the Government but they are divided amongst themselves .. People are the Government but they foolishly fight the Government ..

3.

_

7

9

2

- 18

2

3

7

12

Conclusion

.

Both Hindus and Muslims show signs of profound disturbances in their ego-identity. Symbols of the larger groups such as the Nation elicit contradictory behaviour in most interviewees. These clues have to be pursued further. Social Distance Between Hindus and Muslims Table SD1

Showing the extent to which Hindus and Muslims accept one another at various levels of participation, such as recreation, neighbourhood, relationships, dining at the same table and marriage. (Compare page 63 .) '

'l“ W

it

G

A G estate‘ H sass; so so I

(a) (b) (c)

Accept members of the other community as partners in leisure time recreation .. Accept members of the other community as neighbours .. Accept members of the other community in inter-dining at

home (d)

I

I

—

-

45

42

44

40 -

..

35

25

Accept members of the other community to marital relations . .

13

12

"?_"“ M

'T.t1;ss: S

Showing the extent to which Hindus and Muslims accept each other at various social levels of participation, such as recreation, neighbourhood relationships, dining at the same table and marriage, arranged by class.

C-0 glc

57

Data in Table S D 2 presented on the class-amliation basis. I-|

ii-in-j-in

i

.-1-

—I%—

—iI-—-III

I

I

—--—-

iii“

I

Workers

-

(a) (b) (c)

1-i

?-___

--

I

"I

I

Upper

Class

Class

N = 30

N =1-10

N = ill

21

36

30

22

33

29

3

25

27

3

10

12

i

Accept members of the other community as partners in leisure time recreation .. Accept members of the other community as neighbours . . Accept members of the other conmiunity in inter-dining at home

(d)

1

'

Middle

'

-

?T

-

..

Accept members of the other community to marital rela-

tions

'

.. TABLE S D 3

Showing the extent to which Hindus and lvfuslims accept food at a public restaurant, where cooking is done by persons who do not belong to their own community.

I 2' tastes asst; so so

s

uni

(a) (b) (c)

Workers (N-=30) Middle class (N=4U) Upper class (N==30) -

Total _

_

—l1

lqn

l¢-—

--

——I-I-_

‘

.. . .

10 17 15

8 19 13

.

42

40

TABLE SD4

Data presented in SD3 on the class-affiliation basis. (a) Workers w—' _ (b) Middle class (c) Upper class I-—

j.|._

-1

_-1--_

-i

_

_

l ..

-

_

|

C-0 glc

1_8"(oir—Ei(l%') 36 (or 90%) 28 (or 93%)

i

56 TABLE S D 5

Showing number of Hindus and Muslims who accept food from a Harijan. -_,-__

“Q

_-

_

$J..l.i

(a) Workers an Middle class an Upper class Total -

1i

-

-

I

_

I

1-1‘

L'I

IT

Muslims

Hindus

.. .. ..

2 s 12

3 13 14

..

22

30

(44%)

(60%)

I

-

'

1

-

TABLE S D B

Data in SD5 presented on the class-affiliation basis.

ta 'w;ss.I.?

(bl (c) —i

—

Middle class Upper class

-

-

-

T—q?

I

—

-

.2 ; )“€— .. ..

'-

-

I

21 (52.5%) 26 (86.6%)

I

Ii“;

I

i

I

I

1

--

i

i—Z

I

-1-

F

-in

_

TABLE S D 7

Number of Hindus and Muslims who accept food from a Christian. Muslims Hindus -(a) ‘tweaks:-F“ H .. '3 '(20%) (b) Middle class . . 16 (80%) 13 (65%) (c) Upper class .. 15 (100%) 15 (100%) —_i-.-

.Ii—

-

.-

_

I

-.

--

_-

—

-

-

_i_ii____-ii-_-ii

-I-I—-

-I11.

i_

i__.

i

.

_|.

i1—%—rqq'i

-1

-

|

-

I

hi

jl

-_—

r

TABLE S D 3

Data in SD7 presented on the class-affiliation basis. (a) Workers .. 6 (20%) (b) Middle class .. 29 (72.5%) (c) Upper class .. 30 (100%) -U

i

I1

It

|

I

.

i

M

|--

I

_

iliili

-_ '_

i

$

j'

Hindus and Muslims How friendly are Hindus and Muslims to one another? The following question was asked in this connection: (a) Who are your best friends? (b) What community do they hail from ?

G0 glc

59 TABLE F 1

Personal friendship relation amongst Hindus and Muslims. Categories of replies. |l_-J

1*

—q

T-_

-

Ii

-—-.‘

ii

Muslims 50 1-

I

i

1

.

Hindus 50

I

--mil?

I

E

ii

M No friendship named with any

one (2) (3)

..

No friendship named with members of the other community . . I have friends in the opposite community. (Muslims having Hindu friends and vice versa) . . i

i

I

I

i

i

I

it

Z

i

Z

I

Z_

Ii

1—

6

10

22

25

22

15

I

—

_

TABLE F 2

Hindu-Muslim friendship pattern according to the class affiliation of the interviewees: Z

_

_i

.|-_|.

-

_

I

||--||--

-—-

1

Workers Middle class

-

_-

Upper class

N = 40

N = 30

(-;'1‘i1s.sH111sl by -rgfionemic class. (_.__I_

fwm-tars "Middle " " ‘ Class 30 40

'

5|

'

T

|-

Iii‘-|

_

.

II.

I-I-—-I-I-I-1

Upper Class 30

III

I

I

.,

(a) ' ‘No answer

.

2

(b)"1fis;

.

10

.

18

¢_

I

. - ‘

-.,.,[.

‘I,

'1

- _-

(c) 'jNo

1

0

13) C,‘ 19;

I |—

_ _'26. .

21 .'

'-

I-1

-T

i

i

I

I

I

-

iii:

TABLE G 7 “ Has the 1003.1 administration harmed their religion '3 " ;—Z

I-I

I

‘

l

Muslims

Hindus

(a) No answer (b) "Yes

..

1 7

1 -4

(c) i_No

..

42

45

'

m

_.

-I

-r

i-I--i ‘I.

TABLE G B

_

-

The same, by economic class. l‘I -—-—1-—'-I——1II-I-III‘ '

I "

Workers

1 I

_

I

—

W

I

_

W

1

so I

-

*

I

_

I

Middle

Upper

Class

Class

40

¥

|

i

n

I

I

(a) No answer

.

1

1

lb)

.

U

"6

.

29

33

5

(c) ,.l\lo —

iiii

——_

tilt) Eghs

m

so

M

|

0 '

5

__

-_

149

The Image of the Central Government. -

TABLE G 9

_ _ .

“ Who runs the government of the eountry‘? " (Hindus and Muslims) I

i

d¢_

jii—_

.

kl..-.j_&L

4Li-.

‘D

Muslims

(a) No answer .. 6 (b) Dominated by rich capitalists and _ landlords .. 4 (c) Dominated by the opposite com' munity _ .. 4 (d) Dominated by political party . . - 34 (e) Dominated by Government officers. . 2 I-——_—-K

FI%—

_-I'ii-I'TIi--

-

-

'

‘iii

—

'-—--\.

Hind us

6 -

_ 1

0 42 1

1

I

i

___“

TABLE G 10

The same, by economic class. Workers Middle -_ Class 30 40

|I—|$

lI—l

(a) No answer

_

-T

I

I-'

Upper Class 30

li--i-

..

6

5

1

(b) Dominated by rich capitalists and landlords ..

1

3 -I

1

(c) Dominated by the opposite comlnunity .. (d) "Dominated by political party ..

'

_

3

1

- 0

18

30

28

(e) Dominated by Government omcers ..

2

1

0

'

TABLE G 11 . _ “ Is the image of the Central Government favourable ? " (As judged by the author) (Hindus and Muslims) lii—-r-I-

1-Ii—|--—

Ii

*-i—I-—-i$—1$-|i-

---ii--

‘I-"I-I‘-j-'

-‘-

—-i--Ii-i I

Muslims

(a) No answer

..

(c) Mixed image

..

(b) Bad image

(d) Good image

C-0 glc

2

I—

Hindus

-

7—

..

10 D

sy

5

15

..

33

20

150

TABLE G 12 The same, by economic class. J

—-ma‘

—1-i-I'—'I-Pi-

'

-

—

I

1

I

I-1.

—

1—

—

—

-

n

Workers

(a) (b) (c) (d)

No answer Bad image Mixed image Good image

..

-I—

I

‘Z-

Middle

Upper

Class

Class

30

40

30

to-teen

|--I senor.-:

|-is- Il -1+

18

- 17

18

TABLE G 13 “ Has the Central Government harmed their occupational ' interests ? "

l . .'i'—"

'

_i_

(I-Iindus and Muslims)

_ _i1i$‘l-ii51'i'-

in-Ii

-

-'

I

—

. 'iI-I11-

-i—'

_i1

_

_

Muslims

Hindus

(a) No answer

..

1

2

(bl. Yes

..

. 11

11

(c) No

..

38

37

TABLE G 14 The same, by economic class. D

I

'

|'-D

—

—

I-—

i-

i—i-

.--

Workers

—

30

Middle Class 40

Upper Class 30

(a) No answer

1

2

0

lb) Yes

4

9

9

25

29

21

_

(cl No '

.. i

-iI'r-ilii-Zr

C-0 316

i-_|i..|_.i.g

_

‘L

I

1

151 TABLE G 15 “ Has the Central Government harmed their religion ? " (Hindus and Muslims) '

la) No answer (b) Yes (c) No

Muslims

Hindus

1 2 47

2 4 44

. . ..

TABLE G 16 _

The same, by economic class. Workers _

.

30

(a) ..No answer

1

(b) *Yes

0

;

(c) No

.. -

1

-

1

29 I

iI—I

—

-_i

'

I

Middle Class 40

Upper Class 30

2

0

3

3

35

27

-—I'

_"1

l

'

“ Who gets the most out of the present set-up '1" "

Categories of replies to the above question : (1)

No answer.

(2)

Hindus (by Muslims) and Muslims (by Hindus).

(3)

Government ofiicers who ofier contracts, permits and licenses because they can make money out of it.

(4)

Political leaders and their friends.

(5)

Rich merchants who gain by black-marketing.

(6)

Labourers, peasants and humble people.

C-0 glc

-

'

1 52 TABLE G 111 ‘Who gets the most out of the present set-up '5' (Hindus and Muslims) _

I

___

.._

|.-—

_

. -1'

:

"-

lvluslims _

11) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

i_

____

-

Z

it No answer Hindus and Muslims

HIIICIIIS

'i*

-ii-r

..

Government officers .. Political leaders and protege .. Rich merchants .. Labourers. peasants and humble people ..

c.'i 5r.~:s=-:1

|g~. s|- I Cits'H.Tl-Cl'.1

0

5

Middle Class 40

Upper Class 30

TABLE G 18

The same, by economic class. Workers

30 (1) (2) (3) (4)

No answer

..

6 O

Hindus and Muslims .. Government oflicers .. Political leaders and protege .. .. (5) Rich merchants (6) Labourers, peasants and humble people .. —III

-ii

—

*

i

‘

-I

1i

I-I'1'

1—

—-I

6 3 2

1

2

I

—

19

12 17

2

0 —

TABLE G 19 How can Government administration be improved '5' (Hindus and Muslims)

(a) no I101; knowj

a

i

(b) God alone can improve, not man . . (c) Sense should dawn on government

employees

C-0 glc

..

Muslims

I-lmd us

3

0

11

12

swig

153

(d) Political party should discipline the administration .. (e) Dismiss and _ punish and otherwise - discipline government employees who are guilty .. (f) Educate ofiicers (g) Public agitation (h) Change the present set-up 1—_ 1

_1_i$_l-

-|

t\

'—

|

2

3

' 13

12

C101;-J€.D

U1:-rm»

—

'-—

in-I-I-I

'

I

TABLE G 20 The some, by economic class. '

-

-

M

—

:

Workers -

30

(a) Do not know

..

(b) God alone can improve, not man .. (c) Sense should dawn on government employees . . (d) Political party should di.scipline the administration . . (e) Dismiss and punish and ' otherwise discipline government employees who are guilty .. (f) Educate officers .. (g) Public agitation .. (h) Change the present set-up

—

I

Middle class 40

11

7

2

1

15

5

fl

Upper class 30 1-

_

0 -

3

0

2

3-

" ' 17

GEMS

Ii\§l !\Ilr-Ii

Cbb-Zl- I !

Comments

To relate themselves to the symbol “ Government" in a poised and objective way has been a problem and enigma with our interviewees as revealed by the data. ~ The Government is described by most of them as dominated

G0 glc

154

by unscrupulous black-marketeers, rich exploiters, political leaders of doubtful integrity and their unrefined relatives (vide Table G17 and G18). What could be more vital to a man than his earnings, livelihood, and his tender religious sentiments 1’ Yet more than 75% o.f the interviewees acquit the Central Government of the charge of its interfering with their occupational pursuits, knowing full well that it is the Central Government which imposes controls, levies taxes and maintains limitations on the distribution of usable goods (vide Tables 13, 14, 15 and 16). The interviewees have a “ grouse " about control and increased taxation and yet they are unable to blame the government in a direct way, They carp at the Government in a tangential way by perceiving the government as ridden by unscrupulous oflicers or politicians. ‘When a specific suggestion about Government harming their interest is ofiered, they pause for a moment, begin to see the logic of the

government measures, and on cool thinking acquit the government of the charge they nursed against it. Hence a large percentage of them declare that the government has done no harm to their occupational and religious interests. The data reminds one of the “ primal horde " where the murder of the father arouses immense passion, and guilt, or of neurotics who hate the authority but become cowards when they have to hit the authority. One

is tempted to suggest a deep-seated ambivalence (for want of a better word) of an archaic character associated with the image of the government which has been operative in recent national elections as well. Tables G19 and G20 reveal that a good many are completely passive in suggesting improvement in administration. (1)

Many factors in the situation may be pointed out

as contributing to produce a favourable image of the Government, e.g., specially favourable treatment meted out to Muslims both by the Central -and the Local Governments. But that would not explain data from the Hindu sources. And there is very little difference between Hindus and Muslims on that score.

G0 glc

‘

155

(2) Another striking feature of the data is a comparatively favourable image of the Central Government compared to that of the local government when all the frustrations in relation to the government emanate from the centre. The need for maintaining a good image in the face of frustrations from the immediate authority is suggested here. A people primarily involved in biogenic groups such as joint family, caste, etc., used to a way of life based on maintaining interpersonal relations within biogenic groups of a face-to-face character, brings the same attitudes towards an impersonal social organization called the Government. They canit put to a good use the hostility in a complex society which they had to suppress in the face-to-face biogenic groups. Hence a futile “ grouse " and the need to maintain a good image in the face of this grouse. How

to release this futile grouse to a good purpose is a national problem. A realistic solution lies in the direction of what _may be called action research in improving human relation in a face-to-face group situation. The wisdom and experience gained in small groups will throw out hints on tackling similar problems on a -large canvas.

G0 glc

CHAPTER XII“

L

'

ATTITUDE TOWARD POLITICAL PARTIES AND POWER GROUPS

Indians are often described by European observers as people too much preoccupied with politics. “ Those who groan under a foreign rule," said a well known pro-Indian Engl1shman, “ have to find solace through talking of political issues all the time." The one “ grouse " of the Englishman in India was that he could not talk to his Indian oolleague for five minutes without the Indian’s turning the conversation to controversial political issues. The HinduMuslim conflict too has been described by many enlightened public men in India as deliberately magnified -by those who had acquired a taste for capturing political power. A study of the quality of involvement of the Hindus and Muslims in politics is therefore called for. An adequate study. of political behaviour is a. complex affair. All that is attempted here is (i) to find out how_Hindus and Muslims verbalize their opinions about the various shades of political thought, (ii) the needs and expectations projected on to political parties and (iii) differences between Hindus and Muslims on these issues. The following questions provided the interviewees a frame of reference to talk about their views on political issues : Which political party in your opinion is better than others ? Why do you think so? A. Preference for political parties

The following attitudes toward political parties were indicated : (i)_ No opinion : This attitude was illustrated by the following statements : “ I have given no thought to the problem," “ I go to work and eat and sleep and that is all."" (ii)

Opinion in a state of flux was indicated by state-

ments of the following kind : “ All those who take 156

G0 glc

157

part in politics are selfish ;" “ Congress has failed as a political party and there is no other which can take its place ;" “ Any party which does good ~'"-"u:> ‘people is good and I do not know which party will do that."

i

. (iii)

(iv)

.1‘

(v) (vi) (vii) (viii)

ijpinion in favour of the British political system.

was expressed by some as indicated by the following statements: “ The British rule gave us all things and there is darkness now.“ “ The British gave us security, etc." " -. Preference for the - political party currently in

power. The following‘ statements indicate this way of thinking i “ "Whoever rules does so with God’s will and hence man must accept the party in power. If they have any shortcomings they will overcome these in the course of time." " Preference for the Congress. Preference for Socialists. Preference for Communists. Preference for Hindu Mahasabha.

Table P1 : gives an idea of the number of interviewees (total 100. Hindus 50 and Muslims 50 constituting the sample) favouring various political parties. —-—

iJi——

J-|-__ .-..

p.

f . —-

II

’

ti) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v)

_—

Muslims

"T'—-I--B

Z

i'—I

-

d

I

-

1

" "Not interested .. ‘Opinion in a fluid state .. British Rule Preferred .. Currently ruling party preferred. Favourable to the Indian National Congress (vi) Socialists preferred " (vii) Communists preferred ' (viii) Hindu Mahasabha preferred .. '|.

I

-

B

Q-_

5-

Hindus -

5 13 2 4

4 16 2 0

I-I

[*0 C3

IZJUDCHEH

LHCOQ

50 ‘I

| J T'T'"'?? r

-

I.

1—i

-1

I

iii--I-

ii'

-

ml-iii‘ P-

"

..(;Hindu-Muslini difierences significant at 5% level).

Go glc

I53 TABLE P2.

Preference for political parties in terms of the class status of the 50 Hindu and 50 Muslim interviewem. III

-—-

I

|

|q

1

l-

‘Workers Middle Upper class class .i-Q4;

(D (H) (an (iv) (v) (vi)

(vii) (viii)

|

I

i---§

r-

ll

r—l

Not interested .. 2 Opinion in a fluid state . . 14 British Rule Preferred . . 4 Currently ruling party preferred .. 4 Favourable to the Indian

6 12

2 3

O

0

0

0

National Congress .. Socialists preferred .. Communists preferred . . Hindu Mahasabha preferred ..

6 0 0

12 2 3

17 2 k 6

O

5

_ O

-

(Class difierences significant at 1% level). B. Needs and expectations projected on to the "*

political parties.

§

The following came to notice in this connection:

(i)

Building a halo round the personnel of a political

party: The following kind of statements were interpreted as the interviewees’ building a halo round a political party : “ Congress has the wisest men of the country in its fold." I “ Congressmen sacrificed their all to achieve freedom." “ The Congress party works for truth and non-violence." “ Congress rules by the will of God." “ Jawaharlal Nehru is always correct." (ii) A political party is locked upon as a nnrtnrant and I

snccorant agency: By nurtnrance is meant sympathy

Go glc

I59

and understanding. By succorance is meant protection and help. The following statements illustrate this. “ A political party must make food available." “Nobody listens to us." “ A party that promises to feed and clothe the people

is good.“ “ I cannot get necessities of life under the present rule."

“ Congress has forgotten the poor." (iii)

Projecting constructive role on political parties: By constructive role is meant viewing a political party as organizing, building, creating and ordering society in terms of a moral ideal such as truth, non-violence,

equalitarianism, classless state, etc. TABLE P 3

Indicates the needs and expectations built around a political party (Hindus and Muslims). —m1

"—

1-

I

1--I'III1—i

I

-

III

_-

—

I1J

—

___

—-

I-i1—z_I—i

Ii

Muslims Hindus (i) No answer (ii) Deference and hero worship (iii) Nurturance and Sucoorance (iv) Construction

. . . .

. . . .

7 8 18 17

5 - 18 17 10

'*H1~E3J1fl§1i}1Té1irf@1-enbés signifiéantlat 10% 1551). I TABLE P 4

Indicates needs and expectations built around a political party in terms of the class status of the interviewees. -

iitt

-i

I

—I'

Ii

—I

-

I-—i-—i-iiIII

-

I

I

_

-

I

1

-

1

--|

1

Workers Middle Upper class class 1.-

_

_

(i) (ii)

Z

II1fl1

J¢i-z1

-

iii.

_

.1.

_

'

1

4 7

8 9

10

(iii) Nurturance and Succorance 16

9

10

14

10

(iv)

No answer .. Deference and hero worship

-—-:

Construction

..

3

%*Zmae#mse 551%). H

Go glc

~

160 TABLE P5 2

1

Showing Hindu-Muslhn differences in evaluating a political party. _+ _ . ji

‘C ' H

C H

its-slime Hindus

|

I

I

Z

(i) (ii)

No clear answer .. Po1itical'.pafiff._ evaluated in terms of its principles .. (iii) Political party ‘evaluted in terms . of the leaders ..

(iv) -" Political party evaluated on basis ' of its achievements . .I-

C

'——lZIi—iZm

I-H

-- 9

I

l

_

II-

10 *

-

-

22

'

12 "

7

10

12

-

19

2* "(N5'si@n¢h l

I

I it it

TABLE P 6

Showing class difierences in evaluating a political p3]_'t3r_

l

Fm

.

E

it-

H‘ H

_ I

Ii

.

We-rlcers Middle Upper class clas

—II|.

(i) No clear answer T .. 8 (ii). Political party evaluated in " terms of its principles .. 2 -( iii) Political party evaluated in terms of the leaders .. 0 -(iv) Political party evaluated on “basis of its achievements. . 20

i

-

i

--—-ii

8

3

15

17

- 9 8

'(c1a§El1sErE}LEé?§i§E1fi¢ant at 1 % level.) Comments

-

,

8 2

l _

F

(1) Forty-two per cent of the sampel (categories of ‘“ No answer ", “Opinion in a fluid state ", and “ British Rule Preferred ") are unable to discover a positive and forward-looking relation with the activities of political parties on the Indian canvas. There is very little Hindu-Muslim difference on this score.

Go glc

161

The working-class Hindus and Muslims are more confused in evaluating political parties than are the middle and upper classes. This may be due to two factors : (i) scarcity of food and the availability of raw material has hit workers more directly and personally, particularly when most of them are engaged in the cottage industry of lockmaking; (ii) illiteracy. (2) Both Hindu and Muslim middle and upper classes show fermentation in their political thinking. The Muslim middle class and upper class show a bias for a search after “ principles " and leftist thinking and look to a political party for promoting social justice, equalitarianism, etc. The Hindu middle class and upper class thinking tends to be amliated to leaders and does not look so much for reconstruction of society in accordance with “ principles " as in terms ‘of succorance and nurturance. “ Principle "-

centred thinking spells a difierent dynamics of political opinion from the “ personality " and “ afliliation "-centred thinking. Both the Muslim and Hindu working classes look more for succorance and nurturance than for construction in a political party.

The data lend support to the following proposition : The middle classes talk of princples but they do not relate their thinking to the social situation as it exists. The working classes find their day-to-day life interfered with by political decisions and they cannot understand the logic of this interference. Attitudes Toward Trade Unions Attitudes toward the Trade Unions were studied with the following ends in view : (1) There has been an increase in bureaucratic control of most of the articles of everyday use. Most trades have suffered as a consequence. It is important therefore that there should be channels of communication between the Government and those following particular trades. The Government must be informed of the way the Govermnent policies affect members of the trade, and also supply data

ll

Go glc

162

for the Government to enable them to frame‘ a correct policy. The Government can use the Trade Union Movement to educate the various trades so that members of each trade union can put their handicaps and disadvantages in the setting of the total national perspective and be educated to accept these pinpricks cheerfully. Our first purpose was to find out how well these functions are understood by our interviewees. -* . (2) Secondly, we wanted to know if Muslim members felt any handicap as Muslims in joining the Trade Unions and in having their voices heard.

(3) A successful Trade Union can bring the members a new pride in the trade and thereby put before its members new goals to be achieved. Our inquiry is aimed at

finding out if that has -achieved. This can be done by knowing what the Union symbolizes for them. (4) ‘A Trade Union is an important secondary group. There are very few secondary groups in India for people to identify themselves with. Our purpose was to find how well such a secondary group functions. A crude analysis of the data reveals the following:

' TABLE TU 1 Is there a Trade Union of men of your occupation ?

'i#*i'%_;’l”i s J1J

|._I-|-|

|

-

Z-_i.-‘ii

No. of people who know of the

Trade Union in their occupation. .

50

29

21

TABLE TU 2 Are you satisfied with the Union ?

H‘

H 2' it Wm—mll"¥5t;ii““ivius11¥nFI-ICCHEEITIE |'__

|

l

-—-

Satisfied with the Union Partly satisfied with Union Dissatisfied No answer

Go glc

—

—

-———-

——ii%-Iii-

.. . ..

23

12

18

11

I-iGo

l'—-IU1

-

g

l

-

I-I

GD-Jest-I

I63

TABLE TU 3 Why are you dissatisfied with the Trade Union (includes partly dissatisfied) ? _ FI

I'—I

"—I-'

H

-III‘--——-l

Total Muslims “Hindus

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Union is run by selfish people who boost themselves through '" the Union " .. 5 Makes religious discrimination .. 4 It is a Union on paper . . 11 Govt. does not respond .. 2 Union oflicers flatter the Govt. but do nothing for us .. 2 I donit like collective bargaining at others’ cost .. 1 Started too late for landlords. 1

2

3

3 3 0

1 3 2

2

0

1 1

0 0

i

i

26

17

Ii-I-III

9

TABLE TU 4

How would you run the Union if you were an omce holder ‘E’ iii‘

—

-'-

-

I

'-i—--

-

-—-

-

I

Total Muslims Hindus Not answered ' . . 50 I am unable to run a Union . . 10 I would run the Union as it is run 10 Vague enthusiasm for running Union .. 7 Make the Union more internally active (increase membership, stop dissension, etc., _ .. 9 I should demand facilities from the authorities .. 6 I should improve inner discipline. 7 I should get advantages from external agencies " .. 3 '

Go glc

'23 6 4

27 4 6

3

_ 4

5

4

5 3

1 4

2

2

I64 Gonclusions.

(1) 50% of the interviewees have no belongingness with trade Unionism. Of those 50 who are interested in the Trade Union, 2.4 are satisfied with the working of the Union. Those who have positive identification with the Trade Union feel enthusiastic about it. But their number is very

small. (2)

85% who are dissatisfied with the Trade Union

movement identify it with exploiters and self-seekers i.n the trade. Seven per cent feel that the Government are indifierent if not hostile to Trade Unions. ' (3) Those who have aspirations to improve Trade Unionism have no clear idea of the way it should function. Fifty per cent are silent on the subject. Ten per cent of the total group of interviewees are unable to be enthusiastic about it. About 25% identify Trade Unionism with

vague enthusiasm against an enemy to be worked up through slogans of ‘ better organization ’, ‘ workers unite " etc. Only 10 to 11 % of the interviewees conceive of Trade Unionism as a method of bringing efficiency into their work and as a method of putting the occupation on a new status. There is evidence that Trade Unionism reduces HinduMuslim tension to a considerable extent even when the idea of Trade unionism is poorly conceived and executed. Only four of our interviewees complained of religious discrimination in Trade Unionism : One Hindu student of the Muslim Universsity, one Muslim landlord, one Court clerk and one cloth merchant. How is the International Situation Perceived?

The following questions provided the frame of reference to gauge attitudes of Hindus and Muslims towards the International situation: i “What are likely to be the future of Indo-Pakistan relations ?

'

“ What will be the effect on India of a major crisis elsewhere in the world ?

G0 816

165

_

(a) Indo-Pakistan relations. Replies admitted the following classification :

For Indo-Pakistan relations:

(1) No answer. Illustrated by the following statements: “ No. This question is beyond me." “ I don't read newspaper." “ I am illiterate." “ I have not thought about the problem." “ God alone knows." ~ . (2) Sentimental reply without reference to the situation. “I have a feeling that llndo-Pakistan relations will always be bad." “ No decent person can trust Pakistan.” “ Indo—Pakistan relations are bound to improve." “ No truck with Pakistan, never."

(3) Indo-Pakistan relations viewed in terms of personal experience. “ Muslim Indians are in a sorry plight. Let us hope the future of these two states is better than it is today." “ Thousands of Muslims have migrated. Will a day come when Indo-Pakistan -relations are better than they are today? " (4) Indo-Pakistan relatons viewed in terms of the Indian political scene : “ If the Nehru Government remains in power relations will be good." “ The next elections in India will tell." ' (5) Indo-Pakistan relations viewed in terms of the Kashmir situation: “ The relations are improving. But all depends on the Kashmir situation." (6) Indo-Pakistan relations viewed in the setting of political ideologies and relations with other powers: “ The

Indo-Pakistan situation is related to India’s or Pakistan's alliance with Russia or America." “ Both have to belong to the Asiatic block. Hence unity." “ If India does not join Russia, American-Pakistan alliance will show India her proper place." “ Some bigger power will teach them to live together because they by themselves can’t live in peace with one another." “ Americans will compel India and Pakistan to live peacefully." “ Indo-Pakistan relations depend on India‘s foreign relations."

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J

166

TABLE IPK1

Hindus and Muslims in their perception of Indo-Pak'1stan Relations.

Muslims Hindus

"""1."'1§i5En_‘“mr'

'

t'.'._t1”6' " I?“

II . Sentimental answer (without verbalizing reasons for the opinion).

10

17

6

2

2

1

..

7

8

VI. Viewed in terms of World power relations and ideologies ..

15

5

lll.

Viewed in teririis of personal experience of partition as frame of reference .. Viewed in terms of power relations amongst political parties (results of election) ' .. Viewed in terms of Kashmir situa-

IV. V.

tion

w

—h

-

I

-

1

-1-

.

——ijiI-I-—

I-

_

I

—I-II

I

-

'

-

r—

"1

-

-

11

TABLE IPK 2

Data presented in Table IPK 1 in terms of class of interviewees. &.|__-i_-I|-|-

Z

1

_--

_

-

-

-..

_

_

i

_

.

_..

-|

_

I

ti.1 1-.

Workers Middle class 30 40 -

I

i—1

I

xii

-I

|-|—r|

-

Z

-

I-—

—i

___

I. No answer .. 18 II. Sentimental answer (without verbaliznig reason for the opinion) .. 5 III.

Viewed in terms of personal

IV.

E.'XpEI'iEl’1CE of partition as frame of reference .. Viewed in terms of power relations amongst political parties (results of election)

C-0 glc

|

I

f

m

j

-.-

-

Upper class 30 —1i

I—

6

3

18

4

4

3

1

0

2

1

H

167

V. Viewed in terms of Kashmir situation .. VI. Viewed in terms of world power relations and ideo-.

logies

.. -

-_-.....

_-

|

_

_

..

-

ii

flfi

1

7

7

2

4

14

-_

i-i

-

-_

—

-—

i--

--

-

-—---1

-

1

il-

TABLE IPK 3

Hindu-Muslim differences in viewing Indo-Pakistan relations. I.P'—

H

-

1I

—

II

-—-

I

—

'1'

fl-

Muslims Hindus

_

. 1. Don’t know II.

III. i

5|

..

Expect continuation of bad relations .. Expect friendly relations ultimately .. -xi

I

—I

I

50 20

so 2s

4

12

' ":26 .

12

—I

TABLE Inter 1

How Hindus and Muslims View the International Situation. * Muslims Hindus 50 50 --

I. II.

III.

‘I

I—I-|

-

—

-

--

-{-1

i

--I

‘-11-

--r

-I-I-Ii—

No answer .. Sentimental replies: Illustrations: “ It will he bad." “ Good, there . will be some excitement." “‘“ Poor will be crushed" ..

15

12

7

2

22

32

Replies in terms of the personal

experience of last war: “ Illustra-

tions: “ The last war brought shortage of useable goods and so will the next." “ No wheat from abroad ; " “ high prices " ..

C-0 glc

;

168

IV.

Replies having a reference to ‘other countries:

“America will rule.“ “If India goes with Russia she will be saved." “ The whole world will become communistic after the next crises " ..

6

4

TABLE Inter 2

The data in Table Inter 1 presented in terms of the class amliation of the interviewees. ' -"i

i

1

‘I--I

H

—|

Workers Middle Upper class class 30 40 30 ii_ir

I. II. III.

ii-._ - -

I -_

-

—

No answer . . 12 Sentimental replies .. 2 Replies in terms of the -per-

10 3

sonal experience of last war.

15

24

15

IV. Replies having a reference to other countries ..

1

3

6

Z-|%—§

-

-

-

-

i

I

5 4 -

_-l-

I

_

i

Conclusions

(1) More fermentation amongst Muslims than amongst Hindus is indicated on International and particularly on Indo-Pakistan relations. (2) Solidarity makes for security amongst Musliins. In other words Muslims compensate for their frustration by looking for larger perspective related to their Indian citizenship.

(3) Hindus have much more misgivings about Pakistan than Muslims have about India. (4) A tendency to react to the next crises in terms of the personal experience of the last war is indicated.

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CHAPTER XII I

HOW DO THEY SPEND THEIR LEISURE HOURS?

Sofne light on group cohesion and intergroup relationais thrown by the replies to the query on chief use of leisure, classified as follows : (a) “ No leisure for me." (b) Leisure spent alone; resting; sleeping; religious worship; reading scriptures; reading other books. (c) Leisure spent at home; domestic duties; looking after cow; teaching children; shopping; attending weddings, funerals, etc. (cl) Cinema; public meetings, including public religious meetings. (e) Calling on friends.

(f) (g)

Outdoor games. Social and political wrok. TABLE L 1

How do they spend their leisure hours ? (Hindus and Muslims) m

'l

-—

iii

i

-

G

I

—

‘Q

—

an

1|

I

I -I

Muslims

(a) (b) (c)

“ No leisure for me ’ .. Leisure spent along; resting; religious worship; reading scriptures; reading other books .. Leisure spent at home; doing do-

—

Hindus

4

5

14

19

9

7

I- ioco ira

our-: earns:

mestic duties; looking after cow;

(d)

(e) (f) (g) (h) I3

teaching children; shopping; attending weddings, funerals, etc. .'. Cinema; public meetings, including ‘public religious meetings Calling on friends ., Outdoor games _ Social and political work _ Making additional income , _.i

I

I-I

1-:

I

i

_i_ii_.__

I

_

169 _

G0 glc

I--I

I

I70 TABLE L2

How do they spend their leisure hours 1" (Data of Table L 1 prmnted according to class afiliation). --

_—

—

_

1

ii

‘-—-

i—i__._

i‘i—

I

—

—

mum

Workers Middle class 30 40 ft‘-_i_

_

_

(a) (b)

I

_._

“ No leisure for me " .. 4 Leisure spent alone; resting; religious worship; reading scriptures; reading other books .. 14 (c) Leisure spent at , home; doing domestic duties; looking after cow ; teaching children; shopping; attending weddings, funerals, etc. .. 8 (d) Cinema; public meetings, including public religious meetings .. (e) Calling on friends .. (f) Outdoor games .. (g) Social and political work . . I-"*'Z.“'>I:'l—-'b-L'J (h) M aking additional income .. COMMENTS

-J1

-it

-

-

-

-_

Upper class 30 I

1

4

14

5

. 6

2

U'lC.1Jl*~Jl*~J"-3|

1"-Ii-‘C-1?!"-§l'U\

-

(1) The mode of spending leisure hours has been coded on the basis of the interviewees putting themselves in touch with persons outside themselves and their families. (2) Forty-two per cent of the ,interviewees spend most of their leisure time alone, engaged in religious or literary pursuits or sleep and rest. Another 16% spend their leisure within their homes. Fourteen per cent spend leisure in .crowds such as cinema and public meetings. All this accounts for 72% of the interviewees.

G0 glc

I71

-

. (3) Only 18% of the interviewees spend their leisure time chiefly in personal relations with persons out-side their families. People engaged in social and political "work must be bringing themselves in touch with others, yet this is not necessarily a personally enjoyable experience "with other persons. (4) There is good scope for providing facilities for "promoting personal relations experienced as enjoyable and educative experience. (5) Muslims show a tendency toward becoming more -sociable and outgoing than Hindus. (6)

The working-class Hindus and Muslims are with

the family more and are more self-centred in spending leisure hours than are the middle class and upper class people. This may be due to the conditions of work and the relative ‘isolation enforced on them. Expeiments on providing club life amongst workers is called for to enable them to enjoy "friendship at personal levels outside their families and

clans. *_ (7) Middle class Hindus show a tendency to make their leisure remunerative.

C-0 glc

CHAPTER XIII

STUDENT PROBLEMS

-

The student section of the Aligarh population has been heavily involved in promoting open conflicts — taking the form of riots and bloodshed — between I-Iindus and Muslims. The Muslim University students were sent in large numbers to different parts of India in 1946 to help the Muslim League win the elections which in 1946 meant making the two-nation theory palatable to the Muslim masses. Muslim students had been assigned the tasks of contacting the Muslim masses with a view to impressing on them the importance for Muslims of the partition of the country. They had therefore to exaggerate the sufferings of

the Muslims and the Hindu “ atrocities " against the Muslims. And what one repeats frequently he has a tendency to believe as well. Just at about the same time the Muslim University students man-handled Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the President of the Indian National Congress, at the Aligarh railway station, burnt the local cotton and

gur market and became a terror to the Aligarh Hindus. We asked many students of the 15-18 year old group : “ Have you ever been to see the Muslim University ? " Eight out of 20 replied “‘ We have heard of a Muslim University in Aligarh. but we have never been there." A Hindu graduate of the Muslim University told us of the Hindu students’ lodging a complaint with the then Vice-Chancellor for some discrimination made against them by their

Muslim colleagues in 1943. The Vice-Chancellor was quoted by him as saying “ There are many other Colleges and Universities in India. Is it absolutely necessary for you to remain on the rolls of this University? " A middle-aged Hindu resident of Aligarh entered the University precincts for the first time in 1948 and was pleased to discover a fine educational institution within two miles of his house. All in all, the Muslim University had until recently been perceived as hostile -teriitory by the Hindus. The latter

172

G0 glc

I73

financed the beginning of two Colleges for Hindu students —with government aid — afliliated to Agra University, so that the local Hindu students could avoid pursuing their studies at the Muslim University. This only shows that the conflict between the Hindus and Muslims at Aligarh has been quite prominent at the student level. There has been of late very little by way of complaint of aggression on the part of the Muslim students. That has not mitigated hostility against them. ' The Hindu Principal of a local College, his colleagues, and his students witnessed some months ago Muslim University interrupting the singing of the National Anthem, at a meeting at the Muslim University Strachy Hall. The incident was counted against Muslim students and was made the basis for charging them with subversive activities against India. Particularly annoying to the Hindu students was the sarcastic slogan “ Long Live Hindus." The Hindu students’ record in inflaming the HinduMuslim conflict to make it appear more violent is equally impressive. The following kind of incidents came to notice during the March 1950 riots and afterwards : (1) The stopping of a passenger train with a view to killing the Muslim occupants of the train and looting their property.

(2) The waylaying and the assaulting of stray Muslim pedestrians. (3) The assaulting of Muslims in their residential quarters. (A Muslim tailor while entertaining his guests at his house was asked to come out by three Hindu students to help them to locate another Muslim “wanted " by them. On his inability to trace the “ wanted " man he was badly injured by the Hindu students. Hindu labourers came to his rescue.) (4) Assaulting of a number of Muslim rickshaw pullers by Hindu students. The actual number of Hindu and Muslim students who actively participate in keeping the Hindu-Muslim conflict at a high pitch is small compared to the total student popu-

lation. But the social climate created by these students and

G0 glc

'

174

the incidents staged by them lead to very serious conse-

|-I-'

quences. The following in this connection come to notice: (i) The spectacular nature of these incidents has a compelling way of influencing the judgment of a very large number of students and the rest of the population regarding the Hindu-Muslim problem. These students’ doings have a tremendous significance for public opinion. " (ii) Norms of judgment are influenced by these incidents and become a_ real force definitely inhibiting other students’ efforts at promoting Hindu-Muslim unity. Those who try to build for mutual understanding in educational institutions are dubbed traitors. Students come and go in these institut_ions. but norms of opinion about HinduMuslim relations persist. (iii) It is diflicult for the authorities of these institutions to disovm completely the turbulent students and their objectionable behaviour. It is not uncommon to find the I authorities coming to the rescue of their students, primarily to save the reputation of their institution. This they cannot do without compromising their own conscience. This has a demoralizing influence on the general tone of the whole institution. ' (iv) The man in the street picks out and emphasizes the doings of a small band of students and this determines his total perception of the institution. The Muslim University students who set fire to the Cotton and Gur Market of Aligarh in 1946 are no longer there. But the image of Muslim University students damaging Hindu property persists. Similarly, the Hindu College boys who stopped railway trains to kill Muslims are no longer on the roll of the College. But the evil reputation of the College persists in the Muslim mind. This dormant ill-will harboured against an institution is by no means a harmless phenomenon. In times of crisis this “ harmless " ill-will gathers momen-

tum and can act in its own right with no brakes to hold it back. Happenings in recent years provide ample illustrations of this from all countries. A Hindu banker earmarks all his charities for Hindus alone. ‘A mild and ineffective grouse of the non-Hindus against him persists for decades.

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Then comes the epoch of I-Iindu-Muslim conflict, and his house becomes the target of attack. Muslim students show scant respect for the Indian national flags and national anthem. Hindus make a mental note of this and seemingly forget all about it. In the meanwhile there starts the season for Indo-Pakistan war talks. Someone begins smelling out Muslims as Pakistani spies. Rumours of a secret transmitter in the town operated by Muslim science teachers spread. All the complaints are collected, elaborated and used to add spice to rumours. Every Mosque is regarded an arsenal. All that is needed is a “ minor " incident to act as the trigger to release this grouse in the most violent form. The question that has to be answered in this connection is this : What factors in the situation of a University make for this kind of atmosphere? What are the sources of frustration for the student in a University which make him see members of a different group as hostile and thetarget of his violent emotions and actions? The following observations based on interviews of a clinical nature with Hindu and Muslim students are an eflort to -answer these questions. The total number, of students interviewed was 2l, of whom 13 were Hindus and 8 Muslims. These students were attracted to the author as a psychologist whom they approached for consultation on personal problems. (1) The neurotic relation between students and teachers.

A certain amount of material and emotional dependence on teachers is unavoidable. Most students need

financial help and books, because they do not have enough of their own resources to pursue an education. The number of students looking for this kind of help is increasing. Most of the teachers like to play father to their students. They give and do not ask a reward. But there are others who seek security through possessively clinging to the students and always wanting to be in their good books. The following examples have come to notice in this connection :

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(i) A High School boy engaged a teacher and for‘ some reward asked him to supply his solutions of the questions for the Board examination while this boy -was in the examination hall for the written test. The teacher who was acting as an invigilator on behalf of the Board committed the irregularity of pleasing the student; he paid a big price to please the student and his father. (ii) It is not unusual to meet University teachers who paint for their students a gloomy picture of the future of their religious community in this country and ask them to stand by them and by one -another in “ difficult times such as ours." As one University teacher put it, “ The only operation that can save Muslims at this juncture is to be well-knit and organized." The young students have by dint of their age a fair disposition toward developing friendship with all and toward discovering for themselves new groups with new goals. The correct attitude for the teachers to recommend to their students is to feel at home with all groups, as is very natural at their age. The teachers’ own immaturity makes them feel insecure if they find their students freely mixing with other groups. This happened when one teacher was jealous of another colleague of his and told his pupils “ That son of a pig does not know his subject. You should. not waste your time in consulting him on your academic difficulties." The students who feel dependent emotionally accept the words of the teacher at face value. Some teachers unhesitatingly use their students to wreak their revenge upon colleagues and are known to have tutored their proteges to ask difficult and embarrassing questions of their rivals in the profession. The same students then spread tales of the inefliciency of these teachers who thus become the victims of their favourite teachers. Remaining themselves hidden in the background, these teachers instruct their dependent students to carry tales to the Finance Executive Board of the institution about the inefficiency of their rival teachers, and thereby block his chances of promotion till a resignation is forced on him.

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Many instances of first-class teachers being ridiculed by toe students were brought to our notice. -4 (iii) Since many teachers cannot be blackmailed by ordinary methods (their popularity and integrity finding recognition outside the institution) new devices are used to humiliate them. One outstanding Professor who is known for his contribution in making Muslim mysticism intelligible, was dubbed a “ Danger to Islam " and “ Enemy cf the Government of India " at a public meeting of the students. This device of moralizing as an outlet for hatred has no repercussions in the conscience of those who want to hate someone. And this device is often used in Colleges. (iv) Another device of teachers in seeking security with the help of students as tools is to enlist students for the religio-political party of their liking. Showing favours to students who do the ‘Party is ’ work is not uncommon. A word about the correct relation between students and the teachers must be inserted here. Psychoanalysts are familiar with the positiye dependent relation which their patients establish with them. It is considered unprofessional and undignified for the analyst to derive either emotional or material advantage from this relation. A correct

psychoanalyst must return this emotional investment back to the patient to enable him to acquire a stable ego, and retain mental plasticity. The attitude of a teacher towards his pupil should be after the pattern of the correct psychoanalyst. At every stage of the students acquisition of a particular prejudice, the teacher must guide him to new

facts which will compel the student to find a new synthesis. But on no account should a teacher inflict his religious and political opinions upon students. We may now examine the long range and the immediate consequences of the pathological relations between students and teachers. (i) To derive “ strength " through partisanship becomes the established convention of the institution in which teachers face their colleagues or political opponents with students to support their cause. This stands in the

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way of the students’ acquiring those skills and abilities which are needed for promoting harmony. It is not what is taught that is important in a scliool or University, but it is the school spirit which provides the dynamics for education. Partisanship plays havoc with the development of a wholesome school spirit. (ii) Many students become emotionally “ precocious " in their mental development. It is a familiar experience with psychoanalysts to come across children who observe

conjugal quarrels amongst their male and female parents and are thereby introduced to the adult problems with the intellectual and emotional equipment of babies. The same kind of precocity was observed in some of the students who had been imbued wth partisanship in the course of their stay in the University. They enjoyed using words for experiences with which they were not familiar. “ I put Liaquat Ali (the Prime Minister of Pakistan) where he is. But for me there would have been no Pakistan. And now the Indian Government is welcome to make use of our experience and wisdom in winning the next elections." Statements of this kind sound queer coming from the mouth of a student. We had as many as five students speaking in the strain of this statement. This type of student is very high in the social hierarchy in a

College or a University and thereby creates an atmosphere in which students fight amongst themselves on issues

which are of no consequence. Since the conventions of selecting University graduates for Administrative Services

are well established in this country, this kind of “ precocious " student finds his way to an administrative post. Such hollow verbosity is not backed up by solid experience in day-to-day dealing with men. Another manifestation of this “ precocity " is egocentricism — inability to have empathic relations with others or to recognize others as persons. - (iii) Students tend to develop cliques instead of genuine cooperative groups. _ ' (iv) The most serious consequence is the lack of ego stability in the students. They are very much excited by

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minor issues and create “ issues " out of nothing, and they live from one excitement to another. This state of afiairs is the negation of education for poise and stability. In a nutshell, then, the vital emotions of “ precocious " students centre round words, and both words and emotions are cut ofi from real life-experience.‘ (2)

Group life of students.

(a) Group activities. The corporate life of students centres round the following activities : (i) Daily sports and recreational activities, which attract in the neighbourhood of 15 per cent of the total enrollment of students in the Muslim University and much less than that in the Agra University Colleges at Aligarh. (ii) No students’ clubs, centring around art, music, painting, etc., came to our notice in Aligarh. (iii) With the exception of the V. T. C. camps, there are no conventions of students’ educational camps. (iv) The student groups to promote the wearing of handmade cloth, spinning and doing community work are

nowhere to be seen, though these activities were popular in Indian Universities a decade ago. There are students with socialist and communist leanings here and there, and also the R. S. S. groups. But

there are no sustained social groups to create an atmosphere to enliven student life except the R. S. S. which caters to a particular temperament and has limited educational value. For most students the R. S. S. discipline is contrary to the “ Weltonschauung " which is promoted by University education The passionate patriotic zeal which was a religion for students in the twenties and thirties is no longer there. Afliliation with political parties does not create suflicient zest amongst students to promote a new kind of thinking to enliven their immediate surroundings. We found no signs of students promoting civic and political education of the under-privileged groups around, them, such as explaining the implications of the governmental policies, or organizing healthy trade unionism in any trade. There is

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no institution of the type of University settlement either at the Muslim or the Agra University Colleges in Aligarh. The groups about which students are not enthusiastic are the Students’ Union. This enthusiasm lasts for a few weeks about election time for most students, and for Office Holders of the Union a little longer. Two students confessed that their election expenses ran into four figures. Each student candidate spends money on election posters, leaflets and entertainment of the voters. Those who are elected as members of the Students’ Union Executive Council acquire a new status. Besides making decisions on the allotment of funds to the various students’ activities, such as literary societies and sports clubs, the Union very often dabbles in higher politics. At one public meeting of the University Union some prominent members of the Faculty were under fire and their dismissal was demanded. Such departments for students’ welfare as information centres for vocations and careers, finding part-time work for the needy, counselling service for students and making available certain articles of everyday use at cheap rates do not exist. Saving religion and culture from imaginary enemies remains in the centre of the University Union’s attention. The ” precocity ” which has been referred to above sets the standards for the Union activities. (b)

The consequences. The general impression left

after quite detailed interviews with students is that they feel lonely. A student interested in painting has no way of becoming well-informed on the latest trends in the subject. There are students itching to use their hands well. But there are no workshop facilities for them. Many students like to undertake hiking but they cannot do that alone. And then there are other ways in which students want to express themselves. Each interest requires the following: (i) Minimum material facilities, implements, etc. (ii) Some senior persons interested in the hobby. (iii) Junior students having a disposition for the hobby who are willing to learn. When all these essentials are brought together a favourable atmosphere is created

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for a group to grow round the hobby. Very little has been done in the Colleges to create such an atmosphere and hence there are few purposeful group activities in the Colleges outside the routine lectures. In the absence of a

better kind of facilities for students to engage themselves in, they drift. The following are typical modes of drifting: (i) Informal groups. Many students hang together for long hours in streets or at the house of one of them. The conversation in these groups may take any turn and every kind of topics under the sun is discussed. What holds these groups together is the projection of deeper instinctual needs on one or more members of the group. Such accidental factors as size of the body, style of dress, command of language are enough to tie one to the other. These libidinal ties make imitation possible. Admiration for one’s dress may further lead to an imitation of his dexterity and skill in sports, gambling, etc., etc.

Exaggerated devotion to friends is a compulsory activity and has a touch of self-humiliation and masochism about it. At the same time friendship of students is a highly ego-involving activity. ” My friend right or wrong ” expresses the prevailing spirit. This loyalty is at the basis of gangsterism. The following extracts taken from students’ interviews illustrate this: ” I had no sympathy for the resolution demanding dismissal of certain Professors on charge of their un-Islamic activity. I had no way out but to vote in favour of the

resolution — I dare not displease X.” A Hindu student who formed part of a gang to assault Muslim rickshaw pullers said “ I have no enmity against Muslims and refugees from Pakistan as such. I knew one Thakur boy from a neighbouring village. I do not know his name even,

All that

I knew of him was that he and I greeted one another on a few occasions. One clay he sent a word that he was in trouble and that I should bring as many other students

as I could to join in an assault upon a gang of Muslims. I went round my locality, collected a number of students armed with hockey sticks. . . .” This student confessed that

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he had been solely moved in his activities by consideration of loyalty to a student belonging to his neighbourhood. The whole H.S.S. movement made tremendous progress in its enrollment through men in the inner circle of the movement in every town establishing personal relations with teen agers. Membership in the Students’ Federation received an impetus from informal friendships involving its key-members. ‘(ii).

Groups with criminal intentions. There is no big

idea to capture the student’s imagination at the moment. There are quite a few in the market, but nothing works in a big and persuasive way. Hence friendship among students started by mutual attraction on superficial bases results in their standing by one another on "important ” issues. A precocious child in a Kindergarten started peeping into the girls’ bathrooms during the recess time. His friends who had grown out of their infantile sexual curiosity joined him in this adventure till it became a convention in the school and the matter came to the attention of the authorities. Conventions of similar patterrn get started in Colleges as well. Students have been found involved in mur-. ders, assault and battery, and illicit love affairs. There is one leader who is looked up to and others get youthful thrills of adventure through identification with him. The probation officer in Aligarh has been able to locate gamblers’ dens run by College students. Since gambling requires funds, these are collected through petty thefts. The latest fashion in committing thefts is to call at a house during the midday hours when men are in offices and

women have a midday siesta. Hespectably dressed students sit in the study, pocket wrist watches, fountain pens and other small expensive articles. They have been able to dupe the highest administrative officers as well. The money

realised out of the sale of these articles is spent on gala evenings at restaurants and the movies. One student cohfessed incurring a bill of Rs. 90/- for a day through entertaining his gang. Some College have on their rolls students who had had experience of army service. Being senior in age and experience, they become leaders and gather

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younger people round them. A 27 year old man in the undergraduate classes with the majority of the students in their teen years naturally acquires prestige. In some cases these senior-in-age pupils are not well-poised. (iii) Even when students grow enthusiastic about a “ cause " criminality may dominate the scene. Setting fire to shops and killing innocent passengers in trains and simi-

lar other operations are started with religious fanatic zeal. When a few stolen articles come into the possession of the “ young crusaders " the basic criminality is accepted by them as such and they come to realize for themselves the mask value of their enthusiasm for “religion” and “ culture." (c)

Personal problems of students. The following

view of the young people at Universities is extracted from clinical data offered by those who were referred to us by

the University Medical Officer and other physicians in the town and by those who consulted us on their own initiative.

When insight is lacking regarding one’s vital needs, he becomes more tense and anxiety-ridden. If and when he reaches that state of mental development which enables

him to recognise his needs, and the way to meet them, he becomes stable and poised. If insight is not available, the accumulated restlessness looks for any excuse which offers a release. College students observed by us were found deeply engrossed in personal problems on which they were struggling alone. The following were noticed : (i)

Anxiety about a career. Most students find their

way to the College without adequate financial support. “ I am supported by my brother and every time I receive money from him I have the bad feeling of snatching from him what belongs to his own children. I am anxious to become an earning member of the family. It is most humiliating to spend other people’s money on myself." “ My father refuses to support me financially after the B.A. Examination. I am extremely worried." Anxiety on the score of a career becomes so acute that it may paralyze the student’s effort to devote adequate

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attention to his studies. Many students were found preoccupied more with what they will do after completing their education than with what they should be doing now. Nor is there much guidance available on choice of subjects to enable students to make adequate preparation for the career. There is plenty of scope here for Colleges to increase students’ information regarding various occupations, the amount of capital required for each trade, the way the capital can be raised, the margin of profit, the way marketing facilities can be increased, etc. ; instances are not wanting of students who through systematic visits to factories and shops arranged for them by their teachers were able to select untapped sources of new vocations and careers. (ii) Conflict with parents. A severe conflict starts in the young students over their competition with parents. “ My father is a simpleton. I-Ie does not know how to manage his finances. If I had the opportunity to do his work I would do it a thousand times better.“ My father and I cannot see eye to eye with one another.. . . He is given to passions. I shall be a perfect ascetic." These are some of the remarks spontaneously made by our interviewees. Difference of opinion between fathers and sons on the following scores was found to be most vocally expressed : (1) Attitude toward the cinema, (2) the type of friends the son should have, (3) conformity to religion, (4) whom and when to marry (the father insists on early marriage and

within the caste and the son having his own notion about the time for marriage and the choice of partner.) A peculiar case came to notice of a 20 year old boy who had recently been married under instruction from his father. This boyis failure in the examination was attributed to his intimacy with his young wife. The father insisted in the son’s giving up intimacy with his wife. Every week-end when he paid visits to his family he would meet all except his wife. This produced a terrific strain on this young man. Parents who are usually tender towards children may become hostile or jealous at a time when they

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grow into manhood. “ These dammed rascals of students “ said a Magistrate, “ give us plenty of headaches and the next time a student is brought to my Court I shall give him the heaviest punishment I can.“ Students often feel rejected by their parents, by the University and the public at large. Their reply to the absense of humaneness in their surroundings is anxiety and fury. (iii)

Anxiety about social status. Entering College

from rural areas or from an under-privileged class means entering a new social class. Social relations have a touch of the feeling : “ Ido not belong here.“ And since world war II there have been signs of prosperity due to the rise in prices of agricultural commodities and the rush of rural young men to Colleges has been phenomenal. Colleges have no conventions of offering introductory courses for the heterogeneous population which seeks entrance to the University. And there are no traditions of literacy and verbal fluency in the case of rural young people. They cannot distinguish between the chafl and the grain in their new surroundings and are carried away by superficialities. A sense of unreality lurks in their efforts at education. Very often they look up to the more urban of their classmates for guidance, which is not always of a healthy type. (iv) Intimate personal problems. “ Students are the biggest consumers of tonics and other medicines aiming at increasing sexual potency, height, weight," was reported by a Vaid (Ayurvedic Doctor) who earns his living in this profession. Advertisers of potency medicines draw a horrible picture of damage through the involuntary flow of sexual fluids in the teen years. Young people have to make adjustment in acquiring a new attitude towards bodily growth. Since the process of growth involves attention to some of the vegetative functions, involvement in these functions forms an essential part of their ego. The general emphasis on asceticism present in Indian culture and advertising by quacks, both damage the ego, so deeply rooted in notions of bodily function. Against this there are the

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modern trends of accepting sexual cravings. The whole process creates a state of conflict and confusion for the young. On the one hand there is the craving to understand the meaning of growing to bodily maturity, and on the other there are conflicting meanings offered by the cultural situation. This conflict in meanings leads to the increase in the somatic manifestation of this conflict. Psychogenic constipation, diarrhoea, colds and headaches are by no chance uncommon. It is true that unhygienic conditions of living and malnutrition make for some of the physical illnesses common in teen years. But neurotic preoccupation with the body exists in its own right and creates baffling problems for the medical officers in charge of the health problems of college students. Yogic exercises in their original contexts were designed to release excessive narcissistic involvement in the body, but phantasies of achieving super-natural powers may ‘dominate students taking to

these exercises. Yogic exercises therefore serve the purpose of enhancing preoccupation with the body. Intensive preoccupation with the body is promoted by the R.S.S. movement, with its emphasis on physical exercises. Heavy involvement in one"s anatomy, coupled with overvaluation of certain bodily poses as givers of potency and strength, creates a frame of reference which can be put in words thus : “ I am the centre of the universe." This makes for a very well entrenched subjective evaluation of all that happens, and tells heavily on the young people's efiort at growing out of themselves. There are sufficient data on hand to suggest that young people's acquisition of a new evaluation of their culture and of themselves relieves them of their preoccupation with the body. Those who do not acquire a new valuation of life or those who create an aggrandizernent of the anatomy continue to complain of chronic illness of one kind or the other.

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' CONCLUSIONS An attempt is made in what follows to put tegether the

clues to the understanding of the Hindu-Musl1m confllei reported under various headings in prev1ous chapters. Naturg sf the Hindu hostility toward MusiiH18= (1) Only two out of 50 Hindu interviewees desire the compulsory emigration of the Muslim Indians to Pakistan; Another four out of 50 expected trouble at the Ml-1S11IT1$ hands in times of crisis, but did not want the Muslims to be forcibly sent to Pakistan. Neither of the two extremely hostile Hindus is e refugee. Their Thematic Apperception Test reports reveel fear that the women of their Thematic Apperception Teell stories may be overpowered by bad characters and their male characters are occupied in saving women'fro1n bemg outraged. They had taken to foolhardly adventures of no consequence to prove to themselves that they had grown out of their femininity. They are good haranguers of crowds. Insecure in their economic staus, they are unable to work for gain. Their minds work this way, “ X will get close to the head of the State or District Board, er Municipal Corporation. I shall stand to gain through him. Let me work hard for him and I need not work hard at my job." A peculiar solace is experienced by them in working for the hero of their imagination. They have a good following amongst certain kinds of students and the security they feel in this following is cherished as strength. They live in the fond conviction of overpowering the police with the help of students if they wish to. Without this following they will feel empty and hollow within. Their university career was cut short on account of financial difliculties, according to their own confessions, but an intimate talk revealed that they had passed through acute conflict between impulsiveness and poise in their adolescence, resulting in their giving up] study to take to politically romantic pursuits.

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Three of the other four who expect harm from Muslims are refugees completely absorbed in their own rehabilitation. Twelve Hindus accept Muslims at all levels and are appreciative of them as persons and appreciative of them in every way. Thirty-two of the Hindus have limited cormnunication with Muslims. They meet them as business partners and as acquaintances, and some of them at meals, but they entertain an inward image of the Muslim as dirty, a cow killer and a cruel person. If the sample from Aligarh reflects accurately the Hindu hostility toward Muslims (and undoubtedly it reflects the situation to a certain degree), on an India-wide scale we could arrive at the following picture: A few romantically slanted young people indulge in the fool-hardy adventure of impulsively inflicting injury on Muslims. But many Hindus by dint of hostile images embedded in them about Muslims inwardly gloat at the performances of the few Hindus who inflict injury on Muslims. They may verbally condemn the action of the aggressors but they do not have that fine sensitivity to come out openly to defend the Muslims. A third of the Hindu ' group will come to the help of the Muslims in an active way, spending money and time. Different levels of Indian society show different patterns of hostility. The “ cow level " releases unmitigated hostility without any thought of the consequences. There is much controversy at the “ language level." Fighting with fists is becoming rare. Those who fight with Muslims at the ideological level make use of all these patterns. A landlord waiting to evict his hereditary Muslim tenant to have the land for himself has only to call a pulpit preacher to give a sermon on the protection of cows, with a slanting reference to Muslims as cow killers. If Congress-minded Hindus are not to be found in the area the Muslims will be easily frightened and may pack for Pakistan. The outbreak of open hostility is then the function of

these variables mentioned in the above account and is bound to be of sporadic character only. The ideological level

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of hostility shows signs of adjustment and profound modification. It is the same with R. S. S. and the Hindu Mahasabha party who have shown remarkable reinterpretations of their ideological stand. Since there is a strong impulse to examine human relations in ideological terms, the chances of Hindu hostility being permanently directed against Muslims as such are rare. One Muslim candidate who stood for election to the East Punjab Assembly gave a crushing

defeat to the Hindu candidates although most of the voters were Hindus. - Another Muslim from Patiala and East Punjab States defeat Hindu rivals in election for Pepsu Assembly. These are indicators of the shape of things to come. Hindu hostility towards Harijans :

There is romantic acceptance of Harijans in the city amongst Hindus and Muslims on an ideological level. There is rejection of Harijans as dirty, animal killers, and doers of dirty jobs. There is general awe of Harijans as masters of “ evil spirits.” Hostility against Harijans is found amongst the status-conscious section of the population in the rural areas and not amongst artisan classes. Open hostility against Harijans is again a function of many of the same

forces which work against the Muslims. Hostility is expressed in the shape of the ‘inability of Harijans to take to occupations which are the monopoly of Hindus. But there is tremendous scope for them in occupations connected with cattle rearing and trades connected with leather and manure. A sort of rationalisation of occupations has already been achieved through centuries of experience. The real pinch is humiliation in status experience. But there is no difliculty for anyone wishing to take to any occupation provided he is able to find a clientele within his own caste group. How to mitigate hostility :

(1) Oflicers with sympathies for the minorities must provide an antidote to the hostility already present in some areas.

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(2) The administrative stafl of the area and -the administrative personnel in general must be adequately trained for promoting secularism in the light of the experience of the outbreak of hostility. i (3) The proposed community projects must be so implemented as to give a fair chance to members of all communities to show their qualities as persons and as leaders. (4) A well planned programme of inter-communal relations must form an integral part of the social education programme of the Government of India, with plenty of scope for group psychotherapy and psycho-drama for changing attitudes. It is desirable to use social education centres as experimental stations for the purpose. (5) The whole system of secondary education makes for romanticism in youth. Romantic individuals have had a role to play for the past sixty years. But their role is beginning to" have a restricted value. There are other forces which limit their influence. But the probelm presents a challenge to the promotion of social integration on other scores besides those of the Hindu-Muslim relations. Muslim hostility:

'

The following features of the Muslim hostility toward Hindus (extending to the Government as well), as revealed by the data reported in the foregoing chapters, merit attention : (1) ‘Muslims are only a little less frustrated than Hindus through specific difficulties they experience in pursuing their trade, in procuring usable goods, etc. Yet Muslims have a more generalized feeling of frustration, which is projected on to the Hindus and the Government. It may be that Muslims are actually more squeezed out in trades than they know, but their anxiety is not related by them to the symbol “ trade " and “ restrictions on procuring necessities of life " more than is done by the Hindus. It is possible that Hindus when relating their diflieulties in pursuing their occupations have a different frame of reference from that of the Muslims. The fact remains, however, that Muslims feel much more persecuted than the Hindus

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do by the Government (Muslims 44%, Hindus 14% ). There is evidence to believe, on the basis of the data reported here, that Hindus have much more capacity for tolerating self-humiliation than Muslims have. Why should Muslims show more hostility than Hindus toward the opposite community and the Government? Why should this praticular symbol be chosen as a scapegoat ? (2) Working-class Muslims show a greater amount of optimism about their making enough money if only they could obtain more metal to keep the unemployed members of their family fully occupied (for more yarn to give work to all in the family or more electricity to work for longer hours.) In fact, working-class Muslims show a more workoriented ego than the Hindus do. They feel the pinch of the situation but do not build fantasies of being persecuted as other Muslims do.

~ (3) The Muslim middle class and upper class show much more fear of persecution and consequently hostility to the Government and the Hindus. They have suflicient influence both with Hindus and the Government officers. The Government officers we learn are under instructions from the Central Government to be very careful about offending Muslims and most of them are conscientious in that respect in the interest of their own career. Yet the greatest hostility to the Government was revealed by this class. They know that abolition of landlordism, unemployment amongst the educated, etc. affect Hindus and’ Muslims alike. And yet they have the feeling that they are more affected by it than the Hindus. (4) There were a couple of jpbs with the UNESCO team as well as with other research teams at Aligarh. These jobs gave an opportunity for experience in research. Muslim

graduates rejected these offers whereas Hindus accepted the same offers even at less remuneration than was offered to Muslims. (5)

"

Communication between Hindus and Muslirng i5

1'“5tfi"'ft”d- VET? few Hindus ever know of the uneasiness Prfifallinfl amongst Muslims. A group of Muslims may be ta_lk1ng of a threatened attack on them in a street-corner

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shop and their Hindu neighbours next door do not know anything about this. News of hostility is kept concealed and our research team had a difficult time in tracing rumours. Once the Muslims knew that a Hindu was tracing the rumour, all communication was blacked out with Hindus. Unfavourable comments about the research team among upper-class Hindus did not reach other classes of Hindus. Favourable comments about the research team in certain Hindu circles did rot reach others. But there is more communication amongst Muslims of all levels about discrimination stories. One is tempted to believe that this lack of communication between Hindus and Muslims is a recent phenomenon created by some members of Muslim families living in Pakistan and others of the same living in India in the context of bad Indo-Pakistan relations. The range of papers read by Hindus is more varied than the range read by Muslims. The random sample of Hindus and Muslims taken at Aligarh revealed that the only significant social difference found between Hindus and Muslims, aside from newspaper habits, was the Muslim tendency to prefer a Muslim Institution for education. (6) Muslims show as much acceptance of the Hindus as Hindus show of them; perhaps more Muslims remember every childhood friendship experience with the other community more often than Hindus do, and continue friendship with their childhood friends to the adult level more frequently. Yet the Hindus often appear to Muslims as persecutors, and bent on exterminating them. (7) Muslim newspapers both in India and Pakistan regularly feature stories of Hindus torturing Muslims, ending with the note of helplessness. This is very significant from the clinical point of view, carrying the meaning of a failure at the end. Some clues to the understanding of Muslim hostility :

It has not been possible to examine adequately the clues suggested here. It will be worthwhile to set up experimental situations to examine these clues.

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_ (i) Muslims _have sufiered injury to their status due "to the loss of special weightage in services and separate representation in legislatures. Other groups which have sufiered on a similar score are Anglo-Indians and to some -extent Parsis and even Christian Indians, some of whom feel that with the end of the British rule they have sufiered in prestige. If the quality of the frustration of these other communities is simlar to that of the Muslims, possibilities -of this clue being correct will be strengthened.

(ii) The reaction of the dispossessed landlords, exprinces and their near relatives of different religious and cultural backgrounds, may be compared with the reaction of the upper and middle class Muslims, so as to find out the

-determinants of the Muslim pattern of hostility. (iii) Indian Muslims worked with great vigour to bring about a consciousness amongst Muslims that they are -"a separate people, a separate nation and different and superior in every way to Hindus except in number. This involved preaching of hatred amongst Muslims against Hindus. This involved working for the success of the Muslim League candidates by drowning out the voice of the small minorities of Muslims who wanted to work for a United India. This resulted in inflicting public humiliation -on key Muslims who stood for I-Iindu-Muslim unity. This -also involved staging open violence in the shape of HinduMuslim riots. The fruit of their activities, of whatever sort they are, have gone to those who have crossed the border to Pakistan. What they tried to achieve became liability to many who remained. The very activities stood‘ discredited after the partition of India and haunted them. Segregation -of Hindus had become an article of faith and coloured their thinking on all issues. (iv) The third clue suggested above may have its bElSiS deeper in the cultural make-up of the Muslim, To

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heal “ attitude of the Hindps, indicate the activation of the archaic mechanism of killing the chief in the primal horde situation followed by persecutory phantasies. The collective action of the sons gives strength to their weak indivi'dual ego but killing the father is followed by fear of the retaliation and persecutory phantasies. The history of Muslim rule in India is full of examples of rulers finding their way to the throne through imprisoning or killing their fathers or brothers or teachers. One is also reminded of the reported attempt at revolt of the armed forces in Pakistan and the murder of its prime-minister in this connection. It is a common practice amongst upper-class Muslims to eat the first morsel of food at a dinner table to assure the guestsof the lack of a foul play. The Hindu practice of spending hostility in “ grousing " and allowing the status quo to govern the situation and “ speaking daggers and using none " spells different characteristics from the Muslim habit of going straight at the person concerned and showing less ability to manage the consequences. In many ways the characteristics of the Muslim culture makes for a more adequate ego in contrast with depressive approach of the Hindu. But the Muslim inability to manage consequences of a dare-devil action is also there. Comments and Suggestions

It will be worth while to examine this clue and themental characteristics stimulated by this peculiarity of theMuslim culture and the group climate promoted thereby. Unless, however, the details of this mechanism are demonstrated in operation in the total life of Muslims and unless the data are supported by other psychopathological formations amongst Muslims this clue will remain simply a hypothesis. The data on hand are insufficient to take care of the ramification of this hypothesis.

In the meanwhile it is desirable to look minutely for more situational clues to which Muslims react with persecutory delusions. It will be worthwhile to examine samples of Muslims in different parts of the country under different social strata to find out their outlets of hostility compared to the Hindu reactions to similarly frustrating situations.

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Migration to Pakistan. The reaction of Pakistan has enabled Muslims to look for a good image to compensate for the immense hostility that was generated amongst them through the preceding decade against their neighbours. Those who are very much worked up against their human surroundings in India emigrate. They emigrate openly and say they cannot live amongst infidels. Others pay repeated visits to Pakistan till they have found an acceptable occupation or property for themselves. Some families emigrate in stages, employable sons and marriageable daughters first. Children go to schools and colleges in India and are sent to Pakistan when they are ready for employment or marriage. The aged members of the family continue their pursuits in India. Thus a Muslim nucleus of planned migration continue to operate in India. None too good IndoPakistan relations and special regulations governing the management cf the property of the emigrating Muslims give the intending migrants a sense of uneasiness about their migration plans and they have to be secretive about everything they do in this connection. It is diflicult to divine the kind of paradise awaiting the migrants in Pakistan and what shapes their constructive needs give to their situation in Pakistan. But they fail to be reconciled to their Indian situation and fail to be creative and poised in relation to their neighbours on account of possibilities of a good life in Pakistan across the border. This is more true of certain upper and middle class families. The lower classes’ ego derives strength from the involvement in more concrete objects such as metal, yarn, and electricity, to permit work and derive ego habilitation ; therefore they do not have the urge to migrate. Subversive methods. "When a large number of Mus-

lims say that they accept Hindus at certain levels of social participation and had friendly relations with them in their childhood days, and at the same time have few opportunities to direct their aggression directly at Hindus and expect

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mortal injury from Hindus, the situation makes for “ subversive " methods of aggression. What shape this will take is difficult to say with data on hand. Rethinking. Since the hostility against Hindus has taken on an ideological form, many Muslim agencies engage in reinterpreting the meaning of the Islamic way of life. Some interpretations favour Muslims’ living a good life according to Islamic principles, irrespective of the political state they happen to be located in at the moment. Other Muslims take to trade unionism or the leftist thinking to bring social justice. Excessive efiort at achieving harmony with neighbours. Taking to external Hindu symbols, Muslim landlords “ throw parties " both for Hindu and Muslim festivals. Adjustment -at an individual level. Instances come to

notice where a Muslim doctor, or a Muslim engineer was so proud of his professional achievements that he forgot that he was a Muslim and derived his status from his personal achievements. Instances are not wanting of a Muslim challenging a Hindu in elections on his personal merit. Increased communication.’ According to the Govern-

ment statistics there were 40 Urdu dailies in undivided India in 1946. A November 1951 Government census reports G8 Urdu dailies in new India. With the exception of Punjab and Delhi the Urdu press in the rest of India caters to the Muslims alone. That spells increasing communication amongst Muslims.

The former Muslim elite having migrated to Pakistan or been deprived of their former prestige (princes and landlords) a well organized, purely Muslim ideological fight such as resulted in the Muslim" League slogan is out of the question. Individuals and small groups are busy in excessive efforts at reparation and in adjustment at individual levels. These and excessive devotion to religion have

rehabilitative value for Muslim. These and certain positive

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gestures from top leaders to Muslims reduce the chances of a subversive method of expressing hostility. Thus vvork at the lower level and opportunities of positive identification with larger national symbols are the greatest absorbers of irrational fear and anger. Determinants of silent hostility

By silent hostility amongst various groups (Hindu, Muslim, Harijan, etc.) is meant the status quo in group relations. This implies segregation in residential areas of various groups, monopoly in occupation and trades, terrific hostility toward members of different groups coming together in marriage, perpetuation of traditional mores for maintaining psychological distance and customs under-

mining the lavv of the land and the Indian constitution in the day-to-day relations of difierent groups. The following forces came to notice in this connection : {1}

Crystallization of status in small cities I As Was

pointed out, the “ mediocres " stay in small cities and they are devoid of initiative. They conserve vvhat was already acquired and they play safe. It has been estimated that a hundred thousand rupees are required to give decent accommodation to 50 employees of a business concern. Their contribution to old age funds amount to Rs. 1,000/- per month and the employers’ contribution amounts to the same. They have thus 24,000 rupees set apart, deposited and three per cent interest in banks every year. No one is to retire for the next ten years and there are already three hundred thousand rupees in old-age funds deposited in banks. If part of this money were taken out to build houses each employee could pay 25% less for more decent accommodations and could own the house after some time. The building activity could bring more employment to people. Fifty per cent of the employees refuse to vote the money because they are hoping for a better prospect elsewhere. Most of them are suspicious of the designers, contractors and others mishandling the money. Similar

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examples could be multiplied. Instances are not wanting where there is plenty of scope for producing useful goods for local consumption and yet the lack of local initiative compels people to procure goods at a tremendous cost from outside. This lack of understanding between bankers, engineers, etc. makes for tremendous frustration. This leaves plenty of contradictions in small cities. Radios and refri-

gerators for some and no such appliances for others, plenty of electricity in one place and not an oil lamp next door, fabulous income and poverty, go on (not very) merrily hand in hand. (2) Lack of communication between the government departments and the public: Exporters of goods have

plenty to say in complaint against the railway transportation authorities for not supplying wagons for loading goods. Control and rationing departments came in for very pungent comments .The same way with the sales tax oflicers and even the police and the judiciary. These comlaints are frequent amongst all communiites, and the bad image of the government in action continues to prevail. (3) Trade Unionism is not popular and there is no organized way of establishing liaison between the representatives of the trade and the concerned government and departments. And yet the situation -—- created by the government coming to interfere more and more with the everyday life of the citizen — demands a better understand-

ing by the parties concerned of each otheris point of view. Consequences of the above forces (1) The lack of the normal communication between people in various trades and the Government, and of those in a power status with those who have to look up to them, makes people look to their relations and fellows in caste and religion in the Government departments and other

influential places to make themselves heard. And this results in the reactivation of the caste and religion symbols. If people could have direct communication with all those agencies with which they are related there would be less

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chance of the reactivation of the old basis of group life. This reactivation automatically leads to segregation tendencies, etc. and thus silent hostility between groups is perpetuated.

(2) Symbols of larger integration, such as political "ideologies, “ nationalism ", etc., in a healthy society should be properly integrated with the secondary groups immediately connected with the biogenic groups like family, etc. The national struggle in India and for that matter, in most other countries in Asia and Europe, integrated people to the symbols of larger society, leaving weak integration of the intermediate chains and thus promoting magic mentality in human affairs. The bad image of the local government, among our interviewees, is compensated for by a good image of the central government when local government only carries policies framed by the centre. This investment of magic in the beyond has a soothing efiect though it paralyses the capacity for adjustment to the immediate reality. It is a patent fact that the Muslim Indians’ trade has suffered very much orf account of the partition of India. What is now West Pakistan was the chief market for Muslim locksmiths’ locks, silk sarees made by Banaras Muslims, cutlery made by Moradabad Muslims, leather goods made by Agra Muslims, to mention only a few. With Pakistanis policy of importing these goods from elsewhere the old market for these commodities is gone. And yet there is very little tendency to blame either the Pakistan Government or the very decision to partition the country. This shows how soothing can be the identification with larger symbols which can promote a certain amount of masochism, or willing acceptance of distress. This confllct between identification with larger symbols and the immediate symbols makes for a kind of split ego ; this is a very important clue to the inability to meet others at a personal human level.

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"‘ Data from Aligarh suggest that perhaps only 10 or 15 percent of Muslims and an equal percentage of Hindus recognize that the situation is one for understanding and not for blame ; the balance on both sides perceive the situation moralistically and themselves in the role of the innocent. The Hindu refugees studied by the UNESCO teamsin five different parts of India appear, in general, to be considerably more bitter about Muslims than are resident Hindus not so directly affected by the partition of the country.

Yet here emerges a rather startling .fact. The degree to which the social perspective is standardized for the group is revealed by the fact that Hindu refugees who suffered directly at Muslim hands (through loss of property or even through loss of family members) seem to harbor no more hostility to Muslims than those who made good their escape without suffering any such personal misfortune. The data from Bengal, Gujarat, Delhi and other regions are consistent in showing that it was a collective experience which standardized the collective outlook. We repeatedly find, as E. L. Horowitz-f long ago suggested, that group hostility develops into -such a rigid form that personal adversity adds little to or subtracts little from the total. This does not in any way imply that individual difierenccs are absent, but that they are due to quitedifferent factors. As in American studies of prejudice, economic and educational factors are often less important than various obscure personal factors probably related to individual temperament and to early home atmosphere. In the Calcutta study the most prejudiced seem to be those who were so before the partition and the least prejudiced those who "' The concluding pages are from an article by Pars Ram and Gardner Murphy " Recent Studies of Hindu-Muslim Relations India,“ Huston Organisation (I951). "f E. L. Horowitz, The Development of Attitude toward the Negro. Archives of Psychology, 1936, No. 104.

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were so as children and played with young Muslims. In our present studies, about 15 percent of each group could be said to be practically free of prejudice, another 15 percent limit their prejudice to a preference for their own group as against the other, and about 70 percent vigorously rejgct the other group. This is reminiscent of many interracial and interreligious patterns in the United States as well

as other quarters of the globe. Indeed, we get the feeling that the whole Hindu-Muslim situation is a rather typical page from the very long story of human group conflict. One is reminded of the Know-Nothings, the American Protective Association. the Ku Klux Klan, the terror in Detroit in 1944 and in Mlami in 1951-52. ' ' We have, of course, often been told that these difficulties are economic ; or, on the other hand, that they. stem from the irreconciliability of Hindu and Islamic cultures. We shall not attempt a thumb-nail sketch of the intricate pattern of Hindu-Muslim relationships, but merely stress the fact that even when we deal with the same economicgroup in the same city, with men and women who have lived through the same terrors and the same struggle towards renewal of normal life, we find profound individuality in response : for example, from those Hindus who -believe in the extermination of the Muslims, to those who believe that under present conditions the Government should favour the Muslims and give them special consideration. The use of projective tests such as the Thematic Apperception. Test is now being attempted by several research teams in an attempt to throw light on the deeper dynamics of these rich individual difierences. _

Constructive Possibilities

In any such study as this it is easy to -get lost in a taleof woe. There are, however, broader perspectives to bekept in mind. In the long run such studies may actually be more useful in enabling us to understand the natureof crisis adjustment than in mitigating immediate distress.. We hope the Government of India will use our data but.

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even if they do not, the Aligarh material afiords some fascinating insights with reference to Muslim and Hindu orientation to life. _

'

Especially significant is what Kurt Lewin used

to call “ time perspective." For the Hindu, events -are sketched on an infinite canvas of time; for the Muslim, history is dynamic and even explosive. Important

"things are occurring at this instant. When a Hindu in Aligarh is asked: “ What is the most recent example of -communal trouble? " he embarks upon a broad historical sketch of Hindu-Muslim relationships down to events of a year or so prior to the interview. “ It seems to me,“ he says, “ that there was a scuflie in the streets and somebody was killed 10 or 12 months ago," or, “I think I remember

-some Muslims leaving at night for Pakistan. That must have been a year ago." Ask any Muslim the same question and he tells you of events of a week or two ago, events -still burning deeply within‘ him: “ Why, last week three men learned that their shops were to be looted and they left for Pakistan at once," or “ This very day my children came home from school crying, saying that Hindu children had taunted them." In the same way, for the Hindu the future is a vast open space, for the Muslim a sharply structured region wherein that which is closest is most vivid. Ask any Hindu, “ If you had the power, what would you do to stop the communal troubles ? " and you get this -sort of reply, “ Well, weive had these troubles a long, long time, and it will be a long, long time before we get rid of them." Ask any Muslim what he would do to stop the dificulties and he replies, “ The police can stop them tomorrow if they want to.“ ' Two hypotheses immediately suggest themselves. The first hypothesis is that this difference in time perspective is due to the unstructured nature of time in Hindu culture compared to its highly structured nature in Islamic culture. If this hypothesis is true, we shall find similar responses among Hindus outside of India, notably among those few

who are still living in Pakistan. We shall find these same

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responses characteristic also of a later period of interrogation when the present crisis is past. Similarly, we should get the same responses from Muslims in Pakistan, or indeed in Iran, Jordan, or Egypt. The second hypothesis is that the difference in time perspective is a characteristic difference between majority and minority groups or between secure and insecure people. From this point of view, the secure need not remember crisis incidents, nor need they be concerned with the immediacy of their removal. The insecure, subject to continuous threat, must take note of all that threatens them, and recent past and immediate future must be sharply defined. We believe that the testing of hypotheses of these types may add materially to our understahding of the relation of crisis psychology to the psychology of stable and enduring cultural relationships. it iln the meantime, we believe that the attitude of Hindu refugees from Pakistan towards the Government of India and for that matter the attitude of the general public, supports hypothesis 2. The refugees felt that the Government could, lf it wished, compensate them with the property left by Muslim emigrants to Pakistan, or even attach the property of Muslim Indian families. some of whose members have accepted Pakistan citizenship. In contrast to this, the Government of India has committed itself to the rehabilitation of Muslims who care to return to India from Pakistan. It is therefore holding the property of many Muslim families in sacred trust for them. Similarly, the basic biological needs of the people are affected by the Governmental control of the distribution of essential commodities. This frustration of basic needs results in impatience implying a "~"1‘3‘"'iT1E ffli‘ i"1Pl11oi‘-"e “ here and ‘now " satisfaction. In contrast with this the Government, aiming at a long-range policy of promoting the PP'3"iPE"itJf of the country, uses its foreign exchange to buy from fliT"‘ii"-id mflvhiflcry for lndmstrlal development at the cost of raw material“ immEdi3i'-‘tilt’ flooded. This difference in the frame of reference ‘if the-twfi €\""11I‘:s has a profound influence on their respective time perspectives. rEEE'I?:1iifl‘:iE':‘; igntzafiz our owp time Perspective ‘f Let us glance at Mmmms were: in the 11: perceived as national crises by Hindus and mnsofidatim f th occasions for Hindu-Muslim amity. The P E British rule in India was a threat to the eiristcncc of the political and the religious elite of both groups. The threat

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The obvious question at this point is whether any immediate therapy exists for this Hindu-—Muslim situation. We are afraid that aside from the slight therapeutic value I I

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to Turkey. the sjvmbol of the spiritual unity of the Islamic countries in the second decade of this century, resulting from British policy in the Near East, resulted in the Indian Muslim

theologians joining hands with Gandhi in opposing British rule in India. The growing influence of the Indian National Congress held out a threat for the Hindu and Muslim princes and landlords who forgot their religious identities and exerted joint efforts to preserve their status. The recent elections in India have given further illustrations of crises cementing inter-group differences. Sikhs are usually regarded by Muslims as enemies, yet in Pepsu. a predominately Sikh constituency. among whose voters are persecuted and dispossessed refugee Sikhs from Pakistan, voted for a Muslim (unattached to any political party) as their representative to the state legislative assembly. in preference to Congress and Hindu Mahasabha candidates from the same constituency. In recent elections hundreds of thousands of Hindu voters returned Muslim candidates to Parliament out of a political hostility to their Hindu rivals. Muslim Qidwai, until recently a Minister of the Indian Government, raised a voice of revolt against the Congress and the Congress Government and was able to command a tremendous Hindu following amongst both Congress leaders and

the masses. Those Muslims who had until recently carried on vigorous propaganda against Hindus and Congress decided to vote for the Congress candidates. Perhaps a crisis serves as shock therapy for Hindu-Muslhn differences. But there is a more pervasive and a more vigorous crisis facing countries whose inhabitants eke out an existence with agriculture and rely on human and animal sources of power. The philosophy which governed their day-to-day life was to be as self-suficient as possible. The ruling chiefs and the Government existed for them on a distant horizon (with the eszception of the tail: collector’s semiannual call]. The Government was. however, a personalised agency. "The Government are our parents " is a common saying in the rural areas. This humanity has suddenly been faced with world forces which have shocked them out of their comfortable philosophy of self-suficiency. They must try with their existing social perceptual tools to understand the world forces impinging on the humhlest peasant. creating the necessity for new identification. New groupings, defined through the new economic and political realities, are coming into existence and the old groupings must in time be weakened.

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which comes from the collaboration of members of all com-

munities and castes in these invlestigations, there is no fundamental amelioration to be expected except through the long and costly process of group rehabilitation in stable and satisfying ways of life. This is a task involving capital which modern India does not possess, engineers and teachers who will take many years to train, and technical and political skills which belong to the remote future. It is very evident that the primary means at our disposal are group projects in which I-Iindus and Muslims work together to establish schools, public works and other services ' from

which all can benefit. But to grind the capital for such projects out of the peasants is hardly thinkable, and under present conditions no other source of capital is easily imaginable. Americans and others often make the mistake of look-

ing for all solutions at the top level. Yet in many parts of India local people invite Muslims to their festivals and help them to enjoy themselves. Student groups invite Muslim students to their clubs and social gatherings and help them to feel at home. In some parts of India tension seems to be declining. Moreover, one very bright spot in the situation is the presence in India of a large number of earnest and devoted intellectual leaders with real vision who, through basic education, the trade union movement, and other social agencies, are accomplishing extraordinary feats on the limited scale possible for them. We believe it is important for social scientists to understand Indian problems in terms of the urgency of crisis on the one hand, and the excellent local leadership on the other hand. By helping these local leaders with funds, moral support, and technical assistance, they will be able to develop projects in which Hindus and Muslims can work side by side. In this way we shall not only do some immediate good, but also assist in H tfioliflg-up process that will take on real humanitarian

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importance when we turn our attention from present-day tensions to the brighter thleme of inter-community economic and political cooperation towards group goals. In our present limited understanding of social dynamics, a real reconciliation can only come with the definition of group goals towards which all, regardless of caste and community,

can devote their energies.

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