A Reader's Guide to Canadian History 1: Beginnings to Confederation 9781487576660

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A Reader's Guide to Canadian History 1: Beginnings to Confederation
 9781487576660

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A READER'S GUIDE TO CANADIAN HISTORY 1 BEGINNINGS TO CONFEDERATION

EDITED BYD.A. MUISE

A Reader's Guide to Canadian History 1 BEGINNINGS TO CONFEDERATION

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

© University of Toronto Press 1982

Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada Reprinted 1985 Reprinted in 2018 ISBN 978-0-8020-6442-4 (paper)

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Main entry under title: A Reader's guide to Canadian history Contents: 1. Beginnings to Confederation/ edited by D.A. Muise. ISBN 0-8020-6442-6 (v. 1)

1. Canada - History -To I 763 (New France) - Bibliography.• 2. Canada - History - 1763-1867 - Bibliography. I. Muise, D.A. (Delphin Andrew), 1941Zl382.R42

016.971

C82-094447-5

Publication of this book has been assisted by the Canada Council and the Ontario Arts Council under their block grant programmes.

Preface

Writing on Canadian history has advanced immeasurably over the past couple of decades. It is demonstrable that more has been written about Canada's past since the centennial in 1967 than in our entire experience prior to that date. This surge of interest has been but a reflection of the dramatic increase in the popularity of Canadian studies in general, not only at various levels of the educational system but in the popular media as well. As courses in Canadian history proliferate, the need to integrate the most recent writings on a variety of subjects into the fabric of our teaching becomes pressing, and a guide is increasingly necessary. This bibliography addresses that problem directly by attempting to assess the best available and most recent material for the preConfederation period. While it has always been one of the most active and innovative fields of Canadian history, it has also suffered from a lack of unity which has made it difficult to interpret in any systematic fashion. All bibliographies must be selective to some extent and are inevitably dated the moment they are published. This book is no exception, for the essays consider material which appeared before 1981. It is designed to complement the companion guide assembled by Jack Granatstein and Paul Stevens, A Reader's Guide

to Canadian History, 2: Corifederation to the Present. A Reader's Guide to Canadian History, 1: Beginnings to Corifederation emphasizes more recent material over older works, at least in

vi Preface those situations where previous treatments have been clearly superseded. Users would be well advised to look to the individual bibliographies of monographs and other works cited for a retrospective listing of the literature in a given topic area. We have also favoured the work of professional historians over that of amateurs. Older literature, some of it still the best available on its topic, has been placed as much as possible within a historiographical context. This listing is not a specialized bibliography. It was designed for use by newcomers to the field of Canadian history, and the contributors thought it important to highlight the work they felt was most useful. To that end it is structured around a series of themes presented generally within the context of a regional perspective. The organization of chapters around a regional framework was to a large extent dictated by the nature of the literature itself. Apart from occasional allusions to the universal experience of British North Americans in survey texts and the like - almost always in the context of politico-constitutional discussions - there has been virtually no attempt made by historians to link the history of the various regions. Where it does occur it tends to focus on the experience of a particular group or on some common industrial or economic development. Even then, the tendency has been to favour the more populous central colonies to the detriment of the Atlantic and western regions. While that may be perfectly understandable given the nature of the Canadian nation that subsequently emerged, we need not be committed to such myopia. The thematic organization of various regional chapters varies somewhat, generally as a consequence of the orientation of the literature rather than as a result of any predilection on the part of the authors. The chapter by Phillip Buckner exploring the external relations of the colonies and the imperial context of the pre-Confederation period is designed as a corrective to the more narrow confines of the regional approach, providing the user with an alternative perspective on our history. While this has resulted in a certain amount of duplication, the utility of looking at the broader experience cannot be denied. The field of pre-Confederation history has gone through a series of distinct transformations over the years. Within an historiographi-

vii Preface cal perspective, this volume attempts to capture the main trends of

that evolution. At the same time it highlights the weak points in our historical experience, pointing the way for future research initiatives. The challenge for historians and students alike is to integrate the disparate experience of the various colonies into some sort of synthesis of our national heritage.

Acknowledgments

Preparing a selective guide to pre-Confederation history would not have been possible without the long and often unsung labours of legions of bibliographers and librarians who have worked hard to make the record accessible. The librarians of the particular institutions represented by our contributors have given unstintingly of their time and expertise. Our typists have prepared several revisions of these decidedly difficult manuscripts. Special thanks are due to the office of the Dean of Arts at Carleton University for a grant to assist in the translation of Professor Ouellet's chapter on Lower Canada. All of us are particularly indebted to the several anonymous readers who took the time to check many of our entries and to suggest improvements in the organization of the manuscript. Unfortunately, we were unable to meet all of their demands for a more uniform style of presentation.

Contents

PREFACE/v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS / viii A NOTE FOR READERS / xiii

Canada during the French regime

coRNEuus 1. JAENEN /

Bibliographies and reference works / 3 Published documents I 4 Pamphlets and journals / 8 Historiography / 9 Religious life and institutions / 15 Seigneurial system / 20 Frontier thesis / 22 Exploration / 23 Biography / 24 Government and institutions / 26 Demography / 28 Economic development / 29 Society and culture / 34 French-Amerindian relations/ 37 Military history and the Conquest / 40 Conclusions I 42

Quebec, 1760-1867

FERNANDOUELLET/45

Bibliographies and reference works /

45

3

x Contents The two historiographies: general works and major themes / 47 French-Canadian historiography I 47 - The traditional nationalist school: 'La survivance' / 47 - The neo-nationalist school: the shock of 1760 / 51 - From social-economic to global history I 53 - The Marxist-nationalist school/ 54 English-Canadian historiography 155 - The Laurentian school / 56 - The liberal school / 59 Economic history I 63 Historical demography / 68 Social history I 69 Religious history I 12 From intellectual history to socio-cultural research/ 73 Political and constitutional history/ 75

The Atlantic provinces o.A. MUISE / 78 The nineteenth-century tradition / 79 Bibliographies and other guides / 82 Periodicals / 83 General approaches / 84 Native peoples of the Atlantic region / 86 Atlantic Canada before the Conquest: the Acadians / 89 Louisbourg / 92 Newfoundland prior to the Conquest / 93 Early British administration and the American Revolution / 94 Immigration and settlement / 95 Politics/ 100 Religion / 105 Education / 109 Economic development / 111 Social and intellectual history / 117 Upper Canada J.K. JOHNsoN / 123 General works / 124 Bibliographical works/ 125 Periodicals and serial publications/ 126

xi Contents Population, land, and settlement / 128 Local and urban history / 133 War, rebellion, and border raids/ 137 Religion and education / 140 Economic development / 144 Social and intellectual history I 149 Biography/ 153 Government and politics I 156

The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast

DAVID RICHESON/ 161 Bibliographies/ 162 Journals and periodicals / 162 Interpretations/ 164 Arctic exploration/ 166 Native peoples/ 169 The fur trade / 172 General I 172 New France I 175 Hudson's Bay Company I 175 North West Company I 177 The Selkirk Settlement / 181 The Metis / 182 The fur trade after 1821 / 184 The Pacific coast/ 186 Travellers' narratives and survey reports / 187 Conclusion I 190

Britain and British North America before Confederation

PHILLIP BUCKNER/ 193 Introduction and general works / 193 Canadian historiography and the British empire I 193 Imperial historiography and Canada I 195 Bibliographical aids and documentary collections I 196 Exploration and imperial rivalries / 197 British expansion into Canada I 197 Anglo-French conflict I 199

xii Contents

The Seven Years' War 1203

Integration and disintegration of the first empire / 206 Imperial policy after the Conquest I 206 The American Revolution and the empire I 208 The Loyalists I 209 The British North American colonies and the second empire/ 211 British attitudes to the second empire I 211 The colonial reformers and Durham reassessed I 213 Colonial Office policy prior to the rebellions 1215 The transition to responsible government I 219 The implications of responsible government / 222 The extension of colonial self-government I 222 British emigration to British North America I 224 British i,tfluence under responsible government I 226 Anglo-American relations and Canada/ 227

General studies I 221 From 1783 to the War of 18121229 The defended border 1232 The Civil War years I 234

Confederation o.A. MUISE/ 237 Memoirs and collections / 238 General treatments / 239 Biography/ 242 Regional approaches / 244 Imperial policy/ 247 INDEX/ 249

A note for readers

Considerable overlap in historical writing on the various regions has resulted in some duplication in the titles cited in the chapters that follow. The integrity of each submission precluded major excisions for we felt that every essay should serve as a total approach to its topic. As a thematic guide to each chapter, readers should use the detailed table of contents. A quick survey of related themes in other chapters might also prove useful for any given topic. No attempt has been made to fit all the chapters into an identical mode, though there is a rough comparability in the patterns of coverage. The chapters on New France and Quebec have a more explicit historiographical orientation, reflecting the pattern of scholarship among francophone authors. Citations are uniformly abbreviated throughout the text in accord with the listings below. We have used the simplest and most logical reductions in the hope that they will prove familiar to most readers. PLACE OF PUBLICATION

Edmonton Halifax L London M Montreal NY New York o Ottawa E H

Q Quebec City P Paris T Toronto TR Trois-Rivi~res

v Vancouver

xiv A note for readers PUBLISHERS BE Le Bor~ Express

cc Copp Clark

CI Clarke, Irwin cs Champlain Society HBRS Hudson's Bay Record Society HMH Editions Hurtubise - HMH HRW Holt, Rinehart & Winston IHAF lnstitut d'histoire de I' Am~rique fran~se KP/QP King's Printer/Queen's Printer MAC Macmillan MGH M.G. Hurtig MHR McGraw-Hill Ryerson MQUP McGill-Queen's University Press M&S McClelland and Stewart OHS Ontario Historical Society OUP Oxford University Press PAC Public Archives of Canada PANS Public Archives of Nova Scotia PH Prentice-Hall PUF Les Presses universitaires de France PUL Les Presses de l'universit~ Laval PUO Les Presses de l'Universit~ d'Ottawa PUM Les Presses de l'Universit~ de Montr~ PUQ Les Presses de l'Universit~ du Qu~bec RP Ryerson Press UBCP University of British Columbia Press UTP University of Toronto Press

JOURNALS AHR American Historical Review CCHAR Canadian Catholic Historical Association Report CHAR Canadian Historical Association Report (Historical Papers

after 1972) CHR

Canadian Historical Review

xv A note for readers CJEPS

Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science

DR Dalhousie Review HS/SH Histoire sociale/Social History JCS Journal of Canadian Studies NBHS New Brunswick Historical Society (Collections) NSHS Nova Scotia Historical Society (Collections) OH Ontario History OHSPR Ontario Historical Society Papers and Records

Queen's Quarterly Rapport de l'Archiviste de la Province de Quebec RHAF Revue d'histoire de l'Ameriquefranfaise RS Recherches sociographiques RUL Revue de /'Universite Laval RUO/UOQ Revue de /'Universite d'Ottawa/University of Ottawa Quarterly TRSC Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada WMQ William and Mary Quarterly

QQ

RAPQ

A READER'S GUIDE TO CANADIAN HISTORY 1 BEGINNINGS TO CONFEDERATION

CORNELIUS J. JAENEN

Canada during the French regime

The writing of the history of New France is more profitably approached from a historiographical perspective than from a bibliographical one. An overview of this growing field of historical literature can be grasped by considering successively three variations on the same theme. First, a brief summary of the chief bibliographical sources is presented. Then, the previous attempts to provide a perspective on the state of this historical literature require consideration. Finally, the major problems, issues, and controversies which have kindled scholarly thought and consumed professional energies demand attention. The new dimensions and methodologies that are emerging to advance the historians' craft in this domain must be identified. These three distinctive aspects, it would appear, are best examined in the interest of logical sequence and clarity in the aforementioned order. Such an approach will necessarily bring into focus the impact of major books, articles, and theses in the domain, albeit not all works dealing with the early French period will be identified. BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND REFERENCE WORKS

The best bibliographical sources for the history of New France are the general bibliographies of the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vols. I-IV (T: UTP 1966-79); Claude Thibault, comp., Bibliographia Canadiana (Don Mills: Longman 1973); and Jean-Jacques Mes-

4 Cornelius Jaenen sier, Bibliographie relative a la Nouvelle-France (M: Univers 1979); and the bibliographical essay in W.J. Eccles, France in America (NY: Harper & Row 1972), 251-81. In addition, L.M. Le Jeune, Dictionnaire genera le de biographie, histoire, litterature, etc. du Canada, 2 vols. (o: PUO 1931); J.B.A. Allaire, Dictionnaire biographique du clerge canadien-franrais, Les Anciens (M: Ecole catholique des sourdsmuets 1910); and Mgr C. Tanguay, Dictionnaire genealogique des families canadiennes-franraises depuis la fondation de la colonie, 1 vols. (M: Senecal 1871-90), remain extremely useful. Marcel Trudel, Atlas de la Nouvelle-France/An Atlas of New France (Q: PUL 1968), provides the essential cartographical information and although it contains less explanatory material than D.G.G. Kerr, A Historical Atlas of Canada (T: Nelson 1961), it does concentrate on the French period. Students wishing to find a guidebook to the archival sources, principal libraries, and documentary publications should consult Andre Beaulieu et al., Guide d'histoire du Canada (Q: PUL 1964). An indispensable introductory reference work, replete with succinct definitions and summaries, maps, charts, illustrations, bibliographies, and analytical tables, is Marcel Trudel, Introduction to New France (M: HRW 1968). For exploration and travel literature, John Hare, Les Canadiens franfais aux quatre coins du monde: une bibliographie commentee des recits de voyages, 1670-1914 (Q: Societe historique de Quebec 1964), should be consulted. PUBLISHED DOCUMENTS

The published documents for the French regime are numerous. The provincial legislature of Quebec early undertook a publication programme of the most relevant legal and constitutional documents. Of special interest to the historian are Collection de manuscrits contenant lettres, memoires et autres documents historiques relatifs d la Nouvelle-France, 4 vols. (Q: 1883-5), a selective and fragmentary collection; the more comprehensive Edits, ordonnances royaux, declarations et arrets du Conseil d'Etat du roi concernant le Canada, 3 vols. (1854-6); and Jugements et deliberations du Conseil souverain de la Nouvelle-France (1663-1716), 6 vols. (1885-91). The provincial archives then followed up with annual reports, including publication of official documents, correspondence, and memoirs, in the various

5 Canada during the French r~gime volumes of Rapport de l'Archiviste de la Province de Quebec (1920-60) and Archives du Quebec, Rapport (1963-present). It also published the Bulletin de recherches historiques (1895-1966), a chronicle of historical research and controversy, genealogical and antiquarian interests, and numerous obscure documents. P.-G. Roy edited a series of valuable documents, including Ordonnances, commissions, etc. des gouverneurs et intendants de la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (1924); lnventaire des concessions en.fief et seigneurie, 6 vols. (1927-9); Inventaire des contrats de mariage du regime franfais, 6 vols. (1937-8); lnventaire des ordonnances des intendants de la Nouvelle-France, 4 vols. (1919); and lnventaire desjugements et deliberations du Conseil superieur de la Nouvelle-France de 1717 a 1760, 7 vols. (1932-5). The Quebec Ministry of Cultural Affairs has published Andre LaRose, Les registres paroissiaux du Quebec avant 1800 (1981). The Public Archives of Canada undertook a more modest publication programme. Relevant works to the French regime are Adam Shortt, ed., Documents relating to Canadian Currency, Exchange and Finance during the French Period, 2 vols. (1925); H.P. Biggar, ed., A

Collection of Documents relating to Jacques Cartier and the Sieur de Roberval 0930); H.P. Biggar, ed., The Precursors ofJacques Cartier, 1497-1534 0911); W.B. Munro, ed., Documents relating to the Seigniorial Tenure in Canada, 1598-1854 (1908); and Robert Le Blant and Rene Baudry, Ms., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son epoque, vol. I: (1560-1622) (1967). The Champlain Society series includes Works of Champlain, 5 vols. (1922-36); Nicolas Denys, The Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America (Acadia) (1908); Sieur de Diereville, Relation of a Voyage to Port Royal in Acadia or New France (1933); Fran~ois Du Creux, The History of Canada or New France, 2 vols. (1951-2); Marc Lescarbot, The History of New France, 3 vols. (1907-14); Gabriel Sagard, The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons (1939); Pierre Gaultier de Varennes de la Verendrye, Journals and Letters (1927); and J.F. Lafitau, Customs of the American Indians compared with the Customs of Primitive Times, 2 vols.

(1974-6). The Prince Society publications include Voyages of Pierre Esprit Radisson (1885). The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec has published Fran~is Dollier de Casson, Histoire du Montreal, 1640-

6 Cornelius Jaenen

1672 (1871), and Franfois Vachon de Belmont, Histoire du Canada (1840). The lnstitut canadien de Quebec published Voyages et memoires sur le Canada par Franquet (1889). The Societe historique de Montreal has published Voyage de MM. Dollier et Ga/inee (1875); J.J. Olier, Les veritables motifs (1880); and Marie Morin, Anna/es de /'Hotel-Dieu de Montreal (1921). The Editions Elysee of Montreal has reproduced without critical comment or introductory notes a number of important primary sources: Memoires sur /es moeurs, coutumes et religion des sauvages de l'Amerique septentrionale par Nicolas Perrot (1973); Relations inedites de la Nouvelle-France (1672-1679) (1974) dealing with Jesuit missions; Voyages et memoires sur le Canada par Franquet (1974); Memoires de i'Amerique septentrionale de Mr. le Baron de LaHontan (1974); Voyages du Baron de La Hontan dans l'Amerique septentrionale (1974); and Histoire chronologique de la Nouvelle France ou Canada par le Pere Sixte Le Tac, Recollet (1975). The programme in historical demography at the University of Montreal [PRDH] has published the first section of a projected seventy volumes covering the seventeenth-century parish registers: Le Repertoire des actes de bapteme, mariage, sepu/ture et des recensements du Quebec ancien, 7 vols. (Q: 1979). We are also indebted to several editors and compilers. John Gilmary Shea has given us P.F.X. de Charlevoix's History and General Description of New France, 6 vols. (Chicago: Loyola UP 1962); Chestien LeClercq's The First Establishment of the Faith in New France, 2 vols. (NY: AMS Press 1881); Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi (Albany: Munsell 1861); and twenty-six volumes of Jesuit Relations. R.G. Thwaites has contributed the Recollet missionary Louis Hennepin's A New Discovery of a Vast Country, 2 vols. (Chicago: McClurg 1903); the soldier La Hontan's New Voyages to North America, 2 vols. (Chicago: McClurg 1905); and the monumental Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 73 vols. (Cleveland: Burrows 1896-1901). The Jesuit missions have been the subject of much interest as the list of documentary collections continues to grow: C. Le Gobien, ed., Lettres edifiantes et curieuses ecrites des missions etrangeres, 26 vols. (Paris: Merigot 1780-3); P.F.X. de Charlevoix, Journal of a Voyage to North America, 2 vols. (Ann Arbor: Univer-

7 Canada during the French r~gime sity Microfilms 1966); Arthur E. Jones, ed., Mission du Saguenay, 1721-1730 (M: St Mary's College 1889); Arthur E. Jones, ed., The Aulneau Collection, 1734-1745 (M: St Mary's College 1893); abbes C.H. Laverdi~re and H.R. Casgrain, Le journal des Nsuites (Dubuque: Brown Reprint nd); S.R. Mealing, ed., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: A Selection (T: M&S 1965); and Lucien Campeau, ed., Etablissement d Quebec (1616-1634) (Q: PUL 1980). Views on colonial beginnings from an Ursuline and hospital nun point of view, respectively, are found in Joyce Marshall, ed., Word from New France: The Selected Letters of Marie de /1ncarnation (T: OUP 1967), and Ghislaine Legendre, ed., Histoire simple et veritable: annales de l'Hotel-Dieu de Montreal, 1659-1725 par Marie Morin (M: PUM 1979). Indispensable for any study of the official views and legislation of the church is Mgr H. Tetu and abbe C.O. Gagnon, eds., Mandements, lettres pastorales et circulaires des eveques de Quebec, vols. 1, 11 (Q: Cot~ 1887-8). The abbe H.R. Casgrain compiled a series of letters and documents relating to the military campaigns of the Seven Years' War. The most accessible and useful are Lettres de la cour de Versailles (Q: Demers 1890); Extraits des archives des ministeres de la Marine et de la Guerre a Paris (Q: Demers 1890); and Relations et journaux de differentes expeditions (Q: Demers 1895). Three volumes dealt with the correspondence to the Chevalier de L~vis: Lettres du Marquis de Vaudreuil (Q: Demers 1895); Lettres de /'Intendant Bigot (Q: Demers 1895); and Lettres de M. de Bourlemaque (Q: Demers 1891). Edward P. Hamilton, ed., Adventures in the Wilderness: The American Journals of Louis-Antoine de Bougainville, 1756-1760 (Norman: Oklahoma UP 1964), adds a metropolitan military viewpoint on colonial affairs. Events in the upper country of the colony are documented in Fernand Grenier, ed., Papiers Contrecoeur et autres documents (Q: PUL 1952), and Newton D. Mereness, ed., Travels in the American Colonies (NY: Antiquarian Press 1961). A wide-ranging sampling of documents illustrative of many different aspects of political, social, and economic history, with brief explanatory notes, is offered in Cameron Nish, ed., The French Regime (Scarborough: PH 1965); J.M. Bumsted, ed., Documentary Problems in Canadian History, vol. I: Pre-Confederation (Georgetown: Irwin-

8 Cornelius Jaenen Dorsey 1969); Yves F. Zoltvany, ed., The French Tradition in North America (T: Fitzhenry & Whiteside 1969); and Cameron Nish and Pierre Harvey, eds., The Social Structures of New France (T: cc 1968). Two compilations have to be used with caution: Pierre Margry may have deliberately slanted the selected documents in mcouvertes et etablissements des Franf(lis dans l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Amhique septentrionale, 1614-1754, 6 vols. (P: Maisonneuve 1879-88), while E.B. O'Callaghan's Docurr.ents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York, 15 vols. (Albany: Weed Parsons 1855-83), contains many inadvertent errors. PAMPHLETS AND JOURNALS

The Canadian Historical Association has published a series of booklets designed specifically for secondary schools and freshman classes. Relevant to the French period are Guy Fregault, Canadian Society in the French Regime (no 3); Marcel Trudel, The Seigneurial Regime (no 6); W.J. Eccles, The Government of New France (no 18); Bruce G. Trigger, The Indians and the Heroic Age of New France (no 30). In the domain of scholarly journals the Revue d'histoire de l'Amerique franfaise (1947-present) deals specifically with the French colonial period and since 1967 each number has featured a bibliography of recent publications prepared by the Centre de bibliographie historique de I' Amerique franfaise. The Cahiers des Dix (1936present) and Le Canada franfais (1888-1946), which became the Revue de l'Universite Laval (1946-present), regularly concern themselves with New France. Two special issues of the Revue de l'Universite d'Ottawa/University of Ottawa Quarterly, XLVII, 1-2, 1977, and XLVIII, 1-2, 1978, are devoted entirely to recent research on matters relating to New France. Not infrequently articles on this period appear in the Canadian Historical Review, Histoire sociale!Social History, Recherches sociographiques, American Anthropologist, Ethnohistory, French Colonial Studies, Revue des colonies, and Revue franraise d'histoire d'outre-mer.

9 Canada during the French r~gime HISTORIOGRAPHY

The outstanding characteristic of the historiography of New France is that it has been dominated by a number of ideological debates, sometimes scholarly, which have ranged the principal protagonists into identifiable camps, or schools. The historian's frequent concern with present problems when assessing the past comes through very clearly in much of the historical literature. Much of what has been written about New France has been motivated by a search for ethnic roots and embryonic nationalism, an evaluation of the spiritual heritage, and a need to explain economic retardation and the dominance of the anglophone community. John Rule's 'The Old Regime in America: A Review of Recent Interpretations of France in America,' WMQ, 1962, was an early effort to categorize scholarly output up to that time as falling into four main schools: the French imperial, the Anglo-American imperial, the French-Canadian nationalists, and a diffuse group of modernists. Rule divided the Ancien R~gime, from the perspective of the imperial context and the viewpoint of the metropole, into four stages: an heroic period of exploration; colonization; maturity under Royal government; decline after 1713. This placed the emphasis on the seventeenth century, but he disagreed with those who professed to see manifestations of independence and self-reliance springing from the soil of New France, 'where climatic conditions, the challenge of the Indians, and the difficulties of communication gave rise in Tumerian fashion to a new man, hardier and more self-reliant than his cousin in France'; instead, he suggested the possibility of such a local identity springing from 'feudal rights transported to the New World from France.' The Anglo-American school, represented by Gerald Graham, Lawrence Gipson, and Max Savelle, he saw as being unfamiliar with French colonial history and therefore limiting itself to a one-sided view of the international conflict between France and Britain and an analysis of the triumph of the British empire. As for the French-Canadian historians, ranging in time and approach from the abbe Groulx to the earlier works of Marcel Trudel, Rule had little analysis of their impact apart from an assurance

10 Cornelius Jaenen that there was a movement away from antiquarian and polemical writing to more scientific methodology. The diffuse group of 'modem' writers, whose 'approach is so miscellaneous as to defy classification,' was portrayed as chipping away at Francis Parkman's work and interpretation which still dominated and overshadowed Englishlanguage histories. Rule did not elaborate on the Parkman interpretation or on the longevity of his racial and cultural stereotyping, for that had been covered by William J. Eccles's 'The History of New France according to Francis Parkman,' WMQ, 1961. Yves Zoltvany's four initial chapters in Kenneth A. MacKirdy et al., Changing Perspectives in Canadian History (T: Dent 1967), focused on four analytical problems - the value of the colony to France, the nature of colonial freedom, the question of westward expansion, and the consequences of the Conquest. He delineated the interpretations of these key issues by the Parkman school, the frontier thesis partisans, the French-Canadian religio-nationalists and neo-nationalists. In 1887 Parkman had written that the people of New France were 'an ignorant population, sprung from a brave and active race, but trained to subjection and dependence through centuries of feudal and monarchical despotism' (The Old Regime in Canada, T: Morang 1899), and as late as 1942 L.H. Gipson was still repeating the same thesis in The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol. v: Zones of Internationalfriction, 1748-1754 (NY: Knopf 1942): 'a world in which religious monopoly and trade monopoly were incompatibly linked together, a world without newspapers, without a press, without open discussion of public issues, a world of suppression of thought in which governmental policy affecting the vital interests of the people were carried out without their consent expressed either directly or indirectly .. .' These are classic statements of the hypothesis of the oppressive weight of royal absolutism, Colbertian mercantilism, and Catholic uniformity which has coloured and predetermined much of English-language writing on New France. In a slender study entitled The Government of New France: Royal, Clerical, or Class Rule? (Scarborough: PH 1971), Zoltvany classified the historians under three rubrics: the liberal critique, the conservative dissidents, and the neo-nationalist revisionist. The ab~

11 Canada during the French regime G.T.F. Raynal, Histoire phi/osophique et politique des etablissements et du commerce des Europeens dans /es deux lndes, 12 vols. (Amable Coste 1820-1), in France, and Franf()is-Xavier Garneau, Histoire du Canada, 4 vols. (Q: Aubin 1845-52), in Canada, were the first applications of the liberal critique, founded on the concepts of human progress, constitutional freedoms, and laissez-faire economics. Francis Parkman's works were the clearest expression of the Germanic concept of man's progressive advance towards liberty 'with the Anglo-Saxon people marching in the forefront of the movement.' In his liberal category Zoltvany included his own mentor, W.J. Eccles, whose Canada under Louis XIV. 1663-1701 (T: M&S 1964) was written at a period when Canadians, although still attached to traditional values, could see certain parallels between French interventionist policies and their own welfare state, and could accept the state's role in maintaining order, stability, and property. Eccles's revisions of the liberal critique narrowed the gulf which separated it from the conservative historians, mostly French Canadians, who defended a strong state, corporate group values, and elitism. J.B.A. Ferland's Cours d'histoire du Canada, 2 vols. (Q: Cote 1861-5), on which generations of Quebec youth were raised, had set the tone and pattern of the conservative school by asserting that religion shaped the colonial institutions and developments and moulded the immigrants into 'a united and vigorous people.' Edme Rameau de Saint-P~re argued in Une colonie feodale en Amerique (P: Didier 1877) that seigneurialism was the most important transplant. This image of the church and the seigneurial system as the key colonial institutions provided the abbe Groulx with the concept of New France developing largely through its own efforts, as a highly traditional community moulded by clerical and rural institutions, with which to construct a conservative reply to Parkman. One might add to Zoltvany's observations that the sociologists of the post-war period found the roots of their 'folk society' in a similar image of New France. The neo-nationalist revisionists such as Maurice Seguin, Michel Brunet, and especially Rosario Bilodeau, in 'Liberte economique et politique des Canadiens sous le regime franfais,' RHAF, 1956-7, called attention to a class structure and

12 Cornelius Jaenen underscored the important role of the state in economic development, thereby dealing 'a rude blow both to the liberals' contention that New France's chief ailment was too much government and to the conservatives' idea that the colony developed on its own because of metropolitan neglect.' The French historian Robert Mandrou reviewed the state of the art in 'L'historiographie canadienne fran¢se: bilan et perspectives,' CHR, 1970. He saw the literature falling into three categories: the synthetical general histories of the colony; the monographic studies; the new and innovative approaches. Mandrou viewed the general histories as rather stilted, hasty, and premature, and although he criticized the positivist school (to which Fr~gault and Trudel belonged), he himself advocated the same sequence of monographic studies preceding synthesis. Of the monographic studies which had appeared, Mandrou judged Robert-Lionel S~guin's study of material culture the most disappointing, Trudel's study of the church during the British occupation flawed methodologically, Fr~gault's overview of eighteenth-century society an idyllic vision of early 'traditional society,' and W.J. Eccles's revisionist biography of Frontenac the most useful. The numerous deficiencies in monographic studies called for more critical and analytical research. However, he saw three studies in particular setting the pace for the 'new history' of the colony: Jean Hamelin, Economie et societe en Nouvelle-France (Q: PUL 1960), pointing the way for quantitative, socio-economic, and socio-cultural history; Femand Ouellet, Histoire economique et sociale du Quebec (1760-1850): structures et cor,ionctures (M: Fides 1966; translated as Social and Economic History of Quebec, 1760-1850, T: MAC 1980), incorporating political and intellectual elements with the methodology to produce global history; and Richard C. Harris, The Seigneurial System in Early Canada (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1966), employing land use and productivity analysis to assess the impact of the land-holding system. Mandrou's article left the impression that at last some research in colonial history was on methodologically firmer ground. Jean Blain undertook in a series of articles in RHAF (XXVI, 1, 1972, 3-31; XXVIII, 2, 1974, 163-86; XXX, 3, 1976, 323-62) to review the historiographical evolution from the perspective of the

13 Canada during the French regime 'new' or economique et socia/e viewpoint. He deplored the fact that many historians remained imprisoned in the political framework employed by Charlevoix in the eighteenth century, or the nationalist sentiments of Garneau in the nineteenth century. Failure to take into account social values and stratification could result in inadequate analysis and consequent 'magisterial distortion,' such as in Micheline D'Allaire's L'Hopital-genhal de Quebec, 1692-1764 '(M: Fides 1971) and the much earlier works of Fauteux, Suite, Tessier, and Langlois. The writing of history in the 1950s Blain found even more traumatized by Canadien insecurity in a predominantly anglophone nation and continent. The abb6 Groulx continued to set the tone although Guy Fregault, converted to the positivist school of historical writing by the Jesuit historian Jean Delanglez at Chicago, was beginning to assert himself. The interpretation that New France was a new nation in embryo was emerging slowly from Fregault's and the University of Montreal's exposition of colonial history. This tack followed from the published doctoral thesis of Maurice Seguin, La nation canadienne et /'agriculture (1760-1850): essai d'histoire economique (TR: BE 1970), and from Michel Brunet, La presence anglaise et /es Canadiens (M: Beauchemin 1958). While it was conceded that the French regime had not been a Golden Age, it was the embryonic stage of a 'normal society' which presumably would have progressed to nationhood had there been no British invasion. Louise Dechene, 'Coup d'oeil sur l'historiographie de la Nouvelle-France,' Etudes canadiennes/Canadian Studies, 1977, singled out two dominant themes or theoretical models which moulded recent studies: the staple model, based on the concepts of Thorstein Veblen and elaborated in Harold Innis's magisterial studies of the fur trade and cod fisheries; and the origins or roots fixation which nourished the 'folk society' views, the frontier or environmentalist interpretations, and the static representations of colonial society. The staple model expounded by Innis has important implications for the history of New France because it assumes a 'natural' geographical expansion into the Great Lakes and Mississippi basins, a harmonious relationship between colony and metropolis in the mercantilist system, and strangely enough encourages a narrative

14 Cornelius Jaenen type of history based on little statistical evidence or economic analysis. The roots or origins fixation has resulted in the assumption of a rather static and undifferentiated folk society. The entire debate on the existence or non-existence of a colonial bourgeoisie, for example, aligns the opponents into two camps - one which sees embryonic dynamism in colonial society rendered sterile and static by the British Conquest, and the other which sees a pre-Conquest inferiority and sterility which continues after 1760. Serge Gagnon, 'The Historiography of New France, 1960-1974: Jean Hamelin to Louise Dech~ne,' JCS, 1978, argues that the 'scientific historians in the French Anna/es tradition' and the 'more present-minded ones reacting to the ideological issues of their society' were not really rival camps but two interwoven strands. He identified three currents of historical writing: a prolongation of the narrative and institutional history of the colony as exemplified by the recent works of Lanctot, Eccles, and Trudel; a liberal revisionist breakthrough, replacing the traditional moralizing consensus of French Canada, manifested especially in works dealing with social customs, religion, criminality, and Amerindian relations; and a new historical 'scientific' school emerging, in opposition to the narrative positivist tradition, whose objective was to achieve a 'total history' through less emphasis on narrative and events and more emphasis on analysis, on long-term structures and trends. This related the new history to the French Anna/es school, a group of historians associated with the journal founded by Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch in 1929 and now known as Anna/es, economies, societe, civilisations. In his Le Quebec et ses historiens de 1840 a 1920: La Nouvelle-France de Garneau a Groulx (Q: PUL 1978), Gagnon deals more specifically with hagiography, the heroic biographies, and specialized syntheses lauding the clergy and bourgeoisie. Femand Ouellet, 'Historiographie canadienne et nationalisme,' TRSC, 1975, emphasizes the links between ideology and history writing. Ouellet focused on the social function of the historian with reference to the methodological evolution of his discipline and the related social sciences. Narrative and basically political history had begun with the rise of French-Canadian nationalism in the early nineteenth century, and with the abM Groulx's reactions to the

15 Canada during the French regime Depression, industrialization, and urbanization this history of an idealized New France had become a veritable national epic. A sense of providential mission accentuated the French, Catholic, and agrarian traditions. In the pre-World War u period a more 'scientific' methodology took hold and the traditional interpretations gave way to new currents much more rapidly than in English Canada, argued Ouellet, primarily because in the latter the critical approach had been longer and more firmly entrenched and therefore innovation and revision were actually more difficult to realize. Historians of New France now seem agreed that two distinct schools at one time characterized the writing of history in French Canada. The first originated with the abM Groulx, who founded the Institut d'histoire de l' Amerique franfai.se and its journal. Seguin, Brunet, and Fregault came to dominate this rising Montreal school: they were all initially Groulx's disciples but they did not share his views on clericalism and industrialization. Meanwhile, at Laval University, there developed the Quebec school in opposition to the Montreal school, which took its inspiration from such French historians as Fernand Braudel and Pierre Goubert and the Anna/es school. It represented an emphasis on economic, social, global, and quantitative analysis as opposed to the positivist, narrative, and evenementielle history. After the 1960s the lines of demarcation between these two schools become somewhat blurred as Marxist, socialist, populist, and other ideological elements emerged and as the new methodology was taken up by the majority of historians. RELIGIOUS LIFE AND INSTITUTIONS

In view of the ideological basis of historical writing it is not surprising that the church has been assigned a dominant and sometimes idealized role in colonial history. Much of the nineteenth-century writing was hagiographic in character, sometimes even ill-disguised polemical history whose objective was the promotion of causes of beatification and canonization of folk heroes and heroines. In this category would fall such works as C.E. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire du Canada, de son eglise et de ses missions, 2 vols. (P: Sagnier & Bray 1852); H.R. Casgrain, Histoire de la venerable Mire Marie de

16 Cornelius Jaenen

/'Incarnation (Q: Desbarats 1864); E.M. Faillon, Vie de la Soeur Bourgeoys (Ville-Marie: Sreurs de la Congregation de Notre-Dame 1853); E.M. Faillon, Vie de Mlle Mance (Ville-Marie: Sreurs de l'Hotel-Dieu 1854); E.M. Faillon, Vie de Mme d'Youville (VilleMarie: Sreurs de la Charite 1852); E.M. Faillon, The Christian Heroine of Canada: or Life of Miss Le Ber (M: Lovell 1861); A.H. Gosselin, Vie de Mgr de Laval, premier eveque de Quebec et apotre du Canada, 1622-1708, 2 vols. (Q: Demers 1890); and Felix Martin, Les Jesuites - martyrs du Canada (M: lmprimerie Canadienne 1877). All were agreed, argues Andre Vachon, 'Etat de recherche sur le regime fran~is (1632-1760),' in Fernand Dumont and Yves Martin, eds., Situation de la recherche sur le Canada franfais (Q: PUL 1962), that the church played a dominant role not only in the spiritual and cultural fields but also in colonization, economic development, social organization and control, exploration, diplomacy, and the formation of a colonial ethos and ideology. Camille de Rochemonteix, Les Jesuites en la Nouvelle-France au XV/le siecle, 3 vols. (P: Letouze & Ane 1895-6), Les Jesuites et la Nouvelle-France au XV/lie siecle, 2 vols. (P: Picard 1906), and Auguste Gosselin, L'Eglise du Canada depuis Mgr de Lavaljusqu'd la Conquete, 3 vols. ( Q: Laflamme & Proulx 1914-17), established themselves early as standard works in the domain. Equating the history of the colony with that of the church was carried on into recent historiography by the abbe Lionel A. Groulx, Histoire du Canada franfais depuis la decouverte, 2 vols. (M: Fides 1962) and Lucien Campeau, La premiere mission des Jesuites en Nouvelle-France 0611-1613) et /es commencements du College de Quebec (1626-1670) (M: Bellarmin 1972). Parkman made good use of the abbe E.M. Faillon, Histoire de la colonie franf(lise en Canada, 3 vols. (Ville-Marie: Bibliotheque paroissiale 1865-6), to set the pattern of interpretation for anglophones by combining his Weberian Protestant and Aryan biases with an appreciation of the heroism of the missionaries and the predominant role of the church. Mason Wade, 'The Heritage of New France (1534-1760),' The French Canadians, 1760-1967 (T: MAC 1968), repeated the hoary myth about Huguenot colonization, asserted that the bishop 'established for himself a position which the Pope himself might have envied,' and saw the early churchmen

17 Canada during the French regime implanting 'a theocracy such as France had never known' until 'the power of the king paled before the immediate power of the Church, whose heroic missionary effort and devoted social services at once gave it tremendous prestige and were essential to the life of New France.' John Conway, 'Ideology and Environment in New France,' Centennial Review, 1966, saw economic and religious interests generally in harmony so that the rationalism and progressivism of the Enlightenment were largely irrelevant. Marcel Trudel, L 'influence de Voltaire au Canada, 2 vols. (M: Fides 1945), had pointed out that although Voltaire's unsettling ideas had reached New France they never took root. Analyses of diverse aspects of church involvement in colonial affairs and ideologies were represented in such works as Fernand Porter, L 'instruction catechistique au Canada: deux siecles de formation religieuse, 1633-1833 (M: Editions franciscaines 1949), a study of various implications of the catechetical method of instruction; Gustave Lanctot, Situation politique de l'Eg/ise canadienne: servitude de l'Eglise sous le regimefranfais (M: Ducharme 1942), a reconsideration of the Gallican qualities of the colonial church; W.H. Paradis, 'L'erection du dioc~se de Quebec et l'opposition de l'Archeveque de Rouen, 1662-1672,' RHAF, 1956, a study of the GallicanRomanist confrontation; Paul Reyss, Etude sur que/ques points de l'histoire de la tolerance au Canada et aux Antilles (Geneva: Klindig 1907), an analysis of the restrictive legislation and practices; Guy Plante, Le rigorisme au XV/le siecle: Mgr de Saint- Vallier et le sacrement de ~nitence (Gembloux: Duculot 1971), an examination of austere religiosity not necessarily related to Jansenism; Sr SainteHenriette, Histoire de la Congregation de Notre-Dame de Montreal, 11 vols. (M: Congregation de Notre-Dame 1941-69), an institutional history of a secular women's community; and Marcel Trudel, L'Eglise canadienne sous le regime militaire, 1759-1764, vol. I: Les problemes (M: IHAF 1956); vol. n: Les institutions (Q: PUL 1957), a review of the behaviour and tribulations of the clergy during the military occupation. Mack Eastman, Church and State in Early Canada (Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP. 1915), looked at the period of implantation and stressed the continuous tensions between church and state, while

18 Cornelius Jaenen Guy Rocher, 'Les relations entre l'Eglise et l'Etat en NouvelleFrance,' Anna/es de l'ACFAS, 1959, makes a clear distinction between the amicable co-operation of the earlier 'commercial counter' period and the clashes of the post-1660 period. Pierre Hurtubise, 'Ni janseniste, ni gallican, ni. ultramontain: Fran\X)ise de Laval,' RHAF, 1974, concluded that the debate about Laval's ideology was misplaced since his sole aspiration was to exercise fully his episcopal rights 'under the dual protection of pope and king who were equally respected.' E.R. Adair, 'France and the Beginnings of New France,' CHR, 1944, described the elaborate planning of the devots in laying the religious foundations in the colony and assigned much of the activity to the semi-secret Company of the Holy Sacrament. Cornelius J. Jaenen, 'Church-State Relations in Canada, 1604-1685 ,' CHAR, 1967, provides a categorization of the factors to be considered and indicates the role of the Gallican church within the state, the church being national and the state being religious. Jean Blain, 'Les Structures de l'Eglise et la conjoncture coloniale en Nouvelle-France, 1632-1674,' RHAF, 1968, attempts to employ the Anna/es approach to describe the evolution of an initially missionary church in the context of settlement and administrative organization. Jean-Charles Falardeau, 'The Seventeenth-Century Parish in French Canada,' in Marcel Rioux and Yves Martin, eds., French-Canadian Society (T: M&S 1964), argues that parishes were slow developing in the colony but came to be centres of social activity by the close of the French regime. A detailed overview of developments in the lower Mississippi region is offered in Charles O'Neill, Church and State in French Colonial Louisiana: Policy and Politics to 1732 (New Haven: Yale UP 1966), a number of which concern the diocese of Quebec, the upper country missions of the Jesuits and seminary priests. Claudette Lacelle, 'Monseigneur Henry-Marie Dubreuil de Pontbriand: ses mandements et circulaires' (MA thesis, University of Ottawa, 1971), presents important new perspectives on colonial religiosity and the limits of conformity. Noel Baillargeon, Le Seminaire de Quebec sous /'episcopat de Mgr de Laval (Q: PUL 1972) and Le Seminaire de Quebec de 1685 d 1760 (Q: PUL 1977), are detailed institutional histories written from the inside. A strong

19 Canada during the French regime defence of Laval's position is made in Lucien Campeau, L 'EvecM de Quebec (1674): aux origines du premier diocese erige en Amerique franfaise (Q: Societe historique de Quebec 1974). The literature on the religious minorities is as limited as were the numbers of Protestants and Jews in the colony. Cornelius J. Jaenen, 'The Persistence of the Protestant Presence in New France, 154117 60,' Proceedings of the Second Meeting of the Western Society for French History (Austin: Best Printing 1975), offers an overview of the situation in the colony synchronized with events in France. Marc-Andre Bedard, Les Protestants en Nouvelle-France (Q: PUL 1978), presents a detailed study of a continuous Huguenot presence in the colony through the examination of abjuration records. Denis Vaugeois, Les Juifs et la Nouvelle-France (TR: BE 1968), reveals what evidence there is of Jewish activity in the colony. The church's involvement in economic affairs has not been overlooked. Cornelius J. Jaenen, 'The Catholic Clergy and the Fur Trade, 1585-1685,' CHAR, 1970, emphasizes the ambiguities and uncertainties in the missionaries' role, whereas Bruce G. Trigger, 'The Jesuits and the Fur Trade,' Ethnohistory, 1965, stresses their undermining of traditional Amerindian cultures. Lucien Campeau, 'Le commerce des clercs en Nouvelle-France,' RUO/UOQ, 1977, in contrast, adopts a legalistic explanation and defence of the clergy's involvement in the staples trade. C. Lessard, 'L'aide financi~re donnee par l'Eglise de France ll l'Eglise naissante du Canada,' RHAF, 1961-2, indicates how the church acquired its economic base in the colony with metropolitan investment. Pierre-Georges Roy, 'Le patronage des eglises clans la Nouvelle-France,' RAPQ, 1922-3, describes the attempt to have the colonial nobility underwrite the building and support of parish churches. There have been several attempts at synthesis of the church's role: H.H. Walsh, The Church in the French Era (T: RP 1967); John S. Moir, Church and State in Canada, 1627-1867 (T: M&S 1968); Nive Voisine et al., Histoire de l'Eglise catholique au Quebec, 1608-1970 (M: Fides 1971); and Hermann Plante, L 'Eglise catholique au Canada de 1604 d 1866 (TR: Editions du Bien Public 1970). Cornelius J. Jaenen, The Role of the Church in New France (T:MHR 1976), moves

20 Cornelius Jaenen away from the seventeenth-century mystical and missionary beginnings to the institutional church in the economic, political, and social setting of the eighteenth century. In so doing, there is a new emphasis on colonial manners and morals, on clerical concepts and popular practices. SEIGNEURIAL SYSTEM

The role of the seigneurial system, whether viewed as a transfer of a traditional rationalized legal system of property-holding, a method of colonization, a system of social and state control, or a means of creating a class system, has elicited a less abundant but no less controversial literature than the role of the church. The standard works in the politico-institutional tradition were W.B. Munro, The Seig-

niorial System in Canada: A Study in French Colonial Policy (NY:

Columbia UP 1907), which stressed the feudal transplantation; Guy Fregault, 'Le regime seigneuriale et l'expansion de la colonisation dans le bassin du Saint-Laurent au dix-huiti~me si~cle,' CHAR, 1944, 61-73, which examined the relationship between the system and colonization; Leon Gerin, Aux sources de notre histoire: /es

conditions iconomiques et socio/es de la colonisation en Nouvelle-France

(M: Fides 1946), which portrayed the seigneurs as a class interested in the economic advantages to be reaped from concurrent pursuits and administrative positions; E.R. Adair, 'The French-Canadian Seigneury,' CHR, 1954, which perpetuated the image of the relatively poor and undistinguished Canadian seigneur enjoying a standard of living little superior to that of his primitive censitaires. Dorothy A. Heneker, The Seigneurial Regime in Canada (Q: Proulx 1927); Victor Morin, Seigneurs et censitaires, castes disparues (M: Editions des Dix 1941); and Thomas Guerin, Feudal Canada: The Story of the Seigniories of New France (M: Author 1926), in no way altered significantly the prevalent interpretation. Richard Colebrook Harris, The Seigneurial System in Early Canada: A Geographical Study (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1966), concluded that there were important departures from the French model, that the system was largely 'irrelevant to the geography of early Canada' and to its way of life, and that it was beginning

21 Canada during the French regime to disintegrate by the Conquest and was afforded a new lease on life with the coming of the British. Harris's interpretation was greatly influenced by the Wisconsin Turnerian and environmentalist school of geography led by A.H. Clark. Sigmund Diamond, 'An Experiment in "Feudalism": French Canada in the Seventeenth Century,' WMQ, 1961, sets up a rather debatable cause-effect relationship which led him to conclude that in the colony there was an overturning of all the traditional French values and roles: 'France created in Canada a social basis for disobedience, a society in which deviance became the only means of survival and of taking advantage of such opportunities as existed.' Louise DecMne, 'L'evolution du regime seigneuriale au Canada: le cas de Montrfal au xvne et xvme si~cles,' RS, 1971, came to the opposite conclusion. She said that seigneurialism initially deviated from its French model, to be sure, but as settlement progressed, as the seigneury developed its production as traced by Cole Harris, it moved closer in the eighteenth century to the French parent institution and the dues and privileges took on a new significance. Marcel Trudel's La population du Canada en 1663 (M: Fides 1973) indicated that as early as 1663, 86 per cent of the land was already in the hands of the privileged orders. Cameron Nish, 'La bourgeoisie et le syst~me seigneurial,' Actualit~ ~conomique, 1967,-contended that the seigneurs formed a distinct social class within the Canadian bourgeoisie, but Fernand Ouellet, 'Propriete seigneuriale et groupes sociaux dans la vallee du Saint-Laurent (1663-1840),' RUO/UOQ, 1977, disagreed and defended the hypothesis of the creation of a social class system. There seemed no doubt to him that France wished to create a typical Ancien Regime society in Canada, as Munro had originally maintained, to give the clergy a landed base, and to favour the establishment of a nobility which could fulfil its military, political, and social role. Several writers commented on the importance of the seigneurial bloc in maintaining French-Canadian homogeneity after the Conquest. Pierre Deffontaines, 'The Rang-Pattern of Rural Settlement in French Canada,' in Rioux and Martin, eds., French-Canadian Society, saw the linear pattern of settlement which became typical of French-Canadian farms wherever established in Canada as a basis for community and social interaction.

22 Cornelius Jaenen FRONTIER THESIS

There have been some attempts to force New France's history into the mould of frontierism. Frederick Jackson Turner himself, on the basis of his scant knowledge of inadequate secondary sources, attempted this in 'The Rise and Fall of New France,' Minnesota History, 1936. W.N. Sage, 'Some Aspects of the Frontier in New France,' CHAR, 1928, travelled the same route. More recently the theme was re-examined by Jean Blain, 'La fronti~re en NouvelleFrance - perspective historiques nouvelles a partir d'un th~me ancien,' RHAF, 1971. A.L. Burt's stimulating Canadian Historical Association address, 'The Frontier in the History of New France,' CHAR, 1940, set out boldly to demonstrate that the frontier environment upset the traditional values and institutions of France transplanted in the New World. That there was a certain levelling of social distinctions, a pioneer type of egalitarianism, many were ready to believe; but the thesis of frontier freedom and democracy did not seem to fit the Canadian context. W.J. Eccles in The Canadian Frontier, 1534-1760 (NY: HRW 1960) was evidently ill at ease in the Tumerian framework, and opted for a description of four types of frontiers, or 'outer limits of European civilization': commercial, religious, settlement, and military. Eccles made it quite clear that he was examining an environmental conditioning of a hinterland dominated by a St Lawrence metropolis, behind which stood a European mother country. Richard Colebrook Harris, 'The Extension of France into Rural Canada,' in James R. Gibson, ed., European Settlement and Development in North America (T: UTP 1978), avoids the term 'frontier' and develops the theme of a simplification of traditional French society in the Canadian environment: 'In such circumstances the independent, nuclear family would tend to emerge strongly within an egalitarian, family-centred society ... ' The influence of A.H. Clark and the Wisconsin school of geographers is evident, but Harris also considered his subject in the framework of the Hartzian thesis of fragment societies. He concluded that 'the particular conditions of environment and economy in New World settings' rather than 'the fragmentation of French society' explained the important role of the nuclear family and the

23 Canada during the French regime levelling tendencies. An earlier attempt by Kenneth D. MacRae, 'The Structure of Canadian History,' in Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (NY: Harcourt Brace 1964), to explain New France in terms of the Hartzian fragment model had proved unconvincing. Marcel Trudel, Les debuts du regime seigneurial au Canada (M: Fides 1974), concluded that the initial grouping of settlement around three towns and the orderly possession of the St Lawrence valley thereafter did not constitute a frontier type of movement in the Turnerian sense but rather a hierarchical implantation 'which has meaning only in a regularly ordered society.' EXPLORATION

Exploration and westward expansion were once favourite topics and produced a number of publications that are still pertinent. The standard general histories of French exploration remain J.B. Brebner, The Explorers of North America, 1492-1806 (L: Black 1933), and C.A. Julien, Les voyages de decouvertes et /es premiers etablissements (XVe-XV/e si~c/es) (P: PUF 1948). The early explorers of the upper country, to which fur-trade exploitation and missionary zeal very quickly attracted Frenchmen, have been celebrated in such works as J. Herbert Cranston, Etienne Brule: Immortal Scoundrel (T: RP 1949); James H. Coyne, 'The Dollier-Galinee Expedition, 1669-1670,' OHSPR, 1923; Clifford Wilson, 'Where did Nicolet Go?' Minnesota History, 1946; Antoine D'Eschambault, 'La vie aventureuse de Daniel Greysolon, sieur Dulhut,' RHAF, 1951-2; Grace Lee Nute,

Caesars of the Wilderness: Medard Chouart, Sieur des Groseilliers and Pierre-Esprit Radisson, 1618-1710 (NY: Appleton Century 1943); Edmund Murphy, Henry de Tonty: Fur Trader of the Mississippi (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP 1941); Jean Delanglez, Life and Voyages of Louis Jol/iet, 1645-1700 (Chicago: Institute of Jesuit History 1948); Jean Delanglez, Some La Stille Journeys (Chicago: Institute of Jesuit History 1938); and Agnes C. Laut, Cadillac, Knight Errant of the Wilderness (Indianapolis: Bobbs Merrill 1931). E.E. Audet, Les premiers etab/issements franfais au pays des Illinois: la guerre des Renards (P: Sorlot 1938), can be read with Norman Ward Caldwell, The French in the West, 1740-1750 (Urbana:

24 Cornelius Jaenen University of Illinois Press 1936), and Wilbur R. Jacobs, Diplomacy and Indian Gifts: Anglo-French Rivalry along the Ohio and Northwest Frontier, 1748-1763 (Stanford: Stanford UP 1950), to obtain some acquaintance with the opposition the French encountered in their expansionist policy. Nellis M. Crouse, La Verendrye, Fur Trader and Explorer (Ithaca: Cornell UP 1956), and Antoine Champagne, Les La Verendrye et /es postes de l'ouest (Q: PUL 1968), deal with the fur trade and exploratory extension to the prairie region. John F. McDermott, ed., The French in the Mississippi Valley (Urbana: University of Illinois Press 1965) and Frenchmen and French Ways in the Mississippi Valley (Urbana: University of Illinois Press 1969), cover adequately activities in that region. Marthe Emmanuel, 'Le passage du nord et la "Mer de l'Ouest," sous le regime franfais: realites et chim~res,' RHAF, 1959, deals with geographical concepts and myths, the cartographers and the theoricians. William J. Eccles, 'New France and the Western Frontier,' Alberta Historical Review, 1969; Cornelius J. Jaenen, 'French Colonial Attitudes and the Explorations of Jolliet and Marquette,' Wisconsin Magazine of History, 1973; and Roland Lamontagne, La Galissoniere et le Canada (M: PUM 1962), began to grapple with the problem of westward expansion. Lamontagne stressed the emergence of a strategic concern. Fur-trade involvement, military responsibilities, and good relations with the native peoples coloured the renewed expansionist policy of the eighteenth century, which is traced methodically in two articles by Yves Zoltvany, 'New France and the West, 1701-1713,' CHR, 1965, and 'The Frontier Policy of Philippe Rigaud de Vaudreuil (1713-1725),' CHR, 1967. BIOGRAPHY

Biography has also enjoyed some popularity. Many of the leading personalities, especially religious founders, had early chroniclers. Champlain, Louis Hebert, Frontenac, Talon, Bishop Laval, La Salle, Marquette, and Jolliet soon emerged as 'great men' of the French regime by virtue of having had early and sometimes numerous biographers. There were heroines too - Jeanne Mance, Marie de l'lncarnation, Catherine Tekakwitha, Jeanne Le Ber, and

25 Canada during the French regime Madame de la Peltrie. Of these, only Frontenac's career later came under critical scholarly reappraisal, and this in William J. Eccles, Frontenac: The Courtier Governor (T: M&s 1959). H.R. Casgrain, Montcalm et Levis: guerre du Canada, I 75_6-J 760, 2 vols. (Q: Demers 1891), extolled Canadians and denigrated Frenchmen but, conversely, Thomas Chapais, Le Marquis de Montcalm 0721-1759) (Q: Garneau 1911), praised the French general, although not with the same adulation as Georges Robitaille, Montcalm et ses historiens: etude critique (M: Granger 1936). Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (T: M&s 1962), provides an imaginative, though fanciful, portrait of the overromanticized 'founding father.' Jean Leclerc, Le Marquis de Denonville, gouverneur de la Nouvelle-France, 1685-1689 (M: Fides 1976), sketches a surprisingly sympathetic governor who has been generally ill considered, while Yves Zoltvany, Philippe de Rigaud de Vaudreuil, Governor of New France, 1703-1725 (T: UTP 1974), gives a balanced assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the elder Vaudreuil. Donald J. Horton gave a similarly fair assessment of the Intendant Hocquart in 'Gilles Hocquart: Intendant of New France' (PHO thesis, McGill University, 1975). Jean-Claude Dube, ClaudeThomas Dupuy, Intendant de la Nouvelle-France, 1678-1738 (M: Fides 1969), concludes that Dupuy was a typical representative of his social class, no more. Roland Lamontagne, La Galissoniere et le Canada (M: PUM 1962), barely succeeds in giving this governor his proper recognition in influencing imperial policy. Andre Vachon's debunking of the folk-hero Adam Dollard in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. I: 1000-I 700 (T: UTP 1966), created much more interest than the usual entries and unleashed some polemics. Jacques Chevalier, 'Myth and Ideology in "Traditional" French Canada: Dollard, the Martyred Warrior,' Anthropologica, 1979, reexamines the episode in an ideological and symbolic context. Guy Fregault produced three almost stereotypical biographies: two of 'national' heroes, Iberville le conquerant (M: Pascal 1944) and Le grand marquis: Pierre de Rigaud de Vaudreuil et la Louisiane (M: Fides 1952), and one of a metropolitan French villain, Franfois Bigot: administrateur franfais (M: IHAF 1948). John F. Bosher, 'Government and Private Interests in New France,' Canadian Pub-

26 Cornelius Jaenen

lie Administration, 1967, brought a necessary corrective to bear in the case of the Intendant Bigot by indicating that private gain from public office was neither immoral, illegal, nor uncommon, but that it was a concomitant of venality of office and bureaucratic privileges. It was decided in France to make an example of Bigot and the twentytwo Canadian millionaires, but administrative reforms followed the Conquest and were not in place when the 'irregularities' occurred in Canada. In similar vein, J. Dale Standen, 'Politics, Patronage, and the Imperial Interest: Charles de Beauharnais's Dispute with Gilles Hocquart,' CHR, 1979, undermines the view of a premeditated administrative system of checks and balances, and of deliberate overlapping of jurisdictions of colonial officials in order to impose royal intervention in petty affairs. GOVERNMENT AND INSTITUTIONS

Bosher's and Standen's research cited above have very important things to say about colonial administration. Since the colony must be studied also in French colonial and imperial frameworks, several key administrative histories become essential. Among the most relevant are M.C. Aboucaya, Les intendants de la Marine (Gap: np 1957); C.W. Cole, Colbert and a Century of French Mercantilism, 2 vols. (NY: Octagon 1939); H. Deschamps, Les methodes et /es doctrines coloniales de la France (P: Colin 1953); and M. Filion, La pensee et /'action coloniales de Maurepas vis-a-vis du Canada 17231749: /'age d'or de la colonie (M: Lemeac 1972). The pioneering works on the administrative framework of the colony were W.B. Munro, 'The Office of Intendant in New France,' AHR, 1906; J. Delalande's inadequate Le Conseil souverain de la Nouvelle-France (Q: Proulx 1927); Raymond Du Bois Cahall's slightly better The Sovereign Council of New France (NY: Columbia UP 1929). R. LaRoque de Roquebrune, 'La direction de la Nouvelle-France par le Minist~re de la Marine,' RHAF, 1952-3, gives some insight into the expansion of the Marine bureaucracy and the role of the commis, while the vagaries of trans-oceanic administration are described in the introductory chapter of Francis H. Hammang, The Marquis de Vaudreuil: New France at the Beginning of the Eighteenth Century (Bruges: Author 1938). Allana G. Reid, 'Representative

27 Canada during the French regime Assemblies in New France,' CHR, 1946, threw some light on the consultative assemblies and processes in the colony. Andre Vachon has attempted to bring all this information together in an introductory essay, 'The Administration of New France,' Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. II: 1701-1740 (T: UTP 1969), xv-xxv. The more recent studies tend to reveal a less despotic and arbitrary regime than had been posited originally in George M. Wrong, The Rise and Fall of New France, 2 vols. (T: MAC 1928), or M.H. Long, A History of the Canadian People, vol. I: New France (T: BP 1942). Terence Crowley, '"Thunder Gusts": Popular Disturbances in Early French Canada,' CHAR, 1979; John Dickinson, 'The Prevote of Quebec: Administration and Administrators' (PHD thesis, University of Toronto, 1978); and H.A. Porteous, 'The Administrative Corps of the French Marine, 1720-1760' (D.Phil. thesis, Oxford University, 1978), bring significant reorientation to scholarship in this domain. Guy Fregault, La civilisation de la Nouvelle-France, 1713-1744 (o: PUO 1969), had laid the groundwork for a thesis of benevolent paternalism in the insight that although the crown was absolute, it accepted the restraints imposed by Catholic moral law and humanitarian precepts. The courts have been studied, more recently in the context of criminality. Andre Lachance's Le bourreau au Canada sous le regime franrais (Q: Societe historique de Quebec 1966) was an early venture into the field, although more successful than Raymond Boyer, Les crimes et /es chatiments au Canada franfais du XVJ/e au XXe siecle (M: Cercle du Livre de France 1966), which failed to give much analysis. The best studies now are Andre Morel, 'Reflexions sur la justice criminelle canadienne,' RHAF, 197 5, 241-53, and Andre Lachance, La justice criminelle du roi au Canada au XVJ/Ie siecle: tribunaux et officiers (Q: PUL 1978). For seigneurial courts, John Dickinson, 'La justice seigneuriale en NouvelleFrance: le cas de Notre-Dame des Anges,' RHAF, 1974, 323-46, is excellent, and for an overview of prisons the most useful is still Andre Lachance, 'Les prisons au Canada sous le regime franfais,' RHAF, 1966. The laws of the colony and the practice of the law were long ago described in Edmond Lareau, Histoire du droit canadien, vol. I: Domination franfaise (M: Periard 1888), and more recently analysed in

28 Cornelius Jaenen Yves F. Zoltvany, 'Esquisse de la coutume de Paris,' RHAF, 1971, 365-84. The role of the notaries is highlighted in Andre Vachon, Histoire du notariat canadien, 1621-1960 (Q: PUL 1962), and the importance of official archives for the colonial period is described in Fernand Ouellet, 'Les archives du gouvernement en NouvelleFrance,' RUL, 1958, 396-415. DEMOGRAPHY

Demographic studies have held an important place in the history of New France. In part, this is because there has been a fascination with national origins and with the formation of a distinctive identity. If a national character can be traced back to ethnic origins, then the colony affords an ideal study of the approximately ten thousand immigrants who settled and multiplied in the St Lawrence valley during the French regime. Early writings on colonization and immigration were greatly motivated by the desire to identify and qualify the roots of French-Canadian society. In this tradition we find the reference works of the genealogists Tanguay and Godbout, already cited, of archivists like P.G. Roy and E.Z. Masicotte, and of historians like Stanislas A. Lortie, L 'origine et le par/er des Canadiens franf(lis (P: Champion 1903); Emile Salone, La colonisation de la Nouvelle-France: etude sur /es origines de la nation canadiennefranf(lise (P: Guilmoto 1906); Georges Langlois, Histoire de la population canadienne-franfaise (M: Albert Levesque 1934); Gabriel Debien, 'Engages pour le Canada au xvne si~cle vus de la Rochelle,' RHAF, 1952; Gustave Lanctot, Fil/es de joie ou filles du roi: etude sur /'emigration feminine en Nouvelle-France (M: Editions du Jour 1964); and even the recent study by Marcel Trudel, La population du Canada en 1663 (M: Fides 1973), which reconstitutes a 'census' of all the colonial inhabitants. For these writers it matters greatly if the original stock came from the west of France, if migration were forced and penal or free, if the immigrants were of peasant or urban background, because of the imprint they made on 'national character.' The demographers had different concerns, however. Using the abundant civil and ecclesiastical records which the French administration produced, they analysed such factors as nuptiality, fertility,

29 Canada during the French r~gime mortality, immigration, and mobility. The pioneer works in historical demography in Canada were Georges Sabagh, 'The Fertility of the French-Canadian Women during the Seventeenth-Century,' American Journal of Sociology, 1942, and the pace-setting study by Jacques Henripin, La population canadienne au debut du XV/lie si~cle (P: PUF 1954). The lead has now been taken by the historical demographers at the University of Montreal. Hubert Charbonneau, Vie et mort de nos ancetres: etude demographique (M: PUM 1975), and Andr~ LaRose, Les registres paroissiaux au Quebec avant 1800 (Q: PUL 1979), illustrate the methodology set forth in Jacques L~gar~ et al., 'Reconstitution of the XVIIth Century Canadian Population: An Overview of a Research Program,' Historical Methods Newsletter, 1975. Also of interest to historians are Raymond Roy et al., 'Quelques comportements des Canadiens au XVIIe si~cle d'apr~s les registres paroissiaux,' RHAF, 1977, and H. Charbonneau et al., 'Le comportement d~mographique des voyageurs sous le r~gime franfais,' HS/SH, XI, 2, 1978, 119-33. Most useful is the study on immigration and population growth by H. Charbonneau and Y. Landry, 'La politique d~mographique en Nouvelle-France,' Anna/es de demographie historique, 1979, 29-57. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Probably the most controversial issue in the history of New France is the question of economic retardation. Earlier works on economic activities concentrated on the staples exploitation, and more recent works have concerned themselves with the limited economic activity and colonial underdevelopment. Cod was the first and enduring staple whose history is traced in Harold A. Innis, The Cod Fisheries: The History of an International Economy (T: RP 1940~ T: UTP 1978), and should be read with Charles de la Morandi~re, Histoire de la peche franraise de la morue dans l'Amerique septentrionale, 3 vols. (P: Maisonneuve & Larose 1962-6), which adds much information and documentation. Fur-trading development was a sideline of the fishery. The seminal works on the furtrade remain H.P. Biggar, The Early

Trading Companies of New France: A Contribution to the History of Commerce and Discovery in North America (T: UT Library 1901), and

30 Cornelius Jaenen Harold A. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (New Haven: Yale UP 1930; rev. ed., T: UTP 1956). Innis should be considered in the light of W.J. Eccles, 'A Belated Review of Harold Adam Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada,' CHR, 1979. Important aspects of the trade are considered in Jean A. Murray, 'The Early Fur Trade in New France and New Netherlands,' CHR, 1938; Jean F. Lunn, 'The Illegal Fur Trade out of New France, 1713-1760,' CHAR, 1939; E.R. Adair, 'Anglo-French Rivalry in the Fur Trade during the Eighteenth Century,' Culture, 1947; and the delightful essay by J.F. Crean, 'Hats and the Fur Trade,' CJEPS, 1962. Guy Fr~gault included some essential information on Canadian finances and the Company of the Colony in his Le XV/Ile si~cle canadien: etudes (M: HMH 1968). The fur trade utilized the natural waterways, therefore there has been little attention paid to transportation. G. de T. Glazebrook, 'Roads in New France and the Policy of Expansion,' CHAR, 1934, stands alone. Lumber and wheat were the next staple products to be exported. A.R.M. Lower, 'The Forest in New France: A Sketch of Lumbering in Canada before the English Conquest,' CHAR, 1928, is the sole study of lumbering apart from the royal shipyards experiment. Wheat exports, as well as bread shortages and crop failures, were not foreign to New France, although the colony seems to have enjoyed a favourable balance of trade during only three years of its existence. H.M. Thomas, 'Agricultural Policy in New France,' Agricultural History, 1935, and F.W. Burton, 'The Wheat Supply of New France,' TRSC, 1936, deal with production and supply. The rural and agricultural basis of the colony is firmly established in the studies of Marcel Trudel, notably in Le terrier du Saint-Laurent en I 663 (o: PUO 1973) and Montreal: la formation d'une societe, 1642-1663 (M: Fides 1976). The absence of plantation slavery and the limited use of domestic slaves, both black and Amerindian, is exposed in Marcel Trudel, L 'esclavage au Canada franfais: histoire et conditions de l'eslavage (Q: PUL 1960), a study replete with factual and statistical detail. The staple approach emphasizes exports and external markets; therefore there has been some neglect of local industries and internal markets. Pioneering works such as J.N. Fauteux, Essai sur /'in-

31 Canada during the French r~gime

dustrie au Canada sous le regime franfais, 2 vols. (Q: Proulx 1927), and P.E. Renaud, Les origines economiques du Canada (Mamers: Gabriel Enault 1928), have not been without value, despite their limited conceptualizations. More useful but less accessible is Jean F. Lunn, 'Economic Development in New France, 1713-1760' (PHD thesis, McGill University, 1942). W.J. Eccles, Canada under Louis XIV, /663-1701 (T: M&S 1964), underscores the fact that the economic policy of France in the early colonization period permitted and assisted the development of local industries and intercolonial trade, while adhering to the compact Laurentian plan. Conversely, after 1697, continental expansion was permitted but mercantilist controls were advocated. Thomas J. Schaeper, 'The French Council of Commerce, 1700-1715: An Administrative Study of French Mercantilism after Colbert' (PHD thesis, Ohio State University, 1977), argues that there was less difference between Colbertian and postColbertian policies than hitherto supposed, and that policy throughout the period retained much of its bullionist, protectionist, and nationalistic flavours. Historians seem to be re-evaluating mercantilism, rejecting the concept of a well-articulated economic system and viewing 'policy' as a series of responses to short-term financial needs. Currency and finance have received little attention in recent years. Two dated studies remain useful, nevertheless: S.R. Weaver, 'Taxation in New France: A Study in Pioneer Economics,' Journal of Political Economy, 1914, and H. Heaton, 'The Playing Card Currency of French Canada,' American Economic Review, 1928. Lucien Campeau et al., Les.finances publiques de la Nouvelle-France sous /es Cent-Associes (M: Bellarmin 1975), and Adam Shortt, Canadian Currency and Exchange under French Rule (reprinted M: Osiris 1974), contain useful information. Jean Hamelin, Economie et societe en Nouvelle-France (Q: PUL 1960), sketched the broad interpretative outlines of the 'new history' and introduced quantitative analysis, but it failed to offer any conclusive explanation for the subjective judgment that the colony lacked a dynamic entrepreneurial class. Maurice S~guin and Michel Brunet, as has been stated, were certain there had been a decapitation of the entrepreneurial class in 1760, but Jos~ Igartua, 'The

32 Cornelius Jaenen Merchants of Montreal at the Conquest: Socio-economic Profile,' HS/SH, 1977, and his 'The Merchants and Negociants of Montreal, 17 50-177 5: A Study in Socio-economic History' (PHD thesis, Michigan State University, 1974), as well as W.S. Dunn, 'Western Commerce, 176tY-!774' (PHD thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1971), and Dale Miquelon, 'The Baby Family and Trade of Canada, 17501820' (MA thesis, Carleton University, 1966), turned up evidence that some Canadians continued to prosper after the British Conquest. Denys Delage, 'Les structures economiques de la Nouvelle-France et de la Nouvelle-York,' Actualite economique, 1970, contrasted New York's diversified economy and movement towards industrial capitalism with New France's modest development of agriculture and sedentary fishery after 1720. Yves F. Zoltvany, 'Some Aspects of the Business Career of Charles Aubert de la Chesnaye (1632-1702),' CHAR, 1968, demonstrated from a case study the hazardous career of a Canadian entrepreneur. On the other hand, John Bosher, 'A Quebec Merchant's Trading Circle in France and Canada: Jean-Andre Lamaltie before 1763,' HS/SH, 1977, 24-44, singles out a successful merchant whose commercial network in France and the West Indies is regarded as typical of his class. Allana G. Reid, 'General Trade between Quebec and France during the French Regime,' CHR, 1953, and 'Intercolonial Trade during the French Regime,' CHAR, 1951, had traced the general outlines of such external trade. This trade incurred problems of insurance, credit, return cargoes, piracy, and wartime blockades, which are well illustrated in Dale Miquelon, Dugard of Rouen: French Trade to Canada and the West Indies, 1729-1770 (M: MQUP 1978), a business history of a firm from the founding of the Societe du Canada in 1729 to the trade in furs at Quebec after the Conquest. This needs to be compared to the findings of Jacques Mathieu, 'Le commerce Nouvelle-France/ Antilles au xvme si~cle' (PHD thesis, Universite Laval, 1975), and read in the context of James S. Pritchard, 'The Pattern of Colonial Shipping to Canada before 1760,' Revue Jranfaise d'histoire d'outre-mer, 1976. Economic activities restricted to the colony also ran risks. Louise Dechene's prize-winning Habitants et marchands de Montreal au XV/le si~cle (P: Pion 1974) saw social mobility in the colony some-

33 Canada during the French regime times working in the reverse sense, so that bankruptcy was not at all uncommon. Micheline D' Allaire, Montee et dee/in d'une Jami/le noble: /es Ruette d'Auteuil (1617-1737) (M: HMH 1980), traces one such experience which does not provide a basis, however, for further generalizations. The tendency of the Canadian elite towards sumptuous living and conspicuous consumption was a trait which Alfred Dubuc, 'Problems in the Stratification of the Canadian Society from 1760 to 1840,' CHAR, 1965, attributed to the colonial seigneurial class. Fernand Ouellet, 'M. Brunet et le probl~me de la Conquete,' Bulletin des recherches historiques, 1956, called it noble values and mentality. He argued that when the Canadian nobility engaged in commercial affairs, as it could after 1669 without sacrificing its privileged status, it was in fact pursuing its aristocratic interests and values. The importance of career opportunities for the sons of Canadian nobles and seigneurs in the Marine detachments is demonstrated in W.J. Eccles, 'The Social, Economic, and Political Significance of the Military Establishment in New France,' CHR, 1971. The failure of the artisanal organizations to establish themselves, the administrative and popular hostility to trade corporations, and the colonial anti-intellectual idealization of the unskilled handyman are often-cited facets of colonial deviation from the metropolitan model. Peter Moogk, 'In the Darkness of a Basement: Craftsmen's Associations in Early Canada,' CHR, 1976, indicates that both state and the immigrant craftsmen were agreed on not promoting traditional guilds. The apprenticeship system was not totally absent, however, as the following studies have revealed: Peter Moogk, 'Apprenticeship Indentures: A Key to Artisan Life in New France,' CHAR, 1971; J.P. Hardy and D.T. Ruddel, Les apprentis artisans a Quebec, 1660-1815 (M: PUO 1977); Marise Thivierge, 'Les artisans du cuir a Quebec (1660-1760),' RHAF, 1980. Jacques Mathieu's study of naval construction in the Quebec region, La construction navale royale a Quebec, 1739-1759 (Q: PUL 1971), attributes the overall failure to implant a permanent industry to a wide range of factors, from improper demands by the French navy to inappropriate lumbering and curing processes, the shortage of skilled labourers, and managerial mistakes. The explanations

34 Cornelius Jaenen offered for the lack of financial success of the Forges du St-Maurice near Trois-Rivi~res are not dissimilar. They did not elicit a strike or 'mutiny' as did the royal shipyards in 1741, but they did require constant state subsidization and managerial reorganization. The major accounts, Albert Tessier, Les Forges du Saint-Maurice, 17291883 (TR: Edition du Bien Public 1952); Michael Gaumond, Les forges du Saint-Maurice (Q: Societe historique de Quebec 1968); and Cameron Nish, Franrois-Etienne Cugnet, 1719-1751: entrepreneurs et entreprises en Nouvelle-France (M: Fides 1975), all recount the blunders of site, construction problems, management problems, technological impediments, inadequate planning, and financial difficulties. More general reviews of all industrial ventures are found in R. Lahaise, 'Les principales phases de l'evolution economique en Nouvelle-France,' in Robert Comeau, ed., Economie queMcoise (M: PUF 1969), and J. Girard, 'Les industries de transformation de la Nouvelle-France,' in Melanges geographiques canadiens ojferts d Raoul Blanchard (Q: PUL 1959). SOCIETY AND CULTURE

The class structure of New France has been the subject of much speculation and theorizing, if not always of significant research and analysis. Rene Jette, 'La stratification sociale: une direction de recherche,' RHAF, 1972, provided a descriptive definition of four classes: the aristocracy, the upper middle class, the lower middle class, the lower class. Peter Moogk, on the other hand, in 'Rank in New France: Reconstructing a Society from Notarial Documents,' HS/SH, 1975, worked out a stratification based on income which permitted him to conclude that social stratification was based on cultural tradition and individuals adjusted their economic behaviour to suit their rank. Cameron Nish stands virtually alone in his contention that the landed and commercial elites came together to form a cohesive and homogeneous class (hybrid bourgeois nobles), a thesis developed in Les bourgeois-gentilshommes de la Nouvelle-France, 1729-1748 (M: Fides 1968). The existence or non-existence of a colonial bourgeoisie is a topic which concerned A. Garon, J. Igartua, and J. Mathieu, 'Note de

35 Canada during the French regime recherche: la bourgeoisie canadienne fran~ise et ses fondements historiques,' RS, 1965; Robert Comeau and Paul-Andre Linteau, 'Une question historiographique: une bourgeoisie en NouvelleFrance,' in Comeau, ed., Economie quebecoise; Cameron Nish, 'The Nature, Composition and Function of the Canadian Bourgeoisie, 1729-1748,' CHAR, 1966; and also Dale Miquelon in the study he edited, Society and Conquest: The Debate on the Bourgeoisie and Social Change in French Canada, 1700-1850 (T: cc 1977). Stanley Ryerson, The Founding of Canada: Beginnings to 1815 (T: Progress Books 1963), is a bland Marxist interpretation of Canadian society. Larry R. MacDonald, 'France and New France: The Internal Contradiction,' CHR, 1971, develops the thesis of the petty bourgeois aspects of pre-industrial Canada and argues that the colonial structure, 'by ensuring the habitant free access to the means of subsistence and production,' allowed the colonial policy simultaneously to free him 'from the necessity of producing a surplus.' Denis Moni~re, 'L'utilite du concept de mode de production des petits producteurs pour l'histoire de la Nouvelle-France,' RHAF, 197 6, advances the Marxist petty bourgeois production model to describe the transitional nature of the early Canadian economy moving towards the commercial capitalism of the British period. These theoretical approaches are weakened unfortunately by the lack of significant research into or knowledge of the French regime. Among the general works on early Canadian society, Raymond Douville and Jacques-Donat Casanova, Daily Life in Early Canada (L: Hachette 1968); Robert-Lionel Seguin, La civilisation traditionelle de /'habitant aux XVlle et XVJJJe siecles (M: Fides 1967); R. de Roquebrune, La societe canadienne au XV/le et XV/lle siecle (P: Academie de la Mapine 1947); Leon Gerin, Le type economique et social des Canadiens (M: Fides 1938); and P. Desfontaines, L 'homme et /'hive, au Canada (P: Gallimard 1957), are still informative. More analytical are H. Best, 'L'etat culture! de la NouvelleFrance lors de la cession,' RUL, 1961; Jacques Mathieu, 'La vie ~ Quebec au milieu du xvrne si~le: etudes des sources,' RHAF, 1969; and Guy Fregault, Le XV/lle siecle canadien: etudes (M: HMH 1970) and La Civilisation de la Nouvelle-France (1713-1744) (M: Pascal 1944).

36 Cornelius Jaenen Anecdotal rather than analytical are two studies by Robert-Lionel ~guin, La vie libertine en Nouvelle-France au dix-septieme siecle, 2 vols (M: Lem~ 1972), and La Sorcellerie au Canada franfais du XV/e au X/Xe siecle (M: Ducharme 1961), which nevertheless contain a wealth of information. His L 'equipement de la ferme canadienne aux XV/le et XV/Ile siecles (M: Ducharme 1959) and La maison en Nouvelle-France (o: Mus~e national 1968) similarity contain much information. Amusing but insightful is Peter N. Moogk, '"Thieving Buggers" and "Stupid Sluts": Insults and Popular Culture in New France,' WMQ, 1979. A. Roy, Les lettres, Jes arts et Jes sciences au Canada sous le regime franf(lis (P: Jouve 1930); A. Drolet, Les bibliotheques canadiennes, 1604-1960 (M: Cercle du Livre de France 1966); J.-C. Du~. 'Les intendants de la Nouvelle-France et la R~publique des Lettres,' RHAF, 1975; William N. Fenton, 'J.F. Latitau (1681-1746), Precursor of Scientific Anthropology,' Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 1969; and Trudel, L 'influence de Voltaire au Canada, stand alone in the field of intellectual history. Education is better served, with AmM~ Gosselin, L 'instruction au Canada sous le regime franf(lis (1635-1760) (Q: Laflamme & Proulx 1911); Louis-Philippe Audet, Le systeme scolaire de la province de Quebec, tome I: Le regime franfais (Q: Editions de l'Erable 1951); and especially Louis-Philippe Audet, 'Society and Education in New France,' in J. Donald Wilson et al., eds., Canadian Education: A History (Scarborough: PH 1970). Still useful is Richard M. Saunders, 'The Cultural Development of New France before 1760,' in R. Flenley, ed., Essays in Canadian History (T: MAC 1939). In the domain of the arts there are several authoritative studies. Among the best works are R. Pinon, 'Le costume civil en NouvelleFrance,' RS, Jean Palardy, The Early Furniture of French Canada (T: MAC 1965); G~rard Morisset, Coup d'oeil sur Jes arts en Nouvelle-France (Q: l'Auteur 1941); J.R. Harper, Painting in Canada: A History (T: UTP 1977); and R.S. Young, Viei/les chansons de la Nouvelle-France (Q: PUL 1956). In architecture the best studies are G~rard Morisset, L'architecture en Nouvelle-France (Q: Charrier & Dugal 1929); Ramsay Traquair, The Old Architecture of Quebec (T: MAC 1947); A. Gowans, Church Architecture in New France (T: UTP

37 Canada during the French r6gime 1955); A.J.H. Richardson, 'The Old City of Quebec and our Heritage in Architecture,' CHAR, 1963; Luc Noppen, Les eglises du Quebec (1600-1850) (M: Fides 1978); and Luc Noppen, Notre-Dame de Quebec: son architecture et son rayonnement (1647-1927) (Q: Pelican 1974). Precisely how houses were constructed in the colony is the subject of Peter Moogk, Building a House in New France: An Account of the Perplexities of Client and Craftsmen in Early Canada (T: M&S 1977). FRENCH-AMERINDIAN RELATIONS

French relations with the Amerindians have come under new scrutiny since the publication of J.H. Kennedy, Jesuit and Savage in New France (New Haven: Yale UP 1950), which perpetuated the traditional savagery/civilization dichotomy of nineteenth century historical literature, particularly the history of missions and of colonization. The early 'heroic period' has been employed as the basis for surveying the French-Canadian literature on contact relations in Donald B. Smith, 'Le Sauvage': The Native People in Quebec Historical Writing on the 'Heroic Period,' 1534-1663, in New France (o: National Museums of Canada 1974), and for evaluating overall French policy in Bruce G. Trigger, 'Colonizers and Natives: Toward a more Objective History of New France,' Rapports, XVe Congr~s International des Sciences historiques, vol. II (Bucarest: Editura Academiei RSM 1980). A reflective essay on the contact experience is Georges Tissot, 'Identit6 et symbole: nous et les Am6rindiens,' Sciences religieuses/Studies in Religion, 1972. The two works which deal specifically and in some detail with the early contact are Cornelius J. Jaenen, Friend and Foe: Aspects of French-Amerindian Cultural Contact in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (T: M&S 1976), and several chapters, particularly in volume II, of Bruce Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660, 2 vols. (M: MQUP 1976). The Iroquois menace to the French colony in the St Lawrence valley is the theme of Uo-Paul Desrosiers, lroquoisie (M: IHAF 1947), while James F. Pendergast and Bruce G. Trigger, Cartier's Hochelaga and the Dawson Site (M: MQUP 1972), explains the dis-

38 Cornelius Jaenen appearance of the native peoples from the St Lawrence valley in the late sixteenth century, a factor of great importance to later French colonization. Some appreciation of the Amerindian viewpoint of French policies and practices can be obtained from Cornelius J. Jaenen, 'Amerindian Views of French Culture in the Seventeenth Century,' CHR, 1974. Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game: IndianAnimal Relationships and the Fur Trade (Berkeley: University of California Press 1978), adds a native dimension which is debatable. An analysis of the Iroquois wars is found in R.A. Goldstein, French-Iroquois Diplomatic and Military Relations, 1609-170I (The Hague: Mouton 1969). George T. Hunt, The Wars of the Iroquois: A Study in Inter-Tribal Relations (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1940), offers a somewhat distorted interpretation of motivations for war and should be read with K.F. Otterbein, 'Why the Iroquois Won: An Analysis of Iroquois Military Tactics,' Ethnohistory, 1964; Elisabeth Tooker, 'The Iroquois Defeat of the Huron: A Review of Causes,' Pennsylvania Archaeologist, 1963; and Bruce G. Trigger, 'The French Presence in Huronia: The Structures of Franco-Huron Relations in the First Half of the Seventeenth Century,' CHR, 1968. The influence of European preconceptions in the contact relationship and on the literature is the subject of Olive P. Dickason's 'The Concept of /'homme sauvage and Early French Colonialism in the Americas,' Revue franfaise d'histoire d'outre-mer, 1977, and 'Europeans and Amerindians: Some Comparative Aspects of Early Contact,' CHAR, 1979; also Cornelius J. Jaenen 's 'Conceptual Frameworks for French Views of America and Amerindians,' French Colonial Studies, 1978; 'France and the New World: Some Neglected Writers and Views,' RUO/UOQ, 1978; and 'French Attitudes toward Native Society,' in Carol Judd and Arthur Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference (T: UTP 1979). French policy was to civilize and christianize the native peoples. One of the institutions created for this assimilative process was the reserve. Sympathetic treatments of this topic are George F.G. Stanley's 'The Policy of "Francisation" as Applied to the Indians during the Ancien Regime,' RHAF, 1950, and 'The Indian background of

39 Canada during the French r~gime Canadian History,' CHAR, 1952. More critical of the result is Cornelius J. Jaenen's 'Problems of Assimilation in New France, 16031645,' French Historical Studies, 1966, and 'The Frenchification and Evangelization of the Amerindians in Seventeenth Century New France,' Study Sessions, CCHA, 1969. Even more critical is Bruce G. Trigger, 'Champlain judged by his Indian Policy: A different View of Early Canadian History,' Anthropologica, 1971. How the missionaries were able to become spiritual leaders replacing the traditionalist shamans is the subject of an important study by Richard Conklin, 'Legitimacy and Conversion in Social Change: The Case of French Missionaries and the Northeastern Algonkian,' Ethnohistory, 1974. The disruptive role of missions is taken up also in Cornelius J. Jaenen, 'Missionary Approaches to Native Peoples,' in D.A. Muise, ed., Approaches to Native History in Canada (o: National Museums of Canada 1977). Aboriginal rights are considered in Brian Slattery,

Official French Attitudes toward American Indian Territories, I 5001599 (Saskatoon: Native Law Center 1980), which unfortunately

deals only with the sixteenth century, when no permanent settlements were established. Trade relations have generally been interpreted according to the formalist views of H.A. Innis, employing European market-place mentality, concepts, and motivations as a basis of evaluation. More recently there has been a move to a 'substantivist approach,' based on the concept that the natives had their own economic values, institutions, and motives, and that these had as much influence on French-Amerindian trade as did European factors. This approach had been broached in Karl Polyani, 'Our Obsolete Market Mentality,' Commentary, 1947, and taken up in E.E. Rich, 'Trade Habits and Economic Motivation among the Indians of North America,' CJEPS, 1960, and John C. McManus, 'An Economic Analysis of Indian Behavior in the North American Fur Trade,' Journal of Economic History, 1972. It was embraced explicitly with good effect, in Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade (T: UTP 1974). Conrad Heidenreich, Huronia: A History and Geography of the Huron Indians, 1600-1650 (T: M&S 1971), has an important chapter on trade relations with the French. Material culture is considered in George I. Quimby, Indian Culture and European Trade Goods (Madison: Uni-

40 Cornelius Jaenen versity of Wisconsin Press 1966); presents and exchange ceremonial is the subject of Wilbur R. Jacobs, Diplomacy and Indian Gifts: Anglo-French Rivalry along the Ohio and Northwest Frontiers, 17481763 (Stanford: Stanford UP 1950); the controversy over brandy trafficking is the subject of George F.G. Stanley, 'The Indians and the Brandy Trade during the Ancien Regime,' RHAF, 1953, and of Andre Vachon, 'L'eau-de-vie dans la societe indienne,' CHAR, 1960. The Jesuit missionary experiment in Huronia has been well publicized and several additional works relevant to that enterprise should be noted: on missionary techniques, Franf()is-Marc Gagnon, La conversion par /'image: un aspect de la mission des Jesuites aupres des lndiens du Canada au XVl/e siecle (M: Bellarmin 1975); for a general account of the Huron missions and the background of the reconstruction project, W. Jury and E.M. Jury, Sainte-Marie among the Hurons (T: OUP 1954); and for an archaeological study of the SainteMarie site by which to judge the actual reconstruction of the French Jesuit mission headquarters, Kenneth E. Kidd, The Excavation ofSte Marie I (T: UTP 1949). MILITARY HISTORY AND THE CONQUEST

The Conquest has remained a difficult subject for French-Canadian historians because it can be viewed either as economically and ideologically disastrous or as a providential intervention to enable Canadians to maintain their language and religion under British rule. For virtually all anglophone historians it was a victory for British military, political, and economic superiority which could eventually only benefit the conquered. Montcalm and Wolfe, according to such an approach, could easily be depicted as heroes of equal virtue, and a nationalistic version might in time assimilate the Conquest and cession to a melding of the two great founding peoples and civilizations of Western Europe to form a new nation. However, George M. Wrong, The Fall of Canada: A Chapter in the History of the Seven Years' War (Oxford: OUP 1914), and Howard H. Peckham, The Colonial Wars, 1689-1762 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1964), did history the disservice of unquestionably repeating Francis Parkman's chauvinistic views, perhaps understandable in the

41 Canada during the French regime nineteenth century when he wrote, so that the prevalent interpretation of the imperial wars of the eighteenth century and the struggle for Canada was a contest between the forces of light and darkness, constitutional freedom and despotic authoritarianism, Protestant liberty and Catholic enslavement. I.K. Steele, Guerillas and Grenadiers: The Struggles for Canada, 1689-1760 (T: RP 1969), marked a significant shift in the historiography. He offered a compelling and documented explanation for the fall of New France - it simply was overwhelmed by superior British naval and military forces; it 'did not fall because of absolutism, paternalism, Catholicism or the seigneurial regime.' George F.G. Stanley, New France: The Last Phase, 1744-1760 (T: M&s 1968), provides a balanced overview of the last decades of the French period but avoids grappling with the historiographical nettles. A more narrowly military study is C.P. Stacey, Quebec 1759: The Siege and the Battle (T: MAC 1959), an objective assessment of the decisive events. Indispensable basic information is contained in W.J. Eccles, 'The French Forces in North America during the Seven Years' War,' introductory essay to vol. III of the Dictionary of Canadian Biography (T: UTP 1974), and George F.G. Stanley, 'The Canadian Militia during the Ancien Regime,' Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, 1943. A demographic study of the compulsory militia service that existed throughout the French period is Y. Landry, 'La population militaire au Canada pendant la Guerre de Sept Ans,' Anna/es de demographie historique, 1978. Invaluable are the proceedings of a relevant section of an international colloquium in military history held at Ottawa in August 1978 and published by the French government: Colonel Jean Delmas, ed., Conflits de societes au Canada franrais pendant la Guerre de Sept Ans (Vincennes: Minist~re de la Guerre 1978). Lee Kennett, The French Armies in the Seven Years' War (Durham: Duke UP 1967), is a superb study in military organization and administration. The closest equivalent for the Marine is the somewhat dated study, G. Lacour-Gayet, La Marine militaire de la France sous le regne de Louis XV (P: Champion 1905). Guy Fregault, Canada: The War of the Conquest (T: OUP 1969), gives a nationalistic French-Ca.'ladian viewpoint which stresses the horrors of war, the atrocities, the fear of military occupation, and

42 Cornelius Jaenen plays up the supposedly inadequate support of the colony and French bureaucratic ineptness. But the real 'problem' of the Conquest has come to focus on the economic and social consequences of the cession, as already stated in the section on historiography. Garneau had been the first to draw attention to the emigration of the ruling ~lite, but his was an unpopular observation in the midnineteenth century implying that they had little of worth for which to remain. Ramsay Cook, 'Some French Canadian Interpretations of the British Conquest: une quatri~me dominante de la pens~e canadienne-fran~se,' CHAR, 1966, focused clearly on the nationalistic and ideological issues. Cameron Nish, The French-Canadians, 1759-1766: Conquered? Half-Conquered? Liberated? (T: cc 1966), attempted to document the critical period of British occupation following the fall of Quebec. But the most useful treatment for students is Miquelon, ed., Society and Conquest, which moves the debate away from the military events of the eighteenth century to the political, social, and economic debates of the twentieth. CONCLUSIONS

Several conclusions seem to impose themselves. First and foremost, one may conclude that the historian is rarely, if ever, divorced from his milieu, from the values and assumptions of his own age, his status group, and his immediate socio-cultural climate. The historical literature of New France is a classic example of ideological interpretations. Whether historical exposition was undertaken in order to support a canonization process, to idealize a French past, to uncover the roots of the ethnic nation, to justify the role of the Catholic church, or to explain the Conquest and its consequences, it was directed more to the concerns and 'problems' of the historian's age than those of the age of colonial foundation. Hence a certain deformation of the historical past has resulted. It has not been uncommon for the French r~gime to be transformed into a kind of Golden Age of embryonic nationalism. Second, much of the history of the period has resembled writing on American colonial history: both are essentially retrospective histories using the 'national' evolution of the succeeding centuries as a

43 Canada during the French r~gime point of departure for studying colonial society, rather than using the metropole as the motor of. colonial experiences. It might be tempting to assume that mid-nineteenth-century Quebec was but a prolongation of the French r~gime, or to read history backwards assuming that New France resembled Quebec. Such a process of upstreaming can result in untenable assumptions, such as the belief, for example, that the colonial church shared the ideology and political influence of the later Quebec church, or that Canadians had a well-developed sense of national identity (and inferiority?) under French rule as under British rule. Third, some h:stories have depicted the century and a half of development on the basis of and in terms of the pre-1674 period, or 'heroic age,' when Jesuit missions, the fur trade, and the religious d~vots dominated activities. The early period was not typical of the normal evolution of the French colony; to assume that it was typical results in distortions and unwarranted conclusions. Fourth, there has been a tendency to appropriate some of the interpretative frameworks of American continental history and to describe New France according to the same models. The frontier thesis has been applied with rather unconvincing results, whereas the ethnohistorical approach to European-Amerindian relations has produced more illuminating results. Especially misleading has been the Anglo-American imperialist approach with its ignorance of French primary sources and its incomprehension of French mercantilism, paternalistic government through consultation, military strategy, and the unique relationship with the native peoples. Fifth, it must be acknowledged that the shadow of Francis Parkman still obscures some of the social, political, and economic evolution of the French colony. The savagery/civilization dichotomy which predominated in native history finds its counterpart in the culture/commerce dichotomy of colonial history. There are still outcroppings of the assumptions, based on vague concepts of national and religious character, that New France bordered on Catholic theocracy, royal despotism, mercantilist suffocation, and bureaucratic oppression, whereas the Anglo-American colonies basked in religious and constitutional liberty while enjoying economic expansion and prosperity. There is a French-Canadian nationalist counterpart

44 Cornelius Jaenen to this approach which, for example, would explain the slow economic development of the colony as a consequence of metropolitan French institutional defects, inhibiting mercantilist legislation, ineffective immigration policies, and the like. This avoids the contextual North American handicaps which might also explain the relatively slow post-Conquest development. Finally, the historiography of New France illustrates the relationship between methodology and interpretation. Much of what we have termed the traditional works were based on archival sources predisposed to produce an institutional and narrative version of reality suited to both the clerico-national school and the positivist school. Too often the documents of administrative and ecclesiastical origin were taken uncritically to represent the global state and mentality of the colonials. Consequently, the New France that very often emerged in the historical literature resembled the ideal of a select group of founding fathers more than the social reality reconstructed by recent revisionist researchers. The 'new history' emerged from the positivist liberal critique of nineteenth-century clerico-nationalist and Parkmanian histories, and from the growing interest in the French period on the part of anglophone historians. In few other domains of Canadian history has there been such a methodological evolution in such a brief period. One discordant note must be struck. Canadianists need to remember that a reading knowledge of the second language, English or French, is absolutely essential for a proper mastery of the historical literature and sources. It is regrettable that so little emphasis is placed in North America on linguistic competence. This bibliographical and historiographical review has been prepared with the language handicap of many readers in mind.

FERNAND OUELLET

Quebec, 1760-1867

BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND REFERENCE WORKS

This bibliographical essay is both a survey of historical writing and a topic-by-topic evaluation of major published works on Quebec in the century following the Conquest. Among those studies which readily reveal the general trends of Canadian historiography one can cite C. Berger, The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of EnglishCanadian Writing: 1900 to 1970 (T: OUP 1976); M. Brunet, 'The British Conquest: Canadian Social Scientists and the Fate of the Canadiens,' CHR, 1959; J.M.S. Careless, 'Frontierism, Metropolitanism and Canadian History,' CHR, 1954; R. Cook, 'Canadian Historical Writing,' TRSC, 1968, and 'The Historian and Nationalism,' in R. Cook, ed., Canada and the French-Canadian Question (T: MAC 1966); M. Cross, ed., The Frontier Thesis and the Canadas: Tire Debate on the lmJ)(lct of the Canadian Environment (T: cc 1970); A. Dubuc, 'L'influence de l'Ecole des Annales au Qu~bec,' RHAF, 1979; S. Gagnon, 'Historiographie canadienne ou les fondements de la conscience nationale,' in A. Beaulieu, J. Hamelin, and B. Bernier, Guide d'histoire du Canada (Q: PUL 1969); P.-A. Linteau et F. Harvey, 'L'~volution de l'historiographie dans la RHAF, 1947-1972: aper~s quantitatifs,' RHAF, 1972; J. McConica, 'William Kingsford and the Whiggery in Canadian History,' CHR, 1959; F. Ouellet, 'L'histoire sociale du Bas-Canada: bilan et perspectives de re-

46 Femand Ouellet cherches,' CHAR, 1970, and 'Historiographie canadienne et nationalisme,' TRSC, 1975; G. Paquet and J.-P. Wallot, 'Pour une m~sohistoire du XIXe si~cle canadien,' RHAF, 1979; P. Savard, 'Un quart de si~cle de l'historiographie qu~~oise, 1947-1972,' RS, 1974. These works, analysing Canadian historical writing in general and Quebec during this period in particular, should help the reader to approach the two great national historiographical traditions and to grasp both their unique and comparable qualities. Once created, these traditions have put their distinctive mark on both the specialized and interpretative writings of Canadian historians - with or without their being conscious of this influence. It is equally useful to take note of certain biographical and bibliographical works. In addition to the Dictionary of Canadian Biography (T: UTP), one should consult R. Hamel, J. Hare, P. Wyczynski, Dictionnaire pratique des auteurs quebecois (M: Fides 1976); J. Hare and J.-P. Wallot, Les imprimes dans le Bas-Canada (M: PUM 1967); Beaulieu, Hamelin, and Bernier, Guide d'histoire du Canada; A. Beaulieu and J. Hamelin, La presse quebecoise, 2 vols. (Q: PUL 1973-5); A. Beaulieu and W.F.E. Morley, Canadian Local Histories to 1950 (T: UTP 1971); F. Harvey and G. Houle, Les classes sociales au Canada et au Quebec (Q: PUL 1979). Apart from the Union List of Manuscripts, published by the Public Archives of Canada, it is essential to consult B. Weilbrenner, M., Etat general des archives publiques et privees du Quebec (Q: Minist~re des affaires culturelles 1968), and A. Beaulieu, J.-C. Bonenfant, and J. Hamelin, Repertoire des publications gouvernementales du Quebec, 1867-1964 (Q: lmprimeur de la Reine 1968). See also R. Rice and B. Young, eds., A Guide to the History and Records ofSelected Businesses before 1947 (M: Sir G. Williams 1978). In the field of periodicals mention must be made of the oldest surviving, continuously published learned journal in the country: Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada (since 1882), while the Bulletin des recherches historiques, founded in 1895 by P.-G. Roy, survived until the end of the 1960s. Two other publications started in the 1930s are still published: Le rapport annuel de la societe canadienne d'histoire de J'Eglise catholique, founded in 1934, and Les Cahiers des Dix, which appeared two years later. The Revue d'histoire

47 Quebec, 1760-1867

de l'Amerique franfaise, founded in 1947 by Lionel Groulx, is the most important historical journal published in Quebec. While the RHAF covers French-Canadian history in all of its aspects, Histoire sociale/Social History, published by the University of Ottawa and Carleton University since 1968, is both more specialized and broader in the sense that it covers Europe as well as North America. In most years Recherches sociographiques, established in 1960, publishes historical articles. THE TWO HISTORIOGRAPHIES: GENERAL WORKS AND MAJOR THEMES

In Canada, as in many other countries, historical consciousness has developed following the emergence of a national consciousness among certain elements of society. Formed in this way, nationalism calls forth the need to discover the past, to restructure it so as to master it and harness it to the service of the present. Even though this sense of nationality has developed sooner among francophones than among anglophones, the relationships between nationalism and historical writing are, on the whole, equally close. In the end both are writing national history. S. Gagnon, Le Quebec et ses his-

toriens de 1840 a 1920: la Nouvelle-France de Garneau a Groulx (Q: PUL 1978), and F. Ouellet, 'La recherche historique au Canada fran~is,' in L. Beaudoin, M., La recherche au Canada franfais (M: PUM 1968), both demonstrate this point. French-Canadian historiography

The traditional nationalist school: 'La survivance' Interest in the French Canadian past - even the remote past appeared around 1810, at the moment when nationalism was becoming the dominant ideology of the French-Canadian middle class. J. Viger, G.-B. Faribault, J.-F. Perreault, and M. Bibaud, who published La Bibliothique canadienne, were the first (F. Ouellet, 'La saberdache de J. Viger' in RAPQ, 1955-7) to collect and copy both historical and contemporary documents. Labrie's manuscript 'Histoire du Canada' was destroyed in a fire, but Perreault's Abrege de

48 Fernand Ouellet /'histoire du Canada and Bibaud's Histoire du Canada sous la domination franfaise (M: John Jones) were published in 1832 and 1837, respectively. By that time F.-X. Garneau had started to write his Histoire du Canada depuis la decouvertejusqu'd nosjours, 4 vols. (Q and M: Aubin, Frechette and Lovell 1845-52). Unlike his two predecessors who were considered less gifted and far too pro-English, Garneau struck a nationalist note well attuned to the sentiments of the French-speaking lower middle class. At the heart of his account a single event stands out: the Conquest; and a single theme illuminates the entire evolution of his abandoned nation cut off from its motherland: the struggle for survival (La survivance). In the short term, according to Garneau, the Conquest had led to oppressive military rule - a judgment which has been disputed by M. Trudel's La regime militaire dans le gouvernement des Trois Rivieres, 1760-1764 (TR: BE 1952) and L'Eglise canadienne sous le regime militaire, 17591764, 2 vols. (M and Q: Institut d'Histoire de I' Amerique fran~se and PUL 1956-7). In the long run, however, the Conquest is alleged to have had more decisive results. By provoking the exodus of the secular ruling classes, it brought about the 'ruralization' of society and the advent of clerical domination. Since publication of L.F.G. Baby's study, 'L'exode des classes dirigeantes a la cession du Canada,' Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal, 1899, the thesis of a massive flight of French-Canadian elites is no longer defensible, and much recent work on the question confirms this opinion. Although he was torn between individualism and a sense of the community, Garneau was at heart a conservative nationalist, inspired by the overriding image of a French, Catholic nation continuing to live within the institutional framework of the 'Ancien Regime.' This is why he failed to understand the revolutionary character of the policies of 1763 and why he praised the Quebec Act of 1774 in the way that he did. His condemnation of the 'absolutism' of the pre-Conquest era and his positive attitude towards constitutional monarchy were fundamentally dictated by a nationalism bent on defending traditional values. When he warned Quebeckers against the dangers of democracy, even democracy used as a tool of nationalism, he found himself in complete disagreement

49 Quebec, 1760-1867 with the patriots' cause. He blamed Papineau for having refused to comprnmise on the issue of the civil list and for having let himself be led on by his party's young extremists. Garneau was therefore no precursor of separatism. His bitter criticisms of some of the New France clergy can doubtless be explained by his liberal opinions (he was a deist), inspired by the philosophers of the Enlightenment. But they were even more the product of his gallicanism, which led him to defend the notion of a church united with but subordinate to the state against the theocratic pretensions he accused the clergy of harbouring. As a result, his liberalism - just like Papineau' s - was much more superficial than is generally thought. 'Not a single fullblooded French-Canadian in Lower Canada,' he would write, 'has yet renounced those three great symbols of his nationality: his language, his law, his religion.' Such a predilection for collective identity over individualism allows us to see why Garneau could give in, without going too much against the grain of his most deeply held beliefs, to pressures demanding that he excise from his works all traces of anti-clericalism - this no doubt in order to adapt his writings to the needs of a society which had been undergoing a process of clericalization since at least 1830. On Garneau's historical thoughts see J.S. Pritchard, 'Some Aspects of the Thought of F.-X. Garneau,' CHR, 1970; P. Savard, 'Fran~ois-Xavier Garneau,' in Laurier Lapierre, ed., Four O'Clock Lectures (M: Harvest House 1966), and G. Lanctot, Franrois-Xavier Garneau (T: RP 1927). Garneau set the tone of much French-Canadian historical writing for an entire century. The progressive spread of priestly power after the mid-nineteenth century only served to reinforce its conservative and clerical aspects. Ultramontane historians who were specialists on New France (eg, Ferland, Faillon, and Casgrain) are good representatives of this trend. Among lay historians writing in the second half of the nineteenth century- L.-P. Turcotte, Le Canada sous /'union, 1841-1867, 2 vols. (Q: Le Canadien, 1871-2); A. GerinLajoie, Dix ans au Canada, de 1840-1850 (Q: Demers 1888); J. Royal, Histoiredu Canada, 1841-1867 (M: Beauchemin 1909) -only L.O. David's L'union des deux Canadas, 1841-1867 (M: Senecal 1898) and Les patriotes de 1837-38 (M: Beauchemin 1884) represent the liberal tradition. Yet, both David and Benjamin Suite, in his

50 Femand Ouellet Histoire des canadiens franfais, 8 vols. (M: Wilson 1882-4), show the same contradictions and ambivalent attitudes already noted with Garneau. Thomas Chapais was born in 1858, but his historical views had developed in a pre-industrial era. For him this entire confict between liberalism and nationalism was resolved by conservatism. Son of one of the Fathers of Confederation, Chapais had links with both the provincial and federal Conservative parties. At the same time, his background made him into an ultramontane nationalist who continually invoked the intervention of Divine Providence in favour of the 'chosen people.' His Cours d'histoire du Canada, 8 vols. (Q: Garneau 1919-33), describes from a nationalist viewpoint (a Canadian as well as a French-Canadian nationalism) the successive achievements in the struggle for survival waged by Quebec's clerical and secular elites: from the Conquest of 1760 to the concession of civil and religious freedom in 1774, through responsible government in 1848, on to the development of an autonomy approaching sovereignty in 1867. Focusing on the fate of a French, Catholic, and traditional people who passed through the maelstrom of the Conquest, his interpretation stresses Confederation to such a point that 1867 stands out as the second most important date in Canadian history. Needless to say, Chapais follows in the footsteps of Garneau in blaming the 'patriots' for 'inflicting a disastrous setback' when they precipitated the rebellion of 1837-8. The historiographic tradition begun by Garneau reached its apogy with abbe Lionel Groulx. Born in 1878, the essential core of his ideas was formed during the onset of industrialization. He would be obsessed by the idea of the far-reaching peril which industrial society represented for the life of the French community. 'A conquest more catastrophic perhaps than the first,' he would write. 'It destroys the old ways of life, it unleashes an infemal cycle ... ' Responding to this threat and to the revival of nationalist thought - to which he was not indifferent -Groulx followed in the footsteps of Garneau in reinterpreting the past. His unparalleled idealization of New France, cradle of an unblemished, rural, French, and Catholic society, was designed to set the stage for the great drama which began in 1760 and which found its leitmotif in the struggle for survival. Had he not

51 Quebec, 1760-1867 been certain that the French Canadians were a people protected by God himself, Groulx's interpretation of the course of events might have been far more pessimistic. His belief that the Quebec Act of 1774 and the grant of ministerial responsibility in 1848 clearly revealed the intervention of a Divine Providence bolstered his confidence in the future of his people. Thus Groulx, who condemned 'hollow and erroneous democratic ideas,' nevertheless focused on the growth of parliamentary institutions as the instrument of French-Canadian survival. This is why he judged the political reforms of 1791 as 'phoney parliamentarianism.' Similarly, he saw Confederation as the termination of the 'unnatural union of 1840,' because it established a distinct government for Quebec. Yet he regarded Quebec as a threatened enclave within a huge Englishspeaking country. Groulx's fifty-year career as an historian produced an enormous body of writing: Lendemain de conquete (M: Biblioth~que Action fran~ise 1920); Nos luttes constitutionnelles (M: Le Devoir 1916); Notre ma1tre le passe, 3 vols. (M: BibliotMque Action fran~ise 1924-44); Les Canadiens franfais et la confederation canadienne (M: BibliotMque Action fran~ise 1927); Histoire du Canada depuis la decouverte, 4 vols. (M: Action nationale 1950-2). For a retrospective analysis of Groulx see the commemorative edition of Action Nationale in 1968 entitled 'Lionel Groulx'; S.M. Trofimenkoff, ed., Abbe Groulx: Variations on a Nationalist Theme (T: cc 1973), which includes a selection from Groulx's writings translated into English as well as a useful introduction to his thought; and J.-P. Gaboury, Le nationalisme de Lionel Groulx: aspects ideologiques (o: PUO 1970). Groulx's interpretation of Quebec's history has had a much greater impact than that of Father A. Maheux or G. Lanctot, two of his less nationalist contemporaries, probably because it fits better with the nationalist outlook of certain Quebecois elites. The neo-nationalist school: the shock of 1760 The foundation in 1946 of the Historical Institute at the University of Montreal would allow a younger, post-industrial generation to acquire the training of professional historians. These neo-nationalists were all influenced by Groulx. Their intellectual leader, M.

52 Femand Ouellet Seguin, defended his thesis, La nation canadienne et /'agriculture, 1760-1850 (TR: BE 1970), in 1947, a study which on the whole remained faithful to Groulx's thought. Subsequently Seguin would put forward a reinterpretation of his own, translated as 'The Conquest and the French-Canadian Economic Life,' in D. Miquelon, ed., Society and Conquest: The Debate on the Bourgeoisie and Social Change in French Canada, 1700-1850 (T: cc 1977). A more up-todate and elaborated discussion can be found in his L 'idee d'independance au Quebec: genese et historique (TR: BE 1968). Seguin's thesis had for its starting-point the basic assumption that the society of New France was dominated by a bourgeoisie which took on the role of a national elite. The Conquest eliminated this ruling class and, by automatically handing over political and economic power to the British, touched off a process of social disintegration which in turn created permanent psychological barriers. French-Canadian society was steadily ruralized and pushed into the background. Then, in 1840, the age-old French-Canadian preponderance in the St Lawrence valley was reduced to minority status by union with Upper Canada. Seguin considered this a second conquest, one that was consolidated in 1867 by Confederation. The works of Michel Brunet were devoted to the spread of Seguin's ideas. Social decapitation, ruralization, an inferiority complex, and the emergence of a distorted outlook (peasant values, messianism, fear of the state) are the basic themes of his books:

Canadians et canadiens: etudes sur /'histoire et la pensee des deux Canadas (M: Fides 1954); La presence anglaise et /es canadiens (M: Beauchemin 1958); French Canada in the Early Decades of British Rule, 1760-1791 (o: CHA Pamphlet 13 1963). The value judgments formulated in his book, Les Canadiens apres la conquete, 1759-1755: de la revolution canadienne d la revolution americaine (M: Fides 1969),

appear to have been inspired by the German occupation of France during the Second World War. The series of articles by J-P. Wallot collected together in Un Quebec qui bougeait: trame socio-politique du Quebec au tournant du X/Xe siecle (M: Fides 1973) displays the same neo-nationalist perspective, an approach taken, though in a more limited form, in the introduction to J.-C. Robert's survey, Du Can-

53 Quebec, 1760-1867 ada franfais au Quebec fibre: histoire d'un mouvement independantiste (M: Flammarion 1975). From social-economic history to global history For an entire century French-Canadian historiography had scarcely progressed. A single theme continually dominated this tradition: nationalist and clerical, it manifested itself in political and narrative history. The founding in 1946-7 of the Historical Institutes at Montreal and Laval had marked the beginning of a transformation, as well as a diversification, of historical writing. Marcel Trudel in Quebec City and Guy Fr~gault in Montreal began to make use of critical historical methods based on systematic archival research, which they both directed primarily at the study of New France. There was, however, a fundamental difference between the two institutions. The monolithic and nationalist outlook of the Montreal school had no parallel at Quebec, where outside influences were welcomed right from the start. In time two trends emerged at Laval: one linked to the French tradition in intellectual history, the other stamped by the French Anna/es school, with its emphasis on a global, socio-economic perspective reinforced by the application of quantitative methods. The application of a comprehensive socio-economic approach based on the concept of social classes stimulated historians to focus on industrialization as a major turning-point in Canadian history. F. Ouellet's Histoire economique et sociale du Quebec: structures et conjoncture, 1760-1850 (M: Fides 1966), available in translation as Social and Economic History of Quebec, 1760-1850 (T: MAC 1980), and J. Hamelin and Yves Roby's Histoire economique du Quebec, 1851-1896 (M: Fides 1971), were written from this point of view. In addition to industrialization, another fundamental transformation is said to have occurred- not in 1760, 1784, or 1840, but right at the start of the nineteenth century when sudden change swept through the economy well before repercussions were felt elsewhere. This thesis, advanced by F. Ouellet in his Histoire economique et sociale, was originally put forward in several articles, two of which are available in translation: 'French-Canadian Nationalism: From its Origins

54 Femand Ouellet to the Insurrection of 1837,' in Miquelon, ed., Society and Conquest, and 'The Historical Background of Separatism in Quebec,' in R. Cook, ed., French Canadian Nationalism (T: MAC 1969). The crisis which grew out of this tum-of-the century economic shift is explored in detail in all of its demographic, ethnic, social, urban, and political aspects in his Le Bas-Canada: changements structuraux et crise, 1791-1840 (o: PUO 1976), available in translation as Lower Canada, 1791-1840 (T: M&S 1980). A slightly different and more summary treatment of the same subject is that of A. Garon in J. Hamelin et al., Histoire du Quebec (Toulouse: Privat 1976). The Marxist-nationalist school Since 1960 nationalism with a separatist flavour has spread within Quebec intellectual circles, gradually dissolving the former distinctions between the Montreal and Quebec schools. This wide acceptance of the neo-nationalist interpretation caused fear among a number of historians that its inordinate preoccupation with nationaliste history would hinder the development of social history. Indeed, the nationalists had accepted Marxist and socialist thought, which aimed at forging an unbreakable link between nationalist aspirations and social demands. English-Canadian historiography had already established a tradition in this field since the pioneering work of Stanley Ryerson, whose first book appeared in 1937. Two of his more recent works deserve mention: The Founding of Canada: Beginnings to 1815 (T: Progress Books 1960), and Unequal Union (T: Progress Books 1968). The methodological shortcomings of studies of this sort are most pronounced among authors who try to write general, interpretative works without bothering to carry out detailed research - an exercise which might allow them more fully to grasp the significance of the historian's task. For Ryerson, Marxism was merely a semantic updating of the neo-nationalist interpretation. G. Bourque, a Marxist sociologist who published Classes socio/es et la question nationale au Quebec, 1760-1840 (M: Parti-Pris 1970), also co-authored with M. Laurin-Fr~nette 'Social Classes and National Ideologies in Quebec 1760-1970,' in G. Teeple, ed., Capitalism and the National Question in Canada (T: UTP 1972); see also D. Moni~re, Le developpement des ideologies au Quebec (M: Editions Qu~bec/

55 Quebec, 1760-1867 Amerique 1977). Two articles, A. Dubuc, 'Problems in the Study of Stratification of the Canadian Society from 1760 to 1840,' and M. Rioux, 'The Development of Ideologies in Quebec,' both reprinted in M. Horn and R. Sabourin, eds., Studies in Canadian Social History ( T: M&S 1974), exhibit the same basic failings of Marxist approach without a substantial research base. English-Canadian historiography

While English-Canadian historical writing has seen Quebec through

a Canadian lens, it too displays, in its own way, the transition from a colonial to a nationalist mentality. When R. Christie published his A History of the Late Province of Lower Canada (1791-1841), 6 vols. (Q: Cary and Lovell 1848-55), nationalist feeling was not yet widespread among the Anglophone population of the two Canadas (though his work represented considerable progress since W. Smith's History of Canada, 2 vols. (Q: J. Neilson 1815). F. Ouellet, 'Regionalismes et unite politique au Canada avant 1867: essai de geopolitique,' TRSC, 1970, discusses this question more fully. Towards 1855 J.M. McMullen, a newly-landed immigrant, sought to develop a national consciousness among native Canadians and immigrants when he wrote The History of Canada from its First Discovery to the Present Time (Brockville: McMullen 1868). This secular EnglishCanadian historical writing put forward both a liberal and a conservative version of Canadian development, and these naturally became the two versions of a historiography dedicated to recounting the stages in the building of the nation. W. Kingsford's History of Canada, 10 vols. (T: Rowsell and Hutchison 1887-98), is the chief monument of the liberal school of the period, which is also represented by C. Dent, The Last Forty Years: Canada since the Union of 1841, 2 vols. (T: G. Virtue 1881). The great collective histories published at the turn of the century reveal the rapid coming of age of national feeling: The Makers of Canada, 21 vols. (T: Morang 1906-11); Canada and its Provinces, 23 vols. (T: Publisher's Association of Canada 1912-16); and Chronicles of Canada, 32 vols. (T: Brood 1914-16). In the twentieth century these amateurs, both gifted and otherwise, began to give ground to professionally-trained historians. Pro-

56 Femand Ouellet fessors of history holding chairs in the English-speaking universities began to absorb the tenets of critical and positivistic historiography. This new more rigorous approach to the practice of history did not transform historical writing in any fundamental way; political, constitutional, and narrative history focused on nation-building retained centre-stage, just as it had done during the last half of the nineteenth century. The works ofG.M. Wrong, The Canadians: The Story of a People (T: MAC 1938); W. Woods, The Storied Province of Quebec (T: Toronto Dominion Publishing 1931); C. Martin, Empire

and Commonwealth: Studies in Governance and Self-Government in Canada (T: OUP 1929) and Foundations of Canadian Nationhood (T: UTP 1955); R.G. Trotter, Canadian Federation: Its Origin and Achievement; A Study in Nation Building (L: Dent & Sons 1924), are good

examples of these themes. But industrialization and the great Depression of the 1930s would eventually have important repercussions on both national sentiment and historical writing. Already in 1923 W.A. Mackintosh, in 'Economic Factors in Canadian History,' CHR, 1923, had attacked the predominance of political and constitutional history while at the same time drawing historians' attention to the importance of economic structures. In point of fact, O.D. Skelton and A. Shortt had already begun to investigate the economic underpinnings of the early history of the country. There can be no doubt that the socioeconomic climate of the period was responsible for the marked concentration on economic factors that characterized the writings of English-speaking historians. This gave new life to both nationalist traditions, in the form of the continentalist school and the staple theory. On the evolution of these schools see W.T. Easterbrook and M.H. Watkins, eds., Approaches to Canadian Economic History (T: M&S 1967). The Laurentian school The Laurentian school, whose foremost representative would be D.G. Creighton, took up a tradition - imperialist, conservative, and nationalist-which, through J.C. Hopkins, Progress of Canada in the Nineteenth Century (Brandford: Progress 1900), and J.G. Bourinot, The Intellectual Development of the Canadian People (T: Canadian

57 Quebec, 1760-1867 Monthly National Review 1880) and How Canada is Governed (T: cc 1897), can be traced back in several ways to R. Christie. This school also found more immediate support in the ideas ofH.A. Innis. 'Fundamentally the civilization of North America is the civilization of Europe,' was the creed of the staple theorists. To which Creighton replied: 'Fundamentally the civilization of each society in North America is the civilization of Europe.' The 'staple approach' is basically a theory of national economic development. Offspring of the mother country's own economy (which provides its direction and its basic characteristics), this new society builds, through its adaptation to geographical imperatives, its independent status within North America - and in the long run, its gradual emancipation from Great Britain. See H.A. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (New Haven: Yale UP 1930; rev.ed. T: UTP 1956); The Cod Fisheries: The History of an International Economy T: RP 1940; (T: UTP 1978); Essays in Canadian Economic History, ed. M.Q. Innis (T: UTP 1956) and D.G. Creighton, Harold Adams Innis: Portrait of a Scholar (T: UTP 1957). Creighton's interpretation, with 1849 as its turning-point, is based on the notion that 'staples' - fur, timber, and wheat - were the building blocks of a colonial society which, nourished by the values of the mother country, grew in time into a separate nation. This thesis emphasizes the key role played by the commercial bourgeoisie. The merchants who developed the staple trade, and exploited the potential of the St Lawrence waterway, ultimately took on the role of a true national elite, directing a transatlantic and transcontinental economy. Even though (according to Creighton) French-Canadian nationalism existed well before 1760, and even though the Conquest helped to bring French-speaking merchants under the control of English-speaking merchants, the fact that this same Conquest left the fur trade virtually untouched makes it appear a good deal less important than the American Revolution. The clash of agricultural and commercial interests set off by the Conquest was heightened by the American Revolution, which was the cause of a social and economic revolution in the St Lawrence valley. The decline of the fur trade coincided with the growth of new staples - wood and wheat. The conflicts which were building up in

58 Fernand Ouellet both the Canadas share the same basic characteristics, even though the confrontation in Lower Canada was ethnic and cultural, as well as social and economic, in origin. The post-1840 demise of this old colonial system presented a new challenge to the merchant classes: industrialization and nation-building. D.G. Creighton was the first Canadian historian to give such importance to economic factors in the development of the Canadian nation. See his first book, The Commercial Empire of the St. Lawrence 1760-1850 (T: RP 1937), and his several articles, 'The Struggle for Financial Control in Lower Canada, 1818-1831,' CHR, 1931; 'The Commercial Class in Canadian Politics, 1792-1840,' CPSA, 1933; 'Economic Background of the Rebellions of 1837,' CJEPS, 1937; British North America (o: KP 1939). But the change in historiography begun by Innis and advanced by Creighton was incomplete in that it did not advance the economic approach towards a global, multi-dimensional one. After 1940 Creighton reverted to the tradition of narrative political history dressed up in literary style. The works of W.L. Morton are closely connected with the Laurentian school, but for different reasons. A regional attachment to his native Manitoba seems to have been the reason for his utilization of the frontier thesis, which he applied even to Quebec. According to Morton, in 1791 Quebec was an egalitarian society, hostile to aristocracy but still very much in need of monarchy. After 1840 it ripened into a 'clerical society resting on a civil democracy.' The Kingdom of Canada (T: M&S 1963); The Critical Years: The Union of British North America, 1857-1873 (T: M&S 1964); and The Canadian Identity (T: UTP 1961, 1972) serve as vehicles for this interpretation. But his political and geographical ideas concerning the roles played by the north, the empire, the monarchical and parliamentary institutions in the creation of the nation situate these books within the intellectual framework of the Laurentian school. In certain ways his work is akin to that of the supporters of Imperial Federation, but it appears as a complicated attempt to reconcile national unity with regional and ethnic diversity, fused by a conservatism that seems uncharacteristic for one who was so preoccupied with progressives of the west.

59 Quebec, 1760-1867 Although he did not entirely go along with Creighton's interpretation, J.M.S. Careless nevertheless can be grouped with the Laurentian school. His doubts about the validity of the frontier thesis and his views on the geographical framework show the originality of his vision. In Canada: A Story of Challenge (T: MAC 1953) nation building appears as a much less natural and spontaneous process than in Creighton's works. British imperial policy long promoted territorial division, while geographical factors favoured regionalism just as much as territorial unification. Thus the growth of national feeling and of the goals that were part of it were a difficult process at each historical stage, from the American Revolution to the War of 1812, to the struggle for responsible government, on to the crucial step of 1867. In regard to the old colonial system he wrote: 'But the commercial Revolution meant still more. It led, for instance, to another step towards nationhood: the right of the colonies to direct their own trade policies, even, if necessary, in opposition to Britain.' Careless had also stressed the key role of cities as metropolitan centres in the growth of the national territory and national culture. Furthermore, his evaluation of the significance of the French-Canadian fact within this nascent nation is much subtler than Creighton's. See also his The Union of the Canada, 1841-1857 (T: M&S 1967) and Brown ofthe Globe, 2 vols. (T: MAC 1959, 1963). The liberal school The Laurentian school concerned itself with the creation of a nation formed in the likeness of the mother country. The sentimental links with the mother country were so strong that the new nation could build up its autonomy almost painlessly. The evolution of this natural process and the resulting outcome are also viewed in the light of how historians perceived the American danger. But for the Liberal school - whether its adherents were straight liberals or liberals under the influence of the frontier thesis - the formation of the nation has been seen as the product of a conflict originating in either the colonists' thirst for freedom or environmental factors. From this viewpoint, the struggle for responsible government is considered the major step on the road to independence. To a certain extent this

60 Femand Ouellet interpretation highlights the idea of a common North American experience. See, for example, O.D. Skelton, The Canadian Dominion (New Haven: Yale UP 1919). A.R.M. Lower is the best known member of the Liberal school, whose traditions can be traced back to the nineteenth century as well. At the start of his career he had been fascinated by the frontier thesis and, like many other historians of the period, he was also attracted by economic history. His first works were concerned with the lumber trade: Lumbering in &stern Canada: A Study in Economic and Social History (Cambridge: CUP 1928); Trade in Square Timber (T: University of Toronto Studies 1932); Settlement and the Forest Frontier in Eastern Canada (T: MAC 1936); and The North American Assault on the Canadian Forest (T: RP 1938). These titles could lead one to think that he took the same approach as Innis. But Lower never adhered to the thesis that the combined influence of staple trades and the east-west river network constituted the main forces creating a new nation patterned on the model of the mother country. He even went so far as to claim that Canada was built against the geographical framework; and he argued for the paramountcy of a north-south orientation. As for the frontier thesis, in the end he accepted its emphasis on land, soil, northern spaces, and forests as a framework for the working out of the democratic aspirations of a national community or, as in the case of New France, in order to explain the weakening of the power of the state in favour of the clergy. But Lower rejected the idea of a total incompatibility between European institutions and the North American environment in the sense that the very inevitability of the conflict between them served in fact to render them compatible. See 'Some Neglected Aspects of Canadian History,' CHAR, 1929, and 'The Origins of Democracy in Canada,' CHAR, 1930. One also has to note the very significant influence which Weber and Tawney - as analysts of the relationships between religion and capitalism - exercised on Lower's thought. See his 'Two Ways of Life: The Primary Antithesis in Canadian History,' CHAR, 1943, and Colony to Nation: A History of Canada (T: Longmans 1946). Lower's major survey text tells the story of the birth, during the French r~gime, of a rural peasant society, French and Catholic, demo-

61 Quebec, 1760-1867 graphically prolific but socially static. In 1760 the Conquest put this society into contact with British immigrants who had brought with them an entirely different tradition - bourgeois and dynamic, Protestant and English. That was the first antithesis of Canadian history, which, played out against the backdrop of Canada's environment, gave to the Conquest a central place in the history of the nation. Yet for Lower the American Revolution was even more significant for in addition to splitting the English-speaking community, it created the powerful, conservative Loyalist tradition - a tradition which would eventually clash with the movement towards democracy and French-Canadian nationalism. This is a political history: the author found the lack of ministerial responsibility in the Constitution of 1791 to be the cause of those national and political conflicts which would ultimately see the principle of self-government wrested from the mother country. This process, from dependency to autonomy to independence, advanced another step in 1867 before attaining the culmination of 1931, 'its independence day,' when a great bicultural nation was born. See also Lower's Canadians in the Making (T: Longmans 1958). From time to time, and above all when the American question comes into the picture, the theme of survival crops up among English-speaking historians. For E. Mcinnis, Canada: A Political and a Social History ( T: HRW 1947), it is an important part of an interpretation which stresses techniques of collective survival: patience, and a spirit of compromise and reconciliation, which together determined 'the slow and tenacious advance along the road to nationhood.' Mcinnis tries to steer a middle course between the Laurentian and Liberal approaches. This same survival theme is even more evident in the works of Mason Wade. In two of his books, The French-Canadian Outlook (T: M&S 1964) and The French Canadians 1760-1945 {T: MAC 1955), Wade recounted the incessant struggle of a cultural minority, the only successful one of its kind on the North American continent, which learned how to bounce back from its defeats and continually resist assimilationist pressures. French-Canadian nationalism took shape and grew as the struggle intensified. For Wade the Quebec Act was without question the great charter of minority rights, but it only half-satisfied all those involved. The Constitution

62 Femand Ouellet of 1791 could have provided the needed reassurance. However, the reaction of the English Canadians - heirs to Loyalist prejudice - who tried to deprive French Canadians of the 'self-government embodied in the constitution of 1791' is viewed as the cause of the political conflicts which led to the rebellions of 183 7. Instead of succumbing to the hidden dangers of the 1840 Union of the Canadas, the French Canadians, faithful to their traditions, energetically fought back and discovered the road to new conquests: ministerial responsibility and Confederation. Although written from a liberal perspective, Wade's works is related in many ways to that of Groulx. K. McNaught's The Pelican History of Canada (T: Penguin Books 1969) is a liberal-oriented study which nevertheless incorporates both Innis's and Careless's geographical views on the role of the metropolis in the development of the hinterland. McNaught sees the building of the nation as the work of two traditions, one French Canadian, the other Loyalist, different one from another but united in common hostility to the same enemies. The fact that they frequently clashed, especially after the establishment in 1791 of pseudo-aristocratic political institutions, can be attributed to the prevailing climate before 1840. But the Lafontaine-Baldwin alliance would turn out to be a successful experiment in cultural co-operation and a prelude to the creation of the national state in 1867. Like many liberal historians, A.L. Burt could not resist the frontier thesis, which coloured his vision of New France and determined his interpretation in The Old Province of Quebec (T: RP 1933) and The United States, Great Britain and BNAfrom the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace after the War of 1812 (T: RP 1940). H. Neatby's Quebec: The Revolutionary Age, 1760-1791 (T: M&S 1966) shows the same outlook, as does her collection of documents and viewpoints in The Quebec Act: Protest and Policy (Scarborough: PH 1972). The views of both of these authors on French-Canadian attitudes towards the Quebec Act and the American invasion should be compared with those of M. Trudel, Louis XVI, le congres americain et le Canada, 1774-1783 (Q: PUL 1949), and G. Lanctot, Les Canadiens franfais et leurs voisins du sud (M: Valiquette 1941) and Canada and the American Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard UP 1967). The frontier thesis carried with it not only a romantic vision of the birth of a new society - especially in regard to its democratic poten-

63 Quebec, 1760-1867 tial - but also an exaggerated view of the amount of adaptation required to implant the mother country's old institutions in a new environment. The historians, geographers, and sociologists who have tackled this problem have not always got round this obstacle. It was perhaps S.D. Clark who best analyzed the evolution of Canada from this point of view. In his Church and Sect in Canada (T: UTP 1948) and Movements of Political Protest in Canada, 1640-1850 (T: UTP 1958), the development of new societies was approached from an environmental point of view different from the 'fragment theory.' For the development of this idea see K. McRae in 'The Structure of Canadian History' in L. Hartz, ed., The Founding of New Societies (NY: Harcourt, Brace and World 1964). For a suggestive counter to the Hartzian approach see S.F. Wise, 'Liberal Consensus or Ideological Battleground: Some Reflections on the Hartz Thesis,' CHAR, 1974. The historiographical cycle begun in the age of Garneau and Christie illustrates the fact that interpretative works precede and inspire detailed research, which in its turn encourages re-examination and reinterpretation from one generation of historians to another. Detailed research is most frequently carried out within a specific historiographical context, from which it derives its overall meaning. The detailed monograph, just like the general work, rests at bottom on a particular view of the world, the nation, or the region, situating itself somewhere within the spectrum of competing ideologies and diverse methodologies. ECONOMIC HISTORY From 1920 onwards economic history has found a place in historical writing alongside political and constitutional history. The Keynesian revolution of the 1930s and a revival of interest in the notion of the primacy of politics led historians to push the economic approach once again into the background. In his article 'L'histoire economique de la province de Quebec jusqu'A la fin du XIXe si~cle,' RS, 1962, A. Faucher describes this post-war retreat. See also W.T. Easterbrook, 'Recent Contributions to Economic History: Canada,' in W.T. Easterbrook and M.H. Watkins, eds., Approaches to Cana-

64 Femand Ouellet

dian Economic History (T: M&s 1967); G. Paquet and J.-P. Wallot, 'Anamorphoses et prospectives, 17 60-1850,' in Economie quebecoise (M: Cahiers de l'Universite du Quebec 1969). A. Shortt was a precursor of these more modern authors with his General Economic History, 1760-1841 (Canada and its Provinces, Publisher's Association of Canada, vol. IV, 1914). He was slightly ahead of Innis and his staple theory, which still has its protagonists today; for example, M.H. Watkins, 'A Staple Theory of Economic Growth,' CJEPS, 1963, in Easterbrook and Watkins, eds., Approaches; R.E. Caves and R.H. Holton, The Canadian Economy: Prospect and Retrospect (Cambridge: CUP 1959). In addition to his great studies of the fur trade and the cod fisheries, Innis published, together with A.R.M. Lower, Select Documents in Canadian Economic History, 1783-1885 (T: RP 1929-33). His views of economic development provoked more general works: M.Q. Innis, An Economic History of Canada (T: RP 1935); W.T. Easterbrook and H.G.J. Aitken, Canadian Economic History (T: MAC 1956); A.W. Currie, Canadian Economic Development (T: Thomas Nelson 1942). Innis's works also inspired A. Faucher who, at the same time, was influenced by the Continentalist School. See his 'Le caract~re continental de l'industrialisation au Quebec,' RS, 1965; Histoire economique et unite canadienne (M: Fides 1971); and Quebec en Amerique au X/Xe siecle (M: Fides 1973). While not rejecting the staple theory, F. Ouellet has concentrated on the problems of a 'dual economy' (fur trade, agriculture) and labour force in 'Dualite economique et changement technologique dans la vallee du Saint-Laurent, 1760-1790,' HS/SH, 1976. G. Paquet and J.-P. Wallot, on the other hand, appear to favour a North Atlantic approach. See their 'Apers:u sur le commerce international et !es prix domestiques dans le Bas-Canada, 1793-1812,' RHAF, 1967-8. Since it was one of the dominant sectors of the Quebec-based economy, the fur trade has always captured the attention of historians. The Champlain and Hudson Bay Record societies' publications testify to this continuing interest. The Montreal based trade has been investigated in some detail: G.D. Davidson, The North West Company (Berkeley: University of California Press 1918); W.S. Wallace, Documents Relating to the North West Company (T: cs 1934) and

65 Quebec, 1760-1867

Pedlars from Quebec (T: RP 1954); N.E.W. Campbell, The North West Co. (T: MAC 1957). Some recent works indicate new directions in research: W.S. Dunn, 'Western Commerce, 1760-1774' (PHD thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1971), and D. Macmillan, 'The "New Men" in Action: Scottish Mercantile and Shipping Operations in the North American Colonies, 1760-1825,' in D. Macmillan, ed., Canadian Business History: Selected Studies, 1497 to the Present (T: M&S 1972), have explored the roles of individual businessmen, while E.A. Mitchell has adopted a regional approach: Fort Timiskaming and the Fur Trade (T: UTP 1977). On the labour force, apart from F. Ouellet's article on economic dualism, see G. Allaire, 'Les engagements pour la traite des pelleteries: evaluation de la documentation,' RHAF, 1980. In spite of its economic importance, agriculture has long been neglected by serious researchers. Except for Munro and Henecker on the seigneurial regime, one can note only the general works of I. Caron, La colonisation de la province de Quebec 1716-1815, 2 vols. ( Q: Action Sociale 1923-7), and F. Letourneau, Histoire de /'agriculture (M: 1950), and R.L. Jones's articles, 'Agriculture in Lower Canada, 1702-1815,' CHR, 1946, and 'Agriculture in the St. Lawrence Valley, 1815-1850,' in Easterbrook and Watkins, eds., Approaches to Canadian Economic History. Since 1950, however, rapid strides have been made. The works of G. McGuigan, 'La concession des terres dans les cantons de l'Est, 1763-1809,' RS, 1962, and 'Administration of Land Policy and the Growth of Corporate Economic Organization in Lower Canada, 1791-1809,' CHAR, 1963; ofR.C. Harris, 'Of Poverty and Helplessness in Petite-Nation,' CHR, 1971; of C. Baribeau, 'La seigneurie de la Petite-Nation, 1801-1854: le role economique et social du seigneur' (MA thesis, University of Ottawa, 1980); of J.-C. Robert, 'Un seigneur entrepreneur: Barthelemy Juliette et la fondation du village de l'Industrie, 1822-1850,' RHAF, 1972; and of G.-E. Baillargeon, La survivance du regime seigneurial a Montreal (M: Cercle du livre de France 1968), deal with both agrarian policy and the functioning of institutions. The contributions of J. Hamelin and F. Ouellet in G. Galarneau and E. Lavoie, eds., France et Canada franfais du XV/e au XXe siecle (Q: PUL 1966), touch upon the same questions but also go on to discuss price fluctuations and agricultural

66 Femand Ouellet development. In his Elements d'histoire sociale du Bas-Canada (M: Fides 1972), F. Ouellet enlarges the debate to include the distribution of landed property as well as the tithes and other indicators of agricultural production. See also P.-A. Linteau and J.-C. Robert, 'Land Ownership and Society in Montreal: an Hypothesis,' in G. Stelter and A. Artibise, eds., The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History (T: M&S 1977), and F. Ouellet, 'La sauvegarde des patrimoines dans le district de Quebec durant la premiere moitie du XIXe siecle,' RHAF, 1972. In the field of agricultural history research has focused, especially since 1966, on problems of structural change. The crux of the matter is to find the exact moment when the agricultural patterns of the old regime were transformed. W.H. Parker attempted to answer this question in 'A New Look at Unrest in Lower Canada in the 1830's,' CHR, 1959. Our interpretation on this topic has been challenged by G. Paquet and J.-P. Wallot, 'Crise agricole et tensions socio-ethniques dans le Bas-Canada, 1802-1812,' RHAF, 1972; 'The Agricultural Crisis in Lower Canada, 1802-1812: A Response to T.J.A. LeGoff,' CHR, 1975; and 'Les Inventaires apres deces a Montreal au toumant du XIXe siecle,' RHAF, 1976. See also T. LeGoff, 'The Agricultural Crisis in Lower Canada, 1802-1812: A Review of a Controversy,' CHR, 1973, and F. Ouellet, 'Le mythe de !'habitant sensible au marche': commentaires sur la controverse LeGoff-Wallot et Paquet,' RS, 1976. J. McCallum, Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario until 1870 (T: UTP 1980), is a very interesting study in spite of a few serious shortcomings. Less valuable is the article by F. Lewis and M. McGinnis, 'The Efficiency of the French-Canadian Farmer,' Journal of Economic History, 1980. On colonization see M. Benoit, 'La formation d'une region: la marche du peuplement de St-Eustache a St-Jerome et le probleme des subsistances' (MA thesis, University of Ottawa, 1980). The chief works on the timber trade are those of A.R.M. Lower, F. Ouellet, J. Hamelin, and Y. Roby (cited in the section on general works above), and the less comprehensive studies of G.N. Tucker, The Canadian Commercial Revolution, 1845-1851 (T: M&S 1965), and of D.C. Masters, The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 (T: M&S 1963). N.

67 Quebec, 1760-1867 Seguin's La conquete du sol au 19e siecle (Sillery: BE 1977) -which in fact is limited to the parish of Notre-Dame d'Hebertville, Lac St-Jean - tries to analyse, rather unsuccessfully it must be said, the agro-forestry economy from the point of view of underdevelopment theory. However, G. Bouchard's 'Introduction a l'etude de la societe saguenayenne aux XIXe et xxe si~cles,' RHAF, 1977, introduces some modifications which render this approach a little less artificial. Some specific studies worthy of mention are A. Faucher, 'The Decline of Shipbuilding at Quebec in the Nineteenth Century,' CJEPS, 1957; L. Dechene, 'William Price, 1810-1850,' HS/SH, 1968; C. Craigie, 'The Influence of the Timber Trade and Philemon Wright on the Social and Economic Development of Hull Township, 1800-1856' (MA thesis, Carleton University, 1969); and F. Ouellet, Histoire de la Chambre de Commerce de Quebec, 18091959 (Q: PUL 1959). B.S. Elliott, 'The Famous Township of Hull': Image and Aspirations of a Pioneer Quebec Community,' HS/SH, 1979, and M.S. Cross, 'The Age of Gentility: The Formation of an Aristocracy in the Ottawa Valley,' CHAR, 1967, contribute to the debate on the opening up of that region. The development of financial institutions has attracted some attention from researchers. See H.C. Pentland, 'The Role of Capital in Canadian Economic Development before 1875,' CJEPS, 1950; R.C. Mcivor, Canadian Monetary Banking and Fiscal Development (T: MAC 1958); B. Hammond, Banking in Canada before Confederation, 1792-186 7 (Princeton: Princeton UP 1957); M. Denison, Canada's First Bank: A History of the Bank of Montreal, 2 vols. (T: M&S 1966-7); E.P. Neufeld, Money and Banking in Canada (T: M&S 1964); and J .I. Cooper, 'Some Early Canadian Saving Banks,' Canadian Banker, 1950. As for transport and communications, G.P. de T. Glazebrook's A History of Transportation in Canada, 2 vols. (T: M&S 1964), remains the basic work. See also H.J. Aitken, The Welland Canal Co: A Study in Canadian Enterprise (Cambridge: CUP 1954). In summary, since 1920 the importance of economic history has emerged in two senses. First, it was an autonomous enterprise developing its own content and its own justification. Later, it dev~loped from the principle that it is impossible to understand social structures and social change without reference to underlying eco-

68 Femand Ouellet nomic forces, thus in a broad sense becoming closely linked with social history. HISTORICAL DEMOGRAPHY

It took Canadian historians some time to realize the great importance demographic factors held in the evolution of societies. The first study of this kind dates from 1934: G. Langlois, La population canadienne-franraise (M: Albert Levesque 1934). In an article which appeared in La situation de la recherche sur le Canada franrais (Q: PUL 1963) J. Henripin summarized works in the field. He had already published his pre-Conquest study, La population canadienne au debut du XV/Ile siecle (Paris: PUF 1954), and, two years later, 'From Acceptance of Nature to Control: The Demography of the French Canadians since the 17th Century,' an article which has been reprinted in M. Horn and R. Sabourin, eds., Studies in Canadian Social History (T: M&s 1974). For more than a decade now the University of Montreal's Centre for Historical Population Studies has been working on a complete reconstitution of the French-Canadian population during the French regime and beyond the Conquest. Among the preliminary studies published thus far see H. Charbonneau, La population du Quebec (TR: BE 197 3). Social historians have also been interested in demography. See, for example, G. Bouchard, 'Family Structures and Geographic Mobility at Laterriere, 1851-1935,' Journal of Family History, 1978; his 'L'histc,ire demographique et le probleme des migrations: l'exemple de Laterriere,' HS/SH, 1975; G. Pouyez and M. Bergeron, 'L'etude des migrations au Saguenay, 1842-1931: problemes de methode,' HS/ HS, 1978. Despite their importance, internal migrations have yet to attain the same degree of interest which scholars have devoted to foreign immigration. More recently historians have turned their attention to the impact of immigration on local society, whether rural or urban, rather than focus on the policy aspects of the phenomena. See F. Ouellet, Lower Canada, 1791-1840 (o: PUO 1967), chaps VI, VII; L. Dechene, 'La croissance de Montreal au xvme siecle,' RHAF,

69 Quebec, 1760-1867 1973; J. Little, 'The Parish and the French Canadian Migrants to Compton County, Quebec, 1851-1891,' HS/SH, 1978. French-Canadian emigration to the United States has not yet received the attention it deserves. On this question see Y. Lavoie, L 'emigration des Canadiens franfais aux Etats-Unis avant 1930 (M: PUM 1972). Related to immigration are studies of great epidemics: G. Bilson, A Darkened House: Cholera in the Nineteenth Century (T: UTP 1980); J.-C. Robert et L. DecMne, 'La cholera de 1832 dans le BasCanada: mesure des inegalites devant la mort,' in H. Charbonneau and A. LaRose, eds., Les grandes mortalites: etude methodologique des crises demographiques du passe (Li~ge: Ordina Edition 1979). SOCIAL HISTORY

Social history began to develop in its modem form shortly after 1950. Two currents were apparent, one more historical; the other sociological. Leon Gerin had already investigated several aspects of French-Canadian society: the family, the parish, farmers, the gentry, and had even tried to identify in social and economic terms the typical French Canadian. Around 1940 these lines of research were picked up from a group of Chicago school sociologists (Redfield, Hughes, and Miner in particular) who took their inspiration from the 'Folk Society' model. M. Rioux's 'Description de la culture de 1'1le verte' and 'Analyse culturelle de Belle-Anse' (Q: National Museum 1954, 1957) were the Quebec equivalent of Horace Miner's St-Denis: A French Canadian Parish (Chicago: Chicago UP 1939). Essays on Contemporary Quebec, ed. J.-C. Falardeau (Q: PUL 1953), is patterned on the same model. The collection of essays edited by M. Rioux and Y. Martin, French-Canadian Society (T: M&S 1964), also explores various facets of this model, which P. Garigue had already called into question in 1956 in French-Canadian Kinship and Urban Life. See also his La vie familiale des Canadiens franfais (M: PUM 1970). In 1959 Rioux upheld this thesis on 'traditional society,' but argued that the Conquest had strengthened this traditionalism. In 1962 he developed, together with J. Dofny, his 'ethnic class' model (see Rioux and Martin, eds., French-Canadian Society),

70 Femand Ouellet which brought together the ideas of the neo-nationalist school in such a way as to take into account the juxtaposition of French and English communities within the overall social framework. Historians who have tried to define the social structure which grew up in New France - and which had to fight for its survival afterwards, or was condemned to decline - have worked from three fundamental notions. While the traditional nationalist school defined the new society as a purified Ancien Regime society, the neonationalists saw New France as a bourgeois society destined to post-Conquest disintegration. My view of social structure, to the contrary, revolves around the concept of a genuine 'Ancien Regime' society in which older social forms were crystallized: F. Ouellet, 'Libere ou exploite! Le paysan quebecois d'avant 1850,' HS/ SH, 1980. These opposing views underlie the writings of J.-P. Wallot and G. Paquet, 'Groupes sociaux et pouvoir: le cas bas-canadien au debut du x1xe si~cle,' RHAF, 1974, and of F. Ouellet, 'Les insurrections de 1837-38: un phenom~ne social,' HS/SH, 1968. See also L. Blanchette-Lessard and N. Daigneault-St-Denis, 'Groupes sociaux et les rebellions de 1837-38: ideologies et participation' (MA thesis, Universite du Quebec, 1975). In the end, any attempt to understand the dynamic of social change must aim at clarifying the interrelationships among nobility, clergy, and bourgeoisie. The nobility is incontestably the least studied and most underestimated of the three. Historiographical traditions, whether they stress the purification of European institutions exposed to a French colonial environment or the impact of the frontier, tend to reduce the role of the nobility to a minimum. For example, see J.-P. Wallot, 'Le regime seigneurial et son abolition au Canada,' CHR, 1969. This traditional interpretation is called into question by F. Ouellet, 'Propriete seigneuriale et groupes sociaux dans la vallee du Saint-Laurent (1663-1840),' in P. Savard, ed., Melanges d'histoire du Canada franfais ojferts au professeur M. Trudel (o: PUO 1978), and 'Officiers de milice et structure sociale dans la vallee du Saint-Laurent, 1660-1815,' HS/SH, 1979. There are many more works on the bourgeoisie. J. lgartua's articles provide interesting but incomplete information on the Montreal bourgeoisie. See his 'A change in Climate: The Conquest and the

71 Quebec, 1760-1867 Merchants of Montreal,' CHAR, 1974; 'The Merchants of Montreal at the Conquest: a Socio-Economic Profile,' HS/SH, 1975; and 'Le comportement demographique des marchands de Montreal vers 1760,' RHAF, 1979. D. Miquelon has written a thesis on 'The Baby Family and the Trade of Canada' (MA thesis, Carleton University, 1966) and has also edited Society and Conquest. See also M. Reid, 'The Quebec Fur Traders and Western Policy, 1763-1774,' CHR, 1925. On the rural merchants, L. Michel has published 'Le livre de compte (1784-1792) de Gaspard Massue, marchand a Varennes,' HS/SH, 1980. As for biographical studies of individual businessmen see, for the Molson family, A. Dubuc, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. IX (T: UTP 1976), and H. Masson, Joseph Masson: dernier seigneur de Terrebonne (M: H. Masson 1972). Among more general studies one can cite J.I. Cooper, 'The Social Structure of Montreal in the 1850's,' CHAR, 1956; P.-A. Linteau and J.-C. Robert, 'La structure professionnelle de Montreal en 1825 ,' RHAF, 197 6; J. -C. Robert, 'Les notables de Montreal au x1xe siecle,' HS/SH, 1975, and 'Montreal, 1821-1871: aspects de !'urbanisation' (thesis, Universite de Paris, 1977); G. Tulchinsky, The River Barons: Montreal Businessmen and the Growth of Industry and Transportation, 18371853 (M: MQUP 1977). During the last decade the working class has attracted more numerous and somewhat more detailed studies than in the past. These should soon bring in valuable results. For a review of earlier trends see H. Espessat, J.-P. Hardy, and T. Ruddell, 'Le monde du travail au Quebec au XVIIIe et au XIXe siecles: historiographie et etat de la question,' RHAF, 1972. For this field general surveys include H.A. Logan, Trade Unions in Canada (T: MAC 1948); C. Lipton, The Trade Union Movement of Canada, 1827-1959 (M: Canadian Social Publications 1967); J. Hamelin, Les travail/eurs quebecois (Q: PUL 1973); and F. Harvey, 'Les travailleurs quebecois au x1xe siecle: essai d'un cadre d'analyse sociologique,' RHAF, 1972. Among studies of apprenticeship and strike action see P. Audet, 'Apprenticeship in Early Nineteenth Century Montreal, 1790-1812' (PHD thesis, Concordia University); J.-P. Hardy and T. Ruddell, Les apprentis-artisans d Quebec, 1660-/815 (M: PUO 1977); H.C. Pentland, 'The Lachine Strike of 1843,' CHR, 1948; M. Heap, 'La greve

72 Femand Ouellet des charretiers a Montreal, 1864,' RHAF, 1977; R. Tremblay, 'La formation materielle de la classe ouvri~re a Montreal entre 1790 et 1830,' RHAF, 1979. RELIGIOUS HISTORY

Ultramontane and clericalist views have had their widest application in the field of religious history. Father L. Pouliot's three-volume biography, Mgr Bourget et son temps (M: Beauchemin 1955-72), is the best example of this. This tendency also figures strongly in the works of Canon Groulx, Le Canada franfais missionnaire: une autre grande aventure (M: Fides 1962); 'La situation religieuse au Canada fran~is vers 1840,' RSCHE, 1941-2; 'Les idees religieuses de Cartier,' 'Les patriotes de 1837 et le clerge,' 'Les idees religieuses de Papineau,' and 'Un mouvement de jeunesse vers 1850,' all published in Notre ma1tre, le passe (M: Fides 1924-36). These interpretations emphasize the positive aspects of clerical domination and stress the increasingly key role clerics played in the post-Conquest years. But while M. Trudel's Chiniquy (TR: BE 1955) remains fully within this tradition, his article 'La servitude de l'eglise catholique du Canada franfais sous le regime anglais,' RSCHE, 1963, less than his Eglise sous le regime militaire, 2 vols. (M&Q: lnstitut d'histoire de l'Amerique fran~is and PUL 1956-57), is a good deal more neutral in this respect. This nationalist and clerical historiographical tradition has been carried on in somewhat altered form by L. Lemieux, L 'etablissement de la premiere province ecclesiastique au Canada, 17831844 (M: Fides 1968); M. Brunet, 'L'eglise catholique du BasCanada et le partage du pouvoir a l'heure d'une nouvelle donne, 1837-1854,' CHAR, 1969; J.-P. Wallot, 'Religion and French Canadian Mores in the Early Nineteenth Century,' CHR, 1971; and G. Chausse, J-J. Lartique, premier eveque de Montreal (M: Fides 1980). Religious history as a special area of social history is now well established. L.-E. Hamelin's article, 'Evolution numerique seculaire du clerge catholique dans le Quebec,' RS, 1961, has helped to shake traditional wisdom concerning the relative importance of the clergy in Quebec since the French period. For the long-term evolution of the relations between nationalism, liberalism, and clericalism

73 Quebec, 1760-1867 see F. Ouellet, 'Nationalisme canadien-fran~is et laicisme au XIXe si~cle,' RS, 1963. A similar social approach to religious history is apparent in R. Chabot's brief but very important Le cure de cam-

pagne et la contestation locale au Quebec de 1791 aux troubles de 1837-38 (M: HMH 1975). S. Gagnon's 'Le clerge, les notables et

l'enseignement prive au Quebec: le cas du coll~ge Ste-Anne, 1840-1870,' HS/SH, 1970, also deals with power struggles. R. Hardy's 'L'activite sociale du cure de Notre-Dame de Quebec: aperfu de l'influence du clerge au milieu du x1xe si~cle,' HS/SH, 1970, and 'La rebellion de 1837-38 et l'essor du protestantisme canadienfran~is,' RHAF, 1975, aim at a more functional analysis. On the other hand N.F. Eid's Le clerge et le pouvoir politique au Quebec: une analyse de l'ideologie ultramontaine au milieu du X/Xe siecle (M: HMH 1978) is a genuine examination of an ideology, which stands in contrast to certain articles that really fall under the history of ideas: F. Beaudin, 'L'influence de La Mennais sur Mgr Lartigue, premier eveque de Montreal,' RHAF, 1971; F.-X. Cote, 'Mgr ForbinJanson et le mouvement religieux du Quebec,' RSCHE, 1941-2; M. Couture, 'Le mouvement menaisien au Canada franfais, 18301850,' RSCHE, 1939-40; and M. Lajeunesse, 'L'eveque Bourget et l'instruction publique au Bas-Canada, 1840-1846,' RHAF, 1970. For an attempt at an interpretative summary see J. Hamelin, N. Voisine, and A. Beaulieu: Histoire de /'eglise catholique au Quebec, 1608-1970 (M: Fides 1971). FROM INTELLECTUAL HISTORY TO SOCIO-CUL TUR AL RESEARCH

The creation of Laval University's history department contributed directly to the emergence of intellectual history. M. Trudel was its pioneer with his L 'influence de Voltaire au Canada, 2 vols. (M: Fides 1945), a work highly critical of the influence of this French philosopher. P. Sylvain wrote Henry de Courcy (Q: PUL 1955) and Gavazzi (Q: PUL 1962) and was a specialist on the ultramontane question. Some of his relevant articles are 'Lamartine et les catholiques de France et du Canada,' RHAF, 1950-1; 'Quelques aspe_cts de l'antagonisme liberal-ultramontain au Canada fran~is,' RS, 1967; and

74 Fernand Ouellet 'Liberalisme et ultramontainisme au Canada fran~is: affrontement ideologique et doctrinal, 1840-1865,' in W.L. Morton, ed., The Shield of Achilles: Aspects of Canada in the Victorian Age (T: M&S 1968). The history of ideas is represented by C. Galarneau, La France devant /'opinion canadienne, 1760-1815 (Q: PUL 1970). Galarneau also developed an interest in the history of education. See his Les colleges classiques au Canada franfais (M: Fides 1978), along with the useful works of P. Savard, 'Les debuts de l'enseignement de l'histoire et de la geographie au Petit Seminaire de Quebec, 1765-1880,' RHAF, 1961-2; M. Lebel, 'L'enseignement de la philosophie au Petit Seminaire de Quebec, 1765-1879,' RHAF, 1964-5; and J.-P. Wallot, Intrigues franfaises et americaines au Canada, I800-1802 (M: Lemeac 1965). Primary schooling has been the object of important studies which, nevertheless, have as yet only revealed the potential wealth of this field of research. L.-P. Audet's works, Le systeme scolaire de la province de Quebec, 6 vols. ( Q: PUL 1950-6) and Histoire de /'enseignement au Quebec, I608-1971 (M: HRW 1971), were written from a traditionalist perspective. Struggles for the control of schools - the instrument of socialization and power base of the ruling class - have been studied by F. Ouellet, 'L'enseignement primaire: responsabilite des Eglises OU de l'Etat? 1801-1836,' RS, 1961, and by J.-J. Jolois, J.-F. Perreault (/753-1844) et /es origines de /'enseignement la1que au Bas-Canada (M: PUM 1969), as well as by R. Bouliane, 'The French Canadians and the Schools of the Royal Institution for the Advancement of Learning,' HS/SH, 1972. A. Labarr~re-Paule has taken up the issues of the growing recruitment of teachers from among clerics and women in Les instituteurs la1ques au Canada franfais, 1836-1900 (Q: PUL 1965) and Les la1ques et la presse pedagogique au Canadafranfais au XIXe siecle (Q: PUL 1963). In fact, the history of ideas has, over the last fifteen years, increasingly been transformed into the history of ideologies. In Ideologies au Canada franfais, 1850-1900 (Q: PUL 1971), J. Hamelin brings together a group of articles, the first of a multi-volume series (in collaboration with political scientists and sociologists), dealing with the evolution of ideologies in Quebec. J.-P. Bernard has edited Les ideologies quebecoises au XIXe siecle (M: BE 1973) and attempted to

75 Quebec, 1760-1867 go beyond the traditional ideological vocabulary in order to analyze the decline of the liberal movement in the second half of the nineteenth century in Les Rouges: liberalisme, nationalisme et anticlericalisme au milieu du X/Xe siicle (M: PUQ 1971). Of equal interest is J.-L. Roy's Edouard-Raymond Fabre, libraire et patriote canadien, 1799-1854 (M: HMH 1974), which illustrates the progressive clericalization of Quebec society by tracing the titles of books that were in the librarian's stock at different times. The issue of literacy has been taken up by A. Greer, 'The Pattern of Literacy in Quebec, 1745-1899,' HS/SH, 1978, which is a good example of the recent attention to socio-cultural research. For family and women's studies see F. Ouellet, Julie Papineau: un cas de melancolie et d'education Janseniste (Q: PUL 1961); S. Cross, 'The Neglected Majority: The Changing Role of Women in 19th Century Montreal,' HS/SH, 1973; and M. Verdon, Anthropo/ogie de la colonisation au Quebec: le dilemme d'un village du Lac St-Jean (M: PUM 1973), which is, from a methodological point of view, a very useful study. POLITICAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY Political, constitutional, diplomatic, and military history have traditionally dominated historical writing in Canada. Most general surveys tend to revolve around great men and decisive events, on the assumption that the nation's destiny was determined first and foremost by the daily struggle within the political arena. This tradition naturally influenced monographs as well, and even today a considerable number of studies fall into this category. Following in the footsteps of Hilda Neatby (though dealing with a later period), H. T. Manning's The Revolt of French Canada, 1800-/835 (T: MAC 1962) emphasizes above all else the key role of the constitutional problem and imperial relations. For a more technical analysis of constitutional development one should consult H. Brun, La formation des institutions parlementaires quebecoises (Q: PUL 1970). As for colonial policy, P. Burroughs has written two useful studies. The Canadian Crisis and British Colonial Policy, 1828-1841 (T: MAC 1972) and British Attitudes towards Canada, /822-1849 (T: PH 1971). In his Histoire des patriotes, 3 vols. (M: Editions de,J'ACF 1938-9), G. Filteau

76 Femand Ouellet approaches the patriot movement from a viewpoint midway between those of Groulx and the neo-nationalists. The theme of survival has been reworked in an original way by J. Monet in The Last

Cannon Shot: A Study of French Canadian Nationalism, 1837-1850 (T: UTP 1969). For the same period E. Nish, Debates of the Legislative Assembly of United Canada, 1841-1853, makes that primary source,

now up to eighteen volumes, available to a much wider audience. J.-C. Bonenfant's Les institutions politiques canadiennes (Q: PUL 1954) is the French-Canadian equivalent, for the period of Confederation, of R.H. Dawson's classic The Government of Canada (T: UTP 1949). On elections see F. Galarneau, 'L'election partielle du quartierouest de Montreal en 1832: analyse politico-sociale,' RHAF, 1979. Biography is the form ideally suited to narrative political history, with its particular attention to important figures. L.-O. David, Les patriotes de 1837-38 (M: E. Senecal 1884) and Les deux Papineau (M: E. Senecal 1896), along with A. De Celles' Cartier et son temps (M: Beauchemin 1925), Papineau-Cartier (T: Morang 1904), and Lafontaine et son temps (M: Beauchemin 1907), are excellent examples. See also R. Rumilly, Papineau et son temps, 2 vols. (M: Fides 1977) and A. Sweeny, George-Etienne Cartier: A Biography (T: M&S 1976). With the passage of time the biographical approach has been partially transformed through the analytic insights of psychology and, in a different way, by the approach of prosopography. See F. Ouellet, L.-J. Papineau: A Divided Soul (o: CHA Pamphlet 11 1961) and Papineau: textes choisis (Q: PUL 1958); A. Garon, 'La fonction politique et sociale des chambres hautes canadiennes, 1791-1841,' HS/SH, 1970, and 'Le Conseil legislatif du Canada-uni: revision constitutionnelle et composition socio-ethnique,' HS/SH, 1971; and A. Desilets, Un pere de la confMeration canadienne: Hector-Louis Langevin, 1826-1906 (Q: PUL 1967). From E. Lareau, Histoire du droit canadien, 2 vols. (M: 1888-9), to A. Morel, Les limites de la liberte testamentaire dans le code civil de la province de Quebec (P: Presses de l'Universite de Paris 1960), legal history, like political history, has found new themes and directions owing to the influence of economic and social history and of political science. See, for example, P. Tousignant, 'La gen~se et l'av~nement de la constitution de 1791' (PHD thesis, University of Mont-

77 Quebec, 1760-1867 real, 1971), and 'La premi~re campagne electorale des Canadiens en 1792,' HS/HS, 1975; J. and M. Hamelin, Les moeurs ~lectorales dans le Qu~bec de 1791 (Q: PUL 1962); G. Paquet et J.-P. Wallot, Patronage etpouvoirdans le Bas-Canada, 1795-1812 (M: BE 1973); F. Underhill, Canadian Political Parties (o: CHA Pamphlet 8 1957); and P.G. Cornell, The Alignment of Political Groups in Canada, 18411867 (T: UTP 1962).

D.A. MUISE

The Atlantic provinces

While many aspects of the pre-Confederation experience of the Atlantic provinces have found their way into the mainstream of Canadian historiography, the predominant strain in historical writing on the region has been the rich store of local and provincial history. The great themes of British North America have found their way into the regional literature, but are hardly dominant, for while imperial policies operated on the colonies in much the same way, their impact and the response of the various jurisdictions was always different. The idea of the Atlantic provinces making up a region that is identifiable from any perspective is a fairly recent phenomenon. The only substantial attempt to write a regionally based history of all four provinces- W.S. MacNutt, The Atlantic Provinces: The Emergence of Colonial Societies, 1713-185 7 (T: M&S 1965) - presents not so much an integrated history as a series of parallel approaches to the political evolution of the four distinct communities. For MacNutt the tie that bound together the whole was imperial rather than any indigenous common interest. The provincial basis of most pre-Confederation histories of the Atlantic provinces makes generalization on trends extremely difficult. The unity of purpose and breadth of perspective that sometimes characterize historical writing on other parts of Canada have only occasionally been achieved and even then they have been circumscribed by the boundaries of individual provinces or a specific

79 The Atlantic provinces theme. While a great deal has been written attempting to bridge the various provincial boundaries, it has been thematic in approach rather than a general interpretation. Economic and social histories of the individual provinces, and the region as a whole, have been largely ignored. This somewhat fractured historical tradition should not inhibit those interested in interpreting the experience of the region. The richness of the individual histories of the various provinces offers much scope for useful comparisons, especially in the pre-Confederation period. Much of the bibliography that follows is organized around themes that could provide the perspective for such approaches. THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY TRADITION

For all its diversity, early historical writing on the Atlantic provinces was influenced by the same trends that gave direction to writing about the rest of British North America. Early nineteenth-century attempts to survey the history of the region were blatantly imitative of work being done elsewhere and designed to accomplish much the same purpose: to acquaint the English-speaking world - especially London -with the unique experience of the region. For that period, as indeed for most periods in Canadian history, amateurs, gifted and otherwise, were dominant among history writers. Atlantic Canada has been particularly blessed by a long tradition of these chroniclers, whose role in the preservation of the heritage of the region is too often left unsung. An impressive and varied array of writing on a host of topics has been accumulated, of which only a sampling can be alluded to in a selective bibliography such as this. Writing on the history of the region began early in the nineteenth century. T.C. Haliburton's Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia, 2 vols. (1829; reprinted Belleville: Mika 1973), and Peter Fisher's briefer Sketches of New Brunswick: Containing an Account of the First Settlement of the Province (Saint John: 1825) were representative of a genre that was common throughout that period. They would have many imitators but few added much to this first summation of the early development of the colonies, nor did many write with their dedication or spirit. Like most of their colonial contempo-

80 D.A. Muise raries, Haliburton and Fisher were addressing a British audience, determined to expose the mother country to the potential of their colonies. While history was somewhat incidental to their assessment of accomplishments, they did awaken an interest in the sources for understanding the past. The Rev. L.A. Anspach did much the same for Newfoundland in his History of the Island of Newfoundland (L: 1819). Beamish Murdoch's later imitation of Haliburton is much less interesting, though more detailed. His History of Nova Scotia, or Acadie, 3 vols. (H: 1865-7), presents a severely limited chronology which seldom rises above summarization of the principle state documents of the province, but the detail provided is sometimes valuable. More important than what Murdoch wrote is the fact that he was able to assemble a more or less continuous account and then have it published. His younger contemporary, T.B. Akins, took advantage of the interest of government to have published a collection of documents from the public records of Nova Scotia. His Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia (H: 1869) was one of the early attempts to publicize provincial history by official decree. It also signalled the first direct involvement of a provincial government in keeping a systematic archive of its past. The momentous political achievements of mid-century set in train a renewed consciousness of the history of the region. Several provincial and local histories were written during the succeeding two decades, some of them in response to the call for more local history for use in the expanding school system that came into existence about the time of Confederation. D. Campbell's Nova Scotia, in its Historical, Mercantile, and Industrial Relations (M: Lovell 1873), for instance, was a blatant if unsuccessful attempt to popularize Murdoch. C. Pedley, History of Newfoundland from the Earliest Times to 1860 (L: 1863), and R.C. Brown, History of the Island of Cape Breton (L: 1869), were also typical of this genre. Fairly straightforward narrative history drawn largely from the official record, they were at least a beginning and awakened a continuing interest in the history of the region. Many of these early histories can still be consulted with profit, though all have been superseded.

81 The Atlantic provinces An explosion of historical consciousness during the latter third of the nineteenth century - occurring in the Maritime region most prominently after 1878-was, once again, a regional variation on preoccupations that were also felt elsewhere. Central to its expression was the emergence of a group of local historical societies and the publication of a variety of local histories which chronicled the founding of the many communities of the region. It was an era of centennials. The establishment of communities in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island a century earlier and the exuberance of Americans during the centennial of their revolution provoked all manner of responses. The formation of the Nova Scotia Historical Society in 1878 signalled the initiation of the movement. Though still the preserve of gifted and usually politically and socially prominent amateurs, interest in history was obviously expanding and growing. Public reading and publication of papers became more commonplace. George Patterson's A History of the County of Pictou (M: Dawson 1877) is typical of this effusion. J.H. Hannay's History of New Brunswick, 2 vols. (Saint John: 1909) and D.W. Prowse's History of Newfoundland from the English, Colonial and Foreign Records (L: Eyre and Spottiswoode 1896) were of a similar style, though- their subject-matter was more broadly defined than that of Patterson and some of his Nova Scotian contemporaries. Some of these writers will be referred to below under various headings. It is important to remember here that the early development of historical consciousness in the region was a response on the local level to larger developments that were sweeping North America at the time, but no consensus emerged that there was any regional history worth writing about. An assessment of some of the earlier trends can be found in D.C. Harvey, 'History and its Uses in Pre-Confederation Nova Scotia,' CHA, 1938; Murray Barkley, 'The Loyalist Tradition in New Brunswick: The Growth and Evolution of an Historical Myth, 1825-1914,' Acadiensis, 1975; and an excellent review of the Newfoundland tradition and its limitations, K. Matthews, 'Historical Fence Building: A Critique of the Historiography of Newfoundland,' Newfoundland Quarterly, 1978. Also interesting for Newfoundland is Peter Neary's 'The Writing of New-

82 D.A. Muise foundland History: An Introductory Survey,' in J.K. Hiller and P. Neary, eds., Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: Essays in Interpretation (T: UTP 1980). BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND OTHER GUIDES

A selective bibliography such as this should be supplemented by more exhaustive guides. The rich store of local history, much of it produced in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, is chronicled in William Morley's The Atlantic Provinces, Canadian Local Histories to 1950 (T: UTP 1980). Available in most libraries, Morley's work is indispensable for anyone wishing to pursue topics with a local history base. More specialized are the bibliographies produced by various provincial governments. Nova Scotia's Department of Education has sponsored the publication of two excellent bibliographies: Robert Vaison, Nova Scotia Past and Present: A Bibliography and Guide (H: 1976), and Brian Tennyson, Cape Breton: A Bibliography (H: 1978). For New Brunswick H.A. Taylor, New Brunswick History: A Checklist of Historical Sources (Fredericton: Legislative Library 1971), and a Supplement edited by E.L. Swanick in 1974 are quite useful. More specialized is D.A. Muise, 'Theses and Dissertations: The History of Nova Scotia and the History of Education in Nova Scotia,' N.S. Education Office Gazette, 1968. There is no comprehensive bibliographical listing for Prince Edward Island in print, nor is there one available for Newfoundland. The Centre for Newfoundland Studies at Memorial University of Newfoundland has an extensive ongoing bibliographic project and expects to publish something in the near future. For current bibliography the best continuing source is the listing printed, since 1976, in each issue of Acadiensis. For those students interested in the use of primary sources Olga Bishop's Publications of the Governments of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island (o: National Library 1957) is of some use, though most of it deals with the post-Confederation period. The Provincial Archives of Nova Scotia has published an Inventory of Manuscripts (H: 1976) which is a thorough listing of all holdings in the most important archive for the region. An extensive listings of the holdings of the archives of the Centre for Acadian Studies at

83 The Atlantic provinces the University of Moncton is also available-Centre d'~tudes acadiennes, Index genhal des sources documentaires sur /es Acadiens, 2 vols. (Moncton: Les Editions d'Acadie 1975). Volume III of this series (1976) is an exhaustive bibliography of secondary literature on Acadian history, including a great deal of material on the postexpulsion period. A brief listing of the New Brunswick holdings is Hugh Taylor, 'The Provincial Archives of New Brunswick,' Acadiensis, 1971; a similar listing for Newfoundland is J.P. Greene, 'The Provincial Archives of Newfoundland,' Acadiensis, 1973. Newspapers are always a useful source and the National Library of Canada has produced an excellent guide book, The Union List of Canadian Newspapers held by Canadian Libraries (o: 1977), available free on request. The listing pays particular attention to those newspapers that have been microfilmed and are available on interlibrary loan. PERIODICALS

The most significant recent development in Atlantic Canada Studies has been the appearance of Acadiensis, edited by the Department of History at the University of New Brunswick. Devoted to the history of the entire region, Acadiensis is now the chief vehicle for the publication of scholarly material. Begun in 1971, it has consistently published some of the finest articles being written today in Canadian history. Since 1976 it has incorporated a bibliographic section which is the best available source for the rich range of material currently being published on the region. Its review section features regular evaluations of recent monographs on the Maritimes and has also established an important 'Review Article' section appraising current trends in a variety of fields of Canadian study. The journal sponsors the biennial Atlantic Canada Studies Conference, many of whose papers subsequently find their way into its pages. For Atlantic Canada, as for most of the country, much of the historical writing has appeared not in book form but as articles in periodicals. This region has always had a lively periodical press. Historical societies were first in the field and the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society still appear, over a hundred years after the founding of the society. The thirty~nine volumes that have appeared

84 D.A. Muise to date provide a rich store of material. The New Brunswick and Newfoundland historical associations have had similar publications, though their record of release and the strength of their contributions has not matched that of their Nova Scotia counterpart. Within the past few years there have been several significant innovations. The Nova Scotia Historical Quarterly, published in Halifax since 1969, has presented a number of important articles and includes an active genealogical section. Many of its articles deal with anecdotal local material. A similar publication for Prince Edward Island is The Island Magazine, but in a magazine format with a number of well-illustrated historical articles. Begun in 1975, it is published by the Prince Edward Island Heritage Foundation and reflects the tremendous interest in the history of the Island in the years since its centennial in 1974. The Newfound/and Quarterly serves something like the same purpose, but it contains a variety of contemporary and opinion-oriented pieces and only a passing selection of historical material. Various university reviews devote some space to historical topics. The Dalhousie Review, begun in the 1920s, has always welcomed historical articles, though it has tended to be dominated by a literary and cultural bias. The Revue de /'Universite de Moncton occasionally includes interesting pieces, mostly dealing with the history of the Acadians. Acadian history has its own periodical, La Societe historique acadiennes: Cahiers, and there are a number of genealogical publications relating to Acadians as well, though most of them are less regular in their publication. Other popular or local periodicals include Cape Breton's Magazine (Wreck Cove, Cape Breton) since 1967, and a variety of newsletters published by the provincial museums of the region. GENERAL APPROACHES

In spite of the absence of recent publications to bridge the entire region, apart from MacNutt's Atlantic Provinces, there have been a number of extended monographs attempting an overview of the region, or at least one of its provinces. A still useful earlier book (1934) is W.M. Whitelaw, The Maritimes and Canada before Con-

85 The Atlantic provinces

federation (T: OUP 1966). Though badly dated in some respects, Whitelaw's is one of the best straightforward summaries of the politico-constitutional evolution of the colonies. Individual colonies have fared somewhat better. The surveys produced in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, some of them mentioned above, attempted little interpretation and relied almost exclusively upon government records. W.S. MacNutt's New Brunswick: A History, 1784-1867 (T: MAC 1963) is a model for the recent histories, especially for its analysis of the interaction between the lumber economy and the political evolution of the colony. A.H. Clark's Three Centuries and the Island: A Historical Geography of Settlement and Agriculture in Prince Edward Island (T: UTP 1959) is a historical geographer's assessment of the process of settlement and its impact on land use in PEI. There is a surprisingly large amount of political and cultural history in this assessment, easily the best thing of its sort available for the region. Another recent survey treatment of PEI is F.W.P. Bolger, ed., Canada's Smallest Province: A History of P.E.I. (Charlottetown: PEI Heritage Foundation 1973). Published by the PEI Centennial Commission, it features the works of various historians surveying chronological periods of the pre-Confederation period, some of them to very good effect. A briefer and more pointed survey is Errol Sharp, A People's History of P.E./. (T: Steel Rail Press 197 5), which adopts a Marxist perspective. Two collections of essays have been gathered, much of their content falling in the pre-Confederation period. G.A. Rawlyk, ed., Historical Essays on the Atlantic Provinces (T: M&S 1967), is the more useful and includes some of the classic articles on the early period. Will R. Bird's Atlantic Anthology (T: M&S 1959) contains short pieces of literature and travel accounts and a few documents, as well as some of the same articles included in the Rawlyk book. Three volumes on the political development of the Maritime provinces, while more useful for the post-Confederation period, include sufficient pre-Confederation insight to make them worth consulting. J. Murray Beck's The Government of Nova Scotia (T: UTP 1957) is the best of them from this perspective. It includes a thematic approach to the evolution of constitutional instruments for the province. Frank MacKinnon's The Government of Prince Edward Island (T: UTP 1953)

86 D.A. Muise and Hugh Thorburn's Politics in New Brunswick (T: UTP 1961) devote less attention to the pre-Confederation period, but are nonetheless useful as an introduction to the difficult problem of constitutional and political evolution. There is no modern history of Nova Scotia for any period, except for some material prepared for use at the lower levels of the educational system. Older attempts mentioned earlier are now badly dated and much in need of revision. Newfoundland is not much better off. There is a very unsatisfactory and somewhat sterile account in G.W. St J. Chadwick, Newfoundland: Island into Province (Cambridge: CUP 1967). Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland, 1500-1830 (St John's: Maritime History Group 1973), available from the Extension Department of Memorial University, is a useful beginning. Prowse's History of Newfoundland is still useful for the early period. Brief but perceptive is Gordon Rothney, Newfoundland: A History (o: CHA Pamphlet 10 1959). A recent survey designed for the general readership, F.W. Rowe, History of Newfoundland and Labrador (T: MHR 1980), tends to be somewhat anecdotal and preoccupied with the post-Confederation period. Finally, there are two useful components of larger books that might be mentioned. The article on the Atlantic region by John Warkentin in J. Warkentin and R.C. Harris, Canada before Confederation: A Study in Historical Geography (T: OUP 1974) is a perceptive if sometimes flawed attempt by an historical geographer to come to grips with the diversity of the region's experience. More traditional are the various sections dealing with the region in The Cambridge History of the British Empire, vol. VI: Canada and Newfoundland (Cambridge: CUP 1930). There one gets the standard political-constitutional interpretation, interlaced with imperial wisdom, occasionally leavened with a bit of social and economic history, but it does have the virtue of being relatively complete. NATIVE PEOPLES OF THE ATLANTIC REGION

The standard anthropological interpretation of the early native people of the region is still W.D. and R.S. Wallis, The Micmac Indians of Eastern Canada (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press

87 The Atlantic provinces 1955). The most widely respected assessment of the early contact period is A.G. Bailey, The Coriflict of European and &stern Algonkian Cultures, 1504-1700: A Study in Canadian Civilization (2nd ed., T: UTP 1969). Long considered one of the classics in its field, Bailey's work was first published in the 1930s. The heart of his thesis is abstracted in 'Social Revolution in Early Eastern Canada,' CHR, 1938. A more popularized account of the early period is G.F. Clarke, Someone /Jefore Us: Our Maritime Indians (Fredericton: Brunswick Press 1968). Many of the best scholarly articles by anthropologists and historians have been gathered together in an anthology edited by H.F. McGee, The Native Peoples of Atlantic Canada: A History of Ethnic Interaction (T: M&S 1974), one of the collections put together for the Carleton Library Series. The extensive bibliography provided by McGee is useful, especially for topics from the region's prehistory. A more specialized recent collection of ethnographic literature is R.J. Preston, ed., Papers from the Fourth Annual Congress of the Canadian Ethnology Society (o: National Museums of Canada, Canadian Ethnology Service, Mercury Series 40 1978). A fine guide to the field of native history is R.B. Ray, The Indians of Maine and the Atlantic Provinces: A Bibliographical Guide (Portland: University of Maine Press 1977). On the Beothucks of Newfoundland the standard interpretation has long been J.P. Howley's The Beothucks or Red Indians: The Aboriginal Inhabitants of Newfoundland (Cambridge: CUP 1915), also available as a Coles reprint (197 4). Archaeologist J. A. Tuck has summarized and advanced the existing anthropological knowledge in Newfoundland and Labrador Prehistory (o: National Museums of Canada 1976), a popularly written, profusely illustrated volume which deals with the period before the arrival of the white man. The terrible tragedy of the extinction of the Beothucks is told with a great deal of sympathy in F.W. Rowe, Extinction: The Beothuks of Newfoundland ( T: MHR 1977). Though Rowe is neither a professional historian nor an anthropologist, he managed a very astute reconstruction of the events surrounding the long war fought against the Beothucks by the English settlers. A shorter, but very sound treatment of the same topic is L.F.S. Upton, 'The Extermination of the Beothucks of Newfoundland,' CHR, 1977. An earlier article reviewing

88 D.A. Muise past literature on the topic is B. Whitney, 'The Beothucks and other Primitive Peoples of Newfoundland: A Review,' Anthropological Journal of Canada, 1967. The relationship between whites and Indians in the Maritime provinces has been dealt with by a variety of authors. For the French regime the best introduction is Bailey, Conflict. More specialized are some of the documentary collections recounting the experiences of the explorers and fur traders, such as Nicolas Denys, The Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America (Acadia), ed. W.F. Ganong (T: cs 1908). An abridged version, Concerning the Ways of Indians (H: NS Museum 1975), is a useful primer. On Denys's career see B. Pothier, 'Nicolas Denys: The Chronology and Historiography of an Acadian Hero,' Acadiensis, 1971. R.G. Thwaites, ed., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, vols. I-III (Cleveland: Burrow Press 1896-7), is a monumental source, full of interesting insights and observations. A better version for the early years, with a masterful introduction presenting a fine-grained assessment of the nature of Indian culture at the point of contact, is Lucien Campeau, ed., La premiere mission d'Acadie (1602-1616) (Q: PUL 1967). Another fine source is Jacques Rousseau's introduction to the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. I: 1000 to 1700 (T: UTP 1966), which discusses the eastern Canadian Indians at the point of contact. Andrew Hill Clark synthesizes much of the literature in his initial chapter in Acadia: The Geography of Early Nova Scotia to 1760 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1968). The treatment of Indians by governments and other agencies has received much attention from historians. L.F.S. Upton's Micmacs and Colonists: Indian- White Relations in the Maritime Provinces, 1713186 7 (v: UBCP 1979) is the best summary of the fate of the native peoples under English jurisdiction; it summarizes existing scholarship on the topic and advances the analysis far beyond the earlier attempts. His very thorough bibliography lists most of the earlier work on the topic. One of the more important items on this theme is M.B. Johnson, Apotres ou agitateurs (TR: BE 1970), dealing with the attempts by French missionaries to control the Micmacs during the semi-hostile agitation from 1713 to 1755. Complementary is

89 The Atlantic provinces O.P. Dickason, Louisbourg and the Indians: A Study of Imperial Race Relations, 17/3-1760 (o: Nat. Hist. Parks and Sites Branch, History and Archaeology 6 1976). R.O. Macfarlane, 'British Indian Policy in Nova Scotia to 1760,' CHR, 1938, presents the British response to the agitation. N.M. Rogers, 'The Abbe Le Loutre,' CHR, 1930, chronicles the career of the most famous of the military missionaries from Quebec just prior to the expulsion of the Acadians. A brief summary of the post-1760 period is E. Hutton, 'Indian Affairs in Nova Scotia, 1760-1834,' NSHS Collections, 1963. More specialized are H.F. McGee, 'White Encroachment on Micmac Reserve Lands, 1830-1867,' Man in the Northeast, 1974, and Judith Fingard, 'The New England Company and the New Brunswick Indians,' Acadiensis, 1972. The three articles by L.F.S. Upton in Acadiensis (1974, 1975, 1976) have been superseded by the subsequent publication of his book. A stimulating interpretation of the ecological impact of white intrusion on native culture is Calvin Martin, 'The European Impact on the Culture of a Northeastern Algonquian Tribe: An Ecological Interpretation,' WMQ, 1974. ATLANTIC CANADA BEFORE THE CONQUEST: THE ACADIANS

The history of French settlement in Acadia has been best chronicled, in English at least, from the perspective of its external relationships - especially the series of conflicts with the New England colonies to the south. Central to this preoccupation has been a concern with the deportation of the Acadians by the British in 1755. The tremendously voluminous literature on the latter theme has been admirably assessed and anthologized in N.E.S. Griffiths, ed., The Acadian Deportation: Deliberate Perfidy or Cruel Necessity? (T: cc 1969). Her judicious selection from a wide variety of both Frenchand English-language sources is the essential introduction to this tangled historiographical question. A recent overview of the problem is D.H. Brown, 'Foundations of British Policy in the Acadian Expulsion: A Discussion of Land Tenure and the Oath of Allegiance,' DR, 1977. A basic and fairly straightforward account is N.E.S. Griffiths, The Acadians: Creation of a People (T: MHR 1973),

90 D.A. Muise which carries the story of the Acadians through the nineteenthcentury and argues for the development of a distinctive Acadian culture. The extended relationship of the Acadians with their New England neighbours has provided the focal point for the best summary treatments of the external experience of the Acadians. J.B. Brebner's classic New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (NY: Columbia UP 1927) adopts the view that, in the international turmoil of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, neutrality was the only sensible option available to the numerically weak Acadians, exposed as they were to the superior power of the New England colonies to the south and abandoned by the French, who were much more concerned with maintaining their hegemony in the interior of the continent. The inability of the Acadians to maintain their preferred position of neutrality in the face of protracted hostilities between French and British is seen as an unfortunate side effect of the continued interest in the Acadian territory by the New Englanders. George Rawlyk has replicated and embellished Brebner's neutrality paradigm in a major revisionist work, Nova Scotia s Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations, 16301784 (M: MQUP 1973). There he argues that New England's interest

in Acadia was much more sporadic. But in tracing the intermittent history of New England's acquisitiveness towards Acadian territory he ends up, like Brebner, considering only peripherally the internal development of the colony. He deals with the quasi-diplomatic relationship between the New Englanders and the Acadians from a Boston point-of-view, diverging somewhat from Brebner who concentrated on the official record from the perspectives of London and Paris. The best recent survey of the internal history of the colony is Clark's Acadia: The Geography of Early Nova Scotia to 1760. One of North America's premier historical geographers, Clark offers a systematic and detailed interpretation of the establishment and expansion of Acadian settlement. His excellent bibliography is one of the most exhaustive conveniently available for the Acadian experience. More specialized is D.C. Harvey, The French Regime in Prince Edward Island (New Haven: Yale UP 1926). The Island was never as

91 The Atlantic provinces important as peninsular Nova Scotia during the French r~gime, but Harvey's analysis places it in its context as an adjunct of the main settlements. It should be supplemented by D.C. Harvey, ed., Journeys to the Island of St John (T: OUP 1955), a judicious selection of the observations of visitors to the island throughout the French r~gime and on into the nineteenth century. French-language material on the Acadians has often concentrated on the deportation, but there are a few surveys that should be consulted for the general development of the community. The best of the more recent attempts is a collaborative work, J. Daigle, M., Les Acadiens des Maritimes (Moncton: Centre d'Etudes Acadiennes 1980), which contains articles from both the chronological and thematic perspective - most of them carrying over into the postexpulsion period. The most popular is Bona Arsenault, Histoire et genealogie des Acadiens, 6 vols. (M: Lemeac 1978), abridged as History of the Acadians (M: Lemeac 1978). Older but still useful is J.H. Blanchard, Histoire des Acadiens de /'lie du Prince Edouard (Moncton: L 'Evangeline 1927), available in translation and somewhat revised as The Acadians of Prince Edward Island (o: LeDroit and LeClerc 1976). The volume is somewhat derivative of the work of Harvey, but has some interesting insights. A more popularly written history of the Acadian experience is Emery LeBlanc, Les Acadiens (M: Editions de l'homme 1963), available in English as The Acadians. A collection of documents that surveys the period in both languages is W.I. Morse, ed., Acadiensia nova (/598-1779): Newand Unpublished Documents and other Data relating to Acadia, 2 vols. (L: Quaritch 1935). The experience of the Acadians between the expulsion and their eventual partial resettlement within Nova Scotia has recently come under review. R.G. Lowe, 'Massachusetts and the Acadians,' WMQ, 1968; M.P. and N.G. Reider, The Acadians in France (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP 1972); D. Vinter, 'The Acadian Exiles in England 1756-1763,' DR, 1957; N. Griffiths, 'Acadians in Exile: The Experiences of the Acadians in the British Seaports,' Acadiensis, 1974; Mason Wade, 'After the "Grand Derangement": The Acadians return to the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Nova Scotia,' American Review of Canadian Studies, 1975; R.S. Brun, 'Histoire socio-demo-

92 D.A. Muise graphique du sud-est du Nouveau-Brunswick: Migrations acadiennes et seigneuries anglaises, 1760-1810,' Cahiers de la Socihe historique acadienne, 1968. More specific is N.E.S. Griffiths, 'Petitions of the Acadian Exiles, 1755-1785: A Neglected Source,' HS/ SH, 1978, which also reviews some of the earlier literature on the grande derangement. Of particular interest among those earlier volumes are E. Lauvri~re, La tragedie d'un peuple: histoire du peuple acadien de ses origines a nosjours, 2 vols. (P: Editions Bossard 1922), and O.W. Winzerling, Acadian Odyssey (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP 1955). LOUISBOURG

The establishment of Fortress Louisbourg had enormous consequences for the fate of the Acadian settlements. Erected on Cape Breton Island following the loss of peninsular Acadia at the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, it came to occupy a central position in the strategic development of the region. The standard account of the fortress remains J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg from its Foundation to its Fall, 1713-1758 (L: MAC 1918, 1969). A more general and somewhat popularized account is Fairfax Downey, Louisbourg: Key to a Continent (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PH 1965). A shorter chronicle of the development of the fortress is offered by W.C.H. Wood, The Great Fortress: A Chronicle of Louisbourg, 1720-1760 (T: Glasgow 1915). Downey attempts to place the Louisbourg experience into the context of the British-French struggle for America, while Wood offered a straightforward military analysis of the internal development of the fortress. The recent reconstruction of the fortress, begun in the 1960s, has stimulated a great deal of research on its history. The staff of the reconstruction prepared a special issue of Canada: An Historical Magazine, 1974, featuring a series of well-illustrated articles on social and economic aspects of the life of the fortress, while several publications of the Historic Parks and Sites Branch detailing various aspects of the material history of the fortress are reviewed in T. Crowley, 'Monuments to Empire: Atlantic Forts and Fortifications,' Acadiensis, 1981. George Rawlyk's Yankees at Louisbourg (Orono: University of Maine Press 1967) chronicles the 1745 capture of the

93 The Atlantic provinces fortress by a New England invasion force. L.E. DeForest, ed., Louisbourg Journals, 1745 (NY: Society of Colonial Wars 1932), collects a number of first-hand accounts of that invasion. On the same topic Julian Gwyn, The Enterprising Admiral: The Personal Fortune of Admiral Sir Peter Warren (M: MQUP 1974), offers another perspective, this time from the man who commanded the naval expedition in the siege. More general is his 'War and Economic Change: Louisbourg and the New England Economy,' RUO/UOQ, 1977. Two brief survey analyses of the experience of Cape Breton during the Louisbourg period are useful: A.H. Clark, 'New England's Role in the Underdevelopment of Cape Breton Island during the French Regime, 1713-1758,' Canadian Geographer, 1965; and H.A. Innis, 'Cape Breton and the French Regime,' TRSC, 1935. Several more specialized articles deal with aspects of life in the colony: B. Pothier, 'Acadian Emigration to Ile Royale after the Conquest of Acadia,' HS/SH, 1970; C. Pouyez, 'La population de l'ile Royale en 1752,' HS/SH, 1973; Allan Greer, 'Mutiny at Louisbourg, December 1744,' HS/SH, 1977; and Christopher Moore, 'The Other Louisbourg: Trade and Merchant Enterprise in ile Royale, 1713-58,' HS/SH, 1979. Somewhat revisionist of Rawlyk's interpretation of the year 1745 is S.E.D. Shortt, 'Conflict and Identity in Massachusetts: The Louisbourg Expedition of 1745,' HS/SH, 1972. On the French fishery, dealing partially but not exclusively with that at Louisbourg, see Charles de La Morandi~re, Histoire de la peche franraise de la morue dans l'Amhique septentrionale, 3 vols. (P: Maisonneuve & Larose 1962-6). NEWFOUNDLAND PRIOR TO THE CONQUEST

The early history of Newfoundland has been dealt with largely from the perspective of the development of its fishery. Gillian T. Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, 1577-1660 (T: lITP 1970), details the activities of the earliest fishing companies, their trials and tribulations. R.G. Lounsbury, The British Fishery at Newfoundland 16341763 (New Haven: Yale UP 1934), takes up the story for the later period. F.P. Thompson's The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland (T: lITP 1961), while it deals mostly with the post-Conquest period,

94 D.A. Muise has useful information regarding the roots of the conflict between the French and the British in Newfoundland. H.A. Innis, The Cod Fisheries: The History of an International Economy (T: RP 1940; T: UTP 1978), is a complex analysis of the international competition for the Newfoundland fishery, carried on through the nineteenth century as well. The most recent interpretation of Newfoundland's early development is C. Grant Head, Eighteenth-Century Newfoundland: A Geographer's Perspective (T: M&S 1976), which integrates a variety .of approaches to the settlement of the colony during the period. He also has the best recent bibliography for the early period of settlement. For another perspective on the French-British conflict see F.J. Thorpe, 'Fish, Forts and Finance: The Politics of French Construction at Placentia, 1699-171 O,' CHAR, 1971. EARLY BRITISH ADMINISTRATION AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

The establishment of the British presence in Nova Scotia has been admirably treated in J.B. Brebner's 1937 classic, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (T: M&S 1969). Long regarded as the standard interpretation of the immediate post-Conquest period, it has not been seriously challenged by recent writing, though there has been a substantial embellishment of some aspects of its analysis. Essentially, Brebner offers a neutrality paradigm which explains Nova Scotia's behaviour during the revolutionary period in terms of weak geographic position, the strong British presence in Halifax, and the flexibility of the British in administering the colony during periods of stress. The long-standing debate over the nature of Nova Scotia's response to the revolution has been dealt with in George Rawlyk, ed., Revolution Rejected, 1775-1776 (T: PH 1968), which includes a summary of the historiographical question and a selection from the most important earlier writing on the period. He had dealt at length with that controversy in 'The American Revolution and Nova Scotia Reconsidered,' DR, 1963. The most substantial revisionist approaches since the writing of Brebner's Neutral Yankees has been in the field of religious influ-

95 The Atlantic provinces ences on the Nova Scotia position. M.W. Armstrong, The Great Awakening in Nova Scotia (Hartford, Conn.: American Society of Church History 1948), opened the debate surrounding the influence of evangelical preacher Henry Alline. J.M. Bumsted, Henry Alline, 1748-1784 (T: UTP 1971) extended the debate; Gordon Stewart and George Rawlyk, A People Highly Favoured of God: The Nova Scotia Yankees and the American Revolution (T: MAC 1972), concluded that the activity of Alline was pivotal in the decision regarding neutrality. Rawlyk and Stewart have dealt with the same theme more succinctly in 'Nova Scotia's Sense of Mission,' HS/SH, 1968. Stewart, upon whose PHD thesis the earlier work was based, has developed the theme further in 'Socio-economic Factors in the Great Awakening: The Case of Yarmouth, Nova Scotia,' Acadiensis, 1973, and 'Charisma and Integration: An Eighteenth Century North American Case (Alline),' Comparative Studies in Society and History, 1974. The early British establishment in Nova Scotia has been dealt with briefly and more generally in W.S. MacNutt, The Making of the Maritime Provinces, 1713-1784 (o: CHA Pamphlet 4 1960). More pointed are his 'Why Halifax was Founded,' DR, 1933, and 'The Beginnings of Nova Scotia Politics,' CHR, 1935. D.C. Harvey's 'The Struggle for the New England Form of Township Government in Nova Scotia,' CHAR, 1933, assesses the important decisions regarding the form of government that was established following the granting of representative government in 1758. An excellent primary source for the experience of transposed New Englanders is Simeon Perkins, The Diary of Simeon Perkins, 5 vols. with various editors (T: cs 1948-78). It covers the period 1766 through 1812 and provides a valuable counterpoint to the official accounts of the history of the colony. Perkins was a Connecticut merchant who immigrated to Liverpool, Nova Scotia, where he remained in contact with both the Halifax establishment and his business connections in New England for much of the period in question. IMMIGRATION AND SETTLEMENT

The pre-Loyalist settlers to Nova Scotia have generally been dealt with in a more genealogical fashion than from the perspective of

% D.A. Muise more modem demographic analysis. An exception is the marvellous assessment of the arrival of the German settlers, part of an early attempt to transform the population of the colony just before the expulsion of the Acadians. W.P. Bell, The 'Foreign Protestants' and the Settlement of Nova Scotia (T: UTP 1961), is a monumental study which carries the story of the German settlers and their adaptations to the unfamiliar environment of Lunenburg County through the nineteenth century. The New England planters have had a good genealogical treatment by E.C. Wright, Planters and Pioneers: Nova Scotia, 1749-1755 (Windsor, NS: Author 1978), but it is frequently little more than a list of names and relationships. More analytical is I.G. Mackinnon, Settlements and Churches in Nova Scotia (M: Walker House 1930), though even it is severely limited. Older but extremely useful accounts of the early experience of settlers are A. W.H. Eaton, 'The Settling of Colchester County, Nova Scotia, by New England Puritans and Ulster Scotsmen,' TRSC, 1912; W.O. Raymond, 'Colonel Alexander McNutt and the Pre-Loyalist Settlement of Nova Scotia,' TRSC, 1911-12; and more recently, C.B. Fergusson, 'PreRevolutionary Settlements in Nova Scotia,' NSHS Collections, 1970. The Loyalists have long occupied a central place in the historical writing of the region, much as they have for Canada as a whole. There is a great deal of hagiography associated with their arrival and establishment, especially in New Brunswick where they quickly became the dominant element in the population. One useful introduction to their experience is L.F.S. Upton, ed., The United Empire Loyalists: Men and Myths (T: cc 1967), which collects a number of documents and surveys earlier interpretations. E.C. Wright, The Loyalists of New Brunswick (Fredericton: Brunswick Press 1955), pays more attention to genealogy than it does to the experience of the Loyalists. The early chapters ofMacNutt, New Brunswick: A History, 1784-186 7, offer the best political analysis of their experience. A gifted historical geographer of the turn-of-the-century period, W.F. Ganong, has explored various aspects of the early New Brunswick experience in 'A Monograph of the Origin of Settlements in New Brunswick,' TRSC, 1904. The papers of some of the most prominent Loyalists have been collected in W.O. Raymond, ed., The Winslow Papers: AD 1776-1826 (Saint John: 1901). Raymond,

97 The Atlantic provinces one of the truly important early scholars of the region, has also written 'Loyalists in Arms: A Short Account of the Provincial Troops,' NBHS Collections, 1904, and 'The Founding of Shelburne: Benjamin Marston at Halifax, Shelburne and Miramichi,' NBHS Collections, 1909. Neil MacKinnon's 'Nova Scotia Loyalists, 1783-1785,' HS/SH, 1969, is the best recent treatment of the Loyalist remnant that reached Nova Scotia. It should be read in conjunction with his 'The Changing Attitudes of the Nova Scotian Loyalists to the United States, 1783-1791,' Acadiensis, 1973, a fine-grained intellectual history of the Loyalist acceptance of the finality of the revoluton and their transformation into Nova Scotians and New Brunswickers. Two earlier articles by Margaret Ells explore the policies of the Nova Scotia government towards the Loyalists: 'Clearing the Decks for the Loyalists,' CHAR, 1933, and 'Settling the Loyalists in Nova Scotia,' CHAR, 1935. A more detailed analysis of the land question is provided by M. Gilroy, Loyalists and Land Settlement in Nova Scotia (H: PANS Publication no 4 1937). Margaret Ells's 'Loyalist Attitudes,' DR, 1935, should be read with the work ofMacKinnon cited above. W.S. MacNutt's posthumously published 'The Loyalists: A Sympathetic View,' Acadiensis, 1976, is a general approach, which reflects much of the work and involvement of the Loyalist Studies Program at the University of New Brunswick. That program has amassed an enormous amount of primary material, but much of it still awaits the attention of historians. The smaller Loyalist community established in Cape Breton has been well chronicled in R.J. Morgan, 'The Loyalists of Cape Breton,' DR, 1975. For Prince Edward Island, a dated but still useful summary is W.H. Siebert and F.E. Gilliam, 'The Loyalists in Prince Edward Island,' TRSC, 1910. Perhaps the best recent monograph dealing with a Loyalist fragment is J. St G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone 1783-1870 (NY: Africana 1976). The chapters dealing with the Nova Scotia experience of these unfortunate black Loyalists are among the best written about the settlement experience in the province. A briefer account by Walker is 'The Establishment of a Free Black Community in Nova Scotia, 1783- 1840,' in Martin L. Kilson and Robert I. Rotberg,

98 D.A. Muise eds., The African Diaspora: Interpretive Essays (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard UP 1976). Robin Winks, The Blacks in Canada (M: MQUP 1971), has some reference to the blacks' experience in Nova Scotia, but it is neither as detailed nor as perceptive as Walker's analysis. Winks's 'Negroes in the Maritimes: An Introductory Survey,' DR, 1968, is just what its title indicated, a preliminary survey that offers little in the way of interpretation. For New Brunswick, whose blacks had much the same origins and experience as the Nova Scotians though there were fewer of them, there is a good introduction by W. Spray, The Blacks in New Brunswick (Fredericton: Brunswick Press 1972). More succinct is his 'The Settlement of the Black Refugees in New Brunswick,' Acadiensis, 1977. An older but still useful study of the Nova Scotia case is C.B. Fergusson, ed., A Documentary Study of the Establishment of the Negroes in Nova Scotia (H: PANS Report 1953). A less traditional examination of the black experience is Peter E. MacKerrow, A Brief History of the Coloured Baptists of Nova Scotia, 1783-1895, ed. F.S. Boyd (H: NS Dept. ofEducatim 1975). Originally published in 1895, this reprint is an expanded edition of the original which was based largely on oral evidence, a seldom seen viewpoint of the development of the black community. The arrival of the Scots has received a great deal of attention over the years. A recent monograph, D. Campbell and R.A. MacLean, Beyond the Atlantic Roar: A Study of the Nova Scotia Scots (T: MAC 1974), has superseded all other introductions to the topic. In addition to an exceptional review of the literature on the Scottish background to the migrations, it also includes an exhaustive bibliography on the arrival and impact of the Scots throughout the Maritimes. Briefer and more discursive is J.M. Bumsted, 'Scottish Emigration to the Maritimes, 1770-1815: A New Look at an Old Theme,' Acadiensis, 1981. W.S. Reid, ed., The Scottish Tradition in Canada (T: M&S 1976), has some detail on the Maritime experience, but is much too fragmented to provide a comparable introduction. Among the earlier writing on the topic the following are still worth consulting: D.C. Harvey, 'Scottish Immigration to Cape Breton,' DR, 1941; two articles by C.S. MacDonald, 'Early Highland Emigration to Nova Scotia and Prince Edward island from 1770 to 1853,' NSHS Collections, 1936, and 'West Highland Emigrants in Eastern Nova Scotia,' NSHS

99 The Atlantic provinces

Collections, 1959; and D.M. Sinclair, 'Highland Emigration to Nova Scotia,' DR, 1943. A popularly written recent survey of the Scots' arrival is D. MacKay, Scotland Farewell: The People of the Hector (T: MHR 1980). An excellent monographic study is B. Greenhill and A. Giffard, Westcountrymen in Prince Edward's Isle: A Fragment of the Great Migration (T: UTP 1957, 1975). More general approaches to the settlement process include J.B. Bird, 'Settlement Patterns in Maritime Canada, 1687-1789,' Geographical Review, 1955; R.L. Gentilcore, 'The Agricultural Background of Settlement in Eastern Nova Scotia,' in R.L. Gentilcore, ed., Canada's Changing Geography (T: OUP 1967). J.J. Mannion, ed., The Peopling of Newfoundland: Essays in Historical Geography (St John's: Memorial UP 1977), collects a variety of original essays dealing with specific aspects of the settlement process there. His earlier work, Irish Settlements in Eastern Canada: A Story of Cultural Transfer and Adoption (T: UTP 1974), examined the material adjustments that were made by the early Irish immigrants in two Atlantic Canada communities and one in Upper Canada, presenting a model for the analysis of all immigrant groups during the first half of the nineteenth century. Two publications survey the history of nineteenth-century immigration to Nova Scotia: J.S. Martell, Immigration to and Emigration from Nova Scotia: 1815-1838 (H: PANS 1942); and R.G. Flewwelling, 'Immigration to and Emigration from Nova Scotia: 1839-1851,' NSHS Collections, 1949. An informative article is J.S. Martell, 'Military Settlement in Nova Scotia after the War of 1812,' NSHS Collections, 1938. The early development of the population of Prince Edward Island has recently been assessed in a series of articles by J.M. Bumsted: 'Sir James Montgomery and Prince Edward Island, 1767-1803,' Acadiensis, 1978; 'Settlement by Chance: Lord Selkirk and Prince Edward Island,' CHR, 1978; 'Highland Emigration to the Island of St. John and the Scottish Catholic Church, 1769-1774,' DR, 1978; and 'British Colonial Policy and the Island of St. John, 1763-1767,' Acadiensis, 1979. An absorbing overview for PEI is presented in LR. Robertson, 'Highlanders, Irishmen and the Land Question in Nineteenth Century Prince Edward Island,' in L.M. Cullen and T.C.

100 D.A. Muise Smout, eds., Comparative Aspects of Scottish and Irish Economic and Social History, 1600-1900 (Edinburgh: John Donald 1972). These articles present a new effort at interpreting the impact of the absentee proprietors on the settlement process in Prince Edward Island and should be supplemented by Clark's Three Centuries and the Island. A.A. Mackenzie, The Irish in Cape Breton (Antigonish: Formac Press 1980), and T.M. Punch, 'The Irish Catholics: Halifax's First Minority Group,' Nova Scotia Historical Quarterly, 1980, offer an initial appraisal of the early impact of Irish immigration to Nova Scotia, though there is as yet very little on the history of this group. An older work of limited use is H.L. Stewart, The Irish in Nova Scotia: Annals of the Charitable Irish Society of Halifax, 1786-1836 (Wolfville: Kentville Press 1949). POLITICS

The political process in the Atlantic provinces has been consistently the most vital area in historical publication. The range of material available, most of it from either the biographical or the institutional perspective, is very broad. Much of it deals with the evolution of the imperial relationship, a theme dealt with at some length in another section of this bibliography. Nova Scotia's political history is more developed than that of her sister colonies. All general histories pay direct attention to the political process, but there have been a few specific attempts at survey treatment as well. One of the best regarded is Norah Story's 'The Church and State "Party" in Nova Scotia, 1784-1851,' NSHS Collections, 1945, which presents the consistent emergence of a Tory tradition in the colony. A more recent perspective on a similar topic is D.A. Sutherland, 'Halifax Merchants and the Pursuit of Development, 1783-1850,' CHR, 1978, which addresses the role of the business community in the establishment of the priorities of government. The early phases of the political formation of Nova Scotia in the post-revolutionary period are addressed in Neil MacKinnon, '"This Cursed Republican Spirit": The Loyalists and Nova Scotia's Sixth

101 The Atlantic provinces Assembly,' Humanities Association Review, 1978. The decision to partition the province in 1784 is best explored in Marion Gilroy, 'The Partition of Nova Scotia,' CHR, 1933. The pivotal position of John Wentworth in the accommodation of Loyalists to the new politicat' situation in Nova Scotia is dealt with by A. Archibald, 'The Life of John Wentworth, Governor of Nova Scotia,' NSHS, 1921. Also useful is M. Ells, 'Governor Wentworth's Patronage,' NSHS Collections, 1942. Brian Cuthbertson's The Old Attorney General: A Biography of Richard John Uniacke, 1753-1830 (H: Nimbus Publishing 1980) presents a sympathetic assessment of the career of one of the most important politicians of the post-revolutionary period. G.F. Butler's 'The Early Organization and Influence of Halifax Merchants,' NSHS Collections, 1942, chronicles the emergence of a sustained pressure group and its objectives in terms of the colonial policies operating in Nova Scotia. The transitional period, bridging the early establishment of political systems and the emergence of reform-oriented parties in the 1830s, is not so well treated. One exception is S.D. Clark, Movements of Political Protest in Canada, 1640-1840, (T: UTP 1959). Chapter VII deals at some length with the agitation led by Cotnam Tongue and presents a hinterlandmetropolis conflict at the base of the Nova Scotia reform movement. The literature on political development improves dramatically with the reform movement of the 1830s, its subsequent expression in the reform party, and the struggle towards responsible government. A still acceptable survey of that movement is W.R. Livingston's rather pretentiously subtitled Responsible Government in Nova Scotia: A Study of the Constitutonal Beginnings of the British Commonwealth (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press 1930). J.M. Beck, 'Joseph Howe: Mild Tory to Reforming Assemblyman,' DR, 1964, is the best introduction to the transformation of Howe, the pivotal figure in the reform movement, into the leader of a party. Gene Morison's two articles, 'Herbert Huntington,' NSHS Collections, 1951, and 'The Brandy Election of 1830,' NSHS Collections, 1954, offer a clear introduction to the basic issues of the formation of the reform movement. The emancipation of Roman Catholics in the drive towards reform is explored by Sister Mary Liguori, 'Halibur-

102 D.A. Muise

ton and the Uniackes: Protestant Champions of Catholic Liberty (A Study in Catholic Emancipation in Nova Scotia),' CCHAR, 1953, and J. Garner, 'The Enfranchisement of Roman Catholics in the Maritimes,' CHR, 1953. The achievement of responsible government is treated in R.S. Longley, '1848 in Retrospect: Events in Nova Scotia and Canada,' CHAR, 1948; Chester Martin, 'Nova Scotian and Canadian Reformers of 1848,' TRSC, 1929; and W.M. Whitelaw, 'Responsible Government and the Irresponsible Governor,' CHR, 1932. All three view the move towards responsible government as the logical and peaceful achievement of maturity in the political field, as a reflection of advances in the social and economic sphere. D.C. Harvey's 'The Spacious Days of Nova Scotia,' DR, 1939, and 'The Age of Paith in Nova Scotia,' TRSC, 1946, address the same question but from the perspective of social and intellectual achievements. Central to all their writing is the sense of inevitability that they impart to the reform movement's achievement of responsible government. Joseph Howe's role was pivotal in the evolution of responsible government in Nova Scotia. A sample of the writing on his contribution should be taken before any conclusions are made regarding the overall course of the movement. The best brief treatments of that aspect of his long career are in J.M. Beck, 'Joseph Howe,' in R.L. McDougall, ed., Our Living Tradition, 4th series (T: UTP 1962), and 'Joseph Howe: Opportunist or Empire-builder?' CHR, 1960. Another useful summary of Howe's role is J.M. Beck, 'Joseph Howe,' in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. X: J8 71 to 1880 (T: UTP 1976). Howe's main adversary in that debate is well treated by D.A. Sutherland's 'James W. Johnston,' in ibid. Finally, for an older treatment of the three most prominent Nova Scotia politicians of the immediate pre-Confederation period one can still consult E.M. Saunders, Three Premiers of Nova Scotia: The Hon. J. W. Johnston, the Hon. Joseph Howe, the Hon. Charles Tupper (T: Briggs 1909). Long, rambling, and very biased in favour of Tupper and Johnston, Saunders provides a useful guide to the issues which swept the province during the pre-Confederation era. The sectarian and economic crises of the later 1850s are the subject of a number of important articles. J.M. Beck, 'The Nova Scotian

103 The Atlantic provinces "Disputed Election" of 1859 and its Aftermath,' CHR, 1955, and 'The Party System in Nova Scotia,' CJEPS, 1954, are both useful. J.B. Brebner untangles the dispute regarding 'Joseph Howe and the Crimean War Enlistment Controversy between Great Britain and the United States,' CHR, 1930. H.W. MacPhee, 'The Constitutional Controversy in Nova Scotia, 1859-60,' NSHS Collections, 1959, is a straightforward account of the disputed election and its consequences. Less scholarly, but containing a wealth of material, is Sir N. Meagher's The Religious Wa,fare in Nova Scotia, 1855-1860: Its Political Aspects, the Hon. Joseph Howe's Part in it and the Attitude of the Catholics (H: Author 1927). Finally, K.G. Pryke in 'Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island consider an Effective Upper House,' DR, 1970, examines a recurring problem during the decade, one which was never satisfactorily resolved. For New Brunswick the early chapters of MacNutt's New Brunswick: A History are the best introduction. It can be supplemented by G.F.G. Stanley, 'James Glenie: A Study in Early Colonial Radicalism,' NSHS Collections, 1942; W.O. Raymond, 'A Radical and a Loyalist: A Biographical Sketch of Elias Hardy, Barrister at Law at Saint John, 1784-1855,' TRSC, 1919. Also useful for the formative period is G.A. Rawlyk, 'The Federalist-Loyalist Alliance in New Brunswick, 1784-1815,' Humanities Association Review, 1978. Three articles by MacNutt complement his more general treatment: 'The Politics of the Timber Trade in Colonial New Brunswick,' CHR, 1949; 'New Brunswick's Age of Harmony: The Administration of Sir John Harvey,' CHR, 1951; and 'The Coming of Responsible Government to New Brunswick,' CHR, 1952. On the administration of the timber reserves see G. Wynn, 'Administration in Adversity: The Deputy Surveyors and Control of the New Brunswick Crown Forest before 1844,' Acadiensis, 1977. For the 1850s the best introduction is D.G.G. Kerr, Sir Edmund Head: A Scholarly Governor (T: UTP 1954). A briefer introduction is his 'Head and Responsible Government in New Brunswick,' CHA, 1938. On the later 1850s see P.B. Waite, 'The Fall and Rise of the Smashers,' Acadiensis, 1972; and W.F. Ryan, 'The New Brunswick Election of 1856: Responsible Government, the Power of Dissolution and Prohibition,' NBHS Collections, 1955.

104 D.A. Muise Newfoundland's political evolution has been the subject of two well-developed monographs. A.H. McLintock's The Establishment of Constitutional Government in Newfoundland, 1783-1832: A Study of Retarded Colonization (L: Longmans, Green 1941) carries that story up through the establishment of representative government. G.E. Gunn's The Political History of Newfoundland, 1832-1864 (T: UTP 1966) follows on with the development of political structures during the drive to responsible government. Keith Matthews has explored the situation in the provincial capital on the achievement of representative institutions in 'The Class of '32: St. John's Reformers on the Eve of Representative Government,' Acadiensis, 1977; M. MacDonnell's 'The Conflict between Sir John Harvey and Chief Justice J.G.H. Bourne,' CHAR, 1956, discusses the constitutional controversy surrounding the definition of the role of the assembly; while E.C. Moulton, 'Constitutional Crisis and Civil Strife in Newfoundland, February to November, 1861,' CHR, 1967, explores the tangled affiliation between sectarian groups and political parties. A fine summary treatment of the problem is presented by F. Jones, 'Bishops in Politics: Roman Catholic v Protestant in Newfoundland 1860-2,' CHR, 1974. Prince Edward Island has been, generally speaking, the least investigated colony from the political perspective. A narrative of the political events of the period can be pieced together from chapters in Bolger, ed., Canada's Smallest Province. A number of articles have dealt with various aspects of the political history of the Island: Helen Champion, 'The Disorganization of the Government of Prince Edward Island during the American Revolutionary War,' CHR, 1939; D.C. Harvey, 'The Loyal Electors,' TRSC, 1930; W.S. MacNutt, 'Fanning's Regime on Prince Edward Island,' Acadiensis, 1971; and E.J. Mullally, 'The Hon. Edward Whelan: A Father of Confederation from Prince Edward Island,' CCHAR, 1938-9. On the achievement of responsible government see W.R. Livingston, Responsible Government in Prince Edward Island (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press 1931). On the 1850s see I.R. Robertson's 'The Bible Question in Prince Edward Island from 1856 to 1860,' Acadiensis, 1976, and 'Party Politics and Religious Controversialism in Prince Edward Island from 1860 to 1863,' Acadiensis, 1978.

105 The Atlantic provinces RELIGION

Though time would render the two themes of religion and education somewhat less interdependent, for much of the pre-Confederation period they remained inextricably entangled. Religion was certainly the more important element in the relationship, for it dominated the development of educational institutions throughout the period. Although all four provinces dabbled in public support for education before Confederation there was little sustained advance towards free or compulsory schooling until the 1860s. One consequence was that virtually all educational development was initiated by the various religious denominations which had established beach-heads in the region. Baptists, Anglicans, Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, and Methodists were all substantially represented in the population of the colonies and they retained a surprising degree of geographical hegemony throughout the pre-Confederation period. The block settlement of various areas of the region was reflected in the geographical homogeneity of various ethno-religious groupings. That tendency has been explored for Nova Scotia by A.H. Clark in 'Old World Origins and Religious Adherence in Nova Scotia,' Geographical Review, 1963. Quite apart from the obvious religious diversity, there was a profound ethnic division which sometimes split the members of a single denomination. Among the Roman Catholics, for instance, the three basic groups - Acadians, Irish, and Scots - were geographically separate and sometimes at loggerheads over aspects of the administration of their various communities; see M. Wade, 'Relations between the French, Irish and Scottish Clergy in the Maritime Provinces, 1774-1836,' CCHAR, 1972. There have been substantial advances in the institutional history of the various denominations; some of it sponsored by the denominations themselves and others more critical and occasionally offering a broader perspective. Whatever the source or quality of this religious history, it is important to remember that in the nineteenth century religion was probably the single most important institutional framework within which society operated. It deserves to be considered as an integral aspect of development throughout the period.

106 D.A. Muise One of the earliest established of the protestant communities, and one of the most dynamic throughout the period, was the Baptist congregation, to some extent the survivors of the Great Awakening that had transformed the population during the American Revolution. With the subsequent disruption of most American-based Congregational churches, .there was an opportunity for the emergence of a decisive new form of religious organization. Developments through the revolution have been dealt with above in the discussion of the impact of that struggle on Nova Scotia. There have been a number of important recollections of the post-revolutionary experience. Best among them is the Rev. I.E. Bill, Fifty Years with the Baptist Ministers and Churches of the Maritime Provinces of Canada (Saint John: Barnes 1880). A massive work of detail, it chronicles the establishment of the church through the nineteenth century, with special emphasis on the distinctive organization within the Maritime region. A more narrative approach, by another retired minister, is the Rev. E.M. Saunders, A History of the Baptists of the Maritime Provinces (H: John Burgoyne 1902). More dependable and scholarly is G.E. Levy, The Baptists of the Maritime Provinces, 1753-1946 (Saint John: Barnes-Hopkins 1946). The excellent collection and organization of Baptist records held at Acadia University in Wolfville has facilitated the writing of a synthesis of the experience of the sect. A host of recollections have been published over the years and recently a new series has emerged entitled The Baptist Heritage in Atlantic Canada. The first two volumes bode well for further development. Volume I presents the life and work of one of the pivotal leaders of the movement in the early part of the nineteenth century: G.E. Levy, ed., The Diary of Joseph Dimock (Hantsport: Lancelot Press 1979). A second volume presents a selection of scholarly papers dealing with various aspects of the development of the Baptist community: Barry M. Moodie, ed., Repent and Believe: The Baptist Experience in Maritime Canada (Hantsport: Lancelot Press 1980). Papers cover such diverse topics as the second Great Awakening of the early nineteenth century, the African Baptist organizations, and the involvement of the church in higher education. Two other articles detailing the earliest establishment of the Baptists can be consulted with profit: M.W. Armstrong, '"Elder Moulton" and the

107 The Atlantic provinces Nova Scotia Baptists,' DR. 1944; and J.M. Bumsted, 'Origins of the Maritime Baptists: A New Document,' DR, 1969. The Roman Catholics of eastern Nova Scotia have fared best among their co-religionists at the hand of historians. The Rev. A.A. Johnston's A History of the Roman Catholic Church in Eastern Nova Scotia, 2 vols. (T: Longmans 1960; Academic Press 1972) presents a monumental study of the predominantly Scottish Catholic areas served by the diocese of Antigonish. In fact, this history deals with aspects of Catholic development throughout the rest of the region, especially on Prince Edward Island and north shore New Brunswick, and has been written with full access to records available only at the diocesan archives. Halifax and the New Brunswick dioceses have not been nearly as lucky in finding a historian, though there is an interesting earlier history of the church on Prince Edward Island: J.C. MacMillan, History of the Catholic Church in Prince Edward Island from 1835 to 1891, 2 vols. (Q: L'Evenement 1905, 1913). Not nearly as good as Johnston's more scholarly work, it is sometimes little more than a listing of clergy and postings, though there are all manner of interesting nuggets regarding the early social and religious life of the region. The tendency to concentrate on the heroic efforts of church pioneers in the region is often at the expense of a significant analysis of its structure. Several articles deal with aspects of the development of the church in the region: the Rev. Alfred, 'The Rt. Rev. Edmund Burke ... First Vicar Apostolic of Nova Scotia, 1753-1820,' CCHAR, 1940-1; and F.J. Wilson, 'The Most Reverend Thomas L. Connolly, Archbishop of Halifax,' CCHAR, 1943, consider two of the early prelates and incidentally offer a history of the primarily Irish establishment at Halifax. An interesting first-hand perspective on the difficulties encountered by the Roman Catholic church in Halifax is Archbishop C. O'Brien, Memoirs of the Rt. Rev. Edmund Burke: Bishop of Zion, First Vicar Apostolic of Nova Scotia (o: Thoburn 1894). More institutional is J.E. Bums, 'The Development of Roman Catholic Church Government in Halifax from 1760 to 1853,' NSHS Collections, 1936. On the French emigre missionary to the Acadians see H.L. D'Entremont, 'Father Jean Mande Sigogne, 1799-1844,' NSHS Collections, 1936. The Newfoundland case, where there were a number of com-

108 D.A. Muise plicating factors, is dealt with in F. Jones, 'Religion, Education and Politics in Newfoundland, 1836-1875,' Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society, 1970, The early years of the Church of England in Nova Scotia have been fortunate in a series of good histories. The most recent is Judith Fingard's The Anglican Design in Loyalist Nova Scotia, 17831816 (L: Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge 1972), easily the best institutional history of any denomination available for the nineteenth century. A number of her scholarly articles further explore aspects of that church's activities in the early years: 'Administrative Relationships in the Church of England in Nova Scotia, 1787-1816' NSHS Collections, 1966; 'The Establishment of the First English Colonial Episcopate,' DR, 1967-8; 'Charles Inglis and his "Primitive Bishoprick" in Nova Scotia,' CHR, 1968; "'Grapes in the Wilderness": The Bible Society in British North America in the Early Nineteenth Century,' HS/SH, 1972; and 'English Humanitarianism and the Colonial Mind: Walter Bromley in Nova Scotia,

1813-1825,' CHR, 1973.

An interesting though brief overview of the early problems associated with the establishment of the Church of England is J.M. Bumsted, 'Church and State in Maritime Canada, 1749-1807,' CHAR, 1967. An older and somewhat dated treatment of the Anglican experience can still be consulted with some profit: A.W.H. Eaton, The Church of England in Nova Scotia (H: 1890). For the work of Anglican missionary societies the standard treatment is C.E. Thomas, 'The First Half Century of the Work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Nova Scotia,' NSHS Collections, 1963. Charles Inglis, the pivotal figure in the early establishment, has been the subject of a useful biography: R. V. Harris, Charles Inglis: Missionary, Loyalist and Bishop, (1734-1816) (T: RP 1937). A brief treatment of the history of Anglicans in Newfoundland is R.S. Rayson, 'The Church of England in Newfoundland,' Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society, 1952. More detailed but somewhat antiquarian is M.F. Howley, Ecclesiastical History ofNewfoundland (1888, reprinted Belleville: Mika 1979). Methodists and Presbyterians have each received their history within the broader context of British North American development.

109 The Atlantic provinces The standard work on the Methodists is G.S. French, Parsons and Politics: The Role of the Wes(yan Methodists in Upper Canada and the Maritimes, 1780-1855 (T: RP 1962), though his treatment of the Maritimes development is somewhat perfunctory following the establishment of the first churches. More popularly written is A.E. Betts, Bishop Black and his Preachers (Sackville: Tribune Press 1976), which tends to be somewhat anecdotal. S.P. Whiteway has provided an overview of the experience of the sect in Newfoundland in 'The History of Methodism in Newfoundland,' United Church Archives Bulletin, 1948. That Bulletin contains a host of brief sketches of various clergymen as well as a variety of documents dealing with aspects of the early development of the church. Of related interest is the article by W.H. Whiteley, 'The Establishment of the Moravian Mission in Labrador and British Policy, 1763-1783,' CHR, 1964. A more general treatment of the interplay of the various sects and the government of the region, especially useful for Nova Scotia, is S.D. Clark, Church and Sect in Canada (T: UTP 1948). A sociologist, Clark offers the interpretation of the interplay of the frontier with established social organizations. An older but still occasionally useful survey is J.W. Smith, History of the Methodist Church in Eastern British America, 2 vols. (H: S.F. Huestis 1877). The Presbyterian church has not had a modern history of the quality of French's work on the Methodists, but it was lucky in some of its earlier chroniclers. Still enormously valuable is G. Patterson, ed., Memoir of the Reverend James MacGregor (Philadelphia: J.M. Wilson 1859), a history of the early social life of the Scots Presbyterian community centred in Pictou County, Nova Scotia. See also the same author's A History of Pictou County. Another useful source is J. MacLeod, A History of the Presbyterian Church on Prince Edward Island (Chicago: Winona Publishing 1904). EDUCATION

W.B. Hamilton has provided an overview of education in chapters dealing with the Atlantic provinces in J.D. Wilson, R.M. Stamp, and L.-P. Audet, eds., Canadian Education: A History (T: PH 1970), which reviews much of the earlier literature. There is a brief histori-

110 D.A. Muise cal section in G.A. Frecker, Education in the Atlantic Provinces (T: Gage 1956), but there is nothing comparable to the active monographic work being done on educational topics for other portions of British North America. There are a few noticeable exceptions in the form of surveys. K.F.C. MacNaughton's The Development of the Theory and Practice of Education in New Brunswick, 1784-1900: A Study in Historical Background (Fredericton: Brunswick Press 1947) presents an admirable summary of developments. F.W. Rowe has done the same for Newfoundland in The History of Education in Newfoundland (T: RP 1952), though it is not as well executed as MacNaughton's study. For Nova Scotia the best introduction is D.C. Harvey, ed., A Documentary Study of Early Education Policy in Nova Scotia (H: PANS Report 1937). A briefer treatment is G. Morrison, 'The History of Education in Nova Scotia,' Canadian College of Teachers, 1962. An older but still useful summary is J. Bingay, Public Education in Nova Scotia: A History and a Commentary (Kingston: Jackson Press 1919). There are a number of specialized articles dealing with various aspects of the development of education, particularly for Nova Scotia: Judith Fingard, 'Attitudes towards the Education of the Poor in Colonial Halifax,' Acadiensis, 1973; D.C. Harvey, 'English Schools in Nova Scotia, 1811-1825,' Nova Scotia Journal of Education, 1934; 'The Grammar Schools of Nova Scotia, 1811-1825,' ibid.; 'Educational Experiments, 1825-1832,' ibid., 1935; 'Struggling Towards Educational Reform,' ibid.; and 'Dr. Thomas McCulloch and Liberal Education,' DR, 1943-4. Other interesting articles include J.W. Logan, 'History of the Halifax Grammar School, High School and Academy from 1789 to 1894,' NSHS Collections, 1936; Sister Francis Xavier, 'Educational Legislation in Nova Scotia and the Catholics,' CCHAR, 1957; L.M. Toward, 'The Influence of Scottish Clergy on Early Education in Cape Breton,' NSHS Collections, 1951; and C.E. Thomas, 'The Early Days of Kings College, Windsor, N.S.,' Canadian Church Historical Society, 1964. The influence of Mechanics' Institutes on adult education is dealt with in P. Keane, 'Joseph Howe and Adult Education,' Acadiensis, 1973; 'George R. Young and Comparative Adult Education,' Nova Scotia Journal of Education, 1973-4; and 'A Study in Early Problems and Policies in Adult Education: The Halifax Mechanics' Institute,'

111 The Atlantic provinces HS/SH, 1975. The move towards free and compulsory education in Nova Scotia has been dealt with in D.C. Harvey, 'The F.stablishment of Free Schools in Nova Scotia,' Nova Scotia Journal of Education, 1939; and Peter McCreath, 'Charles Tupper and the Politics of Education in Nova Scotia,' Nova Scotia Historical Quarterly, 1971. The field of higher education has received more attention, most of it in the form of sketches of particular institutions, often little more than paeans of praise for the achievements of the institution. The very specific association of most of the colleges with religious denominations makes their history directly related to the religious group in question. One interesting general approach is G.T. Rimmington, 'The Founding of Universities in Nova Scotia,' DR, 1966-7, which outlines the close affiliation of the various colleges with the religious and educational aspirations of their founders. Most other material is related to a single institution: D.C. Harvey, An Introduction to the History of Dalhousie University (H: McCurdy 1938), is a useful study of the largest university in the region. Still of use is H.Y. Hind, The University of Kings College, Windsor, Nova Scotia, 1790-1890 (NY: Church Review Company 1890). On St Francis Xavier University see M. MacDonell, 'The Early History of St. Francis Xavier University,' CCHAR, 1947-8. Acadia has been well served by R.S. Longley, Acadia University, 1838-1938 (Wolfville: Kentville Press 1939). The University of New Brunswick has a history in preparation. A brief but largely anecdotal sketch is W.C. Keirstead, 'The University of New Brunswick, Past and Present,' DR, 1942-3. Several histories, including multi-volume treatments of Mount Allison and Acadia, are presently underway. One interesting aspect of the renewed interest in educational history, which has not penetrated the Maritime area very much to date, is a concern for curriculum development. An exception is R.A. Jarrell, 'Science Education at the University of New Brunswick in the Nineteenth Century,' Acadiensis, 1973, though much of it concerns the post-Confederation period. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

The economic history of the region, in spite of some impressive advances over the years, is still largely underdeveloped for the

112 D.A. Muise pre-Confederation period, and most current interest seems to be directed towards the period after 1867. As with other themes examined, most of the writing has been within the context of an individual colony rather than through an interpretation of the region as a whole. There are two brief overviews that should be consulted, however, for they offer thematic interpretations that help set the tone for understanding the economic history of the region. H.A. Innis, 'An Introduction to the Economic History of the Maritime Provinces, including Newfoundland and New England,' CHAR, 1931, reprinted in H.A. Innis, Essays in Canadian Economic History with an introduction by M.Q. Innis (T: UTP 1956). Innis's concentration on the impact of staples and his concern for the open nature of the Atlantic economy in terms of its transportation and communication systems is integral to our understanding of the region. Another overview is A.H. Clark, 'Contributions of its Southern Neighbours to the Underdevelopment of the Maritime Provinces Area, 17101867,' in R.A. Preston, ed., The Influence of the United States on Canadian Development (Durham, NC: Duke UP 1972), which argues for the overbearing influence of the American society and economy and the fact that New England's accelerated development inhibited Maritime economic diversification. Several works that deal with major staples in a North American context have an important bearing on the economic history of the region. First among them is Innis, The Cod Fisheries, though it is sometimes convoluted and difficult to follow. More general and straightforward is R.F. Grant, The Canadian Atlantic Fisheries (T: RP 1934), which unfortunately has more on the post-Confederation period. A.R.M. Lower's The North American Assault on the Canadian

Forest: A History of the Lumber Trade between Canada and the United States (T: RP 1938) has important sections dealing with the region

written by S.A. Saunders, but much of it deals with the post-Confederation period as well. For the earlier period A.R.M. Lower's

Great Britain's Woodyard: British America and the Timber Trade 1763-1867 (M: MQUP 1973) is the best single-volume treatment,

though it should be supplemented for New Brunswick by Graeme Wynn, Timber Colony: A Historical Geography of Early Nineteenth Century New Brunswick ( T: UTP 1981). A briefer synthesis of the

113 The Atlantic provinces process of marketing timber is Wynn's 'Industrialism, Entrepreneurship and Opportunity in the New Brunswick Timber Trade,' in L.R. Fischer and E.W. Sager, eds., The Enterprising Canadians: Entrepreneurs and Economic Development in Eastern Canada: 18201914 (St John's: Memorial UP 1979). Another approach of general interest from the Atlantic Canada perspective is G.S. Graham, Empire of the North Atlantic: The Maritime Struggle for North America (2nd ed., T: UTP 197 4), which, in spite of its military orientation, provides a sound analysis of the early nineteenth-century economic policies and their impact on the colonies. It complements his earlier work, Sea Power and British North America, 1783-1820: A Study in British Colonial Policy (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard UP 1941). The most rapidly advancing field in pre-Confederation economic history is shipping and ship-building. That industry has always attracted a lot of attention because of its heroic nature and the obvious impact that it had on the region; more important perhaps was the fact that it was the shipping and ship-building industry that distinguished the region from the rest of British North America. With the aid of a long-term grant from the Canada Council, the Maritime History Group, based at the Department of History at Memorial University in St John's, has been engaged for some time in the Atlantic Canada Shipping Project. The essential data base is the enormous collection of British shipping registers for the nineteenth century, and computer programs are used to analyse the data. One of the functions of the project is to host an annual conference and publish its papers. There have been three conference proceedings published to date. K. Matthews and G. Panting, eds., Ships and Ship Building in the North Atlantic Region (St John's: Memorial University 1978), places the development of the industry into an international context with papers not only from the project participants but from a wide range of international scholars as well. Included among the papers are a series of surveys of the growth and nature of the shipping trade in various ports of registry in the Atlantic region. Fischer and Sager, eds., The Enterprising Canadians, includes a number of articles dealing with the post-Confederation period as well as a number of pieces on the growth and expansion of shipping through the century. D. Alexander and R. Ommer, eds., Volumes not Values:

114 D.A. Muise Canadian Sailing Ships and World Trades (St John's: Memorial University 1979), deals with a number of specialized shipping trades, again with an emphasis on the international context of the industry. Scholars from other countries have been invited to offer comparative examinations of the themes of interest to the project. There are a number of survey studies of the shipping of particular ports, the basic unit of measurement, available directly from the project. There have also been a number of supplementary publications by various members of the research team; among them we should cite D. Alexander and G. Panting, 'The Mercantile Fleet and its Owners: Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, 1840-1889,' Acadiensis, 1978; and E.W. Sager and L.R. Fischer, 'Patterns of Investment in the Shipping Industries of Atlantic Canada, 1820-1900,' Acadiensis, 1979. The work of the Atlantic Canada Shipping Project is fast superseding the more traditional studies of the industry, but some of the older works are still very useful and should be consulted. On the earlier period the classic is R.G. Albion, Forests and Sea Power: The Timber Problem of the Royal Navy 1652-1862 (Cambridge: Harvard UP 1926), still valuable for the transition through the American Revolution. F.W. Wallace is the most romantic of the older authors dealing with the period before Confederation. While his books do not deal exclusively with the Atlantic region, many of their examples are drawn from there. His two most widely regarded volumes are Wooden Ships and Iron Men (L: George Sully 1924), and In the Wake of the Wind-Ships (T: Author 1927). Both are full of the lore of the sea and a variety of personal recollections. Also useful is the exact detail he gives regarding the actual running of ships and the complex voyages undertaken by colonial vessels. Less ambitious than Wallace are J.P. Parker's Sails of the Maritimes (H: Maritime Museum of Canada 1960), and Cape Breton Ships and Men (np: Author 1967), which are mostly lists of ships, men, and voyages, without much in the way of a detailed analysis of the nature of the trade. Similar in their determination to list as many ships and men as possible are L. Manny, Ships of the Miramichi (Saint John: New Brunswick Museum 1960), and E.C. Wright, Saint John Ships and their Builders (Wolfville: Author 1976). Two recently published and well-illustrated volumes deserve special mention. Stanley Spicer, Master of Sail: The Era of the Square-

115 The Atlantic provinces

rigged Vessels in the Maritime Provinces (T: MHR 1968), and C. Armour and T. Lackey, Sailing Ships of the Maritimes (T:MHR 1975), offer the best popular accounts of the emergence of the industry. Both are full of the intricate technology which evolved constantly throughout the nineteenth century. Finally, there is an interesting study of one of the most important shipping concerns of the region: R. Rice, 'The Wrights of Saint John: A Study in Shipbuilding and Shipping in the Maritimes, 1839-1885,' in D.S. Macmillan, ed., Canadian Business History: Selected Studies, 1497 to the Present (T: M&S 1972). Other specific studies are found in the various conference reports of the Atlantic Canada Shipping Project. The mining industry of the region has been largely ignored by historians, though there is much work in train at present. An older but still valuable treatment of the coal-mining industry of Cape Breton is Richard Brown, The Coa(fields and Coal Trade of the Island of Cape Breton (L: Sampson and Low 1871). Brown was the Cape Breton manager of the General Mining Association, which monopolized the industry for most of the period up to Confederation, and he was very much involved in the history which he described. A good brief summary of the early years, especially the role of the provincial government in its attempts to regulate the industry, is J.S. Martell, 'Early Coal Mining in Nova Scotia,' DR, 1945. The history of the Pictou County coal fields has recently been chronicled in James Cameron, The Pictonian Colliers (H: Nova Scotia Museum 1974). The gold-mining industry became an important element just prior to Confederation. A useful introduction is G.R. Evans, 'Early Gold Mining in Nova Scotia,' NSHS Collections, 1942. For the field of agriculture the best available studies are Clark's Acadia and Three Centuries and the Island, which deal with the whole question of land settlement and agricultural establishment. The agricultural reformers in Nova Scotia have been described by J.S. Martell in The Achievements of Agricola and the Agricultural Societies in Nova Scotia, /811-1825 (H: PANS Bulletin 1940), and From Central Board to Secretary ofAgriculture, 1826-1885 (H: PANS Bulletin 1942), which examine the institutional development of the provincial government throughout the period. Graeme Wynn has studied the Chignecto area in 'Late Eighteenth-Century Agriculture on the Bay of Fundy Marshlands,' Acadiensis, 1979, while J.L. Martin has

116 D.A. Muise considered one of the more marginal areas in Lunenburg County in 'Farm Life in Western Nova Scotia prior to 1850,' NSHS Collections, 1970. Also of interest is G.T. Rimmington, 'The Geography ofHaliburton's Nova Scotia,' DR, 1968-9. More general approaches to the economy include P.O. McClelland, 'The New Brunswick Economy in the Nineteenth Century,' Journal of Political Economy, 1965, which is an abstract of his longer PHD dissertation of the same title (Harvard University, 1966). Two important articles by S.A. Saunders deal with the impact of the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 on the economy of the region: 'The Maritime Provinces and the Reciprocity Treaty,' DR, 1934, and 'The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854: A Regional Study,' CJEPS, 1936. Both offer the argument that the impact of the treaty was less important for the economic development of the region than had previously been felt. That argument is taken up again in D.C. Masters, The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 (T: M&S 1937, 1965). A more recent study of the decision-making process regarding the treaty is R.H. MacDonald, 'Nova Scotia and the Reciprocity Negotiations, 1846-1854: A Reinterpretation,' Nova Scotia Historical Quarterly, 1977. The emergence of an urban elite with ambitions beyond the traditional staple trades of the region is developed in C. Wallace, 'Saint John Boosters and the Railroads in the Mid-nineteenth Century,' Acadiensis, 1976; T.W. Acheson, 'The Great Merchant and Economic Development in St. John, 1820-1850,' Acadiensis, 1979; D. Sutherland, 'Halifax Merchants and the Pursuit of Development, 1783-1850,' CHR, 1978. All three place the experience of Maritime entrepreneurs within the broader British North American setting and argue that the ambitions at least of the merchants were such as to promote more sophisticated development within the region. For the earlier period an interesting approach is G.F. Butler, 'The Early Organization and Influence of Halifax Merchants,' NSHS Collections, 1942. David Macmillan explored the development relating to the Saint John business community in 'The New Men in Action: Scottish Mercantile and Shipping Operations in the North American Colonies, 1760-1825' in his Canadian Business History. Finally, there is an interesting sociological approach looking at the development of the fishery in Newfoundland in S.D. Antler, 'A Plantation

117 The Atlantic provinces Fishery at Newfoundland, 1800-1840,' Atlantic Canada Economic Association Papers, 1974, which is distinguished by its explicitly Marxist approach to understanding the industry. But the best recent treatment of the fishery is S. Ryan, 'The Newfoundland Salt Cod Trade in the Nineteenth Century,' in Hiller and Neary, eds., Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Also of interest is J.C. Arnell, 'The Ports of the Maritimes and their Trade and Commerce in 1800,' Canadian Geographical Journal, 1969. SOCIAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

The field of social history is a tremendously amorphous one. Indeed, much of the material presented in other sections of this bibliography might be said to encompass some aspects of social history. It has only been within the past few decades that any substantial attempt has been made explicitly to approach the field in Canada, and more than any other area it remains the preserve of the learned article rather than of the finished monograph. The following brief listing threads between the various thematic classifications already outlined, but it should not be construed as merely leftovers. Some of the works cited include the best current material being written on the history of the region. One area that has always been of interest for Atlantic Canada historians has been the treatment of the poor. An early example ofthis sort of concern is R. Williams, 'Poor Relief and Medicine in Nova Scotia, 1749-1783,' NSHS Collections, 1938, which can still be consulted with profit. It should be supplemented by M.L. Grant, 'Hospitals and Almshouses in Halifax, 17 49-1859 ,' Nova Scotia Medical Bulletin, 1938. Other titles of related interest include G.E. Hart, 'The Halifax Poor Man's Friend Society, 1820-1827: An Early Social Experiment,' CHR, 1953; B. Greenhous, 'Paupers and Poorhouses: The Development of Poor Relief in Early New Brunswick,' HS/SH, 1968; J. Whalen, 'The Nineteenth-Century Almshouse System in Saint John County,' HS/SH, 1971, and 'Social Welfare in New Brunswick, 1784-1900,' Acadiensis, 1972. More specialized are G. Aiton, 'The Selling of Paupers by Public Auction in Sussex Parish,' NBHS Collections, 1961, and I. A. Jack, 'The Loyalists and Slavery in

118 D.A. Muise New Brunswick,' TRSC, 1898. Two recent articles address the problems encountered by the port cities: Judith Fingard, 'A Winter's Tale: The Seasonal Contours of Pre-Industrial Poverty in BNA, 1815-1860,' CHAR, 1974, and 'The Relief of the Unemployed Poor in Saint John, Halifax and St. John's, 1815-1860,' Acadiensis, 1975. Of related interest is her article, 'The Decline of the Sailor as Ship Labourer in 19th Century Timber Ports,' Labour/Le Travailleur, 1977. More general in their approach are such documentary anthologies as P. Neary and P. O'Flaherty, eds., By Great Waters: A Newfoundland and Labrador Anthology (T: UTP 1974), and R.G. Moyles, 'Complaints is many and various but the odd divil likes it': Nineteenth Century Views of Newfoundland (T: M&S 1975). C.R. Fay's Life and Labour in Newfoundland (T: UTP 1956) is an attempt to make generalizations based on folk traditions. A briefer general approach is R. Wicks, 'Newfoundland Social Life, 1750-1856,' Newfoundland Quarterly, 1970. All offer a perspective on the variety of social problems faced by Newfoundland over the pre-Confederation period. No such general approaches are available for the other three colonies of the region, but there are a few articles that deserve mention: G. Bilson, 'The Cholera Epidemic in Saint John, N.B., 1854,' Acadiensis, 1974; D. Francis, 'The Development of the Lunatic Asylum in the Maritime Provinces,' Acadiensis, 1977; T.W. Acheson, 'A Study in the Historical Demography of a Loyalist County' [Charlotte, NB], HS/SH, 1968; D.E. Stephens, 'Census of Nova Scotia: 1861,' Nova Scotia Historical Quarterly, 1973; A. Brookes, '"Doing the Best I can": The Taking of the 1861 New Brunswick Census,' HS/SH, 1976; and J. Chapman, 'The Mid-Nineteenth-Century Temperance Movement in New Brunswick and Maine,' CHR, 1954. The early labour movement in the region has received very little treatment. For Nova Scotia see C.B. Fergusson, Mechanic's Institutes in Nova Scotia (Halifax: PANS Bulletin 1960) and The Labour Movement in Nova Scotia before Corifederation (H: PANS Bulletin 1964). A more specific study is K.G. Pryke, 'Labour and Politics: Nova Scotia at Confederation,' HS/SH, 1970. The field of folk-culture, resting though it does on the periphery of social history per se, often has a great deal to offer, especially on

119 The Atlantic provinces the early experience of settlement groups. An all-encompassing selection and introduction to the field is Edith Fowke, Folklore of Canada (T: M&S 1976), which also includes an exhaustive bibliography. The premier folklorist of the Atlantic region is Helen Creighton, who has compiled several collections including Maritime Folksongs (T: RP 1962); Bluenose Magic: Popular Beliefs and Superstitions in Nova Scotia (T: RP 1968); Ballads from Nova Scotia (NY: Dover 1966); Folklore of Lunenburg County, N.S. (T: MHR 1975); and, with Calum MacLeod, Gaelic Songs in Nova Scotia (o: National Museum of Canada Bulletin 1950). For further folk material on the Scots see C.W. Dunn, Highland Settler: A Portrait of the Scottish Gael in Nova Scotia (T: UTP 1953). The rich folk traditions of Newfoundland have recently undergone something of a revival under the sponsorship of the Department of Folklore at Memorial University in St John's. Several collections are important: K. Peacock, Songs of the Newfoundland Outports, 3 vols. (o: National Museum Bulletin 1965); M. Karples, Folk Songs from Newfoundland (L: Faber and Faber 1971); and Shannon Ryan and Larry Small, Hau/in' Rope and Ga.ff: Songs and Poetry in the History of the Newfoundland Seal Fishery (St John's: Breakwater Books 1978). The British tradition of mumming, which was most practiced in Newfoundland, has been the subject of two monographs: H. Halpert and G.M. Story, eds., Christmas Mumming in Newfoundland: Essays in Anthropology, Folklore, and History (T: UTP 1969), and, more briefly, in G.M. Sider, Mumming in Outport Newfoundland (T: New Hogtown Press 1977). Two recent books by Jean-Claude Dupont address the folklore and material history of Acadians: Heritage d'Acadie (o: Lemeac 1977) and Histoire populaire de l'Acadie (o: Lemeac 1978). An older but very useful collection is A. Chaisson and D. Boudreau, Chansons d'Acadie, 3 vols. (M: La Reparation 1942-8). More specialized is A. Chaisson, Cheticamp: histoire et traditions acadiennes (Moncton: Abotaux 1961). Intellectual development is difficult to separate from social and other perspectives, but there has been a fair amount of activity in the field, especially for Nova Scotia. Works cited above on the Loyalist myth should be consulted, as should those articles dealing

120 D.A. Muise with the writing of history. Another article concerned with the Loyalist presence in New Brunswick is Jo-Ann Fellows, 'The Loyalist Myth in Canada,' CHAR, 1971. A more general approach to intellectual development is A.G. Bailey, 'Creative Moments in the Culture of the Maritime Provinces,' DR, 1949, which looks to the literary tradition of the region both before and after Confederation. Another useful survey is F. Cogswell, 'Literary Activity in the Maritime Provinces: 1815-1880,' in C.F. Klink, ed., Literary History of Canada: Canadian Literature in English (2nd ed., T: UTP 1976). For Nova Scotia the most creative historian of ideas has been D.C. Harvey, who has paid special attention to the evolution of a pre-Confederation tradition. His 'The Intellectual Awakening of Nova Scotia,' DR, 1933; 'The Spacious Days of Nova Scotia,' DR, 1939; and 'The Age of Faith in Nova Scotia, 1834-1867,' TRSC, 1946, though somewhat repetitive, combine to offer a detailed examination of the intellectual flowering of the province. His work on educational development (cited above) and on institutions also contributes to this development. See for instance his 'Nova Scotia Philanthropic Society,' DR, 1939. As provincial archivist of Nova Scotia from the early 1930s on, Harvey was able to influence generations of young scholars to pursue topics of related interest. Among the best in the field of intellectual history was J.S. Martell, who wrote 'The Progress of Nova Scotia after 1815,' Nova Scotia Journal of Education, 1936, and 'Some General Remarks on the Intellectual Awakening of Nova Scotia,' ibid. More scholarly are his articles 'Intercolonial Communications, 1840-1867,' CHAR, 1938, and 'The Press of the Maritime Provinces in the 1830's,' CHR, 1938. They should be read in association with D.C. Harvey's 'Newspapers of Nova Scotia, 1840-1867,' CHR, 1945. Together they articulate the emergence of a vital provincial press in the era preceding Confederation. The giants in the intellectual emergence of Nova Scotia during the period were Joseph Howe and T.C. Haliburton. The literature on the former far outstrips that on the latter. Howe's impact on Nova Scotia's consciousness of its place within the British empire was unparalleled; a number of collections of his public and private communications have been published. The most easily accessible is

121 The Atlantic provinces

J.M. Beck, ed., Joseph Howe: Voice of Nova Scotia (T: M&S 1964). Older and less critical, but much more complete for Howe's public speeches at least, is J.A. Chisholm, ed., The Speeches and Public Letters of Joseph Howe (H: Chronicle Publishing 1909), which is a revision of an earlier collection published by William Annand and Howe himself in 1858. Less useful and long out of print is D.C. Harvey, ed., The Heart of Howe: Selections from the Speeches and Letters of Joseph Howe (T: OUP 1939). A recent collection, more devoted to Howe's political life than to his intellectual contribution, is G.A. Rawlyk, ed., Joseph Howe: Opportunist? Man of Vision? Frustrated Politician? (T: cc 1967). A tremendously useful recent publication of Howe's earlier travel writing on Nova Scotia is M.G. Parks, Joseph Howe's Western and Eastern Rambles: Travel Sketches of Nova Scotia (T: UTP 1973). Biographies of Howe abound. The best for his intellectual contribution is J.A. Roy, Joseph Howe: A Study in Achievement and Frustration (T: MAC 1935) which, though flawed in its political analysis, is perhaps the best appraisal of his literary contribution. Older and rather uncritical are J.W. Longley, Joseph Howe (T: Morang 1904), and W.L. Grant, The Tribune of Nova Scotia: A Chronicle of Joseph Howe (T: Brook 1915). A good brief sketch is J.M. Beck, 'Joseph Howe,' in McDougall, ed., Our Living Tradition. On Haliburton the standard biography is V.L.O. Chittick, Thomas Chandler Haliburton: A Study in Colonial Toryism (NY: Columbia UP 1924). In addition to Haliburton' s Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia, which was recently reprinted by Mika Publishing of Belleville, Ont., there are also readily available editions of The Clockmaker (T: M&S 1958) and The Old Judge (T: CI 1964), two of his most important contributions to the literature of the early nineteenth century. A brief treatment of Haliburton's literary contribution is R.L. McDougall, 'Thomas Chandler Haliburton,' in Our Living Tradition, 2nd and 3rd series (T: UTP 1959). Another contemporary commentator, sometimes overlooked, is Thomas McCulloch. An edition of his Stepsure Letters (T: M&S 1960) is well introduced and a valuable contribution to the literature on the field. Finally, there are any number of contemporary travel accounts and observations regarding the region that should be mentioned. A few of the best are W.S. Moorsom, Letters from Nova Scotia (L:

122 D.A. Muise Coulburn and Bently 1830); Marjory Whitelaw, ed., The Dalhousie Journals 1770-1838 (o: Oberon 1978); J. MacGregor, Historical and Descriptive Sketches of the Maritime Colonies (L: Longmans 1828); J. Uniacke, Sketches of Cape Breton and other Papers relating to Cape Breton Island, ed. C.B. Fergusson (H: PANS 1958); Alexander Monro, New Brunswick: With a Brief Outline of Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island (1855; Belleville: Mika 1973). Of the many volumes printed on Newfoundland perhaps the most interesting is R.M. Bonnycastle, Newfoundland in 1842, 2 vols. (L: 1942).

J.K. JOHNSON

Upper Canada

It has become something of a commonplace among historians to say that Ontario (as Upper Canada is now called) has been a 'have not' area, shunned by disdainful 'national' historians bent on pursuing wider and loftier themes. In the words of Professor Peter Oliver, 'there seems to have been a tacit, almost unthinking assumption that no regional history of this province is required or even appropriate.' Ontario, according to one of Canada's best-known historians, A.R.M. Lower, 'does not exist.' Even though an ambitious government-supported series of historical studies has recently been launched in an attempt to change Ontario's historical 'have not' status, it is no doubt still true to say that the province and the province's historians suffer from the lack of a regional historical perspective. Can the same kind of comment be made about Ontario's pre-1867 or Upper Canadian period as distinct from that of the present province? To such a question the historian of Upper Canada can only answer - yes and no. In many ways the history of Upper Canada has never been a seriously neglected subject. It is true that for a long time the leading professional historians who were born or worked in Ontario, even when writing about the pre-Confederation period, uniformly chose a framework broader than that of a single province, but for an even longer time other historians, some of them self-taught and dedicated amateurs, were writing, and writing well, about many aspects of Upper Canadian history. The first history of an Upper Canadian county, James

124 J.K. Johnson Croil 's Dundas, or a Sketch of Canadian History, a book which is still useful in its own right and which has been recently reprinted, was published in 1861; the journal of the Ontario Historical Society, now known as Ontario History, which has always leaned heavily in the direction of 'Upper Canadian' rather than 'Ontario' history, has been published since 1899. Historians of Upper Canada nonetheless have no solid grounds for smugness. There are as yet no general economic or social studies of the Upper Canadian period. There is no published study on a subject as basic as local government. There are few satisfactory biographies of major Upper Canadian figures. Local histories of high quality are few. While much of Upper Canada's history has been competently explored, much remains to do. It may be hoped that the recent commendable zeal on the part of historians and government to fill the gaps in the history of Ontario as a region does not mean that Ontario's predecessor, Upper Canada, will be forgotten. Upper Canadian historians have to deal with an initial technical problem. What exactly is meant by 'Upper Canada'? Strictly speaking, a separate province of that name existed only for fifty years, from 1791 to 1841. Prior to 1791 the region was a part of the Province of Quebec (and before that of the colony of New France); from 1841 to 1867 Upper Canada was submerged with Lower Canada in the united Province of Canada, before finally achieving separate status again as the Province of Ontario. During the period of union with Lower Canada the use of the name 'Upper Canada' continued to be legally used but only of course to designate the western section of the large province. As a result of this confusion in nomenclature, it is often necessary, when referring to 'Upper Canada,' to first define the term. It should therefore be understood that in the bibliographical references which follow, 'Upper Canada' may be taken to refer, even if incorrectly, to the period between the conquest of New France by the British in 1760 and the establishment of a British North American federal union in 1867. GENERAL WORKS

It is obviously not surprising that no general history of Upper Canada precisely covering the period as just defined has been written. A

125 Upper Canada major part of the period, however, is admirably treated in G .M. Craig's Upper Canada: The Formative Years, 1784-1841 (T: M&S 1963). While some of the generalizations in Craig's book have been challenged by scholars writing on special themes, overall it is a sound, balanced, and, within its limits, thorough piece of work. Craig's study is continued in part by J.M.S. Careless, The Union of the Canadas: The Growth of Canadian Institutions, 1841-1857 (T: M&S 1967), but Careless's book of necessity devotes much less space to purely Upper Canadian matters and is as well more concerned with political than with general development. F.H. Armstrong, Handbook of Upper Canadian Chronology and Territorial Legislation (London, Ont.: University of Western Ontario 1967), is an indispensable factual source, crammed with vital information on office-holding, local government, and a wide range of other subjects. Two older general histories of Ontario, A. Fraser, A History of Ontario, 2 vols. (T: Canada History 1907), and J.E. Middleton and F. Landon, The Province of Ontario: A History, 4 vols. (T: Dominion Publishing 1927), while worthy exercises in their day, are now oflimited value to the serious student of Upper Canadian history. About halfofG.P. de T. Glazebrook's Life in Ontario: A Social History (T: UTP 1968) deals with the period prior to 1867. Unfortunately, the book is excessively genteel in approach. In Glazebrook's Upper Canada, poverty, class distinctions, bigotry, and similar unpleasant aspects of social history do not seem to have existed. Three collections of essays may be said to deal in a general way with Upper Canadian history. These are E.G. Firth, ed., Profiles of a Province (T: OHS 1967); F.H. Armstrong et al., eds., Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Ontario: Essays Presented to James J. Talman (T: UTP 1974); and J.K. Johnson, ed., Historical Essays on Upper Canada (T: M&S 1975). Of these only the last is concerned exclusively with the Upper Canadian period. References to specific essays within these collections are included where appropriate under the various subject categories which follow. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL WORKS

Two extensive bibliographies cover the vast field of Upper Canadian local history. William F.E. Morley's Ontario and the Canadian North

126 J.K. Johnson (T: UTP 1978) is the third volume in the series Canadian Local Histories to 1950: A Bibliography. Morley's entries consistently provide far more technical bibliographical details than most historians care to wade through. Barbara B. Aitken, Local Histories of Ontario Municipalities 1951-1977: A Bibliography (T: Ontario Library Assoc. 1978), is more straightforward in style and is consequently easier to use. Unfortunately neither Morley nor Aitken attempt to separate the relatively small amount of wheat from the much larger body of chaff. Olga Bishop, Publications of the Government of the Province of Canada, 1841-1867 (o: National Library 1963), is a helpful guide to a great deal of valuable material. Some of G.A. Stelter's Canadian Urban History: A Selected Bibliography (Sudbury: Laurentian UP 1972) deals with urban communities in the Upper Canadian period though it is already somewhat out of date. Olga Bishop, Bibliography of Ontario History, 1867-1976, 2 vols. (T: Ontario Historical Studies Series 1980), also overlaps a fair amount into the earlier period and should not be overlooked as a bibliographical source. The Index to the Publications of the Ontario Historical Society, 1899-1972 (T: OHS 1974), compiled by Hilary Bates and Robert Sherman, though not strictly speaking a bibliography, is an essential guide not only to the society's quarterly Ontario History, but to its many other publications as well. The 'Book Notes' section of Ontario History published once or twice a year since 1947 is also an excellent running source for recent publications on Upper Canada topics. Since 1980 this has been a separate publication of the society, under the title Annual Bibliography of Ontario History. PERIODICALS AND SERIAL PUBLICATIONS

The basic periodical publication is of course Ontario History, the quarterly journal of the Ontario Historical Society, as was its predecessor, Ontario Historical Society Papers and Records (1899-1946). Although the quality of this periodical has been uneven, it would be impossible to overrate the contribution which it has made and continues to make. The Index to the Publications of the Ontario Historical Society, 1899-1972 already referred to has a cumulative table of con-

127 Upper Canada tents, a complete author index, and a sadly incomplete subject index. Among local historical society periodicals, Historic Kingston, the annual volume published by the Kingston Historical Society, is easily the best. It too has an index, Historic Kingston Volumes 1-20, 1952-1972, Cumulative Index (Kingston: Kingston Historical Society, 1973). Also useful is The York Pioneer, 1955-, published annually by the York Pioneer and Historical Society of Toronto. There are, or have been, quite a few other periodicals of the same type, many of which have been sporadic in their appearance but which should be checked for local historical information. The main examples with dates of publication are Niagara Historical Society, Publications, 1896-1939; Grimsby Historical Society, Annals of the Forty, 1950-9; Guelph Historical Society, Publications, 1961-; London and Middlesex Historical Society, Transactions, 1911-67; Lennox and Addington Historical Society, Papers and Records, 1909-28, 1972-; Wentworth Bygones, 1958-; Waterloo Historical Society, Annual Report, 1913-71; Western Ontario, Historical Notes, 1942-75; and University of Western Ontario, History Nuggets, 1943-69. A collection of the Simcoe County Pioneer and Historical Society's Pioneer Papers, 1908-17, has recently been reprinted in book form (Belleville: Mika 1974). In quite a different category but extraordinarily valuable are the Annual Reports of the Bureau of Archives of Ontario (after 1920 the Department of Public Records and Archives), 1903-33, since during these years it was customary to print extensively copies of documents of interest to historians on such subjects as Loyalist claims or legislative, land, or legal records. They contain the only printed version, for example, of the surviving early Journals of the Legislative Assembly and Legislative Council of Upper Canada. For many years the Annual Report of the Public Archives of Canada also contained copies of documents, many of which dealt with Upper Canadian subjects. There is a recent index to these, Guide to the Reports of the Public Archives of Canada 1872-1972 (o: Information Canada 1975), and an earlier Index to Reports of the Canadian Archives, 1872-1908 (o: KP 1909) which is more detailed for those years. Students of Upper Canada should also be aware of an on-going project, Debates

128 J.K. Johnson of the Legislative Assembly of United Canada, edited by E. Gibbs. This is a reconstruction of the debates from newspaper sources and presently covers the period 1841-53 in eighteen volumes. POPULATION, LAND, AND SETTLEMENT

A great deal of attention has been paid to the history of native peoples up to the seventeenth century, centring on the civilization of the Huronia region, but the fate of the Indians during the Upper Canadian period has had much less investigation. Of some help are general works such as D. Jenness, The Indians of Canada (o: National Museum 1932), or E.P. Patterson, The Canadian Indian: A History since 1500 (T: Collier-Macmillan 1972), a book which attempts to view Canadian chronology from an Indian perspective. Both the federal and Ontario governments have produced brief overviews of Ontario Indian history: Indians of Ontario: An Historical Review (o: Dept. of Indian Affairs and Northern Development 1966) and J.L. Morris, Indians of Ontario ( T: Ontario Dept. of Lands and Forests 1943). Such specialized studies as have been done present a uniformly depressing picture of exploitation of the native peoples by governments and private citizens alike. The most important recent book is Peter S. Schmalz, The History of the Saugeen Indians (T: OHS 1977), which with a fine sense of outrage describes the way in which the Indians were systematically stripped of their lands within Upper Canada and reduced to an ignoble subsistence by a series of 'surrenders,' and also the process by which they were, equally systematically, deprived of any means of 'regaining the dignity and independence which they had lost.' The same story of 'greed, ignorance, retrenchment and the almost insatiable demands of the white man's world' is told in C.M. Johnston, ed., The Valley of the Six Nations: A Collection of Documents on the Indian Lands of the Grand River ( T: UTP 1964). An official supplement to these two works is Canada: Indian Treaties and Surrenders from 1680 to 1902, 3 vols. (o: KP 1871, 1912; reprinted T: Coles 1971), which contains verbatim

versions of 483 surrenders.

129 Upper Canada On the administrative side there is a ground-breaking article by

R.J. Surtees, 'The Development of an Indian Reserve Policy in

Canada,' OH, 1969, which describes the change from a view of the Indians as semi-autonomous allies to one of over-bureaucratized paternalism. The military role of the Indians is sympathetically considered in S.F. Wise, 'The American Revolution and Indian History,' in J.S. Moir, ed., Character and Circumstance: Essays in Honour of Donald Grant Creighton (T: MAC 1970); by G.F.G. Stanlt>!y in 'The Indians in the War of 1812,' CHR, 1950; 'The Significance of the Six Nations Participation in the War of 1812,' OH, 1963; and 'The Six Nations and the American Revolution,' OH, 1964; and by J.M. Sosin in 'The Use oflndians in the War of the American Revolution,' CHR, 1965. Other articles of value are B.E. Hill, 'The Grand River Navigation Company and the Six Nations Indians,' OH, 1971; R. Bleasdale, 'Manitowaning: An Experiment in Indian Settlement,' OH, 1974; C.M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley,' OH, 1962, and 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands and the Northwest Crisis,' OH, 1963; D. Leighton, 'The Manitoulin Incident of 1863: An Indian-White Confrontation in the Province of Canada,' OH, 1977; M. Montgomery, 'The Legal Status of the Six Nations Indians in Canada,' OH, 1955; and C.H. Torok, 'The Tyendinaga Mohawks, the Village as a Basic Factor in Mohawk Social Structure,' OH, 1965. Chapters I and II of Leo A. Jo_bnson, History of the County of Ontario 1615-1875 (Whitby: Ontario County Council 1973), explore in much more detail than is common in a local history the relationship of Indians to Europeans in one section of Upper Canada. The Indians, as usual, lost. The peopling of Upper Canada by European immigrants has been extensively described. E.J. Lajeunesse, ed., The Windsor Border Region (T: UTP 1960), deals primarily with the French-speaking settlers of the area up to the end of the eighteenth century. On the United Empire Loyalists recent books such as W.H. Nelson, The American Tory (L:OUP 1961), and Wallace Brown, The King's Friends (Providence: Brown UP 1965), have explored in a scholarly way the nature of American loyalism in the years leading up to the revolution, attempting to isolate the factors which led Loyalists to react

130 J .K. Johnson differently from their fellow colonists to the events of the time. L.F.S. Upton, ed., The United Empire Loyalists: Men and Myths (T: cc 1967), is a well-chosen collection of documents and comments which also presents a number of ways of looking at the Loyalists. Two collections of documents, E.A. Cruikshank, ed., The Settlement of United Empire Loyalists on the Upper St. Lawrence and the Bay of Quinte (T: OHS 1934), and J.J. Talman, ed., Loyalist Narratives from Upper Canada ( T: cs 1946), provide some details of actual settlement as does the brief study by E.A. Stuart, 'Jessup's Rangers as a Factor in Loyalist Settlement,' in Three History Theses ( T: Ontario Archives 1961). There has been a lively debate about the long-term implications of loyalism in Canadian history represented by such articles as D.V.J. Bell, 'The Loyalist Tradition in Canada,' JCS, 1970; more thoughtfully in K.D. McRae, 'The Structure of Canadian History,' in L. Hartz et al., The Founding of New Societies (NY: Harcourt Brace 1964); and by the Hartzian school's most trenchant critic, S.F. Wise, in 'Liberal Consensus or Ideological Battleground: Some Reflections on the Hartz Thesis,' CHAR, 1974. The best general treatments of British immigration are Helen I. Cowan, British Emigration to British North America (T: UTP 1961) and Norman Macdonald, Canada: Immigration and Settlement, 17631841 (L: Longmans 1939). While both of these are now venerable works (Cowan's book was first published in 1928), they have worn extremely well. F. Landon, Western Ontario and the American Frontier ( T: M&S 1967), is the standard treatment of early American influences. Despite the title it deals almost entirely with the Upper Canadian period. J .R. Burnet, Ethnic Groups in Upper Canada ( T: OHS 1972), though it leans rather too heavily on traveller's accounts, makes sensible distinctions among immigrant groups in the 'pioneer' era. C.G. Karr, The Canada Land Company: The Early Years (T: OHS 1974), is a good brief treatment of that company's mixed methods and motives in the settlement of the Huron Tract. The highly individualistic case of the Talbot settlement is competently dealt with by Talbot's biographer F.C. Hamil, in Lake Erie Baron (T: MAC 1955). Some articles which deal with particular immigrant groups are Wendy Cameron, 'The Petworth Emigration Committee: Lord

131 Upper Canada Egremont's Assisted Emigrations from Sussex to Upper Canada, 1832-1837' OH, 1973, and 'Selecting Peter Robinson's Emigrants, HS/SH, 1976; J.K. Johnson, 'The Chelsea Pensioners in Upper Canada,' OH, 1961; P.L. and M. Maltby, 'A New Look at the Peter Robinson Emigration of 1823,' OH, 1963; and H.J. Johnston, 'Immigration to the Five Eastern Townships of the Huron Tract,' OH, 1962. There are good brief geographical studies of the overall settlement process in R.L. Gentilcore, ed., Ontario (T: UTP 1972); in J.D. Wood, ed., Perspectives on Landscape and Settlement in Upper Canada (T: M&s 1975); and in R.C. Harris, 'Ontario,' in R.C. Harris and J. Warkentin, Canada before Confederation (T: OUP 1974). There is also a specialized study of early land survey methods and surveyors: L. Gentilcore and K. Donkin, Land Surveys of Southern Ontario (Cartographica, Monograph no 8, 1973). Perhaps the best blow-byblow account of the very real difficulties of rural clearing and settling is to be found in the early chapters of R.L. Jones, History of Agriculture in Ontario, 1613-1880 (T: UTP 1946). The complex question of government land policy in Upper Canada has drawn expert scholarly attention. Both G.C. Patterson, Land Settlement in Upper Canada 1783-1846 (T: Ontario Archives 1921), and a more recent book, L.F. Gates, Land Policies of Upper Canada (T: UTP 1968), are inevitably heavy going but succeed admirably in conveying the extent of muddle-headedness, indecision, and greed which characterized the administration of colonial lands. Another even more specialized book on the same lines is G.A. Wilson, The Clergy Reserves of Upper Canada (T: UTP 1968), which argues that the reserves were primarily a religious, rather than an economic, stumbling block. Historians have become very interested in recent years in the relationship between land policy, land use, land speculation, and rural social structure. David Gagan, who has directed a quantitative study of routinely generated data relating to rural Peel County, has published a number of provocative articles arising from this work including 'Historical Demography and Canadian Social History: Families and Land in Peel County, Ontario,' CHR. 1973 (with H. Mays); 'The Security of Land: Mortgaging in Toronto Gore Town-

132 J.K. Johnson ship, 1835-1895,' in Armstrong et al., eds., Aspects of NineteenthCentury Ontario; 'The Indivisibility of Land: A Microanalysis of the System of Inheritance in Nineteenth-Century Ontario,' Journal of Economic History, 1976; 'Geographical and Social Mobility in Nineteenth Century Ontario: A Microstudy,' Canadian Review ofSociology and Anthropology, 1976; 'Property and Interest: Some Preliminary Evidence of Land Speculation by the "Family Compact" in Upper Canada, 1820-1840,' OH, 1978; and 'Land, Population and Social Change: the "Critical Years" in Rural Canada West,' CHR, 1978. There are two valuable articles by Leo A. Johnson, 'Land Policy, Population Growth and Social Structure in the Home District, 1793-1851,' OH, 1971, and 'The Settlement of Western District, 1749-1850,' in Armstrong et al., eds., Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Ontario. Several geographical articles on the Western District of Upper Canada have been written by John Clarke: 'The Role of Political Position and Family and Economic Linkage in Land Speculation in the Western District of Upper Canada, 1788-1815,' Canadian Geographer, 1975; 'Aspects of Land Acquisition in Essex County, Ontario, 1790-1900,' HS/SH, 1978; and 'Land and Law in Essex County: Malden Township and the Abstract Index to Deeds,' HS/ SH, 1978). A less impressive overview of land policy and its social consequences is G. Teeple, 'Land, Labour and Capital in pre-Confederation Canada,' in G. Teeple, ed., Capitalism and the National Question in Canada (T: UTP 1972). In addition to the more-or-less recent work of historians and historical geographers, there is an extensive source, of varying quality, which sheds light on the acquisition and occupance of land in 'pioneer' Upper Canada - contemporary travel and emigrant literature. Upper Canada was continuously invaded by an army of literate British men and women, some of whom actually settled but most of whom were only passing through. A handy guide is G.M. Craig, ed., Early Travellers in the Canadas 1791-1867 (T: MAC 1955). The continuing usefulness of this material is demonstrated by the fact that much of it keeps getting reprinted. Some noteworthy examples are C.P. Traill, The Backwoods of Canada (1836, reprinted T: Coles 1971); H.H. Langton, ed., A Gentlewoman in Upper Canada: The Journals of Anne Langton (T: CI 1950); L. Tivy, ed., Your Loving

133 Upper Canada

Anna: Letters from the Ontario Frontier (T: UTP 1972); S. Moodie, Roughing it in the Bush (1852, reprinted T: M&S 1962); S. Strickland, Twenty-Seven Years in Canada West (1854, reprinted E: MOH 1970); R.H. Bonnycastle, The Canadas in 1841, 2 vols. (1841, reprinted NY: Johnson Reprint 1968), and Canada and the Canadians (1849, reprinted T: Canadiana House 1969); A.B. Jameson, Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada (1838, reprinted T: Coles 1972); J. Howison, Sketches of Upper Canada (1821, reprinted NY: Johnson Reprint 1965); J. Strachan, A Visit to the Province of Upper Canada in 1819 (1820, reprinted NY: Johnson Reprint 1968); E.A. Talbot, Five Years' Residence in the Canadas (1824, reprinted NY: Johnson Reprint 1968); W. Catermole, Emigration: The Advantages of Emigration to Canada 0831, reprinted T: Coles 1970); D.W. Smyth, A Short Topographical Description of Upper Canada (1799, reprinted NY: Johnson Reprint 1969); M.Q. Innis, ed., Mrs. Simcoe'sDiary (T: MAC 1965); M.L. Smith, ed., Young Mr. Smith of Upper Canada ( T: UTP 1980).

In a class by itself is the work of one of Upper Canada's more eccentric but highly industrious visitors, Robert Gourlay. His Statistical Account of Upper Canada, published in London in 1822, gathered together a mass of invaluable detail on social and economic conditions in the year 1817. It has been reprinted recently (T: M&S 1974) with an introduction by S.R. Mealing, who rightly describes it as 'a compendium of information without precedent and ... without rival in the history of Upper Canada.' LOCAL AND URBAN HISTORY

Local history may well be both the earliest and the most persistent form of writing about Upper Canada. Since the mid-nineteenth century a long stream of district, county, township, and municipal histories have been produced. The two bibliographies of local history already mentioned by Morely and Aitken between them list some 2700 titles and they do not claim to have included everything that has been published. Unhappily, quantity has not always implied quality, nor has the geographical coverage been evenly spread across the province. For some counties there are as many as three his-

134 J.K. Johnson tories; for others there is nothing at all. It would be unwise, however, to dismiss local histories, and especially county histories, as being mere antiquarian curiosities. In fact many of these, while scarcely fine examples of modern scholarship, are not only full of information on local matters but appear to have been based to a considerable degree on local or provincial documentary sources. Many of the older county histories have recently been reprinted (mostly by Mika Publishing of Belleville), making them more readily available than they once were. It would be impossible to discuss every example of this type oflocal history in detail or to attempt to place them in any order of merit, but a list of the major examples includes History of the County of Middlesex, Canada (1899, reprinted Mika 1972); J.E. Farewell, Ontario County (1907, reprinted Mika 1973); J. Carnochan, History of Niagara 0914, reprinted Mika 1973); A. Haydon, Pioneer Sketches in the District of Bathurst (T: RP 1925); The History of the County of Welland (1887, reprinted Mika 1972); W. Canniff, History of the Settlement of Upper Canada with Special Reference to the Bay of Quinte (1869, reprinted Mika 1971); W.S. Herrington, History of the County of Lennox and Addington (1913, reprinted Mika 1972); J .A. Macdonnell, Sketches Illustrating the Early Settlement and History of Glengarry (M: Wm Foster 1893); J.F. Pringle, Lunenburgh, or the Old Eastern District (1890, reprinted Mika 1972); T.W.H. Leavitt, History of Leeds and Grenville (1879, reprinted Mika 1972); A.F. Hunter, A History of Simcoe County (Barrie: Simcoe County Council 1909); R. and K.M. Lizars, In the Days of the Canada Company (1896, reprinted Coles 1972); E.A. Owen, Pioneer Sketches of Long Point Settlement (1898, reprinted Mika 1972); J. Croil, Dundas or a Sketch of Canadian History (1861, reprinted Mika 1972); Pioneer Life on the Bay of Quinte (1904, reprinted Mika 1972). In addition to the flourishing local history reprint industry there are some recent encouraging developments in the field, the best example of which is Leo A. Johnson, History of the County of Ontario, /6/5-1875 (Whitby, Ont: Ontario County Council 1973). Johnson's book is easily the best county history which has been published and ought to serve as a model for future projects of the same kind. Not everyone will agree with everything in the book but

135 Upper Canada it succeeds admirably in explaining what actually happened in Ontario County (and who made it happen) while never losing touch with events elsewhere. It is a far cry, and a welcome one, from the sort of genteel ancestor worship which has been so characteristic of our local historiography. Some other county or regional studies which can be recommended are R. McKenzie, Leeds and Grenville: Their first two hundred years (T: M&S 1967); C.M. Johnston, Brant County: A History 1784-1945 (T: OUP 1967), and The Head of the Lake: A History of Wentworth County (Hamilton: Wentworth County Council 1958); F.C. Hamil, The Valley of the Lower Thames, 1640-1850 (T: UTP 1951); C.C. Kennedy, The Upper Ottawa Valley (Pembroke, Ont.: Renfrew County Council 1970); J.S. McGill, A Pioneer History of the County of Lanark (Bewdley, Ont.: Clay Publishing 1968); G.E. Boyce, Historic Hastings (Belleville: Hastings County Council 1967); R. McGillivray and E. Ross, A History of Glengarry (Belleville: Mika 1979); and W.S. and H.J.M. Johnston, History of Perth County to 196 7 (Stratford: Perth County Council 1967). M. Byers et al., Rural Roots: Pre-Confederation Buildings of the York Region of Ontario (T: UTP 1976), contains a fair amount of material on the social and economic development of the area. In a special category is the valuable series of regional documentary volumes published by the Champlain Society in its 'Ontario' Series. Volumes published to date on Upper Canadian districts are E.C. Guillet, ed., The Valley of the Trent (T: UTP 1957); E.J. Lajeunesse, ed., The Windsor Border Region (T: UTP 1960); F.B. Murray, ed., Muskoka and Haliburton, 1615-1875 (T: UTP 1963); C.M. Johnston, ed., The Valley of the Six Nations (T: UTP 1964); and E. Arthur, ed., Thunder Bay District, 1821-1892 (T: UTP 1973). The same Champlain Society series includes four volumes which deal with urban areas: R.A. Preston and L. Lamontagne, eds., Royal Fort Frontenac (T: UTP 1958); R.A. Preston, ed., Kingston Before the War of 1812 (T: UTP 1959); E.G. Firth, ed., The Town of York, 1793-1815 (T: UTP 1962), and The Town of York, 1815-1834 (T: UTP 1966). The Firth volumes in particular are models of scholarly writing and editing. Toronto in fact is by far the most written-about of Ontario communities. D.C. Masters in The Rise of Toronto, 1850-

136 J.K. Johnson

1890 (T: UTP 1947) set out to apply the theories of metropolitan growth of N.S.B. Gras to the Toronto case. The result is, however, as much narrative as analysis. G.P. de T. Glazebrook's The Story of Toronto (T: UTP 1971) is a clear, pleasantly written book. An urban geographer, Peter Goheen, has written Victorian Toronto, 18501900: Pattern and Process of Growth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1970). While not an easy book to read, it is an important one. It deals statistically with some of the effects of industrialization beginning in the 1870s. A valuable early work on Toronto, H. Scadding, Toronto of Old, first published in 1873, has been reprinted in an abridged version edited by F.H. Armstrong (T: OUP 1966). Outside of Toronto the list of satisfactory books on urban areas is not very long. The most noteworthy of recent urban studies is M.B. Katz, The People of Hamilton, Canada West: Family and Class in a Mid-Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UP 1976). Katz's book, a quantitative study of the entire population of Hamilton during the decade 1851-61, is at once extremely enlightening and occasionally irritating. He has been able to draw from his data new conclusions on such matters as transiency, inequality, school attendance, occupational, religious, and ethnic patterns, and much more. Too much of the book, unfortunately, is taken up with extended theoretical and methodological quarrels with other urban historians and Katz also indulges in some highly dubious generalizations of his own. Nonetheless, the book is a landmark in its field. There are two recent collections of urban essays worth noting, both of which try to convey a 'portrait' of a community through the use of a variety of authors and approaches. These are G. Tulchinsky, ed., To Preserve & Defend: Essays on Kingston in the Nineteenth Century (M: MQUP 1976), and J. Petryshyn, ed., Victorian Cobourg: A Nineteenth-Century Profile (Belleville: Mika 1976), a book which deserves to be better known than it is. Three other books which provide sound treatments of urban centres are L.A. Johnson, History of Guelph, 1827-1927 (Guelph: Guelph Historical Society 1977); H.C. Mathews, Oakville and the Sixteen: The History ofan Ontario Port (T: UTP 1953); and P. Hart, Pioneering in North York: A History of the Borough (T: General Publishing 1968). J. Spelt, Urban Development in South-Central Ontario (T: M&S 1972), is a standard source, about half of which deals with the Upper Canadian period.

137 Upper Canada Only a few articles which deal briefly with urban themes can be mentioned, such as R.A. Preston, 'The History of the Port of Kingston,' OH, 1954, 1955; F.H. Armstrong, 'Metropolitanism and Toronto Re-examined, 1825-1850,' CHAR, 1966; H.J.M. Johnston, 'Stratford and Goderich in the Days of the Canada Company,' OH, 1971; F.H. Armstrong and D.J. Brock, 'The Rise of London,' in Armstrong et al., eds., Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Ontario; and J.M.S. Careless, 'Some Aspects of Urbanization in NineteenthCentury Ontario,' ibid. Careless's booklet, The Rise of Cities in Canada before 1914 (o: CHA Pamphlet 32 1978), is a helpful comparative survey of national urban growth. WAR, REBELLION, AND BORDER RAIDS

Military affairs have not had a prominent place in Upper Canadian history nor in Upper Canadian historiography. The only significant military events to take place in Upper Canada were the War of 1812 and the Rebellion of 1837. Since both the war and the rebellion (in its second phase) involved invading American forces, they have drawn the attention of both Canadian and American historians. Most of the extensive literature on the causes of the war, for example, has been written by Americans; Canadian historians appear to share the national belief that we were a blameless people unfairly set upon. Some good examples of the American debate on the war's causes are R. Horsman, The Causes of the War of 1812 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1968); B. Perkins, Prologue to War: England and the United States, 1805-1812 (Berkley: University of California Press 1961); and B. Perkins, ed., The Causes of the War of 1812: National Honor or National Interest? (NY: HRW 1962), in which the relative importance of American westward expansionism, British aggression on the seas, and the economic impact of blockade are variously argued. One of the few Canadian surveys of the period is A.L. Burt, The United States, Great Britain and British North America from the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace after the War of 1812, an older but balanced book (reprinted T: RP 1966). On the war itself there are two particularly helpful collections of essays: M. Zaslow, ed., The Defended Border: Upper Canada and the War of 1812 (T: MAC 1964), and P.P. Mason, ed., After Tippecanoe:

138 J.K. Johnson Some Aspects of the War (T: RP 1963). The Defended Border draws upon the talents of many of Canada's best-known military historians, past and present. Though the military events get most space there are good sections on the effects of the war on the people of Upper Canada, on the legacy of the war, and an excellent bibliography. After Tippecanoe also features a strong list of both Canadian and American military historians who have contributed essays on such topics as the role of the Indians, the Upper Canadian militia, and the naval war. The most recent general account of the war from a Canadian standpoint is J.M. Hitsman, The Incredible War of 1812 (T: UTP 1965). Despite the breathless title and the unfortunate lack of footnotes it is a scholarly examination of engagements and strategy. P. Berton, The Invasion of Canada, 1812-1813 (T: M&S 1980), deals with the first year of the war in an anecdotal, narrative account. Students of the war have a wide range of documentary publications to turn to. Among others, E.A. Cruikshank edited Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier, 9 vols. (Welland: Lundy's Lane Historical Soc. 1902-8), and W.W. Wood edited Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812, 3 vols. (T: cs 1920-8). Other books or documents which deal in part with the war and its impact on civil society are M. Quaife, ed., The John Askin Papers, 2 vols. (Detroit: Detroit Library Commission 1928, 1931), and G.W. Spragge, ed., The John Strachan Letter-book, 1812-1834 (T: OHS 1946). A little book edited by Arthur Bowler, The War of 1812 (T: HRW 1973), is made up of excerpts from contemporary British North American newspapers and has a sensible introduction. An extremely useful though now rather scarce statistical-biographical source is L.H. Irving, Officers of the British Forces in Canada during the War of 1812-15 (Welland: Tribune Printing 1908). The title is misleading; the bulk of the book deals with the personnel of the Upper Canadian militia. A great many articles have been published on aspects of the war. Many of the best are included in the collections edited by 7.aslow and Mason referred to above; most of the rest are in 7.aslow's bibliography. A few items of note which have appeared more recently are M. Magill, 'William Allan and the War of 1812,' OH, 1972; J.K. Mahon, 'British Command Decisions in the Northern Campaigns of

139 Upper Canada the War of 1812,' CHR, 1965; and G. Raudzens, 'Red George Macdonell, Military Saviour of Upper Canada?' OH, 1970. In view of the fact that the Rebellion of 183 7 was a highly unusual event in the history of Upper Canada, it is surprising to find that there is a serious shortage of good thorough work on the subject. No full-length study of the rebellion has been published since J.C. Dent's The Story of the Upper Canadian Rebellion in 1885. Dent's book proved highly controversial in its time (though Reform in sympathy it was critical of William Lyon Mackenzie) and the subject is apparently still a sensitive one. Byers et al., in Rural Roots, found that in the 1970s 'the Rebellion is still being fought in the hearts and minds of men' in rural York County. Despite the present lack of published studies there is in fact some excellent recent scholarship on the rebellion in the form of two doctoral theses: R.J. Stagg, 'The Yonge Street Rebellion of 1837' (PHDthesis, University of Toronto, 1976), and C.F. Read, 'The Rising in Western Upper Canada, 1837-1838' (PHD thesis, University of Toronto, 1974) (available on microfiche from the Cataloguing Division of the National Library). Both theses take, so far as is possible, a quantitative approach to the rebels themselves and to equivalent loyalist and 'neutral' groups in order to show that there were few important economic or social differences among them. Read finally concludes that a tendency to rebellion can be explained in ideological terms, while Stagg contends that there was a significant religious factor at work. Although the rebellion itself has been much neglected there are several good books dealing with the subsequent period of 'patriot' border raids from the United States. Here again American historians dominate the field; the only Canadian entry, E.C. Guillet, The Lives and Times ofthe Patriots (T: UTP 1968), is colourful but highly unreliable. A.B. Corey, The Crisis of 1830-1842 in Canadian-American Relations (New Haven: Yale UP 1941), and O.A. Kinchen, The Rise and Fall of the Patriot Hunters (NY: Bookman Assocs. 1956), are much more careful works. F. Landon, Western Ontario and the American Frontier (T: M&S 1967), has three chapters on the rebellion and its aftermath in Western Upper Canada. L1llldon's account is a scholarly version of the traditional whig view of the rebellion stemming from J.C. Dent and Charles Lindsey, who published The Life

140 J.K. Johnson

and Times of William Lyon Mackenzie and the Rebellion of 1837 (T:

P.R. Randall 1862).

A good many articles have been written about the rebellion period but the overall quality is not noteably high. An economic introduction to the rebellions is provided by D.G. Creighton, 'The Economic Background of the Rebellions of 1837,' CJEPS, 1937, and in the relevant chapters of his book The Empire of the St. Lawrence (T: MAC 1956). Some recent items are C.F. Read, 'The Duncombe Rising, its Aftermath, Anti-Americanism and Sectarianism,' HS/SH, 1976, and 'The Short Hills Raid of June 1838 and its Aftermath,' OH, 1976; J.K. Johnson, 'The Social Composition of the Toronto Bank Guards, 1837-38,' OH, 1972; J. Muggeridge, 'John Rolph, a Reluctant Rebel,' OH, 1959; M.S. Cross, 'Afterword' in M. Brown, ed., The Wait Letters (Erin, Ont.: Press Porc~pic 1976); and J.P. Martyn, 'The Patriot Invasion of Pelee Island,' OH, 1964. The last American invasion into Upper Canadian territory was the Fenian raid of 1866. A recent book which provides a good general re-examination of this event is W.S. Neidhart, Fenianism in North America (University Park: Pennsylvania State UP 1975). An even more recent short book, H. Senior, The Fenians and Canada (T: MAC 1978), is another well-written general study. Other military accounts can be found in C.P. Stacey, Canada and the British Army, 18461871 (T: UTP 1963), and in his article, 'Confederation: The Atmosphere of Crisis,' in E.G. Firth, ed., Profiles of a Province (T: OHS 1967), which has a further bibliographical note. There are three articles by Neidhart in OH, 1968, 1969, and 1972, on various aspects of fenianism, and a brief account of the Battle of Ridgeway in F.M. Quealey, 'The Fenian Invasion of Canada West, June 1st and 2nd,

1866,'

OH,

1961.

RELIGION AND EDUCATION

A Canadian political scientist has written recently that 'religion of one sort or another is the glue that holds Canadian history together.' Most historians of our own secular age tend to underestimate the fundamental importance of religion in Canadian society. In fact, it would be difficult to overestimate the role of religion during the

141 Upper Canada Upper Canadian period. Happily there is a considerable body of literature dealing with Canadian religious history to draw upon. There are a number of helpful introductory books such as H.H. Walsh, The Christian Church in Canada (T: RP 1956); S.D. Clark, Church and Sect in Canada (T: UTP 1948); J.W. Grant, ed., The Churches and the Canadian Experience (T: RP 1963); and J.S. Moir, ed., The Cross in Canada (T: RP 1966). Moir is the most productive historian of religion in Canada and fortunately for Upper Canadian specialists much of his work deals with the pre-Confederation period. J.S. Moir, Church and State in Canada West (T: UTP 1959), is a basic work which looks at three major church-state controversies - the Clergy Reserves, the university, and religion in elementary education as a struggle between 'centrifugal denominationalism' and 'centripetal nationalism' which culminated in the rise of an 'omnibus' Protestantism. J.S. Moir, The Church in the British Era (T: MHR 1972), covers some of the same ground but over a broader theological and geographical range. Even longer periods are dealt with in J.S. Moir, ed., Church and State in Canada, 1627-1867: Basic Documents (T: M&S 1967), in which there is almost as much commentary by the editor as there are documents, and in his Enduring Witness: A History of the Presbyterian Church in Canada (T: Presbyterian Publications 1975), which though a commissioned work is not overly partial. Another book which deals with the Upper Canadian period is W.H. Elgee, The Social Teaching of the Canadian Churches: Protestant, the Early Period before 1850 (T: RP 1964). Elgee writes about Anglican, Presbyterian, Methodist, and Baptist views in a way which is sometimes informative and sometimes superficial. The best scholarly study of early Methodism is G .S. French, Parsons and Politics:

The Role of the Wesleyan Methodists in Upper Canada and the Maritimes, 1780-1855 ( T: RP 1962), in which Upper Canadian Methodists

are compared with those in the Maritimes before 1855. French has also written a short, clear summary essay, 'The Evangelical Creed in Canada,' in W.L. Morton, ed., The Shield of Achilles: Aspects of Canada in the Victorian Age (T: M&S 1968), a good attempt at capturing the essence of colonial evangelism. Other denominational studies which can be recommended are S. Ivison and F. Rosser, The Baptists in Upper and Lower Canada before 1820 (T: UTP 1956); A.G. Dor-

142 J.K. Johnson land, The Quakers in Canada (T: RP 1963)~ and J.E. Rea, Bishop Alexander Macdonell and the Politics of Upper Canada (T: OHS 1974). Two books dealing with portions of the career of Bishop Strachan are J.L.H. Henderson, ed., John Strachan: Documents and Opinions (T: M&S 1969), and G.W. Spragge, ed., The John Strachan Letterbook, 1815-1874 (T: OHS 1946). Two articles by S.F. Wise have explored important new ground in the field of religious (and intellectual) history: 'Sermon Literature and Canadian Intellectual History,' in J.M. Bumsted, ed., Canadian History before Confederation (Georgetown: Irwin-Dorsey 1972), and 'God's Peculiar Peoples,' in Morton, ed., The Shield of Achilles. Among many less recent articles on religious topics one by J.J. Talman, 'The Position of the Church of England in Upper Canada, 1791-1840,' CHR, 1934, and M.A. Garland's 'Some Phases of Pioneer Religious Life in Upper Canada before 1850,' OHSPR, 1929, are worth attention. As well, the many articles on the Anglican church and churchmen written by A.H. Young in the 1920s and 1930s also retain much value. Ten of these are listed in Index to the Publications of the Ontario Historical Society (T: OHS 1974). The history of education has recently been going through something of a boom period, with results which are generally commendable. J.D. Wilson, R.M. Stamp, and L.P. Audet, eds., Canadian Education: A History (Scarborough: PH 1970), provides a competent general introduction to the history of education in Upper Canada as well as elsewhere in Canada. Among more specialized studies the most important new book is A. Prentice, The School Promoters (T: M&S 1977). This short study is an excellent revisionist analysis of Upper Canadian society and Upper Canadian beliefs about education and must be classed as required reading for anyone interested in the subject. Prentice has also edited, with S.E. Houston, Family, School and Society in Nineteenth-Century Canada (T: OUP 1975), a collection of documents on which the editors comment briefly in order to raise a series of questions. The book is heavily Upper Canadian/Ontario in content. Two other recent books which offer 'new' perspectives on Upper Canadian education have appeared as collections of articles by most of the current, mainly young, revisionist educational historians, and

143 Upper Canada often reflect the influence of the work of Professor Michael Katz and his associates at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. M. Katz and P. Mattingly, eds., Education and Social History: Themes from Ontario's Past (NY: NYUP 1975), deals with such topics as juvenile delinquency, the role of the family, school attendance, and literacy in Upper Canada. Many of the same authors (and some of the same topics) appear in N. Macdonald and A. Chaiton, eds., Egerton Ryerson and his Times (T: MAC 1978), except that in addition to the mainly secular concerns of the Katz and Mattingly collection the Macdonald and Chaiton book makes the necessary point in one or two essays that religion and education were closely linked during the Upper Canadian period. Two good recent articles not to be found in either of the collections just cited are R.D. Gidney, 'Elementary Education in Upper Canada: A Reassessment,' OH, 1973, and S.E. Houston, 'Politics, Schools and Social Change in Upper Canada,' CHR, 1972. Less current but still useful books include C.B. Sissons, Church and State in Canadian Education (T: RP 1959), which has a short, straightforward discussion of the separate schools question in Upper Canada, and F. Walker, Catholic Education and Politics in Upper Canada (T: Dent 1955), an examination of the same subject at more length and depth. The sections in Firth, ed., The Town of York, 2 vols., devoted to education are a good combination of contemporary documents and informed comment on the actual state of education in one community. There are few detailed studies of higher education in Upper Canada which is not surprising since universities and colleges were then few and fragile. C.B. Sissons, A History of Victoria University (T: UTP 1952), is a straightforward, affectionate narrative. On Queen's there is a fine new study by Hilda Neatby, Queen's University, 1841-1917: And Not to Yield (M: MQUP 1978). Special mention must be made of the large contribution to the educational history of Upper Canada made by G. W. Spragge. Among the many articles which he wrote over a period of thirty years are 'The Upper Canadian Central School,' OHSPR, 1973; 'John Strachan's Contribution to Education in Upper Canada,' CHR, 1941; 'The Cornwall Grammar School under John Strachan, 1803-1812,' OHSPR,

144 J.K. Johnson 1942; 'Elementary Education in Upper Canada, 1820-1840,' OH, 1951; and 'The Trinity Medical College,' OH, 1966. No discussion of the history of education in Upper Canada would be complete without reference to the pioneering work of J.G. Hodgins, who compiled a mass of documentary material in a series of volumes. The largest of these is his Documentary History of Education in Upper Canada, 28 vols. (T: Warwick Bros & Ruter 18941910). He also edited Historical and Other Papers and Documents Illustrative of the Educational System of Ontario, 1792-/876, 6 vols. (T: L.K. Cameron 1911-12), and The Establishment of Schools and Colleges in Ontario, 1792-/9/0, 3 vols. (T: L.K. Cameron 1910). ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

There is as yet no general economic history of Upper Canada. There are some broad economic studies of Canada as a whole such as W.L. Marr and D.G. Paterson, Canada: An Economic History (T: MAC 1980); W.T. Easterbrook and H.G.J. Aitken, Canadian Economic History (T: MAC 1963); and W.T. Easterbrook and M.H. Watkins, eds., Approaches to Canadian Economic History (T: M&S 1967), but none of them is entirely satisfactory even when dealing directly with Upper Canada (though the last has a relevant section on the staple theory of economic growth). Much the same must be said of D.S. Macmillan, ed., Canadian Business History: Selected Studies, 1497 to the Present (T: M&S 1972), a collection of essays whose title sounds promising but is not very helpful, at least for the Upper Canadian period. The lack of a single work must be filled from a variety of general and specific sources. One place to make a start on the nature of the Canadian, and Upper Canadian, economic system is E.P. Neufeld, The Financial System of Canada: Its Growth and Development (T: MAC 1972), a massive, detailed, and for the layman a somewhat difficult book. Also useful and less intimidating is E.P. Neufeld, ed., Money and Banking in Canada (T: M&s 1964), over half of which is devoted to the pre-Confederation period. It includes contemporary documents as well as the views of later economic historians. Another collection of documents with considerable application to the Upper Canadian case is H.A. Innis and A.R.M. Lower,

145 Upper Canada eds., Select Documents in Canadian Economic History (T: UTP 1933). Perhaps the closest approximation of a one-volume economic history of the period before 1850 is D.G. Creighton, The Empire of the St. Lawrence (T: MAC 1956). Unfortunately, though Creighton has some insightful observations to make about Upper Canada, the book's main preoccupation is with the Montreal business community. On Upper Canadian agriculture there is an excellent standard work, first published in 1946 and happily now widely available in paperback form, R.L. Jones, History of Agriculture in Ontario, 16131880 (T: UTP 1977). On a related subject W.G. Phillips, The Agricultural Implement Industry in Canada (T: UTP 1956), is also well done though it is of course primarily concerned with the twentieth century. The history of an individual implement firm which has deep Upper Canadian roots is related with considerable skill by M. Denison in Harvest Triumphant: The Story of Massey-Harris (T: M&S 1948). J. McCallum, Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario until 1870 (T: UTP 1980), while really a book which challenges Lower Canadian historiography, has some revealing things to say about Upper Canadian agriculture as well. On another farm-related topic there are two noteworthy articles by D. McCalla, 'The Canadian Grain Trade in the 1840's,' CHAR, 1974, and 'The Wheat Staple and Upper Canadian Development,' CHAR, 1978. The latter article is particularly significant since it challenges the traditional view that Upper Canadian development can and should be explained by a 'staple' approach. McCalla argues that what really governed economic growth in Upper Canada was not the volume or value of staple exports but the amount and nature of investment from abroad. An important contribution to the historical study of forest resources has been made by A.R.M. Lower. One of his books, Settlement and the Forest Frontier in Eastern Canada (T: MAC 1936), links the two processes of agricultural expansion and lumbering. His two other books on lumbering, The North American Assault on the Canadian Forest: A History of the Lumber Trade between Canada and the United States (T: RP 1938) and Great Britain's Woodyard: British America and the Timber Trade 1763-1867 (M: MQUP 1973), deal,

146 J.K. Johnson respectively, with American and British exploitation of Canada's (including Upper Canada's) forest wealth. An even earlier work, J. Defebaugh, History of the Lumber Industry of America, 2 vols. (Chicago: American Lumberman 1906-7), has sections on lumbering in Upper Canada including scarce biographical details of early lumberers. Another older work, D.D. Calvin, Saga of the St. Lawrence (T: RP 1945), is a rare case study of a family lumber business which was mainly involved in rafting timber on the St Lawrence River. Among numerous articles on lumbering in Upper Canada, M.S. Cross, 'The Lumber Community of Upper Canada, 1815-1867,' OH, 1960; D.J. Wurtele, 'Mossom Boyd, Lumber King of the Trent Valley,' OH, 1958; and C.G. Head, 'An Introduction to Forest Exploitation in Nineteenth-Century Ontario,' in D.J. Wood, ed., Perspectives on Landscape and Settlement in Nineteenth-Century Ontario (T: M&S 1975), are examples of short, informative studies. H.V. Nelles, The Politics of Development: Forests, Mines and HydroElectric Power in Ontario, 1849-1941 (T: MAC 1974), is directly concerned with pre-Confederation Upper Canada only in its opening chapter. Nonetheless, the book has much relevance for historians of this period. Nelles finds in the Upper Canadian lumber industry of the 1840s the roots of a relationship between business and government which, in his words, ultimately made the provincial government 'a client of the business community.' Nelles's argument, which explains this result as a consequence of 'a failure of responsible government,' is impressively documented and convincingly presented. A general survey of transportation in Upper Canada is provided by G.P. de T. Glazebrook, A History of Transportation in Canada, I: Continental Strategy to 1867 (T: M&S 1964). A more specifically Upper Canadian book is H.G.J. Aitken, The Welland Canal Company (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UP 1954), an intelligent description of the difficulties of early entrepreneurship and of early government intervention on behalf of private enterprise. A less scholarly but no less interesting book on a transportation business is A.G. Young, Great Lakes Saga: The lrifluence of One Family on the Development of Canadian Shipping on the Great Lakes, 1816-1937 (Owen Sound: Richardson, Bond & Wright 1965). The family in question is the Gildersleeves of Kingston. More concise stories of

147 Upper Canada success and failure on the Great Lakes are told in P. Baskerville, 'Donald Bethune's Steamship Business: A Study of Upper Canadian Commercial and Financial Enterprise,' OH, 1975, and in F.H. Armstrong, 'Capt. Hugh Richardson: First Harbour Master of Toronto,' Inland Seas, 1975. There is a great deal of railway history, particularly, but not exclusively, about the Grand Trunk, in A.W. Currie's massive The Grand Trunk Railway of Canada (T: UTP 1957), and also in G.R. Stevens, Canadian National Railways, 2 vols. (T: CI 1962, 1963). Only volume I is relevant to Upper Canada. On other railway companies and railway men the following articles are recommended: F.H. Armstrong, 'Toronto's First Railway Venture, 1834-1838,' OH, 1966; R.D. Smith, 'The Northern Railway, its Origin and Construction, 18341855,' OH, 1956, and 'The Early Years of the Great Western .Railway,' OH, 1968; F.N. Walker, 'Birth of the Buffalo and Brantford Railway,' OH, 1955; and P. Baskerville, 'Professional versus Proprietor: Power Distribution in the Railroad World of Upper Canada/ Ontario, 1850 to 1881,' CHAR, 1978. Railway history enthusiasts should also be aware of some reprinted contemporary sources such as J.M. and E. Trout, The Railways of Canada, published in 1871 (reprinted T: Coles 1970), and T.C. Keefer, The Philosophy of Railroads (1849), reprinted with additional material and a perceptive introduction by H.V. Nelles (T: UTP 1972). The Trouts' book is a succinct source of information on the incorporation, boards of directors, mileage, cost of construction, profit and loss of railway companies to that time. Keefer's essays are a fine example of early railway boosterism, which in his case rather quickly turned sour. Manufacturing was still in its infancy in Upper Canada but there are a few good sources which describe its emergence. A sketchy overview is offered by M.Q. Innis, 'The Industrial Development of Ontario, 1783-1820, OHSPR, 1937. For a later period and a much more sophisticated geographical approach there is J.M. Gilmour, Spatial Evolution of Manufacturing, Southern Ontario, 1851-1891 (T: UTP 1972). Also valuable on industrialization/urbanization in general is J. Spelt, Urban Development in South Central Ontario (T: M&S 1972). Another book which takes a general economic view, dealing

148 J .K. Johnson in part with Upper Canada, is G.N. Tucker, The Canadian Commercial Revolution, 1846-1851 (T: M&s 1964), a study of the real and presumed short-term effects of British economic policy on British North American enterprise. D.C. Masters, The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 (T: M&s 1963), is a similar treatment of a narrower theme. B. Sinclair et al., Let Us be Honest and Modest: Technology and Society in Canadian History (T:OUP 1974), is an ambitious attempt to deal with a very broad subject through the use of many short excerpts from contemporary pamphlets and newspapers, most from nineteenthcentury Upper Canadian sources, with brief connecting editorial passages. The result is not entirely satisfactory. There is much valuable material in the book but the presentation is fragmented and somewhat confusing. Much of the work of economic historians bearing on the Upper Canadian economy has appeared in article form. The following titles are worthwhile representatives: by M.L. Magill, 'James Morton of Kingston, Brewer,' Historic Kingston, 1973; 'John H. Dunn and the Bankers,' OH, 1970; 'William Allan, Pioneer Business Executive,' in Armstrong et al., eds., Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Ontario; and 'The Failure of the Commercial Bank,' in G. Tulchinsky, ed., To Preserve & Defend: Essays on Kingston in the Nineteenth Century (M: MQUP 1976); by D. McCalla, 'The Commercial Politics of the Toronto Board of Trade, 1850-1860,' CHR, 1969, and 'Peter Buchanan, London Agent for the Great Western Railway,' in D.S. Macmillan, ed., Canadian Business History: Selected Studies, 1497 to the Present (T:M&s 1972); by P. Baskerville, 'The Entrepreneur and the Metropolitan Impulse: James Grey Bethune and Cobourg, 1825-1836,' in J. Petryshyn, ed., Victorian Cobourg: A Nineteenth-Century Profile (Belleville: Mika 1976); by T.W. Acheson, 'The Nature and Structure of York Commerce in the 1820s,' CHR, 1969; and by W.P.J. Millar, 'George P.M. Ball: A Rural Businessman in Upper Canada,' OH, 1974. A branch of economic history which can be considered an extension of the history of capitalist enterprise (it is also often treated as a branch of social history) is the study of labour, or working-class history. This is a relatively new field ofirtquiry for most historians of Upper Canada but the results of research are highly encouraging, though as with the history of manufacturing firms most of the current research is on the post-1870 period. Two early general books

149 Upper Canada have some limited use but neither C. Lipton, The Trade Union Movement in Canada (M: NC 1973), nor H. Logan, Trade Unions in Canada (T: MAC 1948), is entirely reliable. There is also a sketchy booklet by E.A. Forsey, The Canadian Labour Movement, 18121902 (o: CHA Pamphlet 27 1974). Two collections, one of contemporary documents, M.S. Cross, ed., The Workingman in the Nineteenth Century (T: OUP 1974), and G.S. Kealey and P. Warrian, eds., Essays in Working Class History (T: M&S 1976), are of much more value. The Cross book, though suffering somewhat from the choppiness demanded by the format of the series in which it was published, is a solid point from which to begin. Unfortunately for the Upper Canadian specialist, only three or four of the generally excellent articles in the Kealey-Warrian book touch even in part on the pre-Confederation period. Still the bibliographical essay at the end of the book is commendably thorough. A third collection, rather more uneven in quality and also only peripherally about Upper Canada, is J. Acton et al., eds., Women at Work: Ontario, 1850-1930 (T: Women's Press 1974). Two articles by S. Langdon have been combined into a pamphlet, The Emergence of the Canadian Working Class Movement, 1845-1875 (T: New Hogtown Press 1975), in which he finds most of the 'emergence' taking place in the Toronto-Hamilton area and in which he successfully takes issue with the view that Canadian history can be written without reference to class divisions in society. Since 1976 Canadian labour historians have had their ownjournal Labour/Le Travailleur, but to date only one or two articles of application to Upper Canada have appeared in it. Two articles which long predate the new journal and which have rightly been called 'pioneering' do include Upper Canada and remain well worth reading: H.C. Pentland, 'The Role of Capital in Canadian Economic Development before 1875,' CJEPS, 1950, and 'The Development of a Capitalistic Labour Market in Canada,' CJEPS, 1959. SOCIAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

Social history is an extremely broad term. Many of the entries previously listed under population, land and settlement, local, religious, educational, or economic history could easily also be placed in a

150 J.K. Johnson 'social' category. In the main, to avoid excessive repetition, most such items will not be re-listed. There might seem to be a good case for making an exception of Glazebrook, Life in Ontario: A Social History, but the objections already raised to this book under the heading of 'General Works' apply equally to social history. There are several broad chronological surveys which claim to be social histories of Canada as a whole but these too have their drawbacks. S.D. Clark, The Social Development of Canada ( T: UTP 1942), a documentary book, is really mostly about the impact of the 'frontier,' an approach which has been long and roundly denounced. A.R.M. Lower, Canadians in the Making (T: Longmans 1958), is idiosyncratic and vague. M. Hom and R. Sabourin, eds., Studies in Canadian Social History (T: M&S 1974), a collection of twenty essays, is often good but, as such books inevitably are, is uneven in quality. From the Upper Canadian point of view all three of these books are unsatisfactory for the usual reason - there is not enough in them about Upper Canada. On a less sweeping scale, the most generally useful single book is F. Landon, Western Ontario and the American Frontier (T: M&S 1967). Even though it is about only one region of Upper Canada it is real social history and it ends, rather than begins, around 1880. There are a number of dependable books on specific social themes. R.B. Splane, Social Welfare in Ontario, 1791-1893 ( T: UTP 1965), has much to say about public and private institutions though not very much about the people they were meant to help. J.M. Beattie, Attitudes to Crime and Punishment in Upper Canada, 1830-1850 (T: Centre for Criminology 1977) , is a collection of documents preceded by a sensible introductory essay. C.M. Godfrey, The Cholera Epidemics of Upper Canada, 1832-1866 (T: Seccombe House 1968), is an all-too-brief look at an important recurring social phenomenon. G. Bilson, A Darkened House: Cholera in Nineteenth-Century Canada (T: lITP 1980), is a good deal more authoritative as well as being broader in scope. There are two recent books about early hospitals, M. Angus, Kingston General Hospital: A Social and Institutional History (M: MQUP 1973), and W.G. Cosbie, The Toronto General Hospital, 1819-1965 (T: MAC 1975). C.M. Godfrey, Medicine for Ontario (Belleville: Mika 1979), is mostly about the Upper Canadian period but suffers from haphazard organization.

151 Upper Canada On daily life, one good source is J. Minhinnick, At Home in Upper (T: CI 1970). Minhinnick's book may be a bit too middleclass for some tastes, nevertheless there is a lot of detail in it about actual conditions and methods of coping with them, conveyed in text, pictures, and a glossary of historical terms. In much the same mould is M. MacRae and A. Adamson, The Ancestral Roof· Domestic Architecture of Upper Canada (T: CI 1963), which is also a blend of text, pictures, floor plans, and a very necessary glossary. Two other admirable books on architecture explore more specialized topics: M. Angus, The Old Stones of Kingston (T: UTP 1966), and R.I. Rempel,

Canada

Building with Wood and Other Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Building in Central Canada (T: UTP 1967). Two quite different books look,

respectively, at the history of a single Toronto house and the wellto-do families who lived in it: A.S. Thompson, Spadina: A Story of Old Toronto (T: Pagurian Press 1975), and at a selection of distinguished Toronto houses and their occupants: L.B. Martyn, Toronto: One Hundred Years of Grandeur (T: Pagurian Press 1978). Several books have been published on the role of various immigrant groups in Canadian society. With the exception of Burnet, Ethnic Groups in Upper Canada, none of these is specifically relevant to Upper Canada and must be mined for Upper Canadian content. Some examples are R.W. Winks, The Blacks of Canada (New Haven: Yale UP 1971); F.H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1786-1920 (T: MAC 1974); B.G. Sack, History of the Jews in Canada (M: Harvest House 1965); H. Radecki and B. Heyderkom, A Member ofa Distinguished Family: The Polish Group in Canada (T: M&S 1976); and W.S. Reid, ed., The Scottish Tradition in Canada (T:M&S 1976). C.J. Houston and W.J. Smyth, The Sash Canada Wore: A Historical Geography of the Orange Order in Canada (T: UTP 1980), is a solid analysis of a movement which began with immigrant groups but rapidly became indigenous. A recent documentary book, R. Cook and W. Mitchison, eds.,

The Proper Sphere: Womans Place in Canadian Society

(T: OUP

1976), has some valuable material on the role of women in Upper Canadian society and usefully complements J. Acton et al., Women at Work. A more genteel group of ladies is given a sympathetic treatment in both G .H. Needler, Otonabee Pioneers: The Story of the Stewarts, the Strick/ands, the Traills and the Moodies (T: Burns &

152 J.K. Johnson McEachem 1953), and in A.Y. Morris, The Gentle Pioneers (T: Hodder & Stoughton 1968). In the past few years a great many excellent articles have been written on aspects of Upper Canadian social history, only a few of which can be listed here such as M.S. Cross, 'The Shiner's War: Social Violence in the Ottawa Valley in the 1830s,' CHR, 1973; P.E. Malcolmson, 'The Poor in Kingston, 1815-1850,' in G. Tulchinsky, ed., To Preserve & Defend: Essays on Kingston in the Nineteenth Century (M: MQUP 1976); H. Senior, 'The Genesis of Canadian Orangeism,' OH, 1968; D. Gagan, 'Land, Population and Social Change: The Critical Years in Rural Canada West,' CHR, 1978; J. Fingard, 'The Winter's Tale: Contours of Pre-Industrial Poverty in British America, 1815-1860,' CHR, 1974; S. Houston, 'Victorian Origins of Juvenile Delinquency: A Canadian Experience,' History of Education Quarterly, 1972; R. Ball, 'A Perfect Farmer's Wife: Women in Nineteenth-Century Rural Ontario,' Canada, An Historical Magazine, 1975; M. Katz, 'The People of a Canadian City, 1851-2,' CHR, 1972; G.J. Parr, 'The Welcome and the Wake: Attitudes in Canada West toward Irish Famine Migration,' OH, 1974; and R. Baehre, 'Origins of the Penal System in Upper Canada,' OH, 1977. Almost all of the literature dealing with ideas and ideology in Upper Canada exists only in the form of articles. One partial exception is the fine contribution by S.F. Wise in S.F. Wise and R.C. Brown, Canada Views the United States: Nineteenth-Century Political Attitudes (T: MAC 1967). Additionally, Wise's articles, all of which can be highly recommended, include 'Upper Canada and the Conservative Tradition' in Firth, ed., Profiles of a Province; 'Sermon Literature and Canadian Intellectual History' in J.M. Bumsted, ed., Canadian History before Co,ifederation (Georgetown: Irwin-Dorsey 1972); 'God's Peculiar Peoples' in Morton, ed., The Shield of Achilles; 'Conservatism and Political Development: The Canadian Case,' South Atlantic Quarterly, 1970; and 'Liberal Consensus or Ideological Battleground: Some Reflections on the Hartz Thesis,' CHAR, 1974. There are two worthwhile books about ideas or 'attitudes' which, like the Wise-Brown book, are also about Upper Canadian and other British American views of the United States, specifically of the American Civil War: H.G. Macdonald, Canadian

153 Upper Canada Public Opinion on the American Civil War, first published in 1927 (reprinted NY: Octagon Books 1974), and R.W. Winks, Canada and the United States: The Civil War Years (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP 1960). Many of the articles on 'intellectual' topics have been attempts to analyse the thought of Upper Canadian public figures. T. Cook, 'John Beverley Robinson and the Conservative Blueprint for the Upper Canadian Community,' OH, 1972; L.F. Gates, 'The Decided Policy of William Lyon Mackenzie,' CHR, 1959; S.R. Mealing, 'The Enthusiasms of John Graves Simcoe,' CHAR, 1958; J. Monet, 'Les idees politiques de Baldwin et de Lafontaine,' in M. Hamelin, ed., Les idees po/itiques des premiers ministres du Canada (o: PUO 1969); P.B. Waite, 'The Political Ideas of John A. Macdonald,' in ibid.; J.D. Purdy, 'John Strachan's Educational Policies, 1815-1841,' OH, 1972; and D. Onn, 'Egerton Ryerson's Philosophy of Education: Something Borrowed or Something New?' OH, 1969, are examples of this approach. Two articles which do not fit readily into any standard intellectual category but which make stimulating, provocative reading are A. Smith, 'Old Ontario and the Emergence of a National Frame of Mind,' in Armstrong et al., eds., Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Ontario, and W.E. De Villiers-Westfall, 'The Dominion of the Lord: An Introduction to the Cultural History of Protestant Ontario in the Victorian Period,' QQ, 1976. BIOGRAPHY

Upper Canadian biographers have been at work almost as long as Upper Canadian local historians. The first notable biographical work on an Upper Canadian subject was C. Lindsey, Life and Times of Wm. Lyon Mackenzie (T: P.R. Randall 1862), an understandably favourable, but usefully factual study of Lindsey's father-in-law. Following this early example, most Upper Canadian biography has been about political or quasi-political figures. Mackenzie himself has proved to be a durable biographical subject. W. Kilbourn, The Firebrand (T: CI 1956), is in spirit a streamlined modern version of Lindsey's book. Though written with great style and pace, it often

154 J.K. Johnson ignores the complexities of both Mackenzie and his times. The only genuinely 'revisionist' biography of Mackenzie, written in 1908 but published only in 1979, is W.D. LeSueur, William Lyon Mackenzie: A Re-interpretation, edited and with an introduction by A.B. McKillop (T: MAC 1979). LeSueur's book, which dared to say that MacKenzie was not all good and his opponents were not all bad, was long suppressed by Mackenzie's descendants. Despite a stiff, long-winded style it is the most balanced treatment of Mackenzie that we have. There are a number of good standard lives of other Upper Canadian leadership figures, some of whom went on to later or higher careers. D.G. Creighton, John A. Macdonald: The Young Politician (T: MAC 1956), is not only brilliantly written but is highly informative on life and politics in Upper Canada. J.M.S. Careless, Brown of the Globe, 2 vols. (T: MAC 1959, 1963), is at least as successful as Creighton's book as political history if not as literature. Edward Blake's Upper Canadian years are described in J. Schull, Edward Blake: The Man of the Other Way (T: MAC 1975). B.W. Hodgins has written a political biography of another prominent Upper Canadian, John Sand.field Macdonald (T: UTP 1971), a book which manages to be both brief and informative. The careers of the two Macdonalds plus those of Robert Baldwin, W.H. Draper, and Francis Hincks are re-examined in J.M.S. Careless, ed., The Pre-Confederation Premiers: Ontario Government Leaders, 1840-1867 (T: UTP 1980). Several biographies have been devoted to individuals more often classed as 'characters' than as leaders. Not many are very successful. For Sir Francis Bond Head there is S.W. Jackman, Galloping Head (L: Phoenix House 1958). The reader is better advised to consult S.F. Wise, 'Sir Francis Bond Head' in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. x: 1871 to 1880 (T: UTP 1972), or Wise's introduction to the reprint of Head's A Narrative (T: M&S 1969). L.D. Milani, Robert Gourlay, Gadfly (Thornhill: Ampersand Press 1971), is too long and too uncritical. W.H. Graham, The Tiger of Canada West (T: CI 1962), rarely gets much beyond a view of Dr William Dunlop as an eccentric curiosity, and a book on another colourful Upper Canadian, M. MacRae, MacNab of Dundurn (T: CI 1971), tells the reader far more about Dundurn, the house, than about the man, Sir Allan MacNab. F.C. Hamil, Lake Erie Baron (T: MAC 1955), is better than most

155 Upper Canada books about Upper Canadian eccentrics. It is a balanced view of the life and work of the not very likeable Colonel Thomas Talbot. After political leaders and eccentrics, the next most popular species of biography would appear to be of religious figures. Egerton Ryerson has had the most attention. As well as the big standard life, C.B. Sissons, Egerton Ryerson: His Life and Letters, 2 vols. (T: RP 193 7, 1947), there is quite a good short study by C. Thomas, Ryerson of Upper Canada (T: RP 1969). There is no satisfactory study of Ryerson's equally famous contemporary and adversary, Bishop Strachan. J.L.H. Henderson's John Strachan (T: UTP 1969) is much too brief to do justice to the subject. A third figure of the same era receives better treatment in J.E. Rea, Bishop Alexander Macdonell and the Politics of Upper Canada (T: OHS 1974). Some of the books about Upper Canadians are really family history rather than biography. In a good short book, D. Gagan, The Denison Family of Toronto, 1792-1925 (T: UTP 1973), the subjects are a military and land-holding family. A well-known political family is less well served by R.M. and J. Baldwin, The Baldwins and the Great Experiment (Don Mills: Longmans 1969). A good impartial look at the Baldwins, especially Robert Baldwin, is still badly needed. Rather better books are F.N. Walker, Daylight Through the Mountains: Letters and Labours of Civil Engineers Walter and Frances Shanly (T: Engineering Institute of Canada 1956), and A. Wilkinson, Lions in the Way: A Discursive History of the Osiers (T: MAC 1956). The Shanlys, largely through their own letters, leave a clear impression of the widespread faith in technological progress of their time and of a kind of professional boosterism they shared with their colleagues. Lions in the Way, by a member of the family about her very distinguished forebears, is written without much critical spirit but with much charm. Few biographies have been written about Upper Canadian women. One of the best is R. McKenzie, Laura Secord: The Legend and the Lady (T: M&S 1971), a work which carefully sorts out fact from fiction and judiciously gauges Mrs Secord's place in Upper Canadian history. Anna Jameson did not live for long in Upper Canada but she had a lot to say about the province. C. Thomas, Love and Work Enough: The Life of Anna Jameson (T: UTP 1967), is a well-written account of this gifted, strong-minded lady. A very different, equally

156 J.K. Johnson impressive sojourner in Upper Canada, a black editor, writer, and teacher, is the subject of J. Rearden and L.J. Butler, Shadd: The Life and nmes ofMary Shadd Cary (T: NC Press 1977). The force of Mary Shadd's personality manages to win out over some flights of pretentious prose. One or two older biographies have stood the test of time quite well. W.R. Riddell, The Life of William Dummer Powell (Lansing, Mich.: Michigan Historical Commission 1924), is so much a work of scholarship that there are more notes and appendices than text. Less scholarly yet factual (and now more easily obtained) is W.H. Higgins, The Life and Times of Joseph Gould (T: Blackett Robinson 1887; reprinted T: Fitzhenry & Whiteside 1972), the story of the rise of a young American immigrant and rebel of 37 to prominence as a miller, developer, railway promoter, and politician. As well as biographies there are some vintage autobiographies which have considerable merit. C. Durand, Reminiscences of Charles Durand, Barrister (T: Hunter-Rose 1897), describes a career not unlike that of Joseph Gould. Charles Clarke, a journalist and civil servant, wrote Sixty Years in Upper Canada (T: Wm Briggs 1908), and Samuel Thompson recalled his varied career in Reminiscences ofa Canadian Pioneer (T: Hunter-Rose 1884; reprinted T: M&S 1968). An extremely interesting but unfortunately scarce book is J. Carroll, My Boy Life (T: Wm Briggs 1882), the Upper Canadian boyhood of a man who becomes a well-known Methodist minister. Biographical or partly biographical articles are literally too numerous to mention. A good place to start looking for them is the subject section of the Index to the Publications of the Ontario Historical Society, 1899-1972. The most potentially important source of expert, concise biographical information on Upper Canadian figures is the Dictionary of Canadian Biography. So far only volumes IV, IX, and X (T: UTP 1979, 1976, 1972) have been concerned with Upper Canadians but other relevant volumes are to appear in due course. GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS

There is quite a lot of raw material for the study of Upper Canadian political and administrative history in the form of published docu-

157 Upper Canada ments. Papers of two lieutenant governors, one administrator, one governor general, and a provincial premier are available in E.A. Cruikshank, ed., The Correspondence of Lieut. Governor John Graves Simcoe, 5 vols. (T: OHS 1927-31); E.A. Cruikshank and A.F. Hunter, eds., The Correspondence of the Honourable Peter Russell, 3 vols. (T: OHS 1932-6); C.P. Sanderson, ed., The Arthur Papers, 3 vols. (T: Toronto Public Library 1957-9); A.G. Doughty, ed., The Elgin-Grey Papers, 4 vols. (o: KP 1937); and J.K. Johnson, ed., The Letters ofSir John A. Macdonald, 1836-1861, 2 vols. (o: QP 1968-9). Additional documentary material relating in part to Upper Canada may be found in E. Gibbs, ed., Debates of the Legislative Assembly of United Canada, of which 18 volumes have so far appeared for the years 1841-53 (M: Centre de recherche en histoire &:onomique du Canada fran91tis 1970-8); in Parliamentary Debates on the Subject of the Confederation of the British North American Provinces (Q: HunterRose 1865; reprinted o: KP 1951); and in C.P. Lucas, ed., The Durham Report, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1912). For the latter two there are newer, but greatly abridged versions: P.B. Waite, ed.,

The Confederation Debates in the Province of Canada, 1865

(T: M&s

1964), and G.M. Craig, ed., Lord Durham's Report (T: M&s 1963). Basic statistical/biographical data on offices and office holding can be found in Armstrong, Handbook of Upper Canadian Chronology and Territorial Legislation, and in J.O. Cot~, Political Appointments and Elections in the Province of Canada (o: QP 1866). P.G. Cornell's

The Alignment of Political Groups in the Province of Canada, 1841186 7 (T: UTP 1962) is, in its author's words, 'in part a companion

reference authority' to Cot~. It also adds details of changing political affiliation and advances an interpretation of the period in terms of increasing east-west, Reform-Conservative 'polarity.' A specialized work which contains essential data on the actual workings of government in the same period is J.E. Hodgetts, Pioneer Public Ser-

vice: An Administrative History of the United Canadas 1841-1867 (T:

1955). Hodgetts's book is an all too rare example of administrative history, and a good one. Unfortunately, there is no similar study for the period before 1841. J. Garner, The Franchise and Politics in British North America, 1755-1867 (T: UTP 1969), relentlessly pursues an even more specialized subject. UTP

158 J.K. Johnson For the general political history of the period there is no shortage of competent work. A. Dunham, Political Unrest in Upper Canada, 1815-1836 (T: M&S 1963), though first published in 1927, has remained a standard source for the pre-Rebellion years. Dunham's book has been complemented by G.M. Craig, ed., Discontent in Upper Canada (T: cc 1974), and D.W.L. Earl ed., The Family Compact: Aristocracy or Oligarchy? (T: cc 1967), which consist mostly of contemporary documents with a minimum of comment from the editors and other authors. M. Fairley, ed., The Selected Writings of William Lyon Mackenzie (T: OUP 1960), reprints a small sample of Mackenzie's journalistic outpouring. Fairley has been criticized for showing off Mackenzie only when on his best behaviour. For the period after 1841 there is an old standby, J.C. Dent, The Last Forty Years, published originally in 1881 (reprinted T: M&S 1972). Dent gave especially thorough treatment to the 1840s. The best modern account of this period, however, is Careless, The Union of the Canadas. It is a pity that the peculiar demands of the Centenary Series in which Careless's book appeared did not permit him to extend his work to the end of the Union period. Dealing with Lord Durham's mission and its after-effects there is C. New, Lord Durham: A Biography (Oxford, Clarendon Press 1929). New's book has been skilfully abridged and reprinted as Lord Durham's Mission to Canada (T: M&S 1963) with an introduction by H.W. Mccready. The same ground is covered in an even more intensive fashion in W.G. Ormsby, The Emergence of the Federal Concept in Canada, 1839-1845 (T: UTP 1969), in which Ormsby argues that for those pivotal years the political importance of responsible government has been over-emphasized and that the beginnings of a 'quasi-federal' system resulting from 'the pressure of sectional and bi-cultural forces' was a more important determinant shaping the nature of the Union of 1841-67 and of Confederation as well. Two books of essays are also useful for the 1841-67 period: F.H. Underhill, In Search of Canadian Liberalism (T: MAC 1960), in which some of the articles are about the evolution of parties and Upper Canadian radicalism in the 1850s~ and R.C. Brown, ed., Upper Cana-

159 Upper Canada

dian Politics in the 1850's (T: UTP 1967), which includes reprints of major articles by Underhill, G.W. Brown, J.M.S. Careless, and P.G. Cornell. Nelles, The Politics ofDevelopment, already recommended as essential reading in Upper Canadian economic history, is equally valuable from a political perspective since the book documents the long-standing close connections between politicians and businessmen in Upper Canada/Ontario. The same theme of the 'businessman-politician' has been pursued in a number of articles. D. Swainson, 'Business and Politics, the Career of John Willoughby Crawford,' OH, 1969, though mainly concerned with the post-Confederation period, makes the point very clearly as do the articles by J.K. Johnson, 'John A. Macdonald, the Young non-politician,' CHAR, 1971; 'John A. Macdonald and the Kingston Business Community' in Tulchinsky, ed., To Preserve & Defend: Essays on Kingston in the Nineteenth Century; and 'The u.c. Club and the Upper Canadian Elite, 1837-1840,' OH, 1977. Elite groups in Upper Canada have come under intensive scrutiny. R.E. Saunders, 'What was the Family Compact?' OH, 1957, and H.G.J. Aitken, 'The Family Compact and the Welland Canal Company,' CJEPS, 1952, are expert examinations of the personnel, attitudes, and motives of the central elite, as is S.F. Wise, 'Upper Canada and the Conservative Tradition,' in Firth, ed., Profiles of a Province. H.P. Gundy, 'The Family Compact at Work: The Second Heir and Devisee Commission of Upper Canada, 1805-1841,' OH, 1974, makes the case for the Family Compact as conscientious, efficient administrators. Articles dealing with local elites and their relationships to the central elite are S.F. Wise, 'Tory Factionalism: Kingston Elections and Upper Canadian Politics, 1820-1836,' OH, 1965; E.M. Richards, 'The Joneses of Brockville and the Family Compact,' OH, 1968; H.V. Nelles, 'Loyalism and Local Power: The District of Niagara, 1792-1837,' OH, 1966; M.S. Cross, 'The Age of Gentility: The Formation of an Aristocracy in the Ottawa Valley,' CHAR, 1967; and F.H. Armstrong, 'The Oligarchy of the Western District of Upper Canada, 1788-1841,' CHAR, 1977. An evolving strain of Conservatism, bridging the gap between Compact Toryism

160 J.K. Johnson and Macdonald Conservatism, is discussed in G. Metcalfe, 'Draper Conservatism and Responsible Government in the Canadas, 18361847,' CHR, 1961. On the Reform side, F.C. Hamil has written a brief survey article, 'The Reform Movement in Upper Canada,' in Firth, ed., Profiles of a Province. E. Jackson, 'The Organization of Upper Canadian Reformers, 1818-1867,' OH, 1961, is an excellent first attempt to trace the early emergence of Reform party structure as a means of combatting entrenched Conservatism. A 1948 article by G.M. Craig, 'The American Impact on the Upper Canadian Reform Movement before 1837,' CHR, 1948, has yet to be improved upon. F.H. Underhill, 'Some Aspects of Upper Canadian Radical Opinion in the Decade before Confederation,' CHAR, 1927, was subjected to some revision by J.M.S. Careless in 'The Toronto Globe and Agrarian Radicalism 1850-1867,' CHR, 1948. Both of these articles are reprinted in Brown, ed., Upper Canadian Politics in the 1850's. There is no satisfactory book in print on local government in Upper Canada. Meanwhile J.H. Aitchison, 'The Development of Local Government in Upper Canada, 1783-1850,' 2 vols. (PHO thesis, University of Toronto, 1953), is an admirable substitute. Other shorter studies of the grass-roots level of government in Upper Canada include the quick sketch by G.P. de T. Glazebrook, 'The Origins of Local Government,' in Armstrong et al., eds., Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Ontario, and C.F.J. Whebell, 'Robert Baldwin and Decentralization, 1841-1849,' in ibid. G.M. Betts, 'Municipal Government and Politics, 1800-1850,' in Tulchinsky, ed., To Preserve & Defend: Essays on Kingston in the Nineteenth Century, is one of a very few articles on urban government in the Upper Canadian period. In this area as in most others there is ample room for more research.

DA YID RICHESON

The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast

North and west of Lake Superior lies almost 70 per cent of presentday Canada. Over two hundred years of gradual exploration prior to 1867 hardly scratched the surface of the rich physical detail of the region. Much of that exploration was economically motivated, as Euro-Canadians sought trade routes, furs, and mineral wealth until finally a few individuals began to consider the agricultural prospects of the western interior. The indigenous native populations frequently had their cultures and economic systems seriously altered by the activities of these intruders. The fur trade was the predominant economic activity to 1867 and it remains the major historiographic theme for that period. In addition, however, exploration and the small settlements which emerged as side effects of the fur trade also receive much attention. The land and the natural environment played such an important role in the early history of this immense region that few works could ignore these factors. The result is a body of historical literature rich in environmental and economic interpretation but also filled with discovery and adventure. A variety of bibliographic approaches are possible when dealing with the historiography of the north, the early west, and the Pacific west. This essay examines the field under a variety of headings, many of which will contain a certain degree of overlap with related topics. Complimentary headings therefore should also be examined for additional material. Moreover, the scope of many of the works

162 David Richeson mentioned under a more specific topic may include material related to other time periods or regions of Canada. BIBLIOGRAPHIES

Despite the attempts to fit the whole of western and northern Canada into national interpretations, three regional areas of emphasis the north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast - are usually considered individually in historical writing. Themes such as the fur trade, along with the central historical figures involved, frequently encompass more than one region, but bibliographies tend to reflect one of the three regional areas of emphasis. One widely available bibliography which covers all of Canada is Claude Thibault, Bibliographia Canadiana (Don Mills: Longman 1973). This work, organized by period, but containing well-developed regional and subject sub-sections, includes a broad range of books, articles, and references to published documents, though it is rapidly becoming dated. The standard bibliography covering the western interior is Bruce Peel, A Bibliography of the Prairie Provinces to 1953, with Biographical Index (2nd ed., T: UTP 1973). The early Pacific coast literature is best approached by consulting Gloria Strathern, Navigations, Traffiques & Discoveries, 1774-1848: A Guide to Publications Relating to the Area now British Columbia (Victoria: Social Sciences Research Centre, University of Victoria 1970), and Barbara Lowther, A Bibliography of British Columbia: Laying the Foundations, 1849-1899 (Victoria: Social Sciences Research Centre, University of Victoria 1968). Listings of more recent publications dealing with BC can be found in a bibliographic section in each number of BC Studies. JOURNALS AND PERIODICALS

Western and northern Canada are well covered by a variety of journals and periodicals devoted exclusively to regional material or frequently containing articles related to the north, the western interior, or the Pacific coast. Illustrated articles related to exploration, the fur trade, or the natural environment are occasionally found in the

163 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast

Canadian Geographic, published bi-monthly by the Royal Canadian Geographical Society. The Beaver, published quarterly by the Hudson's Bay Company since 1920, contains illustrated articles of both historical and general interest that cover the territory with which the company has been or is now associated. The Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology, although specialized, contains material on native cultures and the fur trade of use to students of history. This quarterly journal originates from the Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta, Edmonton. Scholarly articles dealing with topics in early western or northern Canadian history can occasionally be found in the Canadian Historical Review, established in 1920. Of more value than the articles in the Review are its excellent book reviews and a section on 'Recent Publications Relating to Canada,' which is organized on a regional and a topical basis. A younger periodical, established in 1976, is Prairie Forum. This biannual, interdisciplinary publication is produced by the Canadian Plains Research Center at the University of Regina, Saskatchewan. It contains a wide range of articles and reviews directed specifically at the Canadian Plains region. Each province in the prairie region has a journal directed specifically toward its own history. The Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, Transactions (3rd Series, beginning in 1944), published annually, contains a selection of papers presented to the Manitoba Historical Society. This publication has the distinction of being the oldest devoted to western history although there have been two interruptions in the series since it first appeared in 1882. In 1980 the society introduced Manitoba History intended to replace the more formal Transactions. Saskatchewan History, published three times a year since 1948 by the Saskatchewan Archives Board, Regina, contains a variety of articles, reviews, and documents related to Saskatchewan history. Alberta History is a quarterly publication of the Historical Society of Alberta. This periodical, which succeeded the Alberta Historical Review published between 1953 and 1975, contains illustrated articles on various aspects of the province's history. The British Columbia Historical Quarterly published between 1937 and 1958 contained numerous articles related to early Pacific coast history. BC Studies, published quarterly since 1968 at the Univer-

164 David Richeson sity of British Columbia, is interdisciplinary in approach, hence historical articles appear less frequently. Each issue, however, contains an excellent topical bibliographic listing of all new publications related to British Columbia. The B.C. Historical News, produced since 1968 by the British Columbia Historical Association, contains short articles, reviews, notes, and comments related to British Columbia history. North/Nord, a bi-monthly publication since 1954 of the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, Ottawa, frequently includes illustrated articles on a variety of contemporary as well as historical subjects. Arctic, published since 1948 by the Arctic Institute of North America, Calgary, Alberta, also contains occasional historical articles, with a particular emphasis upon early survey and exploration. Musk-Ox, published since 1967 by the Institute for Northern Studies, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, includes articles dealing with scientific, cultural, economic, or historical aspects of the north. Reviews of books on a similar broad range of subjects are also included. In total the body of periodical literature on the north is large and articles will frequently be found in other related historical publications. Since the major effort in early northern exploration came from Great Britain it is understandable that certain British journals are important sources. The Polar Record and the Geographical Journal, the latter published by the Royal Geographical Society since early in the nineteenth century, both contain interpretative as well as first-hand accounts related to the north. Individuals from many nations have been involved in northern exploration and particularly on this topic a variety of periodical sources beyond those published in Canada may contain articles of importance. INTERPRET A TIO NS

A sound introduction to the various interpretations attempted by selected historians concerned with the western region can be gained from chapters in Carl Berger's The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing, 1900 to 1970 (T: OUP 1976). Of particular concern are chapters on H.A. Innis and W.L.

165 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast Morton. Berger provides an overview of Innis's staple trade thesis, in which the history of the nation is directly related to the natural waterways as indispensable routes of communication and trade. In Innis's thesis a key role is played by the staple commodities of which fur was the most important for the west to 1867. This interpretation, developed by Donald Creighton and several others and known as the Laurentian thesis, stresses the centralized character of Canada, and reduces western and northern experiences to what Berger described as 'a peripheral position.' William Morton has challenged this in his work which establishes the individuality of the western experience. His interpretation is closely identified with aspects of the 'metropolitan-hinterland' relationship in which there is an interdependence (rather than simple exploitation) between the frontier areas and the settled areas. These ideas are given support in an excellent examination by Allan Smith of 'The Writing of British Columbia History,' BC Studies, 1980, in which he points out that the province's most representative historians have always sensed ec's 'place in a larger world' be it 'nation, continent or empire.' Investigation of these themes should include two articles in Carl Berger, ed., Approaches to Canadian History (T: UTP 1967): W.L. Morton, 'Cleo in Canada: The Interpretation of Canadian History,' and J.M.S. Careless, 'Frontierism, Metropolitanism, and Canadian History,' provide a full discussion of the dimensions of the environmental-economic interpretations which have been applied to the history of the Canadian west and north. An overview of the entire region to 1867 can be gained from R. Cole Harris and John Warkentin, Canada before Confederation: A Study in Historical Geography (T: OUP 1974), which examines Canada from the viewpoint of the historical geographer interested in interpreting man's relationship with the land. The harshness of the wilderness experience is stressed, as is the courage of the early explorers. However Warkentin, who wrote the article on the west, points out a curious 'lack of idealism, imagination or vision' in the earliest attempts to relate to the land. This environmental approach to the region is a substantive element in much of the historiography. Historians have explored the significance and the impact of the frontier, the wilderness, and the dependance upon its natural resources.

166 David Richeson ARCTIC EXPLORATION

One recent work is essential to the examination of any aspect of northern exploration. Alan Cooke and Clive Holland have produced The Exploration of Northern Canada, 500 to 1920: A Chronology (T:

The Arctic History Press 1978). Although primarily a detailed chronology of expeditions, it also includes a listing of explorers' names, a bibliography, a general index, and a twenty-five page atlas of the Canadian north. Included in this volume will be found brief descriptions of the numerous nineteenth-century northern explorations, many sponsored by the British Admiralty, which were responsible for producing an extensive array of published first-hand journals, accounts, and narratives. Many of these have subsequently been reprinted, making this original material fairly widely available. The early exploration of Hudson Bay and the quest for the Northwest Passage can be introduced by examination of 'The Northern Approaches to Canada' by T.J. Oleson and W.L. Morton, an introductory essay to the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. I: 1000 to 1700 ( T: UTP 1966), the essential reference source to be consulted on virtually any appropriate topic. Its biographical sketches reflect the most recent scholarly research; each contains bibliographies of the most important printed and manuscript sources pertaining to its subject. Future reinterpretation of certain events may well be based on the new perspectives given to the lives of the historical figures included. In addition, the Dictionary emphasizes the role of indigenous peoples, an aspect which is totally lacking in such standard early works as J.B. Brebner, The Explorers of North America, 14921806 (Cleveland: World Publishing 1964). Glyndwr Williams, The British Search for the Northwest Passage in the Eighteenth Century (L: Longmans 1962); L.H. Neatby, In Quest of the North West Passage (T: Longmans 1958); and Theodore Layng, 'Early Geographical Concepts of the Northwest Passage,' North, 1966, provide a full examination of the quest for this illusive trade route, which it was hoped would open up the Pacific to European commerce. This goal was responsible for providing much of the basic geographic detail of the coastline and islands of northern Canada.

167 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast Hugh N. Wallace in The Navy, the Company, and Richard King: British Exploration in the Canadian Arctic, 1829-1860 (M: MQUP 1980)

very competently details the most active period of British exploration in the Arctic. Viewing this exploration in terms of a metropolitan area [Great Britain] opening up a hinterland, Wallace posits a series of phases involving changes in 'the routes, the methods of travel, and the personalities.' He argues that had the expeditions adapted to the environment in the way such men as Richard King suggested, the Northwest Passage might have been discovered a generation earlier, without the sacrifice of so many lives. Also worth consulting on early northern exploration is Tryggvi J. Oleson's Early Voyages and Northern Approaches, 1000-1632 (T: M&S 1963). This volume actually consists of two major parts: first, an examination of the activities of explorers, settlers, and hunters involved in the Viking contacts with the Canadian Arctic; second, the activities of fishermen, traders, and explorers from England who later followed a similar northern route into the Canadian north. The controversy over the volume concerns the interpretation put forth in the first part that a high degree of racial intermixture took place between the native population and the intrusive Icelandic peoples 'producing in the process a new culture which gradually spread from Greenland across the entire reaches of Arctic Canada.' This interpretation has been seriously questioned by most anthropologists and historians. Oleson is on much safer ground, however, when dealing with the later European explorers who, in contrast to the Norse exploitation of the resources of the eastern Arctic, tried to bypass the 'barren' lands to find a route to the riches of the Orient. In comparison with the early explorers, many of whom remain little known owing to the scarcity of source material, nineteenthcentury exploration resulted in a wide array of published accounts, many of them recently reprinted. A representative selection of the more interesting from among dozens of these includes To the Arctic

by Canoe, 1819-1821: The Journal and Paintings of Robert Hood, Midshipman with Franklin, ed. C. Stuart Houston (M: MQUP 1974); George Back, Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition to the Mouth of the Great Fish River, and along the Shores of the Arctic Ocean, in the Years 1833, 1834, and 1835 (1836; reprinted E: MGH 1970); and

168 David Richeson accounts by John Franklin of his first two expeditions, Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea, in the Years 1819, 20, 21 and 22 (1823; reprinted E: MGH 1959) and Narrative of a Second Expedition to the Shores of the Polar Sea in the Years 1825, 1826, and 1827 (1828; reprinted E: MGH 1971). The mysterious disappearance of Sir John Franklin and the entire crews of his two ships in 1845-8, recounted by William Gibson, 'Sir John Franklin's Last Voyage,' Beaver, June 193 7, resulted in dozens of additional expeditions into the Canadian north. Dr John Rae of the Hudson's Bay Company located the first evidence of Franklin's fate in 1854. This account may be found in John Rae's Correspondence with the Hudson's Bay Company on Arctic Explorations, 1844-1855, ed. E.E. Rich (vol. XVI; L: HBRC 1953). The Franklin disappearance and subsequent search expeditions, which did much to round out the geographical understanding of the Canadian north, is a subject which has intrigued numerous later authors. The best survey is L.H. Neatby, The Search/or Franklin (E: MGH 1970). The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. IX: 1861 to 1870 (T: UTP 1976), and vol. x: 1871 to 1880 (T: UTP 1972), contains biographical articles on men such as Robert McClure and other participants in these expeditions. The existence of the long-sought Northwest Passage was proven as a side benefit, an achievement described by Capt. R.M. McClure, The Discovery of the North- West Passage (1856; reprinted E: MGH 1971). The nineteenth-century expeditions involved natural science surveys in addition to geographical exploration. Geological, botanical, and other collections grew as a result of these explorations. For attempts to relate the northern events to the larger national history of Canada see the works of W.L. Morton, 'The North in Canadian History,' in W.C. Wonders, ed., Canada's Changing North (T: M&S 1971), and 'The "North" in Canadian Historiography,' TRSC, 1970. In these works and others Morton emphasizes his view that the existence of a northern frontier in Canada and the exploitation of the natural resources of this frontier has distinctly altered the Canadian experience and significantly shaped the history of its people. The history of the Yukon and the interaction between British and Russian interests can be examined in Allen A. Wright's Prelude to

169 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast Bonanza: The Discovery and Exploration of the Yukon (Sydney, BC: Gray's Publishing 1976). Wright's book, which includes material up to the gold discoveries in 1896, emphasizes the personalities involved in the history of the region but does not establish any new view of the history of the Yukon region. It does, however, competently review the mass of existing contemporary sources for early Yukon history. The interaction of later intrusive and northern native cultures has not been subjected to much attention by historians. One exception is W. Gillies Ross, Whaling and Eskimos: Hudson Bay 1860-1915, Publications in Ethnology no 10 (o: National Museum of Man 1975). Ross views the whaler-Eskimo relationships as one of economic interdependence based upon an exchange of material technology for survival expertise. The result was a considerable change in the Eskimo way of life but not the massive destruction of culture which some earlier authors suggested. Similar studies for other examples of northern contact remain to be done. Archaeology has revealed much information surrounding the prehistory of native cultures in the north. The National Museum of Man in Ottawa, which has been in the forefront of this research effort, has provided a useful general introduction in Robert McGhee's Canadian Arctic Prehistory (T: Van Nostrand Reinhold 1978). One of a series of such regional prehistories, this work provides a vivid indication of the native adjustment to environmental factors. NATIVE PEOPLES

Intrusive activity in the form of exploration and trade affected the native populations in the west and on the Pacific coast. The most comprehensive general work on the native peoples remains Diamond Jenness, The Indians of Canada (6th ed .., o: National Museums of Canada 1967). Originally published in 1922, this work has gone through seven editions, the most recent lacking the map of tribal groupings which was an important feature of the earlier editions. The sixth edition thus remains the most useful. Jenness takes an essentially environmental approach: Part One deals with aspects of the native economic and social life; Part Two examines in more

170 David Richeson detail individual tribal groupings within Canada. E. Palmer Patterson, in The Canadian Indian: A History Since 1500 (Don Mills: Collier-Macmillan c1972), presents an often simplistic overview of native history in Canada as a continuous erosion of self-control and loss of rights. Recently other authors have delved more deeply into the Indian-white relationship and have found that the native maintained a surprising degree of control over his destiny, particularly in the fur-trading era prior to agricultural settlement and other forms of resource exploitation. Arthur J. Ray and Donald B. Freeman, in 'Give Us Good Measure': An Economic Analysis of Relations between the Indians and the Hudson's Bay Company before 1763 (T: UTP 1978), present a study of the nature of the trading system, including the institutions, relationships, and processes which permitted the trade to function between two very different and somewhat unequal cultural groups. Included is an analysis of Hudson's Bay Company account books which reveals that contrary to previously held views there was a considerable variety in trading practice. The native traders, the authors argue, were not motivated simply to acquire goods or to affirm political-military alliances with the Europeans. As it evolved, the trade constantly modified factors inherited from earlier, pre-European, trading systems. While all scholars may not wish to follow the authors' attempt to establish theoretical implications of the study for comparative economic analysis, the data and analysis in the first three parts of the study are of considerable value. Other recent studies also concentrate on the Indian as a participant in the fur trade. Charles A. Bishop, The Northern Ojibwa and the Fur Trade: An Historical and Ecological Study (T: HRW 1974), argues effectively that, although there were social and economic impacts on the sub-Arctic peoples as a result of the fur trade, a degree of control over the exchange was maintained by the natives as long as there was competition; the native became increasingly dependent under the later monopolistic trade system. Robin Fisher, in his award-winning work, Contact and Conflict: Indian-European Relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890 (v: UBCP 1977), examines the various dimensions of the first-trading contacts and the fundamental changes which took place as the fur trade was replaced by settlement. He

171 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast followed the earlier study by Wilson Duff, The Indian History of British Columbia, vol. I: The Impact of the White Man, Anthropology Memoir no 5 (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum 1964). Fisher argues that the fur trade in British Columbia was 'a mutually beneficial system' which brought 'minimal cultural change to the Indians' because 'it was change they could control and adapt to.' Settlement, on the other hand, defined broadly to include gold miners, missionaries, government officials, and settlers, was disruptive. Change took place so rapidly that natives were neither able to control the situation nor adjust, becoming in the end 'largely irrelevant to the development of the province by white settlers.' Approaches to Native History in Canada: Papers ofa Conference held at the National Museum of Man, October, 1975, ed. D.A. Muise, National Museum of Man Mercury Series, History Division Paper no 25 (o: National Museums of Canada 1975), contains cardinal essays by Robin Fisher, Arthur J. Ray, John E. Foster, and several other historians concerned with aspects of native history in Canada. In part this collection of papers was intended to correct 'the sad tale of negligence' by Canadian historians of the experience of native peoples in Canada. This neglect had been clearly demonstrated by James Walker in 'The Indian in Canadian Historical Writing,' CHAR, 1971. Arthur J. Ray, working in both geography and history in his fine book Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Hunters, Trappers and Middlemen in the Lands Southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (T: UTP 1974), concentrated on the parkland region of eastern Saskatchewan and Manitoba, examining all aspects of the trading relationship. He surveyed the impact of the inland penetration of white traders who displaced Indian middlemen in the trade. He also found that the monopoly conditions after 1821 brought stability to the trade but at the same time increased the Indians' dependence. The fur trade is seen then as an activity subject to changing environmental conditions. Two earlier studies which contain useful fur-trade historical content relating to the same general region are Oscar Lewis, The F;ffects of White Contact upon Blackfoot Culture, with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade (NY: J.J. Augustin 1942), and David G. Mandelbaum, The Plains Cree: An Ethnographic, Historical, and Com-

172 David Richeson

parative Study (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center 1979). Part I of Mandelbaum's work had first been published in 1940 and contains much detail on the 1860-70 period. Concern has only recently been given to the historical impact of man upon the natural environment. Two studies worthy of examination are J.G. Nelson's The Last Refuge (M: Harvest House 1973) and Man's Impact on the Western Canadian Landscape (T:M&S 1976). Although the earlier study is restricted to the Cyprus Hills region of southern Alberta and Saskatchewan, it provides a framework for a discussion of all the northern plains Indians and the environment during the years 1750-1885. Of particular concern to Nelson was the place of man in modifying the environment by selective hunting or utilization of such techniques as fire; he concluded that the process of change to the natural environment escalated rapidly following the coming of the white man. However, there is a subjective and emotional quality in the argument which weakens the final assertions. THE FUR TRADE

General The dominant economic activity in all of the west and the north prior to Confederation remained the fur trade, which has been studied from a variety of topical, regional, and chronological perspectives. The published literature on the subject is vast, constituting by far the major body of material relating to the west and north prior to 1867. As a subject of continuing interest to historians, a review of current historiographical articles in the relevant journals is a necessity in working with any aspect of fur-trade history. A convenient place to begin an examination of the western fur trade is an article by L.G. Thomas, 'Historiography of the Fur Trade Era,' in Richard Allen, ed., A Region of the Mind: Interpreting the Western Canadian Plains (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center 1973). In this article, a revision of his earlier 'Historiography of the Fur Trade,' Alberta Historical Review, 1969, Thomas reviewed the major historical works related to the fur trade and argued that no dominant school of thought has emerged. He credited earlier historians with establishing the history of the fur trade within the

173 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast broader national history. He also outlined areas in need of further research, a challenge which has in many instances been met in the last decade. Recent general works on the fur trade all build upon the early monumental work by A.S. Morton, A History of the Canadian West to 18 70- 71: Being a History of Rupert's Land (The Hudson's Bay Company's Territory) and of the North- West Territory (including the Pacific Slope) (1939; 2nd ed., ed. L.G. Thomas, T: UTP 1973). In this edition Thomas provides an "introductory assessment of Morton's life and work. Morton is revealed as an environmentalist who stressed the impact of geographical factors on events. He proposed no interpretation and founded no school of thought, but his work set a standard for careful detailed research which has served as a model for later historians. One of these historians was E.E. Rich, whose book for the Canadian Centenary Series, The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (T: M&S 1967), remains the best available overview of the fur trade in the region. This work emphasizes both the western interior and the Pacific coast fur trade. Rich, who was associated professionally for two decades with the Hudson's Bay Company Archives, is a master of factual detail. His introduction states that 'geography and history cannot properly, or for long, be kept in separate compartments.' Like Morton, Rich sees geographical factors as ultimately being responsible for the success of the Hudson Bay-based trade over the rival trade operating from the St Lawrence in central Canada. Another work which stresses geographical factors even more strongly provides the most comprehensive and concise picture of the extensive water transportation and communication system utilized for the fur trade. Eric W. Morse's Fur Trade Canoe Routes of Canada/Fhen and Now (2nd ed., T: UTP 1979) actually retraces many of the major routes, providing a description of the logistics of the transportation system, including sections dealing with equipment, manpower, and supplies. His work covers the entire region and emphasizes the later trade period after the 1770s. Numerous articles have been written on specific sections of the transportation system and a brief survey of The Beaver will reveal many of these. Unfortunately, many of their authors approach this subject with

174 David Richeson such an antiquarian method that the detail is never adequately related to the larger regional history. In the context of geographical overviews of the fuHrade region two other works are also of considerable value. John Warkentin edited and provided an introduction to The Western Interior of Canada: A Record of Geographical Discovery, 1612-1917 (T: M&S 1964), a selection of interesting excerpts from original narrative accounts of most of the important exploring expeditions which ventured into the western interior. In each case Warkentin indicates the significance of the exploration and demonstrates how the desire for economic exploitation gradually led to a full understanding of the region. A second geographical overview, in this case for the entire region, is found in Donald Thomson's Men and Meridians, vol. I (o: QP 1966). Thomson's primary concern is to establish which individuals and events led to the complete survey and mapping of Canada. Of particular interest in this regard is a chapter on 'The Early Penetration of Canada's Western Interior,' although the coverage there is somewhat superficial. A major early work which surveyed the entire fur trade, and which takes an economic determinist viewpoint, is Harold A. Innis, The Fur Trade In Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (New Haven: Yale UP 1930; rev. ed. T: UTP 1956). Innis was concerned with interpreting the economic structure of the fur trade. His work on the trade was the beginning of a reorientation of the economic history of Canada in which environmental and geographical factors came to play a crucial part. Canada, Innis argued, became a nation because of the natural east-west trade routes which were utili~ed so successfully to exploit a staple natural resource -fur. Innis later went on to study this exploitation in other r~source examples of his staple-trade thesis, but The Fur Trade in Canada remains his classic work. Later authors have pointed out certain factual errors, and the basic interpretation has been modified, but as a pioneering work in the field it has no equal. Innis examined every aspect of the trade, following his subject to what he saw as a natural conclusion in the twentieth century. A good indication of the continual reassessment and reinterpretation which continues in most historical fields is W.J. Eccles, 'A

17 5 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast Belated Review of Harold Adams Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada,' CHR, 1979. Eccles describes Innis's early work as 'an impeccable piece of scholarship, and a landmark in Canadian historiography,' but criticizes its failure to place the fur trade in its historic as well as its economic context. A series of specific criticisms then follow on such questions as transportation, political/military versus economic factors, and even on the nature of the economic system supported by the fur trade. Eccles concludes that later historians were far too willing to accept in total Innis's arguments resulting in 'the establishment of myths as conventional wisdom.'

New France The western fur trade of New France never rivaled its southwestern or northern trade, but French endeavours in the west were nonetheless significant. W.J. Eccles, The Canadian Frontier, 1534-1760 (T: HRW 1969), examines the role of the French military ~lite in opening and expanding the French fur-trading frontier. Two related articles dealing with the same topic are W.J. Eccles, 'New France and the Western Frontier,' Alberta Historical Review, 1969, and Y.F. Zoltvany, 'The Frontier Policy of Philippe de Rigaud de Vaudreuil, 1713-1725,' CHR, 1967. Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. DI: 1740 to 1761 (T: UTP 1974), also contains articles on selected traders and explorers including an article by Y.F. Zoltvany on 'Pierre Gaultier de Varennes et de La V~rendrye,' in which he summarizes La V~rendrye's major contribution in pushing the frontiers of the French fur trade as far west as Manitoba, although he failed as an explorer in his objective to reach the elusive western sea. A final article of relevance is Y.F. Zoltvany, 'New France and the West, 1701-1714,' CHR, 1965, where he details a re-emphasis on French western posts, despite some internal opposition. He argues that the primary motive was to maintain the strength. of alliances with the western Indians, but the result gradually led to increasing conflict with the English on Hudson Bay for the control of the fur trade. Hudson's Bay Company In addition to the general works by E.E. Rich and A.S. Morton which deal with the region, there are a series of works which focus

176 David Richeson on the Hudson's Bay Company. A brief accurate overview of the company history is available by Glyndwr Williams, 'Highlights in the History of the First Two Hundred Years of the Hudson's Bay Company,' The Beaver, 1970. Williams deals with the personalities and issues involved in the company history and provides a guide for additional study. He stresses the ability of those directing the Hudson's Bay Company to adjust to changing conditions over a twohundred year period. In contrast to Williams's brief overview, E.E. Rich prepared an official two-volume history of the company as part of his work with The Hudson's Bay Record Society, The History of the Hudson's Bay Company (vols. XXI-XXI~ L: HBRS 1958, 1959). A Canadian edition of the work was released in three volumes (T: M&S 1960). An unusual feature of this work is the lack of citation of sources, which may frustrate the reader unless convenient access can be had to the few documented copies on deposit at selected Canadian archives. The most accessible popular history of the Hudson's Bay Company is Douglas MacKay, The Honourable Company (rev. ed., T: M&S 1966). MacKay, a former editor of The Beaver, admits to favouring the men and events over the economic history of the company. This history also lacks source citations but is still superior to a more recent general history by George Woodcock, The Hudson s Bay Company (NY: MAC 1970). Printed collections of original source materials drawn from the Hudson's Bay Company Archives are available through the publications of The Hudson's Bay Record Society. This series was established in 1936 in co-operation with the Champlain Society, which produced the first twelve of the thirty-one volumes which have been published so far. The volumes emphasize journals and correspondence, each having an introduction by an historian familiar with the period. All regions in which the company operated are included, and maps are provided wherever appropriate. Another series which includes primary source material related to the Hudson's Bay Company is that of the Canadian Champlain Society established in 1905 to publish rare and previously unpublished material related to Canadian history. Here, for example, one may find French accounts of the wars for control of Hudson Bay in Documents Relating to the

177 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast Early History of Hudson Bay, ed. J.B. Tyrrell (vol. XVIII; T: cs 1931). Among the other volumes of interest are collections relating to the Hudson's Bay Company's conflict with the North West Company, surveyors' reports, and travellers' accounts. Together the two series of society publications provide access to much original material relating to the Hudson's Bay Company's decision to move inland from the Bay posts. J.B. Tyrrell edited the Journals of Samuel Hearne and Philip Turnor (vol. XXI; T: cs 1934); Richard Glover provided introductions to three volumes outlining the actions taken to establish a presence in the western interior: Cumberland House Journals and Inland Journal, 1775-1782, First Series, 1775-9, ed. E.E. Rich (vol. XIV; L: HBRS 1951); Cumberland House Journals and Inland Journals, 1775-1782, Second Series, 1779-82, ed. E.E. Rich (vol. XV; L: HBRS 1952); and Andrew Graham's Observations on Hudson's Bay 1767-91, ed. Glyndwr Williams (vol. XXVII; L: HBRS 1969). Glover had summarized the physical problems and the need for a reorganization in an earlier article, 'The Difficulties of the Hudson's Bay Company's Penetration of the West,' CHR, 1948. This inland activity led to a period of intense competition with reorganized trading interests from central Canada, as the North West Company largely supplanted the French merchant interests following the surrender of New France. Another aspect of the company's activity was the somewhat reluctant support it gave to exploration in the north. The 'classic' narrative of a series of journeys by Samuel Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wa/es'.s Fort in Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, ed. Richard Glover (T: MAC 1958), is the finest example of this effort. Hearne's account is filled with adventure and vivid comment on the environment and native cultures during the first recorded journey overland from Hudson Bay to the Arctic Ocean. Hearne, however, found little of economic interest to the company, and much of the subsequent interior exploration was carried out by the more dynamic North West Company. North West Company A good introduction to the North West Company is W.L. Morton, 'The North West Company: Pedlars Extraordinary,' in Aspects of the

178 David Richeson

Fur Trade: Selected Papers of the 1965 North American Fur Trade Conference (St Paul: Minnesota Historical Society 1967), where he affirmed his environmental approach. For Morton, the natural geographic features of Canada determined the shape in which the fur resource was exploited by a loose economic organization formed from Montreal which utilized British capital and organization along with native expertise in transportation. E.E. Rich, in Montreal and the Fur Trade (M: MQUP 1966), succinctly argued that the same geographic factors were primarily responsible for the ultimate failure of the Montreal-based North West Company fur trade in the west. Although both these interpretations are based upon more recent research, one older work which still retains value is W.S. Wallace's edited collection of Documents Relating to the North West Company (vol. XXII; T: cs 1934). Of particular interest is an appended 'Biographical Dictionary of the Nor'Westers.' Much of this work will, however, be replaced by improved articles in forthcoming volumes of the Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Marjorie Wilkins Campbell's The North West Company (T: MAC 1957) is a more colourful narrative, crediting the Nor'Westers with the discovery and exploration of most of Canada's northwest. Her narrative emphasizes this activity, but its lack of documentation and use of imagined conversations limits its use. Northwest to the Sea: A Biography of William McGillivray (T: CI 197 5), by the same author, is a more useful work but still suffers from the lack of extensive documentation regarding the North West Company. Much of the character of the North West Company has been established through biographical work on the various partners and other key figures. These range from older works such as Charles M. Gates, ed., Five Fur Traders of the Northwest: Being the Narrative of Peter Pond and the Diaries of John Macdonell, Archibald N. McLeod, Hugh Faries, and Thomas Connor (rev. ed., St Paul: Minnesota Historical Society 1965), to more recent editions of original narratives and journals. One of the earliest accounts, which portrays the Indian way of life on the edge of the prairie prior to the major impact of the white man, is Alexander Henry's Travels and Adventures in Canada and the lndian Territories, between the Years 1760 and 1776 (Boston 1809; reprinted E: MGH 1969). While primarily involved in the fur

179 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast trade, Henry had a perceptive eye which enabled him to record in great detail the new lands he visited. As competition grew between the Hudson's Bay trade and the rival St Lawrence system, numerous individuals recorded their experiences. Most were concerned primarily with the trade and their experiences are contained in the various edited versions of the trade manuscripts. One of the most notable fur trade journals was kept by Daniel Williams Harmon during the years 1800-19, while he was associated with the North West Company. W. Kaye Lamb edited and provided an introduction to Sixteen Years in the Indian Country: The Journal of Daniel Williams Harmon, 1800-1816 (T: MAC 1957), which despite the title also includes his 1816-19 journals, as well as lengthy essays on the Indians living both east and west of the Rocky Mountains. Harmon rose from clerk to full 'Wintering Partner' in a career of service which took him through five different trading areas, including New Caledonia, BC. The journal was composed primarily for his personal use and thus contains observations on the life of the trade available in few other sources. Most fur trade account books and ledgers fail to capture the feeling ofloneliness and the constant hardship and frequent danger which Harmon experienced and described. The three North West Company figures largely responsible for the exploration of the west were Simon Fraser, Alexander Mackenzie, and David Thompson. Mackenzie, after whom the major northern river is named, has been more written about than any of the others. The Journals and Letters of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, edited with an introduction by W. Kaye Lamb (T: MAC 1970), is the best treatment of this controversial figure. Mackenzie, the first white man to cross the northwest by land, is important, according to Lamb, for his expeditions in 1789 and 1793 which resulted in an immense and permanent contribution to the geographical knowledge of North America. Portrayed as a bold and imaginative trade strategist who conceived a transcontinental trade based upon the natural water system, Mackenzie failed to gain the political and commercial support necessary to implement his dream. Other treatments of the man, including Roy Daniells, Alexander Mackenzie and the North West (L: Faber and Faber 1969), present a more literary and tragic portrait of the man.

180 David Richeson Simon Fraser followed up Mackenzie's attempt to locate a trade route to the Pacific in a series of journeys in 1805-8, the most important being the voyage down the Fraser River. W. Kaye Lamb, 'Simon Fraser,' Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. IX: 1861 to 1870 (T: UTP 1976), gives adequate recognition to his accomplishments which were little recognized in his own time, perhaps because of his literary style which Fraser himself described as 'exceeding ill wrote worse worded & not well spelt.' W. Kaye Lamb has also edited The Letters and Journals of Simon Fraser, 1806-1808 (T: MAC 1960). It remained for David Thompson to incorporate the knowledge of others with his own considerable travels and observations to produce the most accurate map of its day of the northwest. These accomplishments are found in David Thompsons Narrative, 17841812, ed. Richard Glover (vol. XL; T: cs 1962). Victor Hopwood has presented an edited selection of original material in David Thompson: Travels in Western North America 1784-1812 (T: MAC 1971). In addition to giving Thompson his usual recognition as a mapmaker, Hopwood highlights his interest in agricultural possibilities at a time when those concerned with the trade discouraged such consideration. Thompson wondered if the same trading system might not accommodate an agricultural economy as well. In addition, Hopwood considers Thompson's narrative as literature, saying that he exemplifies the compatibility of science and poetry, and was above all a master storyteller. The exploits of men employed on behalf of the North West Company include other narratives and an abundant supporting literature including such works as A.S. Morton's 'Did Duncan M'Gillivray and David Thompson Cross the Rockies in 1801 ?,' CHR, 1937; J.B. Tyrrell, 'David Thompson and the Columbia River,' CHR, 1937; and A.S. Morton, 'The North West Company's Columbian Enterprise and David Thompson,' CHR, 1936. It is the relative scarcity of additional original source material which has prevented much recent reinterpretation of older works. A contemporary view of the early competitive period can be found in Saskatchewan Journals and Correspondence: Edmonton House, 1795-1800; Chesterfield House, 1800-1802, ed. Alice Johnson (vol. XXVI; L: HBRS 1967).

181 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast THE SELKIRK SETTLEMENT

Much of the fur trade rivalry in the western interior came to focus on the Red River area where Lord Selkirk established a small settlement in 1812. This settlement is set in its basic historical and geographic perspective within the fur trade by W.L. Morton's Manitoba: A History (2nd ed., T: UTP 1967). A contemporary account of the settlement's origin and subsequent development was prepared by Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement: Its Rise, Progress, and Present State; with some account of the native races and its general history, to the present day (1856; reprinted E: MGH 1972). This reprint has an introduction by W.L. Morton which describes the account as a classic history of the west, both for the authenticity of its first-hand account and for its attempt to deal with the impact of settlement on the fur-trade frontier. Lord Selkirk, the founder of the Red River settlement, is treated sympathetically by John Morgan Gray in his biographical work, Lord Selkirk of Red River (T: MAC 1964). Selkirk is seen as having the vision of an agricultural west long before others and as making it a reality. J.P. Pritchett's The Red River Valley, I8II-I849 (T: RP 1942) is a detailed regional view which gives Selkirk far too much credit for the revival of the Hudson's Bay Company in the face of economic competition. An additional source recommended with caution for its pro-settlement partisan view is Colin Robertson's Correspondence Book, September I 8I 7 to September I 822, edited with an introduction by E.E. Rich (vol. II, Hudson's Bay Company Series; T: cs 1939). Finally, well worth reading to capture the sense of life for the participants of the fur trade during the intense period of rivalry is Eric Ross, Beyond the River and the Bay: Some Observations on the State of the Canadian Northwest in I811 with a View to Providing the Intending Settler with an Intimate Knowledge of that Country (T: UTP 1970). This largely successful work is based on an imaginary long-lost manuscript by a fictional author and friend of Lord Selkirk. The exercise permits Ross to incorporate excerpts from actual contemporary observers in the recreation of a picture of the northwest

182 David Richeson as it would have appeared to a contemporary observer. Ross sees the 1811 arrival of the first agricultural settlers as the first step toward permanent settlement which would drastically alter the face of the west. The work also includes an excellent series of maps covering all aspects of western history to 1811. THE METIS

The two competing fur-trading systems, one operating from Hudson Bay, the other from the St Lawrence valley, produced a population of mixed Indian and Euro-Canadian ancestry across the west. J.E. Foster has explored the confusion surrounding the historical use of the term Metis in his article, 'The Metis: The People and the Term,' Prairie Forum, 1978. He outlines the two distinct trading systems, each with its own cultural tradition, which emerged from the fur trade. He argues that it was the way oflife within each system rather than the ethnicity of the population which determined the tradition with which individuals identified. In the stronger St Lawrence tradition the trader and provisioning hunters received special recognition in the years prior to 1821 which gave a folk-tradition basis for a 'New Nation' - the Metis. In previous work Foster had examined in considerable detail those of mixed ancestry who identified more strongly with the culture of the Hudson's Bay trading system. In 'The Origins of the Mixed Bloods in the Canadian West,' in L.H. Thomas, ed., Essays on Western History (E: University of Alberta Press 1976), he refers to this group as 'Country-born' and sees the movement to and presence in Red River of this Englishspeaking Anglican group as crucial in understanding the subsequent growth of the Red River community. Frits Pannekoek's two articles, 'The Anglican Church and the Disintegration of Red River Society, 1818-1870,' in Carl Berger and Ramsey Cook, eds., The West and the Nation: Essays in Honour of W.L. Morton (T: M&S 1976), and 'A Probe into the Demographic Structure of Nineteenth Century Red River,' in L.H. Thomas, ed., Essays on Western History (E: University of Alberta Press 1976), suggest that the major points of reference in Red River society, 'the farm, the state (the Hudson's Bay Company), and the church were

183 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast in disrepute' by the 1840s, leading to a search to find new referencepoints and a new identity not within the fur trade but in relation to Canada. This view is an attempt at revision of earlier views such as that of A.S. Morton in 'The New Nation, the M~tis,' TRSC, 1939. Morton's article has been reprinted along with a variety of others which explore aspects of M~tis society and economic life in the nineteenth century in Antoine S. Lussier and D. Bruce Sealey, eds., The Other Natives: The/les Metis, vol. I: 1700-1885 (Winnipeg: Manitoba M~tis Federation Press 1978). Sealey and Lussier have also written The Metis: Canada's Forgotten People (Winnipeg: Manitoba M~tis Federation Press 1975), a readable if favourably biased overview of the Metis history, where they claim that the Metis were 'the principal determinant of Canada's expansion westward,' who 'created a new province,' kept the west in Canada in contrast to its being taken by the United States, and were 'the prime economic force in Western Canada' until 1885. The authors then attempt to demonstrate this broad role for the M~tis, which they claim has frequently been misunderstood by Canadians at large. This book and several others are part of an effort to revise the traditional interpretation of the Metis role in western history, which was largely established in English-language historiography by older works such as George F.G. Stanley's The Birth of Western Canada: A History of the Riel Rebellions (1936; reprinted T: UTP 1960) in which the Metis appear to have a justified role in the west only so long as the fur trade remained important. So persuasive was this view that even recent books, such as George Woodcock's interesting biography Gabriel Dumont: The Metis Chief and his Lost World (E: MGH 1975), take the same basic perspective. Another early author, Chester Martin, in his article 'The first "New Province" of the Dominion,' CHR, 1920, reprinted in part in Hartwell Bowsfield, ed., Louis Riel: Rebel of the Western Frontier or Victim of Politics and Prejudice? (T: cc 1969), attributed to the Metis a stronger French culture and dependence upon the Catholic church than more recent studies suggest to have been the case. A successful attempt to provide a more balanced view of the M~tis and to clear the historical perspective on a man frequently

184 David Richeson remembered only for his leading role in the massacre of Selkirk colonists at Seven Oaks is the biography by Margaret A. Macleod and W.L. Morton, Cuthbert Grant of Grantown: Warden of the Plains of Red River (T: M&S 1963). Grant's adventurous life encompassed the formative years of the Metis community in the early 1800s, the violence of the fur trade company rivalry and later battles with the Plains Indian tribes, and finally involved the establishment of Metis agricultural communities such as Grantown. W.L. Morton's introduction to the London Correspondence Inwardfrom Eden Co/vile, 1849-1852, ed. E.E. Rich (vol. XIX; L: HBRS 1956), constitutes the best available social history of the later years of the Red River settlement. The Metis as a group figure prominently in recent research efforts to go beyond the economic aspects of the fur trade and to investigate the nature of the contemporary society. A fine introduction to this aspect of western historiography is an article by Sylvia Van Kirk, 'Fur Trade Social History: Some Recent Trends,' in Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference, ed. Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray (T: UTP 1980). One of the trends indicated involves the work of Jennifer S.H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (v: UBCP 1980), which examines the background and value structures of the traders and discusses their family relationships and the problems of their offspring. The different cultural traditions of the Hudson's Bay traders from those of the North West Company were compounded by the economic rivalries to produce far-reaching effects on the 'Indian,' 'white,' and 'Metis' communities after the 1821 merger of the companies. Sylvia Van Kirk has devoted particular attention to the role of women in this environment in 'Many Tender Ties': Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Publishing 1980), and in her earlier article, 'Women and the Fur Trade,' The Beaver, 1972. THEFURTRADEAFTERl~l

The period of conflict in the fur trade resulted in an amalgamation of the two companies under the name of the Hudson's Bay Company.

185 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast In addition to the sources previously cited which relate to the subject, John S. Galbraith's The Hudson's Bay Company as an Imperial Factor, 1821-1869 (T: UTP 1957) must be consulted. Galbraith deals with the economic activities of the company throughout the entire north and west of Canada and the Oregon County and analyses the political implications of these activities. He shows how the company altered its trading practices to meet challenges to its monopoly in frontier areas, while dealing with the international complications which resulted from its activities in disputed territories. George Simpson was the man who directed much of the activity of the fur trade in the transitional years following amalgamation. An earlier work by A.S. Morton, Sir George Simpson, Overseas Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company (T: J.M. Dent & Sons 1944), offers a favourable view of his administration. A recent full biography of Simpson by John S. Galbraith, The Little Emperor: Governor Simpson of the Hudson's Bay Company (T: MAC 1976), is more complete, although much of Simpson's private life remains a mystery. Galbraith portrays Simpson as a ruthless and successful entrepreneur intent on guarding the economic empire of the Hudson's Bay Company. His success, however, was flawed by vanity which prevented him from achieving the admiration of his contemporaries. Much of Simpson's own writing is available through published volumes of correspondence and post records. From these and the accompanying historical introductions a vivid picture of the entire west between 1821 and 1846 can be observed. Competing with Russian, American, and free traders on a variety of economic frontiers the company used political influence, money, and, if the occasion required it, force to maintain its position. The volumes to consult include Journal of Occurrences in the Athabasca Department by George Simpson, 1820 and 1821, and Report, ed. E.E. Rich, with an introduction by Chester Martin (vol. I, Hudson's Bay Company Series; T: cs 1938); the account of Simpson's 1828 journey to the Columbia, Part of Dispatch from George Simpson Esq. Governor of Ruperts Land to the Governor & Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, London; March 1, 1829. Continued and Completed March 24 and June 5, 1829, ed. E.E. Rich, with an introduction by W. Stewart Wallace (vol. x, Hudson's Bay Company Series; T: cs 1947); London Correspandence

186 David Richeson Inward from Sir George Simpson, 1841-1842, with an introduction by John S. Galbraith (vol. XXIX~ L: HBRS 1973). In addition volumes IV, VI, and VII deal with John McLoughlin's correspondence from Fort Vancouver between 1825 and 1846. THE PACIFIC COAST

Sir George Simpson's career brings into focus the tensions surrounding the Oregon Question and the Pacific Northwest. The coastal areas had been explored by ships of several nations but finally following a 1792 confrontation at Nootka Sound, Britain's claims prevailed. The work of Captain James Cook is treated in J.C. Beaglehole, The Exploration of the Pacific (3rd ed., L: Black 1966). Captain George Vancouver was a competent surveyor and mapmaker whose exploits were overshadowed by Cook's more spectacular voyages, according to Bern Anderson in his biographical study, The Life and Voyages of Captain George Vancouver, Surveyor ofthe Sea ( T: UTP 1966). A comprehensive survey of British motives and actions along the Pacific Coast is Barry M. Gough, Distant Dominion: Britain and the Northwest Coast of North America, 1579-1809 (V: UBCP 1980). British seapower combined with successful diplomacy and imaginative exploration to consolidate claims on the Pacific Coast in the face of challenges from other nations. Gough goes beyond the claims to sovereignty in The Royal Navy and the Northwest Coast of North America, 1810-1914 (v: UBCP 1971), emphasizing the role of British seapower as a key factor in the diplomacy which led ultimately to a compromise settlement in the Oregon territory. Another aspect of the Columbia trade and the Oregon crisis can be gained from Dorothy 0. Johansen and Charles M. Gates, Empire of the Columbia: A History of the Pacific Northwest (2nd ed., NY: Harper & Row 1967). British Columbia and the United States: The North Pacific Slope from Fur Trade to Aviation, ed. Henry Angus (T: RP 1942), contains sections which are still useful in reviewing the British-American rivalry in the Pacific Northwest. The standard survey history of British Columbia is Margaret Ormsby's British Columbia: A History (T: MAC 1958). Essentially a political history, it should be supplemented by her articles on Frederick Seymour and Sir James Douglas in vol. IX: 1861 to 1870, of

187 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, which present a concise view of the issues facing the British interests in the northwest in the nineteenth century. In the end it was Douglas who supervised the company's withdrawal to north of the 49th parallel, where they attempted to separate agricultural pursuits from the fur-trading activities. More heroic views of Douglas are Derek Pethick's James Douglas: Servant of Two Empires (v: Mitchell Press 1969) and Dorothy B. Smith's James Douglas, Father of British Columbia (T: OUP 1971). A useful volume which presents excerpts from older and sometimes lesser known works related to early British Columbia is edited by J. Friesen and H.K. Ralston, Historical Essays on British Columbia (T: M&S 1976). The introduction and the bibliography in this work make it a valuable starting-point for nineteenth-century British Columbia history. Various accounts exist of life in the small Pacific coast settlements in British Columbia and Victoria. G.F.G. Stanley has edited Charles W. Wilson, Mapping the Frontier: Charles Wilson Diary of the Survey

s

of the 49th Parallel, 1858-1862, while Secretary of the British Boundary Commission (T: MAC 1970), which gives a view of the coastal settle-

ments and the interior as seen by a class-conscious British observer. A more detailed set of observations are those by a Hudson's Bay Company physician, Doctor John Sebastian Helmcken, which began in 1850. The Reminiscences of Doctor John Sebastian Helmcken, ed. Dorothy B. Smith, with an introduction by W. Kaye Lamb (v: UBCP 1975), covers the entire formative period of the present Province of British Columbia. Politically active, married to a daughter of Governor James Douglas, and three times speaker of the Legislative Assembly, Helmcken is without parallel as a contemporary observer. While protesting that he never set out to write history, his Reminiscences have been much used by historians and will continue to be of value. TRAVELLERS' NARRATIVES AND SURVEY REPORTS

Although access to the western interior was difficult in the mid 1800s, a surprising number of individuals and expeditions travelled in the west and produced accounts of these travels. The more popular narratives underwent numerous reprintings in the late Victorian

188 David Richeson era, when there was a large market for such publications. Recently an expanded interest in western history has resulted in a number of these narratives becoming available once again through facsimile editions or newly edited volumes. These narratives and reports provide a vivid picture of the west. They sometimes exhibit strong nineteenth-century bias against certain native cultural or economic practices and must, in consequence, ~e used with caution. Doug Owram's Promise of Eden: The Canadian Expansionist Movement and the Idea of the West, 1856-1900 (T: UTP 1980), examines the popular image of the west, largely derived from narratives and reports, and the attempt by a small group of Canadian expansionists to nurture an image of a region suitable for agriculture. Much of this fine work deals with the post-Confederation period when the contradiction between image and reality caused much disenchantment, but the analysis of the pre-Confederation is of great value as well. The perceptive observations of John Henry Lefroy while on an 1843-4 scientific mission to record data on terrestrial magnetism, which took him to Fort Good Hope on the Mackenzie River, have been edited by G.F.G. Stanley, In Search of the Magnetic North: A Soldier-Surveyor's Letters from the North-West, 1843-1844 (T: MAC

1955). The artist Paul Kane was an especially acute observer when he travelled all the way to the Pacific coast in 1846-8. He produced both a narrative and a magnificent series of sketches and paintings, which J.R. Harper has edited and combined in a superb folio volume, Paul Kane's Frontier: Including Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America (T: UTP 1971). Among the highlights of Kane's work was a record of the M~tis buffalo hunt and other aspects of M~tis life. A less complete but equally interesting account and visual record exists in a summary of Henry J. Warre's Overland to Oregon in 1845: Impressions of a Journey Across North America (o: PAC 1976). Lieutenant Warre and Lieutenant Vavasour

set out from Montreal in 1845 on a secret reconnaissance mission to prepare a report for Britain on conditions along the border between British North America and the United States. Roman Catholic, Anglican, and Methodist missionaries were active throughout the western interior by the mid-nineteenth century and frequently recorded their experiences. T.C.B. Boon utilized much of this material in The Anglican Church from the Bay to the

189 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast Rockies ( T: RP 1962). The work of John and George McDougall has been dealt with in an uncritical work by James Nix, Mission among the Buffalo: The Labours of the Reverends George M and John C. McDougall in the Canadian Northwest, 1860-75 (T: RP 1960). Robert Terrill Rundle was a Methodist missionary on the prairies between 1840 and 1848. The Historical Society of Alberta has produced The Rundle Journals 1840-1848, ed. Hugh A. Dempsey (Calgary: The Historical Society of Alberta 1977). These journals, often tedious to read because of short daily entries, provide some insight into the fur-trade/mission relationship which included much mutual mistrust. In marked contrast to the missionaries are the narratives of wealthy travellers and sportsmen who sought only adventure and big-game hunting. The 1859 expedition of the Earl of Southesk, which he recorded in Saskatchewan and the Rocky Mountains: A Diary and Narrative of Travel, Sport, and Adventure, during a Journey through the Hudson's Bay Company's Territories in 1859 and 1860 (Edinburgh 1875; reprinted E: MGH 1969), gives a graphic picture of the adventure available to those who could afford to travel in luxury. Walter Butler Cheadle and his companion Viscount Milton travelled in less style but had an impressive array of adventures and encounters with frontier characters, all recorded in The North- West Passage by Land (L: 1865; reprinted T: Coles 1970). These and other such accounts are largely responsible for establishing the popular conception of the west and Pacific Coast in the nineteenth century. A final work worthy of citation in this regard is Margaret McNaughton's Overland to Cariboo: An Eventful Journey of Canadian Pioneers to the Gold-Fields of British Columbia in 1862 (1896; reprinted NY: Argonaut Press 1966). The account of the suffering and occasional loss of life endured by this party of 150 who crossed overland from Canada to British Columbia at a time when even small parties could experience difficulty is a valuable counter to the more lighthearted accounts. Popular travel narratives heightened interest in the west but did not contain the factual detail required for administrative decisions regarding the future of the region. The most accessible introduction to narratives produced by geographical and scientific research expeditions is Warkentin, ed., The Western Interior of Canada. Warkentin

190 David Richeson has demonstrated that geographical knowledge of the western interior evolved slowly, with interpretation and explanation only possible following the assembly of data from a variety of sources. The southern portion of the western interior was the first to be emphasized; the north was examined in detail only late in the nineteenth century. Two of the major scientific expeditions whose reports have been reprinted in edited versions are the 1857-60 Palliser expedition and the 1857-8 Hind-Dawson expeditions. One of the major points at issue at mid century was the western interior's ability or capacity to support agriculture, a question answered affirmatively by both expeditions in partially conflicting reports. Palliser reported to the British government that there was indeed a 'fertile belt' north of the 'arid plains,' a report that could be used by both critics and proponents of prairie agriculture. Hind reported to the government of the Province of Canada the existence of a larger 'fertile belt' and limited the extent of the 'arid' area. More importantly, both reported the great differences in climate within the western interior, all of which provoked great additional interest in the area. Among the various versions of these reports are The Papers of the Palliser Expedition, 1857-1860, ed. Irene Spry (vol. XXXXIV; T: cs 1968). Irene Spry had previously produced a careful account, The Palliser Expedition: An Account of John Palliser's British North American Expedition, 18571860 (T: MAC 1963). Henry Youle Hind's Narrative of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition (L: 1860; reprinted E: MGH 1971) presents a lively contrast. One fascinating development associated with the Hind expedition was the decision to use photography as a recording technique in connection with the 1858 expedition. Richard J. Huyda, comp., Camera in the Interior: 1858; H.L. Hime, Photographer (T: Coach House Press 1975), presents an analysis and examples of this first Canadian use of photography for survey purposes, also the earliest use of photography in the western interior of British North America. CONCLUSION

Current historical publications on western and northern subjects reflect many of the same trends that are apparent in other regions of

191 The north, the western interior, and the Pacific coast Canada. There is concern for aspects of social history, including an emphasis upon work, daily life, values, and distinctive groups in society. There is also an emphasis upon re-examination of traditional views established by older historical writing. This is particularly reflected in the recent work on the fur trade which emphasizes the role of the Indian, the nature of the trading relationship, and the extent to which values may have affected the conduct of the trade. An article by W. Peter Ward, 'Western Canada: Recent Historical Writing,' QQ, 1978, comments in detail on the new trends evident in western Canadian historical writing. This interesting survey makes apparent one salient fact: much of the current historical work deals with the post-Confederation west. An additional indication of this trend is contained in the Register of Post-Graduate Dissertations in Progress in History and Related Subjects/Repertoire des theses en cours portant sur des sujets d'histoire et autres sujets connexes, published annually by the Canadian Historical Association. In contrast to an apparent trend away from work in pre-Confederation western and northern history one finds a surprising range of imaginative biography, edited diary accounts, and reprints of early history and travel writing directed largely toward the general public. Much of this material lacks documentation. The authors or editors, when confronted with an absence of factual material, have often simply imagined what took place. This explains why, with a few noted exceptions, most of these works have been omitted from this survey. Another indication of the need for continued historical writing on the early west and north is the extent to which elementary and secondary school curricula continue to emphasize this time period. A final indication of activity can be found in the success of the periodic 'Fur Trade History' conferences held in past years, as well as the activity of the numerous provincial and local history and museum societies in the western provinces. One arrives at the conclusion that early western and northern history plays a stronger role in popular culture and group consciousness of the region than the amount of recently published scholarly historical works would indicate. The future holds promise for much new work. Among the important areas will be additional work on native history to break the often unconscious assumption that history 'begins' with the arrival

192 David Richeson of the Euro-Canadian. This revisionist writing will have the benefit of current work by archaeologists, linguists, and anthropologists using sources often ignored by historians. The relationship of man to the environment is another subject of basic importance which will be emphasized. Early western and northern history can provide case studies of such interaction which can be of use in dealing with contemporary problems. The field of material culture studies or material history will be of increasing interest as museum-directed research and subsequent interpretation provide yet another dimension to understanding history, one virtually ignored by historians in the past. Demographic work now being done should certainly assist in depicting early western society more accurately. Finally, the current interest in local and regional history must eventually lead to new advances in pre-Confederation history, especially as microexaminations of limited areas are the prime vehicle in this type of research. A sufficient number of these studies should provide material for new syntheses of western and Pacific coast history, hopefully based upon far broader sources than the previous histories which were written largely from official and company records supplemented by the personal accounts of a few leaders of the various communities.

PHILLIP BUCKNER

Britain and British North America before Confederation

INTRODUCTION AND GENERAL WORKS

Canadian historiography and the British empire

It is a truism that patterns of historical writing change over time. But there can be no better example of the truth of this maxim than a study of the attitude of Canadian historians to the British empire. During the nineteenth and well into the twentieth century most writers on Canadian history, particularly but not exclusively Anglophone writers, viewed the imperial relationship as desirable and beneficial. Indeed, for many of these historians the history of Canada was the history of the extension and evolution of British institutions overseas. Their approach to the empire can best be seen in such classics as William Kingsford, The History of Canada, 10 vols. (T: Rowsell & Hutchinson 1887-98), and Sir John Bourinot, Canada under British Rule 1760-1900 (T: cc 1901). As K.N. Windsor has shown in 'Historical Writing in Canada (to 1920)' in C.F. Klinck, ed., Literary History of Canada (rev. ed., T: UTP 1976); J.K. McConica in 'Kingsford and Whiggery in Canadian History,' CHR, 1959; and Carl Berger in The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism (T: UTP 1970), most of what was written during this period was marred by a simplistic belief in the ultimate superiority of British institutions and values and by uncritical adulation of the British empire. Today these authors are read mainly for what they reveal

194 Phillip Buckner about the preconceptions of their own society rather than for their interpretations of the preceding period. The great watershed in Canadian attitudes to the empire was the First World War. The older pro-imperial tradition persisted into the post-war period but there was a greater stress on Canadian autonomy. Carl Berger has examined in his definitive study, The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing, 1900-1970 (T: OUP 1976), how nationalism and increased professionalism altered established patterns of historical writing. Nonetheless, the central theme in the works of the historians of this period remained the evolution of Canadian institutions within the framework of the empire. W.P.M. Kennedy's The Constitution of Canada: An Introduction to its Development and Law (Oxford: OUP 1922) and Chester Martin's Empire and Commonwealth: Studies in Governance and Self-Government in Canada (Oxford: OUP 1929) are essential reading for an understanding of this process. Martin's later book, Foundations of Canadian Nationhood (T: UTP 1955), while more nationalistic in tone, remains true to the earlier tradition of viewing Canada's evolution from an imperial perspective. During the interwar years, however, this tradition came under attack, as Canada drew closer to the United States and Canadian intellectuals became more concerned with exploring the shared experience of the two countries. Few Canadian historians espoused uncritically the frontier thesis of Frederick Jackson Turner, which emphasized the distinctiveness of North American society, but many were influenced by it. From the Turnerian perspective it was natural to view the imperial relationship in largely negative terms, as a factor inhibiting the development of a Canadian nationalism. Thus there was an increased emphasis upon the 'struggle' for autonomy, an emphasis clearly seen in A.R.M. Lower's still widely used textbook, Colony to Nation: A History of Canada (5th ed., T: M&S 1977). But the environmentalism of the interwar years also generated an alternative approach to the empire. The work of Harold Innis and Donald Creighton stressed the distinctiveness of Canada among the European colonies of settlement in the Americas. From the perspective of what came to be known as the Laurentian school, the empire was seen as a positive factor which explained Canada's distinctive

195 Britain and British North America before Confederation development and its un-American characteristics. Creighton and his disciples were frequently critical of British policy and British policymakers, but they saw the Canadian-imperial relationship as a system of mutual advantage. This was one of the most important themes in Creighton's Dominion of the North: A History of Canada (L: MAC 1958) and in W.L. Morton's The Kingdom of Canada: A General History from Earliest Times (2nd ed., T: M&S 1968), the most sophisticated - although probably the most unreadable - of all Canadian textbooks. The latter should be read in conjunction with Morton's The Canadian Identity (T: UTP 1961) for a sympathetic assessment of the significance of the imperial connection to Canada. Imperial historiography and Canada As memories of the empire recede into history, so too does academic interest in the imperial connection. Partly because the empirecommonwealth has become largely irrelevant to Canadians and partly because so much that has been written about Canada's evolution within the empire has been narrowly political and constitutional in approach, the imperial relationship is a subject of dwindling concern to most Canadian historians who are now focusing upon more limited and narrower horizons. Ironically, Canadian historians are once again, albeit this time by accident, imitating developments in the mother country. Imperial history was once popular in Britain and the theme that excited greatest interest was the transition from empire to commonwealth, a theme which emphasized Canada's importance. Thus considerable attention was devoted to Canada in the multi-volume Cambridge History of the Empire, ed. A.P. Newton and E.A. Benians. Volume VI: Canada and Newfoundland (Cambridge: CUP 1930) still contains some chapters worth reading, although the sections written by the British authors are frequently disappointing. Volume II (1940) has a good deal of useful information on imperial developments from 1783 to 1870. Also valuable are the older histories of the empire. Charles E. Carrington's The British Empire Overseas: Exploits of a Nation of Shopkeepers (Cambridge: CUP 1950) is somewhat Anglocentric, but Paul Knaplund, significantly an American, wrote a fine, if dated, survey, The British Empire 1815-1939 (NY: Harper & Brothers 1941), and the Canadian-born

196 Phillip Buckner A.L. Burt contributed The Evolution of the British Empire and Commonwealthfrom the American Revolution (Boston: D.C. Heath 1956), which is still worth consulting. William D. McIntyre's Colonies into Commonwealth (NY: Walker 1967) is more recent and more concise. The introductory section to Nicholas Mansergh, The Commonwealth Experience (NY: Praeger 1969), contains a succinct summary of the traditional approach. It is quite possible, however, that these will be the last books of their kind. Imperial historians are today more interested in British expansion into Africa and Asia than they are in the colonies of settlement, in the extension of British influence into areas that were never formally parts of the empire rather than into the areas that were colonized, and in the effect of overseas developments upon British developments rather than vice versa. All of these themes militate against Canadian content. Thus Bernard Porter in The Lion's Share: A Short History of British Imperialism 1850-1970 (L: Longmans 1975) virtually dismisses Canada from the empire. Ronald Hyam in Britain's Imperial Century 1815-1914: A Study in Empire Expansion (L: Batsford 1976) does not go this far but the book contains almost as much on the 'informal' empire in Latin America as upon British North America. While a perverse book in several respects, Hyam's study is probably the best introduction to the more recent literature on the empire in the nineteenth century. C.C. Eldridge's Victorian Imperialism (L: Hodder & Stoughton 1978) is also useful, particularly for understanding the current debate over the nature of mid-Victorian imperialism.

Bibliographical aids and documentary collections For those who wish to pursue themes not touched upon in this essay there are a number of useful bibliographical aids. Unfortunately, most Canadian bibliographies tend to ignore works on imperial history unless Canada is mentioned in the title. Claude Thibault's Bibliographia Canadiana (T: Longman 1973), for example, is disappointing. The best place to start is with Robin W. Winks, ed., The Historiography of the British Empire-Commonwealth (Durham: Duke University Press 1966), which contains a chapter by Winks on Canada. John E. Flint's Books on the British Empire and Commonwealth:

197 Britain and British North America before Confederation

A Guide for Students (L: OUP 1968) is good but selective. Very valuable are Lucy M. Brown and Ian R. Christie, Bibliography of British History 1789-1851 (Oxford: Clarendon 1977), and H.J. Hanham, Bibliography of British History 1851-1914 (Oxford: Clarendon 1976), although they are difficult to use unless one has some idea of what to look for. The Royal Historical Society of Britain sponsors an Annual Bibliography of British and Irish History (L: Harvest Press 1976-) which lists articles in periodicals, and the annual 'List of Publications on the Economic and Social History of Great Britain and Ireland' in the Economic History Review includes a very valuable section on 'Overseas trade and overseas relations.' For the student who wishes to sample some of the primary documents the place to begin is with W.P.M. Kennedy's Statutes, Treaties and Documents of the Canadian Constitution 1713-/929 (T: OUP 1930), a collection of enduring value, and H.E. Egerton and W.L. Grant's more selective Canadian Constitutional Development (L: John Murray 1907). Two collections on imperial history of unusual worth are V. Harlow and A.F. Madden, eds., British Colonial Developments 1774-/834 (Oxford: OUP 1935), and K.N. Bell and W.P. Morrell, eds., Select Documents on British Colonial Policy 1830-60 (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1928). EXPLORATION AND IMPERIAL RIVALRIES

British expansion into Canada British interest in what would become Canada began in the fifteenth century. The period before the establishment of permanent settlements is examined in an especially fine survey by David Quinn, North America from Earliest Discovery to First Settlements: The Norse Voyages to 1612 (T: Fitzhenry & Whiteside 1977), which contains a superb bibliographical essay. K.G. Davies has written an equally fine survey, The North Atlantic World in the Seventeenth Century (Don Mills: Burns & MacEachern 1974), which picks up where Quinn leaves off. For the later period one has J.M. Parry's Trade and Dominion: The European Overseas Empires in the Eighteenth Century (L: Weidenfeld and Nicolson 1971) and D.K. Fieldhouse's The Colonial Empires: A Comparative Survey from the Eighteenth Century

198 Phillip Buckner (NY: Delacorte Press 1971). These four books provide a comprehensive overview of European expansion into North America from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century and place the British involvement in Canada into a wider comparative framework. J.B. Brebner's The Explorers of North America 1492-1806 (L: A.&C. Black 1933), although somewhat old-fashioned in approach, remains useful. Samuel Eliot Morison's The European Discovery of America: The Northern Approaches (NY: OUP 1971) is well written and embodies more recent research, but does not go much beyond Brebner. Tryggvi J. Oleson's Early Voyages and Northern Approaches 1000-1632 (T: M&s 1963) is marred by a numberof curious interpretations. There is a useful study of The Cabot Voyages and Bristol Discovery under Henry VII (Cambridge: The Hakluyt Society 1962) by James A. Williamson and many valuable biographies of historical figures, both large and small, may be found in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, especially in volumes I to IV (T: UTP 1974-9) which cover the period to 1800. The Exploration of North America 1630-1776 (T: M&S 1974) by W.P. Cumming, S.E. Hillier, D.B. Quinn, and G. Williams contains many useful documents, maps, and illustrations. British exploration and penetration of the west coast is the subject of Barry M. Gough's comprehensive survey, Distant Dominion: Britain and the Northwest Coast of North America, 1579-1809 (v: UBCP 1980). There is a fine study of The Life of Captain James Cook (L: A.&C. Black 1974) by J.C. Beaglehole and a number of useful essays on Cook in Robin Fisher and Hugh Johnston, eds., Captain James Cook and his Times (v: Douglas & McIntyre 1979). Glyndwr Williams has thoroughly explored The British Search for the Northwest Passage in the Eighteenth Century (L: Longmans 1962), while Hugh N. Wallace has recently contributed a valuable study of The Navy, the Company, and Richard King: British Exploration in the Canadian Arctic, 1829-1860 (M: MQUP 1980). The growth of British interest in the fisheries and in Newfoundland is examined in Gillian T. Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, 1577-1660 (T: UTP 1970); Charles B. Judah, The North American Fisheries to 1713 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press 1933); and Ralph G. Lounsbury, The British Fishery at Newfoundland, 1634-1763 (New Haven: Yale UP 1934). Also useful is G.S.

199 Britain and British North America before Confederation Graham, 'Newfoundland in British Strategy from Cabot to Napoleon,' in R.A. MacKay, ed., Newfoundland: Economic, Diplomatic, and Strategic Studies (T: OUP 1946), while Frederic F. Thompson explores the history of The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland ( T: UTP 1961). The fur trade also involved the British more deeply in the affairs of Canada, but it was much less important to the British than to the French, as Murray G. Lawson shows in Fur: A Study in English Mercantilism 1700-1775 (T: UTP 1943), which examines how the trade fitted into the British mercantile system. The best survey on the trade in the Canadian west is E.E. Rich's The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (T: M&S 1967). Rich has also produced an authoritative study of the Hudson's Bay Company 1670-1870, 3 vols. (T: M&S 1960) and edited a number of the over thirty volumes of company records which have been published since 1938 by the Hudson's Bay Record Society.

Anglo-French conflict After 1689 Britain and France were to be at war almost continuously. The roots of this struggle and the diplomatic negotiations of the period are examined at length in Max Savelle, The Origins of Ameri-

can Diplomacy: The International History of Angloamerica, 1492-1763

(T: Collier-Macmillan 1967). Although frequently unreliable, for sheer narrative excitement there is still nothing to beat Francis Parkman's multi-volume history of France and England in North America (Boston: Little Brown 1865-92), which has gone through innumerable editions. Count Frontenac and France under Louis XIV (1877), A Haff-Century of Conflict (1892), and Montcalm and Wolfe (1884) form a trilogy which examines the military struggles between the two imperial rivals. Howard H. Peckham's The Colonial Wars 1689-1762 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1964) is a compact study of the same period, containing many of the same biases. More balanced in treatment is I.K. Steele's Guerillas and Grenadiers: The Struggle for Canada, I 689-1760 (T: RP 1969). Also valuable is Douglas Edward Leach's somewhat Anglocentric Aims/or Empire: A Military History of the British Colonies in North America 1607-1763 (T: Collier-Macmillan 1973). Although brief for the earlier period, G.F.G. Stanley's Canada's Soldiers 1604-1954: The Military History

200 Phillip Buckner of an Unmilitary People (T: MAC 1954) is useful. The indispensable source on the naval aspects of the conflict, which were crucial to the outcome, is Gerald S. Graham's Empire of the North Atlantic: The Maritime Struggle for North America (2nd ed., T: UTP 1958). By far the best summary of events from the French perspective is W.J. Eccles, France in America (T: Fitzhenry & Whiteside 1972), which has a very complete critical bibliography. There are numerous popular histories on this subject. The most readable are probably Edward P. Hamilton's The French and Indian Wars (NY: Doubleday 1962) and Harrison Bird's Battle for a Continent (NY: OUP 1965), but both are marred by dubious generalizations and should be used with great caution. While the war in Europe between England and France ebbed and flowed, friction in North America between their colonies was constant. Douglas Edward Leach's The Northern Colonial Frontier 16071763 (T: HRW 1966) contains a concise summary of the American reaction to English-French rivalries in the northeast. Two very fine monographs, Allen W. Trelease's Indian Affairs in Colonial New York: The Seventeenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell UP 1960) and Thomas Elliot Norton's The Fur Trade in Colonial New York 1686-1776 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1974), examine friction along the New York-Canada border, and Lawrence H. Lederer's Robert Livingston I654-l 728 and the Politics of Colonial New York (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1961) shows how this friction led to increased pressure for the conquest of Canada. James Axtell's 'The Ethnohistory of Early America: A Review Article,' WMQ, 1978, and Gary B. Nash's brilliant synthesis, Red, White and Black: The Peoples of Early America ( T: PH 197 4), provide a useful introduction to the literature on the role of the Indians in this conflict. Also useful are many of the articles in volume 15 of the Handbook of North American Indians, ed. Bruce G. Trigger (Washington: Smithsonian Institution 1978), and in the relevant volumes of the Dictionary of Canadian Biography. The other major area of continuous French-English friction was in Nova Scotia. John Bartlet Brebner's New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (reprinted Hamden: Archon Books 1965) remains the indispensable source, but it should be sup-

201 Britain and British North America before Confederation plemented by George A. Rawlyk, Nova Scotia's Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations 1630-1784 (M: MQUP 1973), which incorporates more recent scholarship and is much fuller on the seventeenth century. Very useful for the later period is W.S. MacNutt's The Atlantic Provinces: The Emergence of Colonial Society 1712-1857 (T: M&s 1965), which has a distinct imperial emphasis. For a time there was a third contender in the colonization field in Nova Scotia. John Reid succinctly describes how the Scots were excluded in 'The Scots Crown and the Restitution of Port Royal, 1629-1632,' Acadiensis, 1977, and in Acadia, Maine and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (T: UTP 1981) he places the Scottish failure into a broader imperial perspective. Two very fine biographies from the University of North Carolina Press, G.M. Waller's Samuel Vetch: Colonial Enterpriser (Chapel Hill: 1960) and John A. Schulz's William Shirley: King's Governor of Massachusetts (1961), examine two of the most prominent imperialists in Massachusetts, both of whom had considerable influence upon developments in Nova Scotia. Stephen E. Patterson has written a brief but perceptive review article, 'In Search of the Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Dynamic,' Acadiensis, 1976, which examines some of the expansionist pressures within Massachusetts. After the Treaty of Utrecht, Nova Scotia became part of the British empire but imperial rivalries within the Atlantic region continued. The major concern of the British may be summed up in one word: Louisbourg. Although very dated the best general study of the fortress remains J.S. McLennan's Louisbourgfrom its Foundation to its Fall, 1713-1758 (L: MAC 1918). It has certainly not been displaced by Fairfax Downey's Louisbourg: Key to a Continent (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PH 1965). George Rawlyk's Yankees at Louisbourg (Orono: University of Maine Press 1967) is the definitive study of the New England capture of Louisbourg in 174$; Raymond Baker's A Campaign of Amateurs: The Siege of Louisbourg, 1745 (Ottawa: Parks Canada 1978) adds little to Rawlyk's account. Jack M. Sosin explains why Louisbourg was not retained by the British in 'Louisbourg and the Peace of Aix-La-Chapelle, 1748,' WMQ, 1957; Robert Emmet Wall, Jr, offers some general observations about the weakness of the fortress in 'Louisbourg, 1745,' New England Quarterly,

202 Phillip Buckner 1964; and J. Mackay Hitsman, with C.C.J. Bond, describe its final capture by the British in 'The Assault Landing at Louisbourg, 1758,' CHR, 1954. The Royal Navy and North America: The Warren Papers, 1736-1752 (L: Navy Records Society 1973) contains a number of documents relating to the siege of Louisbourg in 1745 and the establishment of a North American squadron operating out of Halifax; Julian Gwyn's introduction to the volume is first-rate. On the significance of Halifax see C.P. Stacey, 'Halifax as an International Strategic Factor, 1749-1949,' CHAR, 1949. J. Clarence Webster describes friction in the interior of Nova Scotia in The Forts ofChignecto: A Study of the Eighteenth Century Corif[ict between France and Great Britain in Acadia (Shediac: Author 1930). The British decision to deport the Acadians has, of course, been the subject of an intense controversy, which is examined elsewhere in this book, but for an understanding of the British decision one should consult Dominick S. Graham's tantalizingly brief study of 'Charles Lawrence' in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. III, and his 'The Planning of the Beaus~jour Operation and the Approaches to War in 1755,' New England Quarterly, 1968. R.O. MacFarlane discusses a much neglected but very important subject in 'British Indian Policy in Nova Scotia to 1760,' CHR, 1938, and there is a fuller treatment in L.F.S. Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes, 1713-1867 (v: UBCP 1979). The bulk of the fighting in North America before the Conquest of Quebec involved not British regulars but American colonial volunteers. The thirteen colonies potentially had the manpower to overwhelm New France but were unable to mobilize their resources effectively. Phillip S. Haffenden, New England in the English Nation 1689-1713 (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1974), and Harry M. Ward, 'Unite or Die': Intercolony Relations 1690-1763 (Port Washington: Kennikat Press 1971), examine some of the reasons for this failure. During the eighteenth century the British were compelled to play an ever more active part in the North American theatre. Their first efforts were not auspicious. Bruce T. McCully points out the hazards of the Hudson-Champlain corridor in 'Catastrophe in the Wilderness: New Light on the Canada Expedition of 1709,' WMQ, 1954, while Gerald S. Graham perceptively examines another failure in

203 Britain and British North America before Confederation his introduction to The Walker Expedition to Quebec, 1711 ( T: cs 1953). Arthur Buffinton explains how domestic politics frustrated a later effort to conquer Canada in 'The Canada Expedition of 1746: Its Relation to British Politics,' AHR, 1940. Nonetheless, after 1713, as Guy Fregault convincingly shows in 'L'Empire britannique et la conqu~te du Canada (1700-1713),' RHAF, 1956, the initiative had passed irrevocably to the British. The Seven Years' War The sequence of events which led to the Seven Years' War remains controversial. Walter L. Dom's Competition for Empire 1740-1763 (NY: Harper & Row 1940) is useful on the European scene, but dated. More valuable is Patrice Louis-Rene Higonnet, 'The Origins of the Seven Years' War,' Journal of Modern History, 1968. Max Savelle deals with the subject in The Diplomatic History of the Canadian Boundary, 1749-1763 (T: RP 1940) and 'Diplomatic Preliminaries of the Seven Years' War in America,' CHR, 1939. Lawrence Henry Gipson offers a controversial interpretation in 'A French Project for Victory Short of a Declaration of War, 1755,' CHR, 1945, which Yves F. Z.Oltvany, 'The Problem of Western Policy under Philippe de Rigaud de Vaudreuil, 1703-1725,' CHAR, 1964, and J.C. Rule, 'The Old Regime in America: A Review of Recent Interpretations of France in America,' WMQ, 1962, dispute. There are a number of studies of the war itself. Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe is probably his most famous work and it reflects both his strengths and great weaknesses as an historian. More evenhanded and scholarly are G .F.G. Stanley, New France: The Last Phase 1744-1760 (T:M&s 1968), and GuyFregault, Canada: The War ofthe Conquest (T: OUP 1969). Although somewhat old-fashioned in approach, Lawrence Henry Gipson's monumental The British Empire before the American Revolution, 14 vols. (NY: Knopf 1936-70) is worth consulting on any aspect of the struggle and the final volume contains a very complete bibliography. Julian S. Corbett's England in the Seven Years' War, 2 vols. (2nd ed., L: Longmans, Green 1918) remains useful, especially on the naval side, although G.S. Graham's Empire ofthe North Atlantic contains a far more sophisticated overview of British strategy. Graham's

204 Phillip Buckner 'The Naval Defence of British North America, 1739-1763,' Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 1948, gives a succinct account of that strategy. The British army is examined by Stanley M. Pargellis in Lord Loudoun in North America (New Haven: Yale UP 1933), an absolutely essential study far broader in scope than its title implies, and in his introduction to Military Affairs in North America, 17481765: Selected Documents from the Cumberland Papers in Windsor Castle (reprinted New Haven: Archon 1969). John Shy includes a lengthy and valuable discussion of the army during the Seven Years' War in Toward Lexington: The Role of the British Army in the Coming of the American Revolution (Princeton: Princeton UP 1965). Pargellis is very critical of the elder Pitt, but the authoritative study is O.A. Sherrard's Lord Chatham, 3 vols. (L: Bodley Head 1952-8). Volume II deals with Pitt and the Seven Years' War. Pitt's role is also assessed in Rex Whitworth, Field Marshal Lord Ligonier: A Story of the British Army (Oxford: OUP 1958), while R. Pares deals with broader strategic problems in 'American versus Continental Warfare, 1739-1763,' English Historical Review, 1936. Useful on the French military is Lee Kennett, The French Armies in the Seven Years' War: A Study in Military Organization and Administration (Durham: Duke UP 1967), although focusing almost exclusively on Europe. One major topic of debate among military historians is the extent to which the British military were able to adjust to North American conditions. This issue is discussed in John K. Mahon, 'AngloAmerican Methods of Indian Warfare 1676-1794,' Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1958, and Peter E. Russell, 'Redcoats in the Wilderness: British Officers and Irregular Warfare in Europe and America, 1740-1760,' WMQ, 1978. The particular example frequently cited of British incompetence is, of course, Braddock's defeat. Stanley Pargellis in 'Braddock's Defeat,' AHR, 1936, lays the blame squarely upon Braddock, but Paul E. Kopperman's Braddock at the Monongahela (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 1977) deals with the problem in a much more sophisticated way. In fact, Kopperman's book is a gem. By focusing on a single battle he is able to open up a number of important questions and the second half of the book is a collection of eyewitness reports on the battle which give the reader a sense of what mid-eighteenth century war-

205 Britain and British North America before Confederation fare in the wilderness was really like. Franklin Thayer Nichols, 'The Organization of Braddock's Army,' WMQ, 1947, contains some interesting information on the equipment and structure of Braddock's force. Lee McCardell's Ill-Starred General: Braddock of the Coldstream Guards (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 1958) is too uncritical to be of much value. There are a number of popular studies of the battle on the Plains of Abraham, but the only scholarly work is C.P. Stacey's Quebec 1759: The Siege and the Battle (rev. ed., L: Pan 1973). Also useful are E.R. Adair's 'The Military Reputation of Major-General James Wolfe' CHAR, 1936, and C.P. Stacey's articles 'The Anse au Foulon, 1759: Montcalm and Vaudreuil,' CHR, 1959; 'Quebec, 1759: Some New Documents,' CHR, 1966; 'Generals and Generalship before Quebec, 1759-1760,' CHAR, 1959; and his biography of Wolfe in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. m. There are no really good scholarly biographies of Wolfe and one might just as well use Beckles Willson, The Life and Letters of James Wolfe (L: William Heinemann 1909), which at least contains lengthy quotations from Wolfe's own letters. There is a useful brief sketch of Montcalm by W.J. Eccles in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. DI. Wolfe's victory unfortunately overshadowed the very important campaign further west in 1759-60. Malcolm Macleod assesses its significance in 'Fight at the West Gate, 1760,' OH, 1966. J.C. Long, Lord Jeffrey Amherst: A Soldier of the King (NY: AC 1933), and Louis des Cognets, Jr, Amherst and Canada (Princeton: Author 1962), have limited merit and the best account remains Amherst's own, printed in J. Clarence Webster, ed., The Journal of Jeffrey Amherst: Recording the Military Career of General Amherst in America from 1758-1763 (T: RP 1931). While concentrating on a later period, John Richard Alden's General Gage in America (reprinted NY: Green-

wood Press 1969) devotes some space to Gage's period of service under Braddock and then under Amherst. The Indians were a critical factor in the west. Wilbur R. Jacobs deals with Indian diplomacy in Wilderness Politics and Indian Gifts: The Northern Colonial Frontier (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1950) and so does Milton W. Hamilton in Sir William Johnston: Colonial American, 1715-1763 (Port Washington: Kennikat

206 Phillip Buckner Press 1976), the first of a projected two-volume biography. The only scholarly study of the Indian rebellion at the end of the war is Howard H. Peckham's somewhat unsophisticated Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (Princeton: Princeton UP 1947). But one can consult Wilbur R. Jacobs, Dispossessing the American Indian: Indian and Whites on the Colonial Frontier (NY: Charles Scribner's Sons 1972); the chapter on Pontiac in Alvin M. Josephy, Jr, The Patriot Chiefs: A Chronicle of American Indian Resistance (Markham, Ont.: Penguin Books 1976); and the controversy aroused by Bernhard Knollenberg's 'General Amherst and Germ Warfare,' Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1954, 1955. INTEGRATION AND DISINTEGRATION OF THE FIRST EMPIRE

Imperial policy after the Conquest

The Conquest of Quebec in 17 59-60 resolved the question of which imperial power would control North America but it also created a host of new problems for the British government. Klaus E. Knorr's British Colonial Theories 1570-1850 (T: UTP 1944) gives a useful overview of imperial attitudes to the new empire. G .L. Beer's British Colonial Policy 1754-1765 (NY: MAC 1907) is also of some value but it has been largely superseded by Gipson's The British Empire before the American Revolution. The essential source is Vincent T. Harlow's outstanding The Founding of the Second British Empire 1763-1793, 2 vols. (L: Longmans 1952, 1964), which should be supplemented by David Fieldhouse's inspired article, 'British Imperialism in the Late Eighteenth Century: Defence or Opulence?' printed in K. Robinson and F. Madden, eds., Essays in Imperial Government Presented to Margery Perham (Oxford: Basil Blackwell 1963); by Ian Christie's 'The Imperial Dimension: British Ministerial Perspectives during the American Revolutionary Crisis, 1763-1776' in Esmond Wright,

Red, White and True Blue: The Loyalists in the Revolution (NY: AMS

Press 1976); and by P.J. Marshall's 'The British Empire in the Age of the American Revolution' in William M. Fowler, Jr, and Wallace Coyle, The American Revolution: Changing Perspectives (Boston: Northeastern UP 1979). There are innumerable studies of British policy toward the American colonies after 1763 but the most useful are P.D.G. Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis: The First

207 Britain and British North America before Confederation Phase of the American Revolution, 1763-1767 (Oxford: OUP 1975); Ian Christie and Benjamin Woods Labaree, Empire or Independence,

1760-1776: A British-American Dialogue on the Coming of the American Revolution (Oxford: Phaidon Press 1976); and John Drury, English Politics and the American Revolution (NY: St Martin's Press

1976). The initial decision that confronted the imperial authorities at the conclusion of the Seven Years' War was whether to retain Canada. Harlow examines this issue in The Founding of the Second British Empire and so do R. Hyam and G. Martin in Reappraisals in British Imperial History (T: MAC 1975). The standard treatment of the peace negotiations is Zinab Esmat Rashed's The Peace of Paris, 1763 (Liverpool: UP of Liverpool 1951), but Gipson has a good summary in volume vm of The British Empire before the Revolution. R. Pares, War and Trade in the West Indies I 739-1763 (reprinted L: Frank Cass 1963); Savelle, Diplomatic History of the Canadian Boundary, 17491763; and Sir Louis R. Namier, England in the Age of the American Revolution (2nd ed., L: MAC 1961), all deal with aspects of the peacemaking process. So does Jack M. Sosin's Whitehall and the Wilderness: The Middle West in British Colonial Policy, 1760-1775 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1961), which largely supersedes Clarence W. Alvord's classic The Mississippi Valley in British Politics, 2 vols. (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark 1917). Several articles consider problems arising out of the peace settlement: Peter Marshall's 'Colonial Protest and Indian Retrenchment: Indian Policy 17641768,' Journal of American Studies, 1971, and 'Imperial policy and the Government of Detroit: Projects and Problems 1760-1774,' Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 1974, and David R. Farrell's 'Anchors of Empire: Detroit, Montreal and the Continental Interior, 1760-1775,' American Review of Canadian Studies, 1971, deal with western problems; William H. Whiteley's 'Governor Hugh Palliser and the Newfoundland and Labrador Fishery, 17641768,' CHR, 1969, and 'James Cook and British Policy in the Newfoundland Fisheries, 1763-1767,' CHR, 1973, and J.M. Bumsted's 'British Colonial Policy and the Island of St. John, 1763-1767,' Acadiensis, 1979, detail eastern problems. Unfortunately, there are no satisfactory biographies of the governors of Canada after 1763. R.H. Mahon's Life of General the Hon.

208 Phillip Buckner James Murray: A Builder of Canada (T: John Murray 1921); Jean Mcllwraith's Sir Frederick Haldimand (T: Morang 1906); and A.G. Bradley's Sir Guy Carleton (reprinted T: UTP 1966) contain some useful information but are dated and uncritical. For a less sympathetic view of Carleton one can consult A.L. Burt's pamphlet, Guy Carleton, Lord Dorchester 1724-1808: Revised Version (O:CHA 1964), but a proper full-length study is desperately needed. Paul R. Reynold's superficial Guy Carleton: A Biography (T: Gage 1980) does not fill this need. Carleton's most controversial measure was the Quebec Act. The first serious scholarly study of the act was Victor Coffin's The Province of Quebec and the Early American Revolution (Madison, Wisc.: University of Wisconsin Press 1896), a biased account written from a purely American perspective. During the 1920s Reginald Coupland sought to rehabilitate Carleton with The Quebec Act (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1925), but Chester Martin presented the liberal countercase in Empire and Commonwealth. A.L. Burt is reasonably sympathetic to the act in The Old Province of Quebec (T: Ryerson 1933), which has been reprinted in two volumes (T: M&S 1968); Hilda Neatby is decidedly unsympathetic in Quebec: The Revolutionary Age (T: M&S 1966). Neatby's The Quebec Act: Protest and Policy (Scarborough: PH 1972) contains selections from these and other sources. Bernard Donoughue analyses the British government's role in British Politics and the American Revolution: The Path to War, 1773-1775 (L: MAC 1964). The American Revolution and the empire Both Stanley's Canada's Soldiers and J. Mackay Hitsman's Safeguarding Canada, 1763-1871 (T: UTP 1968) contain good summaries of the British efforts to defend Quebec during the American Revolution. The best studies of the American invasion are George F.G. Stanley's Canada Invaded 1775-1776 (T: Hakkert 1973) and Robert McConnell Hatch's Thrust for Canada: The American Attempt on Quebec in 1775-1776 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1979), while W.H. Whiteley has examined 'The British Navy and the Siege of Quebec, 1775-76,' CHR, 1980. For the larger international picture of the war the essential sources are Piers Mackesy, The War for America 1775-1783 (L: Longmans 1964); Don Higginbotham, The War of

209 Britain and British North America before Confederation

American Independence: Military Attitudes, Policies and Practice, 17631789 (NY: Collier-Macmillan 1971); and R. Arthur Bowler, Logistics and the Failure of the British Army in America, 1775-1783 (Princeton: Princeton UP 197 5). Carleton's activities during this period are assessed by A.L. Burt in 'The Quarrel between Germain and Carleton - An Inverted Story,' CHR, 1930; by Paul Smith in 'Sir Guy Carleton, Peace Negotiations and the Evacuation of New York,' CHR, 1969; and 'Sir Guy Carleton: Soldier-Statesman' in G.A. Billias, ed., George Washington :S- Opponents: British Generals and Admirals in the American Revolution (NY: William Morrow 1969); and by R. Arthur Bowler in 'Sir Guy Carleton and the Campaign of 1776 in Canada,' CHR, 1974. Carleton also figures prominently in George Saxon Brown, The American Secretary: The Colon(al Policy of Lord George Germain, 1775-1778 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 1963). Michael Glover deals with Carleton's relations with another controversial figure in General Burgoyne in Canada and America: Scapegoat for a System (L: Gordon & Cremonesi 1976). Gerald S. Graham's Empire of the North America deals with the war at sea, while Dallas D. Irvine, 'The Newfoundland Fishery: A French Objective in the War of American Independence,' CHR, 1932, and W.H. Whiteley, 'Newfoundland, Quebec and the Administration of the Coast of Labrador, 1774-1783,' Acadiensis, 1976, examine the struggles over the fisheries. In 'British Conduct of the American Revolutionary War: A Review of Interpretations,' Journal of American History, 1978, Paul David Nelson examines why the British lost, while in 'The Redcoat Revived' in The American Revolution: Changing Perspectives Piers Mackesy insists that the British military defeat was not inevitable. The Loyalists One result of the American victory was the migration of those Americans who had remained loyal to the British. The best survey of the literature on the Loyalists is Wallace Brown's The View at Two Hundred Years: The Loyalists of the American Revolution (Worcester, Mass.: American Antiquarian Society 1970), but G.A. Billias, 'The First Un-Americans: The Loyalists in American Historiography,' in Alden T. Vaughan and George Athan Billias, eds., Perspectives on

210 Phillip Buckner

Early American History: Essays in Honour of Richard B. Morris (T: Fitzhenry & Whiteside 1973), and J.M. Bumsted, 'Loyalists and Nationalists: An Essay on the Problems of Definitions,' Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism, 1979, are also useful. Wallace Brown has produced the best general study of the Loyalists, The Good Americans (NY: William Morrow 1969), but to understand the Loyalist ideology one should go to W.H. Nelson's brilliant, ifunderresearched, The American Tory (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1961) and to William Allan Benton's Whig-Loyalism: An Aspect of Political Ideology in the American Revolutionary Era (Rutherford, Madison, Teaneck: Fairleigh Dickinson UP 1969). James J. Talman's introduction to Loyalist Narratives from Upper Canada (T: cs 1946) is perceptive. W.S. MacNutt presents the Loyalist case in 'The Loyalists: A Sympathetic View,' Acadiensis, 1976, while Ann Condon, 'Marching to a Different Drummer,' in Esmond Wright, ed., Red, White and True Blue, and Janice Potter, 'The Lost Alternative: The Loyalists in the American Revolution,' Humanities Association Review, 1976, sympathetically assess the political philosophy of the Loyalists. Two useful collections are L.F.S. Upton, ed., The United Empire Loyalists: Men and Myths (T: cc 1967), which examines the Loyalists from a Canadian perspective, and G.N.D. Evans, ed., Allegiance in America: The Case of the Loyalists (Don Mills: Addison-Wesley 1969), from an American. There are surprisingly few good biographies of Loyalists who settled in Canada but L.F.S. Upton's The Loyal Whig: William Smith of New York and Quebec (T: UTP 1969) is first-rate, as is his introduction to The Diary and Selected Papers of Chief Justice William Smith 1784-1793, 2 vols. (T: cs 1963). Also useful on Smith are Hilda M. Neatby's 'Chief Justice William Smith: An 18th Century Whig Imperialist,' CHR, 1947, and W.H. Nelson's 'The Last Hopes of the American Loyalists,' CHR, 1951. G.N.D. Evans, Uncommon Obdurate: The Several Public Careers of J.F. W. Desbarres (T: UTP 1969), and Carol Berkin, Jonathan Sewall: Odyssey of an American Loyalist (NY: Columbia UP 1974), deal with two prominent Loyalists. Robert Calhoon has a series of biographical sketches in The Loyalists in Revolutionary America, 1760-1781 (NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich 1973), but the book is very difficult to use.

211 Britain and British North America before Confederation For studies of Loyalist settlements in the various British North American colonies one should consult the other chapters in this book, but of general interest are Paul H. Smith's Loyalists and Redcoats: A Study in British Revolutionary Policy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1964), which examines the Loyalist role in the war, and Mary Beth Norton's The British-Americans: The Loyalist Exiles in England, 1774-1789 (T: Little Brown 1972). Two recent studies, James W. St G. Walker's The Black Loyalists: The Search/or a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (Land Halifax: Longman and Dalhousie UP 1976) and Ellen Gibson Wilson's The Loyal Blacks (NY: G.P. Putnam's Sons 1976) deal with a problem that plagued the imperial authorities for years after the war. Charles Ritcheson assesses Loyalist influence after 1783 in 'The Aftermath of Revolution: The Loyalists and British Policy' in Esmond Wright, ed., A Tug of Loyalties: Anglo-American Relations 1765-85 (L: Athlone Press 1975), while J. Leitch Wright in a provocative book examines their activities in provoking Anglo-American conflict in Britain and the American Frontier 1783-1815 (Athens: University of Georgia Press 1975). There are valuable studies of Indian Loyalists by Francis Jennings, Peter Marshall, and G .A. Rawlyk in Red, White and True Blue. G.F.G. Stanley, 'The Six Nations and the American Revolution,' OH, 1964; Jack M. Sosin, 'The Use of Indians in the War of the American Revolution: A Re-Assessment of Responsibility,' CHR, 1965; Barbara Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution (Syracuse: Syracuse UP 1972); and S.F. Wise, 'The American Revolution and Indian History,' in John S. Moir, ed., Character and Circumstance: Essays in Honour of Donald Grant Creighton (T: MAC 1970), also deal with various aspects of this important subject. THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES AND THE SECOND EMPIRE

British attitudes to the second empire The indispensable source dealing with the transition from the pre1783 to the post-1783 empire is V.T. Harlow's The Founding of the Second British Empire and his 'The New Imperial System, 1783-

212 Phillip Buckner 1815,' The Cambridge History of the British Empire, vol. II. Two useful articles that query some of Harlow's assumptions are Peter Marshall, 'The First and Second British Empires: A Question of Demarcation,' History, 1964, and R. Hyam, 'British Imperial Expansion in the Late Eighteenth Century,' Historical Journal, 1967. Harlow's work largely supersedes the older and now very dated studies by George M. Wrong, Canada and the American Revolution: The Disruption of the First British Empire (NY: MAC 1935), and Reginald Coupland, The American Revolution and the British Empire (L: Longmans, Green 1930). On British commercial policies and how they affected British North America during the Revolutionary and postRevolutionary period the authoritative studies remain Gerald S. Graham's British Policy and Canada, 1774-1791: A Study in 18th Century Trade Policy (L: Longmans, Green 1930) and Sea Power and British North America 1783-1820: A Study in British Colonial Policy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UP 1941), but one should also consult Donald Creighton's Commercial Empire of the St. Lawrence (T: RP 1937), subsequently reprinted as The Empire of the St. Lawrence (T: MAC 1970), and Arthur R.M. Lower's valuable Great Britain Woodyard: British America and the Timber Trade, 1763-1867 (M: MQUP 1973). Traditionally the period following the Napoleonic wars has been seen as a period of growing anti-imperialism as Britain abandoned mercantilism and moved toward the adoption of free trade. The classic statement of this thesis can be found in R.L. Schuyler, The Fall of the Old Colonial System: A Study in British Free Trade 1770-1870 (NY: OUP 1945), and C.A. Bodelsen, Studies in Mid- Victorian Imperialism (reprinted T: Heinemann 1960). D.G. Creighton presents a very concise version in 'The Victorians and the Empire,' CHR, 1938, reprinted in his Towards the Discovery of Canada: Selected Essays (T: MAC 1972). Klaus E. Knorr modified this interpretation in British Colonial Theories 1570-1850 (T: UTP 1944), a useful overview. But the most important assault on the traditional interpretation was John A. Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, 'The Imperialism of Free Trade,' Economic History Review, 1953, which aroused a continuing debate. 0. MacDonagh, 'The Anti-Imperialism of Free Trade,' Economic History Review, 1962; D.C.M. Platt, 'The Imperialism of Free

s

213 Britain and British North America before Confederation Trade: Some Reservations,' Economic History Review, 1968, and 'Further Objections to an "Imperialism of Free Trade" 1830-60,' Economic History Review 1973; Bernard Semmel, The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism: Classical Political Economy, the Empire of Free Trade and Imperialism 1750-1850 (Cambridge: CUP 1970); and P.J. Cains and A.G. Hopkins, 'The Political Economy of British Expansion Overseas, 1750-1914,' Economic History Review, 1980, have contributed to this debate. P.J. Cain has surveyed this literature in his valuable and exhaustive bibliographical study on the Economic Foundations of British Overseas Expansion 1815-1914 (L: MAC 1980). The attitudes of mid-Victorian statesmen have also been reassessed by J.S. Galbraith in 'Myths of the Little England Era,' AHR, 1961; A.G.L. Shaw in 'British Attitudes to the Colonies, 18201850,' Journal of British Studies, 1969; B.A. Knox in 'Reconsidering Mid-Victorian Imperialism,' Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 1973; and R. Hyam and G. Martin in Reappraisals in British Imperial History, chap. 5. A number of the articles listed above, including the seminal article by Gallagher and Robinson, have beep republished in Great Britain and the Colonies 1815-1865 (L: Methuen 1970), which contains a superb introduction by the editor, A.G.L. Shaw. Peter Burroughs in British Attitudes towards Canada 1822-1849 (Scarborough: PH 1971) summarizes the literature and attempts, not terribly successfully, to relate the debate to British North America.

The colonial reformers and Durham reassessed Implicit in the revisionist approach is the need for a more cautious assessment of the influence of the so-called 'colonial reformers.' Peter Burroughs has edited a collection of documents on The Colonial Reformers and Canada 1830-1849 (T: M&s 1969) with a brief but useful introduction. Paul Bloomfield's Edward Gibbon Wakefield: Builder of the British Commonwealth (L: Longmans 1961) is an unsatisfactory and uncritical study, but J.M. Ward has a balanced assessment of Wakefield's influence in Colonial Self-Government: The British Experience 1759-1856 (L: MAC 1976). Ursilla N. MacDonnell's Gibbon Wakefield and Canada Subsequent to the Durham Mission, 1839-1842 (Kingston: Jackson Press 1925) has been thoroughly discredited, not least by Helen Taft Manning's critical 'E.G.

214 Phillip Buckner Wakefield and the Beauharnois Canal,' CHR, 1967. However, Bernard Semmel in The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism and, more especially, Donald Winch in Classical Political Economy and Colonies (L: G. Bell 1965) reassert Wakefield's importance as a theorist of empire. For a survey of the recent literature see H.T. Manning, 'The Present State of Wakefield Studies,' Historical Studies, 1975. E.M. Wrong's Charles Buller and Responsible Government (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1926) remains the standard work on Wakefield's close associate, but is now of limited interpretative value. R.E. Leader's Life and Letters ofJohn Arthur Roebuck (L: Edward Arnold 1897) is even less useful. Roebuck is given high praise in R.S. Neale, 'Roebuck's Constitution and the Durham Proposals,' Historical Studies, 1971, and considerable blame in Helen Taft Manning, The Revolt of French Canada, 1800-35 (L: MAC 1962). Peter Burroughs praises the influence of Roebuck and his fellow radicals in 'Parliamentary Radicals and the Reduction of Imperial Expenditure in British North America; 1827-1834,' Historica/Journal, 1968, while Joseph Hamburger shows how the Canadian crisis destroyed the effectiveness of the radicals in Parliament in Intellectuals in Politics: John Stuart Mill and the Philosophic Radicals (New Haven: Yale UP 1965). Paul Knaplund examines the changing views of the most famous of all 'colonial reformers' in Gladstone and Britain's Imperial Policy (reprinted L: Frank Cass 1966). Even Lord Durham's reputation has not been immune from re-evaluation. Chester New's Lord Durham: A Biography of John George Lambton, First Earl of Durham (Oxford: Clarendon 1929) remains the definitive study; the section describing Lord Durham's Mission to Canada has been reprinted separately in the Carleton Library series (T: M&s 1963). Stuart J. Reid, Life and Letters ofthe First £Ari of Durham 1792-1840, 2 vols. (L: Longmans, Green 1906), is useful mainly for the documents it contains, while Leonard Cooper, Radical Jack: The Life of John George Lambton (L: Cressit 1959), which focuses on Durham's family life, adds little that is new. Nor does Patricia Godsell, ed., Letters and Diaries of Lady Durham (o: Oberon Press 1979), although it does reprint Charles Buller's 'Sketch of Lord Durham's Mission to Canada.' The authoritative edition of Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of British North Amer-

215 Britain and British North America before Confederation

ica was prepared by Sir Charles P. Lucas, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon 1912), with an introductory volume, but the abridged versions by Reginald Coupland (Oxford: Clarendon 1945), which has a lengthy introduction, and by Gerald M. Craig (T: M&S 1963) are adequate for most purposes. For the contemporary British reaction to the report one should consult Grace Fox, 'The Reception of Lord Durham's Report in the English Press,' CHR, 1935. The view of Durham and his report enshrined in New's biography has been reaffirmed by a host of imperial and Canadian historians. New and Chester Martin both contributed to the 1939 special issue of the CHR to celebrate the centenary of the Durham Report. Recent studies that take a very traditional view include Robert A. Huttenback, The British Imperial Experience (NY: Harper and Row 1966), and Nicholas Mansergh, The Commonwealth Experience. In contrast, Ged Martin in The Durham Report & British Policy: A Critical Essay (Cambridge: CUP 1972) and Reappraisals in British Imperial History chap. 4, is overly critical. More balanced are John Manning Ward, Colonial Self-Government, which is mildly debunking, and John W. Cell, British Colonial Administration in the Mid-Nineteenth Century: The Policy-Making Process (New Haven: Yale UP 1970), which is not. Of course, French Canadians have always been critical of Durham for reasons which become clear from reading his report or W. Ormsby, 'Lord Durham and the Assimilation of French Canada,' in N. Penlington, ed., On Canada: Essays in Honour of Frank H. Underhill (T: UTP 1971). Another recent study by D.C.N. Newbould re-examines 'Lord Durham, the Whigs and Canada, 1838: The Background to Durham's Return,' Albion, 1976. The work of two of Durham's most famous contemporary critics, John Beverly Robinson's Canada and the Canada Bill (NY: Johnson Reprint 1967) and Thomas Chandler Haliburton's A Reply to the Report of the F.arl of Durham (o: Golden Dog Press 1976), have been reprinted, the latter with a brief but valuable introduction by A.G. Bailey. Colonial Office policy prior to the rebellions One major beneficiary of the revisionary process has been the much maligned Colonial Office. One study which has stood the test of time is Helen Taft Manning's British Colonial Government after the Ameri-

216 Phillip Buckner can Revolution 1783-1820 (New Haven: Yale UP 1933), but it should be supplemented by D.M. Young's The Colonial Office in the Early Nineteenth Century (L: Longmans, Green 1961). Also useful on the machinery of policy-making are A.F. McC. Madden, 'The Imperial Machinery of the Younger Pitt,' in H.R. Trevor-Roper, Essays in British History Presented to Sir Keith Feiling (L: MAC 1964); D.L. Mackay, 'Direction and Purpose in British Imperial Policy 17831801,' Historical Journal, 1974; N.D. McLachlan, 'Bathurst at the Colonial Office, 1812-27: A Reconnaissance,' Historical Studies, 1969; and D.J. Murray's The West Indies and the Development of Colonial Government 1801-1834 (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1965), which is broader in scope than the title may imply. One of the primary targets of the colonial reformers was 'Mr. Mother Country,' Sir James Stephen. The process of redeeming his reputation began with the publication of K.N. Bell and W.P. Morrell, eds., Select Documents on British Colonial Policy 1830-60 (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1928), which has a perceptive introduction. Paul Knaplund's James Stephen and the British Colonial System, 18131847 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1953) contains a complete defence of Stephen, but recent studies of Colonial Office administration have been much divided over Stephen's influence as permanent under-secretary. R.B. Pugh in 'The Colonial Office 1801-1925,' Cambridge History of the British Empire, vol. III, is somewhat sceptical of Stephen's administrative abilities, as are J.S. Galbraith in Reluctant Empire: British Policy on the South African Frontier, 1834-54 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1963) and John Cell in British Colonial Administration in the MidNineteenth Century; but Stephen is vigorously defended in R.C. Snelling and T.J. Barron, 'The Colonial Office and its Permanent Officials 1801-1914,' in G. Sutherland, ed., Studies in the Growth of Nineteenth-Century Government (L: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1972). Helen Taft Manning in 'Who ran the British Empire 1830-50?' Journal of British Studies, 1965, is sceptical of the ability of the Colonial Office to manage the empire while Ged Martin, ever the provocateur, carries this argument to the extreme in 'Was there a British Empire?' Historica/Journal, 1972.

217 Britain and British North America before Confederation It used to be believed that prior to the rebellions of 1837 the British government paid no attention to the affairs of British North America. Helen Taft Manning's 'The Colonial Policy of the Whig Ministers, 1830-1837,' CHR, 1952; 'Colonial Crises before the Cabinet 1829-1835,' Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 1957; and The Revolt of French Canada, 1800-1835 have demolished this assumption. William Ormsby has examined 'The Problem of Canadian Union, 1822-28,' CHR, 1958, a theme continued by Peter Burroughs in a book which synthesizes much unpublished work, The Canadian Crisis and British Colonial Policy 1828-1841 (L: Edward Arnold 1972). Also useful are D.G. Creighton's 'The Struggle for Financial Control in Lower Canada,' CHR, 1931; H.T. Manning's 'The Civil List of Lower Canada,' CHR, 1943; D.C. Harvey, 'The Civil List and Responsible Government in Nova Scotia,' CHR, 1947; and Peter Burroughs, 'The Search for Economy: Imperial Administration of Nova Scotia in the 1830's,' CHR, 1968. Philip Golding places the crisis in Lower Canada into a wider perspective in 'Province and Nation: Problems of Imperial Rule in Lower Canada 1820 to 1841,' Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 1980, while Peter Burroughs examines 'The Canadian Rebellion in British Politics' in John E. Flint and Glyndwr Williams, eds., Perspectives of Empire: Essays Presented to Gerald S. Graham (L: Longmans 1973). In 'Two Cheers for Lord Glenelg,' Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 1979, Ged Martin confirms what Edith Dobie argued many years ago in 'The Dismissal of Lord Glenelg from the Office of Colonial Secretary' CHR, 1942, that even Lord Glenelg does not deserve the criticism he once received. Peter Burroughs looks at a particular thorny problem for the imperial authorities in 'Lord Howick and Colonial Church Establishment,' Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 1974. While its focus was on Africa and Asia, Ronald Robinson did suggest in 'Non-European Foundations of European Imperialism: Sketch for a Theory of Collaboration,' in Roger Owen and Bob Sutcliffe, eds., Studies in the Theory of Imperialism (L: Longmans 1972), that the concept of collaborating or mediating elites, now very popular among imperial historians, could be applied to Canada. Fred D. Schneider attempts to do so in

218 Phillip Buckner 'The Habit of Deference: The Imperial Factor and the "University Question" in Upper Canada,' Journal of British Studies, 1977. For more detailed studies of political developments in each of the British North American colonies one should consult the relevant chapters of this book. Unfortunately there are remarkably few recent biographies of the colonial governors of the pre-responsible government period. The best source of information is the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, although S.R. Mealing's 'John Graves Simcoe' in R.L. McDougall, ed., Our Living Tradition, 4th series (T: UTP 1962), and his 'The Enthusiasms of John Graves Simcoe,' CHAR, 1958, contain useful insights. The most controversial colonial governor was undoubtedly Sir Francis Bond Head. Sydney Jackman's Galloping Head: The Life of Sir Francis Bond Head (L: Phoenix House 1958) is a sympathetic study. J .A. Gibson, 'The Persistent Fallacy of the Governors Head,' CHR, 1938, and H.T. Manning and J.S. Galbraith, 'The Appointment of Sir Francis Bond Head: A New Insight,' CHR, 1961, have finally disposed of the question of whether Head was appointed by mistake, but Ged Martin still wishes to debate why he was appointed at all in 'The Appointment of Sir Francis Bond Head as LieutenantGovernor of Upper Canada in 1835,' Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 1975. S.F. Wise has recently edited, with an amusing introduction, Sir Francis Bond Head: A Narrative (T: M&S 1968), Head's own account of events. Head's successor was also a controversial figure. While the studies by W.D. Forsyth, Governor Arthur's Convict System (L: Longmans, Green 1935), and M.C.I. Levy, Governor George Arthur: A Colonial Benevolent Despot (Melbourne: Georgian House 1953), focus on Australia, A.G.L. Shaw's Sir George Arthur, Bart. 1784-1854 (Carleton, Victoria: Melbourne UP 1980) is a more balanced and scholarly study. Also worth consulting is Barbara C. Murison, '"Enlightened Government": Sir George Arthur and the Upper Canadian Administration,' Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 1980. Considerable controversy centres around Arthur's treatment of the prisoners arrested during and after the rebellion. Conflicting views can be found in R.C. Watt, 'The Political Prisoners in Upper Canada 1837-8,' English Historical Review, 1926; Fred Landon, An Exile

219 Britain and British North America before Confederation

from Canada (T: Longmans, Green 1960); J.A. Gibson, 'Political Prisoners, Transportation for Life, and Responsible Government in Canada,' OH, 1975; and Mary Brown, ed., The Wait Letters (Erin, Ont: Press Porcepic 1976), which has a suggestive 'afterword' by Michael Cross. The Arthur Papers, 3 vols. (T: UTP 1957), ed. C.R. Sanderson, are readily accessible. The transition to responsible government One of the basic themes in Canadian and British imperial history has been the evolution of the concept of responsible government. Kenneth N. Windsor has written a penetrating study of the strengths and weaknesses of the Whig approach which dominated the earlier historiography in 'Historical Writing in Canada (to 1920)' and Graeme Patterson has assessed the recent literature in 'An Enduring Canadian Myth: Responsible Government and the Family Compact,' JCS, 1978. Of the earlier studies probably the most enduring will be Chester Martin's Empire and Commonwealth because of its meticulous and careful scholarship, but the discussion in Aileen Dunham, Political Unrest in Upper Canada 1815-1836 (L: Longmans, Green 1927) , reprinted in 1963 by McClelland & Stewart for the Carleton Library, is still worth consulting. For a broader imperial perspective W.L. Morton's 'The Local Executive in the British Empire, 17631828,' English Historical Review, 1963, is indispensable. Also useful are G.H. Patterson's at times murky 'Whiggery, Nationality and the Upper Canadian Reform Tradition,' CHR, 1975, and F. Murray Greenwood, 'Les patriotes et la gouvemement responsable dans les annees 1830,' RHAF, 1979. The book which set the tone for most of what has been written about the actual transition to responsible government was J.C. Dent's The Last Forty Years: Canada since the Union of 1841, 2 vols. (T: George Virtue 1881). An abridged version was published in the Carleton Library series by McClelland & Stewart in 1972, with a perceptive introduction by Donald Swainson. J.L. Morison's British Supremacy and Colonial Seif-Government (T: Gundy 1919), once considered a classic, did not advance beyond Dent in terms of interpretation. Nor did Chester Martin, although his work was more sophisticated and based upon deeper research. Not until the publica-

220 Phillip Buckner tion of J .M.S. Careless, The Union of the Canadas: The Growth of Canadian Institutions, 1841-1857 (T: M&S 1967), and J.M. Ward's Colonial Self-Government was much of Dent's framework seriously challenged. A useful survey of the current literature is Peter Burrough 's review article on 'The Determinants of Colonial SelfGovemment,' Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 1978. One of the earlier studies that is still of considerable importance is Adam Shortt's sophisticated biography of Lord Sydenham (T: OUP 1927). Oscar A. Kinchen has contributed a useful monograph on Lord Russell's Canadian Policy: A Study in British Heritage and Colonial Freedom (Lubbock, Texas: Texas Tech Press 1945) and a valuable article on 'The Stephen-Russell Reform in Official Tenure,' CHR, 1945. D.J. McDougall's 'Lord John Russell and the Canadian Crisis, 183 7-1841,' CHR, 1941, is now of little value. One shadowy figure who has fascinated historians has been Edward Ellice. Dorothy E. Long did little to make 'The Elusive Mr. Ellice,' CHR, 1942, less elusive, but J.M. Colthart's biography in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, volume IX (1976), and his 'Edward Ellice and the Decision for Self-Government, 1839,' CHAR, 1975, are enlightening, although they inflate Ellice's influence. While dated, W.P. Morrell's British Colonial Policy in the Age of Peel and Russell (Oxford: OUP 1930) remains authoritative, but it should be supplemented by John Cell's British Colonial Administration in the Mid-Nineteenth Century and J.M. Ward's Colonial SelfGovernment. G.P. de T. Glazebrook's Sir Charles Bagot in Canada (L: OUP 1929) is useful, Edward John Thompson's The Life of Charles, Lord Metcalfe (L: Faber and Faber 1937) somewhat less so. These should be supplemented by W. Ormsby, 'Sir Charles Metcalfe and the Canadian Union,' CHAR, 1961, and 'The Civil List Question in the Province of Canada,' CHR, 1954; J.B. Brebner, 'Patronage and Parliamentary Government,' CHAR, 1938; and G. Metcalr s very important 'Draper Conservatism and Responsible Government in the Canadas, 1836-1847,' CHR, 1961. All the biographies of Lord Elgin are very dated, but J.L. Morison's The Eighth Earl of Elgin: A Chapter in Nineteenth-Century Imperial History (L: Hodder and Stoughton 1928) and W.P.M. Kennedy's Lord Elgin (T: OUP 1930) are of some use. Elgin's correspondence to London has

221 Britain and British North America before Confederation been printed as The Elgin-Grey Papers, 1846-1852, 4 vols., ed. Sir Arthur Doughty (o: KP 1937). In a very solid study William Ormsby has examined the British decision to abandon assimilation of the French Canadians as a policy, The Emergence of the Federal Concept in Canada 1839-1845 (T: UTP 1969). In 'The Canadian Rebellion Losses Bill of 1849 in British Politics,' Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 1977, Ged Martin reassesses the significance of that controversial measure from an imperial perspective. The transition to responsible government in New Brunswick is described in W.S. MacNutt's New Brunswick: A History (T: MAC 1963) and D.G .G. Kerr's Sir Edmund Head: A Scholarly Governor (T: UTP 1954). Also valuable are W.S. MacNutt, 'The Coming of Responsible Government to New Brunswick,' CHR, 1952, and D.G.G. Kerr, 'Head and Responsible Government in New Brunswick,' CHAR; 1938. A.H. McLintock has examined The Establishment of Constitutional Government in Newfoundland, 1783-1832 (L: Longmans, Green 1941) and G.E. Gunn the transition to responsible government in The Political History ofNewfoundland 1832-1864 (T: UTP 1966). For the transition in Nova Scotia one has W. Ross Livingston, 'The First Responsible Party Government in British North America,' CHR, 1926, and Responsible Government in Nova Scotia: A Study of the Constitutional Beginnings of the British Commonwealth (Iowa: University of Iowa 1930). Francis P. Bolger, ed., Canada's Smallest Province: A History of Prince Edward Island (Charlottetown: PEI Heritage Foundation 1973), and W. Ross Livingston, Responsible Government in Prince Edward Island (Iowa City: University of Iowa 1931), deal with Prince Edward Island where the land question complicated the transition to responsible government. While all of the general studies of PEI deal at length with the land problem, the definitive study has yet to be written. When it is, it will have to consider J.M. Bumsted's sympathetic portrayal of the problems of one of the larger proprietors, 'Sir James Montgomery and Prince Edward Island, 1767-1803,' Acadiensis, 1978. It will also have to examine the larger imperial dimension to the problem, as E.D. Steele suggests in 'Ireland and the Empire in the 1860s: Imperial Precedents for Gladstone's Irish Land Act,' Historical Journal, 1968.

222 Phillip Buckner THE IMPLICATIONS OF RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT

The extension of colonial self-government Hand in hand with the grant of responsible government went a change in the commercial relations between the colonies and the mother country. The authoritative studies of this subject are Gilbert N. Tucker, The Canadian Commercial Revolution 1845-1851 (New Haven: Yale UP 1936), and D.C. Masters, The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 (L: Longmans 1937), both reprinted in the Carleton Library series. Schuyler's The Fall of the Old Colonial System, Creighton's Commercial Empire of the St. Lawrence, and Lower's Great Britain's Woodyard are also essential reading. For a revisionist view one should consult D.N. Sprague's review article on 'The Mythical Commercial Revolution,' Acadiensis, 1978. P.L. Cottrell's British Overseas Investment in the Nineteenth Century (L: MAC 197 5) is a very useful survey of the literature on this important topic. Responsible government also led inevitably to changes in the structure of the colonial governments and to the extension of colonial autonomy. J.E. Hodgetts, Pioneer Public Service: An Administrative History of the United Canadas, 1841-1867 (T: UTP 1955), is the best study of these changes and their significance. One important area abandoned to the colonies was control over land granting. R.G. Riddell summarizes the background to the imperial regulations in 'A Study in the Land Policy of the Colonial Office, 1763-1855,' CHR, 1937. There is a good deal of useful information, somewhat badly presented, in Norman Macdonald, Canada 1763-1841, Immigration and Settlement: The Administration ofthe Imperial Land Regulations (L: Longmans, Green 1939), and a meticulous survey of the Land Policies of Upper Canada (T: UTP 1968) by Lillian F. Gates. Peter Burroughs has contributed a valuable article on 'The Administration of Crown Lands in Nova Scotia, 1827-1848,' NSHS Collections, 1966. One of the enduring myths in Canadian historiography is that the transfer of responsibilities from the imperial to the colonial authorities was of universal benefit. Yet, traditionally, as G.R. Mellor shows in British Imperial Trusteeship (L: Faber and Faber 1951), the imperial government had accepted a special duty to defend the rights of non-European minorities which it was now compelled to

223 Britain and British North America before Confederation abandon. L.F.S. Upton describes the implication of the transfer of responsibility to the colonial authorities for the east-coast Indians in Micmacs and Colonists, while Robin Fisher deals with the west coast in an unusually fine monograph, Contact and Conflict: IndianEuropean Relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890 (Vancouver: UBCP 1977). Still useful for developments in central Canada are the chapters on 'Indian Affairs, 1763-1841' and '1840-1867' in volumes 4 and 5 of Adam Shortt and Arthur G. Doughty, eds., Canada and its Provinces (T: Publisher's Association of Canada 1913), but they must be supplemented by Robert S. Allen's The British Indian Department and the Frontier in North America, 1755-1830 (o: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs 1975); R.J. Surtees' 'The Development of an Indian Reserve Policy in Canada,' OH, 1969; and L.F.S. Upton's 'The Origins of Canadian Indian Policy,' JCS, 1973. David MacNab focuses on Colonial Office policy toward the Indians on the Prairies and the role of the permanent undersecretary in defining that policy in 'Herman Merivale and the Native Question, 1837-1861,' Albion, 1977, and 'The Colonial Office and the Prairies in the Mid-Nineteenth Century,' Prairie Forum, 1978. A useful overview is The Harrowing of Eden: White Attitudes towards North American Natives (T: Fitzhenry & Whiteside 1975) by J.E. Chamberlain. The other minority for whom the imperial authorities had traditionally assumed a special responsibility were the blacks. Robin Winks, The Blacks in Canada (M: MQUP 1971), deals at length with this issue and James St G. Walker has prepared a very useful annotated bibliography, A History of Blacks in Canada: A Study Guide for Teachers and Students (o: Department of Supply and Services 1980). There are a number of specialized studies: W.A. Spray's 'The Settlement of the Black Refugees in New Brunswick 1815-1836,' Acadiensis, 1977; Ged Martin, 'British Officials and their Attitudes to the Negro Community in Canada, 1833-1861,' OH, 1974; and T.J. Barron, 'James Stephen, the "Black Race" and British Colonial Administration 1813-1847,' Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 1977. Another responsibility which the imperial government gradually abandoned after the 1840s was its commitment to maintain garrisons in the British North American colonies. C.P. Stacey describes

224 Phillip Buckner this development in Canada and the British Army 1846-1871: A Study in the Practice of Responsible Government (L: Longmans, Green 1936) and 'Britain's Withdrawal from North America, 1864-1871,' CHR, 1955. There is also a valuable study by George Raudzens of The British Ordnance Department and Canada's Canals 1815-1855

(Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier UP 1979). A continuing problem facing the imperial military authorities is dealt with in Peter Burroughs, 'Tackling Army Desertion in British North America,' CHR, 1980. British emigration to British North America

While one of the traditional themes in Canadian historiography has been the gradual withdrawal of British influence after the concession of responsible government, in some respects this theme is profoundly misleading, since during the middle decades of the nineteenth century there was a massive influx of British immigrants into British North America. Helen I. Cowan provides a brief introduction to this subject in British Immigration before Confederation (o: CHA Pamphlet 22 1968), but the classic study is her British Emigration to British North America: The First Hundred Years (rev. ed., T: UTP 1961). S.C. Johnston, A History of Emigration from the United Kingdom to North America, 1763-1912 (L: George Routledge 1913); W.A. Carrothers, Emigration from the British Isles (L: P.S. King 1929); and N. Macdonald, Canada 1763-1841: Immigration and Settlement and Canada: Immigration and Colonization, 1841-1903 (T: MAC 1966), are also useful. Maldwyn A. Jones, 'The Background to Emigration from Great Britain in the Nineteenth Century,' Perspectives in America History, 1973, is essential reading. Edwin C. Guillet, The Great Migration: The Atlantic Crossing by Sailing-Ship since 1770 (2nd ed., T: UTP 1963), and Marcus L. Hansen, The Atlantic Migration 1607-1860 (Cambridge: Harvard UP 1940), describe the actual crossing of the Atlantic. Oliver MacDonagh examines the attempts to regulate the emigrant trade in A Pattern of Government Growth 1800-60: The Passenger Acts and their Enforcement (L: MacGibbon and Kee 1961), but some of his conclu-

sions are queried in Peter Dunkley, 'Emigration and the State, 1803-1842: The Nineteenth Century Revolution in Government Reconsidered,' Historical Journal, 1980. W.S. Shepperson, British

225 Britain and British North America before Confederation

Emigration to North America: Projects and Opinions in the Early Victorian Period (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press 1957), describes British attitudes to emigration and Oliver MacDonagh has edited a useful collection of documents on Emigration in the Victorian Age: Debates on the Issue from the 19th Century Critical Journals (Westmead, Eng.: Greg International 1973). H.J.M. Johnston's British Emigration Policy 1815-1830: Shovelling out Paupers (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1972) is a stimulating book which describes the efforts to assist emigrants before the great diaspora began. Wendy Cameron describes one group of these emigrants in 'Selecting Peter Robinson's Irish Emigrants,' HS/SH, 1976. William Forbes Adams, Ireland and Irish Emigration from 1815 to the Famine (NY: Russell and Russell 1932), also focuses on the Irish, as does Terry Coleman in Going to America (NY: Pantheon 1972), although his is a broader study of all British emigration between 1846 and 1855. Unfortunately, most of the work done thus far on the Scots is popular rather than scholarly. Douglas Hill, Great Emigrations. I: The Scots (L: Gentry 1972), and Gordon Donaldson, The Scots Overseas (L: Robert Hale 1966), are of some value and there is an uneven collection of articles in Stanford Reid, ed., The Scottish Tradition (T: M&S 1976). The most famous Scottish colonizer was, of course, Lord Selkirk. John Morgan Gray's Lord Selkirk of Red River (T: MAC 1963) is the standard biography but Chester Martin's Lord Selkirk's Work in Canada (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1916) contains much useful information and J.M. Bumsted's 'Settlement by Chance: Lord Selkirk and Prince Edward Island,' CHR, 1978, is indispensable, as is his 'Scottish Emigration to the Maritimes 1770-1815: A New Look at an Old Theme,' Acadiensis, 1981. There is some useful information about both the Scots and Irish emigrants in L.M. Cullin and T.C. Smout, eds., Comparative Aspects of Scottish and Irish Economic and Social History 1600-1900 (Edinburgh: John Donald 1976), including a valuable article on 'Highlanders, Irishmen, and the Land Question in Nineteenth-Century Prince Edward Island' by Ian Robertson. Also very useful are some of the essays in Brian S. Osborne, ed., The Settlement of Canada: Origins and Transfer (Kingston: Queen's University 1976), and

226 Phillip Buckner John J. Mannion, ed., The Peopling of Newfoundland: Essays in Historical Geography (St John's: Memorial University of Newfoundland 1977). For more detailed studies of settlement patterns in the various colonies one should consult the other chapters in this book.

British irifluence under responsible government One of the continuing weaknesses of Canadian historiography is the tendency to view the imperial relationship in purely constitutionalpolitical terms. But prior to Confederation it is impossible to understand any aspect of colonial life without some understanding of the institutions and values imported from the mother country. Those British immigrants who crossed the Atlantic in such vast numbers during the nineteenth century also brought their cultural baggage and the native-born were profoundly influenced by British models, even if at times negatively. This theme is examined in G. Kitson Clark, An Expanding Society: Britain 1830-1900 (Cambridge: CUP 1967); C.J. Bartlett, ed., Britain Pre-eminent: Studies in British World lrif[uence in the Nineteenth Century (L: MAC 1969); and G.C. Bolton's stimulating Britain's Legacy Overseas (T: OUP 1973). However, one may not want to go as far as Louis Hartz and his disciples who in The Founding of New Societies (L: Longmans 1964) defined colonial societies as fragment cultures. The difficulties in applying this theory are clearly shown when one compares the very different conclusions reached by Kenneth McRae in the Hartz collection and by Gad Horowitz, another disciple, in 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation,' CJEPS, 1966. S.F. Wise also points to some of the weaknesses in the Hartzian analysis in 'Liberal Consensus or Ideological Battleground: some Reflections on the Hartz Thesis,' CHAR, 1974. Nonetheless, there can be little doubt of the influence of the metropolitan culture upon the colonial. In his introduction to the Carleton Library edition of Robert Gourlay's Statistical Account of Upper Canada (T: M&S 1974), S.R. Mealing shows that it is impossible to understand Gourlay's agrarian radicalism without examining its British roots. Similarly J.M.S. Careless, who promoted the theory of metropolitanism in his 'Frontierism, Metropolitanism, and Canadian History,' CHR, 1954, has shown in his biography of George Brown, 2 vols (T: MAC 1959), and

227 Britain and British North America before Confederation in 'The Toronto Globe and Agrarian Radicalism, 1850-1867,' CHR, 1948, the pervasiveness of metropolitan influences. A.W. Rasporich examines one expression of the enthusiasm for empire in 'Imperial Sentiment in the Province of Canada during the Crimean War 1854-1856,' in W.L. Morton, ed., The Shield of Achilles: Aspects of Canada in the Victorian Age (T: M&s 1968). A number of articles in this very uneven collection touch upon this theme and, as Canadian historians delve more deeply into the nineteenth century, they will undoubtedly rediscover how profoundly Canada continued to be influenced directly and indirectly by the imperial connection, even after the concession of responsible government. Indeed, the transition from the old colonial system of government can be viewed, as Gallagher and Robinson argued in 'The Imperialism of Free Trade,' as simply a transition from formal to informal methods of imperial control. The major responsibility for maintaining this control continued to fall on the colonial governors whose role under responsible government was a difficult one, as W.M. Whitelaw showed in his perceptive study, 'Responsible Government and the Irresponsible Governor,' CHR, 1932. At no time was this more true than during the Confederation period. The idea of federation was not new in the 1860s as John M. Ward's 'The Third Earl Grey and Federalism, 1846-1852,' Australian Journal of Politics and History, 1957, and B.A. Knox, 'The Rise of Colonial Federation as an Object of British Policy 1850-70,' Journal of British Studies, 1971, show. Also useful on the general imperial context are chapter 6 of Ronald Hyam and Ged Martin, Reappraisals in British Imperial History, and Ged Martin, 'Empire Federalism and Imperial Parliamentary Unity, 1820-1870,' Historical Journal, 1973. For a detailed guide to British policy toward Confederatiort and the role of the various governors, one should, however, consult the chapter on Confederation in this book. ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND CANADA

General studies The British decision to promote Confederation was taken against a background of growing Anglo-American tensions. In fact, many

228 Phillip Buckner developments in British North America are incomprehensible without an understanding of the wider Anglo-American context. Unfortunately, most studies that focus on the Anglo-American relationship are preoccupied with diplomatic history. Those few that deal with broader cultural and social themes, such as Frank Thistlewaite 's The Anglo-American Connection in the Early Nineteenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1959), usually ignore the existence of Canada. An exception to this general rule is Robert Kelley's The Transatlantic Persuasion: The Liberal-Democratic Mind in the Age of Gladstone (NY: Alfred A. Knopf 1969), a sweeping comparative survey of British and North American liberalism. But Kelley's sections on Canada are superficial. Another exception is John Finlay's Canada in the North Atlantic Triangle: Two Centuries of Social Change (T: OUP 1975), an ambitious survey flawed by a number of dubious generalizations. One area where modern scholarship has begun to reassert the importance of the imperial factor is in studies of American-Canadian relations. During the 1920s and 1930s Canadian scholars, eager to reject the imperial orientation of earlier generations, wrote extensively about this subject, but much of this work was marred by two major misconceptions. In their haste to assert Canadian autonomy, too frequently the scholars of this period either ignored or misconstrued the role of the imperial authority in negotiations involving Canada. They also tended to project twentieth-century AngloAmerican harmony back into the years before the Civil War when it did not exist and to assume that this harmony was both natural and inevitable, thus ignoring the fundamental shifts in the relationship brought about by changes in the respective power of the two countries over time. Both of these weaknesses can be seen in the 25volume series on the relations between Canada and the United States sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace between 1936 and 1945. Most of the volumes virtually assumed that the boundary between the United States and Canada was an artificial one. Fortunately, the concluding volume to the Carnegie series, John Bartlet Brebner's North Atlantic Triangle: The Interplay of Canada, the United States and Great Britain (T: RP 1945), reprinted in 1968 by the

229 Britain and British North America before Confederation Carleton Library, did attempt to place American-Canadian relations into a wider Anglo-American framework. Brebner's study remains the best synthesis available to Canadian scholars. Edgar W. Mcinnis, The Unguarded Frontier: A History of American-Canadian Relations (NY: Doubleday, Doran 1937); James Morton Callahan, American Foreign Policy in Canadian Relations (NY: MAC 1937); and Hugh L. Keenleyside and Gerald S. Brown, Canada and the United States: Some Aspects of their Historical Relations (new ed., NY: Knopf 1952), are very dated, but there are two recent surveys of AngloAmerican relations which are extremely valuable. Harry C. Allen's

Great Britain and the United States: A History of Anglo-American Relations 1783-1852 (L: Odhams Press 1954) is in the rapprochement tradition, stressing the natural harmony of the two countries, and is better on the British side. Charles S. Campbell's From Revolution to Rapprochement: The UnitedStatesandGreatBritain 1783-1900 (NY: John Wiley 1974) emphasizes the difficulties in arriving at a

rapprochement and is better on the American side. Unfortunately both books tend to deal with Canada only in passing. For those eager to delve into original sources, a very useful and accessible collection is W.R. Manning, ed., Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States: Canadian Relations 1784-1860, 4 vols. (Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 1940-45).

From 1783 to the War of 1812

The standard work on the Peace Treaty of 1783 is Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence (NY: Harper & Row 1965), but it should be supplemented by Richard W. Van Alstyne's Empire and Independence: The International History of the American Revolution (NY: John Wiley 1965), which examines the international context in which the negotiations took place, and V.T. Harlow's The Founding of the Second British Empire. Also useful are Samuel Flagg Bemis, 'Canada and the Peace Settlement of 1783,' CHR, 1933, and Orville T. Murphy, 'The Comte de Vergennes, the Newfoundland Fisheries, and the Peace Negotiations of 1783: A Reconsideration,' CHR, 1965. The peace treaty left unresolved a series of issues which were to be gradually settled during the next half century. A.L. Burt deals with these issues in The

230 Phillip Buckner

United States, Great Britain and British North America from the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace After the War of 1812 (T and New Haven: Yale UP 1940). Also valuable is Charles S. Ritcheson's Aftermath of Revolution: British Policy Towards the United States, 17831795 (Dallas: Southern Methodist UP 1969). His conclusions about Jay's Treaty should be compared with those of Samuel F. Bemis in Jay's Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy (2nd ed., New Haven: Yale UP 1962). Jerald A. Combs's The Jay Treaty: Political Battleground of the Founding Fathers (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1970) focuses upon the domestic American scene. R.D. and J .I. Tallman examine one much neglected but important aspect of the treaty in 'The Diplomatic Search for the St. Croix River, 1796-1798,' Acadiensis, 1972, while J. Leitch Wright, Jr, puts the whole frontier problem into perspective in Britain and the American Frontier 1783-1815 (Athens: University of Georgia Press 1975), a stimulating book which portrays Britain in a very unfavourable light. Anglo-American relations after Jay's Treaty are examined at length in three very thorough studies by Bradford Perkins, The First Rapprochement: England and the United States 1795-1805; Prologue to War 1805-1812: England and the United States; and Castlereagh and Adams: England and the United States 1812-1823 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1967, 1968, 1964). Since the publication in 1925 of Julius W. Pratt's Expansionists of 1812 (reprinted NY: Peter Smith 1949), the reasons for the American declaration of war have been hotly debated. Both Burt and Perkins rejected Pratt's thesis and emphasized maritime grievances; so too did Reginald Horsman in his valuable synthesis, The Causes of the War of 1812 (NY: Barnes 1962), but he also stressed boundary and Indian problems in the west, as does J. Leitch Wright in his Britain and the American Frontier. Horsman focuses on the role of the Indians as a contributing factor to Anglo-American tensions in Matthew Elliott, British Indian Agent (Detroit: Wayne State UP 1964). Unfortunately, the only modern biography of the most prominent Indian of the period is Glenn Tucker's colourful but unsophisticated Tecumseh, Vision of Glory (Indianapolis: Bobbs Merrill 1956). But Horsman's Expansion

231 Britain and British North America before Confederation and American Indian Policy, 1783-1812 (East Lansing: Michigan State UP 1967) is useful as are his articles on 'The British Indian Department and the Resistance to General Anthony Wayne, 17931795' and 'British Indian Policy in the Northwest, 1807-1812,' Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1962, 1958; Syd Wise's 'The Indian Diplomacy of John Graves Simcoe,' CHAR, 1953; and the chapter on Tecumseh in Josephy's The Patriot Chiefs. Other studies of the events which led to war stress domestic politics in the United States. These include Patrick White, A Nation on Trial: America and the War of 1812 (NY: John Wiley 1965); Roger Brown, The Republic in Peril: 1812 (NY: Columbia UP 1964); Norman K. Risjord, '1812: Conservatives, War Hawks and the Nation's Honor,' WMQ, 1961; and J.C.A. Stagg, 'James Madison and the "Malcontents": The Political Origins of the War of 1812,' WMQ, 1976. In 'James Madison and the Coercion of Great Britain: Canada, the West Indies and the War of 1812,' WMQ, 1981, J.C.A. Stagg re-evaluates Madison's reasons for declaring war. There are three good recent studies of the military events of 1812-14: J. Mackay Hitsman, The Incredible War of 1812 (T: UTP 1965); Reginald Horsman, The War of 1812 (L: Eyre & Spottiswoode 1969); and John K. Mahon, The War of 1812 (Gainesville: University of Florida Press 1972). The first volume of Pierre Berton's history of the war, The Invasion of Canada 1812-1813 (T: M&S 1980), adds little new but is a well-written synthesis. A.T. Mahon's Sea Power in its Relation to the War of 1812, 2 vols. (reprinted NY: Greenwood Press 1968) is still valuable, although there is a good summary of the war at sea in Graham's Empire of the North Atlantic. Morris Zaslow, ed., The Defended Border: Upper Canada and the War of 1812 (T: MAC 1964), contains a number of useful papers. Alec R. Gilpin has contributed a solid monograph on The War of 1812 in the Old Northwest (T: RP 1958) and G.F.G. Stanley a valuable study of 'The Indians in the War of 1812,' CHR, 1950. Bradford Perkins is good on the negotiations which led to the Treaty of Ghent, but one should also consult Samuel F. Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy (NY: Knopf 1949); F.L. Engelman, The Peace of Christmas Eve (NY: Harcourt Brace & World 1962); and W.D. Jones, 'A British View of the War of 1812 and the

232 Phillip Buckner Peace Negotiations,' Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1958. John C. Fredrikson's Resource Guide for the War of 1812 (Los Angeles: Subia 1979) contains a complete bibliography of everything written about the war. The defended border While the War of 1812 was the last armed conflict between Britain and the United States, the threat of war frequently recurred, as C.P. Stacey points out in 'The Myth of the Unguarded Frontier, 18151871,' AHR, 1950, and The Undefended Border: The Myth and the Reality (o: CHA Pamphlet 1 1962). Kenneth Bourne has recently produced an excellent study of British preparations to defend Canada in Britain and the Balance of Power in North America 1815-1908 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1967). The same author's The Foreign Policy of Victorian England 18301902 (Oxford: Clarendon 1970) contains a brief but useful synthesis which places British policy in America into a broader perspective; Paul A. Varg's United States Foreign Relations 1820-1860 (np: Michigan State University Press 1979) is similarly useful on American policy. For understanding how British statesmen viewed the United States, David P. Crook's American Democracy in British Politics, 1815-50 (Oxford: OUP 1965) is essential and enlightening reading, while S.F. Wise and R. Craig Brown examine Canadian perceptions in Canada Views the United States: Nineteenth-Century Political Attitudes (T: MAC 1967). During the 1830s and early 1840s the Canadian-American border erupted. The standard work on this period remains Albert B. Corey, The Crisis of 1830-1842 in Canadian-American Relations (New Haven: Atheneum 1941). Oscar A. Kinchen has contributed a study of The Rise and Fall of the Patriot Hunters (NY: Bookman Associates 1956). Edwin C. Guillet, The Lives and Times of the Patriots: An Account of the Rebellion in Upper Canada, 1837-38, and of the Patriot Agitation in the United States, 1837-1842 (T: UTP 1938) is of some value but dated. An excellent contemporary source is the journal of Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Grey, edited by William Ormsby as Crisis in the Canadas 1838-1839: The Grey Journals and Letters (T: MAC 1964). Howard Jones has examined 'The Caroline Affair,' The His-

233 Britain and British North America before Confederation

torian, 1976, and Alistair Watt, 'The Case of Alexander McLeod,' 1931. John Duffy and H. Nicholas Muller's 'The Great Wolf Hunt: The Popular Response in Vermont to the Patriot Rising of 1837,' Journal of American Studies, 1974, is interesting on developments on the American side of the border. There are many studies of the Maine-New Brunswick boundary dispute. Henry S. Burrage's Maine in the Northeastern Boundary Controversy (Portland, Maine: Printed for the State 1919) presents Maine's position; W.S. MacNutt gives the other side in New Brunswick: A History. Also useful are Charlotte Lenentine Melvin's Madawaska: A Chapter in Maine-New Brunswick Relations (Madawaska: St John Valley Publishing 1975); Thomas Le Due, 'The Maine Frontier and the Northeastern Boundary Dispute,' AHR, 1947; David Lowenthal, 'The Maine Press and the Aroostock War,' CHR, 1951; and Howard Jones, 'Anglophobia and the Aroostock War,' New England Quarterly, 1975. The definitive study of the negotiations which resolved the dispute is Howard Jones, To the Webster-Ashburton Treaty: A Study in Anglo-American Relations 17831843 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1977), but W.D. Jones, 'Lord Ashburton and the Maine Boundary Negotiations,' Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1953, and J.R. Baldwin, 'The Ashburton-Webster Boundary Settlement,' CHAR, 1938, remain of some value. The standard work on Lord Palmerston, the foreign secretary in Britain during most of the 1830s, remains Herbert C.F. Bell's Lord Palmerston, 2 vols. (reprinted Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books 1966), but it deals only briefly with American and Canadian issues. Wilbur Devereux Jones has examined at length the American policy of Palmerston's successor at the Foreign Office in Lord Aberdeen and the Americas (Athens: Georgia UP 1958). W.D. Jones has also produced a useful survey of The American Problem in British Diplomacy 1841-1861 (L: MAC 1974). The most critical problem involving Canada during the 1840s was the Oregon boundary dispute. Frederick Merk deals with various aspects of the dispute in The Oregon Question: Essays in Anglo-American Diplomacy and Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press 1967). The role of President Polk in bringing the Oregon crisis to a CHR,

234 Phillip Buckner head has been variously assessed in Julius W. Pratt, 'James F. Polk and John Bull,' CHR, 1943; F.H. Soward, 'President Polk and the Canadian Frontier,' CHAR, 1930; Wilbur D. Jones and J. Chai Vinson, 'British Preparedness and the Oregon Settlement,' Pacific Historical Review, 1953; C.P. Stacey, 'The Hudson's Bay Company and Anglo-American Military Rivalries during the Oregon Dispute,' CHR, 1937; James 0. McCabe, 'Arbitration and the Oregon Question,' CHR, 1960; and Patrick C.T. White, 'The Oregon Dispute and the Defence of Canada,' in Moir, ed., Character and Circumstance. Charles Sellers' James K. Polk: Continenta/ist 1843-1846 (Princeton: Princeton UP 1966) is also useful, as is Frederick Merk's Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation (NY: Knopf 1963). But to understand the context in which the Oregon crisis took place the most valuable book is David M. Pletcher, The Diplomacy of Annexation: Texas, Oregon and the Mexican War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press 1973), which has an extensive bibliography. Another study which places American expansionism between 1783 and 1870 into a broader perspective is R.W. Van Alstyne's The Rising American Empire (Oxford: Basil Blackwell 1960). James 0. McCabe examines one issue left unresolved after 1846 in The San Juan Water Boundary Question (T: UTP 1964). Lester Burrell Shippee's rather dated survey examines the whole postOregon period in Canadian-American Relations 1849-1874 (New Haven: Yale UP 1943). While American-Canadian relations gradually improved after 1854, the settlement of the various boundary questions did not bring to an end American visions of expanding north, as Donald F. Warner, Annexation of Canada to the United States 1849-1893 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press 1960), and Alvin C. Gluek, Jr, Minnesota and the Manifest Destiny of the Canadian Northwest (T: UTP 1965), reveal. The Civil War years During the American civil war Britain and the North came to the very brink of war. The earlier studies of this period have been superseded by Robin Winks's definitive Canada and the United States: The Civil War Years (M: Harvest House 1960) and Brian Jenkins's Bri-

235 Britain and British North America before Confederation

tain and the War for Union, 2 vols. (M: MQUP 1974, 1980), which has an excellent bibliographical essay. John A. Williams, 'Canada and the Civil War' in Harold Hyman, ed., Heard Round the World: The Impact Abroad of the Civil War (NY: Knopf 1969), also contains a useful summary of the recent literature. D.P. Crook has written an excellent synthesis of Civil War diplomacy, The North, the South and the Powers 1861-1865 (T: John Wiley 1971), which deals at length with the Trent Affair. There is also a chapter on the Trent Affair and a useful bibliography in Crook's Diplomacy during the American Civil War (T: John Wiley 1975). However, the most oomplete study is Norman B. Ferris, The Trent Affair: A Diplomatic Crisis (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press 1977). Ferris has also produced Desperate Diplomacy: William H. Seward's Foreign Policy (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press 1976) in which he defends Seward. If Ferris and Ernest N. Paolino, The Foundations of the American Empire: William Henry Seward and U.S. Foreign Policy {Ithaca: Cornell UP 1973), are to be believed, Seward was not quite the aggressive annexationist so often portrayed. Before the war one issue which frequently led to friction was the question of extraditing fugitive slaves; on this, see Roman J. Zorn, 'Criminal Extradition Menaces the Canadian Haven for Fugitive Slaves, 1841-61,' CHR, 1957; Alexander L. Murray, 'The Extradition of Fugitive Slaves from Canada: A Re-evaluation,' CHR, 1962; and Robert C. Reindeers, 'The John Anderson Case, 1860-1: A Study in Anglo-Canadian Imperial Relations,' CHR, 1975. During the war one of the most divisive issues was the building of Confederate ships in Britain, an issue examined in Frank J. Merli, Great Britain and the Corifederate Navy 1861-1865 (Bloomington: Indiana UP 1970), and Adrian Cook, The Alabama Claims: American Politics and Anglo-American Politics 1865-1872 (Ithaca: Cornell UP 1975). Maureen M. Robson discusses the resolution of the issue in 'The Alabama Claims and the Anglo-American Reconciliation, 1865-71,' CHR, 1961. Oscar A. Kinchen has written an interesting little study of Confederate Operations in Canada and the North (North Quincy: Christopher Publishing House 1970). Guy MacLean's 'The Georgian Affair: An Incident of the American Civil War,' CHR, 1961, deals with one specific incident arising out of Confederate activities.

236 Phillip Buckner An enormous amount has been written about Fenianism during this period. C.P. Stacey's Canada and the British Army and his 'Fenianism and the Rise of National Feeling in Canada at the Time of Confederation,' CHR, 1931, and 'A Fenian Interlude: The Story of Michael Murphy,' CHR, 1934, examine Fenianism in considerable depth. William D' Arcy's The Fenian Movement in the United States: 1858-1886 (NY: Catholic University of America 1947) is of some value and so is H. Davis, 'The Fenian Raid on New Brunswick,' CHR, 1955, but both have been largely superseded by W.S. Neidhardt's Fenianism in North America (University Park: Pennsylvania State UP 1975) and Hereward Senior's The Fenians and Canada (T: MAC 1978). Leon O'Broin, Fenian Fever: An AngloAmerican Dilemma (L: Chatto & Windus 1971), and Brian Jenkins, Fenians and Anglo-American Relations during Reconstruction (Ithaca: Cornell UP 1969), examine the Fenian problem in the wider context of Anglo-American relations.

D.A. MUISE

Confederation

The historiography of Confederation reflects an interesting evolutionary process. While viewed as a pivotal point in the evolution of the nation, it has only occasionally been the central topic of our historical literature - though it could easily be argued that more ink has been spilt on the topic than on any other. Perspectives have varied enormously. The early writing tended to be dominated by memorialists and popularizers of the late nineteenth century. Not until after World War I did Confederation become a serious subject for scholars and only in the 1930s, when it came to be viewed as a critical step in the evolution of independent commonwealth status, did it emerge as a fashionable subject for analysis. The rise of a sustained scholarly interest in dominion-provincial relations during the 1930s gave a new importance to the question, but even there the preoccupation continued to be with the principal actors rather than with the process of nation-making itself, an approach which severely limited the discussion of events. As a subject of intrinsic importance Confederation has, over the years, been a favourite of essayists of almost all stripes who have commented on the nature of the Canadian state by starting with the acts of the Fathers of Confederation. This broader and sometimes contentious literature can be sampled only briefly below - the concentration here will be on historical works which assess Confederation in its own terms rather than as a form of government.

238 D.A. Muise MEMOIRS AND COLLECTIONS

The Confederation events themselves produced a number of firsthand accounts of great significance, many of them available in modem editions. Memoirs of one sort or another were common enough in the late nineteenth century and the best of them can still offer a useful perspective on the achievements of 1867. Two volumes edited by Sir Joseph Pope, Memoirs of the Rt. Hon. Sir John A. Macdonald (T: OUP 1930) and Correspondence of Sir John A. Macdonald (T: OUP 1921), can be consulted with a great deal of profit, containing as they do a wealth of original statements and correspondence by the outstanding Father of Confederation and our first prime minister. Sir Charles Tupper, Recollections of Sixty Years in Canada (T: Cassell 1916), and E.M. Saunders, The Life and Leners of the Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Tupper (T: Cassell 1916), offer a personalized account of the role of the leader of the movement in the Maritime provinces. Of more limited use, but in the same general vein, is the somewhat hagiographic Alexander Mackenzie, ed., The Life and Speeches of Hon. George Brown (T: Globe 1882), which does at least have the merit of reproducing some of Brown's more prominent pronouncements on Confederation. Contemporary recollections, unofficial accounts, pamphlets in the sometimes controversial debate, and a host of other material abound on the question of Confederation. Most of them do not have the insiders' perspective held by the politicians involved, but some are interesting and have been reproduced. The best collection is G.P. Browne, ed., Documents on the Confederation of British North America (T: M&s 1969), which is strongest on the constitutional aspects of the nation-making process, but also contains many of the debates on political questions. It also has an extensive bibliography. Browne's work has superseded Sir Joseph Pope's earlier collection, Confederation: Being a Series of Hitherto Unpublished Documents bearing on the British North America Act (T: Carswell 1895), which contains a few items still unavailable elsewhere in published form. The major debate on the terms of the BNA Act have been preserved and reproduced in Canada, Parliamentary Debates on the Subject of Confederation ofthe British North American Provinces (O: KP 1951). A more

239 Confederation accessible but sharply edited version is P.B. Waite, ed., The Confederation Debates in the Province of Canada, 1865 ( T: M&S 1963). W.L. White et al., The Canadian Corifederation: A Decision-Making Analysis (T: MAC 1979), attempts to assess quantitatively the importance of such factors as ideology and birthplace in the attitudes expressed by the legislators. No parliamentary debates on the question of Confederation in any of the Atlantic provinces were published, though there are documentary sources, especially in newspaper accounts of a number of acerbic debates. One of the more useful accounts is that of Edward Whelan of Prince Edward Island, which has been critically reprinted in D.C. Harvey, ed., Edward Whelan's Union of the British Provinces (T: Garden City Press 1927). Two contemporary accounts which provide a great deal of detail are J.H. Gray, Corifederation: or the Political and Parliamentary History of Canada (T: 1872), and J.C. Dent, The Last Forty Years: Canada Since the Union of 1841, 2 vols. (T: George Virtue 1881); Dent's volumes have been reprinted in a single volume with an introduction by D. Swainson (T: M&S 1972). GENERAL TREATMENTS

The first half of the twentieth century produced several narrative accounts of the Confederation era, most of them superseded by later publications. The fiftieth anniversary brought forward two volumes: M.O. Hammond, Corifederation and its Leaders (T: M&S 1917), and G.M. Wrong et al., The Federation of Canada, 1867-1917 (T: OUP 1917), both of which celebrated the achievement of political union, one in narrative form and the other as a series of interpretive essays. A more thorough account was produced by R.G. Trotter, Canadian Federation, its Origins and Achievement: A Study in Nation Building (T: Dent 1924), which can still be read with profit Trotter, whose book was long considered the standard account of Confederation, was also an active participant in the historiographical revolution underway in Canada during the 1920s. Several of his articles in the CHR during that period dealt with Confederation. The sixtieth anniversary of union in 1927 saw a wide variety of commemorative-type articles published in that journal. A contemporary of Trotter was

240 D.A. Muise W.M. Whitelaw, whose The Maritimes and Canada before Confederation (T: ouP 1934; reprinted with an introduction by P.B. Waite 1966) concluded that union was the culmination of the drive to selfgovernment. Like Trotter, Whitelaw reflected the increasing concern with the form and fabric of the nation and the impact of the formative period on the constitution that was becoming important to Canadian nationalists. The 1930s, which produced tremendous dislocations in the federal-provincial relationship, also provoked a sustained analysis of the nature of the federation and a tremendous upsurge in the numbers of essayists who analysed the union. There was also an increase in the level of scholarly interest in the nation-making process. The Rowell/Sirois Royal Commission into DominionProvincial Relations (1935-9) was an important instrument in the development of this new consciousness. Volume I of its final Report (o: KP 1940) provided a detailed analysis of the history of Canada since Confederation from the perspective of dominion-provincial relations. It has been reprinted, edited and with an introduction by D.V. Smiley, as The Rowell/Sirois Report, Book I (T: M&S 1963). The commission initiated several studies of various aspects of the problem of Confederation. Three that are most pertinent are W.A. MacIntosh, The Economic Background of Dominion-Provincial Relations (reprinted with an introduction by J.H. Dales T: M&S 1965); D.G. Creighton, British North America at Confederation (o: KP 1939); and S.A. Saunders, An Economic History of the Maritime Provinces (o: KP 1939). The latter two studies provide particularly adept surveys of the economic and social history of the immediate preConfederation period, while Creighton's gives a sustained examination of the formative aspects of the Confederation movement as well. General accounts of Confederation did not figure prominently in the immediate post-World War II renaissance in Canadian historical writing. Biography and a number of other approaches were more in vogue. By 1960 the coming centennial sparked new interest. The first of the modern accounts was P.B. Waite's The Life and Times of Confederation, 1864-186 7: Politics, Newspapers, and the Union of British North America (T: UTP 1962). Taking a rigidly regional approach,

241 Confederation Waite presented the various reactions to each stage of the public discussion of the terms of union. Heavily dependant on newspaper opinions to carry the narrative he overlooked much of the social and economic underpinning of the events he described. The Canadian Centenary Series produced W.L. Morton's The Critical Years: The Union of British North America, 1857-1873 (T: M&S 1964), perhaps the most satisfactory of all narrative accounts, particularly for the informed analysis it provides on regional responses to union while at the same time grasping the central thrust of the Confederation movement as it developed in each colony. D.G. Creighton's The Road to Confederation: The Emergence of Canada, 1863-1867 (T: MAC 1964) is a somewhat heroic account of the immediate experience of the Confederation era. His strictly political perspective is severely limiting, but on his own ground he is unmatched for dramatic presentation of the struggle of political leaders, especially John A. Macdonald, to achieve Confederation in spite of the opposition of scoundrels throughout the colonies to subvert their vision. For Creighton, Confederation was a triumph of visionaries over the myopic; for Morton it was the logical development of certain social and economic trends which underlay the political compromises which found expression in the British North America Act in 1867. Any serious student of Confederation should begin his study with an examination of these three fine books, two of which - Waite and Morton - have extensive bibliographies of both published and unpublished material. A useful supplement to these more general approaches is a series of pamphlets commissioned by the Canadian Historical Association and released during the 1960s and 1970s. Topically oriented, they often offer the best brief introduction to a specific aspect. Available titles are as follows: W.L. Morton, The West and Confederation, 1857-1871 (O:CHAPamphlet 91962); P.B. Waite, The Charlottetown Conference (o: CHA Pamphlet 15 1963); J.M. Beck, Joseph Howe: Anti-Confederate (O: CHA Pamphlet 17 1966); P.G. Cornell, The Great Coalition (o: CHA Pamphlet 19 1966); W.M. Whitelaw, The Quebec Conference (o: CHA Pamphlet 20 1966); J.sC. Bonenfant, The French Canadians and the Birth of Confederation (o: CHA Pamphlet 21 1966). All of these are written by leading scholars in their

242 D.A. Muise various fields and offer a straightforward, sound analysis. Another useful book is Ramsay Cook, ed., Confederation (T: UTP 1967), which contains essays of interpretation, drawn from the CHR, by D.G. Creighton, C.P. Stacey, P.B. Waite, Walter Ullman, A.G. Bailey, and G.F.G. Stanley. Cook's brief introduction offers a fine assessment of the historiography of Confederation. BIOGRAPHY

One of the most intriguing entrance points to Confederation is through the biographies of its leading actors. The post-World War II trend towards biography in Canadian historical writing has had a dramatic impact on our perception of the Confederation story. The most important single contribution is D.G. Creighton's monumental John A. Macdonald, I: The Young Politician, and II: The Old Chieftain (T: MAC 1952 and 1955). Together they epitomize the approach taken by Creighton, our most prolific scholar on the Confederation issue. For him the story is one of struggle, with his hero John A. overcoming tremendous odds almost single-handedly to forge the new nation. Comparable in scope in J.M.S. Careless, Brown of the Globe, II: Statesman of Confederation 1860-1880 (T: MAC 1963), an exemplary biography capturing both the public and private Brown to convey his impact as leader of the Grit faction in Canada West on the Confederation movement. A. Sweeney's George-Etienne Cartier: A Biography (T: MAC 1976) is not as well developed as either the Careless or Creighton volume, and B. Hodgins 's John Sand.field Macdonald, 1812-1872 (T: UTP 1970) is a briefer treatment. Fathers of Confederation from the other regions have not been as lucky in their biographers. There is no modem or adequate biography of any of the Maritime leaders in print. In their absence we must make do with the inadequate volumes prepared for the Makers of Canada Series earlier this century by J.W. Longley: Sir Charles Tupper (T: OUP 1926); Sir Leonard Tilley (T: OUP 1926); and Joseph Howe ( T: OUP 1926). Of limited use for Confederation is J.H. Hanney, The Life and Times of Sir Leonard Tilley ( T: OUP 1926). There are

243 Confederation also a few unpublished theses and some journal articles; on Tupper see A.W. MacIntosh, 'The Career of Sir Charles Tupper in Canada, 1864-1900' (PHD thesis, University of Toronto, 1960); on Howe, R.A. Maclean, 'Joseph Howe and British American Union' (PHD thesis; University of Toronto, 1966); and on Tilley, Carl Wallace, 'The Public Career of Sir Leonard Tilley' (PHD thesis, University of Alberta, 1977). The position of the large Irish Catholic minority in New Brunswick is one of the themes in W.M. Baker's excellent study, Timothy Warren Anglin, 1822-96: Irish Catholic Canadian (T: UTP 1977). A useful series of biographies of the political careers of the important Nova Scotia Fathers of Confederation is presented in NSHS Collections, 1968, surveying the roles of Charles Tupper, Jonathan McCully, and A.W. Henry. For many of the most prominent politicians the forthcoming volumes of the Dictionary of Canadian Biography will be a basic source, though some are included in vol. x, covering the period 1871-80 (T: UTP 1972). The more secondary Fathers of Confederation from the Canadas have had a varied set of biographers. O.D. Skelton's Life and Times of Sir Alexander Ti/loch Galt (rev. ed., T: M&s 1966) is a model of the sort of biography which was written in the earlier part of this century. Isabel Skelton's The Life of Thomas D'Arcy McGee (Gardenvale: Garden Press 1925) is not nearly as good, but she at least attempts to get inside the motivation of one of the most spontaneous leaders in the movement. McGee's outspoken and sometimes eloquent support for Confederation was somewhat unusual; his premature death at an assassin's hand left him as the only martyr to the Confederation movement. The best discussion of McGee's role is R.B Burns, 'D' Arey McGee and the Economic Aspects of New Nationality,' CHAR, 1967, summarized from his PHO thesis. A briefer and more heroic account of McGee's contribution is offered in Josephine Phelan, The Ardent Exile: The Life and Times of Thos. Darcy McGee (T: MAC 1951). A somewhat hagiographic treatment of his life and work is T.P. Slattery, The Assassination of D'Arcy McGee (T: Doubleday 1968). On George-Etienne Cartier two older works are available: J. Boyd, Sir George Etienne Cartier, Bart: His Life

and Times: A Political History of Canada from 1814 until 18 73 (T: OUP

244 D.A. Muise 1914), and an interesting account in French by R. Rumilly, Histoire de la Province de Quebec. I: George-Etienne Cartier (M: Fides 1940), which is more in the 'Life and Times' genre than the biographical. REGIONAL APPROACHES

As with many questions in pre-Confederation history, Confederation has had some of its best treatments from the regional perspective. The scholarly article rather than the monograph has often been the essential instrument in the development of an historical approach. Nova Scotia, perhaps because of the somewhat tumultuous reception given Confederation, has had the widest and most specialized literature on its Confederation experience. Most of the earlier material has been superseded by Ken Pryke's Nova Scotia and Confederation, 1864-1871 (T: UTP 1979), which encapsulates and advances much that has been written on the subject. A shorter summary of Pryke's interpretation is offered in his 'The Making of a Province: Nova Scotia and Confederation,' CHAR, 1968. The centrality of Joseph Howe in the anti-Confederation movement has been well recognized. J. Murray Beck has summarized and criticized the historiographical debate concerning Howe's motivation and role in 'Joseph Howe and Confederation: Myth and Fact,' TRSC, 1964. On the same topic an interesting correspondence and set of records concerning the activities of the anti-Confederates is reproduced in L.J. Burpee, ed., 'Joseph Howe and the Anti-Confederation League,' TRSC, 1916. For a more detailed narrative account of the agitation a good source is R.H. Campbell, 'The Repeal Agitation in Nova Scotia,' NSHS Collections, 1942. On public opinion, two articles offer a useful summary of the Halifax papers: J. Heisler, 'The Halifax Press and B.N.A. Union 1856-1864,' DR, 1950; and P.B. Waite, 'Halifax Papers and the Federal Principle, 1864-1865,' DR, 1962. On the controversial first general federal election in 1867 see D.A. Muise, 'The Federal Election of 1867 in Nova Scotia: An Economic Interpretation,' NSHS Collections, 1968. Prince Edward Island's struggle with Confederation has been admirably and exhaustively treated in F.W.P. Bolger, Prince Edward

245 Confederation Island and Confederation, 1863-1873 (Charlottetown, St Dunstan's

UP 1964). The centrality of the land question and the railroad is confirmed and the detail of the political struggle on the Island disentangled. Bolger offers a summary of his findings in the appropriate chapter of F.W.P. Bolger, ed., Canada's Smallest Province: A History of P.E.I. (Charlottetown: PEI Heritage Foundation). A briefer and somewhat iconoclastic approach is taken in D. Weale and H. Baglole, The Island and Confederation: The End of an Era (Summerside: Williams & Crue 197 3), which also provides a concise but firm summary of the salient factors in the pre-Confederation era which had an important impact on the island's response to the Canadian initiatives of 1864. New Brunswick has been blessed with a variety of approaches to the question of Confederation, but there is no monograph dealing with that province's acceptance of union. The closing chapters of W.S. MacNutt's New Brunswick: A History, 1784-1867 (T: MAC 1962) provide the best summary treatment. Also useful are A.G. Bailey, 'The Basis and Persistence of Opposition to Confederation in New Brunswick,' and 'The Railroads and Confederatio!l in New Brunswick,' both reprinted in A.G. Bailey, Culture and Nationality (T: M&S 1972). Carl Wallace, 'Albert Smith, Confederation, and Reaction in New Brunswick: 1852-1882,' CHR, 1963, offers a fine summary of the career and impact of the leading anti-Confederate in New Brunswick. A more eloquent if somewhat traditional and derivative account is G.E. Wilson, 'New Brunswick's Entrance into Confederation,' CHR 1928. The unsuccessful attempts to lure Newfoundland into Confederation have tweaked a fair amount of historical curiosity over the years. One of the early attempts to summarize developments was A.M. Fraser, 'The Issue of Confederation, 1864-1870,' in R.A. MacKay, ed., Newfoundland: Economic, Diplomatic, and Strategic Studies (T: OUP 1946). H.B. Mayo's article, 'Newfoundland and Confederation in the Eighteen-sixties,' CHR, 1948, the standard account of the detailed negotiations, summarizes his Oxford D Phil thesis. There have been several graduate theses written on the topic since the early fifties, but none has yet been published. The most recent treatment of the question, and perhaps the best, is J.K. Hiller, 'Con-

246 D.A. Muise federation Defeated: The Newfoundland Election of 1869,' in J.K. Hiller and P. Neary, eds., Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: Essays in Interpretation (T: UTP 1980), which also includes an extensive bibliography. Strangely enough, the regional perspective on Confederation has not been well developed for the central provinces. However, as most survey interpretations of the achievement of Confederation give centre place to Ontario and Quebec, the absence of sustained analyses of their particular involvement is not so marked. Donald Swainson's brief pamphlet, Ontario and Confederation (o: Centennial Commission 1967), is not comparable to Bonenfant's CHA pamphlet on the same topic for Quebec, but they are virtually the only items available on the topic in English. Abbe Lionel Groulx, in La Confederation canadienne, ses origines (M: lmprim~ au Devoir 1918), has presented the most sustained analysis of the movement from the point of view of the nationalist French-Canadian historiography, but is cursory on the events surrounding the actual achievement of Confederation. Similar in tone is a volume prepared under Groulx's direction by Action fran~ise, Les Canadiens-franfais et la Confederation canadienne (M: 1927). More recent and better balanced is J.-C. Bonenfant, La naissance de la Confederation (M: Lemfac 1969). The absorption of the west, which became one of the immediate preoccupations in the period after 1867, was inherent in the discussions leading up to the political union of the eastern colonies. Two single-volume histories of Manitoba and British Columbia, respectively, offer the best introductions to the relationships of these two areas to Confederation: Margaret Ormsby, British Columbia: A History (T: MAC 1958), and W.L. Morton, Manitoba: A History (T: UTP 1957). Morton also edited Manitoba: The Birth ofa Province (Winnipeg: Manitoba Record Society 1965), which reproduces much of the important material bearing on the absorption of that province. Another perspective is provided by G.F.G. Stanley in The Birth of Western Canada: A History of the Riel Rebellions (T: UTP 1960). On British Columbia's response there is a useful collection of essays in W.G. Sheldon, ed., British Columbia and Confederation (Victoria: University of Victoria 1967).

24 7 Confederation IMPERIAL POLICY

The impact of British policy in the emergence of a consensus on Confederation has long been an element in general analyses and it has formed an historiography of its own. Some of the early articles which dealt with the question are Chester Martin, 'British Policy in Canadian Confederation,' CHR, 1932; R.G. Trotter, ed., 'The British Government and the Proposal of Federation in 1858,' CHR, 1933; James A. Gibson, 'The Colonial Office View of Canadian Federation, 1856-1868,' CHR, 1954; P.B. Waite, 'Edward Cardwell and Confederation,' CHR, 1962; J.A. Gibson, 'The Duke of Newcastle and British North American Affairs, 1859-64,' CHR, 1963; Bruce A. Knox, 'The British Government, Sir Edmund Head, and British North American Confederation, 1858,' Journal ofImperial and Commonwealth Studies, 1976. That the idea of federation was not new in the 1860s is proved by John M. Ward, 'The Third Earl Grey and Federalism, 1846-1852,' Australian Journal of Politics and History, 1957, and B.A. Knox, 'The Rise of Colonial Federation as an Object of British Policy 1850-70,' Journal of British Studies, 1971. Also useful on the imperial context are chapter 6 of Ronald Hyam and Ged Martin, Reappraisals in British Imperial History (L: MAC 1975), and Ged Martin, 'Empire Federalism and Imperial Parliamentary Unity, 1820-1870,' Historical Journal, 1973. The role of the colonial governors was a difficult one ,during the transition to Confederation. Edmund Head's role has been carefully assessed in D.G.G. Kerr's Sir Edmund Head: A Scholarly Governor (T: UTP 1954). Only one other governor has been the subject of a proper scholarly study. J.K. Chapman, The Career of Arthur Hamilton Gordon, First Lord Stanmore 1829-1912 (T: UTP 1964). W.M. Whitelaw, 'Lord Monck and the Canadian Confederation,' CHR, 1940; W.L. Morton, 'Lord Monck, his Friends, and the Nationalizing of the British Empire,' in John S. Moir, ed., Character and Circumstance: Essays in Honour of Donald Grant Creighton (T: MAC 1970); and W.L. Morton, ed., Monck Letters and Journals 18631868: Canada, from Government House at Confederation (T: M&S 1970), are useful on Monck. Elizabeth Batt's Monck: Governor General 1861-1868 (T: M&S 1976) is disappointing as history, although

248 D.A. Muise interesting as biography. Adrian Preston, 'General Sir William Fenwick Williams, the American Civil War and the Defence of Canada, 1859-65,' DR, 1976-7, describes how Fenwick Williams arrived at his decision to support Confederation.

Index

Space limitations in this index preclude inclusion of authors or titles. Instead we have indexed central themes, topics, and important participants. Readers should also consult the detailed Contents pages. The following abbreviations are used to indicate chapters: New France (NF); Quebec (PQ); Atlantic provinces (AP); Upper Canada (uc); north and west (NW); imperial (IMP). Acadia University 111 Acadian deportation 89, 202 agriculture (NF) 30, (PQ) 65, (AP) 115-16, (uc) 145 American Revolution 94-5, 208-9 Amherst, General Jeffrey 205 Anglin, T.W. 243 Anglo-American relations 227-9 Anglo-French conflict 40-2, 199-203 architecture (NF) 36-7, (uc) 151 Arctic exploration 166-8 Arctic pre-history 167, 169 Arthur, Sir George 157 artisans in New France 33 arts and letters (NF) 36, (AP) 120

Baldwin, Robert 153, 155 banking 67 bibliography (NF) 3-4, (PQ) 45-7, (AP) 82-3, (uc) 125-6, (NW) 162, (IMP) 196-7 Bigot, Fran~ois 25 biography (NF) 24-6, (uc) 153-6, 242-4 blacks 97-8, 223 Blake, Edward 154 Bourget, Mgr 72 Braddock, General Edward 204-5 British emigration 224-6 Brown, George 154, 226-7, 238, 242 business 66-7, 146, 159

250 Index Canada Company 130, 137 Canadian-American relations 152-3, 227-36; annexation 234 Carleton, General Guy (Lord Dorchester) 208-9 Cartier, George-Etienne 242-3 Cary, Mary Shad 156 Champlain, Samuel 5, 25 Champlain Society 176-7 Chapais, Thomas 50 Charlevoix, P.F.X. 6 cholera 69, 150 Civil War and Canada 234-6 class structure 34-5 Coburg 136, 148, 154 colonial administration 215-19 colonial reformers 213-15 Confederation 227, 237-48 Confederation Debates 238-9 Conquest (1759-60) 40-2 Conservatives 157-9 Cook, Captain James 186 currency 31 Dalhousie, Lord 122 Dalhousie University 111 defence policy 232-3 demography (NF) 28-9, (PQ) 68-9 Denys, Nicolas 88 Desbarres, J.F.W. 210 Douglas, Sir James 186-7 Draper, W.H. 154 Dunlop, William 154 Durham, Earl of 157-8, 213-15 economic development (NF) 29-34, (PQ) 63-8, (AP) 111, (uc) 144-9

education (NF) 36, (PQ) 74, (AP) 109-11, (uc) 142-4 Elgin, Earl of 157, 220-1 emigration from Quebec 68-9 ethnic groups 130, 151 exploration 234, 197-8 Family Compact 158-9 federalism 158 Fenian raids 140, 236 Filles du Roi 28 financial institutions 67 fisheries 112, 198-9 folk culture, Maritimes 118-20 Forges St Maurice 34 franchise 157 Franklin, Sir John 167-8 Fraser, Simon 179-80 free trade and imperialism 212-13 Frontenac, Louis de Buade, compte de 25 frontier thesis 22-3, 150, 194 fur trade 19, 29-30, 64, 161, 165, 170-87 Galt, A.T. 243 Garneau, F.-X. 48-9 Glennie, James 103 Gordon, A.H. (Lord Stanmore) 247 Gourlay, Robert 133, 226 government in New France 26-8 Groulx, Abbe Lionel 50-1 Guelph 136 Haliburton, T.C. 79, 129 Halifax 95

251 Index Hamilton 136 Harmon, Daniel Williams 179 Head, Sir Edmund 103, 247 Head, Sir Francis Bond 154, 218 Hearne, Samuel 177 Henry, Alexander 178-9 Hincks, Sir Francis 154 Hind, Henry Youle 190 historiography (NF) 9-15, (PQ) 47-55, (AP) 79-82, (uc) 123-5, (NW) 164-5, (IMP) 193-6 Hocquart, Gilles 25-6 Howe, Joseph 102-3, 110, 120-1, 242-3 Hudson's Bay Company 170, 175-7, 182, 184-7 Hudson's Bay Record Society 176-7 ideology (PQ) 73-5, (AP) 119-22, (uc) 152-3, (IMP) 211-15, 226-7 immigration (AP) 95-100, (uc) 129-30, (IMP) 224-6 imperial policy 206-8 Indian relations (NF) 37-40, (AP) 86-9, (uc) 128-9, (NW) 169-72, (IMP) 200-5, 222-3 industrial development 30-1, 34 Inglis, Rev. Charles 108 Jameson, Anna 155 Jay's Treaty 230 Jesuit relations 6 Johnston, James W. 102 Jolliet, Louis 23-4

Kane, Paul 188 King's College 111

Kingston 148-9 labour (NF) 33, (PQ) 71-2, (AP) ll8, (uc) 148-9 land policy 131-3, 222 Laurentian school 56-9, 165, 194 Laval, Bishop Franfois-Xavier 16, 18-19 La Vfaendrye 5, 24, 175 law 26-8 London, Ont. 137 Louisbourg 92-3, 201-2 Loyalists 96- 7, 129-30, 209-11 lumbering 112-13, 145-6 Macdonald, Sir John A. 153-4, 157, 159, 238, 242 Macdonald, J.S. 154 Macdonnell, Bishop Alexander 142, 155 MacGregor, Rev. James 109 Mackenzie, Sir Alexander 179 Mackenzie, William Lyon 153-64, 158 MacNab, Sir A.N. 154 Maine-New Brunswick boundary dispute 233 manufacturing 147 McClure, Captain R.M. 168 McCulloch, T. 121 McGee, Thomas D. 243 McGillivray, William 178 mechanics' institutes 110 merchants (NF) 32-3, (PQ) 70-1, (AP) 116 Metcalfe, Sir Charles 220 Metis 182-4, 188 metropolitanism 59-60, 136-7, 165, 226-7

252 Index mining 115 missionaries 188-9 Mississippi Valley and New France 24 Monck, Lord (Charles Stanley) 247 Montcalm, General 205 Murray, General James 207-8 naval construction 33 New England planters 96 North West Company 177-80, 184 Northwest Passage 166-8 Northwest Territories 173, 181-2 North York 136 Oakville 136 Orange Order 151 Oregon boundary dispute 233-4 Pacific Northwest 186-7 Palliser, John 190 Papineau, Louis-Joseph 76 Peace of Paris (1783) 229-30 Perkins, Simeon 95 Plains of Abraham (Battle) 205 politics (PQ) 75-7, (AP) 100-3, (uc) 156-60 poverty 117-18, 149-51 Powell, W.D. 156 public service 157, 222 Quebec Act 208 Radisson, Pierre-Esprit 5, 23 railways 147 Rebellion of 1837 139, 140

Reciprocity Treaty 116 Red River Settlement 181-2, 183 reformers 157-8, 160 religion (NF) 15-20, (PQ) 72-3, (AP) 105-9, (uc) 141-2 responsible government (AP) 101-4, (uc) 146, 158, 160, (IMP) 219-24 Robinson, Sir John B. 153 Roe, Dr John 168 Rupert's Land 173-85 Russell, Peter 157 Ryerson, Egerton 143, 153, 155 Saint John 116 Secord, Laura 155 seigneurial system 20-1 Selkirk, Lord (Thomas Douglas) 181-2, 225 Selkirk Settlement 181-4 Seven Years' War 203-6 shipping and ship-building 113-15 Shirley, William 201 Simcoe, John Graves 153-7, 218 Simpson, George 185-6 slavery 30 Smith, Albert 243 Smith, Chief Justice William 210 staples theory 57-8, 144-5, 165, 174-5 Stephen, Sir James 216 Strachan, John 142, 143, 153 Sydenham, Lord (Charles P. Thompson) 220 Talbot, Thomas 130, 154-5 temperance 118

253 Index Thompson, David 179-80 Tilley, Leonard 242-3 Toronto 135-7 transportation 30, 146-7 travellers' accounts (AP) 121-2, (uc) 132-3, (Nw) 187-90 Tupper, Charles 102, 238, 242-3 ultramontanism 73-4 Utrecht, Treaty of 90 Vancouver, Captain George 186 Vaudreuil, Philippe de Rigaud 25-6

Vikings 167 violence 152 Walker expedition 203 Wakefield, Edward Gibbon 213-14 War of 1812 137-9, 229-32 Warren, Admiral Sir Peter 93, 202 Webster-Ashburton Treaty 233 Wolfe, General James 205 women 149, 151-2, 158 Yukon 168-9