A political history of the Pare of Tanzania, c1500-1900 g445cd385

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Preface (page vii)
Introduction (page ix)
1 Political evolution (page 1)
2 The Pare environment (page 13)
3 The peopling of Pare Mountains (page 27)
4 The founding of the Gweno State (page 47)
5 The founding of the southern state system (page 65)
6 Segmentation and expansion in the south (page 82)
7 The political bridge between north and south (page 103)
8 The fall of the the Gweno State (page 122)
9 Frgamentation in the south (page 145)
10 The "Sambaa invasion" of the Pare Mountains (page 167)
11 The German intervention (page 192)
Conclusion (page 223)
Bibliography (page 241)
Index (page 246)

Citation preview

PEOPLES OF EAST AFRICA 3

A POLITICAL HISTORY

of the PARE of TANZANIA ¢ 1500-1900

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PEOPLES OF EAST AFRICA 3

A POLITICAL HISTORY of the PARE of TANZANIA c 1500-1900

Isaria N. Kimambo

| Senior Lecturer in History The University College, Dar es Salaam

EAST AFRICAN PUBLISHING HOUSE

East African Publishing House Uniafric House, Koinange Street P.O. Box 30571, Nairobi, Kenya

First Published 1969 , Copyright © 1.N. Kimambo 1969

Printed in Letterpress by The English Press, Ltd., Reata Road, P.O. Box 30127

For my wife Mary N. Kimambo

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Contents

Preface Vii Introduction ix Page

| Political evolution |

2 The Pare environment 13 3 The peopling of the Pare Mountains 2/7

4 The founding of the Gweno State 47 5 The founding of the southern state system 65

6 Segmentation and expansion in the south 82 7 The political bridge between north and south 103

8 The fall of the Gweno State 122 9 Fragmentation in the south 145 10 The ‘“‘Sambaa invasion”’ of the Pare Mountains 167

!! The German intervention 192

Conclusion 223

Bibliography 24|

Index 246

| Genealogies | Appendixes

1965 227

(a) Comparative lists, counting backwards from

(b) Some genealogical trees 230 2 Ugweno initiation language 235

3 Oral sources 236 Maps

|2 Pare District 12 Pare Mountains 15 3 19th century caravan routes 23

4 Bantu movements in East Africa 43

5 The Gweno State c 1760 48

6 South Pare c 1760 66 Photographs between pages 126 and 127

PREFACE This book is a revised version of work submitted to Northwestern

University, Evanston, Illinois, in 1967 as a Ph.D. dissertation. Although it is in part a result of my own long-cherished interest in African history, it owes much to the inspiration imparted by the Programme of African Studies of that University. For this reason I remember with gratitude the various seminars which enabled me to identify my research interests. In preparing myself for the Pare research, | am indebted to Professor Jan Vansina of the University of Wisconsin whose advice

was helpful both in planning the research and in interpreting the

results. For the continuous work of directing the research and the writing I am greatly indebted to Professor Franklin D. Scott whose advice and encouragement made the completion of this work possible. I am also indebted to Mr. Steven Feierman for information about certain aspects of Sambaa society and to Mr. Robert Soper of the British Institute of History and Archaeology in East Africa for the archaeological information, both of which are acknowledged in the text. My thanks are due to several friends who gave useful criticism to the original manuscript. I would like specifically to mention Dr. J. Rowe of Northwestern University, Mr. J. Holden of the University of Ghana, Dr. J. E. G. Sutton of University College, Dar es Salaam and Professor B. A. Ogot of University College, Nairobi. I am also greatly indebted to all Pare leaders and informants who generously accepted and helped me during the period of research. I would like especially to acknowledge the assistance given by Mr. Babu H. Mohammed for the whole period of research.

The graduate study at Northwestern University was made possible by a scholarship from the National Lutheran Council of U.S.A. in New York through the Northern Diocese of the Lutheran

Church in Tanzania and by several fellowship grants from the Programme of African Studies at Northwestern University. The field-work was financed through the Special Lectureship Prosramme of the University of East Africa. All these grants are vil

acknowledged with thanks. Special thanks are due to Professor

T. O. Ranger of University College, Dar es Salaam for his encouragement and for allowing me to use the History Research Fellows’ Land-Rover during part of the research period.

University College Isaria N. Kimambo

Dar es Salaam April 1968

vili

INTRODUCTION This study is a result of research into the oral history of the Pare people* of north-eastern Tanzania between July 1965 and June 1966. Although as a source of historical information, oral history has until recently been neglected, today, thanks to the theoretical work of Professor Jan Vansina,' historians are increasingly making use of oral history with some scientific competence. Examples of oral history research in East Africa,? however, indicate that no

general theories of methodology can be applied equally to all societies of this region. For this reason, the summary which follows aims at demonstrating how a researcher in this field has to adapt his theories to the realities of the society with which he is working.

Research methods Preparation for this research was first done by finding out what has been written about the Pare. During this initial step, it became

clear that not enough had been written to enable a person to understand Pare society before going to the field. Bearing this in

mind, I made a research plan under the direction of Professor Jan Vansina who had also initiated me into the study of African history during my first year as a graduate student at Northwestern University. The research plan included, among other things, the

spending of the first months in one district or village without moving about the whole Pare country. During this period, the main

objective would be to understand Pare society in depth before beginning to collect oral traditions. The second step was orientation to Pare society. After visiting different areas in Upare, I decided to settle in Usangi, the southern region of North Pare because it became clear to me that this was

the meeting place for North Pare and South Pare cultures. My * The Pare or Asu are a Bantu-speaking people numbering 149,732 according

to the preliminary report of the 1967 Census, The Standard (Tanzania), 29 December 1967.

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first task here was to introduce myself to the Pare language and to Pare ways of living. In learning Kipare or Chasu I was assisted

by my wife who was fluent in the language. What was more difficult was the task of making myself accepted by the members of the society without suspicion. A period of months was needed to persuade the Pare that I was interested only in studying their history. Gradually confidence was won and some Wapare began to accept me as their friend. My studying procedure in this period had to be indirect. I learned not by asking questions and recording answers, but by living in the society as a participating member.

The main problem at this stage was that many traditional practices which were of historical importance were no longer observed by the Pare themselves. Although many of these practices

remained in memories of the old Wapare, none of the old men would discuss them openly because such information formed the secrets of their society—indeed, secrets which were revealed only to initiated members of the society. The guardians of these secrets were therefore protecting them not only against foreigners but also

against the uninitiated members of their own group. Thus my presence was beginning to arouse the curiosity of the younger generation of uninitiated Wapare in wanting to know something about their history. Here I found a useful method of breaking through the walls of secrecy. Most of my Pare friends were: able to collect bits of information from their parents and grandparents and from these fragments of information I began to build up some

accounts about various rituals practised by the Wapare in the past. Then, armed with this elementary knowledge, I was able to approach the old men and discuss these rituals with them. Once

they saw that I knew something about what I was asking them, my informants were more willing to reveal the information. Thus by using this informal approach, I was gradually gaining knowledge hitherto unknown to the Pare who grew up since the 1930s. Near the end of this second stage of my research, I came to the following two conclusions. First, that Pare traditions of any sort, including those of chieftainship, were organized around kinship organization. Therefore, traditions of clans and lineages would yield the main historical information about Pare society. Secondly, that the guardians of these traditions are the traditional clan and lineage heads whose duty was to transmit the traditions to the next generation through formal instructions, formal recitax

tion during rituals, etc. In recognition of this fact most Wapare would first send an inquirer about a certain tradition to their clan or lineage elder even if they themselves could supply the infor-

mation. |

After arriving at these conclusions, I moved to the third step— recording clan histories. Again I used Usangi as my first experiment because of the knowledge I had already accumulated about

clan and lineage organization in the area. I selected informants who were the acknowledged heads of their kin groups, and an acquaintance was made with each informant before recording his story. The recording procedure combined the use of both the tape-recorder and field notebook. As a rule, the tape-recorder was

used only for formal recitations which included songs, prayers and other poetic forms. For many other tales in which the informants’ knowledge did not consist of memorized stories, the taperecorder was seldom used. In cases where the tape-recorder was

looked at with suspicion by the informant, recording by hand was preferred. While working with one lineage, it was possible to find out who else in that lineage was considered as a source of information. In some places the lineage elders were too old to give organized accounts, but they knew other members of their

lineages who could supply the information. , The most important task at this stage was the attempt to assimilate the traditions as they were recorded. This was done by going through the day’s records each evening and formulating questions which were not adequately answered by the informant.

As soon as possible after the original recording, the informant was re-interviewed and the additional information was recorded. As the body of information about various clan histories in one area accumulated, contradictions could become obvious. In order to find explanation for such contradictions, I often arranged for what may be called “seminars of clan historians” to discuss the topics in which different memories existed.* In some cases the differences were ironed out. But the most important contribution of these “seminars” was that they provided additional evidence * This group method has been used both by Ogot (op. cit. pp. 20-25) and Were (op. cit. pp. 16-25) but for varying reasons (see reference no. 2), Dr. Were, while preferring what he calls the “confidential” method, employed group method as a time-saving mechanism. Professor Ogot on the other hand used group method as the practical way of dealing with that kind of decentralized society.

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for each possible distortion. In this way, they helped me to formulate the most probable interpretation of the story. This recording procedure was extended to other areas. In all parts of the country the work was much easier at this stage because the

people had already heard about my work in Usangi. Besides clan histories, much information was learned from visiting shrines

and fortifications, and from traditional songs and ritual dances performed for me by Pare experts. The fourth step consisted of interpreting the information. This was done in Dar es Salaam away from the field. It will be noticed

that some amount of interpretation was being done day by day in the field. Now the main task was to relate all these lineage, clan, village and district histories with one another and get a coherent picture of Pare history. The method used at this stage was that of textual comparison. The distribution of Pare clans provided

useful guidance. Since nearly every clan had sections in two or more regions,® the clan section histories checked one another. Where differences occurred it was not impossible to connect them

with events peculiar to that clan section. The second problem of interpretation centred on the numerous mythical themes found

in these traditions. It was here that the time spent in studying Pare society was most rewarding, for it was relatively easy to see what these myths were trying to justify in Pare society. In putting together the details of those confused decades in the second half of the nineteenth century, I was greatly aided by the bits of information found in the travellers’ accounts, especially

those given by von der Decken and Oskar Baumann. But even in this period the bulk of the information came from the oral sources. What this research has demonstrated, therefore, is how oral traditions can supply detailed and coherent accounts about several

centuries of a people’s past. In the end it became obvious that about sixty-five clans had been studied and their histories were

classified into 196 traditions. , Dating

In dating the events in Pare history, the traditional method of using generations has been adopted mainly because there is no reliable method of converting these generations into years. The first known date in Pare history is that recorded by von der Decken xii

in 1861. In the third chapter an attempt has been made to use the generations of the century following 1861 in order to produce a rough estimate for converting generations into years. The average obtained by this method is thirty years per generation. However, it must be emphasized that the estimate of thirty years cannot be stated as an accurate figure since we do not know what changes

may have taken place in the social structure of Pare society before 1861.

Generations seem to present a fairly consistent picture when a suitable base line is selected. In a region where all clans settled

at the same time, the base line could be the beginning of that particular society. But since in Upare we are dealing with migra-

tions spread over centuries, 1965 (the year this research was begun) was selected as the base line and counting was extended backwards.

Nomenclature

As far as possible, traditional ways of naming have been adhered to. One obvious form is the use of the plural prefix wafor clan names, e.g. Wasangi instead of Sangi. The singular form with m- (e.g. Msangi) is also used when referring to one member

of the clan. For the whole group, the names Wapare or Vasu have been used, but the form without prefix, i.c. Pare and Asu, also occurs either for variation or for emphasis. Although the name Asu was the original tribal name, it has been used sparingly

when emphasis on Pare attitudes was intended. Other naming

procedures include the use of u- for territorial names, e.g. Upare for the Pare country; and ki- for language, e.g. Kipare for the Pare language. The only exception here is Chasu which refers to the Asu language.

References 1. Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Methodology

(London, 1965), first published in French in 1961. 2. B. A. Ogot, History of the Southern Luo, Vol. 1 (EAPH, Nairobi, 1967),

and Gideon S. Were, A History of the Abaluyia of Western Kenya, c. 1500-1930 (EAPH, Nairobi, 1967).

3. See the bibliography.

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I POLITICAL EVOLUTION Pare history, as considered in this study, offers a good example of political evolution in an African society. The value of such an example cannot be overemphasized. Indeed, detailed studies of individual African political groups have long been needed in order to test the validity of the generalization made by R. Oliver and J. D. Fage about the common origin of African kingdoms. This generalization was based on the idea that all African kingdoms were essentially similar and that they could be referred to under the common label of “Sudanic states”. These “Sudanic states” were linked together by similar institutions connected with divine kingship which developed first in Egypt and then diffused

to the rest of Africa. The idea of the “Nile Valley civilization” influencing a large part of Africa was not new in 1962 when Oliver and Fage made their “Sudanic civilization” hypothesis. In fact, C. G. Seligman writing in 1930 had already stated: “The civilizations of Africa are the civilizations of the Hamites, its history the record of these people and of their interaction with the two other African stocks, the Negro and the Bushman, whether this influence was asserted by highly civilized Egyptians or by such wider pastoralists as are

represented at the present day by the Beja and the Somali.’ The hypothesis of “Sudanic civilization” indicates the influence Seligman has had in African scholarship, although by 1962 the racist overtones in Seligman’s statement were being avoided. In 1959, G. P. Murdock had confirmed the existence of a common political system, which he called “African despotism”, extending from Negro Africa to Madagascar and to the Cushitic-speaking peoples of south-western Ethiopia.* But Murdock also posed an important question concerning the problem of common origin, i.e. whether these African states represented an independent deve-

2 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE lopment, since they so much resembled those of Mexico and Peru, or whether the Sudanic peoples borrowed the system from ancient

Egypt, adapted it to their surroundings and then passed it to the rest of “Negro Africa”. While agreeing that research was needed

on this problem before a conclusive answer could be given, Murdock came to three conclusions: first, that the African states (despotism) all derive from a common source; second, that the

common origin is probably in the Western Sudan rather than in the Nile Valley, and third, that there were significant increments

to the basic Sudanic pattern obtained from the Nile Valley at a later period or periods. This idea of common origin of Sudanic states has been popular because it is easy to demonstrate in the light of material available. Since no detailed studies had been made about the historical development of these states, scholars could only generalize on what was known about their structure. In this respect Murdock differs

from Oliver and Fage only in so far as he tries to avoid the racial overtones implied by the Nile Valley origin. Emphasis on Western Sudan origin stresses the same principle of diffusion since

it views development of kingship institutions all over Africa as a successful achievement of Western Sudan in transmitting these institutions to the rest of sub-Saharan Africa. Yet Murdock also touched another important question: the problem caused by the similarities between the African pattern of states and that of the American Indian, for example. He considered the political structures of the Aztec, the Iroquois and the Natchez and the African states to be “as similar as the peas in a single pod”.* After saying all this, Murdock still left the problem unsolved, and concluded that common origin for the various institutions of divine kingship must have existed since “the degree of association among them is far too strong to be attributable to chance”’.®

The main weakness of the diffusion theory as applied to the African states is that it is totally one-sided. It fails to recognize the possibility of independent evolution in different parts of the continent. In 1961, just before Oliver and Fage published their book, R. W. Wescott’s review article appeared in the Journal of African History.’ Westcott was reacting to a tendency among African nationalistic writers to use the Nile Valley civilization to favour their national pride. In this case, the reference was parti-

cularly directed to J. O. Lucas’ The Religion of the Yoruba of

Political evolution 3 1948 which in fact had gone further than most diffusionist assertions

by claiming that the Yoruba came from Egypt. Wescott went further than Murdock in showing that the cultural evidence given

by Lucas, such as carved idols, sacrificial altars and powerful priesthood, were by no means peculiar to the Egyptians and the Yoruba. Even more significant, many other things reminiscent of

Egyptian religion, i.e. sun-cults and pyramids, which were not found among the Yoruba, were nevertheless found in areas quite far removed from Egypt—Polynesia, Mexico and Peru. Wescott also indicated that this problem of Egyptian influence had divided

students of human culture into two schools, the “diffusionists” claiming that human civilization stemmed from Egypt, and “evolu-

tionists’” claiming that all peoples are capable of developing civilization out of their material and psychological environment. Unfortunately, African scholarship had been dominated by the diffusionists who also emphasized the racial dichotomy by making Egyptian culture either “caucasoid” or “negroid”’. The second weakness of the diffusionist theory is that it tends to emphasize the “‘conquest theory”. In order to explain how political ideas could spread so evenly from Egypt to the rest of Africa, it is

easy to imagine a “superior” group of people fanning out in “waves of conquest” rather than simple contact diffusion. Oliver and Fage were actually reflecting this attitude as it is found in the ethnographic literature of these states when they stated: “In

many cases such states are known to have had their origins in conquest; in almost all other cases conquest must be suspected.””’ This is a generalization which can only sustain the racial stereotype which has bedevilled African scholarship unless it is backed

by enough detailed studies of the history of these states. It must be emphasized here that we cannot refute diffusion in a limited area, nor can we deny its role in the evolution of cultures. Nor can we establish the evolutionist theory by negative arguments. Nevertheless I am convinced that when most states have been thoroughly studied, it may become evident that independent invention, perhaps sometimes stimulated by contact diffusion, did play a more significant part in the origin of African states

than hitherto realized. Professor Jan Vansina’s work on the Kingdoms of the Savanna’ has already illustrated this point. Using the oral material available, Professor Vansina was able to recon-

struct the history of Central African Kingdoms to a depth never

4 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE attempted before. Despite resemblance in certain features, Vansina’s conclusion indicates that a hypothesis of a single-centre

in which the political ideas of these kingdoms were elaborated and diffused to other areas would not hold water. He identified at least three different centres from which the Congolese political

system evolved: one “around the lakes of Katanga where the Luba and the Songye place the origin of their states”’,® another in the forest from where the Bolia came, and the third in the lower Congo region where the Kongo, Loango and Tyo (Teke) kingdoms developed. Therefore, for Central Africa at least, Professor Vansina was able to conclude that “a hypothesis involving multiple invention, stimulated by contact diffusion and internal evolutions, seems to be the most appropriate one’’.*°

Certainly, the idea of “Sudanic states” diffusing either from Egypt or from Western Sudan must be regarded as an oversimplification which was caused by long-held racial stereotype on the

one hand, and by lack of historical information on the other. In this case the Pare study becomes of great significance in that it offers a detailed picture of the way in which political structures were established as well as the process through which they evolved into more complex forms. Briefly, this process of political evolution on the Pare Mountains can be traced in four different stages. All the Pare communities recognized the importance of some kind of organization from the time they migrated into the area. But because

the migrations were individual or small group migrations, the organization also emphasized the kinship ties. Within each kinship group, however, there were seeds of political leadership. The first stage was therefore accomplished when each clan established itself in its territory and accepted one ritual leader whose position would

be succeeded by his descendants. Thus religious needs of the community were at the heart of political evolution. After settling in an area, each group gradually established its sacred shrine (mpungi) in which they connected themselves with the ancestors who founded their group, and periodically all their members got together to worship.‘ Many problems of their society, e.g. diseases, drought, etc., were dealt with by the whole community in this manner. It happened that as more people were getting settled in the region, no single group could remain isolated. The first population

build-up on the Pare Mountains started in the northern part of

Political evolution 5 the country. There, as population increased, it became necessary for people of different clans to come together. The details of what happened in Ugweno in this early period are lost in the mythical picture of the period. But we know that by the sixteenth generation

back Ugweno political evolution had passed beyond the first stage, for it then had a political leader who was at least acknow-

ledged by four different groups.* Yet it is interesting to note that when some of the members of the Ugweno society moved to South Pare they endeavoured for several generations to use the Ugweno ideas to build a single clan rather than a political entity

of several clans. Why? Environmental factors have to be taken into account. Ugweno was in fact a different kind of country since

the whole of North Pare formed a single unit of plateau which allowed a greater concentration of population. In South Pare, on the other hand, the units were small broken plateaux and ridges which, though often just as attractive as North Pare (in terms of rainfall and fertility) could accommodate only dispersed population. When the Wabwambo tried so hard to incorporate everybody into their clan by using the initiation ideas of the Ugweno society and (when this failed) by inventing new religious ideas, they were

in fact trying to overcome this geographical problem without sacrificing unity. For about six generations they succeeded in doing

so, but after this period they found that as their society became more complex (with the arrival of new immigrants), rituals alone could not keep it united. The Wabwambo did devise a political solution to this problem. Yet other clans, though pretty much in contact with the organized chiefdoms, continued to live at the clan

level of organization well into the nineteenth century.t This is understandable since their country, though not completely isolated,

was marginal and population density did not reach a degree requiring elaborate state organization. The second stage was reached when a ritual leader of one clan

was accepted as a leader of several other clans. It was at this stage that the secular element in kingship, as Lucy Mair puts it,'* came to play a part. But his acceptance beyond his own lineage depended mainly on his ability to attract and keep a following. Let us see how this was accomplished. In Ugweno the recognition had been given to the iron smiths. Unfortunately, since this took * See Chapter 4. + See Chapter 9.

6 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE place in a mythical period, we cannot say for sure how this developed. The traditions of the four early groups agree that the knowledge of iron working put the Washana in a special position

since their iron products were essential to the community of peasants. Conquest must be dismissed here, since if conquest were involved, it would have played a major part in the mythical stories of the Washana themselves. Iron working was, therefore, regarded as an occupation of high ritual prestige because those who handled

it influenced the success of the society both in agriculture and

defence. Their handling of fire did give them some mysterious : supernatural power which could influence other people’s lives. Above all, their ability to turn ordinary sand into iron tools and implements made them wealthier than other people in the society, for they could easily exchange their own products for cattle.

Our second example of the transition into the second stage comes from South Pare, where about ten generations ago a number

of individuals arrived, possibly during a period of drought, and gained recognition as ritual experts and rulers over several groups of clans. The innovation brought up by the Wamjema, Wankeni, Wamhero and the Wambaga to Pare political ideas was that of connecting political leadership with supernatural powers, 1.e. rain-making and/or healing, including preventing diseases affecting men, domestic animals and crops, and preventing war.* Although

this kind of distinction may have played a part in the case of the iron smiths of Ugweno, its role was less significant. Whereas the iron smiths were looked upon as suppliers of material goods, the ritual experts could perform rituals which were believed to bring prosperity to the society. The quality in the first case was wealth while in the second it was supernatural power. The South Pare example, however, is a clear case of diffusion.

The newcomers are all said to have come from Taita. In this connection it is pointed out in the third and sixth chapters that emphasis was put (in the Pare District Book) on the political know-how of these groups even to a point of suggesting that they may have come from a superior political system. Yet the analysis

of their “new ideas” in the sixth chapter indicates not only that their political system was based on what had already been achieved by the Wabwambo, but also that their ritual ideas were not uniform * Some people may call this “magical” powers, but since the word has a loaded meaning, it is avoided in this context.

Political evolution 7 and were in fact developed somewhat haphazardly. Moreover, their connection with the Taita Hills indicates that they came from an area with no tradition of chieftainship. We may therefore

say that the role of contact here was that of stimulating further evolution rather than bringing in political know-how. Wealth and claim to possession of supernatural powers were the qualities which enabled Pare leaders to attract followers beyond

their lineage. But these are not the only possible qualities. In other African societies individuals who were good military leaders

did also become political leaders. Shaka, the Zulu leader, is an outstanding example. Yet even in the neighbourhood of the Pare, we find Mbega, the first Kilindi ruler of Usambara, whose position as a “hunter” points to his qualities of a warrior. As it is pointed out in the tenth chapter, the Kilindi take-over in Usambara was by no means as peaceful as Habari za Wakilindi portrays it.** On the Pare Mountains no distinction of this kind has been observed. Conquests against the mythical ‘“Wagalla’” are mentioned, but

the role of the leaders lies in the supernatural realm, and belief in their rituals is what boosted the exploits of the groups they were organizing.

The third stage in political evolution depended on the skill in which the ritual and political powers were combined to keep the state united. In South Pare this was more easily achieved because the societies remained small units. Luckily, too, the rulers’ ritual functions, such as rain-making and prevention of diseases, were those which attracted the attention of the members of the whole community, regardless of their clan membership. In Ugweno,

. however, the geographical situation (combined with early start) facilitated a concentration of population at the time the rituals of South Pare were yet to be invented. As the population increased, the simple state organization around the smith’s shop was becom-

ing inadequate. The upheaval which took place in the Ugweno society about sixteen generations ago,* therefore, was a response

to the need for a better organization in the affairs of a more complex society. But the possibility of the Wasuya (who ousted

the Washana) achieving this aim, depended on their ability to combine the ritual leadership which had to come from their own clan organization with political leadership built on the Washana * See Chapter 4.

8 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE organization. The former had to be accomplished if the various groups which had depended on the iron smiths were to be kept together. Here an instrument often used in African states was employed, i.c. a myth of origin for all the people who lived in Ugweno in that period. By making all the people belong to a single group that shared the same migration story, suffered the same difficulties, and above all, were safely conducted across Lake

Jipe by supernatural powers—the occasion they should commemorate by sacrificing on the lake shores—the leaders of Ugweno were creating powerful emotional ties among their people. It is interesting to note that the Wasuya continued to emphasize this oneness in the Ugweno state by deifying, from time to time, certain

individuals who could be a centre of religious worship for the whole population of the region. We can say that this was a success-

ful means of employing the ritual aspect of kingship, and here the method used differed from that of the ritual experts of South Pare. Yet the main need was that of political reform which could produce a more efficient organization in an expanding state. Political improvement was achieved not by destroying what existed

but by expanding the system already in use, i.e. by multiplying political offices responsible to the ruler at the centre. Thus, the political and religious aspects of kingship were able to produce a

state capable of absorbing other societies without losing its centralized form.

If a myth of origin could be used as a political charter, the Wasuya also needed some other means of control to maintain the ideals of the charter itself. In the trading states of Africa* great power accrued to the rulers who controlled the wealth of their country. Although the Pare had no external trade of that kind, the ritual rulers of South Pare did have a wide opportunity of controlling the wealth of their own people through the tribute system known as mbiru,} and this was a useful weapon for keeping themselves in power by maintaining their followers from their guaranteed sources of beer, food crops and livestock. In Ugweno, where no such stress was put on ritual abilities, power had to be maintained by some system of coercion devised from the existing initiation system. By controlling all the functions of initiation in all camps’ (even those belonging to other clans) the Wasuya were * Especially the empires of the western Sudan. + See Chapter 6.

Political evolution 9 able, not only to spread their own ideas, but also to eliminate their rivals under the guise that they were swallowed by the forest camp.

It was this powerful initiation institution which enabled the Ugweno state to advance on into the fourth stage: the stage of expansion beyond the original nuclear state. It must be stated that in many cases when people talk about the origin of states, they have this stage in mind. Thus, when talking about the Shambala state, people always begin with Mbega and forget about the pre-Mbega Shambala state. Similar examples may be found in other areas. In the Savanna region of central Africa, for example,

Professor Vansina noted that “among all the populations in the area a concept of chieftainship or kingship existed” before the establishment of the major state system.’* In Ugweno expansion was accomplished mainly by spreading the controlled initiation institution to the whole North Pare plateau. Administrative flexi-

bility also enabled this system to function since the southern districts were allowed some amount of autonomy which enabled them to defend the Ugweno initiation institution against outsiders while they themselves remained under control from the central initiation council.

All this was important in expanding and maintaining the Ugweno state itself. Yet it does not mean that the same kind of system could have united South Pare into one political entity as it had done in North Pare. Here again the geographical factor has to be recalled. It was possible to bring the single flat plateau of North Pare under one political system without even a standing

army. But in South Pare it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to hold a tight control even over a single unit of broken plateaux and ridges as that of Gonja. The rulers of South Pare, therefore, concentrated on these small units, and expansion beyond one unit consisted of the multiplication of the units. Even then a process of centralization, similar to that of Ugweno, was attempted in each of these small states of South Pare—mainly by using the members of the ruling lineage. Innovation was still progressing in South Pare when the whole region was plunged into an era of economic rivalry in the second half of the nineteenth century. Had this not taken place, it would have been interesting to note what new ideas might have been adopted to overcome

10 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE the geographical obstacle. The kimalisa system of diplomacy* was

one step. Possibly the next step would have to be a military organization similar to that which was later built by Mashombo in the 1860s, but for economic rather than political reasons. Pare chieftainship does illustrate how local environment and the

nature of society can affect the political system itself. What is more significant, however, is that the resulting political system (as described in the fourth, fifth and sixth chapters) does resemble the other small states found in Tanzania and classified by Professor

Oliver as “Ntemi chieftainship’.** Following the diffusionist theory, Professor Oliver concluded that this resemblance may be explained by southward movement of Ntemi chieftainship from the Interlacustrine region through Western Tanzania to Lake Nyasa and thence north-eastwards to Kilimanjaro.** Again, this is an over-simplification which is not supported by the Pare study.

In fact, none of the Pare ruling lineages trace origin in a line connected with this proposed movement of Ntemi chieftainship. It

must be noted that, although a number of Pare clans claim to have come from the Nguu Mountains, none of them became rulers.

The rulers of Upare point to the Taita Hills for their origin just as do most of their countrymen. Thus, we can say that the position of leadership in Pare society was something which evolved as the

peopling of the country progressed. The problem of explaining resemblances in these political units, either at regional or continental level, has to be sought in the needs for creating a centralized

political system among agricultural peoples, and the differences

in the scale of organization has to be understood in terms of adjustment both to local environment and to special external factors. * See Chapter 6. 7 See Chapter 9.

References 1. k. Qliver and J. D. Fage, A Short History of Africa (Penguin, 1962), 2. C. G. Seligman, Races of Africa, 3rd ed. (London, 1957), 85.

3. G. P. Murdock, Africa: Its Peoples and Their Culture History (New York 1959), 36.

4. Ibid., 37. 5. Ibid., 39. 6. Ae Wescott, “Ancient Egypt and Modern Africa”, JAH, Ui, 2 (1961),

Political evolution lI 7. Oliver and Fage, op. cit., 46. 8. Jan Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna (University of Wisconsin, 1966).

9. Ibid., 35. 10. Ibid., 36.

11. A significant parallel to this can be seen in Professor B. A. Ogot’s description of Padhola shrines (kuni) in his History of the Southern

Luo, | (EAPH, Nairobi, 1967), 85-93. 12. Lucy Mair, Primitive Government (Penguin, 1962), 108. 13. Abdallah bin Hemedi 1Ajjemy, Habari za Wakilindi (Nairobi, 1962), 20. 14. Ibid., 31-44. 15. Vansina, op. cit., 30. 16. R. Oliver, “Discernible Developments in the Interior, c. 1500-1840”,

in R. Oliver and G. Mathew (eds.), History of East Africa (Oxford, 1963), I, 191-192.

17. Ibid. 197.

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2,

THE PARE ENVIRONMENT

In the foregoing generalizations it will be noticed that environmental factors had a significant influence on historical developments in Upare. Physical variations within the country meant not only that there were varying lines of political development,

but also that these lines differed from those of neighbouring groups of people. Because the Pare country lacked a compact structure, its political development was less homogeneous than that of its southern neighbour, the Sambaa. Because of the low altitude of the Pare Hills, neither rainfall nor water supply could support communities of similar stability as those on the ridges

of Kilimanjaro. Yet, even in its marginal regions, the Pare environment was sufficiently rich to encourage development of political institutions which were more centralized than those of either the eastern neighbours, the Taita (from whom most of the

Pare had come), or the western neighbours, the Masai of the Pangani plains and the Masai Steppe. For these reasons, a survey of the Pare environment will prove helpful in understanding the historical discussion which will follow. The name “Pare” is now applied to the range of mountains found

in the northern highlands of Tanzania between the Usambara Mountains and Kilimanjaro. It is also the name of both the land occupied by these ranges and the people inhabiting it. The Pare themselves give two sources of the name. Some, especially the northerners, believe that the name originated from Chagga wars, being the word used by the Chagga in issuing a command to strike,

i.e. “Mpare!” However, this explanation is more likely to be a rationalization of a later situation in Pare-Chagga relationship— the utani relationship discussed in chapter eight. More commonly held is the opinion that “Pare” originated from the name of the southern peaks of the Pare range collectively known as

14 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE ‘““Mpare”. These peaks are so conspicuous from Usambara that foreigners coming from the south are apt to acquaint themselves

with the name. Thus, by associating the mountains with the inhabitants, the people living on these mountains were soon to be known in Usambara and the coastal area as “Wampare”’. It is possible to go beyond this popular opinion in seeking the origin of the name, for we find on the “Mpare” mountains a group of people called “Wampare’’. We also know from their traditions? that the Wampare were the first group of the modern population to settle on these mountains. Therefore, the mountains may have

received their names from the group, and the whole country came to inherit the name. Most of the Pare believe that the name “Pare” was actually given to the country and the people by the Europeans who first saw the “Mpare” Mountains. This belief would then seem to be consistent with the idea of foreign origin of the name. Yet by reading J. L. Krapf? one discovers that the name was already well known on the coast when Krapf visited Usambara in 1848.

It is more likely, therefore, that the Pare were known by this name to their southern neighbours much earlier in their history. Before the name “Pare” was used, the country and the people were known as “Asu’’. It has been suggested that the name may have originated from the clan names, the Wasuya or the Wasi.° In the case of the Wasuya, a connection with the Wazuri Order of the Taita society has been claimed.* But since this order has supplied most of the political leadership in Taita,® this claimed

connection may be viewed as an attempt by the ruling clan of Ugweno—the Wasuya—to justify its power by identifying - itself

with the most influential group in the country of its origin. No connection with the Wasi group, i.e. the hunting and gathering population of Upare, can be proved. In fact, if the name came from this group the connection would no longer be remembered since the remnant of Wasi living on the Pare Mountains today

forms one of the most despised clans of the country. | Whatever may be its origin, the word vasu or vuasu is now used by the Pare when referring to their highland country. Thus an Mpare living on the plains, e.g. Same, Kisiwani, Ndungu, Kihurio,

etc.. may proudly say, “I am going to Vuasu’, meaning that he is going to his upland home. This idea is consistent with Pare thought which values their hilltops more than the plains. In fact,

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| Map 2 PARE MOUNTAINS |

16 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE the Pare reserved the plains only for misfits in their society. The reasons for this will be obvious in the discussion of Pare environment which follows. To a visitor, the whole structure of the Pare Mountains presents

a perplexing spectacle. On the western side the mountains rise so abruptly from a base of about 2,000 feet above sea level® that the resulting rocky structures give no sign of human habitation on the mountains. To reach Pare villages, one has to pass through winding roads cleverly made on the steep sides to the top of the

range. On the eastern side the picture changes. The slopes are more gradual and unlike the western side where people live on the plateau, here one observes Pare villages scattered along the slopes. In this way, the narrow plateaux on the top of the mountains form the western chiefdoms while the eastern slopes form the eastern chiefdoms.

The Pare range of mountains is interrupted by valleys in the middle, thus forming three distinct divisions: the South Pare, Middle Pare and North Pare divisions. South Pare is the longest and it contains the highest point of the whole range, the Shengena Mountain, which rises to 8,080 feet above sea level.” Shengena 1s situated in the middle of the southern plateau, while the southern peaks form the “Mpare” mountains. In Middle Pare one comes to one of the driest areas of the Pare District. Here the range is composed of broken hills with Vumari

and Kizungo as their outstanding points. Because of their low altitude, the hills are able neither to attract enough rain nor to act as wind barrier. Water remains the most acute problem of this area, and for this reason it has remained thinly populated throughout Pare history. Through the Kiverenge saddle, the Middle Pare division passes in an abrupt ascent to the North Pare section of the range.

The North Pare division forms the most beautiful plateau of the structure. Although it is just as steep in its western side, the whole feature is well-balanced by a rim of peaks, some of them being Kindoroko and Kamwala in the south, and Ngofi and Kifaru

in the north. In the north the range makes a steep descent to the Kilimanjaro lowlands, while the table-like plateau of the structure falls gradually eastwards to the Lake Jipe basin.

The whole Pare range is drained by two systems, the Ruvu (Pangani) and the Mkomazi. The Ruvu rises from Lake Jipe and

The Pare environment 17 after flowing west through the plain leading to the Kilimanjaro lowlands, it follows the whole length of the western plains of the Pare District. Since the western slopes of the mountains are so steep, the river is mostly fed by water from the Kilimanjaro area. Its flow through these waterless plains gives a good prospect for future development in this area. Most of the water on the plateaux tends to flow into the eastern slopes. Unfortunately, no drainage

system similar to the Ruvu exists. From Lake Jipe southwards one meets a series of swamps until one reaches the southern part where the Mkomazi River collects most of the water from the southern slopes to the Pangani River. In considering the Pare environment it is possible to distinguish

three different regions.’ First, there are the arid plains on both sides of the range, including parts of Middle Pare. Most of the land is either flat or consists of gently undulating surfaces with altitude between 2,000 and 3,000 feet above sea level. This area is susceptible to annual flooding during the rainy season due to run-off water from the mountains. Because of its high degree of evaporation and low rainfall, the region tends to have saline soil. In fact, the soil of the south-eastern part (Kihurio) is so saline that

salt has been manufactured from it by the inhabitants since the end of the nineteenth century.* In most cases the rainfall of this area can support only a scanty vegetation; consequently it has desert or semi-desert conditions.

The average annual rainfall is between ten and twenty inches. While this area could be suitable for grazing, it suffers from a shortage of water since only the Ruvu and the Mkomazi rivers can supply water. This will partly explain why the Pare traditionally avoided the plains. Also, because of its swampy conditions t

the region is infested with mosquitoes making malaria one of its most serious problems. Now this shortage of water is being reduced by providing water from bore-holes, and the “Nyumba ya Mungu”’

Dam project will make the Ruvu water benefit larger areas than * The writer visited the factory on 15 March 1966. Its importance has decreased because the manufacturers are unable to produce enough salt to compete with imported supplies. + The appearance of swamps in arid areas is caused by the rise of under-

ground water in areas between drainage lines, especially if the areas receive a lot of run-off water from the neighbouring hill. See F. M. Coster, Underground Water in Tanganyika (Government Printer, Dar es Salaam, 1960), 18.

18 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE it has done in the past. The swampy areas of this region are proving to be good rice-producing sections of the district. The second region is that of foothills and escarpments rising rapidly from about 3,000 to 4,000 feet above sea level. The soil here is quite fertile and non-saline. Where rainfall is adequate, the

foothill zone forms the most productive area of the district. The main problem is that these foothills lie in the steep (western)

side of the range where rainfall is low because they are in the rainshadow of the high plateaux. In certain parts of the foothills, the rainfall, which averages twenty to thirty inches, can support deciduous woodlands. Luckily these areas, with the exception of Middle Pare, can adequately be irrigated by water from the plateaux, and it is therefore here that Pare irrigation skills are most noticeable.* It is not surprising that about two-fifths of the Pare live in this area. The area is also cultivated by many of those who dwell on the plateaux.

The third region is that of broken plateaux on the top of the range. Most of these plateaux are between 4,000 and 6,000 feet above sea level. Where they exceed this altitude—and some rise up to 8,000 feet—they are forested. In this region, one finds the “laterized red earth”,® which has been heavily leached due to its heavy rainfall averaging well above thirty inches per annum. In North Pare it reaches forty to fifty inches. The southern plateaux

receive less rain because some of the moisture-laden winds lose some of their moisture to the northern end of the Usambara range

before they reach this part of the Pare Mountains-—i.e. the southern plateaux are to some extent in a rainshadow. Apparently most of this region was covered by evergreen closed

forests, prior to the coming of the Pare. The forests would be similar to those observed in areas of the same altitude and rainfall in western Usambara. Remnants of such forests can still be seen on the Pare plateaux, a good example being the Shengena Forest Reserve in Chome. Water supplies are also more than adequate

in this area, and irrigation is practised only in the drier valleys on the plateaux. Over half of the Pare population is to be found in this plateau

region. This means that population and livestock pressures are much greater than in the other two regions. Consequently the * Those of Lembeni and Kisangara are the best examples. The religious rituals of these areas are closely connected with the irrigation channels.

The Pare environment 19 cutting down of most of the original forest, uncontrolled hilltop grazing and over-cropping have all combined in producing what H. Mason has termed a “situation too familiar in Africa—[1.e.] more and more people trying to get a living out of soil which is more and more eroded and less and less fertile every year’’.*° In the early 1950s the Community Development drive in the Pare

District had as one of its aims the reclamation of the eroded areas. In this, the efforts were by no means wasted since the lands which had once become barren are now covered by trees planted during this period.

The Pare District, as we know it today, covers an area of 3,048 square miles.1: It had existed as a separate district only since 1 April 1928.1? Before this time, the German Administration

had divided the district into two parts: North Pare, including Middle Pare, was administered with Moshi District, while South

Pare was a part of the Usambara District administered from Wilhelmstal (Lushoto). This act of joining the two Pares into one district was in accordance with the Native Authority Ordinance of 1926,1° which was the basis of Governor Sir Donald Cameron’s

“Indirect Rule” policy. In pursuing it, the British Government had already re-established in 1926 (by means of consolidation) nine chiefdoms on the Pare Mountains. This was because the German Administration, having been established at a period when

the Pare system of government was undergoing fragmentation, and the Administration itself having misunderstood the system, helped to create numerous small chiefdoms. In fact, by 1925 South Pare had no fewer than twenty-two chiefdoms while North Pare

had nine chiefdoms, after several small ones had disappeared during the German period, or were too small to be recognized by the British Administration. The nine chiefdoms created in 1926 were Ugweno, Usangi and Same* in North Pare; Mamba, Gonja, Hedaru, Suji, Chome and

Mbaga in South Pare. Ugweno and Usangi are situated on the North Pare plateau, Ugweno being on the northern end of it. As we shall see later, both chiefdoms have played a vital part in Pare history—Ugweno formed the oldest inroad into the Pare Mountains, while Usangi was the link between North and South Pares. The chiefdom of Usangi was formed by uniting several * Same includes the whole area of the Middle Pare Mountains.

20 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE small chiefdoms on the southern slopes and plateau of North Pare, all of which had once formed the outlying districts of the Ugweno kingdom. Ugweno still has a language of its own resemb-

ling the Chagga language, but through centuries of association with the southern part, Ugweno has become bilingual since many of her inhabitants can speak Kipare as well as Kigweno. Same combines several inhabited areas of Middle Pare: Kizungo, Vumari, Kiverenge and the Same town itself. As we have already seen, this area has been less attractive to the Pare than the other parts of the country because of its dry environment. Migrations to this area have been of a more recent period and even now, some areas are still uninhabited. It is one of the parts of the country in

which water development schemes may make new settlements possible. The Same chiefdom was formed by amalgamating several small chiefdoms that had been established on the hills.

In South Pare, Mamba, Gonja and Hedaru are situated on the southern end, Mamba and Gonja facing the south-eastern side while Hedaru faces the south-western side. The history of these chiefdoms is interesting because it reveals not only the trend of population movements in South Pare, but also the relationship

between the Pare and their southern neighbours, the Sambaa. } North of these chiefdoms lie Suji and Chome on the western side, with Mount Shengena as their pride, and Mbaga on the eastern side. While Suji is closely connected with her three southern

neighbours, Chome stands apart in her traditions mainly because the Shengena structure has been able to keep her isolated. Her isolation, however, has never been complete, and in later periods of Pare history she was just as much affected by those happenings

that affected her southern and eastern neighbours. | Mbaga has probably been the most expansive of the South Pare chiefdoms in their past two centuries. Being situated near the northern end of the South Pare division, it has been the channel through which population movements into Middle Pare and North Pare could pass. It also has had a wide margin in its immediate neighbourhood into which it could expand. Consequently, Mbaga was able to unite the whole northern slope of the

block up to Mwembe. Only the island-like country of Vudee (until the British period at least) escaped Mbaga domination, mainly because it was well protected by a rim of hills while it

The Pare environment 21 was able to evolve its own unique system which could defend the area without giving rise to a chiefdom system.*

From this brief survey of the political divisions of the Pare country, it is obvious that the reorganization brought by the “Indirect Rule” policy came close to restoring the traditional divisions of the Pare country. Their boundaries were based on geographical features, ic. each broken plateau, ridge or slope forming a unit by itself. With this picture in mind, it will be possible to see why the history of the country chose the course it took. There is another feature of the Pare country today that reminds us of the past experience of its inhabitants—communications. A visitor to the Pare Mountains is impressed by the skill as well as

effort put into the making of the winding roads reaching every plateau and every slope on the mountains. He is also impressed by the fact that some of the road making activities began as early

as the 1920s,+ long before their present usefulness could have been appreciated. Yet, it is easy to forget that roads were by no means a new pattern in the Pare system of communications. Indeed,

all parts of the Pare range were joined together by a system of roads,{ which, though much narrower than the present ones, served

the same purpose. On the steep hills these roads were just as cleverly planned, to facilitate descent to the foothills and the plains as well as ascent to the plateaux.

The most important function of these roads was to take the people to the centres of exchange, i.e. markets. Although each chiefdom had its own, visits to these markets defied all chiefdom boundaries. As a result, one of the admirable qualities of a Pare ruler was his ability to protect trade in his own country.

People went to the markets in order to exchange their own surpluses of food or home crafts for their shortages. Later on, markets sprang up on the plains, the area not then inhabited by the Pare. This required that a system of roads radiated from the mountains to the plains. Undoubtedly, some of these roads had long been used by the Pare when travelling to their farms in the *See Chapter 9. * The Usangi-Ugweno-Mwanga road began as early as 1921, although it

was not open to traffic until 1936. Most other roads on the mountains

belong to the 1950s. t The word “roads” as used in this coniext implies that they were deliberately made and were therefore not similar to footpaths.

22 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE foothills, and there may have been a few markets on the plains in which goods were exchanged with people who lived in the vicinity, especially the Masai from the plains across the Ruvu. The Wa-

shana of Makanya particularly give accounts of their peaceful dealings with the Masai.* In this case, the Masai brought livestock

to exchange for iron weapons made by the Washana (smiths). Similar trade relations are also found on the western plains of North Pare. If iron was important in the external exchange of the Pare people, it was also important in their internal trade. The Washana

smelted the ironft and took it to the markets to be exchanged for other goods. Consequently, most of the markets on the Pare Mountains have stones on which the pig iron was cut into pieces to be sold to other people.t Although the Pare believe that these iron pieces were their currency, it is difficult to assess the extent to which they were accepted in the markets. In fact, finished iron

articles (especially hoes) seem to have been exchanged in the same way, and were even frequently used in the payment of bridewealth when cattle were scarce. Furthermore, when coastal cara-

vans began to arrive in the area, they did not have to use the iron pieces in trading with the Wapare. Probably the use of iron as a medium of exchange only depended upon the needs of the parties concerned and would not exclude the exchange of other goods on barter basis. In this case, iron was simply a prime barter item.

The new markets we mentioned above sprang up when the Swahili and Arab traders started penetrating into the hitherland. We know that by 1861, caravans into the Pare area were frequent;

they went as far as Ugweno.1* Von der Decken" tells us that “elephant hunting’ was the most important attraction at this time.

Therefore, only in Ugweno, where ivory supply was as readily available as in Kilimanjaro, did the Swahili traders establish a permanent base.

These Swahili caravans to Ugweno and Kilimanjaro had to pass through the Pare plains. Since they had to travel more than * Traditions 191-193. Both the Washana of Wagamo and Wankweni show a wide range of this kind of co-operation, although clashes are also mentioned.

{In North Pare, smelting was done by the Wafinanga who may be a

section of the Washana clan. t The Mruma market in Ugweno is the best example.

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The foundation of the southern state system 6/7 until they came to the extreme southern side of the plateaux. Yet Wabwambo traditions also imply that their group may have been attracted to an area that already had a thin layer of population from the south, referred to as the “Nguu Wabwambo”’, and who, unlike the “Wagalla”, were not regarded as enemies. This

would explain why the “Nguu Wabwambo” played such an important ritual role in the Wabwambo state—e.g. they gave the ruling lineage a bull to be exchanged for a cow. This animal was then to be used as a state sacrificial bull. The nature of the Wabwambo society also supports this hypothesis. Not only were they rulers in a large section of South Pare, but also they have remained the only clan in some areas. In the chiefdom of Suji for example, the Wabwambo have formed the bulk of the population throughout its history.

What requires explanation is the fact that the Wabwambo would choose to co-operate with one group while regarding another

group as enemies. Again the traditions are quite clear in this matter. The interaction between these groups is what defined the relationship between them. The “Nguu Wabwambo” represent

in the Wabwambo society a good example of acceptance and absorption of a minority by a majority. The “Wagalla” stories, on the other hand, represent a case of hostile relationship. It is significant that throughout South Pare the so-called Wagalila were

regarded as enemies, as people to be driven out of the country by the co-operative efforts of all the communities of the area. We shall return to this problem again in the sixth chapter. We have already seen that Naroa led the group of Wabwambo

from Ugweno with his three sons. At first Masewa and his brothers* settled in Kiruka near Gonja, but later they moved south-west to the wider plateau of Mamba. From the centre known

as Vushanje, named after Masewa’s son, the group began to be welded together. The Wabwambo credit Masewa and his son Vushanje with the efforts of unifying the group. There are two things said to have been brought by the group from Ugweno, and then used to build up the Wabwambo society. These were agricultural plants and the mshitu rite. The agricultural plants mentioned

are bananas, pumpkins, kwasha,t coco-yam and some seeds of * Kijevu and Ngana—see Chapter 3. +A legume also called fiwi or kunde; in the Standard Swahili-English Dictionary it is translated as “Lima beans”.

68 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE finger millet called vyembe or vulwe. All these plants have occupied

an important ceremonial position in the Wabwambo society, as well as in most other societies in South Pare. In all rituals a food called kishumba, made by mixing bananas, kwasha and sometimes

pumpkins, had to be eaten. Coco-yams were also cooked as a ritual food. The most interesting of these foods is finger millet. It was ground into flour and then used to make porridge which was to be eaten at the beginning of any ritual. Unlike the situation

in Chagga society where finger millet has remained of great economic value for making banana beer, in the Pare country it retained its importance only in rituals; and as rituals have become less significant in recent times, the cereal has almost disappeared from the Pare economy. The coming of maize must have been the main factor in its disappearance, since maize could be grown and prepared more easily and with less labour. The introduction of “ordinary beans”,.too, has done the same for kwasha, although the latter is still cultivated in certain areas of Upare.

We do not know the time these new crops were introduced into the Pare area. What we know is that by the middle of the nineteenth century, the number of crops grown in the area had increased greatly. Von der Decken, coming in contact with the Pare on the eastern plains of South Pare (probably in Gonja) in his first journey of 1895-61, was surprised by the variety of things

that the Pare could offer for sale.2 According to his list, there were supplies of chickens, goats, beans and peas, large bunches of bananas, “Turkish corn”, sweet potatoes, yams, cassava, pumpkins, “a kind of groundnuts’, sugar-cane and well-woven baskets. Also tobacco, salt, butter and banana flour were exchaned. This description shows that the economy had expanded greatly. Maize, beans and cassava had already been introduced and some of the original crops, especially millet, were becoming less popular. The nut mentioned here is not a groundnut but a nut from a creeping vine known as kweme. This was formerly an important source of oil in the Pare diet and its significance was emphasized by using it in the religious rituals of Mrungu wa Gu to be discussed later. The salt referred to here is the cooking soda (mmbala), commonly

used in the Pare area and Kilimanjaro and obtained in large quantities from the lowlands of Kahe and Kileo (Ugweno). If the agricultural plants carried to South Pare by the Wabwambo

shed light on the early economy of Upare, their ngasu ya mshitu

The founding of the southern state system 69 (initiation rite) shows yet another important connection between North Pare and South Pare. As we have seen in the third chapter, the Wabwambo brought from North Pare the commoners’ initia-

tion or friction drum which was to become common all over South Pare. This initiation instrument is the only link we can ascertain between the two areas. For the rest of the initiation ceremony, we have to assume that the details of the rites may have

accumulated over a period of time in South Pare as a whole. But if we accept the Wabwambo society as the earliest community

in South Pare, then we can conclude that the main outlines of the ceremony reflected what had been established in North Pare before the reforms initiated by Mangi Mranga.

The main outlines of this rite would fall into two parts. First there was a short ceremony in the initiation forest lasting only for one day. In this ceremony the friction instrument was used to frighten the initiates and make them more receptive to the period of instruction conducted by each small community near its residential area. The introductory rite was known as mshitu while the instructions were known as kutundiwa. In most cases, the latter part of the rite lasted for four days. It is therefore clear that in contrast with Ugweno mshitu, which went on for six months or more, the initiation rites in the Bwambo

country and in South Pare as a whole were much shorter,’ and so the amount of training given to the initiates was not as extensive. This also applied to women’s initiation rites, although in South Pare women underwent a long period of confinement before

completing the initiation itself. In South Pare, female initiation was known as mperi or kueka.

The main difference between initiations in North Pare and South Pare, however, centred not on the rituals themselves but on the use to which the institution could be put in the society. In Ugweno this became a political institution in the hands of the

centralized political authority. In South Pare mshitu could not long have remained a suitable instrument of centralization. For one thing, mshitu in South Pare was and remained an open institution—open to all initiates, not only of Upare but also of Usambara. Whereas in Ugweno nobody who did not belong to the

Ugweno political system could be allowed to enter the mshitu rites, in South Pare anybody who respected the rituals could be allowed to do so. This kind of institution could not therefore

70 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE have been a lasting uniting force for the Wabwambo. The rituals were important when they were held in a Wabwambo forest, but no secrets could be kept away from the other clans who did not belong to the Wabwambo polity. Consequently for the period of six generations, 1.c., from about sixteen generations to ten generations ago, the mshitu was enough to keep the Wabwambo together,

but after this period new methods had to be evolved. By this time, too, the Wabwambo had spread over such a large area that they had to have several initiation forests. As the initial

forest at Kambeni proved to be too small for the expanding communities of South Pare, new ones were started. Eventually Wabwambo initiation forests were to be found in Mreri, Kimala, Vughwama, Idaru, Gonjanza, Mjimbi, Mambuji, Ibugha, Makasa, Mabombeni (in Suji) and Mkoyo (in Tae). Each of these forests was controlled by a lineage of the Wabwambo clan. Normally

initiation was held in these forests in turn, not only to ensure that each section of the Wabwambo country got a share of the ceremonies, but also to enable each lineage to play its part in the religious rituals which formed the central part of the initiation

ceremonies. In fact, in most of the Pare initiations, it was the religious requirement rather than accumulation of young people of initiation age that determined when initiation should be held. This meant that initiation would be called for by the lineage elder

if divination showed that this was necessary for the well-being

of that lineage. But then in order to ensure that there were enough initiates, the news was spread as far as Usambara and enough time was allowed for participants to arrive. This was the kind of institution which was to be adopted by all other clans in South Pare. It did give a cultural unity to the whole area and also it distantly related the southern part of the country with the northern area. Unlike North Pare, however, initiation rites in South Pare never brought political unity.

It is interesting to note that the mshitu institution also found its way into Usambara through migration of people from the Pare Mountains. E. V. Winans* describes the initiation rites of the Wanango clan of Usambara who, unlike many other clans in the area, have preserved their mshitu rite side by side with the Kilindi initiation rite known as gao. According to Winans, the tradition of the Wanango indicates that the clan moved from the Pare Mountains and settled in Usambara before the arrival of the

The founding of the southern state system 7| Kilindi (ruling) clan. The Wanango emphasize the importance of their mshitu by telling their members to make a choice; once a boy attends gao, he is excluded from participation in mshitu. At the same time he is made to understand that he is Mnango “first and foremost if he attends the Wanango ceremony”. On

the other hand, if his choice goes to the Kilindi side, he is a Sambaa and his membership in the Wanango clan becomes secondary. At any rate, if Kilindi rites came to dominate Wasambaa society as completely as pictured by Winans, it is impos-

sible to know how widespread the mshitu rites had been in Usambara in the pre-Kilindi period. About ten generations ago the political centre at Kiranga in

Mamba began to branch off into two sections; Mkela’s line maintained political power while Mmbate’s line controlled the . rituals of the Wabwambo society.* Besides being rainmakers, the ritual aspect of the Wammbate included innovation into new methods of bringing unity to the Wabwambo community. This was especially necessary because by that time the mshitu institution was becoming an extra-territorial organization that involved

many newcomers who were outside the Wabwambo polity, Mmbate’s son Mabeku is said to have established a new shrine, itasio,® at a place called Malumbi. The itasio consisted of a sacred

grove where Mabeku is said to have kept a big python or itara which henceforward was to become the sacred symbol of the Wabwambo.{ This shrine came to be known as Zimbwe, meaning

“a big thing’, and in it grew a creeping shrub known as ore which also became a sacred shrub for the Wabwambo. The importance of this shrine lay in the fact that all Wabwambo

had to come there for rituals. By then the Wabwambo had spread, not only across the southern plateau from east to west, but

also some members had moved into Usambara.t In bringing together all the Wabwambo for religious worship, the Zimbwe shrine emphasized the unity of this group. Animals sacrificed at the shrine had to be consumed at the spot by the group as a whole * Both Mkela and Mmbate were the grandsons of Shengena who had two sons: Mangasheni, the father of Mkela, and Hondo, the father of Mmbate. j It is unlikely that the ritual significance of itara in the Wabwambo society started suddenly. What this story means is that Mabeku designed a new method of using it.

{The Wabwambo who went to Usambara are said to have been the

descendants of Ngana, one of the three leaders of the Wabwambo from Ugweno. Tradition 169.

72 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE —no meat could be carried home. Moreover, no Mbwambo could return to the place until the next annual gathering. Such a religious institution could have a tremendous political significance if it were

placed under the control of a ruler. But as it happened in the Bwambo country, the shrine retained only its religious importance

and soon Wabwambo lineages learned to duplicate the itasio simply by getting some ore from the main shrine and planting it at a new place. In this way, each lineage was able to establish its own itasio, and this no longer provided the means of getting all Wabwambe together. We have already seen how the mshitu institution spread in the whole of South Pare. The itasio did not have such a wide attraction, mainly because there was already another shrine, limited to lineages and dedicated to the ancestors. This was called mpungi. For most of the less segmented groups of new arrivals, the sacred grove of the ancestor (mpungi) was satisfactory. In some cases, however, the idea of union around a totem did spread widely, a

good example being the use of the baobab tree, mramba, as a symbol of unity by several clans. The best imitation of the Wabwambo example is to be found among the various lineages of Wagonja: the Wasolo, Wakanza, Wambuji and Wamiombo who used a grass grove, ngaghe, with a pool of water in it as the shrine uniting them.®

In the case of the Wabwambo, the problem involved in design-

ing a ritual which could unite the whole group centred on the fact that, as a state, Bwambo had to deal with territorial boundaries, while the Wabwambo as a clan could not be limited to this defined territory. In their early history, when they were the only inhabitants in the region, the Wabwambo could combine the two aspects of their society successfully. But later they were no longer confined to South Pare. As we have seen, their members were to be found as far south as Usambara. For the Wabwambo state, therefore, a system that operated on a territorial basis was

required. This system would have to include not only the Wabwambo themselves but also the other clans who had migrated into the area. When we consider the Wabwambo political system, we have to be aware that we are actually discussing the whole political system in South Pare, for it was this early political organization which was to be adopted by those states carved out of the Wa-

The founding of the southern state system 73 bwambo state as well as those which resulted from the expansion of the system. The system itself resembled very much the Washana

state of Ugweno before the political revolution brought by Mranga.* At the top there was a chief who was known as mfumwa.t In the Wabwambo state, the mfumwa came from the ruling lineage connected with Masewa Naroa. During the early

stages of Wabwambo history, the mfumwa was not quite the same as the mangi of Ugweno, for whereas the mangi was from

the ruling clan recognized by other clans, the mfumwa of the Wabwambo society was a ruler of a community considering itself as a clan. Strictly speaking, he could be called a clan elder. Yet the large territory involved in the Wabwambo country meant that the mfumwa was a territorial ruler. As such, he held divine powers which placed him above all the members of his community.

He was ceremonially enstooled after being selected from the sons of the previous ruler. In matters of defence, he was the commander-in-chief of the fighting age group of his people and

above all his court, kitala, was the highest court of the country.

We also know from evidence coming from the Pare religion that the mfumwa himself had other people under him. Directly below him there was a mlao whose functions were much the same

as those of the mnjama of Ugweno. He was an intermediary between the mfumwa and the people. The mlao chaired the court proceedings, after which the mfumwa was called in to approve

or reject the judgment. In other matters of state, however, the mfumwa was advised by a council of elders known as Wagosi wa Njama, i.e. trusted elders. These elders were sent from the various districts of the country, usually representing the different lineages of the Wabwambo “clan”. A smaller group of this council consti-

tuted a court to listen to complaints and decide cases. When meeting in this capacity, it was known as Wagosi wa Kitala. There is no clear evidence as to when this political structure did emerge. In most of South Pare there was a religious expression of this kind of political structure. It consisted of a representative * See Chapter 4. + Literally, mfumwa means a person who gives, i.e., a person who provides for the needs of others. The ufumwa system as re-established in the British

period is described by J. B. Bates in “Democracy among the Pare”, Corona,

Il (February 1950), 53-56.

74 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE god kept upstairs* in the house of the ritual leader of the clan or lineage. For this reason, he was known as Mrungu wa Gu, ic. the god who lives upstairs.’ This god existed in two parts, a mfumwa and a mlao. The mfumwa consisted of two figurines, one male and another female, made by sewing together several ingredients which symbolized the various aspects of the community. The mlao (often called mfuko) was only a container in which

various food articles were put. Both the mfumwa and the mlao were kept in a pot and stored upstairs. When any member of the clan was in trouble he came to the clan elder in whose house this clan god was kept. Prayers were said to this god under the middle post of the hut. Nobody was supposed to see the mfumwa

until he reached a certain age and was initiated into the age of elders. During sacrifices to Mrungu wa Gu, however, the mlao could be brought down and the members of the family could take

kweme (the oil nuts) from the container and drop in new ones. By doing this, they obtained blessing from the mfumwa, not directly, but indirectly through his spokesman, the milao. The invention of this kind of religious idea seems to have been prompted by the need for a means of uniting groups moving into

a new area. It was the same kind of attempt as the itasio in the Wabwambo society. Unlike the itasio, however, Mrungu wa Gu

came to be adopted by nearly all clans in South Pare. In the case of the Wabwambo, Mrungu wa Gu seems to have been used at the time when it was possible to use only one such god for the whole Wabwambo community. This may therefore have been in

use before the invention of the itasio. It was the problem of expansion that led to the division of the original Mrungu wa Gu by taking small portions from him, mixing them with new material to make a new Mrungu wa Gu for each lineage. It was probably the failure of maintaining one Mrungu wa Gu to be consulted by every member of the Wabwambo society that led to the creation of the Zimbwe shrine. —

The importance of this religious expression to the political system is that it shows us beyond doubt that, although the Wabwambo considered themselves as one clan, the political system

which later on spread into the rest of South Pare was well in existence before the coming of other clans into the area. In fact, * Pare traditional huts did have a storage space made as a separate floor near the roof by a layer of poles and sticks.

The founding of the southern state system 75 this also adds strength to the hypothesis that the Wabwambo were

a society formed by bringing together the group which moved from Ugweno and the immigrants who had moved into the area from the south. It was a society which had its own smiths, potmakers, peasants, rainmakers and rulers—a specialization which : in other Pare communities followed clan divisions. In the early period of Wabwambo history their political centre seems to have been on the eastern side of their territory in Kiranga,

Mamba, a place called Ngagheni. This meant that the vast territory lying farther west could hardly have been supervised directly from Kiranga. It is therefore possible that the expansion

of the Wabwambo state as far west as Suji and Tae occurred gradually over a period of time and that in the early period its extent was limited to the area between Kiranga, Kambeni and Ivugha. The spread of the Wabwambo on most of the southern plateau seems to have taken place in the period when most other

clans were arriving, about ten generations ago. It was also the period when some Wabwambo went farther south to establish themselves in northern Usambara. This was the period of the famous famine we referred to in Ugweno history as Mbofu. One can therefore conclude that the effect of the famine was not only to bring in new immigrants, but also to spread those who were already there even beyond the borders of the Pare country. This dispersion, together with the threat of newcomers, was obviously what prompted the setting up of the Zimbwe shrine in Malumbi near Ngagheni. Near this shrine, another establishment stood as a witness to the problems confronting the Wabwambo state, i.c. the military shrine known as Ndambi. Around this place the young men known as wabwange kitung’ati were to congregate in their preparation to defend their country. Ndambi was actually a stone for sharpening their weapons. But the act of sharpening

was accompanied by religious rituals which aimed at bringing success in any fighting conducted by the people. Since Mabeku, who set up the Zimbwe shrine, is also credited with the establishment of the Ndambi, we may assume that the rain-makers were in charge of important rituals as well as military operations. They

were responsible for establishing mafingo in the boundaries of the Wabwambo state in order to prevent invasions. Mafingo were cairns or piles of stones in which medicine for driving off invaders is said to have been placed. This practice seems to have started

76 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE after the arrival of the four ritual clans: Wanjema, Wankeni, Wamhero and Wambaga.

The actual threat at this time was the arrival of two groups of people, the Wamjema from the east and the Wankeni from the south-west.* This timing of activities in the Wabwambo state raises the question whether or not the so-called ‘“Wagalla” were really a threat to the Wabwambo themselves. As we shall see in the history of the Wamjema, their contact with the Wabwambo

came after they had established themselves farther east in the country inhabited by the “Wampare’. A similar thing happened with the Wankeni in the south-west. It is obvious, therefore, that the Wabwambo had occupied the top of the plateau away from the threat of the “Wagalla” settled on the slopes. It was their expansion westward which brought them to the western edge of the plateau where they were to face the threat of the “Wagalla” themselves. Indeed, the Wabwambo are said to have driven the “Wagalla” from Suji by themselves without looking for outside help!&

It was this expansion of the chiefdom which prompted the move-

ment of the political centre from Ngagheni in Mambo to Ivugha

in what came to be known as the Bwambo country. Ivugha, brother of Mkela, is said to have established the centre which was named after him.ft This movement of the capital westward placed the centre of the government in a better position in dealing with the whole area. But the pressing of new population from

the east made it necessary to. maintain the Kiranga centre in Mamba. For this reason, there were two political centres. To make things worse, the western provinces, Suji and Tae, were still too

far removed from the Ivugha centre while the Washana and Warutu were pressing uphill from Makanya. As a result, Mkela’s son, Mgwamanda, was sent to Suji where he established his capital at Sarata, a place known as Mzimbaha.t His successor, Luluma, moved the court to Suji proper where it has remained ever since. At the same time, a grandson of Mkela called Kizingo was sent to Tae Hills in the south-west. There he * See Chapter 6.

+ Mabeku who established the Zimbwe shrine was the cousin of Mkela

and Ivugha. t Literally “a big town”.

The founding of the southern state system 77 Organized a government to protect the Wabwambo country from encroachment by other people from that direction. This method of segmentation did answer the pressing need for

effective control of the expanding state. Yet the main centre at

Ivugha found itself competing with three other centres, one on the eastern side and two on the western side. The problem of unity, which the Wabwambo had been trying to solve, was actually getting bigger. The religious answers had proved incapable

of coping with it. What was needed was a political answer, and this was to be provided by a grandson of Ivugha himself, named Nguta.*

In order to understand the changes brought by Nguta, we have to know something about his life. Although very little is known

about his career, we know that he was a member of the main ruling lineage of Wabwambo. As a young man he distinguished himself as a war leader. He is also said to have distinguished himself as a man of wisdom. Thus when the Wagosi wa Njama met to choose a successor to the stool of Ivugha, Nguta was their obvious choice.

Nguta’s imagination could compare with that of Mranga of Ugweno. Whereas the latter had seen how the mshitu rites could be used as a political weapon, Nguta envisaged a state ritual in which every member could participate. This rite was known as cha-njeku or njeku ya isanga, which means a “state bull’. ‘There is no evidence to show how this ritual originated. What we know is that all societies in South Pare with some claim over a particular territory came to adopt this state ritual. By the time Nguta used

it in the Wabwambo country, there were already many other communities in South Pare. In this case, therefore, we can never be sure whether or not the cha-njeku rite had been performed in another area. However, we are certain that Nguta was the first to apply it in the Wabwambo state. The ceremony consisted of taking a bull around the boundaries of the whole Wabwambo state. The significance of this ceremony will be understood if all the symbolism involved is borne in mind.

First of all, the bull had to be obtained in a way that would emphasize the unity of the various elements of the Wabwambo community. Nguta himself had the responsibility of making the * Nguta was the ruler of [vugha (Bwambo) about eight generations ago—

‘Tradition 169.

78 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE bull available. But to emphasize the importance of the Wabwambo

element that had already settled near Shengena from the Nguu Mountains when the other Wabwambo arrived, Nguta gave a cow which was taken to the Wabwambo of Nguu to be exchanged

for a bull. This meant that, although the rulers had to provide the state sacrificial animal, the actual source of the bull had to be the oldest element of the society.

Secondly, the bull had to be accompanied by some lime or mbondo from Shengena, emphasizing the importance of the mountain to the Wabwambo community. In fact, for them Shengena was more than a physical beauty. It signified the whole

strength of their society. When offering sacrifice people stood facing the mountain. Similarly, in burying their dead, the Wabwambo laid them facing Shengena. Thirdly, the bull itself had to be white, symbolizing peace and harmony in the Wabwambo state. It also was accompanied by a

black sheep which symbolized purification, and in subsequent rituals the ceremony had to be held whenever there was war so that all the weapons that had been used in war could be washed in the blood of the beast. This aspect of peace, harmony and purification of society is what made the actual participation of all citizens essential.

The symbolism had so far emphasized the different elements of the Wabwambo population and the importance of the highest peak of the Pare range of mountains (Shengena). In taking the bull around the boundaries, another symbolism was brought out: a boy and a girl had to lead the procession, thus emphasizing that the strength of the Bwambo society lay in its youth. The procession

itself was a slow one. It went around all the boundaries between

Gonja, Vudee and Chome in the north, Makanya and Hedaru in the west and Lasa near the Usambara border in the south-east. The actual boundary in the east is not quite clear.* In travelling around the boundaries, people joined the procession at the points nearest to their homes. The ruler was given refreshment of sugar-

cane beer at the various stops and at night he slept in places arranged for him. At last the procession returned to Ivugha at the place where the njeku ya isanga was sacrificed. The place came to bear Nguta’s name. The meat was to be shared by every* The ambiguous relationship between the Wabwambo, Wampare and Wamjema is further discussed below and in Chapter 6.

The founding of the southern state system 19 body. Since the population was so big, those who could not get pieces of meat had to take pieces of stomach content, mafumba. A piece of meat or ifumba could be taken to a person’s house in order to ensure that blessing was brought to the family. Where the people of a subdistrict so desired, the meat or ifumba could be used to bless another sacrificial animal which could then be slaughtered in the subdistrict. It is interesting to note that Nguta had actually succeeded in getting a ritual which was able to unite the Wabwambo state.

It brought together all the people within the defined territory whether they were Wabwambo or not. Similarly, it left out all the Wabwambo who had ventured outside this defined territory. At this point, Nguta had succeeded in making himself a paramount chief while the other three rulers became district chiefs. We still have no information whether Nguta established any central machinery for his state besides the cha-njeku rite. It may

be that each mfumwa had his own mlao and chila, and that Nguta may have only consulted the wafumwa about matters affecting the whole state. If this was so, the result has to be considered

as a loose union, but a union that nevertheless gave a new strength to the Wabwambo state. It was the encouragement of this

strength that pushed Neguta’s son, Mwejikongo, to expand the state further south into Vunta where he established the fifth centre of the Wabwambo government. By this time, however, the Wan-

keni had advanced far enough in consolidating their position in Hedaru to become an actual threat to the newly established centre. By the seventh generation back, the situation in the Wabwambo state was quite promising. Ivugha was the centre of the paramount chief who was in charge of leading his people through the ceremony

of celebrating the expansion of its territories. The paramount chief was also the ruler of the central province which later on came to form the chiefdom of Bwambo. Besides this main province, there were the eastern province controlled from Kuiranga,

the two western provinces of Suji and Tae, and the southern province of Vunta on the Mpare Mountains.

As we have already pointed out, the southern province was the most insecure. Having just been established by Mwejikongo, the provincial government had not operated long enough to stand

the opposition of the Wankeni coming from the south. Unlike the other provinces, too, this was an area where the Wabwambo D

80 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE were a minority, the majority being the Wampare. A similar situa-

tion was to be found on the eastern side. But in this case the danger was outside the Wabwambo province, where the Wampare and “Wasambaa”* had already accepted the Wamjema who had established a political centre at Mang’a, Mamba. Any attempted expansion westward on the side of the Wamjema would push them into the area effectively controlled by the Wabwambo.

Before the coming of the Wamjema, the slopes from Mang’a to the plains (Kihurio and Ndungu) had been dominated by the Wampare who had constructed several irrigation channels. Their arrival into the area, according to their genealogy, was only about twelve generations ago. While much later than the Wabwambo themselves, they were still ahead of the other clans which came into the area. However, their relationship with the Wabwambo

is not quite clear. When the information for the Pare District Book was being collected early in the 1930s,° the Wampare never claimed to have had their own chiefdom. But later when competi-

tion for the Mamba chiefdom was at its height, the Wampare began to claim that they had their own kitala at Mang’a.’® The Wabwambo themselves insist that even the state ceremonies begun by Nguta included the whole plateau and slopes up to the Usam-

bara border.1t What the evidence seems to suggest is that if the Wabwambo considered the eastern slopes to be their country, they neither occupied it nor established a strong control over those who lived there. That will explain why no tension arose between the Wabwambo and the Wamjema until the latter tried to expand into the area firmly controlled by the Wabwambo themselves.

On the western side, the slopes of Makanya were outside the Wabwambo area. Here the Washana and the Warutu were struggling for the control of the area. It was just about the time centres were being established in Suji and Tae that the war between the two groups was reaching its height. The Washana under their leader, Seashambwa, fought the Warutu (although their tradition says they used magical powers)? until they drove them out of the area. The Warutu are said to have been almost exterminated. The removal of the Warutu from the area meant that the Washana

were content to remain on the lower hills of Makanya rather than climb the steep slopes to the plateau. The Wabwambo state

* Descendants of immigrants from Usambara.

The founding of the southern state system Si was therefore pretty secure on the western side. On the eastern and southern sides its survival awaited the test of a later period. At this stage it should be obvious that the Wabwambo political system evolved over a period of time covering about eight generations. From the very beginning of this period, the Wabwambo leaders were faced with the problem of uniting people of various

origins into one community. They succeeded in doing this by employing initiation ideas imported from North Pare. As the population increased and expanded, new methods of maintaining

unity had to be sought. These methods were found in the two religious institutions referred to as the Mrungu wa Gu and itasio. Yet these religious institutions had their own limitations in meeting the needs of an expanding society, a society also being confronted by the problem of absorbing new immigrants. The last stage of the Wabwambo political evolution had to be an enlargement of the political scale so that it could include not only the Wabwambo

themselves, but also all other groups that had settled in the Wabwambo territory. This experimental development of political institutions is what makes the Wabwambo story one of the most interesting chapters in Pare history.

References 1. Traditions 167 and 169. 2. Otto Kersten, Von der Decken’s Reisen in Ost-Afrika in den Jahren 1859 bis 1865 (Leipzig, 1869-71), I, 251.

3. South Pare initiation rites have been described rather unsatisfactorily by J. J. Dannholz, Im Banne des Geisterglaubens (Leipzig 1916), 72-76, and E. Koltz, Im Banne der Furcht (Hamburg, 1922), Ch. 7. Figurines

used in Pare initiations have been described by H. Cory, African

Figurines (London, 1956), 126-151.

4. E. V. Winans, Shambala: The Constitution of a Traditional State (London, 1962), 97-99.

5. Traditions 168 and 169. 6. Traditions 123-127. 7. A confused description of Mrungu wa Gu has been given by W. Guth, “Die Sippe bei den Vaasu”, Evang. Miss. Magazin, 76, 12 (1932), 336-371 ; and “Der Bodengott der Asu”, Africa, XII (October 1939), 8. U. S. Abduel Msami and Ezekieli Kibwana, “Historia ya Upare”, MS, 9. See Same (Pare) District Book. 10. Tradition 107. 11. Tradition 169. 12. Tradition 192.

6 SEGMENTATION AND EXPANSION IN THE SOUTH We have just seen how the Wabwambo developed, through generations of experiments, a political system suitable to their expanding

society. The arrival of four different groups* of rain-makers and “doctors” to South Pare about ten generations ago had tremendous effects on this system. These effects can be summarized as “‘segmen-

tation and expansion”. In so far as the activities of the newcomers caused the break-up of the Wabwambo state into smaller states, the development can be described as segmentation. This is what happened when the activities of the Wamjema in Mamba and the Wankeni in Hedaru led not only to the loss of two of the provinces

of the Wabwambo, but also to the break-up of the remaining provinces into three chiefdoms: Bwambo, Suji and Tae. On the other hand, the activities of these four groups expanded political organization into a large area hitherto unorganized by the Wabwambo. Whereas both the Wamjema and Wankeni carried on their political organization in and outside the Wabwambo territory, the Wambaga and Wamhero worked completely outside the Wa-

bwambo sphere. Our main task in this chapter is to trace this process of segmentation and expansion and find out its effect on the Pare political system. As we have seen in the third chapter, these four groups have been postulated as having a common origin because of similarities

in the political system they established. Now we can say that this evidence is unconvincing since we know the common backgroundy on which these groups built their states. A more convinc* The four groups are the Wamjema, Wankeni, Wamhero or “Taita Wachome” and Wambaga. + The Wabwambo political system. See Chapter 5.

Segmentation and expansion in the south 83 ing evidence is put forward by U. S. Abduel Msami in his traditions

collected in the 1950s. Mr. Msami gives these groups a common

Origin not so much because of the political system itself but because their traditions say that the ancestors of these four clans actually did come together.’ It is interesting to note that none of these clans preserve this tradition of common origin today, especially when it is borne in mind that some of Mr. Msami’s informants were also the informants of the present writer. This discrepancy may be explained on the basis of an apparent change in the traditions of the chiefly clans since the abolition of chieftainship after Tanganyika became independent in 1961. The consolidation

of chiefdoms after 1925 meant that in certain chiefdoms there were several chiefly clans that could try to win elections. Consequently there was a deliberate attempt on the part of the clans which were in power to prove that their ruling powers were more authentic than those of their opponents. A common origin of the

four ruling clans would in fact point to a royal origin already imbued with divine powers before arriving on the Pare Mountains.

At any rate, Msami’s traditions are difficult to trace to a single informant since each is a synthesis of several informants’ opinions including his own interpretation of them.

What the present traditions seem to indicate is that each of the four clans came to the Pare Mountains independently, although

they, like most other clans claiming to have arrived on the mountains from Taita at this time, took the southerly route past the Tusa Hill, between the Gonja-Mbaga plain and the KenyaTanzania border. The Wamjema probably arrived as a group.* After settling at a place called Kavateta in the lowlands of Gonya, the group divided into two sections, one section under Seivunde going to Mamba while the other under Keto went to Gonja. The

second group, the Wankeni, may have consisted of a single family which, after reaching Tusa (probably much later than the other groups) turned south-westwards, rounded the “Mpare” Mountains and found its way uphill from Hedaru in the southwest. The migration of the third group, the Wamhero or ““Wachome

of Taita”, seems to have followed the Gonja route, for they are * The traditions mention five names: four “brothers and a sister”—Keto, Seivunde, Kijevu, Weruma and Mkoa-wa-Mtwi (girl). Some traditions (74-178) picture Weruma as an employee, unrelated in blood with the

84 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE said? to have travelled from Tusa to Kavateta in Gonja where Keto was still living. It is interesting to note that the Wamhero disliked Gonja because it “had too many people’. They therefore travelled farther into the plateau until they came to the western side of Shengena where they settled. If the Wamhero were looking

for an empty country, they must have decided otherwise since Chome already had some other clans settled there. It is more likely that the Wamhero wanted to get away from the sphere of the Wamjema and thus avoid competition in their rain-making and healing occupations. The fourth group, Wambaga, seem to have followed the same route, although their migration may have included no more than

a single family. From a place called Kwashaki in Tusa, the Wambaga leader, Seangasu, turned north-westwards to Kisiwani whence he worked his way uphill into Mbaga country. Like the Wamhero who went to Chome, the Wambaga settled in a region completely outside the Wabwambo sphere, and their influence in these areas may be considered as an expansion of the political organization that already existed in South Pare. The most striking similarities in the traditions of these groups centre not so much on the migration stories as on the methods

they employed in order to win special recognition and special status among the people they encountered. According to the traditions of most clans in South Pare, two important things were done by these four clans. First, they helped the other clans already settled in the area in driving out enemies. Secondly, they brought

prosperity to the country by “making” rain and preventing diseases. Of these two ideas, the first one had an immediate effect since all traditions agree that this was a period of struggle, a period during which most South Pare communities were trying to get rid of their enemies. We have already seen how these enemies were generally known by the name “Wagalla”. We have also seen that these “Wagalla’” may have lived in scattered areas in many parts

of South Pare. What we cannot tell is the nature of the strife between the Wapare and these earlier groups. Perhaps there were repeated raids between the Wapare and the so-called “Wagalla”,

and one may assume that the stereotype of “cutting women’s breasts’”* came from these raids. * See Chapter 3.

Segmentation and expansion in the south 85 It may be assumed that the enemies of the Wapare were a formidable group which could not have been driven out easily by the efforts of a single group. Thus, in the period when separate clans were establishing themselves on the mountains, no prolonged clash could be risked by the Wapare. But at the time more clans

were coming together, ritual leadership could stimulate a great moral courage and unite efforts of several groups in order to drive out the enemies. What requires investigation, however, is the cause of alienation between the Wapare and their predecessors. Could it mean that these “pre-Wapare” people represented a culture different from that of the Wapare themselves? If so, more archaeological work may help us understand this difference.* However,

it is more likely that these earlier groups formed small uncoordinated settlements whose members tried to resist encroachment by newcomers. When these newcomers increased and became a

majority, a ritual leader could easily unite them in their efforts to eliminate the threat of the earlier groups. This is what may have happened with our four groups of ritual “specialists”. The Wamjema who went to Mamba under Seivunde

are said to have been “welcomed” by the Wampare who lived on the eastern slopes. Seivunde himself was able to persuade the Wampare that he and his group had special rituals which could drive away their enemies and bring rain to their country. We have already seen how the Wampare spent their time in build-

ing furrows from Kihurio and Ndungu to Manga’s in Mamba. The idea that they would get regular rainfall and worry no more about irrigation must have been more than attractive to them. But according to Wampare, Wabwambo and Wamjema traditions,’ the strife against enemies seemed to need immediate action. Be-

cause the Wampare were only a small group, contact between the Wamjema in Mang’a and the Wabwambo in Kiranga had to be made. Co-operation among the three groups, the Wabwambo, Wampare and Wamjema was achieved and the enemies were subdued. How was this done? The traditions of all these three clans are unanimous in attributing the victory to Seivunde’s “magical” powers. The Wampare say this was accomplished simply by blowing a horn the sound

of which was enough to frighten the enemies. The Wabwambo * See Chapter 3.

86 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE give no account of how it was done, but the Wamjema themselves have elaborate stories of how Seivunde performed his “magical” rituals after which a confusion started in the “Wagalla”

village. Noises of people pounding cereals and a cock crowing were heard. The confusion made the “Wagalla” begin to fight among themselves until they ran away in disorder. Thus the traditions in Mamba are similar in that they point to the miracle performed by Seivunde through some kind of sounding instrument.

In Gonja, where the second group of Wamjema had settled under their leader called Keto, there were already other clans. Wamjema traditions‘ mention the Wagonja, Wang’ongwe and Wamgambo as the clans that “welcomed” them. These clans are said to have gone to Kaveteta on the plains to ask Keto to move uphill and help them in driving out the “Wagalla”. Keto’s method was very much like that of his kinsman, Seivunde, for he is said®

to have put some medicine in a horn and when he blew it, all kinds of calamities and confusion fell on the “Wagalla”: besides the fear brought by the sound, rain and wind destroyed their houses. The “Wagalla’”’ finally decided to leave the area.

On the south-western side (in Hedaru), the Wankeni are said to have met the Wazula® and the Wampare of Mpare Mountains.’

The Wankeni arrived with their ritual pots which they put in a cave at a place called Suvavi. Like the case of Mamba and Gonja,

the people of Hedaru were willing to accept the leadership of Ngaa with his son Mborini in driving out the enemies. The method here was also that of performing a ritual after which “lions” appeared in the “Wagalla” village. Their roaring was enough to frighten the “Wagalla” out of the area. A similar story is encountered in the north-west of South Pare where the Wamhero were accepted by the “Wachome of Nguu”

to lead the struggle against the “Wagalla” on that side. In this case, the enemies are said to have been driven out by “magical” powers. After Mutwiwaisaka and his “brother” Sematonto performed a ritual, “images of three girls”® are said to have appeared

among the “Wagalla” thus frightening them out of Chome. In most of these cases the enemies are said to have withdrawn southwards.

Whoever these enemies were, one thing is clear: the position of the newcomers was mainly ritualistic. In all these cases, they

succeeded in uniting the clans which were already there in a

Segmentation and expansion in the south 87 common drive against those people considered to be enemies. Their method of uniting these clans was that of performing rituals

aimed at bringing success in this struggle. The courage brought by the belief in these rituals must have added strength to their efforts with the result that these enemies were no longer to be

seen in these areas as separate groups. As we pointed out in the third chapter, it is difficult to say whether all these “preWapare” people were driven off or some of them were absorbed by the present population.

It would be a mistake to regard war rituals in South Pare as having been initiated by these four clans. In the fifth chapter we saw how the Wabwambo had developed their own ritual specialists. What seems to have begun with the arrival of the four

clans was the practice of erecting defensive cairns in which protective medicine was placed in order to prevent war. The Wapare called these structure mafingo or mafingiro. The building of these protective structures may have been a measure taken to ensure that no prolonged calamity similar to that of the “Wagalla” would come back to their society. Where these four clans became rulers, a lineage of the ruling clan specialized in these rituals. In

time of war, the lineage would also perform rituals aimed at bringing victory. Outside these chiefdoms, however, there were clans which were able to escape political domination by these ruling clans well to the end of the nineteenth century. Most of these clans adopted the practice of building mafingiro around their own

clan lands in order to protect themselves from intruders. These clans were to be found in the peripheral areas of Mwembe, Vudee and Makanya. It is now obvious that the Wamjema, Wankeni, Wamhero and Wambaga were not in a position to maintain a monopoly over the war rituals. In fact, one may even assume that the impression their

initial claim to the possession of these powers made on the societies they encountered could be maintained only as long as there was some kind of external threat. These ritual clans appear to have realized this and were therefore careful in making other claims which had a continuous appeal to all communities on the mountains. These were rain-making (kugusha mbua) and the protection of society (including human beings, domestic animals and crops) from calamities (kKuhoja nzota). The two rituals went hand in hand. If, as pointed out in the third chapter, the arrival

88 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE of these ritual “experts” took place during the Mbofu famine, then we can imagine how receptive the people would be to this claim. But claiming possession of powers is one thing and demon-

strating these powers is another. Again, weather changes must have been in favour of these ritual “experts” since most informants agree that the period of about ten generations ago marked an end of dry, famine-ridden years and a beginning of several generations of prosperity.

What did these rain-makers do to make other people believe them? Examination of the methods used by each of the clans reveals that there was no uniform rain-making procedure. All of them began with the familiar practice of setting aside ritual groves

similar to the ancestral shrines. But the kind of ritual to be performed in the rain-making or kuhoja grove was very much determined by the individual group. In most cases the rituals were not public. Even within the ritual clans, no members could enter the grove before undergoing a special initiation which, in practice, was not held until a man had had his first grandchild. In most cases, the rituals included some kind of sacrifice, but the symbols of the rain-making ritual were different. Among the Wambaga and Wamjema on the eastern side, pots containing white stones were placed in the grove, and the rain-making ritual

centred on the pot and its content. The Wankeni say their pot contained “medicine brought from Taita’,® probably referring to the same kind of symbolism. Later, however, the Wankeni seem to have developed a public rain-making ritual consisting of a sacrifice of a bull at a place called Ntulo on the Mbatwe Hill. This ritual was attended by all the people of Hedaru, and was Officiated not by the mfumwa himself, but by the elder of the ruling lineage. The timing of this ritual was very important since it was expected that soon after the ceremony rain should © fall. The decision whether to hold the public ritual or the secret one was made by the ruler, and this enabled him to vary the ritual according to the need for emphasizing the political unity of the Hedaru chiefdom. In Chome the difference was even greater. Instead of using a pot as the central object, the Wamhero

planted a banana stem which they claim to have brought with them from: Taita. Unfortunately, it has not been possible to identify the banana: this is one of the few groves that have not been maintained intact. In conjunction with the banana stem,

Segmentation and expansion in the south 89 two stones were used, one black and another white. Ceremonies around the banana stem were not public. The use of a white stone may be the common factor in these rituals, although we cannot tell whether the symbolism was used by the Wankeni. Yet the symbolism of white objects had a wide use on the Pare Mountains. It was used in all rituals that aimed at emphasizing peace and harmony in society. In the traditions

of the “white stone rain-makers”, it seems that a black animal had to be offered for sacrifice during the white stone rituals. Again, this would tend to apply another widespread Pare thought: the thought that black symbolizes purification and thus purifica-

tion was necessary if peace and harmony were to be achieved. In the case of these ritual clans, the initial period was the crucial one. There was a great need for rain and their rituals supplied it. This must have appeared to be a great miracle in the minds of the other clans. In Mamba, the Wamjema were “accepted” by the Wampare and were given the favourable land in Mang’a on the eastern edge of the Mamba plateau. The traditions of both the Wamjema and Wampare’® agree that after the former had been able to make rain fall (and this was after driving out the enemies), there was no doubt in the minds of the people that the Wamjema ought

to rule the country. The Wabwambo who, as we have seen,* considered the Wampare area to be in their sphere of influence, also concurred. Since the Wabwambo had their own ritual experts,

including rain-makers who nevertheless had failed to make rain fall during the period of drought, their recognition of the ritual superiority of the Wamjema was an important step in the future political status of the latter. Similarly, the Wamjema of Gonja established themselves in the Mjema area from which they were to perform rituals and bring rain for the other clans that surrounded them.

The size of the Wamjema group had already dictated its division into the Mamba and Gonja lineages, but in matters of rituals no further divisions occurred. Among the Wankeni of Hedaru, a similar ritual monopoly by the ruling family was maintained. The rulers were rain-makers as well as kuhoja experts. Among the Wamhero and Wambaga, however, there was some kind of specia* Chapter 5.

90 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE lization within the lineages of the ruling clans. In both cases one lineage took care of the rain-making rituals whereas the other was in charge of the kuhoja rituals. This kind of specialization can be

viewed as a means of reducing tension within the ruling clan. Thus, in Chome, the Wamhero found it necessary to leave one lineage under Mutwiwaisaka at Mhero while the other under Sematonto moved to Nkungwini a little further west. In Mbaga, a similar division was achieved in the generation that followed Seangasu’s. According to this arrangement, Kware remained at Madiveni where the rain-making grove had been established, and

thus his lineage controlled both rain-making and the political system, while Walongwa established another grove at Mramba, a little further south-west. This grove became the centre of kuhoja rituals. Ritual specialization in Mbaga also indicates the status attached

to each type of ritual. Rain-making was strongly attached to the ruling lineage, whereas kuhoja was considered to be the duty of those who could venture to travel away from their country.

The connection between the chief (mfumwa) and rain-making must have made rain-making rituals appear superior to kuhoja. The Wambaga themselves may have realized this, for in the early generations of the Mbaga chiefdom, the Mramba lineage which controlled Auhoja rituals also controlled all the “internal” rituals

of the Wambaga clan itself, including offering sacrifice at the ancestral shrine, and performing rituals for the initiation rites (mshitu). This position of ritual superiority on the side of the Mramba lineage within the Wambaga clan must have made their position look as respectable as that of the Madiveni lineage which controlled the chieftainship (ufumwa). For some generations, this arrangement made the two lines work together harmoniously. But when this was disrupted, as we shall see later, the kuhoja line could not be kept out of the race for political hegemony.

In Chome things were quite different. Unlike the situation in Mbaga, there was no connection between ufumwa and rainmaking. In fact, the Wamhero seem to have reversed the whole picture by making the mfumwa control the kuhoja rituals while the line of Sematonto controlled rain-making. Here we have a situation which was always inclined to create a weak kind of

political control at home, thus avoiding any clash with the rain-makers who were free to carry out their duties unhampered.

Segmentation and expansion in the south 9| Chome chiefs were more famous for their activities outside rather than within their own country—they even spent considerable time in other countries attending to kuhoja rituals. In one case, a chief

called Mashereto* is said to have stayed in Usambara long enough for his people to consider him dead. When he returned,

his brother Mamba had already taken over the chiefdom. It would seem therefore that where we have a ruling lineage render-

ing ritual services far outside its own borders, without also spreading political powers, emphasis must have been mainly on the ritual side. This is certainly what happened to the Mramba lineage of the Wambaga clan. Because it had no political duties

at home, its members could travel as far away as Kilimanjaro and Usambara performing kuhoja rituals. On the other hand, the Mbaga political system must have been on the other extreme of the continuum. Here the rain-maker mfumwa was really a political figure and as we shall see later, an extension of his ritual

services outside the borders of the chiefdom also meant an extension of the political system itself.

It is also important to note that there were two other clans with a reputation for “magical” powers in South Pare. These were

the Wakwizu and Warutu. The former were situated on the northern end of the Mbaga ridge, while the latter were found in scattered areas on the western slopes, a large number of them having been eliminated by the Washana on the slopes of Makanya.t

The main difference between these two clans and the kuhoja lineages of the ruling clans is to be found in the attitudes of the Pare people towards them. The Wakwizu and Warutu, unlike the ruling and ritual clans, were greatly feared. Whereas the latter group claimed to possess protective medicines for human beings, animals and crops, the former group was also believed to possess destructive medicines. It was this kind of attitude which will explain why these ruling and ritual clans became so popular in South Pare.

So far the traditions have agreed that political power was “granted” to these four clans—the Wamjema, Wankeni, Wamhero

and Wambaga—as a recognition of the special part they were able to play in the ritual life of these particular societies. Yet, these traditions do not specifically show how this act of “granting” * Mashereto and Mamba lived about six generations ago. Tradition 164. t See Chapter 5.

92 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE power was carried out. It is significant to note that all of these four clans started their political influence among small groups, for this would indicate that their position as rulers did not emerge abruptly. It must have been a slow consolidation of powers, starting first with one or two clans and eventually expanding into neigh-

bouring territories. The position of the ritual leader must have been instrumental in this consolidation. Once a person or a group had been recognized as an expert in controlling natural phenomena, the people who considered themselves to be the beneficiaries had to express their appreciation for the harvest. If a drought threaten-

ed, they would have to seek the action of the ritual experts in order to avert it. All this meant that there was a regular flow of tribute (mbiru) from the people who had recognized the position

of these ritual experts. At the same time, the ritual leaders were being freed from the ordinary activities of subsistence farming and were concentrating more on matters of ritual. As more tribute flowed into the ritual leaders’ residence, he was more able to

reward not only the members of his own clan, but also other members of the community. The home of such a leader was in fact ceasing to be a homestead (muzi) and was becoming a court (kitala).

This idea of a ruling group maintained by mbiru from different areas of the country seems to have been lacking in the Wabwambo

state before the arrival of these ritual clans.‘? It was the idea which enabled the establishment of chiefdoms with a greater level of centralization than had hitherto been possible in South Pare. In Mamba, the centre of the Wamjema chiefdom was Mang’a where the kitala has remained ever since. Although the Wabwambo

are said to have taken mbiru to Mang’a in appreciation for rainmaking services, no political control was extended by the Wamjema into the district directly controlled by the Wabwambo for

at least the first few generations of their rule in Mamba. But about six generations ago things seem to have changed suddenly: the Wamjema began to expand into the Wabwambo country. What brought this sudden change?

The explanation must be sought in the activities within the Wabwambo state itself. Nguta’s attempt to unite the Wabwambo

may have alarmed the Wamjema themselves, especially if by receiving some tribute from some members of the Wabwambo society the Wamjema had assumed that the Wabwambo were

Segmentation and expansion in the south 93 somehow in their sphere of influence. The fact that Nguta’s son,

Mwejikongo, had been able to establish a new court in Vunta just a generation earlier must have increased the fear among the Wamjema. But at the same time, the Wamjema may have been encouraged by the expulsion of the Wabwambo from the southern

district under the leadership of Mnandi of the Wankeni. Fortunately at about the same time there arose one of the strongest rulers of the Wamjema—Karia. Mfumwa Karia is remembered as a warrior chief whose leader-

ship in war has left a mark of distinction. He is said to have possessed so much physical strength that his people nicknamed

him Naguvu,* the name by which he is remembered by both the Wamjema and Wabwambo. His first test of leadership came

when he successfully led his people against a raiding party of “Wataita” who invaded Mamba. One Wamjema tradition 1° also mentions an invasion by people known as “Wasingarare” in South

Pare, a name known to refer to raiding parties of Arusha and Chagga groups together. Since such parties are known to have been of a later periodt we must assume that the “Wasingarare” story does not belong to the Naguvu period. It only means that Mfumwa Naguvu left such a strong impression in the minds of his people that most acts of heroism are likely to be attributed to him. After building a military power at Mang’a, Naguvu was then

in a position to invade Kiranga, the eastern province of the Wabwambo state. The ruler of this province was then Mwamba Sekake who also falls in the sixth generation back in the Wabwambo genealogy. The eastern province was annexed to the Wamjema chiefdom without interfering with the central province of Bwambo. In fact, the Wabwambo seem to have been caught completely unawares in this invasion. No significant action seems

to have been taken either by the ruler of the Ivugha province, or by the two western provinces of Suji and Tae. By this time the southern province of Vunta, annexed to the Wabwambo state by Mwejikongo about a generation earlier, had

already been lost to the Wankeni. Again, this was done by another hero, the Wankeni ruler called Mnandi. Unlike Naguvu, whose heroism lay in military tactics, Mnandi is remembered?* * Traditions 169 and 176. Literally, “Naguvu” means a powerful person. +t See Chapter 8.

94 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE by both the Wankeni and Wabwambo for his “magical” powers.

He is said to have erected a special shrine at Mpumpuu, near Mwejikongo’s court. From Mpumpuu, Mnandi sounded his “horn”,

thus frightening the Wabwambo out of Kirangare (Vunta) area. From such stories it is difficult to tell exactly what happened. The Wabwambo had a large population in at least four “provinces” outside Vunta itself. The Wankeni, on the other hand, were nothing

more than an extended family, having established themselves in

the area a generation or two earlier. But the Wankeni had one advantage: they had just established their ritual superiority in the area and could therefore count the support of the “commoner”

clans if the Wabwambo ruler tried to oppose them. It is likely, therefore, that the tradition of “magical” war is actually pointing at a voluntary withdrawal of the Wabwambo from an area where they were a minority, to their own society where they had always been the majority. The two encounters between the Wabwambo and the Wankeni in the first place, and between the former and the Wamjema, were not of the same nature. The first one may have been viewed by the Wabwambo as a compromise with the ritual specialists. But the second was a military catastrophe. In fact, after the annexation of Kiranga, Naguvu continued to harass the central province of Ivugha and is said to have even killed one of the rulers, although

the name of this ruler is not clearly established.* For the Wabwambo, these events had far-reaching effects, for they ended all

the attempts to establish a united Wabwambo state. From this time on, we have three different Wabwambo chiefdoms: Bwambo (the central province of Ivugha), Suji and Tae. The southern part

had gone to the Wankeni in Hedaru while the eastern part had been lost to the Wamjema in Mamba (Mang’a). The Wamjema chiefdom of Gonja seems to have formed a unit of quite a different nature from that of Mamba. Whereas Mamba was on the eastern edge of the southmost plateau, Gonja was on

a more varied topography, consisting of several ridges sloping to the eastern plain as well as a number of broken plateaux at the top. When Keto and his followers established the first Wamjema

centre in Gonja at Mjema, he in fact had selected the most logical * One Wabwambo tradition (169) mentions another Nguta who may be a

ara lony of Nguta himself. If so, the name remains vnidentified in the

segmentation and expansion in the south 95 position, the southern edge of the central plateau in Gonja. From

this centre, it must have been easy for the Wamjema to pay attention to the ritual needs of these various sections of the country. Before the coming of the Wamjema, there had been nothing uniting the separate clans that had already settled in these sections. Thus we may assume that the establishment of a centre

in Mjema was a significant step towards creating Gonja as a political unit.

In maintaining this political entity, the Wamjema of Gonja had a special advantage, for they did not have other established ruling lineages to compete with. Their reputation as ritua] experts made their presence within the other established communities a desirable thing. This meant that at a very early stage of Wamjema history, we have an establishment of numerous Wamjema districts, each with its Mjema ruler. Some of these districts were Bombo,

Vuje, Mtii, Vumba, Lugulu, and Kanza. The Gonja Wamjema tradition indicates that these district entities were actually established by “sons” of Keto'® himself. This may be interpreted to mean that the subdivision started much earlier than in the neighbouring areas controlled by the rain-makers. The subdivision was desired, not only by the Wamjema rulers but also by the “commoner” clans already established in the districts. Since geographical divisions made it more difficult to communicate with

Mjema, it was more expedient for both sides to have a member of the Wamjema clan residing in the district itself. What may have been the result of this early subdivision before the beginning of the nineteenth century remains obscure. It seems that Mjema still remained a ritual centre since the rain-making

shrines could not be duplicated. This also meant that some amount of tribute was also coming to the centre from each of the districts. But politically each of the districts tended to remain autonomous in its relationship with other Mjema and non-Mjema entities.* Under normal situations, the ritual denominator was

enough to keep Gonja as one political unit. In the nineteenth * The Gonja system was very much like the Alur segmentary system described by A. W. Southall in Alur Society: A Study in Process and Types of Domination (Cambridge 1953). Its expansion over the whole of Gonja was through the efforts of the established clans who wanted “sons” of the chief at Mjema to reside in their districts. But unlike Alur chieflets, the Gonja districts never became completely independent before the middle of the nineteenth century mainly because the rain-making shrines remained

96 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE century, however, the common denominator was to be upset by economic rivalry to such an extent that at the time of European contact no common element in the various chiefdoms* of Gonja, other than having a Mjema ruler, could be identified. We shall return to this problem again in the ninth chapter. Chome, which like Gonja was also outside the area controlled by the Wabwambo, was a much smaller unit limited to a plateau on the north-western side of South Pare. Here the western and northern slopes are so steep that they are uninhabitable. Expansion to the east was also blocked by Shengena which separated Chome from the country inhabited by the Wabwambo. It was therefore possible for a community established in such an area to have a distinct cultural unity. In Chome this cultural unity was exemplified by a distinct Pare dialect which was spoken in this area well into the twentieth century but which has now disappeared

due to increased contact with the rest of Upare. Yet this cultural distinction should not be overemphasized since

Chome was on the whole a full participant in South Pare social activities. Its young people attended the initiation rites of other

clans in South Pare, and the other clans also sent their young people to Chome initiations. In political organization, Chome was

marching step by step with the rest of South Pare. What remained different was probably the emphasis put at the centre. While Chome remained a single chiefdom, the cultural unity created by its small size as well as its relatively isolated position, enabled its rulers to concentrate more on matters of ritual than of administration. As we have already seen. Chome rulers could even afford to officiate at rituals outside their own country. In the nineteenth century, Chome rulers were also to adjust (in a different way from other rulers) to the new economic opportunities which

affected every part of the Pare country. We shall come back to

this problem in the ninth chapter. |

The Wambaga were the most fortunate of these four groups. Like the Wamjema of Gonja and the Wamhero of Chome, they had established their ritual leadership outside the area already

controlled by the Wabwambo. But unlike both groups, the * No exact number can be established. It seems that the number of chiefdoms in Gonja could not have been less than eight. + As a result Chome clan organizations remained politically more powerful than in any other chiefdom in Upare.

Segmentation and expansion in the south 97 Wambaga had a relatively unlimited margin of expansion. Their political influence could be expanded not only to the north-eastern

edge of the plateau, but also to the slopes leading into Middle Pare and thus into North Pare as well. The area of Mbaga plateau and its eastern slopes to Kisiwani occupied Wambaga attention

at first. As a clan, the Wambaga had succeeded in maintaining a united front between the two ritual lineages: the Madiveni lineage in charge of rain-making and administration, and the Mramba lineage in charge of kuhoja rites and Wambaga clan rites. A third lineage known as the “Wambaga of Mnywini’”’ is said to have established itself at Madiveni before the ritual experts

arrived. Because of this seniority, the Wambaga rulers gave a special recognition to the Mnywini group. In any ritual performed

by the mfumwa of Mbaga, a Mnywini elder had to stand before

him as a guardian. The Wamnywini also became spokesmen between the ruler and the other clans. Once the Wambaga themselves were united, they were in a position to devise a system of administering the expanding state. There were already distinct districts, each with a dominant clan.

Within the Wambaga district were to be found the Wandeme who were the first to meet the ritual leaders on their arrival into the country. The Wandeme agree that they willingly withdrew from the Madiveni area and went farther north in Manka, but their relationship with the Wambaga remained close. Until quite recently, the Wandeme and Wambaga maintained a common ritual under a baobab tree in a place called Nzaghana.* The significance of this common shrine cannot be overemphasized. The Wambaga

must have seen a clear need for a common cause with those who were in the country before them if they were to succeed in spreading their authority outside the Madiveni area. North of Madiveni there were two different districts: Duma near Gonja, where the Waduma were spreading from their settlement in Gonja, seeking ritual “blessings” from both sides. Then there was the district of Msindo where the Wategwa claim to have

settled before the coming of the rulers. Farther east in Mshewa the Wanzava lived close to the Wandeme. Wanzava tradition’® * Traditions 53 and 66. When the land in which the common shrine was situated had been alienated to a German settler, Emil Rother, the two groups looked for another baobab tree. But under chief Joseph Mapombe, the other shrine was restored.

98 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE indicates that for some time they tried to resist Wambaga domination. A similar situation could be expected farther east in the districts of Kindi and Marindi where the Wakindi and Wakwizu were already settled. Thus, in Mbaga it would seem that ritual superiority did not automatically make the clans already estab-

lished in the districts give up their political freedom. Yet, the Wambaga were already in a powerful position by being ritual experts. The mbiru collected from all over the country put the Wambaga in a position of dispensing rewards to those who supported them. In fact, it seems that the Wambaga came to be known outside their country not only because of their rainmaking prestige but also because of military leadership. It is significant that seven generations ago, Nzovu, the Wambaga ruler, received a request to send a rain-maker to Same (Kizungo) and another request to send military troops to Usangi in North Pare.

One may assume that by this period of seven generations back,

the Wambaga had succeeded in making their authority felt in all districts of their country. It is significant that among the soldiers sent to help the Wasangi in their war against Ugweno were Wandeme, Wachomvu, and Wakwiza accompanying the Mbaga ritual expert.* From this period, we also begin to hear accounts about a military procedure of testing the number of troops considered enough fer one expedition: Nzovu is said*’ to have slaughtered a big bull, then he had the hide pegged on the ground. The troops were ordered to walk on the hide and their number was considered enough when the hide was worn out into pieces. This practice is later mentioned in different parts of Upare, especially during the various wars and raids made in the nineteenth century.

A question may be asked: why did they not just count the number of troops rather than go into the trouble of slaughtering bulls and pegging hides on the ground? In fact, in most cases where

this test was used, if the number of troops had to be increased,

a new bull had to be slaughtered in order to provide a fresh hide for the test. Yet what seems to have been important in the whole procedure was the prestige of the ruler in whose service these troops were. The rulers who were able to feed their troops * Tradition 66. Nzovu is said to have chosen one of his sons, Chachika, and later another called Madiva to lead the troops.

Segmentation and expansion in the south 99 enough meat during their campaign were considered to be powerful rulers and were therefore likely to raise a large number of troops more easily. It is from this background that the slaughter-

ing of bulls and using their hides for testing the power of the troops can be understood. Undoubtedly the bulls would have been killed to feed the troops anyway. But the demonstration of the strength of the fighting group on the hides must have had a psychological effect of encouraging the group in its exploits. Nzovu’s successor, Luvigho, wanted to improve administration

in the districts. He must have been greatly encouraged by the progress his lineage had been making. By this time his relatives had established themselves both in Kizungo and in Usangi and although they were not directly under Madiveni, periodical tributes

were coming in from these distant areas as a recognition of Mbaga’s ritual superiority. If stronger control could be maintained at home, Mbaga could even deal with the outside countries more

authoritatively. Luckily Luvigho had several sons. He therefore decided to send some of them to the districts to administer them. Five of the sons were distributed as follows: Ngoka remained at Madiveni, Nziamwe went to Duma, Mashombo to Mashewa, Kichumbi to Marindi, and Sembike to Kindi. This action could

have had the desired results if it had taken place earlier. But as we shall see later,* this was a period when economic competi-

tion was so intense that no ruler at Madiveni could maintain control over the others. By this period, certain advances had been made in the administration of each chiefdom in South Pare over what was inherited from the Wabwambo. In the previous chapter we saw how the Wabwambo had used mfumwa as the ruler of a defined territory and milao as an intermediary between the ruler and his subjects. We have also seen how each mfumwa had his own council, chila,

which met in various capacities. Under the ritual chiefs, it became necessary to have more administrative assistants in the districts, especially since the rulers could not have the advantage of kinship ties with their subjects as did the Wabwambo rulers. Instead of one miao, therefore, each locality came to have its own miao. The system also tended to become more “democratic”.

Each community, usually a clan, would select its own mlao and *In Chapter 9.

100 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE send him to mfumwa. The mfumwa would then make blood brotherhood with these walao and allow them to choose one of their number to assist him. This selected mlao came to be known

as mnjama. The mnjama was in fact the chief minister of the mfumwa whereas the walao were his administrative assistants. Below the walao there were the wachili who were responsible for the administration of individual “villages”’.

In most of South Pare, the walao came to be selected from certain clans that had special connection with the rulers. But in principle, the office of a mlao was not hereditary. Except in Mbaga, where the Mnywini lineage was always to provide mnjama,

all chiefdoms preferred to get their walao and wanjama from the “commoners”. The motive behind this policy is obvious. It enabled

group itself. |

the rulers to have a clear conception of the needs of different

parts of their territory without creating jealousy within the ruling

It is obvious that the power of the chief was limited, since he would have to consult his advisers before making important decisions. He also had to take into account the desires of the various clans lest he would find himself losing some of his subjects.* Yet, within these limitations, the mfumwa had the final word in all decisions including the judgment of cases. He could order the death of anybody in his chiefdom. Any murder cases had to be reported to him and a special “blood fine” had to be taken to him. Usually an ordinary person would be punished by death if he killed another, but people from powerful lineages

often killed and escaped punishment simply by paying “blood fine”.

One of the greatest powers of the mfumwa centred on his ritual leadership. He was the one to decide when most religious rituals touching the lives of all clans should be performed. In this way he was closely connected emotionally with every member of his society. In order that he could perform these life-imparting rituals, it was important that he should remain healthy. Thus the

society had the obligation of seeing that he was well fed. As a consequence the mfumwa was in a position to handle a large * This was a powerful weapon possessed by lineages since they could express their disapproval of a tyrannical ruler by moving into the territory of a better ruler.

Segmentation and expansion in the south 101 proportion of the wealth of his country through the mbiru (tribute) he received.

With the increased number of chiefdoms, the wafumwa also devised a diplomatic method which would enable them to consult one another. By this time, one emblem had come to be universally

accepted in Upare, and this was the kimalisa—a special whisk used by the mfumwa. When he had to send any message to another

mfumwa, he handed the kimalisa to the messenger. A message sent this way was at once accepted as being legitimate since the kimalisa represented the chief himself. In this way regional co-

operation was facilitated and raids from outside were easily repelled.

At the end of the period we have considered so far, i.e., up to about six generations ago, South Pare had a number of chiefdoms, some under the old stock of Wapare known as Wabwambo, and

others under the newly-arrived groups of ritual “experts”. Politically, these chiefdoms had many things in common since they all built on the system already developed by the Wabwambo. Diplomatically, they learned ways of sending messages to one another in order to obtain reasonable co-operation in defending their country. In the peripheral areas of Mwembe, Vudee and Makanya, several clans remained outside this political system. But all the people of South Pare, whether belonging to a chiefdom or a separate clan unit, must have felt they were a part of a single

social system. From time to time, they felt obliged to travel to different parts of the country in order to take part in the initiation

rites which they all shared in common. This, together with the

bond of a common language, must have made South Pare a cultural unit, a unit different from North Pare since no political power held it together. It remained to be seen whether the two regions, North Pare and South Pare, could somehow find a common social or political “‘bridge”’.

References 1. v. S. Abduel Msami and Ezekieli Kibwana, “Historia ya Upare”, MS,

2, ‘Tradition 164.

3. Traditions 107, 169 and 176. 4. Traditions 174 and 175. 5. Ibid. 6. Tradition 182.

102 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE-PARE 7. Tradition 109. 8. Tradition 164. 9. Tradition 182. 10. Traditions 107 and 176. 11. Tradition 66. 12. Tradition 169. 13. Tradition 176. 14. Traditions 169 and 182. 15. Tradition 174. 16. Tradition 100. 17. Traditions 35 and 66.

rf |

THE POLITICAL BRIDGE BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH In the previous chapters we have discussed North Pare and South Pare separately, following the sequence in which migration and political evolution took place. We have seen that South Pare was in fact born from an initial migration of people from North Pare

itself. But in their later development, the two sections of the Pare country remained isolated mainly because the centralized state of Ugweno was closed to the various chiefdoms and clans of South Pare. It is difficult to say how complete this isolation had been since, in theory at least, the South Pare initiation rites were open even to people from North Pare. It would have been natural for North Pare people to have taken advantage of the four- or five-day initiation ceremony in South Pare if this exempted them from their six-month initiation period in their own country. Yet, as things were, no exemption of this kind existed and consequently, there was no incentive for people who used the Ugweno initiation rite to attend South Pare initiation ceremonies. We may

therefore regard the expansion which started in Mbaga and continued into Kizungo in Middle Pare and into Usangi in North Pare about eight or seven generations ago as being a significant happening in the relationship between North Pare and South Pare. As we have already mentioned in the previous chapter, Nzovu, the mfumwa who ruled Mbaga about seven generations ago,* received deputations from Kizungo and Usangi. The former was requesting

him to send a rain-maker to help the dry region, whereas the latter was asking for military troops. Middle Pare was just begin* Wasangi genealogy (Traditions 28 and 35) agree with that of Wambaga (Tradition 66), but that of Wangumba in Same has one generation more

(Tradition 140). At any rate, the depths of 8 or 7 generations are

approximately the same.

104 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE ning to be settled at this time by two groups of people from the

Nguu Mountains region: the Wangumba who were a Zigua clan and the Washana who were blacksmiths. These newcomers met scattered families of people from Ugweno and the hunting group known as “Vasi’’. The main problem of Middle Pare was the scarcity of water. There were two division of hills, the one nearest to the present

town of Same being Vumari, and this was the one with some supplies of water. Naturally most of the people tended to congre-

gate here. Among the inhabitants of Vumari were the usual enemies mentioned in South Pare, the ‘“Wagalla’.* Here it happened that the Wangumba were ritual leaders who could perform

war rituals and help the other people in this area expel the enemies. One of their leaders, Mgishe, was therefore accepted

as the ritual leader of the whole group, i. he became their mfumwa. But the second lineage of the Wangumba, under Isagho, } was already branching out into the eastern hill known as Kizungo.

Unfortunately, this area did not have as much water as Vumari,

and life was therefore not as easy for Isagho and those other people who had followed him to Kizungo. It was at this time Isagho is said to have heard about the reputation of the rain-makers in Mbaga. This would tend to show that the Wangumba were not rain-makers. Their rituals centred on a wild banana known as irigho around which most of their ritual functions were held. Even ceremonies of enstoolment had to be held at this shrine which brought together both groups (Mgishe’s

and Isagho’s). Yet the problems of these groups were not the same. Mgishe’s group had established its political power in Vumari

and this was to continue to the present century. Isagho may have desired to establish a similar kind of hegemony in Kizungo.

Nevertheless, natural circumstances dictated that he should go to Mbaga and try to get a rain-maker who could help in solving * Again the “Wagalla” story has to be viewed as a general reference to people considered to have been “enemies”. Although there is a known site which has not yet been examined, the Wagalla story of Same may be

only an imitation of the South Pare stories, especially since by this time no

such enemies existed in South Pare. It is also possible that a group of

such enemies still existed in this Middle Pare region. + Due to rivalry between the Wangumba and the Wambaga for the Same chiefdoms, the Wambaga have tried to say that Isagho was a member of their clan who went to Kizungo earlier and returned to Mbaga to ask for help. All other clans in Same confirm that Isagho was a Mngumba of the Same group as Mgishe.

The political bridge between north and south 105 the water problems in his area. This was the background to the appearance of this man called Isagho before Mfumwa Nzovu. We have already mentioned in the previous chapter that Nzovu himself was actually in a position to accept such requests since he had already succeeded in bringing all districts of Mbaga under effective control. He was also fortunate in having three sons of

his own and an “illegitimate” boy born by a female relative. But Nzovu also seems to have realized that he could not exercise a direct control over such a distant country as Kizungo. It would

therefore help, he thought, to get a committed and interested person who would make it his duty to establish a firm control in

that country. Because of this consideration, Nzovu called his three sons, Luvigho, Chachika and Kikwa and asked them if any one of them would volunteer to go to Kizungo. Kikwa volunteered and was given the assignment.

We are not told why Kikwa took interest in this work which would send him away from Mbaga. We do, however, know that Kikwa was not the eldest son, and as things stood at that moment,

Luvigho, the eldest son, was likely to inherit his father’s stool. It was also obvious that whoever was being sent to Kizungo would

have a special position as rain-maker and eventually as a ruler. It was this assumption which made Nzovu hold a special ritual for his son, a ritual attended by the whole country. This looked like a ceremony of enstoolment after which Kikwa was sent to Kizungo, not only as a rain-maker, but also as a ruler. We do not know what rain-making “equipment” Kikwa took with him. Whatever material the rain-maker could carry with him from Madiveni, a periodical return to the original shrine was necessary for rain-making ritual outside Mbaga. Kikwa went to Kizungo and successfully established himself as a ritual leader and mfumwa. Thus the region of Middle Pare came to have two chiefdoms, the western chiefdom of Vumari and Same under the Wangumba clan and the eastern chiefdom of Kizungo under the Wambaga. Whatever economic benefit Mbaga could have obtained from Kizungo must have remained minimal since Kizungo was too dry to attract a large population. But because of Mbaga’s later interest in Usangi, Kizungo was to become a valuable connection through which troops could pass

to North Pare unnoticed. As if pre-planned, Kikwa had hardly settled in Kizungo when

106 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE another message was received in Mbaga from the ruler of Usangi. Unlike that of Kizungo which was concerned with rain-making,

the Usangi message was asking for military help. In order to understand this situation, we have to examine what developments

in Usangi created this military need. We saw in the fourth chapter that Usangi was only a district in the state of Ugweno. Yet it was a special district since its rulers, the Wasangi clan, were the only ruling group that did not directly belong to the Wasuya clan. Under the special arrangements made by Mangi Shimbo of Ugweno, the Wasangi had accepted the Ugweno initiation rites and political power under the Ugweno paramount ruler. As long as Ugweno was under such an energetic ruler as Shimbo,

things could be expected to run smoothly. But it happened that

after his death, Ugweno came under a series of weak rulers. From about ten to seven generations back, only one ruler, Mburia,* is remembered for activities affecting the whole Ugweno society.

Unfortunately, Mburia’s activities were concerned mainly with social controls aimed at improving the moral standards of society rather than political organization. In fact, to later generations these efforts appeared to be so fruitless that Mburia could only be considered as a cruel and inconsiderate ruler.

It was generally accepted that an uninitiated girl could not become pregnant and then continue to live with the other members of the society because such girls were considered to be vighiria,

i.e. unlawful members of the society. It was also generally accepted that the place for such people would be not in the good mountain country where the rest of the society lived, but down on the plains where they could be treated harshly by the natural environment as part of their punishment. Mburia is said to have specifically marked two areas for outcasts of this kind to make sure that they would not be allowed to return into the society. One of these areas was at Ngale in the Butu plain of Ugweno

and the other one was in Usangi below the Kisare hill on the Mwero plain. Mburia came to discover that such social problems

as pregnancy among teenagers could not be stopped just by separating the culprits from the society. He therefore started a more severe punishment which left a mark of cruelty on him. As

soon as a kighiria was found, she was brought to a crossroad * Mburia, son of Mbuna, appears in the Wasuya genealogy in the ninth generation back. See Appendix I (A).

The political bridge between north and south 107 at Kikweni with her male partner. The two were pegged to the

ground on the crossroads and left there to die so that people who passed by could observe them. Experience was to prove that even this harsh punishment never cured the problem. After

Mburia, no other ruler tried to enforce this punishment. It remained understood, however, that children born of vighiria were

mshundi* and therefore should not be allowed to live in the normal society. Any comments made today about Mburia’s cruelty necessarily

suffer from a kind of stereotype caused by the failure of the present Pare population to understand certain social values of their past. This is especially so since most of these social controls

directly or indirectly involved some kind of infanticide. In the case of the uninitiated parents, the condemned were not just the children but also their parents. Mburia was in fact expressing an important social philosophy of the Pare people. According to

this philosophy, the continuation of the society depended very much on the upbringing of the individual members of the society. If individuals could be allowed to become adults without being

taught the norms and traditions of the society, the corporate group was in danger. Just as an unfertilized egg could not be expected to continue the propagation of its kind, so could a mshundi not be expected to carry on the growth of the society. This was a well accepted norm in all sections of Pare society, although nobody worked as hard as Mburia in trying to make sure that fewer children would be born of uninitiated parents.

Somewhat earlier such social controls had given birth to a whole new clan in South Pare. This was the Wazirai clan who, according to one tradition,+ originated from a “Wampare” girl who became pregnant before initiation. After being thrown away

into the plains, she is said to have given birth to a son under a baobab tree. Although she was completely barred from visiting markets or relatives on the mountains, she was able to survive due to her own efforts in collecting wild fruits and other edible * Mshundi literally means “unfertilized”, like an egg laid by a hen that had not been served by a cock. A child born by an uninitiated person was understood in this category because strictly speaking, the mother was not yet a member of the society.

+ Tradition 1(b). Due to the social inferiority implied in this story of origin, most other informants (Tradition 2 being a good example) try to seek other origins, e.g., migrations from some coastal people or from the Portuguese.

[08 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE material and also due to the kindness of some of her relatives who could bring food and leave it in a bush provided that they did not meet her face to face. Soon this area of Wangao came to be inhabited by similar outcasts who, as a group, were later accepted back into the mountain areas. A similar group was formed in Kinonga on the Mbaga plains, whereto originally a Wabwambo girl had been driven and her offspring, together with those of similar victims, started a Wazirai

group in the area. From these two groups of Wazirai, the clan was to spread to many other areas even as far as Usambara and Taveta.* It would therefore seem that such social control efforts were applied only periodically when those responsible thought that the society was in danger. This would explain why the Pare plains were not getting full of such outcasts. Politically, the different districts of Ugweno, except those around the paramount chief, were developing their own kind of autonomy

during the period when no strict control was exercised from the centre. The most important symbol of acknowledging authority was the payment of mbiru or tribute. Traditionally, the district chief had been responsible for the collection and transmission of part of this mbiru to the paramount chief. During this period of

weak rulers, the transmission of mbiru seems to have been optional. For the Wasuya this payment of mbiru could not be ignored since their ruler was also an important ritual symbol for their group. For the Wasangi clan, however, this lax period created an independent attitude on the part of the district rulers. As long as no attempt was made in Ugweno to see that tributes were properly transmitted to the central government, no trouble could be expected. But it happened that Minja who ruled Ugweno seven generations ago was a different kind of paramount chief. He saw the need for re-establishing strict control in the districts and especially to see that every district expressed its loyalty by sending its normal contribution of tribute. He also started calling

together his Chila Ndue to discuss matters affecting the whole State.

At this time Munga, who also ruled Usangi seven generations ago, thought that his authority was being challenged by the ruler * Ibid. The informant has been involved in the efforts of trying to unite the whole clan and has therefore contacted members in North Pare and South Pare as well as Usambara and Taveta.

The political bridge between north and south 109 of Ugweno. He had not been required to attend council meetings in Ugweno before and had considered the matter of transferring

mbiru to Ugweno as being voluntary rather than compulsory. But now he learned that Minja was ready to enforce his law even by the force of arms. Two important things become clear from the actions of Minja in the Ugweno state. In the first place it is clear that Minja was not trying to make a special treatment for Usangi. In the traditions of all other districts, no resentment to this law was expressed. In a later period, when this kind of atmosphere had changed, even the southern districts ruled by the Wasuya themselves, i.e. Sofe and Kisangara, were also resisting.* Before then, the Wasangi may have considered themselves to have been different, not because of the arrangements between

their ruler, Mmba and Shimbo three generations earlier, but because within these generations law-enforcement had been neglected.

Secondly, Minja must have seen the difficulty of trying to bring the Wasangi under a tighter control. Soon after becoming the ruler of Ugweno, he endeavoured to bridge the social gap between the Wasuya and the Wasangi by himself marrying a sister of Munga. Hoping then that kinship would make the relationship between Ugweno and Usangi run on the same level as among the various

Wasuya districts, Minja issued orders to Munga requiring him to collect and transmit to his court the proper amount of mbiru from Usangi. In the Ugweno state the collection of mbiru had been well organized since the time of Mangi Mranga. Agricultural

produce was assessed in terms of vivale+ under the direction of the agricultural officials. But since the district officials were in

fact working under the district ruler who retained part of the tribute, the final transmission of material from the district to the central court depended very much on the relationship between the mangi mrwe and the district mangi.

Agricultural produce may not have been as highly regarded in the stream of tribute from the country as the livestock and the traditional beer. Each mangi had his own farms that were in any case larger than those possessed by an ordinary person. But he could not produce on his own all the livestock required * We shall return to this problem in Chapter 8. be assessed in terms of this unit.

+ One kivale was a unit of six maize ears tied together. Other products could

[10 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE to feed his court and his troops. At the same time, tribute from livestock was more difficult to assess and collect. Among the

animals marked for tribute was at least one of those cows

paid in the bride-wealth before the marriage of one’s daughter. There was also another tribute known as msumba which required that prior to marriage every man should take two goats to the ruler. In many cases, the ruler could send messages independently

to his rich people asking them to contribute something to feed his guests, troops, etc. The supply of beer was more certain since every time a person

brewed some for a certain celebration he had first to inform the local ruler through whom some of the beer had to be sent to the central ruler. All these were well known obligations. But the original transaction began at the lowest level, between the peasant and the village ruler. In most cases, the tribute was sure to reach the district mangi but its transmission beyond that stage depended very much on the loyalty of the district ruler. Obviously

Munga saw no reason why he should owe allegiance to Minja while for some time this had not been demanded from his predecessors. He therefore refused to send any tribute to Minja. According to the traditions of the Ugweno state, this was. an act of defiance and Minja understood it to be so. It indicated that marriage had not ensured smoother relationship between the two rulers and that some amount of compulsion was necessary. It appears that Munga had anticipated the war, but he nevertheless hoped that he could use the people of Usangi to resist Ugweno without risking full-scale confrontation with the superior

troops of Ugweno. Minja himself saw no need for a full-scale war with Usangi. All he did was to send a punitive expedition which confiscated a number of cattle and left the Usangi ruler to rule the district after pledging allegiance to Ugweno. But soon afterwards Usangi revolted again. This kind of resistance went on

for a period of “six years”* after which Minja decided to send a military force to occupy Usangi completely. Although the troops

had been ordered to capture Munga and kill him, the latter managed to escape alive. It was after his escape that Munga * Tradition 35. In North Pare where two reliable rainy seasons existed, each

was considered as one year. So six years would in fact be three years. [In South Pare, however, there were twelve different months in the year

the yea by the activities performed during that particular period of

The political bridge between north and south Hit decided to travel to Mbaga and negotiate some military help from

Mfumwa Nzovu. It may be argued that Munga’s refuge in Mbaga was only accidental and that it was by sheer luck that his

problem found solution while he was there. Yet one Wasangi tradition’ indicates that at least Munga’s father, Kereke, who was at this time quite old and had been wounded during the war, was fully informed that his son was going to Mbaga. Thus, as we have

already mentioned in the previous chapter, the military power of Mbaga was well-known at this time. In moving from Usangi to Mbaga, Munga was assured a friendly protection in Kizungo where the Wambaga had already settled. A really difficult problem is to try to discover how the ruler of Mbaga understood Munga’s request. Since the latter had been driven out of his country, he could no longer count on either his personal wealth or that of his people to support the troops he was seeking from outside. In fact, all the wealth of Usangi was in the hands of the Ugweno military power. If Nzovu decided to give military help to Munga, he also had the obligation of seeing that the troops were fed during the campaign. What did Mbaga stand to gain from all this trouble? Neither the Wasangi nor the Wambaga traditions indicate exactly what kind of agreements were made. It is possible that Nzovu foresaw the political implications of sending his people to Usangi. Yet it is also clear from what happened later that neither the Wasangi nor the Wambaga anticipated the political position accorded to the latter group. In fact, when the question of political status was settled in Usangi, and this was after the war, what came to decide the status of the Wambaga was rain-making rather than the military help they had given.

Munga had presented his request to Nzovu stating that the ruler of Ugweno had ravaged his country and that he was inform-

ed that the enemy had even sent for more troops from Kilimanjaro. This latter claim in the Wasangi tradition may be quite suspect. It is known that in a later period, Mangi Ghendewa of Ugweno relied heavily on military alliance with Mandara of Moshi.* But the reference to Kilimanjaro at this period is something unsupported by any other source and may be a generalization by the informants of the events belonging to the Mandara * See Chapter 8. E

112 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE period. What may be true in this context is that Munga had to try to show the danger involved if Minja was allowed to grow

too powerful. :

Munga’s request was accepted with the understanding that the troops would also be led by a representative from Mbaga. Several implications may lie behind this arrangement. In the first place, Munga may have realized the position in which he was without any certainty about support in his own country. It might have been an extra blow for him to lead foreign troops in his own country and find that all his subjects were supporting the enemies from Ugweno. More realistically, however, Munga must have recognized the ritual position of the Wambaga, a position which would have been appropriate in encouraging the troops. Thus Nzovu had two

tasks to do: to raise troops and their provisions and select his own representative to command them. The first task was accomplished more easily. Since Nzovu had enough confidence about

the allegiance of the various clans of Mbaga, he immediately called his Chila consisting of elders from all clans and discussed Munga’s problem with them. A method of raising troops was | reached. The traditions do not actually agree on what this — method was. The Wambaga traditions say no more than the fact that Munga was given troops.? The Wasangi tradition® gives

more details about the procedure of raising troops. In fact, it Seems to suggest that the main body of soldiers was raised not in Mbaga but in Usambara, but incorrectly attributes this work to Kimweri since this period must have been too early for Kimweri anyway.

In examining the groups of people who, after going to Usangi

on this military expedition, decided to remain there, we get a clear picture that these people were members of prominent Mbaga clans including the Wandeme, Wachomvu, Wazirai, Wanzava and the Wambaga themselves. It is therefore more likely that Nzovu

obtained the troops from the various clans of his own country, who also agreed to contribute cattle to feed the groups during their Usangi expedition. Some of those who volunteered for this service may have had their own ambitions. Usangi and Ugweno were generally known for their fertility and abundance of water. Why not go there and seek a better place to live? For a majority of them, however, this was a call to duty. They were ready to accompany their leader from Mbaga, support him in the campaign,

The political bridge between north and south 113 return with him to Mbaga or stay in Usangi with him if that was his choice. Thus Nzovu collected these troops together, administer-

ed the military test of walking over a hide* after which he was convinced that the number was not yet adequate. He appealed to his Chila for the second time and got more volunteers. This time the test showed that he had raised enough military power. Who was to command them to Usangi? Nzovu had had an occasion to make a similar decision before when he was asked to send a rain-maker to Kizungo. At that time he had called his sons together and asked them for a volunteer.

Now things looked more serious. Besides the heir apparent, Luvigho, only Chachika was left. If Nzovu considered this expedi-

tion to be of important political significance 10 Mbaga—as it appears he did—then it was important that his own son be sent to lead it. Therefore Chachika was asked to lead the expedition. The troops travelled secretly at night, passing through Kizungo and appearing in Usangi early in the morning. It appears that only a few Ugweno people were left in Usangi as guards at this time since they never anticipated that Munga could raise troops that would seriously challenge them. At the same time, the people of Usangi must have resented the activities of Ugweno troops. Many of them had lost their livestock and did not know what to expect next. When Munga appeared with the army, therefore, one sub-

chief (mlao) after another declared his allegiance to him and even collected cattle to help feed the troops. Under such conditions,

the Ugweno guards started to retreat towards Ugweno in order

to avoid a major confrontation with the superior force. The pursuing Mbaga troops are said to have ravaged some Ugweno villages, taking some cattle back to Usangi. At this point, Munga had to make an important decision. Should

he thank his rescuers and let them go back to Mbaga? Was the danger gone? He was certain about the strength of Ugweno, especially if all other districts would loyally support Minja. The temporary retreat must have been a necessary step in the face of the surprise attack. Certainly Minja could be expected to come

back with even greater force than he had done before. With all these thoughts in mind, Munga decided he could reward his foreign

troops by offering a place for them to stay in Usangi. It was to * This test was described in Chapter 6.

114 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE his advantage that some members of the expedition liked the country enough to want to stay there. The raid into Ugweno must have shown how more wealth in livestock could be accumulated.

Moreover, the country seemed attractive enough, if not more attractive than their land in Mbaga. It was a flat plateau with a good amount of rain and water. At any rate, if things did not work out for them, they still had the chance to go back to Mbaga. In fact, many of them did just that. They saw that their mission had been accomplished and wanted to pursue no other ambitions

in Usangi. It therefore happened that one portion of the troops

went back to Mbaga while another stayed in Usangi under Chachika.

The land given to these people from Mbaga had to be selected

with care. The idea was to place them where they could act as a buffer between the Wasangi and the Wagweno. So the northern parts of Usangi, including Kilaweni and Kighare, were ideal for this. After implementing this decision, Munga was convinced

that his people were safe, since the “Wambaga” were already settled in a place where they could shield the country from any assault from Ugweno. What Munga never realized at this time was the fact that the number of “Wambaga” that decided to remain and live in Usangi was actually too small to shield the country. No consideration of the political implication of their presence in this area seems to have been made. Possibly Munga had no intention of controlling these people; if they were to become an effective protection against Ugweno, they should also be autonomous. But should they establish their own chiefdom with

a ruler of status similar to his? This was not yet an overriding problem, and so it was left for the future to decide. Nor do we know the reaction in Mbaga about the decision of Chachika and some of his people to remain in Usangi. It did not take long before Munga discovered that the arrangements were not yet satisfactory. Minja of Ugweno was not willing

to let the “rebel” escape his punishment so easily. He therefore sent another expedition to Usangi after getting a good idea of the help Munga was likely to obtain from the ‘““Wambaga”. Neither

Chachika’s people nor the Wasangi were in a position to keep out the invading troops. Again Minja’s aim was to capture Munga

and kill him in order to make sure that the resistance in Usangi could be smashed completely. Fortunately, however, Munga was

The political bridge between north and south 115 forewarned through his sister and he escaped to: find refuge in Mbaga for the second time. Minja’s strategy had failed again. As long as Munga was left free to negotiate help from outside, no reliable solution to Usangi problems could be foreseen. Munga himself went to express his own predicament to the Mbaga ruler. Nzovu convinced Munga that the solution had to be a political one; at least, a ritual leader

properly installed in Mbaga should be sent to ensure that the military crisis would be solved. This could also be of special advantage since the ritual leader could also be a rain-maker for the whole of Usangi. Munga was also willing to guarantee that if the person sent from Mbaga was able to make rain, all the people of Usangi would send tribute to him. Only one riddle remained in Nzovu’s mind. He had already sent away his son to

Usangi and this son had decided not to come back. He could not give ritual responsibility to that son since he had to be trained and initiated at Madiveni. Luckily, he still had an “illegitimate” boy born in his own house,* known as Chasimba in Mbaga tradition* and as Madiva in Usangi tradition.® Whatever the actual

name was, this “son” was initiated and instructed and then he was ceremonially installed as a ritual leader to be sent to Usangi. Troops were again raised and the expedition was sent off. It appears that these arrangements may have taken some time to complete. By the time Munga returned to Usangi, Minja had

already decided that the military occupation of Usangi was an unnecessary expense. It might have been more beneficial to concentrate on the other districts and let the people of Usangi choose their own way. After all, they had accepted the Ugweno mshitu, the secrets of which would always keep them closer to Ugweno than to Mbaga. In this thought Minja was right, for as we shall see in the next chapter when the Wambaga in Usangi became a menace to the Wasangi themselves, the latter turned to Ugweno for help under the pretext that the Ugweno mshitu was in danger. Munga was therefore re-entering his country at the time when no military troops were required. Besides the troops, he also had

a potential ruler from Mbaga. What steps must now be taken * Some Mbaga versions say he was born to Nzovu’s sister, but the Wasangi say he was born to Nzovu’s wife. If this were so, no question of ilegitimacy could be involved even if Nzovu was not the biological father.

116 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE to ensure that Munga would also remain the ruler of the Wasangi? The earlier group from Mbaga had been placed near the Ugweno

border. It might be the next logical step to place the new group next to it in Goma and Kiriche so that Madiva* (or Chasimba) could consolidate the area settled by people from Mbaga. Thus Madiva established himself in Goma and his followers in Kiriche, although many of his companions who had only come with him for military exploits decided to go back to Mbaga.

One important question had yet to be decided. In Mbaga, Munga had promised that all his people would give mbiru to the Mbaga rain-maker. Now Madiva was ready to perform his rain-

making rituals. Unless proper limitations were placed on the powers of these newcomers, all the people of Usangi could be swayed by the popularity of their rain-maker. Hence, Munga arranged a meeting with Madiva in which they made a specific agreement. According to this arrangement, Madiva could rule his people from Mbaga in the areas of Goma, Kiriche, Kighare and Kilaweni, and act as rain-maker for the whole of Usangi for which the people of Usangi would reward him with mbiru. On the other hand, Madiva and his people were completely barred from taking part in the Wasangi (and hence Ugweno) initiation

rites. In this way, Munga had a means of controlling his own people through the Ugweno initiation machine without acknowledging Ugweno overlordship. At the same time, he was making sure that this initiation institution would not come under the control of the Wambaga who had established themselves in his own country. For some time these arrangements seemed to work well. Usangi was in fact becoming two chiefdoms, one controlled by the Wasangi and the other by the Wambaga, the former controlling most of the southern part of the country while the latter controlled the northern part. Usangi continued to co-ordinate its initiation rituals

with those of Ugweno, but made sure that all Wambaga and their supporters would send their youth back to Mbaga for initiation. This situation was socially detrimental for it perpetuated the alienation of the Wambaga in the North Pare society while at the

same time it required a greater attachment of this one section of Usangi with Mbaga. In any period of conflict, the Wambaga * From now on, Madiva, his Usangi name, will be used.

- The political bridge between north and south 117 section could always count on the support of their motherland in Mbaga.

The alienation was mainly between the members of the ruling

clans, i.e., the Wasangi and the Wambaga. On the side of the “commoners’” clans that accompanied the Wambaga, there was a clear advantage. After settling in Usangi, they could accept the Ugweno institutions and refuse to go back to Mbaga for rituals. This was actually what many of them did. One of them at least, the Wachomvu, accepted Ugweno social norms so completely as to be able to establish a Wachomvu chiefdom in Vuchama (between the Wasuya district of Kisangara and Usangi) without causing any alarm.* By the time this chiefdom was estab-

lished, however, most of the southern districts of the Ugweno state were going their own separate ways in an atmosphere of economic competition. This will be discussed in the next chapter. Of the eleven districts which formed the Ugweno state (including Usangi), only the four southern districts had special administrative problems because of being too far from the administrative

centre of mangi mrwe. Usangi was practically out of Ugweno control since the time of Wambaga penetration into the area six generations ago. Ngavondue, Minja’s successor, had to face this reality by actually fixing boundaries with Usangi. Since Ngavondue is remembered as a weak ruler,® his action may be taken to reflect

his weakness. But in actual fact, the presence of the Wambaga

in Usangi was raising an important security question for the remaining districts of Ugweno. How could the paramount ruler ensure that conditions in Usangi were harmonious enough so that wars from Usangi would not continue to threaten Ugweno? The

recognition of Usangi’s independence (and thus cessation of hostility) would be a vital step since the Wasangi would then need support from Ugweno to neutralize the influence of the Wambaga.

The ruler of Ugweno also needed to keep watch over what was happening in the southern districts more closely than ever before.. Usangi had been lost because of help from Mbaga. Now nobody * Tradition 86. The establishment of this chiefdom did in fact involve pushing out some Wasofe back to Lembeni, but since the Wachomvu were completely in the Ugweno cultural sphere, the action alarmed neither the Wasangi nor the Wasuya.

118 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE could predict what else could be coming from the southern direction. Consequently, the western district of Mavanja was becoming more important as the centre of the paramount chief than it had been before. From this centre, it was easier to notice any movement of people into Ugweno from the western plains.

The nearest marchland was the land sloping gradually from Kikweni to Mwanga, the region known as Lambo. Originally this

district, together with Kaseni, had been ruled by Mranga’s son

Mnduwambele. It was therefore important that the Wasuya should try to produce something that could raise their image high in the mind of anybody who approached Ugweno from this direc-

tion. This was done by “deification” of Mnduwambele’ for the

Lambo region. It was said by the Wasuya that the spirit of Mnduwambele actually protected not only the people who lived

in Lambo, but also anybody who travelled through the road leading into Mwanga. While the Wasuya instituted a regular annual sacrifice offered to Mnduwambele in this region, it became

fashionable for anybody who walked to the plains or back to the mountains to offer something to Mnduwambele in Lambo. The Wasuya were using a uniting weapon they had discovered much earlier in their history. In the fourth chapter we saw how Mrigha and Kivia had been made clan “deities” and thus their names had become important in state rituals. This had been done not only in order to unite the ruling clan itself but also to increase religious activities that could involve a large number of the people of Ugweno. The loss of Usangi must have reminded the rulers that a similar emphasis at this time would be valuable in ensuring that the southern districts felt the vital link that existed among both the Wasuya and the other people of Ugweno.

South of Lambo still existed the two important districts of Kisangara and Sofe. Both districts had enjoyed special privileges from the beginning because of their distance from the centre and because a special effort was needed to keep these areas attached to Ugweno. This special effort was to come not from the paramount

chief living far away, but from the district ruler on the spot. A greater degree of autonomy could in fact increase the initiative of the Wasuya rulers in these districts provided that they felt well attached to the main region of Ugweno by traditional and kinship ties. In Kisangara this special responsibility had helped

The political bridge between north and south I19 in driving away the Warutu menace* during its early history. Later on, harmonious relationship was established with the Wakamba who came into the area as hunters and were given land on which to settle by the district ruler. Using the tactics employed by Mangi Shimbo earlier,t the Wasuya ruler of Kisangara granted

the Wakamba the privilege of acting as a royal guard; they supplied the district mnjama and also got permission to use one of the Wasuya irrigation channels. In this way, the presence of the Wakamba in the area was actually made an asset to the royal power rather than a challenge. A similar arrangement had already been made in Sofe. There special privileges had been granted to the rain-making clan of Wavungit Under lax conditions the ritual position of the clan could very easily displace the Wasuya themselves. But under the tight control of the mshitu institution, the rain-making ritual of the Wavungi remained strictly limited to its clan circles. In fact, most of the districts under Ugweno continued to regard the state ceremonies connected with the Wasuya as their rain-making rituals.

What remains to be assessed is the actual part played by these two southern districts in the conflict between Usangi and Ugweno. One tradition of Sofe especially would seem to suggest that this district was developing so far apart from Ugweno that it could

be expected to regard its own interests apart from those of Ugweno. The name “Wasofe” was being used instead of “Wasuya”’, and many other traditions were creeping in from South Pare. The most important of these was the practice of maintaining a Mrungu wa Gu (or protective god) for the whole lineage.* This

practice may be taken to indicate that the Wasofe were at this time concerned about unity among themselves apart from the Wasuya as a whole. Yet this may also mean that population expansion in South Pare had come so near to the Wasofe that the latter were imitating from South Pare communities those practices they thought were of interest to them-—without under* See Chapter 4. | Ibid. These two references to “Wakamba” groups in Upare, one 11 generations ago, and the other 7 generations ago, were not large groups. In both cases they formed just a village near the court, and became Kigweno and Chasu speaking respectively. In these respects they were different from the Kamba colonies formed in some parts of Tanzania in the nineteenth century.

See T. O. Beidelman, “Some Notes on the Kamba in Kilosa District”, Tanganyika Notes and Records, 57 (1961), 181-194. +See Chapter 4.

120 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE mining their attachment to the Wasuya clan. In fact, the Wasofe tradition mentioned? indicates that because of their proximity to Usangi, their support of Ugweno during the Usangi uprising was important in giving Ugweno the sweeping victory it got. We can therefore conclude that despite their long distance from the centre, the southern districts of Kisangara and Sofe remained attached to Ugweno at the time Usangi was challenging its authority. Kinship relationship cemented by religious and other ritual connections proved strong enough to hold these districts under the Wasuya. The fact that the Wasangi successfully challenged this authority would seem to indicate that force alone (as wielded in the mshitu institution) was not enough to create a united state. Strictly speaking, Ugweno was not a military state, and later when obviously military power could have saved the state from breaking into pieces, Ugweno failed to hold it together.* Taking the Ugweno state as a whole, we can say that by the end of the sixth generation back, Usangi had been lost by Ugweno only politically. Culturally, the Wasangi became even more keen in guarding the Ugweno tradition of mshitu than the Wagweno themselves. More significantly, a “foreign”. element had been introduced into the population of Usangi, and this element was to have a more decisive influence on the future political developments of North Pare than the independence of the Wasangi. In terms of social relationship, the picture of Wambaga and their companions in Usangi travelling to Mbaga every time there was an initiation in their original country, dramatized this situation. It became even more dramatic when the Wambaga themselves

expressed their desire to participate in the North Pare system since they felt that they were becoming more and more a part of that society. Some of them were beginning to marry into North Pare families and were feeling that participation in the rituals of that area was important for their well-being. Yet all these

rituals were closed to them.

To make things worse, the whole process of initiation, which was nevertheless a matter of life or death for the society, was becoming a cumbersome activity for the Wambaga of Usangi. In South Pare people chose the forest camp to which they took their young people according to the ease with which they could approach * See Chapter 8.

The political bridge between north and south 121 the area, either economically or in terms of distance. Most of them

had occasions when they could attend ceremonies in their own forest camps. For the Wambaga of Usangi, there was no choice except going back to South Pare, and economic and emotional considerations were more likely to direct them back to Mbaga. Since this meant going back to their original shrines, they were in effect performing a kind of pilgrimage. Moreover, since their rituals in Usangi would have to be renewed by a periodical return to their original shrines in Mbaga, an initiation “pilgrimage” could mean killing several birds with one stone.

Yet after all this has been said, we should not forget how inconvenient the whole process was. Whereas people in South Pare attended the forest ceremony and then returned to their home camp, the people from Usangi had to bear the expense of several days. They had to be in the area before the ceremony was due to start, and then they had to hasten back home to Usangi to organized instruction camps. Enough food had to be carried with them to these different areas. In fact, because of the long travel involved, periods of instruction for the Wambaga initiates in Usangi tended to become exceptionally short. Whereas in South

Pare a period of four days was required at the home camp after coming from the forest camp, for the Wambaga of Usangi this was hardly more than a one-day activity.1° This situation has to be borne in mind when trying to understand the conflict which developed later between the Wambaga and the other North Pare communities, Wasangi and Wagweno alike.

References 1. Tradition 35. 2. Traditions 62 and 66. 3. Tradition 35. 4. Tradition 66. 5. Tradition 35. 6. Tradition 18. 7. Tradition 17. 8. Tradition 19. 9. Ibid. 10. Tradition 1(a).

a THE FALL OF THE GWENO STATE The Wambaga penetration into Usangi, and the independence of Usangi from Ugweno, signalled the downfall of the Gweno State. Yet once independent, Usangi gave little trouble to the paramount chief of Ugweno. For a while, it appeared that the rulers of Usangi were the ones who had invited trouble into their own district by bringing in the Wambaga, and thus from time to time the Wasangi had to appeal to Ugweno for help. Nevertheless, the independence of Usangi had opened the way for disunity. When new economic ideas began to penetrate North Pare, they found a fertile ground in the tension-ridden district of Usangi and then stimulated economic rivalry all over the plateau. It was the result of this rivalry which finally destroyed the state which had existed for more than twelve generations. Let us see how this happened.

We have already seen that six generations ago the state of Ugweno still existed, although it had by then lost the district of Usangi. We have also seen that in Usangi a division into two chiefdoms had been made—one chiefdom ruled by the Wasangi and the other by the Wambaga who had been brought into the district during the uprising against Ugweno. As one might expect, the relationship between the Wasangi and the Wambaga remained stiff, although major clashes were avoided as long as the initial agreements between Munga and Madiva were observed.* Though politically independent of the Wagweno, the Wasangi remained culturally attached to Ugweno through the mshitu institution, and this made the alienation of the Wambaga in North Pare even more apparent.

The picture of the relationship between the Wasangi and * See Chapter 7.

The fall of the Gweno State 123 Wambaga after the death of Munga is somewhat confused in the traditions. The Wambaga and other Usangi clans, excluding the Wasangi, have a picture of harmonious relationship between the two ruling clans extending at least for a period of three generations. The Wasangi tradition,: however, describes a conflict between Madiva and Nyange (Munga’s successor) almost immediately

after the latter’s accession to his father’s stool. According to this tradition, Madiva went to Nyange and asked him to recognize his (Madiva’s) superiority over the latter due to the rain-making

power. Since all the people of Usangi were sending tribute to Madiva, it was logical that he should be the ruler of the whole district, while Nyange could rule his southern region as a subchief under Madiva. Nyange understood this proposal as a violation of the original arrangements between his father and Madiva, and so rejected it. The tradition goes further to show that after this

unsuccessful attempt Madiva made a plot to kill Nyange. The latter was invited to Chomvu (an area also inhabited by people from. Mbaga, but people who were being acculturated by the Usangi

environment), in order to make blood brotherhood with Madiva.

When Nyange arrived there, persons who had been sent by Madiva captured him and killed him.

Besides the fact that this heroic story is mentioned in the Wasangi tradition only, one is surprised by the kind of reaction reported among the Wasangi themselves. Nyange had two brothers,

Mungareni and Mramba. After killing Nyange, Madiva is said to have sent an order to Nyange’s brothers that all the Wasangi should recognize him as the ruler of the whole of Usangi. The two brothers are said to have refused this order, saying that they were going to act as regents until Nyange’s son, Rivasi, was big enough

to succeed his father. In all these accounts, Nyange’s brothers showed no intention of avenging their brother’s death. Also ironically, Madiva never tried to enforce his orders even after succeed-

ing in killing Nyange. Instead, Usangi II* was left under Mungareni and Mramba until Rivasi was of age. Even after this, the two chiefdoms continued to live in harmony until the reign of Rivasi’s son Mdimu, about four generations ago. It was during this period of good relationship that even marriage was * From now on, we shall refer to Usangi under the Wambaga (Northern Ueanee as Usangi I, and the area under Wasangi (Southern Usangi) as

124 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE contracted between the two ruling houses. More will be said about

this later in this chapter.

Considering the fact that no account of the heroic story is preserved by the Wambaga, who would be more likely to transmit it, this writer considers the story as reflecting a later antagonism

between the two clans. Nyange may have died at an early age, and his two brothers, Mungareni and Mramba, may have acted as regents for his son, Rivasi. But there is no indication that

Nyange was killed by the Wambaga. It is, therefore, safe to assume that at least up to four generations ago, i.e. about the first half of the nineteenth century, harmonious relationship existed between the two groups. During and after the fourth generation back, however, things changed drastically, not only in Usangi but also in the Ugweno state as a whole. To understand

this change, we need to examine the pattern of long-distance trade in this region. Coming from the coast in 1862, before approaching the South

Pare plains, von der Decken came across a caravan of people from the coastal town of Wanga, led by a person he identified as Msuskuma.* According to von der Decken, Msuskuma was a Swahili “elephant hunter” who used to lead trade expeditions into

the interior. In this particular expedition, Msuskuma was with “two wives and thirty well-dressed and well-equipped men’’.? Msuskuma is reported to have been a strong man of about forty. The Baron was delighted to meet this man whose knowledge of the land in the interior and of the language (presumably Kigweno)

he considered a valuable asset. Von der Decken concluded an agreement with Msuskuma: the latter agreed to arrange all his travels in this expedition so that they would coincide with those of the Baron. The two parties would travel together during the daytime, but would camp separately at night. Msuskuma would serve as a guide to the Baron until they reached the “Ugono Mountains, where his mother lives; there permission is to be * Otto Kersten, Von der Decken’s Reisen in Ost-Afrika in den Jahren 1858 bis 1865 (Leipzig, 1869-71), Il, 13. Von der Decken made two journeys to Kilimanjaro. On his way through the Pare plains, he was the first European to make contact with the Pare. In the first journey, 1859-61, he was accompanied by Richard Thornton whose search in the streams of Gonja gave the name Thornton to the falls of the Mkomazi river. In the second journey, 1862-65, the Baron visited Ugweno. No other European is known to have

eemiacy Pare Mountains until the period of German intervention. See

The fall of the Gweno State 125 granted to climb the mountains and visit places where the Wagono, who are celebrated far and wide for their iron, live’.* Three important points emerge from this agreement. First of all, it is clear that Msuskuma’s area of economic influence was Ugweno. Since his party included other “Fundi or masters”, as

well as porters, one may assume that up until this time only the forests of Ugweno had gained a reputation as ivory-producing regions of Upare. As we shall see later, the main attraction must have been Kilimanjaro. The proximity of Ugweno to Kilimanjaro may explain why traders who were seeking a separate sphere of influence could easily turn their attention to the region of Ugweno. Secondly, it is obvious that Msuskuma’s interest was mainly ivory. Von der Decken tells us that the name “elephant hunter” should not mislead us.® In fact, these people did not hunt elephants at all. They only went into the region and bought from the people

any elephant tusks they may have collected, in exchange for cotton cloth, iron wire, brass wire, and beads. This in turn stimulated local search for elephants by the people themselves

and thus increased the supply of ivory. | Finally, the agreement indicates that Msuskuma’s mother was

actually living in Ugweno. This would seem to indicate that Msuskuma’s connection with that region of Upare was of long standing. But it is difficult to tell whether the “elephant hunter” had gained any political power in the area. Although Msuskuma

accompanied the Baron up to Ugweno, the latter was left to

negotiate his travel in that country with local rulers, and Msuskuma was never mentioned again.

We may be right in assuming that by the beginning of the nineteenth century trade expeditions were being organized from the coastal towns between Mombasa and Pangani into the regions of Mount Kilimanjaro. In 1848, Rebmann was led to Kilimanjaro by a much travelled caravan leader, “Bwana Kheri” who had made several expeditions from Mombasa, not only to Kilimanjaro but even beyond the region to Arusha, Iramba, Ugogo, Ukimbu and Unyamwezi.* In 1852, his colleague, J. L. Krapf, was informed * Otto Kersten, IJ, 13. The importance of iron in the Pare economy this chapter. The mention of iron here by von der Decken raises the has been mentioned in Chapters 2 and 4, and will be dealt with again in

questions whether the Ugweno iron trade had reached the coast. However, it is more likely that the Baron had learned about this trade in Kilimanjaro during his first journey.

126 A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PARE ivory traders have to pay two dollars by way of duty (for the Sultan of Zanzibar) on every forasala (equivalent to thirty-six

pounds weight) that comes from the Wadigo-land; and that if it comes from Jagga and Usambara the duty is four dollars;

if from Uniamesi twelve dollars.° ]

It would seem that ivory from Kilimanjaro was reaching the coast

at this time. Only five years later, Richard F. Burton reported similar connections from other towns, but by then the caravans were even extended further into the Masai country. At Tanga, Burton noticed that a large number of the inhabitants were engaged

in commerce. “Twice a year in May to June and in October to November, after the Great and Little Rains, trading parties are sent to Chaga and Umasai.’* Similar caravans are reported from Wanga, and Pangani.’ This trade was made possible by the availability of financiers in these coastal towns. In Pangani, for example, Burton reports

that “twenty Banyans manage the lucrative ivory trade of the Chaga, Nguru, and Umasai countries, which produce the whitest, largest, heaviest, softest, and perhaps, finest ivory known’.® These Indian financiers helped to supply the imported trade materials: cotton cloth—white calico (marikani) and black calico (kaniki),

brass and iron wire, beads of various kinds, etc. The caravans themselves were organized by Swahili and Arab traders, and they consisted of (besides the leaders) free men who acted as porters, and slaves as well. The caravan led by Msuskuma consist-

ed of thirty men. Later these caravans tended to grow larger, and as Khalid Kirama reports, several leaders or mwinyi tended to work together, each with from twenty to thirty porters.® By the time Joseph Thomson passed through this area in 1883, the caravans had become exceedingly big. One such caravan he met in Kenya Masailand is said to have had as many as 1,200 men.?° As we have seen in the second chapter, the Pare were involved in this trade activity from its beginning. Since the caravans had to travel along the whole length of the Pare plains on their way

either to Kilimanjaro or to Masailand (through Kahe, Arusha Chini and Arusha), they needed camping stations where they could get food supplies. The Pare themselves were willing to be involved in this system. Every time a caravan reached one of these

‘provisioning stations, they tried to summon the Pare to bring supplies from their homes on the mountains so that a market

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Wampinji clan, 157 Ware owe, Q7 43, 147, 196 Wanenger alan 53, 70, 71 Wavungi clan, 36, 60, 119

Wandeme, 36, 37, 91, 95, 112, 157, 161” 3q7M pg 107 108) 112, 132, 206,

Wandorobo, 27, 28 Wazula, 36, 38, 86, 168

Wanga, 124, 126 Wescott R. W,. 2, 3

Wangoa, 108 Whitely, Prof. W. H., 61

Wang’ongwe, 86 Wilhelmstal (Lushoto), 19, 179

Wangumba, 104, 105, 181 Winans, G. U., 53, 70, 170 Wanguu, 35 Wohlrab, 217 Wankeni, 6, 37, 76, 79, 83, 86, 87, 88, Wolfram, Lieut., 210 89, 91, 93, 94, 162, 168, 169 World War I, 186, 219 Wanyasa, 34, 38 . Yamdai, 33, 34 Wanzava clan, 36, 38, 40, 97, 112, 157, Yoruba, 2.3

Wapare, X, Xili, 22, 27, 32, 38, 58, 61, st

63, 66, 84, 85, 110, 138, 158, 161, Zambezl, 446 199 175, 176, 178, 179, 185, 218 anZipar, oe Warutu, 36, 59, 60, 80, 91, 119, 156 Z2ramo, 186

9 ; , 3 ) > ’29 Zigua clan, 104, 199 164, 167, 168, 172, Wasagalla, 181, 182, Wasambaa, 38, 163, 168, 175, 178 Zimba, 29 Wasambaa of Mbuzi, 169 Zimbwe, 71, 74, 75 Wasambaa of Sheturi, 168 Zuakulu, 180, 219