A Thousand Years of Nonlinear History

Table of contents :
KMBT36220100219194000......Page 1
KMBT36220100219194428......Page 41
KMBT36220100219194746......Page 81
KMBT36220100219195105......Page 121
KMBT36220100219195443......Page 167
KMBT36220100219195759......Page 207
KMBT36220100219200129......Page 247
KMBT36220100219200447......Page 287

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W h e n atoms a re trave l l i n g stra ight d o w n t h ro u gh empty q u i te i n d ete r m i n ate times and p l aces, t h ey swe r ve ever so litt l e fro m t h e i r co u rse , j ust so m u c h t h at yo u would call it a c h a n g� o f direct i o n . I f it w e re n ot fo r t h is swe rve, e v e ryt h i n g wo u l d fall d o w n ­ w a rd s t h r o u g h t h e a byss of space . No co l l i si o n wo u l d ta ke pl ace and n o i m p a ct o f ato m o n ato m wo u l d be c r e ated. T h u s n atu re wo u l d never have created a nyt h i ng. - Lucret i u s

Swerve Editions Edited by Jonathan Crary, Sanford Kwinter, and Bruce Mau

Contents

11

Introduction I : LAVAS AND MAGMAS

25

Geological History: 1000-1700 A.D.

57

Sandstone and Granite

71

Geological History: 1700-2000 A.D. II: FLESH AND GENES

103

Biological History: 1000-1700 A.D.

135

Species and Ecosystems

149

Biological History: 1700-2000 A.D. III: MEMES AND NORMS

183

Linguistic History: 1000-1700 A.D.

215

Argu ments and Operators

227

Linguistic History: 1700-2000 A.D.

257

Conclusion and Speculations

275

Notes

Introd uction

Despite its title, this is not a book of history but a book of philosophy. It is, however, a deeply historical philoso­ phy, which holds as its cen­ tral thesis that all structures that surround us and form our reality (mountains, ani­ mals and plants, human lan­ guages, social institutions) are the products of specific historical processes. To be 11

A THOUSAND YEARS OF NONL INEA R HISTORY

co n s i st e n t , t h i s ty p e of phi l os o phy m u st of n eces s i ty ta ke rea l history a s i ts sta rt i n g p o i n t . The p ro b l e m i s , of cou rs e , tha t those who w r i te history, how eve r scho l a r ly, do so from a g i ve n ph i l os o p h i ca l p o i n t of v i ew, a n d t h i s wou l d s e e m to t ra p u s i n a v i c i o u s c i rc l e . B u t ju st a s history a n d phi l os o phy m ay i n te ra ct i n s u ch a way a s to m a ke a n o bje ct i ve a s s e s s m e n t o f rea l i ty i m poss i b l e­ whe n e n t re n che d worl d v i ews a n d ro u t i n e "-

p ro ce d u res fo r gathe r i n g h i sto r i ca l ev i d e n ce co n str a i n e a ch othe r n egat i ve ly - they ca n a l s o i n t e ra ct p o s i t i ve l y a n d t u r n th i s m u t u a l d e p e n d e n ce i n to a v i rt u o u s c i rc l e . M o re ove r, it m ay b e a rg u e d that t h i s p o s i t i ve i n te ra c ­ t i o n ha s a l re a d y begu n . M a ny histori a n s ha ve a b a n d o n e d the i r Eu roce n t r i s m a n d n ow q u est i o n the ve ry r i s e o f the We st (Why n ot C h i n a o r I s l a nl? is n ow a com nl o n q u es­ t i o n ) , a n d s o m e ha ve eve n l eft be h i n d the i r a n th ro p oce n t r i s m a n d i n c l u d e a host of n o n hu m a n h i st o r i e s i n the i r a cco u nts . A n u m ­ b e r of phi l os o phe rs , for the i r pa r t , ha ve be n e­ f i t e d f ro m the n ew histo r i ca l ev i d e n c e tha t s cho l a rs s u ch a s Fe r n a n d B ra u d e l a n d W i l l i a m M c N e i l l ha ve u n ea rthe d , a n d ha ve u s e d i t a s a po i n t o f d e pa rt u re f o r a n ew, rev i ve d fo rm 12

INTRODUCTION

of m a t e r i a l i s m , l i b e rated f ro m the d ogm a s of the pa st. Phil o s o phy is n ot , howeve r, the o n ly d i s c i ­ p l i n e that ha s be e n i n f l u e n ce d by a n ew awa re n ess of the rol e of h i stor i ca l p rocesses . S c i enc e , too , ha s a cq u i re d a h i sto r i ca l co n ­ s c i o u s n ess . I t i s n ot a n exa ggerat i o n to say tha t in the l a st tw o o r th re e d e ca d e s h i sto ry ha s i n f i l t rated phys i cs , che m i stry, a n d b i o l ­ ogy. I t i s t r u e that n i n ete e n th- ce n t u ry the r m o­ d yn a m i cs ha d a l re a d y i n t ro d u ce d t i m e's a r row i n to phys i cs , a n d he n ce the i d e a of i r reve rs i b l e h i sto r i ca l p roces s e s . A n d the the o ry of evol u t i o n ha d a l rea d y shown that a n i m a l s a n d p l a n ts we re n ot e m bod i m e n ts of ete r n a l es s e n ces but p i e ce m ea l histori ca l co n st r u ct i o n s , s l ow a cc u m u l at i o n s of a d a p ­ t i ve t ra i t s ce m e n t e d togethe r v i a re p rod u c ­ t i ve i s o l a t i o n . H oweve r, the c l a ss i ca l ve rs i o n s o f thes e two the o r i es i n co r p o rated a rathe r wea k n ot i o n of h i story i n to the i r co n ce pt u a l m a chi n e ry: both c l a s s i ca l the r m o d y n a m i cs a n d Da rwi n i s m a d m i tte d o n l y o n e poss i b l e h i st o r i ca l o u tco m e , the reachi n g of the r m a l e q u i l i b r i u m o r o f the f i ttest d es i g n . I n both cases , o n c e thi s p o i n t wa s rea che d , h i st o r i ca l p rocesses cea s e d t o cou n t . I n a s e n s e , o pt i13

A THOUSAND YEARS OF NONLINEAR HISTORY

m a l design o r o pti m a l d i stribution of e n e rgy rep re s e n ted an e n d of h is­ tory for t h es e t h eo ries. It s ho u l d com e a s n o s u r prise, then, t h at the cu rrent pen etrati o n of scie nce by h i sto rical con ce r ns has been t h e res u l t of advan ces i n th ese two d is ci p l i n es . l Iya P r igogi ne revol u t i o n ized the r m odyn a m ics in t h e 1960s b y s howi ng t h at t h e c l assical resu lts were v a l i d o n ly fo r closed sys­ tems, wh e re t h e overa l l q u a nti ties of e n e rgy a re a lways conserve d . I f o n e a l l ows a n i nt e n s e f l ow of e n e rgy in a n d o u t of a system (that is, if o n e p u s hes it fa r from equilibrium), the n u m be r a n d typ e of poss i b l e h isto ri cal o utcomes greatly i ncreases. I n stead of a u n iq u e a n d s i m p l e fo rm o f sta bi l ity, we n o w h ave m u lti p l e coexisting forms of v a ry i n g co m plexity (static, periodic, a n d c h aotic attractors). M oreove r, w h e n a syste m switch e s f r o m o n e sta ble state t o a nother (at a critical point called a bifurcation), m i n o r fl u ct u a t i o n s m ay p l ay a crucial rol e i n deci d i ng the o u tco m e . T h u s , w h e n we st u dy a give n p hysical system , w e n eed to k n o w t h e s pecific n at u re of t h e fl u ct u ati o n s t h at have been p re s e n t a t e a c h of its bifu rca­ tio ns; in o th e r words, we n ee d to know its h isto ry to u n d e rstan d its c u rrent dyn a m ical state.l A n d w h at i s t r u e of p hysical systems is all t h e m o re t r u e of bio l ogical o nes. Attract ors and bifu rcatio n s a re feat u res o f any system in w h i c h t h e dyn a m ics a re n ot o n ly far from eq u i l i b ri u m b u t a l so n o n linear, t h at i s , i n w h i c h t h e re a re stron g m ut u a l i nteracti o n s (o r feed back) betwee n co m po­ n e nts. W h e t h e r the syste m in q u esti o n is com posed of m o l ec u l es or of l iv i ng creat u res, it wi l l e x h i bit e n doge n o u sly gen erated sta b l e states, as wel l as s h a rp t r a n s iti o n s betwe e n state s, a s l o n g as t h e re is feed back a n d a n i nte n se flow o f e n e rgy cou rs i ng t h ro u g h t h e system . As biol ogy begi ns to i n cl u de t h ese n o n l i ne a r dyn a m i ca l p h e n o m e n a i n its models - fo r e xa m p le , t h e m ut u a l sti m u l ation i n vo lved i n t h e c a s e of evol u t i o na ry " a rms races" betwe e n p redato rs and p rey - t h e noti o n of a "fittest d esign" will lose its m e a n i ng . I n an a rm s r ace t h e re is no o pti m a l sol u t i o n fi xed o nce a n d fo r a l l , s i nce t h e criteri o n of "fitness" itself c ha nges with t h e dyna m ­ ics.2 As t h e b e l i ef i n a fixed crite rion of opti m a l ity d is a p pears from b iol­ ogy, rea l h i sto rical p rocesses com e to reassert t h e m se lves o nce m o re . T h u s , t h e move away f ro m e ne rgetic eq u i libri u m a n d l i n e a r ca u sa l ity h a s rei njected t h e n atu ra l s ci e n ces with h isto rica l co n ce rn s . T h i s book i s a n e x p l o ratio n of t h e possi b i lities that m i g h t be o p e n e d to p h i loso p h ical reflect i o n by a s i milar m ove i n t h e social scie nces i n gen eral a n d h istory in p a rt ic u l a r. T hese pages exp l o re t h e poss i b i l ities of a n o n l i ne a r a n d n o n­ e q u i l i b ri u m h isto ry by t raci ng t h e d evelopment of t h e West i n t h ree h is­ torica l n arratives, each starti n g roughly i n the yea r 1000 and c u l m i n ati n g i n o u r own tim e , a t h o u s a n d yea rs l ate r. B u t doesn ' t t h i s a p p roach contra-

14

INTRODUCTION

d i ct my stated goa l ? I s n ' t the very idea of fol l ow i n g a line of development, centu ry by centu ry, i n h e re ntly l i n ea r? My a nswe r is t h at a n o n l i ne a r con­ cept i o n of h i sto ry h a s a bsol u te l y n ot h i ng to do with a style of p rese nta­ tion , as i f o n e cou l d t r u ly ca ptu re t h e n o neq u i l i b ri u m d y n a m ics of h u ma n h i sto rica l p rocesses by ju m p i ng back a n d fo rth a m o n g t h e centu ri e s . On t h e co n t ra ry, w h at i s needed h e re is n ot a text u a l but a p hysical o p e ra­ t i o n : m u ch as h isto ry has i n fi lt rated p hysics, we m u st n ow al low p hysics to i nf i l trate h u m a n h i sto ry. E a r l i e r atte m pts i n t h is d i recti o n , most n ota bly in t h e p i o n ee ri ng wo rk of t h e p hysi ci st A rt h u r I bera l l , offer a u sefu l i l l u stratio n of t h e co n ce ptu a l s h i fts t h at t h i s i n fi l t rati o n wo u ld i nvolve. I be ral l was p e r h a p s t h e fi rst t o visu a l ize t h e majo r t r a n s i ti o n s i n earl y h u m a n h isto ry (t h e transitio ns from h u nter-gat h e r e r to agricu l t u r a l ist, a n d fro m agric u ltu ra l ist to city d we l l e r) n ot

as a l i n e a r advance u p t h e l a d d e r of progress b u t a s t h e cross i ng of

n o n l i n ear critical t h re s h o l d s (bifu rcatio n s). M o re specifica l ly, m u c h as a given c h e m ical co m po u nd (wate r, fo r exa m p l e) m ay exist i n seve ral d is­ ti nct states (so l i d , l i q u id , o r gas) and may switch from sta ble state to sta b l e state a t critical poi nts i n the i n te n sity o f tem p e ratu re (ca l led phase transitions),

so a h u m a n soci ety m ay be seen as a " m ate r i a l " c a p a b l e of

u n d e rgoi ng t h ese c h a nges of state as it rea c h es critica l mass in te rms of d e n s ity of sett l e m e nt, a mo u nt of e n e rgy co n s u m e d , o r even i nten sity of i nteracti o n . I be ra l l i n vites u s t o view e a rl y h u nte r-gat h ere r b a n d s a s gas particl es, i n t h e s e n se t h at t h ey l ived a p a rt fro m e a c h oth e r a n d t h e refo re i ntera cted rarely and u n syste matical ly. ( Based on the et h n ogra p h i c evi d e n ce t h at b a n d s typi cal ly l i ved a bo u t s eve nty m i les a p a rt a n d assu m i n g t h at h u m a n s can w a l k a b o u t twen ty-five m i les a d ay, h e c a lc u l ates t h at any two b a n d s we re sepa rated b y m o re t h a n a day's d i sta nce fro m o n e a noth e r.3) W h e n h u m a n s fi rst bega n t o cu ltivate ce re a l s a n d t h e i nte ract io n b etwe e n h u m a n bei ngs a n d p l a nts created sed e n tary com m u n ities, h u m a n ity l iq u e­ fied o r c o n d e n se d i nto gro u p s w hose i n te racti o n s we re n ow m o re f re q u e nt a l t h o u g h sti l l l oosely regu lated. F i n a l ly, w h e n a few of t hese com m u nities i nten sified agricu ltu ra l p rod u cti o n to t h e point w h e re s u rpl u ses cou ld be harvested , sto re d , and red i stri b u ted (fo r t h e fi rst t i m e a l l ow i n g a d iv i s i o n o f l a bo r b etwe e n p rod u ce rs a n d co n s u m e rs of foo d ) , h u m a n ity a cq u i red a crysta l state , in t h e s e n se t h a t central gover n ments now i m posed a sym­ metrical grid of l aws a n d regu latio n s on t h e u rban pop u latio n s . 4 H owever oversim p l i fied t h i s p ictu re m ay be, i t co n ta i n s a s i gn ificant cl u e as to t h e n at u re of n o n l i n ear h i story: i f t h e d i ffe rent "stages" of h u m a n h isto ry w e r e i nd eed b r o u g h t a bo u t b y p h ase tran s i t i o n s , t h e n t h ey a r e not " stages" at a l l - that i s , p rogressive developme ntal ste ps , e a c h b ette r

15

A THOUSAND YEARS OF NONLINEAR HISTORY

t h a n the p revio u s o n e , a n d i ndeed leaving the p revious o n e be h i n d . O n t h e co ntrary, m u c h as wate r's s o lid , l i qu id , a n d gas p h ases m ay coexist, so eac h new h u m a n p hase s i m ply added itse lf to the ot h e r o nes, coexist­ i n g a n d i nteract i ng w i t h t h e m with o u t l eavi ng t h e m in the past. M o re­ ove r, m u c h a s a given material may s o l id ify i n alte rn ative ways (as ice o r s n owfl ake , a s crysta l o r g lass), s o h u ma n ity l i q u efied a n d l ater s o l i d ified in d iffe rent f o r m s. The n o m a d s of the Steppes ( H u ns, M o ngo ls), fo r exa m p l e , d o m esticated a n i m a ls not p l a nts, a n d t h e c o n se q u e nt pastoral l i festyl e i m posed on them t h e n eed to move wit h t h e i r f locks, al most as i f t h ey had con d ensed n ot i nto a p o o l of l iq u id b u t i nto a m ovi ng, a t t i m es t u r b u l ent, f l u id. W h e n t hese n o m a d s d i d acqu i re a s o l i d state (d u r i ng t h e r e i g n o f Ge n g h i s Kh a n , for i n sta nce), t h e resu lt i n g struct u re w a s m o re l ike glass than crysta l , m o re a m o rp h o u s and l ess ce ntral ized. I n oth e r word s , h u m a n h i story d id n ot fol low a straight l i ne , a s if everyt h i ng poi nted towa rd c i v i l ized societies a s h u m a n ity's u ltimate goa l . On the contra ry, at each bifu rcatio n alte r n ative sta ble states were p o ss i b l e, a n d o nce act u a l ­ ized , t h ey coexisted a n d i nteracted w i t h o n e a not h e r. I a m awa re t h at a l l we have h e re a re s u ggestive meta p h o rs. I t i s t h e task o f t h e variou s c h a pters o f t h i s book t o attem pt t o re m ove t h at meta­ p ho rica l co nte nt. M o reover, eve n a s m eta p hors, I be ra l l 's i m ages s u ffe r from a n oth e r d rawback: i no rga n ic m atter-e n e rgy h a s a wi d e r ra nge of a ltern atives fo r t h e ge n e r atio n of struct u re t h a n j u st t h ese s i m p l e p hase t r a n s itio n s , and w h at is true fo r s i m p l e "stu ff" m u st be all the m o re so for t h e c o m p l ex m ate r i a ls t h at for m h u m a n c u l t u res. I n ot h e r word s, eve n t h e h u m b l e st forms of m atter and e n e rgy h ave t he pote nti a l for self-orga nization

beyon d t h e rel atively s i m p l e type i n vo lved i n t h e cre­

ati o n of crystal s. T h e re a re , fo r i nsta nce, those co h e rent waves cal led solitons,

wh ich fo rm i n m a ny d iffe re nt types of m aterials, rangi ng from

oce a n wat e rs (w h e re t h ey a re ca l led t s u n a m is) to lasers. T h e n t h e re a re t h e a fo re m e ntio n ed sta b l e states (or att racto rs), w h ich can s u stai n co­ h e rent cycl i c act i vity of d i fferent types (peri od i c o r c h a otic).5 Fi n a l ly, a n d u n l ike t h e p revio u s exa m p le s o f n o n l i n e a r self-orga n izat i o n w he re tru e i n novatio n ca n n ot occu r, t he re is w h at we may ca l l " n o n l i ne a r combi n a­ torics , " w h i c h explo res t h e d iffe rent com b i n at i on s i nto w h i c h e ntities d e rived from the p revio u s p rocesses (crysta l s , co h ere n t p u l ses, cyclic patte rns) m ay e nter. I t is from t h ese u nl i m ited com b i n at i o n s t h at tru l y n ovel struct u res a re ge n e rated.6 W h e n p u t togeth e r, a l l t hese fo r m s o f spo ntan e o u s struct u ra l ge n e ratio n suggest t h at i n o rga n ic matte r i s m uc h m o re v a r i a b l e a n d c reative t h a n w e ever i m agi ned . A n d t h i s i nsight i nto m atter's i n h erent creativity n ee d s to be fu l ly i ncorpo rated i nto o u r new m at e ri a l ist p h i losop h ie s .

16

INTRODUCTION

W h i le t h e co nce pt of s e l f-o rga n izati o n , as a p p lied to p u rely m ate r i a l a n d e n e rgetic syste m s , h as bee n s ha rp e n e d co nsiderably o v e r t h e l ast t h ree decades, it sti l l n e e d s to be refi ned before we can a p p ly it to the case of h u m a n societies. Specifica l ly, we need to tak e i nto acco u n t t h at a ny expl a n at i o n of h u m a n be h av i o r m u st i n volve �:efe rence to i rred u ci b l e i ntention a l e ntities s u c h a s " be l i efs" a n d " d e s i re s , " s i nce expectatio n s a n d p refe re nces a re w h at g u i d e h u ma n d e c i s i o n m a k i n g i n a w i d e range of soc i a l activities , s u c h as pol itics a n d e co n omics. I n som e cases t h e d ecisio n s m a d e b y i nd ivid u a l h u m a n be i ngs a re h i g h ly con stra i ned b y t h e i r position a nd ro l e i n a h i era rc h ic a l o rgan izatio n a n d a re , t o t h a t e x­ tent, gea red towa rd m e eti n g t h e goa l s of t h at o rgan izatio n . I n oth e r cases, h oweve r, w h at matters i s n ot the pl a n ned resu lts of decisi o n m a k ing, b u t t h e unintended collective consequences of h u m a n d ec i s i on s. T h e best i l l u stratio n of a soc i a l i n stitu t i o n t h at e m e rges sponta ne o us l y fro m t h e i nteract i o n o f m a ny h u ma n d e c i s i o n m a kers is t h at of a p re-ca pita l ist m arket, a col lective e n tity a ri s i ng from the d ecentral ized i nte ractio n of m any b uye rs and s e l l e rs , with n o central " d e c i d e r" coord i n ati n g t h e w h o l e proce ss. I n s o m e m o d e l s , t h e dyna m ics o f markets a r e gover n e d b y period ic attracto rs, w h i ch fo rce m a r kets t o u nd e rgo boom-a n d -b u st cycles of varying d u rati o n , from t h ree-ye a r b u s i n ess cycles to fifty-yea r­ l o ng waves . W h et h e r a p p lied to se lf-o rgan ized forms o f m atte r-energy o r to t h e u n­ p l a n ned res u lt s of h u m a n age ncy, t hese new co n cepts d e m a nd a n ew m ethodo logy, a n d it is t h is meth odologica l c h a nge t h at m ay p rove to be of p h i loso p h i c a l s i g n ifican ce . Part of w h at t h i s c h a nge i nvolves is fai rly o bvi­ ous: the eq u at i o n s scie ntists u s e to model n o n l i n e a r proce sses c a n not be solved by h a n d , but d e m a n d the use of com p ute rs . M o re tec h n ical ly, u n­ l i ke l i n e a r e q u at i o n s (th e type m ost p reval e n t i n scie nce), n o n l i n ear o n es a re very d iffic u l t to sol ve analytically, and d e m a n d the u se of d et a i led n u m erical s i m u l at i o n s carried o u t with the h el p of d igital m a c h i n es. T h is l i m itat i o n of a n a lytical tool s for t h e stu d y of no nli n e a r d y n a m i cs beco m es even m o re co n stra i n i ng i n t h e case of no n l i ne a r co m bi natorics. I n t his case, ce rta i n com b i n at i o n s w i l l d i s pl ay emergent properties, t h at is, prop­ e rties of the co m b i n a t i o n as a w h o l e w h i c h a re m o re t h a n t h e s u m of its i n d ivi d u a l p arts. T h ese e m e rge n t (or " synergi stic" ) properties belo ng to the interactions between parts, so it fo l l ows t h at a top-down a n a lytical a p p roac h that begi n s with the w h o l e a nd d is sects it i nto its co n stitu e nt p a rts (a n ecosystem i nto s pecies, a society i nto i n stitutio n s), i s bou nd to m iss p recisely those p rope rti es. I n ot h e r wo rd s , a n a lyzi ng a w h o l e i nto pa rts a n d t h e n attem pt i ng to m o d e l it by adding up t h e com p o n e nts w i l l fa i l t o capt u re a n y p roperty t hat e m e rged from co m p l ex inte raction s ,

17

A THOUSAND YEARS OF NONLINEAR HISTORY

since the effect of the latter may be multiplicative (e.g., mutual enhance­ ment) and not just additive. Of course, analytical tools cannot simply be dismissed due to this inherent limitation. Rather, a top-down approach to the study of complex entities needs to be complemented with a bottom-up approach: analysis needs to go hand in hand with synthesis. And here, just as in the case of nonlinear dynamics, computers offer an indispensable aid. For example, instead of studying a rain forest top down, starting from the forest as a whole and dividing it into species, we unleash within the computer a pop­ ulation of interacting virtual "animals" and "plants" and attempt to gen­ erate from their interactions whatever systematic properties we ascribe to the ecosystem as a whole. Only if the resilience, stability, and other prop­ erties of the whole (such as the formation of complex food webs) emerge spontaneously in the course of the simulation can we assert that we have captured the nonlinear dynamics and combinatorics of rain forest forma­ tion. (This is, basically, the approach taken by the new discipline of Artifi­ cial LifeJ)

I n this book, I attempt a philosophical approach to history which is as bottom-up as possible. This does not mean, of course, that every one of my statements has emerged after careful synthetic simulations of social reality. I do take into account the results of many bottom-up simulations (in urban and economic dynamics), but research in this direction is still in its infancy. My account is bottom-up in that I make an effort not to postulate systematicity when I cannot show that a particular system­ generating process has actually occurred.

(I n

particular, I refrain from

speaking of society as a whole forming a system and focus instead on sub­ sets of society.) Also, I approach entities at any given level (the level of nation-states, cities, institutions, or individual decision makers) in terms of populations of entities at the level immediately below. Methodologically, this implies a rejection of the philosophical founda­ tions of orthodox economics as well as orthodox sociology. Although the former (neoclassical microeconomics) begins its analysis at the bottom of society, at the level of the individual decision maker, it does so in a way that atomizes these components, each one of which is modeled as maximizing his or her individual satisfaction ("marginal utility") in isola­ tion from the others. Each decision maker is further atomized by the assumption that the decisions in question are made on a case-by-case basis, constrained only by budgetary limitations, ignoring social norms and values that constrain individual action in a variety of ways. Orthodox sociology (whether functionalist or Marxist-structuralist), on the other hand, takes society as a whole as its point of departure and only rarely

18

INTRODUCTION

attempts to explain in detail the exact historical processes through which collective social institutions have emerged out of the interactions among individuals. Fortunately, the last few decades have witnessed the birth and growth of a synthesis of economic and sociological ideas (under the banner of "neoinstitutional economics"), as exemplified by the work of such authors as Douglas North, Viktor Vanberg, and Oliver Williamson. This new school (or set of schools) rejects the atomism of neoclassical economists as well as the holism of structuralist-functionalist sociologists. I t preserves "meth­ odological individualism" (appropriate to any bottom-up perspective) but rejects the idea that individuals make decisions solely according to self­ interested (maximizing) calculations, and instead models individuals as rule followers subjected to different types of normative and institutional constraints that apply collectively. Neoinstitutionalism rejects the "metho­ dological holism" of sociology but preserves what we may call its "onto­ logical holism," that is, the idea that even though collective institutions emerge out of the interactions among individuals, once they have formed they take on "a life of their own" (i.e., they are not just reified entities) and affect individual action in many different ways.8 Neoinstitutionalist economists have also introduced sociological con­ cepts into economics by replacing the notion of "exchange of goods" with the more complex one of "transaction," which brings into play different kinds of collective entities, such as institutional norms, contracts, and enforcement procedures. I ndeed, the notion of "transaction" may be said to add to linear economics some of the "friction" that its traditional mod­ els usually leave out: imperfections in markets due to limited rationality, imperfect information, delays and bottlenecks, opportunism, high-cost enforceability of contracts, and so on. Adding "transaction costs" to the classical model is a way of acknowledging the continuous presence of non­ linearities in the operation of real markets. One of the aims of the present book is to attempt a synthesis between these new ideas and methodolo­ gies in economics and the corresponding concepts in the sciences of self­ organization.9 I n Chapter One I approach this synthesis through an exploration of the history of urban economics since the Middle Ages. I take as my point of departure a view shared by several materialist historians (principally Braudel and McNeill): the specific dynamics of European towns were one important reason why China and I slam, despite their early economic and technological lead, were eventually subjected to Western domination. Given that an important aim of this book is to approach history in a non­ teleological way, the eventual conquest of the millennium by the West

19

A THOUSAND YCARS OF NONLINCAR HISTORY

will not be viewed as the result of "progress" occurring there while failing to take place outside of Europe, but as the result of certain dynamics (such as the mutually stimulating dynamics involved in arms races) that intensify the accumulation of knowledge and technologies, and of certain institutional norms and organizations. Several different forms of mutual stimUlation (or of "positive feedback," to use the technical term) will be analyzed, each involving a different set of individuals and institutions and evolving in a different area of the European urban landscape. Furthermore, it will be argued that the I ndustrial Revolution can be viewed in terms of reciprocal stimulation between technologies and institutions, whereby the elements involved managed to form a closed loop, so that the entire assemblage became self-sustaining. I refer to this historical narrative as "geological" because it concerns itself exclusively with dynamical ele­ ments (energy flow, nonlinear causality) that we have in common with rocks and mountains and other nonliving historical structures. Chapter Two addresses another sphere of reality, the world of germs, plants, and animals and hence views cities as ecosystems, albeit extremely simplified ones. This chapter goes beyond questions of inani­ mate energy flow, to consider the flows of organic materials that have informed urban life since the Middle

In particular, it considers the

flow of food, which keeps cities alive and in most cases comes from outside the town itself. Cities appear as parasitic entities, deriving their sustenance from nearby rural regions or, via colonialism and conquest, from other lands. This chapter also considers the flow of genetiC materi­ als through generations- not so much the flow of human genes as those belonging to the animal and plant species that we have managed to domesticate, as well as those that have constantly eluded our control, such as weeds and microorganisms. Colonial enterprises appear in this chapter not only as a means to redirect food toward the motherland, but also as the means by which the genes of many nonhuman species have invaded and conquered alien ecosystems. Finally, Chapter Three deals with the other type of "materials" that enter into the human mixture: linguistic materials. Like minerals, inanimate energy, food, and genes, the sounds, words, and syntactical constructions that make up language accumulated within the walls of medieval (and modern) towns and were transformed by urban dynamics. Some of these linguistic materials (learned, written Latin, for example) were so rigid and unchanging that they simply accumulated as a dead structure. But other forms of language (vulgar, spoken Latin) were dy­ namic entities capable of giving birth to new structures, such as French, Spanish, I talian, and Portuguese. This chapter traces the history of

20

INTRODUCTION

these emergences, most of them in urban environments, as well as of the eventual rigidification (through standardization) of the dialects belonging to regional and national capitals, and of the effects that several genera­ tions of media (the printing press, mass media, computer networks) have had on their evolution. Each chapter begins its narrative in the year (more or less linearly) to the year

1000 A.D. and continues

2000. Yet, as I said above, despite their

style of presentation, these three narratives do not constitute a "real" history of their subjects but rather a sustained philosophical meditation on some of the historical processes that have affected these three types of "materials" (energetic, genetic, and linguistic). The very fact that each chapter concentrates on a single "material" (viewing 11uman history, as it were, from the point of view of that particular material) will make these narratives hardly recognizable as historical accounts. Yet, most of the generalizations to be found here have been made by historians and are not the product of pure philosophical speculation. In the nonlinear spirit of this book, these three worlds (geological, bio­ logical, and linguistic) will not be viewed as the progressively more sophis­ ticated

of an evolution that culminates in humanity as its crowning

achievement. It is true that a small subset of geological materials (car­ bon, hydrogen, oxygen, and nine other elements) formed the substratum needed for l iving creatures to emerge and that a small subset of organic materials (certain neurons in the brain) provided the SUbstratum for lan­ guage. But far 'from advancing in stages of increased perfection, these successive emergences were-and will be treated here as-mere accumu­ lations of different types of materials, accumulations in which each suc­ cessive layer does not form a new world closed in on itself but, on the contrary, results in coexistences and interactions of different kinds. Be­ sides, each accumulated layer is animated from within by self-organizing processes, and the forces and constraints behind this spontaneous generation of order are common to all three. In a very real sense, reality is a single matter-energy undergoing phase transitions of various kinds, with each new layer of accumulated "stuff" simply enriching the reservoir of nonlinear dynamics and nonlinear com­ binatorics available for the generation of novel structures and processes. Rocks and winds, germs and words, are all different manifestations of this dynamic material reality, or, in other words, they all represent the dif­ ferent ways in which this single matter-energy expresses itself. Thus, what follows will not be a chronicle of "man" and "his" historical achievements, but a philosophical meditation on the history of matter-energy in its dif­ ferent forms and of the multiple coexistences and interactions of these

21

A THOUSAND YEA RS OF NONLINEAR HISTORY

forms. Geological, organic, and linguistic materials will all be allowed to "have their say" in the form that this book takes, and the resulting cho­ rus of material voices will, I hope, give us a fresh perspective on the events and processes that have shaped the history of this millennium.

Geological History 1000-1700 A.D.

We live in

a

world populated

by structures-a complex mixture of geological, biologi­ cal, social, and linguistic con­ structions that are nothing but accumulations of materials shaped and hardened by his­ tory. I mmersed as we are in this mixture, we cannot help but interact in a variety of ways with the other historical constructions that surround 25

I: LAVA S AND MAGMAS

u s , a n d i n these i n te ra ct i o n s w e ge n e rate n ove l c o m b i n a t i o n s , some of wh i ch possess e m e rge n t p ro p e rt i es . I n t u r n , these sy n e r ­ g i st i c com b i n a t i o n s , whethe r of hu m a n o r i g i n o r n ot , b e co m e the raw m ate r i a l fo r f u rthe r m i x t u res . Th i s i s how the po p u l a t i o n of st r u c ­ t u res i n ha b i t i n g o u r p l a n et ha s a cq u i re d i ts r i ch va r i ety, a s the e n t ry of n o ve l m a t e r i a l s i nto the m i x t r i gge rs w i l d p ro l i fe rat i o n s of n ew form s . I n the o rga n i c wo r l d , for i n sta n c e , soft t i s ­ s u e (ge l s a n d a e ro s o l s , m u s c l e a n d n e rve) re i g n ed s u p re nl e u n t i l 500 m i l l i o n ye a rs a go . At that p o i n t , s o m e of the co n g l o nl e rat i o n s of f l eshy m atte r - e n e rgy that nl a d e u p l i fe u n d e r­ we nt a s u d d e n mineralization, a n d a n e w nl a t e ­ ri a l for co n st r u ct i n g l i v i n g c reat u res e m e rge d : bo n e . I t i s a l m o st a s i f the m i n e ra l wo r l d that ha d s e rve d as a s u b strat u m for the e m e rge n ce of b i o l o g i ca l c re a t u res was rea s s e rt i n g its e l f, co n f i r m i n g that ge o l ogy, fa r f ro m ha v i n g b e e n l eft b ehi n d a s a p r i m i t i ve sta ge of the ea rth's evo l ut i o n , fu l ly coex i ste d with the s oft, ge l a t i­ n o u s n ewco m e rs . Pr i m i t i ve bo n e , a st i ff, ca l ­ c i f i e d c e n t ra l rod that wo u l d l a t e r b e co m e the ve rte b ra l co l u m n , nl a d e new fo r m s of nl ove ­ m e n t co n t ro l p o s s i b l e anl 0 n g a n i m a l s , free i n g 26

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A . D

the m from m a n y co n st ra i n ts a n d l i t e ra l l y s et­ t i n g the m i n to m ot i o n to co n q u e r eve ry a va i l ­ a b l e n i che i n the a i r, i n wat e r, a n d o n l a n d . A n d yet , whi l e bo n e a l l ow e d the co m p l ex i f i ­ cat i o n of the a n i m a l phy l u m to wh i ch w e , a s ve rte b rates , b e l o n g, i t n eve r fo rgot its m i n e ra l o r i g i n s: i t i s the l i v i n g m ate r i a l that nl ost e a s ­ i l y p et r i f i es , tha t m o st re a d i ly crosses the thresho l d b a c k i n to the wo r l d of ro c ks . Fo r that rea so n , m u ch of the geo l o g i ca l re co rd i s w r i tte n w i th foss i l b o n e . The hu m a n e n d o s ke l eto n was o n e of the m a n y p ro d u cts of that a n c i e n t m i n e ra l iza t i o n . Yet that i s n ot the o n ly ge o l o g i ca l i n f i lt rat i o n that the hu m a n s p e c i es ha s u n d e rgo n e . A bo u t e i ght tho u s a n d yea rs a go , hu m a n p o p ­ u l at i o n s bega n m i n e ra l iz i n g a ga i n whe n they d eve l o p e d a n u r b a n exoskeleton: b r i c ks of s u n - d r i e d c l ay beca m e the b u i l d i n g nl ate ri a l s fo r the i r ho m e s , wh i ch i n t u r n s u r rou n d e d a n d w e re s u r r o u n d e d b y sto n e m o n u nl e n ts a n d d efe n s i ve wa l l s . Thi s exos ke l eto n s e rve d a p u r p o s e s i m i l a r to its i n te r n a l cou n te r pa rt: to co n t ro l the m o ve m e n t of hu m a n f l esh i n a n d o u t of a tow n 's wa l l s . The u r b a n exos ke l e­ to n a l so re gu l at e d the m ot i o n of m a n y othe r thi n gs : l u x u ry o bj e cts , news , a n d foo d , fo r 27

I: L A VAS AND MAGMAS

exa m p l e . I n partic u l a r, t h e wee kly m a rkets t h at have always e xisted at t h e h e a rt of most cities a n d towns con stituted verita b l e motors, pe ri­ odica l ly co nce ntrati n g people a nd goods fro m near a n d fa raway regi o n s a n d t h e n sett i n g t h e m i nto motio n aga i n , a l o n g a v a ri ety of trade circ u its.1 T h u s , t h e u rban i n frastruct u re m ay be said to p e rfo r m , fo r tightly packed p o p u l at i o n s of h u m a n s, the same fu nct i o n of m otio n co ntro l t h at o u r b o n es do i n re l atio n to o u r f l e s h y p a rts. A n d , i n bot h cases, a d d i ng m i n e ra l s to t h e mix resulted i n a fa ntastic co m b i n atorial explo­ s i o n , greatly i n c re a s i n g the variety of a n i mal a n d c u lt u ra l designs. We m u st be ca refu l w h e n d raw i ng t h ese a n a logies, however. I n p a rticu l a r, we m u st avo id t h e e rro r of co m pa ring cities to o rga n i s m s , e speci a l ly w h e n t h e meta p h o r i s m e a n t t o i m ply (as it has i n the past) t h at bot h exist i n a state of i nt e r n a l eq u i l i bri u m , o r h o m eostasis. R a t h e r, u rba n cente rs a n d l iv i n g creat u res m u st be seen as differen t dyn a m ical systems ope rat­ i ng fa r fro m eq u i l i b ri u m , t h at is, t raversed by m o re or l e ss i nte nse flows of m atte r-e n e rgy t h at provoke th e i r u n i q u e meta m o r p h oses.2 I nd eed , u rba n m o r p h oge nesis has d e p e n d e d , from its a ncient begi n­ nings in the Fe rti l e C rescent, on i nten sification of the co n s u m ption of no n h u m a n e n e rgy. T h e a nt h ropologist R ic h a rd N ewbold A d a m s , who sees soc i a l evo l u t i o n as just a not h e r form t h at t h e self-o rga n izat i o n of e n e rgy m ay ta ke, h as poi nted out t h at t h e fi rst s u c h i nte n s i ficatio n was the cu ltivat i o n of cerea l s . 3 Si nce p l a nts, via p h otosynthesis, s i m ply co n ­ v e rt so l a r e n e rgy i nto suga rs, cu ltivation i n creased t h e a m o u nt of so l a r e n e rgy t h at traversed h u m a n societies. W h e n food prod uct i o n was fu rt h e r i nt e n s i fi e d , h u m a n ity crossed the bifu rcat i o n t h at gave rise to u rb a n struct u res. The e l ites t h at r u l ed t h ose e a rly citi es i n tu r n m a d e ot h e r i ntens ificat i o n s possi b l e - by devel opi ng l a rge i rrigation syste ms, fo r exam p le - a n d u rban cente rs m utated i nto t h e i r i m pe r i a l fo r m . It i s i m portant to e m p h asi ze, howev e r, t h at cerea l cu ltivat i o n was o n ly o n e of several pos s i b l e ways o f i ntenSifyi ng energy fl ow. A s several a n t h ro­ p o l ogists h ave poi nted out, t h e e m e rgence of cities m ay have fol l owed alternative ro utes to in tensification,

a s w h e n the e m e rge nce of u rb a n l ife

i n Peru fed off a reservoi r of fish.4 W h at matters is n ot agri c u ltu re p e r s e , b u t t h e great i n crease i n t h e flow of m atter-e n e rgy t h ro u g h society, as we l l as t h e t ra n sfo rm atio n s i n u rb a n fo rm t h at t h i s i ntense flow m a k es possi b l e . F ro m t h is po i nt o f v iew c i t i e s a rise f r o m t h e flow o f m atter-e ne rgy, b u t o n ce a town 's m i n e ra l i n frastructu re h as e m erged, i t reacts t o t hose flows, creati ng a n ew set o f constraints t h at eit h e r i nten sifies or i n h i bits t hem. N eed l ess to say, the wal ls, m o n u mental b u i l d i ngs, streets, a n d

28

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A.D

h o uses of a town wo u l d m a k e a rat her weak s et of c o n strai nts if t hey ope rated on t h eir own . Of co u rse, t h ey do not. O u r histo rical exp l o rati o n of u rba n dyna mics m u st t h e re fo re incl u d e a n a n alysis o f t h e institutions t h at i n h a bit cities, w h et h e r the b u re a u c racies t h at run t h e m o r the m a r­ kets t h at a nimate t h e m . Although th ese in stit u tio n s a re t h e p rod u ct of col l ective h u ma n decisio n m a k i ng, o n ce in pl ace t h ey also react back o n t h eir h u m a n co m po n e nts t o limit t h e m a n d control t h e m , or, o n t h e co n ­ tra ry, to s et t h e m in moti o n or acce l erate t heir m ut atio n. ( H e n ce institu­ tio n s co n stitute a set of e m e rge nt positive a n d n egative co n stra i nts, but o n a smaller sca l e . ) T he birt h of E u rope , a ro u n d t h e e l ev e n t h centu ry of o u r e r a , w a s m a d e possible by a great agricu ltu ra l inten sificatio n . A s Lyn n W hite, Jr. , a h i sto­ ria n of me dieval tec h n ology, has s h ow n , in the cent u ries p receding t h e seco n d mil l e n ni u m , " a s e ries of i n n ovatio n s occu rred which consolid ate d to fo rm a rem a rk a b ly effici e nt new way of exploiting t h e soil."5 T h ese in n ovati o n s (t h e hea vy p l ow, n ew ways of ha rnessing the horse's m u scu­ lar e n e rgy, t h e open-fie l d syste m , a n d t ri e n nia l fiel d rotatio n ) we re m ut u ­ a l ly e n h a n cing a s we l l as interd e p e n d e nt, so t h at o n ly w h e n t h ey fu l ly m e s h e d we re t h eir inte n sifying effects felt. T h e l a rge i ncrease in t h e fl ow of ene rgy created by t his web of tech nologies a l l owed fo r t h e reco nstitu ­ tion o f t h e E u ro pe a n exos keleto n , t h e u rban fra mewo rk t h at h a d fo r t h e m ost part col l a psed wit h t h e R o m a n Em pire . Begin ning a ro u n d 1000 A.D., l a rge popu latio n s of wal l e d tow ns a n d fo rtified castles a p p e a red in two great zo nes: in t h e sout h , a l o n g t h e Medite r ra n e a n coast, a n d in t h e n o rt h , a l o ng t h e coa stl a n d s lying betwee n t h e t rade wate rs of t h e N o rt h S e a a n d t h e Baltic. As city histo ria n s often point out, u rb a nizatio n h a s a lways been a dis­ co ntin u o u s p h e n o m e n o n . B u rsts of rapid growt h are fo llowed by l o n g pe ri­ ods of stagn atio n . 6 T h e wave of accel e rated city b u i lding t h at occu r red in E u rope between t h e e l eventh a n d t hi rte e n t h cent u ries is no exceptio n . M a ny of t h e great tow n s i n t h e n o rt h , s u c h a s B r u s s e l s a n d A ntwe rp, were born in this p e riod , and the fa r older cities of I t a ly and the R hi n e­ l a n d experienced e n o r m o u s growt h . Th is acce le ratio n in u rban d evel op­ m e nt, howeve r, wo u ld not b e m atched fo r a n ot h e r five h u n d red years, when a new intensificatio n in the flow of e n ergy - t his t i m e a rising fro m t h e exp l oitation of fossi l f u e l s - p ropel l ed a n ot h e r great spu rt of city b i rth a n d growt h in t h e 1800s. I n te restingly, m o re t h a n t h e prolife ratio n of facto ry tow n s m a d e possible by co a l , t h e "tid a l wave of mediev a l u rba n­ izatio n"7 l aid out the most e n d u ring featu res of the E u ropea n u rban struct u re, featu res t h at wo u l d contin u e to i n fl u e nce t h e cou rse of histo ry wel l into the twe n tieth centu ry.

29

I: LAVAS AND MAGMAS

There are two basic processes by which cities can emerge and grow. A town may develop spontaneously, acquiring its irregular shape by fol­ lowing the topographical features of the landscape, or it may inherit its shape from the distribution of villages that have amalgamated to form it. Such was the case of medieval Venice, which accounts for its labyrin­ thine streets. On the other hand, a city may be the result of conscious planning; a regular, symmetrical form may be imposed on its develop­ ment, to facilitate orderly settlement. During the deceleration that fol­ lowed the year

1300, the relatively few new c ities that were born were of

the latter type, perhaps reflecting the increasing political centralization of the time. Versailles, with its grid of broad avenues converging at the center of power, is a perfect illustration. However, the difference between self-organized and planned cities is not primarily one of form, but of the decision�making processes behind the. genesis and subsequent develop­ ment of that form. That is, the crucial distinction is between centralized and decentralized decision making in urban development. There are towns that have been purposefully designed to mimic the "organic" form of curvilinear streets, and there are towns whose grid-patterned streets evolved spontaneously, due to some peculiarity of the environment. Furthermore, most cities are mixtures of the two processes: If we were to scan several hundred city plans at random across the range of history, we would discover a more fundamental reason to question the usefulness of urban dichotomies based on geometry. We would find that the two primary versions of urban arrangement, the planned and the "organic", often exist side by side.. .. In Europe, new additions to the dense medieval cores of historic towns were always regular... , Most his­ toric towns, and virtually all those of metropolitan size, are puzzles of premeditated and spontaneous segments, variously interlocked or juxta­ posed .... We can go beyond. The two kinds of urban form do not always stand in contiguous relationship. They metamorphose. The reworking of prior geometries over time leaves urban palimpsests where a once regular grid plan is feebly ensconced within a maze of cul-de-sacs and narrow winding streets.B The mineralization of humanity took forms that were the combined result of conscious manipulation of urban space by some central agency and of the activities of many individuals, without any central "decider." And yet, the two processes, and the forms they typically give rise to, remain distinct despite their coexistence and mutual transformations. On the one hand, the grid is "the best and quickest way to organize a

30

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A . D

homogeneous population with a single social purpose."9 On the other hand, whenever a heterogeneo us group of people comes together spon­ taneously, they tend to organize themselves in an interlocking urban pattern that interconnects them without homogenizing them. Even though from a strictly physical viewpoint accelerations in city building are the result of intensifications in the flow of energy, the actual form that a given town takes is determined by human decision making. A similar distinction between centralized and decentralized decision mak­ ing must be made with respect to the social institutions that determine how energy flows through a city-that is, with respect to the city's "distri­ bution systems."l0 On the one hand, there are bureaucracies, hierarchi­ cal structures with conscious goals and overt control mechanisms. On the other, there are peasant and small-town markets, self-organized structures that arise spontaneously out of the activities of many individu­ als, whose interests only partially overlap.

(I

have in rnind here a place

in a town where people gather ev�ry week, as opposed to markets in the modern sense: dispersed collections of consumers served by many middlemen.)ll Bureaucracies have always arisen to effect a planned extraction of energy surpluses (taxes, tribute, rents, forced labor), and they expand in proportion to their ability to control and process those energy flows. Markets, in contrast, are born wherever a regular assembly of indepen­ dent decision makers gathers, whether at church or at the border between two regions, presenting individuals with an opportunity to buy, sell, and barter. The distinction between these two types of energy distribution systems exactly parallels the one above, only on a smaller scale. One sys­ tem sorts out human beings into the internally homogeneous ranks of a bureaucracy. The other brings a heterogeneous collection of humans together in a market, where their complementary economic needs enmesh. Markets and bureaucracies are, however, more than just collective mechanisms for the allocation of material and energetic resources. When people exchanged goods in a medieval market, not only resources changed hands but also rights o f o wn ership, that is, the rights to use a given resource and to enjoy the benefits that may be derived from it.l2 Hence, market transactions involved the presence of collective institu­ tional norms (such as codes of conduct and enforceable contracts). Simi­ larly, medieval bureaucracies were not only organizations that controlled and redistributed resources via centralized commands, they themselves were sets of mutually stabilizing institutional norms, a nexus of contracts and routines constituting an apparatus for collective action. The rules behind bureaucracies tended to be more formalized than the informal

31

I: LAVAS AND MAGMAS

conventions and codes of conduct behind markets, and more impor­ tantly, they tended to become a "constitution," that is, a set of contracts defining a homogeneous, common enterprise not easily disaggregated into a set of heterogeneous bilateral contracts like those involved in mar­ ket transactions.13 Markets and bureaucracies, as well as unplanned and planned cities, are concrete instances of a more general distinction: self-organized mesh­

works of diverse elements, versus hierarchies of uniform elements. But again, meshworks and hierarchies not only coexist and intermingle, they constantly give rise to one another. For instance, as markets grow in size they tend to form commercial hierarchies. In medieval times this was true of the great fairs, such as the Champagne fairs of the thirteenth cen­ tury, which came to have as many participants as most towns had inhabi­ tants: "If a fair is envisaged as a pyramid, the base consists of the many minor transactions in local goods, usually perishable and cheap, then one moves up to the luxury goods, exp�nsive and transported from far away. At the very top of the pyramid came the active money market �ith­ out which business could not be done at all- or at any rate not at the same pace."14 Thus, once markets grew past the size of local, weekly gatherings, they were ranked and organized from the top, giving rise to a hybrid form: a hierarchy of meshworks. The opposite hybrid, a meshwork of hierar­ chies, may be illustrated by the system of power in the Middle Ages. Urban bureaucracies were but one of a number of centralized institutions that coexisted in the Middle Ages. Royal courts, landed aristocracies, and ecclesiastical hierarchies all entered into complex, uneasy mixtures. There was never a "super-elite" capable of globally regulating the mix, so local constraints (shifting alliances, truces, legal debates) worked alongside formal procedures in generating stability. If we add to this the fact that the state and the church in the West arose from heterogeneous origins (unlike China or Islam where all these hierarchical structures had emerged within a homogeneous cultural tradition), the system of power in the early part of this millennium was a true mesh of hierarchical organizations.15 Meshworks and hierarchies need to be viewed not only as capable of giving rise to these complex hybrids but also as in constant interaction with one another. Primitive bureaucracies had evolved in the Middle Ages to regulate certain aspects of market life (for instance, to arbitrate disputes between markets when their catchment areas overlapped), or to provide security for the big fairs. However, we must not imagine that the mere existence of a command hierarchy meant that the global rules of a bureaucracy could in practice be enforced. In medieval times, the norms

32

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A.D

that governed economic life-the norms that guaranteed that contracts would be honored or that measures, weights, and currencies would remain stable -were for the most part not global, but based on self­ defense, retaliation, and other local controls. As one historian has put it, the enforcement of economic norms in the Middle Ages was a combina­ tion of centralized decision making and a "self-regulating mechanism compounded by a balance of terror and a lively sense of mutual advan­ tage felt by all members of the international community."16 The large populations of towns and cities that emerged in Europe after the year 1000 may be classified by their relative proportions of meshwork and hierarchical components. By far the majority of settlements were small towns, with more market than command ingredients in their mix. Over half of all European urban dwellers lived in those local market centers, even though each town had fewer than two thousand residents. Then came intermediate-sized towns (fewer than ten thousand inhabitants), which began adding local and regional administrative functions and, hence, a higher proportion of command components. Control of roads and super­ vision of travelers, two centralized functions absent from small towns, were already practiced here. A wider variety of institutional forms inhab­ ited those larger settlements: courts, jails, hospitals, religious founda­ tions. But as complexity increased, so did rarity: while there were about

3,000 small towns in northern Europe, there were only 220 of intermediate sizeY Denser urban concentrations were even rarer, but for the same reason sustained a wider range of functions:

Cities with more than 10,000 residents stood out in Medieval Europe, except in northern Italy and Flanders where the spread of cloth production and the increase in trade permitted relatively intense urbanization. Else­ where, large siie was correlated with complex administrative, religious, educational, and economic functions. Many of the big towns-for example, Barcelona, Cologne or Prague-supported universities as well as a wide variety of religious institutions. Their economies were diversified and included a wide range of artisans and service workers .... The large cities of 1330 owed their size to the multiplicity of their functions.... The same point can be made about the few urban giants of the Middle Ages. Paris, Milan, Venice, and Florence were commercial and manufacturing cities, and also political capitals.18

This multiplicity of urban centers, internally differentiated by size and complexity, can be compared to other populations of towns that emerged elsewhere. Urbanization explosions had occurred in Islam and China at

33

I: LAVAS A ND MAGMAS

least two centuries before those in Europe. But in those two regions, cities and towns had to compete with a larger sociopolitical entity that emerged only later in the West: the central state. While I slam in the early part of the millennium had some towns (C6rdova, Ceuta) similar to those in the West, huge towns, such as Baghdad or Cairo, that housed royal hierarchies were the rule there.19 China, too, showed a greater percentage of towns subjected to a central authority than autonomous towns defined by the movement of people and goods through their walls. William I Vlcl\Jeili is one of several historians who think that one of the reasons for the West's eventual domination of the millennium lies in the different mixtures of centralized and decentralized decision making in its towns: The fact that China remained united politically from Sung to modern times .. . is evidence of the increased power government personnel wielded. Dis­ crepancies between the ideas of the marketplace and those of government were real enough; but as long as officials could bring overriding police power whenever they were locally or privately defied, the command element in the mix remained securely dominant. ... For this reason the autocatalytic char­ acter that European commercial and industrial expansion exhibited between the eleventh and the nineteenth century never got started in China.2o In short, McNeill's hypothesis is that explosive, self-stimulating ("auto­ catalytic") urban dynamics cannot emerge when hierarchical components overwhelm meshwork components. Fernand Braudel seems to agree with this hypothesis when he asserts the existence of a "dynamic pattern of turbulent urban evolution in the West, while the pattern of life in cities in the rest of the world runs in a long, straight and unbroken line across time." 21 One example of the nonlinear, runaway nature of autocatalytic dynamics in many medieval Western towns is the sequence of intensifica­ tions of energy flow that propelled urban growth. First came an agricul­ tural intensification causing massive increases in population and therefore giving birth to many cities. Then, as in ancient times, the inter­ action of these urban centers further intensified energy consumption. One of these intensifications was achieved by harnessing the energy of running water to power grain mills and trip-hammers in forges and to facilitate the fulling of cloth. This was, without exaggeration, an eleventh­ century industrial revolution, fueled by solar (agricultural) and gravita­ tional (water) energy.22

I n addition to raw energy, the turbulent dynamics to which both McNeill and Braudel refer were associated with the intensification of another flow: the flow of money. Howard Odum, a systems ecologist, has developed a

34

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A . D

theory of money that, though perhaps too simple, offers a useful image here. Mo ney, Odum says, is like e n ergy, o n ly it ru n s in the opposite direc­ tion: e n ergy flows from agricultural villages to the tow n s they feed, while money flows from town to countryside, to pay for the food. "The flow of energy makes possible the circulation of mo ney [in cludi ng the e n ergy spe n t o n paperwork, banking, closing deals] and the ma nipulation o f mo ney can co n trol the flow of e nergy."23 To apply Odum's schema to medieval life we need to bri ng our mixtures of market and comma nd i n gredients to bear. Co ntrary to what may be supposed, mo n etary systems are of not commercial but political origin. Specifically, they were developed by central hierarchies to facilitate the extraction of agricultural surpluse� and the raisi ng of taxes.24 I n the early part of the mille n nium, feudal

Fa n d­

lords extracted this excess e n ergy, a n d in ma ny cases peasa nts would come to a market town to sell their goods, not to buy other goods, b u t to get cash to pay their ren t to the owners of their la n d.2 5 With that qualifica­ tion, Odum's idea is useful: mon etary flows regulate (in hibit or intensify) e n ergy flows, particularly when the flow of money escapes total co n trol by the state. Mo n ey is best defi n ed as a catalyst or stimula n t of trade (a n d its abse nce, an inhibitor). Barter, the excha nge of goods for goods, is rela­ tively in efficien t i n that people must wait for their compleme ntary needs to meet. The occasio n s when one person has exactly the good that the other needs, and vice versa, are ,exceedi ngly rare. But any good that is highly desirable and can easily be put back i n to circulatio n ca n play the role of money: blocks of salt, cowry shells, coral, ivory - eve n cigarettes in modern prisons.26 A n y o n e of a number of widely desired goods ca n spontan eously become mo n ey simply by being able to flow faster and more easily. A n d o n ce such self-orga nized mo n ey comes in to existe n ce , complementary demands ca n b e meshed together a t a dista n ce, greatly i n creasi ng the i n te n sity of market exchanges. Frequently coexisti ng with this sponta n eous mo n ey are mon etary systems, with their hierarchy of homogeneous metal coi n s of differen t denominations, a system that is n ot self-orga nized but pla n n ed a n d impleme nted by an elite. Pla n n ed money, sin ce its i n ception in a n cien t Egypt, has used metals as its physi­ cal vehicle because they ca n be weighed and measured, uniformly cut, and stan dardized.27 When ever these two types of money - the plan n ed a n d the spo ntan eous - came into co n tact, stan dardized money would i n evitably wi n , causi ng devaluation of the other, i ncreases in its reserves, and catastrophic i n fla­ tio n. This situation would arise time and again over the ce n turies, particu­ larly when Europe began colo n izi ng the world. However, in the first few

35

I: LAVAS AND MAGMAS

centuries of the millennium the situation was reversed: early Europe was, in a manner of speaking, a colony of Islam, an empire that not only had a more advanced monetary system, but also had invented many of the instruments of c redit (from bills of exchange to promissory notes and checks). As Braudel says, " If Europe finally perfected its money, it was because it had to overthrow the domination of the Muslim world. " 28 Venice, Florence, Genoa, and other large medieval cities started coining their own copper, silver, and gold money, and the volume of European trade began to rise. F rom then on, this new flow, catalyzing and control­ ling the flow of ene rgy, never ceased accelerating the pace of European history. The flow of money could itself be intensified, either by increas­ ing the exploitation of mines, and hence the reservoir of metal, or by speeding up its circulation. These two intensifications, of the volume and velocity of money, affected each othe r, since "as p recious metals became more plentiful coins passed more quickly from hand to hand." 29 These intense flows of energy and monetary catalysts fueled the great urban acceleration in medieval Europe and kept the towns that made up Europe's great exoskeleton in a turbulent dynamical state. Although large accumulations of money created new commercial hierarchies, the net result was a decrease in the power of central states and a concomitant increase in the autonomy of cities. The intensity of the flows themselves, and not any special feature of the " European psyche" (calculating ratio­ nality, say, or a spirit of thrift), is what kept the mixture of market and command components in the right proportions to foster autocatalytic dynamics.30 One more element must be added to this explanation, how­ ever, but this will involve going beyond a conception of markets (and bureaucracies) as allocation mechanisms for scarce resources. This point might be clarified by applying certain ideas recently devel­ oped by the neoinstitutionalist economist Douglas North. As we noted above, not only resources change hands in the marketplace but also property rights; hence the market facilitates simple exchanges as well as potentially complex t ransactions. The latter involves a host of "hidden" costs ranging from the energy and skill needed to ascertain the quality of a product, to the drawing of sales and employment contracts, to the enforcement of those contracts. In small medieval markets these "trans­ action costs" were minimal, and so were their enforcement mechanisms: threats of mutual retaliation, ostracism, codes of conduct, and other informal constraints sufficed to allow for the more or less smooth func­ tioning of a market. But as the volume and scale of trade intensified (or as its character changed, as in the case of foreign, long-distance trade), new institutional norms and organizations were needed to regulate the

36

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A.O

flow of resources, ranging from standardized weights and measures to the use of notarial records as evidence in merchant law courts or state courts. North's main point is that, as medieval markets grew and com­ plexified, their transaction costs increased ac;cordingly; without a set of institutional norms and organizations to keep those costs down, the turbulent intensification of trade in the West would have come to a halt. Economies of scale in trade and low-cost enforceability of contracts were, according to North, mutually stimulating.31 Many institutional norms emerged in an unplanned way-those related to common law or to informal codes of conduct, for example- and slowly "sedimented" within towns in the Middle Ages. Others, such as printed lists of p rices or maritime insurance schemes, were deliberately intro­ duced to reduce transaction costs by improving the flow of market infor­ mation or by spreading the ris k s of large investments. Those cities engaging in types of trade with particularly high transaction costs, such as long-distance t rade, seem to have been the incubators of many institu­ tional innovations . As these "cultural materials" (informal constraints, formal rules, enfo rcement p rocedures) acting as trade catalysts accumu­ lated, they began to diffuse through the urban environment. As North observes, " M erchants carried with them in long-distance trade codes of conduct, so that Pisan laws passed into the sea codes of Marseilles. Oleron and Lubeck gave laws to the north of Europe, Barcelona to the south of Europe, and from Italy came the legal principle of insurance and bills of exchange."32 One difference between the neoinstitutionalist approach and the one I am trying to sketch here is this: beyond the level of the individual orga­ nization, the neoinstitutionalist does not seem to envision yet another emergent larger-scale entity but simply refers to "society" or "the polity" as a whole. This, however, runs the risk of introducing too much homo­ geneity into our models and of suggesting that human societies form a "totality," that is, an entity on a higher ontological plane than individual institutions and individual human beings. By contrast, speaking of con­ crete cities (instead of "society" in the abstract) enables us to include in

g

our m0 els historically emergent wholes that do not form totalities but simply larger-scale individual entities. It also reduces the danger of taking too much social uniformity for granted. I ndividual cities (and nation states) are easier to visualize as encompassing a variety of communities within their borders, and if, as a matter of empirical fact, a given city (or nation-state) displays a high degree of cultural homogeneity, this itself becomes something to be modeled as the result of concrete histo rical processes. We have already seen that, depending on the mixture of cen-

37

I: LAVAS AND MAGMAS

tra l ized a n d decentral ized decision m a ki n g be h i n d a city's b i rth a n d growt h , we ca n expect d i fferent d egrees o f u n ifo rm ity a n d d iversity i n its i n frast r u ct u ra l l ayout. To t h i s it m u st be added t h at, d e pe n d i ng on t h e ro l e t h at a city p l ays i n t h e l a rger u rba n co ntext i n w h i c h it fu n ctio n s, t h e "cu ltu ra l mate rials" t h at accu m u l ate wit h i n it w i l l e x h i bit d i ffere n t d egrees of h o m oge n e ity a n d h eteroge n eity. Specifical ly, a city m ay p l ay t h e role of pol itical capital fo r a give n regi o n a n d e ncou rage a certa i n degree o f u n i fo rm ity i n its own cu ltu re a n d i n t h at o f t h e sma l l e r towns u nd e r its com m a n d . O n t h e contra ry, a city m ay a ct as a gateway to for­ eign cultures, pro moti ng t h e e nt ry a n d d iffu s i o n of h ete roge n eous materi­

als t h at i n crease its d iv e rsity a nd that of the cities in c l ose co ntact wit h it. I n e it h e r case, v i e w i ng cities as i n d ivid u a l s a l l ows us to study t h e i nte r­ actio n s between t h e m a nd t h e e m e rgent wholes t hat m ay res u l t from those i nteractio n s . T h at grou ps of cities m ay fo rm h i e ra rc h i ca l stru ctu res is a w e l l - k n ow n fact at l east si n ce t h e 1930s, w h e n t h e te rm "Ce ntra l P l ace" system was i n trod u ced to refer to pyra m i ds of u rba n ce nters. M o re recently, u rba n h i sto r i a n s P a u l H o h e n be rg a n d Lyn n H o l l e n Lees h ave suggested t h at in add itio n to h i e rarchical str u ct u res, citi es in E u rope a l so fo rmed a mes hwo rk-l i k e assem b l age, w h i c h t hey refer to as the " N etwo rk Sys­ t e m . " Let's exa m i n e some of t h e defi n i ng traits of t hese two types of city asse m b l ages, begi n n i ng with t h e Ce ntra l P lace syst e m , exe m pl i fied i n t h e M id d le Ages by t h e h i e ra rc h i es o f town s t h at formed u n d e r stro ng regi o n a l ca p ita ls such as Paris, P ragu e , a nd M i l a n . As we saw before, the popu l atio n of tow n s in m ed ieval E u ro pe was d iv i d ed by the size a n d co m­ plexity of its i n d ivid u a l u n its. T h is d i stribution of sizes was n ot acci d e ntal but d i rectly related to the l i n ks and co n n e ct i o n s between settl e m e nts. M u c h as s m a l l town s offered the s u rrou n d i ng cou ntrys i d e a va r i ety of co m m e rci a l , ad m i n istrative, and re l igious se rvices, the tow n s t h e m se lves looked to t h e m o re d iversified l a rger cities for s e rv i ce s t h at were u n avai l ­ a b l e l oca l ly. T h i s created pyra m ids of towns o rga n ized a ro u n d h i era rc h i ca l l e v e l s of co m pl exity. T h e d istri bution i n s pace of t h ese h i e ra rc h ical sys­ tems was d i rectly tied to geogra p h ical d i sta nce, s i nce t h e resi d e nts of a town wo u l d o n ly travel so far i n searc h of a desi red service. A n u m be r of s u c h pyra m i d a l str u ctu res a rose i n t h e M i d d l e Ages, each o rga n izi ng a b road , m o re o r l ess c l e a rly d e fi ne d regi o n . G e n e ral ly, t h e flows of trad ed goods t h at c i rcu lated up a n d d own t h ese h i e ra rc h i e s co n s i sted of basic n ecess ities, s u c h as food and m a n u factu red p rod u cts . In

co ntra d i sti n cti o n , t h e ci rc u l at i o n of luxury items o rigi n ated some­

where else . Lo n g-d i sta n ce t ra d e , w h i c h has s i n ce A ntiq u ity d e a lt with p res­

tige goods, i s t h e p rovi nce of cities outside the Ce ntral P l ace syst e m ,

38

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A . D

cities that act as gateways to faraway trading circuits, as well as nodes in a network not directly constrained by distance. For example, many European gateway cities were maritime ports, connected (more than sep­ arated) by the Mediterranean and the Baltic and North Seas.33 These urban centers formed, according to Hohenberg and Lees, a Network system: T he Network System, with quite different properties, complements the Cen­ tral Place System . Instead of a hierarchical nesting of sim ilar centers, dis­ tinguished mainly by the number and rarity of services offered, it presents an ordering of functionally complementary cities and urban settlements. The key systemic property of a city is nodality rather than centrality. . . . Since network cities easily exercise control at a distance, the influence of a town has little to do with propinquity and even less with formal com mand over territory. The spatial features of the Network System are largely invisi­ ble on a conventional map: trade routes, junctions, gateways, outpostS.34 Instead of a hierarchy of towns, long-distance trading centers formed a meshwork, an interlocking system of complementary economic functions. This is not to imply, however, that all the nodes in the meshwork were of equal importance. Certain economic functions (especially those giving rise to innovations) formed a privileged core within a given network, while others (e.g., routine production tasks) characterized its peripheral zones. Yet, the core of the Network system differed from the acme of the Central Place pyramid. I n particular, the influence of a network's main city was more precarious than that of the Central Place, whose dominance tended to be stable. Core cities tended to replace one another in this role, as the intensity of exchange in a given trade route varied over time, or as erst­ while luxury goods (pepper, sugar) became everyday necessities: "Since [these] cities are links in a network, often neither the source nor the ulti­ mate destination of goods, they are in some measure interchangeable as are the routes themselves."35 Roughly, the sequence of cores was (from the fourteenth to the twentieth centuries) Venice, Antwerp, Genoa, Ams­ terdam, London, !\Jew York.36 The two systems coexisted, with Central Place towns usually belonging to the middle zone (or semiperiphery) of the Network system.37 One very important feature of Central Place and Network systems is the type of cultural structures they give rise to. As with many other struc­ tures, the raw materials (in this case, cultural habits and norms) need to accumulate slowly and then consolidate, as more or less permanent links are established among them. Hierarchical constructions tend to undergo

39

I: LAVAS AND MAGMAS

a h o m oge nizat i o n before t h e i r mate ria ls ha rde n i nto a pyra m i d , w h i l e mes hwo rks arti c u l ate h ete roge neous e l e m e nts , inte rloc king t h e m without im pos i n g u n ifo rmity: On one level, the Central Place System serves a ho mogeneous people well settled in its historical lands. The natio nal capital d isti lls and fo rmal izes the co mmon fol k c u lture and re injects the civil ized prod u ct back i nto local l i fe . . . . [T his co ntrasts] with the rootless cosmopolitan i sm of the Netwo rk System , with its sharp cultu ral d isconti nu ities between city and cou ntry and between core and peri phery. . . . Co re val ues and tec h n iq ues are su perim­ posed on a trad itional peri p hery with no atte m pt at i ntegration or gradu a l synthesis. 38 Eve n before t h e advent of natio n a l capitals, t h e d o m i n a nt cities of Cen­ tra l Pl ace h i erarc h ies perfo rmed t h e i r h o m oge n izati o n s at the regi o n a l leve l , tra n sfo rming l o c a l cu ltu res i n to "great tra d i tio n s , " as t h ey e ngaged in book p r i n ting a n d p u bl i s hing as we l l as schooling. Gateway cities, on the ot h e r h a n d , h e l ped d iffuse hete roge n eo u s e l e m e nts from alie n c u l ­ tu res, as w h e n medieval Ve n i ce i ntroduced i nto E u rope prod u cts, tech n ol­ ogy, and a rc h itect u re from t h e East. Later on, t h e cities of the N etwor k syste m wou ld p ro pagate the i d eas of h u ma n i s m , e n l ighte n me nt, a n d rad i ­ cal t h o u g ht, while givi ng refuge to pe rsecuted t h i n ke rs a n d pu b l i s h i ng fo rbid d e n b oo ks . 39 T h e ci rcu l atio n a nd p rocessing of "cultu ral m ate r i a l s" t h ro u g h these two d i ffe rent syste m s of citie s are as i m porta nt in t h e l o n g r u n as t h e m i n d-sets o f t h e i n h abita nts of t h e tow n s t h e m selves. T h e l at­ ter a re, of cou rse , an active e l e m e n t i n t h e mix , to t h e exte nt t h at psyc ho­ logica l structu res, o n ce t h ey have com e into being, affect the dyn a m ics of decis i o n m a k i ng and h e n ce the flows of e n e rgy a n d m o n ey, k n owledge a n d i d e a s . B u t w h at is crucial to e m p h asize here i s that the e ntire p rocess does not e m a n ate fro m some esse nce h o u sed wit h i n peop l e 's heads, pa rtic u l a rly not a ny reified essence s u c h as " ra ti o n a l ity." I n t h e o rigi n a l version of Central Place theo ry, c reated by Wa lte r C h rista l l e r i n t h e early 1930s, the h u m a n ca pacity fo r m a ki ng maxi ma l ly efficient d ec i s i o n s (w hat is now ca l l ed " o ptim izi ng rat i o n a l ity") was ta ke n for gra nted. T h e model of C h rista l l e r a l so ass u m e d a frictio n less world, w h e re geogra p hy lacked i rregu la ritie s, wealt h and powe r we re distri buted eve n l y, and the levels of d e m a n d fo r city services, as we l l a s the d i sta nces people wo u l d be wil ling to travel to get them, re m a i ned fixe d . In this l i n e a r wo rl d , pa rti c u l a r s pati a l d i stri buti o n s of citie s o f d i ffe rent ra n k res u lte d , as t h e d i fferent ce nters a rranged t h e mselves t o m i n i mize travel tim e for a give n service, t h u s opti m i zi ng t h e i r col l ective b e n efit, or util ity.40 I n n o n -

40

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A.D

l i near dynamical mod e l s of city development, s u c h as th ose c reated by Peter A l l e n a nd Dimitrios D e n d r i n os , u rba n patte rns d o not res u l t from some global optimizer ( s u c h as s u pe rrati o n a l h u ma n decision ma k e rs mi nimizing tra n s p o rtation costs) b u t from a dynamics of coop e ra ti o n a nd ' co nflict amo ng cities, i n volving growth a n d d ecay of centers. I n t h ese mod e l s , u rb a n settleme nts grow by attracting p o p u lation from s u rro u n d­ i ng r u ral a reas, with job ava i l a b i l ity and i n come acting as i n ce ntives to immigrat i o n w h i l e co ngesti o n a n d pol l ut i o n act as d is i ncentives. Although in pri n c i p l e seve ral citie s co u l d s h a re t h e se h u ma n reso u rces more o r less eve n ly, the mod els s h ow a stro ng te n d e ncy fo r some u rban ce n te rs to grow at t h e expe n se of others a n d for l a rge cente rs to i n h i b it t h e growt h o f simi l a rly sca l e d towns i n t h e i r vicin ity. M o reover, the eme rge n ce of sta ble patte r n s of coexi sti n g cente rs seems rel ated to a decrease i n t h e stre ngth a n d n u mber o f d i rect i n te ractio n s amon g towns: too m u c h co n ne ctiv ity ( a s when e v e r y city i n t h e mod e l i n te racts wit h eve ry ot h e r one) l e a d s to u n sta b l e patter n s , w h i l e decrease d co n n ectivity wit h i n a h i e rarchy of towns (that is, fewe r i nteract i o n s betwee n ra n ks t h a n wit h i n a given ra n k) l e a d s t o sta b i l ity.41 Co n tempo ra ry stu d i e s i n n o n l i ne a r u rba n dyn amics teach u s t h at, i n many cases, friction (delays, bottlenecks, co nfl ict, u n eve n d istri bution of resou rces) p l ays a crucial rol e in ge n e rati ng self-orga n izati o n . He nce, e l imi n ating it from our mod e l s (by postu lating an o ptimi z i n g rat i o n a l ity, fo r i nsta n ce) a u tomatica l ly e l imi nates the poss i b i l ity of captu r i n g any real dy namica l effect. T h i s i n sight is even mo re impo rta nt when we co n s i d e r the dynamics of the i n stitutio ns t h a t c h a n n e l the flow o f e n e rgy t h ro u gh cities: ma rkets a n d b u rea u c racies. The classica l p i ctu re of the ma r ket, Adam Smit h 's " i n v i s i b l e h a n d " mod e l , is j u st l i ke C h rista l l e r's mod e l of u rba n patte r n s . It operates in a wor l d compl etely devoid of frict i o n , w h e re mo nopolies do n ot exist a n d age nts a re e n d owed with pe rfect fo resight a n d h ave access to cost less a n d u n l imited i n fo rmatio n . Smith's mod e l (or mo re exactly, its impl eme ntati on i n ne ocl assical eco n o rn ics) a l so ge n e r­ ates patte r n s t h at maximize the ben efits to society as a w ho l e , t h at is, patte r n s i n which s u p ply a n d dema nd i nte ra ct so a s to reach o ptima l e q u il i b ri um, p recl u d i n g wastefu l excesses or d eficits. T h i s type of ma r ket dynamics is, of cou rse, a ficti o n . And yet t h i s p ictu re of a " ration a l " free­ ma rket dynamics ema nating from the i nteraction of selfi s h age nts reach­ i ng optimal co n c l u si o n s a bout alternative u ses of sca rce resou rces i s sti l l a t t h e co re o f mod e r n l i n e a r econ omics. N o n l i n e a r a p p roaches to market dynamics, in co ntrast, emp ha size t h e r o l e o f u n ce rta i nty i n d ec i s i o n ma k i ng a n d t h e i n h e re nt costs of i n fo rma­ tion gat h e ri ng. I mpe rfect k n owl edge , i n compl ete assessme nt of feed-

41

I: LAVAS AND MAGMAS

bac k , l imited memo ry a nd reca l l , as we l l as poo r p r o b l em-so l v i n g s k i l ls res u lt i n a form of rati o n a l ity t h at atta i n s not optima l decisions but mo re o r less satisfacto ry com promises betwee n co nfl icti ng co nst ra i nts.42 T h i s "satisfi ci ng" o r " bou n de d " rat i o n a l i ty, proceeds i n ma ny cases b y r u l es of t h u mb a n d oth e r ad a pt i ve b e h av i o ra l patte r n s . T h i s doe s not p recl u d e some co h e re n ce amo n g a n agent's expectat i o n s , n ee d s , a n d act i o n s , b u t it does ca l l fo r a dynamic e x p l a nation of t h e fo rmat ion o f adeq uate be l iefs , as o p posed to simply assuming static forms of ratio n a l ity. M o reover, it emp hasizes that t h e respo n se s of eco nomic age nts i n t h e ma rket p l ace a re not u n ifo rm, t hat some age nts wi l l act mo re co h e re ntly t h a n ot h e rs , a n d that t h e adeq u acy of t h e i r decisions wi l l va ry from t ime to time.43 A n o n l i n e a r mod e l of ma rket dyn amics d iffe rs greatly from Adam Smith's. I n pa rtic u l a r, in stead of a s i ngle, static eq u i l i b r i u m towa rd w h i c h ma rkets are su pp osed to gravitate, t h e non l i n e a r mod e l al l ows fo r mu lti­ ple dynamical fo rms of sta b i lity. For example, ma rkets may get caught in cyc l i c a l eq uil i b r i ums that fo rce them to u n d e rgo successive period s of growt h and decay. H e nce ma r kets may be both self-regu lat i ng and n o n ­ optimal .44 Thes e i s s u e s are a l l t h e mo re impo rta nt w h e n co n s i d e ri ng me d ieva l ma rkets, w h i c h had to cope not o n ly wit h t h e effects of impe r­ fect fo resight, but wit h a multipl icity of ot her no n l i nea rities: agra r i a n h ier­ a rc h ies exact i n g a p o rt i o n of p rod uct i o n , ta k i ng it o ut of ci rc u l atio n ; c raftsme n s e l l i ng t h e i r p rod ucts specu l ative ly; mo ney su pp ly affect i ng prices; a n d so o n . No netheless, by t h e twe lft h ce ntu ry, p rices t h ro u ghout Eu rope fl uct u ated in u n i s o n , a n d this is w h at a bove all c h a racterizes a self-regu l ati ng ma rket eco n omy.45 T h i s co l l ective osci l latio n , t h i s massive r hyt hmica l b reath i ng across the cities that mad e up the Central Place a n d N etwo r k systems, can now be ca ptu red t h rough the use of n o n l i near mod e l s , w h ere t h e impedime nts created by bou n d e d rati o n a l ity p l ay a co n structive ro l e .46 O n e may th i n k t hat t h e s u boptima l comp romise s to w h i c h medieval ma rkets we re co n d e mned d e rived from the d ec e ntra l ized natu re of t h e i r deci sio n-ma king p rocesses . B u t a simi l a r co ncl u s i o n may be reac hed vis­ a-vis central ized b u rea u cracies, eve n t h o u g h t h e i r fo rma l ized p l a n s a n d we l l -defi n e d go als wo u l d seem to b e prod ucts of a n o ptimiz i n g rat i o n a l ity. B ut h e re, too, decis i o n ma k i ng ta kes p lace i n a world fu l l of u n ce rt a i nties. Any act u a l system of i n fo rmation p rocessi ng, p l a n n i ng, and contro l wi l l never b e o ptimal b u t merely p ractic a l , a pp lyi n g rote res po nses t o rec u r­ rent probl ems a n d emp l oy i ng a vari ety of co nti nge n cy tactics to d e a l with u nforese e n events. Some of t h e flows of matte r a n d e n e rgy in a n d o u t of cities - flows t h at med i eval h i e ra rchies we re su pposed to regu late ­ rece ived more atte ntion while ot hers we re ove rl ooked a n d misma n aged .

42

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A . D

For i n stan ce, by the t h i rteenth ce ntu ry Lo n d o n had al ready ge ne rated a spec ial ized b u re a u cracy for h a n d l i ng t h e flow of wate r i nto t h e city ; b u t m a n age m e nt o f the flow o f waste o u t o f t h e city d i d n o t co m e a bo u t u nt i l t h e n i n etee nth centu ry, even t h o u gh t h e Engl i s h cap ita l h a d h a d recu r­ rent sewage crises si nce t h e 1370s. It was not u nt i l t h e rive r T h a m e s 's capacity to tra n s po rt waste re ached its l i m its, ca u s i n g an odor t hat m a d e p a r l i a m enta ry sess i o n s i m p ossi b l e t o co nd uct , t h at t h e p r o b l e m w a s co n ­ fro nte d . B efo re t hat, t h e a p p roach to sewage m a n age m e nt h a d b e e n reactive, u np l a n ned , a n d piecemea l - h a rd ly opt i m a l . 47 T h u s , to u n d e rsta n d t h e role of decision m a ki ng i n t h e creati on of soc i a l o rd e r, w e n e e d to co nce n trate not s o m u c h o n the m o re o r l ess rat i o n a l c h a racte r of individual decisio n s, but o n t h e dy nam ics (ce ntra l i zed o r d ece ntra l i zed) a m o n g many i nteract i n g d e c i s i o n m a ke rs. T h e h i e ra rc h i e s a n d m e s hworks t h a t deve l o p from t h ese i nte ractio n s ( p a rticu la r b u re a u ­ c racies, i n d iv i d u a l m a r kets) i n t u r n beco m e e l e m e nts o f ot her ho m oge­ n e o u s a n d hete roge n e o u s str u ct u res (ca pita l s or gateways), w h i c h in t u r n g o o n to fo rm Central P lace a n d N etwo r k syst e m s . At e a c h l eve l , d i ffe re nt n o n l i n e a r dyn am ics ta ke pl ace, wit h t h e i r own m u ltiple eq u i l i b ri u m s a n d b i fu rcations between altern ative sta b l e states. H e nce, i nd i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n m a k i ng, w h i l e i m po rta nt, is s i m p ly one e l e m e n t i n t h e m ix , i nt e ract i ng a n d in fl u e n ci ng dyn a m ics o n o n ly o n e of c:l n u m be r of sca l es .48 But eve n at t h e i n d i vid u a l leve l , what

� atte rs

is not a ny pa rticu l a r psy­

chol ogi ca l struct u re ( rat i o n a l ity) so m u c h as p roble m-sol v i n g s k i l l s , r u l e s of t h u m b, a n d rou t i n e proced u res, t h at is, "cultu ra l m ate r i a l s" that can accum u late o ver time

wit h i n a town's wa l l s . I ndeed , m a ny pre i n d ustrial

cities m ay be see n as la rge rese rvoirs of s k i l l s a n d ro u t i n e s . T h ose cities recru ited from the co u ntrys i d e arti sans posse ssi ng the m ost varied a b i l i­ ties a n d trad es, a n d they were co nsta ntly strugg l i n g to ste al t h i s v a l u ab l e " h u m a n capital" away from e a c h ot h e r. To m a i ntai n a n d i n crease t h e i r res e rvo i rs , town s attracted a flow o f crafts m e n , as we l l as a vari ety of p ro­ fe ssio n a l s , who b ro ught wit h t h e m s k i l l s a n d p roce d u res t h at co u l d n ow be ta ught to ot h e rs or im itated , a n d h e n ce added to t h e existing stoc k . As these c u lt u ra l m ateria l s acc u m u l ated , they m ixed in va rio u s ways, fo rm­ i ng nov e l m e s hworks and h i erarc h i es. On o n e hand, the ru l i n g e l ites of m a ny towns cre ate d , betwe e n the twe lft h and the fifteenth centu ries, t h e gu i l d syste m , t h ro u g h which t hey o rga n ized all craft activity wit h i n the city. Each gu i l d brought toget h e r t h e s k i l l s t h at fo r m e d a give n t r a d e , a n d h o moge n ized the mea n s of t he i r tra n s m i ss i o n by regu l at i ng t ra i n i n g m et hods a n d ce rti ficat i o n p roce d u res. As skills accu m u l ated and began i nteract i n g wit h o n e a not h e r, trades bega n to d ive rsify and m u lti ply: " I n N u re m be rg . . . the metal wo r k i n g

43

I: L A VAS A ND MAGMAS

gu i l d s . . . h a d d i v i d e d , as e a rly as t h e t h i rte e n t h c e n t u ry, i nto sev era l doze n i nd e pe nd e n t p rofes s i o n s a nd t ra d e s . The sa m e p rocess occu rred in G h e n t, Stra s b o u rg, F ra n kfu rt a n d F l o re n ce, w h e re t h e woo l e n i n d u stry, as e l s ew h e re , b e c am e a co l lectio n of t ra d e s . I n fact it wo u l d be t r u e to s ay t h at t h e b o o m of t h e t h i rt e e n t h ce n t u ry a ro s e o u t of t h i s n ewly c re­ ated d i v i s i o n of l a b o r as i t p ro l i fe rate d . " 49 On the ot h e r h a n d , a s s pe c i a l ­ t i e s m u lti p l i e d s o d i d t h e i nteractio n s betwe e n i n d i vi d u al tra d e s , a n d t h i s gave rise t o m e s h wo r k s o f s m a l l p ro d u ce r s , " sy m b i otic c o l l e cti o n s of l i tt l e e n te r p r i s e s , " a s the u rb a n i st J a n e Jacobs has c a l l ed t h e m . 50 W h i l e t h e b i g gateway c i t i e s at t h e core of t h e Netwo rk system , as wel l a s t h ose a t t h e top o f C e n t ra l Pl a c e pyra m i d s , gave r i s e t o e l a b o rate h i er­ a rc h i e s of gu i l d s a n d ever m o re rigid reg u l at i o n s , tow n s i n h ab i t i n g t h e m i d d l e zo n e ( t h a t i s , n ot t o o s m a l l to be co n d e m n e d to re m a i n a s u p ply regio n fo r t h e co re), e n gaged in what J a co bs calls " i m po rt-s u bstitut i o n d y n a m i cs . " I n st e a d of s i m ply exc h a n gi n g r a w m ate ri a l s f o r m a n ufactu red go o d s f ro m the b i g citi e s , the a rt i s a n s of t h e s e tow n s d e v e l o pe d t h e s k i l l s n ece s s a ry t o s l owly r e p l ace t h ose i m po rts with local p rod u ctio n . T h e s e n ew, l e s s r eg u l ated s k i l l s , i n t u r n , bega n f o rm i ng m es hwo r k s , as t h ey i nt e r l o c k e d w i t h o n e a n ot h e r in fu n ct i o n a l c o m p l e m e n t arity.51 The m a rket d y n a mi c s of th e s e m i d d l e-zo n e tow n s were s e l f-sti m u l ati n g beca u se t h e m o n ey s a ve d b y r ep l a c i n g s o m e i m po rts co u l d be s p e n t o n n ew i m po rts, w h i c h i n t u r n g e n e rated a n ew ro u n d of s u bstitu t i o n s . A s J aco bs p u ts it, t h e s e s m a l l m e d i ev a l tow n s , a n d t h e i r s m a l l p ro d u c e rs , " w e r e fo re v e r p ro d u c i n g n ew expo rts fo r o n e a n oth e r - b e l l s , dyes , bu ck­ les, p a rc h m e n t , lace, n e e d l e s , p a i nted c a b i n et wo r k , c e ra m i cs , b r u s h e s , cutl e ry, p a p e r, s i e v e s a n d n ee d l e s , sweetmeats, e l ix i rs , fi l e s , pitc hfo rks, s exta nts - re pl a c i n g them w i t h local p rod u cti o n , beco m i ng c u sto m e rs fo r sti l l m o re i n n ovati ? n s . "5 2 J a cobs d e s c r i bes t h e a utocata lytic dyn a m i cs t h at p ro d u ce d t h e s e h u m b l e good s as evol vi n g t h ro u g h b i f u rcati o n s , as a critical m a ss of pote nti a l ly r e p l a ce a b l e i m po rts accu m u l ated wit h i n a tow n , givi n g r i s e to a n ew e x p l os i ve e p i sode of i m po rt re p l a ce m e nt . T h e i n n ovati o n s t h at c a m e o u t of t h i s p rocess d i d n ot h ave to b e g l am o ro u s o r h ig h ly v i s i b l e ; w h a t matte red w a s t h e ge n e rati o n of n ew s ki l l s a n d t h e co n s eq u e n t c o m p l ex i ficati o n of t h e m es hwo rk . C o m pute r s i m u l ati o n s o f eco n o m i c mes hwo rk d y n a mi cs have s h ow n t h at, a t a c e rta i n c r i t i c a l l e v e l of co m p l exity, a k i n d of " i nd u st r i a l ta k eoff" occ u rs in t h e i n te r l o c k e d syste m of fu n ctio n s co n st i t u t i n g the m e s h ­ wo r k . 53 J acobs h a s gat h e re d evi d e n ce i nd i cati n g t h at t h i s i s i n d ee d t h e w a y i n w h i c h t h e e c o n o m y of E u ro p e too k o f f at t h e t u rn of t h e fi rst m i l l e n n i u m . At t h e t i m e , C o n stant i n o pl e was at the to p of the u rb a n h i e r­ a rc h y, a n d Ve n i ce ( w h ic h by t h e fo u rt e e n t h ce n t u r y was t h e m etro p o l i s at

44

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A . D

the co re of the Netwo rk syste m ) wa s o n e of its h u m bl e s u p p ly zo n es . T h e Ve n eti a n s s o l d t i m b e r a n d s a l t t o t h e ca p i ta l , i n exc h a n ge fo r m a n u fa c­ t u red p ro d u cts. I n t h e e le v e n t h c e n t u ry, h oweve r, t h e eco n o my of Ve n i ce began to grow e x p l o s i ve ly, as a m es hwo rk of s m a l l p ro d u ce rs bega n s u b­ st ituti n g l o ca l ly m a n u fa ct u red good s for t h os e previou s l y i m po rted from C o n sta n t i n o p l e . S i n ce t h e l oca l good s were n eces s a r i ly rough a n d p r i m itive by t h e sta n d a rd s of t h e ca p it al , Ve n ice co u l d o n ly t r a d e i ts n ew s u rp l u s pro d u cts with ot h e r bac kward c i t i e s . (T h u s, t h i s type o f a u tocata lys i s i n vo l ves n ot s i n g l e c i t i e s b u t t e a m s o f c i t i e s . ) I n th i s way, t h e eco n o m y o f Ve n i ce took off a n d p ro p e l l e d t h e city t o a positio n a s d o m i n a n t c e n t e r. Beca u s e t h e s m a l l e r tow n s t h at n ow i m po rted Ve n et i a n p rod u cts were a l so rese rvoi rs of flexi b l e s k i l l s , t h ey eve n t u a l ly created t h e i r own i m p o rt­ s u b stitu t i o n m e s hwo r k s . S u c h was the case of A n twerp, w h i c h bega n a s a Ve n eti a n s u p pl y regi o n fo r woo l ; b y t h e fiftee n t h c e n t u ry i t t o o h a d beco m e a co re of t h e N etwor k . Lo n d o n h a d to w a i t u nt i l t h e n i n etee n t h ce ntu ry befo re beco m i ng t h e N etwor k co r e , b u t si n ce t h e M i d d le Ages i t h a d b e e n su b sti t u t i n g i m p o rt e d l eat h e r good s f r o m C6rd ova , to s e l l to ot h e r backw a rd cit i e s . 54 T h i s k i n d of vo l at i l e t ra d e a m o n g s m a l l tow n s s h o u l d be a d d e d to o u r l i st o f a utocatalyt i c p rocesses a n i m at i n g m ed i e v a l E u ro p e . La rge tow n s , o n t h e ot h e r h a n d , g a v e r i s e t o a d i ffe r e n t typ e of t u rb u l e n t d y n a m i c s , b a s ed o n l u x u ry goo d s ( i n stead o f eve ryd ay ite m s) i n vo l v i ng b i g f i r m s ( i n st e a d of s m a l l p ro d u c e rs ) , a n d o n strateg i e s t h at d i d n ot re ly o n t h e existe n c e of h eteroge n eo u s s k i l ls. As B ra u d e l s ays , t h e p ro l i fe rati o n o f new t r a d e s , a n d t h e re s u lt a n t m i cros pec i a l izat i o n s , a lways c h a racte rized the bottom l ayers o f the trade h i e ra rc h y. B i g b u si n e s s in t h e M id d l e Age s , a n d fo r c e n t u r i e s a fte rwa rd , h a d i t s o w n dy n a m i cs, w h i c h ra n i n t h e ex a ct o p posite d i re ct i o n : H Eve n a s h o p ke e p e r w h o m a d e h i s fo rt u n e , a n d b e ca m e a m e rch a n t , i m m e d i at e ly m o v e d out o f s p e c i a l i z at i o n i nto n o n­ s peci a l izati o n . . . o beyi n g t h e ru l e s of t r a d e at its u p pe r l e ve l s . To beco m e a n d a bove a l l t o r em a i n a w h o l e s a l e r m e a n t h a v i ng n ot o n ly t h e right but t h e d uty to h a n d l e , i f n ot e v e ryt h i ng, a t a ny rate a s much as possi b le . " 5 5 T h e a d va n tage t h at n o n s p e c i a l i z at i o n gave to t h ese ea rly ca pita l i sts w a s freedom o f motio n , w h i c h a l l owed t h e m to h a n d l e a ny flow of goo d s t h at beca m e h i g h l y p rofita b l e , a n d to m ove i n a n d out of f l ows a s t h e i r p rofita b i l ity c h a n ged . T h i s f re e d o m of c h oi ce h a s c h a ra ct e ri z e d c a p it a l i s m t h ro u g h o u t t h e m i l l e n n i u m . T h e m e r c h a nts a n d fi n a n c i e rs ( a n d l ate r i n d u stri a l i sts) who i n h a b i ted t h e u p p e r l e v e l s of t h e t r a d e h i e ra rc h y n ever i n vad e d l ow-profit zo n es. With the excl u s i o n of cas h crops f o r the l u x u ry m a rket, food p rod u cti o n a n d proce s s i n g we re l eft u nt o u c h ed u nt i l t h e seve ntee n t h c e n t u ry. T h e s a m e i s tru e of tran s po rtati o n , u nt i l t h e ra i l -

45

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roads, a n d of the co n structi o n i n d u stry, u nt i l o u r ce ntu ry ( i f we exc l ude facto ri es a n d p u b l i c b u i l d i n gs). If we add to this t h e reta i l i ng of goo d s, we may co n c l u d e t h at n o n e of t h e fl ows of e n e rgy a n d matter t h at a re i n d i s­ pe n sa bl e fo r a n u rb a n c e n te r we re p e n et rated by l a rge co m m e rc i a l h i e r­ a rc h i e s ( a n d t h e i r ce ntral ized deci s i o n m a k i n g) u nt i l re l atively rece ntly. Even i n t h i s age of h u ge m u lti n at i o n a l corpo rati o n s, t h e com m a n d e l em e n t i n t h e co m me rc i a l m ixtu re i s f a r f r o m 100 p e rce nt. T h e eco n o­ m ist jo h n Ke n n et h G a l b rait h , w h o s h a rp ly d iffe re n ti ates betwee n s po nta­ n e o u s eco n o m i c activity ( m a r kets) and p l a n n e d e co n o m ic p rocesses (big b u s i n ess), c a l c u l ates t h at tod ay ro u g h ly h a l f of the Wester n eco n omy has be e n t a k e n ove r by ca p i ta list h i e ra rc h ies. T h e ot h e r h a l f co m p ri ses the l ow-profit regio n s , w h i c h t h ese h ierarc h ies wi l l i ngly aba n d o n to the ma rket. A cco rd i ng to G a l b ra i t h , w h at gives capita l ism this freedom of moti o n is e co n o my of sca l e , w h i c h is why s i nce the M id d l e Ages com m e r­ c i a l c a p ita l i sm h a s bee n a ssociated with wholesa le a nd n ot reta i l . A l a rge fi rm i s bette r a b l e to a bsorb s hocks a nd fl u ctuati o n s a n d c reate t h e p l a n s and

c t ... ",t"" CTIt>C

that may wi n it a d egree of i nd e pe n d e n ce fro m m a rket

fo rces, i ndeed t h e a b i l ity to control and manipulate t hose forces to a ce r­ ta i n S u c h co n s i d e ratio n s led B ra ud e l t o t h e sta rt l i n g c o n c l u s i o n that "we s h o u ld n ot b e too q u ic k to a ss u m e t h at capita li s m e m braces the w h o l e of west e r n society, that it accou nts fo r eve ry stitc h i n t h e soci a l fa b ri c . . . t h at o u r societies a re o rgan ized from top to bottom i n a ' ca p ita l ist sys­ tem . ' On t h e co ntra ry . . . t h e re is a d ialectic sti l l ve ry m u c h a l ive between ca p i ta l i sm on one h a n d , and its a ntithesis, the ' n o n -ca pita l i s m ' of t h e l owe r level o n t h e ot h e r. " 5 6 A n d h e a d d s t h at, i nd eed , capita l ism w a s car­ ried u pwa rd a n d o nward o n t h e s h o u l d e rs of s m a l l s hops a n d "t h e e n o r­ m o u s c reative powers of t h e market, of t h e l ower story of exc h a n ge . . . . [Th i s] l owest l e v e l , not b e i ng p a ra lysed by t h e s i ze of its p l a n t o r o rga n i­ zatio n , i s t h e o n e rea d iest to a d a pt; it i s t h e seedbed of i ns p i rati o n , i m provisat i o n a n d eve n i n n ovat io n , a l t h ough its most b r i l l i a n t d iscove ries soo n e r or l ater fa l l i nto t h e h a nds of t h e h o l d e rs of ca p ita l . I t was n ot t h e capita l i sts w h o b rought a bo u t t h e fi rst cotto n revo l u t i o n ; a l l t h e n ew i d e a s cam e fro m e nter p r i s i n g s m a l l busi n esses. "57 T h ere i s a m isco n ce ptio n , widely s h a red by eco n o m i sts and p h i l oso­ p h ers on e i t h e r s i d e of the pol itical s pectru m , that c a p ita l ism devel o pe d i n seve ral stages, be i ng at fi rst co m petitive a n d s u bservient t o m arket fo rces a n d o n ly l ate r, i n t h e twentieth centu ry, beco m i ng m o no po l i stic. H owever, sta rti n g in t h e t h i rtee n t h centu ry, cap i ta l i sts e n gaged in various n o nc o m petitive p ractices, in o rd e r to c re ate the l a rge a cc u m u l at i o n s of m o n ey t h a t have a lways c h a racte r i ze d t h e u p pe r levels of the trade

46

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pyra m i d . As we d i sc u ss e d , the e a r ly med ieva l fa i rs , the m eeti n g poi nts of ric h m e rc h a nts fro m all ove r E u ro p e , w e re ve rita b l e h i e ra rc h i e s of mes hwo rks, in w h i c h the l uxu ry and m o n ey m a r kets d o m i n ated t he u p p e r e c h e l o n s. N e i t h e r i n t h e l o ng-d i sta n ce t ra d e of p restige goo d s n o r i n t h e wor l d s of precious meta l s a n d c re d it d i d s u p p ly a nd d e m a nd reign s u p re m e . O n t h e co n t ra ry, m ost fo rt u n e s in t hese a reas we re m a d e by t h e m a n i pu l a t i o n of t h ese m a rket forces t h ro ug h a vari ety of n o n co m­ petitive p ractices. T h e re was, of cou rse, i nt e n se com petitio n a m o n g r i c h m e rc h a nts a nd fa m i l ie s , m u c h as today l a rge co rpo rati o n s com pete w i t h o ne a noth e r, b u t t h ese riva l ri es a m o ng o l igo p o l i e s a re f u n d a m e n ta l ly d iffe r e n t from t h e k i n d of " a n o nym o u s co m petit i o n " i n w h i c h s m a l l pro­ d u ce rs and tra d e rs e ngage . 58 From t h e M idd l e Ages to t h e n i netee nth c e n tu ry, n ot o n ly d i d i n d ivid­ ual b u s i n esses e n gage in m o n o po l i stic practices, e n t i re cities d id too, even gro u ps of cities. By means of n o n co m petitive p ractices , a town cou l d greatly aid its m e rc h a nts a n d fi n a n ci e rs, p rotect i n g t h e m fro m for­ e ign rivals, a n d sti m u l ati n g t h e accu m u l atio n of m o n ey w it h i n its wa l l s. T h e med ieval cities t h at co n t ro l le d t h e M ed ite rra n e a n a n d t h e Ba ltic a nd N o rt h Seas f i n anced m uc h of t h e i r growt h from m a n i p u l at i o n of m a rkets a nd by a cq u i ri n g exc l usive co n t ro l of certa i n f l ows, s u c h as s p i ce s a n d s i l ks from t h e Lev a nt i n t h e case of Ve n ice, o r salt i n t h e case of L u be c k . With a m o no poly o n l ux u ry goods, wo n a n d m a i n ta i n e d b y m i l ita ry fo rce, fou rtee n th-cen t u ry Ve n i ce d o m i n ated the cities a ro u n d it, n ot o n ly t h e sma l l tow n s co n stituti n g i t s s u p ply regi o n s b u t oth e r gia n t towns, s u c h a s F lo re nce a n d M i l a n . I n t h e n o rt h , betwe e n t h e t h i rtee n t h a nd fiftee n t h centu ries, cities l i ke L u beck a n d B ruges fo rmed a mes hwo rk of cities k n ow n a s t h e H a n seatic League, w h i c h was cap a b l e o f co l l e ctive acti o n wit h o ut a central ized o rga n izati o n b e h i nd it. T h e leagu e also e ngaged i n m o n o p o l is­ tic p ractices to trap t h e town s wit h i n its zo n e of eco n o m i c i n fl u e nce in a web of s u pervisi o n a n d d e p e n d e nce . 59 We w i l l ret u r n s ho rtly to othe r forms of m a rket m a n i p u lati o n w h i c h , acco rd i n g t o B ra u d e l , h a v e a lways c h aracterized ce rta i n com m e rc i a l i n sti­ tuti o n s si n c e the M id d l e Ages . This w i l l m a k e c l e a r h ow wro n g it i s to ass u m e (as m a ny econ o m i sts to t h e right a nd center of t h e pol itical s pec­ trum te nd to d o) t h at m a rket powe r is somet h i ng t h at m ay be d is m issed o r t h at n eeds to be stu d i e d o n ly in relatio n to some a be rrant i n stituti o n a l forms s u c h a s overt m o n o po l i es. B u t ce rtai n co n ce pti o n s from t h e left (parti c u l a rly the M a rxist l eft) a l so need to be corrected , in p arti c u l a r, a teleo l ogical co nception of eco n o m i c h i sto ry i n terms of a linear progression of modes of prod u ctio n . I n t h i s B ra u d e l expl icitly agree s with G i l l es D e l euze a nd F e l i x G u attar i : capita l is m co u ld h a ve a ri s e n a nyw h e re a n d

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l o n g befo re it d i d i n E u ro p e .6o Its e m e rge n ce m u st be pict u red as a bi­ fu rcat i o n , a p h ase t r a n s i t i o n t h at m ight h ave ta ke n p l ace somewh e re else had t h e co n d it i o n s bee n right (for i n sta nce, i n t h e h u ge camel ca ra­ v a n s a l o ng t h e S i l k Road i n t h e t h i rtee n t h centu ry) . 61 M o reov e r, t h e i n sti­ tuti o n s t h at e m e rged afte r t h i s bifu rcatio n m u st be v i ewed n ot as re p l a c i n g p revious i n stitutio n s ( i . e . , m a rkets) but as fu l ly coexist i ng with them wit hout fo rm i ng a soci etywide "system . " It i s true t h at p rices across E u rope we re p u l sati ng to the same rhyt h m from m e d i eval times and t h i s gave t h e e nt i re co nti n e nt a ce rta i n eco n o m i c co h e re nce (som eti mes refe rred to as a "wo rld-eco n o my"), but it wou ld be a m i sta ke to c o n fuse world-eco n o m ies with the "capital ist system," si n ce I nd i a , C h i n a , a n d I s l a m a l so fo rmed c o h e re nt e c o n o m i c a reas (as p owe rfu l as those o f Eu­ rope) wit h out givi ng rise to capita l i s m . 62 The co n c e pt u a l co n fu s i o n e nge n d e red by a l l t h e d i ffere n t u ses of t h e w o r d "capitalism" ( a s " free e nte rprise" o r a s " i n d u st ri a l mode of p ro d u c­ t i o n " o r, m o re rece ntly, as "wo rl d-eco n o my") is so e ntrenched t h at it m a kes a n o bj ective a n a lysis of eco n o m i c powe r a l m ost i m poss i b l e . O n e cou l d , of co u rse, s i m p ly red e fi n e t h e t e r m "ca p ital ism" to i n c l u d e " powe r to m a n i p u l ate m a r kets" as a co nstitutive part of its m e a n i ng a n d to rid it of so m e of its te l e o l ogica l co n notatio n s . But as p h i l os o p h e rs of sci e n ce k n ow we l l , w h e n a t h e o ry begi n s redefi n i ng its te rms i n a n ad hoc way to fit the l atest rou n d of n egative evi d e n ce , it s h ows by t h i s v e ry act t h at it has re ached t h e l i m its of its u sefu l n ess. I n view of t h is, it wou ld seem that the o n ly s o l u t i o n is to re p l ace t h is tired wo rd wit h a n e o l ogism , pe r­ h a p s t h e o n e B ra u d e l sugge ste d , " a n t i m arkets , " a n d to use it exc l u s ively to refe r to a ce rta i n segm e n t of the p o p u l at i o n of co m m e rc i a l a n d i n d u s­ trial i n stitutio n s . 63 I n a d d iti o n to m o n o po l i es , t h e most obvious form of m a n i p u l atio n of s u p ply and d e m a n d , p re i n d u strial a ntima rkets used seve ra l ot h e r m e c h a­ n i s m s to fu rt h e r t h e i r acc u m u lati o n s a nd i n crease t h e i r d o m i n ati o n . F o r exam p l e , good s bought d i rectly fro m a p rod u c e r at a l ow p ri ce were ofte n sto red i n l a rge wa re h o u ses u nt i l t h e ma rket price rose to a d esired level. M a rket prices someti mes i n cre ased of their own acco rd , as h a p pe n ed d u ri n g w a rs , b u t w h e n eve r t hey did n ot t h e m e rc h a nts w h o owned t h ese h u ge rese rvoi rs c o u l d a rtifi ci a l ly i n flate p ri ces, pe r h a ps by buyi ng certa i n a m o u nts o f a give n p rod u ct a t a high p rice ( o r, vice v e rsa, d efl ate prices by d u m p i ng l ower- p riced goods). 64 Lo ng-d ista n ce trad e was a n ot h e r m e a n s t o free o n es e l f of t h e l aws a nd l i m itatio n s of t h e l oca l m a r k et. I n terms of vol u me , lo ng-dista n ce l u xu ry t ra d e was m i n u scu l e i n co m pa rison to t h e flows of h u m b l e goods t h at c i rcu lated i n the med ieval m a rkets. But w h at it lacked in one fo rm of i nten sity it m a d e up in a n ot h e r:

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Lo ng-d ista nce trade certa i n ly made super-profits: it was after all based on the price d iffe re n ces between two markets very fa r apart, with su pply and demand in co mplete ignorance of each other and b rought i nto co ntact o n ly by the activities of the m i d d l e m a n . There co u l d o n ly have been a co m petitive ma rket if there had been ple nty of sepa rate and i n d e pe ndent m i d d l em e n . I f, in the fu l l ness of time co m petitio n d i d appear, if su per­ profits va n ished from one l i n e , it was always possi ble to fi n d them aga i n o n anot h er route with d ifferent co mmod ities. I f peppe r became com m o n ­ place and decl i ned i n va l u e , tea , coffee, or ca l icoes were wa iti ng i n t h e wi ngs t o ta ke t h e pl ace o f the fo rmer p r i m a d o n na. 6 5 S u c h was t h e fre e d o m of m ov em e n t t h at c h a racte rized a n ti m a rkets, a freed o m m ad e poss i b l e by exte n sive credit. M u c h as p r i m itive o r m eta l l ic m o n ey was a cata lyst fo r s m a l l-sca l e co m m e r c i a l e xc h a n ge , credit was t h e great acce l e rato r fo r a n t i m a rket tra nsactio n s , both whol esale a n d l o n g­ d ista nce t ra d e . Credit re p rese nted o n e m o re fo r m of t h e a u tocatalytic o r t u rb u l e nt dyn a m i cs t h at p ro p el led prei n d u st r i a l E u ro p e a n cities a h ead of t h e i r Easte r n rivals, eve n t u a l ly e n a bl i ng E u rope to d o m i n ate the rest of the wo rld . C redit (o r, m o re exactly, co m po u n d i nte rest) is a n exa m p l e of explosive, self-sti m u l ati n g growt h : m o n ey begett i n g m o n ey, a d ia bo l ical i m age t h at m ad e m a ny civil izatio n s fo rbid u su ry. E u ropea n m e rc h a n ts got a ro u n d t h i s p ro h i biti o n t h rough t h e u se of t h e " b i l l of exc h a n ge , " o rigi n a l ly a m e a n s of l o n g-d i sta n ce paym e n t ( i n he rited fro m I s l a m) ; as it ci rcu l ated from fa i r to fa i r its rate of ret u r n accrued u s u ri o u sly. (T h i s d i s­ gu ised fo rm of u s u ry was tole rate d by c h u rc h h i e ra rc h ies d u e to t h e m a ny risks t h e c i rc u l ati o n of b i l l s of exc h a nge i n vo lved . ) T h e flow of cred it a n d t h e i n stituti o n s t h at grew a ro u n d th i s fl ow, s u c h as b a n ks a n d stock exc h a n ges - was cru c i a l fo r s e l f-su sta i n ed e co n o m i c growt h at the to p , a n d it was o n e m o re flow a nt i m a rk et i n stituti o n s m o n opol ized ea rly o n .66 To retu r n to E u ro p e a n u rb a n h i sto ry, t h e dece l e rati o n of u rb a n ex p a n ­ sion that fol l owed t h e ye a r 1 300 h a d a va riety of e ffects . T h e b i rt h rate of n ew town s decreased sig n ifica n tly, as d i d conti n u o u s growt h across the fu l l spect r u m of city sizes. I n the s u bseq u e n t fo u r c e n t u ries m a ny s m a l l town s d is a p p e a re d , a n d o n ly t h e l a rge r tow n s conti n u ed to grow. I n a s e n se , t h e l o n g d e p re s s i o n acted as a s e l ect i o n p ressu re, favo ri n g t h e l a rge a n d h e n ce i n c reas i n g t h e p roportio n of co m ma n d e l e m e n ts i n t h e m ix . Si m u lt a n e o u sly, t h e fi rst n at i o n -states bega n to co n so l i d at e , i n regi o n s p reviou sly o rga n ized b y C e ntral P l ac e h ie ra rc h i es, a s t h e d o m i n a n t c i t i e s , so m e of w h i c h beca m e national capitals, bega n to swa l low up a n d d isci p l i n e t h e tow n s in t h e i r orbit . The gateway cities t h at m a d e u p t h e N etwo rk syste m l ost s o m e of t h e i r a u to n o my yet co nti n u ed t o

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grow, beco m i ng maritime metropolises. H e nce, w h i l e relatively few towns we re born i n t h i s period, t h e existing popu l atio n of cities c h a nged sign ifi­ can tly. The capital and the m etro p o l i s, and the h uge co nce ntrations of peo p l e t h ey h o used , became i n creasi ngly vis i b l e featu res of t h e E u ro p e a n u rban struct u re . A n n e Q u e rrien h as d e scri bed t h e c h a racteristics typical o f these two types of l a rge tow n s , w h i l e warn i n g us that i n rea l ity a p u re capital o r m et ro po l i s i s rare, t h at m o re ofte n t h a n n ot w e a re d e a l i ng with m ixtu res. A m etrop o l i s , she says, i s l i ke " a m e m b ra n e which a l l ows co m m u n i catio n betwee n two o r m o re m i l ie u s , w h i le t h e capita l se rves as a n u cl e u s a ro u n d w h i c h t he s e m i l ie u s a r e r igo rou sly o rga n ized ."67 Metro po l ita n ce nte rs exe rcise t h e i r i n fl u e nce across i nte rnatio n a l bo u n d a ries, w h i l e capita l s a re t h e gu a rd i a n s a nd p rotectors of t hese fro ntie rs a n d t h e territo ri es t h ey e n co m pass. H e nce, w h i l e t h e fo r m e r a rise by t h e sea, t h e l atte r a re often l a n d locked, bo u nd to t h e i r h i nterl a n d . Capita l s te n d to p lace restrictio n s o n t h e flows of trade a n d use taxes, tol l s , a n d ta riffs t o extract e n e rgy fro m t h ese c i rcu its ; co nve rse ly, metro p o l itan cities te nd to free t hese fl uxes of a l l o bstacles, s e e ki ng to e x p loit t h e i r d ista nt peri p h e ries m o re t h o rough­ ly. (We h ave h e re two d iffe re n t fo rms of powe r, x e n o p h o b i c n atio n a l i sm ve rsu s sa l t-wate r i m pe ri a l i s m . )68 I n the period of n at i o n -state fo rmati o n , Pa ris, Mad rid, Baghdad, a n d Pe king we re pe rfect exa m p les of nati o n a l capita ls, w h i l e Ve n ice, G e n oa , C6rdova, a n d C a n t o n typ ified t h e m a ri t i m e metropol is. C i t i e s s u c h as Lo n d o n w e re m ixtu res of bot h types. The e m e rge n ce of powerfu l n atio n-states, and the co n co m ita nt d ecrease in a u to n o my of the cities t hey a bso rbed (and eve n of the city-states t h at rem a i ned i n d e p e n d e nt), cou l d have b ro ught t h e d i ffe rent fo r m s of se l f­ sti m u l ati n g dyn a m i cs we h ave d escri bed to a h a lt. That t h i s did n ot h a p­ p e n was d u e to yet o n e m o re fo rm of a u tocata lys is u n i q u e to t h e West: co nti n u ed a rms races . T h e h i sto ria n Pa u l K e n n edy has a rgued t h at t h i s typ e of s e l f-st i m u lation d e p e nded i n t u r n o n t h e fact t h at t h e n atio n s of E u ro p e , u n l i ke C h i n a or I sl am , were never a bl e to fo rm a s i ngl e , h o m oge­ n e o u s e m p i re , a n d h ave re m a i ned u nt i l tod ay a mes hwo rk of h i e rarchies. I t was wit h i n t h i s m e s hwo rk t h at advances i n offe n sive wea p o n ry sti m u­ l ated i n novations i n d efe nse tec h n o l ogy, lead i ng to an ever-growi ng a rm a­ m e n t s p i ra l : While this a rmament spira l co u ld al ready be seen i n the ma n u fact u re of crossbows and a rmor plate i n the ea rly fiftee nth centu ry, the p ri nciple spread to experimentation with gu n powd er weapons i n the fol lowing fifty yea rs. I t is important to reca l l here that whe n ca n n o n were fi rst e m ploye d , there w a s l ittle d i ffe rence between t h e West a n d Asia i n their d esign a n d

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effectiven ess . . . . Yet, it seems to have bee n o n ly in E u rope that the i m pe­ tus existed fo r consta nt i m p rovement: in the gu n powder grai ns, in casti ng much smaller (yet eq u a l ly powerfu l) ca n n o n fro m bronze and tin a l l oys, in the shape and textu re of the ba rrel and the missi le, in the gu n mou nti ngs and carriages. 69 These a rms races had a variety of co n se q u e n ces. They a ffected t h e m i n e ra l izati o n of Eu ro p e , as the new mobi l e siege a rti l l e ry m a d e t h e s i m­ ple h igh wa l l s that s u rro u n d ed most town s obso l ete . F o rtifi catio n c h a nged rad ical ly, as town wa l l s we re bu i lt lower w h i l e beco m i n g m o re e l a bo rate, now i n co rporated i nto co m p l ex asse m blages of d itc hes, ra m pa rts, pa ra­ pets, a n d cove red passageways. T h i s h ad i m po rtant co n se q u e n ces fo r the cities e n closed with i n t h ese fo rtified wa l l s . B e fo re 1 5 20, w h e n a town outgrew its m i n e ra l m e m br a n e , t h e wa l l co u l d be easily d isass e m b led a n d reco n structed fa rt h e r away. B u t n ow, t h e n e w sta r-s ha ped syste m s o f defe nse that h a d re p l aced it we re p ro h i bitively ex p e n s i ve t o m ove , s o t h at t h e town s so fo rti fied we re the reafter co n d e m n ed to grow v e rtica l lyJo O n the other h a n d , t h e n ew fo rtress designs, as w e l l as t h e a rti l l e ry t h at h a d cata lyzed t h e m i n to existe n ce , bega n t o co n s u m e a rap i d ly i n creasi ng s h a re of a town 's wea lt h . T h is favo red n at i o n s ove r city-states, si n c e o n ly t h e fo r m e r co u l d s u sta i n t h e i nte n si ficati o n of reso u rce exploitati o n t h at t h e n e w tech n o l ogies d e m a n d e d . Ke n nedy has a d d ed h i s vo i ce t o t h e c h o r u s of h i sto ria n s w ho , h avi ng rej e cted E u roce n t ri s m , came to real ize that even as l ate as 1 5 00 C h i n a o r I sl a m was m u c h b ette r positi o ned t o d o m i n ate t h e m i l l e n n i u m t h a n Eu­ rope. ( H e n c e , t h e fact t h at E u rope m a n aged to do t h i s aga i n st the odds wa rra nts exp l a n ati o n . ) M a ny of t h e i nventi o n s t h at E u ro p e a n s used to col­ o n ize t h e world (t he com pass, gu n pOWd e r, paper m o n ey, the p r i nti ng p ress) w e re of C h i n ese o rigi n , w h i l e E u rope's acco u nti n g tec h n i q ues a n d i nstru m e n ts of c re d it (wh ic h a r e ofte n cited a s exa m pl es of h e r u n iq u e " rati o n a l ity" ) cam e from I sl a m . T h u s , n oth i ng i ntri n s i c to E u rope dete r­ m i n ed the o u tco m e , but rat h e r a dyn a m ics beari n g no i n h e re n t rel atio n­ s h i p to a ny o n e c u ltu re . I n t h is, K e n n edy agrees with B ra u d e l a n d M c N e i l l : a n excess of ce ntral ized d ecisi o n m a k i n g i n t h e East kept tu rbu­ l e nt dyn a m ics u n d e r co ntro l , w h i l e t hey raged u no bstructed in t h e West. To be su re , at several poi nts i n h e r h i sto ry Eu ro pe co u ld h ave become a u n i fied h i e ra rchy, a n d t h i s wo u l d have grou n d t h ese dyn a m i cs to a h a lt. This h a p p e n ed in the sixte e n t h centu ry with the H a psb u rg E m p i re , a n d l ate r o n w i t h the r i s e of N a poleo n a n d H it l e r. Yet a l l t h e se e ffo rts p roved abo rtive, and E u ro pe a n n atio n s rem a i n ed a m es h wo rk. Per h a p s t h e m ost d a m aging effect of ce ntral izati o n was t h at it made

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Easte r n n at i o n s too d e pe n d e nt on t h e i n d ivid u a l s k i l ls of t h e i r e l ites. Someti mes these s ki l ls were in s h o rt s u p p ly, as in the Otto m a n E m p i re afte r 1566, w h e n it was r u l e d by th i rtee n i n co m pete n t s u lta n s i n s ucces­ sio n . Beca use of t h e excess of com m a n d e l e m e nt i n t h e m ix, as K e n n edy says, " a n i d iot s u lta n co u ld p a ra lyze the Otto m a n E m p i re in a way that a pope o r H o ly Roman e m peror cou ld never d o fo r all of E u rope. "71 I n a s i m i l a r way, C h i n a 's outlook was t u r n e d i nward by its e l ite at a crucial poi n t in h isto ry, when t h e secret to world d o m i n at i o n l ay i n t h e co n q u est of t he oce a n s , both fo r t h e p rofits of l o ng-d i sta n ce trade a n d for t h e flows of e n e rgy a nd m ate rials that col o n izatio n made p oss i b l e . C h i n a h a d a n e a r ly l e ad i n t h e n a v a l race, h a v i n g s u ccessfu l ly pio­ n e e red exped itions to the I n d i a n Oce a n as ea rly as 1405, in w h i c h h e r " l a rgest vessel s probably d is pl aced a b o u t 1, 500 to n s co m pared to t h e 300 to n s of Vasco da Ga m a 's flags h i p . . . at t h e e n d of t h e s a m e ce ntu ry. Everyt h i ng a bout t h ese expeditions e c l i psed t h e sca l e of l ater Portu­ guese e nd e avors. M o re s h i ps , m o re gu ns, m o re m a n powe r, m o re ca rgo ca pacity. . . . "7 2 H owever, C h i n a 's rigi d e l ite t u r n ed back its o utwa rd-look­ i ng pol icies a nd tu r n ed t h e cou ntry i nwa rd . H ad C h i n a 's exped iti o n s co n ti n ued , " C h i n ese n avigato rs m i g h t we l l h ave ro u n ded Africa a nd d is­ cove red E u rope befo re P r i nce H e n ry t h e N avigato r d ied . "73 And E u ro­ p e a n cities m ight have fo u n d t h emselves col o n ies a nd s u p ply regi o n s of a fa raway e m p i re . T hose were t h e d a ngers a nd m issed opportu n ities t h at too m u c h cen­ tra l izati o n b rought a bout. Seve ra l regi o n s of E u rope (Spai n , Austria, F ra n ce ) m oved i n t h at d i re cti o n , as their capital cities grew out of all p ro­ p o rti o n , beco m i n g l a rge, u n p rod u ctive centers of co n s u m pt i o n a n d i n h i biting t h e growt h of t h e i r pote ntial u rb a n riva l s . T h ose n at i o n s w h i c h u n ited i n t h e i r central city t h e d u a l fu n ct i o n of n ati o n a l capita l a n d m a r­ itime gateway we re bett e r a b l e to mai n ta i n t h e i r a u tocata lytic dyn a m i cs. Such wa s the case, i n t h e sixtee nt h to e ightee n t h c e n tu ries, of B ri ta i n a n d t h e U n ited P rov i n ce s . L i ke o l d e r co res o f t h e N etwo rk (Ve n ice, G e n o a , A n twerp) Lo n d o n and Amsterdam were m a ri t i m e cities, and co n ­ sta n t co n ta ct with t h e sea ( m o re t h a n a ny specifica l ly Engl i s h o r D u t c h c u l t u ra l tra it) i n sp i red a n d s u st a i n e d t h e i r e l ites' o utward o ri e ntatio n . A s i m i l a r effect m ight h ave been achi eved i n S pa i n a n d eve n i n C h i n a : When i n 1421 the M i ng r u l ers of C h i na cha nged their cap ital city, leavi ng N a n ki ng, and movi ng to Peki ng . . . the massive wo rld-eco nomy of C h i n a swu ng rou n d fo r good, tu rn i ng its back o n a form of eco nomic activity based on easy access to sea-borne trade. A new land l ocked metropolis was now esta bl ished deep in the i nte rior and bega n to d raw everything towards it. . . .

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P h i l i p I I made an eq ually momentous decisio n i n 1 582. At the height of S pa i n 's pol itical domi nati o n of E u rope, P h i l i p I I co n q u e red Portugal and el ected residence, with his govern ment, in Lisbon fo r a period of almost three years . . . . Looking over the ocean this was an ideal place from where to rule the wo rld . . . . So to leave Lisbon i n 1 582 meant leaving a positio n fro m which the empire's enti re eco nomy cou ld be co ntrol led, and i m priso n i ng the m ight of Spain in lVIadrid, the landlocked heart of Casti l le - a fatefu l mistake! The I nvi ncible Armada, after years of preparatio n , sa i l ed to its dis­ aster in 1 588. 74 Although most E u ropea n a nd n o n- E u ropean e l ites we re very aware of t h e i m po rt a n ce of s e a powe r a nd of t h e p rofits of lo ng-d ista n ce trad e , o n ly co n stant co nta ct with t h e sea seems to h ave co n v i n ced t h e m to p a rtake of t h e colossal b e ne fits i n h e re n t i n t h e e n e rgy tra pped in w i n d s a nd cu rrents. T h e ocea n s a nd t h e atm o s p h ere fo rm a n o n l i n e a r dyn a m ical system t h at co nta i n s t e n t i m e s m o re solar e n e rgy than p l a nts ca ptu re t h rough p h otosynthesis, a nd o n ly a ti ny fract i o n of t h e pote ntial e n ergy of p l a n t l i fe powe red m ost of civil izatio n 's past i n te n si ficati o n s . T h e e n o r­ mous reservo i r of ocea n i c a n d atmosp h e ri c e n e rgy fuels a great vari ety of se lf-o rga n ized struct u res: to rnadoes, cycl o nes , press u re b l ocks, a nd , more i m po rta n tly fo r h u m a n h isto ry, w i n d c i rc u its. Some of t h ese c i rc u its, l i ke the m o nsoon wi n d , w h i c h has powered a l l s a i l s h i ps i n Asian waters fo r ce ntu ries, gave societ i es a clock, a periodi­ cal rhyt h m . T h e m o n so o n b l ows westwa rd h a l f t h e yea r a n d eastward the ot h e r h a l f, creati ng a "seaso n a l weat h e r system t h at co u l d be com­ p re h e n d ed from l a n d , " 75 a nd co u ld thus e nte r as a facto r in the decis i o n ­ m a k i n g p rocesses of t h e seafa r i ng tow n s i n Asi a . I n t h o s e u rba n ce nters i n co n tact with t h e m o nsoo n , k nowledge of its dyn a m ical be h a v i o r acc u­ m u lated a nd skills i n t h e a rt of ta p p i n g its e n ergy with s a i l s developed. Sim i l a r k nowledge a nd skills evolved in t h e po rts a n d m etro pol ita n cen­ ters o n t h e Med iterra n ea n . H oweve r, t h ese ski l l s we re i n adeq u ate to master the c i rc u it t hat wo u ld c h a nge the co u rse of the m i l l e n n i u m : t h e giga ntic " d o u b l e co n veyo r bel t" fo rmed b y t h e trade wi n d s a nd t h e west­ e rl ies, t h e wi n d c i rc u it t h at brought E u ro pea n s to t h e N ew Wo rld a nd back aga i n . H a r ness i ng t h e e ne rgy of t h is co n veyo r be lt, w h i c h a l lowed the co nvers i o n of an e nt i re co nti n e nt i nto a rich s u p ply zo n e to f u e l t h e growt h of E u ro pea n c i t i e s , req u i red s pecia l s k i l ls, a nd t h ese had accu­ m u l ated by the fifte e n t h c e nt u ry in E u ro pe a n c ities faci n g t h e Atlantic, particu l a rly in Lisbo n . I n t h e expa n se o f water betwee n t h e I be ri a n p e n i n s u la a nd t h e C a n a ry I sl a n d s , a smal l-sca l e re p l i ca of t h i s d o u bl e co nveyo r belt existed . T h e

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t r i p fro m E u rope to t h e i s l a n d s was straightfo rward , b u t t h e ret u r n was d i fficu lt s i n ce it was aga i n st the wi n d . The sol utio n was to n avigate away fro m t hat wi n d - so met h i ng t h at sa i l o rs from M e d ite rra n e a n or I nd ia n Ocea n po rts wo u ld never try - a n d look fo r a n ot h e r o n e w h i c h blew i n t h e o pposite d i recti o n . T h i s strategy of u s i n g t w o d i ffe rent c i rc u its, o n e to go a n d o n e to co me back , was d eveloped by the sai l o rs of Lisbo n , a n d cal l ed volta do mar. It was l ater a d a pted by a n ative of Ge noa i n h i s effo rt to d i s­

cove r a west e r n ro ute to t h e Orient: The a lternating u se of the trade wi n d s o n the outward l eg, t he n the volta (the cra bwise slide off to the no rthwest) to the zo n e of the westerlies, a n d t h e n t o swoop h o m e w i t h t h e weste rlies as the fol lowi ng w i n d s . . . made the ga m b les of Col u m bu s , d a Gama a n d Mage l l a n acts of adve ntu re not acts of probable s u icide. I h e sa i lo rs k n ew they cou ld sa i l out o n the trades and back on the westerl ies . . . . It is d o u btfu l if the sailors of the age of explo rati o n thought of the volta i n a ny sort of fo rmal way. It is i m p robable that they lear ned the tec h n i q u e as a p ri n ci p l e ; they were, afte r a l l , gro p i ng out to the sea fo r a favora b l e wind n ot searc h i n g fo r laws of natu re. But preva i l i ng patter n s of thought grew up to m atch t h e patte rns of p reva i l i ng w i n d s , a n d I beria n sai lors used the volta as a tem p late with wh ich to p lot their cou rses to Asia, to the A m e ricas a nd a ro u n d the wo rld . 76

D ay-to-day co n tact with t h e s m a l l -sca l e versio n of t h e d o u ble co n veyo r belt ge n e rated t h e ski l l s t h at - i n com b i n at i o n wit h t h e growi ng reservoi rs of h u m a n c a p ita l in t h ese gateway cities - a l l owed t h e mastery of t h e Atl a ntic sea ro utes. A s t h is k n owledge s p read to ot h e r metropolises, t h e n atio n s t h at wou l d eventu a l ly e m e rge a nd d o m i n ate t h e next f i v e h u n­ d red yea rs wou ld be t h e o n es t h at i n co r po rated these o u twa rd-o rie nted cities a n d used t h e m a s i nte r n a l moto rs. Those n a ti o n s w hose capitals were l a n d locked became vict i ms of t h e ext reme v i scosity of land tra n s­ p o rt a n d of t h e tyra n ny of d ista n ce a n d its co n seq u en t h ie r a rc h ical u rba n p atte rns. T h e sto ry was t h e exact opposite fo r gateway cities: Although the co n q u erors, trad ers, and settlers pla nted the flag of t h e i r sov­ e reign, a l i m ited n u m ber of ports act u a l ly d i rected the expa n s i o n . [Gate­ way] cities d eveloped ties to overseas settleme nts a nd to o n e a noth e r that were stro nger t h a n t h e i r l i n ks with the territo ry at t h e i r back. As a gro u p , they co nstituted the c o r e of

a

powerful tra d i ng networ k w hose o utposts

s pa n ned the world and through which, via overseas gateways, were f u n ­ n e l ed the p l u n d e r a n d p rod uce of vast regi o n s .77

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GEOL OGICAL HISTORY 1000-1700 A . D

Des pite the fact t hat the a n a lys is of u rb a n dyn a m ics w h i c h I have atte m pted h e re is me rely a s ketc h , i g n o r i n g so m a ny ot h e r i m po rtant h is­ torical facto rs affect i n g c ities, it n eve rt h e l ess provides ce rta i n i n s ights i nto t h e ro l e n o n l i n e a r sci e n ce m ight p l ay i n t h e study of h u m a n h isto ry. Fi rst a n d fo rem ost, no n l i n e a r mode l s s how t h at wit h o u t a n e n e rgy flow of a certa i n i nte nsity, no syst e m , w h et h e r n atu ral or c u ltu r a l , can ga i n access t o t h e s e l f-o rga n izat i o n resou rces co nstituted by e n d oge n o us ly ge n e rated sta b l e states (attracto rs) a n d tra n siti o n s betwe e n t h ose states (bifu rcat i o n s). Seco n d , n o n l i n e a r models i l l u st rate h ow t h e str u ct u res ge n e rated by matte r-e n e rgy fl ows, o n ce i n p l ace, react back o n t h ose fl ows e it h e r to i n h i bit t h e m or f u rt h e r i nt e n s i fy t h e m . We h ave seen t h at m a ny d iffe rent types of st r u ct u res ca n p l ay t h i s catalytic rol e : t h e m i n e r­ a l ized i n frastr u ct u re of c ities t h e mselves; t h e o rga n izat i o n s (ce ntra l ize d o r decentral ized) t h at l ive wit h i n t h e m i n e ra l wa l ls ; a n d v a ri o u s ot h e r cu ltu ral mate ri a l s t h at move i n a n d o ut of cities o r acc u m u l ate i n t h e m : s k i l l s a n d k n owledge, m o n ey a n d cred it, i n fo r m a l ru les a n d i nstituti o n a l n o rms. F u rt h e r m o re , wars a n d anti m a rket riva l ries betwe e n cities (a n d , l ater o n , n atio n-states) a lso h a d cata lytic effects o n a l l t hese fl ows . 78 I t was precisely t h ese cata lysts act i n g o n e a c h ot h e r ( i n a utocatalyt i c o r c ross-catalytic re l at i o n s), i n t h e co ntext o f a n i nt e n s ified e n e rgy fl ow, t h at prope l l ed E u rope a h ead of its pote nti a l rivals fo r wo rld d o m i n atio n . To t h e extent t h at t h ese basic i n sights a re co rrect, h u m a n c u lt u re a n d soci ety (co n s i d e red a s dyn a m ical systems) a re n o d iffe rent from t h e self­ o rga n ized processes t h at i n h a bit t h e atmos p h e re a n d hyd ros p h e re (wi n d ci rcu its, h u rrica n es), o r, fo r t h at m atte r, n o d i ffe rent fro m l avas a nd m ag­ m as, w h i c h as self-asse m b l ed co n veyo r be lts d rive pl ate tecto n ics a n d ove r m i l le n n i a h ave created a l l t h e geo logical feat u res t h at h ave i n f l u e n ced h u m a n h i sto ry. From t h e p o i n t of v i ew of e n e rgetic a n d cata lytic flows, h u m a n societies are v e ry m u c h l i ke l ava flows; and h u m a n - m a d e str u c­ t u res ( m i n e ra l ized cities a n d i n stitutio n s) a re ve ry m u c h l i ke m o u n ta i n s a n d rocks: accu m u l at i o n s of mate ri a l s h a rd e n e d a n d s h a ped b y h isto rical p rocesses. (Th e re a re , of co u rse, several ways i n which we are not l i ke l ava a n d m agm a , a nd t h ese d i ffere n ces wi l l be d iscu ssed i n t h e fol l owi ng c h a pters.) Mea nwh i le , this "ge ol ogical" a p p roach to h u m a n h isto ry sti l l h as some s u rp ri ses in sto re fo r u s as we expl o re the l a st t h re e h u n d red yea rs of t h e m i l l e n n i u m . D u ri ng t h ose ce ntu ries, t h e popu l ati o n of towns w h i c h h a d p ro pe l l ed E u rope i nto h e r position of worldwide s u p re macy witn essed d ramat i c c h a nges. J u st as powe rfu l i nte n s i ficati o n s of the fl ows of e n e rgy h ad t rigge red t h e great acce l e ratio n of city b u i l d i ng betwee n t h e yea rs 1000 a n d 1300, fossil f u e l s wo u l d m a ke a new ro u nd of i nte nsified e n e rgy

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flow poss i b l e five centu ries l ater a n d wo u l d d ra m atica l ly alter t h e co m po­ sition of t h is po p u l atio n , acce l e rati ng city births o n ce m o re and givi n g r i s e t o n ove l fo rms, s u c h as t h e facto ry town co m plete ly co ntro l led b y its i n d u strial h ierarc h ies: a tru ly m i n era l i zed a nt i m a rket.

56

Sa n dston e a n d Gra nite

Th e co nce pts of " m es hwo r k " a n d " h i e ra rc hy" h a ve f ig u red so p rom i n e n tly i n o u r d iscu s ­ s i o n u p t o t h i s po i nt t h at i t i s n e cessa ry t o pa u se fo r a m om e n t a n d ref l ect o n som e of t h e p h i l osop h i ca l q u est i o n s t h ey ra ise . S pec i f i ca l ly, I h a ve a pp l i ed t h ese te rm s i n s u c h a wi d e va ri ety of co ntexts t h at we m ay ve ry we l l a s k o u r­ se l ves w h et h e r som e (o r m ost) 57

I: LAVAS AND MAGMAS

of t h e s e a p p l i ca t i o n s h a ve bee n p u re ly m et a p h o r i ca l . T h e re is', n o d o u bt, som e e l e m e n t of m eta p h o r i n my u s e of t h e t e r m s , b u t t h e re a re , I be l i eve , com m o n p h y s i c a l p rocesses be h i n d t h e format i o n of m e s h ­ wo r k s a n d h i e ra rc h i es w h i c h m a ke ea c h d i f ­ fe re n t u s a ge of t h e t e r m s q u i te l i t e r a l . T h ese com m o n p ro c e s s e s ca n n ot be f u l l y ca pt u red t h ro u g h l i n g u i st i c re p res e ntat i o n s a l o n e ; we need t o e m p l oy so m et h i n g a l o n g t h e l i n e s of

en gin eerin g diagrams to s p e c ify t h e m . A co n c ret e exa m p l e m ay h e l p c l a r i fy t h i s c r u c i a l po i n t . W h e n we say (a s m a rx i sts u s e d t o say) t h a t " c l a s s st r u gg l e i s t h e mot o r o f h i story " w e a re u s i n g t h e word " m oto r " i n a p u re l y m eta p h o ri c a l s e n s e . H ow eve r, w h e n w e say t h a t " a h u r r i c a n e i s a stea m m ot o r " w e a re n o t s i m p ly m a k i n g a l i n gu i s t i c a n a l ogy; rat h e r, we a re sayi n g t h a t h u r r i c a n e s e m body t h e s a m e d i a g r a m u s e d by e n g i n e e rs to build stea m m ot o rs - t h at i s , we a re say i n g t h a t a h u r r i ca n e , l i ke a ste a m e n g i n e , c o n ta i n s a rese rvo i r of h e at, o p e rates v i a t h e r m a l d i ffe r­ e n c e s , a n d c i rc u l a tes e n e rgy a n d m at e r i a l s t h ro u g h a (s o - ca l l e d ) Ca r n ot cyc l e . 79 (Of co u r se , we m a y b e wro n g i n a s c r i b i n g t h i s d i a ­ gra m t o a h u r r i c a n e , a n d f u rt h e r e m p i r i c a l 58

SANDS TONE AND GRANITE

res e a r c h m ay revea l t h at h u r r i c a n es i n fa ct o p e rate i n a d i ffe re nt way, a ccord i n g to a d i f ­ fe re n t d i a gr a m . )

I w i s h to a rg u e h e re t h a t t h e re a re a l s o a b st ra ct m a c h i n e s ( a s D e l e u ze a n d G u atta ri c a l l t h ese e n g i n e e r i n g d i a g r a m s) be h i n d t h e

s truc ture - gen era ting processes t h at y i e l d a s h i sto r i ca l p rod u cts s p e c i f i c m e s hwo r k s a n d h i e ra rc h i e s . Pa rt i c u l a r l y i n st r u ct i ve a m o n g h i e ra rc h i c a l st r u ct u re s a re soc i a l strata (c l a s ses , cast es) . The te rm " s oc i a l st ra t u m " i s itse l f c l e a r l y a m eta p h o r, i n vo l v i n g t h e i d ea t h a t , j u st a s geo l o g i ca l st rata a re l aye rs of ro c ky m a t e r i a l s sta c ke d on top of e a c h ot h e r, s o c l a sses a n d c a stes a re l aye rs ­ s o m e h i g h e r, som e l ow e r - of h u m a n m a te r i ­ a l s . I s i t pos s i b l e t o go beyo n d m eta p h o r a n d s h ow t h a t t h e ge n es i s of bot h ge o l o g i c a l a n d so c i a l st r a ta i n vo l ves t h e s a m e e n g i n e e r ­ i n g d i a gra m ? G e o l o g i ca l st rata a re c re a t e d b y m e a n s of ( a t l ea st) two d i st i n ct o p e ra t i o n s . W h e n o n e l o o k s c l o s e l y a t t h e l aye rs of roc k i n a n ex p o s e d m o u nt a i n s i d e , o n e i s st r u c k by t h e o b s e rvat i o n t h a t e a c h l a ye r co nta i n s fu r­ t h e r l a ye rs , e a c h co m p o s e d of p e b b l e s t h a t a re n e a rly homogen e o us w i t h re s p ect to s i ze , s h a p e , a n d c h e m i c a l co m p os i t i o n . S i n c e 59

I: LAVAS AND MAGMAS

pebbles do not come in standard sizes and sh apes, some kind of sorting

m echanism must be involved here, some specific device to take a multi­ plicity of pebbles of heterogeneous q ualities and distribute them into more or less uniform layers. Geologists have discovered one such mechanism: rivers acting as veri­ table hydra ulic comp uters (or, at least, sorting machines). Rivers transport rocky materials from t h eir point of origin (an eroding mountain) to the bottom of the ocean , where these materials accumulate. In t h e course of t h i s process, pebbles of various size, weight, and sh ape react differently to t h e water transporting t h em. Some are so small t h ey dissolve in the water; some are larger and are carried in suspension; even larger stones move by jumping back and forth from the riverbed to the streaming water, w h ile t h e largest ones are moved by traction as t h ey roll along the bottom toward t h e!r destination. T h e ,i ntensity of t h e river flow (i.e. , its speed and other intensities, such as temperature or clay saturation) also determines the outcome, since a large pebble t hat could only be rolled by a moderate current may be transported in suspension by a powerful eddy. (Since t h ere is feedback between pebble properties and flow properties, as well as between the river and its bed, the "sorting computer" is clearly a h ig h ly nonlinear dynamical system.)80 Once t h e raw materials have been sorted out into more or less homo­ geneous groupings deposited at the bottom of t h e sea (that is, once t h ey h ave become sedimented), a second operation is necessary to transform these loose collections of pebbles into a larger-scale entity: sedimentary rock. T h is operation consists in cementing the sorted components together into a new entity with emergent properties of its own, that is, properties such as overall strength and permeability which cannot be ascribed to the sum of the individual pebbles. T h is second operation is carried out by certain substances dissolved in water (such as silica or hematite, in t h e case o f sandstones) w h ic h penetrate the sediment through the pores between pebbles. As t h is percolating solution crystallizes, it consolidates the pebbles' temporary spatial relations into a more or less permanent "arch itectonic" structure .B1 Thus, a double operation, a "double articulation" transforms st ructures on one scale into structures on anot her scale. I n t h e model proposed by Deleuze and Guattari, these two operations constitute an engineering dia­ gram and so we can expect to find isomorp h i c processes (that is, t h is same "abstract machine of stratification") not only in t h e world of geology but in t h e organic and huma n worlds as wel1.82 For example, according to neo-Darwinians, species form through the slow accumulation of genetic materials and t h e adaptive anatomical and be havioral traits t h at those

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genetic materials yield when combined with nonlinear dynamical processes (such as the interaction of cells du ring the development of an embryo). Genes, of course, do not merely deposit at random b u t are sorted o u t by a variety of selection press ures, including climate, the action of predators and parasites, and the effects of male or female choice d uring mating. Thus, in a very real sense, genetic materials "sediment" j ust as pebbles do, even if the nonlinear dynamical system that performs the sorting operation is completely di fferent in detail. Fu rthermore, these loose col­ lecti ons of genes can (like accumu lated sand) be lost under drastically changed conditions (su ch as the onset of an ice age) u nless they consoli­ date. This second operation is performed by "reproductive isolation" : when a given su bset of a population becomes mechanically or genetically incapable of mating with the rest. Reproductive isolation acts as a "ratchet mechanism" that conserves the accumulated adaptation and makes i t impossible for a given population t o "de-evolve" all t h e way back t o uni­ cellular organisms. Through selective accumulation and isolative consoli­ dation, individual animals and plants come to form a larger-scale entity : a new species.83 We also find these two operations (and hence, this abstract diagram) in the formation of social classes. We talk of "social strata" whenever a given society presents a variety of differentiated roles to which individuals are denied eq u al access, and when a su bset of those roles (to which a ruling elite alone has access) involves the control of key energy and mate­ rial resources. While role differentiation may be a spontaneous effect of an intensification in the flow of energy through society (e.g. , when a Big Man in prestate societies acts as an intensifier of agric ult u ral produc­ tion84), the sorting of those roles into ranks on a scale of prestige involves specific group dynamics. I n one model, for instance, members of a grou p who have acq u ired preferential access t o some roles begin t o acq u ire the power to control fu rther access to them, and within these domi nant groups criteria for sorting the rest of society into s u bgroups begin to crystallize.85 Even though most cult u res develop some rankings of this type, not in all soci eties do these rankings become an auto n o m o us dimension of social organization. In many societies differentiation of the elites is not extensive (they do not form a center while the rest of the population forms an ex­ clu ded periphery), s u rpluses do not accumulate (they may, for instance, be destroyed in ritual feasts), and primordial relations (of kin and local alliances) tend to preva il. Hence, for social classes or castes to become a separate entity, a second operation is necessary beyond the mere sorting of people into ranks: the informal sorting criteria need to be given a theo­ logical interpretation and a legal definition, and the elites need to become

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t h e g u a rd i a n s a n d bearers of the n ewly i nstituti o n a l i zed traditi o n , that is, t h e l egiti m i ze rs of c h a nge and d e l i n e ators of the l i m its of i n n ovati o n . I n s h o rt, to tra n sfo r m a loose r a n ked accu m u l atio n of traditio n a l roles (and criteria of access to t hose rol e s) i n to a soc i a l c l a ss, t h e l atte r needs to become co n so l i d ated via t h eo logical and l egal cod i ficati o n . 86 No d o u bt, t h i s c h a racte rization of t h e p ro cess t h ro ugh w h i c h soc i a l strata e m e rge is somewhat s i m p l i fi e d ; eve n geo logical strata a re m ore com p l i­ cated t h a n t h i s. (For exa m ple, they grow n ot o n ly t h ro u g h se d i m e n tatio n but a l so t h ro u g h accretio n a n d e n croachme nt. Species a n d soc i a l c l asses m ay also i n volve t h ese m ec h a n isms.) But I wi l l reta i n h e re the s i m pl ified d i agram fo r its h e u ristic val u e : sed i m e ntary rocks, s pecies, and soci a l classes (a n d o t h e r i n stitu ti o n a l ized h i e ra rc h ies) a re a l l h isto rical co n struc­ t i o n s , t h e p rod u ct of d efi n ite structu re-ge n e rat i n g p rocesses that take as t h e i r sta rt i n g po i n t a hete rog� ne o u s co l l ect i o n of raw mate r i a l s (pebbles, ge nes, rol es), h o moge n i ze t hem t h ro ugh a so rti ng operatio n , a n d t h e n co n s o l i d ate the res u l t i n g u n i fo rm gro u pi ngs i nto a m o re perma n e nt state . T h e h i e ra rc h ies to w h i c h I h ave refe rred t h ro u g h o u t t h i s c h a pter a re a special case of a m o re ge n e ra l cl ass of struct u res, stratified syste ms, to w h i c h n ot o n ly h u m a n b u rea u cracies a n d biological species belo ng, but a l so sed i m e ntary rocks. (And all t h i s without metaphor.) W h at about m e s h wo rks? D e l e uze and G u atta ri offe r a hypoth etical d i agra m fo r this type of str u ct u re, too , but its e l e m e nts a re n ot as stra ight­ forward as t h ose i nvolved i n t h e formati o n of strata. Pe r h a ps t h e most­ stu d i e d typ e of m e s hwork is t h e " a u tocatalytic l o o p , " a cl osed c h a i n of c h e m ical p rocesses, which m u st be d i sti ngu i s h e d fro m the s i m ple self­ sti m u l ati ng dyn am ics to w h i c h I refe rred m a ny t i mes i n my d escri pti o n of t u r b u l e n t u rb a n growth . U n l i ke si m p l e autocata lysis, a closed loop d i s p l ays n ot o n ly s e l f-sti m u lati o n b u t a l so sel f-m a i n te n a n ce ; t h at is, it l i n ks a se ries of m u t u a l ly sti m u l ati ng p a i rs i nto a stru ctu re t h at rep rod u ces as a w h o l e . T h e p hysical basis for e i t h e r s i m p l e o r com pl e x se l f-sti m u l at i o n a re cat­ a lysts, t hat is, c h e m i ca l s u bsta nces capable of " recognizi ng" a m o re o r less s pecific mate r i a l a n d a lte r i n g t hat m ate r i a l 's m o l e c u l a r state so t h at it n ow reacts with ce rta i n s U bstances with w h i c h it wou ld n ot n o rm a l ly react. T h i s act of recog n i ti o n is n ot, of co u rse, a cogn i ti ve act b u t o ne effected t h ro ug h a l oc k-a n d- key m e c h a n i s m : a po rtio n of t h e cata lytic m o l e c u l e fits o r m e s hes with a po rt i o n of the ta rget m o l ec u l e , c h a n gi n g its i nte r n a l struct u re so t h at it beco mes m o re o r less receptive t o yet a n ot h e r s u bsta nce. I n t h i s way, the cata lyst provokes a meetin g of two s ubstances, fac i l itati n g (o r i n h i biti ng) t h e i r reactio n a n d , t h e refo re, t h e

accu m u l atio n (o r decu m u l ati o n ) of t h e p ro d u cts of t h at reactio n . U nd e r speci a l co n d iti o n s , a s e t of t hese p ro cesses m ay form a c l osed l o o p ,

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w h e re the p rod u ct t h at a cc u m u l ates d u e to the acce l e ratio n of o n e reac­ tion serves as t h e catalyst fo r yet a n oth e r reacti o n , w h i c h i n t u r n ge n e r­ ates a p rod u ct t h at cata lyzes t h e fi rst o n e . H e nce, the loop beco m e s self-s u sta i n i ng fo r as l o n g as its e n v i ro n m e n t co nta i n s e n o u g h r a w m ate­ rials fo r t h e c h e m ical reactio n s to p roceed . H u m be rto lV1 at u ra n a a n d Fran cisco Va rel a , p i o n eers i n t h e st udy of a u tocata lytic loops, d i sti ngu i s h two ge n e ra l c h a racte ristics of t h ese cl osed c i rc u its: t hey a re dyn a m ical system s t hat e n doge n o u s ly ge n e rate t h e i r own stable states (ca l led " attracto rs" or "eige n states" ), a nd t h ey grow a n d evo lve by drift.87 T h e fi rst c h a racteristic m ay be o bserved i n certa i n c h e m ical reactio n s i n vo l v i n g a u tocatalys i s (as we l l a s c ross-cata­ lysis) w h i c h fu n ction as ve rita ble "chem ical clocks," t h at is, the accu­ m u l ati o n s of m aterials from t h e reacti o n s a lte rn ate at perfectly regular intervals. I f we i m agi n e each of t h e two s u bsta n ces i n volved as hav i n g

a defi n ite col o r (say, r e d a nd bl u e ) , t h e i r co m bi n ation wo u l d n ot res u lt i n a p u rple l i q u i d (as we wou ld expect from m i l l io n s of m o l ec u l es com­ bi n i ng at r a n d o m) b ut in a rhyt h m ic reaction with states in which mostly blue m o l ec u les accu m u l ate fol l owed by states in which m ostly red m o l e­ c u les a re p rod uced. T h i s rhyt h m i c b e h avio r is n ot i m posed o n t h e sys­ tem from the o u ts i d e but ge n e rated spo nta n e o u sly from wit h i n (vi a a n attractor). 88 The seco n d c h a racteristic m e ntio n ed by M at u r a n a a n d Va rel a , growt h by d ri ft, m ay be expl a i n ed as fol l ows: i n t h e s i m p l est a u tocata lytic loops t h e re a re o n ly two reacti o n s , each p rod u ci ng a catalyst fo r t h e oth e r. B u t o n ce t h i s basic two-n od e n etwo rk establ i s h es itself, n ew nodes m ay i nsert t h e mselves i n to t h e mesh as l o n g as t h ey do n ot jeopard ize its i nte r n a l co n siste n cy. T h us, a new c h e m ical rea cti o n m ay a p pear ( u s i ng previou sly n egl ected raw m ate r i a l s o r eve n waste p rod u cts from t h e o rigi­ nal l oo p) t h at cata lyzes o n e of the o rigi n a l rea ct i o n s a nd i s cata lyzed by the ot h e r, so that the loop n ow beco mes a t h re e- n od e n etwo rk. T h e meshwork has n ow grow n , but i n a d i recti o n t h a t is, fo r a l l p ractica l p u r­ poses, " u n p l a n n ed . " A new node (wh i c h j u st h a ppens to satisfy some i nte r n a l co n s i ste n cy req u i re m e n ts) i s added a nd t h e loop co m p l exifies, yet precisely beca use t h e o n ly c o n stra i n ts w e re i ntern a l , t h e c o m p l exifi ca­ tion does n ot take place in order for the loop as a w h o l e to m eet so m e exte r n a l d e m a n d (su c h a s adapti ng to a s pecific situ ati o n ). T h e s u rro u n d­ i n g e nv i ro n m e n t, as sou rce of raw m ate r i a l s , certa i n ly co n stra i n s t h e growth of t h e mes hwo rk, but m o re i n a p roscri ptive w a y (wh at n ot to d o) t h a n i n a p rescr i ptive o n e (w hat to d o). 89 The q u esti o n n ow is w h et h e r we ca n d e rive from e m p i rical stu d ie s of m es hwork be h av i o r a struct u re-ge n e rati n g p ro cess t h at is a bstract

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e n o u g h to o pe rate i n t h e wo rlds of geology, biology, a nd h u m a n society. I n t h e model proposed by De l e uze a n d G u atta ri, t h e re a re t h ree e l e­ me nts i n t h i s d i ag ra m . F i rst, a set of heteroge n e o u s e l e m e nts is b rought toget h e r v i a a n articulation of s uperpositions, t h at i s , a n i nte rco n n ectio n of d iverse b u t ove r l a p p i ng e l e me n ts. ( I n the case of a utocatalytic l oops, t h e nodes i n t h e c i r c u it a re joi ned t o each other b y t h e i r functional comple­ m en tarities. ) Seco n d , a spec i a l class of o pe rato rs, or intercalary elements,

is needed to effect these i nterco n necti o n s . ( I n o u r case, t h i s i s the role p l ayed by catalysts, w h i c h i n sert t hemselves betwee n two oth e r c h e m i ca l su bsta nces t o faci l itate t h e i r i n te racti o n . ) F i n a l ly, t h e i nter locked h ete ro­ ge n e ities m u st be ca p a b l e of e ndoge n o u sly ge n e rati ng sta b l e patte r n s of be havio r (fo r exa m p l e , patte r n s at reg u l a r tem po ra l or spat i a l i ntervals).90 I s it possi b l e to fi n d i nsta n ces of t h ese th ree e l e m e nts i n geologica l , bio­ logica l , a n d soc i a l str u ct u res? I g n eo u s rocks (su c h as gran ite) a re fo rmed in a p rocess rad i ca l ly d i f­ fe re nt fro m sed i m e n tatio n . G ra n ite fo rms d i rectly o u t of cool i ng magma, a visco u s fl u i d co m posed o f a d ive rsity o f molte n mate r i a l s . Each of these l i q u i d com p o n e nts h as a d iffere nt t h res h o l d of c rysta l l i zati o n ; that is, each u n d e rgoe s t h e bifu rcatio n toward i ts sol i d state at a d iffe rent critical poi nt in te m pe rat u re . As t h e magma coo l s dow n , its d iffe rent e l e m e nts separate a s t hey c rysta l l ize in seq u e nce, and t hose t h at sol i d i fy earl i e r serve as c o n ta i n e rs fo r t hose t h at a cq u i re a crystal fo rm l ater. T h e res u lt is a co m p l ex set of h eterogen eo u s crystals that interlock with o n e a n ot h e r, a n d t h i s is what gives gra n ite its su perio r stre n gt h . 91 T h e seco n d e l e m e n t i n t h e d i agra m , i nterca l a ry o pe rato rs, i n cl u des, in a d d i t i o n to cata lytic su bstan ces, a nyth i n g t h at bri ngs a bo u t l ocal a rtic­ u latio n s from wit h i n - " d e n sifi cati o n s , i nte nsificati o n s , re i n fo rceme nts, i njecti o n s , s howe ri ngs, l i ke so m a ny i n te rcalary events."92 The react i o n s betwe e n l i q u id magma a n d t h e wa l l s of a n a l ready crysta l l ized com po­ n e nt, n u c leatio n eve n ts wit h i n the l iq u id w h i c h i n itiate the n ext c rysta l l iza­ tio n , a n d eve n certa i n "defects" i n side the crysta l s (ca l l ed " d i s l ocatio ns") w h i c h prom ote growth from wit h i n , are all exa m p l es of i ntercalary e l e­ me nts. F i n a l ly, some c h e m ica l reactio n s wit h i n t h e magma may a l so ge n ­ e rate e n d oge n o u s sta b l e states. W h e n a reaction l i ke t h e o ne i n vo lved i n c h e m ical clocks i s n o t sti rre d , t h e tem po ra l i nte rvals ge n e rated beco me spati al i nterva l s, form i ng beautiful s p i ra l a n d co ncentri c-ci rcl e patte r n s t h at ca n be o bse rved i n froze n f o r m i n some ign e o u s rocks.93 T h u s, gra n ite (as m u c h as a f u l ly formed a utocatalytic l o o p) is a n i n sta n ce o f a meshwork, o r, i n t h e terms u se d b y D e l e u ze a n d G u attari, a self-consistent aggregate. U n l i ke M atu ra n a a n d Va rel a , w h o hold that t h e

q u a l ity of self-co n si stency exi sts o n ly i n t h e biological a n d l i nguistic worlds,

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Dele uze a n d G u atta ri a rg u e t h a t "co ns iste n cy, fa r fro m bei ng restri cted to com p l ex l i fe fo rms, f u l ly p e rta i ns eve n to the most e l e m e nta ry ato ms and particl es. "94 T h e refore we m ay say that m uc h as h i e ra rc h i es (o rga n i c o r socia l ) a re s peci a l cases o f a m o re a bstract c lass, strata , so a u tocat­ a lyti c l oops a re s peci a l cases o f se l f-co n s i ste nt aggregates. And m u c h as strata a re defi ned as an a rti c u lati o n of h o m oge n eo u s e l e m e nts, w h i c h n e i t h e r excl u d e s n o r req u i res t h e specific featu res of h i erarchies (s u c h as h avi ng a chain o f co m m a n d ) , so self-co n siste nt aggregates a re d e fi ned by t h e i r a rticu l ation o f hete roge n e o u s e l eme nts, which n e i t h e r excl u d e s n o r req u i res t h e specific featu res of a utocata lytic l o o p s (su c h as growt h b y d rift o r i n te r n a l a u to n o my). Let's n ow give so m e biological a n d cu l­ t u ra l exa m ples o f the way in w h i c h the d ive rse may be a rti c u l ated as s u c h v i a self-co n siste n cy. A speci es (or m o re p recise ly, t h e ge n e pool of a species) i s a p r i m e exa m p l e of a n o rga n ic stratified str u ctu re. S i m i l a rly, a n ecosystem re p re­ se nts t h e biological rea l izat i o n of a self-co n siste nt aggregate. W h i l e a species m ay be a very h o m oge n e o u s stru ctu re (especia l ly if s e lectio n pressu res h ave d ri ve n m a ny ge nes t o fixat i o n ) , a n ecosystem l i n ks toget h e r a wide vari ety of h ete roge n e o u s e l e m e nts (a n i ma l s a n d p l a n ts of d ifferent s peci es), w h i c h a re a rticu l ated t h ro u g h i nte rlock, t h at is, by t h e i r fu n cti o n a l co m p l e m e ntarities. Given t hat t h e m a i n featu re of a n ecosystem is t h e c i rc u l atio n of e n e rgy a n d m atte r i n t h e fo rm o f foo d , t h e com pl e m e nta rities i n q u estio n a re a l i m e nta ry: p rey-pred ato r o r p a ra­ site- host a re two of the m ost co m m o n fu n ct i o n a l co u pl i ngs in food webs. Symbiotic relations can a ct as i nte rca l a ry e l eme nts, a i d i n g the p rocess of

b u i l d i ng food webs (an o bvio u s exa m p l e : the bacte ri a t h at l ive in t h e g u t s of m a ny a n i m a l s , w h i c h a l l ows t hose a n i m a ls to d i gest t h e i r food ).95 S i n ce food webs a lso p rod u ce e n doge no u s ly ge n e rated sta b l e states, a l l t h ree co m p o n e nts of the a bstract d iagram wou ld seem to be rea l ized in t h is exa m p l e . 96 We h ave a l ready o bse rved several exa m ples of c u l t u r a l mes hworks which also fit our descri pti o n o f se l f-co nsistent aggregates. T h e s i m p l est case is that of s m a l l -town m a rkets . I n m a ny c u ltu res, wee k ly m a rkets h ave been the traditi o n al meeti n g p la ce fo r peo ple with h ete roge n eo u s needs. M atc h i n g, o r i nte rlocki n g, peo p l e wit h co m pl e m e ntary needs a nd d e m a n d s is a n o perat i o n t h at is perfo rmed a utomatica l ly by t h e price mecha n is m . (P rices tra n s m i t i n fo rmati o n a bo u t t h e re l ative m o n etary va l u e of d iffe re n t p rod u cts a n d create i n centives to buy a n d se l l . ) As H e rbert S i m o n o bserves, t h is i nter l ocki n g of p rod u cers and co n s u m e rs co u l d i n pri n c i p l e be pe rfo rm ed by a h i e ra rc hy, b u t m a rkets "avoid placing on a central p l a n n i ng m e c h a n ism a b u rd e n of calcu l ation t hat

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s u c h a m ec h a n i s m , howeve r we l l b u ttressed by t h e l a rgest co m p ute rs, co u l d not s u sta i n . [ M a rkets] co nse rve i n fo rmatio n a n d calc u l ation by m a k i n g it poss i b le to assign d ecisio n s to the acto rs who a re most l i kely to possess t h e i n fo rmati o n (most of it local in o rigin) t h a t is re levant to those decis i o n s . "97 Of co u rse, fo r t h i s m e c h a n ism to wor k p rices m u st set themselves, a n d t h e refo re w e m u st i m agi n e t h at t h e re is n ot a w h o lesa l e r i n town w h o ca n m a n i p u l ate p rices by d u m p i ng l a rge amou nts of a given p rod uct i nto the m a rket (o r by hoard i ng). I n t h e a bsence of p rice m a n i p u l atio n , mo ney (even p ri m itive fo rms of m o n ey, s u c h as salt, s h el l s , o r ciga rettes) fu nct i o n s as a n i nterca l a ry e l e m e nt : w i t h p u re barter, the poss i b i l ity o f two exactly m atc h i n g d e m a n d s me eti ng by c h a n ce is very low; with m o n ey, those cha nce e n cou nters beco m e u n necessary and co m p lementa ry d e m a n d s may fi n d e a c h o t h e r at a d istance , so to speak. Ot h e r i nte rca l a ry e l e m e nts are also n eeded to m a ke m a rkets wo rk. As we h ave re peated ly noted , not j u st material a n d e n e rgetic reso u rces c h a nge h a n d s in a m a rket, prope rty rig hts (t he legal rights to use th ose reso u rces) do too. H e n ce we typica l ly do not have to model s i m p l e exc ha nges but m o re co m plex tra nsactio ns t h at i nvo l ve a host o f o t h e r costs, s u c h a s those i n vo lved in e nfo rci ng agreeme nts. I f t h ese tran saction costs a re too h ig h , t h e ga i n s from tra d e m ay eva po rate. I n s m a l l-town ma rkets, i n fo r m a l co nstrai nts (such as code s o f b e h a v i o r e n fo rced t h ro u g h pee r p ressu re i n de nse social netwo rks) are also n eeded to red uce tra nsact i o n costs and a l l ow the i nterloc k i n g of co m p l e m e nta ry d e m a n d s to take p lace.98 F i n a l ly, m a rkets a l so seem to ge n e rate e n doge n o u s sta ble states, p articu l a rly w h e n com m e rcial towns fo rm trad i ng ci rcu its, a s ca n be seen in the cyclical be havio r of their p rices, and this p rovides u s with t h e t h i rd ele ment of the d i agra m . T h u s , m uch as sed i m e nta ry roc ks, biologica l s pecies, a n d social h i e r­ a rc h i es a re a l l strati fied system s (that is, t h ey a re each t h e h i sto rical p rod uct of a p rocess o f d o u b l e a rticu l ation), s o igneous rocks, ecosys­ te m s , a n d ma rkets a re self-co n s iste nt aggregates, t h e res u lt of t h e com­ i n g toget h e r a n d i nterloc k i n g of hete roge n e o u s e l e m e n ts . And just as t h e d i agram defi n i ng t h e " stratifying a bst ract m a c h i ne" may t u rn out t o req u i re m o re co m p l exity t h a n o u r b a s i c d iagram of a d o u b l e a rticu l at i o n , s o w e m ay o n e d ay d i scov e r (em p i rically o r th ro u g h theo rizi n g a n d com­ puter s i m u l at i o n s) t h at the d i agra m fo r the mes hwork-pro d u c i n g p rocess i n vol ves m o re t h a n the t h ree e l e m e nts o u t l i ned a bove. Mo reov e r, i n rea l i ty w e w i l l always fi n d m ix t u res o f ma rkets a n d h i e ra rc h ies, o f strata and self-co n s i ste nt aggregates . As S i m o n says, it m ay seem p r i m a facie co rrect to say t h at

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whereas ma rkets figu re most p rominently i n coo rd i nating eco n omic activi­ ties i n cap ital ist cou ntries, h i erarchic orga n izati ons play the largest ro le in social ist cou ntries. B ut that is too simple a fo rmula to describe the real ities which always exhi bit a blend of a l l the mechan isms of coo rd i nati o n . The eco nomic u n its in ca pital ist societies are mostly busi n ess firms, which a re themselves hierarc h i c orga n izations, some of e n o rmous size, that make o n ly a modest u se of ma rkets i n thei r i nte rnal fu n ctio n i ng. Co nversely social ist states use ma rket p rices to a growing extent to s u p plement h i e rar­ chic co ntrol in ach ieving i nter-industry coo rdi nati o n . 99 T h e re is o n e fi n a l aspect of m e s h w ork dyn a m i cs I m u st exa m i n e be­ fo re retu rning to our explo rati o n of t h e "geologica l" h i sto r y of h u m a n societi es. We m ay wo n d e r why, give n t h e u b i q u ity o f s e l f-co ns istent aggre­ gates, it seems so h a rd to th i n k a bout t h e str u ctu res that po p u l ate t h e wo rld i n a ny b u t h i erarchical terms . One poss i b l e an swe r i s that stratified st ructu res i n volve the s i m p le st fo rm of causal rela tions, s i m p l e a r rows go i n g fro m cause to effect . lOo Acco rd i ng to M ago ro h M a ruya n a, a pio n e e r i n the stu d y of feed bac k , Weste r n t h o u g ht h a s been d o m i n ated by noti o n s o f l i near ( n o n reci p rocal) ca u s a l ity fo r twe nty-five h u n d red years. I t was not u n til Wo rld Wa r I I t h at the wo rk of N o r m a n Wi e n e r (and e ng i n e e rs i nvo lved in deve l o p i ng rad a r systems) gave rise to t h e study of n egative feedback and with it the begi n n i n g of n o n l i n ear t h i n k i ng. The classic exa m p l e of negative feed back is the t h ermostat. A t h e rmo­ stat co n s i sts of at l e ast two e l e m e nts: a s e n s o r, w h i c h d etects c h anges in a m b i e n t tem pe ratu re, a n d , an effector, a d evice ca p a b l e of c h a nging t h e a m b i e nt temperatu re . T h e two e l e m e nts a re co u p le d in s u ch a way t h at w h e never the se n sor detects a c h ange beyo n d a cert a i n th re s h o l d it ca uses the effecto r to mod ify t h e s u rro u n d i ng tem pe ratu re in the o p po­ site d i recti o n . T h e c a u se-a nd-effect re lati o n , howeve r, is not l i n e a r (from se nsor to effector) s i nce the moment the effecto r ca uses a c h a nge i n the su rro u n d i ng t e m p e ratu re i t t h ereby affects the s u bs eq u e n t b e h avio r of the s e n s o r. I n s h o rt, the causal rel atio n does not fo rm a straight a rrow b u t fol d s b a c k o n its e l f, fo r m i n g a cl osed l o o p . T h e overa l l res u lt o f t h i s ci rc u ­ l a r ca u s a l ity is t h at a m b i e n t t e m p e rat u re is m a i nta i n e d a t a give n l e ve l . M a ruya n a o p poses n egative feed back with " positive feed back" (a fo rm of n o n l i n e a r c a u s a l ity t h at we have al ready e ncou ntered i n t h e fo rm of autocata lysis). W h i le the fi rst typ e of reci p rocal c a u s a l ity was i ncorpo­ rated i nto Weste r n tho u g ht in t h e 1950s, t h e seco nd type h ad to wait a n ot h e r d ecade fo r resea rch e rs l i ke Sta n is l av U l a m , H e i n z Vo n Foe rster, a n d M a ruya n a h i mself to fo r m a l ize a n d d evelop t h e co n ce pt. lOI The t u r­ b u l e n t dynam ics b e h i nd an explosion a re t h e c l e a rest exa m p l e of a sys-

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tem gove r n e d by positive feed back. I n t h i s case t h e ca u s a l l o o p is estab­ l i s h e d between the explosive s u bstance and its tem p e rat u re . The velocity o f an explo s i o n is ofte n d eterm i n ed by the i n ten sity of its tem p e rat u re (t he hotter t h e faste r), b u t beca use t h e explosio n itself ge ne rates he at, the process is s e l f-accel e rati ng. U n l i ke the thermostat, w h e re the arra nge­ m e nt h e l ps to k e e p te m pe ratu re u n d e r co ntro l , h e re positive feed back fo rces tem p e rat u re to go o ut o f co ntro l . Perh a ps beca u se positive fe ed­ back is s e e n as a d e stab i l iz i n g fo rce m a ny observers have t e n d ed to u n d e rva l u e it re l at ive to negative fee d b ac k . ( I n the so-ca l l e d G a i a hypoth­ esis, fo r i n stance, w h e re sta bi l izing negative feed back is postu l ated to exist between l i ving creat u res a n d t h eir en v i ro n me nt, positive feed back is so m et i m e s refe rred to pejo ratively a s " a nti-G a i a n . " )102 M a ruya n a sees t h e q u est i o n in d ifferent te r m s . Fo r h i m t h e pri ncipal c h a racte r i stic o f negative feed back i s its h o moge n i z i n g e ffect: a ny d evia­ tion fro m the tem p e rat u re t h re s h o l d at which the t h ermostat i s set is e l i m i n ated by the loop. N egative fee d back is " d evi atio n-co u nte racti ng." Positive feed back, o n t h e ot h e r h a n d , t e n d s to i n crease h ete rogene ity by b e i n g " d eviatio n -a m p l ifyi ng" : two explosi o n s set off u n d e r s l ightly d iffer­ ent co n d it i o n s wi l l arrive at very d iffe re nt end states, as the s m a l l o rigi n a l d iffe re n ces a re a m p l i fied by t h e l o o p i nto l a rge d iscre p a n cies.103 We have a l ready o b s e rved the m a ny ro l e s t h at positive feed back has p l ayed in t h e t u r b u l e nt h i story of Western town s . H owever, it i s i m p o rtant t o d istingu i s h between s i m p l e a u tocatalyt i c dyn a m ics a n d co m pl e x a u tocatalytic loops, which i n volve n ot o n ly self-stim u l ati o n but self- m a i nte n ance (t hat is, posi­ tive feed b a c k a n d closu re). Anot h er way of stating t h i s d istin ct i o n i s to say t h at the i n crease i n d iversity t h at m ut u a l ly sti m u l at i n g loops bri ng a bo ut w i l l b e s h o rt- l ived u n ­ l e ss t h e h ete roge n e o u s e l e m e nts a re i nte rwoven toget h e r, t h at i s , u n less t h ey co m e to fo rm a mes hwo rk . A s l\Il aruya n a write s, " T h e re a re two ways t h at hete roge ne ity m ay p roceed : t h rough localization a n d t h rough inter­ weaving.

I n loca l ization t h e h ete roge n e ity betwee n l ocal ities i n creases, w h i l e

e a c h loca lity m ay rem a i n o r become homoge n o u s. I n i nterweavi ng, h et­ erogen e ity in each local ity i n creases, w h i l e t h e d iffe re n ce between local ities d ecreases . " 104 I n oth e r wo rds, the d a nge r with positive feed back i s t h at t h e m e re prod u cti o n of h ete rogeneity m ay resu lt in isolat i o n i s m (a h i gh d iversity o f sm a l l c l i q u es , each i nter n a l ly hom oge n eo u s). H e n ce t h e need fo r i nt e rcalary e l e m e nts to aid i n art icu l at i ng this d iv e rsity wit h o u t h o m og­ e n izatio n (wh at M a ruya n a ca l l s "sym biotizat i o n of c u ltu ral heterogen eity"). N egative feed back, as a system of control a n d red u ction of deviati o n , m ay be a p pl i ed t o h u ma n h i erarc h i es . Deci sion m a k i n g i n stratified soci a l struct u res d o e s n ot a l ways p roceed via go a l-d i rected a n a lyti c p l a n n i ng b u t

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often inco r po rates a utom atic m e c h a nis m s of co ntrol simil a r to a th ermo­ stat (o r a n y other d evice ca p a b l e of ge ne rating h o m eostasis). 105 On t h e other h a n d , social m e s hwo rks ( s u c h a s t h e sym biotic nets o f prod u cers w h o m J aco bs d escribes a s e ngaged in vol ati l e trade) m ay be m o d e l e d on positive-feed back loops as long as our model a l so incorpo rates a m e a n s fo r t h e resu lting hete roge n eity to be inte rwove n . Mo reover, s pecific in sti­ tutio n s wi l l likely be mixtu res of bot h types of reciprocal ca u s ality, a n d t h e mixtu res wil l c h a nge over t i m e , al lowing n egative o r positive feed back to d o m i n ate at a given m o ment. 106 T h e q u estio n of m ixt u res s h o u l d be a l so kept in mind w h e n we j u dge t h e rel ative ethical value of t h ese two types of structu re . If t his boo k dis plays a clear bias again st l a rge, ce ntralized hier­ archies, it is o n ly beca use t h e last t h ree h u n d red yea rs h ave wit nessed a n excessiv e accu m u l atio n of stratified systems at t h e expe n se of m es h ­ wo rks. T h e degree of ho moge n eity in t h e wo rld has greatly i n crease d , w hi l e heteroge n eity h as co me t o be s e e n as al most patho logic a l , o r a t least as a p ro b l e m t h at m u st be eliminated . U nd e r the circu m sta n ces, a cal l fo r a m o re d ecentra lized way of o rga n izing h u ma n soci eties s e e m s to reco m ­ m e nd itself. However, it is c r u cia l to avoid t h e faci l e concl u sio n t h at mes hwo rks are in trinsica lly better than hie rarchies (in so m e tra n s ce n d e ntal s e n se). I t is true t h at so m e of the c h a racte ristics of me shwo rks (partic u l a rly t h eir res i l i e n ce and a d a pt a b i lity) m a ke them d esi rable, b u t t h at is eq u a l ly true of ce rtai n c h a racte ristics of hie rarc hies (fo r exam p l e , t h ei r goa l-d i rected ­ n ess). T h e refo re, i t is c r u cial to a v o i d t h e te m ptatio n of coo king u p a n a rrative of h u m a n histo ry in which m es hwo rks a ppear as h e roes a n d hie rarc hies as vil l ain s . Not o n ly d o m e s hwo rks have dyn a mica l p ro perties t h at d o n ot necessa rily b e n efit h u m a nity (fo r exa m p l e , t h ey grow a n d deve l o p b y d rift, a n d t h at d rift n e e d n ot fol low a d i rectio n con siste n t with a society's v a l u es), b u t t h ey m ay co ntain h eteroge n e o u s co m po n e nts t h at a re t h e m se lves in co n sistent with a society's val u es (fo r exa m p l e , ce r­ tai n m e s hwo rks of hie rarchies). Assu ming that h u ma n ity co u l d o n e d ay agree on a set of v a l u es ( o r rat h e r on a way of m e s hing a h eteroge n e o u s co l lectio n of pa rti a l ly dive rge nt v a l u es), fu rt h e r et hical j udgme nts co u l d b e m a d e a bout specific m ixtu res o f ce ntra lized a n d d ece ntra lized co m po­ n e nts in s pecific co n texts , but n ever a bo u t t h e two p u re cases in iso l atio n . T h e co m bin ato ria l possibilities - t h e n u m be r o f possible hybrids of meshwo rks and hierarc hies - a re im m e n se (in a precise tech nical se nse), 10 7 a n d so a n experimental and empirical attit u d e toward t h e pro b l e m wo u l d seem to b e called fo r. I t i s s u re ly im possi b l e to d eter m i n e purely theoreti­ cally

t h e re l ative m e rits of th ese d iverse co m bin atio n s . Rather, in o u r

search fo r via b l e hybrid s w e m u st l oo k fo r ins piration i n as m a ny do m ains

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as poss i b l e . H e re, we have looked to a rea l m t h at wo u l d n o r m a l ly seem o u t of bo u n d s : t h e m i n e ral wo r l d . B ut in a n o n l i n ea r wo rld in which the same basic processes of s e l f-o rga n izat i o n take place i n t h e m i n e ra l , o rga n ic, a n d cu ltu ral s p h e res, p e r h a ps rocks h o l d so m e of t h e keys to u nd e rsta n d i n g sed i m e ntary h u m a n ity, ign eous h u ma n ity, a n d a l l t h e i r m i xt u re s .

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Geologica l History: 1 700-2000 A . D.

P r i o r to t h e e i g h te e n t h c e n ­ t u ry a l l t h e e n e rget i c i n t e n s i ­ f i cat i o n s t h at h u m a n i ty h a d u n d e rta k e n w e re re l at i ve ry s h o rt - l i ve d . T h e i n t e n s i f i e d e x p l o i ta t i o n s of a g r i c u ltu ra l reso u rces w h i c h h a d s u sta i n ed wave a fte r wave of a n c i e n t u rba n i zat i o n we re typ i ca l ly fol l owed by so i l d e p l et i o n o r e ros i o n , b r i n g i n g h u m a n e x pa n s i o n t o a h a l t . Eve n 71

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the m o re re c e n t a cce l e ra t i o n of c i ty b u i l d i n g i n E u ro p e at the tu r n of the m i l l e n n i u m , whi ch a d d e d co m m e rc i a l a n d p roto- i n d u st r i a l po s i t i ve fe e d b a c k to the p roces s , was fo l ­ l ow e d by a l o n g d e p res s i o n . The f i rst i n te n s i ­ f i ca t i o n t o esca p e t h i s cyc l i ca l d e st i ny, b e g i n ­ n i n g rou gh l y i n the yea r 1700, was b a s e d o n t h e b u r n i n g of e n e rgy- r i c h o re . Coa l i s t h e p ro d u ct o f o n e o f seve ra l typ e s o f m i n e ra l i z a ­ t i o n t h at o rga n i c m a tte r ca n u n d e rgo . W h e n the c o r p s e s o f p l a nts a n d a n i m a l s a cc u m u ­ l a te u n d e r wate r i n the a b s e n ce of oxyge n , the m i c ro o rga n i s m s t h at wou l d n o r m a l ly re m ­ i n e ra l i ze t h e m a n d re cyc l e the m i n the ecosyste m ca n n ot o p e rate ; he n c e these d e p o s its do n ot rot. I n stea d , they a re co m ­ p res s e d , ca r bo n - e n r i che d , a n d eve n t u a l ly pet­ r i f i e d . A l tho u g h s eve ra l a n c i e n t soc i et i es h a d m a d e u s e o f the s e roc k s , E n g l a n d w a s the f i rst c i v i l i z a t i o n to s u b m i t co a l d e pos i ts to i n t e n s e ex p l o i ta t i o n , c reat i n g t h e p r i n c i pa l f l ow of n o n hu m a n e n e rgy w i t h whi ch t o fu e l its i n d u st r i a l revo l ut i o n . Thi s n e w i n te n s i f i cat i o n ha d d ra m at i c co n ­ s e q u e nces fo r the p o p u l at i o n of tow n s a n d c i t i e s of E u ro p e , a s we l l a s for t h e i n st i t u t i o n s tha t i n ha b i ted the m . H e re we w i l l exa m i n e 72

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY: 1700-2000 A.D.

seve ra l of the se c o n s e q u e n c e s , ta k i n g a d va n ­ tage of the n o ve l i n s i ghts o n the o r i g i n s a n d dy n a m i cs of the I n d u st r i a l R evo l u t i o n p rof­ fered by h i sto r i a n s a n d the o r i sts who ha ve a pp l i e d to t h e i r s u bj e ct co n c e pts borrowed fronl n onl i n e a r sc i e n ce . I n pa rt i c u l a r, he re t h e r i s e of the " i n d u st r i a l a ge " w i l l n ot b e v i e w e d a s t h e res u l t of hu m a n s o c i ety ha v i n g reach e d a n ew " sta ge of d eve l o p m e n t" (a n e w m o d e o f p ro d u ct i o n ) o r o f its ha v i n g c l i m b e d fu rt h e r u p the l a d d e r o f p rogres s , b u t , rathe r, a s the c ross i n g of a b i f u rcat i o n whe re p rev i o u s a u to ­ cata lyt i c dy n a m i cs (s u b j e ct t o n e gat i ve fe e d ­ b a c k) ca m e to f o r m a s e l f- s u sta i n i n g a u to cat­ a lyt i c l o o p . M o re ove r, t e ch n o l ogy wo n't b e v i e w e d a s evo l v i ng i n a st ra i ght l i n e , a s i f t h e a d v e n t o f stea m powe r a n d fa cto ry p rod u ct i o n w e re t h e i n ev i ta b l e o u tco nl e of t h e evo l u t i o n of m a chi n e s . O n the co n t ra ry, m a ss p ro d u ct i o n tec h n i q u es i n a l l the i r f o r m s w e re o n ly o n e a l te r n a t i ve a m o n g seve ra l , and the fa ct t h at they ca m e to d o m i n a te the d eve l o p m e n t of n ew m a c h i n e ry i s i ts e l f i n n e e d of ex p l a n a ­ t i o n . O u r i n vest i gat i o n of the i n te n s i f i cat i o n s t h at fo ss i l fu e l s m a d e p o s s i b l e b eg i n s w i t h ste a m powe r a n d m oves o n to e l e ct r i c i ty, 73

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w h i c h fo rmed t h e basis fo r a seco n d i n d u strial revo l ut i o n in o u r own cen­ t u ry. Both coal and ste a m , a n d lat e r o i l and el ect ric ity, greatly a ffected t h e fu rt h e r d ev e l o p m e nt of Weste rn towns, a n d , as u s u a l , once t h e m i n­ e ral ized i n frastruct u re of t h ose tow n s , a n d t h e i n stituti o n s wit h i n t h e m , h ad regi ste red t h e effects of t h ese i nten sificatio ns, t h ey reacted b a c k o n t h e e n e rgy flows t o co nst ra i n t h e m , e i t h e r i n h i b i t i n g t h e m or fu rth e r i nte n sify i n g t h e m . Although E u rope u nd e rwent a l o n g pe riod of rel atively slow eco n o m i c growt h afte r 1300, t h e pop u lation o f Eu ropean tow n s n o n et h e l ess u n d e r­ went sign i ficant cha nge . The l o n g d e pression h a d acted l i ke a "so rti n g device , " e l i m i n at i n g m a ny tow n s o n t h e lowe r ra n k s of C e n t r a l P l a ce h i e r­ a rch ies a n d co ncent rati ng growt h at t h e top. Co n seq u ently, t h e co m m a n d e l e m e nt in t h e m i x h ad i n creased (as had its degree of ho m oge n izati o n , d qe to t h e a bso rpt i o n of cities a n d t h e i r regi o n s i nto n ation-states). T h e re latively few n ew E u ro pean cities t h at were bo rn between 1 300 a n d 1800 were p l a n n e d cities ( u s u a l ly port cities created by central gove rn­ m e nts in o rd e r to e n t e r t h e great m a ritime races). F o r exa m p l e , between 1660 a n d 1 7 1 5 , t h e F re n c h h i e ra rch ies u nd e r Lou is X I V cre ated a strate­ gic n etwo r k of co m m e rc i a l and m i l itary po rt cities - B rest, Lorie nt, Roc h e­ fo rt, a n d Sete - each o n e p l a n n e d "to p l ay a specific role i n t h e gove r n m e nt's pol itico- m i l itary st rategy fo r sea-power. " 108 By co ntrast, i n t h e 1800s the intense circ u l ati o n of coal e n e rgy gave rise to a far greater n u m be r of new ( m i n i n g and facto ry) towns, m ost of w h i c h grew s po n ta n e o u s ly, n ot to say chaotical ly. T h i s was the case, for exa m p l e , in the R u h r regi o n , w h ic h wou l d l ater beco m e the ce nter of Ger­ m a n he avy i n d u stry, a n d in L a n cas h i re, t h e heart of i n d u st ri a l B rita i n . I n t h ese two regio n s, a n d ot h e rs, m i l l s, m i n i ng centers, a n d m eta l l u rgica l co m plexes m u s h ro o m ed eve ryw h e re , u n regu l ated a n d h a v i n g no system­ atic rel at i o n s with one a n ot h e r. Some older citi es, s u c h as Liverpool and M a n c h este r, grew e n o rmou sly (one beco m i ng the gateway, the oth e r the capital of t h e regio n), wh i le a m u ltitu d e of new town s sprang u p a rou nd t h e m : Bolto n , B u ry, Stockport, P resto n , B l ack b u r n , B u rn ley. As t h ese co al-fu e l e d tow n s d evou red the cou ntryside a n d grew i nto each ot h e r, t h ey fo r m e d h u ge con urbatio ns: extremely de nse b u t wea kly centra l ized u rb a n regi o n s prod u ced by acce l e rated i n d u st r i a l izati o n . I n the words of H o h e n berg and Lees: The best exam ples of the transforming power of ra pid i n d u strial growth are to be fo u n d in the coal-m i n i ng regio ns. There the explosive co nce ntrated effects of . . . modern eco n o m i c cha nge can be seen in p u re fo rm . Since coal was needed to ru n the engines and smelt the o res, facto ries and fu r-

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naces te nded to locate very near coal s u p p l ies or in places where th ey had good access to t ransportatio n . As deman d skyrocketed, m i n ing areas with the i r expa n d i ng n u mber of p its, wo rkshops and new firms attracted new wo rke rs . . . . Both h i gh ferti l ity and migratio n bred an extreme d e n sity of settlement, which soo n s u rpassed anyt h i ng that the proto- i n d u strial era had known . These coal ba sins grew by a kind of regio n a l im plos i o n , whereby a r u ra l m i l ie u crystal l ized i nto a d e n sely u rban on e. lOg Th ese n ew towns wo u l d soo n be i n h a b ited by an i n d u st ry t h at was u n ­ d o u bted ly m o re co m p lex t h a n anyt h i ng h u m a nity h ad seen befo re . A n d yet, a s H o h e n b e rg a n d Lees re m i n d u s, i t w a s n ot a s i f soci ety as a w h o l e had reached a n ew stage a n d every region now moved i n loc kstep towa rd th is type of i n d u strializatio n . Not o n ly were t h e re regi o n s t h at i n d u strial ized in a d i fferent way, but sti l l oth e rs u n d e rwent rad ical d e i n d u strial izati o n . I n d u strial dev elo pme nt i s l i ke bio logi cal evo l u ti o n , w h i c h not o n ly lacks a ny progressive d i rect i o n , it does not eve n have a co n s i st e n t d rive towa rd co m p lexificati o n : w h i le some s pecies co m p lexity, ot h e rs s i m p l i fy. liD I n both cases, a vari ety of p rocesses res u lt in accu m u l at i o n s of com­ pl exity in so m e a reas, d e accu m u l atio ns i n ot h e rs , a n d the coexiste nce of d iffe re nt types of accu m u l ated co m p lex ity. The l a rge-sc a l e , co ncentrated i n d u stry of coal-fu e l e d town s re presented o n ly one poss i b l e d i rect i o n fo r t h e co m p l exificatio n of tec h nol ogy. A reas t h at i n d u stri a l ized m o re slowly a n d m a i nt a i ned t h e i r ties to tra d it i o n a l craft s ki l l s d eveloped methods of prod u ct i o n t h at were s cattered a n d small i n sca l e b u t h i g h ly sop h i sti­ cated , wit h a co m plex d iv i s i o n of l a bo r and a h ig h d egree of m a r ket i n­ volve m e n t . "Whet h e r o n e looks at Swiss cotto ns a n d watc h e s , at text i l e s i n Pied m o nt a n d t h e Vosges , o r a t m eta lwa res i n central G e r m a ny t h e p i c­ t u re is t h e s a m e : u pl a n d v a l l eys fas h io n i ng an e n d u r i n g i n d u st r i a l posi­ tion wit h o u t ever t u r n i ng th e i r backs on t h e p roto- i n d u stri a l he ritage . " lli T h u s , t h e re were at least two stab l e t rajecto ries fo r t h e evol u t i o n of i n d u stry, p roceed i ng at d iffe rent speed s and i nte nsities: l a rge-sc a l e , e n e rgy- i n ten sive i n d u stry a n d s m a l l-sca le, s k i l l-inte n sive i n d u stry. W h i le t h e fo r m e r gave rise to fu nctio n a l ly ho moge n eou s tow n s, in m a ny cases control l ed by t h e i r i n d u st r i a l h i e ra rc h i es (t he facto ry tow n), the latte r was h o u se d i n s m a l l settl e m e nts, with a more hete roge n e o u s s et of eco­ n o m i c f u n ctions and less co ncentrated co ntro l . A n t i m a rket i nstituti o n s took over o n ly one type of i n d u stry, t h at w h i c h , l i ke t h e mselves, w a s based on eco n o m ies of scale. Bes i d es d i ffe r i n g i n t h e propo rt i o n of m e s hwork a n d h i e ra rc hy i n t h e i r m ixes, t h ese tow ns a l so varied i n terms o f t h e fo rm o f t h e i r expa n s i o n . T h e ra p i d , v i o l e nt growt h o f coa l-fu e l ed cities, w h i c h expa n d ed i nto t h e

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cou ntrys i de with tota l d i srega rd fo r p revious l a n d- u se p atte r n s, co ntrasts with t h e way in w h i c h t h e smal l tow n s t hat ho u se d d ecentral ized i n d u s­ tries m e s h e d with t h e i r ru ral s u rro u n d i ngs. ll2 A lt h o u g h a l l town s te n d to d o m i n ate t h e i r cou ntrysides, i nd u stri a l tow n s i nte n s i fied t h i s exploitati o n . As t h e bi ogeogra p h e r I a n G . S i m m o n s h a s n oted , u rban eco n o m ies based o n coa l h ad a h ost of h id d e n costs - from the vast a m o u nts of d iverted wate r t h ey used to the d e p ress i o n s, cracks, a n d s i n k h oles that co n t i n ued to fo rm l o ng afte r m i n i ng h ad sto p ped - a n d t h e s u rrou n d i ng rural a reas bo re t h e brunt of t hose ecological costs. 1l3 S i m m o n s v iews cities a s ve rita b l e transfo rm e rs of m atte r a n d e n e rgy: to s u sta i n t h e expa n s i o n of t h e i r exoskeleto n , t h ey extract from t h e i r su r­ ro u n d i n gs s a n d , grav e l , sto n e , a n d brick, as w e l l as t h e fu e l n eed ed to co n ve rt t h ese i nto b u i l d i ngs. H e n otes that, l i ke any system ca pable of sel f­ o rga n i zatio n , cities a re open (or d i ssi pative) syste ms, with m atte r-e n e rgy flowi ng i n a n d o u t conti n u o u sly. A nd t h i s is a l l t h e m o re true for n i n etee nth­ centu ry i n d u strial tow n s . Besides t h e raw m ate r i a l s n eed ed to m a i nta i n t h e i r m i n eral izati o n , these towns n ee d ed t o i n pu t fl ows of i ro n o res, l i me­ sto n e , water, h u m a n l a b o r, a nd coa l , as we l l as to o u t p u t oth e r flows (so l id waste, sewage, m a n u fa ct u red goods) . R u ra l a reas a bso rbed some of t h e n ox i o u s o utputs, w h i l e t h e i n p u ts bega n t o co m e fro m fart h e r a n d fart h e r away, p a rticu l a rly as gro u ps of c o a l tow n s coalesced i nto co n u rbatio n s. These l i n ks to faraway s u p ply reg i o n s , p l u s t h e l ac k of syste matic re lati o n s betwee n servi ces a n d s ize of sett l e m e nts, p l aced these tow n s with i n t h e N etwo rk system rat her t h a n wit h i n the Central P l a ce h i e rarchies.1l4 W h at m a d e t h ese u rb a n ce n te rs s pecia l , h oweve r, was n ot so m u ch t h e m atte r-e n e rgy flows t h at trav e rsed t h e m , but t h e w a y i n w h i c h th ose f l ows beca m e amplified. H e n ce , a rgues S i m m o n s, w h i le coal u sed for i ro n s m e lti ng was exp l oited with i n crea s i n g i nte n sity s i n ce 1709, i t was n ot u nti l t h e n i n etee n t h centu ry, w h e n t h e ste a m e n gi ne h ad matu red , that i n d u strial takeoff occ u rre d : "A small a m o u n t of coa l i n vested in such an engi n e was t h e cata lyst for t h e p rod u cti o n of e n e rgy a n d mate r i a l s on a n ever l a rge r sca l e . " 1l5 In all d iss i p ative system s , e n e rgy m ust be p u t i n befo re a ny s u r p l u ses ca n b e ta ke n out. Even t h o u g h a n i n d u strial town had to i nvest m o re e n e rgy t h a n p rev i o u s u rban ce n te rs, it extracted greate r s u rp l u ses per u n it of e n e rgy. Basical ly, it u sed certa i n flows of e n e rgy to a m p l i fy ot h e r flows. F u rt h e r m o re, t hese positive-feed back l i n ks betwee n flows bega n to form c l osed ci rcu its: a n ti m a rket m o n ey fl owed i nto m i n i n g regio n s a n d i nte n si f i ed coal extract i o n a n d i ro n p rod u ctio n , w h i c h triggered a flow o f m ec h a n ical e n e rgy (steam), w h i c h i n tu rn trigge red a flow of cotto n tex­ ti les, w h i c h created t h e flow of p rofits t h at f i n a n ced f u rt h e r expe r i m e nta-

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tion with coa l , i ro n , a n d stea m tech n o l ogy. These loops of t rigge rs a n d flows we re be h i n d t h e expl osive u rban growth i n E n g l a n d betwee n 1 750 and 1850. As R i c h a rd N ewbold A d a m s p u ts it, " G reat B rita i n i n this e ra was a great exp a n d i ng d i ss i p ative str u ctu re, co n s u m i ng i n c re a s i n g a m o u nts o f e n ergy. " li6 A n d p reci sely t h ese a u tocata lytic l o o p s we re w h at k e pt t h i s self-o rgan ized str u ct u re go i ng: A trigge r of one e n e rgy form sets off a flow in a noth e r w h i c h , in t u r n , trig­ gers a release of a flow i n the fi rst; the i nsertion of more parties creates a chain of trigger-flow i nteractio n s that m ay go in series, in para l l e l or both . . . . The trigger-flow i nte racti o n s s pecifica l ly create an i nterd e p e n d e nt repro­ d uction a m o ng the partici pati ng d i ssi pative struct u res. It i nterlocks a series of separate ly re prod u ctive systems i nto a s i ngle, i nte ractive re p rod u ctive system . l17

T hese m es hworks of m u tu a l ly su ppo rti ng i n n ovati o n s (co a l - i ro n-steam­ cotto n ) a re we l l k n ow n to h i sto ri a n s of tec h nology. li8 T h ey existed long b efo re t h e n i n etee n t h ce ntu ry (e .g. , the i nte rl ock i ng we b fo rmed by t h e h o rses h oe , t h e h o rse h a rn ess, a n d tri e n n i a l rotat i o n w h i c h w a s be h i n d t h e agri c u ltu ra l i nte n s i fi catio n at t h e tu rn of t h e m i l l e n n i u m), a n d t hey occ u rred afte rward , as in t h e meshwork of o i l , e lectricity, ste e l , a n d syn ­ t hetic mate r i a l s t h at contributed t o t h e seco n d i n d u strial revo l utio n . N o n et h e l ess, a s i m po rta nt a s t hey were, a u to cata lytic loops o f technolo­ gies we re n ot com pl ex e n o ugh to create a self-s u sta i ned i n d u strial take­

off. Befo re t h e 1800s, as we n oted , t hese i n te n sifi cat i o n s ofte n led to d e p l eti o n s of resou rces and d i m i n i s h i n g retu rns. N egative feedback eve n­ t u a l ly c h ecked t h e tu r b u l e n t growt h ge n e rated by positive feed back. B ra u d e l u ses two exa m p l es of e a rly e n cou nters betwe e n a nt i m a r k ets a n d i n d u strial tec h n ol ogy to m a k e t h i s point. I n some I ta l i a n citi es (e.g., M i l a n ) a n d some G e rm a n cities (e.g., Lu beck and Cologne), explosive growt h occ u r red as early as t h e fifteenth centu ry. T h e G e r m a n m i n i ng i nd u stry i n t h e 1470s "sti m u lated a whole series of i n n ovati o n s . . . as w e l l as t he creati o n of m a c h i n e ry, o n a giga ntic sca l e for t h e t i m e , t o p u m p o u t wate r from t h e m i n es a n d t o b ri ng u p t h e o re . " ll9 M i l a n , o n t h e ot h e r ha n d , witnessed a n extra o rd i n a ry i ncrease i n text i l e m a n u fa ct u ri ng, with s o p h i sticated " hyd ra u l i c m a c h i n es . . . to t h row, spi n and m i l l s i l k, with several mech a n i ca l p rocesses a n d rows of s p i n d l e s all t u r n ed by a si ngle wate r-wh e e l . " 120 A l t h o u gh s i m p l e m ut u a l ly sti m u lati n g l i n ks h ad devel­ o ped i n t h ese cities, between m i n i n g a n d l a rge-sca l e c re d it, or b etwee n textile p rofits a nd c o m m e rc i a l ized agri cu ltu re , both i ntensifi catio n s ca m e t o a h a lt i n a few d ecades.

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Eng l a n d h e rs e l f atte m pted an e a rly ta keoff betwe e n 1 5 60 a n d 1640, at a t i m e w h e n , co m p a ratively spe a k i ng, she was a rat h e r ba ckward i n d u st r i a l n atio n . To catc h u p, the B ri ti s h waged a c a m pa ign of i n d u s trial e s p i o n age in I ta ly and i m p o rted G e r ma n , Dutch , a n d I ta l i a n cra fts m e n , t o e ffect a tra nsfe r of k n ow- how a n d m a n u fa ctu ri ng tec h n i q u e s t o t h e i r i s l a n d . 121 O n ce a s k i l l reservo i r h a d b e e n fo r m ed a t h o m e , B ri ti s h a nti­ ma rkets gave i n d u s try a m u ch i n c reased sca l e a n d levels of capital i n ve st­ m e n t reached n ew p e a k s of i n te n s ity. Sti l l , se l f-su stai n ed growt h d id not o ccu r. One possi b l e expl a n atio n i s that a u tocata lytic loops n e ed to a c h i eve a t h re s h o l d o f co m p le xity b e fo re t h ey a cq u i re the resi l i e n ce and ve rsat i l ity n e e d e d to ove rco m e d i m i n i s h i n g ret u r n s . H e n ce , wh at m a d e n i net eent h­ cent u ry E n gl a n d a speci a l p l ace was t h e fo rm ati o n of a m o re co m p l ex, s e l f-m a i n tai n i n g ci rcu i t o f triggers a n d flows w h i c h i n c l u d e d a n u m b e r of oth e r catalyt i c e l e m e n ts in add iti o n to tec h no l ogy and big b u s i n e ss: a nati o n a l m a r ket, a sta b l e b a n k a n d c re d i t syste m , exte n si ve lo ng-d i stance t rad i n g n etwo rks, a grow i n g agric u l t u ra l secto r to feed t h e expa nd i n g p o p u latio n , a n d , of co u rse, t h e po p u l at i o n i ts e l f, w h i ch provi d ed raw l a bo r a nd s k i l l s . T h e new i n te n s i fica t i o n i n agri c u l tu re , w h i c h was b a s e d o n s i m p l e posi­ tive fe e d b a c k (betwe e n cattl e rai s i ng a n d t h e cro ps t h e i r m a n u re h e l ped ferti l i ze) but w h i c h i n creased in sca l e d u e to a n ti m a r ket i n ve stm e n t , p l ayed seve ral roles i n t h e i n d ustri a l ta k eoff. O n t h e o n e h a n d , i t se rved fo r a l o ng t i m e as t h e p r i n c i p a l co n s u m e r of m e t a l too l s a n d he nce cat­ a lyze d , a n d was cata lyzed by, the i r o n i n d u stry. On the ot h e r h a n d , t h e n ew agri c u l t u r a l syste m (w h i ch i s exa m i ned i n m o re det a i l i n t h e n ext c h a pte r) favo red d i ffere nt type s of s o i l s t h a n t h ose u s e d by t h e prev i o u s agri c u l t u ra l regi m e , a n d s o cre ated a l a rge pool o f u n e m ployed fa rm workers, w h o wo u l d p rov i d e the m u scu l a r e n e rgy fo r the n ew facto r i e s . 122 H e n ce , agri c u lt u ra l regio n s received i n puts ( i r o n ) fro m , a n d pro v i d ed i n p u ts ( l a bor, food) to, t h e facto ry tow n s , a n d i n t h i s s e n s e agri c u l t u re was a n i m p o rta nt n o d e i n t h e a utocata lytic l o op. T h e flow of l a bo r t h a t t h i s n o d e s u p p l i e d , however, w a s t o be u sed mostly as raw m u scu l a r e n e rgy. S k i l led l a b o r was a l so need e d , a n d rese rvo i rs o f t h i s h a d begu n fo r m i n g i n t h e e a r ly 1 700s. I n d e e d , t h e fi rst ste a m e n g i n e , a wate r p u m p i n a co al m i n e i n o p erat i o n b y 1 7 1 2, h a d b e e n t h e prod u ct o f s u c h s k i l led k now- h ow. A l t h o u g h its i n vento r, T h o m a s N ewco m e n , m ay h a ve been fa m i l i a r w i t h t h e b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s of ste a m a n d the va cu u m , a s e m bod i ed i n co nte m po rary s c i e n t i f i c a p p a ratuses, he p u t toge t h e r t h e fi rst e n gi n e u si n g m o stly i n fo rm a l k n owl edge. 123 M u c h the s a m e ca n be s a i d fo r t h e oth e r i n n ovat i o n s of t h e e ig h t e e n t h centu ry:

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I n erect i n g a mac h i n e . . . not o n ly vis ual [e .g. , engi ne ering d i agra ms] b u t tactile a n d m u scular knowledge are i n corporated i nto the mach i n e b y t h e mec h a n ics a n d ot h e rs w h o u s e too l s a n d s k i l l s and j u dgment to give l i fe to the visions of the e ngi neers. Those workers - m ac h i n ists , m i llwrights, car­ pe nters, we l d e rs, t i n sm it h s , ele ctri cians, riggers, a nd a l l the rest - s u p ply all made t h i ngs with a crucial compo n e n t that the engineer ca n never fu l ly specify. Their wo rk i n vol ves the laying on of knowi ng h a n d s . . . . T he h istori­ cal sign i fi ca n ce of workers' knowledge had h a rd ly bee n noticed u n t i l the B ritish eco n o m i c h i sto rian J o h n R. H a rris co n nected it to the tec h n ological lead t hat G reat B rita in held over the Continent d u ring the I n d u strial R evo­ l utio n . I n the seve n teenth centu ry, B rita i n had co nverted to coal as a n i n d ustri al f u e l [and t h is i n volved many cha nges.]. . . The l i st of cha nges o f te c h n i q ues a n d a p p a ratus is very long, but t h ese cha nges are u n a p p reci­ ated beca use m a ny (proba bly most) of them were made by [se n i o r s k i l led] worke rs . . . rath e r t h a n by ow ners or the su pervisors of the wo rks. By 1710 . . . worke rs' growi ng knowledge of the te c h n i q ues of coal fuel tec h nol ogy h a d already given B rita i n a co m m a n d i n g i n d ustri a l lead ove r Fra n ce a n d ot her Contine ntal co u n trie s . 124 T h e s e re s e r v o i r s o f s k i l l e d l a b o r were i m po rtant i n p u ts to t h e facto ry tow n s a n d h e n ce key n od e s i n t h e l oo p . S k i l l s a n d k n ow- how p rovi d e d wh at o n e m i g h t ca l l "cata lytic i n fo rm atio n , " t h a t i s, i n fo r m a t i o n c a p a b l e o f bri n gi n g toget h e r a n d a m pl i fy i n g flows o f e n e rgy a n d m ate r i a l s . T h i s i s a good a rg u m e nt aga i n st l a bo r t h eo ri e s o f val u e , fo r w h i c h a m a c h i n e i s not h i n g b u t t h e conge a l ed m u sc u l a r e n e rgy t h a t went i n to i t s p rod u ct i o n . Strictly s p e a k i ng, t h i s wo u l d m e a n t h e re i s n o d i ffe rence betwe e n a m a­ c h i n e t h at w o r k s a n d o n e t h at d o e s not ( o r a d i sa ss e m b l ed o n e). As t h e a bove q u ote m a k e s cle a r, n ot o n ly i s a d i ag r a m n ecessary ( b ro u g h t i n to t h e p ro ce ss by a n e n g i n e e r) b u t a l s o t h e s k i l le d m a n u a l k n o wledge ne eded to i m p l e m e n t t h e a bstract d i agra m . I n s h o rt, t h e e n e rgetic i n p u t s t o l a rge-sca l e p ro d u cti o n processes req u i red co m p l e m e n ta ry i n p u t s o f catalytic i n fo r m a t i o n i n o rd e r for t h e I n d u stri a l R e vol utio n t o beco m e a s e l f- s u sta i n i n g proce s s . Of co u rse, i n add i t i o n to t h e se rese rvo i rs o f facto ry i n p u t s , t h e l o o p req u i red n od e s ca p a b l e o f a bs o rbi ng the i n d u stri a l o u t p u t . I n ot h e r word s, t he h u ge outputs o f facto ry tow n s , t h e i r co nti n u o u s flows o f m a n u fact u re d pro d u cts , n e e d ed d o m e s t i c a n d fo reign m a rkets o f a sufficien t scale t o a bso r b t h e m . T he s e m a rkets were n ot t h e prod u ct of i n d u stri a l tow n s b u t of t h e c i t i e s t h a t n a t i o n -state s h a d a b s o rbed as p o l itical capi ta l s a n d gateways to t h e n ow g l o b a l ized netwo rks of exc h a nge. U n l i ke local a n d regi o n a l m a rkets, n at i o n a l m a rkets were n ot t h e p rod u ct o f a process o f

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self-o rga n izat i o n b u t of d e l i be rate p l a n n i ng by a c o u ntry's e l ites, a co n ­ scio u s p o l i cy k nown as mercantilism . 125 It i nvolved n ot o n ly t h e removal of i ntern a l to l l s and ta riffs, but the con struct i o n of a co m m u n icati o n s n et­ wo rk (road s, c a n a l s , m a i ls) to a l low co m ma n d s ( a n d traded goods) from t h e c a p ital to reac h the whole co u ntry. I n a d d it i o n to a n at i o nwide m a r k et, a n i nt e n sificat i o n of fo re ign trade and t h e p ro l iferati o n of l i n ks betwee n gateway cities a l l over t h e gl obe were a l s o n ecessa ry i ngre d i e nts. Lo n d o n , p a rt pol itical c a p ita l a nd p a rt ma riti m e m etropo l i s, wa s i n stru­ me ntal in the creati o n of the B ritis h n ati o n a l a nd fo reign m a rkets . Lo n­ don a l so p l ayed a k ey role in t h e formati o n of a sta b l e credit system , with t h e creat i o n i n 1 694 of t h e fi rst central b a n k , t h e B a n k of E ngla nd , w h i c h a l l owed tap p i ng (vi a credit) t h e vast m o n eta ry reserves of A mste rd a m . As B ra u d e l rema rks, eve n t h o ugh Fra nce h a d a t t h e t i m e a greate r rese r­ voi r of n atu ra l resou rces t h a n � ngla n d , h.e r c redit ( a n d taxatio n ) system was never a s goo d : " a rtifici a l wea lt h " p roved more powerfu l than natu ra l wealth . 126 H e n c e , t h e fi rst a u to catalyt i c l o o p t o ach i eve s e l f-s u sta i n i ng growth i n vo lved more t h a n i n d u st ri a l e l ites. F i n a n c i a l a n d co m m e rc i a l a nti m a rk ets we re a l so k ey i n gred ients, as w a s t h e n atio n -state. A n d w h i l e each sepa rate e l ite d i d exercise central ized co ntro l o v e r a give n p rocess (th e l ogistics of facto ry town s , the creat i o n of t h e n atio n a l m a rket), t h e revo l utio n a s a w h o l e w a s t h e r e s u l t o f a true mesh wo rk of h i e ra rc h i c a l stru ctu res, grow i ng, l i ke m a n y m es h wo rks, b y d r i ft: Can we rea l ly be satisfied with t h is i mage of a smoot h ly coord i n ated and eve nly deve l o p i ng combination of sectors, capable between them of p rovid i n g a l l the i nte rco n nected eleme nts of the i n d ustrial revolution and meeti ng demands from ot her sectors? I t co nveys the mislead i ng vision of the i n d ustrial revo l ution as a co nsciously p u rsued o bjective, as if Brita i n 's society and eco nomy had conspired to make possible the new Mac h i ne Age . . . . But this was ce rtai n ly not how the English revo l ution develo ped . It was n ot moving towa rds any goal, rather it encou ntered one, as it was p ropelled a l ong by that m u ltitude of diffe rent cu rre nts which n ot o n ly ca rried fo rwa rd the i n d ustrial revol ution but also spil led over i n to areas far beyo nd it. 127 T h u s , at least fro m t h e p e rs pective w h e re soci a l dyn a m ics a re t h e s a m e as geo logica l dyn a m ics (th at is, fro m the p e rs pective of e n e rgy a n d cata lysis), t h e p rocess of i n d u stri a l ta keoff m ay b e vi ewed a s a bifu rcatio n , fro m a state i n w h i c h self-sti m u lating dyn a m ics we re n ot co m pl ex e n o ugh to overco m e d i m i n i s h i ng retu r n s , to a state i n which t h e series of n odes fo rm i ng t h e c i rc u it beca m e a self-susta i n i ng e ntity. T h e a d d iti o n of n ew

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n od es to t h e mes hwo rk as it co m p lexified d i d n ot occu r acco rd i ng to a p l a n b u t s i m p ly fo l lowi n g i nt e r n a l co n strai nts; t h at i s , each n ew n od e had to " m e s h we l l" with the existi ng o n es (i . e . , cata lyze a nd be cata lyzed by existi ng nod es). As t h e "geo logical h i sto ry" of t h e n i n etee n t h ce ntu ry co n ­ t i n ued to u nfo l d , t h e tec h no logies t h at grew a ro u n d t h e i n a n i m ate power of stea m (as wel l as rad i ca l ly new o n es) s i m p ly i nserted t h emselves as f u rt h e r n od es in the growi ng a utocatalytic loop. The ra i l road a nd the tele­ gra p h , fo r exa m p l e , m e s h ed wel l n ot o n ly with o n e a noth e r (am pl ify i n g each ot h e r's stre ngt h s a nd co m pe ns at i n g for certa i n wea k n esses), t h ey mes hed we l l i n t h e l a rger co ntext of t h e c i rcu it. T he n ew self-s usta i n ed i nt e n s i 'f icati o n was made possi b l e by e l e m ents of bot h t h e Central P l ace a nd t h e N etwo rk syste ms. Ad m i n istrative cen­ ters a n d gateway po rts joined facto ry town s to fo rm t h e great c i rc u it of triggers and flows. The I nd u strial R evol utio n , in t u r n , affected in severa l ways t h e fut u re growt h of c i t i e s . O n e of t h e revo l uti o n 's i nten sified flows , t h e flow of cast i ro n , triggered t h e begi n n i n g of t h e m eta l l izatio n of t h e u rban exoskeleto n a s t h e i n d u strial regio n s o f E n gl a n d bega n t o u s e i ro n fra mes to b u i ld fi re p roof text i l e m i l l s : fi rst, a six-story cotto n m i l l with i ro n co l u m n s wa s e rected in De rby in 1792; t h e n , in 1 796, a cott o n m i l l with i ro n beams a n d co l u m n s was b u i lt i n S h rewsb u ry; b y 1830, t h e i nter­ n a l i ro n fra me was co m mo n i n i n d u strial a nd p u b l i c b u i l d i ngs i n E ng l a n d a n d F ra n ce. 1 28 N ext, t h e web of i nterloc k i n g i n novati o n s t h at c h a racte r­ ized t h i s period g e n e rated a seco n d wave of i nte racti ng tec h no logies (th e ra i l road a nd the telegra p h), which had p rofo u n d effects on the E u ro­ pea n u rb a n syste m a s a w h o l e , c h a ngi ng the relative i m po rta n ce of t h e ca pital a nd t h e metropo l i s . U p t o t h i s p o i n t , l a n d t ra n s po rt co u l d n ot co m p ete with t h e swift a nd flexi b l e co m m u n i cati o n s affo rded by t h e sea. W h i le ter restrial d i sta n ces served to se p a rate l a n d l ocked u rba n settle­ m e nts, the open sea s e rved to co n nect gateway cities. But the a dve nt of steam-powered tra n s p o rtatio n re moved t h ese co n stra i nts, givi ng territo ri a l ca p itals many of the adva n tages p revi o u s ly e n joyed by ma ri­ time cities. 129 T h e coal regio n s of Engl a n d we re t h e birt h p l ace of t h e fi rst rai l road sys­ tem, a d o pti ng t h e " Roc k et" l ocomotive i nvented by Geo rge Ste p h e n s o n i n 1829. T �l i s a l l owed t h e Liverpool a nd M a nc h e ster R a i lway t o o p e n fo r b u s i n ess i n 183 0 . 130 Ot h e r rai lways bega n o p e rati n g o n t h e Co nti n e nt a few yea rs late r, i n Fra n ce a n d A u stria, but t h ey re m a i n ed experi me ntal fo r at l east t e n years. Yet B riti s h leaders h i p in steam-d rive n tra n s po rt was soo n s u rpassed by t h e U n ited States, w h i c h a few decades e a rl i e r h ad b e e n a n E ngl i s h s u p p ly regi o n . T h ese fo rmer co l o n i es h a d ta k e n off eco n o m i ca l ly in the seco n d h a l f of the eightee n t h centu ry, by m e a n s

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of t h e s a m e s m a l l-sca le a u tocata lytic p rocess that h a d a l l owed E u rope many ce n t u ries e a r l i e r to e m e rge from t h e s h a d ow of I s l a m : volati l e trade a m o n g backwa rd cities e ngaged i n i m po rt s u bstituti o n . Acco rd i ng t o J a n e J a co bs , t h e fi rst two American cities t o beg i n t h is p rocess we re Bosto n a n d P h i l ade l p h ia , o ne a B ri t i s h resou rce d epot fo r t i m b e r a n d fis h , t h e ot h e r s u pplyi ng Engl a n d wit h grai n . W h i l e N ew Yo rk rem a i n e d a captive m a rket, Bosto n and P h i l ad e l p h i a were copyi ng Eu ro­ p e a n produ cts a n d re p l aci ng t h e m with local o n es , w h i c h t h ey trad�d a m o n g t h e mselves. W h i l e t h e i n n ovati o n s t h at c a m e o ut of t h i s p rocess were s m a l l and u ng l a m o ro u s , and h e n ce ca n not be co m pared with t h e o ne s t h at e m e rged from t h e I n du stri a l R evol utio n , w h a t matte red was the rese r v o i r of i n te rlocki ng s k i l l s a n d p roced u re s ge n e rated by i m port­ s u bstituti o n dyn a m i cs. 131 After t h e Wa r of I n d e p e n d e n ce , N ew Yo rk joi n e d Bost o n a nd- P h i la d el p hi a i n d eve l o p i n g a greate r variety of m a n u fact u ries, w h i l e S a n F r a n cisco w o u l d , afte r t h e gold ru s h , beco m e a gateway to the e m e rgi n g global N etwo r k syste m . T h e mech a n i cs a n d e n g i n e e rs of t hese A m e ri c a n cities c re ated t h e tech ­ n o logy t h at wou ld b y 1 8 5 0 a l l ow t h e U . S . rai l roads to s u rpass t h e B ritish rai lway system i n terms of m i leage of wrought- i ro n r a i l s . I f b ri dges and factories in A m e ri ca were sti l l bei n g b u i lt out of t i m b e r, t h e t ra n s p o rtat i o n syste m o f t h e n ew n at i o n -state w a s u n de rgo i n g a n e v e n more i ntense meta l l izati o n than E n gl a nd's. M o re i m po rtantly, the tec h n ology d evelo ped in E n gl a n d (loco m otives a n d rai lway con struct i o n tech n i q u es) was l a rgely u n s u itable for the l o n g d i sta n ces a n d d i fficu lt te r ra i n of the U n ited States, and so it co u l d n ot s i m p ly b e i m ported b u t h a d to develop l oca l ly in n ovel ways. 13 2 H e nce the i m po rta n ce of the m eshwo rks of s m a l l fi rms t h at h ad d evelo ped a l o ng t h e A merican eastern seaboa rd , w h e nce t h e local e n gi­ n ee r i n g a n d e ntrepre n e u ri a l t a l e n t n eeded to d e v e l o p t h e n ew mach i nes was recru ited . T h e re is a n oth e r s i d e to t h e s uccess of A m e ri ca n r a i l roads (and to t h e futu re evo l u ti o n of i n d u strial izatio n ) w h ic h i nvol ved n ot m e s hwo rks b u t co m m a n d h ie ra rc h i e s . W h i l e t h e tec h n ol ogical e l e m e nts of t h e system had been d eveloped by civ i l ia n e ngi n e e rs from N ew Yo r k and P h i lade l p h i a, m ilita ry engineers were i nst r u m e ntal in d eve l o p i n g the b u rea u c ratic m a n ­

age m e n t methods t h at came to c h aracterize A m e ri c a n ra i l roads. I n t h e wo rd s of t h e h isto r i a n C h a rl e s F. O' C o n n el l : As the rai l roads evolved and expa nded, they bega n to exh i b it structural and procedura l c haracteristics that bore a remarkable resem blance to those of the Army. Both o rgan izations erected complicated manageme nt h ierarchies to coord i n ate and control a variety of fu n ctionally d iverse, geographically

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separated corpo rate activities. Both created s pecial ized staff b u reaus to provide a range of techn ical and logistical su p po rt services. Both d ivided co rpo rate autho rity and responsibil ity between l i n e and staff age n cies a n d officers a n d t h e n ado pted elabo rate written reg u l atio ns that cod ified t h e relatio n s h i p between t h e m . B o t h establ ished fo rmal guidel ines t o gove rn ro uti ne activities and i n stituted sta ndardized repo rti ng and accou nting p ro­ ced u res and forms to provide corporate headq uarters with detailed finan­ cial and o peratio n al i n fo rmation which flowed along carefu l ly defi ned l i n es of communicatio n . As the ra i l roads assumed these characteristi cs, they became America's fi rst " big busi ness." 133 O ' Co n n e l l poi nts o u t t h at specific i n d ivid u a l s fro m t h e U . S . A rmy Co rps of E ngi n e e rs p l ayed key roles in the b u i l d i ng of a n u m be r of A m e rican rai l roads a n d i n so d o i ng faced m a n ageri a l problems of a sca le a n d com­ p l exity u n k n ow n to t h e local b u s i n ess co m m u n ity. T h ey m a d e strict acco u nta b i l ity a n d b u rea u c ratic h i e ra rchy pivota l e l e m e nts of a m a n age­ ment styl e t h at wo u ld eve n t u a l ly filter t h ro u gh to ot h e r rai l way l i n es (and ot h e r i n d u st ri es). A l t h o u g h t h i s ge n e ra l ly u n ac k n ow l ed ged m i l it a ry e l e m e nt of a nt i m a rket i n stituti o n s is b ro ught i nto h ig h rel ie f by t h e A m e rican experi e n ce i n ra i l road m a n age me nt, it d id n ot o rigi n ate t h e re . I nd ee d , t h e rel ati o n s h i p betwe e n m i l ita ry a n d antima rket i n stituti o n s i s a very old o ne . By t h e s i xte e n t h centu ry, Ve n ice h a d d eveloped sta n d a rd­ ized p roced u res as p a rt of the o p e rat i o n of its a rs e n a l , the l a rgest i n d u s­ trial com p l ex i n E u ro p e at t h e t i m e . 134 T h e a rm ed sai l s h i ps bu i lt at t h e a rse n a l s i nce 1 328 were u sed b y Ve n eti a n a nt i m a rkets n ot o n ly to co n ­ d uct t h e i r l u crative lo n g-d i st a n ce t r a d e with t h e Leva nt, b ut a l so to m a i n­ ta i n by m i l ita ry fo rce t h e i r m o no po ly o n t h at t rad e . I n t h e e ighteenth a nd n i n etee n t h centu ries, a rs e n a l s wo u ld aga i n p l ay a lead i n g role i n the sta n d a rd izat i o n a n d routi n izat i o n of t h e p rod u ct i o n p rocess, i n 'F l u e n c i n g the futu re deve l o p m e n t of i n d u strial a n ti m a rkets. I n pa rt i c u l a r, m i l it a ry d isci p l i n e was tra n sfe rred to factories, t h e wo rke rs s l owly d e-ski l l ed , a n d t h e i r activities ratio n a l ized . H a rry B rave rm a n , a l a b o r h i sto ria n , a c k n owledges t h e rol e of b u re a u ­ crati c a n d m i l itary h i e ra rc h i es i n t h e o rigi n s of t h e rati o n a l izat i o n of l a b o r : " Fr a n ce h ad a l o n g t raditi o n of atte m pt i ng t h e s c i e n t i f i c s t u d y of wo rk, sta rti n g wit h Lo u i s X I V's m i n i ster C o l b e rt; i ncl u d i ng m i l it a ry e ngi n e ers l i ke Va u b a n a n d B e l i d o r a nd especi a l ly Co u l o m b , w hose p hysi o l ogical stu d i es of exe rt i o n in l a b o r a re fa m o u s . " 135 I n d e e d , t h e basic routi n es t h at wo u l d l ater evolve i nto m a s s p rod uctio n tec h n i q u es were bo rn i n F r e n c h m i l it a ry a rse n a l s i n t h e eighte e n t h centu ry. These routi n e s we re l ate r tran sfe r red to A m e rican a rse n al s , w h e re t h ey became i n stitu t i o n a l ized over t h e

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cou rse of t h e n i n ete e n t h centu ry, eve ntu a l ly deve l o p i n g i nto t h e "Ame ri­ ca n syste m o f m a n u fa ctu ri ng." T h e A m e rican system was o rigi n a l ly devised to create wea p o n s wit h perfectly i nterc h a ngea b l e pa rts . W h e n a rtisa n s m a n u fa ctu red t h e d iffer­ ent pa rts o f a wea p o n by h a n d , the res u lt i n g hete roge n e ity made it i m poss i b l e to s u p ply fro nts wit h spare pa rts. The n ew system fi rst c re­ ated a model of a p a rti c u l a r weapo n , and t h e n the model se rved a s a standard to be exactly re p l i cate d . B u t e n fo rcing t h i s sta n d a rd , to e n s u re

t h e h o m oge n e ity of t h e p ro d u cts, req u i red a tra n sfe r - from t h e m i l itary to the facto ry - of the d i sci p l i n a ry a n d s u rve i l l a n ce methods t h at had been u sed to m a i n ta i n o rd e r in ba rracks and ca m p s fo r ove r two cen­ tu ri es. I n s h o rt, t h e A m e ri c a n system tra n sfo rmed m a n u fa ctu r i n g from a n open p rocess based on flex i b l e s k i l l s i nto a closed p rocess based on fixed rout i n e s (e n fo rcea b l e t h ro ug h d isci p l i n e and co n sta nt i ns pectio n): When labor was mechan ized and divided i n n i netee nth-ce ntu ry arms facto­ ries, i ndividual wo rk assignme nts became more s i m p li fied while the overa l l prod uctio n process became more com p l ex. Coord i nati ng and contro l l i ng the flow of wo rk from o n e manufacturing stage to another therefore became vita l and, in the eyes of factory masters, dema nded closely regu­ lated o n-the-job behavior. U nder these co nditio ns the engi neeri ng of people assumed an i m portance eq ual to the engineeri ng of materials. As co nfor­ mity su pplanted individ u a l ity in the wo rk place, craft skills became a detri­ ment to prod uctio n . 136 Obvio u s ly, n ot a l l aspects of t h e rati o na l izatio n of l a b o r had a m i l itary o rigi n . M i l ita ry i n stitutio n s pl ayed a key rol e , but i n d u strial d i sci pl i n e h a d a l ready d eveloped ( m o re o r less i n d e p e n d e ntly) i n ce rta i n a nti­ m a rket e nte r p rises, s u c h a s m i n es . 137 All t h at ca n be c l a i m ed is that the p rocess of ro u t i n izat i o n of p ro d u ctio n in a rsenals, m i nes, and civi l i a n facto ries u n de rwe n t a great i nt e n sificatio n o n both s i d e s of t h e Atl a ntic, and this i m p l i ed a l a rge i n c rease in t h e co m m a n d element in t h e eco­ n o m i c m i x. B ut o n ce aga i n , despite t h e i m p o rta nt c o n seq u e n ces that t h e a d v e n t of rat i o n a l izatio n had o n t h e fut u re of t h e eco n o my, i t i s i m p o rta nt to keep in m i n d all the coexisti ng p rocesses ta k i n g pl ace at this time so as n ot to red u ce t h e i r h ete roge n eity to a si ngle facto r. I n p a rtic u l a r, rou­ t i n izat i o n needs to be contrasted with the completely d i fferent p rocess of i n n ovati o n . 1 38 Routi n izat i o n in its i nt e n si fied (a n d co n sciou sly pl a n n ed) form occu rred in a fai rly d efi n e d a rea of t h e E u ro p e a n (a n d A m e rican) exos keleto n , away from t h e n atio n a l a n d regi o n a l ca pita l s w h i c h beca me centers of i n n ovati o n . W h i le t h e l atte r kept growi ng in d ive rs ity a n d eco-

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n o m i c hete roge n e ity d u ri ng the n i n etee n t h centu ry, the tow n s , w h i c h u n derwe n t t h e i nt e n sified ro u t i n izatio n o f p rod u cti o n , b e c a m e eve r m o re ho moge ne o u s : A t the h igh e n d of the spectru m [ o f occu patio nal homoge n eity], w e f i n d t h e si ngle- i n d u stry a n d "co m pa ny" towns. Often associated w i t h secret m i l i ta ry tec h n ol ogy i n o u r time, the latter go back at l east to the n aval ports, s u c h a s B rest a nd Tou l o n , fou nded b y Lo u i s X l V. I n the n i n etee nth centu ry, s i n ­ gle e nterprises developed s izable towns o r c a m e t o do m i n ate a n u rb a n a r e a . Port S u n l ight (Leve r) i n Engl a n d , Leve rkusen (Baye r) i n Germa ny, a n d Sochaux (Pe ugeot) i n France, a re exam ples. E ntre p re n e u rs were m otivated by the determi n atio n to exe rcise total co ntrol ove r the h u m a n as we l l as the tec h n ical e nviro n m e nt. N o n�basic e m ployment was kept to a m i n i m u m beca use t h e pater n a l i stic e m ploye r d isco u raged com petit i o n a n d "frivolity" i n the provi s i o n of services. 139

T h i s h o m oge n i zatio n of eco no m i c fu n cti o n s, w h i c h retai n ed basic s e r­ vices a n d excl u d ed co m peti n g i n d u stries, m e a n t t h at t h e o n ly positive feedback operati ng in t h ese u rban centers was the e n o r m o u s eco no m ies of sca le to w h i c h their a ntima rket i n stituti o n s h a d access. By sta nd a rd iz­ i ng p rod u cti o n , costs co u l d be s pread across a l a rge n u m b e r of i d e ntical p rod u cts, a n d in this way the law of d i m i n is h i n g ret u r n s co u l d be over­ come . Yet, t h e re a re ot h e r possi b l e types of positive feed back fo r cities a n d towns, ot h e r co n n ecti o n s betwee n effi c i e n cy and s i ze - n ot t h e size of a ho moge n ized e nterprise a n d its h o m oge n eo u s m ass- p ro d u ced p rod­ u cts, but t h e s ize of a h ig h ly h ete roge n e o u s u rba n center which p ro­ vides s m a l l fi rms with a variety of m utua l ly sti m u lati n g l i n ks . T h ese a re n ot eco no m ies of sca l e , b u t economies of agglomeratio n : [These eco no m ies] co me fro m the fact that the fi rm can fi n d in the large city a l l m a n n e r of clie nts, se rvices, s u pp l i e rs, a n d e m p l oyees no m atter how spec i a l ized its p rod u ct; this, in t u r n , promotes i ncreased s pecial izati o n . Su rprisingly, however, eco n o m i es of agglo meration e ncou rage f i r m s of t h e same l i ne t o locate close t o o n e a noth e r, w h i c h i s why n a m es s u c h a s H a rley, Fleet, a n d Lom b a rd streets a n d Savil l e R ow - to sti c k t o Londo n ­ ca l l to m i n d p rofessi o n s rather t h a n pl ace. Besides the no n - n egligible p rofit and pleasure of s h o p-ta l k, all can s hare access to services t h at n o n e cou ld s u p po rt alone . . . . A k ey poi nt about econ o m i es of agglo meratio n is that small b u s i n e sses d e p e n d o n them more t h a n do large o n e s . T h e latte r can i nte r n a l ize these " exte r n al e co n o m ies" by p rovi d i ng their own se rvices and gai n locatio n a l freedo m as a res u lt. . . . The relatio n s h i p betwee n large

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cities and smal l busi ness is a sym biotic one beneficial to both. The reason is that smal l firms are the major carriers of i n n ovatio n , includ i ng creative adaptatio n to cha nge. This was even more true in the d ays befo re scientific research contributed much to new tech nology. 140 H o h e n be rg a n d Lees a rgue that, whether it was i nfo rmal k n ow- h ow o r fo r m a l k n owl edge, i n fo rmation was, wjth i ncrea s i n g regu l a rity, o ne o f t h e m a i n i n p uts of s m a l l-sca le i n d u stry. A n d la rge, d iversified c i t i e s w e r e c e n ­ t e r s w h e re i n fo rm at io n accu m u l ated a n d m u ltipl ied . The i n n ovatio n s to w h i c h t h ese e co n o m ies of agglomeratio n led made these cities pio n ee rs i n m a ny n ew i n d u strial p rod u cts a n d processes, w h i c h wo u l d late r be expo rted to t h e ce nters of h e avy i n d u stry o n ce t h ey h ad bee n rout i n ized . "The n atu re of i n fo rmation as an i n put to prod u ct i o n is that it ceases to be i m po rt a n t o n ce a give n p rocess becomes routi n e . . At t h at point ot h e r costs - fo r m a c h i n es , basic l a bo r, a n d s pace - take ove r, a nd central cities are at a serio u s d isadva ntage . M o reover, eco n o m ies of sca l e beco me criti­ cal and . . . very l a rge cities are n ot espec i a l ly favored locat i o n s fo r t h e l a rgest e n te r p r i ses." 141 T h u s , eve n t ho ug h routin izat i o n m ay n ot be co n d u cive to, a n d m ay eve n prec l u d e , i n n ovati o n , t h i s loss is offset t h ro u g h t h e gai n s d e rived fro m eco n o m ies of scale. Mo reove r, i n creasi ng the co m m a n d e l e m e n t i n t h e eco no m ic m ix red u ced not o n ly p ro d u ct i o n costs b u t t ra n sactio n costs a s we l l . T h i s i s i ndeed h ow t h e n e o i n stitutio n a l ist eco n o m i st Ol ive r W i l l i a m so n expla i n s t h e re p l ace m e n t of m a rkets by h i e rarchies. I n h i s v iew, t hese two extrem es a n d t h e i r hybrids represent d i ffe rent "gove r­ n a nce structu res" for h a n d l i ng t h e same transact i o n s . Poo r i n fo rmati o n a bo u t a good t o be exc h an ge d , opport u n i st b e h av i o r by t h e p a rtn e rs of exc h a nge , d ifficu lties in d rawi ng sal e s c o ntracts t h at foresee all eve ntuali­ ties (as we l l a s ot h e r i m p e rfectio n s of real m a rkets) i n crease t h e costs of tran sact i n g in a d ecentralized way. At t h e l i mit, tra n sact i o n costs m ay ove rride t h e ga i n s from trade a n d t h e n it m ay prove profitable to switch fro m m a r kets to h i e ra rc h i e s a s the mode of gove r n i ng t r a n sactio n s . 142 Wi l l i a m so n a rgues, fo r exa m p l e , that as any asset d eve lops a h igh d egree of s pecificity (e .g., one fi rm buys mach i n e ry geared excl u sively toward t h e n eeds of a not h e r f i rm , or wo rkers deve l o p s k i l l s for particu l a r p rocesses), a relati o n s h i p of d e p e n d e n ce d evelops betwe e n t h e people i nvolved which may leave t h e door o p e n for o p p o rtu n i st b e h avior. I n t h i s s it u at i o n , give n t h e m u c h i n creased costs of defi n i n g co ntracts t hat cou n­ te ract t h e effects of o p p o rtu n i s m , it w i l l pay fo r o n e co m pa ny to a bsorb t h e ot h e r, t h at is, to replace a re lation based o n p rices by o ne based o n co m m a n d s . I n t h e case o f wo rkers, t h e tra nsact i o n costs i nvolved m ay

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be t hose of b a rga i n i ng ove r the terms of a co ntract . The ro uti n izati o n of t h e p rod u ctio n p rocess and the co n seq u e n t d e-s k i l l i ng of t h e wo rkers red uces t h e i r barga i n i ng powe r a n d t h e co n se q u e n t costs fo r m a n age rs of tra nsacti ng i n t h e l a b o r m a rket. 143 H owever, W i l l i a m so n 's a p p roac h , i n w h i c h a n i n crease i n t h e com m a n d e l e m e n t of eco n o m i c o rga n izati o n s i s j u stified excl u sively i n terms of effi c i e n cy (eco n o m iz i n g t r a n sacti o n costs), h as bee n criticized fo r ove rloo k i ng t h e n o n co ntract u a l be n e fits (to the m a n agers of fi rms) of i n d u strial d isci p l i n e . 144 T h i s i s o n e rea s o n f o r vi ewi ng the deve l o p m e n t of e co no m i c i n stitutio n s (parti c u l a rly i n t h e U n ited States) as part of a wide r " o rgan izati o n a l ecology, " w h i c h m u st i n cl u d e m i l itary i nstituti o n s . I n t h e n ext c h a pter we w i l l need to w i d e n eve n m o re t h e scope of t h i s "ecology" as w e deve l o p Fo ucau lt's idea t h at t h e effi c i e n cy of eco no m i c o rga n izati o n s (fo r exam p l e , t h e facto ry sys­ te m) needs to be measu red both in terms of eco n o m i c uti l ity a n d i n terms o f pol itica l o bed i e n ce , w h i c h i s wh ere d i sci p l i n a ry i n stituti o n s pl ay an i m po rta nt rol e . I n t h e n i neteenth ce ntu ry t h e re we re two m o re p rocesses b e n efiti ng h i e rarchies ove r m e s hworks in t h e eco n o my. O n o n e h a n d , a s Douglas N o rth argues, as eco n o m i es co m plexified (as t h e a m o u nts of fixed ca pita l i n creased , fo r exa m ple), t h e p r o p o rt i o n of t h e gross n atio n a l prod u ct spent o n tra n sacti o n costs a l so i n creased . T h i s led to a n i n stituti o n a l evo­ l ution in w h i c h i n fo r m a l co n strai nts were i n cre a s i n gly co nve rted i nto fo r m a l r u l es and dece ntra l ized e n fo rce m e n t re pl aced by the coe rcive i nte rve nti o n of central states, in o rd e r to kee p tran sact i o n costs re l atively IOW. 145 On t h e oth e r h a n d , t h e popu l ati o n of co m m ercial o rga n izat i o n s i n h a biti ng cities ( a n d t h e i n d u stri a l h i nterla n d s t h ese cities a n i m ated) u nd e rwe nt d ra m atic c h a n ges. I n pa rtic u l a r, an o rga n izat i o n a l form that p reexisted the I n d u strial Revo l ution but h ad a lways bee n a s m a l l p a rt of t h e popu lati o n now bega n to prol ife rate: t h e joi n t-stock co m pa ny. T h i s type of o rga n izat i o n is c h a racte rized b y a separati o n of own e rs h i p from contro l : t h e own e rs a re a d i s persed gro u p of stock h o l d e rs , and co ntrol of the co m pa ny passes from the own e r-e ntre p re n e u r to the profess i o n a l m a n ager (or, rat h e r, to a m a n age r i a l h ie rarchy). Gal brait h , fo r exa m pl e , a rgues t h at a l t h o u g h joi n t-stock co rpo rat i o n s h ave boa rds o f d i rectors w h i c h re p re se n t t h e own e rs , i n p ractice t h is fu n ct i o n h a s beco me l a rgely cere m o n i a l , particul arly i n fi rms w h e re t h e m a n age rs sel ect t h e mem bers of t h e boa rd . Own e rs h i p i s a l s o sepa rated fro m control by the fact that the m a n agers h ave a m o re co m p l ete k n owl­ edge of the d a i ly o p e ratio n s of t h e fi rm . In t h ese c i rcu msta n ces, t h e strategy of t h e i n stituti o n c h a n ges fro m o n e of m axi m izing t h e wea l t h of t h e stock h o ld ers to o n e of growt h fo r its own sake, s i n ce this i n creases

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t h e c o m p l exity of t h e o pe ra t i o n a n d h e nce t h e n e e d fo r i n s i d e r, m a n a ger­ ial k n owl e dge. 146 I n te re st i n gly, t h e m o st i nt e n s e p ro l i fe r at i o n of t h i s o rga n i zat i o n a l fo rm did n ot occ u r in the m o re i n d u stri a l ly a dva n ced B r it i s h c i t i es b u t in t h e U n ited States. (T h e B r i t i s h a n d t h e D utch d i d h a v e j o i n t-stock co m pa n i es, p a rt i c u l a rly t h e fa m o u s Co m pa n i es o f I n d i a s , w h i c h were l i k e states with­ in t h e state . ) 147 I t was in A m e r i ca t h at t h e se o rga n i zat i o n s bega n a p ro­ cess of e n o r m o u s growt h by swa l l o w i n g s m a l l e r co m pa n i e s , i n creasi ngly re p l a c i ng m a r kets with h i e r a r c h i e s . I n d eed , one eco n o m i st goes so fa r as to say t h at the rea s o n B r ita i n l o st i ts i n d u st r i a l l e a d to t h e U n ited States by the e a r ly twe n t i et h c e nt u ry was precisely beca u se t h i s a bso r pt i o n of m a rkets by h i era rch i e s d i d n ot t a ke p l a c e . B ri ta i n 's pro b l e m "was n ot t h at it re l i e d too l i ttl e , b u t t h at it re l i ed too m u c h , on m a rket coord i n at i o n of i ts eco n o m i c a ct i v i t i e s . " 148 T h e r e a r e m a ny co m pet i n g exp l a n at i o n s fo r w h y l a rge-sca l e e nt e r p r i s e s i n w h i c h co m m a n d s i n c r e a s i ngly r e p l a ce p r i ce s as a coo rd i n at i o n m e c h a n i s m f a i l e d to d ev e l o p o n B r i t i s h s o i l , at l ea st wit h t h e s a m e i nt e n s ity as on t h e o t h e r s i d e of t h e At l a nt i c . O n e i ntere st i n g pos s i bi l ity rests o n t h e i d e a t h at Lo n d o n ( a n d t h e rest o f E n g­ l a n d 's c i t i e s , w h i c h fe l l u n d e r its co ntrol) was at t h e t i me t h e co r e of t h e N etwo rk syst e m ( a n d h e n ce of t h e n o w global i z e d wo r l d -eco n o my) a n d t h at , as s u c h , i t h a d t h e resou rces o f t h e e nt i re wo r l d a s i t s own p r i vate s u p ply zo n e . (T h a t i s , in t h e n i n et e e n t h c e n t u ry, E n gl a n d a s a w h o l e may b e seen a s a m o n o po ly.) B a c k i n t h e fou rte e n t h a n d "fifte e n t h ce n t u r i e s , w h e n Ve n i ce w a s t h e co r e of t h e E u ro p e a n wo rld-eco n o my, " s h e was fa r be h i n d t h e p i o n ee r c i t i es of Tu sca ny as regard s b a n k i n g or t h e fo r m a t i o n of l a rge f i r m s . " 149 I t i s a l m o st , a s B ra u d e l s u ggests, a s i f t h e w h o l e of Ve n i ce, whose e n t i re po p u l at i o n l e n t m o n ey to t h e m e rc h a nts, were a h u ge j o i nt-stock co m pa ny it se l f, t h e re by i n h i bi t i n g t h e develo p m e n t of t h i s o rga n i z at i o n a l fo rm w i t h i n i t . W h atever t h e re a s o n s fo r t h e d el a y i n B r i ta i n , t h e p r o c e s s of se pa ra­ t i o n of o w n e rs h i p fro m co n t ro l a n d t h e w h o l esa l e re p l a ce m e n t of m a rkets wit h h i e r a rc h i es we re p a rt i c u l a rly c l e a r i n u r ba n sett l e m e nts in t h e U n ited States. T h i s cou ntry h a d w i t n essed i ts own a cce l e r at i o n of city bu i l d i ng i n t h e n i n ete e n t h c e n t u ry. W h i l e t h e po p u l a t i o n of towns i n 1790 i n cl u de d o n l y a co u pl e d oze n c i t i e s , by 1 9 2 0 t h e r e we re a l m ost t h re e t h o u sa n d . l5o T h i s po p u l at i o n i n c l u d e d ca p i ta l s , gateway p o rt s , a n d i n d u st r i a l tow n s of d i ffere nt typ e s , fro m o p p ressive a n t i m a rket tow n s l i ke P ittsbu rgh to m o re soc i a l ly co n ce r n ed text i l e m i l l tow n s l i k e L owe l l , L awre nce, a n d M a n c h es­ ter. 151 I n t h e l ater p a rt of t h e ce ntu ry, t h i s a cc e l e r at i o n fu rt h e r i n te n s i fi e d a n d t h e percen tage of t h e h u m a n p o p u l at i o n l iv i n g i n u r b a n centers d o u ­ b l e d betwee n 1 890 a n d 1 9 20 . 152 I n d u st r i a l i za t i o n h ad a l so i nte n s i f i e d , s o

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t h at by t h e t u rn of t h e ce nt u ry t h e U n ited Stat es had beco m e t h e wo rl d 's l ea d i ng m a n u fact u r e r. T h e po p u l a t i o n of co m m e rc i a l i n stit u t i o n s i n h a bi t i n g A m e r i ca n c i t i es u n d e rwe n t an i nt e n s e wave of i nt e r n a l izat i o n of m a rkets by h i e r a rc h i es. T h i s i ntegra t i o n took o n e of t h ree fo r m s : b a c kward vert i ca l i ntegratio n , w h i c h m e a n t t hat a m a n u fa ct u r e r a bs o rbed i t s s u p p l i e rs of raw m ateri a l s ; fo rwa rd vertical i ntegrat i o n , w h i c h re s u lted i n t h e i n co rpo ratio n o f a fi r m 's d i stri b u t i o n syste m ; a n d , fi n a l ly, h o rizo n t a l i n tegrat i o n , w h i c h i n vol ved t a k i ng over ot h e r fi rms in t h e same i nd u st r i a l speci a l ty. 153 I n the s eco n d h a l f o f t h e n i n etee n t h c e n t u ry, C h i cago's tool m a ke rs a n d meat p a c k e r s , M i lw a u k e e 's beer prod u ce rs , N e w Yo r k 's text i l e m i l l s a n d sewi n g-m a c h i n e m a n u fa ct u re rs a l l bega n a p rocess o f fo rwa rd v e rt i c a l i ntegra t i o n by d evel o p i n g t h e i r own n a t i o n w i d e m a rket i n g o perat i o n s , i n te r n a l i z i n g a n eco n o m i c fu n ct i o n prev i o u s ly pe rfo r m e d by n etwo rks o f co m m i s s i o n e d s a l e s m e n a n d brokers. W h i l e t h e A m e ri c a n eco n o my i n 1 8 5 0 " w a s o n e of s m a l l b u s i n esses wit h m a ny u n i ntegrated fi r m s d e p e n d e nt u po n m a ny m a rketi n g m i d d l e m e n . . . by 1900, co n t e m p o r a ry o bs e r v e rs were d e scrib­ i n g a q u ite d i ffe rent wo r l d , a wo r l d of v e rt i ca l ly i ntegrated b i g b u s i n e s s . A few l a rge fi r m s w h o se i n te rests s pread o u t o v e r t h e w h o l e c o u ntry d o m ­ i n ated e v e r y m aj o r i n d u stry." 154 A m e r i c a n i n d u st r i a l h i e ra rc h i e s b o t h a bsor bed t h e i r m a r kets a n d m e rged a m o n g t h e m se l ves, with t h e a i m o f a vo i d i n g ol i gopol i stic com petiti o n a n d i n crea s i n g c e n t r a l ized co ntro l : T h e ra i l roads, w h i c h were the cou ntry's first big busi ness, e n co u raged ot her big busi ness i n at least two ways in add itio n to p rov i d i n g the mod el. . . . They were a ca rd i n a l factor in creating a nat i o n a l m a rket, and i n d o i n g so, they p u t a s h a rper edge o n i ntra m u ra l com petit i o n . T h ey broke down m o n o pol i stic m a rket posit i o n s by m a k i ng it poss ible for fi rms to i n vade eac h othe r's te rrito ry. To p rotect themselves fro m the wo u nd s a n d bruises of com petiti o n , b u s i n essmen i ntegrated horizo nta l ly a s well a s vertical ly, t h u s givi ng a n other boost t o b i g busi ness. 155 I n the n o rt h east e r n U n i ted States, t h e process of i nte r n a l i z at i o n wo u l d p l ay a n i m p o rta n t ro l e i n t h e n ext great e n e rgy i nt e n s i ficati o n : el ect r i f i ca­ t i o n . W h i l e i n d e p e n d e n t i n ve n t o rs ( s u c h as E d i s o n ) , who b e n e fited fro m eco n o m i e s of aggl o m e rati o n , h a d d e v e l o ped t h e fi rst few el ect r i ca l prod­ u cts, a p rocess of i nte r n a l i zat i o n by i n vesto rs15 6 was be h i n d t h e h a r n e ss­ i ng of the gravitati o n a l e n e rgy of N i aga ra Fa l l s, a n d i t was t h e l atte r t h a t tran sfo rm e d e lect r i c i ty from its l i m ited role a s a s o u rce of i l l u m i n atio n to t h a t of a u n iversal fo rm of e n e rgy. I n t h e cou rse of t h i s u n d e rt a k i n g, c r u ­ c i a l tec h n i c a l q u est i o n s (s u c h a s t h e r e l at i ve m e rits o f d i rect v e r s u s a l te r-

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n at i ng cu rre nt) we re settl e d , a nd t h e natu re of t h e e n terprise itse l f (a p ro d u cer of e n e rgy, not a s u p p l i e r o f l i ght) was e l u c i d ated . T h e d r i v i n g force be h i n d t h e p roject wa s a gro u p of ba n kers w h o fo rmed t h e Cata ract Co n st r u ct i o n Co m p a ny in 1889. T h ey i nte r n a l ized an esta bl i s hed c o m ­ p a n y a nd a l l its m a c h i n e ry, a n d s e t o u t to face t h e co m p l ex tec h n i c a l a n d l ogisti cal pro b l e m s of co n q u e ri ng t h e fa l l s. By 1896, t h e p l a n t t h ey b u i l t was tra n s m i tt i ng powe r to t h e city of B u ffa lo, a n d t h e e l ectri cal u t i l ity co m p a ny as we k n ow it had co m e i n to existe n c e . 157 A prod u ct of i n v e sto r i nt e r n a l izat i o n , t h e el ect r i c a l i n d u stry h e l ped p i o n e e r a n ew fo r m of ab so rpt i o n : the d i rect i n ter n a l izati o n of eco n o m i e s of aggl o m e ratio n . U n l i k e its riva l s (co a l gas fo r i l l u m i n at i o n , ste a m fo r moto rizat i o n ) , e l ect r i city was i n c rea si ngly d e pe n d e nt o n formal a nd i n fo r­ m a l k n ow l e d ge fo r its d evel o p me n t . K n ow l edge, i n t u r n , i s a n i n p u t of p rod u ct i o n w h i c h exacts h ig h tra n sa ct i o n costs. O n ly w h e re patents a re perfectly e n fo rce a b l e wi l l i n fo r m a t i o n be a l lowed to flow t h ro u g h m a rkets, e l se a n t i m a rkets wi l l p re fe r to i ntern a l ize i t i nto t h e i r h i e rarc h i e s . l58 One way a corpo rate h i e ra rchy m ay i nte r n a l ize k n owledge is by fu n d i ng a rese a rc h l a b o rato ry. A l t h o u g h t he G e r m a n orga n i c-c h e m i stry l a b o rato ries a n d Ed i so n 's Menlo Park l a b were precu rso rs, t h e fi rst modern i n d u st r i a l l a b o ratory ded icated excl u s i ve l y t o research (as o p posed to m e re testi ng) was created by t h e G e n e ral E l e ct r i c C o m pa ny in t h e ea rly ye a rs of t he twe ntieth ce n t u ry. T h e G . E . l a b , a nd t h e m a n y t h at we re l at e r created i n its i mage , m ay b e v i ewed a s a n i nte r n a l i zed m e s h wo rk o f s k i l l s : I t i s a great strength of t h e i n d ustrial la boratory t h at i t c a n b e bot h "spe­ cial ist" a n d "ge n e ra l i st," permitting an i n d ivid ual to wo rk alone or a team to work together. . . . The re search l a b o ratory prov i d e s an i n d i v i d u a l with access to s k i l l s and fa cil ities wh i c h greatly i n crease h i s capacity. It ca n at the same time, however, orga n ize a team effort fo r a specific ta sk and t h u s create a co l l ective "generali st" with a greate r range of s k i l l s and kn ow l­ edge tha n a ny i nd ivid u a l , no matter how gifted, co u l d pos s i b ly acq u i re i n a l i fetime. 159 Alt h o u g h t h e u se of e l ectricity as an e n e rgy sou rce owed its o rigi n s to u rb a n eco n o m i e s of agglo m e rat i o n a nd t h e i n form at i o n t h ey ge n e rate, o n ce t h ose m e s h wo rks had bee n i nt e r n a l ized a n d ro u t i n ized, e l ectricity's f u t u re belo nge d to eco n o m i e s of sca l e . M u c h as t h e ste e l i n d u stry, w h i c h req u i red l a rge r a n d m o re s o p h i st i cated m a c h i n e r y a n d p l a n t s t h a n i ro n m i l l s , a u to m a t i c a l l y b e n efited l a rger e nte rprises, s o e l ect r i city i m me d i ­ a t e l y m at c h e d t h e s ca l e at wh i c h a nt i m a r ket i n st i t u t i o n s o p e rate. 160 T h e n e w i n te n s i ficati o n t o o k pl ace a l o ng seve ral fro n t s . S i ze , t e m perat u re ,

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a nd press u re were a l l i nt e n s i fi e d to ge ne rate eco n o m i e s of sca l e i n t h e production p rocess. Vo ltage , too, wa s greatly i nt e n s i fi e d , a n d positive

feedback was created i n the transmission p rocess a s wel l . Yet, a s fa r a s e l ectricity's effect o n soci ety, t h e i nt e n sificati o n t h a t mattered m o st w a s t h at of consumption , w h i c h fol l owed n at u ra l ly fro m el ect ricity's m u l t i t u d e o f pote n ti a l u s e s . I n o t h e r words, t h e i nj ecti o n o f m o re a n d m o re e n e rgy i n to u rb a n centers wo u l d n ot on its own h ave p rod uced m u c h o f a c h a nge, si n ce t h e u se s to w h i c h t h e o l d e r fo rm s of e n e rgy co u l d be p u t w e r e l i m ited . At s o m e p o i nt u rb a n societ i e s wo u l d h a ve reached a poi nt o f satu rat i o n , and the i n t e n sificat i o n wo u l d h av e cease d . But el ect ricity si m u lt a n e o u sly i n creased t h e flow of e n e rgy a n d t h e pote n t i a l uses o f t h a t e n e rgy. H e n ce, i n t h i s ca s e , it w a s as m u c h t h e i nt e n s ity a s t h e form of t h e new e n e rgy i n p uts t h at m atte re d . At t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u ry, e l ect r i c i ty h a d t h re e poss i b l e u se s , n o t to m e nt i o n a m u lti t u d e of pot e n t i a l u ses ( s u ch a s co m p ute rs) that wo u l d be rea l i zed o n ly l at e r. T h e se t h ree a p pl icat i o n s were co m m u n i cat i o n s , li ght­ i ng, a n d me c h a n i cal powe r. T h e f i rst two were t h e bett e r k n o w n , s i nce el ectri city h ad been co n n ected wit h the flow o f i n fo rm a t i o n fro m e a rly o n . Sto red i n b atte r i e s , i t h a d powered t h e tel egra p h t h ro u g h o u t t h e n i n e ­ tee nth c e n t u ry. E l ectri city h a d a l s o powe red l ig h t i n g syste m s , begi n n i ng i n t h e 1870s . B ut its t r u e tra n sfo rm i ng powe r wo u l d not d e p e n d as m u c h o n i t s ro le i n com m u n icat i o n s o r i l l u m i n at i o n a s i n t h e creati o n of a n e w b reed o f motors t h at, u n l i ke ste a m e ng i n es, co u ld b e miniaturized, w h i c h p e r mitted a n ew d egree o f c o n t ro l o v e r t h e flow of m e c h a ni cal e n e rgy. 161 T h e m i n i at u riza t i o n of m ot o rs a l l owed t h e grad u a l re p l a c e m e n t of a c e n ­ tral i ze d e n gi n e by a m u lt i t u d e o f d ecentra l i zed o n e s ( e v e n i n d i v i d u a l too l s co u l d now b e m otorized ) . M ot o rs bega n d i s a p p e a ri n g fro m vi ew, weav i ng t h e m s e l v e s i n to t h e very fa b r i c of re a l ity. Of co u rse, e l ectricity wa s not t h e sole ca u se of t he l a st great i n t e n s i fica­ tion u n d ergo n e by We ste r n cities. A s wit h e a r l i e r i nte n s i fi c a t io n s, i t was the i nt e r p l ay of several i n n ovati o n s ( e l e ctri city and e l e ctr i c a l prod u cts, t h e a u to m o b i l e a n d its i nt e r n a l co m b u st i o n engi n e , p l astics a n d o t h e r syn t h etic m a teria l s , ste e l a n d oil) t h at a l l owed t h i s i nt e n s i fi cat i o n to su sta i n i tse l f. I t is a l so i m p o rta n t to k e e p i n m i n d t h at t h i s n ew we b of i nterloc k i n g tec h n o l ogies d i d n ot re p l a c e t h e o l d o n e . A l t h o u g h coa l lost gro u n d to o i l i n t h i s c e n t u ry, e v e n a s l ate as t h e 1960s coa l sti l l acco u nted f o r h a l f o f t h e wo r l d 's e n e rgy co ns u m pt i o n , a n d its rese rves we re l ess d e p l eted t h at t h o se o f oi l . 162 R a t h e r t h a n p e r fo rm i ng a w h o l e sa l e re p l ac e m e n t , t h e n e w c i rc u i t o f trigg e rs a n d fl ows i n se rted itse l f i n to t h e o l d o n e . T h e o rigi n a l l o o p (co a l - i ro n -ste a m -cotto n), a n d its newly acq u i red n o d e s (ra i l ro a d s , t e l egra p h), conti n u ed to f u n ct i o n i nto t h e twe n t i et h ce n t u ry. T h e n ew

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e mselve s i nto t h e p r ev i o u s m e s hwor k , tec h n o l og i e s s i m ply grafted t h i c i pati n g i n i t s s e l f-re p rod u ct i o n a n d , rt a p , s e d o n r e h t o t e y beco m i ng

. R at h e r t h a n b e i n g l eft be h i n d , t h e o l d h e n ce , r e p rod u c i n g t h e m s e l ves l o s i n g a few t rigger-f l ow com po n e nts w h i l e , d e fi i x e l p m co ly p m i s c i rc u i t

g a i n i ng m a ny n ew o n es . C it i e s be ga n t o c h a nge u n d e r t h e i n f l u e n ce of t h ese n ew n od e s . N ew Yo r k a n d C h i cago i n p a rt i c u l a r expe r i e nced an i nt e n se e l ectrifi cat i o n a n d m e t a l l izati o n , w h i c h res u lted i n t h e b i rth o f t h e skys c r a p e r, a n o rigi n a l u r ba n fo rm u n i q u e to t h e U n i ted States, p r i o r to Wo r l d Wa r I I . T h e i ro n fra m e , w h i c h a l l owed m a so n ry wa l l s t o b e re p l aced w i t h glass, h a d been p i o n e ered in E u r o p e a n c i t i e s such a s L o n d o n and Pa r i s . B ut it was i n A m e r i c a t h at t h i s m etal l i c e n d os k e l eto n evo lved i nto t h e s kysc r a p e r. El ect r i c m oto rs i n t u r n a l l owed e l e vato rs to tra n s po r t p e o p l e vertic a l ly t h ro u g h t h ese h u ge towers. C h i cago p i o n e e red t h e u s e of steel a n d e l ec­ t r i city i n t h e co n st r u cti o n i nd u stry, cata lyzed by t h e great fi re of 1 8 7 1 , w h i c h d estroyed t h e city's co m m e rc i a l c e n t e r a n d l it e ra l ly c l e a red t h e way fo r i n n o vative b u i l d i n g tech n i q u es to be a p p l i e d . By t h e 1890s, C h i cago was the w o r l d c a p i t a l of the s kysc r a p e r, with N ew Yo r k a close seco n d . B u t i f el ect r i city a n d steel a cted a s centri peta l forces, m a ki ng possi b l e t h e i nte n se h u m a n a n d m ac h i n e co n c entra ti o n s re p rese nted by t h e n ew mega c i t i e s , t h e i nt e r n a l co m b u s t i o n e n gi n e a n d t h e a u t o m o b i l e h a d a c e n t ri f u ga l e ffect, a l lowi ng p e o p l e to move out of c e n t r a l c i t i es i nto ra p i d ly growi ng s u b u rba n a re a s . A u t o m o b i l e s , say H o h e n be rg a n d L e e s , " a cted as a s o l v e n t r a t h e r t h a n a c e m e n t to the u rb a n f a b r i c . " 1 6 3 T h e year 1920 m a r k s a t u r n i n g poi nt i n t h e acce l e rati o n of A m e r i c a n city b u i l d i n g , t h e m o m e n t w h e n t h e n u m be r o f A m e r i c a n s l i v i n g i n cities s u r p a ssed t h e n u m be r i n h a b i t i n g r u ra l areas. But 1 92 0 a l so m a rks the m o m e n t when t h e growt h of central c i t i e s was s u r p a s s ed by the growth at t h e i r fri nges, the m o m e n t u r b a n d eco n ce ntrati o n bega n to i nte n s ify. As s u b u r bs sta rted h o u s i n g m o re of the u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n t h a n cen tra l cities, the l a tter b e c a m e p a rt of l a rge r " m etro pol i ta n regi o n s " (as t h ey ca m e to b e k n o w n ) a n d of a n ew te rr i t o r i a l d i v i s i o n of l a bo r. C i t i e s lost so m e of t h e i r eco n o m i c f u n ct i o n s to su b u r b s a nd i nd u str i a l h i nterl a n d s, a n d d ev e l o p e d s peci a l i zat i o n s i n yet ot h e r f u n ct i o n s ( t h o se t h at were i n fo r m a­ t i o n - i n t e n s i ve). T h i s p rocess w a s l a rgely u n p l a n n e d , form i ng a te rrito r i a l m e s hwo r k of i nt e r l oc k i ng s p e c i a l izat i o n s . As o n e a u t h o r p u ts i t , " O n e m ig h t d es c r i b e t h e m etro p o l i t a n re gio n a s a gi a nt n etwo r k o f fu nct i o n a l relat i o n s h i ps i n sea rc h of a fo rm a n d a gover n m e nt . " 164 B e s i d e s t h ese c h a nges i n i n te r n a l fo r m , t h e relati o n s h i p betwee n cities in E u rope a n d in A m e r i c a bega n to c h a nge. I n pa rti c u l a r, t h e core of the global N etwo r k system s h i fted i n t h e 1 920s from L o n d o n to N ew Yo r k

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C i ty. By t h e twe n t i e s , N ew Yo rk h a d a l ready e n j oyed several d ec a d e s of fi n a n c i a l i n d e p e n d e n ce from L o n d o n . For i n sta n ce, e l e ctri f i cati o n , u n l i k e N ew Yo r k 's e a r l i e r i n t e n s i fi cati o n s, h a d n ot b e e n fi n a n ced from a b ro a d . 16 5 A few d ec a d e s later, a fte r Wo r l d Wa r I , t h e U n i te d States e m e rged as a c red itor n at i o n , a n d a n ot h e r m a ri t i m e metropol i s ( N ew Yo rk), not a l a n d ­ l o c ked c a p i t a l (Wa s h i ngto n), wo u l d a s s u m e t h e ro l e a s c o r e of t he g l o b a l N etwo r k syste m . H owev e r, N ew Yo rk wou l d soo n e x p e r i e n ce a p h e n o m e n o n w h o s e roots went back seve ra l c e n t u r i e s , to t h e t i m e w h en n atio n- states fi rst bega n to swa l l ow u p u r b a n c e n t e rs : t h e p rocess of city killing. O n e fact o r co n ­ t r i b u t i n g to t h e d e p l e t i o n of u r b a n a u tocata lyt i c dy n a m i cs was t h e u n ­ p reced e n ted m o b i l ity of l a rge co rpo ratio n s , w h i c h , h a v i n g i n ter n a l i z e d t h e b e n efits of eco n o m i es of aggl o m e ra t i o n , co u l d m o v e h e a d q u a rte rs a n d p rod u cti o n faci l it i es w i t h relative e a s e . U n l i ke s m a l l f i r m s , w h i c h a re l o c ked i n a m e s h w o r k of i nterd e p e n d e n c i es w i t h ot h e r s m a l l e n t e r p r i ses and h e n ce ca n n ot e a s i ly m o ve to a n ot h e r ci ty, i nd u st r i a l a n t i m a r kets a re free to c h a nge l ocati o n betwe e n , or o u ts i d e of, u rb a n ce nters. A n d a s t h ey m ove away, l a rge co r p o rat i o n s t a k e t h e i r i n ter n a l i ze d m e s hwo rks w i t h t h e m , d e p r i v i n g c i t i e s of a n i n ca l c u l a b ly v a l u a b l e reso u rc e . M e s h ­ wo rks of sm a l l f i r m s m ay a l so be d estroye d i n a m o re d i rect w a y by l a rge o rga n i zati o n s u s i n g t h e i r eco n o m i e s of sca l e to ga i n co ntrol of m a rkets. I n B ra u d e l 's wo r d s : O v e r the twenty yea rs or so before the crisis of the 197 0's, N ew Yo rk - at that time the lead i n g i n d u strial city i n the world - saw the decl i n e o n e after a n other of the l i ttl e firms, so meti mes em ploying l ess t h a n t h i rty people, w h i c h made up i ts commerci a l a n d i n d ustrial s u bsta n ce - t he h u ge cl oth­ i n g sector, h u n d reds of small pr i nters, m a ny food i nd u stries a nd s m a l l b u i lders - al l co ntri b u t i ng t o a tru ly "com petitive" world whose l itt le u n i ts were both in com petiti o n wi t h , yet dependent u po n each other. The d is­ o rga n i zati o n of New Yo rk wa s the re s u l t of the s q u eezi ng out of t h ese t h o u ­ s a n d s of b u s i n esses w h i c h i n the p a s t made it a c ity where co n s u m ers co u l d fi n d in town anyt h i n g they wa nted, prod u ced , stored and sold o n the s pot . I t was the b i g firms, with t he big prod u ct i o n u n i ts o u t of town , wh i c h o usted the l ittle m e n . 1 66 A n t i m a rket o rga n izat i o n s w e re not t h e o n ly h i e ra r c h i c a l st r u ct u res e ngaged in city k i l l i ng . Acco rd i n g to J acobs, go ver n m e n t a l b u rea u c racies h a v e fo r c e n t u r i e s b e e n d e st royi ng u rb a n m e s h w o r k s in a va r i ety of ways, a d i versity of " t r a n s a ct i o n s of d ec l i n e " (as s h e calls t h e m ) t h at res u lt i n t h e l oss of p o s i t i v e fee d b a c k , or at l e a st i n t h e l os s of t h e s p e c i a l

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type of e co no m i e s of agglome ratio n i n volved i n i m po rt-s u bstit u t i o n dyn am i cs. Beca u se s m a l l c i t i e s n eed a flow of i m p o rts to b u i l d u p t h e crit­ ical m ass t h at res u lts i n an explosive e p isod e of rep l ace m e n t dyn a m i cs , a ny gove r n m e nt p o l i cy t h at redi rects t h i s flow away f r o m t h e m i s a pote n ­ t i a l c ity k i l l e r. Taxi ng u rb a n ce nters i n o rd e r t o s u sta i n ru ral s u bsid i es i s o n e exa m p l e , as i s t h e p ro m otion of trade betwee n l a rge a n d s m a l l cities, si nce a l a rge city wi l l attem pt to tra n sfo rm a s m a l l e r city i nto a s u p ply zo n e . (As we o bse rved earl i e r, vo l ati l e trade req u i res backward c ities to u se each ot h e r sym b i otical ly. ) 167 To retu r n to o u r m a i n a rgu ment, d es pite t h e loss of vital ity of m a n y citi e s , t h e great a u tocatalytic loo p of trigge rs a n d fl ows conti n u ed to com­ p l ex i fy by a cq u i r i ng n ew nodes (e lect ri city, automo b i l es), w h i c h a l l owed it to c i rc u mvent i nt e r n a l l i m its to its growt h (su c h as a satu ration of t h e u rb a n d e m a n d fo r m o re a n d m o re e n e rgy). T h e co n ti n u i ng growth also d e p e n d e d , of co u rs e , o n ot h e r facto rs, s u c h as t h e ava i l a bi l ity of rela­ tively c h e a p e n e rgy sou rces, a n d t h is i n turn d e p e n d ed on the a b i l ity of Wester n n at i o n s to tran sfo r m t h e rest of t h e wo rld i nto a vast p e ri p h e ry, o r s u p ply zo n e . We wi l l ret u r n to t h e q u esti o n of col o n i a l is m i n t h e n ext c h a pter, b u t fo r n ow it will s u ffice to n ote that, u n l i ke t h e o rigi n a l c i rcu it of t rigge rs and flows in B ri t a i n d u ri ng the I n d u strial Revol utio n , t h e resou rce n od es i n t h e exp a n d ed ve rs i o n of t h e l o o p (t h e seco nd i n d u s­ trial revo l u t i o n ) h ad l o n g been i nternatio n a l . (Western cities became pai n fu l ly awa re of t h e i r l o ng depe n d e n ce o n u n d e rpriced e n e rgy - a n d h e n ce t h e i r d e p e n d e nce o n t h e i r g l o b a l s u p ply zo n es - d u ri n g t h e o i l c r i s i s of t h e 1 970s . ) T h e a u to catalytic l o o p beca m e i n creasi ngly d ep e n ­ d e n t, too , o n t h e f l o w of i n fo rm atio n . A n d t h i s fl ow, i n t u r n , bega n to be affected by t h e creatio n of n ew i n stitutio n s : t h e resea rc h l a bo ratory and the tec h n ical u n ive rsity. As Peter D rucker writes: Few of the majo r figu res i n 19th ce ntu ry technology received much fo rmal ed ucatio n . The typ i cal i nve ntor was a mechanic who bega n his apprentice­ s h i p at age fo u rtee n or earlier. The few who had go ne to col lege [Eli Whitney, Samuel Mo rse] had n ot, as a ru le, been trained i n technology or science, but were libera l arts students . . . . Tech nological i nvention and the develop­ ment of i nd ustries based on new knowledge were i n the hands of craftsmen and artisans with l ittle scie ntific education but a great deal of mechan ical ge n i us . . . . The 19th century was also the era of tech n ica l-u n ivers ity build­ i ng. Of the majo r tec h n ical i n stitutio ns o n ly one, the Ecole Polytechn i q u e i n Pa ris, a ntedates t h e ce ntu ry. . . . B ut by 1901, w h e n t h e California I nstitute of Tec h n ology in Pasadena adm itted its fi rst class, vi rtua lly every one of the major tec h n i cal coll eges active in the Weste rn world today had al ready

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com e i nto bei ng. Sti l l , in the o pe n ing decades of the 20th ce ntu ry the mom e n t u m of tech n ologica l p rogress was being carried by the self-ta ught mechanic without s pecific tec h n ical o r scientific ed u catio n . 168

The switch fro m t h e s e l f-ta ught i n ve nto r of t h e n i n eteenth centu ry to t h e i n d u strial l a bo rato ry of t h e twe ntiet h , wit h its staff of tec h n ical­ u n i ve rsity grad u ates, i nvolved a reve rsal i n t h e b a l a n ce o f powe r betwe e n i n fo rm a l a n d fo rmal k n ow ledge. Sti l l l a t e r o n , t h e adve n t of co m p u ters (wh ic h a re basica l ly a u to m ated fo rmal systems) a p p e a red to co n s o l i d ate t h e victo ry of a n a lyti cal ove r e m bodied k n owledge, to t h e poi n t w h e re t h e d i fferen ce itself seemed t o va n i s h fo r a l l b ut a few p h i lo so p hers. 169 Acco rd i ng to G a l b ra i t h , t h e e n l a rged role t h at k n owledge b ega n to p l ay as a n i n pu t to prod u ct i o n p rocesses (as wel l as i n ot h e r areas of corpo rate a ctivity, s u c h as m a rket i ng) h ad a s ign i fica n t i m pact o n t h e gove r n a n ce struct u re of l a rge eco n o m ic o rg a n izatio n s , a cti n g as a co u n te r b a l a n ce to t h e i ncrease d a mo u n t of com ma nd e l e m e nts i n t h e i r m ix. Despite t h e existen ce of m a n ageri al h i e ra rc h ies i n most co rpo ratio n s , the deci s i o n ­ m a ki ng p rocesses wit h i n t h ese i n stituti o n s a re n ot ba sed e n t i rely o n r a n k a n d fo rmal a u t h o rity, b u t o n com mittees, an appa rat u s for gro u p deci s i o n m a k i n g (wh i c h h e c a l l s t h e "te c h n ostr u ctu re"). Th ese co m mi ttees se rve as a m e a n s fo r poo l i ng k n ow ledge, fo r m a l and i n fo r m a l , a nd a s m e c h a­ n isms fo r test i n g t h e releva n ce of col lective o p i n i o n s. Top m a n agem e n t ten d s s i m ply t o rat i fy t h e d ecisi o n s made b y t h ese col lective bodies, p a r­ ticul arly i n situ atio n s w h e re t h e deci s i o n s to be m a d e a re n ot routi n e . 17 0 The i nten sificatio n of t h e flow of k nowl edge a l so affected t h e dyn a m i cs of cities a n d t h e i r i n d u strial h i n terl a n d s . A recen t study of two i n d u st ri a l h i nterl a n d s - " S i l i co n Va l ley" i n N o rt h e r n C a l i fo rn i a a n d R o ute 1 2 8 n e a r Bosto n , bot h o f w h i c h d eveloped i n close co n ta ct w i t h tec h n i ca l u n iversi­ ties (Sta n fo rd and M assac h u setts I n stitute of Tec h n ol ogy, respectively) ­ i l l u strates t h e effects of t h i s i nte n s i fi catio n . The study o bse rves t hat: S i l ico n Va l ley' has a d e ce ntra l ized i n d u strial system that i s o rga n ized arou n d regi o n a l n etworks. L i k e f i r m s i n J a p a n , a n d pa rts of Germany a n d I taly, Silico n Val ley co m pa n i es tend to d raw on local knowled ge a n d relati o n s h i ps to create n ew m a rkets, p rod u cts, a nd appl icati o n s . T h ese special ist firms co mpete i ntensely while at the same t i m e l ea r n i ng from o n e a nother a b o ut changing m a rkets a n d tech nologies. The regi o n 's d e n s e social networks and open labor m a rkets e ncou rage experim e n tation a n d e ntreprene u rs h i p. The b o u n d a ries with i n firms a re p o ro u s, as a re those betwee n firms t hem­ selves and betwee n firms a n d local institutions such as trade association s and u n ive rsities. l7l

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T h e growt h of t h i s reg i o n owed very l ittl e to l a rge fi n a n ci a l flows fro m gove r n m e nt a l a n d m i l itary i nstitutio n s . S i l ico n Va l l ey d id n ot deve l o p so m uc h by eco n o m ies of scale as by the ben efits d e rived from an agglom­ e ratio n of v i s i o n a ry engi n e e rs , speci a l ized co n s u lta n ts, and fi n a n c i a l e nt re p re n e u rs . E ng i n e e rs m o v e d ofte n fro m o n e fi rm t o a n ot h e r, d eve l o p­ i n g loyalties to t h e c ra ft a nd t h e regio n 's n etworks, n ot to a ny partic u l ar co rpo ratio n . T h i s co n ti n u a l m igrati o n , toget h e r with a n u n u s u a l (fo r cor­ po rat i o n s) c u ltu re of i n fo rm atio n s h a ri ng a m o ng t h e local prod u ce rs, e ns u re d t h at n ew fo r m a l and i nfo rm a l k n owledge wo u l d d i ffuse ra pid ly t h ro ugh t h e regio n . B u si n ess associatio n s foste red co l l a bo rati o n between sma l l a n d m ed i u m-sized co m pa n ies. R i s k taki ng and i n n ov at i o n we re preferred over sta b i l ity a n d ro ut i n izati o n . (Of co u rse, t h i s does not m e a n t h at t h e re we re n o t l a rge, ro uti n ized fi rms i n S i l ico n Val ley, o n ly t h at t h ey d i d n ot d o m i n ate t h e m ix . ) N ot so o n Ro ute 1 28: While Sil ico n Va l l ey prod ucers of the 1970's were em bedded in, and i n separable from, i ntricate social and tech n ical netwo rks, the Route 128 region came to be dom i nated by a small n u mber of h ighly se lf-sufficient corporations. Co nso n a nt with New E ngland 's two ce ntu ry old ma n u factur­ i ng traditi o n , Route 128 fi rms sought to prese rve their i ndependence by i nte rnalizing a wide ra nge of activities . As a res u lt, secrecy and corporate loyalty govern re lations between firms and their customers, s u p pl iers, and com petitors, re i nfo rci ng a regional culture of sta b i l ity and se lf-re l iance . Corpo rate h ierarch ies ensured that authority rema i n s centra l ized and i n formatio n flows vertical ly. The bou ndaries between and wit h i n fi rms and between fi rms and loca l i nstitutions thus rema i n fa r more d istinct . 172 Befo re t h e recessi o n of t h e 1980s, bot h Sil ico n Va l ley a n d R o ute 128 had be e n c o n ti n u o u sly expa n d i ng, o n e o n eco n o m ies of agglomeratio n a nd t h e ot h e r o n eco n o m i es of scale (o r, rath e r, m ixtu res d o m i n ated by o n e type o r t h e ot h e r); n o n et h e l ess, t h ey bot h felt t h e f u l l i m pact of t h e downtu r n . I n resp o n se to h a rd t i mes, som e l a rge S i l ico n Va l l ey fi rms, ignoring t h e dyn a m ics be h i nd t h e regi o n 's s u ccess , bega n gea ri ng p rod u c­ t i o n towa rd eco n o m ies of sca l e , t ra n sfe r r i n g t h e m a n u fa ct u re of ce rta i n pa rts t o ot h e r regio ns a n d i nte r n a l izi ng activities p rev i o u sly performed by sma l l e r fi rms. Yet t h e i ntensi ficat i o n of routi n izatio n and i nte r n a l iza­ t i o n in Si l ico n Va l l ey was not a co n st itutive pa rt of the regio n (as it was o n R o ute 1 28), w h i c h m ea nt t h at t h e o l d m es hwo rk system cou l d b e revived . A n d that is, i n fact, what h a p p e n e d . Si l ico n Va l ley's regi o n a l n etwo rks we re ree n e rgized, t h ro u g h the b i rt h of n ew firms in the old pattern , a n d t h e regi o n h a s n o w ret u r n ed to i t s fo rmer dyna m i c state , u n l i ke t h e co m-

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m a n d - h eavy Ro ute 1 28, w h i c h conti n u es to stag n ate. T h is s hows t h at, while eco n o m i es of scale a n d eco n o m i es of agg l o m e rati o n , as fo rms of positive feedback, bot h p ro mote growt h , o n ly the l atte r e n d ows firms with t h e res i l i e n ce and a d a pta b i l ity n eeded to co pe with adve rse eco­ n o m i c co n d itio n s . T h e case o f S i l i co n Va l l ey a n d Ro ute 1 2 8 s h ows t h at t h e re a re seve ra l v i a b l e l i n es of deve l o p m e n t fo r futu re prod u ctio n syste ms, m u c h as t h e re were a lte r n at ive fo rms of i n d u strial izatio n i n prev i o u s ce ntu ries. Paradoxi­ cal ly, t h e co m p ute rized p rod u cts m a n u fact u red in t h ese t'yVo i n d u st ri a l h i n te r l a n d s , a n d t h e f u rt h e r i nt e n sificat i o n i n t h e flow of k n owl edge t h at co m pute rs a l l ow, co u l d p u s h t h e evol u ti o n of i n d u strial p rod u ct i o n i n e i t h e r d i rectio n , t o i nc rease o r decrease t h e re l ative p ro p o rtio n s o f co m­ mand a n d self-o rga n izatio n . O n o n e h a n d , co m p uters m ay beco me t h e m a c h i nes t h at fi n a l ly e l i m i­ n ate h u m a n bei ngs a n d t h e i r fl exi b l e s k i l l s from i n d u strial prod u cti o n , as i n fu l ly a uto mated facto ries. M at u ra n a n otes t h at o n e c h a racte ristic o f a utocata lytic loops is t h at t h e i r i nte r n a l states d ete rm i n e m ost of t h e i r be havi o r, with extern a l sti m u l i p l aying t h e ro l e of t rigge rs. H e co m pa res this to p u s h-butto n m a c h i n e s w hose be h a v i o r i s n ot cau sed by the p u s h ­ i ng of a butto n , o n ly triggered b y itY3 Auto m ated facto ries a re very co m plex p u s h-butto n m a c h i nes of t h is type a n d , as s u c h , planned autocat­ alytic loops. I n d ee d , as l ate as t h e 1960s, a ro uti n ized , rati o n a l ized p ro­

d u ctio n p rocess t h at ge n e rated eco n o m i es of sca l e was t h o u ght by m a n y to be t h e pe rfect exa m p l e of a w h o l e t h at is m o re t h a n t h e s u m of its pa rts. T h at so-ca l l ed systems a p p roach cele brated ro uti n izatio n as t h e crow n i ng ach ievement of m o d e r n sci e n ce . 174 Tod ay w e k n ow t h at p l a n n ed loops of trigge rs a n d fl ows a re o n ly o n e of a n u m be r of system s t h at exh i bit e m e rgent p ro perties, a n d t hat spontaneou sly ge n e rated loops may be m o re a d a ptive and res i l i e nt than rigi d ly p l a n n ed o n es. 175 A u to m ati o n resu lts i n s e l f-su sta i n i ng a utocata lytic loops o f ro u t i n e s , with a l i m ited ca pacity fo r s p o n t a n e o u s growt h . T h ese l oops e m e rge a nd grow by co r po rate p l a n n i ng, so t h ey c a n be o n ly as good as t h e p l a n n e rs t h e mselves. On t h e ot h e r h a n d , i n stead of a i d i ng t h e growt h of s e l f-su ffi­ cient co rpo rati o n s , co m pu te rs ca n be u sed to c reate a n etwo rk out of a co l l ecti o n of sm a l l fi rms, as h a p p e n ed i n some i n d u st ri a l h i n te r l a n d s i n E u rope, a l l owi ng eco n o m ies o f agg l o m e rati o n t o co m pe n sate fo r t h e l a c k of s c a l e of t h e i n d iv i d u a l fi rms. 176 I n t h i s ca se, t h e a b i l it i es of t h e i n d ivid u ­ a l s i n vo lved wi l l be a m p l i fied by p rocesses of se l f-orga n izati o n occ u rri ng at t h e i n stitutio n a l and regi o n a l leve l s. By faci l itati n g t h e fo rm ati o n of m es hwo rks of co m p l e m e nta ry eco n o m ic fu n ct i o n s , the co m p ute rs created in i n d u st ri a l h i nterl a n d s co u l d a l l ow u rban centers to recover t h e rich

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n o n l i n e a r dyn a m i cs of e a r l i e r p rod u ction methods, s u c h as i m po rt-su bsti­ tution d y n a m ics . I f s o m et h i ng l i ke t h i s were to h a p pe n , t hese regi o n s wo u l d s i m ply be repayi n g a very o l d d e bt to citi es. I n d u strial h i nte r l a n d s h ave a lways e m e rged i n close co n n ectio n with dyn a m i c u rb a n ce nte rs , spawned a nd n o u ri s h ed by cities a n d town s enjoyi ng some k i n d of positive feed back fro m t h e i r aggl o m e rati o n of s k i l l s and eco n o m i c fu n ct i o n s . Cities t h at served mostly a s a d m i n istrative ce n te rs, with m o re com m a nd t h a n m a r­ ket co m po n e n ts , d i d n ot a n i m ate active i n d u stri a l regi o n s beyo n d t h e i r bo rd ers. Lo n d o n , Amsterd a m , Paris, L o s A nge les, N ew Yo rk, S a o Pa u l o, S i nga p o re , a n d Seo u l did, w h i l e M ad rid , Lisbo n , Atl a nta, B u e nos A i res, M a n i l a , and Ca nto n did n ot. A ccord i n g to J aco bs, t h e l atte r l acked t h e volat i l ity i n t rade a n d t h e dyn am ism of smal l-prod ucer n etwo rks needed to i n fu se l i fe i nto a city's regi o n s, as o pposed to m e rely exp l o i t i n g t hem as resou rce d e pots. In N e ed l ess to say, co m p uters wi l l n ot m agi ca l ly p rod u ce a q u ick tec h n o­ logical fix to u rb a n problems. For o n e t h i ng, t hey may sti l l evolve i n the d i rect i o n of routi n izati o n , fu rt h e r e rod i n g t h e co m bi n ato r i a l ric h n ess of k n owl edge a n d m a k i ng f l ows of i n fo rm atio n ever m o re ste r i l e . T h e d igital revo l u t i o n s h o u l d be t ho ught of as o n e more e l e m e n t added to a co m pl ex m ix, fu l ly coexist i n g with o l d e r com po n e nts (e n e rgetic a n d m ate rial), n ot a l l of w h i c h h ave been left i n t h e past. I n ot her words, d igita l mach i n e ry is s i m ply a n ew n od e t h at has bee n grafted o n t h e expa n d i ng a u tocat­ a lytic loop. F a r from h a v i n g b rought soci ety to a n ew stage of its deve l o p­ ment, t h e i n fo rmati o n stage , c o m p u te rs have s i m ply i nte nsified t h e flow of k n owledge , a f l ow w h i c h , l i ke a ny ot h e r cata lyst, sti l l n eeds m atte r a n d e n e rgy flows to be e ffective. T h e re i s one fi n a l i nstitutio n a l development t h at n eeds to be m e n ­ t i o n ed h e re: t h e tra n s n at i o n al corporatio n . A l t h o u g h gove r n m e n t a nd m i l ­ itary i n stituti o n s evolved side b y side w i t h big b u s i n ess, fo rm i ng a t r u e m e s h w o r k of h i e ra rc h i es, a rece n t i n te n sifi catio n of t h e m o b i l ity t h at h a s a l ways c h a racte rized a nt i m a rkets has a l l owed t h e m t o tra n sce nd nati o n a l bou n d a ries a n d h e n ce t h e i r i nterl ocki n g rel atio n s h i ps w i t h t h e state. (Tra n s n ati o n a l co rporati o n s a re n ot a n ew p h e n o m e n o n , but t hey u sed to fo rm a sm a l l fract i o n of t h e tota l po p u l at i o n of u rba n firms.) The ro uti n­ izati o n of p rod u ct i o n and t h e i ntern a l izatio n of m a rk ets a re n ow carried on at a global leve l , w h i l e powe rfu l co m puters a l l ow the central ized con­ trol of geogra p h i ca l ly d i spersed activities. Accord i ng to some a n a lysts, the i nternati o n a l i zati o n of a n ti ma rket i n stituti o n s (or at l east the i nte nsifi­ cati o n of this p rocess) was i nd eed b ro u g ht about by adva n ces in the sci­ e n ce of central izatio n (for exa m p l e , in o pe ratio n s rese a r c h , w h i c h was

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develo ped by t h e m i l ita ry d u ri ng Wo rld Wa r I I ) a n d by t h e u se of l a rge co m pu te rs to coo rd i n ate a n d m o n ito r co m pl i a n ce with ce ntral p l a n s . 17 8 I n t h i s way, m a n y co rpo ratio n s have n ow become tru ly i n d e pe n d e nt of a ny partic u l a r co u ntry, m u c h as decades ago t h ey beca m e i n d e pe n d e nt of cities. I n d eed , n at i o n-states have beco m e obstacles fo r t h e expa n s i o n of a nt i m a rket i n stituti o n s , s i n ce the ach i eve m e n t of eco n o m i e s of sca l e at a n i nt e r n ati o n a l l evel d e m a n d s t h e d estructio n of t h e regu l atio n s with w h i c h i n d e p e n d e n t co u ntries attem pt to co ntrol t h e flows of m o n ey, good s, a n d i n fo rmatio n across n atio n a l b o rd e rs. Despite t h e fact t h at m es h wo rk-ge n e rati ng p rocesses a re active tod ay in seve ral pa rts of t h e globe, h i erarc h i ca l stru ct u res e njoy a co m m a n d i n g, two- o r t h ree- h u n d red-ye a r lead , w h i c h co u ld v e ry we l l d e c i d e t h e i ss u e , parti c u l arly n ow t h at p rocesses of h o m oge n izat i o n h ave beco me i n te r­ n ati o n a l . B u t even if t h e futu re tu r n s o u t to belo ng to h ierarchies, t h i s wi l l n o t occu r bec a u se a " l aw of c a p it a l i s m " s o m e h ow dete rm i n ed t h e o ut­ co me fro m a bove. H u m a n h i sto ry is a n a rrative of co nti n ge n cies, n ot n ecessities, of m issed o p p o rtu n ities to fol l ow d i ffe rent routes of deve l o p­ ment, n ot of a u n i l i n e a r s u ccess i o n of ways to co n v e rt e n e rgy, m atte r, a n d i n fo rmatio n i nto c u ltu ra l p rod u cts. I f com m a n d stru ctu res e n d u p p reva i l i ng over s e l f-o rga n ized o n es, t h i s its e l f wi l l b e a co n ti nge n t h isto ri­ cal fact i n need of exp l a n ation in co nc rete h i sto rica l terms. I have a l ready s u ggested h e re that a m u lt i p l icity of i n stitutio n s (eco n o m ic, politica l , a nd m i l ita ry) w i l l e nter i nto t h i s exp l a n ati o n . A m o re d eta i led a n a lys is of t h e p rocess th rough w h i c h h o m oge n iz i n g fo rces ca m e to overw h e l m t h ose promoti n g h ete roge n izat i o n wi l l in fact i n volve a wider variety of o rga n iza­ t i o n s ( i n c l u d i n g sc hools, h ospitals, a n d p riso n s) . I n t h e n ext c h a pte r, we wi l l exp l o re ot h e r aspects of t h e a cc u m u lati o n of h i e ra rc h ical str u ct u res wit h i n t h e E u ropean a nd A m e ri ca n exos ke l eto n . Exam i n i ng t h e ro l e t h at t h ese i n stitutio ns p l ayed wi l l a l l ow u s to p u t so me flesh on t h e bare bones of our accou nt of Weste r n i nstitutio n a l and u rb a n h i sto ry.

99

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Biologica l History: 1000-1 700 A . D.

I n t h e eyes of m a ny h u m a n be i n gs , l i fe a ppea rs to be a u n i q ue a n d spec i a l p h e n om e ­ n o n . Th e re i s , of co u rse , som e t ru t h to t h is be l i ef, s i n ce n o ot h e r p l a n et i s k n ow n to be a r a ri c h a n d co m p l ex b i os p h e re . H oweve r, t h i s v i ew bet rays a n " orga n i c c h a u v i n is m " t h at l ea d s us to u n d e rest i m ate t h e v i ta l ity of t h e p rocesses of se l f­ orga n i zat i o n i n ot h e r s p h e res 103

2: FLESH AND GENES

of rea l i ty. I t c a n a l so m a ke u s fo rget t h a t , d e s p i t e t h e m a n y d i ffe re n c es betw e e n t h e m , l i v i n g c r e a t u res a n d t h e i r i n o rg a n i c co u n t e r ­ pa rts s h a re a c r u c i a l d e p e n d e n ce o n i n t e n s e f l ows of e n e rgy a n d m a teri a l s . I n m a n y re s p e cts t h e c i rc u l a t i o n is w h a t m a tt e r s , n ot t h e pa r t i c u l a r fo r m s t h at i t ca u s es to e m e rge . As t h e b i oge o g r a p h e r I a n G . S i m m o n s p u ts it, " T h e f l o ws of e n e rgy a n d m i n e r a l n u t r i ­ e n t s th ro u g h a n ecosys te m m a n ifest t h e m ­ se l ves a s a ct u a l a n i m a l s a n d p l a n t s of a pa r ­ t i c u l a r s p e c i es ." l O u r o rga n i c bod i e s a re , i n t h i s s e n s e , n ot h i n g b u t te m p o r a ry coa g u l a ­ t i o n s i n t h e s e f l ows : w e ca pt u re i n o u r bod i es a ce rta i n p o r t i o n of t h e f l ow at b i rt h , t h e n re l e a s e i t a g a i n w h e n w e d i e a n d m i cro­ orga n i s m s t ra n s form u s i n to a n e w batc h of raw m a t e ri a l s . T h e m a i n form of m a tt e r - e n e rgy f l ow i n t h e b i o s p h e re i s t h e c i rc u l a t i o n of f l e s h i n fo o d c h a i n s . F l es h , o r " b i o m a s s ;' c i rc u l at e s c o n t i n u o u s l y f r o m p l a n ts to h e r b i v o res , a n d from h e r b i v o res to c a r n iv o res , g i v i n g t h e ecosyst e m its sta b i l i ty a n d res i l i e n c e . (Th i s b a s i c food c h a i n i s i n rea l i ty o n l y o n e a m o n g seve ra l , fo r m i n g a syst e m o f i n t e r l oc k i n g c h a i n s refe rred to a s a " food w e b ." ) Th e fo u n 104

BIOLOGICAL HISTORY: 1000-1700 A.D.

d at i o n of a n y food we b is its p l a n ts , w h i c h " b ite " i n to t h e st re a m of sol a r rad i a t i o n , c a pt u r i n g so m e of i t a s s u ga rs by m e a n s of p h otosyn t h e s i s . P l a n t s a re t h e o n l y n o n pa ra ­ s i t i c c reat u res i n a n ecosyste m , its p r i m a ry p ro d u c e rs , w h i l e t h e a n i m a l s w h o eat f l e s h ( p l a n t or a n i m a l ) a re m e re co n s u m e rs . T h e c o m p l ex m i c rof l o ra a n d n1 i c rofa u n a t h a t p rocess t h e ecosyste m 's wa ste a re a s i m por­ ta n t a s p l a n t s , s i n c e t h ese o rga n i s m s re m ­ i n e ra l i ze a n d re i n j e ct d e a d p l a n t a n d a n i m a l b o d i es b a c k i n t o t h e we b . 2 Co m pa red to p l a n t s a n d m i c ro o rga n i s m s , " h i g h e r " a n i m a l s a re j u st fa n cy d e c o r a t i o n s i n a n e cosyste m , con s u m i n g a n d tra n sform i ng biomass wit h d e c re a s i n g eff i c i e n cy a s t h e i r s i ze i n c re a s e s . 3 Fo r t h i s rea s o n , t h e e m e rge n ce o f a n e c o ­ syst e m i s typ i c a l l y d esc r i b e d a s a s uccessio n

o f pla n t assem bla ges t h at i n t e ra ct w i t h e a c h ot h e r, pa s s i n g t h rou g h seve ra l sta b l e states u n t i l t h ey re a c h a " c l i m a x ." A te m pe rate fo r­ est, of t h e ty p e t h at c h a ra ct e r i z es t h e E u ro ­ p e a n co n t i n e n t , fo r exa m p l e , b e g i n s a s a n a s s e m b l a ge of l i c h e n a n d m o s s , fol l owed by s c r u b by b i rc h a n d a s p e n , t h e n p i n e fo rest, a n d f i n a l ly a m a t u re oa k , l i m e , e l m , a n d be e c h fo rest . 4 A l t h o u g h it m a y a p pea r ot h e rw i s e , 105

2: FLESH AND GENES

t h i s p rocess of s u ccessio n d oes n ot h ave t h e c l i m a x state as its go a l . R a t h e r, t h e e m e rge n ce o f a n ecosyste m i s a b l i n d gro p i n g from sta ble state to st a b le state i n which each p l a n t ass e m b l age creates t h e co n d i­ t i o n s t h at sta b i l ize t h e n e xt o n e . A v a r iety of h i sto rica l co n stra i n ts (e n e r­ getic, m a te ri a l , dyn a m i c a l ) d ete r m i n e at some po i n t t h at t h e re is no ot h e r sta b l e state atta i n a bl e fro m t h e cu rrent o n e , a n d so t h e p rocess c l i m axes. T h i s is, of cou rse, j u st a n ot h e r exam p le of a m e s hwo rk of he teroge n e o u s e l e m e nts evo l v i n g by d r ift. A more rea l istic mod e l of t h i s mes hwo r k wo u l d h ave to i n c l u d e m i c roo rga n i s m s , t h e myriad i n sects a n d ot h e r s m a l l a n i m a l s t h at p l ay key roles in t h e f l ow of b i o m a ss, a n d eve n so m e "d ecorative" l a rge p re d a to rs, l i k e tige rs, wo lv es, o r e a rly hu m a n s. T h i s secti o n ex p l o res t h e r e l a t i o n s h i ps betwe e n med ieval cities a n d towns a n d t h e ecosyste m i n w h i c h t h ey grew - n o t o n l y t h e fo rests t h ey d e vou red as t h ey p rol ife rated b u t a l so a l l t h e ot h e r i nte racti o n s t h ey m a i nt a i n e d wit h b i o l ogica l e n tities, e s p eci a l ly m i c roo rga n is m s . H e re we w i l l a rg u e t h at e v e n t ho u g h p l a n ts we re i n a way s u b m itted to t h e co n tro l of t h e tow n s , m i crobes resisted co n t rol m u c h l o n ge r (if i n d e ed we c a n s a y t h a t a n t i b i otics hav e fi n a l ly b ro u g ht t h e m u n d e r o u r com m a n d , w h i c h m ay n ot be q u it e t r u e). A n d t h e n , o f co u rse , we m u st co n s i d e r t h at ot h e r u n co n t ro l l a b l e e l e m e n t of ecosyst e m s , t h e c l i m at e . Bot h i n fect i o u s d i s­ eases a n d c h a ngi ng weath e r patte r n s p l ayed a great ro le in u r b a n h i sto ry, m a k i n g e p i d e m i cs a n d fa m i nes p a rt of t h e " b iological reg i m e " t h at d o m i ­ n ated u rb a n a n d r u r a l l i fe u n t i l t h e eighte e n t h ce n t u ry. F ro m a d i ffe rent pe rspecti ve, citie s a n d towns m ay t he m s elves be co n s i d e red ecosyst e m s , at l e ast to t h e exte nt t h a t bio m ass ci rc u l a tes t h ro u g h t h e m to fe e d t h e i r i n h a b i t a n ts. T h e d i agra m of t h i s ci rc u l at i o n , however, m u st i n cl u d e p rocesses occu r r i n g o u t s i d e cities a n d tow n s beca u se u r b a n ce n t e rs h a ve a lways d e p e n ded o n t h e i r cou ntrys i d e s fo r foo d . I n h u m a n - m a d e ecosyst e m s , t h e i n h ab ita nts of t h e s u rrou n d i n g v i l ­ la ges a re t h e p r i m a ry prod u ce rs w h i l e city dwe l l e rs, d e s p ite t h e i r c u l t u ra l so p h isticati o n , a re m e re co n s u m e r s . Mo reover, t h i s p a rasi t i c re l atio n s h i p c a n be re p ro d u ce d a t a l a rge r sca l e . I n t h e ea rly s i xte e n t h ce ntu ry, fo r ex a m p l e , as c i t i e s g rew a n d d e v e l o p e d tra d e l i n ks w i t h o n e a n o t h e r, t h e i r food bega n t o flow fro m e v e r remote r s u p p ly zo n e s . F i rst ea ste rn E u ro p e w a s t ra n s fo r m e d i n to a v a s t "cou nt rysi d e" fo r t h e u r b a n co m p lex t o its west, t h e n Ame r i ca and ot h e r fo reign l a n d s were co n v e rted i n to reso u rce de pots to feed we ste r n E u ro p e a n cities. T h u s, o u rs will be a d u a l story, one t raci ng o u r b i o l ogical co n ne ct i o n s to n o n h u m a n l i f e , t h e ot h e r d escri b i n g t h e grad u a l co n v e rs i o n of t he w o r l d i n to a s u p p ly regi o n to f u e l E u ro p e a n u rb a n growt h . We begi n by d i s-

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c u s s i n g t h e p r i n c i p a l d i ffe re nce betwe e n n a tu ra l a n d u r b a n ecosyste m s : t h e i r d e gree of ho moge n e ity a n d he te roge n e i ty. Ecologi sts ha ve l e a r n e d fro m t h e i r e m p i ri ca l s t u d y of ecosyste m s t h at t h ere is a close relatio n s h i p between sta b i l ity a n d the d egree of s p ecies hete roge n e ity in a food web. H oweve r, the n a tu re of t h e co n n e ctio n betwe e n t h e two i s n ot yet fu l l y u n d e rstood. I n t h e ea rly seve n t i e s , some m a t h ema t i ca l m o d e l s of ecosyste m s s u ggested t h at t h e re m ay not eve n be a co n n ect i o n : we bs of ra ndomly assem bled s p ecie s t e n d e d to beco m e m o re u n sta b l e as n e w s p ecie s we re a d d e d ; d ive rs ity b re d i n sta b i l ity. H oweve r, a l l t h at t hose mod e l s p roved was t h a t re a l ecosystems a re n o t ra n d o m asse m b l ages of s pecies, b u t sel f-o rga n i zed m e s hwo rks i n w h i c h s p ecies a re i n te rco n n ected b y t h e i r fu nct i o n a l co m p l e m e nt a rities: p rey a n d p re d a to r, h ost a n d pa rasite . 5 Acco rd i ng to o n e eco l ogist, hete roge n e­ ity e n dows t h e se mes hwo rks n ot so m u c h with sta b i l ity (t he c a p acity to m a i nt a i n a state w i t h rel a t i v e ly m i n o r i nte r n a l f l u ct u at i o n s) as w i t h res i l i ­ e n ce (the ca pacity to a bsorb m a j o r exte r n a l a n d i nte r n a l fl u ct u atio n s by switc h i n g betwe e n seve r a l a lt e r n ative sta b l e states). 6 C o n t i n e n t a l fo rests a re an exa m p l e of t h e s e res i l i e nt webs of i nterlocked speci e s . I s l a n d s fa r fro m t h e m a i n l a n d , o n t h e other h a n d , a re m o re ho moge n e o u s a n d less c a pa b l e of abso r b i ng s h ocks a n d m ay be d rastica l ly d e sta b i l ized by a s u d d e n i n f l u x of a n ew s p ecies. T h e cities t h at bega n m u l ti p ly i n g in E u ro pe at t h e begi n n i n g of the m i l l en n i u m were l i ke so m a ny i s l a n d s i n t h e m i d d l e of a l a rge te m p e rate fo rest in its c l i m a x state , d o m i n ated by o a ks a n d e l m s . Cities a re l i ke i s l a n d s i n two d iffe re n t ways. I n t e rm s of c l i mate , cities a re " h eat i s l a n d s , " sepa rated fro m t h e i r co u nt rysi d es by a s h a r p d i ffe re nce in te m ­ p e rat u re J La rge fu rn aces a n d m a c h i n e s t h at e m i t heat, a m i n e r a l i n fra­ structu re t h a t sto res h e at fro m the su n and then re l e ases it at n ig ht, a n d l o w evapot ra n s p i rati o n a re a m o n g t h e facto rs t h at co n t ri b u t e t o m a k i n g l a rge cities co nce ntratio n s of wa ste e n e rgy. I n med ieval t i m e s , of co u rse, o n ly a few reg i o n a l c a p i t a l s a n d gateway po rts ( i f a n y) h a d m i n e r a l i z e d a n d i n d u st r i a l ized e n o u g h to beco m e h e a t i s l a n d s . B u t a l l m e d i ev a l towns big and sm a l l we re i s l a n d s in a n ot h e r res p ect: t h e i r l ow d egree of s p ecie s h ete roge n e ity. A ty p i c a l m e d i e v a l tow n can be d escri b e d as a tightly p a c k e d asse m b l age of h u m a n s , a few s p eci es of a n i m a l s and p l a nts, a n d , as o n e writer has p u t it, "a l u m p e n - p ro l eta riat of i n sect s . " 8 B eca use tow n s a r e n e cessa rily p a rasitic o n t h e i r r u ra l s u r ro u n d i ngs , u r b a n ecosyste m s e n c o m pass m o re t h a n what is fou n d i n si d e t h e i r w a l l s . A t o w n w i t h t h ree t h o u s a n d i n h a bita nts, a m e d i u m-sized t o w n i n t h e M i d d l e Ages , n e e d e d t o control t h e l a n d s o f a t l e a st t e n v i l l a ges a ro u n d i t ( a n a rea of a p p rox i m a tely f i v e sq u a re m i les) t o e n s u re a con sta nt s u p p ly

107

2: FLESH AND GENES

of e d i b l e b i o m a s s . T h u s , a l t h o u g h d e n si ty of popu l a t i o n is t h e cr ite r i o n n o r m a l ly u s e d t o d e fi n e a n u r ba n c e n te r, Fer n a n d B r a u d e l a rgues t h a t t h e d i vis i o n o f l a bo r betwe e n food prod uc ers a n d co n s u m e rs (a nd t h e power n e e d ed to i m p ose a n d m a i n ta i n i t) i s t h e true d e fi n i n g trait of u r ban l i fe . 9 We s h o u l d n ot i m agi n e , howe v e r, t h at the m e d i e v a l d i sti n ctio n betwe e n t h e u r b a n a n d t h e ru ra l w a s as s h a r p a s i t is tod ay. " E v e n t h e l a rge tow n s co nti n u e d t o e n gage i n ru ra l acti vities u p t o t h e e i ght e e n t h centu ry. I n t h e West t h ey t h e refo re h o u s ed s h e p h e rds, ga m e k e e p e rs, agri cu ltu ra l wo r k e rs a n d vi n egrowe rs (e v e n i n Pa ris). Every town ge n e ra l l y owned a s u r ro u n d i n g a rea of ga rd e n s a n d o rc h a rds i n s i d e a n d o u t s i d e its wa l l s . . . . I n t h e m i d d l e ages t h e n o i s e of t h e fl a i l co u l d be h e ard right u p to t h e Rat h a u s i n U l m , A u gs bu rg a n d N u re m b u rg. Pigs we re reared i n fre e d o m i n t h e streets. " l 0 T h e m a i n c h a racte rist i c of a n u r ba n ecosystem is i ts h o moge n e ity: h u m a n b e i n gs shorten all food chains in the we b, e l i m i n a te m ost i n terme­ d i a r ies a n d foc u s all b io m a s s fl ows o n t h e m s e l v es. ll W h e neve r a n o u t­ s i d e s p ecies tries to i n s e rt i ts e l f i nto o n e of these c h a i n s , to st ah t h e process o f c o m p l e xifica t i o n aga i n , it i s r u t h l e ssly expu n ged a s a "weed" (a term t h at i n cl u d e s " a n i m a l we e d s" such as rats and m i ce). M e d ieva l town s were, i n t h i s respect, no exce ptio n . M o reove r, t h e agric u lt u ra l l a n d s t h at f e d t h e s e tow n s we re t h e m se l ves s i m p l ificatio n s of t h e forests t h ey h a d re p l a c e d . W h e n a piece of fo rest was c l e a re d to create a r a b l e l a n d , a n asse m b l a ge o f p l a nts i n i ts c l i m a x state was d r i v e n back t o its v e ry fi rst state of s u ccessi o n , its s p ecies com positi o n h o m oge n ized a n d its e n e rgy a n d n u trie nts re d i rected towa rd a si ngle ce n te r. (Yet, fo r the s a m e reaso n , i t was t r a n sfo r m e d i n to a place w h e re p l a n t s p e c i e s wit h " o p p o r­ t u n istic" re p rod u ctive strategies [i . e . , we eds] co u l d m u l t i p l y.) T h e s a m e h e l d t r u e with respect to a n i m a l s . Seve r a l d o m esticated species (p i gs , catt l e , goats) may be c o n s i d e red biomass converters, w h i c h a i d t h e process of s h o rte n i n g a n d red i recti ng food c h a i n s . Fo r exa m p l e , catt l e a n d goats t r a n sfo rm i n d igest i b l e b i o m a s s ( l e a v es, grass, sp routs) i nto e d i b l e fles h a n d m i l k . P i gs a re even m o re effi c i e nt co n v e rte rs (o ne­ fifth of t h e c a rbo hyd rates t h e y eat a re tra n sfo r m e d i n to prote i n ), but t h ey feed mostly on so u rces t h at a r e a l so su ita b l e f o r h u m a n co n s u m pt i o n . 12 T h ey c a n n e v e rt he le s s s e r ve as l i v i n g sto rage dev ices fo r u n p red icted s u r pl u s es. Toget h e r, h u m a n s and t h e i r "exte n d e d fa m i ly" of d o m e sti cate s , as t h e h isto ri a n A l fred C ro s by cal l s i t , tra n sfo r m e d a h ete roge n e o u s m e s h ­ w o r k of s p e c i e s ( a te m p e rate fo r e st) i n to a h o m oge n eo u s h i e ra rc hy, s i n ce a l l b io m ass n ow fl owed towa rd a si ngle p o i n t at t h e to p . I n a s e n s e , a co m p l e x food web was r e p l a c e d by a s i m p l i fied food pyra m i d , at l e a st i n t h ose a r e a s w h e re u r ba n izatio n h a d t ri u m p h e d .

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T h i s ho mogen i zati o n , h oweve r, had to be m a i n ta i n ed t h rough the s h e e r weight of h u m a n nu m b e rs . W h e n e v e r t h e h u m a n pop u l atio n d e c l i n e d , t h e a n i m a l s a n d p l a nts t h a t w e r e exc l u d e d fro m t h e u rb a n eco syst e m m a d e a come b a c k . R o u gh ly s p e a k i ng, E u ro p e 's popu l a t i o n i n c rea sed betwee n

1100 and

and

1450

1350

a n d betwe e n

a n d aga i n betwe e n

1450 a n d 1650; it 1650 a n d 175 0.

d e cl i n e d betwee n

1350

I n t h e p e r i o d s of d e cl i n e ,

h u m a n s h a d t o struggle t o kee p t h e i r p l a ce a t t h e t o p o f t h e pyra m i d : T h e whole of E u rope, from t h e U rals to t h e Straits o f G i b raltar, was the domai n of wolves, and bears roamed i n a l l its mou ntai n s . The o m n i p res­ ence of wolves and the atte ntion they aro u sed mak e wo l f- h u n t i n g an i n dex of the hea lth of th e cou ntrys ide, and even of the towns, and of the c h a rac­ te r of the ye ar go ne by. A momenta ry i n atte nti o n , an economic set back, a ro ugh wi nter, and they mu lti p l i e d . I n

1420

packs e n tered Paris t h rough

a breach i n the ra mpa rts or u n guarded gates. They were t h e re aga i n in September

1438,

attacking peo p l e this time outside the town, between

Mo ntma rtre and the Sai nt-A nto i n e gate . 13 L a rge pred a to rs c o n t i n u e d t h e i r v i s itati o n s u n t i l t h e e n d of t h e e i gh­ te e n th ce ntu ry, by which t i m e h u m a n hu nters had n e a r l y d r i v e n them to exti nctio n . A n d yet t h ey we re n ot t h e o n ly s p e c i e s fo r w h o m h u m a n b e i n gs we re a fo od s o u rce . Of gre ate r i m p o rta n c e , a n d o f m o re e n d u ri n g i n fl u e n c e , were t h e " m i c ro p redators," t h e d i s e a s e s t h at ate h u m a n f l e s h fro m wit h i n . Co ntagi o u s d i s e a s e s a n d t h e i r h o sts fo r m co m p l ex, n o n l i n ea r d y n a m i c a l systems with seve ra l poss i b l e states . W h e n t h e p o p u l atio n of h o sts is i n s u ffi cie nt, or i n s u ff i c i e ntly pack e d , m a k i n g co ntagi o n d i ffi c u l t fo r t h e m i croo rga n i s m , t h e dyn a m ic a l syst e m e nte rs a n u n st a b l e state cal l e d " e p i d e m i c , " a n d the po p u l ati o n of ge r m s grows e x p l os i v e ly u n t i l it b u r n s out its h u m a n fu e l . When, o n t h e co ntra ry, ove ra l l po p u l a ti o n a n d po p u l a tio n d e n s i ty a re beyo n d a c r i t i c a l t h re s h o l d , so t h at t h e re i s a l ways a fre s h s u p p ly of fl es h fo r the pa r a sites to i n fect (typ ic a l l y s m a l l c h i l d re n ) , a ft e r a few e p i d e m ics t h e dyn a m i c a l syste m sta b i l izes i n to w h at i s c a l l e d a n " e n d e m i c" state. H u m a n s u r v i v o rs of t h e d i s ease beco me i m m u n e , t h e m i c ro o rga n i sms l o se s o m e of t h e i r v i r u l e n ce a n d m i cro be a n d ho st e n te r i n to a state of m u t u a l acco m modati o n . I n Wi l l i a m M c N e i l l 's wo rd s : O n ly i n co mmun ities o f seve ra l thousand perso n s , where enco u n ters with ot h e rs atta i n s u fficient freq uency to al low i n fection to s p read u n ce a s i n gly from one i n div i d u a l to another, ca n such d iseases pe rsist. These com m u n i­ ties are what we ca l l civil ized : large , co mpl exly o rga n ized , dens e ly popu­ la te d, and without exce pti on di rected and do m i n ated by cities. I n fecti ous

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bacterial a n d viral d iseases that pass d i rectly fro m h u m a n to h u m a n with no i nterm e d i ate host are therefore the d iseases of civi li zation par exce l­ lence : the pecu l i a r hal lmark and bu rden of cities and of cou ntryside in con­ tact with cities. They a re fa m i l iar to a l m ost all conte m p o rary h u m an ki n d as the ord i n ary d iseases of c h i l d hood : measles, m u m ps, whooping co ugh, sma l l pox and the rest . . " M ost a n d proba bly all of the d i sti nctive infectious d i seases of civi l i zation tran sfe rred to hu man po pu lati o n s from a n i mal herds. Contacts were closer with the domesticated species, so it is not sur­ prising to fi nd that many of o u r co mmon infectious d iseases have recogn iz­ able affi n ities with o n e or a nother d isease affl icting d omesticated a n imals. Measles, fo r exa m ple, is probably related to ri nderpest a nd /or ca n i n e d is­ tem per; sma l l pox is certa i n ly co n n ected closely with cowpox . . . i nfl uenza is shared by h u m a n s a n d hogS . I4 M e d ieval cities, with t h e i r i nti m ate pac k i n g of d o m esticated a n i m als a n d h u m a n s, we re ve rita b l e " e p i d e m io logical l a bo ratories." T h ey offe red ce rta i n m icroo rga n isms the pe rfect ha bitat in w h i c h to evolve novel vari­ a n ts. Si nce t h e i r v e ry existe n ce wo u l d go u n recogn ized fo r m a ny ce ntu ries, t h i s crucial co m po n e n t of u rb a n ecosyste ms was effectively o uts ide of h u m a n co ntro l . A l t h o u g h q u a ra n ti n e m e a s u res existed in E u ro p e s i nce the fifte e n t h centu ry, most c u l t u r a l acco m mod at i o n s to i nfectio u s d i sease we re h a bits a nd ro ut i n es that d eveloped wit h o u t a co nscious p l a n , by trial and e rro r. T h ese were, in a se nse, c u l t u ra l mate rials t h at accu m u l ated u n co nsciou sly, s o rted out by the p ress u re of the pa rasites t h emselves. H e nce, germs a nd h u m a n s fo r m ed a m es hwo rk, coevolvi ng t h rough d ri ft, in sta rk co ntrast wit h the rest of t h e food h i e ra rchy at the service of u rb a n c u lt u re . I t is e asy to d isco u nt t h e i m p o rta nce of e n e rgy a nd n utrient flows by u n d u ly e m p hasiz i n g t h e c u lt u ra l e l e m e n ts that i ne vita bly flow a l o n gs i d e t h e m . F o r exam pl e , C l a u d e Levi-Strauss pointed o u t d ecades a g o t h at bio­ m ass does n ot e nt e r h u m a n soci ety i n its " n at u ra l " state : it is at t h e v e ry least p rocessed t h ro u g h t h e "civ i l izi ng" powe r of fi re. I n t u r n , t h e d iffe r­ e nce betwee n raw a nd cooked biomass beco m e s a l a rge ly sym bol i c o ppo­ siti o n , a p p ro p ri ated by myth a n d l ege n d . I5 C u ltu re a l so regu l ates t h e flow of f l es h , d isti ngu i s h i ng betwee n taboo, sacre d , a nd everyd ay food s . T h e i n creas i n g e l a bo ratio n of s a u ces a n d co m p l ex d i s h e s w h i c h bega n i n E u rope i n t h e fi ftee n t h c e n t u ry (a n d i n C h i na a n d I s l a m m u c h e a r l i e r) added m o re a n d m o re l ayers of cu ltu re to t h e c i rc u l at i o n of raw m atte r­ e n ergy. H oweve r, t h ese c u l tu ra l add itives, i m po rta nt as t h ey were, s h o u l d n ot b l i n d u s to t h e fact t h at u lt i m ately i t w a s sti l l t h e n utritional value of t h e flow t h at m atte red . N ot h i ng se rves better to rem i n d u s of t h i s fact

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t h a n the recu rrent fam i nes t h at p l agued E u rope and ot h e r co nti n e nts, n ot o n ly in m e d i eva l t i m es but u nti l the very eve of t h e I n d u strial Revo l u­ tio n . I n extreme cases, p e o p l e wou l d n ot o n ly eat b i o mass t h at had n ot b e e n c u l t u rally s a n cti o n e d (s u c h as grass, bark, o r eve n soi l ) , b ut, m o re i m po rtan tly, t h ey wo u l d break t h e most powe rfu l of a l i m e ntary taboos and eat h u m a n fles h . Fam i n e recu rred so i n siste ntly for ce ntu ries o n e n d that i t became i n corpo­ rated i nto m a n 's biological regime a nd built i nto his d a i ly l ife . Dea rth a n d pen u ry were co nt i n u a l a n d fam i l ia r even i n E u rope, d espite its privi leged positio n . A few ove rfed rich d o not a lte r the rule. I t could n ot have been otherwise . Cereal yields were poor; two consecutive bad ha rvests spel led d isaster. . . . For these and other reaso ns fa mine o n ly d isa p peared fro m the West at the close of the eighteenth centu ry, or even later. . . A privileged .

cou ntry l i ke France is sa i d to have experienced 1 0 general fam i n es d u ri ng the tenth centu ry; 26 in the eleve nth; 2 in the twe l fth ; 4 in the fou rteenth; 7

i n the fifteenth; 1 3 i n the sixteenth; 1 1 i n the seve ntee nth a n d 16 i n the

eightee nth . We o bviously offered this eighteenth ce ntu ry sum mary without guarantee as to its accu racy: the o n ly risk it runs is of over-opti mi sm, beca use it om its t he h u n d reds and h u n d reds of local fam i nes. 16 Fa m i n es a n d e p i d e m i cs we re two biol ogi cal p h e n o m e n a t h at com peted in i m po rt a n ce wit h the p u re ly c u ltu ra l p h e n o m e n a of the t i m es . C u lt u re i s n ot a co m p l ete ly sepa rate s p h e re of rea l ity, b ut i n stead m ixes a n d b l e nds with flows of o rga n i c ( a n d eve n m i n eral) m ate rials. So fa r w e h ave e m ph a s ized o n ly o n e of t hese o rga n i c flows - biom ass - but of e q u a l i m po rta nce i s t h e flow o f ge n etic m ateri a l s t h ro ugh ge n e ratio n s . Wit h o ut t h i s flow, o rga n ized fles h wo u l d exist i n fo rms as e p h e m e ra l as h u rrica n e s (a n d oth e r n o n o rga n i c se lf-o rga n ized e ntities), a n d , m o reove r, it co u l d not evolve. S i n ce evol u t i o n a ry p rocesses far exceed t h e l i fe s p a n of i n d iv i d u­ a l s , a ny significa n t a cc u m u l atio n of a d a ptive traits req u i res ge n etic m ate­ ri a l s to be registe red a n d sto red . I n t h e view w h i c h d o m i n ated t h e West fo r two m i l le n n ia t h e t raits t h at d efi n e a give n species we re n ecessarily tied toget h e r fo r a l l t i m e s i n ce t h ey were exp ress i o n s of a n ete r n a l essen ce. Today we k n ow t h at t h e re i s n ot h i ng n e cessary a bout th ese a cc u m u l atio ns. S pecies a re h isto rical c o n ­ structi o n s , t h e i r defi n i ng tra its a p u rely co nti nge nt c o l l ecti o n asse m bled by means of sel e ctio n p ressu res, which a ct as a genetic sort i n g process. I n a v e ry rea l sense, m u c h as o u r bod ies a re tem p o ra ry coag u l at i o n s i n t h e flow o f biomass, t h ey a re also pass i n g co n structi o n s i n t h e flow of ge n et i c m ateri a l s . As R i c h a rd Dawk i n s has put it, p l a nts a n d a n i m a l s a re

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m e re ly "su rvival mach i n es" that h ave been b u i lt to h o u se a nd pe rpetu ate the flow of ge nes, or re p l icators: Re p l icators bega n not me rely to exist, but to constru ct fo r themse lves co n­ ta i n e rs , ve h icles for their co ntinued existe nce. The re p l i cato rs that su rvived were the o n es that built s u rvival mach i n es for themselves to l ive in . . . . N ow they swarm i n h uge colon ies, safe inside giga ntic l u mbering robots, sea led off from the outside wo rl d , com m u n i cati ng with it by to rtuous, i ndi­ rect routes, ma n i p u l ati ng it by remote controlY F o r t h e biogeogra p h e r, t h e flow of b i o m ass t h ro u g h food webs is paramou nt; fo r the evo l u ti o n a ry biologi st, the flow o f ge nes t h ro ugh ge n ­ e ratio n s i s w h at m atte rs c h i e fly. I t is clear, howeve r, t h at t h e bod i e s o f a n i ma l s a n d p l a n ts a re t ra n s i e n t agg l o m e rati o n s of mate r i a l s derived from bot h of t hese flows, and n ot o n ly fo r the obvious reaso n t h at l iv i n g creatu res m u st e a t ( a n d a v o i d b e i n g eate n ) t o s u ccessfu l ly rep rod uce. A m o re fu n d a m e ntal reaso n i s t h at t h e very structu ra l a n d fu n cti o n a l p ro perties of t h ese bod ies can n ot be exp l a i n ed in terms of genetic m ate­ ria l s a l o n e . Betwee n the i n fo rm atio n coded i nto ge n es a n d the a d a ptive tra its of a p l a n t o r a n i m a l (i . e . , betwee n ge notype a n d p h e n otype), t h ere a re seve ral l ayers of self- o rga n iz i n g p rocesses, each susta i n ed by e n d oge n o u s ly ge n e rated sta b l e states , t h e mselves the p rod u ct of m atte r­ e n e rgy fl ow. G e n e s a re not a b l u e p r i n t fo r t h e gen e ratio n of o rga n ic struct u re a n d fu n ct i o n , a n i d e a i m p lyi ng t h at ge n etic m ate rials predefi n e a fo r m t h at i s i m posed o n a passive fl es h . Rather, ge n es a n d t h e i r p rod­ u cts act as co n st ra i nts on a vari ety of p rocesses that spo ntaneou sly ge n e rate o rd e r, in a way teasing out a fo rm from active (and morp ho­ ge n etica l ly p reg n a n t) fles h . 18 U n l i ke an ecosyste m , w h i c h is a m es hwork of h i g h ly h ete roge n eo u s e l e ments, t h e ge n e p o o l of a species m ay be see n as a h i e rarchy of h o m oge n e o u s e l e m e nts. As t h e p h ysi cist H oward Pattee h as a rgu e d , t h e crucial fu n cti o n of ge n es is to force i n d ivid u a l molec u les wit h i n a ce l l t o o bey t h e ce l l its e l f, a n d s i m i l a rly fo r i n d i vi d u a l ce l l s i n a tiss u e , i n d ivid u a l tissues i n a n o rga n , a n d i n d ivid u al o rga n s i n a n o rga n i s m . A t e a c h ra n k o f t h e h ie r a rc h y, t h e ge n es' p u rpose i s t o co n stra i n t h e l owe r l evel to be h ave i n ways d ete rm i n ed by t h e i m med i ately u ppe r leve l . 19 If we i m ag­ i n e a case i n w h i c h t h e s e l ecti o n p ressu res o n a species h ave had t h e t i m e a n d o p p o rt u n ity to work t h e mselves o u t (i . e . , t o e l i m i n ate m a ny ge nes from t h e pool a n d d rive others to fixation), t h e res u lta nt species wi l l i n deed be a very h o moge n e o u s e n tity. 20 Of cou rse, in rea l ity m ost s pecies reta i n a d egree of hete roge n eity, p a rtic u l a rly if t h e select i n g e nvi-

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BIOLOGICAL HISTORY: 1000-1700 A . D .

ro n me n t i s itse l f hete roge n e o u s in time or space. Besides, a tota l ly h o m o­ ge n e o u s s pecies wo u ld be i ncapable of evo lvi ng, s i n ce natu ra l sel e cti o n req u i res va riatio n i n t h e ge n e poo l a s its raw mate ri a l . N everthel ess, co m­ pa red to ecosystems, t h e ge n e poo l of a s pecies may be see n a s a struc­ t u re with more com m a n d e l e m e nts in its m ix . Although h ig h ly h o m oge n e o u s, t h e ge n e poo l of t h e h u m a n s p e c i e s i s sti l l vari a b l e d u e to t h e l a rge vari ety of ecosystems t h at h u ma n s have col­ o n ized , as we l l as to cu l t u r a l taboos agai n st i nterraci a l m a r r i age. H ow­ ever, w h atever h ete roge n eity rem a i n s i n t h e h u m a n ge n e poo l affects o n ly o u r o u tward a ppeara nce a nd has l ittl e a d a ptive v a l u e , wit h so m e excep­ t i o n s . F o r exam ple, i n n o rt h e r n E u ro p e d u ri ng t h e M id d le Ages, t h e re was a ge n e cod i n g fo r a n e n zyme t h at a l l owed ad u lt h u ma ns to d igest raw m i l k . E l sew h e re , in t h e p o p u l at i o n s of C h i n a a nd I sl am , fo r i n sta n ce , t h e gen e d i d n ot exist , s o m i l k h ad to b e cultu ra l ly p rocessed (tra n sfo rmed i nto c h eese o r yogu rt) befo re it co u l d be d igeste d . A nother ge n e , w h i c h w a s d istri buted t o s o m e d eg ree a l o ng t h e Med iterra n e a n but w a s m u c h m o re p reva l e n t o n t h e west coast of Afri ca, a l l owed i t s h u m a n carri e rs to resist " be i n g d i gested" by m a l arial pa rasites . 21 M ost h u m a n traits a re n ot, of co u rse, d ete rmi ned by a si ngle ge n e . S k i n co l o r, fo r i nsta nce, i nvolves sever a l gen e s (o r m o re tec h n ical ly, p a i rs of a l le l es, alte rn ative ge n es fo r t h e same posit i o n i n a c h romosome). M o re i m po rta n tly, most o f t h e ge nes t h at a re n ' t co m m o n to a l l h u m a n com m u n ities d e fi n e l ite ra l ly s u pe rficial tra its: s k i n c o l o r, h a i r fo r m , body s h ape, a n d stat u re . Despite t h e fact that t h ese tra its m ay h ave so m e a d a ptive sign ificance , t h e real i m po rta n ce o f t h is h eteroge n e o u s " o u te r s h e l l" is o u r u s e o f i t a s a basis fo r c u l t u ra l d i ffe rentiatio n a n d raci a l ste reotypi ng. Tru l y o bjective a n alysiS (o bjective, that i s , i n co m p a ri s o n to t h e caricatu res of o bjectiv ity t h at Soc i a l D a rwi n ists a n d e u ge n icists h ave give n us) of the ge n etic m a ke u p of the body as

a

w h o le reve a l s a sta r k

ge n etic h o mogen eity. I nte resti ngly, t h e ge n etic variatio n a m o n g i n d iv i d u ­ a l s of a p a rti c u l a r r a c e is gre ate r t h a n t h e variati o n betwee n races: Of all ge netic vari atio n , 85% is between i n d ivid u a l people wit h i n a n ation o r tribe . . . . The re mai n i ng variatio n is spl it eve n ly between variatio n between nations wit h i n a race a n d va riatio n between one major race a n d a nother. To p u t the matter crudely, i f afte r a great cataclysm, o n ly Africans were l eft al ive, the h u m a n species wou l d h ave retai ned 93% of its total ge netic variati o n , although the species as a whole wo u l d be d a rker sk i n ned . If

the cataclysm were eve n m o re extreme a n d o n ly the Xhosa people o f the

southern tip of Africa su rvived, the h u m a n species wo u l d sti l l retai n 80% of its gen etic va riati o n . 22

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T h e ge nes t h at defi n e t h e " o u te r s h e l l " (as we l l as t h ose few t h at i n volv e b i o logica l ly i m p o rta n t fu nct i o n s , s u c h as re sista nce to m a l a r ia o r t h e a b i l i ty to d i gest r a w m i l k) evolved i n h i sto rica l t i m e s , w h i ch p roves t h a t the h u m a n ge n e pool is sti l l c h a n g i n g. B u t t h i s k i n d of c h a n ge ("geo­ l ogica l l y" s l ow c h a nge) h a s not p l ayed the cen tra l ro l e in t h e dy n a m ics of t h e h u m a n ge n e poo l . T h at h o n o r is reserved fo r l a rge m i grato ry m ove­ me nts t h at m i xed h i t h e rto se pa rate p o p u la t i o n s . Fo r exa m p l e , the m e d i ­ eva l d i st ri b u t i o n of b l ood ty pes owed m o r e t o a n c i e n t m igratio ns t h a n to n atu r a l or c u l t u r al se l e ct i o n . 23 F r o m t h e ge n etic p e r s p e ctive, t h e c a u s es of h u m a n m i gra t i o n (a fa m i n e , fo r i n st a n ce) a re l e ss i m p o rt a n t t h a n i ts effects: t h e h o m oge n iz i n g or he te roge n i z i n g co nseq u e nces of i n jecti ng D N A from one l oc a l ge n e pool i n to a n ot h e r. " M igra t i o n i s of the gre atest -

ge n e t i c re l e v a n ce . It is the v e h i c l e for the mecha n i s m of evol u t i o n t h a t

today is p ro d u c i n g t h e greatest evol u t i o n a ry effect, a l low i n g t h e i n corp o­ r a t i o n of n ew ge n e s i n to e sta b l i s he d ge n e pools, e n h a n c i n g i nt r a po p u la­ t i o n and re d u c i n g i n terp o p u l a ti on v a r i a b i l ity. "24 W h e n h u m a n m igrati o n is n ot a move m e nt i n to p re v i o u s l y e m pty s p a ce , i t i n volves t h e i n va s i o n of ot h e r p e o p l e's l a nd s . I n t e r m s o f i t s effects o n t h e l o c a l ge n e poo l , we m ay d i sti ngu i s h t h ose c a s e s i n vo l v i n g t h e exte r­ m i n a t i o n of t h e l oc a l p o p u l at i o n ( a n d h e n ce a re p l acerl} e n t of o n e gene p o o l by a not h e r) fro m t h ose w h e re t h e a i m i s to s u bj ugate t h e l oca l s a n d u s e t h e m as a wo r kfo rce . I n t h i s seco n d case t h e re i s coexi ste nce betwe e n gro u ps, w h i c h a l l ows a s m a l l t r i c k l e of ge n e s t o p a ss betwe e n t h e two grou p s , d e s p ite t h e soci a l b a r r i e rs se p a rat i n g o n e pool from a n ot h e r. T h is ge n e t i c exc h a n ge typ ica l l y occu rs fro m t h e co n q u e ro r's to t h e c o n ­ q u e r e d 's poo l . 25 Seve ral i n va s i o n s p l ayed i m p o rt a n t roles in s h a p i ng t h e c o m p os i t i o n of E u ro p e a n ge n e p o o l s . L u igi Cava l l i Sfo rza h a s d i scove red in t h e d istri bu­ t i o n of ge n etic m a te ri a l s i n p re s e n t-d ay E u ro p e a n a l m ost ci rcu l a r p atte r n of so me of i t s co m po n e nts, with its cente r i n t h e Mi d d l e E a s t . A fter r u l i n g o u t t h e hyp o t h e s i s t h a t select i o n p ressu res co u l d h ave ge n erated t h i s c i rcu l a r grad i e n t (t h e re d oes n o t s e e m t o h ave be e n e n o u g h t i m e f o r t h is to h a p p e n s p o n t a n e o u sl y), he h a s co n c l u d e d t h a t it was p rod u ced by an a n c i e n t i n v a s i o n , w h i c h b ro u g h t agr i c u l t u re f r o m its p l ace of origi n i n t h e Fe rti l e C resce n t to t h e E u rop e a n co n t i n e n t t h e n i n h a b ited by p o p u l a ­ t i o n s of h u nte r-ga t h e re rs . T h e l o n g- a n d w i d e ly h e l d be l i ef t h at agr i c u l ­ t u re was i n t r i n s ica l l y s u pe r i o r to h u n t i n g a n d gat h e r i ng, a n d h e n ce t h a t it had s p read by t h e diffusion o f ideas, h a s bee n l a rge ly refuted by rece nt resea rc h . 26 The old way of o bt a i n i n g food was as effi c i e n t as the new o n e , s o agri c u l t u re co u l d n ot ha ve won over t h e Eu ro p e a n p o p u l ation beca use of its i nt r i n s i c s u p e r i o r ity; i n ste a d , i nv a s i on a n d re p l ace m e n t of some

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local p o p u l a t i o n s p l ayed a key ro l e i n s p re ad i n g the n ew eco n o m i c syste m across E u ro p e . Sforz a 's co m p uter s i m u l a ti o n s, however, i n d icate t h at to ge n e rate t h e c i rc u l a r patt e r n we n e ed to a l low some acc u l t u rat i o n of t h e r e m a i n i n g h u nte r-ga t h e re r s, i n v o l v i n g both c ross- m a r r ia ge a n d a d o pt i o n of t h e n ew te c h n o l ogy. A l t h o u g h some aspects of cu ltu re, t h e l e a st n o r mative a n d bi n d i ng, d o t r a v e l fre e ly f r o m m i n d to m i n d ( a n d f r o m c u l t u re to c u l t u re), ot h e r as pects m o re central to a soci ety seem to m i grate a l o ngs i d e its ge n e s . Acco rd i n g to Sfo rza , l a ngu ages a re a good exa m p l e of c u l t u r a l m ateri a l s t h at a re s p read t h ro u g h i n vasi o n s . L i n g u i stic n o r m s do n ot d i ffuse e a s i l y fro m c u l ­ t u re t o c u l t u re (wi t h t h e exce pti o n o f i n d i vid u a l word s), s o lo cal l a ngu ages a re easier to k i l l by e l i m i n a t i n g t h e i r s pea ke rs t h a n to c h a nge by loca l adopt i o n of fo re ign n o r m s . A n o t h e r p o rt i o n of m e d i e v a l E u ro p e 's ge n e p o o l was co n t r i b u t e d b y I n d o-Eu ro p e a n i n v a d e rs w h o b r o u g h t ge ne tic a n d l i ngu istic m at e ri a l s to t h e co n t i n e n t a n d exte r m i n ated m a n y loca l co m m u ­ n i t i e s a n d l a ngu age s . M e d i e v a l E u ro p e a n ge ne poo l s we re a l so affected b y t h e coexiste nce of ( a n d ge n e flow betwe e n ) d i ffe rent pools. (T h e expa n s i o n a n d retre at of t h e R o m a n E m p i re a n d t h e gen e flow betwe e n Lati n a n d G e r m a n i c pools belo ng to this catego ry, as do the ge nes t h a t ar rived with t h e M o ngol a n d M o o r i n va s i o n s , a n d t hose s p re a d b y t h e Je wish D i a s p ora . ) 2 7 T h e i n ten­ si ty a n d fo r m of t h i s ge n e flow were, i n t u r n , affected by c u l tu ra l i n st i t u ­ t i o n s : t h e d egree t o w h i c h m a rri age occu rred o u ts i d e t h e gro u p (t he d egree of exoga my) o r t h e d i stri b u t i o n of m a rri age d i sta nces ( l o nger fo r u rb a n t h a n fo r r u ra l m a rri ages), fo r e x a m p l e . 28 I n co n se q u e n ce of t h e v a r i o u s patte r n s of m i gra t i o n t h ro u g h Eu ro p e over t h e m i l l e n n i a , t h e e n ti­ ties we d e s i g n ate as " ra ces" to d ay a re s i m p l y the h i storical o u tco m e s of t h ese h o m oge n i z i n g ge ne tic flows, a n d raci a l grou ps a re d i ffe re nti ated o n l y by t h e i r " ou t e r s h e l l " : B r ito ns, s o con s c i o u s o f t h e i r ra ce, a re, i n fact, a n a m a l g a m o f t h e B e a k e r F o l k o f the B ro n ze A g e , t h e I n d o- E u ropea n Ce lts of t h e fi rst m i l l e n n i u m B.C . ,

t h e A n g l e s , Saxo n s , J ute s, a n d P icts o f t h e f i rst m i l l e n n i u m

A.D. ,

a nd

fin a l ly t h e V i k i ngs a n d t h e i r pa rve n u gra n d c h i l d r e n , t h e N o r m a n s . . . . [ H e n ce] t h e n ot i o n t h at t h e re a re sta b l e , pu re races that o n ly now a re i n d a nger o f m ixi ng u n d e r t h e i n f l u e nce o f mod e r n i n d u st r i a l cu ltu re i s n o n s e n se . T h ere m ay i n deed b e e n d oga m o u s gro u ps, l a rgely b i o l ogica l ly i so l ated by geogra phy a n d cu lt u re from t h e i r n e ig h b o rs , s u c h as t h e Pyg m i e s o f t h e I tu ri Fo rest, b u t t h ese a r e ra re a n d n o t p erfectly isolated i n a n y eve nt .29

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A n o t h e r c ru c i a l ro l e m igrat i o n p l ays i n u rb a n dyn a m ics a ffects l ess the co m positi o n o f a c i ty's ge n e poo l than t h e v i t a l p roce sses o f t h e c i ty t h e m ­ s e l v e s . M e d i e v a l town s , a n d i n d e e d a l l cit i e s u p t o t h e l a t e n i n et e e n t h centu ry, we re n ot se lf-re p ro d u c i n g e n t i t i e s . T h a t i s , t h ey d i d not re p ro­ d u ce t h e i r p o p u la t i o n by s i m ply co m b i n i n g t h e f l ow of b i o m ass fro m t h e co u ntrys i d e wit h t h e ge n e s t h a t had acc u m u l a ted with i n t h e i r wal l s . D e a t h rate s i n u rb a n c e n ters exce e d e d b i rt h rates fo r m a n y ce n t u r i e s ( m o rta l i ty rates a mo ng i n f a n ts a n d t h e poo r were e s p ec i a l ly h i g h ) , so cities were a lways i n n e e d of m igrants fro m t h e co u n trys i d e . S i xte e n t h -ce n t u ry Lon­ don, fo r exa m p l e , n e e d e d a bo u t five thousand ru ral m igra nts a yea r. 30 A n d , of co u rse , si nce m a ny of th ese i m m igra n ts were p o o r, t h e i r m o rtal ity rates (a nd eve n m o re so, t h e i r c h i l d re n 's) i n c rea sed t h e m o m e nt t h ey pa ssed t h ro u g h t h e city gate s , w h i c h expl a i n s w hy tow ns we re co m m o n ly referred to as "d eat h tra p s . " "Yet town s, pa rti c u l a rly sm a l l e r central p l aces (as o p po s e d to po rts , p roto- i n d u st r i a l cities, or great c a p ita l s), we re by no m e a n s alw ays d e ath tra ps . . . . I n fant m o rta l i ty, t h e key co m pon e n t i n n o rm a l t i m e s [ h a s be e n ca l c u l ated to b e ] eq u a l fo r r u r a l a reas a n d s m a l l e r m a rket tow n s : 2 5 to 3 3 p e rc e n t o f t h e c h i l d re n u p to f i v e yea rs, as op posed to 40 perc e n t to 5 0 perc e n t in l a rger c i t i e s . "31 I n the n i nete e n t h ce n t u ry, i m p roved water trea t m e n t (a nd o t h e r s a n ita­ tion pol i c i es) and m u t u a l a d a ptati o n b etwe e n h u m a n s a n d m i c ro o rga n i s m s b e g a n t o reverse t h e t re n d a n d u rba n b i rth rates cl i m b ed a bove death rates. B ut before that (a n d in m a ny p l aces, a l o n g ti m e afterward ) tow n s we re as d e p e n d e n t o n ru r a l a reas fo r t h e i n fl ux o f ge n e s as t h ey were fo r t h e i n fl u x of fo od . G e n etic m a te ri a l s from ru ra l ge ne p oo l s d i d not, o f cou rs e , m i x fre ely w i t h t h ose of t h e city's own ge n e pool (i . e . , t h e ge nes of l egi t i m ate ci tize n s of t h e city, w h o co u l d tra n s m i t t h e i r r i g hts a n d o b l ig­ ati o n s to t h e i r p roge ny). R at h e r, t h e two poo l s coex i sted a n d excha nged s m a l l fl ows of ge n es. Fo r i n sta nce , a ty p i c a l way of ga i n i ng c i tize n s h i p was to m a rry a citiz e n ' s d a u ghter ( h e n ce i nje cti ng o u tsi d e ge n es); a n d , of cou rse , c i tize n s ' ge nes fo u n d t h e i r way i l legi t i m ately i n to t h e m i gra nt po p­ u l atio n 's poo l . T h i s bri ngs u s t o t h e q u est i o n o f t h e soc i a l struct u re o f u rb a n ce nters. So fa r we have d escri bed u rba n ecosyst e m s a s pyra m i d s in w h i c h s h o rt­ e n ed food c h a i n s red i rect a l l e n e rgy towa rd t h e a pex, b u t t h e existe nce of soci a l cl asses i m p l i e s t h a t the a p ex itself has a h i e ra rc h ica l st ructu re; t h at is, i t i s d i v i d ed i n to seve ral n iches a rra nged in ra n ks. Niche i s the term us ed by ecologists to d e fi n e t h e pos i t i o n of a given s p e c i e s in a food we b . I t t a k e s i nto co n si d e rati o n t h e e n e rgy u sed i n s e a rc h i n g o ut a n d obt a i n i n g food , as we l l a s t h a t s p e n t i n avo i d i ng be i ng eate n . Each species has its own pecu l i a r way of p e rfo r m i n g thes e two t a s k s , a n d

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t h e s e b e h a v i o ral a n d physi o l og i c a l a d a ptati o n s d e fi n e its "jo b, " o r n i c h e , i n a n ecosyste m . T h e ecologist Pa u l Col i n v a u x has p ro p o s e d th at, t o t h e e xte nt t h a t d i ffere n t soci a l cl asses d o not h ave e q u a l access t o d i ffe re nt types of food ( a n d ot h e r e n e rgy reso u rces), t h ey m i ght be said to be social n iches . 32 In t h e M i d d l e Age s , for i n st a n ce , m a ny p e a s a n t s s u r v i v e d

o n a m o noto n o u s d i et of b re a d , gru e l , roots, a n d coo ked tu be rs. T h ey h a d , i n C o l i n v a u x's term i n ology, a v e ry na rrow n i c h e . T h e e l i te s , o n t h e ot h e r h a nd , w h et h e r fe u d a l o r u rba n , h a d acce ss t o a l a rge r v a r i ety o f food­ st u ffs, i n c l u d i ng l a rge q u a nt i t i e s of meat a n d l u x u ry items (e . g. , s p i ces). T h ey had a w i d e n i ch e . I n rea l i ty, o f co u rse, t h i ngs we re m o re co m p l e x a n d c h a nged ove r t i m e . C o l i n v a u x's ge n e ra l po i n t, howe v e r, s e e m s to a p ply rega rd l ess of ch a ng­ i n g h isto rical d eta i l s . H e a rg u e s t h at , j u st as w i l d a n i m a l s m u st a dj u st t h e t i m i ng a n d q u a n ti ty o f t h e i r reprod u ct i v e o u t p u t (e . g . , b ree d i n g s e a s o n a nd c l u tc h size) t o sq u a re with t h e reso u rces ava i l a b l e t o t h e m , so, too, m u st h u m a n s . In p a rticu l a r, h e a rg u e s that t h e re is a close re l a ti o n s h i p betwe e n n i c h e width a nd n u m b e r of offs pri ng. Pea s a n ts a n d t h e u r b a n poo r, pa rt i c u l a rly re c e n t i m m igra nts, l i ved i n a pe n u ri o u s b u t i n ex p e n s i ve n a rrow n i c h e , so t h e i r reprod u ctive "ca l cu l atio ns" l e d t h e m to co n c l u d e t h a t t h ey cou l d affo rd m a ny c h i l d ren . We a l t h i e r c l a sses, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , d e s i ro u s of ra i s i n g wi d e - n i c he c h i l d re n , " c a l c u lated" that t h ey cou l d affo rd fewe r p roge ny.33 T h i s l i n e of a rgu m e n t co rre s p o n d s with the po pu latio n a l p h e n o m e n o n k nown as t h e " d e m og ra p h i c tra n s i t i o n " : t h e m o re u rb a n ized a gi v e n soci­ ety, t h e l owe r i ts ferti l i ty rate . As a general stat istical p h e n o m e n o n , t h i s t r a n s i t i o n d ates t o t h e e n d of t h e n i n et e e n t h centu ry, b u t t h e re i s so m e e v i d e n ce (from cit i e s s u ch a s G e n e va a n d Ve n i ce) that w e a l t hy c l a sses i n t h e West l i m ited t h e i r re p rod uctive o u t p u t l o ng b e fo re th at. "A l t h o u g h h e re t h e p i ct u re i s p a rti c u l a rly u n ce rta i n a n d co m pl ex, it may be t h a t u rb a n dwe l l e rs we re t h e fi rst i n l a rge n u m be rs to restri ct fa m i ly s i ze w i t h ­ i n m a rri age , a s well a s to s h a pe d e s i red fa m i ly size t o eco n o m i c c i rc u m ­ sta n ce s . "34 M a ny a d d itio n a l facto rs m u st b e b ro u g h t t o b e a r t o m a ke C o l i n va u x 's mod e l m o re real istic. Th e i n h e re n t u nc e rta i n ty of t h e p re­ i n d u strial u rb a n e n v i ro n m e nt, p a rticu l a r ly the high i n fa n t- m o rta l i ty rates, made i t h a rd to c a l c u l ate e v e n a sati sfactory fa m i ly size. P e o p l e h a d to p rod u ce extra ch i l d re n a s i n s u ra n ce agai n st fam i n e and d i s ease, and in t h e case o f fa rm e rs, a s pote n t i a l eco n o m i c co n t r i b uto rs . M o re ove r, t h e re were co l l ective m e c h a n i s m s of po p u l at i o n c o n t ro l : P re i n d u strial weste r n E u rope exhi b ited o n e stri k i n g a n d a b e rrant c h a racte r­ istic. W h i le pop u l at i o n d i d t e n d to grow i n t h e prese nce of a b u n d a nt l a n d ,

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the rate of i n c rease always rem a i n e d mode rate. The ferti l ity rates, l ower t h a n in oth e r societies, i n d i cate the p resence of p reventive c hecks to b i rt h s . T h e s e checks we re co m m u na l rath e r than i n divi d u a l , a n d a m o u nted to a E u ropean system of social co ntro l of fertil ity. The most com m o n mode of control i n western E u rope was to i m pose socio-eco n o m ic co n d itio n s on m a r­ riage: a ten a n cy or gu i l d m e m b e rs h i p fo r the groom , a n a p p ropriate d owry fo r the bride. As a res u lt, people were often forced to marry late a n d m a ny remained single t h roughout life beca use they cou l d not achieve an i ndepen­ dent s ituatio n . 35

T he c h a n g i n g ro l e of w o m e n i n med ieval society is a noth e r factor that m u st be added to Co l i nv a u x's mode l . Recent stu d ies of t h e demogra p h ic tra n si t i o n i n m o d e r n ti mes make it i ncreas i n gly c l e a r t h at a wide n i ng of wo m e n 's n ic h e s is as i m po rtant as u rb a n izatio n i n i n d u c i n g t h i s bifu rca­ ti o n in the T h i rd Wo r l d . Wom e n 's access to educati o n , co n traceptives, and j o bs (th at is, a ny expa n s i o n beyo n d the na rrow n ic h e of " breeder" ) , as we l l as i n cre ased decisi o n - m a k i n g powe r i n t h e process of fam ily p l a n ­ n i ng, i s a prere q u isite for t h e tran s i ti o n . 36 To the exte nt t h at wom e n a re fo rced to exist w it h i n n a rrow n i c h es, ge n d e r d isti n ctio n s a re v e ry m uc h l i ke c l ass o r caste d i sti n cti o n s . T h at i s , rep rod u ctive strata a r e also h i e r­ a rc hical str u ct u res, o n ly o n a sm a l l e r sca l e , si n ce fa m i l i a l h i e ra rc h ies exist wit h i n socioeco n o m ic o n es. In

t h e p revio u s c ha pte r we n oted t h at h ierarchy b u i ld i ng co nsists of

two d i sti n ct operat i o n s , a h o m oge n i zatio n pe rfo rmed by a so rti ng p rocess, fol lowed by a co n so l idation t h ro ugh cod i ng i n to l ega l , rel igi o u s , o r oth e r fo r m a l regu l ati o n s . T h i s i s n ot , of cou rse, a strictly seq u e ntial p rocess: in p ractice, eve n afte r a code has been esta b l i s he d , new sorti ng ope rati o n s co n ti n ue , a l o n gside o r eve n agai n st t h e regu l ated ro uti nes. R e p ro d u ctive n ic h es (or strata) m ay be see n as the res u lt of s u c h a h ie r­ a rchy- bu i l d i ng p rocess. T h e i n itial h o mogen izat i o n is pe rfo rmed o n m ate­ rials su p p l ied by the b i ological s u bstratu m . Some of the tra its that a re ge n etica l ly dete r m i ned i n a s i m p l e way (raw- m i l k d igest i b i l ity, m a l a ri a l resista n ce) exist as s h a rp d i c hoto m ies ( a n i n d iv i d u a l e i t h e r possesses t h e t r a i t o r does n ot), w h i le traits d eterm i n ed b y t h e i nte racti o n of m u lt i p l e ge n es (or p a i rs of a l l e l es) fo rm a m o re o r less co nti n u o u s statistica l d istri­ buti o n . The a b i l ity to bear c h i l d re n i s of the fi rst typ e , w h i l e m ost of the seco n d a ry sexu a l c h a racte ristics (th e o n e s u sed to defi n e ge nder ro l es) a re of t h e seco n d type. Co n seq u e ntly, wit h re spect to the i m porta n t cate­ go ry of seco n d a ry sexu a l c h a ra cte ristics, gen etic mate r i a l s create two f u zzy stati sti ca l d i stri b utio n s (o n e for m a les, t h e ot h e r fo r fe m a l es) with an area of overlap. 37

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W h e n we com pare t hese ove rl a p p i ng fuzzy sets with cu lt u ra l defi n i­ tio ns of ge n d e r, i n w h i c h reified essen ces s u c h as " ratio n a l ity" o r " e m o­ tio n a l ity" a re s h a rply d i c hoto m ized, we ca n be s u re t h at a h o m oge n iz i ng o pe rati o n has taken p l a ce . F o r exa m ple , wo m e n h ave traditi o n a l ly bee n d e n ied fight i n g (o r eve n se lf-defe nse) s k i l l s . I n co m pa riso n to b i o l ogi­ ca l ly v ital fu n cti o n s s u c h as giv i n g b i rt h a nd ta k i n g ca re of c h i l d re n (as we l l as m a k i ng biomass e d i b l e , by gri n d i n g, soaki n g, coo k i n g, a n d fe r­ me nti ng), fighti ng m ay n ot see m so i m portant, at l east not befo re state­ d i rected wars of co n q uest bega n to yie l d rich s po i l s . But fight i n g sk i l l s we re cru c i a l ; t h e i r exe rcise gave peo p l e access to certa i n ro les (t h e w a r­ rior) t h at we re sou rces of p restige a nd stat u s . S i m ply i n terms of p hysica l st re ngth , wo m e n at t h e u p pe r e n d of the sca l e , fa l l i n g i n t h e a rea of ove r­ l a p , wo u ld h ave bee n s u pe ri o r fighters i n co m pa riso n to m e n l ocated at t h e botto m e n d of t h e m a l e sca l e of p hysica l st re n gt h , a n d yet t h ese "ge n etica l ly e n d owed" pote ntial fe m a l e wa rrio rs we re exc l u d ed from t h e p restigi o u s ro l e . 38 M o re ove r, beca use p hysical stre ngt h c a n be a m p l i fied by tra i n i ng, exc l u sio n m ea n t t hat the ove r l a p a re a was artificially red u ced in size: Biology can feed back o n to biology through soci a l d i sti nctions: fo r hormonal reaso ns, women, o n the average (but o n ly o n the ave rage), have a d i ffe rent proportion of m uscle to fat than men, and this has the conseq uence that wom e n , on the ave rage (but o n ly on the ave rage), can exert so mewhat less p hysical force o n objects. The d ivision of l abor between men and women a n d the d ivision of ea rly tra i n i ng, a ctivity a n d attitu de cause a very co nsid­ erable exaggeration of this s ma l l d iffe rence, so that wo men become p hysi­ ca l ly weaker than men d u ri n g the i r development to an exte nt fa r in excess of what can be ascri bed to hormo nes . 39 I n med ieval E u ro p e , as t h e h i sto r i a n Ed ith E n n e n h a s s h ow n , t h i s excl u ­ sio n fro m t h e ro le of wa rri o r p reserved t h e age-ol d fu n ctio n of "gu a rd i a n­ s h i p" as t h e exc l u s i ve d o m a i n of t h e fat h e r or ot h e r m a l e m e m b e r of a patri a r c h a l fami ly. I n a se n s e , t h e fu n ctio n of t h i s i n stituti o n (a n d ot h e r rel ated o n es) w a s t o co ntro l t h e flow of ge nes, b y m e a n s of asym metrica l regU l ati o n s rega rd i ng i n fe rti l ity, i n fidel ity, a n d own e rs h i p of offsp ri ng. It i s i m po rta nt, however, n ot t o view re prod u ctive strata as static e ntities, b u t t o focus i n stead o n t h e dyn a m i cs of t h e i r d efi n i n g b o rd e rs . E n n e n writes of the s h i ft i n g bord e rs of med i eva l wo m e n 's roles: In the h istory of women i n the M id d l e Ages there are co n sta nts and changes - and there is permane nce wit h i n the cha nges. The most powerfu l

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co nsta nt: woman as the rich hei ress, wo ma n as bearer of successors and heirs. Th is is tru e fo r monarchs and peasa nts, nobles and bu rghers. The h igher the ra nk, the more importa nt this "fu nctio n", the va l u e of which, for the fertile and the pregnant wo ma n , is ca l cu lated in money terms in the werengeld-regu lations of the F ran kish leges [Germanic tribal law]. The s u r­ vival of the dynasty depends on her.4o E n n e n goes o n to p o i n t o u t other co nsta nts, most i m po rta ntly, t h e p reser­ vatio n of t h e fu nctio n of g u a rd i a ns h i p . B u t E n n e n a l so o bserves t h at wo m e n 's n i c h es we re co n si d e ra b ly broad e n ed by t h e advent of u rban l ife a n d by t h e slow re placement (i n n o rt h e r n E u rope) of G e rm a n i c l aw by C h risti a n codes. P r i o r to t h is m i l l e n n i u m , a m a rri age co ntract was e ntered i n to by the gro o m and the wo m a n 's g u a rd i a n ; by the year 1030,

.

a wo m a n 's co n se n t was req u i red i n E n gl a n d . By t h e twe lft h ce ntu ry, t h e l ega l p r i n C i pl e of m a rri age b y co n s e nt w a s f u l ly esta b l is h e d , a n d i m posed m a rriages we re barred , at least in t h eo ry.41 I n m a ny cases, of co u rse, fam i ly po l itics sti l l dete r m i ned whom d a ughte rs wo u ld m a rry, s i n ce ad va n ­ tage o u s m a rriages were o n e of o n ly a f e w m e a n s fo r a fa m i ly t o rise soc i a l ly, b u t some m ed i eval wo m e n d i d a cq u i re a d egree of freedom i n choos i n g a h u sba n d . I n med ieval town s wo m e n 's n iches we re wide ned i n a variety o f ways . Wo m e n a cq u i red a re l atively h igh d egree of co m m e rcia l i nd e p e n d e n ce ( i n fact, wo m e n were m o re t h o ro u g h ly excl uded fro m co m me rce i n t h e n i n e­ tee n t h ce ntu ry t h a n t hey were i n t h e l ate M id d l e Ages42) , a n d ben efited fro m c h a nges in the l aw of m atri m o n i a l prope rty as wel l as in i n h e rita n ce l aws with respect to wives a n d d a ughters. M a l es a n d fem a l e s a l so beca me e q u a l i n citize n s h i p rights, a l t h o u gh not i n pol itica l partiCi pati o n : I n t h is way [th rough i m p roved legal status a n d hered ita ry rights] women ga ined a share of civic freed om. I n many civic lega l codes, e.g . that of B re­ men dati ng fro m 1186 and of Stade fro m 1209, the husband an d wife are both exp l i citly mentioned in the importa nt article which states that any per­ son who lives i n the town u n der m u n icipal law fo r a reaso nable period is free. Wo me n swear the civic oath and are entered in the register of citizens. The wife's share of the civic rights of her h u sba nd co nti n ues i n fu l l after h is death . . . , H oweve r, the sou rces do not i n d icate that wo men played any pa rt in the ga i n i ng of these freedoms, a n d those who fought for them were n ot co n cerned wit h the emanci patio n of women in the modern se nse. The med ieval co n cept is not based o n the n otio n of a perso n a l sphere of free­ dom; it is seen in co rpo rate te rms, and it is the freedom of the citizen ry as a whole, the town commun ity, that is p u rsued .43

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M e d ieva l E u ro p e a n town s were n ot o n ly isol ated as ecosyste ms ( heat i s l a n d s and food-web i s l a n d s) but t h e i r walls made them i s l a n d s in a c u l ­ tu ral s e n se, pl a ces w h e re ce rta i n p rivi leges co u l d be exerc i se d , w h e re t h e o l d feu d a l restrictio n s co u ld be re l axed , w h e re new n ic hes ( e . g. , a m i d d l e c lass) co u l d be c reate d . U n l i k e i nd ivid u a l se rfs who we re bo u nd t o a give n m a n o r a nd its l a n d l o rd , u rb a n citize n s h a d no s u c h i n d ivid u a l o b l igatio n s, although cities as a whole did owe dues to bis h o ps, co u nts, o r k i n gs . T h e relative a uto n o my of tow n s , w h i c h va ried fro m p l ace to p l a ce, te n d e d t o be reflected i n the i n stituti o n a l n o rms a n d ru les t h a t s l owly acc u m u l ated wit h i n t h e i r ra mparts. If after so me period of resid e n ce a town ado pted a ru n away se rf, these i n stituti o n al n o rm s re p l aced his or her own a l le­ gi a n ce to a l o rd , and t h i s made the med ieval town "a verita b l e m a c h i n e fo r b rea k i ng u p o l d bo n d s. "44 T h i s d o e s n ot mea n , of cou rse, t h at ru ra l i m m igra n ts we re n ot d rawn a l most i m med i ate ly i n to o t h e r pyra m i d a l str u ctu res . I n B ra u d e l 's wo rds, " t h e peasant w h o u p rooted h i mself from his land and a rrived in t h e town was i m me d iate ly a noth e r m a n . He was free - o r rat h e r he had a ba nd o n e d a k n ow n and h ated servit u d e fo r a n ot h e r, n ot a lways g u essi ng t h e exte nt of it befo re h a n d . "45 The u rban i nte n si ficati o n that pea ked by t h e l ate t h i rtee nt h ce ntu ry c reated m a ny o ppo rt u n ities fo r s u c h esca pes. W h i l e i n 1050 a r u n away peasa n t had nowh e re to go, s i n ce town s were seve ral d ays from each oth e r, by 1300 most town s we re o n ly o n e d ay a p a rt. M o re i m po rta n tly, w h i l e i n 1050 town s we re s u r ro u nded by forbid d i ng forests w h ic h acted as ba rri e rs to m igratio n , by 1300 t h ese fo rests we re begi n n i ng to d i sap­ pear.46 B u t w h at was b e ne fi c i a l from t h e perspective of m igrati ng pe as­ a nts wa s pote ntially catast ro p h ic fo r the u rb a n cen te rs t h emselves. I n two a n d a h a l f ce n t u ries, town s a n d t h e i r s u pply regi o n s h ad grown at t h e expe n se of t h e biological meshwo rk w it h i n w h i c h t h ey h a d evol ved. T h e ecosystem w a s greatly h o m oge n ized : ma ny p a rts of t h e fo rest had bee n clea red a n d either co nverted i nto agri cu ltu ral l a n d o r s i m ply d estroyed a n d u sed fo r fuel or c o n struction m a te r i a l s . As o n e a utho r p uts it, u rb a n expa n s i o n w a s bought o n cred it, u s i n g as col late ral the co nti n e n t's n at­ u ra l resou rces. Afte r 1 300, n at u re fo recl osed a n d E u rope faced its fi rst ecol ogical crisis of the m i l l e n n i u m . P r i o r to the fo u rtee nt h centu ry, m ost fa m i nes we re loca l ize d , w h i c h m ea n t t h at regi o n s w hose agricu ltu ra l p rod u ctio n fa i l ed cou l d i m po rt bio mass from nea rby a reas. B u t a fter 1300, ge n e ra l fam i nes became com m o n , o n e of t h e most seve re of w h i c h struck i n 1 3 1 5 a n d l asted seve ral yea rs.47 Defo restatio n of m o u n ta i n slopes l ed to eros i o n a n d t h e l oss of fe rt i l e soi l . A l t hough som e of t h i s soil accu m u lated i n t h e va l leys b e l ow, i n creas­ i n g t h e i r fe rti l ity, defo restatio n i nten si fied t h e fre q u e n cy of floods, lead i ng

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to fu rt h e r soi l l oss a n d d estructi o n of crops. T h is h a p pe n e d , fo r i n sta n ce, in certai n regi o n s of t h e U p per R h i n e Val l ey.48 Soil l oss due to care l ess explo itatio n of the fo rests' resou rces , p a rti c u l a rly the tra n sfo rmatio n of steep s l o pes i nto agricu lt u ra l l a n d , h as been a co n stant t h reat to u rb a n centers t h ro ug h o u t h isto ry. I n fact, some h isto r i a n s post u l ate t h at u rb a n l i fe bega n i n Egypt a n d M e sopota m i a p recisely beca use t h e l a n d t h e re was flat a n d h e nce n ot s u bject to e rosio n a n d soil loss. T hey cal c u l ate t h at most ot h e r u rb a n c i v i l izat i o n s we re a b l e to pass t h e i r ge nes fo r o n ly seve nty ge n e rati o n s before t h ey ra n out of soi l .49 Eve n t h o ugh methods of p reve nti ng e rosi o n we re k n own from the times of t h e a n cient P h oe n i­ c i a n s (te rraci n g tech n iq ues, fo r exa m p l e), m a ny u rb a n �I i e rarchies i n t h e p a s t fa i l ed t o i m p l e m e n t s u c h k n owl edge. T h is is a n ot h e r exa m p l e of the practica l l i m its of bo u n ded rati o n a l ity, a n d p roof t h at, although some m ate ri a l a n d e n e rgy "fl ows ca n be "soci a l i zed" (i.e., s u bm itted to c u ltu ra l control), i n practice m a ny are n ot.50 I n add ition to d efo restatio n , t h e fo u rtee nth-ce nt u ry eco l ogica l crisis i n volved d is r u pti o n s to t h e s i m p l i fied ( h e n ce u n resi l i e n t) ecosyste ms with which cities and t h e i r regi o n s h ad repl aced t h e fo rest. By s h o rte n i ng food c h a i ns, h u m a n p o p u lati o n s acq u i red co ntrol ove r n utrie n t cycles. F o r i n st a n ce , cattl e a n d ce rtai n c ro ps we nt h a n d in h a n d : t h e man u re of the cattle, which were raised on ce rea l s , cou ld be p l ugged back i nto the system as fe rt i l izer, closing the n u trient cyc l e . I n itself, t h i s tighte n i ng of t h e cycles was goo d . I n deed, ecosystems sponta n e o u s ly s h o rte n t h e i r n u tri e n t cycles as t h ey co m pl ex i fy. A h ig h ly co m p l ex syste m s u c h as a ra i n fo rest r u n s its n utrie nts so tightly, via e l a bo rate m i c roflo ra a n d m i cro­ fa u n a in the tree roots, t h at the so i l i s l a rgely d e prived of n utrients . T h i s i s o n e reaso n w hy t h e d estru ction of rai n fo rests is s o wastefu l : t h e soil left be h i n d is l a rge ly ste ri l e . T h e te m pe rate fo rests of E u rope, o n t h e ot h e r h a n d , d o r u n t h e i r n utrie n t cycles t h ro ugh t h e soi l , a n d t h e re d e fo restat i o n l eaves a va l u a ble reservo i r be h i n d . B u t w h e n E u ro pe a n s re p l aced t h is ecosystem b y ta k i n g co ntrol of the cycles t h e m se lves, u nfo resee n glitches d is r u pted the syste m . For exa m p l e , as some agric u l­ tu ra l l a n d s s peci a l ized, a n d cattl e were se nt to the h ig h l a n d s to graze , the m a n u re cyc l e was b ro k e n , l e ad i ng to a loss of soi l fe rti l i ty.51 Co m po n e n ts of the ecosyste m w h i c h l i e o utside soci a l contro l , s u c h as the cl i mate , a l so co ntri b u ted t o the ecol ogical c r i s i s . Wo rldwide coo l i ng " tre n d s see m to h ave affl icted t h e fou rte e nth a n d seve ntee nth ce ntu ries. Braudel n otes t h at eve n civil izati o n s at great d ista n ces from o n e another (e.g. , E u rope a nd C h i n a) m ay h ave bee n co n nected by global cli m ate c h a nges t h at affected t h e yield of t h e i r h a rvests a n d h e nce t h e fates of t h e i r po p u l atio n s . T h e re is so me ev i d e n ce that t h e cycles of popu l atio n

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growt h and d ecl i n e in the Far E ast a n d the Far West we re syn c h ro n ized befo re t h e e ighte e n t h ce ntu ry; give n t h e re l atively low i n ten sity of com­ m e rcial co ntact betwe e n East and West, gl obal c l i m ate rhyt h m s wou ld se e m fo be t h e m i ss i n g l i n k: A gen e ra l coo l i ng-d own process occu rred in the N o rthern h e m i s p h e re i n the fo u rteenth ce ntu ry. The n u m b e r o f glaci e rs and ice-floes i ncreased a n d wi nters b ecame more seve re . O n e h i storia n suggests t h a t the Vi k i ngs' rou te to Ame rica was cut off by d a ngerou s ice at the time. A noth e r t h i n ks that some d readf u l climatic d rama fi n a l ly i nte rru pted E u ropean col o n izatio n i n G re e n la n d , t h e evi d e nce b e i ng t h e bod i es o f t h e last s u rvivors fou n d i n the froze n eart h . . " Si m i l a rly the " l ittle ice age" . . . d u ri n g Lou i s X I V's reign was m o re a tyra nt than the S u n K i ng. Everyt h i n g moved to its rhyt h m : cereal­ growing E u rope a n d t h e rice-fields a n d steppes of Asia . . . , A l l t h i s gives additi o n a l m e a n i ng to the fl u ct u ation s of m aterial l ife, and possi b ly exp l a i n s t h e i r s i m u lta n eity. The poss i b i l ity of a certa i n p hysical a n d biological h istory com m o n to all h u ma n ity b efore the great d i scoveries, the i n d ustrial revo l u­ tion or the i nterpenetrati o n of eco n o m i es . 52

T h e re was a nother co m p o n e n t of u rb a n ecosyste m s t h at d efied h i e rar­ c h ical co ntrol by h u m a n c u ltu res a n d l i n ked t h e fates of East a nd West: co ntagi o u s d isease . As we saw, u rb a n ecosyste m s on both s i des o f E u ra­ sia ( a n d in m a ny places in betwe e n ) we re e pi d e m iologica l l a b o rato ries w h e re a n i m a l d i seases evolved i nto h u m a n o n es , and w h e re t h e d e n sity of p o p u latio n was intense e no u g h to m a ke t h e disease e n d e m i c , that is, to a l low it to s u bsist in m o re o r l ess stable coexiste nce with its h u ma n h osts . M a ny o f t h e c h i ld h ood d iseases t h at affl i cted medieval E u rope h a d been " ma n u factu red" o n e o r two m i l l e n n i a e a r l i e r i n t h e fou r sepa rate " la bo rato ri es" t h at had e m e rged by classical ti mes (t h e M e d ite rra n e a n , t h e M id d l e East, I n d i a , a n d C h i n a). S m a l l pox, for i n sta n ce, may h ave bee n b ro ught to t h e R o m a n E m pi re by sol d i e rs retu rn i ng fro m a cam paign i n M eso pota m i a . 53 A ltho u g h e a c h o f t h ese ce n ters evolved sepa rately fo r a w h i l e, as t h e i nte nsity of trade (o r warfa re) betwe e n t h e m i n te n s i fi e d , t h ey b e c a m e i n te rco n necte d . 54 T h e l o n g carav a n s t h at co nti n u o u sly traversed the S i l k R oad a n d t h e i n te nse m a ritime com m e rce across the I n d i a n Oce a n had e m e rged as t h e main co m m u n icatio n c h a n n els co n ne cti n g t h e d i ffe rent d isease pool s. M ic ro o rga n isms trave led with silk a n d ot h e r goods t h ro u gh th ese c h a n n e l s , w h i c h were s u sta i n e d b y m i l itary powe r, h a bit, a n d routi n e . T h e acce l e r­ ated u rb a n izati o n of E u rope a t h o u sa n d ye a rs l ater a n d t h e co nse q u e nt esta b l i s h m e n t of regu l a r l a n d a nd sea routes fo r co m m e rce h a d a s i m i l a r

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effect at a s m a l l e r scale, joi n i ng t h e cities a l o ng t h e Med iterr a n e a n coast wit h the bran d - n ew c ities in t he n o rt h i n to a s i ngle d i sease pool . 55 T h ese h o mogen izatio n s of t h e m i c rosco p i c compo n e n t of u rb a n ecosystems had a b e n e fi c i a l effect: h a d the d i se ase pools rem a i ned isolated, a ny co n­ tact betw e e n them wo u ld h ave u n leas hed explosive e pi d e m ics. H owev e r, u rb a n p o p u l atio n s we re n ot alone in fo ste ri ng e n d e m i c d i s­ e ases. Wild a n i m a l p o p u l atio n s , too, h a rbo red co l o n ies of m icrobes, a n d co n tact betwe e n t h ese a n i m a l s a n d h u m a n s co u l d h ave catastro p h i c re su lts. T h at is w h at h a p pened i n 1 346 , w h e n t h e b u bo n ic plague w a s u n ­ l e a s hed o n E u ro pe . T h e plague baci l l u s (Pasteurella pestis) h a d beco me e n d e m i c a m o ng u nd e rgro u nd popu l atio n s of rats and fleas at the foot­ h i l ls of the H i m a l ayas. The expa n s i o n of the M o ngol E m p i re, w h i c h co n­ ve rted t h e o l d low- i nte n s ity trade routes i nto a co m plex n etwo rk of carava n sa ri e s exte n d i ng i nto the n o rt h e r n E u rasi a n ste p pes and co n nect­ i ng C h i n a with E u ro pe , h ad created n ew d isease c h a n n e l s , both for h u ma n s and fo r rats: W hat p ro b a bly h a p p e n e d between 1331 and 1346 . . . was that as p l ague s p read from ca rav a n s e ra i to ca rava n s e ra i across Asia a n d Eastern Eu rope, and moved the nce i nto adjacent h u ma n cities wherever they existed , a par­ a l l e l m ove m e nt i nto u n d e rgro u n d rodent "cities" of t h e grassla n d s also occu rre d . I n h u m a n-rat-flea com m u n ities a bove gro u nd , Pasteurella pestis re m a i n e d a n u nwelcome a n d l et h a l vis ito r, u na b l e to esta b l i s h perma n e nt lodgment becau se of the i m m u n ity reactio n s a n d heavy d ie-off it p rovoked a m o ng its hosts. I n the rod e n t bu rrows of the ste p p e , however, the baci l l u s fou nd a p e r m a n e nt h o m e . . . . Befo re the B l ack Death cou ld str i ke as i t d i d [i n E u rope], two m o re co n d itions had t o be f u l f i l l e d . F i rst of all, pop u lations of b l ac k rats of t h e kind whose fleas we re l i a ble to carry b u bo n ic p l ague to h u m a n s had to s p read t h roughout t h e E u ropean contin e nt. Seco n d ly, a n et­ work of s h i p p i n g h a d to co n n ect the Med ite rra ne a n with n o rthern E u rope, so as to be a bl e to carry i n fected rats a n d fleas to a l l the po rts of the Co nti­ n e nt. Very l i kely the s p read of black rats i nto n o rt h e r n E u rope was itself a res u lt of the i nte n sification of s h i p p i ng contacts between the M ed iterra n e a n a n d n o rt h e r n ports . 56

H e nce, t h e same i nt i m ate co nta cts t h at had made m e d ieval cities i n to a si ngle d i sease poo l , w h i c h p reve n te d t h e i r co ntagi o u s d i seases from becom i n g e p i de m ic, n ow worked aga i n st them by a l low i n g cross-borde r contact betwee n u rb a n p o p u l atio n s a n d d i se ase-ca r rying rats a n d fleas, which s p re a d t h e p l ague r a p i d ly across E u rope. Acco rd i ng to Wi l l i a m M c N e i l l , it t o o k a b o u t 1 00 t o 1 33 years (five o r six h u m a n ge n e ratio n s) fo r

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the p l ague to b eco m e e n d e m i c . 57 N evert h e l ess, beca u se e n d e m ic e q u i ­ l i b ri u m m ay be cyc l ica l , local ized e p id e m i c outbreaks of v a ry i n g i nten sity conti n u ed u nt i l at l east t h e eighteenth centu ry. I n t h e fi rst m ass ive o u t­ break ( 1 346-1 350), about a t h i rd of t h e E u rope a n po p u l ation was co n ­ su med b y t h e p lague. S u bseq u e n t wave s were a l m ost as leth a l , a n d it seemed as i f u rb a n a n d ru ra l E u rope we re be i ng d igested fro m w it h i n by., weeds (rats, fleas) a n d t h e i r m i c ro p a rasites. T h e soc i a l co nseq u e nces of t h e i nten sified m o rtal ity rate s were n u m e r­ o u s . T h e peasa ntry a n d wo r k i n g classes ben efited i n t h e se nse t ha t t h e su rvivo rs fo u n d t h emselves i n a w o r l d wit h acute l a b o r s h o rtages, n ot to m e nt i o n t h e fact t hat t h e su rvivors i n h e rited t h e possessi o n s of those e ate n by t h e p l ague. Wages i nc reased, broade n i ng wo r ke rs ' n ic h e s sig­ n i ficantly. T h ese m ight be d e scri bed as Pyr r h i c be n efits , howeve r, s i n ce t h e u rb a n a n d r u ra l poo r s u sta i ned t h e vast m ajo rity of casu alties. T h e r i c h wou ld a ba n d o n a c ity a t the fi rst sign s o f e p i d e m ic, w h i l e "the poo r re m a i ned a l o n e , pe n n ed u p i n t h e co nta m i n ated town w h e re t h e State fed t h e m , isol ated t h e m , b l ockaded t h e m and ke pt t h e m u n d e r o bse rva­ tio n . " 58 Not o n ly the in ha bita nts but the cities t h e m se lves " d i e d , " s i n ce m a ny of t h ose w h o p layed key roles i n gove r n m e nt a n d co m m e rce fled and key u rb a n fu n ct i o n s ( b u s i n ess and l ega l activities, re l i gi o u s services) ceased o p e rati ng. Despite a ge n e ral d e re l i ctio n of d u ty, gove r n m e nt h i e rarchies d i d respo n d to t h e c h a l l e nge, t h ro u g h a vari ety o f methods, i ncl u d i ng q u a ra n ­ t i n es, su rvei l l a nce, i n h a l a nts, d i s i n fecti o n , b l ocked roa d s , close co n fi n e­ m e nt, a n d h e a l t h certi ficates.59 P l a n n e d respo n se , h owever, re m a i n e d i n effectu a l , n o t o n ly beca u se of t h e l i m itati o n s of bou n ded ratio n a l ity, b u t a l so becau se t h e cau se of t h e p l ague (a baci l l u s) a n d i t s m et h o d of co nta­ gio n ( rats, flea s, h u m a n s) d efied h u m a n co m pre he n s i o n u nt i l the l ate n i n etee n t h ce ntu ry. N ev e rt h eless, in the eyes of the s u rvivors, secu l a r a ut h o rities h a d a t least m ad e a n effo rt t o 'fight back, w h i le ecclesiastical h i erarchies h a d rem a i n e d powe rless to cope wit h t h e e m e rge n cy. I n the afte rm at h , t h e a utho rity of t h e c h u rc h e m e rged d a m aged (anticlerica l ism i nte n sified) w h i l e secu l a r h i e rarch ies we re stre ngt h e n e d . 6o I n t h e e n d , howeve r, it w a s n ot any p l a n n ed respo n se t h at sto pped t h e p l agu e , b u t a tria l-an d-error acco m modation to it. 61 T h e re we re ot h e r soci a l co n se q u e n ces of t h e p l agu e . After each su cce s­ sive e pi d e m i c wave had passed, t h e ge n e flow betwe e n classes i n creased in i nte n s ity. C ities fo u nd t h e m s e lves depopu lated and lowered t h e i r sta n ­ d a rd s fo r citize n s h i p . Ve n ice, n o r m a l ly ve ry cl osed t o fo reign e rs, n ow gra nted free citize n s h i p to a nyo n e w h o settled t h e re fo r a yea r. 62 Soc i a l m o b i l ity i n creased, as su rv ivi ng e l ites n eeded t o re p l e n i sh t h e i r ra n ks

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ps a m o ng cities altered beca use of t h e e n o r­ with . fre s h blood . R e l at i o n s h i wrought by t h e p l agu e . T h e eve n t u a l e m erge n ce m o u s -d e m ogr a p hi C s h i fts t h e N etwo r k system was i n n o s m a l l measu re a -of Ve n i ce as t h e core of p h c h a nges .63 co n se q u e n ce of those d e m ogra i c a E u ropean popu latio n t h at was a l ready affl i cted stru ck T h e B l ack Death by an ecological crisis of its own m a k i ng. Alt h o u g h the defo restatio n that p re ci pitated t h i s crisis was t h e p rod u ct of i n te n sified u rb a n izati o n , we s h o u ld d isti n g u i s h a variety of roles p l ayed by d i ffe re nt types of cities. The cities of the Ce ntral P l ace syste m - that is, l a n d l ocked h i e ra rc h i es of towns of d i ffere n t sizes - cl e a red t h e i r fo rests for fa r m l a n d , for the reser­ voi r of n utrie n ts t h at the tem pe rate forests' soi l co nta i n e d . The gateway po rts of t h e N etwo rk syste m , o n t h e other h a n d , m a r keted the i n d i­ gest i b l e b i o m ass of th e fo rest (wood) as fu e l o r co n st r u ctio n m aterial fo r s h i ps. M o re accu rate ly, t h e v a r i o u s regio n s that gave b i rt h to t h e m a r itime m etro p o l ises of E u ro p e rose to p ro m i n e n ce by exploit i ng t h ree d i ffe rent reservoi rs: t i m ber, salt, and fis h . 64 W h i l e some Ce n tra l P l ace h ierarch ies exterm i n ated their fo rests with a l m ost religi o u s zeal ( i n some cases u si ng specia l ized m o n ks w h o t h o ught of every acre c l e a red of d e m o n - i n fested fo rest a s an acre gai n ed for God65), N etwo rk-syste m gateways had a m o re m a n age rial attitude toward t h e i r rese rvoi rs. T h ere we re, of cou rse, m ixtu res. Some Central Place cities, such as Paris, ho u se d h i e ra rc h ies t h at v i ewed their fo rests as re n ewable resou rces. F re n ch fo rests we re sta b i l ized in t h e sixteenth a n d seve nteenth centu ries, p a rtly by d ecree (th e great o rd i n a n ce of 1573 and t h e measu res taken by Col be rt) and p a rtly beca u se t h e rem a i n i ng forest soi l s were too poo r to exploit.66 N eve rth e l ess, t h e re were i m p o rta n t d iffe re nces between m etrop­ o l i se s and c a pita l s as ecosyste ms w h i c h i n fl u e n ced t h e i r re l ati o n s h i ps to t h e flow of bio mass, e d i bl e a n d i n ed i bl e . M a n y of t h e seapo rts - a n d certa i n ly a l l t h e o n es t h at served as co re of t h e N etwo r k system before t h e n i n etee n t h centu ry (Ve n i ce , G e n oa , Amsterd a m ) - we re ecologically deprived p l aces, i n c a p a b l e of fee d i n g t he mselves. I n t h i s se nse, they were

a l l l i ke A m alfi , a s m a l l M ed iterra n e a n port whose h i nte r l a n d s were l a rgely i n fe rti l e , b u t t h at at t h e t u r n of t h e m i l l e n n i u m h a d se rved as a gateway to t h e dyn a m i c m a rkets of I s lam a n d had p l ayed a key role in t h e reawa k­ e n i n g of E u ro p e . like Amalfi i n its hollow a m o n g the mou ntains, Ve n ice, scattered over sixty or so isl a n d s a n d islets, was a strange world, a refuge perhaps but hard ly a convenient one: there was no fresh water, no food s u p p ly - o nly salt i n a b u n dance . . . . I s this a n exa m ple o f the town red u ced t o bare essentials, stri pped of everyth i ng n ot ?trictly u rba n , and co ndemned, in order to sur-

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vive, to o btai n everything fro m trad e: wheat or mil let, rye, meat on the hoof, cheese, vegeta bles, wi ne, o i l , tim ber, stone - and eve n d ri n ki n g water? Ve n ice's entire populatio n l ived outside the "primary sector" . . . [her] activi­ ties all fel l into the sectors which eco nomists would nowadays descri be as seco ndary and te rtiary: i ndu stry, com merce, se rvices. 57 T h e s a m e is true of G e n o a , w h ic h was t h e fi n a n ci a l capital of s ixtee nth­ ce ntu ry E u ro p e : the c ity a rose o n a s m a l l str i p of l a n d s u r ro u n d ed by m o u nta i n s barre n of trees a n d eve n grass. 58 T h e extre me pove rty of t h e l a n d s o n w h i c h the I ta l i a n m a ritime metro p o l i ses we re b u i lt was pa rtly d u e to t h e s o i l d e p l eti o n cau sed by p rev i o u s i nte n s i fi cati o n s . I n m a ny regi o n s i n a n d a ro u n d the Med iterra ne a n w h e re prod u ctio n h ad bee n i nte n sified a t h o u s a n d years e a r l i e r to feed t h e cities of t h e R o m a n E m p i re , e ros i o n had l o n g s i n ce removed the fleshy soi l a n d exposed t h e u nd e rly­ i n g l i m esto n e skeleto n . Acco rd i ng to s o m e h i sto ri a n s , o n ly t h e s o i l n o rt h of t h e P o Va l l ey h ad bee n s p a red t h i s destructi o n , a n d these we re t h e l a n ds t hat l ater fed med ieval E u rope. T h e regio n s t h at h ad be e n t h e stage of ba rbaric i nvasio n s a n d war after the fa l l of the R o m a n E m p i re h ad a l s o recove red t h e i r ferti l ity b y med ieval times, s i nce m i l ita ry tu r b u l e n ce made co n ti n u o u s i nte nsified agricu ltu re i m possi ble .59 B u t t h e land on w h i c h tow n s l i ke Ve n ice, G e n o a , o r A m a l fi grew sti l l bore t h e sca rs of careless i nte n s i ficati o n . T h u s , although m a n y cities in t h e fou rtee n t h centu ry (e .g. , F l o re n ce) we re a l ready i m po rt i n g gra i n fro m far away, tow n s s u c h a s Ve n ice a n d G e n oa were, fro m t h e start, condemned t o trade t o m a i n ta i n t h e i r l i fe l i n e. T h e re a re other i nteresti n g d iffe re n ce s betwee n Ce ntra l P l ace a nd l\J etwo rk cities i n t h i s respect. Although t h e fo rmer were bette r e n dowed eco l ogical ly, even fo r t h e m co nti n u o u s growt h e ntai l ed i nte n s i fi cati o n a nd h e n ce d e p l et io n . At s o m e p o i n t, e it h e r trade o r i n vasion became n eces­ s a ry to ta p i nto t h e n utrient reservo i rs of ever m o re d i sta nt s o i l s . W h i le cities bel o ng i n g to t e rrito r i a l states i nva ded other peo p l e s ' l a n d s, gateway po rts p e n etrated t h e i r m a rkets. I n ot h e r word s ( a n d a l lowi n g fo r co m plex m ixtures), l a n d l ocked capita l s took ove r fe rt i l e l a n d s , at times givi n g bi rt h to a l a n d l ocked col o n i a l city o n foreign soil a n d redi recti ng t h e flow of biom a s s to the moth e rla n d . M et ropol ises, on t h e oth e r h a n d , took ove r strategica l ly located a l beit barre n p i eces of rock i n t h e m i d d l e of t h e ocea n , t o co ntrol t h e t r a d e r o u t e s t h at co n nected E u rope to l u crative fo r­ eign m a r kets. As B r a u d e l s ays, " I n o rd e r to co ntrol t h e l a rge expa n se s i n q u estio n , i t was suffici e n t t o hold a few strategic poi n ts (Ca n d i a , captu red by Ve n ice i n 1 204; C o rf u , 1383; Cyp r u s, 1489 - o r i n d eed G i bralta r, w h i c h t h e B riti s h took by s u rprise i n 1704, a n d Malta, w h i c h t hey ca ptu red i n

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1800) a n d to esta b l i s h a few co nve n i e nt monopo l i e s , w h i c h the n had to be m a i ntai n e d i n good wo r k i ng o rd e r - as we do m ac h i nes tod ay. "70 From t h ese strategic p l aces a naval powe r co u l d co ntrol the M ed iter­ ra n e a n ( a n d the m a rkets of t h e Leva nt) a n d , h e n ce , t h e trade l i fe l i n e of t h e regi o n . F ro m l i kewise eco l ogica l ly poo r stro n g h o l d s on fo re ign coasts, or fro m fo re ign gateway cities, Eu ropean metropol ises acq u i red co ntrol of fa raway m a rkets i n I n d i a , C h i n a , a n d the Leva nt. F ro m these entry poi nts, t h ey capt u red and red i rected a co nt i n u o u s flow of l u xu ry goods (spices, fo r exam pl e), with p e r h a ps n egl igi b l e n utritio n a l v al u e but ca pable of ge n ­ erating extraord i n ary p rofits . I t i s t r u e t h at s o m e gateways a l so e n gaged in the co l o n ization of n e a rby l a n d s for t h e i r so ils, as w h e n Ve n ice too k co ntrol of t h e I ta l i a n m a i n l a n d a ro u nd it ( i n c l u d i n g t h e tow ns of Pad u a , Ve ro n a , B rescia , a n d B eraga mo) i n t h e early 1400s . B u t eve n t h e re , t h e l a n d w a s soon u sed not t o feed the ci ty, but to raise ca s h crops a n d l ive­ stock fo r the ma rket. Amste rd a m , a n ot h e r ecologica l ly poo r gateway port, and its sister cities in t h e U n ited P rovinces s h a pe d t h e i r l i m ited h o l d i ngs of fert i l e l a n d i nto an efficient agricu ltu ra l m a c h i n e, t h o u g h it, too, was o ri e n ted towa rd exte r n a l ma rkets . 71 I n m a ny respects, th ese Netwo rk cities we re not tied to t h e land and ex h i bited the k i n d of weightl essn ess, or lack of i n e rt i a , that we associ ate wit h tra n s n atio n a l co rpo ratio n s tod ay. I s it any wo n d e r t h at m a riti m e m et ro pol i ses such as Genoa o r Ven i ce (as we l l as those regi o n a l capitals closely co n n ected to t h e m , such as F l o ren ce o r M i l a n ) we re the b i rt h pl ace of many a n t i m ar ket i n stitu tio ns? B ra u d e l i nvites us to view the h i sto ry of t he m i l l en n i u m as th ree s e pa­ rate flows moving at d iffe rent speeds. O n one h a n d , we have the l i fe of the peasant popu latio n , m o re or l e ss c h a i n e d to the l a n d , whose c u sto m s c h a nge w i t h t h e v iscos ity o f l a v a . Corn , w h i c h fed E u ro pe , a n d rice, which fed C h i n a , we re tyra nts t h at forced o n the peasa ntry a rigid ad h er­ en ce to we l l-wo rn ha bits a n d ro u t i n e s a n d a closed cycl e of p roduct io n . T h i s i s w h a t B ra u d e l c a l l s " m ate ria l l ife," t h e know-h ow a n d t rad iti o n a l tools, t h e i n h e r ited reci pes a n d c u sto m s , with w h i c h h u m a n bei ngs inte r­ act with pla nts to ge n e rate the flow of biomass that s u sta i n s v i l l ages a n d tow n s . T h is body o f k n owledge res i sts i n novat i o n s a n d h e n ce c h a nges very s l owly, as if h isto ry barely flowed t h rough it. O n e h isto ri a n suggests t h at o n e n ee d s o bservati o n a l t i m esca les a m i l l e n n i u m l o n g to u n d e rsta nd the agra r i a n stru ctu res of I ta ly. 7 2 The peasa nt masses are , i n a sense, l i k e t h e asse m b l age of flora at t h e base of n at u ra l ecosystems, an i m mo­ b i l e e n gine t h at creates the e n e rgy w h i c h ma kes eve ryt h i ng a ro u n d t h e m move. N ext com e s the wo r l d of m a rkets a n d co m m e rcial life , w h e re the flow of h i story beco mes l e s s vi scou s . B ra u d e l ca l l s market towns "acce l e ra-

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tors of a l l h isto rical ti m e . "73 Although peasa nts so met i m e s c a m e to t h e city m a rket of t h e i r own acco rd , m o re often t h a n not t hey we re fo rced to co m e , and to th at e xtent we m ay say that tow n s fed on t h e m , or p arts of t h e m , m u c h as an h e rbivo re d oes. So a bove the botto m l aye r of m ate r i a l l i fe comes t he favou red terra i n of the ma rket economy with its many hori­ zonta l com m u n i cations between the d iffe re nt markets : here a d egree of automatic coord in ation u s u a l ly l i n ks s u p p ly, demand a nd prices. Then al ongside, or rather above this l ayer, comes the zone of t he anti-ma rket, where t he great p redato rs roam and the law of t he j u ngle operates. T h is ­ tod ay as in the past, before and after the i n d ustrial revolution - is the re a l h o m e o f ca pital ismJ4 T h i s is t h e layer of maxim um m obility, w h e re l a rge a m o u nts of fi n a n ci a l ca pita l , fo r exam ple, flowed co nti n u o u s ly fro m o ne h ig h ly profitab l e are a to a n ot h e r, d efying fro ntiers a n d accelerat i ng m a ny h i sto rica l p rocesses. I

n s u m m a ry, acco rd i n g to B ra u d e l , t h e E u ro pe a n eco nomy com prised

t h re e s p h e res o r l aye rs: t h e i ne rt i a l peasant l aye r, w h i c h was t h e sou rce of b i o m ass flow; t he m a rket eco n o my, w h i c h set s u rpl u ses i nto moti o n by m e a n s of t h e flow of mo ney ; a n d t h e anti m a rket, w h e re m o n ey d etached its e l f fro m b i o m a ss , beco m i ng a mobile m uta nt flow ca p a b l e of i nvest i ng i n a ny a ctivity t h at i n te n sified t h e p rod u ctio n of p rofits. T h i s u lt i m ate l ayer m ay be properly ca l l ed " pred ato ry" to e m p h asize its n o n co m petitive a n d m o n o p o l i stic (o r o l igopo l istic) natu re. A n ti m a rket s , of co u rse, coex­ i sted wit h oth e r p redators (or as M c N ei l l ca l l s t h e m , " macropa rasites" 7 5), s u c h a s centra l states and fe u d a l h i e rarc h i e s , w h i c h also d e rived t h e i r s u ste na nce b y ta ppi n g i n to t h e e n e rget ic flows p rod u ced b y ot h e rs, v i a taxes, re nts, o r fo rced l a b o r. These h i era rc h ies ( a l l u rb a n in the case of m e d i eval I ta ly) s o m eti m es meta m o rp hosed fro m o n e type of m acropa rasite i n to a n ot h e r. We a l t hy m e rc h a n ts a n d f i n a n ci e rs , fo r i n stance, wo u ld retire from b u s i n ess a n d b u y l a n d , sacrifi ci ng t h e i r m o b i l ity in ho pes of acq u i ri ng access t o t h e a ri stocracy a n d t h e o p portu n ity t o spread t h e i r genes across c l a ss ba rri­ ers. Noble l a n d l o rds, on the other h a n d , wou l d so m et i m es take advan­ tage of their mo nopol ies of soi l , t i m ber, and m i n eral d e posits to p l ay a nt i m a rket ro les, a l beit l a c k i n g t h e rati o n a l izat i o n a n d ro uti n izat i o n t h at c h a racterized big b u s i n e ss. M o re often t h a n not , however, t h e s e n o b l e­ m e n co l l a bo rated i n t h e tra n sfe r of s u rp l u ses from agricu ltu ral regi o n s . As E u ro pe 's u rban ecosystems expa n d ed a n d m u ltiplied t h e i r i nter­ con necti o n s with o n e a n oth e r, they beca m e n ot o n l y a s i ngl e d i sease pool

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but a si ngle eco n o my as wel l . Soo n t h e s i m ple re l ati o n s h i p betwee n a city a n d its s u r ro u n d i ng s u p p ly zo n e of s m a l l v i l l ages was left be h i n d (at l e ast o uts i d e the lower ra n ks of Central P l ace h i e ra rc h ies), a n d m a ny l a rge town s bega n to d raw t h e i r n utrie nts l a rge ly fro m a s i ngle, vast sou rce, re p l icati ng on a h u ge scale t h e o rigi n a l parasitic relatio n s h i p t h e i nd ivid­ u al cities h ad with t h e i r cou ntrysides. I n ot her wo rd s , d u ri ng the s ix­ tee nth ce ntu ry E u ro pe bega n co l o n iz i n g itself, tra nsfo r m i ng its ea ste rn regi o n s ( Po l a n d and oth e r territo r i es east of the H a m b u rg-Vi e n n a-Ve n i ce axis) i nto its s u p ply zo n e . As with a l l s u c h pe ri p h e ra l regio n s, t h e i r re la­ tio n s h i p to t h e co re that exploited t h e m was mostly n egative: their own ma rket town s l o st vita l i ty, h osti l i ty to i n n ovatio n i n crea sed , a n d ba rri e rs betwe e n c l asses h a rd e n ed . T h e res u l t was t hat, u n l i ke sma l l town s i n t h e m idd l e z o n e w h i c h co u l d trade with o n e a not her a n d eve n t u a l ly s h a ke thei r s u bo rd i n ate positio n , t hese peri p he ra l a reas were co nd e m n ed to a perma n e nt state of backward ness. I n t h e case o f Easte r n E u ro pe , its red u ctio n to co l o n i a l stat u s was brought a bo u t by t h e actio n s of seve ral h i e ra rc h i es : t h e l ocal l a n d l o rds, w h o i ntensi fied their macro p a rasitism to a n extre me (six days a wee k of forced l a bo r was not u n co m m o n fo r peasa nts), and w h olesa le rs i n cities s u c h as Amsterd a m w h o p reyed o n t h e l a n d lo rd s t h emse lves, m a n i p u­ l ati ng s u p p ly a n d d e m a n d t h ro u g h w a re h o u si ng a n d adva n ced p u rchases from p rod u ce rs J 6 As this i nte r n a l col o n izatio n was ta k i ng place, E u ro p e w a s begi n n i ng to deve l o p a core-peri p h e ry relati o n s h i p o n a n eve n l a rger sca l e , t h is time at a global leve l . S pai n a n d Portuga l , w h ose soi l s had n ot recovered from t h e i nt e n si ficati o n of t h e R o m a n E m p i re , s pea r h eaded the co n q u est of l a n d s across t h e Atl a ntic, t h e co nversio n of Ameri ca i nto a co nti n e nt-wide s u p p ly zo n e . Med i eva l cities h ad atte m pted a fi rst ro u n d of foreign col o n izat i o n ce n t u ries e a r l i e r, a t the t i me of t h e C r u sades, but t h i s e a r l i e r effort had l acked stay i n g p owe r. Des pite the h u n d reds of t h o u sa n d s of E u ro­ pea n s w h o h ad bee n m o b i l ized fo r the i nvasio n of t h e H o ly La nds, E u ro p e 's col o n ies a broad (Edessa, Antioch, Tri p o l i , J e r u sa l e m ) had p ro m ptly ret u r n ed to I sl a m i c co ntro l . M u c h as p o p u lati o n d e nsity was t h e o n ly means to m a i n ta i n t h e d o m i n atio n of u rb a n ove r fo rest eco­ systems (d rops in p o p u l at i o n a l l owed the ret u r n of ba n i s h ed p l a nts a n d wolves), h ere , t o o , d e n s ity w a s n e eded t o s u sta i n a E u ropean p rese n ce o n f o reign so i l . A n d yet, as o n e h i sto r i a n puts it, despite t h e o rigi n a l m a ssive tra n sfe r of peo p l e , E u rope " l ost the p ropagatio n game . " 77 I n additio n , t h e re was a noth e r great b i o l ogical barri e r to t h e s u ccess of t h e Crusad e s - m ic roo rga n isms:

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When the Cru sad e rs a rrived in the Levant, they had to u n d e rgo what B ritish settlers i n the N o rth A m e rica n co l o n ies centu ries l ater ca l l ed "seaso n i ng" ; they had to i ngest a n d b u i l d resistance to the local bacterial ·flo ra. They h ad to s u rvive the i n fecti o n s , wo rk out a mod u s vive n d i with the Easte rn m i c ro­ l ife and parasites. T h e n they cou ld fight the Sarace n s . T h i s period of sea­ s o n i n g sto l e time, stre ngth a n d efficie ncy, a nd e n d ed in death of te n s of thousands. It is l i kely that the d isease that affected the Crusade rs the m ost was m a l a ri a . . . . C ru sa d e rs from the Mediterra n e a n . . . had b rought with them a d egree of resista n ce to malaria . . . . U nfortu n ately fo r [them], a p e r­ son i m m u n e to o n e k i n d of m a l a ria is n ot i m m u n e to a l l , a n d i m m u n ity to m a l a ria is n ot l o ng-lasti ngJ 8 G e n es t h a t p rovi d e resista n ce to m a l a ri a (the s i c k l e-ce l l a n d beta­ t h a l asse m i a ge n es) existed in the so u t h e r n E u ro p e a n ge n e poo l , but t h ey were ra re i n t h e no rt h . C o n s e q u e n t l y, C r u sad e rs from Fra nce, G e r m a ny, a n d E n gl a n d w e re devou red f r o m with i n by t h e pa rticu l a rl y v i ru l e nt m a l a r­ i a l stra i n s e n d e m i c i n t h e M i d d l e East. W h e n Eu rope bega n colo n i zi ng fa raway l a nds fou r h u n d re d years later, she co n fro nte d an e n t i re ly d i ffer­ ent situ ati o n . N ow h e r c h i ld h ood d iseases , p a rticu l a rly s m a l l pox a n d measles, fought o n h e r s i d e . A s M c N e i l l says, t h ese w e r e a " biologica l w e a p o n u rb a n co n d iti o n s of l i fe [ h a d ] i m p l a nted i n t h e b l oodstre a m s of civ i l ized peop l e s . " 79 I n fact, w h e n ev e r e nco u nte rs took p l ace betwe e n h u m a n pop u l atio n s t h a t h a d n o t b e e n i n close co ntact with o n e a not h e r a n d o n ly t h e i nvad e rs possessed "civi l ized" d iseases, t h e affa i r rese m b l e d a giga ntic food c h a i n i n w h i c h o n e m a s s of h u ma ns i ngested t h e oth e r : Fi rst, t h e struct u ra l o rga n ization o f n eighboring com m u n ities w a s broken d own by a combi n atio n of wa r (ct. m astication) a n d d isease (ct. the c h e m i­ cal a n d p hysical actio n of sto m ac h a n d i n testi n es). Someti mes, no d o u bt, a l ocal pop u l ation s u ffe red total exti nctio n , but t h i s was n ot typica l . M o re ofte n , the s h atte ri n g i n itial e ncou nters with civi l ization left s u bsta ntial n u m­ bers of cu ltu ra l ly d isoriente d i n d ivi d u a l s on the l a n d . S u c h h u m a n m aterial co u l d then be i nco rpo rated i nto the tissues of the e n l a rged civi l ization itself, eithe r as i n d iv i d u a l s o r as small fa m i ly a n d vil lage grou p i ngs.8o As E u rope bega n reach i n g o u t i nto t h e wo r l d to create n e w su p p l y regi o n s , E u ropea n d iseases v isited n e a r-ext i n ct i o n o r, a lt e r n atively, d ec i m atio n o n t h e i nd ige n o u s popu l a t i o n s . I n o n e of t h e fi rst s u ccess fu l atte m pts at co l o n izat i o n (the C a n a ry I s l a n d s), t h e local peoples (t h e G u a n c h es) w e re d ri v e n to t h e b ri n k of exti n cti o n , most l y by t h e i nvad e rs' d i seases. Tod ay a few G u a n c h e ge n e s re m a i n i n t h e Ca n a ries' ge n e poo l , a l o ng w i t h a few

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words and nine sentences from their original language. 81 The rest was annihilated. On the other hand, in what proved to be the most su ccessfu l and long lasting colonial enterprise, the conversion o f the American con­ tinent into a huge peripheral zone to feed the Eu ropean core, only some areas (the U nited States, Canada, Argentina) witnessed the wholesale replacement of one gene pool by another. In the rest of the Americas , entire commu nities were instead cultu rally absorbed. Like those insects that first regurgitate a sou p of enzymes to predigest their food, the con­ q u erors from Spain killed or weakened their victims with smallpox and measles before proceeding to Christianize them and incorporate them into the colonial culture. Earlier attempts at colonizing the N ew World had failed partly beca u se of a lack of "predigestive enzymes." The N orse, who tried to colonize this continent earlier in the millenni um failed beca use their motherland (Greenland) was "so remote from E u rope that they rarely received the latest installments of the diseases germinating in Eu ropean centers of dense settlement, and their tiny populations were too small for the main­ tenance of crowd diseases." 82 The new wave of invaders from Spain not only were in direct contact with the epidemiological laboratories that "manufactured" these biological weapons, they were the fleshy compo­ nent of the disease factory. The local Amerindians, on the other hand, though densely populated enough to s u stain endemic relatio ns with para­ sites, lacked other components of the laboratory : the livestock that coex­ isted with humans and exchanged diseases with them.83 Overall, the effects of the encounter between epidemiologically scarred Europe and virgin America were devastating. The total popu lation of the N ew World before the Conq uest was by some estimates as high as 1 hun­ dred million people, one-third of whom bel onged to the Mexican and another third to the Andean civilizations. Fifty years later, after its initial enco u n ter with Cortes, the Mexican popu lation had decreased to a mere 3 million (about one-tenth of the original).84 After the initial clash i n Mexico i n 1 5 1 8 , smallpox traveled sou th, reaching the I nca empire by

1526, long before Pizarro's troops began their depredatio ns. The disease had eq u ally drastic conseq u ences, making it much easier for the con­ q u erors to plunder the I ncas' treas ures and resources. The measles fol­ lowed smallpox, spreading through Mexico and Peru in the years

1530-1531. Other endemic diseases s u ch as diphtheria and the mumps . soon crossed the ocean, and even some of the epidemics that still afflicted Eu rope (e.g., ty ph u s and influ enza) may have also leaped this ancient seawater barrier: the globe was beginning to form a single dis­ ease pool.85

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The cultural advantages that the Spanish enjoyed (horses, very primi­ tive firearms, metal armor) would have been q uite insufficient for the task of conq uering a densely inhabited territory. Large animals and loud weapons had, no doubt, a powerful psychological effect on the native population. But after the first encounters, during which the indigenous warriors saw their stone weapons pierce through European armor and horseflesh and witnessed the inefficiency of the Spaniards' inaccurate, single-shot muskets, these cultural advantages would have dissipated. But because the majority of the native inhabitants died from disease, draining the reservoirs of skills and know-how that sustained their culture, that meager advantage sufficed. Culture certainly played a role here, but it was not the most important. Cultural materials flowed together with genes and biomass (not all of it human) across the Atlantic, and it was the whole complex mixture that tri umphed. An entire continent was in this way transformed into a supply region for all three spheres of the European economy: material life, markets, and antimarkets. Sugar and other inexpensive foodstuffs for the masses would soon begin flowing in large q uantities from the colonies and plantations to the homeland. A variety of raw materials to be sold in her markets also flowed home. Finally, an intense flow of si lver (and other precious metals) provided fuel for European antimarkets and for the European monetary system as a whole. We saw above that while some cities took over alien lands other cities tapped into foreign resources by manipulating markets. Unlike the pro­ cess of colonizing a territory, a mostly biological affair, penetrating for­ eign markets (such as the huge I ndian or Chinese markets, which rivaled those of Europe until the ei ghteenth century) involved large q uantities of metallic money. Silver (rather than infectious diseases) played the role of "predigestive enzyme" here. Thanks in part to the steady flow of metal from American deposits, the European monetary system "was projected over the whole world, a vast net thrown over the wealth of other continents . It was no minor detail that for Europe's gain the treasures of America were exported as far as the Far East, to be converted into local money or ingots in the sixtee n th century. Europe was beginning to devour, to digest the world."86 Central Place capitals such as Madrid, N etwork-system metropolises such as Amsterdam, and hybrids such as London used their own biologi­ cal or mineral materials to dissolve foreign defenses, break apart loyal­ ties, weaken the grip of indigenous traditions. After gaining entry onto foreign soil this way, a massive transfer of people, plants, and animals was necessary to establish a perma n e n t European presence. I n some

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areas of t h e wo r l d , p a rticu l a rl y those that h a d bee n u s ed a s ga teways to e x p l o it fo re ign m a rkets, t h e n e w co l o n i e s wo u l d fa i l m u ch as t h o se estab­ l i s h e d d u ri ng the C r u s a d e s h a d . B u t in ot h e r p a rts, West e r n co l o n izers wou l d i n d e e d w i n t h e pro p aga t i o n g a m e a n d , wit h it, access to t h e most fe rt i l e a n d p rod uctive l a n d s of t h e p l a n et.

134

Sp ecies a n d Ecosys te ms

We wou l d do we l l to pa u s e n ow fo r a m o m e n t to co n s i d e r s o m e of t h e ph i l oso p h i ca l q u est i o n s ra ised by t h e f l ow of ge n es a n d b i o m ass , a s we l l a s by t h e st ruc­ t u res t h at e m e rge from t h ose f l ows . As I a rgu ed i n t h e p rev i ­ o u s c h a pte r, t h e re i s a s e n se i n w h i c h spec i es a n d ecosyste m s a re t h e p rod u ct of st ruct u re ­ ge n e rat i ng p rocesses t h at a re bas i ca l ly t h e sa m e as t h ose 135

2: FLESH AND GENES

w h i c h p rod u c e t h e d i ffe re n t typ e s of roc k s t h a t p o p u l a te t h e wo r l d o f geo l o gy. A g i ve n s p e c i es (or, m o re a cc u ra tely, t h e ge n e pool of a s p e c i es) ca n be s e e n a s t h e h i stori ca l o u t ­ com e o f a s o rt i n g process (a n a c c u m u l a t i o n of ge n e t i c m a te r i a l s u n d e r t h e i n f l u e n ce of s e l e ct i o n p res s u res) fol l owed by a p rocess of co n s ol i d a t i o n ( re p rod u ct i ve i s o l a t i o n ) , w h i c h g i ves a l o o s e a c c u m u l at i o n o f ge n es a m o re or t es s d u ra b l e - form by a ct i n g a s a " ratc h e t d ev i c e ." T h e m ost fa m i l i a r for m of re p r o ­ d u ct i ve i s ol at i o n con s i d e re d b y b i o l og ists has an ext e r n a l ca u s e : geogra p h i ca l c h a n ge s i n t h e h a bitat w h e re re p rod u ct i ve co m m u ­ n i t i es b e l o n g i n g to t h a t s p e c i e s l i ve . Fo r i n sta n ce , a r i ve r m a y c h a n ge i ts cou rse (ove r m a n y yea rs) a n d r u n t h ro u g h t h e m i dd l e of a p rev i o u s l y u n d i v i d e d t e r r i t o ry, m a k i n g con tact betw e e n m e m b e rs of a re p rod u ct i ve com m u n i ty d i ff i c u l t o r i m p os s i b l e . I n t h at s i t u a t i o n , t h e two ha l ves of t h e com m u n i ty wi l l sta rt to a c c u m u l at e c h a n ges i n d e pe n ­ d e n t l y of e a c h ot h e r a n d h e n c e beg i n to d i ve rg e , u n t i l t h e d ay w h e n m a t i n g betw e e n t h e i r res pect i ve m e m b e rs beco m e s ( m e c h ­ a n i ca l l y) i m p os s i b l e , o r p rod u c e s o n l y ste r i l e offs p r i n g . 136

SPECIES AND ECOSYSTEMS

H oweve r, t h e p rocess of re p rod u ct i ve i s o l a ­ t i o n (a n d t h u s , of

specia tion) m a y b e m o re

c o m p l e x t h a n t h a t ; i n pa rt i c u l a r, i t m a y h a ve

in ternal ca u s es a s we l l a s exte r n a l o n es .

O n e w e l l - st u d i e d e xa m p l e of a n i n t e r n a l ca u s e i s t h e " s p e c i f i c m a te recogn i t i o n sys ­ te m ," or S M R S . 87 T h i s is t h e syste m of t ra its a n d s i g n a l s (wh i c h ca n be be h a v i o ra l or a n a tom i c a l , o r bot h ) t h a t m e m be rs of a s e x ­ u a l l y re p rod u c i n g s p e c i e s u s e t o re cog n i z e pot e n t i a l m a t e s . G e n et i c c h a n ges t h at a ffe ct t h e S M R S ( m a t i n g ca l l s , co u rts h i p r i t u a l s , i d e n t i fy i n g m a r k s a n d d e c orat i o n s , s m e l l s) m a y i n d e e d a ct a s a ba r r i e r to i n t e r b re e d i n g e ve n i f t h e two d i ve rge n t d a u g h t e r s p e c i e s c o u l d pote n t i a l l y m i x t h e i r ge n es . I n t h i s c a s e , s e x u a l s e l e ct i o n (t hat i s , s e l e ct i o n p res ­ s u res e x e rc i s e d o n a n i n d i v i d u a l by its p ot e n ­ t i a l m a tes) ca n ca u s e a s m a l l i n i t i a l d i ffe re n c e to b e a nl p l i f i e d i n to a m a j o r b a r r i e r to t h e exc h a n ge of ge n es a n d , h e n c e , res u l t i n t h e c reat i o n of a n e w s p e c i es . 87 Th u s t h e f l ow of ge n es (w h i c h o n e m i g h t i m a g i n e as p ote n t i a l ly c o n t i n u o u s) beco m es e n c a ps u l a ted vi a t h es e i s o l at i n g b a r r i e rs i n to s e pa rate pac kets , ea c h d ef i n i n g a d i ffe re n t st rat i f i e d syst e m . H oweve r, t h e re i s a r i s k of 137

2: FL ESH AND GENES

exagge rat i n g t h e stre ngt h of t hese ba rri e rs, p a rti c u l a rly i f we p ay atte n­ t i o n o n ly to t h e wo r l d of re lative ly l a rge a n i m a ls, to which we belo ng. I n d eed , ot h e r l ivi ng creatu res may n ot be as ge n etica l ly "com p a rtme ntal­ i zed" a s we a re . M a ny p l a nts, fo r exa m p le , a re able to hybrid ize w i t h p l a nts of ot h e r species (that is, t h e isolating barri e rs reta i n a m e a s u re of p e rm e a b i l ity), w h i l e m a ny m i croo rga n isms fre e ly exc h a nge ge nes with oth e r species d u ri ng t h e i r l i fetimes. (As we s h a l l see, t h is seems to be the way m a ny of the bacte r i a that c a u se i n fectious d iseases have a cq u i red resista nce to a nti b i ot i cs . ) In s h o rt, the flow of ge n e s in the bios p h e re as a whole may n ot be as d isco nti n u o u s (as strati fied) as one wo u l d i m agi n e b y l oo k i n g at l a rge a n i m a ls a l o n e . I n fact, i n s o m e speci a l c i rc u m sta n ces, even a n i m a l s in tota l r e p rod u ctive iso l a t i o n may e xc h a nge ge n etic m ate ri­ als via i n h e rita b l e v i ruses (ca l l e d retroviruses). 89 Ta k i ng a l l t h is i nto a ccou nt, t h e pict u re of evo l utio n a ry p rocesses t hat e rn e rges resem b l es m o re a m e s hwo r k t h a n a strict h i era rchy, a bush or r h izo m e m o re t h a n a n ea t ly b ra nc h i ng tree: There is s u bstantial evide nce that o rga n isms a re not l im ited fo r thei r evo l u ­ tion t o ge nes t h a t b e l o n g t o the ge ne pool o f their species. Rather it seems m o re pla u s i b l e that i n the time-scal e of evol ution the whole of the ge n e poo l of the bios phere is ava i l a b l e to a l l o rga n isms a n d that the more d ramatic steps and apparent d isconti n u ities in evol utio n a re in fact attri buta ble to ve ry ra re events i nvolving the adoptio n of part or a l l of a foreign gen o m e . O rga n­ isms a n d ge nomes may thus be regarded as com partme nts of the bios p h e re t h rough which ge nes i n ge n eral circu l ate at vari o u s rates a n d in which i n d i­ vid u a l ge n es a n d opero n s m ay be i nco rpo rated if of s u fficient advantage . 9o Eve n w i t h t h i s a d d e d com p l icatio n , t h e two a bstract m a c h i n e s d is­ cussed i n t h e previous c h a pt e r ( o n e ge n e rati n g h ie ra rch ies, t h e ot h e r m es hwo r ks) a re a d e q u ate to a ccou n t fo r l iv i n g str u ct u res, p a rt icu l a rly if we m a ke a l lowa n ce fo r v a ryi ng m ixtu res of the two types. H owever, I wou ld l i ke to a rgue t h at t h e re is a n ot h e r a bstract m a c h i n e i n volved i n t h e p rod u ctio n of biologica l e n t it i e s w h i c h h a s n o co u nt e r p a rt i n t h e geo l ogi­ c a l wo r l d , t h e refo re d isti ngu i s h i ng species from sed i m e nta ry roc ks . T h i s oth e r a bstract m a c h i n e , howe ve r, m ay be fou n d i n ot h e r n o n biological rea l m s ( i n h u m a n cu ltu re, fo r i n st a n ce) and t h e refo re does n ot co n stitute t h e " esse n ce" of l iv i n g creatu res. D a rw i n 's basic i n sight was t ha t a n i m a l and p l a n t s pecies a re the c u m u ­ l ative res u lt of a p rocess of d esce n t w i t h mod i ficatio n . Late r o n , h oweve r, scie ntists c a m e to rea l ize t h a t any variable replica tor ( n ot j u st ge netic re p l i ­ cato rs) co u p l ed to any sorting device ( n ot j u st ecol ogical sel ectio n p res-

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s u res) wou l d gen e rate a capacity fo r evol utio n . For i n sta nce, i n t h e 1970s, t h e com puter sci enti st J o h n H o l l a n d d evised a s m a l l c o m p u te r p rogram t h a t s e l f- re p l icated by fol lowi ng a set of coded i n structi o n s a n d t ra ns m it­ ti n g a copy of t hose i n structi o n s to its p roge ny. H o l l a n d 's p rogram d id very l ittl e ot h e r t h a n ge n e ra te v a r i a b l e re p l i ca t i n g copies of its e l f. H ow­ ever, if a population of t h ese rep l icati ng p rogra m s was s u b m itted to s o m e s e l ecti o n pres s u re (fo r exa m p l e , i f t he u s e r of the p rogram w e r e to weed o u t t hose va r i a n ts that did not seem an i m p rove m e n t , l ett i n g o n ly t h e m o re p ro m i s i n g varia nts s u rvive) , the i n d ivid u a l p rogram s d eveloped u se­ ful p ro pe rties a fte r m a ny ge n e ratio n s . T h i s i s the basis fo r H o l l a n d 's "ge n et i c algo rit h m ," w h i c h is w i d e ly used today i n some co m p u te r- based d isci p l i nes, as an effective p robl em-solvi n g d evice.91 R i c h a rd D awk i n s i nd e pe n d e n tly rea l ized t h at patte r n s o f a n i m a l be havior (s u c h a s b i rd­ songs o r t he u se of too l s by a pes) co u l d i nd eed repl i cate t h e m selves if t h ey s prea d a c ross a popu l a t i o n ( a n d a c ross ge n e ratio ns) by imitation . B i rdso ngs a re t h e most t h o rough ly stu d i e d exa m p l e of t h ese re p l i cators ( " m e m e s , " as Dawk i n s ca l ls t hem), and t hey do i n deed evolve new for m s and ge n e rate d iffe rent d ia l ects . 92 I n each of t h ese cases, t h e cou pl i ng of varia b l e rep l i cato rs wit h a selec­ t i o n p ressu re resu lts i n a k i n d of " se a rc h i ng d evice" (o r " p ro be h e a d " ) t h at explores a s pace of poss i b l e forms (t h e space of poss i b l e o rga n i c s h a pes, o r b i rdsongs , o r sol u t i o n s t o com puter p ro b l e m s). T h i s sea rc h ­ i ng device i s , of cou rse, b l i n d (o r m o re exactly, s ho rtsighted), fol l owi n g t h e key p r i n c i p l e of n eo-Da rwi n i s m : evolution h a s n o foresight.93 ( I t is, n ev­ e rt h e l ess, h i g h ly effective, at least in ce rt a i n c i rcu m sta n ce s . ) T h i s probe head is the a bstract m a c h i n e we were looki n g fo r, t h e one t h at d i ffe re nti­ ates the p rocess of sed i m e nt a ry-rock fo r m at i o n from the p rocess t h a t y i e l d s biol ogica l species. A n d yet, a lt h o u g h t h e new m a c h i n e i s c h a ract e r­ istic of l i fe-fo r m s , t h e s a m e bas i c d i agram a p p l ies to m e m es a n d ge netic a l go rit h m s . I t wo u l d be i n co rrect to s ay t h a t evo l u t io n a ry con cepts are u sed metaphorically when a pp l ied to co m p uter p rogra m s a n d b i rdso ngs, but l ite ra l ly w h e n ta l ki n g a bo u t ge n e s . It i s true t h at scientists fi rst d i s­ cove red t h is d i agram i n t h e wo rld of l i v i n g c reatu res , a n d it may eve n be true t h at t h e l ivi ng world was the fi rst p hysi c a l rea l izati o n of t he abstract m a c h i n e o n t h is p l a n et. H owever, t h at d oes n ot m a ke t h e a b st ra ct m ac h i n e a n y m o re " i nt i m ately rel ated" to D NA t h a n to a ny ot h e r re p l ica­ tor. H e nce, i t does n ot c o n stitu te an " esse n ce" of l i fe, in the s e n se of b e i n g tha t which makes life what it is.94 T h e flow of ge nes t h rough re p l i catio n is i ndeed o n ly a p a rt of w h at l i fe i s . The o t h e r pa rt is co n stitu ted by t h e fl ow of b i o m ass. I n d i vi d u a l a n i­ m a l s a re n ot j u st m e m b e rs of a species, but m e m be rs of a p a rti cu l a r

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re p ro d u ctive co m m u n ity i n h a b iting a pa rtic u l a r ecosystem a n d t h u s p a r­ ticipate i n t h e e xc h a nge of e n e rgy a n d m ate r i a l s t h at m a ke s u p a food web. As with a ny p hysi c a l system , the i nte n se flow of e ne rgy m ov i ng t h rough a n ecosyste m p u s hes it far from eq u i l i b ri u m a n d e n d ows it with t h e a b i l ity to ge n e r ate its own dyn a m ic stab l e states (attracto rs). The same dyn a m i c holds true fo r t h e i n d iv i d u a l orga n i s m s evolvi ng wit h i n t h at ecosyste m . Co n se q u e ntly, t h e space t h at t h e p robe h e a d b l i n d ly explores is n ot co m pl etely u n structu red b ut a l re ady pop u l ated by various types of sta b l e states (static, cycl ica l , c haotic, a u to po ietic). T h i s p restruc­ t u ri ng of t h e s e a rc h s p ace by i n te n s i fi catio n s of t h e e ne rgy flow m ay i n deed faci l i ta te t h e j o b of t h e a b stract m ac h i n e (bl i n d as it is). For exam­ ple, s i nce o n e pos s i b l e e n d oge n ou sly gen e rated sta b l e state is a pe riod i c attracto r, w h ic h wo u l d a uto m atical ly d raw gen e activity a n d ge n e p rod­ u cts i n to a cyc l e , the s e a rc h i ng d e vice m ay h ave stumbled upon t h e m e a n s to ge n e rate a p r i m itive m etabo l i s m v e r y e arly o n . F u rt h e r evol u­ tio n a ry com p l exificati o n m ay h ave been a c h ieved as the probe head moved fro m attracto r to attracto r, l i ke so m a n y ste p p i ng-sto n es . W h e n search s paces (or " a d a ptive l a n d sca pes") we re fi rst post u l ated i n b io logy i n t h e 1930s, t h ey were t h ought t o be prestruct u red b y a si ngle e q u i l i b ri u m , a kind of m o u n ta i n with one pea k , w h i c h se l ectio n p re ss u res fo rced the p robe head to c l i m b . Accord i ng to t h i s sch e m a , the top of t h e m o u n ta i n re p rese nted t h e p o i n t of m ax i m u m fitn e s s , a n d o nce a pop u l a­ t i o n h a d bee n d ri v e n t h e re , se lecti o n pressu re s wou l d k e e p it locked i nto t h i s o pt i m a l e q u i l i b ri u m . H owever, rece n t exploratio n s of a d a ptive l a n d­ scapes, u si n g sop h i sticated co m pute r s i m u l at i o n s, h av e revea l ed t h at t h e s e search s paces a re a nyt h i ng b u t s i m p l e , t h at they m ay com p rise m a ny m o u n ta i n s of d iffe r e n t h e ights (loca l opti m a), c l u stered in a vari ety of ways , t h e v a l l eys a n d p e a k s rel ated n ot d i rectly to fitness b u t to u n de r­ lyi ng dyn a m i c a l stab l e states. M o reover, o n ce the q u esti o n of coevo l u ti o n i s i nt ro d u ced ( a s w h e n a n i m p rov e m e n t i n a p rey's a rm o r puts p ressu re o n its pred ato r's fa ngs a n d cl aws to fu rt h e r s harpe n , w h i c h in turn sti m u­ l ates a t h i c ke n i ng of t h e a rm o r) , it beco mes c l e a r t h at i nteract i ng species in a n ecosystem have t h e a b i l ity to change each other's adaptive landscapes. (T h i s i s j u st a n ot h e r way of sayi ng t h at i n a p re d ator-prey

a rm s race t h e re is n ot a fixed d e f i n ition of w h at cou nts as "the fitte st. " )95 Although the notio n of u n iq u e sta b l e states did some d a m age to evo l u . tio n a ry b i ology (by i m posi ng a n oversi m p l ified vers i o n of e vo l u ti o n w h i c h d i s rega rded e n e rgy flow a n d t h e far-fro m -eq u i l i br i u m co n d itio n s t h e flow of e n e rgy ge n e rates), the i d e a of the " s u rvival of the fittest" had m u c h m o re d a m agi n g effects w h e n it w a s a p pl ie d t o h u m a n cu ltu re. T h at m i s­ a p p l icat i o n d e ge n e rated a l most i m m e d i ately i nto Soc i a l D arwi n i sm a n d

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t h e euge n i cs move m e n t a n d , l ater o n , i n s p i red t h e raci a l clea n s i ng poli­ cies of N azi G e r m a ny. C o m i n g as it d id afte r centu ries of i nt e n se col o n i al­ i s m , Socia l Da rwi n is m n atu ra l ly fostered t h e i d e a t h a t t h e Caucasian race was su perior to all others. Of cou rse, i n a d d it i o n to t h e m i sta k e n n oti o n o f a s i n gl e , opti m a l eq u i l i br i u m , t h e s e soc i a l move m e n ts were n u rtu red by the bel ief t h at ge n e s determ i n e cu ltu re , t h at i s, t h at t h e re i s but a s i n ­ gle probe head (wh e re a s , as w e j u st saw, e v e n bi rds e m body at l e a s t two). I n reactio n to t h i s positio n , a n u m be r of a n t h ropologi sts ( i n c l u d i ng F ra n z Boas, M a rga ret M e a d , a n d R u t h B e n ed i ct) developed d u ri ng t h e fi rst d e c a d e s of t h e twe ntieth c e n t u ry a co u nte rt h e o ry t h at not o n ly gave h u m a n c u l t u re its dese rved a uto n o my from ge n etic d ete rm i n at io n , b u t d e n i e d t h at biological evol u t i o n h a d a ny effect w h atsoeve r o n t h e deve l o p­ m e n t of h u m a n societies. Acco rd i ng to t h ese a n t h ropol ogists, h u m a n n atu re w a s co m p l etely m a l l ea b l e a n d flexi bl e , a n d h U m a n b e h avior dete r­ m i n ed by cultu re a l o n e . I n t h e s ho rt ru n , "cu ltu ra l relativi sm" (as it c a m e to be k n own) d i d us t h e co n si d e ra b l e se rvice of foste r i n g a greate r to l e r­ a n ce of c u l tu ral d iffe re n ce s (a welco m e a nti dote to t h e raci st i d e a s a n d p o l i c i e s of t h e Soci a l D a rwi n i sts a n d e u ge n icists), b u t later o n it h a rd e n ed i nto d ogma, a n d i n some cases it eve n dege n e rated i nto e m pty c l i c h e s (such a s t h e slogan " ev e ryt h i ng i s soci a l ly co n st ru cted").96 Fort u n ately, a nth ropo logists seem to be m ovi n g away from dogm atic positio n s and deve l o p i n g a new interactionist a p proa c h , w h e re i n both o rga n i c and cultu ra l evol ution a re co n s i d e red si m u lt a n e o u s ly. One version of this n ew a p p roach (t h e one d eveloped by Wi l l i a m D u r h a m ) see m s p a r­ ticu l a rly c lose to t h e view we are explo r i n g h e re : t hat both o rga n ic a n d cultu ra l c h a nge i n vo lve rep l i cato rs a n d t h at n ew structu res a r i se b y selec­ tive rete n t i o n of va r i a n ts. M o re over, D u rh a m agrees t h at t h i s does n ot i nvolve a meta p horical u se of bio logica l co n cepts. ( H e c a l l s t h i s C a m p­ bel l 's ru l e : t h e a na l ogy to c u l t u ra ! accu m u l atio n s is n ot fro m o rga n i c evo­ l ution but fro m a ge n e ra l m od e l of evo l u t io n a ry c h a nge, of w h i c h o rga n i c evo l u t i o n is but o n e i n st a n c e . )97 Befo re descri b i n g t h e five d ifferent ways i n w h i c h ge n etic a n d c u ltu ra l re p l i cato rs i nt e ract acco rd i n g to D u r h a m , we m u st fi rst a d d ress t h e q u e s­ t i o n of j u st w h at ge n etic effects we a re co n s i d e r i n g h e re . A l t h o u gh a few i n d iv i d u a l ge n es have b e e n a d d e d to t h e h u m a n ge n e pool i n h i sto rica l t i m e s (su c h as t h e ge n e t h at c a u se s sickle-ce l l a n e m i a but p rotects its carriers agai n st m a l a ri a), ge n et i c evo l ution is so m u c h s l ow e r t h a n c u ltu r­ a l e vo l ut i o n t h at its i n fl u e n ce i n h u m a n a ffai rs is m a rgi n a l . As Ste p h e n J ay G o u l d poi nts o u t , "W h i l e t h e ge n e fo r s i c k l e-ce l l a ne m i a d e cl i n es i n fre­ q u e ncy a m o n g black A m e rica n s [si n ce t h ey a re n ot s u bjected to t h e m a l a ri a l sel ect i o n p ressu re], w e h a v e i n ve nted t h e rai l ro a d , t h e a uto m o-

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b i l e , ra d i o a n d te levis io n , the ato m b o m b , the co m pu te r, the a i r p l a n e a n d space s h i p . "98 T h u s , t h e ge netic effects w e a re co n si d e r i n g a re t h e o rga n ic l i m itatio n s i m posed o n u s by o u r own bodies w h i c h c a n be called " h u m a n u n ive rsals" as l o n g as w e do n ot attach a ny transce n de nta l m e a n i ng to t h i s te rm . (O rga n i c co n stra i nts, l i ke cu ltural co n st ra i n ts, a re co nti nge n t h isto rical p ro d u cts, t h o u g h t hey o p e rate ove r l o n ge r t i mesca l es. ) O n e way i n w h i c h ge n etic a n d cu ltu ra l rep l i cato rs i nteract (o r act o n o n e a n ot h e r) i s as so rti n g d evices. O n t h e o n e h a n d , ge n es , o r rat h e r t h ei r bod i ly (o r p h e n otyp ic) e ffects, m ay act as selecti o n pressu res o n t h e acc u m u l at i o n of c u ltu ral m at e ri a ls. D u r h a m d i sc u s se s t h e exa m p l e o f col o r percept io n , a n d i ts relatio n s h i p with c o l o r word s, p a rtly beca u se its a n ato m ical b a s i s i s re l atively well k n ow n (both the p igme nt-based sys­ tem of l ight a bso r ption i n t h e eye a n d t h e processi ng of s e n so ry i n p ut by t h e brai n ) a n d p artly beca use m u c h a n t h ropological rese a rc h on t h i s s u bject a l ready exists. C r u c i a l evi d e n ce o n t h e " u n iversal ity" of color per­ cepti o n w a s gat h e red in the 1 960s by the a nt h ropologists Bre n t Berl i n a n d P a u l K a y i n t h e co u rse of a n experi m en t designed t o p rove t h e o ppo­ s ite hypot h e s i s : t h at each l a n g u age p e rfo rms the cod i n g o f colo r experi­ e n ce in a d iffe rent m a n n e r. B e rl i n and K ay s howed a l a rge sample of color chips to s u bjects b e l o n gi n g to twe n ty d iffere n t l i n g u i stic co m m u n i­ ties a n d asked t h e m to l ocate i n t h e grid of c h i ps both w h at t h e s u bj e cts wo u l d con s i d e r to b e t h e focal po i nt of the referent of a give n co l o r wo rd as well as its outer b o u n d a r i e s . On the basis of the l i ngu i stic re l ativ ity hypothesis (that t he r e is no " n at u ra l " way to cut u p t h e spectr u m ) , these rese a rc h ers expected t he i r exp e r i m e nts to e l i cit w i d ely scattered focal points and d i scord a n t o u te r bou n d a ri e s , but i n stead t h ey reco rded a very tight cl u steri ng of focal points ( a n d co n co rd a nce of bou n d a ri es) rega rd­ less of h ow m a ny col o r te rms existed in a given n ative voc a b u l a ry. More recent resea rch h as s u p po rted ( a n d refi n ed) Berl i n and K ay's resu lts a n d has fu rthe r s hown t h at even though d i fferent cu ltu res h ave acc u m u ­ l ated a d i ffere n t n u m b e r of co l o r l a be l s , t h e order tha t this a ccum ulation follows exh i b i ts so m e d e f i n ite regu l a rities, with terms fo r " b l ack" a n d

"wh ite" always a p p e a r i n g fi rst , fol l owed b y terms for p ri m a ry col o rs i n certa i n seq u e n ces (red-gree n-ye l low-bl u e , f o r exa m ple). O n e poss i b le i n te r p retatio n i s that t h e fi rst l a bels t h at accu m u l ate (" black" a n d "w h ite" ) d esign ate b roa d , com posite catego ries ("d a r k-cool" a n d " l ight-wa r m , " respectively), w h ich slowly d i ffe re n ti ate as n ew l a be l s a re a d d e d t o t h e reperto i re , e a c h o n e e nte ri n g t h e s et i n a s pecific a n d h igh ly co n stra i n ed fas h io n . O n t h i s basis, D u rh a m h as co n cl u d ed t h at t h i s is an exa m p l e of gen etic co n strai nts o n percept i o n gu i d i ng t h e acc u m u l ation of c u ltural re p l i cato rs (colo r wo rds).99

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C u lt u ra l mate r i a l s , i n t u r n , m ay act i n t h e o p pos i te d i rectio n a n d i n fl u ­ e n ce t h e acc u m u l at i o n of ge n e s . U n l i ke t h e accu m u lation of co l o r te rms, howeve r, t h e accu m u latio n of genetic m a te r i a l s h a p p e n s so slowly as to be v i rtu a l ly u n o bse rva b l e . H e n ce, h a rd ev i d e n ce i s much m o re d i fficu l t to o btai n in this case, and we a re forced to d i sc u ss hypothetical sce n a rios o n t h e basis of i n d i rect evide nce, such as t h a t provi d e d by myt h s . T h e exa m p l e D u r h a m d iscu sses i n d et a i l i s t h e ge n e t h at a l l ows s o m e I n d o­ E u ro pe a n races to d i gest raw m i l k as a d u lts. F i rst of a l l , variation fo r t h i s ge n e d o e s exist a n d i s h ighly co rre l ated w i t h certa i n cu ltu ra l patte r n s . H igh p reva l e n ces of t h i s ge n e exist o n ly i n popu l atio n s t h at tod ay co n s u m e co m pa ratively l a rge a m o u nts of fre s h m i l k a n d possess a n ci e n t mytholo­ gies t h a t both reco rd a nd e n co u rage ad u lt fresh-m i l k co n s u m pt io n . I n t u r n , t h ese ge n etic a n d cu ltura l m ateri a l s a re a ssoci ated with e n v i ro n ­ m e nts of l o w u ltraviolet r a d iatio n , w h ere vita m i n D a n d m et a bo l i c calci u m are c h ro n ical ly d efi ci e n t , t h a t i s , with e n v i ro n me nts w h ere fres h-m i l k con­ s u m ptio n c a n h ave positive health effects. D u rh a m revi ews seve ra l possi­ ble sce n a rios t h at may exp l a i n t h ese corre l at io n s a n d concl u d es t h at t h e m ost p l a u s i b l e o n e ( a s we l l as t h e o n e m o re co n s i st e n t with t h e h i sto ry cod ed i n to myt h s) is as fo l lows : A s ge nes fo r L A [lactose absorption] were favored a t h igh latitudes, more people cou l d d ri n k m i l k after wean i ng, thereby spread ing the be n efits of m i l k prod uctio n a n d i m provi ng the local cu ltura l eva l u ation of the memes be h i n d the practice. The i ncreased ava i l a b i l ity of m i l k, in t u r n , wou l d have conti n u ed the genetic se lection of LA ge notypes, thereby augmenti ng the freq uency of ad u lt lactose a bsorptio n , t he be nefits of m i l k i ng, the cu ltu ra l preference fo r m i l k, a n d s o on i n perpetu ity. . . . T h e cycle may have started as a co nti n u ation of routine i n fa nt feed i ng practices. Early on, the m i l k of d a i ry a n i mals may have been tried as a supplement to mother's m i l k , i ncreasi n g t h e vol ume o f lactatio n , its d u rati o n , or both. B y virtue o f the (i n itially rare) LA gen otypes, some recipients wou l d h ave mai nta i ned lactose sufficiency beyo n d its normal lapse, conti n u i ng to d r i n k m i l k a n d thereby avoid i ng rickets i n thei r early years . . . . I n pa rtic u l a rly rachitoge n ic a reas, the advantage to fresh milk co nsu mption wou ld have exte n ded i n to adoles­ cen ce and ad u lthood . loo I n a d d it i o n to t h ese two ways of i nteract i n g d i rectly with each ot h e r, c u l ­ t u re a n d ge n es m a y e nte r i n to other, m o re i n d i rect rel atio ns. I n p a rt ic u l a r, D u r h a m poi n ts o u t t h a t o n ce certa i n cu l t u r a l m ateri a l s have accu m u l ated , t hey m ay h a rd e n i nto i n stituti o n a l val ues, w h i c h i n t u r n act as select i o n p ress u res fo r fu rt h e r cu ltu ra l accu m u l ation s . H e nce, s o m e c u l t u r a l re pl i-

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cators m ay, i n a s e n se , be self-selecting, a nd th i s g i v e s t h e m a degree o f a u to n o my i n t h e i r evol u t i o n . U n d er t h e s e co n d itio n s , c u l t u ra l a d a ptati o n s m ay co m e t o h a v e re l a ti o n s of e n h a n c e m e n t , o p p o s i ti o n , o r n e u t ra l ity with res pect to ge n etic a d a ptat i o n s . I n cest ta boos a re a n exa m p l e of e n h a n c e m e n t . Zoologists have co n­ v i n c i ngly d e m o n st rated t h at i n bre e d i n g has d e l ete rio u s g enet i c e ffects a n d t h a t m a ny a n i m a l s h a ve evolved an i nsti n ctive avoid a n ce of it. H u m a n s m ay i n d ee d s h a re t h i s b u i lt-i n con stra i nt, a s st u d i e s o f a v e r s i o n to sex u a l i n t e rco u rse a m o ng a d u lts w h o w e r e rea re d toget h e r i n k i b b utzim s e e m t o s how. Howev e r, as Du r h a m p o i nts o u t, t a b o o p ro h i b itio n s a re n ot n eces­ s a r i l y t h e s a m e as avo i d a nce of i n bree d i ng. He o b s e r ves t h a t " t h e re ca n be n o n i ncest u o u s i n b re e d i n g (as w h e n sexu a l i n te rco u rs e betwe e n certai n catego ries o f k i n i s n ot p ro h i b ited) a n d n o n i n b red i n cest (as w h e n p ro h i ­ b i t i o n s a p p ly betwee.n p a re nts a n d t h e i r a d o pted c h i l d re n ) . " lOl G i v e n t h e ra nge o f v a r i a b i l ity of t h e i n cest p ro h i b i t i o n s , w h i c h o n ly p a rt i a l ly overl a p with i n b re e d i ng, D u r h a m co n c l u d e s t h at t h e sets o f regu l a t i o n s t h at co n­ stitute the taboo in d i ffere n t societies evolved u n d e r cu l t u ra l s e l ecti o n p re s s u res (a l t h o u g h i t i s poss i bl e t h at i n st i n ctive avo i d a nce may h ave p l ayed a role in t h e i r a ccu m u lat i o n ea rly on in h u m a n e vo l u ti o n). The re l at i ve a u to n o my with w h i c h s e l f-selection e n d ows the evo l u t i o n of c u lt u ra l repl icato rs a l l ows t h e m to fo l l ow a d i rect i o n t h at is n e u t ra l re l a­ tive to o rga n i c a d a ptat i o n s . F o r t h e s a m e reaso n (i . e . , c u lt u ra l re p l icators' re lative e vo l u t i o n a r y a u tono my), v a ri o u s aspects of c u l t u re may t u r n out to ha v e m a l a d a ptive co n s e q u e n ces rel at i ve t o o u r b i o l ogy. F o r exa m p l e , m a ny c i v i l izati o n s i n t h e p a st carel essly i n t e n s i fi e d t h e e x p l oitati o n of t h e i r s o i l s, fa i l i n g to i m p l e m e n t a v a i l a b l e te c h n i q u e s (s u c h a s t e rraci ng) t h at co u l d h a ve p rotected t h i s v a l u a b l e resou rce fro m erod i n g away. Con se­ q u e ntly, those societ i es i n a d v erten tly set a l i m it o n the n u m b e r o f t i m e s t h ey co u l d p a s s t h e i r ge n e s down t h ro u g h t h e ge n e ra t i o n s . (An u p pe r l i m it o f s e v e n ty ge n e rati o n s existed fo r m o st c u l t u re s , a cco rd i ng to o n e h i stori a n 's ca l c u l ati o n s . ) I n t h i s case, t h e bo u n ded ratio n a l ity o f m a ny e l i t es a n d t h e pros pect of s h o rt-te r m ga i n s p romoted t h e accu m u l at i o n of h a b i ts a n d ro uti nes t h at, i n t h e l o n g r u n , d e stroyed t h e co n d itio n s u n d e r w h i c h t h e ge ne poo ls o f t hose ci vi l izat i o n s co u l d r e p rod u ce t h e m ­ s e l v e s . D u r h a m a l so fi n d s th ese m a l a d a pt i ve cu ltu ral m at e ri a l s acc u m u ­ lating i n co nte m po ra ry co m m u n ities o f E I S a l va d o r a n d H o n d u ras, t h e i r l a n ds c a p e s " l i ttered w i t h tel lta l e si gns of m a l a d a ptati o n . S l o pes of forty o r fi fty degrees . . . we re b e i n g c u ltivated in perpetu ity . . . w i t h ste a d i l y dec l i n i n g y i e l d s . C o r n w a s c u l t ivated i n ro ck o u tcro p s , a n i m a l s grazed i n stee p gu l l ies, a n d t h e e rosive fo rce of tropical ra i n s c a r r i e d o ff eve r m o re of t h e l e a c h e d a n d wo rn-o u t topso i l . " 102 I n t h i s case, h owev e r, t h e

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p ro b l e m i s n ot t h e local p e a s a n t c u l t u re . R a t h e r, t h e m a n i p u l a ti o n of l a n d t e n u re po l i ci es by the la n d e d e l i tes a nd the gove r n m e nt's s u p p o rt fo r expo rt agri c u l tu re h ad i m posed t h es e m a l a d a pt i v e co n d iti o n s o n t h e p e a s a nts . From t h i s a n d o t h e r ca s e s , D u rh a m co ncl u de s t hat a m a j o r ca u s e o f o p positio n b etwe e n ge n etic a n d c u l t u ra l r e p l icators i s t h e i m po­ s it i o n fro m a bove of h a bits a n d c u sto m s (or l i v i n g co n d i t i o n s l ea d i n g to c e rt a i n h a bits a nd c u sto m s) t h at a re m a l a d a ptive. H oweve r, one m u st not assu m e t h a t the powe r to i m pose a set o f va l u e s o n a pop u l a ti o n (a n d h e nce to i n fl u e n ce t h e d i rect i o n of t h at p o p u l a ti o n 's c u l t u ra l evo l u t i o n ) is a l ways stro ng e no u g h to e l i m i n ate t h e sel ective effect of i n d i vid u a l c h o i c e . ( H e re i n l i es a n ot h e r we a k n e ss of "cu l t u ra l r e l a ­ t i v i s m " : n ot o n ly does it e m p h a size t h e exotic a t t h e expe n se o f t h e u n re­ m a r k a b l e , w h i ch i s wh e re h u m a n u n iv e r s a l s a re to b e fo u n d , b u t i t t e n d s t o foc u s o n t h e n o r m s o f a soci ety w h i l e i g n o r i ng t h e act u a l b e h a vi o r o f i n d i v i d u a l age nts, wh o m ay o r m ay n o t al ways a d h e re to t h o se n o rm s . Pe rfect o b e d i e nce ca n n ot b e ta k e n fo r g r a n t ed . 103) Acco rd i ng t o D u r h a m , a bs o l u t e i m p o s i t i o n a n d free i n d i v i d u a l c h o ice n e e d t o b e t a k e n a s i d e a l ­ i z e d p o l e s of a co nti n u u m , with m ost actu a l b e h av i o r fa l l i ng s o m ew h e re i n betwe e n , as a m ixtu re of t h e two . H a v i n g esta b l i s h e d t h e d i ffe rent fo r m s of d i rect a n d i n d i rect i nt e r­ act i o n s betwe e n cu ltu ral a n d ge n et i c re p l i cato rs, we m u st n ow a dd ress certa i n q u esti o ns rega rd i n g the kinds a nd n umb er o f a b st ract p ro b e h e a d s at w o r k i n cu ltu ra l evol ut i o n . Fo r e xa m pl e , w e o bs e r ved t h at t h e flow of ge n e s th ro u gh l a rge a n i m a l s i s q u i t e d i ffe re nt fro m t h e flow t h ro u g h m i croorga n i s m s , the fo r m e r fol lowi n g a rig i d v e rt i c a l fo rm (fro m o n e ge n e ratio n to a not h e r) w h i l e t h e l atte r a d d i t i o n a l ly i n vo l v e s a h o rizo n­ t a l exc h a n ge of ge n e s (from one s pecies to a n ot h e r, v i a p l a s m i d s or ot h e r vectq rs) . I n t e r m s o f the n u m be r of ch a n n e l s fo r tra n s m i ss i o n , t h e flow o f c u ltu ra l mate r i a l s i n h u m a n societ i es i s q u ite ope n , a n d i n t h a t s e n s e a ki n to t h e flow of ge n e s th r o u g h b a cte r i a . C u l t u ra l r e p l icato rs flow v e rt i ca l ly in a o n e-to- o n e st ruct u re (from p a re nts to offspri ng) or in a m a ny-to- o n e struct u re (as w h e n t h e a d u lts i n a co m m u n i ty exercise p res­ s u re s o n a c h i l d). C u l t u ra l re p l i cato rs a l s o flow h o ri zo n tal ly, fro m a d u l t to a d u l t (o n e -to-o n e) o r from l e a d e rs to fol l owe rs (on e-to-m a ny) . 104 M o reover, it may b e a rg u e d t h at cu l t u ra l evol u t i o n i nv o l v e s m o re t h a n o n e sea rch i ng d evice: w h i l e s o m e m a te ri a l s rep l i cate t h ro u g h imitation (a n d , h e n c e , a re a n a l ogo us to bi rdso n gs o r, m o re ge n e ra l ly, to m e m es), ot h e rs re p l i cate th rough en forced repetition : c h i l d re n do n ot s i m p l y l e a r n to i m i tate t h e so u n d s a n d gra m m a tical ru l es t h a t m a ke u p a l a n g u ag e , t h ey adopt them a s a n o rm o r repeat them a s a rule. (T h i s i s o n e m i n o r s h o rtco m i ng o f Du r h a m 'S a n a lysi s: h e u ses t h e t e r m meme fo r a l l c u lt u ra l

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re p l icators, eve n t h o u g h s o me of t h e m a re t ra n s m i tted as n o rm s [e . g . , h i s "s eco n d a ry v a l u e s " ] . ) Sfo rza obse rves t h a t l i ngu istic n o rms (exce pt fo r i n d iv i d u a l wo rd s) d o n ot e a s i ly re p l icate ac ross d i ffere nt c u l t u res b u t travel a l o n g w i t h t h e bod i e s t h a t se rve as t h e i r o rga n i c su bstra t u m . ( H e n ce the t i g h t corre s p o n d e nces h e fi n d s betwe e n l i ngu ist i c a n d genetic m a p s . ) H e attri b utes this co n se r vative te nd e n cy to t h e fi rst two (ve rt i c a l ) me c h a n i sms of cu ltu ra l tra n s m i s sio n . 105 T h e f l o w t h ro u g h h o ri z o n t a l c h a n n e l s , o n t h e ot h e r h a n d , does i n vo lve i m itat i o n a n d so m a y b e co n ­ sid e red a f l ow of me m e s . A d i ffe re n t p rocess i s i n volved w h e n t h e tra n s m is s i o n i n volves n ot

fo r m a l ized k n owledge b u t em bod i e d k n ow- how. I n t h i s case, t h e i n fo r m a­ t i o n i n q u esti o n c a n n ot travel by itse lf (t h ro u g h boo ks, fo r exa m p l e) b u t n e e d s h u m a n bod i e s as i t s ve h i c l e . T h i s k i n d o f tra n s m i s s i o n m ay be co m p a red to t h at i n volved in e p i d e m i c co ntagi o n . B r a u d e l argu es, fo r exa m p l e , t h a t t h e p r i nt i n g p ress a n d m o b i l e a rti l l e ry d i d n ot cre ate a p e r­ m a n e n t i m ba l a n ce i n t he d i stri b u t i o n of powe r i n E u ro p e beca use t h ey s p re a d too ra p i d ly a c ross t h e C o n t i ne nt, t h a n k s to the m o b i l ity of t h e i r p ractiti o n ers . P ri n t e rs a n d m e rce n a ries i n t h e s i xte e n t h a nd seve ntee n t h ce n t u ries m i grated co nti n u ou sly, ta k i n g t h e i r s k i l l s a n d k n ow- how w h e r­ ever t h ey went, s p re ad i n g t h e m l i k e a n e p i d e m ic. lo6 I n t h i n k i n g t h ro u g h t h e m e c h a n i s m s of c u l t u ral evol u t i o n , we m u st

take i n to co n s i d e rati o n the kinds of e n tities that may be said to evolve i n a give n soci ety. W h e n stu dyi ng societies t h at l a c k d iv e r s i f i e d politico­ eco n o m i c i n st i t u t i o n s , we may v i ew c u l tu ra l tra n s m i s s i o n i n terms of re p l i cati o n of t h e w h o l e set of v a l u es a n d n o r m s w h i c h b i n d s a p a rt i c u l a r society toget h e r. B u t i n u r ba n societ i e s , i n st i t u ti o n s m a y a l s o re p ro d u ce t h e m se l v e s w i t h va r i a t i o n individua lly. T h e eco n o m i sts R i c h a rd N e l s o n a n d S i d n ey W i n t e r, fo r i n st a n ce, es p o u se a n evo l u t i o n a r y t h eory of eco­ n o m ics based on t h e i d e a t h a t o n ce the i n tern a l o p erati o n s of an o rga n i­ zat i o n have beco me ro u t i n ized , t h e rou t i n es t h e m s e lves co nst i t u te a k i n d of "o rga n izat i o n a l m e m o ry. " 107 Fo r exa m p l e , w h e n a n eco n o m i c i n st i t u t i o n (e . g . , a b a n k ) o p e ns a b r a n c h i n a fo reign city, it s e n d s a p o r­ t i o n of its staff to re c r u i t a n d t ra i n new pe o p l e ; i n t h i s way, it tra n sm its its i nte r n a l ro u t i n e s to the new bra n c h . T h u s , i n st i t u t i o n s may be sa i d to t ra n s m i t i n fo r m a t i o n vert i ca l l y to t he i r "offs p r i n g . " On the other h a n d , s i n ce m a n y i n n ovati o n s s pread t h ro u g h t h e eco n o my by i m itat i o n , i n sti­ t u t i o n s m ay al so affect e a c h ot h e r i n a m a n n e r a n a l ogo u s to i n fect i o u s contagi o n . H e re w e h ave bee n exp l o r i n g exc l u sivel y t h e i n teract i o n s betwee n c u l­ t u re a n d ge n etics, b u t n o n et h e l ess we m u st n ever lose sight of t h e fa ct t h a t t h e flow of re p l ic ato rs (w h e t h e r ge n es , m e m e s , n o r m s , or ro u t i n e s)

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constitu tes o n l y h a l f t h e sto ry. The f l ow of m atte r a n d e n e rgy t h ro u g h a system (w h i c h ofte n m e a n s t h e flow of b i o m a s s , e it h e r l iv i ng or fo s s i l ) is of e q u a l i m p o rt a n c e , pa rti c u l a rly d u r i n g i n te n s i ficatio n s . T h e ro l e of ge netic a n d cu l t u r a l re p l icators (o r, m ore accu rate l y, of t h e p h e n otyp i c effects of t h ose re p l i cators) is t o act as cata lysts t h at fa c i l itate o r i n h i b it the self-orga n i z i n g p roces ses made possi b l e by i n t e n se m a tte r-e n e rgy flows. I t is t h ese f l ows t h a t d eterm i n e t h e n at u re of t h e t h e r mody n a m i c sta b l e states ava i l a b le to a syste m ; t h e catalysts act m e re l y as co ntrol me c h a n i s m s , c h o o s i n g one sta b l e state ove r a not h e r. A n ot h e r featu re of cata lytic act i o n is that l ow expe n d itu res of e n e rgy ca n b r i n g a b o u t h i gh­ e n e rgy tra n sfo rm a t i o n s . An e n zym e, fo r exa m p l e , m a y b r i ng a b o u t a l a rge accu m u l ation of a given s u bsta nce by acce l e ra t i n g a p a rticu l a r c h e m i c a l reacti o n , w i t h o u t itse l f bei ng c h a nged i n t h e p rocess ( i . e . , w i t h ­ o u t itse l f p a rtici pati ng i n t h e l a rge r e n e rgy tra nsfers). C u l t u ra l re p l i cators may be v i ewed as h a v i ng p h e n otyp ic effects s i m i l a r t o catalysis. A com m a n d given by so m e o n e o f h i gh ra n k i n a h i e rarc hy, fo r exa m p l e , can set off d i s p ro po rt i o n ately l a rge f l ows of e n e rgy, as i n t h e case o f a d e c l a rat i o n o f wa r. H owev e r, t h e m i l it a ry o rd e r itse l f is powe r­ l ess u n l ess backed up by a c h a i n of co m m a n d t h a t has bee n k e p t i n wo r k i n g o r d e r t h ro u g h co nsta nt d ri l l a n d d i sci p l i n e (i n cl u d i n g p hysica l p u n i s h m e n t fo r n o nco m p l i a nce), a l l of w h i c h i n vo l ves e n o r m o u s e x pe n d i­ tu res of bod i ly ene rgy. T h e h i sto ry of Weste r n society i n t h e l a st few ce n­ tu ries ev i d e nces an i n c reasi ng d e p e n d e ncy o n d i sci p l i n a ry fo rce to secu re o b e d i e n c e . T h e refore, we ca n n ot be content w i t h a d e scri pti o n of soci ety exp ressed excl us i v ely in te rms of re p l i cato rs a n d t h e i r cata lytic effects, b u t m u st a l ways i n c l u d e the mate ri a l a n d e n e rgetic p rocesses t h a t d efi n e t h e poss i b l e sta b l e states a v a i l a b l e to a g i v e n soci a l d y n a m i c .

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Biologica l History: 1 700-2000 A . D.

Po p u l at i o n ex p l os i o n s te n d to be cycl i ca l , l i ke a g i ga n t i c b reat h i n g r hyt h m i n w h i c h t h e a m o u nt of h u m a n f l es h co n ce n ­ t rated i n o n e p l ace ri ses a n d fa l l s . Th ese r hyt h m s a re pa rtly t h e p rod u ct of i n te n s i f i cat i o n s i n food (o r ot h e r e n e rgy) p ro ­ d u ct i o n , w h i c h a re ty p i ca l ly fol l owed by d e p l et i o n s . T h e i n n u m e ra b l e n ew m o ut h s ge n ­ e rated i n t h e cyc l e 's u pswi n g 149

2: FL ESH AND GENES

eve nt u a l l y eat the a g r i c u l t u r a l s u r p l u ses c re ­ at e d b y p rev i o u s ge n e rat i o n s a n d p l u nge the p o p u l at i o n i n to a d ow n sw i n g . Towa rd the m i d d l e of the e i ghte e n th ce n t u ry, E u ro p e wa s e m e rg i n g from a cyc l i ca l d ow n sw i n g , a h u n ­ d re d ye a rs of sta g n at i o n o r, a t best , very s l ow p o p u l at i o n growth. A ro u n d 1 7 5 0 , howeve r, seve ra l fa cto rs co n ­ s p i re d to i nc re a s e thi s m a s s of h u m a n bod i es a g a i n . A cha n g i n g re l a t i o n sh i p w i th m i c robes wa s b e g i n n i n g to t ra n s fo r m l a rge c i t i es from d eath t ra p s i n to n et p ro d u c e rs of p e o p l e . N ew a g r i c u l t u r a l m etho d s w e re b e g i n n i n g to m a ke i nte n s i f i e d foo d p rod u ct i o n s o m e wha t m o re s u sta i n a b l e . A n d , p e rha p s m o re i m p orta n tly, m a ss i ve e m i g r at i o n ha d a d d e d a n esca p e hatch t o the d y n a m i ca l syste m , a m e a n s to e x p o r t h u n g ry m o uths ove rs e a s , p reve n t i ng the m fro m d ra gg i n g the syste m i n to d e c l i n e . M o re ove r, the ex po rtat i o n of excess p op u l a ­ t i o n a l l ow e d E u r o p e t o t r a n sform v a st reg i o n s o f the wo r l d i n to i ts s u p p ly zo n e s . N o r m a l ly, l oca l ly a v a i l a b l e re se rvo i rs of b i o m a s s i m po s e a ce i l i n g o n p o p u l a t i o n growth (tech n i ca l l y k n ow n a s " ca r ry i ng ca p a c i ty " ) , b u t co l o n iza­ t i o n a l l ow e d E u ro p ea n u r b a n c e n te r s to s u r ­ m o u n t l oc a l l inl i tat i o n s a n d to cont i n u e the i r . 150

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ex pa n s i o n . E u ro pe a n s m i grated ove rs e a s i n l a rge - eve n t u a l l y e n o r m o u s - n u m b e rs , a n d they b ro u ght w i th the m othe r, n o n h u m a n " re p ­ l i cators " : the i r exte n d e d fa m i l i es of d o m esti ­ cated a n i m a l s a n d p l a n ts. C reatu re s n ot y et s u b m i tted to hu m a n co n t ro l u s e d the E u ro ­ p e a n s a s veh i c l e s fo r a great n1 i g rat i o n of w e e d s . Fi n a l l y, i n st i t u t i o n a l o rga n i zat i o n s a l so m i grate d , ex p o rt i n g the i r ro u t i n es a c ro s s the o c e a n s to c re ate va r i a n t re p l i ca s of the m ­ s e l ves . H e re w e w i l l f i rst ex p l o re s o m e of the co n seq u e nces that thi s co m p l ex m i x t u re ha d o n the l a n d s that rece i ve d the m i grato ry f l ow, s p e c i f i ca l l y the g reat o rg a n i c a n d i n st i t u t i o n a l ho m oge n i zat i o n s that i t e ffe cte d , a n d the n we w i l l fu rthe r a d d ress the m i g ra t i o n's effects on the c i t i e s of E u ro p e . B efo re 1 8 0 0 , E u ro p e ha d o n l y s e n t be ­ twe e n two a n d thre e m i l l i o n p e o p l e to he r n e w t ra n s atl a n t i c co l o n i es ( " o n l y" i n com p a r i ­ s o n t o the s i x rTl i l i i o n Af r i ca n s who had b e e n forced to m i grate the re ) . B u t betwe e n 1800 a n d 1 9 6 0 , s i xty- o n e rTl i l i i o n E u ro p e a n s m ove d a c ro s s the Atl a n t i c . O f thes e , the m aj o r i ty l eft fo r the N ew Wo r l d i n a p e r i od of s eve n ty ye a rs . I n the wo rd s of the histori a n A l fred C ro s by: 151

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A n d so the E u ro pea n s came between the 1840's a n d Wo rld Wa r I , the great­ est wave of h u m a n ity eve r to cross ocea n s a n d probably the greatest that ever wi l l cross ocea n s . This Caucasian ts u n ami began with the starving I rish a n d the ambiti o u s Germans a n d with the B riti s h , who n ever reached peaks of em igration as h igh as some other n ati o n a l ities, but who have an inexti n ­ gu ishable ye arn i n g t o leave h o m e . T h e Sca n d i navia n s joi n ed t h e exo d u s next, a n d then towa rd the e n d o f the centu ry, t h e southern a n d eastern E u ropean peasantry. I ta l i a n s, Poles, S p a n iards, Portuguese, H u nga ria ns, G reeks, Serbs, Czechs, Slovaks, Ash ke n azic Jews - fo r the first time i n pos­ sessi o n of k n owledge of the opportu n ities overseas a n d , via ra i l road a n d steams h i p , of the mea n s to leave a l i fe of an cient pove rty behind - poured thro ugh the po rts o f Eu rope and across the seams of Pangaea. 108 Pa n gaea is J h e �cierJtific n a m e fo r t h e hypot hetica l l a n d mass t he co n ­ t i n e n ts of t h e N o rt h e r n a n d So u t h e r n H e m i s p he res fo r m e d w h e n t h ey we re sti l l j o i n e d toget h e r, m a ny m i l l io n s of yea rs ago . N ew a n i m a l a n d p l a n t species e m e rge w h e n t he i r re prod u ctive com m u n ities b eco m e iso­ l ated fro m o n e a nother; t h u s t he a n ci e n t b rea k u p of Pa ngaea (a n d t h e co n s eq u e n t s e p a rati o n of reprod u ctive co m m u n ities) trigge red a n i nte n se period of o rga n ic heteroge n izati o n . The wo rld that witn essed the great m igratory flow of the 1800s, however, was a l ready beco m i ng reho moge­ n ized . As C ros by p u ts it, Pa nga e a was b e i n g stitched toget h e r aga i n v i a tra n socea n ic co m m u n i cati o n s . lOg Befo re t h e 1 500s, t h e I s l a m ic peoples we re l a rge ly respo n s i b l e fo r t h e tra n sfe r of species across ecol ogic a l bo u nd a ries (citrus, r i c e , cotto n , s uga rca ne), b u t from 1 500 o n , t h e E u ro­ pea n s wou l d be t h e m a i n d i spersants. I n five sepa rate regi o n s of t h e globe - the tem p e rate regi o n s of t h e U n ited States , C a n a d a , Arge n ti n a , A u stra l i a , a n d N ew Zea l a nd - t h e p ro­ cess of re h o m oge n iza ti o n reached its p e a k of i nte n sity. T h ese regi o n s beca m e , i n fact , repl icas o f t h e E u ro pea n u rb a n a n d r u r a l ecosystem s . Crosby a rgues t h at, i n o rd e r fo r E u ro p e a n cities t o re p l i cate themse lves, to give b i rth to d a ughte r cities s u c h as Bosto n , Q u e bec, B u e n os A i res, o r Syd n ey, a w h o l e a rray of species ( h u m a n s a n d the i r d o m e sticate s) had to m igrate toget h e r, h ad to col o n ize t h e n ew l a nd as a tea m . T h e e n d re s u lt is t ha t t he te m pe rate a reas of these five cou n tries beca m e w h at he cal l s " N eo- E u ro p e s . " llo T h ere were, of cou rse, i m port a n t colo n i a l cities outs i d e t h e regi o n s with strictly " E u ro pe a n " c l i m ates. H oweve r, t h ese oth e r col o n i a l u rba n ce n ters d id n ot re prod u ce t h e s a m e "soc i a l ecosystem" as i n u rb a n E u rope; i nste a d , t h e rel atio n s betwe e n town a n d cou n trys i d e w e r e m o re l i ke t h ose of f e u d a l E u rope. A d d itio n a l ly, t h e neo-Eu ro pes, u n l i ke M exico

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or Peru , w h e re t he co n q u e ro rs m i xed with t h e l oca l s , we re a classic case of re p l ace m e n t of one ge n e pool by a not h e r. F i n a l ly, t h e te n s of m i l l io n s o f E u ro p e a n s w h o m igrated overseas begi n n i ng i n 1800 we re received p r i n c i p a l l y by t h e u rba n cente rs of the n eo-E u ropes. T h ese m asses were n ot o n ly p u s hed out by t h e pop u l atio n explos i o n at h o m e , b u t a l s o p u l l ed in by t h e p rospect of movi ng to an a l m ost exact re p l ica of the u rba n ecosyste m t h ey we re to l eave be h i n d . (H aving re l atives a b ro a d , t h e so­ ca l led stock effect, was a f u r t h e r p u l l facto r. )l1l T h e reason it wa s n ece ssa ry for a w h o l e tea m of co l o n izers to m igrate across the oce a n s is re l at ively easy to gra s p in the case of h u m a n s a nd t h e i r d o m esti cated crops a n d l i vestock . Fo r a n u rb a n ecosyste m to wo rk, food c h a i n s m u st be s h o rte n ed and ce rt a i n o rga n is m s m u st be u sed to red i rect t h e flow of biomass towa rd t h e top of t h e h i e ra rc hy. B u t i n a d d i ­ t i o n t o t h e s e d o m esticated s pecies, t h e E u ropean m igra n ts i n ad ve rtently i m po rted "weeds," i n this case p l a nts with o p po rtu n i stic re prod u ctive strategie s , w h i c h a l lowed them to co l o n ize s i m p l ified ecosystems. U n l i ke m a n y p l a nts t h a t t h rived i n t h e n ew l a n d s o n ly with d i rect h u ma n i nter­ v e n ti o n , E u ropean weeds (t h i stles, p l a n ta i n , wh ite clover, n ettl es) p ropa­ gated o n t h e i r own , wi n n i ng their own " battl es" aga i n st l oca l rivals a n d fu r n i s h i n g a key co m po n e n t o f t h e food we b as fod d e r fo r catt l e : T h e Old Wo rld q u adrupeds, when transported t o America, Austra lia a n d New Zeal a n d , stri pped away t h e l ocal grasses and fo rbs, and these, which i n most cases had bee n su bjected to o n ly l ight grazi n g befo re, were often slow to recover. In the mea n time, the Old Wo rld weeds, particu la rly those fro m Europe and nea rby parts of Asia and Africa, swept in and occup ied the bare gro u n d . They were tolerant of open s u n l ight, bare soi l , and close cropping and of being co nstantly trod u po n , and they possessed a n u mber of mea ns of propagation and spread. For instance, often their seed s were eq u i pped with hooks to catch on the hides of passing l ivestock or were tough enough to su rvive the tri p t h rough the i r stomachs to be de pos ited somewhere d own the path. When the l ivestock retu rned fo r a meal the next seaso n , it was there. When the stockman went out in searc h of his stock, they were there, too , a n d healthy. 1l 2 E u ro p e a n fo rage grasses, w h i c h h a d coevolved wit h catt l e , wo n t h e i r own colo n izat i o n war aga i n st m a ny l oca l weed s , w h i c h we re d efe n s e l ess aga i n st t h e novel select i o n pressu res (su c h as i n t e n se grazi n g) b rought on by t h e E u ropean m igrati o n . O n ly i n a reas w h e re l a rge l ocal h e rb i vo res t h ri ved (e .g. , t h e A m erica n G reat P l a i n s with its h e rd s of buffal o) d id t h e loca l grasses h ave a fighti ng c h a nce. 113 I n seve ra l of t h e n eo-Eu ro pes , t h e weed "colon izatio n fro nt" raced a h ea d of the h u ma n wav e , as if p re p a ri ng t h e

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gro u n d fo r it. I n deed , co n s i d e ri n g that t he h u ma n co l o n izers we re repeat­ i ng past m ista kes by ove rinte n sifying t h e i r exp loitation of t h e new l a n d (via careless d eforestatio n , fo r i n sta n ce), weeds p l ayed a n ot h e r key role, t hat of resta b i l i z i n g t h e exposed soil and p reve n t i n g e ros i o n . "The weed s, l i ke s k i n t ra n s p l a nts p l aced ove r b road a reas of a b raded a n d b u rned fles h , a ided i n h ea l i n g t h e raw wou n d s t h at t h e i nvaders tore i n t h e e a rt h . " 1l4 Weeds were n ot t h e o n ly o rga n i c e ntities to spread without co nscious h u m a n effo rt. So m e p l a nts t h at h a d been d o mesticated a n d even u rb a n ­ i z e d a cq u i red "weedy" be h av i o r a n d bega n wi n n i n g t h e i r o w n p ropagat i o n batt l e s . S u c h w a s t h e c a s e , f o r exa m p l e , w i t h peac h a n d o ra nge trees . 1l5 Eve n s o m e a n i m a l s ( p igs, catt l e , h o rses, a n d d ogs) esca ped h u m a n ge netic co n t ro l a n d beca m e fe ra l a ga i n , m u lt i plyi n g expo n e nt i a l ly. T h ese a n i m a l s l ost so m e of the q u a l it i e s t h at d o mesticatio n had i m posed on them and reacq u i red some qf the " re p ressed" tra its of t h e i r a n cesto rs. T hey, too , bega n col o n iz i n g t h e l a n d . I n A u st ra l i a , p igs beca m e razo r­ backs, " l o n ged-l egged a n d l o n g-s n o ute d , s l a b-sid ed , n a rrow-backe d , fast a n d vicio u s , a n d eq u i p ped with l o n g, s h a rp tusks . " 1l6 I n A rge n t i n a, cattl e beca m e fe ra l , p ropagat i n g i n s u c h l a rge n u m be rs t h a t t hey stym ied t h e growt h of h u m a n popu lati o n s . H e re a n d e l sewh e re , t h ese bov i n e m u lti­ t u d es fo rmed " a cattle fro n t i e r [t hat] p receded t h e E u ropea n fa r m e rs as t hey moved west fro m the Atl a ntic." 117 T h ese i n d e pe n d e n t co l o n izers ti lted t h e ba l a n ce i n t h e exc h a nge of s pecies betwe e n E u rope a n d t h e rest of the wo rld . W h i l e some A m e ri c a n p l a nts, i nc l u d i ng m a ize a n d potatoes, to m atoes a nd c h i l i pe ppers, d id " i n vade" E u ro pe, t hey d id so excl u sively i n t h e h a n d s of h u ma ns , n ot o n t h e i r own . T h e oth e r s p o n ta n e o u s exc h a n ges, s u c h as t h e exc h a n ge of m icroorga n is m s , were a l so a sym m etrica l , despite t h e "gift" of sy p h i l i s w h i c h A m e ri ca m ay h a ve bestowed o n h e r co l o n i a l m asters . U8 A n d , of cou rs e , t h e exc h a nges at the top of t h e food pyra m id we re heavi ly o n e­ s i d ed . Despite the i n fl ux of m i l l i o n s of Africa n s brought in by the s l ave t rad e a n d the m a sses of Asi a n s who went ove rseas as i n d e n t u re d wo rk­ e rs after s l ave ry was a bo l i s hed in the mid n i n etee n t h centu ry, by t h e twentiet h , E u ro pe a n m igrants a ccou nted fo r as m u c h a s 80 pe rce nt o f t he total m igrato ry flow. u9 E u ropea n s b e n efited from t h i s m a ssive t ra n sfe r of people i n seve ra l ways. N ot o n ly d id m igrati o n se rve as an escape h atc h from t h e pop u l a­ tion explos i o n at h o m e , but t h ese m asses were what gave stay i n g powe r to E u rope's colo n i a l ventu res. Add itio n a l ly, t h e m igra n ts w h o sett l ed i n t h e n eo-Eu ropes a c h ieved u n p recede nted fe rt i l i ty rates. B etwee n 1750 and 1930, t h e i r po p u l at i o n i n creased by a facto r of 14, w h i l e t h e pop u l a­ tio n of the rest of the wo rld i n creased by a facto r of 2 . 5 . 120 N o nw h ites

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we re n ot so l u cky. Sl ave ry, w h i c h b roke up fa m i l ie s , ti lted the ge n d e r ratio of p o p u l atio ns towa rd m a le s , a n d forced peo p l e t o l i ve i n s u b h u m a n co n d it i o n s , m a d e p ropagati o n o f Africa n ge n e s a b ro a d very d iffi c u lt . 121 Befo re 1800, Africa n m ig ra n ts o ut n u m be red E u ropea n s t h ree to o n e , b ut t h e i r growt h rates i n A m e rica were vastly d iffe re n t : t h e six m i l l i o n s l a ve s rem a i n e d a l most co n sta n t i n n u m be r, w h i l e t h e roughly two m i l l i o n E u ro­ pea n s sext u p l ed t h e i r po p u l atio n . P a rt o f t he e no rm o u s po p u l at i o n boo m i n t h e n eo- E u ropes was d u e to the extre m e fe rti l ity of t h e i r l a n d s , in terms of both s o i l n utrie n ts a va i l­ a b l e a fter defo restati o n a n d p h otosynthetic pote n t i a l ( i . e . , t h e a m o u n t of so l a r e n e rgy ava i la b l e fo r t ra nsfo rmation i n to s uga rs; the tro p i cs h a ve p l e nty of l i ght, b ut h azi n ess a n d u nva ryi n g day l e ngt h t h ro ughout t h e yea r m a ke it l e s s u sefu l fo r gra i n cu ltivati o n ). 122 Tod ay, t h e n eo-E uropes feed t h e rest of the wo r l d . Eve n wh i l e n ot lead i ng in absolute food p rod u c­ tivity, t hey a re t h e regi o n s with t h e greatest food su rpl u se s . I t i s no wo n ­ d e r t h at l o n g before t h ese co l o n ies ga i n ed t h e i r i nd e p e n d e nce t hey were a c r u c i a l s u p p ly reg i o n for E u ro p e a n cities. On t he oth e r h a n d , the O l d Wo rld h a d to wo rk h a rd t o create t h i s reservo i r fo r itse l f: If the d i scovery of America bro ught Eu rope l ittle retu rn in the s ho rt ru n , t h i s w a s beca u se the new conti nent w a s o n ly partly apprehended a n d settled by t h e wh ite m a n . Eu rope h a d patiently to reconstruct America i n her o w n i mage before it bega n to correspo n d t o her o w n w i s h e s . Such a labor of reco n struction was not of cou rse accomp l ished overn ight: i n the ea rly days, Eu rope i n deed seemed i n s ign ificant and i m potent faced with the s u perh u man tas k a head and as yet o n ly i m perfectly perceived . I n fact Eu rope took ce ntu ries to b u i l d a wo rld i n her own i mage across the Atla ntic, and then o n ly with i m mense variatio n s and d i sto rt i o n s , and after overcom i ng a long series of obstacles one after a n other. 1 23 C reat i n g ecologica l re p l i cas of E u rope was o n ly p a rt of t h i s e n o rm o u s t a s k . T h e E u ro pe a n po p u l atio n of i n stitutio n s - t h e whole spectru m of gove r n m e n ta l , co m m e rci a l , eccle s i a stic, and e d u catio n a l o rga n izatio n s ­ a l so h a d t o b e rep l i cated o n t h e ot h e r side o f t h e ocea n . Eu ro pe 's i n stitu­ tions were a co m pl ex m ixt u re of m a rkets, a nt i m a rkets , and rati o n a l ized b u rea ucracies, and t h e i r re p l i cas across the Atl a ntic were eq u a l ly v a r i e d . M o reove r, t h e tran sfo r m at i o n of t h e A m e ri c a n conti n e nt i nto a s u p p ly regio n i n volved i nteracti o n s betwe e n i n stitutio n s of d i ffere n t e ra s , m o re s pecifica l ly, a m ixtu re of d i ffe re nt st rategi es fo r t h e extraction of s u r­ p l u se s , so me a n ci e n t , som e n ew, i n a p rocess a k i n to E u ro pe's e a r l i e r self-co l o n i zati o n .

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As u rb a n E u rope bega n to tra nsfo r m Pol a nd a n d oth er eastern regi o n s i nto a s u p p ly zo n e , t h e most " ad v a n ced" secto rs o f t h i s popu l atio n of i n stitutio n s (th e b a n k e rs a n d wholes a l e rs of A m sterd a m , fo r exa m ple) acted i n col l u si o n with t h e most " b ac kward" o n e s , t h e e aste r n E u ro p e a n fe u d a l l o r d s , to t r a n sfo r m t h e f r e e peasantry i nto se rfs agai n . 124 T h e "seco n d s e rfd o m " w a s n o t a step d o w n t h e l a d d e r of p rogress, but rat h e r a l ateral m o v e to a sta b l e state (a sta b l e s u rp l us-extract i o n strategy) t h at h a d bee n l a t e n t i n (o r, ava i l a b l e to) t h e dyn a m ical system a l l t h e t i m e . Si m i l a r ly, a n t i m a rk ets fo u n d entry i nto t h e A m e rica n colo n ies t h rough t h e great s uga r p l a ntati o n s , a l l of w h i c h u sed s l ave l a bo r. I t w a s t h i s i n stitu­ ti o n a l m ixt u re t h at u n l e a s h e d the great flows of s ugar, one of the m ost i nf l u e nt i a l fo r m s of b i o m ass of t h e col o n i a l age . I n 1650, s ugar was a l ux u ry a n d its co n s u m pt i o n a m a rker of stat u s , but b y t h e n i n etee n t h c e n t u ry B ri t i s h i n d u st r i a l a n d agricu ltu ra l workers had "sugar p u m pe d i nto every crevice of their d iets . " 125 Su crose m a d e it possi b l e t o i nc rease t h e calo ric i ntake of t h e u n d e rc l asses i n a re l atively i n ex p e n sive way, co m p a red with m e at , fis h , or d a i ry prod u cts. Although it was n ot the o n ly foodst u ff prov i d ed by t h e n ew s u p p ly zo nes, i t was the m ost effic i e n t o n e i n terms of co nvert i n g sola r e n e rgy i nto calories. ( O n e acre of land prod u ced ro u g h l y e ight m i l l i o n c a l o r i e s . 126) I n t h i s s e n se , s uga r w a s at l e a st a s i nf l u e n t i a l as m aize o r p otatoes, t h e m i ra c l e crops E u rope a d opted from t h e N ew Wo rld . Large-scale s uga r prod uct i o n a l so req u i re d a s pecifi c i n stituti o n a l m ix, as suga r p rocess i n g a n d refi n­ i ng d e m a n d ed l a rge a m o u nts of c a p it a l and, h ence, a n t i m a rket o rga n iza­ t i o n s . Sugar a lso ge n er ated i nten se p rofits, m ost of w h i c h accu m u l ated n ot on the p l a ntatio n s t h e m selves but in the E u ro p e a n cities that m a r­ keted t h e p rod uct a n d p rovided t h e cred it fo r t h e e nterprise. 12 7 Sugar p rofits fired the E u ro pe a n eco n o my and l ater p l ayed an i m port a n t ro l e i n s u sta i n i ng t h e I n d u st r i a l R evol utio n . E u ro p e a n col o n izatio n tra n sfo rmed t h e N ew Wo rld , a n d t h e N ew Wo rld i n turn co ntri b u te d to a tra n sfo r m at i o n u nd e r way in E u ro pe . T h ere, the n atio n a l capitals, m etropol ises, regi o n a l c a p itals, and eve n small towns bega n in the e ightee n t h centu ry to esca pe from the biologi c a l regi m e of fa m i n e s a n d e p i d e m i cs t o w h i c h t h ey h ad been s u bjected si n ce b i rt h . Access to overseas s u p p l ies, t h e s pread o f t h e m i ra c l e crops, a n d better soil m a n agem e n t tec h n iq u es all contri buted to t h e a batem e nt of glo b a l fa m i nes; better tra n s p o rt at i o n a n d co m m u n i catio n s a l l owed emerge n cy a i d to re l ieve local fam i n es q u ic kly. T h e rel atio n s h i p b etwee n u rba n m asses a n d t h e m i croo rga n i sm s t h at fed on t h e m was a l so c h a n gi ng. N ew e p i d e m i c o utbreaks acted as catalysts fo r gove r n m e nt acti o n , a n d u r b a n c e n te r s slowly beg a n t o d ev e l o p n ew a p p roac h es t o p u b l i c sa n ita-

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t i o n (pa rticu l a rly sewage a n d water control) a n d to e m b race the n ew tec h n o l ogy of vacc i n at i o n ; t h at i s , t hey s l owly rej ected s po nt a n eous a d a p­ t at i o n to d i sease i n favo r of co m p u lsory i m m u n izatio n . A lt h o u g h d e l i be r­ ate i n ocu l atio n h a d been p r acticed as a fol k remedy s i nce a n c i e nt t i m e s (i n Tu rkey, fo r exa m pl e), m o d e r n E u ro p e a n s we re t h e fi rst to p ra ctice i n ocu l a t i o n o n a m assive sca l e . 128 ( I nocu lation refe rs to t h e p ractice of i nt rod u c i n g the germs t h at cause h u m a n d iseases i nto the o rga n i s m ; vac­ c i n atio n , on t h e oth e r h a n d , i n volves t h e i nt rod uct i o n of closely re l ated non h u m a n d iseases . ) La rge cities we re t he fi rst p l aces to d evelop a n u n p l a n n e d acco m moda­ t i o n wit h their m i c ro p a ra sites v i a e n d e m icity. T h i s m ay expl a i n w hy " fo l k" i nocu latio n tec h n iq u es fi rst too k h o l d , i n Engl a n d , i n v i l l ages a n d s m a l l town s (w h e re t h e critical h u m a n m ass t o s u st a i n t h e sta b l e state o f e n d e m icity d id n o t exist), b egi n n i ng wit h i n ocu l atio n s aga i n st s m a l l pox i n 1 7 21. T h i s d o e s n ot m e a n , of cou rse, t h at u rba n i n h a b it a nts we re n ev e r i n oc u l ated (t h e e l ites, i n cl u d i ng t h e roya l scio n s of E n gl a n d , we re) but t h at, as M c l\J e i l l p uts it, the p ractice of d e l i be rately i nt rod u c i n g s m a l l pox in the o rga n is m d id n ot "ta ke" in Lo n d o n a n d ot h e r l a rge centers. 129 Tru e vacc i n at i o n fo r s m a l l pox ( u s i n g t he wea ke r cowpox germ) was i nt ro d u ced in 1 7 98 by Edwa rd J e n n e r, an E ngl i s h cou ntry d octo r, a n d s p read from t he botto m of Central P l ace h i e ra rc h i es u pwa rd . I n co nti n e nt a l E u ro p e , o rga n ized res i stance to t h i s p ractice l a sted l o n ge r, a n d it wo u l d t a ke t h e death of a k i n g (Lo u i s XV) to cata lyze t h e m a i n l a n d c i t i e s i nto act io n . U n l i k e i n B rita i n , howeve r, h e re t h e practice o f vacci n atio n s pread from the top down : the fi rst c a m p a ign s of vacc i n at i o n too k p lace among t h e e l ites, t he n t he arm ies ( by com m a n d from t h e top), a n d , fi n a l ly, t h e c i v i l­ i a n po pu latio n . 130 I n t h e coio n i es, w h i c h lacked t h e critical h u m a n m a ss a n d co n sta nt contact wit h t h e old wo rld e p i d e m i o logical l a bo rato ries n ecess a ry to a c h ieve e n de m icity (and w h e re , t herefo re , a d u lt v u l n e ra b i l­ i ty to d i sease was greater), u rba n a d o pt i o n of t h e new tec h n iq u es was m u c h swifter. R e l i a b l e sou rces of food a n d t he rise of o rga n ized m e d ici n e h e l ped E u ropean cities a n d t he i r col o n i a l d a ug hte rs l e ave be h i n d t he o l d bio­ l ogical regi m e , begi n n i ng i n t h e m i d eighteent h centu ry. B u t as t h i s bifu r­ cat i o n to a new sta ble state was ta k i ng p l ace, as u rb a n c u lt u re sloWly d etached itse l f from the o rga n i c co nstra i nts of fa m i n es and e p i d e mics, t he population of institutions t h at i n h a bited E u ro pea n cities u n d e rwe n t a m o m e n tous tra nsfo r m a t i o n of its own . M i l ita ry, m e d i c a l , e d u catio n a l , a n d j u d icial i n stitut i o n s beca m e , i n a very real s e n se , m u c h m o re " b i ological" t h a n b efo re : t h e i r h i e ra rc h ies n ow rel i ed less o n tradition and sym bo l i c gestu res and bega n to exercise

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power i n a fo r m i n creasi ngly t a i l o red to t h e fu n ctio n i ng of the h u m a n body. Although t h e h u ma n pop u l at i o n exp l o s i o n t h at bega n i n t h e m i d eigh­ tee n t h c e n t u ry d id n ot c a u se this t ra n sformation ( i n a rm i e s , fo r exa m p l e , t h e process h a d sta rted i n t h e sixteenth centu ry), it d id h e l p t h e n ew b reed of o rga n izatio n s to s pread a m o n g t h e i n stituti o n a l pop u l at i o n . T h e b i rt h of the m o d e r n hosp ita l is a good exa m p l e o f t h e i n stituti o n a l tra n sfo r m ati o n s ta k i ng p l ace . Weste rn d octors h a d s i n ce A nt i q u ity a cq u i red med ica l k n owledge a l m ost excl u sively fro m o l d a utho ritative texts (t hose of G a l e n , fo r exa m p l e). The e m e rge n t m e d i c a l p rofessi o n , i n co ntrast, o rga n ized itse l f a ro u nd hosp ita l s a n d cou l d fo r t h e fi rst t i m e brea k away fro m text u a l a n d co n ce ntrate o n biologica l bod i es . 131 M o re­ over, t h i s e p i stemo l ogi c a l bre a k d i d n ot p recede the creat i o n of hospita l s , b u t rath e r wa s p reci pitated b y it. T h e n ew hospita l s e m bodied a n ew a n d d i ffe re n t u se of space, o n e t hat a l lowed cl ose o bse rvation of d i se ase a n d i solati o n of its c a u se . S i n ce ocean trade routes we re c h a n n e l s w h e re m e rc h a n d is e , m o n ey, i d e a s , a n d ge rms a l l flowed together, naval hospi­ t a l s p rovi d e d t h e perfect m i l i e u fo r d i s e n ta ng l i n g t h e com p l ex com b i n a­ t i o n of factors t h at c a u sed e pi d e m ics: A po rt, a n d a m i l ita ry p o rt i s - with its circ u l ation of goods, m e n s igned up wi l l in gly o r by force, sailors e m barking a n d d i s e m b a rk i ng, d iseases and e p i d e m ics - a p l ac e of desertio n , s m u ggli ng, co ntagi o n : it is a crossroads

for d angero u s m ixtu res, a m eeti ng-place fo r forbid d e n c i rc u l atio n s . The n aval h ospita l m u st therefo re treat, but i n order to d o this it m u st be a filter, a mecha n i sm that p i n s d own a n d partitions; it m u st p rovide a hold ove r t h i s whole mobile, swa r m i ng m ass, by d issipating the co nfu s i o n of i l l e­ ga l ity a n d evi l . T h e m e d i ca l s u pervision of d iseases a n d co ntagi o n s i s i ns e p a ra b l e from a whole series of oth e r controls: t h e m i l i ta ry co ntrol ove r dese rte rs, fiscal control over com modities, adm i n i strative contro l ove r remed ies, rat i o n s , d i s ap p ea ra nces, c u res, d eaths, s i m u l ations. H e nce the need to d istri b ute a n d partition off s pace i n a rigo rou s m a n n e r. 132

N ot o n ly hos p ita l s b u t a w h o l e seg m e nt of the popu l at i o n of i n stitutio n s c h a nged d u ri ng t h e e ightee n t h centu ry. T h e c h a nge may n everth e l e ss be u sefu l ly d escri bed in m e d ic a l te rms. Fouca u lt p it h i ly c ha r a cte rized t h e g u i d i ng pri n c i p l e be h i n d t h i s i n stitutio n a l tra n sfo rm atio n i n t h e p h rase: "treat ' l e p e r s ' a s ' p l ague victi m s ' . " 133 I n E u rope, peo p l e suffering from l e p rosy ( H a n se n 's d i se ase) h a d traditi o n a l ly bee n d ea lt wit h by co n fi n i ng t h e m to spe c i a l b u i l d i ngs ( l e p rosaria) u su al ly b u i lt o utsi d e t h e wa l l s of m e d ieval tow n s . T h ere were a bout n i n eteen thousa n d s u c h l e p rosa r i a by the t h irte e n t h centu ry. 134 The peo p l e of a p l ag u e str i c k e n town , o n t h e

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ot h e r h a n d , we re h a n d led in a very d i ffe re nt way, at least in t h e Med ite r­ r a n e a n natio n s that h a d esta b l i s hed q u a ra n t i n e regu latio n s as ea rly a s the fifteenth ce n t u ry. R a t h e r t h a n be i ng re m oved from society a nd l u m ped toget h e r in one i so lated p l ace o u t of sight, t hey we re i n stead p i n n e d to their res i d e n ces and obse rved ca refu l l y d ay afte r d ay by special h e a l t h i n specto rs, who regi stered t h e i r co n d it i o n i n writi ng, creati ng a flow of repo rts l i n ki ng the obse rve rs to a central co m m a n d . H e nce, t h ese two i n fect i o u s d i seases e l i cited d ifferent i n stitutio n a l re spo n se s , a n d t h e i n s ights glea n e d from o n e co u l d b e co m b i ned w i t h t hose a r i s i n g fro m t h e other - a n d a p p l ied to n o n m e d i c a l p ro b l e ms . "The l e pe r a n d h i s sepa ra­ tio n ; the p l ag u e a n d its segm e ntati o n s . The fi rst i s m a rke d ; the seco n d a n a lysed a n d d istri bute d . . . . Two ways of exerc i s i ng powe r ove r m e n , of co ntro l l i ng t h e i r re latio n s , of s e p a rati ng out t h e i r d a ngerous m ixtu re s . " 135 Acco rd i ng to Fouca u lt, t h e t h ree e l e m e nts e n u me rated a bove - syste m­ atic spatial p a rtition i ng, ceaseless i n s pectio n , and perm a n e nt registra­ tion - wh ic h had bee n put to wo rk in the open s pace of the tow n , we re n ow co m b i n ed i n a n ovel way a n d a pp l ied to t h e cl osed s pace of t h e hospita l . Eighte e n t h-ce ntu ry hospita l s beca m e o ptica l m ac h i n es , p la ces w h e re t h e p e n etrati ng cl i n ical gaze co u ld be tra i n e d a n d deve l o ped , as we l l a s writi ng m a c h i nes, "great l a bo rato ries f o r scri pt u a ry a n d docu m e nta ry method s , " 136 w h ere eve ry d et a i l about visits, c h ec k u ps, d osages or p re­ scripti o n s , wa s carefu l ly reco rde d . To t h is exte nt, these m o d e r n " l e p ro­ s a r i a" h a d i n deed i nte r n a l ized t h e q u a ra nt i n e d u rba n ce n t e r. On t h e ot h e r h a n d , b y a d m i n iste r i n g tests a n d exa m i n atio n s o n t h e b a s i s o f w h i c h i n d i­ vid u a l s were compulsorily assigned to certa i n catego ries ( h e a l t hy/sick, n o rm a l /a b n o r m a l), h os p ita l s we re a d a pt i n g t h e strategy of bi n a ry d i v i s i o n a n d bra n d i ng t h at h a d bee n u sed i n "treating" l e p e rs. I n s h o rt, the d isci­ p l i n a ry a p p roaches to d ise a se co ntrol did n ot rep resent an a d va nced "stage" in t h e evo l ut i o n of powe r; rat h e r, t h ey we re new e l e m e nts a d d e d t o a m ixtu re of mate r i a l s t h at h a d been accu m u l at i n g fo r ce ntu ries. N evert h e less, what d i sti ng u i s h e s t h e seve ntee n t h and eightee n t h cen­ t u ries in this rega rd i s t h e " e p i d e m ic" s p read of the p l ag u e a p proac h to control. B efore t h i s strategy became m i n e r a l i zed in t h e form of hospita ls, it existed a s a d i sp e rsed set of tactical co nti nge n cy p l a n s, h e u ri stic recipes, and m o re o r l ess rati o n a l ized p o l icies, with which cou ntries bo r­ d e r i n g t h e M e d iterra n e a n atte m pted to cope with t h e t h reat of b io logical co ntagio n . T h e form a l pol icies had s p read widely in the south, b u t were u n a b l e to p e n et rate t h e town s of t h e n o rt h e r n regi o n s beca u se a d iffer­ ent t he o ry of e p i d e m i cs had beco m e " e n d e m ic" t h e re . M ed ic a l p rofes­ s i o n a l s in t h ese cities b e l i eved t h at " m ia s m a s , " n o n o rga n i c e m a n a ti o n s fro m d eco m posing o rga n i c m atte r, c a u sed i n fect i o u s d i sease, n ot ge rms

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pass i ng from o n e body to t h e n ext. Aga i n st t h i s noxious, putrid a i r, t hey t h ought, t h e m et h od s of u rba n q u a ra n t i n e we re u s e l ess, a n d they b locked all efforts to i m p l e m e n t q u a ra nt i n e policies u n t i l a bout 1880. I n t h at year with t h e a i d of a much i m p roved m ic roscope, scie ntists soon esta b l i s h ed the existe n c e of i n vi s i b l e m i c roorga n i s m s . The m i a s m a t h eo ry beca m e exti nct a n d q u a ra n ti n e methods s o o n p e n etrated a l l t h e cities o f E u rope and h e r col o n ies, and even some I sl a m ic tow n s. 137 T h i s is o n ly h a l f of t h e story, h owever. As Fo u ca u lt re m i n d s u s , in a d d i ­ tio n t o fo r m a l ized a n d rou t i n ized policies that m ay be tra n sfe rred a s a w ho l e fro m o n e o rga n i zation to a noth e r of t h e s a m e k i n d , th ere a re a l so methods a n d p roced u res t h at m ay d i ffuse i n d ivid u a l ly t h rough d i ffe re nt types of o rgan izatio n s : i n fo r m a l tec h n i q u es of n otat i o n and regi stratio n ; h e u ristic methods fo r c reati ng, co rre l ati ng, sto ri ng, a n d retriev i n g fi les; ro uti n e s fo r co m p a ri ng d oc u m e n ts from d ifferent fi e l d s to create cate­ go ries a n d determ i n e ave rages; tec h n iq u es fo r the use of p a rt i ti o n s to o rga n ize s pace; a n d m ethods to co n d u ct i n s pecti o n s on a n d s u pe rv i se the be havio r of t h e h u m a n bod i es d i strib uted i n t h a t s pace. T h u s , eve n tho ugh t h e s p read of fo r m a l ized p o l i c i e s from t h e M ed iterra n e a n to t he n o rt h was effectively b l ocked by t h e m ia sm a theo ry, t h i s i nfo r m a l co m po­ n e n t co u l d sti l l s p read co ntagi o u s ly, fro m o n e i n stitutio n a l host to t h e n ext, i n cl u d i n g n o n m e d i ca l i n stituti o n s . As n e w a rc h itect u ra l d e s i g n s fo r a l l these i n stitutio n s a n d new exa m i n at i o n a n d doc u m e ntati o n tec h n i q u e s we re deve loped , t h e " l e pe rs" (st u d e n ts , wo rke rs , priso n e rs , sol d i e rs) we re i n d e e d t reated a s p l ague v icti m s : ca refu l ly ass ign ed to thei r p laces, t he i r b e h a v i o r ( a n d m i sbe havio r) syste m atica l ly watc hed and recorded in writing. This i s n ot to i m p ly, however, t h a t medical i n stitu tio n s we re the sole sou rce of t h ese d isci pl i n a ry i n n ovati o n s . A rm i es we re a lso great i n n o­ vato rs i n t h is a re a , as w e re some e d u catio n a l o rga n izati o n s . Fo u ca u lt exa m i n es t h e hypoth es i s t h a t t h ese i n fo r m a l tech n i q u e s m ay h ave spon­ ta n e o u s ly c o m e toge t h e r and i nte rloc ked to form a self-o rga n ized m e s h­ wo r k , or a n " a n o nym o u s strategy" of d o m i nati o n . I n h i s words, w h at fo rmed t h i s strategy was a m u ltipl icity of often minor processes, of d iffe re nt o rigi n and scattered l ocati o n , w h i c h overlap, repeat, or imitate o n e another, s u p port one a n other, d i sti ngu ish t hemse lves from one a nother according to their domain of a p plicatio n , co nverge and gra d u a l ly prod u ce the blueprint of a ge n e ra l method. They were at wo rk i n seco ndary e d u cation at a very early d ate , later in pri mary schools; they slowly i nvested the space of the hospi­ ta l ; a n d , in a few decades, they restructu red the m i l itary o rga n ization. They sometimes circ u l ated very rapid ly from o ne point to a n other (between the

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a rmy a n d the tech n ica l schools or seco n da ry school s), sometimes slowly a n d d iscreetly (the i ns i d i o u s m i l ita rization of the large wo rks hops). O n a l m ost eve ry occa s i o n , they were adopted i n respo n se to parti c u l a r needs: a n i n d u strial i n novation, a re newed outbrea k of certa i n epidemic d i seases, the i nvention of the rifle o r the victo ries of Prussia . . . . S ma l l acts of cu n­ n i ng endowed with a great powe r of d iffus i o n , s u btle arra ngeme nts, appa r­ ently i n nocent, but profo u n d ly s u spicious, mecha nisms that obeyed eco n o m i e s too s ha mefu l to be acknowl edged, or pursued petty fo rms of coercio n . 138 I n a d d iti o n to enta ngl i ng h u ma n bod i e s i n a net of writ i n g a n d o bse rva­ tio n , so m e of t hese i n stitutio n s (mostly a r m i es , but a l so schools) cap­ t u red t h e e n e rgy of t hese bod i e s t h ro ugh t h e u se of co nti n u o u s p hys ical exercises, both fo r t ra i n i n g and p u n is h m e nt, and a system of co m m a nd s based o n s ign a l s t h a t t rigge red i n sta n t obed i e n ce . Toget h e r, a l l t hese e l e­ m e n ts p rod uced great "eco n o m i e s of sca l e . " I n t h e D u tc h a rm i es of t h e s ixte e n t h ce ntu ry, for i n sta nce, t h e o pe ra t i o n of l oa d i ng a n d f i r i n g a wea po n was fi rst a n a lyzed i nto its m i c roco m po n e nts (forty-two s e p a rate acti o n s , each associ ated with a s pecific com m a n d) , then " reasse m b l e d " i n a w a y t h a t red u ced wastefu l move m e n ts a n d i m p roved coord i n atio n . A n a rmy o f sold i e rs w h o h a d " me m o rized" t h e se effic i e n t seq u e n ces i n t h e i r bod ies by m ea n s o f co nti n u o u s d ri l l i ng beca m e m o re t h a n t h e s u m o f its pa rts : a n office r's com ma n d co u l d trigge r a syn c h ro n ized series of a ct i o n s (a l a rge n u m be r of wea po n s f i r i n g s i m u lta neou s ly) p rod u c i n g a " sol id" w a l l o f meta l l ic p roject i l e s , w h ic h h ad a greater i m pact o n e n emy l i n es than ra n d o m s h ooti ng. 139 Co l l ect i ve ly, t h a n ks to this d isci p l i n a ry tech n iq u e , t h ese sol d i e rs h a d n ow i ncreased t h e i r powe r, but i nd i v i d u a l ly t h ey h a d com pl etely lost co n t rol ove r t h e i r a ct i o n s i n t h e battl efi e l d . " D i sci p l i n e i n crea ses t h e fo rces o f the body ( i n eco n o m i c te rms of u t i l ity) a n d d i m i n i s hes t hese s a m e fo rces ( i n political terms of obed i e n ce)." 14o U n l i ke s l avery o r s e rfd o m , w h e r e i n t h e body is a p p ro p r i ated as a n u n d iffe re ntiated w h o l e , h e re t h e m ic rofea t u res o f bod i ly a ct i o n s we re w h at m attered. The new goa l was to study bod i e s a n d b re a k down t h e i r actio n s i nto basic tra its , a n d t h e n t o e m pty t h e m o f t h e i r k n ow- how a n d re p rogram t h e m wit h fixed routi n es . The resu lt i n g i ncrease i n t h e " p ro­ d u ctivity" of sold i e rs expla i n s why D utc h a rm i es were so s uccessf u l in t h e battlefi e l d . A l t h o ugh d ri l l a n d d isci p l i n e d i d n o t replace t h e old e r a n d c r u d e r a pp roaches (s lave ry, serfd om ) b u t s i m ply bec a m e a new a d d i t i o n t o t h e grow i n g rese rvo i r o f w ays o f h a rn ess i ng t h e power o f t h e h u m a n body, t h e i r s p read n everthel ess took o n e p i d e m i c p roport i o n s d u e t o t h e eco n o m i e s o f sca l e t h ey ge n e rated :

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The style of a rmy o rga n izati o n that ca me i nto bei ng in H o l l and at the close of the sixteenth ce ntury . . . spread . . . to Swed en and the Germa n ies, to France a n d Engl a n d , and eve n to Spain before the seventee nth cent u ry had come to a close. D u ri n g the eighteenth centu ry, the contagio n attai ned a fa r greater range : tra n sform i ng R u ssia u nder Peter the G reat with near revol u­ tionary force ; i nfiltrating the N ew Wo rld and I ndia as a byprod uct of a global struggle for overseas e m p i re i n which Fra nce a n d G reat B ritai n were the protago n ists ; and i n fect i ng even such cu ltu ra l ly a l ie n pol ity as that of the Ottom a n e m p i re. 141 T h u s far we h av e d escri bed two l i n es of biologi c a l h i sto ry. O n o n e h a n d , t h e e ighteen t h ce n t u ry s a w E u ro pe d igesti n g t h e wo rl d , tra n sfo rm­ i ng it i nto a s u pply zo n e fo r t h e p rovis i o n of e n e rgy and raw mate r i a l s , a proce-s-s t h at, at l east -i n t h e ca-se of t h e n eo-E u ropes, i nvolved a great eco l ogical a n d cultu ral h o m oge n izati o n . On the ot h e r h a n d , E u ropean n atio n-states bega n d igesti ng their m i n orities, in t h e se n se that the new d isci pl i n ary i n stitutio n s e m bo d i e d ho moge n iz i n g crite r i a of n o r m a l ity to w h i c h eve ryo n e was n ow m a d e to co n fo r m . M u c h as sta n d a rd E ngl i s h o r Fre n ch we re n o rmative crite r i a e m a n at i n g from capital cities a n d i m posed o n l i n gu istic m i n o rities e l sew h e re (We l s h , Scottis h , I ri s h ; La ngu edoc, Cata l a n , P rove n