'A Plaine and Easie Waie to Remedie a Horse': Equine Medicine in Early Modern England [1 ed.] 9789004257702, 9789004223943

Citation preview

‘A Plaine and Easie Waie to Remedie a Horse’

History of Science and Medicine Library VOLUME 41

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hsml

‘A Plaine and Easie Waie to Remedie a Horse’ Equine Medicine in Early Modern England

By Louise Hill Curth

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2013

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Curth, Louise Hill. "A plaine and easie waie to remedie a horse" : equine medicine in early modern England / by Louise Hill Curth. pages cm. – (History of science and medicine library, ISSN 1872-0684 ; volume 41) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-22394-3 (hardback : acid-free paper) – ISBN 978-90-04-25770-2 (e-book) 1. Horses–Diseases–Treatment–England–History. 2. Veterinary medicine–England–History. I. Title. II. Title: Plaine and easie waie to remedie a horse. III. Title: Plain and easy way to remedy a horse. SF951.C94 2013 636.1089–dc23 2013022962

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 1872-0684 ISBN 978-90-04-22394-3 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-25770-2 (e-book) Copyright 2013 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

To the memory of Bessie B. Curth (2003–2012) whose spirit and star shone ever so brightly but for far too short a time on this earth.

CONTENTS

List of Figures and Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

PART ONE

THE EVOLUTION OF ENGLISH HIPPIATRIC MEDICINE 1. Ancient Equine Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 2. Medieval Equine Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 3. Early Modern Equine Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 PART TWO

STRUCTURES OF PRACTICE 4. Astrology and Astrological Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 5. Health Regimens and Preventative Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 6. Remedial and Surgical Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 PART THREE

THE DISSEMINATION OF KNOWLEDGE 7. Oral and Manuscript Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 8. Print, Authors and Owners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269

LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

2.1. Title page Boke of Marchalsi (MS Harley 6398), mid to late 15th century. Printed with permission of the British Library . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 4.1. Zodiac Horse from M. Arrendondo, Obras de albeyteria (Zaragossa, 1704). Printed with permission of the National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, USA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 4.2. Explanatory table of Zodiac Horse image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 5.1. Jaxtons [sic] proposal for the stables by Thomas Jervoise III, c. 1703, Jervoise Family MSS 44M69/P1/ 3 Printed with permission of the Hampshire Records Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 6.1. G. Markham, Surgical instruments for horses from G. Markham, Markham’s Maisterpiece (London, 1639). Printed with permission of the Wellcome Library, London . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 6.2. Circulatory system of a horse from G. Markham, Markham’s Maisterpiece (London, 1639). Printed with permission of the Wellcome Library, London . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 7.1. Jervoise family collection accounts, Hampshire Records Office MS 44M69/E7/3/4. Printed with permission of the Hampshire Records Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 7.2. Table of manuscript ‘Receipt’ or Household Books from the Wellcome Library. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 7.3. Mrs Wilmot’s recipe for horses, Hampshire Records Office, Jevoise Family MSS 44M69/M2/6/1. Printed with permission of the Hampshire Records Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 8.1. Title page from B. Ferraro, Trattato Vtile Necessario (Naples, 1639?). Printed with permission of the National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, USA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216 8.2. MSS 59359 Title page from Anon, Here begynneth the properytees and medcynes for horses (London, 1502?). Printed with permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California, USA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 8.3. Title page from Thomas De Grey, The Compleat Horseman and Experienced Ferrier (London, 1639). Printed with permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California, USA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226 8.4. Identifying labels used by early modern hippiatric writers . . . . . . . . . 230 8.5. Book auction lists with hippiatric titles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

It is a pleasure to be able to publicly thank the many people and institutions who have played such important roles in helping me to produce this ‘sequel’ to my previous, more general text on domesticated working animals. I would like to begin by expressing my gratitude to the University of Winchester for providing me with a semester of study leave to carry out research. Thanks are also due to my dear friend and colleague Carol Gabb, Professor Peter Edwards, the uncontested expert on early modern horses and to Professors Anthony Grafton, Helen King and Peregrine Horden. A very special debt of gratitude is due to Michael North, Head of Rare Books and Early Manuscripts at the History of Medicine Division, National Library of Medicine for his interest and help. David Rymill and his staff at the Hampshire Archives and Local Studies in the Hampshire Record Office also provided extremely valuable assistance, as did Roy Goodman, Curator of the Printed Materials Library at the American Philosophical Society. Finally, I would like to thank the archival staff at the Wellcome Trust, the Huntington Library and the British Library for their assistance. All errors of fact or interpretation which remain are, of course, my own.

INTRODUCTION

As the general Use and Service of Horses has render’d them more worth the Notice and Regard of Mankind, than any other of the Brute Creatures; so there has in most Ages of the World been a more than ordinary Care taken, not only to model and fit them for their respective Services, but also of their Breed and Preservation.1

Although not the first to been domesticated, horses have been at and kept their place at the pinnacle of the domesticated working animal hierarchy since time immemorial. According to Edward Topsell, who claimed to have compiled ‘all the volumes of Conradus Gesner, and all other writers to this present day’, this status could be traced back to the ‘holy scriptures’. From that time on, horses have become the subject of ‘many ancient and rare records … by the greatest and worthiest writers that have writ either in the historye of the world, or of nature’.2 In the past few decades there has been an increasingly noticeable rise of both public and academic interest in all types of animal, but particularly in horses. The former can be seen in seemingly endless popular English television programmes, films and accompanying books on horses. Peter Edwards has argued that this attention is due to ‘modernity’s species narcissism’ which has resulted in a ‘sprinkling of [scholarly] books and articles on the importance of horses to history’. Denis Karasszon, however, has simply said that this is because horses have the greatest ‘historic significance’.3 The range of interdisciplinary studies carried out on early modern horses, however, clearly illustrates that their significance is perceived to fall into many other spheres. This includes the growing field of ‘Animal Studies’ which encompasses academics working in a full range of the humanities and social sciences. These have covered a number of very different projects including their role in the economy and trade, the evolution of early modern Arabian racing horses and literary studies on their relationships with

1 W. Gibson, The farrier’s new guide. Containing first, the anatomy of a horse (London, 1722), sig A2r. 2 E. Topsell, The historie of foure-footed Beastes (London, 1607), pp. A3r and 281–286 and G. Markham, Cavelarice, Or, The English Horseman (London, 1607), p. 20. 3 P. Edwards, Introduction, in P. Edwards and E. Graham (eds.) The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2012) pp. 1–36 and D. Karasszon, A Concise History of Veterinary Medicine (Budapest, 1988), p. 133.

2

introduction

humans.4 Medical historians, however, still generally appear to have little interest in early modern horses. While it is not clear whether this is linked to disinterest or even dislike of the topic, it is definitely related to the clear divisions which delineate the discipline of medical history. In very general terms, this is made up of two unequal sectors, with the first, larger group focusing on historical human health and illness. Despite the popularity of the former, the second, smaller field of veterinary history continues to focus on very modern topics.5 This is not particularly surprising, however, for as my previous publications have shown, the founding of the London Veterinary College in 1791 in generally assumed to mark the ‘beginning’ of veterinary medicine. The historian Leslie Pugh, for example, claimed that the ‘cataclysmic event’ [of the new institution] meant it was no longer true that ‘the most fortunate sick animals … were those left untreated’. While other historians have been a bit more restrained in their comments, it is clear that such views are still widespread.6 What might be called the ‘pre-veterinary’ (or more accurately the ‘pre-institutionalisation’) period, on the other hand, is portrayed as being a time of ‘ignorant and cruel’ or even ‘barbaric’ practices.7 Again as my previous publications have shown, such stereotypical ideas ignore the fact that all domesticated animals were simply too valuable to be subjected to such treatment. Horses, particularly those at the higher end of the social scale who were valued for a range of aesthetic as well as

4 See, for example, D. Landry, Noble Brutes: How Eastern Horses Transformed English Culture (Baltimore, 2009); P. Edwards, Horse and Man in Early Modern England (London, 2007); A. Hyland, The Horse in the Middle Ages (Thrupp, 1999) and E. Fudge, Brutal Reasoning: Animals, Rationality and Humanity in Early Modern England (Ithaca, NY, 2006). 5 For example, S.D. Jones, ‘Mapping a Zoonotic Disease: Anglo-American Efforts to Control Bovine Tuberculosis Before World War I,’ Osiris, 19 (2004), pp. 133–148; A. Woods, A manufactured plague? This history of foot and mouth disease in Britain (Earthscan, 2004) and ‘From cruelty to welfare: The emergence of farm animal welfare in Britain’, 1964–1971, Endeavour, 2012, Vol. 36, pp. 14–22 and J. Swabe, The Burden of Beasts: A Historical Sociological Study of Changing Human-Animal Relations and the Rise of the Veterinary Regime (Amsterdam, 1997). 6 E. Cotchin, The Royal Veterinary College: A Bicentary History (Buckingham, 1990); R. Dunlop and D. Williams, Veterinary History: An Illustrated History (London, 1996); D. Karasszon, A Concise History of Veterinary Medicine; I. Pattison, The British Veterinary Profession 1791–1948 (London, 1984); F.J. Smithcors, Evolution of the Veterinary Art: A Narrative Account to 1850 (London, 1958); L. Pugh, From Farriery to Veterinary Medicine 1785–1795 (Cambridge, 1962), p. 44 and L. Wilkinson, Animals and disease: An introduction to the history of comparative medicine (Cambridge, 1992). 7 R. Porter, ‘Man, Animals and Medicine at the Time of the Founding of the Royal Veterinary College’ in A.R. Mitchell (ed.), History of the Healing Professions, 3 (London, 1993), pp. 19–30.

introduction

3

utilitarian qualities, were even more so. That said, while the ‘value’ of a horse might be measured in either emotional or ethical ‘values’, I would argue that the general and main reason for providing medical care was undoubtedly economic.8 While early modern medical beliefs and practices were very different than today, it was not in anyone’s interest to administer treatments known to be either ineffective or even dangerous. Furthermore, it must be remembered that ‘empirical evidence’ was once considered to be ‘scientific’, despite this no longer being the case. I would argue that what might be called a ‘trial and errour system’ was both logical and (often) effective. If a therapeutic remedy appeared to work, it would be used again. Those that produced poor, dangerous or lethal results simply would be discarded. Hopefully, although there is still a large amount of work to be done, my previous work has begun to and will eventually abolish the stereotypes of cruel and ineffective medicines and procedures.9 In 1993 Roy Porter lamented the lack of ‘any properly researched history of animal medicine in Britain before the 1790s’.10 When I began publishing my studies in the late 1990’s, this was still a virtually unexplored area of medical history. Over the next decade, however, my articles, book chapters and my monograph The Care of Brute Beasts: a social and cultural study of veterinary medicine in early modern England have raised a great deal of interest in this topic. It, therefore, seemed a logical step to move on from this general study of veterinary history to one focusing on the most elite of these animals. As with the former, it is hoped that this will provide both new and thought provoking material to readers, as well as acting as a catalyst for further study in this area. Given that this book is essentially a sequel to Brute Beasts, there will be some obvious similarities between the two texts. The most notable is that this book is also a ‘first’, but on horses rather than domesticated animals

8 L. Hill Curth, ‘The Most Excellent of Animal Creatures: Health Care for Horses in Early Modern England’ in P. Edwards, K.A. Enenkel and E. Graham (eds.) The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern (Leiden, 2012), pp. 217–240. 9 L. Hill Curth, The care of brute beasts: a social and cultural study of veterinary medicine in early modern England (Brill, 2010); ‘A Remedy for his Beast: animal health care in early modern Europe’, Intersections: representations of animals, Yearbook for Early Modern Studies, 6 (2007), pp. 360–381; ‘Animals, Almanacs and Astrology: Seventeenth Century Animal Health Care in England’, Veterinary History, 12 (November 2003), 33–54; ‘The Care of the Brute Beast: Animals and the Seventeenth-Century Medical Marketplace’, Social History of Medicine, 15 (2002), pp. 375–392 and ‘English Almanacs and Animal Health Care in the Seventeenth Century’, Society and Animals, 8 (2000), pp. 71–86. 10 R. Porter, ‘Man, Animals and Medicine at the Time of the Founding of the Royal Veterinary College’ in A.R. Mitchell (ed.), History of the Healing Professions, 3 (London, 1993), pp. 19–30.

4

introduction

in general. As such, part of my aim is to provide a starting point for further research and discussion both in medical history and in the broader, dynamic field of ‘animal studies’. After all, issues of animal health and illness can encompass many academic disciplines, including different types of historical or literary studies though anthropology or archaeology. Although the necessity of providing health care for horses is a given, there can be many variables in what constitutes the way in which it is organized, its’ underlying principles and practices. Depending on the time and place, this might include social, cultural, political and economic forces or a combination of two or more variables.11 In other words, factors such as types of healers or practices will change in response to the society and culture under study. In human medicine, for example, there are many examples of European health-related institutions that no longer exist, such as leper’s hospitals or TB sanatoriums. There are also a number of ‘disease labels’, such as the medieval ‘sweating sickness’, whose meanings have disappeared along with the disorders. In most cases, these will have been replaced by ‘old’ symptoms or disorders being grouped under a ‘new’ name. Other differences encompass ‘modern’ titles for practitioners or economic factors, such as the way a health system is funded. Modern Britain’s health system for humans, for example, focuses on ‘public’ and private health providers. Since its foundation in 1948, the majority of care has been provided by the state (i.e. tax) funded National Health Service. This has been joined by a rapidly growing private sector offering both biomedical and ‘alternative’ therapies, as well as services offered by voluntary or charitable organisations.12 Together, these encompass a vast range of medical options in a ‘pluristic model’ of health care. Despite state regulations concerning the care of horses, modern ‘professional’ health services for horses are mainly provided by the private, charitable and voluntary sectors. In 2013 the British ‘Veterinary Services Industry’ is a highly regulated industry which employs over 43,000 people. These include different types of veterinary surgeons, such as ‘general vets’ or those who specialise in large or ‘companion’ animals. The industry also includes a range of other biomedical and ‘alternative’ healers through pharmaceutical or animal feed manufacturers.13 In 2011 the ‘British Equestrian Trade Associ-

J. Busfield, Health and Health Care in Modern Britain (Oxford, 2000), p. 36. For more information see G. Rivett, From Cradle to Grave: the first 50 years of the NHS (London, 1998). 13 Ibisworld Market Research Profile June 2012 http://www.ibisworld.co.uk/market -research/veterinary-services.html (Accessed 2 July 2012). 11 12

introduction

5

ation’ (BETA) estimated that private horse owners paid around £ 2.6 billion a year on the ‘general upkeep and care’ of their animals. While the largest percentage goes towards health care, the figure also includes accommodation and food.14 There are also various charitable or voluntary groups run by people with a love of horses. These include both ‘general’ animal charities such as the national ‘People’s Dispensary for Sick Animals’ and more specialised ones such as ‘Society for the Welfare of Horses and Pony Hospital’ in Monmouth.15 In the past, such organisations would have been ignored by medical historians who were more interested in studying medical discoveries, healthrelated institutions and elite medical practitioners.16 In recent decades, however, there has been a rise in socio-cultural studies which have shifted studies to lay beliefs and practices. Paradoxically, studies in veterinary history have retained a focus on regulations and institutions, such as the London Veterinary College. At the same time, they have ignored the Company of Farriers, which was both an extremely important and powerful organisation of horse healers in early modern England, which dated back to the middleages. In addition, there has been very little work carried out either into the various types of practitioners, services and products available for animals in general or horses in particular. Before moving onto the way in which this book is divided, it is necessary to begin with some definitions. While the term ‘veterinary medicine’ is clear and unambiguous, the same does not hold true for terms referring to preventative and remedial medicine for horses. These can include ‘equine medicine’ which comes from the Latin word ‘equus’. Alternatively, one could use ‘hippiatric medicine’ or simply hippiatry, which comes from the Greek for medicine ‘relating to the treatment of disease in horses’.17 Despite the fact that the roots of Western veterinary medicine lay in the Greek period, I have chosen to use the former because of its greater modern familiarity.

14

British Equestrian Trade Association, http://www.beta-uk.org/ (Accessed 4 July 2012). People’s Dispensary for Sick Animals http://ww.psda.org.uk (Accessed 2 July 2012) and Society for the Welfare of Horses and Pony Hospital, www.swhp.co.uk/ (Accessed 2 July 2012). 16 A. Wear, ‘Religious Beliefs and Medicine in Early Modern England’ in H. Marland and M. Pelling (eds.) The Task of Healing: Medicine, Religion and Gender in England and the Netherlands 1450–1800 (Rotterdam, 1996), p. 145 and F. Huisman, ‘Shaping the Medical Market: On the Construction of Quackery and Folk Medicine in Dutch Historiography’, Medical History, 43 (1999), p. 360. 17 ‘hippiatric, adj. and n.’. OED Online. September 2012. Oxford University Press. 2 October 2012 http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/87144?redirectedFrom=hippiatric&. 15

6

introduction The Chapters

As previously stated, the main purpose of this book is to open up a new area of academic interest and study in a tremendously important aspect of veterinary history. Given that this is a virtually unexplored area, I thought it best to begin with an overview of the early history and evolution of the principles that lay behind early modern hippiatric medicine. While some of the material might be of less interest to readers with a background in medical history, it should be useful for those working in related, interdisciplinary fields. That said, it is hoped that the major part of his book which has employed a variety of new and exciting sources, will be of interest to all readers. This book is divided into three sections made up of eight chapters. The section headings have been chosen to guide the reader’s understanding by moving on from a general overview of the ‘evolution’ of hippiatric medicine into early modern practises and the dissemination of hippiatric knowledge. It will begin with three chapters by which introduce the ancient background of hippiatric beliefs and practices before moving on to medieval and early modern England. One of the main underlying themes in this book is that of ‘one medicine’. This term refers to the ‘inextricable interconnection’ between humans, animals and ‘their social and ecological environment’. While T.W. Schillhorn van Veen has argued that Western Europe had ‘one medicine’ until the period of the Industrial Revolution, Calvin Schwabe has emphatically stated that there has never been a ‘difference of paradigm between human and veterinary medicine’.18 Although it is outside of the scope of this book to comment on the latter, there is clear evidence of such ties in the early modern period. Modern medical theory, for both humans and animals, rests upon the ‘biomedical model’. The major focus of biomedicine is on pathogens which attack living creatures, paying little attention to social and cultural factors that might be involved. Disease, as a specific entity, is thought to have been created and fostered by the way that humans have chosen to live. In very broad terms, this is said to be linked to the decision for nomadic hunters and gatherers to domestic animals and live in permanent settlements with them. 18 C. Schwabe, Veterinary Medicine and Human Health (Baltimore, 1984), p. 3; J. Zinsstag, E. Schelling, D. Waltner-Toews and M. Tanner, ‘From one medicine to one health and systemic approaches to health and wellbeing’, Preventative Veterinary Medicine, September 1: 101 (2011), pp. 148–156 and T.W. Schillhorn van Veen, ‘One medicine: The dynamic relationship between animal and human medicine in history and at present’, Agriculture and Human Values, 15 (1998), p. 116.

introduction

7

Although various interdisciplinary studies suggest that pre-historic animals suffered from a range of disorders, it was the process of domestication which led to their mutation and spread between species.19 The first chapter will argue that the presence of pain and suffering in ancient horses led to attempts to do something to rectify this. While there is limited evidence of how this would have been carried out, it seems likely that some form of autotherapy was likely to have been the earliest form of treatment. Once domesticated, the ability to ‘self-medicate’ would have been made more difficult. However, as in other periods, it seems highly likely that some effort would have been made to help sick animals. In this case, the idea is substantiated by evidence of strong emotional connections illustrated by Late Bronze and Early Iron Age burials of horses and humans.20 Although it seems clear that ancient societies would have been trying to alleviate pain and disease in their horses, there are on-going debates about when the first actual ‘system’ of hippiatric beliefs and practices originated. Most general historical surveys of begin with ‘the father of veterinary medicine’, a writer named Vegetius who lived in the fourth or fifth century ad.21 However, the suggestion that there was no system of hippiatric care before this is totally nonsensical. It is even more so when one considers that the beginning of human medicine is linked to Hippocrates who lived many centuries earlier (460–377bc). Given that Hippocratic principles related equally to both humans and animals, this suggests that the dates also apply to animals. Calvin Schwabe, on the other hand, has broken ‘animal disease management’ into five separate periods. His more logical ‘start date’, which I agree with, begins in ‘prehistory’. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Local actions: started in prehistoric times until about 1st c. ad Military: 1st century until 1762 Veterinary Sanitary Police: 1762–1883 Campaigns or mass actions: 1884–1960 Surveillance and Selective Actions: 1960–present22

19 L. Hill Curth, ‘History of Health and Illness’ in J. Naidoo and J. Wills (eds.) Health Studies: An Introduction (Basingstoke, 2008), pp. 47–72; B. Upex and K. Dobney, ‘More Than Just Mad Cows: Exploring Human-Animal Relationships Through Animal Paleopathology’ in A. Grauer (ed.) A Companion to Paleopathology (Oxford, 2012), pp. 191–213 and H. William, Plagues and Peoples (London, 1976), pp. 54–55. 20 M.J. Schiefesky, Hippocrates on Ancient Medicine (Leiden, 2005), p. 33, fn 65. 21 J.F. Smithcors, ‘Blaine’s History of Veterinary Medicine to 1800’, Journal of the American Veterinary Medical Association, Vol. 128 (February 15,1956), pp. 178–184. 22 C. Schwabe, Veterinary Medicine, pp. 296–298.

8

introduction

Although I do not agree with the huge time span between the first century A D. and the latter part of the eighteenth century, the first phase is certainly pertinent. As the first chapter will illustrate, there were a range of what might be called ‘interdisciplinary’ authors who contributed to the evolution of ideas on preventative and remedial medicine for horses. While I do not agree that many of those commonly referred to as ‘veterinary writers’ truly were, many helped to keep even older knowledge alive by copying it into their texts. Furthermore, it will argue that the roots of hippiatric knowledge are actually based on what is generally referred to as ‘mythology’. Chapter Two will move into what used to be called the ‘dark ages’ of medicine, a term which is sadly still used by some veterinary historians. Although this is sometimes blamed on a paucity of records, I would argue that it has more to do with the long history of anthropocentric attitudes. After all, the scarcity of surviving sources is also an issue in human medicine. However, there is little evidence to suggest that this has stopped historical research about what were (and still are) considered to be the most important creatures on earth. Instead of moving in a traditional chronological order through the middle ages, this chapter will examine three broad ‘themes’. The first two related topics will discuss the relationship between Christianity, magic and horse healing. While the ideas of ‘supernatural’ forces are somewhat alien to modern readers, these played a major role in medieval hippiatric medicine. This will be followed by an overview of medieval hippiatric manuscripts, with a major focus on the first known surviving English text British Library’s copy of the Boke of Marchalsi (MS Harley 6398), thought to date from the second or third quarter of the fifteenth century. Chapter Three will move into the early modern period with a discussion of the ‘veterinary marketplace’. I first introduced this term over a decade ago as a derivation of the ‘medical marketplace’ which focused on medical options for humans. At the time, my veterinary version consisted of a relatively simplistic hierarchy of animal healers.23 Since then, however, my continuing research into early modern veterinary medicine has allowed me to greatly expand and build upon my original idea. This has included a more complex layer of veterinary choices, both in terms of services and products. While horses have, of course, been mentioned in my previous publications, this chapter will explore additional categories of healers. In addition, it will 23 A. Wear, Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 1550–1680 (Cambridge, 2000), p. 29 and H. Cook, The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart London (London, 1986), pp. 47 and 60.

introduction

9

complement my previous work on human proprietary medicines with new insights into those for horses. The second main part of the book will move on to a discussion of astrological, preventative and remedial medicine. As the ancient ‘science of the stars’, astrology has been called ‘the most consistent, unified and durable body of beliefs and practices in the western tradition’.24 According to many early modern writers, astrological physick (the contemporary term for medicine) was one of its most important purposes.25 This involved every aspect of health and illness, from the moment of birth until that of death. In between it covered everything from the general ‘complexion’ or constitution of a human or animal to the projected outcome of an illness. In early modern England, astrological and Galenic principles merged into the foundation on which hippiatric medicine was built. Preventative health care was one of the basic tenets of astro-Galenic hippiatric medicine, based on the idea that it was better to try to ‘build’ and retain a state of health rather than try to fight illness out. As Chapter Five will discuss early modern guidelines on preventing illness in their animals through a ‘healthy lifestyle’ or good health regimen can be traced back to ancient Greece. While popular veterinary texts illustrate more general advice for most domesticated, working animals, there were many more variations for horses. The most logical explanation for this would be that they fulfilled so many different roles and tasks. A racing horse, for example, was likely to have been subject to much stricter dietary advice than one who ploughed fields. Other considerations linked to the Galenic non-naturals also varied between different types of animals. In addition to diet, more elite animals might be provided with better and healthier housing and more time to rest. There could also be variations in the general amount of attention and time spent administering preventative purges or other tonics. Chapter Six will discuss the various remedial methods that would be called into use when illness inevitably struck. As with humans, the aim was to try to rectify humoural imbalances. Despite anatomical differences, there were a large number of similarities with between human remedies and surgical procedures and those for horses. The other major difference was that animals were only able to ‘communicate with signs of their pain’.26 In

24 A. Grafton, ‘Starry Messengers: Recent Work in the History of Western Astrology’, Perspectives on Science, 8, no. 1 (2000), pp. 70–83. 25 See, for example, R. Saunders, The astrological judgment and practice of physick (London, 1677) and H.C. Agrippa, The Vanity of Arts and Sciences (London, 1694). 26 T. Blundeville, The foure chiefest offices belonging to Horsemanship, IV (London, 1561),

10

introduction

order to deal with such difficulties, however, there was a vast range of advice available about how to diagnose ‘inward’ or ‘outward’ diseases in horses. The final main section of this book will focus on the two main methods used to disseminate information and advice about caring for the health and illness of horses. Although it was long thought that the advent of mechanical printing in the late fifteenth century led to the ‘demise’ of ‘the oral culture’, such commonplaces are no longer believed to be true. Instead, more recent studies have focused on the symbiotic relationship firstly between the oral and manuscript traditions, followed by that of oral, manuscript and print cultures. Despite being carried out by a range of academics in different disciplines, all focus on human (rather than animal-related) medical beliefs and practices. My book will be the first to look at oral, manuscript and printed works on hippiatric beliefs and practices. Unfortunately, the oldest form of ‘oral’ dissemination is the one that leaves no traces on its own. Over the centuries, however, advice that was originally transmitted orally began to be recorded in handwritten documents. These can include many different types of writings, from scraps of paper with a single recipe to full length manuscript texts. Their content can also vary greatly, related to the reasons for their original production differing in terms of writer(s), intended reader(s) and context. Chapter Seven will focus on three main categories of manuscripts, beginning with what are commonly referred to as ‘recipe’ or ‘household books’, which are generally linked to women. These included advice which had been acquired from watching and working alongside their mother, or senior female in their household, or, in many cases gleaned from others. As Gervase Markham reminded his readers, the ‘English housewife’ was responsible for ‘the preservation and care of the family touching their health and soundness of body’. It was, therefore, imperative that she knew ‘how to administer many wholesome receipts or medicines for the good of their health, as well to prevent the first occasion of sickness’.27 On the other hand, the care of large animals such as horses was considered to be a male preserve. Therefore, it seems a significant finding that eleven of the receipt books written in the seventeenth and eighteenth century collection at the Wellcome Library in London contained hippiatric advice. p. 1; C. Estienne, Maison rustique, or The country farme (London, 1616), p. 149; G. Markham, The Perfect Horseman or the Experienced Secrets of Mr Markham’s Fifty Years Practice (London, 1656), p. 132 and J. Halfpenny, The gentleman’s jockey and approved farrier (London, 1676), p. 273. 27 G. Markham, The English Housewife, (ed.) M. Best (London, 1612; paperback edition Ware, 1994), p. 8.

introduction

11

After a discussion of the hippiatric medicine of the Wellcome’s receipt books the chapter moves on to other types of pertinent manuscripts. This includes a very unusual, exciting find in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century manuscripts belonging to Jervoise family of Herriard House, Hampshire. As with many such collections, it contains a number of papers that refer to domesticated animals living and working in Herriard Park. However, it also includes a unique bundle of recipes for ‘horse ailments’, many of which were written by a Mrs Wilmot in the early eighteenth century. The survival of such materials and the fact that they were written by a woman makes them particularly interesting. Finally, this chapter ends by looking at the Boke of Marschali the oldest known surviving English hippiatric text. Chapter Eight moves from hippiatric manuscripts to printed texts. The relationship between mechanical printing, medical beliefs and practices in early modern England has become a topic of great interest to academics over the past few decades. Although previous studies focus on different aspects of health and illness, it is generally agreed that the print culture influenced the medical beliefs and practices in every stratum of early modern English society.28 While these conclusions have been drawn about manuals on human health, I would argue that they also hold true for horses. Decisions about who would be allowed to write and publish hippiatric texts were made by the Company of Stationers. Given that their paramount concerns were over sale and profits, the public perception of individual authors and their work was of most importance.29 Regardless of modern stereotypical views about early modern veterinary medicine, both the initial appearance and often a large number of subsequent editions, sometimes long after the original author’s death, illustrate their popularity amongst contemporary readers. Books written by the most popular of these authors, Gervase Markham, continued to appear over the course of centuries.

28 See, for example L.E. Voigts, ‘Scientific and Medical Books’; M. Fissell, ‘Readers, Texts, and Contexts: Vernacular medical works in early Modern England’ in R. Porter (ed.) The Popularization of Medicine 1650–1850 (London, 1992); P. Isaac, ‘Pills and Print’; P.M. Jones, ‘Medicine and science’, 433–449; A. Wear, Knowledge & Practice in English Medicine; ‘Science and the Book’ in J. Barnard and D.F.M. McKenzie (eds.) The Cambridge History of the Book, IV 1557–1695 (Cambridge, 2002), 274–303; G.R. Keiser, ‘Two Medieval Plague Treatises and Their Afterlife in Early Modern England’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 58 (July, 2003), 292–324 and L. Hill Curth, English Almanacs. 29 P. Lindenbaum, ‘Authors and Publishers in the Late Seventeenth Century: New Evidence on their Relations’, The Library, 17 (1995), p. 260.

12

introduction

With the exception of Gervase Markham, however, very little is known about the majority of early modern hippiatric writers. In order to address this issue, I have tried to glean information about them from textual evidence. The first was through the ways in which authors identified themselves on the title pages of their texts. I had expected that these would be similar to the ways in which writers of manuals on human medicine tried to promote their credentials as healers. Interestingly, only a relatively small number called themselves farriers. However, many others either stressed their years of experience with horses, often as a ‘breeder’ or other type of gentlemanly activity.30 While information about book ownership can sometimes be found in inventories, collections, expense books, or other forms of household accounts, this is by no means certain. This chapter has utilised the virtually unexplained genre of book auction lists to address this issue. As the title suggests, these are lists of books being offered at auction, generally after the death of their owner. Although many different types of people appear to have had their libraries auctioned, this chapter has discussed those belonging to men who were identified as [human] medical practitioners. Each of these owned at least one hippiatric text, while Gervase Markham owned a number of them. As this overview has shown, there are a number of exciting, yet underexplored areas in the study of the health and illness of early modern horses. While this book should serve as a general introduction to the field, it is hoped that it will also help to motivate scholars working in all areas of the humanities and social sciences. It has now been almost twenty years since Roy Porter expressed his desire for ‘historians of human medicine and historians of veterinary medicine’ to work more closely together.31 Although there have been some movement in this direction since that time, hopefully it will accelerate to the point where all can acknowledge and respect the close ties between the health and illness of humans and animals.

C. Clifford The schoole of horsemanship (London, 1585), sig. A3v. R. Porter, ‘Man, Animals and Medicine at the Time of the Founding of the Royal Veterinary College’ in A.R. Mitchell (ed.), History of the Healing Professions, 3 (London, 1993), p. 19. 30 31

PART ONE

THE EVOLUTION OF ENGLISH HIPPIATRIC MEDICINE

chapter one ANCIENT EQUINE MEDICINE

With the Greek and Latin Authors, the Art of curing the Distempers of Horses … was one of their principal Cares, for as these Animals are next to Man, so the Farrier’s Art is next to that of Physick.1

It is a historical commonplace that the roots of Western medicine lay in ancient Greece. Some aspects of their ‘wisdom’ are still visible today in both images and words. The first includes the logo for the British Veterinary Association which is of Chiron the Centaur. There is also a horse, albeit with Ascepulis’ snake and stick, which serves as the logo for the British Equine Veterinary Association. The second similar image without the horse is of Ascepulis’ snake wound around a stick used by the British Medical Association.2 Another link can be found in the text for the Hippocratic Oath (c. 6th– 4th centuries bc) which includes prescribing medicines and treatments to the ‘best of his/her knowledge’. Still pledged by modern doctors, this timeless promise includes never poisoning or intentionally harming patients. Probably less well known, however, is that veterinarians are expected to make a similar oath which states that ‘my constant endeavour will be to ensure the health and welfare of animals committed to my care’.3 Although the latter does not go into as much detail as the former, it clearly includes avoiding the administration of any drugs or treatments that would be likely to harm their patients. There are many additional, less known similarities to ancient ideas in the types of ‘healthy lifestyles’ advocated by modern Western European governments. When considered closely, these tie in to the theory of the ‘non-naturals’ which will be discussed in Chapter four. Despite the modern dominant medical model of biomedicine, there has even been a fairly recent comeback in the popularity of ‘holistic’ views of the body and health. These 1 V. Renatus, Vegetius Renatus of the Distempers of Horses, and of the art of curing them (London, 1748), sig. B1r. 2 British Medical Association, www.bma.org.uk [Accessed 1 February 2012]. 3 J. Fabre, ‘Hip, Hip, Hippocrates: extracts from The Hippocratic Doctor’, British Medical Journal, 1997:314:1669–1667 and Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons, Members Guidelines, http://www.rcvs.org.uk/advice-and-guidance/code-of-professional-conduct-for-veterinary -surgeons (Accessed 15 April 2012).

16

chapter one

include the acceptance of the relationship between mental and physical ‘wellness’ and disease. Such ideas were first introduced by Hippocrates the ‘father of modern medicine’ over 2,000 years ago. Or, as William Salmon so succinctly phrased it: contemporary medical beliefs had been ‘founded upon the Divine Hippocrates, and his Interpreter Galen.’4 While most modern people have probably heard of Hippocrates, however, probably few know whether there was a comparable figure in veterinary medicine. This ‘honour’, in fact, belongs to a writer named Vegetius who lived many hundreds of years after Hippocrates.5 Given that Hippocrates was said to have lived in the 5th century bc and Vegetius in the 4th or 5th century ad, this raises a number of questions. Firstly, are historians suggesting that veterinary medicine simply did not exist before the 5th century bc? Secondly, if human health care began at that time, how could it be that nothing comparable was offered for animals before the 4th century ad? Furthermore, what does that say about the close links and symbiotic relationship between all living animals referred to in the concept of ‘one medicine’? Surely it is nonsensical to suggest that the presence of disease did not result in some sort of societal effort to treat both humans and animals? The answers to such questions lay in the ways in which history has been viewed and practised as a discipline, rather than in the actual development of medicine. In other words, the attempt to transpose contemporary beliefs and practices onto the past has resulted in a tendency to negate anything not now deemed ‘scientific’ or ‘rational’. Kenneth Dewhurst has argued that this is both necessary and acceptable behaviour by academics who have been ‘nurtured on a more sceptical and scientific approach to medicine’.6 In fact, such statements actually say more about Dewhurst’s Whiggish view of history, based on the idea of ‘great doctors’ and the (supposedly) unilinear ‘progress’ of science and medicine. According to Pliny, the history of Greek medicine before the Peleponnesian War was ‘shrouded in darkness’. This began to dissipate only in the fifth century bc with the introduction of a ‘radically new conception of disease’ that the Hippocratic writers based on a relationship of ‘purely natural

4 W. Salmon, Systema Medicinale, A Compleat System of Physick Theorical and Practical (London, 1696), sig. A3r. 5 J.F. Smithcors, ‘Blaine’s History of Veterinary Medicine to 1800’, Journal of the American Veterinary Medical Association, Vol. 128 (February 15, 1956), pp. 178–184. 6 K. Dewhurst, Willis’ Oxford Casebooks (Oxford, 1981), p. vii.

ancient equine medicine

17

terms’. According to Roy Porter, this was why the traditional starting point for medicine is only in late antiquity (c. 250–750 bc).7 This chapter, however, begins much earlier by arguing that ‘autotherapy’ was the earliest form of medical care. Although it is a historical commonplace that ‘disease’ followed the domestication of animals, there is opposing evidence. Fossilized shells, for example, show that ‘parasitism’ and ‘traumatism’ were affecting animals over 350,000,000 years ago. Scholars have also determined that many dinosaurs had fractures which ‘more or less’ healed on their own.8 Surely all animals suffering from pain resulting from broken bones would have made some effort to reduce this? In any case, although it is not known when the domestication of animals began, it was certainly many thousands of years before the supposed ‘birth’ of medicine in the fourth century bc. It is thought that dogs were the first to be domesticated around 14,000 years ago, followed by sheep, goats, pigs and cattle. Horses, however, were the last of the five most common types of livestock animals to be domesticated. It is believed that this process affected their size by making them smaller, albeit otherwise changed in appearance. Juliet Clutton-Brock has suggested that they were probably first domesticated during the late Neolithic period as food. Later, horses played increasingly important role in transportation, war and agricultural production, as well as a range of sports and other leisure pursuits.9 There has been relatively little research into these earliest stages of ancient veterinary medicine. This is somewhat paradoxical, given that the past decades are said to have experienced ‘rapid growth in the study of ancient medicine’. It is even more surprising, given the ‘noticeable increase’ in studies of the social status of animals, their portrayal in art and in ecological treatises during roughly the same period.10 With the exception of the ground-breaking book by Anne McCabe on the Hippiatrika, studies in the last decade on the health of ancient horses have 7 R. Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity (London, 1997), p. 55. 8 E.H. Ackernecht, A Short History of Medicine (London, 1982), p. 4. 9 J. Clutton-Brock, A natural history of domesticated animals (Cambridge, 1987), p. 6; D. Karasszon, A Concise History of Veterinary Medicine (Budapest, 1988), p. 70 and E. Pascua, ‘From Forest To Farm and Town: Domestic Animals from ca. 1000 to ca. 1450’ in B. Rest (ed.) A Cultural History of Animals in the Medieval Age (Berg, 2011), pp. 81–102. 10 P. van der Eijk, Medicine and Philosophy in Classical Antiquity: Doctors and Philosophers on Nature, Soul, Health and Disease (Cambridge, 2010), introduction; I.S. Gilhus, Animals, Gods and Humans: Changing Attitudes to Animals and in Greek, Roman and Early Christian ideas (London, 2006), pp. 26–27 and L. Kalof, Animals in Antiquity (Oxford, 2011), introduction.

18

chapter one

been confined mainly to journal articles or chapters on general veterinary history.11 This is certainly not because of their lack of importance, for as Calvin Schwabe has noted ‘individual horses’ in the ancient world were highly valued as ‘companions and partners’. He goes on to suggest that the relationship between the two were ‘similar to those between individual men and their dogs’.12 Despite these emotional and (possibly) more important economic ties, the history of such early hippiatric care has been relatively neglected. I would suggest that there are two major underlying reasons for this, linked to the prevailing commonplace that hippiatric medicine began so long after that for humans. The first involves anthropocentricism, a topic which I have previously written about extensively. The second is a paucity of known surviving sources along with a tendency to ‘mislabel’ the few that are referred to in later sources. As a veterinary historian, I take issue with the generations of scholars who have included what I see as ‘non-veterinary’ documents produced in ‘nonmedical’ contexts. Let me make it clear that I am not attempting to negate the existence of the many references to horses made by ‘elite members of society, lawyers, historians, poets and playwrights’.13 However, it must be pointed out that their writings did not focus on veterinary matters and are, therefore, not ‘veterinary texts’. In addition, I do not agree with academics such as Plino Prioreschi who labels what were primarily agricultural texts as ‘veterinary works’. This includes writers such as Mago of Carthage, who was thought to have lived in the third or fourth century bc. It has been suggested that his writings were an ‘adaptation’ of contemporary Greek treatises to African conditions and that they came to be so highly valued by the Romans that he was given the title of ‘the father of agriculture’. This adoration, however, is difficult to understand today, however, given that none of his twenty-eight books on agriculture texts have survived. These include his fourteenth book which was reputedly on veterinary medicine, although it is impossible to know how much emphasis this might have placed on hippiatric care.14

11 A. McCabe, A Byzantine Encyclopaedia of Horse Medicine: The Sources, Compilation and Transmisison for the Hippiatrica (Oxford, 2007); D. Karasszon, A Concise History; L. Wilkinson, Animals & Disease: An introduction to the history of Comparative Medicine (Cambridge, 1992), R. Dunlop and Williams, An Illustrated History of Veterinary Medicine (Chicago, 1996) and R.E. Gaebel, Cavalry operations in the ancient Greek world (Norman, Oklahoma, 2002). 12 C.J. Schwabe, ‘Animals in the Ancient World’ in A. Manning and J. Serpell (eds.) Animals and human society: changing perspectives (London 1994), pp. 36–58. 13 V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine, (London, 2004), p. 9. 14 V. Nutton, ‘Roman medicine 250 to AD 200’ in L. Conrad, M. Neve, V. Nutton, R. Porter

ancient equine medicine

19

Marcus Tarentus Varro (116–27bc) was another such famous agricultural writer. His most famous work De re rustica does, of course, refer to animals including sheep, pigs, birds, fowls, bees and horses. As might be expected, it also provides information on how to feed and house livestock. There are also a small number of references to medical matters, such as the idea of isolating animals during times of plagues. Varro also commented on how animal diseases could be broken into two categories. The first were those for which a healer or ‘medici’ had to be summoned and those that could be dealt with by the owner or caretaker. Such content does not, however, mean that he knew anything about veterinary care in general, or about horses in particular. As Lise Wilkinson has pointed out, such knowledge could easily have been gathered from other sources. She also adds that in ‘a later age’ Varro would simply have been referred to as a ‘natural philosopher’ or encyclopaedist.15 Columella, who lived around fifty years after Varro, also produced an agricultural text. Very little is known about this work, although it was thought to have based on knowledge gained during his travels. Later ancient writers suggested that this included medical observations on horses and various types of cattle. Columella is probably best remembered as the writer who introduced the title ‘veterinarius’.16 Surely the inclusion of what might be called ‘veterinary-related’ material is far from sufficient ‘proof’ that this was a ‘veterinary’ text? If one accepts that these agricultural texts should not automatically be called the earliest veterinary works, then what were? I would suggest an alternative, albeit somewhat debatable answer and propose that the earliest are actually those traditionally linked to Greek mythology. This idea began with Denis Karasszon’s comment that the oldest ‘relics’ of veterinary history are those found in or attributed to Greek folklore. The most famous figure

and A. Wear (eds.) The Western Medical Tradition 800 BC to AD 1800 (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 39– 59; R.E.A. Palmer, Rome and Carthage at Peace, (Wiesbaden, 1998), p. 47; M.I. Fostovzeff, The Social & Economic History of the Roman Empire (Oxford, n.d.) p. 277 and A. McCabe, Hippiatrika, pp. 5–6. 15 L. Wilkinson, Animals & Disease, p. 11. 16 F. Smith, The Early History of Veterinary Literature, Vol. I, (London, 1919, reprinted London, 1976), pp. 14–15; D.P. Blaine, The outlines of the veterinary art; or, The principles of medicine as applied to … the horse (London, 1841), p. 5; J. Fischer, ‘Ancient Veterinary Medicine: A survey of Greek and Latin sources and some recent scholarship’ in Medizinhist Journal 23:3/4; pp. 191–209; J.N. Adams, Pelagonius and Latin Veterinary Terminology in the Roman Empire (Leiden, 1995), p. 72; P. Prioreschi, A History of Medicine: Roman Medicine (Omaha, Nebraska, 2001), Vol. III, p. 570 and P. van der Eijk, Medicine and Philosophy in Classical Antiquity, introduction.

20

chapter one

in terms of horses, of course, was Chiron and his Mulomedicina Chironis. It should be noted that this text, in common with the Hippiatrika, was a compilation of earlier writings. However, I totally agree with the number of historians over the centuries who have argued that the name Chiron referred to an actual person, an idea that will be discussed later in this chapter. The Beginnings of Hippiatric Medicine John Burnham has suggested that historical accounts of ‘the beginning of medicine’ are actually really about ‘a means of presenting the eternal truths’ on which medicine is based. My interpretation of this statement is that all types of living creatures make some type of effort to remedy their physical and/or mental disorders. This is certainly evident in behaviour that falls under the heading of ‘autotherapy’.17 The most universal form of this can still be seen in the licking of wounds, encouraged perhaps by the natural, sweet/salty taste of pus or blood. It is also a familiar sight to see animals looking for specific types of grass to eat to settle an upset stomach. That said, while autotherapy is undoubtedly the oldest form of veterinary care, it is also the most difficult to research. Archaeological remains, for example, can often provide some limited information about the health of ancient horses. In most cases, however, paleopathological studies are only really useful for studying injuries or diseases, rather than the means with which the animal dealt with it. One example of this involves vertebral damage found in six Iron Age horses in Siberia. Due to the location of the injuries, it has been speculated that this might have signified that they were ridden by humans. Another Iron Age site near Basingstoke, Hampshire contained a horse skeleton which appears to have suffered from what is now called tuberculosis or brucellosis. Other skeletal deformities might signify disturbances in development or some type of injuries. Degenerative diseases, however, are much more difficult to trace, as is any evidence of animals attempting to heal themselves.18

17 J. Burnham, What is Medical History? (Cambridge, 2005), p. 1 and C.H. Duncan, Autotherapy (London, 1918), p. viii. 18 B. Upex and K. Dobney, ‘More Than Just Mad Cows: Exploring Human-Animal Relationships Through Animal Paleopathology’ in A. Grauer (ed.) A Companion to Paleopathology (Oxford, 2012), pp. 191–213 and A. Wear, Making Sense of Health and the Environment in Early Modern England in A. Wear (ed.) Medicine in Society—Historical Essays (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 120–143.

ancient equine medicine

21

The process of domestication had a major impact both on the health of animals and on their ability to treat themselves. In the middle of the thirteenth century Albertus Magnus wrote that horses which are ‘fed and tamed in the home, are beset with many diseases because of their labours and the food that is given them’.19 As Magnus noted, it is not surprising that previously wild animals kept in captivity would have become increasingly prone to disease from living in close proximity with humans. Furthermore, the replacement of nomadic living with permanent settlements would have fostered ideal conditions for the spread of ‘most and probably all distinctive infectious [pathogens]’ from domesticated animals. In turn, animals would have become more prone to disease due to their becoming less selfsufficient and dependent on humans, On both a practical and emotional level, this must have resulted in humans becoming ‘increasingly involved and committed to their charges’ during times of both sickness and health.20 Early Sources on Hippiatric Medicine Historians who rely mainly on written sources have long debated as to what constitutes the earliest texts referring to the health and illness of horses. Denis Karasszon has suggested that the earliest was written in Chaldea over 3,400 years ago. That said, as the original no longer exists this date was taken from a copy translated around 710 ad. Frederick Smith, on the other hand, argued that the very first texts were actually the Laws of Hammurabi (c. 2100 bc), which referred to veterinary practitioners.21 The major issue is that of survival, however, with most early writers known only because of references to them in later ancient works. As mentioned in the introduction, there are many inherent dangers in either relying or attempting to draw conclusions from such materials. Firstly, most surviving texts were produced many centuries after the original writer/s would have lived. While some claimed to have been copied from earlier documents, it is now impossible to substantiate. Secondly, the whole question or whether an author was credible or even existed causes many problems. This

19 A. Magnus, On Animals: A Medieval Zooilogical Summary, Volume 1 (trans) K.F. Kitchell and I.M. Resnick, Vol. 1 (Baltimore, 1998), p. 637. 20 W. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (London, 1976), pp. 54–55 and M.A. Levine, ‘Botai and the Origins of Horse Domestication’, Journal of Archaeology Anthropological, 18 (1999), pp. 29– 78. 21 D. Karasszon, Veterinary Medicine, pp. 13 and 94–95 and F. Smith, Veterinary Literature, I, pp. 5–7.

22

chapter one

is particularly true of authors such as Polycletus, Farnax or Sotion, whose names are known from a single manuscript produced many years after they lived.22 In the absence of other supporting materials, however, many academics have argued that a document produced in roughly 710 ad ‘proves’ that the earliest writer was Democritus of Abdera (470–402 bc). According to legend, Democritus taught Hippocrates who repaid him by providing medical treatment.23 It is also thought that Democritus, like many of his contemporaries, was involved in a range of ‘intellectual pursuits’ including embryology, mathematics, astronomy, physics, literature and prose. Interestingly, he was referred to as the ‘laughing philosopher’ due to his having ‘incessantly laughed at, and jested upon the business, vanities, follies and miseries of men’. Sadly, although Democritis was thought to have written several treatises on epidemic diseases, diet, ‘madness’, fever and the origins of animal and human diseases none have survived. Furthermore, there are doubts as to the credibility of such references written so many centuries after Democritus lived. Finally, even if the anonymous eighth century ad writer had seen a copy of a text written by Democritus, it was likely to have been ‘corrupted’ from centuries of transcriptions. Unfortunately, despite extensive searching I have been unable to find evidence that he was actually interested in or involved in the health and illness of domesticated animals in general or horses in particular. Other scholars over the centuries have argued that Simon of Athens (5th century bc) wrote the first actual ‘Treatise on Horsemanship’. Once again, however, such claims have been based purely on references by later writers. Xenophon (c. 380–430bc), for example, wrote about a statue of a bronze horse which had a plaque detailing Simon’s deeds and a quote on ‘a horse’s performance under compulsion’. While this lends support to the actual existence of such a man, it does little else. Other evidence, however, suggests that his ‘treatise on horsemanship’ was based exclusively on how to buy and raise animals to be either war or show horses. While such considerations undoubtedly played a role in the general health and wellbeing of horses, Simon failed to provide details of how to keep horses healthy and/or how to treat their diseases.24 I would not, therefore, categorize Simon’s works as ‘hippiatric’. 22

K.D. Fischer, ‘Ancient Veterinary Medicine’, pp. 191–209. P.C. Grammaticos, ‘Useful known and unknown views of the father of modern medicine, Hippocrates and his teacher Democritus’, Hellenic Journal of Nuclear Medicine, 2008 11 (1) pp. 2–4. 24 R. Berenger, The History and Art of Horsemanship (London, 1771), pp. 2 and 41; C.D. 23

ancient equine medicine

23

Xenophon, the main writer who mentioned Simon of Athens, was another historical figure who was either interested or involved with horses at some level. As with many of his predecessors, he was also involved in a range of intellectual pursuits. Xenophon produced a number of texts, including The Memorable Thoughts of Socrates and The Symposium (also about Socrates). Another work, Cynogeneticus, illustrated his interest in dogs, while Hellenic discussed his views about the world based on his experience as a cavalry general and historian. Unfortunately, although this text does refer to and discuss horses this was in a non-veterinary context.25 Chronologically, this leads to the treatise that may have been based either completely or partially on the work of an ancient healer known as Chiron, who may or may not have been a real person. While this may fanciful to readers of this text, it becomes less so when one considers the original definition of the word ‘mythology’. Despite its modern interpretation as ‘fable’, the word actually comes from the Greek ‘mythos’ which simply means word or story. In most cases, the tales would have been disseminated orally for many generations. By the time they were eventually written down, all were likely to have been subject to embellishments and changes. Following this line of thought, it could be argued that the earliest text on hippiatric medicine was what made up the core of the Mulomedicina Chironis. According to Isodore of Seville writings (6th century ad) Chiron’s authorship of this work meant that he deserved the title ‘the legendary father of veterinary medicine’.26 Such comments raise several questions, the most obvious being ‘who was Chiron’? Despite the tendency to say that this was a fictional character, the fact that this text ever existed shows that a human (or humans) were involved at some point/s. Therefore, it follows that the name ‘Chiron’ must either have belonged to a real person or was a pseudonym used by the original author. The sixteenth century text Certaine works of Galen, for example, claimed that Chiron was the first to ‘deliver … the arte of chirurgia’. During the following century Daniel LeClerc suggested that ‘Chiron’ was simply the name of the author of the ancient ‘Book call’d Horse Medicine’. Henry Cornelius Agrippa, on the other hand, agreed that there had been a man named Chiron who ‘invented’ veterinary medicine, but not that he had Cleveland, A Compendium of Grecian antiquities (Boston, 1831), p. 23 and R. Dunlop and J. William, Veterinary Medicine, p. 151. 25 Xenophon, On Horsemanship, The Duties of a Hipparch and On Hunting (trans) H.G. Kayns (Digireads.com Publishing, 2010), p. 5. 26 C.W. Schwabe, Veterinary Medicine and Human Health (Baltimore, 1984), pp. 113 and 130 and A. McCabe, Hippiatrika, p. 11.

24

chapter one

written the famous text. That said, he believed that John Ruellus, who was the ‘first Physician that compil’d a Volume of the Diseases of the Horses and their Cures’ had included both Chiron’s work along with other later writers. In the early nineteenth century writer Delebere Blaine simply described Chiron as a man having the surname of Centaur.27 The argument for the existence of a historical figure named Chiron is linked to the next question that must be asked, which is why such a title was chosen. To begin with, there have been a number of different terms used to refer to ‘horse healers’ over time. The earliest Latin term from the first century bc was ‘equarius medicus’, although other titles such as ‘mulomedicus’ or ‘medicus veterinarius’ were also fairly common. If taken literally, ‘equarius medicus’ is somewhat problematic as it refers to hereditary public slaves not allowed to charge for treating horses, mules or oxen working in the ‘cursus publicus’. That said, there were also mulomedici who were not slaves and worked in free practice. The debate over whether Chiron was a mulomedici or even existed has traditionally been joined by discussions of when he might have been alive.28 There have been many archaeological studies over the past century and a half trying to locate sites mentioned in Greek mythology. These have included attempts to prove that places or events described in ancient writings actually existed. One area that has been of on-going interest, for example, is that of whether the Trojan War ever occurred and, if so, where. In the 1870’s the German archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann claimed to have found evidence of this battle in the modern Turkish town of Hisarlik. As with many other nineteenth century archaeologists, he was later accused of destroying valuable evidence in the process. Even so, twentieth century archaeologists claim to have found corroborative, conclusive proof.29 Walter Hausmann and Wolfgang Jochle also claimed to have found definitive archaeological evidence, this time suggesting that Chiron the man actually lived around 1300bc. They have argued that the persona of a symbolic mixture of man and animal was only attached to this figure much later around the 7th century bc.30 This theory coincides with stories of tribes of

D.P. Blaine, The outline of the veterinary art (London, 1892), p. 5. J. Swabe, Animals, Disease and Human Society: Human Animal Relations and the Rise of veterinary medicine (London, 1999), p. 76. 29 D. Beuster, Heinrich Schliemann at Troy and the so-Called ‘Treasure of Priam’ (Norderstedt, 2008). 30 W. Hausmann and W. Jochle, The Discovery of Chiron’s Cave, a Prehistoric School of Medicine for Animals and Humans, Canadian Veterinary Journal, (29) October 1988, pp. 857– 860. 27 28

ancient equine medicine

25

hypermasculine, generally violent ‘centaurs’ who represented ‘nature in its most unpredictable and anti-cultural form’.31 This is a very interesting combination, particularly given the type of animal chosen to be half of the creature. According to legend, this was due to the goddess Oceanus punishing Philyra and Chronus for being caught in the act of sexual intercourse. The reasoning behind Chiron being half-horse was that Chronus turned himself into a stallion in order to gallop away from the scene. There has been a great deal of discussion and debate over the centuries as to why such an image was chosen. Centaurs, who may have ‘symbolised the close relationship between humans and horses’ were said to live in the forests and caves of Mount Pelion in Thessaly and were ‘ubiquitous in Greek art and myth’. The ‘Father of the Centaurs’ was the monster Centaurus, whose mating with mares on the slopes of St Pelion resulted in creatures with both human and horse-like characteristics. Most centaurs were thought to be violent which led them to be described as a ‘metaphor for the struggle between civilisation and barbarism, reason and chaos’.32 Even the bad centaurs, however, were thought to have a combination of at least some human qualities such as intelligence and reason joined to the strength, sexual potency, savagery and unpredictability of a horse. The figure of Chiron, one of the ‘best’ centaurs illustrated the positive aspects ‘the beast in humans and the humanity in beasts’.33 According to K.D. Fischer, there is only one known surviving manuscript of ‘his’ work in Munich. This contains ten books in Latin, although it is thought that others may have gone missing over the centuries. Fischer has picturesquely describes the treatise as consisting of ‘snippets pasted onto file cards, shuffled a couple of times, and then copied out again’. One ‘badly written’ fifteenth century manuscript, for example, appears to have copied texts dating back to around 400ad. As a result, it is usually impossible to categorically state who or even when the ‘first’ version began to be passed on through written texts.34

31 W. Hansen and W.F. Hansen, Classical Mythology: A Guide to the Mythical World of the Greeks and Romans (Oxford, 2005), pp. 152–153 and G.S. Kirk, Myth: Its Meaning and Functions in Ancient and Other Cultures (Cambridge, 1970), p. 160. 32 D. Karasszon, Veterinary History, p, 53 and K.D. Fischer, ‘Ancient Veterinary Medicine’ p. 199. 33 A. Grafton, G.W. Most and S. Settis, The Classical Tradition, (Cambridge, Mass, 2010), p. 187; M.P.O. Morford and R.J. Lenardon, Classical Mythology (Oxford, 1999), sixth edition, p. 481. 34 Anon, ‘Notes on the Mulomedicina Chironis’, The Classical Review, Vol. 51, No. 2 (1937), pp. 56 57; K.D. Fischer ‘Ancient Veterinary Medicine’, pp. 191–209.

26

chapter one

Again, although it is possible to speculate on why the image of a centaur became attached to this story, what is clear is that a human or humans must have been involved at some point/s in its development. Such ideas have been voiced by writers across the span of history. Isodore of Seville suggests that it was written by ‘the Centaur’ while others believe that the base of this word ‘centauroi’ may have originated not with the creature but in the Greek words for ‘a medicinal plant’. If that were the case, then perhaps Isodore was simply referring to ‘the healer’ named Chiron? Another is that the Mulomedicina may have been a compilation of texts by different authors gathered under the name of Chiron.35 According to legend, later great physicians claimed to be descended from Chiron and his most famous student Asclepios. Commonly referred to as ‘the God of Medicine’, Asclepios’s sanctuaries at Epidauros, Cnidos and Cos were said to have developed into the first medical schools. This historical figure is still known today mainly from the image of his snake wrapped around a stick becoming the symbol of medicine. Hippocrates, who lived in the late fourth or fifth century bc also claimed to have been descended from him. According to one academic, Asclepios was probably a king whose two sons who were medics in the Greek army (c. ninth to tenth centuries bc). It was only because of one of Hesiod’s poems (c. eighth century bc) that he turned into a ‘demi-god’. Whether this was the case, as with the previous argument about Chiron, such claims suggest that the healer Asclepios was actually based either on one or more real, historical figures.36 Leaving the debate about Chiron aside, there is much more definitive evidence about other writers living in the time of the ‘birth’ of medical literature and ‘the art of medicine’ (fourth and fifth centuries bc). While Hippocrates is best known for his studies on human health and illness, he was not thought to have actually practised ‘animal healing’. That said, he was considered ‘the most faithful Interpreter of Nature’ and the entire Hippocratic school of thought has been said to have ‘exerted an enormous influence on the development of veterinary medicine’.37 Even though Hippocrates did not write directly about horses, the concept of ‘one medicine’ does apply to his writings. After all, the principles discussed in the Hippocratic Corpus hold that the ‘microcosm of all living A. McCabe, Hippiatrika, pp. 10–11. T. Nayernouri, ‘Asclepius, Caduceus and Simurgh as Medical Symbols, Part I’, Archives of Iranian Medicine,13, 1 (2010), pp. 61–68; D. Karasszon, Veterinary, p. 56 and J. Jouanna, Hippocrates, (trans) M. DeBevoise (Baltimore, 2001), pp. 42–43. 37 B. Martin, The general magazine of Arts and Sciences, Philological, Mathematical and Mechanical, Vol. 13 (London, 1755–1756), p. 52. 35 36

ancient equine medicine

27

creatures’ were governed by the same physical laws as the ‘macrocosm of the universe’. As Vivian Nutton has so succinctly noted, these referred to the ‘psychological, moral and philosophical roles’ that sickness played in society.38 Surely such a statement must include both four legged and two legged animals? The clearest evidence of this can be found in the seventy treatises of the Hippocratic Corpus. Although they do so in varying degrees, most emphasise the close links between humans and animals. Based on a series of ‘empirical facts and sound practices’ the texts explained how the four ‘qualities’ of heaven, spheres, stars and planets (which contained the elements of fire, air, water and earth) were received on earth. These ‘receivers’ included ‘inanimata’ or things ‘without life’, as well as ‘growing’ or ‘living’ things such as herbs, plants, ‘Beastes, Foules, Fish [and] Mankinde’.39 The Book of Epidemics and Airs, Waters and Places, for example, discuss the relationship between environmental factors and the health and illness of all living creatures. Epidemics describes the way in which weather conditions in the different seasons of the year influenced health. The second book explored other external, environmental factors such as winds, waters and the place and condition of dwelling places. These introduced several related influences on health and illness, such as ‘seasonality’ and the resulting fluctuations in morbidity and mortality.40 Later writers expanded these principles to encompass their role in building or preserving health and preventing disease.41 De natura hominis, however, was probably one of the most important treatises in terms of human and animal health. Despite the title referring only to the former, the theory of the ‘four humours’ lay at the heart of all medical theory. These four ‘liquid Substance[s] in the Body of an Animal’ were divided into: blood, phlegm, black choler and yellow choler. Each had very different qualities in terms of its ‘nature’, taste, colour and purpose. Blood, which was red, sweet-tasting, of a ‘temperate’ and ‘a mean thickness’ served as ‘fuel’ for the body. Phlegm was watery and liquid, white in colour

V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine, pp. 51–53. W. Salmon, Systema Medicinale (London, 1686), p. 70 and N. Culpeper, Galen’s Art of Physick (London, 1652), sig. A2r and v. 40 D. Karasszon, Veterinary, pp. 66–67; J. Jouanna, ‘The Birth of Western Medical Art’ in M. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (London, 1998), pp. 22–71 and E.N. Naumova, ‘Mystery of Seasonality: Getting the Rhythm of Nature’ Journal of Public Health Policy (2006) 27, pp. 2–12. 41 The relationship between these factors and the health of horses will be discussed in detail in Chapter Five on ‘preventative medicine’. 38

39

28

chapter one

and ‘unsavoury’. Its main purpose was to ‘temper the Blood and render the Joynts slippery’. Choler was a thin, yellowish, ‘fiery’ consistency and served to ‘provkes the expelling faculty and thins Phlegm’. Bile was a clear, watery substance with a ‘subacid’ taste and helped to convey the blood through the body.42 The Hippocratic Corpus also introduced the idea that disease was caused by different types of imbalances of the four humours within the body. Although these humours were always in flux, the aim was to keep them as balanced as possible. As every living creature was thought to have a unique humoural combination, this was a complicated undertaking that theoretically required detailed medical knowledge and in-depth understanding of the individual in question. That said, in daily practice it was probably more than sufficient to have just a basic knowledge of the theory behind them. The best example of this was simply that an imbalance in any of the four humours would produce disease or dyscrasia. This led to the need to remove ‘superfluous fluids’ or add to insufficient ones to return the patient to a state of health.43 Three Hippocratic surgical texts, De fracturis, De articulis and De Capitis vulneribus also contained materials that pertained to animals. As the titles suggest, these discussed the nature and treatment of fractures, dislocations, gangrene and amputation. Although there were obviously anatomical differences, the principles and techniques were the same for humans and animals. While much surgical knowledge has traditionally been gained on battlefields, a great deal has also been learned from dissection of animals (as discussed below). As a result, despite the differences in anatomy, horse surgeons would have used similar techniques, surgical instruments and ointments.44 On Ancient Medicine discusses the need for sick humans to have a different diet than healthy ones. This argument was based partially on the therapeutic virtues of cooked foods. It argues that ‘if it were sufficient for the human being to eat and drink the same things as an ox and a horse’ that they would also have ‘no need of any other regimen’.45 This is not totally true, however, as examples such as the use of cooked ‘mashes’ became increas42 J. Pechey, A plain introduction to the art of physic (London, 1697), p. 11 and J.S. A Short Compendium of Chirurgery (London 1678), p. 15. 43 Y. Ruckebusch, ‘A historical profile of veterinary pharmacology and therapeutics’, Historia Medicinae Veterinariae, 20 (1995), pp. 49–80. 44 M. McVaugh, ‘Therapeutic Strategies: Surgery’ in M. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical Thought from Antiquity of the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1998), pp. 273–290. 45 Hippocrates, On Ancient Medicine (trans) M.J. Schiefsky (Leiden, 2005), p. 77.

ancient equine medicine

29

ingly widespread as part of the early modern health regimen for horses show. That said, although the humours and the importance of a good diet were later applied to animals, this was not the case in these writings. According to Pliny, the Hippocratic writings marked the end of medical knowledge and practice being ‘shrouded in darkness’ and being replaced by ‘rational medicine’. Roy Porter, however, carried this argument further with his claim that it represented the time when ‘philosophical speculations about nature became enmeshed in dialogue with medical beliefs’. Although such ideas took time to filter into popular culture, by the fifth century bc the relationship between health and ‘purely natural terms’ as opposed to supernatural and mystical ones, had begun to gain general acceptance.46 Aristotle, who has been credited with providing ‘the scaffolding for subsequent scientific and medical argument in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages’ also played a role in shaping contemporary views about animals.47 Author of the fourth century bc Historia animalium, Aristotle has been called ‘the most important philosopher on nature and the status of animals’. Even so, it is neither a historical or veterinary text, but a miscellaneous collection of information on a range of wild and domesticated animals. The text divided animals into eight genera or ‘scientific extensions’ of categories separated into species with shared similar physical traits. Each type was placed on the hierarchical ‘Scala Naturae’ or ‘Ladder of Nature’ with humans at the peak, followed by animals and finally plants. The eighth book briefly touched on the breeding and lifespan of horses, donkeys and mules. Interestingly, this supported the ‘one medicine’ theory as illustrated by his opinion that horses suffered from the same diseases as humans. Beyond this, his sole ‘veterinary’ comments were that horses ‘at pasture [were] largely free from disease’, but that wet conditions could destroy their hooves. It also mentioned ‘barley disease’ and ‘heartache’ which might possibly refer to what were later called ‘laminitis’ and ‘heaves’. While his comparative work on animal and human anatomy, physiology and disease were based on animal dissections, he was not any type of a hippiatric practitioner.48

46 J. Longrigg, ‘Medicine in the Classical World’ in I. Loudon (ed.) Western Medicine: An Illustrated History (Oxford, 1997), pp. 25–39, R. Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind, p. 55 and D. Depew, ‘Humans and Other Political animals in Aristotle’s History of Animals’, Phronesis, 40, 2, 1995, pp. 156–181. 47 V. Nutton, ‘Medicine in the Greek world, 800–50 BC’, pp. 11–38. 48 A. McCabe, Hippiatrika, p. 4; V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine, p. 118; J. Jouana, ‘The Birth of Western Medical Art’ in M. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages, pp. 22–71 and L. Wilkinson, Animals & Disease, p. 7.

30

chapter one

As histories of human medicine show, there is a large chronological gap before the appearance of Galen, the ‘Prince of Physicians’. Living in the second century ad, Galen was said to have ‘found rationality and learning in a richer measure’ [than Hippocrates]. Other modern historians have credited Galen with being the man who brought Greek medicine to ‘its fullest development’ by setting Hippocratic principles within a wider anatomophysiological framework’.49 I would also point out that, as with Hippocrates, the majority of Galen’s writings applied as equally to horses as humans. This is particularly true of Galen’s discussion of what are referred to as ‘the naturals’. These began with the principles of ‘thynges naturall’, ‘thynges not naturall’ and ‘thynges ageynst nature’. The first and largest group included fixed and unchangeable things such as the ‘elements (earth, air, fire and water), complexions … humours’.50 In the early modern period Gervase Markham described the relationship between humours and horses as being exactly the same as in humans. He wrote that ‘the true Composition of a Horse’s Body’ consisted of the same ‘thirteen several things’ as a man’s body. These were ‘Seven Natural and Six not Natural: The Seven Natural are Elements, Temperaments, Humours, Members, Powers, or Vertues, Affections or Operations and Spirits’, which ‘every sensible Body doth wholly depend upon’. Every horse had a unique ‘temperment’ or ‘complexion’ composed of a combination of ‘two dyvers qualities of the foure elementes in one bodye’. In the broadest terms, horses were thought to be hot and dry, linked to their ‘strong Martial Nature’. However, as with all living creatures, horses could ‘differ much as to their Identical Qualities and Particular Constitutions’.51 Non-naturals, on the other hand, represented a mixture of physiological, psychological and environmental conditions which affected health, but could be manipulated.52 The six non-naturals which ‘preserve sustain and fortie the Body’, consisted of ‘ayre’, ‘meate and drinke’, ‘slepe and watch’, ‘mevying and rest’, ‘emptynesse and replettion’ and ‘affectations of the minde’. Horses were also prone to ‘thynges ageynst nature’ and experienced many of the same ‘sycknesses’ as humans. However, due to anatomical and

49 N. Siraisi, Medieval and Renaissance Medicine (Chicago, 1990), p. 4; R. French, Medicine before Science (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 34 and 38 and R. Porter, Greatest Benefit, p. 77. 50 T. Elyot, The Castel of Health (London, 1539), p. 1 and P. Gil Sotres, ‘The Regimens of Health’, in M.D. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical Thought (London, 1998), pp. 291–318. 51 N. Culpeper, Galen’s Art of Physick (London, 1652), p. 4. 52 N. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, p. 101; T. Elyot, The Castel of Health (London, 1539), p. 1 and P. Gil Sotres, ‘The Regimens of Health’, in M.D. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical Thought, pp. 291–318.

ancient equine medicine

31

lifestyle differences, they might also be subject to disorders in their hooves or back problems from carrying heavy loads. The final category of ‘contranaturals’ literally meant ‘against nature’ and consisted of pathological conditions made up of ‘syckenesse, cause of syckenesse and accidents whiche followeth syckenesse’.53 The theory of the four humours applied equally to ‘all things endowed with blood’, including ‘men … Oxe, Dogge and Horse’, although they would vary in ‘quality, quantity and mixture’. In the early twenty-first century, a state of health is often thought of as signifying the absence of disease. The humoural theory, however, held that as the humours were constantly in flux, a healthy animal was one in whom they were in ‘relative balance’.54 A strong, generally healthy horse might, for example, be able to function fairly well even if it was suffering from some physical disorder. On the other hand, a socalled ‘healthy’ horse might be harbouring an undiagnosed disease. What was important, in early modern terms, was whether the animal was in a ‘balanced’ or ‘imbalanced’ state. Combinations varied between horses, as did the predominant humour which would define their ‘constitution’ or ‘complexion’. These included their general health, as well as the types of diseases they would be most at risk from. It would also influence their character, emotional state and the types of food and drink that would be considered best for each. Although the basic balance was set at birth, these tended to vary somewhat with age. Horses that had a predominance of the phlegm humour, for example, would have the propensity to be slow and sluggish. While these characteristics might be masked somewhat by the general energy found in a young animal, they would become increasingly evident as it aged. There were a number of signs that could assist owners in determining the humoural traits of their horse. As with humans, the first involved knowing the details of their birth in order to determine what their ‘ruling planet’ was. An Arian horse born in April, for example, would tend to be ‘hot and fiery’ due to its’ governing planet of Mars. If such information was not available, the colour and general physique of a horse could also provide valuable clues. Horses that were ‘Coal black’ were subject to choleric illnesses such 53 J. Longrigg, Greek Rational Medicine, pp. 76–78 and G. Markham, Markham’s Masterpiece Revived (London, 1681), p. 11; P. Gil-Sotres, ‘The Regimens of Health’ in M.D. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical Thought, pp. 291–318 and P. Niebyl, ‘The Non-Naturals’, British History of Medicine, 45 (1971), pp. 486–492. 54 Jones, An Almanack (London, 1574), p. 7; S. Gunnarsson, ‘The conceptualisation of health and disease in veterinary medicine’ in Acta Veterinaria Scandinavica, 2006, 48:20, pp. 1– 6 and G. Markham, Markham’s Maisterpiece Revived, sig. B1r.

32

chapter one

as ‘pestilence, fevers, inflammation of the Liver and other hot Diseases’. This also meant that their health would be in the greatest danger during the springtime, which shared the qualities of Leo and Aries (hot and dry). White ‘pye-bald’ horses, on the other hand, were likely to succumb to cold, wet illnesses such as ‘staggers, coughs and cattarhs [sic]’.55 They, in turn, would experience the most health problems in the cold, wet winter. Galen’s three-book On the Powers of Food, written about 180 A.D, which classified foods according to their humoural qualities, also pertained to the care of horses. This included a description of different types of food and information as to whether they were good or bad for the stomach, costive or laxative and cooling or heating. While horses were not omnivores and only consumed a relatively small number of food, these still contained various ‘qualities’. Also of great relevance was that everything should be taken in moderation, and to eat ‘neither lesse nor more, but as your stomake desireth’ in order to avoid ill health. For domesticated horses, of course, this amount would be determined by humans.56 Galen’s theory of the four humours, along with that of the non-naturals is illustrated in hippiatric texts dating from late antiquity through the early modern period. More specialised hippiatric information, however, only dates from the fourth and fifth centuries ad. These included works by Apsyrtos, Anatolios, Eumelos, Theomenstos and Hierocles, all of whose writings are only known through much later works. The most famous writer of this period was Pelagonius, whose fourth century ad Ars Veterinaria has survived in one manuscript and a number of fragments. All of these are somewhat problematic, however, as none were written when he was alive. In fact, the only known complete copy dates from the second half of the fifteenth century. While it is thought that this had been copied from a seventh or eighth century ad manuscript this still would have been many centuries after the original would have been written.57 As a result, it is difficult to draw definitive conclusions about the original content or context of his texts. Even without such considerations, K.D. Fischer has argued that Vegetius’ fifth century writings have totally overshadowed earlier works by Pelagonius and Chiron.58 There is also some debate as to whether the title of ‘the father G.L. The Gentleman’s new jockey: or, Farrier’s approved guide (London, 1691), p. 27. M. Grant, Galen on Food and Diet (London, 2000), pp. 68–190; V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine, pp. 240–241 and A. Askham, An Almanack (London, 1553), sig. A4r. 57 M. Doyen-Higuet, The ‘Hippiatria’ and Byzantine Medicine, Dumbarton Oaks, 3 (1984), 111–120 and K.D. Fischer (ed.) Pelagonius, Ars Veterinaria (Leipzig, 1980) and ‘Ancient Veterinary Medicine’ pp. 191–209. 58 Idem, pp. 191–209. 55 56

ancient equine medicine

33

of veterinary medicine’ should have been given to him. The main accusations, however, are linked to the fact that he ‘merely’ compiled ancient and contemporary writings into one text. However, besides the fact that passing on ‘ancient wisdom’ was the usual way to produce such works, it is partially thanks to him that these earlier writers are even known today. Far from finding major differences between humans and animals, he ‘was of the Opinion that the Diseases of Horses were very like to those of Men, or at least not very different’.59 The question of where this material was gathered from seems less important than the fact that it did appear to have a major impact on later authors. In fact, Vegetius was better known for his military writings than his veterinary ones. His most famous work was probably De re military which explained how to best wage a war based on ‘a carefully selected, welltrained and disciplined army’. This included details on training and weapons, including what were known as ‘siege machines’. Vegetius claimed that he had an intimate knowledge of ‘every type of horse’ based on his lifelong experience of rearing them. In addition, he argued that his ‘varied and distant travels’ had taught him important things about isolating sick animals, to keep their diseases from spreading.60 Translations of Vegetius’ work remained tremendously popular throughout the Middle Ages, with both King Alfonso X of Castile (d. 1284) and King Edward I (d. 1307) owning copies in their respective languages. There are a large number of surviving copies in different languages covering the span of many centuries. Although some are later printed editions, the British Library has an eleventh century English manuscript entitled Treatise on Military Science which is annotated with notes and comments.61 The first published version of this text was the Latin Veterinarie Medicinae Scriptores Groeci in 1530, followed seven years later by a Greek edition. The four books of Flauius Vegetius Renatus, which was printed in 1572, described ‘the mustering, chosinge and appointing of younge souldiers’, followed by their ‘trayninge’. This was followed by ‘the seconde booke’ of ‘the feates of warre’, a third book on the characteristics of ‘an armye well eppointed and enstructed’ and finally on ‘the besieginnge and defending of Cittyes’.62

V. Renatus, Vegetius Renatus of the Distempers of Horses, p. v. W.A. Goffart, Rome’s Fall and After (London, 1989), p. 69. 61 British Library, Treatise on Military Science, Cotton MS Cleopatra DI/f.83v9. 62 Vegetius, The four books of Flauius Vegetius Renatus (London, 1572) and H. Nicholson, Medieval Warfare (Basingstoke, 2003), p. 17. 59 60

34

chapter one

The 5th or 6th century ad Hippiatrika is said to be the ‘principal monument’ to Greek ‘technical literature on the care and healing of horses’.63 Interestingly, its arrival in Anglo-Saxon approximately coincided with that of Christianity in the late sixth century ad. In historiographical terms, the ‘beginning’ of British hippiatric medicine also marks the end of what is traditionally called the ‘early middle ages’.64 The text of the Hippiatrika was a compilation of excerpts from seven veterinary manuals dating from the Late Antique period. They consisted of manuals purported to be by Eumelus, Apsurtus, Theomnestus, Hierocles and Hippocrates. It also contained a Greek translation of the Latin text of Pelagonius and a chapter from an agricultural work by Anatolus. The earliest parts are thought to be by Eumelus and Anatoloius, possibly dating from the third and fourth centuries ad, with Apsyrtus’ and Theomnestus’ texts possibly written around the same period. The excerpts from Theomenestus, Pelagonius and Hierocles which ‘repackaged the work of others’ are thought to date from the fourth or fifth centuries ad.65 This very large work focused on a range of practical treatments for a large number of disorders and diseases. It also included other types of material, such as how to breed, break, feed, groom and stable horses. According to one modern academic, this illustrates both ‘sound and intelligent principles of [horse] management’ and of a variety of medicinal herbs.66 Best defined as an ‘encyclopedic collection of excerpts from seven ancient veterinary manuals’, this vast work focused on practical treatments, organized by ailments and appropriate recipes. Given that it was a collection from different writers living in varying periods, it is not surprising to find many differences in both the terminology and writing styles used. Some appear to be writing from first-hand experience, while others duplicated things that the original authors may have heard or read. Many of the symptoms and diseases described, such as lameness, cough, colic, laminitis and parasites still affect horses today. It also included a variety of other information, including how to breed, break, feed, groom and stable horses. There are twenty-two known manuscripts of the Hippiatrica, dating from the tenth to the sixteenth centuries. It is unnecessary to go into great detail

A. McCabe, Hippiatrika, p. 1. See, for example, T. Rowley, The High Middle Ages 1200–1550 (London, 1988) and N.F. Cantor, The Pimlico Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages (London, 1999), p. viii. 65 A. McCabe. Hippiatrika, p. 13. 66 V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine, p. 144; A. McCabe, Hippiatrika, p. 114; and S. Cuomo, Ancient Written Sources for Engineering and Technology (Oxford, 2008), p. 15. 63 64

ancient equine medicine

35

about them in this book, as Ann McCabe’s excellent, comprehensive study already does so. However, it is important to point out that many ancient writers, such as Eumelus or Apsyrtus, are known only from their inclusion in this text. This is particularly unfortunate in the case of Apsyrtus, who McCabe says produced the most extensive Greek hippiatric treatise. Although it is thought that Apsyrtus was a practicing ‘veterinarian’, Eumelus has simply been described as ‘a shadowy figure’.67 As with large numbers of other early texts, the Hippiatrica is known from later, rather than contemporary copies. The popularity of this text is illustrated by the numerous copies that were produced throughout the sixth, seventh and succeeding centuries and distributed throughout France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and England.68 These were often printed with variations on the original title, however, as illustrated by the National Library of Medicine’s two early sixteenth century copies.69 Unfortunately, it is not known who owned or more importantly consulted the Hippiartrica in England during the decades after it was written. The sixth century ad was, after all, a period of transition from centuries of Roman rule into the ‘early’ Middle Ages. Very little is actually known about English hippiatric care in general between the fifth century ad and the time of the Norman Conquest in the eleventh century ad.70 It was, however, a time of on-going border fighting, including waves of barbarian raiders across the British Isles. This suggests that treating sick or wounded horses who played a major role in warfare would have been a central focus of veterinary care.71 That said, there were also an increasing number employed in other types of agricultural work or involved in transport, all of whom would have required some form of preventative and/or remedial care. Conclusion This chapter has provided an overview of the very early evolution of hippiatric medicine in order to supply a context and background for the following J.N. Adams, Pelagonius, p. 5. F. Smith, Veterinary, Volume I, pp. 42–43 and A. McCabe, Hippiatrika, pp. 1, 2–4, 15, 18, 67, 98 and 122. 69 L. Rusius, Hippiatria (Paris, 1532) and Apsurtys, S. Grynaus and J. Ruel, Ton hippiatrikon biblia duo (Basileae, 1537). 70 See, for example, T. Rowley, The High Middle Ages, 1200–1450 (London, 1986) and N.F. Cantor, The Pimlico Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages. 71 J. Scarborough, ‘Introduction’, Symposium on Byzantine Medicine, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 38, (London, 1984), ix–xvi and Karasszon, Veterinary, p. 111. 67

68

36

chapter one

chapters. The beginnings of veterinary, along with ‘human’ medicine are, of course, lost in the mist of time. However, given that there has always been disease, this must mean that there have always been attempts to do something about it. In the earliest stages this might simply have consisted of ‘autotherapy’. Once animals were domesticated, however, the role of healer would have passed on to humans. Although there has been a growing interest in the history of ancient medicine for humans, relatively little work has been done on animals. One of the main reasons for this is undoubtedly the paucity of surviving source materials. That said, the absence of relevant documents does not mean that efforts were not made to care for their animals’ health. While Keith Thomas was writing about early modern horses, the idea that they were ‘subsidiary members of the human community, bound by mutual self-interest to their owners’ also holds true for this period.72 In the history of human medicine, the ‘starting point’ is generally taken to be the ‘birth’ of both medical literature and ‘the art of medicine’ in the second half of the fifth century bc. This refers to Hippocrates, whose writings were said to mark the end of medical knowledge and practice being ‘shrouded in darkness’ and the beginnings of the ‘rational medicine’ that provided the foundation for later Western medicine.73 The important role that many texts in the Hippocratic Corpus played in the development of hippiatric medicine can also not be emphasised enough. De natura hominis, for example, introduced the theory of the four humours, while The Book of Epidemics and Airs, Waters and Places discusses the relationship between environmental factors, health and illness.74 The symbiotic relationship between human and animal health, or the theory of ‘one medicine’ is much older than the fifth century. This chapter has argued that the history of human disease actually began with the domestication of animals and that it actually applies to all living creatures.75 Unfortunately, while there is paleo-archaeological evidence of disease in undomesticated animals, it is not able to show efforts of self-healing. However, it logically follows that the earliest forms of ‘hippiatric care’ would have

72

K. Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England (London, 1984),

p. 98. 73 J. Longrigg, ‘Medicine in the Classical World’, pp. 25–39; R. Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind, p. 55 and V. Nutton Ancient Medicine, pp. 51–53. 74 J. Jouana, ‘The Birth of Western Medical Art’ in M. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages, pp. 22–71. 75 R.G.W. Kirk and M. Worboys, ‘Medicine and Species: One Medicine, One History?’ in M. Jackson (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of the History of Medicine (Oxford, 2011), pp. 561–577.

ancient equine medicine

37

consisted of ‘autotherapy’ something which generally became impossible after domestication. Although images of horses have survived in mediums ranging from wall carvings to pottery, there has been, and will probably always be, a great deal of debate as to what constituted the ‘first’ hippiatric text. There are various reasons for this, include the paucity of surviving ancient sources and the ‘mislabeling’ of others as being ‘veterinary’. This particularly pertains to the many agricultural treatises which only lightly, if at all, touched on health care for horses. J.N. Adams has suggested that this might be due to modern definitions of veterinary medicine, which do not include variables such as ‘economic … army and public … activities’ [relating to horses].76 I tend to agree more with Anne McCabe, who has suggested that ‘veterinary medicine was …. a specialized and separate discipline’ in the ancient world. As such, although ‘real’ hippiatric texts might include a ‘certain amount’ of material on choosing or breeding horses, this was not their main function.77 Furthermore, most of the early veterinary texts have not survived and are now only known through references in much later works. This is rather problematic as such copies have undoubtedly been corrupted over the centuries. It also makes it difficult to confirm which were actually written by the authors linked to them, or indeed, whether the named writer actually existed in the first place. There are many examples of this beginning with Democritus of Abdera (470–402bc).78 Other scholars over the centuries have argued that Simon of Athens (5th century bc) was the earliest writer. wrote the first actual hippiatric treatise, although this has also not survived.79 The best example of this, however, is linked to the Mulomedicina Chironis. As the title suggests, this was written by Chiron, who has traditionally been portrayed as a mythical combination of horse and man. While there is continuing debate about why this image was chosen, it may be that it was meant to illustrate the close ties between ‘the beast in humans and the humanity in beasts’.80 However, the fact that this text ever existed shows J.N. Adams, Pelagonius, p. 1. A. McCabe, Hippiatrika, p. 14. 78 P.C. Grammaticos, ‘Useful known and unknown views of the father of modern medicine, Hippocrates and his teacher Democritus’, Hellenic Journal of Nuclear Medicine, 2008 11 (1) 2–4. 79 R. Berenger, The History and Art of Horsemanship, pp. 2 and 41; C.D. Cleveland, A Compendium of Grecian Antiquities (Boston, 1831), p. 23 and R. Dunlop and J. William, Veterinary Medicine, p. 151. 80 A. Grafton, G.W. Most and S. Settis, The Classical Tradition, (Cambridge, Mass, 2010), p. 187; M.P.O. Morford and R.J. Lenardon, Classical Mythology (Oxford, 1999), sixth edition, p. 481 and C.W. Schwabe, Veterinary Medicine, pp. 113 and 130. 76

77

38

chapter one

that a human or humans were involved at some point/s in its development. Therefore, it seems likely that the name ‘Chiron’ must either have belonged to a real person or was a pseudonym used by the original author. The ‘most important’ ancient work on horses is the 5th or 6th century ad Hippiatrika said to be the ‘principal monument’ to Greek ‘technical literature on the care and healing of horses’. As with large numbers of other early texts, the Hippiatrica is known from later, rather than contemporary copies. This was an encyclopedic collection of excerpts from seven Late Antique veterinary manuals, which has been discussed in great deal by Ann McCabe.81 The vast work focused on practical treatments, organized by ailments and appropriate recipes with many of the symptoms and diseases described still affecting horses today. It also included a variety of other information, including how to breed, break, feed, groom and stable horses. In historiographical terms, the ‘beginning’ of British hippiatric medicine also marks the end of what is traditionally called the ‘early Middle Ages’ which will be discussed in the following chapter.82

A. McCabe, Hippiatrika, p. 1. See, for example, T. Rowley, The High Middle Ages 1200–1550 (London, 1988) and N.F. Cantor, The Pimlico Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages, p. viii. 81 82

chapter two MEDIEVAL EQUINE MEDICINE

What beest is found in alle thing so necessarie As is the horse bothe nyghe and ferre And so notable to man in pees and warre …1

Although there can be no debate that horses played a major role in both ‘pees’ and ‘warre’, this is one of the few blanket statements that can be made about them in the middle ages. The main reason for this lay in the sheer length of time the term ‘medieval’ refers to. Unlike the early modern period, whose parameters are generally considered to be only two to three hundred years, this period encompasses over a thousand. Despite the length of time, its’ very name suggests that it was unimportant in itself and notable only for spanning a gap between two greater periods. Until fairly recently, this ‘interim’ time was further labelled as the ‘Dark Ages’. Originally coined several hundred years ago, both terms portray the middle-ages as ‘a time of lost knowledge, societal and cultural degeneration replaced by superstition and magic’.2 Although most areas of historical research no longer consider it a time of ‘darkness’, this is not true amongst all veterinary historians. Dunlop and Williams, for example, insist that this is still an accurate description based on the paucity of source materials for this period.3 It is rather surprising that any academic would interpret the absence of primary sources as meaning that there was nothing significant to record. Medieval horses continued to play a major role in warfare, which would have subjected them to both illnesses and injuries. The same held true for the increasingly larger numbers employed in both agriculture and transport. A more likely explanation, therefore, is that given that information was either passed on mainly through the oral culture and/or that written sources simply have not survived. 1 J. Lydgate, Here begynneth a lytell treatyse of the horse, the sheep, and the ghoos [sic] (London, 1495), p. 2. 2 N. Cannon, Oxford Dictionary of English History (Oxford, 2009). p. 197; B. Williams, Medieval England (Andover, 2004); N. Cantor The Pimlico Encyclopaedia of the Middle Ages (London, 1999), p. 7; F. Getz, Medicine in the English Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J., 1998), p. 9 and W.P. Kerr, The Dark Ages (New York, 1911), p. xi. 3 R. Dunlop and D. Williams, An Illustrated History of Veterinary Medicine (St. Louis, 1996), p. 205.

40

chapter two

Perhaps as a result, stereotypes abound both about horses and the lack of veterinary care available to them in medieval England. These include the ‘romanticisation’ of knights and their horses. One of the most famous medieval horses was a gift from Charlemagne to his knight Renaud (or Rinaldo). Over the centuries there have been various poems and stories about the close bond between Renaud and his ‘distinctive, superior, exceptional’ animal. Bayard’s fame, in fact, led to the name often being used to signify the type of heroic horse described in the 1380’s by Chaucer in Troilus and Chriseyde [sic].4 While the image of a highly decorated knight and horse is an attractive one, most animals probably had much more mundane lives. This did not mean, however, that the health of any of these horses could be left to the highly dangerous and often lethal methods accusingly said to have been the norm during the ‘Dark Ages’. Until fairly recently, it was widely accepted that all types of ancient knowledge had disappeared into a void which existed until classical learning was ‘rediscovered’ at the end of the Middle Ages. Such claims are based on a small number of sources, such as the monk’s Gilda writings about Britain and 8th century ad letters to Boniface, the Apostle of the Germans saying that ‘we have some medical books [inn England] but the foreign ingredients we find prescribed in them are unknown to us and difficult to obtain.’5 While some historical texts have tended to somewhat grudgingly admit that there were elements of religious and magical healing in medieval England, they are often glossed over by others. The same holds true for technological changes which increased both the health and productivity of horses. One of the most important was the invention of horse collars. These were first used in the West around 750 ad to protect the horse’s neck by shifting the weight onto his shoulder blades. Another major innovation which reached Europe around 950 ad was the iron horse shoe which helped to protect hooves from injury and rot. Sometime later the ‘whiffletree’ was invented so that horses could be harnessed to a horizontal pole in order to equalise stress on their bodies from pulling a wagon.6

4 B. Boehrer, Animal Characters: Nonhuman Beings in Early Modern Literature (Philadelphia, 2010), p. 37. 5 B. Williams, Medieval England (Andover, 2004), p. 5; N. Cantor, The Pimlico Encyclopaedia of the Middle Ages, p. 7; L. Prince, The Farrier and His Craft: The History of the Worshipful company of Farriers (London, 1980), p. 229 and M. Winterbottom (trans) Gildas, The Ruin of Britain (London, 1978), p. 25. 6 C. Rogers, The Oxford Encyclopaedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology, Vol I (Oxford, 2010), p. 516.

medieval equine medicine

41

Despite such advances in the health and well-being of horses, historians have tended to focus on the vibrant growth of Byzantine and Arabic medicine in the 9th and 10th centuries instead. According to Roy Porter, it was the Islamic world which kept ‘the medical thread’ [of knowledge] alive albeit in a ‘frayed’ state. Thanks to its’ preservation, what has been referred to as ‘Arabised Galenism’ meant that ancient knowledge was able to be ‘reintroduced’ into Western countries.7 There are many other historical commonplaces about the state of medical knowledge in the medieval period. These include the idea that once the principles of ancient medicine ‘returned’ to the West it was perpetuated through the efforts of the medieval Christian church. While it is indisputable that medical manuscripts were copied and preserved in religious institution, the idea that they were the ‘seat’ of medical care is less clear. After all, this tends to denigrate the traditional beliefs and practices surely being passed on through popular culture. Furthermore, this would raise the question of why the edict issued by the Council of Clermont forbidding monks from practicing medicine did not result in the loss or end of classical ideas. According to many historians in the past, this was because the continuation of medical ideas and care was then taken over by university-led ‘scholastic medicine.’ There are, of course, a number of problems with all of these sweeping generalisations. These include geographical issues, such as the fact that there were vast geographical and cultural differences between Gaul, Rome, Constantinople and Mesopotamia. The idea that monks were responsible for providing the majority of medical care, especially for animals, is also fallacious. Finally, as history has proven again and again, the issuing of an official edict does not always result in the cessation of the offending behaviour.8 Fortunately, such broad, stereotypical comments have been steadily losing ground and it is now generally accepted that the history of human medicine is far more complex than previously thought. On the other hand, many veterinary historians still persist in working within the parameters of this ‘historical time warp’. As I have continued to argue, however, common sense dictates that some form of veterinary care existed throughout

7 E. Ackernecht, A short history of medicine (London, 1982), pp. 81–83; R. Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity (London, 1997), p. 106 and C. AlvarezMillan, ‘Practice versus Theory: Tenth-century Case Histories from the Islamic Middle East’, Social History of Medicine, 13 (August 2000), pp. 293–306. 8 V. Nutton, ‘Medicine in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages’ in Conrad et al. The Western Medical Tradition 800 BC to AD 180 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 71–87.

42

chapter two

the Middle Ages as in other periods. Horses, who fulfilled such a range of economic, moral and aesthetic purposes, would surely not have been left in a ‘veterinary void’. There is ample evidence throughout the ages of the ways in which humans valued these animals. In early medieval Britain, for example, this would have included what has been referred to as the ‘cult status’ of Gallo-Roman horses.9 It is, therefore, even more nonsensical to suggest that previous hippiatric knowledge could have totally disappeared along with the Romans. What is much more likely is that society experienced a ‘welding’ of various earlier beliefs and practices from the ‘defunct Empire’, ‘pagan traditions of the invading barbarians’ and the Christian religion which the barbarians had adopted from those they conquered.10 That said, I would argue that people continued to use time honoured practices and would only have incorporated new ideas if they found them to be effective. As previously mentioned, one of the main problems with attempting to discuss ‘medieval equine medicine’ is the huge amount of time that the term encompasses. The Middle Ages are often divided under the headings of ‘early’, ‘high’ and ‘late’.11 Although ‘early’ is generally linked to ‘the end of the Roman Empire’ in the fifth century ad, medical historian Peregrine Horden has suggested that a date around 700 ad would be more accurate. This is known as the ‘Saxon period’, said to be a time of ‘political, economic and cultural change.’ It is also said to be a significant time in the chronology of hippiatric given the arrival of the Hippiatrika in the West.12 The second ‘stage’ which is referred to as the ‘high Middle Ages’ is said to have begun around the period of the Norman Conquest in the eleventh century ad. For academics interested in animals, this is a particularly important time due to Britain having become a major ‘horse-breeding nation’.13 In terms of medical history, it also marked the beginning of ‘Scholastic Medicine’ with the first Continental universities opening in Montpellier and Bologna. Oxford University, which was the first English university opened 9 R.D. Horan, J.F. Shogren and E. Bulte, ‘A Paleoeconomic Theory of Co-evolution and Extinction of Domesticable Animals’, Scottish Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 59, 2 (May 2003), pp. 131–148; D. Karasszon, A Concise History of Veterinary Medicine (Budapest, 1988), p. 70; E. Fuller Tovey and R. Yolken, Beasts of the Earth (London, 2005), pp. 36–37 and A. Hyland, The Horse in the Middle Ages (Stroud, 1999), p. 4. 10 E.H. Ackernecht, A short history of medicine, p. 79. 11 See, for example, T. Rowley, The High Middle Ages 1200–1550 (London, 1988) and N.F. Cantor, The Pimlico Encyclopaedia, p. viii. 12 J. Blair, The Anglo-Saxon Age (Oxford, 2000), p. 13; P. Horden, ‘What’s wrong with early medieval medicine’ Journal of the Social History of Medicine 2011, 24 (1), pp. 5–25 and F. Smith, The Early History of Veterinary Literature, Vol. I. (London, 1919, reprinted 1976), p. 62. 13 A. Hyland, Horse in the Middle Ages, pp. 6 and 35–40.

medieval equine medicine

43

in 1167. As with the continental institutions, twelfth and thirteenth century universities offered a range of readings and lectures that were ‘basically scientific’. Students who could successfully pass through this work were allowed to move on to the higher faculties of law, theology and medicine.14 It is unlikely, however, that the advent of university studies would have had any effect on animal, or indeed most other types of healers. That said, the tendency of knowledge to trickle down into popular culture may have resulted in at least some impact on popular ideas. In addition, thoughts about the relationship between humans and animals may gradually have begun to be challenged, linked to the beginnings of a gradual acceptance of our commonality.15 The end date of the ‘high’ Middle Ages can vary greatly amongst historians. In English history, for example, many medical and historians of science use the English sixteenth century reformation, when magic ‘declined’ and was replaced by ‘scientific rationalism’.16 As with my earlier comments about the ‘disappearance’ of medical knowledge, this is a problematic statement. After all, both of these terms can be defined in different ways and it is also difficult to see how either ‘began’ at a certain time. I would, instead, argue that a more appropriate cut-off date would be linked to the advent and growth of mechanical printing in the late fifteenth century and its’ subsequent impact on veterinary medicine. There are, of course, many more inherent issues in employing categories based on the ‘purely artificial constraints’ linked to efforts to ‘periodise’ the past.17 Given that this is not really the place to debate such matters, this chapter will replace the typical chronological view of medieval hippiatric medicine with a thematic one. This will be done by focusing on the three themes that had the biggest impact on hippiatric medicine in medieval England. These include what Mary Lindemann has described as England as being a society where ‘religion, magic and healing coexisted within the framework of Christianity’.18 While it is difficult to attempt to divide elements which worked together so symbiotically, this chapter will firstly attempt to provide an overview of the relationship between Christian-

14 E.H. Ackernecht, A short history of medicine, pp. 85 and 95 and E. Huff, The Rise of Early Modern Science: Islam, China and the West, second edition, (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 343 and 359. 15 J.E. Salisbury, The Beast Within: Animals in the Middle Ages (London, 1994), p. 2. 16 K. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (London, 1984), p. 29. 17 M. Bently, Companion to historiography (Abingdon, 2000), p. 6. 18 M. Lindemann, Medicine and Science in Early Modern England (London, 1999), p. 212.

44

chapter two

ity and hippiatric medicine. It will then move onto ‘magic’, before discussing English medieval manuscript treatises on equine health and illness. Religion In texts on medieval human medicine, the first and often most important influence is said to be the growth of Christianity and its’ influence on every aspect of society and culture. As with all organised religions, at the most basic level it provided explanations of how and why diseases were caused. The medieval Christian view of the world in the West was also highly anthropocentric and included the idea that humans had total dominion over the natural world. It was thought that all animals had been put on earth to serve humankind, whether in a practical, moral or aesthetic role. Bishop Isodore of Seville (560–636ad) divided animals into three categories. The first and most important group were made up of ‘cattle’, which was the generic term for domesticated, working animals. These were followed by ‘beasts’, who were wild and by the third group of ‘miscellaneous’ small animals.19 One of the main differences between beliefs about humans and animals was that only the former were thought to have the ability to reason. This allowed men and women to choose sinful behaviour, for which they could be punished in the form of illness and disease. Although animals were thought to be incapable of committing sin, they could be penalised either for the ‘original sin’ or for the on-going behaviour of sinful humans. This could result in a range of chronic or acute diseases or even the death of individual or large numbers of animals through swiftly spreading epizootics.20 Animals, like humans, were also subject to illness caused by diabolical possession and/or witchcraft. The first was particularly evident in what now might be called ‘mental illnesses’. These included a state of melancholy which was linked to ‘the devil’s bath’ or lycanthropy or nightmares. ‘Demonic possession’ of both humans and animals, could result in a range of physical symptoms including such, trances or convulsions. Witches, who were generally thought to be women, were also regularly blamed for causing disease either in humans or their animals.21

19 C.H. Talbot, ‘Medicine in Medieval England’ (London, 1967), p. 222 and Isadore of Seville, ‘Etymologies’ (Madrid 1933), p. 57. 20 V. Wing, An almanacke, and prognostication (London, 1643), sig. A2r and T. Trigge, Kalendarium astrologicum (London, 1678), sig. C1v. 21 N. Caciola, Discerning Spirits: Divine and Demonic Possession in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY., 2003), p. 32; S. Clark, ‘Demons and disease: the disenchantment of the sick (1500–1700)’

medieval equine medicine

45

As with treating any type of disorder, there were various ways in which humans could try to heal themselves or their animals. However, the only way that they could be cured was if it was God’s will, for ‘if the Starres be pestilently bent against us, neyther Arts nor Armes, Perfumes nor Prayers can prevaile with them’.22 That said, God was also thought to have provided raw materials such as herbs, other medicines and even skilled healers to help with this.23 It was their use, in conjunction with repentance and prayer that provided the chance of regaining health. As one early modern author noted, ‘The Divine Care and Government is spread over the whole creation: God commands his Sun to shine, and his Rain to fall, upon just and unjust.’24 Such Christian ideas about both spiritual and physical healing are thought to have begun their development in late antiquity.25 These included the view of the body, which was portrayed as a type of prison or fortress containing the human’s soul. As such, it followed that the body could be ‘invaded’ by disease.26 Although the idea of a god or gods causing or ‘curing’ illness was not new, Christianity did involve some fresh concepts. As Nancy Siraisi has pointed out, these impacted not only the division between religious and secular healing, but also created new centres for the former in the shape of monasteries and shrines. Various benefactors also had hospitals built, some near urban settlements and others by religious sites or shrines.27 Although I have not seen references to sick animals being treated in medieval hospitals, this does not necessarily mean that this did not occur. On the other hand, there is a wealth of evidence of ‘healing’ by one or more of the ‘unending succession’ or ‘whole battery of saints’ who followed Jesus’ example of treating the sick. It is also clear that a number of other types

in M. Gijswijt-Hofstra, H. Marland and H. deWardt (eds.), Illness and Healing Alternatives in Western Europe (London, 1997), pp. 38–57 and J. Sharpe, Instruments of Darkness: Witchcraft in England 1550–1750 (London, 1997), p. 61. 22 S. Bradwell, Physick for the Sicknesse Called the Plague (London, 1636), p. 4. 23 P. de Leemans and M. Klemm, ‘Animals and Anthropology in Medieval Philosophy’, pp. 1530–175; M.R. McVaughn, ‘Medicine in the Latin Middle Ages’ in I. Loudon (ed.) Western Medicine: An Illustrated History (Oxford, 2001), pp. 54–65; C. Rawcliffe, Medicine and Society in Later Medieval England (Stroud, 1995), p. 17 and M. MacDonald, Mystical Bedlam: Madness, Anxiety and Healing in Seventeenth Century England (Cambridge, 1995), p. 7. 24 D. Harley, ‘Spiritual Physic, Providence and English medicine, 1560–1640’ in P. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds.) Medicine and the Reformation (London, 1993), p. 54 and W. Turner, A Compleat History of the Most Remarkable Providences (London, 1697), sig. B1r. 25 N. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, (Chicago, 1990), p. 7. 26 M.C. Pouchelle, The Body and Surgery in the Middle Ages (trans) R. Morris (Cambridge, 1990), p. 130. 27 N. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, p. 7 and S. Sweetinburgh, The Role of the Hospital in Medieval England (Chippenham, 2004), p. 19.

46

chapter two

of Christian ideas were incorporated into well-known traditional practices. These might have included re-naming pagan holidays or mixing holy water into herbal ingredients to increase their healing power.28 Other methods included changing the names of remedies and/or adding the recitation of a specific number of ‘Pater Nosters’ or ‘Ave Marias’ to a treatment.29 There has been a great deal of inter-disciplinary interest in various aspects of the relationship between the ‘cult of saints’ and health. That said, this generally refers to the roles that various saints were thought to have played in healing humans. In many cases these encompassed the ‘elaborate’ activities that were developed as part of the ‘public orchestration of ceremony’ involving shrines containing parts of or complete corpses of saints. There are even examples of relics being moved to ‘areas where they could do more good’, as illustrated by St Judoc’s remains being transported from Cornwall to Winchester.30 The travelling and visitation of shrines known as pilgrimages have been an area of growing academic interest in recent times. Perhaps not surprisingly due to the distances sometimes travelled, horses were often either passive or active participants. Interestingly, Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, provided descriptions of both human and animal participants. This included the relationship between seventeen pilgrims and their horses, with an emphasis on those belonging to the monk and the canon.31 Furthermore, as the Parson in the Canterbury Tales explained, if ‘charmes for woundes or maladie or men or of beestes’ actually worked, it was only because ‘God suffreth it’.32 As might be expected, there were large numbers of saints linked to both humans and animals. Of course, being unable to talk meant that an animal would require human assistance to ‘communicate’ and obtain saintly help. There were many different methods that could be used to do this. One way was to ‘measure them to a saint’ which involved taking a thread the 28 S. Clark, ‘Demons and disease: the disenchantment of the sick 1500–1700’ in M. GiswijtHofstra and H. Marland (eds.) Illness and Healing Alternatives in Western Europe (London, 1997), pp. 38–57 and R. Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1989), p. 68. 29 T. Hunt, Popular medicine in thirteenth-century England (London, 1990), p. 78. 30 H. Mayr-Harting, ‘The West: The Age of Conversion (700–1050)’ in J. McManners (ed.) The Oxford Illustrated History of Christianity (Oxford, 2001), pp. 92–112. 31 B. Abou-El-Hai, ‘The audiences for the Medieval Cult of Saints’, Gesta, Vol. 39, No. 1 (1991), pp. 3–15; J. Ure, The Great Adventure of the Middle Ages (London, 1996), pp. 2 and 106; C. Webster, ‘Paracelsus Confronts the Saints: Miracles, Healing and the Secularization of Magic’, The Social History of Medicine, (Spring 2995), pp. 403–421 and R. Delasata, ‘The Horsemen of the Canterbury Tales’ in The Chaucer Review, 3:1 (Summer, 1968), pp. 29–36. 32 G. Chaucer, The Riverside Chaucer, (ed.) L.D. Benson (Oxford, 2008), p. 308.

medieval equine medicine

47

length of the animal and making it into the wick of candle. This could then be taken directly to a particular saint’s shrine, where it would be formally dedicated and lit. Alternatively, owners could have a waxed image made of their horse to ‘gift’ to a saint. One twelfth century example of this involved a wax version of a horse whose eyeball had been pierced. Within a day after this was ‘dedicated’ to Thomas Becket, the animal was healed. Another story related to the Countess of Gloucestshire’s sick horse. After taking it to drink from Simon de Montfort’s fountain it was miraculously restored to health.33 While some saints were thought to be able to help any living creatures, others were linked either to animals in general or particular types. St John Chrysostom (ad 347–407) was an example of the former. He explained that although he showed kindness and gentleness to animals ‘for many reasons’, the main one was because ‘they are of the same origin as ourselves’.34 The relationship between St Francis of Assissi (1182–1226) and both wild and domesticated animals is another well-known example. St Francis said to be dearly loved by animals, due to his ‘unique charisma’ with them. St Benedict was the patron saint of sheep, while St Ulric was supposed to prevent (rather than help) the spread of caterpillars and locusts.35 There are also a number of references to saints helping sick horses. St Hildegard of Bingen (1099–1179), for example, recommended a number of simple remedies. If a horse was suffering from ‘rheum’ flowing from its’ nostrils, she recommended having it sniff the ‘warm vapour’ of lovage and nettles boiled in water. Horses who fell ill with the ‘pest’ (possibly similar to what was later called ‘strangles’) were to be fed a mixture of nettles and levisticum.36 Most saints, however, are better remembered for their miraculous, rather than practical cures. Eustace, from Powick near Worcester reputedly had his horse healed by St. Wulfstan. This was a white horse whose head had turned black and was badly swollen. After vowing a penny to the saint and making the sign of the cross over his horse, it returned to a ‘shining white’. More 33 D. Alexander, Saints and Animals in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2000), p. 66 and B. Aitchinson, ‘Holy cow! The miraculous cure of animals in late medieval England’, European Review of History, 16(6) December 2009, pp. 875–892. 34 J. Serpell, In the Company of Animals: A Study of Human-Animal Relationships (Cambridge, 1996), p. 51. 35 S. Fanning, Mystics of the Christian Tradition (London, 2001), pp. 85–87 and D. Karasszon, Veterinary, p. 156. 36 R. Dunlop and D. Williams, An Illustrated History of Veterinary Medicine, p. 215 and Saint Hildegard, Hildegard Von Bingen’s Physica: The Complete English Translation, (trans) P. Throop (Rochester, Vermont, 1998), p. 71.

48

chapter two

dramatically, water blessed by Saint Patrick was said to have resurrected both a man and his horse.37 The main saint for horses, however, was St Eligius (c. 588–600 ad) who was referred to either as ‘Eloy’ or ‘Loy’ in England. Although his first job was as a goldsmith, he later became a priest and then bishop of Noyon. Another famous tale involved Saint Eligius, who while not medically treating a horse, re-shoed it by removing its leg, putting the shoe on and then reattaching the leg. Although it no longer survives, a rood screen devoted to St Eligius once hung in the Church of St Andrews in Hempstead, Norfolk. Stolen in 1983, this originally pictured the saint holding tools of his trade and treating the leg of a horse.38 Although saints were part of the contemporary ‘religious model’, there is a fine line between where that stopped and magic began. Keith Thomas has described the ‘medieval church as a repository of supernatural powers to deal with daily patterns’. Valerie Flint has employed a somewhat similar definition of medieval magic as being ‘the exercise of a preternatural control over nature by human beings, with the assistance of forces more powerful than they’.39 The use of ‘supernatural’ or ‘preternatural’ are good examples of the ambiguity in beliefs and practices. After all, modern ideas about what constitutes the supernatural are very different than medieval ones. Astrology, which will be discussed later in this chapter, is now often considered to be ‘magical’ or ‘mystical’. However, in medieval and early modern society it was simply considered to be part of science. On the other hand, trying to define the word ‘science’ is also fraught with difficulties. In the twenty-first century it tends to be used to refer to knowledge that is either potentially or actually verifiable by research. It is, of course, impossible to apply such criteria to either religion or magic which are generally backed simply by faith or perhaps empirical verification.40 I would argue that it is pointless to attempt to use such definitions in a period when both were accepted as part of daily life. While we might consider many

37 C.M. Woolgar, The Senses in Late Medieval England, (Princeton, N.J., 2006), p. 172 and D. Alexander, Saints and Animals, p. 66. 38 J.R. Benton, Materials, Methods Masterpieces of Medieval Art (London, 2009), p. 182 and Church of St Andrew, Hempstead at www.norfolkchurches.co.uk (Accessed 30 October 2011). 39 K. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, pp. 29–35; V.J. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Oxford, 1999), p. 16 and D.T. Reff, Plagues, Priests and Demons: Sacred Narratives and the Rise of Christianity (Cambridge, 2005), p. 69. 40 H.S. Versnel ‘Some Reflections On the Relationship between Magic and Religion’, Numen 38 (1991), pp. 177–197.

medieval equine medicine

49

aspects of early Christianity, such as the sacraments of Confession and the Eucharist, to be magical this was not the contemporary view. Magic In common with many medical beliefs, medieval ‘magic’ can be traced back to the ancient world.41 As with many terms, the definition of the word has changed over time. In 1650, for example, Thomas Vaughn defined magic as ‘nothing els [sic] but the Wisdom of the Creator revealed and planted in the Creature’.42 There are numerous examples of magic being implemented into daily life. These included the use of different types of ‘ritual behaviour’ carried out in the hope of having a good, healthy life.43 In a number of cases, this involved making or otherwise acquiring some type of ‘charms’ such as amulets, or ‘segens’ which were thought to either help prevent disease or treat it. These might take a number of forms, such as a common medicinal charms based on herbs. T.D. Davidson has suggested that ‘charm cures’ could also include chants, pagan, Christian or ‘Christianised pagan’ prayers. There were also different types of ‘textual amulets’ which were written on scraps of paper meant to be worn somewhere on the body. One late twelfth century amulet for horses contained ‘magical text’ for treating worms.44 ‘Pilgrim badges’ or other mementos from a saint’s shrine could also be used as amulets. Humans might either keep such things on their person, or attach them to the door of a house, over the bed or on a wall. Those for horses, however, might either be worn by a specific animal either around their neck or attached to some part of their harness. Alternatively, the badge might be hung in the stables which would protect all the animals under its’ roof.45

41 S. Livesey, ‘Magic and the Occult’ in T. Glick, P. Livesey and S. John (eds.) Medieval Science, Technology and Medicine: An Encyclopaedia (Abingdon, 2005), pp. 319–320. 42 T. Vaughn, Magia adamica or the antiquitie of magic (London, 1650), p. 1. 43 M. MacDonald, ‘The Career of Astrological Medicine in England’ in O. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds.) Religio Medici—Medicine and Religion in Seventeenth-Century England (Aldershot, 1996), p. 73. 44 T.D. Davidson, ‘A Survey of Some British Veterinary Folklore’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 34:3 (1960), pp. 199–232 and D.C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park, Pennsylvania, 2006), p. 80. 45 M.R. Baldwin, ‘Toads and Plague: The Amulet Controversy in Seventeenth-Century Medicine’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 67 (1993), p. 227 and P. Murray Jones, J.A. Givens, K. Reeds, A. Touwaide (eds.), Visualizing Medieval Medicine and Natural History, 1200–1500 (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 1–24.

50

chapter two

Far from being a medieval invention, items such as ‘amulet stones’ to treat stomach ailments dated back to Galenic times.46 Bald’s Leechbook, which is thought to be the earliest Anglo-Saxon medical book, listed fourteen different types of such healing amulets. These included herbal ingredients, often accompanied by written instructions, in a format which could be carried around. One example explained how thought to keep either a horse or man from haemorrhaging.47 Another herbal remedy for coughs in horses involved wrapping a ‘complete wild dock plant with leaves and roots’ then putting it in a rag which was to be hung around the animals’ neck. Amulets might also contain other forms of organic matter, such as hanging a dead shrew mouse on a horse to prevent it from being bitten. Although they do not immediately sound like religious items, both the types and the explanations of why these and other charms worked were ‘Christianised’ to make them more palatable to contemporaries.48 ‘Elf-shot’, which was one of the most serious medical conditions that could affect a horse, illustrates the links between religion and magic. As the term suggests, this was a disease thought to be caused by an arrow fired at an animal by an elf or fairy. It was thought to cause severe intestinal pain and could prove fatal. One Anglo-Saxon treatment involved feeding the afflicted horse sorrel-see, anointing it with holy water and saying twelve masses. Another tenth century version of this remedy started by pricking a hole in the horse’s left ear and then striking it on the back with a cudgel. This was to be followed by taking ‘a knife of which the handle is horn from a tawny on which are three brass nails’ and using it to inscribe a cross on the horse’s forehead until it bleed; next mark a cross on [the animal’s] back and on each of its limbs that you can hold on to. Then grasp the left ear, pierce it in silence. This you must do: take a stick, strike [the horse] on its back, then it will all be well’.49 While I have not seen any references to this particular disorder in early modern texts, there are multiple references to other ‘magical’ diseases and

46 B. Copenhaver, ‘Scholastic Philosophy and Renaissance Magic the de ita of Marsilio Ficino’, Renaissance Quarterly (1985), p. 527. 47 A. Meaney, ‘Extra-Magical Elements in Anglo-Saxon Medicine’, Journal of the Social History of Medicine, 24, 1 (2011), pp. 41–56. 48 M. Kiley-Worthing, Equine Welfare (London, 1997), p. 2; B. Copenhaver, ‘Scholastic Philosophy and Renaissance Magic the de ita of Marsilio Ficino’, Renaissance Quarterly (1985), p. 527 and D. Karasszon, A concise history of veterinary medicine, p. 155. 49 F. Grendon, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Charms’, The Journal of American Folklore 22: (1990), pp. 105–237 and S.G. Wynn and B.J. Bougere, Veterinary Herbal Medicine (St. Louis, Missouri, 2007), p. 37.

medieval equine medicine

51

treatments. In many cases, these included the use of amulets or other charms. One mid-seventeenth writer actually compared magic to astrology (which will be discussed in Chapter Four.) He stated that the only difference between the two was that magicians also called in the aid of ‘Planetary Angels’ known as Cassiel, Zachariel, Samael [sic], Michael, Anael, Raphael and Gabriel.50 The themes of religion and magic are also apparent in the early modern hippiatric texts discussed in the following section. Hippiatric Manuscript Texts The earliest known Anglo-Saxon manuscript dates from around 600ad, while the oldest ‘medical text’ is the ninth century Medicinale Anglicum or Leech Book of Bald (‘leech’ referring to the early English word for healer).51 There has been much debate over the centuries as to whether its’ reputation is due to content or whether it rests mainly on simply having survived. Another possibility, in addition to the problem of non-survival, is that other contemporary works have not been identified due to being later bound with other (possibly non-related) texts.52 However, while Bald’s book does refer to various animals, it is only in terms of their potential medicinal virtue, rather than their actual health. Furthermore, while this included foxes, hares, goats, rams, boars, wolves, lions, bulls, elephants and dog, horses are not even mentioned.53 Bestiaries or ‘books of beasts’ were based on the Physiologus written sometime between the second and fourth centuries ad with chapters added later which discussed additional animals and birds. The majority began with an explanation of the name of an animal, followed by an illustration of the beast in question. Horses, for example, were said to have the Latin name ‘equi’ because ‘when they are harnessed in a team of four, they are equally matched’. As with all other land-based animals, horses had their counterpart in the sea in the form of sea-horses. Some bestiaries, such as a late 12th or early 13th century ‘second-family Latin bestiary’ contained a full section 50 J. Raunce, Astrologia accusata pariter and condemnata or the Diabolical Art of Judicial Astrologie (London, 1650), p. 34 and W. Mather, A very useful manual, or, The young mans companion containing plain and easy directions for spelling, reading, and uniting English (London, 1681) p. 73. 51 M. Clarke, ‘Anglo-Saxon Manuscript Pigments’, Studies in Conservation, 49, pp. 231– 244 and H.S. Wellcome Anglo-Saxon leechcraft; an historical sketch of early English medicine, (London, 1912) p. 25. 52 E. Eisenstein, The printing press as an agent of change (Cambridge, 1979), p. 45. 53 H.S. Wellcome, Anglo-Saxon leechcraft, p. 57.

52

chapter two

on horses. This text described a number of famous horses, such as the one owned by Julius Caesar, who refused to let anyone else ride on his back.54 Although these were not veterinary texts, some did contain bits of medical lore added by cleric-scribes who were also possibly healers. However, in the main they merit mention because of the types of entries they contained, generally broken down by type of animal. The earliest and arguably most famous, European hippiatric manuscripts during the following centuries were produced on the Continent. It is not clear why there are no comparable texts from England, although this might again be due to non-survival. The Continental versions have been linked to the unprecedented numbers of horses lost during the Crusades of 1228– 1229. Denis Karasszon has suggested that it was this that led to Frederick II instructing his mareschal Giordano Rufo (alternatively referred to as Ruffus, Russo or Russo) to produce Medicina Eqorum in 1250. This text included a mixture of ‘relatively new material’ which was based on ‘observation, tradition and analogy’ mixed with ‘practical therapy’. Although the original has not survived, many of the numerous copies have, including versions in Latin, Italian, Sicilian, German, French and one in Hebrew.55 Other Continental works included the late 13th century Dominican friar Albertus Magnus’ De animalibus. According to Lise Wilkinson, this illustrated the contemporary ‘incipient renaissance of science and medicine’ Unfortunately, these then ‘swiftly fell’ because of various natural disasters such as crop failures, human and cattle plagues and famines.56 The most notable early fourteenth century European writer on horses was Laurence Rusius who was Marshal of the City (Rome). Although much of his writing reproduces earlier works, its’ popularity can be seen in the number of surviving manuscript copies in Latin, Italian and Sicilian. It also appeared in print at the end of the fifteenth century as The Book of Marescalcia in Rome and in subsequent versions in French, German and Italian.57 Another highly popular contemporary text can be translated as the Little Book of Horse Remedies written by the German farrier, Master Albrecht. Based on both experiments and theoretical knowledge, this became highly 54 J.E. Salisbury, The Beast Within: Animals in the Middle Ages (London, 1999), pp. 114–117; R. Barber, Bestiary, pp. 1–12 and 101; T.H. White, The Book of Beasts: Translation from a Latin Bestiary of the Twelfth Century (Madison, 2002), p. 250 and W.B. Clarke, A Medieval Book of Beasts: The Second-Family Bestiary (Woodbridge, 2006), p. 158. 55 D. Karasszon, A Concise History of Veterinary Medicine, pp. 175–178 and F. Smith, Veterinary, Vol I, p. 78. 56 L. Wilkinson, Animals & Disease: An Introduction to the History of Comparative Medicine (Cambridge, 1980), p. 819. 57 F. Smith, Veterinary Vol. I, pp. 92–98.

medieval equine medicine

53

popular. There are over two hundred known manuscript copies of this work and an even larger number of (later) printed versions.58 Frederick Smith dryly remarked that very few of such works were written in England for the reason that ‘there was nothing … worthy of the process’. Other historians, however, have argued for the importance of a thirteenth century Norman-French text on husbandry by Walter de Henley as being the oldest veterinary manuscript produced in England.59 While Smith did refer to this work amongst several such manuscripts, he then promptly dismissed all of them as illustrating that ‘no progress beyond mediocrity’ was made during this period.60 Such a comment is hardly surprising, given his general attitude towards the quality of historical veterinary works. That said, it is slightly nonsensical given that the earliest known English manuscripts were based on similar ancient sources to those in their Continental counterparts. Furthermore, given that vernacular works in Middle English and Anglo-Norman developed ‘overwhelming momentum’ after 1375, it is very likely that there are many that simply did not survive to be examined by modern academics.61 After all, these were meant to be utilitarian rather than decorative texts which could easily have simply fallen apart from heavy usage. There have been a number of scholarly studies on medieval medical manuscripts for humans, the earliest of which are in Latin. By the late fourteenth century, however, there appears to have been a growing demand for the translation of medical manuscripts into Middle English in order to make them accessible to less educated readers.62 Surviving English Hippiatric texts, on the other hand, are written exclusively in the vernacular. This suggests that these were meant to be everyday reference books rather than erudite volumes destined for formal study. The earliest and most striking surviving example of a popular hippiatric text is shown in Illustration 2.1. This is an image of the first page of the British Library’s copy of the Boke of Marshals (MS Harley 6398) dating back P. Cuneo, ‘Beauty and the Beast’, Journal of Early History, 4 (2000), 269–321. British Library, MSS 12 D. XVII LÆCEBOC; S. Pollington, Leechcraft: early English charms, plant lore and healing (Hockwold-cum-Wilton, 2000), p. 41 and T.O. Cockayne, Leechdoms, wortcunning and starcraft of early England (London, 1864), n.p. 60 F. Smith, Veterinary, Vol. I, pp. 107 and 121. 61 P.M. Jones, ‘Medicine and science’ in L. Hellinga and J.B. Trapp (eds.) Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, III, 1450–1557 (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 433–449. 62 P. Murray Jones, ‘Medicine and Science’, in L. Hellinga and J.B. Trapp (eds.) The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, III (Cambridge, 1991), p. 433 and L.E. Voigts and M.R. McVaugh, ‘A Latin Technical Phlebotomy and Its Middle English Translation’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Ser., Vol. 74, 2 (1984) pp. 1–69. 58

59

54

chapter two

to either the second or third quarter of the fifteenth century. Unlike many old manuscripts, there are actually seven known surviving copies of this work, although some are only partial volumes. Two are at the British Library, three are at the Bodleian in Oxford, one is at Balliol College, Oxford and the final one is in Cambridge. Unfortunately, it is not known either who commissioned and/or produced these manuscripts. Despite having received both positive and negative academic views over time, it seems likely that this work is ‘the most comprehensive Middle English treatise’.63 Once again, however, it should be pointed out that the words ‘known’ and ‘surviving’ do apply. According to Frederick Smith, although he agreed that this was ‘the earliest known veterinary work in the English Language’, he went on to say that it had ‘little or no system’ to it and illustrated ‘deplorable ignorance’.64 Bengt Odenstedt, who carried out the most recent, in-depth study of its content in the early 1970’s, clearly disagreed with Smith. In fact, Odenstedt referred to it the ‘most ambitious attempt in medieval England to cover the whole field of veterinary art’.65 As the illustration of the first page shows, the manuscript was written in what is known as ‘Gothic cursive’. This has been described as ‘informal, rapid writing’ or a ‘more functional style’. It would, therefore, suggest that this manuscript would have been a ‘less costly volume’ to produce than those written in ‘formal book hands’. Interestingly, this style was commonly employed to ‘transcribe books … composed in vernacular languages’.66 Sadly, it is not known who this text was either commissioned for or owned by. Although printed works usually, although not always, included the name of the author, this was not the case with manuscripts. I would suggest that a major reason for this was because, unlike printed works which were printed in large numbers, a manuscript was often produced specifically for an individual (or institution). The actual provenance of the manuscript over the centuries is also rather cloudy. David Pearson has suggested that there are two main ways of determining ownership of printed works. The

63 G.R. Keiser, ‘Scientific, Medical & Utilitarian Prose’, A Companion to Middle English Prose, edited by A.S.G. Edwards (Woodbridge, 2004), pp. 231–248. 64 F. Smith, Veterinary Literature, Vol. I pp. 110–111and 115 … 65 B. Odenstedt, (ed.) The Boke of Marchalsi. A 15th Century Treatise on Horsebreeding and Veterinary (Stockholm, 1973). 66 A. Derolez, The Palaeography of Gothic Manuscript Books: From the Twelfth to the Early (Cambridge, 2003), p. 124 and B.A. Shailor, The Medieval Book (New Haven Connecticut, 2002), p. 37.

medieval equine medicine

55

first includes inscriptions, bookplates, binding or other printer’s marks, following by tracing the circulation of a particular book.67 The British Library’s copy does include a noted ‘fifteenth century’ inscription of ‘Clemens ybernat, Petri cathedratio vernat. Estuat Urbanus, autumpnat Simphoranus (sic)’. A later inscription of ‘IMS’, however, can be found on various other manuscripts in the Harley collection. This may mean that at some point that it belonged to John Murray of Sacombe.68 Despite the manuscript not providing evidence of ownership, it does offer a fairly comprehensive overview of the ‘management’ of horses. The manual also discusses a wide range of causes, symptoms and treatments for a large number of diseases. It is divided into two main sections, the first offers advice on how to recognise a ‘gode hors’ alongside tips on ‘how to make an old hors seem yonge’ and ‘to make a hors folowe his mayster’. The second section is on ‘medcynes’ with information on how to treat a range of disorders with both organic and non-organic ingredients.69 The text takes the form of a discussion between master and student, which was a common format found in late medieval and early modern medical texts. It begins by introducing the reader to ‘how ye shall their maladies craftily heal’, as well as to learn how to choose, breed and care for horses. These included diseases linked to a horse being over-heated such as ‘broken wind’ and ‘farcy’, as well as cold diseases such as ‘lampas’. The ‘disease labels’ used to describe these disorders, as well as of the advice it contained was striking similar to that still being given in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.70 Conclusion Although the stereotype of the middle ages being a time of lost knowledge and ‘darkness’ has largely been replaced in terms of human medicine, this has not always the case in veterinary history. Some historians continue to persist in considering the medieval period as being a time when nothing noteworthy occurred in the field of animal health. As previously mentioned, there are various reasons for such conclusions. The most obvious is linked to a paucity of surviving sources which leads to the fallacious conclusion that D. Pearson, Provenance Research in Book History: A Handbook (London, 1994), p. 1. British Library, Boke of Marchalsi, Harley 6398 www.bl.uk/catalogues/ illuminatedmanuscripts (Accessed 10 February 2013). 69 Anon, Here begynneth the properytees and medcynes for hors (London, 1502). 70 British Library, Boke of Marchalsi, Harley 6398. 67

68

56

chapter two

Figure 2.1. Title page Boke of Marchalsi (MS Harley 6398), mid to late 15th century. Printed with the permission of the British Library.

medieval equine medicine

57

such materials never existed. However, as this chapter has shown, there are surviving examples of late medieval manuscripts which do discuss horses. It should also be remembered that utilitarian manuals may have been heavily used and eventually discarded. While most known surviving medieval texts do not qualify as ‘veterinary manuals’, many still provide important information about the health and illness of these animals. Hagiographies, for example, illustrate the relationship between certain saints and horses. Regardless of the actual genre of surviving manuscripts, however, it must be remembered that all would have been very expensive to produce and purchase. Although few purely medieval hippiatric texts have survived, those that do illustrate both a concern for horses and the existence of advice very similar to that later found in printed texts. Furthermore, it is really not necessary to have an abundance of medieval texts to ‘prove’ the presence of veterinary care. As John Burnham has rightly noted ‘every society must have its healers’.71 Although he was referring to humans, it was (and still is) perhaps even more vital for domesticated animals who were wholly dependent on their owners for medical care. As in all historical periods discussed in this book, horses were the major focus of medieval veterinary medicine. Unlike other working animals, however, there were many different types of horses carrying out various duties. In many ways, these were similar to those of earlier periods, such as participating in warfare or transporting humans. During the Middle Ages, however, horses were increasingly used for transporting goods. The load sizes depended on the number of horses and what was being transported by the twelfth century. A team of four horses, for example, was most commonly used to carry a load of four quarters of wheat. Oxen, who worked relatively slowly, also began to be replaced by horses for ploughing.72 It seems likely that, as in other periods, sick horses would have received comparable treatments to those for humans. Although animals were not thought to be capable the sinful behaviour which would result in disease, they could fall ill either as a form of punishment to the people who owned them or for other, often supernaturally linked reasons. Given that domesticated animals were unable to carry out ‘auto-therapy’, horses would have been wholly dependent on their owners for medical care. Although eco-

J. Burnham, What is Medical History? (London, 2005), p. 8. J. Massehaele, ‘Transport Costs in Medieval England’, The Economic Historical Review, New Series, Vol. 46, No. 2, May 1993, pp. 266–279 and J. Langdon, ‘Horse Hauling: A Revolution in Vehicle Transport in Twelfth and Thirteenth Century England?’, Past and Present, No. 103 (May 1984), pp. 37–66. 71 72

58

chapter two

nomics would have been the most pressing motivation for providing veterinary care, additional moral and even aesthetic reasons often applied. As Peter Edwards has noted, upper class horses were expected to ‘look good and project a flattering image’ [of their owners].73 Although he was writing about the early modern period, this certainly would also have held true of the animals belonging to ‘noble knights’. It has been said that the main challenge of medieval medicine was to weld together pagan and Christian ideas about health and illness. At the most basic level, this would have provided explanations of how and why diseases were caused. The religion also encompassed a vast range of saints who could assist with the healing process. These included a number that were known to help animals in general, while others ‘specialised’ in certain types. Although cures were attributed to various saints, the most important in England for horses was St Eligius or St Loy who was the patron saint of horses. Although, in general, horses needed to have humans intervene with the saints, there were a number of ways in which this could be done. The sick animal might, for example, be taken to a specific shrine where prayers could be said. Alternatively, they could be given an amulet, which it was hoped would both heal them and ward off further misfortunes. These might consist of ‘textual matter’ written on a scrap of paper which could be hung on the animal’s body, or some type of token. To modern ears, such supernatural intervention sounds like magical healing. It should be remembered, however, that the way in which the term ‘magic’ has changed over the centuries. In the Middle Ages, this included a very fine line between the two which could be crossed by the inclusion of Christian phrases or the addition of holy water. It has been argued that by the eve of the Reformation the Church no longer claimed a monopoly on what might be called ‘miraculous healing’.74 This is a highly problematic statement given that such a ‘monopoly’ probably never actually existed. Furthermore, it must be remembered that there was a fine line between the different terms used in discussions of health and illness. Some historians have suggested that ‘magical’ or ‘supernatural’ healing was ‘replaced’ by astrology, a topic which will be discussed later in this book. The following chapter, however, will move on to the many medical options and healers offered services for horses in the early modern ‘veterinary marketplace’.

73 74

P. Edwards, Horse and Man in Early Modern England (London, 2007), p. 228. K. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, Chapter 2.

chapter three EARLY MODERN EQUINE MEDICINE

Things necessary to be knowne by every farrier. As first to know into what disease a horse is inclinable. Secondly, what may be the causes of every disease in particular. Thirdly, how and by what wayes and meanes these diseases do grow. Fourthly, the signes how to know and distinguish them. Fifthly and last the meanes and manner how to cure them.1

As mentioned in the previous chapter, there are many different ways that can be used to divide, label and describe historical periods of time. Over the past century the two most common terms used to delineate the ‘end’ of the medieval period in Western Europe have been either ‘Renaissance’ and/or ‘Reformation’. As might be expected, these terms have been accompanied by on-going debate about what each actually means and the relationship between the two. A general survey of European history published in 1931, for example, argued that ‘Renaissance’ referred to a ‘flowering of art and poetry and thought’. The Reformation, on the other hand, was not just ‘a protest against the scepticism, the loose morality, the exaltation of rationalism’ but ‘a religious movement’. Ten years later, however, G.M. Trevelyan pointed out that this downplayed the importance of the ‘Elizabethan system [which] was as much a triumph of the Renaissance as of the Reformation’.2 In the latter part of the twentieth century, Renaissance and Reformation continued to be used interchangeably to refer to the period following the Middle Ages. Jack Goldstone has argued that these were only superseded by the phrase ‘early modern’, which reached ‘historical prominance’ by the late 1970’s. Not surprisingly, there has been and continues to be a great deal of debate about this term, as well. One of the main issues is that the period was ‘not in any way modern’. Another argument about ‘early modern’ is that it ‘emphasises larger historical divisions at the expense of smaller ones’.3 That Anon, The English Farrier or Country-mans Treasure, (London, 1631), sig C2v. G.E. Aylmer, ‘Introductory Survey from the Renaissance to the Eighteenth Century’, pp. 236–237, in M. Bentley (ed.) Companion to Historiography (London, 1997); A.J.H. Grant, A History of England (London, 1931), pp. 57 and 116 and G. Trevelyan, English Social History (London, 1942), p. 97. 3 W.P. Estep, Renaissance and Reformation (Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1986), p. ix; J. Black 1

2

60

chapter three

said, even a superficial troll through academic works published in the last few decades shows a predominance of the use of ‘early modern’ in both the titles and texts themselves. This chapter continues in that light, albeit without the traditional starting point of either the Renaissance or the English Reformation. Instead, I have chosen to use Michael Hunter’s suggestion that the medieval period ended with the introduction of mechanical printing at the end of the fifteenth century.4 It has long been accepted that health-related texts were one of the most popular and profitable segments of the early printing industry. Although this has been based on human medicine, my previous research has shown that there were also large numbers containing information about the health and illness of animals.5 It is hardly surprising that the most discussed the elite members of the domesticated animal kingdom. In fact, as Chapter Eight will show, such works played a major role in the dissemination and perpetuation of health-related issues for horses. Printed texts were, however, only one of many parts of the early modern ‘veterinary marketplace’. I first introduced this term in 2002 to describe the range of options available for domesticated animals in a journal article published in early modern England.6 This was an offshoot from ‘medical marketplace’ which had been coined to describe the British medical system (for humans) in the 1980’s. The original term was linked to contemporary perceptions of the National Health Service, which had been designed as a nationalised, comprehensive, integrated, free at point of consultation system. During this decade, however, the NHS was finding it impossible to keep up with the ever increasing demand for health care. In response to this Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher suggested ways to ‘nationalize and rationalize’ a range of public services. This resulted in what has been called a and D.M. Macraild, Studying History (Basingstoke, 1997), p. 3; P. Withington, Society in Early Modern England: the vernacular origins of some powerful ideas (Cambridge, 2010), pp. 2 and 47; J. Goldstone, ‘The Problem of the Early Modern World’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 41, No. 3 (1998), pp. 249–284 and H. Dubrow and F.E. Dolan, ‘The Term Early Modern’, PMLA, Vol. 109, No. 5 (October 1994), pp. 1025–1057. 4 M. Hunter, Editing Early Modern Texts: An Introduction to Principles and Practice (Chippenham, 2009), p. 7. 5 See, for example, P. Slack, ‘Mirrors of Health and Treasures of Poor Men: The Uses of the Vernacular Medical Literature of Tudor England’ in C. Webster (ed.), Health, Medicine and Mortality in the Sixteenth Century, (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 237–274; H. Cook, The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart London (London, 1986). p. 44 and L. Hill Curth, English almanacs, astrology and popular medicine in early modern England (Manchester, 2007), Chapter 10. 6 L. Hill Curth, ‘The Care of Brute Beasts’, Journal of the Social History of Medicine (2002), pp. 375–392.

early modern equine medicine

61

‘ruthless free market ideology’ designed to encourage competition, thereby reduce costing and improving services.7 Although there were obviously many differences between English society in the 1980’s and the early modern period, some historians have seen a link between the two. According to Andrew Wear and Harold Cook, for example, both systems included a ‘proliferation’ of competing medical options. That said, while the term ‘marketplace’ implies monetary exchange, the early modern market was not purely about money, but encompassed ‘exchanges’ based on bartering, charity or even friendship. Furthermore, the wide range of medical options in early modern England was said to have resulted in ‘extremely active, critical, sceptical and well-informed’ consumers. As such, they were able to demand diagnoses, prognoses and treatments that they could understand and be satisfied with from different types of healers.8 In hippiatric medicine, this resulted in a body of orthodox, time-tested practices that dated back to ancient Greece and traditional healers such as farriers or ‘leeches’. The veterinary marketplace for horses actually included a ‘hierarchy’ of healers, a variety of medicinal ingredients and eventually proprietary medicines, which were all similar to those in the ‘human model’. These included highly paid members of the London Company of Farriers at one extreme, moving down the scale from ‘horseleeches’ or ‘horse doctors’ through lowly itinerant agricultural workers with some knowledge of horse care. In the middle were a range of others, many of whom provided animal health services either as a part-time job or as supplementary to their other work.9 Both ‘professional’ and lay healers could also purchase a vast range of vernacular manuals on horse health care, as well as medicinal ingredients and different types of feed. As the following chapters will show, the contemporary holistic model of health included shelter, food and other aspects of a healthy ‘lifestyle’. This emphasis on building and maintaining fit bodies applied both to humans and animals. It was particularly important for horses who could only fulfil

7 E.A. Reitan, The Thatcher Revolution: Margaret Thatcher, John Major, Tony Blair and the Tranformation of Modern Britain (London, 2003), p. 100. 8 A. Wear, Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 1550–1680 (Cambridge, 2000), p. 29; R. Baggott Health and Health Care in Britain (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2004), pp. 104–105; H. Cook, The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart London, pp. 47 and 60 and D. Harley, ‘Rhetoric and the Social Construction of Sickness and Healing’, Journal of the Social History of Medicine, 3 (1999) pp. 407–436. 9 M. Pelling, ‘Medical Practice in Early Modern England: Trade or Profession?’ in W. Prest (ed.) The Professions in early Modern England (London, 1987), pp. 90–121.

62

chapter three

their role in society if strong and healthy. The effort of keeping disease at bay, in addition to treating them when they eventually fell ill would have required both large amounts of time and money. While it seems likely that the level and quality of care would have increased in response to the ‘social standing’ of the animals in questions, even the lowliest creatures were likely to have received some sort of care. Horse Healers Throughout history it seems that every society has felt the need to have someone play the role of ‘healer’. At the most basic level, these might have included ‘general healers’ with the development of ‘specialists’ being a characteristic of a later ‘emerging society’. As with many other terms, there are various ways in which ‘specialist’ could be defined. Firstly, it could refer to someone who concentrates on treating all humans or all animals or just men, women or children. It could also be used to describe someone with a certain expertise such as surgical skills, or in a specific aspect of preventative or remedial medicine or a ‘horse specialist’. Regardless of the title used, all would have shared the common denominator of participating in ‘the universal, essential ceremony … of healing’.10 This is, of course, another term whose meaning has changed over time. Depending on the period in question, it may or may not have included the expectation of eradicating the disease or returning a ‘perfect’ state of health to the patient. That said, in every period the main aim of healing has arguably been to make the patient feel better and, hopefully, provide them with what is now referred to as a good ‘quality of life’. Unlike modern healers, many of the types of people who provided such services in the past are difficult to classify. This is partially because the ‘labels’ or ways in which they were described as well as the services offered have changed over time. One of the major reasons for this was linked to there being almost no restrictions either on what a healer offered or how he or she referred to themselves during many periods. According to English Common Law, if the patient consented, anyone could prescribe or provide medical treatment to humans. This was also true for animals, although there are examples of cases brought against farriers who ‘undertake the Cure of my Horse … and doth it not well’. It was also possible for owners to file legal suits against those who recommended or applied ‘unwholesome Medicines’. 10

J. Burnham, What is Medical History? (Cambridge, 2005), p. 9.

early modern equine medicine

63

Evidence suggests, however, that it was often very difficult for disgruntled customers to prove as because if the healer could prove that this was not due to ‘default’, the complaint would have to be dropped.11 As even a perfunctory review of early modern records show, horse healers either used a range of different titles, or in many cases, none at all. The most common, perhaps, was farrier, although horseleech or horse doctor was also very popular. Interestingly, the latter is actually a rough translation of the ancient Greek ‘mulomedici’ which was used well into the Middle Ages when it was superseded by ‘marshall’ (Anglo-Saxon for farrier). The one title that was not used, however, was ‘veterinarian’, despite the word ‘veterinary’ (from the Latin ‘veterinarius’) having been known for many centuries.12 The reason why a person chose to become a ‘specialist’ has long been debated by historians. One common argument is that this was done out of the desire ‘to receive social status, prestige and/or wealth’.13 Although an interesting theory, it only partially applies to those working with the most prestigious horses. There is a historical precedence that those working in the health and illness of animals are traditionally held in much lower esteem than those treating humans. The ancient writer Vegetius, for example, said that the average horse healer was ‘exercised by the less prominent’ [people] and were, therefore, ‘lacking in distinction’.14 In the main, this stereotype continued to exist through medieval and early modern England. That said, men who cared for the most elite horses probably would have had a much higher social status than those working with the lowliest. Both the perceptions and actual titles of veterinary practitioners did, of course, respond according to changing socio-cultural variables. The altering roles and status of horses over time would also have had an impact on the way their healers were viewed.15 A man who tended horses belonging to royalty, for example, would naturally have enjoyed a higher salary than a rural farrier. On the other hand, a common ‘leech’ might be suitable for 11 H. Cook, Decline of the Old Medical Regime, p. 28 and Anon, The tradesman’s lawyer and country-man’s friend (London, 1703), p. 115. 12 K.D. Fischer, ‘Ancient Veterinary Medicine: A survey of Greek and Latin sources and some recent scholarship’, Medizinhistorisches Journal. Bd. 23.H.3/4 (1988), pp. 191–209. 13 H. Fabrega, Jr. Evolution of Sickness and Healing (London, 1999), pp. 101–102 and J.C. Burnham, What is Medical History, p. 12. 14 K.D. Fischer, ‘Ancient Veterinary Med’, pp. 191–209. 15 J. Scarborough, ‘Introduction’, Symposium on Byzantine Medicine, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 38, (London, 1984), ix–xvi; B. Resl, ‘Animals in Culture, ca. 1000–1400’ in B. Rest (ed.) A Cultural History of Animals in the Medieval Age (London, 2011), p. 83 and E. Pascua, ‘From Forest to Farm and Town: Domestic Animals from ca. 1000 to c. 1450’ in B. Rest (ed.) A Cultural History of Animals in the Medieval Age (London, 2011), pp. 81–102.

64

chapter three

treating a farm horse or for a ‘countryman that doth live farre remote, from Farriers help; City, or Towne of note’.16 There is also evidence in contemporary English manuscripts, however, that such horse ‘leeches’ or ‘marshalls’ were already well established and accepted healers by the latter part of the Middle Ages. Interestingly, although these were considered to be male jobs, Barbara Megson has found one reference to a female horse healer named Wymarcha listed in the Assize of 1244.17 Owners of more valuable and prestigious horses would have been more likely to consult a member of the London Company of Farriers. This organisation dates back to 1356 when a group of London marshals, aided by the Court of Mayor and Alderman, founded a ‘confraternity, brotherhood or association was formed for the aid and protection of its members … for common purpose’.18 It could be argued that the main reason for this related to the provision of medical care and other related duties. Sadly, little is known about the ‘Marshalls of the City of London’ between the fifteenth and early seventeenth centuries, as their ‘books and records’ were destroyed during the ‘dreadful fire of 1666’.19 As with other groups of healers in earlier times, however, there was clearly a strong link between their work and medieval saints for horses. According to some scholars, it seems likely that in common with the German ‘hippologica guilds’ the English brotherhood was formed to ‘create and expand their trade identities … grounded in their mastery of equine bodies’. In 1424, for example, the guild of St Mary and St Loy (discussed below) was founded by a group of marshals, blacksmiths and lorrimers in London. There was also an organisation of blacksmiths or ‘Smiths of St Eligius (Loy)’ who celebrated and elected their officers on his feast day.20 While there were close links between blacksmiths and farriers, there were also some differences. The Latin root of ‘ferrarius’ or ‘ferrum’ involved learning how to ‘work with iron’, while the word ‘smith’ came from the Saxon ‘to smite’. Horseshoes were made by blacksmiths, after which they would be fitted and tended to by farriers. According to Thomas DeGrey, their ‘art’ consisted of ‘Science, Experience, Knowledge and Hand-work’.

W. Poole, The Country Farrier (London, 1652), sig. A1v. B. Megson, The Farriers of London (Chippenfield, 2009), p. 30. 18 ‘Guild’ Second edition, 1989; online version June 2012. http://www.oed.com/view/ Entry/82328; (Accessed 23 August 2012). Earlier version first published in New English Dictionary, 1900. 19 A. Hyland, The Medieval Horse (Thrupp, 1999), p. 51 and L. Prince, The Farrier and His Craft: The History of the Worshipful Company of Farriers (London, 1980) pp. 6–7. 20 B.F. Megson, The Farriers of London, p. 50;. 16

17

early modern equine medicine

65

This included offering treatments either on their own premises or travelling to ‘looke upon sicke horses’.21 As Gervase Markham succinctly noted ‘there is nothing more preiuditiall to the life of man then an vnlearned Phisition, nor no viler member belonging to the stable then an vnskilfull Farryer’.22 This was echoed in the first charter for the London Company of Farriers, which stated that their organisation was created as a result of the ‘many trespasses and grete damages’ done by ‘folk unwise which holde forges in the said Citie, and theym medill with Cures and which they cannot bring to good ende’.23 In theory, both the title and practice of farriery were restricted to a small number of members in London, Westminster and a seven mile radius. There is ample evidence however, of regular attempts by the Company to prosecute what might be called ‘self-styled’ farriers who were attempting to by-pass this right.24 Members of the company were subject to a number of rules and regulations. These included taking an oath, accompanied by a payment of ‘five poundes lawfull mony of England’ to the Master and Wardens, six shillings and eight pence to the ‘clerke’ and three shillings and four pence to the beadle for their livery. There were also numerous expectations about how members should behave. This included the rule that they were not to ‘rebuke or speke any unfytting’ language either to the wardens or ‘any other persone of the said fellowship’, on penalty of a fine. Not surprisingly, they would also be heavily penalised for poaching another member’s patients.25 There were also very strict guidelines about Company apprenticeships. Firstly, regulations demanded that students work under a master farrier ‘by the space of sevene yeares [sic] at the least’. Furthermore, each master farrier was only allowed to take three apprentices at a time, in order to provide 21 L. Prince, The Farrier and His Craft: The History of the Worshipful Company of Farriers, p. 3; ‘Economic infrastructure and institutions: Craft guilds’, A History of the County of Chester: Volume 5, Part 2: The City of Chester: Culture, Buildings, Institutions (2005), pp. 114–124; A. Eisemann, ‘Forging Iron & Masculinity: Farrier Trade Identities in Early Modern Germany’ in P. Edwards and E. Graham (eds.) The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2012), pp. 377–402; British-history.ac.uk, St Loy, http:// www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=57315&strquery=Saint Loy Date (Accessed: 04 August 2012) and T. DeGrey, The compleat horseman and expert-ferrier (London, 1736), ‘Second Booke’, pp. 34–35. 22 G. Markham, Cavelarice (London, 1607), Book 7, p. 1. 23 Guildhall Library, MS 2890, Ordinance Book, seventeenth century, p. 29. 24 Guildhall Library, MS 5534 Farrier Court Journals, 1674, p. 1. pp. 2–4; H. Cook, Decline, p. 20 and L. Prince, The Farrier, pp. 1–2. 25 Guildhall Library, Farriers Company Ordinances, MS 2890 Blacksmith’s Company Orders, Rules and Ordinances 1678, ‘Livery of company’ and p. 34.

66

chapter three

them with sufficient attention. In turn, the apprentices were expected to ‘do diligent and faithful Service to your Master … and deal truly in what you shall be instrusted [sic] with’. This included avoiding ‘all Evil Company’ and to ‘avoid Idleness and be ever employed, either for God’s Service or in your Master’s business’.26 The Company’s ‘Apprentice Book’ (1620–1743) illustrates that young men came from all over the country to study with master farriers in London. Many, although not all, appeared to have been following a family based trade, with some serving their apprenticeship under the supervision of a relative.27 The Snape family was the best known ‘dynasty’ of farriers in early modern England. Andrew Snape, who was the ‘Master of the said Company’ in 1674, claimed that his ancestors had been ‘royal farriers’ for some two hundred years. In fact, company records show that Richard Snape was a ‘first assistant’ of the Company and Robert and another Andrew Snape were also seventeenth-century members.28 The most famous Snape in the following century was Edward, master of a ‘School of Equitation in London’ in the 1770’s and proprietary of a London ‘horse dispensary’ in the 1780’s.29 Royal farriers like the Snapes were not the only farriers able to make a great deal of money and became ‘substantiall citizens’. Records show that in 1691, out of around three hundred members of the Company of Farriers, thirty-six were ‘worth £1000, some £5000 and [even] the meanest is [sic] reputed to be worth £100 and up’. Other sources suggest that a royal farrier could earn as much as £42 a year by 1685, rising to £ 98 per annum in 1718.30 26 Guildhall Library, MS 2890 Blacksmith’s Company, p. 37 and L.C. Robson, The Farriers of London: Being an account of The Worshipful Company of Farriers as described in the Records of the Company (London, 1949), p. 60. 27 J. Lane, ‘Farriers in Georgian England’ in A. Mitchell (ed.) History of the Healing Professions, Vol. III (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 99–117. 28 A. Snape, The anatomy of a horse (London, 1683), sig. A3r; E. Snape, Snape’s Practical Treatise on Farriery, &c. (London, 1791), sig. A4r.; L.C. Robson, The Farriers of London, pp. 20– 22 and Guildhall Library, MS 5534, p. 2. 29 D.W. Wright, ‘London farriers and other veterinary workers in the 18th century’, Veterinary History, New Series, Vol. 5, No. 1, Summer 1987, pp. 17–27 and E.A. Gray, ‘John Hunter and Veterinary Medicine’ Medical History, 1957 Jan 1 (1), pp. 38–50. 30 E. Robson, The Worshipful Company of Farriers (London, 1949), p. 53; P. Edwards, Horse and Man in Early Modern England (London, 2007), p. 38; R.H.C. Davis, ‘The Medieval Warhorse’ in E.F.L. Thompson (ed.) Horses in European Economic History (British Agricultural Society, 1983), p. 9; ‘The stables: Master of the Horse 1660–1837’ and ‘The stables: Farriers c. 1669–1791’, Office-Holders in Modern Britain: Volume 11 (revised): Court Officers, 1660– 1837 (2006), pp. 603–604. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=43902& ;strquery=master of the horse (Accessed: 08 June 2012) Office-Holders in Modern Britain: Volume 11: Court Officers, 1660–1837 (2006), pp. 635–638. www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report .aspx?compid=43920&strquery=Stables (Accessed: 08 June 2012).

early modern equine medicine

67

The possibility of earning such a good living was undoubtedly a factor in attracting apprentices from a range of socio-economic backgrounds. James Arnett of Filkington, Northumberland, for example was the son of a ‘yeoman deceased’. John Horneby’s father was a ‘gardiner’ in ‘Durehme’, Henry George of Sutton, Bedfordshire a ‘taylor’ and Henry Saxby of Mouton, Northumberland a ‘labourer’.31 One eighteenth century ‘advice book’ aimed at those ‘entrusted with the Care and Settlement of Youth’ highly recommended the career of farrier to young men. Described as ‘a Compound of the Smith and Doctor’ a qualified farrier would ‘reap moderate Profits’.32 Despite such advice, by 1739 membership of the Company had dropped to a Master, three wardens, twenty-four assistants and seventy-six Liverymen. In 1753 these figures had fallen further, numbering only the masters, wardens, assistants and thirty-nine Liverymen.33 In 1758 the group became regulated by an Act of Common Council, which was the ‘lower part’ of London government in charge of organising local services. In theory, this should have helped to bolster their trade.34 As in the past, however, legislation did not necessarily translate into being able to stop non-members from poaching business. Given the paucity of research in the pre-1790 period (ie pre London Veterinary College), there is currently no satisfactory explanation for this. However, it seems likely that there were a range of socio-cultural factors which makes it a topic worthy of further study. Unfortunately, the Company’s records from the eighteenth century do not provide any major clues as to their changing fortunes Although various documents have survived from this period, they consist mainly of ‘minute books’ which were of ‘a very domestic nature’. That said, some of the tidbits about various matters including inventories of their goods provide interesting insights into the Company. In 1725, for example, ‘the chest’ held a Silver Salt, the Charter, the By Laws, the Pedigree, the Common Seal, the Streamers and Banners Coastes [sic] and Capps, 48 yeards of blew [sic] and white Ribbon, twenty-one yards of Bays. There were also ‘twelve Books great and small’. While the ribbons were presumably for decorating either horses or a hall for celebration, the books were not identified. There were also various

Guildhall Library, Farrier’s Apprentice Book MS 5526, pp. 1, 63 and 64. R. Campbell, The London tradesman. Being a compendious view of all the trades, professions, arts both liberal and mechanical (London, 1747 and 1757), p. 237. 33 W. Maitland, The History of London from its foundations by the Romans to the present time (London, 1739), p. 605; R. Campbell, The London tradesman, p. 237 and J. Mottley, The History and Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster (London, 1753), p. 392. 34 City of London, A list of the by-laws of the City of London: unrepealed (London, 1769), p. 129. 31

32

68

chapter three

references to the company’s participation in the Lord Mayor’s annual procession. In 1733, this was followed by ‘the Company’s Breakfast’ which included ‘One large Sirloine of Beef’ and their dinner of ‘Twentyfour ffowles [sic], four Hams, four Turkeys, four chines and six Dishes of Tarts’.35 The Company’s records also provide some insights into the public views of their membership during that time. In 1762, for example, they registered a complaint from ‘several Noblemen and Gentlemen of the first Distinction who have suffered the Ignorance of unskillful Quacks who assume to themselves the name of farriers’.36 Although such grievances were certainly not new, this entry raises two interesting questions. Firstly, were these men accusing Company members of these actions? According to their by-laws, ‘none of the said crafte’ were supposed to take on patients unless they were ‘at the begynnyng’ of a disorder so that the ‘Cure shall come to good end’. This did not guarantee that they would be successful, but it also suggests that the horse/s were accepted in good faith and were the healers certainly not ‘quacks’, a highly derogatory term which no one would apply to themselves.37 Secondly, was the care actually ‘negligent’ or ‘faulty’ or were the gentlemen simply disgruntled that the advised treatments were not successful? It seems likely that most farriers would have offered the ‘mainstream’, traditional services that their clients were familiar with and expected. There are references, however, to an early eighteenth century farrier with a particular skill. The unnamed man who lived in St Albans, ‘was famous for Curing of Founder’d Horses, and several other lameness’ with a ‘secret method’. Eventually, this was found to be having a sick horse ‘Swim, or Wash[ed] … in a cold Pond, not far distant from thence, towards Harrow on the Hill’.38 It was not necessary to be a farrier to work with horses, however, as there were many other types of other jobs available. The most desirable and best paying positions probably included having both veterinary knowledge and management skills. Positions with royalty or the aristocracy also sometimes required having strong political connections. The most elite of these was the medieval ‘Marshal of the King’s Horses’ which later become the ‘Master of the Horse’. One seventeenth writer claimed that Henry de Ferrais was the first man who held this role under ‘the Conquerer’ [sic] in the eleventh L. Robson The Farriers of London, pp. 78 and 84. L. Prince, The Farrier, pp. 1–11 and 228. 37 Guildhall Library, Farriers Company Ordinances, MS 2890 Blacksmith’s Company, p. 31 and R. Porter, Health for Sale: Quackery in England 1660–1850 (Manchester, 1989), p. 1. 38 J. Browne, An account of the wonderful cures perform’d by the cold baths. (London, 1707?), p. 82; W. Baley, A briefe discourse of certain bathes or medicinall waters in the Countie of Warwicke (London, 1587), sig. A3v. and Nicholas Culpeper, Medicaments for the Poor, p. 15. 35 36

early modern equine medicine

69

century. According to Barbara Megson, however, this distinction belonged to Richard Marcellus (or Marshall) who worked under Henry III. In 1235 he was sent to London to buy horses for the king, as well as overseeing the exchange of those given as gifts to favourite courtiers.39 By the early modern period, this post was considered to be the ‘third great Officer at Court’ and involved the ‘ordering and disposing of all Matters relating to the King’s Stables’. Henry VIII’s Master of the Horse in the 1540’s was Sir Anthony Browne. In 1547 this entailed being in charge of a staff of 104, which included officers, administrators, ‘aveners’ (for fodder), farriers and grooms. Lord Robert Dudley was ‘master of the Queenes highness horses’, as well as one of Elizabeth’s ‘moste honorable pryvy counsayls’ [sic].40 The position both increased in terms of status and prestige into the early modern period and, in fact, still exist today in a ceremonial form.41 There were other elite posts, such as ‘horse marshal’, which focused on managerial rather than manual work. This does not mean, however, that they were not required to be familiar with preventative and remedial medicine for horses. As the anonymous author of one eighteenth century manual reminded readers that although it was not ‘Gentlemen’s Business to Shooe, Drive, or Clean Horses … it is every Gentleman’s concern to understand all the rest’.42 A horse marshal working on a large estate, for example, was expected to have ‘a practical knowledge of the management and care of the equine species’. In addition to being good ‘horsemen’, such ‘gentlemen’ were mainly responsible for heading often large numbers of staff. This was a job which required great diplomacy but also great vigilance to ensure that their employees behaved properly. William Cavendish advised readers that such an ‘excellent Esquire’ needed to see keep a close eye on the ‘mean rogues’

39 B. Megson, Farrier of London, p. 19 and J. Howell, Londinopolis, an historicall discourse or per lustration of the City of London (London, 1657), p. 45. 40 P. Edwards, Horse and Man (London, 2007), p. 38; R.H.C. Davis, ‘The Medieval Warhorse’ in E.F.L. Thompson (ed.) Horses in European Economic History (British Agricultural Society, 1983), p. 9 and ‘The stables: Master of the Horse 1660–1837’ and ‘The stables: Farriers c. 1669–1791’, Office-Holders in Modern Britain: Volume 11 (revised): Court Officers, 1660–1837 (2006), pp. 603–604. www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=43902&strquery= master of the horse, Accessed: 08 June 2012 Office-Holders in Modern Britain: Volume 11 (revised): Court Officers, 1660–1837 (2006), pp. 635–638. www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report .aspx?compid=43920&strquery; (Accessed 08 June 2012) and T. Blundeville, A newe booke containing the arte of ryding, and breakinge greate horses (London, 1561), sig. A2v. 41 Official website of the British Monarchy http://www.royal.gov.uk/TheRoyalHousehold/ OfficialRoyalposts/MasteroftheHorse.aspx; (Accessed 20 July 2012). 42 ‘A Sportsman’, Captain Burdon’s Gentlemans Pocket—Farrier (London, 1742), sig. A4v.

70

chapter three

working in the stables. While this was to ensure that they did not mistreat their charges, it was even more so to ensure that they ‘run not away with some of your Horses’.43 The much greater number of different types of horse healers across the country were unlikely to have enjoyed such success. That said, I do not see any evidence for F.R. Bell’s claim that the majority of them ‘did not prosper’ in the late seventeenth century.44 In addition, far from being ‘selfstyled’, I would argue that by contemporary standards they were equally ‘professional’. It is, of course true that the term ‘horse doctor’ was often used in a demeaning sense. One book on ‘several merry … harangues … or several celebrated quack doctors’, for example, included a section on horse-doctors. This satirical chapter portrayed such as man as someone who claimed to ‘have been educated at twelve Universities and travelled through fifty-two Kingdoms’, learning how to cure every disease imaginable in both man and beast.45 On the other hand, there were many examples of the term being defined as the translation of the ancient ‘hippatrus’ or the same thing as a farrier. As such, it is hardly surprising to find men referring to themselves as a ‘horse doctor’. In 1683 the royal farrier Andrew Snape stated that ‘our profession [horse doctor] has such a correspondence with that of a Physician that they differ not at all’. J. Thompson, who had ‘37 Years Practice and Experience’ working with horses, was clearly content enough to call his book ‘The Complete Horse Doctor’.46 The men involved in the early stages of the London Veterinary College, however, did not think that ‘horse doctor’ was a suitable title for ‘professional’ horse healers. Their original plans for veterinary education, in fact, bore many similarities to university studies in human medicine. Before the late eighteenth century, there were a multitude of ‘ad hoc’ medical lectures available to anyone willing to pay. Taught by the foremost medical professionals of the day, they covered a range of topics including anatomy, practical physick, materia medica and chemistry from which students could pick and 43 W. Cavendish, A new method and extraordinary invention to dress horses and work them according to nature (Dublin, 1740), p. 50 and J. Swabe, Animals, Disease and Human Society: Human-Animals Relations and the Rise of Veterinary Science (London, 1999), p. 77. 44 F.R. Bell, ‘The Days of the Farriers’, Veterinary History, 9 (1977), pp. 3–6. 45 Anon, The harangues, or speeches, of several celebrated quack-doctors, in town and country … Concluding with the character of a quack (London, 1750?), pp. 16–20. 46 G.W. Lemon, English etymology, or a derivative dictionary of the English Language (London, 1783), ‘leech’; Anon, The general shop book: or, the tradesman’s universal director (London, 1753), n.p. heading ‘FEL’; A. Snape, The anatomy of a horse, sig B1r; and J. Thompson, The Complete Horse-Doctor; or Farriery made plain and easy (London, 1762?), title page.

early modern equine medicine

71

choose. Unfortunately, it is not known which, if any farriers, attended such classes. However, the fact that John Hunter, who has been called ‘the prime instigator in the foundation of the first [English] veterinary college’ offered earlier public lectures suggests that some may have.47 The London College’s earliest plans were for a three year programme which included the study of ‘theoria’ and ‘practica’. The former provided a general, philosophical understanding of the arts and physiological principles, followed and joined by practical experience. The syllabus was roughly divided by sections, with introductory lectures on ‘zootomy’ and the ‘animal oeconomy’. After completing these section, the young men would enter a stage which must have been similar to what a young man would have learned serving an apprenticeship with a farrier. These included learning about ‘distinguishing, preventing and curing’ diseases, surgical techniques and understanding how to use ‘herbs and common plants’ in making medicines. Students were also expected to learn how to shoe horses, after which they were to practice their newly learned skills in the College’s horse infirmary.48 In fact, a diploma from the College did not educate young men to university status or even distinguish them from the practices of ‘horse doctors’ or farriers. Attempting to provide ‘labels’ or ‘titles’ to everyone who ever cared for the health of horses is very problematic. Outside of (technically) men practising farriery in London, a healer could use any or no title at all. Isaac Hobart, the Land Steward at Welbeck Abbey to his Edward Hardly, second Earl of Oxford, for example, regularly referred to a Mr Marriott who either came to treat their sick horses or boarded them until well.49 In this case, the absence of a title or other identifying information makes it impossible to know if he was a ‘farrier’ or simply someone with knowledge and experience in treating horses. ‘Leech’ was another common term which might be used by men who treated horses and/or other working animals. Despite the modern stereotype that this refers to the use of leeches for bloodletting, the term actually was a corruption of the old English word for healer.50 According to F.J. 47 R. Porter, ‘Medical Lecturing in Georgian England’, The British Journal for the History of Science, Vol. 28, 1 (March 1995), pp. 91–99 and E.A. Gray, ‘John Hunter and Veterinary Medicine’, Medical History, (January 1957), pp. 38–50. 48 Veterinary College, Veterinary College London, established April 8, 1791 for the reformation and improvement of farriery (London, 1791), pp. 10–12. 49 British Library, Add MSS 70385-6, Fo 38, 29 August 1722 and Fo 195 30 Aug 1726. Thanks to Peter Edwards for this reference. 50 I.L. Mason, Evolution of Domesticated Animals (London, 1984), p. 6 and S. Pollington, Leechcraft: Early English Charms, Plantlife and Healing (Trowbridge, 2000), p. 41.

72

chapter three

Smithcors, the term ‘horseleech’ was already a ‘professional entity’ by the early sixteenth century. In 1649, a Latin-English dictionary defined ‘veterinarius medicus’ as ‘hors-leech’, rather than farrier. That said, another seventeenth century writer, ‘ferrers’ (ie farriers) and ‘horse-leeches’ had the same responsibility to ‘help soreness and diseases in horses’. This also made them subject to similar abuse in the popular press, with one book comparing them to women who would ‘sucke away thy wealth’ and ‘in the Winter of thy miserie … flye away from thee’.51 There were also men attached to commercial livery stables who might or might not have used a title relating to horse medicine. Such stables often provided a range of services such as housing and care for horses ridden between postal stages before being returned to their starting point by a ‘guide’ or ‘post-boy’. ‘Ostlers’ or ‘hostlers’, who offered lodging and food for humans and did not have sufficient stable room for horses might also have used such services.52 There were many other different types of agricultural workers who were also involved with the health of horses. Keith Wrightson and David Levine divided such men into yeomen, husbandmen, labourers and male servants in husbandry.53 These are, of course, very broad headings and there could have been a variety of jobs falling under one or more of them. A ‘farmer’, for example, needed to be able ‘to understand so much of a Horse as to be able to act for himself’. There were also ‘keepers’ who were in charge of taking care of a stable, providing a healthy lifestyle for the horses and ‘how to maister all those horses that will bite their keepers’. The responsibilities of a ‘Carter’ or ‘Horse-keeper’ were to ‘gouerne his heard of Mares and Colts’ as well as ‘to order sick … horses’.54 The largest group of these would have been people associated with the stables, particularly those belonging to royalty. Small farms run purely by ‘family’ members were unlikely to use any titles to refer to themselves. Such establishments might have a ‘multi-purpose’ servant or two, while larger ones might have a ploughman and his ‘lads’. 51 F.J. Smithcors, Evolution of the Veterinary Art: A Narrative Account to 1850 (London, 1958), p. 159; L. Mascall, The Government of Cattel (London, 1587), pp. 97–98; C. Hoole, An easie entrance to the Latine tongue (London, 1649), p. 299 and Anon, The Arraignment of Lewd, Idle, Forward and Unconstant Women (London, 1637), pp. 16–17. 52 J. Daybell, The Material Letter in Early Modern England: Manuscript Letters (Basingstoke), p. 113. 53 K. Wrightson and D. Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525–1700 (London, 1979), p. 23. 54 C. Clifford, The schoole of horsemanship (London, 1595), sig A3v; C. Estienne, Maison Rustique (London: 1616), pp. 123–124 and 137 and W. Ellis, Every Farmer his own Farrier (London, 1759), p. iv.

early modern equine medicine

73

The larger the establishment, the more likely that it would employ men whose sole purpose was to care for the horses. Lord Paget of Beaudesert, for example, had seven servants employed purely to see to the upkeep of his horses.55 In larger estates, the most numerous group working closely with horses would have been grooms. Writing in the eighteenth century Jonathan Swift noted that all grooms should be at least ‘a piece of a farrier’.56 According to the guidelines for the London Veterinary College, their grooms were also expected to treat their charges with ‘the greatest gentleness’. Any grooms who were caught ‘having struck or ill used a horse … be instantly discharged’.57 Judging by the regular complaints about the behaviour of illiterate grooms who were ‘prating fellows … little acquainted with the laws of nature’, this was often not the case.58 However, the more ambitious grooms would have been more likely to use their positions to acquire additional skills. William Griffiths began ‘his practice’ as an under-groom in Sir Watkin Williams Wyns’ stables and ended up as the estate farrier for over fifty years.59 It was also possible to work one’s way up to becoming a ‘head groom’ on a large estate. Stephen Dickinson, who held this role on the Duke of Newcastle’s stud oversaw the care of a total of fifty-four horses in the early eighteenth century.60 The largest stables, however, were those owned by or servicing royalty. When Queen Elizabeth ‘doth remove from one place to another … there are usually four hundred cartwares [sic] … with 2,400 horses, each with its own groom’.61 While this was obviously not a typical retinue, there were many examples of other men who began their careers as grooms. One of the most prominent eighteenth century farriers had also begun his career as a groom. In the 1750s John Wood noted that he was ‘currently Groom to the Right Honorable Earl of Rochford’, but had been ‘groom to the King of Sardinia’. According to one anonymous source, this showed that P. Edwards, Horse and Man, p. 38. A. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1981), p. 34 and J. Swift, Directions to servants in general (London, 1746), p. 67. 57 Anon, Veterinary College, London, established April 8. 1791 for the reformation and improvement of farriery (London, 1791), p. 14. 58 J. Barlet, The gentleman’s farriery: or, a practical treatise on the diseases of horses (London, 1753), pp. v and vii. 59 W. Griffiths, A Practical Treatise of Farriery (London, 1795), sig A2r. 60 D. Landry, Noble Brutes: How Eastern Horses Transformed English Culture (Baltimore, 2008), p. 109. 61 W. Harrison, The Description of England (London, 1577), p. 60. 55 56

74

chapter three

‘he was no ordinary Groom’ and furthermore, that his book proves, that he was ‘no ordinary Farrier’.62 This was further proved by his spearheading a campaign to start ‘an Infirmary for Diseases Horses, near Tyburn Turnpike’ in 1757. His proposal was supported by several farriers, including William Merrick, ‘Farrier in Grosvenor’s Mews and son to Mr Merrick serjeant and Marshall Farrier to his Majesty’. The plan was to obtain a guinea per horse per year which would entitle the subscriber for it to be ‘received into our Infirmary … when any ways diseased or out of order’.63 Although Wood’s efforts did not succeed at that time, this did not mean that medical care for horses in the mid-eighteenth century was ‘of ignorance so absolute that not only the disease but also the structure and working of the animal body were quite unknown’. There is also no evidence to support Frederick Smith’s opinion that ‘so many works of the eighteenth century … dropped for information into the same well of ignorance’.64 In the 1799 edition of Holden’s directory there were a total of ninety-five farriers and other ‘related workers’ in London. This figure does not, however, seem particularly high given that the directory contained some 70,000 entries. On the other hand, given that listings had to be paid for, it is possible that there were actually many more men offering hippiatric care in London. D.W. Wright, for example, speculates that there may have been as many as 150 farriers working in London in any one year between 1750 and 1800.65 Magical Healers Before leaving the topic of healers, it is important to mention those whose work focused on the ‘magical traditions’. As mentioned in the previous chapter, Mandy Lindemann has stated that ‘religion, magic and healing coexisted within the framework of Christianity’ in the Middle Ages. However, it should be noted that magic also continued to play a role in ideas about ‘vernacular healing’ well into the early modern period. The most notable area would have been in diseases relating to witchcraft. Both humans and animals were thought to be able to suffer from disorders such as ‘fascination’ or bewitch-

J. Wood, A New Compendious Treatise of Farriery (London, 1757), title page and p. 65. J. Wood, Supplement to A New Compendious Treatise of Farriery (London, 1758), preface and page 87. 64 I. Pattison, The British Veterinary Profession 1791–1948 (London, 1984), p. 1 and F. Smith, The Early History of Veterinary Literature, Vol. II (London, 1976), p. 6. 65 D.W. Wright, London farriers and other veterinary workers in the 18th century, Veterinary History, New Series, Vol. 5, No. 1, Summer 1987, p. 18. 62 63

early modern equine medicine

75

ment by sight, ‘melancholy’ or nightmares.66 In such cases, magical healers, or simply practises, might have been called upon for help. They might also have been used as a last resort for seemingly ‘incurable mysterious maladies’.67 As with many other terms, it is difficult to define and to categorize ‘magical’ horse healers. According to Keith Thomas, these would have encompassed ‘charmers, cunning or wise-folk, blessers and conjurers’. There were a range of other names that also have might have been used, such as ‘black’ or ‘white witch’, wizard, sorcerer, charmer, magician, dreamer, soothsayer or enchanter. That said, these are ‘generic’ titles and could either ‘overlap’ or be used interchangeably.68 On the other hand, many healers may have simply incorporated magical elements into their practice without making any obvious changes in how they were known. Some academics have suggested that these magical healers filled a void left by the Reformation. Such ideas are based on the premise that Protestants ministers did not offer the supernatural healing that their Catholic counterparts had.69 That said, evidence suggests that charms, amulets and/ or incantations continued to be use in the early modern period. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries amulets were still being worn around the neck or fixed to other parts of the human and/or animal bodies or hung in their stables.70 As in the Middle Ages, these charms were used to either prevent or treat a range of disorders. Some were thought to cure stomach ailments, while others could treat ‘the worm blessing of farcy’.71 66 A. Macfarlane, Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England: a Regional and Comparative Study (London, 1970), p. 126; S. Clark, ‘Demons and Disease: The Disenfranchment of the Sick (1500–1700)’ in M. Giswijt-Hofstra, H. Marland and H. Da Waardt (eds.) Illness and Healing Alternatives in Western Europe (London, 1997), p. 40. 67 M. Lindemann, Medicine and Society, p. 212; R. Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind (London, 1997), p. 272 and M. MacDonald, ‘The Career of Astrological Medicine in England’ in O. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds.) Religio Medici—Medicine and Religion in SeventeenthCentury England (Aldershot, 1996), p. 73. 68 K. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (London, 1991), p. 252 and E. Wilby, Cunning Folk and Familiar Spirits: Shamanistic Visionary Traditions in Early Modern British Witchcraft and Magic (Brighton, 2005), p. 26. 69 S. Doran and C. Durston, Princes, Pastors and People: The Church and Religion in England 1529–1689 (London, 1991), p. 81. 70 M.R. Baldwin, ‘Toads and Plague: The Amulet Controversy in Seventeenth-Century Medicine’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 67 (1993), p. 227 and P. Murray Jones, J.A. Givens, K. Reeds and A. Touwaide (eds.), Visualizing Medieval Medicine and Natural History, 1200–1500 (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 1–24. 71 T. Hunt, Popular medicine in thirteenth-century England (London, 1990), p. 78; B. Copenhaver, ‘Scholastic Philosophy and Renaisance Magic the de ita of Marsilio Ficino’, Renaissance Quarterly (1985), p. 527 and D. Karasszon, A concise history of veterinary medicine, p. 155.

76

chapter three Pharmaceuticals

Today, the extremely profitable pharmaceutical industry plays a major role in the modern Western world. There are three main submarkets of drugs for humans, known as ‘OTC’ (over the counter), prescription and hospital. The categories are similar for animals with products available for purchase in through a variety of retail outlets.72 Both medical ingredients and made-to-order veterinary medicines could also be purchased in the historical marketplace. Although there were no specialist ‘veterinary suppliers’, the beginnings of an organized supply of drugs in the principal urban areas of England dates from at least the fourteenth century. By the early seventeenth century a range of organic medicinal ingredients could easily ‘be had … in almost every Grocers and Apothecaries shop’. Although the London apothecaries were incorporated in the Grocers Guild in 1605 they later split into two parts in 1617. The former continued to act as a wholesaler supplying drugs to the countryside, while the latter held the legal right to dispense and sell medicines within the city and a sevenmile radius around it.73 Such merchants began to carry an even wider variety of exotic, imported ingredients during the course of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. These included sugar and tobacco from the Caribbean and North America, pepper and saltpetre from India and wine, oil and fruit from Southern Europe. The popularity of these ingredients is illustrated in figures of imported goods which show that the total value of such items grew from approximately £600 in 1567 to more than double that sum by 1609. By the early 1630’s this figure had risen to £15,000 per annum and to around £ 60,000 by 1669.74 Many ingredients, however, could also either be grown or otherwise acquired in a domestic setting. While the term of ‘kitchin physick’ is generally only used when referring to human medicine, I can see no reason why it

72 N. Britten, Medicines and Society: Patients, Professionals and the Dominance of Pharmaceuticals (Basingstoke, 2008), pp. 1–2. 73 S.F. Holloway, ‘The Regulation of the Supply of Drugs in Britain before 1868’ in Drugs and Narcotics in History (ed.) R. Porter and M. Teich (London, 1988), pp. 77–96 and M.J. Dobson, Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1997), p. 265. 74 A. Wear, ‘The early modern debate about foreign drugs: localism versus universalism in medicine’, The Lancet, 354 (1999), 149–151; P. Hunting, A History of the Society of Apothecaries (London, 1998), p. 29; R.S. Roberts., ‘The Early History of the Import of Drugs into Britain’ in F.N.L. Poynter, (ed.), The Evolution of Pharmacy in Britain (London, 1965), 165–185 and R. Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry (London, 1962), p. 186.

early modern equine medicine

77

should not also apply to animals. The majority of early modern medicinal recipes for both were mainly based on organic ingredients gleaned from plant or animal sources. As Michael Harward reminded readers, God ‘hath caused the earth to contain and bring forth … juices, herbs, plants, and minerals … both for food, and to cure all diseases both in man and beast’. This also presumably included such by-products as human or animal urine or dung, which were sometimes called for in medical recipes.75 Information about the uses of different plants could be found in a range of manuscript and printed sources, including what were known as ‘herbals’. These included John Garard’s late sixteenth century herbal and John Parkinson’s Theatrum Botanicum which first appeared in print in 1640.76 This was considered to be the most complete classification until Tay’s text of 1686, although it was Nicholas Culpeper who produced what has become the best known British herbal of all time. As with all such early modern books, his not only contained descriptions of the various plants and their astral links, but also advice on cultivation and harvesting and comprehensive explanations of their medicinal uses.77 Over the course of the seventeenth century a growing number of recipes called for the addition of non-herbal ‘chymicall’ ingredients. These were linked to the Paracelsian model of medicine which was the based on alchemical elements of salt, sulphur and mercury being the most important components in matters of health and illness. Andrew Wear has suggested (in human medicine) that it was the chemical remedies, rather than Paraclesian theory itself that was popularized.78 This also appears to be the case in hippiatric works which called for occasional chemical ingredients to help re-balance the sick horse’s humours. As Chapter Six will discuss in greater detail, a combination of ‘vegetable’ matter and/or any part of an animal ‘necessary to Medicinal Purposes’ as well as ‘mineral’ which included metals and ‘metaline substances’ ingredients could be used by themselves as a ‘simple’ or mixed together as a ‘compound’.79 75 W. Salmon, The London Almanack (London, 1699), sig. B7r and M. Harward, The Herdsman’s Mate: Or, a Guide for Herds-men (Dublin, 1673), sig. A2v. 76 J. Gerard, The herbal or Generall historie of plants (London, 1597), sig. A2r; J. Gerard, The herbal or Generall historie of plants (ed.) Th. Johnson (London, 1633), sig. A2v; J. Parkinson, Theatrum Botanicum: the Theatre of Plants or, an Herball of Large Extent (London, 1640). 77 N. Culpeper, Culpeper’s Complete Herbal and English Physician Enlarged (London, 1653); C.B. and J.B. Atkinson, ‘Anne Wheathill’s A Handfull of Holesome (though Homelie) Hearbs (1584): The First English Gentlewoman’s Prayer Book’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 27 (Autumn, 1996), pp. 659–672. 78 A. Wear, Knowledge & Practice in English Medicine 1550–1850 (Cambridge, 2000), p. 39. 79 W. Gibson, The Farrier’s Dispensatory (London, 1729), sig. B1r.

78

chapter three Commercial Medicines

As with many areas of historical study, the growth of commercialized medicine covers a range of disciplines that include manufacturing, advertising, retailing, distribution and consumption.80 Roy Porter was the first and one of the most prolific voices in the study of the commercialization of English medicine. His research suggested that this was an eighteenth century phenomena characterised by the growth of ‘medical materialism’, in which ‘the body is seen as a through-put economy needing generous input and outflow’. This idea was linked to the growth of both doctors’ services and commercial medicines which became key consumer items in the eighteenth century. In 2001 Porter argued that ‘proper research is needed on early modern pharmacy’, after which there has been additional work done in this area in the intervening years. This has focused almost exclusively, however, on products for human consumption.81 It should not be surprising, however, that many people appeared to be willing to purchase pre-prepared, pre-packaged, branded hippiatric medicines. This would have been particularly true for owners of ‘fine Horses’ who had the greatest economic, and perhaps emotional, value. What is surprising, however, is the time lag between the appearance of commercial human medicines and those for horses. Despite the historical commonplace that the former was a product of the eighteenth century, my previous work on almanacs has shown that drugs for humans were already being heavily advertised by the latter part of the seventeenth century.82 This was an important finding, given that medical advertisements had previously been considered to have started only in the eighteenth century. The earliest printed advertisement is thought to have been a broadside 80 See for example, B. Coward, Social Change and Continuity in Early Modern England 1550–1750 (London, 1988, pp. 79–81); J. DeVries, ‘Between purchasing power and the world of goods: understanding the household economy in early modern England’ in P. Sharpe (ed.) Women’s Work: The English Experience 1650–1914 (London, 1998), p. 215; P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People (Oxford, 1989), p. 2; R. Porter, ‘Consumption: disease of the consumer society?’ in J. Brewer and R. Porter (ed.) Consumption and the World of Goods (London, 1993), p. 63 and N. McKendrick, ‘The Consumer Revolution of Eighteenth-Century England’ in N. McKendrick, J. Brewer, J.H. Plumb (eds.) The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth Century England (Bloomington, 1982), p. 9. 81 R. Porter, Quacks: Fakers & Charlatans in English Medicine (Stroud, 2001), p. 128; L. Hill Curth (ed.) From Physick to Pharmacology: Five Hundred Years of British Drug Retailing (Aldershot, 2006) and The Care of Brute Beasts: a social and cultural study of veterinary medicine in early modern England (Brill, 2010). 82 L. Hill Curth, English almanacs, astrology and popular medicine in early modern England, Chapter 9.

early modern equine medicine

79

issued by William Caxton in 1477. This was for food, however, announcing the sale of ‘Pyes of Salisbury’.83 According to E. Bosanquet, the earliest known advertisement appearing in an almanac was in 1581. This consisted of a list of four books ‘extant in print’ by William Bourne, the author of the almanac.84 There is some debate as to when advertisements began to appear in newspapers. Joseph Frank has suggested that the first was in ‘The continuation of our weekly newes’ which described Charles’s marriage to Henrietta Maria in 1623. Michael Harris disagrees, dating the first ad to an in-house notice of publication in the mid 1620’s. Joad Raymond has suggested that the first promotional notices were for books also produced by the newspapers publishers. These early advertisements were not regular features in news-sheets until the 1640’s, when editions began to carry one or two advertisements a week. These sometimes included ads for books, lost horses or dogs, runaway servants or proprietary medicines. Although earlier notices appear to have been placed wherever there was some free space, by the 1660’s, newspapers began to carry a separate section for advertisements.85 This trend was mirrored in almanacs, with what were rather sparse advertisements in the early part growing to larger numbers by the middle part of the century. The implementation of a separate section in almanacs devoted to promotional pieces shows that as they grew in number, they also grew in importance. By the 1650’s it had become common to use the entire back sheet, or even the final two pages, exclusively for advertisements. Sometimes this began with a greeting to the reader, such as ‘I am entreated to give notice,’ although it became increasingly common to head the section with the word ‘advertisements’.86 Given this growth, the absence of comparable advertisements for animal medicines in both newspapers and almanacs is puzzling.

B.B. Elliott, A History of English Advertising (London, 1962), p. 10. E. Bosanquet, ‘English Seventeenth-Century Almanacks’, The Library, Vol. X, No. 4 (March 1930), 361–197. The only almanac by Bourne that I have been able to locate dates from ten years earlier. 85 R. Cust, News and Politics in Early Seventeenth-Century England (London, 1997), p. 234; J. Frank, The Beginnings of the English Newspaper 1620–1660 (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 155 and 172; M. Harris, ‘Timely Notices: The Uses of Advertising and its Relationship to News during the Late Seventeenth Century’ in J. Raymond (ed.) News, Newspapers and Society in Early Modern Britain (London, 1999), p. 141; The London Gazette, Thursday November 4 – Monday Nov. 8 1675—number 1040; R.B. Walker, ‘Advertising in London Newspapers, 1650–1750’, Business History, XV (1973), p. 113 and J. Sutherland, The Restoration Newspaper and its Development (Cambridge, 1986), p. 84. 86 J. Booker, Celestiall Observations (London, 1654), sig. C8v. 83

84

80

chapter three

According to Norman Comben, the earliest commercial hippiatric medicines were being produced by Andrew Snape in 1692, who was part of a ‘dynasty’ of farriers dating back over two hundred years. The earliest reference to the family, however, was in the Company of Farrier’s Charter in 1674, when an Andrew Snape was listed as ‘Serjeant farryer’ of the Company of Farrier, alongside family members Robert Snape, Richard Snape and ‘Andrew Snape, the younger’. It is not clear, however, whether Comben was referring to the father or son.87 Furthermore, his claims are based on what he said was the ‘first ever, fully descriptive printed catalogue of animal remedies’. Unfortunately, it has not been possible to locate and study this document myself. However, based on Comben’s comments and my own experience with human proprietary medicines, it seems most likely that this eight leaf pamphlet was not a catalogue. It probably was a promotional and instructional booklet which accompanied the purchase of his products. There are many surviving examples of similar publications for human medicine, often used as a wrapping and sealed with wax marked by the producers’ signet ring for authenticity. Salvator Winter’s booklet, for example, included both directions for taking his elixir, ‘plaister, balsom and purging drink’, as well as testimonials from satisfied customers. Snape apparently also promised readers that although his pills were ‘Prepared for the Good of the Publick’ they were ‘more especially for the Gentry in the remote parts of this Kingdom’. Given that the ‘purging pills’ cost 12 pence each and the ‘cordial pouder’ 10 shillings a box, targeting the upper classes was a logical thing to do.88 If Snape was producing enough products to fill a booklet, then he was presumably also advertising them elsewhere. This raises the interesting question of where he might have done this, as the logical medium of late seventeenth century London newspapers did not carry advertisements for commercial hippiatric medicines. There are, of course, a large number of other possibilities. It could be that Snape, or others, were only manufacturing very small amounts which they could easily sell to acquaintances. After all, until technological advances of the later eighteenth century made it possible to mass-produce drugs, they remained extremely expensive. This price would have included not only labour and ingredients, but associated

87

N. Comben, ‘Snape’s Purging Pill for Horses’, The Veterinary Record, 84 (1969), pp. 434–

435. 88 Guildhall MSS 5534-4, Company of Farriers; A. Snape, The anatomy of a horse, sig. A3r; D. Woodward, Ephemeris Absoluta (London, 1690), sig. C6v and S. Winter, Directions for the use of my Elixir (London, 1664), sig. A1r and A4v.

early modern equine medicine

81

marketing costs such as printing packaging and instruction booklets. Of course, producers might also have been using cheaper (non-surviving) broadsheets to promote their products. Alternatively, they might have relied on the vocal abilities of street hawkers selling their medicines89 Furthermore, the size of horses would dictate much larger doses than humans, which would raise the cost even further. That said, as Chapter Seven will show, there are two examples of ‘recipes’ suggesting the use of human proprietary medicine.90 Perhaps the demand for such items was linked to the growth in regional ‘agricultural societies’ whose members were interested in various aspects of animal husbandry with an emphasis on horses? According to Peter Edwards, wealthier owners ‘regularly employed specialists’ to tend to their sick horses.91 Snape’s emphasis on the gentry suggests that people higher up the social ladder might have both had the desire and the means to buy proprietary medicines. After all, it has already been shown that elite racing or ‘show’ horses, were thought to be worthy of more expensive remedies. However, it is also likely that such animals already received a greater level of ‘professional’ care than other horses. Presumably they were not the ‘ignorant people’ that an anonymous ‘London physician’ claimed were keen to purchase ‘Horse Purge[s]’ from ‘physic pedlars’ on the street who were ‘cozering quacksalvers’ and ‘false juggling’.92 In the absence of more definitive proof, however, such ideas must remain pure speculation. However, it is interesting to note that the earliest advertisements that I have seen for proprietary veterinary medicine are for horses. Unlike those for humans which first appeared in sixteenth century almanacs, these products were advertised in London newspapers. As with those for humans, these drugs were offered for treating a wide spectrum of diseases. The first newspaper advertisement that I have found from 1727 offered ‘a certain Cure for Founder’d Horses’. Unlike the majority of those for human medicines, this advertisement neither gave the name of the manufacturer nor offered them for sale at his/her home. Instead, this ‘Chymical Secret’ at 89 M. Spufford, Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge, 1981), p. 115; L. Hill Curth, ‘The Commercialisation of Medicine in the Popular Press: English Almanacs 1640–1700’, The Seventeenth Century, XVII (Spring, 2002), 48–69 and R. Porter, Patient’s Progress: Doctors and Doctoring in Eighteenthcentury England (Cambridge, 1989), p. 107. 90 Wellcome Library, MS 7998—Recipe Book belonging to Mary Fausett, late seventeenth—mid eighteenth century. 91 P. Edwards, Horse and Man, p. 64. 92 E. Gardiner, Phisicall and approved Medicines (London, 1611), sig. A2r and London Physician, The modern quack; or the physical imposter, detected (London, 1718), pp. 1 and 3.

82

chapter three

3 s. 6 d. each was available for purchase at Mrs Bell’s book shop in Cornhill, London. ‘Horse Balls’ for curing ‘the present distemper among horses’, however, were available directly from the producer Samual Gibson, a London druggist.93 Other horse remedies, however, were made and sold by chemists. Another advertisement from June 1727 recommended ‘The True Cordiall Horse-Balls’ for 4 shillings a pound prepared and sold by Samuel Gibson, a druggist who had been in business for over forty years.94 That said, this does not necessarily mean that he had been making and selling horse medicine for all those years. In 1765 William Radley, who referred to himself as a ‘Druggist and Chymist’, advertised the availability of a variety of horse remedies. These included ‘purging horse balls’ at two shillings for three doses, worm-balls for sixpence each or pectoral balls for coughs and colds at two shillings per pound. A few years later Radley was advertising an expanded range of items, including the previous drugs at the same price plus fever powders for horses at three shillings a pound.95 Edward Snape, however, appears to have been the most active user of both books and newspapers for advertising his horse remedies in the mid— late eighteenth century. This is extremely interesting, given that his ancestor Andrew Snape, who Edward claimed had been ‘farrier to King Charles II’ was reputedly the first producer and seller of proprietary medicines in the 1690’s. As farrier to George III, Edward Snape firmly believed that his remedies for farcy and glanders were effective. He was also clearly concerned about protecting his reputation and pledged in his advertisement that if a ‘horse has not been cured by the use of his prescriptions, though strictly adhered to, he will return to the purchaser, the money which he had received’. Furthermore, Snape asked that ‘every person, where the medicine has effected a cure, will favour him with a few lines, authenticating how long the horse had been affected with the disease, before the medicine was administered; and in what space of time it produced the desired effect’.96 While the rather wordy advertisement above appeared in one of his books, Edward Snape also used newspapers to advertise his services and products. Modestly referring to himself as a ‘Horse Doctor’ these included 93 Daily Courant, London, December 5, 1722, p. 3 and Daily Journal, London, December 8, 1727, p. 2. 94 Daily Journal, London, 5 June 1728, p. 2. 95 London Chronicle, October 15–17 1765, Issue 1377 and Whitehall Evening Post or London Intelligencer, March 14–16 1769, Issue 3583. 96 E. Snape. A practical discourse on those two diseases in horses, termed the glanders and farcy (London, 1787), p. 10.

early modern equine medicine

83

‘consulations’ six days a week, three ‘in town’ and three ‘in the country’ for which he charged one shilling. There were also a number of ‘Approved Medicines ready prepared … to be had on the shortest notice’.97 Snape, as with many other early advertisers, also regularly used testimonials which provided ‘convincing Proof of the Efficacy’ of his products. One of these advertisements included the ‘Affidavit of William Risden’, Snape’s assistant. This stated that Snape had ‘cured several hundred horses of various dangerous disorders’ in the past three years without one death. In order to raise his social status one notch higher in the eyes of readers, Snape mentioned that these testimonials had been ‘sworn before’ John Burnell, the Mayor of London.98 Edward Snape also used London newspapers to advertise his London Horse Infirmary. Potential customers were advised that they could either pay an initial subscription fee and an ‘entry’ fee per horse or have their animal ‘admitted, treated and paid for according to their respective Case’.99 Snape’s products, as with other contemporary drugs, were available from a range of outlet including the producer’s home. A growing number of retail outlets had also begun stocking commercial medicines by the late seventeenth century. These included ‘drinking houses’, such as taverns, alehouses or coffeehouses, alongside shops selling books or a range of other items.100 ‘A certain Cure for Founder’d Horses’, for example, was ‘only to be had at Mrs. Bell’s a Bookseller’. It is not clear whether the producer was a farrier, however, as the only reference to the producer was that he was ‘for many Years past experienced’.101 Conclusion Although the concept of a pluralistic medical marketplace for humans has existed since the 1980’s, the idea of a parallel veterinary one was only introduced in 2002.102 My original idea was rather broadly based on the types of

97 E. Snape, Snape’s Practical Treatise, St James’s Chronicle or the British Evening Post, London, March 28–30, 1765, Classified Advertisements; Whitehall Evening Post or London Intelligencer, London, July 10–12, 1776, Classified Advertisements and E. Snape, Snape’s Practical Treatise, sig. A4r. 98 The World, London, Friday July 18, 1788, Classified Advertisements. 99 Whitehall Evening Post or London Intelligencer (London) July 10 – July 12, 1766, Classified Advertisements. 100 L. Hill Curth, Almanacs, astrology and popular medicine, Chapter 9; W.D. Smith, Consumption and the Making of Respectability 1600–1800 (London, 2002), p. 147. 101 Daily Courant, London, Wednesday December 5, 1722, issue 6591. 102 L. Hill Curth, ‘The Care of the Brute Beast’, pp. 475–482.

84

chapter three

care available for all types of domesticated animals, from oxen to sheep. Since that time, I have expanded both my research and publications to include more in-depth examinations of healer, remedies and the needs of specific animals. This has included an increasing amount of research into various aspects of preventative and remedial care for horses. Given the importance of horses in early modern England, it has certainly not been surprising to find even more types of healers and practices than I had originally envisaged. On the broadest level, however, the major emphasis of the veterinary marketplace theory still centres on what might be called ‘professional’ healers. This is, of course, a problematic term given the many differences in the ways in which we now define ‘professional’ or ‘non-professional’ healer and how this was done in the past. On a very simplistic level it could be used to describe the types of values or virtues related to a healer’s understanding or demonstration of ‘ethical reality’ or ‘ethical conduct’ as illustrated in the Hippocratic Oath.103 In histories of human health in Western Europe, however, it has generally linked to the growth of medieval scholasticism and/or medical organisations such as guilds or ‘companies’. Over time these became increasingly subject to external bureaucratic demands and legal requirements.104 The requirements for a veterinarian to be university educated and subject to political legislation are, of course, modern rather than early modern expectations. Before the foundation of the London Veterinary College in 1791 there was a total absence of the type of academic degrees now offered by the Royal Veterinary College. However, even if animal healers had partaken of contemporary ‘formal’ medical education, it would have been unlikely to improve their skills.105 After all, in the early modern period it was experience and reputation that led to a successful career. I would argue that attempts to label early modern horse healers using modern criteria of ‘professionalism’ is not a productive exercise. It is probably most useful to simply say that ‘professional’ horse healers were people who offered their services (or products) in return for some type of reward. In the case of the elite Company of Farriers, this would most likely to have taken the form of money. This was probably also true of those holding highpowered positions on royal or aristocratic estates. On the other hand, given that the concept of the marketplace includes bartering, there were probably 103 104 105

P. Barritt, Humanity in Healthcare: The Heart and Soul of Medicine (Oxford, 2005), p. 236. R. Porter, Blood and Guts: A Short History of Medicine (London, 2002), p. 37 and 50–51. Royal Veterinary College, London, www.rvc.ac.uk; (Accessed 2 June 2012).

early modern equine medicine

85

many healers who accepted foodstuffs or other goods in return for their assistance. There is also evidence that some healers began making and marketing proprietary horse remedies by the end of the seventeenth century. Although it may be that Andrew Snape was the first to have done so in 1692, I remain optimistic that evidence will still come to light about earlier transactions. This will hopefully be joined by additional signs of advertising some products in the ‘popular press’ around the turn and into the eighteenth century. Harold Cook has argued that the most important thing for physicians was to have a ‘good reputation’.106 Given the highly competitive milieu of the veterinary marketplace, I would suggest that this also applied to horse healers. In the eighteenth century, the farrier John Reeves proudly stated that he had ‘acquired reputation by his success in curing the various Diseases of Horses’ over many years. Matthew Allen agreed, writing that ‘what I here present the reader with, is the pure result of simple, natural reason and the product of the experience I have had in my practice’ over the course of sixteenth years.107 Late seventeenth and eighteenth century advertisements for proprietary horse medicines also illustrate the importance of reputation. A farrier who was known for mistreating horses or whose patients frequently died was hardly likely to stay in practice. There were also other factors such as good communication skills that might have helped to ensure either repeat or new clients. Unlike physicians, there was historically very little status attached to working with the majority of sick animals. There were, however, likely to have been greater variations for horse healers, particularly those who worked with the most elite animals. As the Snape dynasty, as well as records from the Company of Farriers show, some became very wealthy. However, while most young men were more likely to spend their careers treating lowlier horses, there were still many good reasons for them to enter the field. The first was linked to the huge numbers of horses in both urban and rural England. This meant that a well-trained young man was likely to enjoy the security of continuing, albeit, low paid work. Caring for the health of horses was not an easy job, however, for while humans could voice their ‘complaints

H. Cook, The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart London, p. 49. J. Reeves, The art of farriery both in theory and practice containing the causes, symptoms and cure of all disease incident to horses (London, 1758), p. 5 and M. Allen, The farrier’s assistant: Or, An essay on the nature and proceedings of distempers incident to horses (London, 1737), sig. A7v. 106 107

86

chapter three

and relations’, ‘dumb creatures’ could not. Even so, the main duty of animal healers was the same as a physician, which ‘consisteth, in two principall points, First to preserve health. Secondly, to cure the sick’.108 Despite the simple nature of such a statement, working with horses demanded a great deal of knowledge and experience. This included understanding the basic principles of what I refer to as ‘astro-Galenic’ medicine and how it related to preventative and remedial medicine. As the following chapters will show, there were various ways in which this could be acquired. This included dissemination through oral, manuscript or print channels or a combination of two or more.

108 A. Snape, Anatomy of a horse, sig. B1r and R. Elkes, Approved Medicines of Little Cost (London, 1652), sig. A2v.

PART TWO

STRUCTURES OF PRACTICE

chapter four ASTROLOGY AND ASTROLOGICAL MEDICINE

Hee that commandeth their course and althereth them at his pleasure … If the Starres be pestilently bent against us, neyther Arts nor Armes, Perfumes nor Prayers can prevaile with them.1

Despite now being defined as a ‘pseudoscience’ or a science without any scientific evidence to support its existence, astrology was long thought to be the ‘science’ or ‘voyce of the stars’. Although ‘astronomy’ and ‘astrology’ are considered to be two different things today, during the Middle Ages and the early modern period they were believed to have formed a symbiotic relationship which was an inseparable part of science. In 1615 Thomas Bretnor described the former as being ‘the calculation of the true place and motions of the planets’, while the latter explained ‘the effects of the planets’. Over fifty years later Joseph Moxon provided a more detailed explanation of the ‘twofold Doctrine’. He explained that the astronomical element was used for ‘erecting a Figure of Heaven, placing the Planets in it, finding what Aspects they bear each other, and in what Places they are constituted’. After this was done, the ‘astrological part’ could be used to judge of the events of things by the Figure erected.2 As one seventeenth century writer reminded his readers, it was imperative to ‘have the knowledge of the Motions, as well of the Moone as of the Sunne, and of the power and oper […]tions of them bothe’.3 The movements of the heavens were thought to influence all things on earth, including astrological physic (the early modern term for medicine). As John Gadbury reminded his readers in 1674 the combination of the two equalled ‘the most useful Sciences in the World’. Furthermore, he went on to say that ‘without the knowledge of these Arts all Learning is imperfect, and nothing but Sound and Shadow’.4 The other major part of contemporary medical beliefs S. Bradwell, Physick for the Sicknesse Called the Plague (London, 1636), p. 4. T. Bretnor, A new almanacke and prognostication (London, 1615), sig. A2r and J. Moxon, A Tutor to Astronomy and Geometry (London, 1674), p. 12. 3 W. Knight, Vox stellarum: or the voyce of the stars (London, 1681); W. Ramsey, Lux Veritatis, or Christian Judicial Astrology Vindicated (London, 1652), pp. 15–16 and p. 30 and C. Estienne, Maison rustique, or The countrey farme (London, 1616), p. 30. 4 J. Gadbury, Thesaurus Astrologiae (London, 1674), sig. A4v. 1

2

90

chapter four

and practices were composed of Galenic principles which resulted in what I would call ‘astro-Galenic’ medicine. This provided a full spectrum of theories and beliefs that lay at the heart of health and illness for both humans and animals. The origin of the word ‘astrology’ can be traced back to the Greek ‘Astron’ and ‘Logos’ which literally mean ‘the Speech or Reasoning of the Stars’.5 According to one seventeenth century writer, however, ‘the first invention of this Science was by (or in the time of) the Patriarchs’. Vincent Wing went on to state that ‘Abraham was very learned & expert therein and … he was the first that instructed the Aegyptians in Arithmetick and Astronomy’.6 Many modern historians, however, believe that it can be traced back to the Sumerians around 3500 bc. Other academics argue that while the Babylonians employed a form of astrology, it did not depend on a spherical cosmological framework, nor use geometrical models with the earth with other planets moving around it.7 Such reasoning suggests that it therefore only became a ‘science’ with the Greek development of mathematical astronomy. That said, it is now generally accepted that whether or not the Sumerians’ interest in astronomy would now be deemed ‘scientific’ is less important than the fact that it resulted in the first known recorded set of astronomical observations.8 Michael Hoskins has suggested that two major ‘scientific’ themes had already developed by the fourth century. These consisted of trying to understand nature in purely natural terms without recourse to the supernatural and by the acceptance of the Earth being a sphere.9 The earliest Greek systems were based on the concept that the earth was at the centre of all motion surrounded by the other heavenly bodies which rotated around it. Thales of Miletus (circa 629–555 bc), who founded the Early Ionian School, has been credited with raising the first non-occult explanation of the Universe as a gigantic ball of water containing our earth, the stars fixed to the inside surface and the seven planets (including the Sun and Moon). Dramatic changes in arithmetic and geometry were made under Pythagoras (c. 580–500 bc). In

5 J. Blagrave, An Almanack (London, 1660), sig. A3r and P. Curry, Prophecy and Power: Astrology in Early Modern England (Princeton, 1989), p. 10. 6 V. Wing, Astronomia instaurata, or, A new compendious restauration of astronomie in four parts (London, 1656), sig. A3v. 7 F. Rochberg, ‘A consideration of Babylonian astronomy within the historiography of science’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 33, No. 4 (December, 2002), pp. 661–684. 8 S.J. Tester, A History of Western Astrology (Woodbridge, 1987), p. 18 and O. Pedersen, Early Physics and Astronomy, (Cambridge, 1993), p. 5. 9 M. Hoskin, The History of Astronomy: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2003), p. 9.

astrology and astrological medicine

91

astronomical terms, these included linking mathematics and astronomy by arguing that the spheres carrying the Sun, Moon, planets and stars around the Earth could be represented by numbers.10 These ideas were superseded by Claudius Ptolemaeus or Ptolemys’ writings in 142ad. His major work was called the Syntaxis in Greek, although it later became known in the Middle Ages as the Almagest, which was a corruption of the Arabic title. Often referred to as ‘a masterpiece of scientific writing’, this text is credited with shaping the astronomical beliefs of later antiquity, medieval Islam and early modern Europe. Based on Aristotelian physics, the work also followed the Greek mathematical traditions. These consisted of the concept of a simple circular path and argued that, in fact, the revolutions of the planets included retrograde movements around other points either orbiting the Earth or points near it. This remained the central text for Greek, then Arabic and finally Latin astronomers for almost fourteen centuries.11 Although Galen (129–160 ad) boasted of his knowledge of astrology, there is an on-going debate as to exactly how much familiarity he had with it. Despite the evidence of some astrological content in his third book of De Diebus Decretoris, the material is fairly rudimentary and relates only to the influence of the Moon on certain days. Nancy Siraisi has suggested that such paucity may have been because Galen did not have a very good understanding of astrological principles.12 It is generally accepted, however, that medieval beliefs about celestial dominance were influenced by a range of Latin, Greek and Arabic writers. In addition, most academics believe that the analysis of certain texts, notably those of Aristotle on philosophy, Ptolemy in astronomy and Galen in medicine, played the most pivotal role in contemporary scholarship. The scientific explanation of why and how they worked was based on the theory that the stars ‘exerted physical pressure on the Earth’. This, in turn, was caused by God ‘governing the world by the influence of the stars’ by using it 10 S.M. Cohen, P. Curd and C.D.C. Reeve (eds.) Readings in Ancient Greek Philosophy: From Thales to Aristotle (Indianapolis, 2005), p. 8 and R. Wilson, Astronomy Though the Ages, (London, 1997), pp. 24–27. 11 O. Pedersen, A survey of the Almagest (New York, 2011) p. 5 and E. Grant, Planets, Stars, and Orbs: The Medieval Cosmos, 1200–1687 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 569 and 571. 12 S.J. Tester, A History of Western Astrology, p. 18; O. Pedersen, Early Physics and Astronomy, p. 5; F. Rochberg, ‘A consideration of Babylonian astronomy within the historiography of science’, pp. 661–684; V. Nutton, ‘Galen in the Renaissance’ in A. Wear (ed.) Health and Healing in Early Modern England (Aldershot, 1988), pp. 245–264 and N. Siraisi, ‘Anatomizing the Past: Physicians and History in Renaissance Culture’, Renaissance Quarterly 103, no. 1 (Spring 2000), pp. 1–30.

92

chapter four

as a form of communication between humanity and the heavens. Stephen Pumfrey has argued that this resulted in a ‘textually based’ natural philosophy which failed to ‘yield answers to contemporary questions’.13 In the medieval West, astrology was taught at universities as part of the ‘quadrivium’ which comprised the four mathematical sciences of arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music. This varied greatly from the Muslim world, where learning focused on individual sessions between scholars and their teachers or masters.14 Academic astrology was based on the body of writings called the ‘Corpus Astronomicus’ from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. It included standard texts, scientific instruments and collections of data and tables of astronomical observations which allowed the determination of local time to help in the prediction of astronomical events such as conjunctions or eclipses. There were a number of notable Englishmen who contributed to the evolution of the science, including Roger Bacon (1214–1292). As with later early modern writers, Bacon argued that astronomy and astrology were two parts of ‘a science worth serious attention’.15 It should be noted, however, that this general view pertained mainly to ‘natural’ rather than ‘judicial’ astrology (discussed later in this chapter). Later medieval philosophers such as John Buridan (c. 1300–1358) and Nicholas Oresme (c. 1320–1382) made it very clear that only God could alter the ‘common course of nature.’16 In the fifteenth century the growing interest in ancient learning, particularly of the Greeks, resulted in new translations of numerous early works. As might be expected, these varied somewhat according to the views and beliefs of their translator. Some of these disagreements focused on which planet lay at the centre of the universe. Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543), who has been called ‘the first great modern astronomer’ argued that this was the Sun, rather than the Earth. He envisaged a stationary Sun in the

13 R. Gell, Stella Nova: a New Starre, Leading wisemen unto Christ (London, 1649), sig. A4r and N. Campion and S. Edy, The New Astrology: The art and Science of the Stars (New Pomfret, Vermont, 1999), p. 16; S. Pumfrey, ‘The history of science and the Renaissance science of history’ in S. Pumfrey, P.L. Rossi and M. Slawinski (eds.) Science, culture and popular belief in Renaissance Europe (Manchester, 1991), pp. 143–175. 14 T.E. Huff, The Rise of Early Modern Science: Islam, China and the West, second edition, (Cambridge, 2003), p. 343. 15 A. Power (ed.) Bacon and the Defence of Christendom (Cambridge, 2013), p. 109 and R. Lewis, The Astrology Book: The Encyclopaedia of Heavenly Influences, 2nd Edition (Canton, Michigan, 2003), p. 82. 16 E. Grant, The Nature of Natural Philosophy in the Late Middle Ages (Washington, D.C., 2010), p. 289; M. Harrison, Disease and the Modern World: 1500 to the present (Cambridge, 2004), p. 49 and H. Kearney, Science and Change 1500–1700 (New York, 1971), pp. 89–90.

astrology and astrological medicine

93

middle of a sphere of fixed, stationary stars with the planets revolving around the ecliptic at constant speeds. The Moon rotated around the Earth but in the same ecliptic plane and the Earth had one orbital revolution around the Sun every year and on its own axis every twenty-four hours. This heliocentric theory was popular with early modern writers such as Thomas Digges. He tried to provide additional authority for supporting this view by claiming that Copernicus has merely revived a ‘most aunciente doctrine of the Phythagoreans’.17 There were many others, however, who had different views. Tycho Brahe, who was always referred to by his first name, (1546–1601) did not accept the idea of a stationary Sun. He argued that the Moon and Sun were in orbit around a central stationary Earth, with the planets rotating around the Sun. Joannes Kepler (1571–1630) helped to refine Tycho’s theories by providing the geometrical rationale behind these which he published in the Cosmographical Myster.18 It seems highly unlikely however, that such elite studies and debates would have had much or even any effect on ‘popular’ astrological beliefs or practices. The greatest argument in practical terms would have been about the discrepancy between God’s will and human choice. At the most basic level, astrology could be divided into ‘natural’ or ‘judicial’. The former includes what I would call ‘environmental’ astrology which describes its’ impact on living creatures and the world in which they lived. Natural astrology was closely linked to the Christian church, with most religious writers arguing that there was some sort of a relationship between God and the movements of heavenly bodies. However, the idea God used the stars to communicate his will could be interpreted to mean that humans did not really have free will and the power to choose whether to lead a moral, righteous life.19 The second type of astrology which was known as judicial, however, was highly contentious. One late seventeenth century writer defined it as ‘that Science, by the help of which Men pretend to judge of things to come’. This was disputed by critics who argued that the ability of the stars to ‘disclose

17 W. Harris Stahl, The Greek Heliocentric Theory and Its Abandonment, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association, Vol. 76 (1945), pp. 321–332; W.M. O’Neil, Early Astronomy from Babylonia to Copernicus (Sydney, 1986), p. 164 and L. Digges, An everlasting almanac (London, 1572), sig. N1r. 18 P. Dear, Revolutionizing the Sciences: European Knowledge and its Ambitions 1500–1700 (Basingstoke, 2001), p. 76 and 88. 19 M. Berger, Hildegard of Bingen: On Natural Philosophy and Medicine (Cambridge, 1999), p. 33.

94

chapter four

future events’ would mean that God’s powers were limited.20 Such a view was not only considered inaccurate by the medieval Church but also dangerous. There are also many early modern examples of religious leaders categorically stating that judicial astrology promoted ‘pagan superstition’. This was thought to lead to either widespread, sinful behaviour or frustration by people who believed that it was impossible to try and improve their lives.21 It should be noted, however, that there is also evidence of support from clergymen who still regarded astrology as a science. Thomas Swadlin, for example, wrote a sermon called Divinity no Enemy to Astrology in 1653. Four years later, Richard Carpenter published his sermon entitled Astrology proved Harmless, Useful and Pious.22 The most common response to the dilemma of whether free will existed was that the stars ‘only incline, they cannot compel’. In the mid-seventeenth century Nicholas Culpeper claimed that Kepler had stated that: the Stars could work no effects upon the body of man, were there not a strong Principle in his mind, which did harmonically and violently close with their influences, and lay hold upon all occasions to affect them.23

In theory, the belief that animals did not possess free will should have meant that they would not be part of this argument. However, although considered unable to sin they could still be punished through the sinful behavior of humans. This might come in the form of either one or a number of animals falling ill. Alternatively, they could be affected by sinful human behavior which resulted in social disorder or war. As with humans, animals were also subject to ‘natural’ changes in the world around them, as well as within their own bodies. In order to understand how to their horses, owners were reminded of the necessity of having a good knowledge of ‘Astrologie, Cosmography, philosophy [and] Phisicke’.24

D. Abercromby, Academia scientiarium, or, The academy of sciences (London, 1687), p. 18. A. Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1999), p. 23; L. Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science, Vol. VII (New York, 1958), p. 90 and E. Grant, Planets, Stars and Orbs, p. 569. 22 Notes and Queries, 6 (November 6, 1858), p. 374 and J. Sharpe, Instruments of Darkness: Witchcraft in England 1550–1700 (London, 1996), p. 41. 23 N. Culpeper, An Ephemeris for the Year (London, 1653), sig. A1v. 24 N. Morgan, The perfection of horse-manship, drawne from nature; arte, and practise (London, 1609), sig. A7v. 20

21

astrology and astrological medicine

95

Astrological Physic The relationship between astrology and medicine is an extremely ancient one. This involved all aspects of health and illness, from the moment of birth until that of death. In between it covered the general ‘complexion’ or constitution of a human or animal to the projected outcome of an illness. Somewhat surprisingly for something of such great importance, there has been relatively little academic research into human astrological physic and even less into its relationship with animals. One of the main reasons for this is probably the on-going tendency to judge the past by modern standards. In 1979, for example, Allan Chapman referred to astrological medicine as ‘the forlorn hope of the art’.25 This is far from the truth, however, as in its purest form, astrological physick was considered to be a highly complex science. There has been a bit more attention paid to medical astrology in the past twenty-five years, albeit with a stronger focus on earlier periods. In 1994 Tamsyn Barton argued that the entire study of astrology had been neglected by both social and political historians. She reiterated this theme in the 2002 edition of her book, showing that little progress has been made since that time.26 While not negating the work that has been published over the past decade, I would agree that there is still a great need for further research, particularly in the field of early modern English astrology and astrological medicine.27 Furthermore, given that all of these earlier studies focus on humans, this is an even greater urgency to investigate the relationship between astrological physic and animals.28

25 A. Chapman, ‘Astrological Medicine’ in C. Webster (ed.) Health, Medicine & Mortality in the 16th Century (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 275–300. 26 T. Barton, Power and Knowledge, p. 29. 27 See, for example, H.M. Carey, Courting Disaster: Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later Middle Ages (London, 1992); L. Demaitre, ‘The Art and Science of Prognostication in Early University Medicine’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 77.4 (2003), 765–788; C. Scott. Dixon, ‘Popular Astrology and Lutheran Propaganda in Reformation Germany’, History, 84 (1999), 403–418. pp. 408–409; A. Grafton, Starry Messengers: Recent Work in the History of Western Astrology, Perspectives on Science, vol. 8, no. 1 (2000), pp. 70–83; M. MacDonald, ‘The Career of Astrological Medicine in England’ in Ole Grell and Andrew Cunningham (eds.), Religo Medici—Medicine and Religion in Seventeenth Century England (Aldershot, 1996), pp. 62–90; M. Robyns, ‘Medieval Astrology and the Buke of the Sevyne Sagis’, Forum for Modern Language Studies, 38, No. 4 (October 2002), 420–434. 28 L. Hill Curth; English Almanacs, Astrology and Popular Medicine 1550–1700 (Manchester, 2007), Chapter 10; The Care of Brute Beasts: A Social and Cultural Study of Veterinary Medicine in Early Modern England (Leiden, 2009) and R. French, ‘Foretelling the Future: Arabic Astrology and English Medicine in the Late Twelfth Century’, Isis, 87, 3 (September 1996), pp. 453– 480.

96

chapter four

There are, of course, many similarities between ‘human’ astrological physick and that for animals. As with humans, the positions of the planets at the time of birth would define an animal’s constitution and susceptibility to disease. It would also be used to determine the healthiest type of lifestyle, as well as how to provide a diagnosis, prognosis and appropriate treatment. This could include a range of variables from deciding whether a disease was acute or chronic to determining how long it would last. The former type of illnesses were linked to the position of the Moon and could last up to twentyseven days, which was the time it took the planet to go through a full course. That said, if the illness were not resolved within a week, it would reach a ‘Criticall daye’ based on the seven days which the Moon took to travel into the next quartile. The fate of the patient depended on whether or not the new position of the Moon was in a favourable aspect. Chronic illnesses were those lasting over twenty-eight days and were linked to the Sun. They also had critical days which occurred when the Sun moved from one quartile to another on a cycle of roughly every nine days. A swift and full recovery was called a ‘perfect Crisis’ while an ‘imperfect Crisis’ was one which caused the illness to continue often in a much more dangerous form.29 One of the first astrological considerations was mapping the planetary configuration at the time of birth and placing them in a nativity chart. For humans, this would have begun with an ‘interrogation’, or a number of horary questions which would be used to set up a nativity (horoscope). The key factor in this type of chart for medical matters was the time when a patient fell ill, when ‘first laying down’ or ‘when dangerous Symptoms did arise’.30 With the help of an ephemeris, the astrologer would be able to determine the position of the planets and stars at that specific time, which he could then enter onto a ‘figure’. Once this was completed, the information would be used to diagnose diseases, prescribe a course of treatment, discuss the past and present state of the illness and predict its future course. This ‘figure’ or decumbiture was set in a square divided into twelve sections, or houses, representing a section of the celestial orb.31 Each house represented a different aspect of the patient’s life:

29 N. Culpeper, Semeiotica Uranica, or an Astrological Judgment of Diseases (London, 1651), pp. 5–6, 23; R. French, ‘Foretelling the Future: Arabic Astrology and English Medicine in the Late Twelfth Century’, Isis, 87, 3 (September 1996), pp. 453–480. N. Culpeper, Semeiotica Uranica, or an Astrological Judgment of Diseases (London, 1651), pp. 5–6 and 23. 30 Nathaniel Culpeper, Culpeper Revived, (London, 1683), sig. C3r. 31 A. Chapman, ‘Astrological Medicine’, p. 287.

astrology and astrological medicine 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 10th 11th 12th

97

The personality of the subject. Money, fortune, goods, possessions. Friends and relatives, education, communication, travel. Parents, hearth and home. Pleasures, games, love, creativity, children. Health, small animals. Marriage, enemies. Death. Religion, philosophy, long journies, large animals. Profession, career. Friendships. Ordeals, secret enemies, illnesses and other misfortunes.32

More detailed analysis was also possible, with the ability to determine how the illness would grow and develop, including when the ‘critical days’ would occur from which the patient would either recover or die. Based on the phases of the Moon, these were divided into seven day periods linked to when the planet would move into the next ‘quartile’. If the Moon were in favourable aspect on a critical day, it would ‘all go well with the sick’. If not, this could result either in a significant downturn in the illness or even death.33 Sadly, although there are many surviving examples of nativity charts and analysis for prominent humans, I have been unable to find anything comparable for specific horses. This does not, however, mean that such calculations could not or were not ever done for animals. Furthermore, there are many references to the relationship between broader ‘birth signs’ and horses. Although horses were thought to ‘differ much to their Identical Qualities and particular Constitutions’, their ‘strong Martial Nature’ meant that they were often linked to Aries. As a result, this made them choleric and susceptible to hot and dry diseases. Given that Aries was linked to the head, it also put the horse at risk of ‘falling evill, the staggers, the sleeping evil, the phrensie, the posie and giddinesse’.34 However, it must be remembered that these were very general, broad statements and that horses were often referred to as being ruled by or

M. Gauquelin, Astrology and Science (London, 1969), p. 71. N. Wadham, England’s Choice Cabinet of Rarieties (London, 1700), p. 23 and N. Culpepper, Semeiotica Uranica, or an Astrological Judgment of Diseases (London, 1651), pp. 5–6. 34 Galen, Selected Works, (trans.) P.N. Singer, (Oxford, 1972), p. xin; A.S. The Gentleman’s Compleat Jockey (London, 1697), pp. 25–26; T. Tryon, The country-man’s companion: or, A New Method of Ordering Horses & Sheep So as to preserve them both from diseases and casualties (London, 1688), pp. 2–4; G. Markham, Markhams Methode or Epitome (London, 1633), pp. 1–2 and R. Barret, The perfect and experienced farrier (London, 1660), p. 26. 32

33

98

chapter four

influenced by other planets. Each of these, including the Sun and Moon, were thought to have very different characters which would affect animals born under them. Saturn, Mars and (sometimes) the Sun were generally considered to be ‘maleficent’, while Jupiter, Venus and (generally) the Moon were beneficent and Mercury was mixed. Each was most powerful when they were ‘ruling’ or in ‘a ruling house’. The various planets would still be important, but somewhat less influential when in certain angular relationships called ‘aspects’.35 If the date of birth of a horse was unknown, it was thought possible to determine the planet they had been born under by their colouring. A ‘Flegmatick Horse’, for example, was likely to be ‘slow, dull and heavy’ and was often a ‘milky white’ colour. The presence of such cold and moist characteristics would suggest that it was linked to the Moon. Choleric horses, on the other hand, were often a bright ‘Sorrel’ which matched their hot and fiery constitutions. These were also the characteristics of Mars, which signified a birthday in late March to late April.36 All horses, regardless of the planet under which they were born, would have been affected by certain types of astral occurrences that could foretell danger. These included conjunctions when two planets appeared to coincide, comets or eclipses.37 The most frightening ‘collison’ was between Jupiter and Saturn which took place every twenty years. According to William Lilly, the conjunction of Saturn and Mars in 1639 foretold that ‘monarchy shall be eclipsed and darkened. Soldier glut thee with blood enough’.38 According to James Baston, the forthcoming conjunction of Saturn and Mars in Virgo would result in an entire ‘sickly autumn’ for animals. Owners of livestock were also warned about a similar combination of planets in spring of 1673 which was predicted to result in both ‘sickness and death’.39 Comets were thought to either announce or bring a variety of ‘woes’, depending on their shape. Regiomontanus (1436–1476), the greatest practical astronomer before Copernicus, noted that the comet of 1456 followed 35 T. Barton, Power and Knowledge: Astrology, Physiognomics and Medicine under the Roman Empire (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 2002), p. 75. 36 G. Markham, Markham’s Master-piece Revived (London, 1681), p. 7. 37 T. Barton, Power and Knowledge, p. 75. 38 A. Pannekoek, A History of Astronomy (London, 1961). pp. 186–187; J. Friedman, Miracles and the Pulp Press During the English Revolution: The Battle of the Frogs and Fairford’s Flies (London, 1993), p. 70; M. Aston, ‘The Fiery Trignon Conjunction: An Elizabethan Astrological Prediction’, ISIS, 61 (1970), pp. 159–172 and Anon. An account of the remarkable comet, whose appearance is expected at the end of this present year 1757 (London, 1757), p. 6. 39 J. Baston, An almanack for the year of our Lord (London, 1657), sig. B5v and C. Atkinson, Panterpe, or a pleasant almanack (London, 1673), sig. C2r.

astrology and astrological medicine

99

closely after the fall of Constantinople and the end of the Byzantine Empire.40 In the seventeenth century astrologers thought that some signified the coming of ‘plague, famine, war, and mutations of kingdoms’ while others foretold ‘great and inordinate winds [and] earthquakes’. Although it was done retrospectively, the comet of 1664 was later seen as having prophesied the great fire and plague that occurred the following year. In many cases, comets’ greatest threats were to the health of livestock, which could have a hugely detrimental effect on society. The idea that ‘such like’ were the result of the ‘judgments of God’ continued throughout the early modern period to at least the end of the eighteenth century.41 Eclipses were also thought to hold particular dangers for the health of animals throughout the early modern period. Both eclipses of the Sun and Moon were thought to foretell times of disease and deaths. William Lilly cautioned his readers that a forthcoming eclipse meant that ‘The Countryman will also be very sad upon the unusual misfortunes happening unto him, and unto his flocks of four footed beasts, especially Horses, Oxen and such like of the kinds of the greater Cattle, as also rot of sheep.’42 John Evelyn’s diary for March 1652 included a reference to ‘that celebrated Eclipse of the Sun, so much threatened by the Astrologers’. Evelyn went on to say that this prediction ‘had so exceedingly alarm’d the whole Nation, so as hardly any would stir’.43 In 1681, Thomas Fowle prophesised that, while the coming eclipse would destroy animals ‘that are prejudicial to mankind … all Creatures fit for the use of man do now increase’. Fourteen years later, Fowle warned that the impending eclipse would bring ‘great losses and decay in their Estate, Cattels and Treasure; it portends death to the greater sort of Cattel, as the Ox, Cow, Horse, or such like’. The eclipse predicted for May 1724 was said to signify ‘Pestilence or Famine, threatning [sic] Destruction to great Cattle’.44

G. Sarton, Six Wing-Men of Science in the Renaissance (London, 1957), p. 73. A. Geneva, Astrology and the Seventeenth Century Mind (Manchester, 1995), p. 87; M.J. Dobson Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern England: The Spectrum of Death, Disease & Medical Care (Cambridge, 1997), p. 457; M. Nicolson, ‘English Almanacs and the New Astronomy’, Annals of Science, 4 (1939), pp. 1–33 and M. Stevenson, ‘Observations upon Lillie’s Almanack’ in M. Stevenson (ed.) Poems (London, 1673), p. 32. 42 D. Abercromby, Academia scientarium (London, 1687), pp. 49–50 and W. Lilly, Merlinus Anglicus Junior (London, 1644), p. 12. 43 J. Evelyn, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bedoyere (Woodbridge, 1995), p. 82. 44 T. Fowle, Speculum Uranicum (London, 1681 and 1695), sig. B1r and B3r and W. Beetenson, Prodromus astrologicus: being an astrological discourse of the effects of the great eclipse of the sun (or earth) on Monday May 11th, 1724, (London, 1722), Sig B1r and p. 36. 40

41

100

chapter four

The one major exception to the relationship between eclipses and disasters related to what has been called the most famous racing horse of all times. As suggested by his name, Eclipse was said to have been born during a lunar eclipse in 1764. Bred by William, Duke of Cumberland, Eclipse was said to be ‘the fleetest and best horse that ever ran in the world’. First raced at the age of five, Eclipse won all seventeen of the races he was entered for in 1769–1770. He was then ‘retired to stud’ and is now thought to be the ancestor of many of the most successful modern racing horses.45 Eclipses were only one form of type of astral occurrences that predicted, accompanied or followed different types of dangerous events. In Oxford, a ‘blazing star’ was reported as being visible from December 1664 through to the latter end of January. Anthony Wood claimed that this had led to ‘prodigious births …. [and] the devill [sic] let loose to possess people’ as well as earthquakes and plague.46 Samuel Pepys referred to the fear provoked by a meteor in May 1668. He further commented on the ‘many clusters of people talking of it’ and how The world doth make much discourse of it—their apprehensions being mighty full of the rest of the City to be burned, and the papists to cut their throats.47

Although relatively little could be done about protecting animals from comets, eclipses, blazing stars or meteors, many publications provided advice about what could be done to help remedy the resulting disorders. These included information about how to determine what type of treatment would be most effective, as well as ‘the Astrological time when most Convenient’ for carrying out these procedures. While certain configurations of planets promised auspicious times for taking medicine or carrying out procedures, others were less so. The same held true for the actual planetary sign that the event was taking place in. According to one author, it was only ‘by the right knowledge of Times, and by the apt application and preparation of Physick in them, that the greatest Cures come to be performed’.48

45 N. Clee, Eclipse: the story of the rogue, the madam and the horse that changed racing (London, 2009), pp. 33–34; ‘Eclipse’ in J. Kay and W. Wamplew (eds.) Encyclopaedia of British Horse Racing and Anon, The Horse: being a collection of weekly papers (London, 1834), pp. 241– 243. 46 A. Wood, Wood’s Life and Times, Vol. II, ed. A. Clark (Oxford, 1892), pp. 53–54. 47 S. Pepys, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, Vol. IX, eds. R.C. Latham and W. Matthews (London, 1976), p. 208. 48 J. Gadbury, Thesarus Coelestis, sig. Sig A4r.

astrology and astrological medicine

101

All the necessary steps were laid out in Nicholas Culpeper’s description of how to astrologically diagnose illnesses: First, consider what planet causeth the disease; that thou mayest find it in my aforesaid Judgment of Disease, Secondly, Consider what part of the body is afflicted by the disease, and whether it lies in the flesh, or blood, or bones, or ventricles. Thirdly, Consider by what planet the afflicted part of the body is governed: that my Judgement of Diseases will inform you also. Fourthly, You may oppose disease by Herbs of the planet, opposite to the planet that causes them: as diseases of Jupiter by the herbs of Mercury, and the contrary. Fifthly, There is a way to cure diseases sometimes by Sympathy, and so every planet cures his own disease; as the Sun and Moon by their Herbs cure the Eyes.49

Joseph Blagrave provided readers with a comprehensive ‘catalogue’ of a vast range of herbs and plants ‘appropriated unto their several Planets, according unto their elemental qualities and virtues’. The use of this chart would enable readers to determine the nature of an ingredient according to the planet it was related to. Henbane, for example, was a herb of Saturn which meant that it would be cold and dry. As such, it was suitable for treating hot and moist disorders. Herbs linked to the Sun included hot and dry angelica, baum, marigolds, rue and sweet marjoram. Blagrave also explained the best timing for gathering the ingredients, with herbs such as those under the dominion of the Sun to be picked on a Sunday.50 The explanation for this was that such matter would not only be ‘Astrologically agreeable to nature, but more effacious in the Cure of Diseases’.51 To be most effective, however, it was best the plant had also been planted according to astrological guidelines. If they were to be used for their flowers they were to be sown soon after the new moon, if needed for their fruit or seed after the first quarter or for their roots between the full moon and the second quarter.52

49 L. Coelson, Speculum Persicum (London, 1674), sig. A3v and N. Culpeper, Complete Herbal and English Physician Enlarged (London, 1653; reprint Ware, 1995), p. viii. 50 J. Blagrave, Blagrave’s Astrological Practice of Physick (London, 1689) pp. 2–5 and 12–17. 51 G. Parker, Mercurius Anglicanus (London, 1694), sig. E8r. 52 L. Thorndike, ‘Astrology after 1650’ in History of Magic Vol. III (New York, 1958), p. 318.

102

chapter four Texts on Astrological Physick

Although highly technical and complex Latin or English astrological texts were available, I have found no evidence to suggest that they were read by horse healers. Furthermore, given the complexity of medical astrological, however, it is unlikely that many would even had understood the complete theory behind it. On the other hand, a basic knowledge of its components should have been sufficient to implement it in daily practice. Lauren Smoller has divided the astrological content in early modern popular books into four main categories. The first included general predictions about the effects of the stars on ‘society, weather, war, famine and plague’. This was followed by nativities, or genethialogical portraits of the traits and characteristics set by a person’s time of birth. The third category were elections, or inceptions, which would calculate the best time to carry out some given action based on astrological considerations and the final grouping were interrogations, which used the position of the stars to answer a specific question.53 It seems more than likely that a horse healer looking for printed information would have chosen very basic works, such as one aimed at anyone who ‘can but read and will take pains may assuredly attain unto it’ [astrological physic].54 Although William Lilly’s Christian Astrology is still known today, there were many other popular texts by astrologers such as William Andrews, Nicholas Culpeper or Richard Saunders,55 It was also possible to find extensive advice alongside advice on caring for horses in the types of books that will be discussed in Chapter Eight. The most accessible source of printed astrological information or advice, however, could be found in the cheap, annual astrological publications called almanacs. Almanacs Almanacs are one of the most ancient surviving forms of literature in the western world with the word thought to be linked to the Arabic for calendar.

53 L. Smoller, History, Prophecy and the Stars: The Christian Astrology of Pierre D’Alilly 1350– 1420 (Princeton, 1994). 54 J. Blagrave, Blagrave’s Astrological Practice of Physick, sig. A4r. 55 W. Lilly, Christian Astrology (London, 1647); N. Culpepper, Semeiotica Uranica, or an Astrological Judgment of Diseases (London, 1651); W. Andrews, The Astrological Physitian (London, 1656) and R. Saunders, The astrological judgement and practice of physick (London, 1677).

astrology and astrological medicine

103

Alternatively, it might have originated from the Latin ‘manacus’ or ‘manadius’, which refers to the circle in a sun-dial.56 One of the earliest known surviving almanacs is a papyrus edition believed to date from the period of Ramses II (1304–1168bc). Held at the British Library, this includes a compilation of data showing good and evil days, as well as precautions for guarding against the evil eye.57 During the early middle ages ‘clog almanacs’ were made of sticks or rods marked by a series of notches and symbols, representing the lunar cycle and the Christian feasts.58 By the high Middle Ages, these had been superseded by manuscript almanacs or ‘kalendaria’. In addition to an astrological calendar, this form of almanac included various types of ecclesiastical information. During the fourteenth century, the friars John Somer and Nicholas of Lynn expanded these works with information on eclipses, medical and other matters of interest. Unlike the earlier versions for clergymen, they were aimed to appeal to a wider audience of students and physicians.59 The first printed almanac was produced by Johannes Gutenberg in 1448, eight years before his famous Bible. These new publications swiftly gained popularity and by the 1470’s large numbers of almanacs were being printed in various countries on the Continent with the majority being produced in Germany and the Netherlands.60 Many of these almanacs were in a booklet form, while others appeared as broadsides, which were somewhat less in demand. Until the late sixteenth century, most printed English almanacs were translations of European ones which circulated alongside English manuscript almanacs.61 The first almanac which was both written and produced in England is thought to have been one by Andrew Boorde around 1537. In the first decade of the 16th century an estimated 400 copies were printed, rising to 6,000 in the 1630’s and 32,000 by the 1710’s.62

C. Camden Jr., ‘Elizabethan Almanacs and Prognostications’, The Library, 10 (1932), p. 84. B. Katz, Cuneiform to Computer: A History of Reference Sources (London, 1998), p. 97 and D. Parker, Familiar to All: William Lilly and Astrology in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1975), p. 90. 58 D. and J. Parker, A History of Astrology (London, 1983), p. 152. 59 P.M. Jones, ‘Medicine and Science’ in L. Hellinga and J.B. Trapp (eds.) The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, Vol. II (Cambridge, 1999), p. 439. 60 R. Houston, Literacy in Early Modern Europe (London: Pearson Education, 1988), p. 180. 61 B. Capp, Astrology and the Popular Press: English Almanacs 1500–1800 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1979), p. 27. 62 J. Raven, H. Small and N. Tadmor, ‘Introduction: The practice and representation of reading in England’ in J. Raven, H. Small and N. Tadmor (eds.) The practice and representation of reading in England (Cambridge, 1999), p. 5. 56

57

104

chapter four

Most sixteenth and seventeenth century almanacs appeared in the shape of a small booklet. Some were printed in sextodecimo, although most were octavo, and contained twenty-four sheets. In the case of highly popular writers, such as William Lilly, an almanac might contain more pages which would warrant a correspondingly higher price.63 The basic format for these small astrological texts generally included two parts consisting of a ‘calendar’ and ‘prognostications’. Each month would be allocated one or two pages which would be divided up into several columns. The first would list the days of the month, followed by the days of the weeks, the latitude of the planets, and perhaps festivals or ‘terms’ of the year. This would be followed by columns citing ‘the rising, southing and setting of the Planets’, including the Moon, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, Mercury and the Sun. One of the most important purposes of this information was to predict forthcoming weather conditions. These could then be used to determine when it would be safe to travel or how crops would be affected over the coming year. Weather forecasts also had a correspondingly major impact on health matters. Atmospheric conditions, for example, had ramifications for both community health, and that of the individual. Unseasonable conditions could result in crop failure, economic failure and hunger. Poor weather conditions could also heighten the severity of existing illnesses or, even worse, be the harbinger of plague.64 In 1736, for example, the extremely harsh winter was said to be responsible for widespread ‘Farsey, Humours in the Eyes and Fever’ in horses.65 Most almanacs contained a section with yearly weather trends divided into the four quarters of winter, spring, and summer or autumn.66 Every season, as with each individual, was linked to specific signs of the zodiac, which gave them their characteristic features. Many writers would begin with a brief explanation of the nature of that season by explaining which planets determined its representative features. It was believed that each quarter would begin when the Sun moved into a certain sign, such as winter starting when the Sun moved into Capricorn. Since this was based on astrological calculations, the exact time when this would happen would vary each year. It was also common for almanac writers to include more detailed descriptions of how each season could affect the health of both man and beast. E. Bosanquet, ‘English Seventeenth—Century Almanacks’, The Library, 10 (1930), p. 366. V. Wing, An Almanac and Prognostication (London, 1643), sig. A2r and P. Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1985), pp. 26–27. 65 M. Allen, The farrier’s assistant: Or, An essay on the nature and proceedings of distempers incident to horses (London, 1737), Vol. I, pp. 90–92. 66 J. Woodhouse, An Almanack, (London, 1653), sig. B2r. 63 64

astrology and astrological medicine

105

On the broadest level, this might have included lists of diseases that were common in each quarter or what times of the year were best for carrying out various medical procedures. Springtime, for example, was linked to Leo and Aries, which meant that it was a hot and moist season and therefore paralleled people with a predominantly sanguine complexion. As a result, although the spring was said to be ‘the most comfortable quarter in all the yeare’, this was ‘comparatively such’, it could still cause humoural imbalances in someone with a similar constitution. The inclusion of the four quarters was such a typical component that one writer refused to include them on the ground that ‘these things [are] commonly known, and indeed the work of every trivial Almanack’.67 That said, it is only fair to note that some almanacs did provide much more detailed and specific information about unique weather conditions and their possible effects on ‘man and beast’.68 In addition to the links between the body and the heavens, many almanacs also provided veterinary advice in the second section which was generally called the ‘prognostication’. While this could vary greatly according to the author and intended audience, most included human medical advice and many included information about preventative and remedial medicine for animals. In some cases this included preventative tips linked to the nonnaturals which will be discussed in the following chapter. Alternatively, they could offer recipes for medicines or guidelines on when to administer treatments. Advice on phlebotomy generally began with what not to do. In the first instance, readers were warned to ‘bleed not at all except urgent causes compel thee’.69 The major factors to be considered were the time of year, the age, complexion and physical state of the patient and the phases of the Moon. It was thought to be dangerous to let blood when ‘the weather is extreame [sic] hot or cold’. The amount of blood that could safely be let was also linked to the complexion of a patient. Those with ‘coole complexions’ only had ‘narrowe vaines and little bloude’, while a ‘hote’ complexion ‘aboundeth with much bloud’ and could afford to have more taken. Finally, it was safer to let blood from the ‘corpulent’ or those of a ‘ruddie colour’ than from those who were ‘very leane’ or ‘weake’.70 There were similar guidelines to be considered before purging horses. One of the most important points involved choosing the correct type of

67 68 69 70

T. Trigge, Calendarium Astrologicum (London, 1674), sig. C1r. See L. Hill Curth, English Almanacs, Chapter 2 for more information. S. Ashwell, A newe almanacke (London, 1640), sig. A4v. E. Gresham, An almanac and prognostication (London, 1604), sig. B2r.

106

chapter four

purgative. Because the humours would ‘move from the inward parts of the body to the outward’ as the Moon moved from full to a quarter, it was better to use ‘external evacuations’ during the first and third weeks of the Moons course and save internal purgations for the other weeks.71 Drugs taken either to purge or ‘comfort’ the body would also react in different ways according to the movements of the stars and planets. If administered in the ‘wrong hour’, they would have the opposite effect from what they were meant to do. This was particularly true of medicines given under signs that ‘chew the cud’, such Aries and Taurus, as the patient would be unable to keep from vomiting them up.72 If the aim was to purge the body, then the most auspicious time to take a purgation would be when the Moon was in an aspect with a moist planet, such as Cancer, Scorpio or Pisces, which ‘stirred up and down’ the humours, which would aid in the process. The best time to administer pills was in the watery sign of Pisces, which would help to dissolve completely in the body.73 The most common astrological medical feature in almanacs, however, was that of ‘zodiac man’. This ubiquitous image depicted the relationship between the signs of the zodiac and a human. It showed the ‘anatomy’ or figure of a man surrounded by the twelve signs and symbols of the zodiac with each placed closest to the part of the body that it represented. As one author explained, these were necessary for those readers who ‘do not understand the part of the body that is governed by the severall signs’. This was sometimes accompanied by rudimentary text about the relationship. Some authors used a simple chart with both the figures and the names of the linked planets. Others included a poem or rhyme about the zodiac man, a method which had long been used as an aid to memorizing important information.74 The links between parts of the body and specific planets were based on the idea that living creatures were a parallel microcosm to the macrocosm of the universe. This meant that the bodies of living beings were divided into zones that corresponded to different planets, just as the earth was. In turn, each part of the body had characteristics linked to a specific planet and its corresponding zodiac sign. The head, for example, was linked to Aries and

G. Gilden, An Almanack (London, 1616), sig. C3r. J. Blagrave, Blagrave’s Astrological Practice of Physick, sig. A5r and R. Clark, A new almanac (London, 1634), sig. C2r. 73 Swallow, An almanack (Cambridge, 1640), sig. B8r. 74 Dove, Speculum anni (Cambridge, 1698), sig. C2v and A. Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England 1500–1700 (Oxford, 2000), p. 36. 71

72

astrology and astrological medicine

107

Mars. This meant that a person or horse born under the sign of Aries would share the hot and fiery nature of Mars. It also signified that they would be prone to disorders of the head. Although it is possible to find seemingly endless illustrations of zodiac man (or occasionally ‘zodiac baby’), it is extremely difficult to find comparable ones of animals. It was, therefore, tremendously exciting to find the extremely rare image of ‘zodiac horse’ which is shown in Illustration 4.1 and on the cover of this book.75 This is something that I had been searching for over a number of years, but had been unable to find in any English publications. The most logical place for such a figure would have seemed to be in almanacs containing veterinary information. Another likely place would have been in manuals on animal health, perhaps alongside illustrations on veins or bones. The fact that I have not found such examples does not, however, mean that they do not exist. Given the importance of the relationship between the stars and horses in particular, I remain hopeful of finding additional images in the future. As with the image of zodiac man, that of zodiac horse shares many similarities. Interestingly, this comes from a manual for farriers written by Martin Arrendondo who lived from 1598–1670.76 Despite being in Spanish, it is clear from the symbols of the zodiac exactly what it represented with each sign clearly linked to a certain part of the horse’s body. The translation of the accompanying text also shows that while the anatomy of a horse differed from humans, their astral relationships were the same. As in human medicine, this chart could be used to determine which planet the affected part of horse’s body was linked to. This would also allow humans to determine the qualities of the disorder so that they could choose appropriate treatments and remedies, which will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter Six. Another rare find was that of a seventeenth century English almanac which claimed to focus specifically on horses called Veterinarium Meteorologist Astrology: or the Farriers Almanack.77 Although the author Robert Gardner identified himself as a ‘Student in Astrology and the Complete Art of Farrying, as in both parts, Physical and Chirurgical or Astrological from 75 Many thanks to Michael North, Head of Rare Books and Early Manuscripts at the History of Medicine Division, National Library of Medicine who very kindly provided me with this image. 76 T.F. Gomez, ‘Albeyteria by Martin Arrendondo’, Asclepius, Vol. LIV—2–2002 http:// asclepio.revistas.csic.es/index.php/asclepio/article/download/146/143 (Accessed 20 November 2012). 77 R. Gardner, Veterinarium Meteorologist Astrology (London, 1698).

108

chapter four

Figure 4.1. Zodiac Horse from M. Arrendondo, Obras de albeyteria (Zaragossa, 1704). Printed with permission of the National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, USA. Table 4.2. Explanatory table of Zodiac Horse image. Zodiac sign Symbol

Bodily part*

Aries Taurus Gemini Cancer Leo Virgo Libra Scorpio Capricorn Aquarius Pisces

Head Throat legs [arms] chest [breast, stomach and ribs] heart and back bowels and belly reines and loins ‘secret parts’ knees/joints shins [legs] hooves [feet]

*

Ram Bull Twins Crab Lion Virgin Scales Scorpion Goat water-bearer Fish

Parts of the body that are different in humans have been placed in square brackets

astrology and astrological medicine

109

Marden in Kent’, it has proved impossible to learn anything about him or his family.78 Due to the ephemeral nature of almanacs, the survival of specific titles is fairly low and there are only two known copies of Gardner’s almanac. The first was printed in 1697 and is held at the American Philosophical Society, with a 1698 edition at the Bodleian Library.79 Unlike many other almanacs, neither of these have been digitalised and placed on Early English Books Online. While there was also apparently a 1696 edition, no copies of this appear to have survived. This may be because of Gardner’s rather cryptic claim that ‘it did not appear to the World according to the Expectation as well of myself as many of my most worthy friends and Neighbours, and many others’.80 The cover page of Gardner’s almanac follows the stock format of listing its’ contents. This begins by referring to the year of publication (1697) as being ‘from the World’s Creation, according to Sacred Writ, 5646’. He goes on to state that the almanac contains ‘the general state of the year, Eclipses, Conjunctions, Lunations and Aspects of the Planets, the probable Alteration of the Air, the Sun’s Rising and Setting, the Sun’s Entrance into the cardinal Points, the Planets oriental and occidental Rising and Setting, A Chronology of divers memorable Accidents, and a general Tide Table, the Terms and their Returns’. Of most interest to this book, however, is the promised ‘Account of several Famous Medicines, to Prevent and Cure many of the most Pestilential Diseases in Horses, collected from many good Authors, and my own Experience, Very Useful and Pleasant for those that desire such a Work’. Disappointingly, Gardner failed to mention horses in his preface, concentrating instead on how ‘The Greatness of Heaven and Earth’ had delivered ‘our Nation from Ruine by horrid Papist Plots’. That said, the following pages do contain recipes for horse remedies in columns on each monthly page. The common ailments they discussed, such as gravelling in the foot or surfeits will be discussed in greater detail later in this book.81

78

Ibid., title page. Many thanks to Roy Goodman, Curator of the Printed Materials Library at the American Philosophical Society for providing me with a digital working copy of this rare almanac. 80 R. Gardner, Veterinarius Meteorologist Astrology (London, 1697), sig. A1r. 81 Idem, sig. A2r and sigs. A2v–A7r. 79

110

chapter four Conclusion

Despite the current Western European view of astrology being a ‘pseudoscience’, it must be remembered that this is a relatively new concept. As Anthony Grafton has so succinctly noted, astrology holds the place of honour as ‘the most consistent, unified and durable body of beliefs and practices in the western tradition’.82 Marjaana Lindeman has suggested that this is because astrology fulfils ‘basic social motives’ by helping people to better understand both themselves and the larger world in which they live. Furthermore, it promotes the feeling that humans have a greater sense of control of our future than we actually do.83 While such ideas may certainly hold true for many, in the early modern period this was joined by the fact that astrology was part of the contemporary scientific model. Although there is an on-going debate about how far back astrology can be traced, it is probably at least as old as the 4th century bc and continued to develop in the ancient world. By the Middle Ages it was regarded as a vital part of science. Astronomy, or the ‘theorick’ part provided the ‘Mathematical Demonstrations and Figures …. [of] various Motions, Places, Magnitudes, Distance, and Proportions one to another’, while astrology or the ‘practick’ part used this astronomical material to illustrate and interpret its’ meanings. While the validity of mathematical calculations was not open to debate, one aspect of the practical part often was. Judicial astrology, which used the movements of the planets and stars to make predictions about the future, had the potential to be tremendously dangerous. In the strictest sense this was because a prediction would lead to an eventual, predetermined result. Critics argued that this inaccurately suggested that God’s powers were limited rather than unlimited.84 Furthermore, many religious leaders felt that judicial astrology promoted ‘pagan superstitions’ with the result that many people would sin while others would feel that it impossible to improve their lives.85 On the other hand, there is also evidence of support from clergymen who still regarded astrology as a science. Thomas Swadlin, for example,

82 A. Grafton, ‘Starry Messengers: Recent Work in the History of Western Astrology’, Perspectives on Science, 8, no. 1 (2000), pp. 70–83. 83 M. Lindeman, ‘Motivation, cognition and pseudoscience’, Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 39 (1998), 257–265. 84 L. Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science, p. 90 and M. Berger, Hildegard of Bingen: On Natural Philosophy and Medicine, p. 33. 85 A. Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England, p. 23; L. Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science, p. 89 and E. Grant, Planets, Stars and Orbs, p. 569.

astrology and astrological medicine

111

wrote a sermon called Divinity no Enemy to Astrology in 1653. Four years later, Richard Carpenter published one entitled Astrology proved Harmless, Useful and Pious. Richard Geree provided perhaps the most eloquent responses, explaining that: The Gospel, upon different men would have a different influence and event; and why should it not be also with the constellations of Heaven; the Sun melts wax, hardens clay, the same carriage wins some men and alienates others: and may not then the influence of the Starres produce divers effects on men of different dispositions?86

It must be remembered, however, that such debates were about judicial rather than natural astrology. Unlike judicial astrology which predicted the future, natural astrology was about ‘environmental’ factors or the general effects of planetary influence on the weather, agriculture and health. The relationship of the stars and planets, particularly the lunar cycle, was firmly linked to the health of all living things. As this chapter illustrated, the sign and accompanying planet that a horse was born under was thought to have a major influence on the temperament and health the animal. It would also help determine what diseases they might be especially prone to, as well as how to choose appropriate medicinal ingredients if it fell ill. Although there is on-going debate as to how old such astrological medical beliefs were, some academics arguing that it dates back to around 3500bc.87 What is certainly clear is that by the medieval period medicine was already considered one of the most important elements of natural astrology. Working in conjunction with Galenic principles, astrological physick encompassed every aspect of health and illness, from the moment of birth until that of death. In between it covered the general ‘complexion’ or constitution of a human or animal, what diseases it would be prone to, whether this would be acute or chronic and the projected outcome of an illness. Somewhat surprisingly for something of such great importance, there has been relatively little academic research into human astrological physic and even less into its relationship with animals. I believe that both are linked, once again, to judging the past by modern ideas. In the case of animals, this also includes general anthropocentric attitudes about them being of less importance than humans.

86 Notes and Queries, 6 (November 6, 1858), p. 374; J. Sharpe, Instruments of Darkness: Witchcraft in England 1550–1700 (London, 1996), p. 41 and J. Geree, The New Jerusalem (London, 1651), p. 10. 87 F. Rochberg, ‘A consideration of Babylonian astronomy within the historiography of science’, pp. 661–684.

112

chapter four

This chapter has illustrated the continuing parallels found in the ‘one medicine’ concept between humans and horses. Although it seems that humans were more likely to have detailed nativity or other charts calculated for them than horses, the health of the latter were still subject to astrological considerations. These included the characteristics that they would ‘inherit’ from the ruling planet at their birth and the related consequences of being linked to a specific planet. This, in turn, would influence both their general state of health and the types of disorders that they would be most prone to. While there were many different sources of information available on astrological physic after the advent of mechanical printing, horse healers were probably not likely to use the more erudite volumes. As Chapter Eight will show, there were a variety of different ‘popular’ texts available, as well as the almanacs introduced in this chapter. These small, cheap annual publications often contained a great deal of either general veterinary information which assumed that readers had at least a rudimentary understanding of the principles of astrological physic. There were many different types of almanacs produced to appeal to readers with varying interests. However, almost all provided an inexpensive and easily accessible source of medical and veterinary advice. With very few exceptions, the former included an image of ‘zodiac man’. This was a diagram depicting the relationship between the signs of the zodiac, illustrated either with the ‘anatomy’ or figure of a man, or a baby. The graphic and qualitative nature of advice made it easy for the patient to understand, as well as the elementary descriptions that many editions included.88 Although this chapter contains an image of a zodiac horse, it is not from either an almanac or even an English publication. The reason for this is that I have (so far) been unable to find such a copy. Sadly, not even Robert Gardner’s Veterinarius Meteorologist Astrology (1697) and Veterinarium Meteorologist Astrology (1698) which claimed to focus purely on horses contains such an image. In fact, although both editions contained equine remedies, neither went into the extensive details that the titles suggested. That said, the fact that such works were even published shows that there was either a perceived or actual ‘target audience’ who would be attracted by the idea of an almanac on veterinary astrological physic. The next two chapters will provide more detailed information about the types of preventative and remedial hippiatric information available in 88 A. Wear, ‘Medical Practice in Late Seventeenth- and Early Eighteenth-Century England: Continuity and Union’ in R. French and A. Wear (eds.) The Medical Revolution of the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1989), p. 302.

astrology and astrological medicine

113

early modern England. They will be followed by discussions of how these beliefs and practices were passed on through successive generations. The three main ways, which co-existed throughout the period, were the oral, manuscript and print cultures.

chapter five HEALTH REGIMENS AND PREVENTATIVE MEDICINE

‘tis simple reason … to keep out an enemy, then to let him in, and afterwards to beat him out, so doubtless if men in the Government of their health would use Reason more, they would use the Physician less.1

As with other aspects of early modern health care, the concept of preventing disease applied equally to both humans and horses. Building and then preserving a strong body in the hopes of preserving health and avoiding disease was a logical assumption based on simple good sense and the experience of many centuries. Although the modern biomedical model traditionally focuses on disease, the idea of avoiding illness has become increasingly popular over the past few decades. In common with the past, there is once again a strong emphasis on the idea of building and preserving strong human and animal bodies. Although ideas about how to preserve a state of health have varied over time, modern variables such as ‘good’ diet, sufficient exercise and sleep are almost identical to those recommended since ancient times. It could be argued that much of this is simply ‘common sense’. However, it should be remembered that ideas of things such as what constitutes a ‘healthy diet’ change regularly. In twenty-first century Britain, horse owners can easily access the most up to date advice about the relevance of providing a ‘healthy lifestyle’ for their animals. This includes being regularly reminded that the best way to protect their horses is through the ‘prevention of the occurrence of disease’.2 Our current emphasis on ‘healthy lifestyles’ and foundations of ‘preventative medicine’ for humans and horses parallel the principles outlined in the medieval and early modern ‘sanitatis regimen’ for humans. According to Galen, there were three main categories of ‘thynges’ that influenced health and illness. The first included things ‘naturall’ such as the four elements of

R. Saunders, Apollo Anglicanus (London, 1681), sig. A6v. A. Massey, ‘Disease Prevention’ in F. Wilson and M. Mabhala (eds.) Key Concepts in Public Health (London, 2010), pp. 158–163; D.P. Lunn and C.W. McIlwraith, ‘Equine Health and Disease—General Welfare Aspects’ in C.W. McIllwraith and B.E. Rolin (eds.) Equine Welfare (Oxford, 2011), pp. 59–70. 1

2

116

chapter five

earth, air, fire and water, the four humours and qualities. This was followed by what were known as the non-naturals, because ‘they be no portion of a naturalle bodie’. Even so, all had the power to alter one’s humoural imbalance, whereby ‘sicknesse is induced and the bodie dissolved’.3 According to Galenic thought, there were six non-naturals consisting of: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Ayre Meate and drinke Slepe and watch Mevying and rest Emptynesse and repletton Affections of the minde

The final category of phenomena that could influence health was made up of ‘thynges ageynst nature’ or contra-naturals. These consisted of pathological conditions made up of ‘syckenesse, cause of syckenesse and accidents whiche followeth syckenesse’.4 Although the ‘naturals’ are generally attributed to Galen, the idea behind them date back at least to fifth century bc Hippocratic texts. It was Galen’s treatise Hygieina, however, that is generally credited with being the true starting of what would become ‘an obsession with [a]health[y] … lifestyle’.5 Such ideas continued to evolve during the Middle Ages, with a growing number of manuscripts based on the late 13th century Regimen sanitatis salernitannum or Salernitan Regime of Health. Thought to have been written by Arnald of Villanova (1240–1311), this included components easily recognisable today as part of a healthy lifestyle, such as diet, sleep, exercise and emotions. This became a highly influential work, appearing in over two hundred and forty versions in Latin, English and other European languages over the following centuries.6 Although there has been a great deal of academic interest in the way in these principles applied to ‘healthy living’ for humans in early modern England, little attention has been paid to how the concept applied to animals.7 Domesticated horses had, of course, very little influence over most

T. Cogan, The Haven of Health (London, 1612), sig. A4r. T. Elyot, The Castel of Health (London, 1539), p. 1. 5 P. Gil Sotres, ‘The Regimens of Health’, in M.D. Grmek (ed.)Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (London, 1998), pp. 291–318. 6 L. Hill Curth, ‘Lessons from the past: preventative medicine in early modern England’, Journal of Medical Ethics: Medical Humanities, 2003; pp. 16–21 and R. Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind, (London, 1997), p. 107. 7 See, for example, B.S. Turner, ‘The Government of the Body: Medical Regimens and the 3

4

health regimens and preventative medicine

117

of these aspects. Humans, who were likely to be following at least some of these guidelines themselves, however, could also attempt to do so for their horses. In general, the major principles were the same for both. These included trying to ensure that their horses would have ‘a good natural constitution, good digestion, good nourishment, moderation in feeding and diet, moderation in labour and sleeping and moderation in [sexual activities]’.8 The resulting impact is clearly illustrated by William Gibson succinct statement that within the non-naturals lay ‘the Health and Preservation of all Animals’.9 There were, however, some differences between in the ways in which humans and horses attempted to build and maintain strong, healthy bodies. The first one was linked to the fact that unlike people, horses could be purchased at any age. This allowed humans to at least try to ensure that they were ‘beginning’ with a healthy colt or taking on a healthy older animal. There was a wealth of information available throughout the course of the early modern period on how to differentiate between a horse that was in good or poor shape. According to William Burden, the first step was to ‘examine strictly four things: teeth, eyes, legs and wind’. After that was done, the potential buyer was advised to ‘enquire into four other things: biting, kicking, stopping, starting’. Although he admitted that some of the latter might not affect their general health, Burden suggested that it was still better to know about them in advance.10 Other writers gave more generic advice about buying a healthy horse. In most cases these included scrutinising their teeth, gums, eyes, general build, joints, feet or their stance. An ideal horse would have a head which was ‘small, narrow, lean and dry’, ears that were ‘little, narrow, strait and hardy’, ‘a somewhat broad forehead’ and ‘eye-pits’ that were ‘not too much sunk’. Characteristics such as colour, as discussed in the previous chapters, could be used to determine their astrological sign, their general constitution and the type of disorders that they would be prone to. Horses might also ‘differ

Rationalization of the Body’ The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 33, No. 2 (June 1982), pp. 254– 269; P.G. Sotres, ‘The Regimens of Health’ in M.D. Gremek (ed.) Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1998), pp. 291–319 and L. Garcia-Ballester, ‘Changes in the Regimina sanitatis: the Role of the Jewish Physicians’ in S. Campbell, B. Hall and D. Klausner (eds.) Health, Disease and Healing in Medieval Culture (Basingstoke, 1992), pp. 119–131. 8 G.L. The Gentleman’s new jockey: or, Farrier’s approved guide (London, 1691), p. 42. 9 W. Gibson, The true method of dieting horses (London, 1726), p. 49. 10 W. Burden, The gentleman’s pocket-farrier; shewing how to use your horse on a journey (Edinburgh, 1732), pp. 1 and 3.

118

chapter five

much as to their Identical Qualities and Particular Constitutions’, although these would vary ‘at different periods of their life’.11 There were many other guidelines available for breeders on how to try to ensure the birth of a strong animal. As might be expected, the core of this was not to mate animals when one or both were ill. In addition, it was important to take into consideration the time of the year and accompanying astrological conditions under which the ‘covering’ would occur. Many writers also believed that both the health and the sex of the foal could be pre-determined, depending on the condition of the winds. If the mating occurred when the winds ‘bloweth from the North, he shall beget a horse fole’ or a mare if blowing from the south. Breeders were also advised that to be sure that the stallions and mares that they used were of ‘a healthy, sound constitution’ as their colts ‘will for the most part have the same Distempers’. In addition, they needed to be cautious about inter-breeding, as this was thought to result in sickly animals.12 The type of work a horse would be expected to carry out also was a consideration when either choosing which animals to mate or purchasing an animal in the marketplace. In the late middle-ages the best animals for agricultural work were called cart horses, stots and affers. The most prestigious types included descriers, great coursers and palfreys, while the ‘middle group’ had rounciers, sumpters, hackneys, pads and hobbies or ‘galloping’ horses.13 Such terminology started to change in the early modern period, however, when it became more common to refer to horses in terms of their place of origin. Horses which had ‘thick shoulders and a broad Chest laden with flesh’ included ‘The Flanders, the Frizeland or any of the Netherlands’ which made them ‘fitter for a Collar than a Saddle’. ‘The Neopolitan, the Sardinian, the Almain … the French … well shaped and well-metaled English mares’ were best for ‘service of martial and warlike employment’. English horses were also considered suitable and fit for ‘long travel’, in addition to ‘the Hungarian, the Sweedland [sic] the Poland, the Irish’. The growth of horse racing led to a new demand for animals suitable for racing such as Neopolitan Coursers or Spanish Jennets, but especially

11 T. Tryon, The country-man’s companion (London, 1688), p. 4; W. Hope, The Compleat Horseman: or Perfect Farrier (London, 1702), pp. 4–5 and W. Gibson, The farrier’s new guide (London, 1722), p. 119. 12 T. Blundeville, The fower chiefyst offices belonging to horsemanship (London, 1566), p. 21; G.L. The Gentleman’s new jockey, p. 129 and N. Russell, Like engend’ring like: Heredity and animal breeding in early modern England (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 68–69. 13 E. Pascua, ‘From Forest to Farm and Town: Domestic Animals from ca. 1000 to c. 1450 in B. Rest (ed.) A Cultural History of Animals in the Medieval Age (Berg 2011), pp. 81–102.

health regimens and preventative medicine

119

‘Barbs’ (or ‘barbarians’). Over the course of this period there was also a ‘potent infusion of Eastern blood [which] transformed the equine gene pool’ in Britain, resulting in the ‘blood’ or thoroughbred horse.14 Once the proper type of animal was purchased, or bred, it was up to the owners/carers to provide them with a ‘healthy lifestyle’ based on the Galenic non-naturals. Sadly, with the exception of my own work, academic studies have tended to focus exclusively on human health regimens. One of the contributing factors, in addition to simple anthropomorphism, is probably the wealth of surviving, contemporary manuals on a ‘salutis regimen’ for humans which described living by ‘Rule and wholesome Precepts’.15 The text that set the standard for this was the Regimen sanitatis salernitannum or Salernitan Regime of Health. The original edition, which is sometimes credited to Arnald of Villanova (1240–1311) was in the form of verses about each of the non-naturals of air, motion and rest, sleep and waking, things taken in, things excreted and the passions and emotions.16 Ideas about how to have a good ‘regimen of health’ were probably widely disseminated both through the oral and manuscript cultures. In addition, there were numerous versions of how to have a healthy lifestyle appearing in print throughout the early modern period. Until fairly recently, academics thought that such works would have been mainly read and used by university educated physicians. Carol Rawcliffe, for example, suggested that they were used as a tool by doctors to design individual regimens for their patients. The most recent support for this theory has come from Andrew Wear and Roger French who argued that ‘health advice’ books were aimed either at ‘the literate and reasonably well to do’ to the learned and rational ‘physician’.17 As my previous studies have shown, there are major flaws with such arguments. By the sixteenth century, there were a range of publications touching

14 N. Russell, Like engend’ring like’; D. Landry Noble Brutes: How Eastern Horses Transformed English Culture (Baltimore, 2009), pp. 76–77 and A.S. The gentleman’s complete jockey: with the perfect horseman, and experienced farrier (London, 1782), pp. 30–31. 15 E. Maynwaringe, Vita sana & longa: the preservation of health and prolongation of life (London, 1669), sig. A7v. 16 C. Rawcliffe, Medicine & Society in Later Medieval England (London, 1999), p. 37 and L.E. Voigts, ‘Scientific and Medical Books’ in J. Griffiths and D.A. Pearsall (eds.) Book production and publishing in Britain 1375–1475 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 345–402. 17 P. Slack, ‘Mirrors of Health and Treasures of Poor Men: The Uses of the Vernacular Medical Literature of Tudor England’ in Charles Webster (ed.) Health, Medicine and Mortality in the Sixteenth Century, (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 237–237; A. Wear, Knowledge & Practice in English Medicine 1550–1680 (Cambridge, 2000), p. 157 and R. French, Medicine before Science: The Business of Medicine from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2003), p. 120.

120

chapter five

on health regimen which targeted a range of audiences with varying rates of literacy. Cheap, annually produced almanacs, which were discussed in the previous chapter, provided a great deal of pertinent information for audiences ranging from the most sophisticated to the barely literate.18 In addition, most of those at the lower end were probably not at all ‘well to do’. One early modern writer claimed that contemporary health books would ‘charge men with so many rules, and exact so much observation and caution about the qualitie and quantitie of meats and drinks; about aire, sleep, exercise, seasons of the yeare, purgations, bloud letting and the like’ that they bring them ‘unto perfect slavery’.19 However, as with modern principles on ‘healthy lifestyles’, it seems likely that early modern readers would not have followed all of them to the letter. Instead, they would have chosen which guidelines they would follow based on cost, accessibility and whether they felt like it. Unfortunately, I have been unable to find any texts that focus exclusively on health regimens for animals. That said, as my previous publications have shown, information on a good health regimen for animals was widely available in other printed sources. While this included a great deal of general information on working animals, there was even more material that focused exclusively on horses. The following sections will, therefore, discuss each of the non-naturals of air, meat and drink, sleep and watch, labour, rest and exercise, emptiness and repletion and affectations of the mind in order to explain how they pertained to, and were applied to the care of horses. The Non-Natural of Air The description of air as ‘the principal Instrument of Nature in all its Operations on within the Surfact [sic] of the Earth’ highlights the important role it was thought to play in maintaining health.20 According to Gervase Markham, ‘pure, sharp, clear and piercing [air] giveth Life and Nourishment to a Horse’. The opposite, however, could result in the spread of acute contagious diseases such as ‘strangles’.21 Tobias Venner argued that ‘air’ and ‘place of habitation’ were inseparable when discussing this non-natural. This was

L. Hill Curth, Almanacs, astrology and popular medicine: 1550–1700 (Manchester, 2006). L. Lessius, Hygiasticon: or, The right course of preserving Life and Health unto extream old age (Cambridge, 1634), pp. 1–2. 20 J. Arbuthnot, An Essay Concerning the Effects of Air on Human Bodies (London, 1723), p. 2. 21 G. Markham, Markham’s Masterpiece (London, 1723), p. 11 and F.A.C. Mantello and A.G. Rigg (ed.) Medieval Latin: An Introduction and Bibliographical Guide p (Catholic University of America Press, no town, 1999) p. 398. 18

19

health regimens and preventative medicine

121

based on the role that a ‘salubritie [sic] of habitable places’ played in helping to build and maintain a state of health. His description of the importance of pure air, quality of the soil and ‘situation’ and wholesomeness of the water sounds extremely familiar both to ‘environmental historians’ as well as modern non-academic readers.22 In fact, Christopher Sellers has suggested that the relatively recent growth in the study of the relationship between environment and health is linked to a ‘Hippocratic revival’ in medical history. This is based on the idea that the modern interest in ‘more or less un-medicalized environments’ corresponds to that of ancient ‘airs, waters and places’.23 While this sounds reasonable at first glance, it does tend to inseparably link ‘medicine’ to institution. This is rather problematic, particularly in the area of early modern veterinary medicine which was certainly not all about institutions or ‘medicalized places’. As with all the non-naturals, there were some general guidelines about the importance of trying to ‘Keepe your selfe in a pure Ayre’.24 The best type was ‘subtile, bright and cleaner, not mixt with any grosse moisture or corrupted with filthy or noisome vapors … calme and pleasant windes’.25 ‘Gros air or evil scents’ would result in miasmas that could spread a variety of disorders. On the lowest level this could ‘make the Horse loath his Provender’. A more serious consequence could be that addition to this weakening the animal it would also ‘corrupt the Blood and subject the whole body to diseases’.26 In general, the ancient idea that country air was healthier than that in towns continued throughout the early modern period.27 This was due to a number of potential dangers in urban centres from gaps between ‘ill joined paving stones’ filled with stagnant water through ‘urban ditches’ filled with decaying matter. Rural places, on the other hand, could suffer from miasma linked to dirty water in ponds, ‘fisheries’, swampy, marshy or waterlogged 22 T. Venner, Via recta ad vitam longam. Or, A plain philosophicall demonstration of the nature, faculties, and effects of all such things as by way of nourishments make for the preservation of health (London, 1637), sig. B1r. 23 C. Sellers, ‘Health, Work, and Environment: A Hippocratic Turn in Medical History’ in M. Jackson (eds.) The Oxford Handbook of The History of Medicine (Oxford, 2011), pp. 450–468. 24 C.R.S. Harris, The Heart and the Vascular System in Ancient Greek Medicine: from Alcmaeon to Galen (Oxford, 1973), p. 43; J. Longrigg, Greek Rational Medicine: Philosophy and medicine from Alcmaeon to the Alexandrians (London, 1993), pp. 76–78; V. Nutton, ‘The Seeds of Disease’ in From Democedes to Harvey (London, 1988), XI, pp. 1–34 and T. Langley, 1643, sig. B3r. 25 T. Venner, Via recta ad vitam longam, p. 2. 26 G.L. The Gentelman’s new jockey, p. 44. 27 Xenophon, The Science of Good Husbandry (London, 1727), p. 32.

122

chapter five

areas.28 In addition to falling ill from breathing the ‘diseased air’, horses could also sicken from drinking such waters. According to John Stow, there had once been ‘a great water’ known as ‘Horsepoole’ in West Smithfield, London. As with other pools and rivers in the capital, this pool had become so ‘fowle’ that it was no longer used for horses by the early seventeenth century.29 Battlegrounds were considered even more dangerous, as they combined both vapours from the soil and from decomposing bodies and vegetation. The concept of noxious air continued throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Mark Harrison has argued that became an increasingly important factor in contemporary medicine due to rising numbers of settlements in places like Barbados.30 Part of this would have been due to the fact that the air where one was born was the healthiest for an individual. It also had to do with the vast difference in climate between England and islands located in the Caribbean. I would suggest that there is a parallel here to the increasing numbers of Arabian horses which were exported from areas with dramatically different climates.31 There were various weather conditions, such as mist and fog, which were thought to be dangerous to the health of horses. Both were believed to be ‘naughty vapours drawn from the infected parts of the earth’.32 Very moist winters were especially problematic for phlegmatic horses, whose health would fare better in a hot, dry summer. Hot and dry choleric horses, on the other hand, were likely to be healthier in the winter. In meteorological terms, countries, cities, towns or even types of fields were matched to a specific zodiac sign and planet. William Eland even linked different types of landscapes or dwellings to planetary signs such as ‘Stables where Horses, Cowes or Oxen are’ were linked to Taurus. This suggested a propensity for animals living in such housing to succumbing to disorders of the neck and throat.33 Astrological considerations were not, however, the only risk to a stabled horse. There was thought to be a link between their quality of air and the

28 A. Corbain, The Foul & The Fragrant: Odour and the Social Imagination (London, 1996), pp. 32–33. 29 J. Stow, The Survay [sic] of London (London, 1603), p. 17. 30 M. Harrison, Disease and the Modern World: 1500 to the present (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 86–87. 31 D. Brailsford, Sport and Society: Elizabeth to Anne (London, 1969), pp. 109–110 and M. Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England: The transformation of the agrarian economy 1500–1850 (Cambridge, 1996), p. 139. 32 G. Markham, Markham’s Farwel [sic] to Husbandry (London, 1676), p. 83. 33 W. Eland, A Tutor to Astrology Or, Astrology made easie. (London, 1657), p. 5.

health regimens and preventative medicine

123

health of the animals who lodged there. This view was reiterated by authors such as James Clark who argued that horses in a ‘natural state … seem to enjoy a perfect state of health till such time as they are taken into stables’. Despite such possible dangers, William Cavendish still advised readers that it was best to house colts and that other horses should be housed in the winter to protect them from extremes of weather conditions.34 Ideally, a ‘healthy’ stable was one that was both regularly cleaned and ‘open to the Aire’. The ‘most wholesome and warmest’ material was considered to be brick as stone ‘will sweat … which begets Damps and causes Rheums in Horses’. There were other considerations such as ensuring that the floors contained even paving and ‘diver windows’.35 Although it is often difficult to know if readers actually heeded such advice, there is some evidence of this in contemporary records from Herriard House in Hampshire. These include plans drawn for updating their stables in the early eighteenth century. Illustration 5.1 shows a sketch of the proposed buildings made by Thomas Jervoise III, along with his notes of a conversation with the architect or builder named Jaxon. This referred to the old stable which measured 102 feet with an 82 foot courtyard. These contained about ‘sixteen rod of brickwork’, which were to be dismantled. They were to be re-used with the addition of about ‘50,000 new bricks’ for the renovated stables.36 These additional materials suggest a substantial increase in the size of the buildings, although it is not known whether this was to provide more room for the existing horses or if more were meant to be brought in. On the other hand, there are many sources throughout the period which suggested that many horses had to live in badly built, dirty and stale conditions. In 1688 Thomas Tryon, for example, wrote that most stables were very ‘close’ with stagnant air which would lead to disease. Some presented additional health risks because of their other uses or location. For example, authors generally recommended that stables should have ‘a Bed for Servants to lie in’ and many contemporary accounts refer to such accommodation.37 34 J. Clark, A treatise on the prevention of disease incidental to horses, from bad management in regard to stables, food, water, air and exercise. (Edinburgh, 1788), p. 19 and 164 and W. Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle A new method and extraordinary invention, to dress horses, and work them according to nature (Dublin, 1740), p. 88. 35 T. Tryon, The Way to Save Wealth (London, 1695), p. 43; The builder’s dictionary: or Gentlemans and Architects Companion (London, 1734), Vol. II, p. ‘ST’ and A.S. The gentleman’s complete jockey (London, 1782), p. 13. 36 Hampshire Records Office 44M69/P1/ 3 Jaxons [sic] proposal for the stables by Thomas Jervoise III, c. 1703. 37 M. Dobson, Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1997), p. 354 and The builder’s dictionary, p. ‘ST’.

124

chapter five

Figure 5.1. Jaxton’s plan for Jervoise Stable Block, c. 1710, MSS 44M69. Printed with permission of the Hampshire Records Office.

Such arrangements could have subjected horses to a variety of risks, such as infection from human waste or even of fire. Commercial livery stables, however, could be even more dangerous due to diseased air caused by sick horses lodging there.38 Although stables were becoming more common during the seventeenth century, the conditions in which horses were kept varied greatly according to their owners and where they lived. One writer recommended that owners rotate them between ‘three sorts of Grounds’. The first was to be a place ‘without danger … to foal in’, the second with ‘shelter of Bushes or UnderWoods’ to ‘summer in’ and the final one with ‘good Hovels, Sheds, Barns or Back-stables’ for them to spend the winter in.39 Such advice was likely to have been at least considered by those who provided horses with purpose built housing and finely tuned diets. One contemporary writer accused such ‘gentlemen’ of taking more care in the ‘ordering and dieting’ of their horses than they did for themselves The very poorest, however, might be unable to do more than leave their horse on the common much of the year.40 38 39 40

T. Tryon, The countrymans companion (London 1688), p. 12. E.R. Gent, The Experience’d Farrier (London, 1720), pp. 4–5. P. Edwards, Horse and Man in Early Modern England (London, 2007), p. 37; T. Tryon,

health regimens and preventative medicine

125

While the sturdiest working animals might be able to cope with such conditions, others would have found them very difficult. One of the reasons for this would be linked to their place of birth, which would have a major impact on their humoural characteristics. England and Germany for example, both fell under Aries and was therefore linked to Mars. On the broadest level, this meant that those born in this country would share some general physical and behavioural characteristics. In theory, this should also have meant that English or German born horses could live in either country. However, given that their birth sign was hot and dry, their health could still be affected in an unseasonably warm summer. The city or town a horse was born in could also affect their health, as each would also have been linked to a zodiacal sign and planet. London, for example, was linked to Gemini which was hot and moist while York fell under the cold and moist sign of Cancer. Interestingly, cities such as Constantinople and Tunis were also Cancerian. This suggests that a horse imported from that part of the world was likely to find the air healthier in the north of England, than in the south.41 In addition to these astral connections, the environmental conditions of their place of birth could have further ramifications on their health. Horses who had been born or came from low lying wetlands with ‘misty’ air were prone to phlegmatic disorders and would be generally less healthy than other horses.42 This did not mean that they would be unhealthy living somewhere else, but that their health would suffer if they did not live in somewhere with a similarly moist climate. For example, those bred in an area with ‘hot aire’ were likely to suffer living in a cold climate, unless they were provided with an adequately warm shelter. This was probably a particular concern with imported Eastern ‘blood horses’, so called because of the ‘very hot blood’.43 That said, even the health of horses used to a hot climate could suffer from extremes of temperatures. Springtime, for example, was linked to Leo and

The Way to Save Wealth, p. 43 and P. Physiologus, The Good housewife made a Doctor (London, n.d.), sig. A3v. 41 W. Eland, A Tutor to Astrology, (London, 1657), pp. 21–23. 42 A. Wear, ‘Making Sense of Health and the Environment in Early Modern England’ in Medicine in Society: Historical Essays (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 120–143 and P. Edwards, ‘Upper Class Perceptions of the Horse’ in P. Edwards and E. Graham, The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2012), pp. 281– 306. 43 G. Markham, Markham’s Maister-piece Revived (London, 1681), p. 20 and D. Landry, Noble Brutes: How Eastern Horses Transformed English Culture, p. 78.

126

chapter five

Aries, which meant that it was hot and dry. As a result, despite spring being ‘the most comfortable quarter in all the yeare’ for most animals, it threw those who were already hot and dry into danger of falling ill. William Vaughn warned readers that ‘excessively hot or colde, dry or moist’ weather would result in disease. The extremely hot dry summer of 1666, for example, was thought to have caused frenzy, madness, phrenitis and vertigo in horses.44 Such weather conditions would have been of particular danger to ‘cholerick’ horses who were already ‘hot and fiery’. The health of melancholic horses was most at risk in the autumn and the phlegmatic in winter. Very cold and moist weather, on the other hand, would result in various disorders in the head, neck and lungs linked to the formation of excessive phlegm. Such conditions could also reduce or even destroy crops leading to shortages of food for both humans and horses.45 There were many dangerous types of winds that posed a threat to the health of horses. East winds were thought to be cold and could result in ‘sharp feavers, raging madnesse, and perilous Aposthumations’, while those from the south were hot and moist and ‘breedeth corrupt humours and in hot bodies cramps, giddinesse in the head, or the falling sicknesse, pestilence and cruel fevers.’ Windy weather also helped spread diseases which were carried and transmitted through ‘ill ayre’. These included highly contagious illnesses such as small pox and measles, as well as malarial fevers and intestinal infections which could even turn into a plague epidemic.46 While certain winds were more hazardous than others, weather conditions involved in ‘the ceasing and staying of Winds’ could also cause health problems. This was because their replacement might well be even more dangerous than the winds themselves. For example, the ‘inward Colde’ of the earth could result in freezing temperatures and frozen ground which were most dangerous for ‘melancholic’ horses. The ‘burning heate of the Sunne’ in high summer, on the other hand could result in diseases in choleric animals, while ‘plenty of Raine and moysture’ threatened the health of phlegmatic ones.47

44 G. Fleming, Animal Plagues: Their History and Prevention (London, 1871), p. 149 and W. Vaughn, Directions for Health, both Natruall and Artificall (London, 1617), p. 19. 45 R. Allestree, An almanack (London, 1614), sig. B2r; R. Almond, The English Horsman, pp. 21–23 and E.L. Jones, Seasons and Prices: The Role of the Weather in English Agricultural History (London, 1964), p. 54. 46 N. Culpeper, Galen’s Art of Physick (London, 1657), p. 123 and Swallow, A New Almanacke (Cambridge, 1699), sig. B5v. 47 J. Johnson, An Almanacke (London, 1618), sig. B8r.

health regimens and preventative medicine

127

The Non-Natural of Food and Drink The word ‘diaita’ or ‘way of life’ lay at the heart of ancient Greek ideas about preserving health. Vivian Nutton has suggested this began with ‘the administration of foodstuffs in a hierarchy … to match the perceived degree of severity of the illness’. By the late fifth century bc the concept was further developed through treatises such as Di Diaeta [Regimen] with included both food and exercise in a regimen used either to preserve or return the body to a state of health.48 A century later Epistula de tuende valetudine went into even greater detail about how one’s emotions, control of the passions and suitable lifestyle could help strengthen bodily defences against internal and external causes. The key-note was that everything should be taken in moderation, and to eat ‘neither lesse nor more, but as your stomake desireth’ in order to avoid ill health and a dulled mind.49 As with humans, there were many variations as to what the ‘healthiest’ diet for a horse was. These included different factors such as age, gender, duties and related socio-economic considerations. All agreed, however, that food ‘good in quality and dispensed with judgment’, as well as ‘good Digestion’ would prevent a horse ‘from those complicated disorders he is … subject to’.50 Despite horses being herbivores, there were still various options as to what type of feed would be best for individual animals. This included considerations such as whether they were ‘costive or laxative’, ‘cooling and heating’ or ‘like in temperature to the body’. That meant that a horse with a dry ‘naturall complection’ needed to have moderate amounts of ‘meates drie in virtue or power’ in order to maintain their health.51 The type of work also dictated what was suitable to feed them. Clover hay, for example, was only to be given to draught horses ‘whose labour is slow and equal’. It was not ‘recommended as a proper foder for horses that stand much at rest, nor to those who are used in violent exercise’.52

48 M. Toussaint-Samat, History of Food, (trans) A. Bell (New York, 1992), p. 755 and V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine (London, 2004), p. 96. 49 P. Gil Sotres, ‘Regimens’, pp. 291–318; M. Grant, Galen on Food and Diet (London, 2000), pp. 68–190; V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine, pp. 240–241 and A. Askham, An Almanack (London, 1553), sig. A4r. 50 E.R. The Experienced Farrier, 1681, p. 77 and F. Clater, Every Man his Own Farrier (London, 1783), p. 1. 51 W. Gibson, The true method of dieting horses (London, 1721), p. 51 and T. Cogan, The Haven of Health (London, 1636), p. 200. 52 J. Clark, A treatise on the prevention of disease incidental to horses (Edinburgh, 1790), pp. 54–55.

128

chapter five

The common factor across all these diets, however, was that they provide ‘good Nourishment’, avoid ‘raw and green meats’ and included letting horses cool down before having food following any strenuous activities. If all of these were done ‘in moderation’ it would help to make and keep a horse strong and free of disease. Although humans could regulate their own intake, it was up to them to make sure that their animals ate ‘neither lesse nor more, but … stomake desireth’ in order to prevent illness.53 Interestingly, it appears that horses were commonly assumed to be greedy if left to their own devices. There was a fine balance with this, as over-feeding would ‘keep them too fat’, which would endanger their health. On the other hand, those having too little food would become ‘ravenous’, even if what they were given was ‘sweet, clean, good and dry’. In addition, it was important to prohibit horses with ‘scabies’ or ‘mange’ to eat at the same trough as healthy ones to avoid spreading the disease.54 The healthiest type of diet for an individual horse would change as its humoural complexion altered as it aged. Young growing animals needed to be provided with sufficient quantities of high quality nutrients. Some authors suggested that ‘prolonged suckling’ would result in a stronger, healthier foal. However, as Peter Edwards has noted, economic considerations often dictated that they would be weaned before the recommended one year.55 ‘The Horse for a Prince, or great Ladies Seat’, who was ‘of the finest shape, the best rein … the nimblest and the most familiar and quiet’ would not have been subject to such concerns. These animals were to be most ‘Choicely kept … in the Beautifullest manner’ and offered the choicest oats. Elderly horses, on the other hand, had ‘languid blood’ which made them more likely to succumb to disease and die. Perhaps as a result of this, many old horses living on large estates were more likely sold to the knacker to be killed and fed to dogs.56 The duties and role of a particular horse also had a major impact on their diet. In theory, horses with the most demanding or active roles required the most nourishing and/or easily digestible foods. Coach horses, for example,

53 M. Grant, Galen on Food and Diet (London, 2000), pp. 68–190; V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine, pp. 240–241 and A. Askham, An Almanack (London, 1553), sig. A4r. 54 F.A.C. Mantello and A.G. Rigg (ed.) Medieval Latin: An Introduction and Bibliographical Guide (Catholic University of America Press, no town 1999) p. 398; J. Mortimer, The whole art of husbandry (London, 1707), p. 249 and G. Markham Markhams Masterpiece, p. 11. 55 W. Gibson, The farrier’s new guide, p. 119 and P. Edwards, Horse and Man, p. 39. 56 G. Markham, Cheap and good husbandry (London, 1664), pp. 4–5 and P. Edwards, ‘Upper Class Perceptions of the Horse’ in P. Edwards and E. Graham, The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World (Brill, 2012), pp. 281–305.

health regimens and preventative medicine

129

were generally fed ‘bran with a few beans before their oats’. The purpose of this was for the bran to ‘keep their body open’ and the beans to prevent ‘its [sic]s couring’.57 There were a variety of different ideas as to what kind of a diet a stallion should be given in order to give him sufficient energy for mating. Some suggested that it be given ‘dryed wheate or dride Pease and Whesate branne’. Gervase Markham disagreed, urging readers to give them a mixture of malt and water, which the animal would enjoy for its ‘strength, pleasante taste … sweetnesse’. That said, what was considered suitable for ‘ordinary’ horses used for ‘pleasure, hunting or travel’ differed from the most elite racing horses. Hunting horses also had different needs, as On the other hand, a very large horse would need more food than a small or medium one.58 One author recommended that an ordinary horse ‘of size that has a good appetite and travels much’ should be given ‘about six quarts of clean oats, half a pint of split beans and a handful of wheat mixed’ per day.59 The feed for horses working on farms, or in other agricultural work, could include a broader range of grains. Gervase Markham suggested that their fodder could contain ‘Chaff, and dry Pease or Beans, or Oat-huls, Pease or Leans or clean Oats or clean Garbadge [sic] (which is the hard ends of any grain but rye)’. Hunting horses, however, should be given only ‘good, sweet sound Oats, either thoroughly dryed with age or else on the Kiln’. If it was too skinny, then ‘a third part of clean old beans’ were to be added to the oats. Markham also recommended feeding a mixture of oats ‘washt in strong Ale’, which were ‘coole and loosening’ in order to prevent ‘costivenesse’.60 Although oats were considered both suitable and desirable for many, some horses such as those used for racing were often fed what was referred to as ‘Horse Bread’. According to William Rubel, horse bread was only given to the most elite animals.61 I would dispute this by pointing out that the term actually encompassed a range of breads. It could, for example, be made up of a combination of different ingredients including wheat, oats, beans, ‘pease’, barley, sweet hay, straw or short grass.62 While recipes for bread for racing 57 J. Bartlet, The gentleman’s farriery: or, a practical treastie on the diseases of horses (London, 1757), p. 5. 58 G. Markham, Cavalarice, or The English Horseman (London, 1607), pp. 39–40 J. Halfpenny, The gentleman’s jockey and approved farrier (London, 1681), p. 87 and Anon, The vermin-Killer: being a compleat and necessary family-book (London, 1765?), p. 54. 59 Anon, The British Jewel; or complete housewife’s best companion (London, 1785), p. 92. 60 G. Markham, A Way to Get Wealth (London, 1676), p. 40 and Markham’s Farewel [sic] to Husbandry (London, 1676), p. 115 and A Discourse of horsmanshippe (London, 1593), p. 45. 61 W. Rubel, ‘English Horse-bread, 1590–1800’ Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture, Vol. 6, No. 3, pp. 40–51 and W. Gibson, The farriers dispensatory (London, 1721), p. 195. 62 G. Markham, Masterpiece, p. 11.

130

chapter five

horses included ‘fine wheat’, it seems likely that the more standard loaves would have been made of cheaper ingredients. While it could, in theory, contain mainly wheat, a recipe of two bushels of beans and one of wheat, ground together to make three loaves was more common.63 The widespread use and importance of this foodstuff was illustrated by legislation first introduced in the late Middle Ages. In 1266, the Assize of Bread laid out specific requirements for the size, weight and price of loaves in relation to the price of wheat.64 Legislation in 1378 required that horse bread be ‘made of pure beans and peas, without mixture of other grain or bran’. This was to be produced by bakers in cities or towns alongside that for humans. Although it is not known whether this was a regular phenomenon, there are also references to very poor people being forced to eat ‘horse bread’. A later statue of 1389 specifically stated that hostellers were not permitted to make their own horse bread, but had to purchase it from a baker. According to records from Winchester and Exeter, these were produced alongside other baked goods. However, in order to regulate the sales in London, ordinances were passed in 1613 stating that ‘three Loaves Weighing one and twenty Ounces Troy waight’ [sic] could cost no more than one penny.65 Although there are often references to buying hay in household accounts for food, I have not seen any for horse bread. This could mean that it was produced domestically in large households, or might simply have been that the writers of these particular accounts did not purchase horse bread. What is clear, however, is that racing horses, for example, could expect more specialised, fancier ‘horse bread’ than simple working horses. When horses were in training, for example, they were to be fed different types of bread for the second, third and fourth fortnights. Their main ingredient was ‘fine Wheat’ mixed with ‘clean Beans’ or oats. The first recipe included three parts of beans to this wheat with the proportions changing to more wheat as the weeks went on. In the final week, the bread was to consist mainly of ‘fine

63

Anon, The family pocket-book: or, fountain of true and useful knowledge. (London, 1762),

p. 48. 64 J.C. Drummond and A. Wilbraham, The Englishman’s Food: Five Centuries of English Diet (London, 1994), p. 41. 65 ‘Folios xci–xcix: Sept 1378’, Calendar of letter-books of the city of London: H: 1375– 1399 (1907), pp. 97–111. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=33464 &strquery=horsebread (Accessed: August 2012), D. Davis, A History of Shipping (London, 1966), pp. 11 and 81 and Corporation of London, Where in all well-gouverned kingdoms … care hath ever beene duly had and taken … that breade, meate and drinkes … to be sold (London, 1613), p. 2.

health regimens and preventative medicine

131

Wheat’ mixed with ‘new strong Ale’ with ‘the crust cut clean away’. Since horses were more likely to over-feed on freshly baked bread, readers were also advised to let it sit for three days before giving it to them.66 Whether a horse was given Horse Bread or other grains or beans, it was still costly to provide food for them. In 1562 the estimated expense of feeding one horse for a week was 5s, compared to the weekly salary a groom of 4s 8 d or a ‘horse boy’ at 2s 4d. In 1600 the cost of a boll of Scottish oats was £ 6, a price which went up to £8 to £10 in 1662.67 Even in the early eighteenth century regular Horse Bread was defined as being ‘made of clean Beans, Pease or Fitches’.68 This was considered to be both more suitable as well as easily digestible then hay or grass and could be more easily transported for ‘travelling horses’ as well.69 Although the concept of ‘moderation’ applied to all non-naturals, it was especially important when it came to food and drink. If horses were allowed to ‘surfeit’ or over-eat, or were given ‘unwholesome’ foods they would almost certainly become ill. This would cause problems with their digestion and fail to provide good nourishment. In addition, it would lead to ‘viscid thick Blood’ which was ‘apt to stagnate either in whole or in part’. Blood, after all, was thought to be made up of ‘food properly concocted’. The main component of an animal’s ‘seed’ was also thought to be blood. This led to the belief that ‘a Stallion ought to be well-fed, the better to enable him to his Business’. ‘Stone Horses who are with-held from Mares’, however, were to be fed less and given additional exercise.70 Even good food, if taken in too great a quantity, was dangerous to a horse’s health. The reason for this was that it was thought to result an excess production of blood, which was a hot and dry humour. Readers were advised to keep a careful eye on their horses, as they were not only likely to surfeit on food but on drink, as well. If water, for example, was only provided twice a day to stabled horses, they were likely to drink it all at once. In turn, this would ‘over-chill their stomachs and Guts in Winter’ or ‘fill their bellies

66 J.H. The gentleman’s jockey and approved farrier (London, 1704), p. 26 and Dictionarium rusticum, urbanicum & botanicum (London, 1726), Vol I, n.p. heading ‘bread’. 67 J. Thirsk, ‘Horses in Early Modern England’ in The Economy of Rural England Collected Essays, p. 377 and W. Coutts, ‘Provincial Merchants and Society: A Study of Dumfries Based on the Registers of Testaments 1660–1665’, pp. 147–166 in The Early Modern Town in Scotland (ed.) M. Lynch (Worcester, 1987). 68 T. Smith (ed.) ‘English Guilds’, Early English Text Society, 40 (London, 1870), pp. 337 and 366 and N.B. Philippos, The farrier’s and horseman’s dictionary (London, 1726), pp. 282. 69 W. Gibson, The Farriers Dispensatory, p. 194. 70 W. Gibson, The dieting of horses, pp. 58–59.

132

chapter five

too full’ in the summertime, thereby producing excess phlegm. To avoid this, John Mortimer recommended trying the Flemish method of providing stabled horses with water three or four times a day. Readers were advised, however, to make sure that the water was not too cold, as this ‘sudden chill’ could result in stomach complaints.71 Such animals also needed to be allowed to ‘drink a little now and then, as opportunity offers’. It was, however, important to make sure that the horse was not allowed to ‘surfeit’ or it was likely to fall ill. The only exception to this pattern of drinking was if the horse was about a mile and a half before the final destination. That way, it would have a chance to ‘be well warmed in his Belly’ before he was allowed to rest.72 The Non-Natural of Exercise and Rest Gervase Markham felt that the combination of exercise and rest were ‘great Preservers of a Horse’s Health’. He explained this in terms of how exercise had the ability to ‘dissolve gross Humours, engender Appetite and add Strength unto the Limbs’. In theory, the three things that needed to be considered before allowing humans to exercise were the same for animals, being ‘to maintaine health, and to bring the bodie to a very good habit’. This included considering what type was taken, the best time for it and the ‘proper degree or measure to be used’. The theories of how and why exercise helped to keep the humours in balance changed over time. During the late fifteenth century it was thought that exercise would increase the heat of the body, keep muscles limber, allow the body to sweat (thereby removing harmful humours) and improve transpiration. By the early 18th century, William Gibson explained that exercise was necessary to keeping the blood from stagnating.73 There were also differences in how the word exercise was actually defined both over time and for varying creatures. For humans, there were thought to be two different types. The first was vigorous physical movements that would result in deeper and/or quicker breathing. In the case of most people, this would generally relate or occur during daily duties or work. The second variety focused on activities undertaken specifically for health-related purposes. Although this sounds rather odd to modern ears, it suggests that 71 J. Mortimer, The art of husbandry, Part II (London, 1712), p. 46 and Pharmacopaeia Hippiatrica: or The gentleman farrier’s repository (London, 1764), p. 341. 72 Anon, The vermin-killers (London, 1765?), p. 54. 73 J. de Burgundia, In this tretyse that is cleped Governayle of helth (London, 1490), sig. A7v and W. Gibson, The Farriers New Guide (London, 1722), p. 14.

health regimens and preventative medicine

133

physical activity only ‘counted’ as exercise if it was done outside of one’s normal working life.74 Exercise for horses, on the other hand, was interpreted differently. Unlike humans, all of their work related activities would have involved physical movements. That said, there were different categories of ‘exercise’ with the best being ‘moderate’ and ‘seasonable Exercise’. It was also important to allow them to rest after exercise, so that their body could ‘recovereth strength, reviveth the spirits and refresheth the limbs’. This was particularly true for racing horses who were subjected to the most ‘violent’ forms of ‘long continued Exercise’ or ‘long running’.75 ‘Moderate’ exercise, on the other hand, involved a balance between periods of exertion and those of rest. However, for most working animals the danger would be in having rather too much labour, rather than ‘sufficient’ to maintain health. ‘Violent exercise’ included both a ‘rapidity in their travelling’ or a horse being ridden beyond his Strength. Both could cause the animal to fall ill to ‘many dangerous and mortal Sicknesses’. This covered a range of disorders from fevers through ‘pestilence’.76 A newly purchased horse which was just ‘out of a dealer’s hands’ was supposed to be ‘at first gently used’. This included only providing exercise in the form of ‘walking’ for a maximum of twice a day for two hours each. After a fortnight, this could be gradually increased. Hunting horses were best given ‘moderate exercise’ in the form of ‘morning and evening airings’. An animal who regularly carried out strenuous agricultural work was to be given the opportunity and ‘libertie to scope and runne up and downe at pleasure’. Such ideas about appropriate and/or sufficient exercise are interesting in that they suggested that exercise should have been an enjoyable activity for the horses. This fits in with Gervase Markham’s reminder about ‘the love which keepers should beare unto them’.77

74 G. Markham, Maister-piece, p. 11; J. Mackenzie, The history of health, and the Art of Preserving it (Edinburgh, 1758), p. 378; R. Mulcaster, Positions wherein the primitive circumstances be examined, which are necessarie for the training up of children (London, 1581), p. 53 and A. Arcangeli, Recreation in the Renaissance: Attitudes toward Leisure and Pastimes in European Culture, c. 1425–1675 (Basingstoke, 2003), pp. 20–21. 75 A.S. The gentleman’s compleat jockey (London, 1697,) pp. 54–54; G. Markham, Markhams maister-piece, p. 1; J. Bartlett, Pharmacopaeia Hippiatrica, p. 340 and W. Gibson, The Farrier’s New Guide (London, 1722)p. 5. 76 T. Venner, Via recta ad via longam, p. 288 and G. Markham, The Complete Jockey (London, 1695), p. 42. 77 G. Markham, Cavelarice, or the English Horseman, (London, 1607), pp. 8 and 10; A.S The gentleman’s compleat jockey. pp. 54–55 and G. Markham, Cheape and Good Husbandry (London, 1616), p. 8.

134

chapter five

Horses who were not given sufficient amounts of appropriate exercise would ‘be affected the same way as in a Surfeit … first pursive and full’, the ‘guts … filled with wind’ and the dung hardened and turned black. Although an animal’s health might be restored if caught at an early stage, if all of these disorders were allowed to develop, the horse would succumb to a ‘severe’ fever.78 It was also thought very dangerous to the health of a horse if made to ‘labour strongly’ on go on a journey too soon after eating or drinking ‘plentifully’.79 This was based on the idea that the body needed sufficient time for to allow the processes of digestion to occur. If a horse was forced to exert himself, this process would be hindered which would cause ‘residues’ to form, which in turn produced gases. As both of these were very hot in composition, the animal would then fall ill with diseases such as ‘wind galls’, which was a swelling just above the fet-locks.80 Many writers provided guidelines about what needed to be done for a horse when it returned from ‘hard labour or over riding’. The first step was for them ‘to be well rubbed down’ before being ‘tyed to the Rack’ for one to three hours. While they were both cooling down and resting, they were to be rubbed again periodically. It was only after this that they were to be given food and water. During this time of ‘his rest’ the horse was to ‘have all the quietness that may be’ in order for his body to rejuvenate before expending more energy.81 The Non-Natural of Sleep or Watch According to Tobias Venner, ‘moderate and seasonable Sleep’ was the second most important non-natural. During sleep, the body was thought to ‘draweth the natural heat inward’ which would result in the heart being ‘abundantly supplied with blood’. This, in turn, would help the digestive process, as well as refreshing the mind, spirits and senses. Although it was best to ‘follow the course of Nature’ and only sleep at night, it was also permissible to sleep during the day when necessary.82

78 W. Gibson, Dieting of Horses, pp. 53–54 and L. Mascall, The Government of Cattle (London, 1662), p. 6. 79 T. Tryon, The countrymans companion (London 1688), p. 5. 80 J. Jouanna, Hippocrates (trans) M.B. DeBevoise (Baltimore, 1992), pp. 59–60 and J. Blagrave, The epitome of the art of husbandry (London, 1670), p. 119. 81 G. Markham, Cheap and good husbandry (London, 1664), p. 6 and T. Tryon, The countrymans companion (London, 1688), p. 9. 82 N. Culpeper, Galen’s Art of Physick, p. 129 and T. Venner, Via recta ad longam, pp. 269–270.

health regimens and preventative medicine

135

Although such advice was aimed at humans, the same principles applied to horses. In addition, as with all the non-naturals, moderation was the key and it was recommended that horses sleep neither too long nor too little. The former was thought to ‘chill the Body, weaken the Natural Heat and breed Flegmatic Humours’ which could result in a range of illnesses. Depriving an animal of ‘the Time allotted to repair all the Wastes made on the Body by Exercise’ would also lead to humoural imbalances. Gervase Markham reminded his readers, ‘sleep is so necessary a Comfort to a Horse, that he cannot live without it’.83 In theory, the optimal amount of sleep that a horse required would have been relative to their age, gender, type of work done and general humoural make-up. Both very young and very old animals would have needed more sleep, as well as choleric or melancholic horses. It seems unlikely, however, that such considerations would have been superseded by the requirements of the type of work they did. Some guidelines, such as not letting a horse go to sleep directly after eating might be ignored when travelling long distances. It was also considered dangerous to let an animal sleep directly after feeding, for as mentioned above, this would hinder the digestive process. On the other hand, while sleeping on a full stomach might result in headaches, ague and ‘cathars’, if it were not allowed the animal might not have been able to continue the journey. Alternatively, being deprived of sleep might make it ‘wild’ and unmanageable.84 Too much sleep, on the other hand, would ‘chill the Body, weaken the Natural Heat and breed Flegmatic Humours’ which could result in a range of illnesses. There were various medical explanations for this including the idea that ‘long lying’ resulted in the retention of ‘excrements’ for dangerously long periods. In common with modern studies, early modern writers had different opinions as to how many hours were optimal. It was often recommended that healthy people should sleep between six and eight hours, although William Vaughn felt seven hours were appropriate for ‘sanguine and cholerick men; and nine houres for fleagmaticke, and melancholick men’.85 The ideal amount for horses, however, was based on the type of work they did. A horse who had returned from hunting, for example, was to be G. Markham, Markham’s Maisterpiece, p. 12. J. Pechey, A Plain Introduction, p. 83; J. Coulton, Theoria contingenum (London, 1654), sig. B2r; W. Gibson, The true method of dieting horses, p. 57 and J. Mortimer, The whole art of husbandry, p. 153. 85 J. Makluire, The Buckler of bodilie health whereby health may bee defended, and sickesse repelled (Edinburgh, 1630), p. 23 and W. Vaughan, Naturall and artificial directions for health derived from the best philosophers, as well moderne, as ancient (London, 1600). 83 84

136

chapter five

allowed to ‘sleepe as long as hee pleaseth’. Mares that had just ‘beene covered’ were also to be permitted to sleep in order that ‘the substance may knit’.86 The Non-Natural of Things Excreted or Retained The belief that good health was linked to the periodical removal of excessive humours meant that purging was regularly carried out as a preventative measure.87 This was considered ‘a very useful and common expedient to prevent diseases, especially … accidents as horse are exposed to in the services required of them’.88 There were many different ways to remove excess humours which depended on what part of the body was affected and in what way. Humours could be removed through a range of bodily orifices, depending on the disorder and its’ severity. These might include evacuation via ‘the Belly, by Vomits, by Urine, by Sweat, by Spittle, by the Palate [or] by the Nostrils’.89 The methods used for purging a horse for preventative purposes differed from those of therapeutic treatments. Although the constitution of the animal needed to be considered in both cases, remedial purges were based on the offending humour. For example, a wet cough suggested that a horse was suffering from an overabundance of phlegm. As such, it would require a hot and dry exporectant to help the phlegm to be voided through the nostrils or mouth. While healthy phlegmatic horses might be given similar purges in an attempt to ward off such disorders, they were more likely to receive a generic treatment. Sorrel, coal black or iron grey horses, for example, needed their choler purged regularly in order to avoid fevers, yellows or inflammation of the liver. Due to their ‘watery’ nature, milk white or yellow horses required regular purging of the offending phlegm.90 The most common method of preventative purging was through phlebotomy, which comes from the Greek words ‘phleps’ or vein, and ‘tome’ or incision.91 It was widely that the periodical letting of blood, which was a hot and moist humour, would keep ‘fevers, pestilence, plurisie, phrensie or such other diseases that are bred and nourished from the corruption and 86 87 88 89

G. Markham, Cheape and Good Husbandry, pp. 8 and 45. F. Beridge, Ephemeris: or an Almanack (London, 1654), sig. B3r. W. Foster, The gentleman’s experienced farrier: (London, 1768), p. 33. N. Culpeper, Medicaments for the Poor or Physick for the Common People (London, 1670),

p. 2. 90 91

T. Blundeville, The fower offices, pp. 75–76. T.E. Crowl, ‘Bloodletting in Veterinary Medicine’, Veterinary Heritage, 1 (1996), p. 15.

health regimens and preventative medicine

137

abundance of blood’ at bay.92 Robert Gardner advised that all horses should be bled from ‘a Vein in the Neck’ on the first day of April. The quantity depended on whether it was ‘good blood’, in which case only a little should be removed. ‘Bad blood’, on the other hand was to be removed in a greater quantity. Interestingly, Gardner failed to define what he meant by ‘good’ or ‘bad’ or to prescribe precise quantities, which suggests that readers would have already been familiar with the requirements.93 There was some contemporary debate, however, about the use of bleeding as a preventative measure. One author argued that it was unnecessary for horses which got a lot exercise, such as those used for hunting or pulling stage-coaches. He did, however, think that it was imperative for those which were ‘much used to standing and gets but little Exercise’.94 Francis Clater agreed with this, adding that this would make a horse’s legs swell and make his eyes look ‘heavy, dull, red or inflamed’. The theory behind this was that such horses would ‘generate too great a quantity of … blood and humours’. This would, in turn, ‘weaken the tone and contraction of the heart and arteries’, thereby causing disease.95 Although laypeople could carry out most procedures by themselves, it was recognised that letting blood could be a dangerous procedure with potentially fatal results. Readers were, therefore, advised to remember that it should only be done ‘skilfully and circumspectantly’ [sic]. It was also important to be aware of the positions of the planets, as it was unsafe to carry out ‘when the sign is predominant’. For example, blood could not be let safely from the thighs when in the house of Sagittarius.96 Furthermore, bloodletting could also only be carried out if someone had access to the correct tools, which will be discussed in the following chapter on remedial medicine. Despite the modern stereotype that people and animals were bled to death in the past, this does not seem to be the case. Indeed, the suggestion sounds absolutely nonsensical particularly in the case of such expensive animals. While it is true that some of the amounts might sound shocking by modern standards, it must be remembered that these fit into a

92 H. Rogeford, An Almanack (London, 1561), sig. D2r and J. Evans, A newe Almanacke (London, 1629), sig. B8r. 93 R. Gardner, Veterinarius Meterologist Astrology: Or, The Farriers Almanack (London, 1697), sig. A5v. 94 H. Bracken, Farriery improved: or, a compleat treatise upon the art of farriery 1738, p. 10. 95 J. Reeves, The art of farriery both in theory and practice (London, 1758), p. 125 and F. Clater, Every man his own farrier (London, 1783), p. 2. 96 Anon, The experienced jockey, compleat horseman or gentlemans delight (London, 1684), p. 117.

138

chapter five

system of very strict guidelines. In many cases, after considering the age of the animal, its complexion, its general health and the time of year, the decision might be made to lessen or not remove blood at all.97 Robert Gardner, for example, recommended letting blood from a horse’s neck on the first day of April in order ‘to prevent Diseases … the whole Year’. If the blood looked ‘good’ then the reader was advised to ‘take less’ and if ‘bad’ to take more. In addition, they were to feed the animal a special mixture of old, sweet and clean cooked Rye twice a day in addition to their other food in order to keep them strong.98 There were also various rules that needed to be followed in preparation for the procedure. Given the possible dangers of bloodletting, it was important for the horse to be as fit as possible to begin with. Firstly, it was recommended that the horse was ‘sparingly dieted a day or two before’. The reason for this was so ‘that his body may be undisturbed with digestion’.99 Thomas Buckminster suggested that a ‘moderate and meane’ diet be given for two or three days in conjunction with some ‘gentall purgations or decotions’ in order to ‘attenuate and concoct the rawe and crude humours’.100 This might have included a ‘glister’ which ‘by cleansing the Guts refresheth the Vital parts, and prepareth the way’ for a purging drink.101 Once it had been decided that blood needed to be let, the next consideration was what part of the body to do it from. There was a wide choice of veins to draw from, depending on whether this was to be for general preservation of the body or to fend off particular diseases. It was commonly suggested that the following times were the most auspicious: First, in the Spring about the beginning of May, because the blood beginneth to increase Secondly, in September because the bllood being then inflamed inequally, may evaporate or breake out Thirdly about the middest of December to let out the grosse and knotty blood Fourthly, about the middest of March.102

97 T. Vicary, The surgions directorie (London, 1651), p. 102 and L. Coelson, The poor mans physician and chyrurgion (London, 1656), p. 6. 98 R. Gardner, Veterinarius Meteorologist Astrology, sig. A6v–A7v. 99 R. Almond, English horseman (London, 1673), p. 11. 100 T. Buckminster, An almanacke and prognostication (London, 1567), sig. A3v. 101 J. Halfpenny, The gentlemans jockey p. 265 and see following chapter for more information on glisters and purging drinks. 102 L.W.C. The English Farrier, or, Country-man’s treasure (London, 1639), sig. A4r.

health regimens and preventative medicine

139

Decisions about timing were linked to the innate characteristics of the four seasons. As with plants, the amount of blood in a creature’s system was also thought to ‘grow’ or increase in the springtime. This suggested that the best time to ‘open a vein’ to prevent disease would be in April or May. Others said that it should be let at the beginning of September, ‘when the bloud is warmed and settled … to let out the gross and knotty bloud occasioned by labour or ill keeping.’ Although not as commonly recommended, such preventative measures could be taken at the beginning of December when ‘the bloud is grosse and thickened’.103 Different types of surviving accounts show evidence of such advice being followed. In 1606, for example, ‘a smythe and horseliche’ were paid one shilling for letting the blood of a ‘baye nage’ followed ‘gyvinge hym a drincke’. Narthen the farrier received one shilling for ‘blooding’ a horse in May, 1673 with slightly more paid for when the Earl of Bedford’s horses when bled on the 25th and 26th of April 1687.104 There were many other types of purges that could be carried out as preventative measures. Most of these also applied as therapeutic reasons, so will be discussed in the following chapters. Some methods, however, focused mainly on trying to preserve a state of health. One author recommended purging horses with ‘the gentlest Pills’ based on a mixture of twenty cloves of garlic and butter. Others suggested general purging ‘hot powders, aromatics, spices &c’ to help prevent constipation. The appropriate type of purge, however, would depend on what was threatening such a condition, such as a ‘Fault in the Air, Feeding or Exercise, Sleep or Watching’.105 Another purely preventative type of purgation was that of ‘sexual evacuation’. Both male and female horses were thought to ejaculate ‘seed’, either from the (superior) exterior organ of the male or the (inferior) internal female organs. As with humans, there were thought to be a range of medical problem related either to excessive retention or excretion of ‘the seed’. The ‘evacuating action promoted by coitus’ helped to dry and cool the body R. Almond, English Horseman p. 136 and G. Markham, Cavelarice pp. 9–10. P. Gil-Sotres, ‘Derivation and revulsion: the theory and practice of medieval phlebotomy’ in L. Garcia-Ballester, R. French, J. Arrizabalaga and A. Cunningham (eds.) Practical medicine from Salerno to the Black Death (Cambridge, 1996) 110–155; L.W.C. The English farrier, sig A4v; G.S. Thomson, Life in a Noble Household 1641–1700 (London, 1937), pp. 206–207; Cheetham Society, Shuttleworth Papers, XXXV, (London, 1856), April 1606 and Herefordshire R.O. Foley, MSS FH/111/3 10 May 1673—with thanks to Peter Edwards for the last two references. 105 Anon, The Experienced Jockey, Compleat Horseman or Gentleman’s Delight (London, 1684), pp. 132–133 and J. Clark, A treatise on the prevention of diseases incidental to horses (Edinburgh, 1790). p. 332. 103

104

140

chapter five

to the ‘relief of the head and sense’ and the release of painful superfluities in the kidneys. Since this ‘seed’ was considered to be one of the main bodily fluids, an excess, or deficiency, could result in a humoural imbalance. Horses suffering from ‘a Retention of the Seed who have Mares frequently exposed to him without Enjoyment’ would suffer from ‘a disorder’d Imagination which is sometimes accompany’d with such an Anxiety that he forsakes both Food and Rest … leading to disease’. A Stallion ought to be well-fed, the better to enable him to his Business, but Stone Horses who are with-held from Mares, should be kept more sparingly and also have more Exercise given them. In addition, as blood was thought to be the main component in an animal’s ‘seed’, abstinence could result in excess amounts in the system.106 The general advice to humans was that too much sexual activity could result in a range of equally dangerous physical or mental infirmities. This was also a problem for horses and mares, about whom Aristotle was reputed to have said ‘haue more desyre to theyr engendr¯ıg than ony other bestes on erth [sic]’. Whether this was indeed true or not, owners were advised to ensure that only allowed a moderate amount of sexual activity was allowed, as this would be ‘beneficial’ to the health of both stallions and mares.107 Although writers disagreed on what kind of symptoms would ensue, it was a common belief that too much sex would result in some type of medical disorder. The Duke of Newcastle was said to have recommended that a stallion be allowed to cover a maximum of twenty mares in one ‘Season’. If a stallion was allowed to have sexual intercourse with more than that, his ‘hair [would] fall off from his Mane and Tail’. Another author provided the much more dire warning that it would result in a severely swollen ‘yard’ (penis) with ‘much filthy Matter issue from thence’.108 There were also various debates about the best way to organise the mating process based on astrological terms considerations. If possible, it was advantageous to wait until the ‘increase of the moon’ as ‘Foales got in the

W. Gibson, The True method of dieting horses, pp. 61–62. L. Andrew, The noble lyfe a[nd] natures of man of bestes, serpentys, fowles a[nd] fisshes [that] be moste knoweu [sic] (London, 1527), p. 19; D. Jacquart and C. Thomasset, Sexuality and Medicine in the Middle Ages (trans.) M. Adamson (Princeton, N.J., 1988), pp. 5–6; G. Gratarolo, A direction for the health or magistrates and studentes (London, 1574), p. 71 and W. Gibson, The true method of dieting horses, pp. 58–59. 108 G.L. The Gentleman’s new jockey: or, Farrier’s approved guide (London, 1691), pp. 88– 89 and N.B. Philippos, The farrier’s and horseman’s dictionary, being a compleat system of horsemanship (London, 1726), p. 91. 106

107

health regimens and preventative medicine

141

wane are not accounted strong or healthful’.109 Some thought that it was a good idea to keep mares in the same stables as the stallion for a month or two. The fact that they were all on the same diet was also thought to make conception more likely. Others believed that there were better chances of ‘the notoriously infertile matings’ working if the stallion was allowed to run with the mares in a close.110 This applied only, of course, to those which were not ‘geldings’, a procedure which will be discussed in the following chapter. The Non-Natural of the Passions and Emotions This final non-natural, more than any other, illustrates the holistic nature of early modern medicine. The idea of a symbiotic relationship between the mind and body is one that encompasses what we would now refer to as ‘physical, mental, emotional and social health’.111 Although all animals were thought to have feelings and emotions, the horse was thought to have the greatest number of ‘affections’. Some of these were shared with humans, such as ‘anger, despair and cowardice’. Horses also shared the propensity to fall ill as a result of ‘the passions or other disturbances of the mind’.112 According to William Gibson, they shared many of the same emotions with humans. As discussed in the first chapter, this was probably a major factor in the very close relationships between many horses and humans. Karen Raber has suggested that this was due to their ability to ‘consistently straddle the boundary between utility and pure indulgence’. Bede’s story of St Cuthbert and the horse that he referred to as his ‘comes’ or comrade is just one of many illustrations of this. Despite this, the fact that horses ‘want the Use of Reason’ meant that their ‘Passions cannot be so lasting’.113

G. Markham, Cheape and Good Husbandry, p. 45. N. Russell, Like engend’ring like, p. 105. 111 K. Lucas and B. Lloyd, Health Promotion (London, 2005), p. 13. 112 J. Clark, A treatise on the prevention of diseases incidental to horses, from bad management in regard to stables, food, water, air, and exercise (London, 1788), p. 163 and E. Walker, ‘The Author of their Skill: Human and Equine Understanding in the Duke of Newcastle’s New Method’ in P. Edwards and E. Graham (ed.) The Horse as Cultural Icon (Leiden, 2012), pp. 327– 350. 113 W. Gibson, The farrier’s new guide (London, 1722), p. 122; D. Alexander, Saints and Animals in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 2008), p. 45 and K. Raber, ‘From Sheep to Meat, From Pets to People’ I M. Senior, A Cultural History of Animals in the Age of Enlightenment (Oxford, 2007), pp. 73–89. 109

110

142

chapter five

As previously noted, the absence of reason was one of the major differences between humans and animals. Keith Thomas, however, has argued that this did not preclude them having at least ‘elementary powers of intelligence’. Peter Edwards has taken this a step further by stating that many men who worked closely with horses ‘were well aware that their charges could reason, had a memory and learned from experience’.114 Based on the range of primary sources which this book is based on, I would agree that this does seem to have been a common, contemporary view. Furthermore, horses were attributed with a much greater range of passions and emotions than other animals. These included the ability ‘to Love, to Hate, to be Angry, to Rjoyce, to be Sorry and to Fear’. As one author rhetorically asked: ‘who seeth not the love of some Horses to their Keepers, their Hate to Strangers; their Angers in their Fits, their Joys in their Pride and Wooings, their Sorrows in their Sicknesses, and their Fears unto their Riders’? The ability to feel and return love to humans is something that was referred to time and time again. These included stories about ‘Nicomedes a King’ whose horse ‘so intirely [sic] loved him’ that after his master died he refused to eat ‘till he dyed’, as well. According to Robert Almond, there was even a Roman Emperor ‘who doted so much on a horse, that he made him a Senator’.115 Richard Berenger provided another example of the ancient custom of burying the ‘most valued and beloved’ horses with their owners.116 Excessive passions and emotions whether positive or negative, as with all the non-naturals, could result in disease. Emotions such as sadness could ‘straiten and presse the heart, weaken the spirits …. [affecting] the digestion of the meats’ [generic term for food]. Fear and hatred could ‘strike such a Damp upon the Spirits that it puts the Body into the most dismal Disorders’ through diverting ‘the vital heat from the circumference to the centre’ of the animal. Anger, on the other hand, ‘inflammeth the blood’ and could lead to an imbalance in the choleric humour. Together, they were likely to result in the ‘kindeling of fiery Fevers’. The same was true of violence, which ‘the nature of the Horse abhoreth’.117

114 P. Edwards, Horse and Man, pp. 22–23 and K. Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England 1500–1800 (London, 1983), p. 32. 115 R. Almond, English Horsman, pp. 2–3. 116 R. Berenger, The history and art of horsemanship (London, 1771), p. 236. 117 T. Venner, Via recta ad vitam longam, pp. 302–303; W. Vaughn, Directions for Health, p. 240; N. Culpeper, Galen’s Art of Physick (London, 1657), p. 132; J. Blagrave, Epitome of the Art of Husbandry (London 1675), p. 206 and W. Gibson, The farrier’s new guide (London, 1722), p. 121.

health regimens and preventative medicine

143

Conclusion Galen was said to have written that ‘it is far better not to allow sicknesses to develop in the first place than to get rid of it’. The components of doing so involved building and maintaining healthy bodies through following a regime based the non-naturals, things ‘necessary for the Preservation of Health’.118 In common with modern ideas, these included a focus on both environmental and individual characteristics that could be altered or changed. Although Galen was referring to humans, it is clear that such advice also applied to animals. My previous research has illustrated the many similarities between efforts for both humans and domesticated animals to have healthy lifestyles. This chapter has shown that there were an even greater number between humans and horses. There are also clear parallels between all of the non-naturals and their health, as well as in the general type of recommended ‘health regimens’ for humans and animals. These included considerations such as air quality, diet, exercise and so on. While it would have been recognised that adherence to all the non-naturals would benefit animals, it was not always practical to do so. In the first place, the idea of humoural balance was a relative one, with ‘perfect health’ being an unattainable goal. The same held true for variables such as air quality. Horses who were provided with clean, airy stables, for example, would still be at danger from stormy weather, dangerous winds or poor travelling conditions. There was also little that could be done to protect them from unseasonable conditions such as extreme cold, heat or winds. Evidence suggests that there were also differences in the lengths that humans went to for providing what were thought to be the most appropriate, nutritious diets for different types of horses. While some of the ingredients, such as oats or wheat were also fed to other working animals, horses were the only animals that had specialised ‘bread’ made for them. Although this could be produced on a domestic level, the commercial version was produced and sold alongside various baked goods for humans. Furthermore, the fact that horse bread was subject to legislation going back to the middle ages shows the importance attached to preparing and selling a wholesome, healthy product. Other considerations, such as rest, sleep and exercise will sound familiar to twenty-first century readers. This is also true of some types of purging, such as coughing up phlegm or causing the body to sweat. The concept of 118 J. Longrigg, Greek medicine, pp. 152–153 and J. Pechey, A Plain Introduction to the Art of Physick (London, 1697), p. 59.

144

chapter five

blood-letting, as a preventative measure will be less so. However, it should be remembered that phlebotomy was recognised as a dangerous operation and not one to be undertaken lightly. On the other hand, ‘an evacuation of this kind’ fit within the predominant humoural medical model. Furthermore, many authors argued that it was only necessary for well-fed horses who had insufficient exercise and were otherwise healthy enough to withstand the procedure. Those deemed too young, too old or generally feeble were advised to be left alone.119 The major difference between making choices relating to a ‘healthy lifestyle’ were that domesticated horses were unable to influence the Galenic non-naturals. Humans, however, could do so both for themselves and for their charges. For most working animals the reason for going to such efforts would have been to protect their economic investments. While this was also true for horses, the use of terminology such as ‘cherish’ suggests that there was often more to it. This is most clearly illustrated in references to the ‘passions and emotions’, particularly in terms of their ability to love. That said, although there were many things that humans could do to try to keep their horses healthy, it would have been a difficult if not impossible thing to carry all of them out. Horses, after all were working animals which meant that if it were a choice between economic and health factors the former would win out. As James Clark so succinctly wrote ‘health is the most proper state of any animal body, and it is not in the power of medicine either to make it better or to preserve it in the same state’.120 This did not exclude, however, the important role that humans could play in trying to build and preserve a state of health in horses. Contemporaries were well aware, as are modern horse owners, that adherence to a good health regimen might not prevent illness from striking. As I argued in my previous book, adherence to even only some of the non-naturals probably did result in stronger bodies that were more resistant to disease. In addition, attempts to follow recommended guidelines would have made owners feel that they were being proactive and caring.121 Given the holistic nature of contemporary nature of health beliefs, I would suggest that at the very least this might have resulted in calmer, less stressed animals. It could also be, given the intuitive nature of horses that

J. Reeves, The art of farriery, both in theory and practise (London, 1758), p. 125. J. Clark, A treatise on the prevention of disease incidential to horses, (Edinburgh, 1790) p. 332. 121 L. Hill Curth, The Care of Brute Beasts: a social and cultural study of veterinary history in early modern England (Leiden, 2010), p. 117. 119

120

health regimens and preventative medicine

145

they might feel soothed by a calmer, less stressed owner. That said, despite the best efforts it was inevitable that horses would eventually succumb to disease or require treatment for other disorders. When this happened, however, there was a great deal of advice available on what to do to help alleviate their suffering which will be discussed in the following chapter.

chapter six REMEDIAL AND SURGICAL MEDICINE

As the general Use and Service of Horses has render’d them more worth the Notice and Regard of Mankind, than any other of the Brute Creatures; so there has in most Ages of the World been a more than ordinary Care taken, not only to model and fit them for their respective Services, but also of their Breed and Preservation.1

According to the writings of Bishop Isodore of Seville (560–636 ad), there were three categories of healing or remedial treatments. These were pharmaceutical, surgical and dietetic (in the Greek sense discussed in the previous chapter.)2 At first glance, these sound like things that could only be provided for animals by humans. However, as discussed in Chapter One, components of all three can often be seen in the behaviour of undomesticated and some domesticated animals. Cindy Evans has described the processes as beliefs that ‘animals actively helping themselves to stay well.’ These might include things such as immersing themselves in mineral springs or the ‘grooming behaviour’ illustrated by monkeys picking off lice or rubbing each other with herbs.3 There are also a huge number of examples of other animals, such as horses, using ‘auto therapy’. As the word suggests, this involves individual animals attempting to treat their own medical disorders. One of the most common forms is the ingestion of various organic or inorganic substances to treat disorders. These include the well-known sight of dogs or cats eating grass or other plants to sooth upset stomachs. Some will also seek out charcoal or clay to eat, which they seem to inherently know will act as a binding agent. Hens are said to eat ‘wall-flowers’ to purge their systems, while ‘harts’ use dittany to cure their wounds. Horses have been known both to refuse to eat plants which ‘burn and blister’, as well as those that are good for them. Both undomesticated and domesticated horses also W. Gibson, The farrier’s new guide (London, 1722), sig A2r. Isadore of Seville, Etymologies (Madrid, 1933), quoted in J. Salisbury, The Beast Within: Animals in the Middle Ages (London, 1994), p. 57. 3 H. Curzon, The universal library: or, compleat summary of science (London, 1712), Vol. II, p. 5 and C. Engel, Wild Health: How animals keep themselves well and what we can learn from them (New York, 2002), pp. 4, 51 and 82. 1 2

148

chapter six

lick their wounds, although views about the desirability of the latter have changed over time. Gervase Markham, for example, warned readers not to let their horses ‘licke of any of his soares’. That said, over three hundred years later a manual on ‘self-treatment’ was published arguing the opposite on the grounds that saliva was good at ‘paralyzing and … killing off all the microorganisms’.4 A second form of auto therapy included drinking or immersing themselves in natural mineral springs. However, the ability of horses to do this was severely restricted once domesticated. The loss of such behaviour coincided with a rise in ‘infectious chains’ due to environmental and living conditions. In addition, the development of ‘new’ diseases, the disappearance of natural immunity to diseases and physiological changes subjected them to a range of new dangers.5 As one early modern writer pointed out, horses in a ‘natural state … seem to enjoy a perfect state of health till such time as they are taken into stables’. Other authors, such as Gervase Markham agreed with this, regularly reminding readers that working horses were subject to a variety of disorders. Given that the majority of these were due to their lifestyles, Markham urged owners to do everything possible for their charges. As the previous chapter showed, there was a wealth of information and advice on how to help their horses build strong bodies that would (hopefully) be able to resist diseases. That said, while there was a great deal that humans could do to manipulate the non-naturals, it was impossible to continuously monitor and influence their horses’ behaviour all the time. This was particularly true when travelling to places where the environmental or other conditions were unknown. Horses which were kept outside in all types of weather conditions, for example, were likely to develop a ‘weakness or poorness of body’ which would result in ‘some disease or the other’. Those living in stables were also at risk, this time from the ‘stale air’ inside such buildings. While carers could also try to keep horses from eating or drinking too much after ‘hard labour’, it was not always possible to even provide sufficient food ‘of that which is good’. Horses were also likely to fall ill from poor management such as

4 V.E. Burke, ‘Contexts for Women’, The Yearbook of English Studies, 2003, pp. 316–328; G. Markham, Markhams Maister-piece (London, 1639), p. 395 and C.H. Duncan, Autotherapy (New York, c. 1918). 5 E.O. Price, Animal Domestication and Behaviour (Wallingford, 2002), p. 110; J. Clark, A treatise on the prevention of diseases incidental to horses (Edinburgh, 1788), pp. 163–164 and W.H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (London, 1976), p. 187.

remedial and surgical medicine

149

‘indiscreet keeping’. This might include not allowing sufficient time for them to relax after working or offering food either before or after exercise or ‘after violent Exercise’. On the other hand, even the best management could not protect animals from simple bad luck in the form of ‘accidents’. As discussed in Chapter Four, the same held true for unusual astral occurrences such as comets, which were thought to be dangerous to the health of all living creatures.6 Another way in which horses could fall ill was as a punishment for sinful behaviour. As Chapter Three noted, although animals were thought to be incapable of committing sin, they could be punished for those of humans. In some cases, this might come via one of God’s ‘three mortall arrows’ of pestilence, famine or war. There have been many examples of such major occurrences throughout history. At the broadest level they included ‘animal plagues’ or starvation linked to the failure of crops. Soldiers or warriors might also lose their horses as a heavenly chastisement for their behaviour.7 As has been repeatedly pointed out in this book, the principles of ‘one medicine’ meant that the disorders horses suffered from were similar to those of humans. One author explained this by writing that ‘the diseases to which horses are liable have a great analogy to those of the human body: at the same time, they are almost as numerous, a few only excepted which are peculiar to the latter’.8 This final category of differences referred to disorders linked to anatomical parts not found in humans, such as hooves. Unlike the modern method of breaking down disease into ‘chronic’ or ‘acute’ disorders, early modern writers used other classifications. While slightly different terminology was used over the course of time, on the broadest level they were linked to disease being on the ‘inside’ or ‘outside’ of the animal. In the late sixteenth century Thomas Blundeville referred to ‘internal’ or ‘external’ disorders while other seventeenth century writers used terminology such as ‘inward’ or ‘outward’. As the terms suggest, the former ‘manifested themselves within the body’ and could affect either the entire creature or a ‘particular member’. These were diagnosed according to the symptoms, as the disorder itself was usually not visible, the symptoms

6 G. Markham, The Faithful Farrier (London, 1662), pp. 4–5; C. Estienne, Maison rustique, or The countrey farme (London, 1616), p. 677 and A.S. The husbandman, farmer and grasier’s compleat instructor (1697), p. 15. 7 W. Dade, A new almanack (London, 1684), sig. B3r; T. Tryon, The countryman’s companion (London, 1688), sig. A2v and A. Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford, 2001), pp. 156–157. 8 J. Clark, A treatise on the prevention of diseases incidental to horses, from bad management in regard to stables, food, water, air, and exercise (London, 1788), p. 163.

150

chapter six

generally were. Outward disorders, on the other hand, were highly visible. These might include running sores, fractures, ruptured veins or swollen joints.9 This chapter will be organised along the lines of Isadore of Seville’s categories of ‘pharmaceutical, surgical and dietetic’. In order to provide a context for these sections, it will begin with a discussion of how both inward and outward diseases were diagnosed. Although pharmaceuticals, or the therapeutic use of drugs, have already been introduced as part of the veterinary marketplace, this section will continue the discussion by examining them from the perspective of the role they played as part of remedial or surgical treatments. This will be followed by a brief look at the ways in which drugs were used as part of therapeutic or surgical treatments. While the final category of ‘dietetics’ (in the wider sense used by ancient Greek writers) has already been referred to in a variety of contexts, this chapter will examine it from the angle of its role as ‘the most important component in any therapeutic regime’.10 .

Diagnosis If a horse did fall ill, the first step in the remedial process was to classify the disorder as being either ‘inward’ or ‘outward’. In order to do so, it was necessary to consider ‘the action hurt or hindered, by the sort and seat of the paine … the excrements … or proper symptomes’. These might have manifested themselves in different ways, although ‘these signes doe not at all tymes appeare all together’. Uroscopy, which was one of the central diagnostic tools of medieval astrological physicians, continued to be used as a diagnostic tool for horses throughout the early modern period. This involved in putting the sick animal’s urine in a glass receptacle with a bulbous bottom and tapering neck divided into superior, middle and inferior zones. These related to the various parts of the body, with the top representing disorders of the head and brain, moving on to the heart and lungs and so on. A healthy horse would be expected to have either ‘pale, whitish or yellow urine’. If it were ‘extraor-

9 T. Blundeville, The foure chiefest offices belonging to Horsemanship, IV (London, 1561), p. 1; C. Estienne, Maison rustique, p. 149; G. Markham, The Perfect Horseman or the Experienced Secrets of Mr Markham’s Fifty Years Practice (London, 1656), p. 132 and J. Halfpenny, The gentlemans jockey and approved farrier (London, 1676), p. 273. 10 H.J. Cook, ‘Good Advice and Little Medicine: The Professional Advice of Early Modern English Physicians’, Journal of British Studies, 33 (1994), pp. 14–17.

remedial and surgical medicine

151

dinary White … creamy’ it signified that the beast might be ‘subject to the Stone and the stopping of the Kidneys’. Pale green urine, on the other hand, was linked to a ‘Weak Back, and consumption of the Seed’, while black urine, caused by the mortification of Saturn being in Capricorn signified that the ‘Horse sickness is Mortal and hardly to be preserved by any Physick’11 The state of a horse’s dung could also provide valuable information as to the disorder it was suffering from. Since a healthy animal was expected to void ‘round pellets’ any other shape, especially ‘loose and soft’ faeces were both undesirable and worrying. The colour of their excrement could also help with making the correct diagnosis. A horse suffering from ‘looseness’ or ‘scouring’ might have ‘slimy, bilious, or black … a limpid Fluid later Water’ excrements. ‘Foul feeding’ was thought to result in ‘black or muddy colour …. hot and greasy’ dung. Hard, reddish excrements suggested that the horse had been ‘over-heated’ or ‘over-strained’.12 According to some authors, internal diseases were ‘of most Consequence’. However, while it was a relatively simple process to examine dung or urine, it could be more difficult to diagnose other inward diseases. One of the best ways was thought to be by determining the humoural characteristics of the symptoms. A hot disease, for example, would manifest itself in the horse as a ‘heaviness of countenance, swelling in the limbs … short breath and hot … loathing or forsaking of his Meat’. A cold disorder might also show ‘heaviness of countenance’ but would include ‘dull or else closed up Eyes, hard Boyl or big Pustules between the Chops … rotten and moist cough’. According to one eighteenth century writer, the explanation for the former were that the cold caused the animal’s pores to open like ‘so many suckers or air-holes to draw in the damp and noisome vapours of the air’ and would result in ‘swellings … wherever it [the cold] settles’.13 Many ‘outward’ disorders, on the other hand, would have been easier to diagnose. This was particularly true of problems with the hooves and legs, which were some of the most commonly referred to disorders in the manuscripts discussed in Chapter 7. The most obvious fractures or breaks in a bone would result in deformities which would make it difficult or

11 Philiatreus, The General Practice of Medicine (London, 1634), sig. A1v; Anon, The English Farrier, (London, 1631) Chapter 8, sig B8v; G. Markham, Markham’s Maister-piece (London, 1683), p. 25; S. Freeman, The farrier’s vade mecum: or, gentleman’s pocket companion (London, 1772), p. 34; N. Cox, The gentleman’s recreation: in four parts (London, 1697), p. 80 and G.L. The Gentleman’s new jockey: or, Farrier’s approved guide (London, 1691), pp. 39–40. 12 G. Markham, Faithful Farrier, p. 7. 13 M. Allen, The Farrier’s Assistant: or, an Essay on the Nature and Proceedings of Distempers Incident to Horses (London, 1737), p. 3.

152

chapter six

impossible for a horse to stand or walk. ‘Gravelling’ involved an infected sore in which would lead to limping and favouring the affected foot. One contemporary author explained this as the ‘foundered horse’ acting as if ‘he stoode upon nedles [sic]’.14 Other parts of the body also often provided clues to what disorder the horse was suffering from. ‘Blain in the tongue’ produced ‘a certain Bladder growing above the root of the Tongue.’ The size and shape of this growth led many writers to hypothesise that this was actually a swollen sac holding a worm, an idea dating back to Anglo-Saxon times.15 Depending on the part of the body affected, there might also be easily detectable hard or soft swollen areas. Such swelling in the flanks might signify that the animal had over-eaten, while swollen eyes might simply mean that it was tired.16 The second step was to consider the way in which a disease was manifesting itself in a particular horse. Due to the holistic model of health, this could vary greatly depending on factors such as the age, humoural composition and general state of the animal. These considerations could then be used to decide on appropriate treatments to and to determine the actual prognosis of the course of the illness. Theoretically, this would include factors such as whether it would be chronic or acute, how long it would last and what the ‘phases’ would be in terms of growth and decline. According to Hippocratic thought, all diseases had a beginning, growth and a subsequent ‘crisis’. Unlike the modern understanding of this word, the original meaning was more or ‘a peak’ or medical ‘significant moment’. At that point, the problem might diminish, although it could reach additional ‘crises’ before resolving itself. On the other hand, the initial crisis might cause the death of the patient. The manifestation of the peak or ‘significant moment’ could differ according to the disease. A ‘mild’ fever, for example, was expected to peak and then improve on the fourth day. The ‘most malignant’, however, were likely to end with death on the fourth day.17 As the chapter on the veterinary marketplace explained, the ability to use skill, speed and accuracy in making a diagnosis and prognosis were 14 N. Malbie, A plaine and easie way to remedie a horse that is foundered in his feete (London, 1576), sig. A2v. 15 W. Dade, The Country-man’s Almanac (London, 1699), sig. B2r and H. Carter, ‘The History of Rabies’, Veterinary History, 9 (1996), 23. 16 C. Estienne, Maison rustique, p. 143 and J. de Solleysel, The compleat horseman: or, perfect farrier (London, 1702), p. 6. 17 J. Jouanna, Hippocrates, (trans) M.B. DeBevoise (Baltimore, 1999), pp. 337–339.

remedial and surgical medicine

153

mandatory requirements for healers. That said, the attempt to do this with ‘dumb animals’ only able to ‘communicate with signs of their pain’ was a difficult task.18 Unfortunately, incorrect diagnoses by practitioners were, and still are, a common part of medical care for humans and animals. The same holds true for predicting the course an illness would take or, indeed, whether a patient will definitely survive an illness. However, it is highly unlikely that all farriers were really ‘an ignorant Set of empty Coxcombs’ who were unable to tell distempers apart.19 Furthermore, the numerous editions of so many manuals on horse health suggest that readers trusted the advice offered to them. Together, these points bring us back to my argument that the only healers would have been able to retain and attract new customers would have been those who were perceived to be good with sick horses. Instead of carrying out complex astrological calculations to calculate the likely effect of planetary movements over the course of the illness, many human healers preferred to use ‘simpler determinations’.20 Evidence suggests that the same would have been true for horse healers. In the first place, basic principles such as the links between parts of the body and the zodiac were well known. Rather than using highly complex mathematics to calculate things such as ‘critical days’, animal healers were more likely to use ‘physical arguments’ based on the Sun and Moon. The included determining which of the two was linked to the disease in order to be able to diagnose it as chronic or acute. Acute illnesses were ‘controlled’ by the shorter cycle of the Moon, while the Sun ruled over ‘chronic’ ones lasting over twentyeight days. Both types could include ‘critical days’ which occurred when the Sun moved from one quartile to another on a cycle of roughly every nine days. Unlike the modern definition of ‘critical’, this term signified a major point in a disease which could result in either improvement or death. A swift and full recovery was called a ‘perfect Crisis’ while an ‘imperfect Crisis’ was one which caused the illness to continue often in a more dangerous form Movements of the moon, however, operated on a much shorter cycle which

18 T. Blundeville, The foure chiefest offices belonging to Horsemanship, IV (London, 1561), p. 1; C. Estienne, Maison rustique, (London, 1616), p. 149; G. Markham, The Perfect Horseman or the Experienced Secrets of Mr Markham’s Fifty Years Practice (London, 1656), p. 132 and J. Halfpenny, The gentleman’s jockey and approved farrier, p. 273. 19 H. Bracken, Farriery Improved: Or, A Compleat Treatise upon the Art of Farriery (London, 1737), p. 2. 20 D. Evenden Nagy, Popular Medicine in Seventeenth Century England (Bowling Green, 1998), p. 51 and W.P.C. Copeman, Doctors and Disease in Tudor Times (London, 1960), p. 121.

154

chapter six

was linked to acute diseases.21 The former tended were linked to the position of the Moon and could last up to 27 days, which was the time it took to go through a full course. If the illness were not resolved within a week, it would reach a ‘Criticall daye’ every seven days, which is when the Moon would travel into the next quartile. If the Moon were in a favourable aspect on that day, the patient would fare well, with the opposite being true if it were in an unfavourable aspect.22 There were many different places that horse healers could look for help both for diagnosing and prognosticating the course of an illness. In addition to conferring with others, they could also find a wealth of readily available literature available in the popular press. Almanacs, which were introduced in Chapter Three, were an especially valuable tool for horse owners. In addition to offering astrological calculations for the coming days and weeks with forecasts of weather conditions, they provided a guide to the phases of the moon and upcoming ‘astral events’ (such as eclipses) and the possible subsequent effects on animals. Many offered advice on providing horses with a good health regimen, while others contained guidelines on timings for administering treatments, as well as recipes for preventative and remedial medicines. Pharmaceuticals As previously mentioned, Isodore of Seville’s first category of ‘pharmacon’ was defined in Greek as ‘drugs, potions or magical potions’. Galen had used a similar definition of ‘pharmacon’ which referred to the ‘ministering of convenient medicines’.23 The term could also be interpreted in a broader sense as ‘the sum of all knowledge pertaining to drugs’. This would, of course, have encompassed a huge range of organic and inorganic materials. The use of such substances for medical purposes antedates recorded history. In the strictest sense this would have included a huge range of information beginning with ‘the operation of all such herbs and drugs as he doth minister’. According to James Longrigg, one of the earliest recorded references to plant based, pain-killing drugs was found in the Iliad. These were probably based

21 R. French, ‘Astrology in Medical Practice’ in L. Garcia-Ballester, R. Fre3nch, J. Arrizabalaga and A. Cunningham (eds.) Practical medicine from Salerno to the Black Death (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 30–59. 22 N. Culpeper, Semeiotica Uranica, or an Astrological Judgment of Diseases (London, 1651), pp. 5–6, 23. 23 Galen, Certaine works of Galens (London, 1586), Sig. 8v.

remedial and surgical medicine

155

on opium obtained from poppies, a powerful but highly addictive drug that is still used today24 During the early modern period, the most common use of opium was as an ingredient in a commonly used drug called ‘treacle’. This does not refer to our modern understanding of a thick, black sweetening agent, but was a corruption of the word ‘theriac’ which was Latin for antidote. Mithridatium was a similar drug to theriac, of which there were many different versions such as ‘Galene’, ‘Venice’ or ‘London’ treacle. The recipes for these were rather complicated and might consist of fifty or sixty ingredients, including ‘vipers, white wine, opium … spices from both the Indies’. It was, therefore, more usual to buy the drug pre-prepared.25 In addition to using the drug by itself to help with pain, treacle was often included as an ingredient in other recipes. Jacques de Solleysel recommended that an ounce of Venice Treacle ‘well diluted’ in white or red wine be given to a horse to encourage a horse who refused to eat. It could also be used to counteract poison, treat fits or ‘drousiness of the brain’.26 Ideally, it was thought best to administer such drugs when the planets were in an auspicious configuration. As discussed in the chapter on astrological physic, this included a familiarity with the relationship between individual ingredients and their respective planets. Nicholas Culpeper provided a comprehensive listing of these in order to help his readers determine which characteristics would best suit a disorder. Hot dry herbs, for example, were linked to fiery signs such as Jupiter or the Sun and could help with cold, wet diseases. Each plant also contained different ‘degrees’ of heat or cold, varying strengths or potencies. Choosing an appropriate drug treatment depended on what planet the disease was linked to, what part of the body was affected and which planet this was linked to.27 The types of ingredients to be chosen were also affected by two ‘doctrines’. The first principle of ‘signatures’ was based on the theory that the visual or 24 L. Hill Curth, ‘Introduction’ in L. Hill Curth (ed.) From Physick to Pharmacology: Five Hundred Years of British Drug Retailing (Basingstoke, 2006), pp. 1–12; J. Scarborough, ‘The Opium Poppy in Hellenistic and Roman Medicine’ in R. Porter and M. Teach (eds.) Drugs and Narcotics in History (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 4–23 and J. Longrigg, Greek Medicine: From the Heroic to the Hellenistic Age (New York, 1998), p. 165. 25 F.P. Verney, Memoirs of the Venery Family During the 17th Century (London, 1907), p. 485 and J.P. Griffin, ‘Venetian treacle and the foundation of medicine regulation’, British Journal of Clinical Pharmacology 58:3 (2004), pp. 317–325. 26 J. Solleysel, The compleat horseman: or, perfect farrier (London, 1711), p. 229 and W. Salmon, The Household Dictionary or Family Companion (London, 1705), p. 351. 27 L. Mascall, The Government of Cattel (London, 1662), p. 97 and N. Culpeper, The English physician or an astrologo-physical discourse (London, 1652), sig. A2r.

156

chapter six

other characteristics of plants provided clues to their medicinal qualities. ‘Eyebright’, which was a plant with small white flowers with a splash of yellow in the middle could be used to treat inflamed eyes. This was also a plant linked to the Sun, which ‘ruled’ eyes and which made it very hot and dry.28 Closely linked to the Doctrine of Signatures were the principles of ‘sympathy’ and ‘antipathy’. The first theory rested on the idea that diseases caused by one planet could be cured by herbs ‘astrally’ linked to that planet, while the second recommended using those linked to the planet opposite to the one causing the disease. Antipathy shared some of the basic principles of what we now refer to as ‘homeopathy’, or the idea of ‘like curing like’. While the argument that ‘scientific opinion’ was increasingly negative towards the idea of ‘sympathy’ during the later seventeenth century might have been true in some forms of medicine, I have found no evidence that this was the case in health care for horses.29 In addition to encouraging remedies based on sympathy, hippiatric manuals also continued to advise that diseases be treated with astrally linked ingredients. A cold, wet disorder in the hooves (linked to Pisces) could be treated with a hot and dry medication. These might include ‘Fennegreek, Licoris, Bay-berries, London-Treacle, Anniseeds, Cummin-seeds, Grains, Long Pepper, Alacampane’ [sic]. A hot and dry disorder in the throat, which was linked to hot and dry Taurus, could be caused by too much yellow bile in the system. This called for the use of a cold and wet treatment such as one containing ‘garden sage’.30 The type of ingredients chosen depended on three main factors. Firstly, the innate ‘qualities’ of the substance, such as whether it was hot, cold, moist or dry. Secondly, there were considerations about what part of the body was affected. Dense organs with ‘small channels’, such as the kidneys, needed stronger medicines than lighter, airier ones such as the lungs. In addition, as the stomach and liver were seen as the ‘first destination’, organs further away in the body also required stronger remedies. Finally, the healer needed to consider the stage of disease. It was considered better, for example, if in the early stages it was best to begin with a ‘wholesom, natural and gentle’

28 G. Tobyn, Culpeper’s Medicine: A Practice of Western Holistic Medicine (Shaftesbury, 1997), pp. 202–203 and R. Mabey, Flora Britannica Book of Wild Herbs (London, 1998), p. 105. 29 E.G. Wheelwright, The Physick Garden (London, 1934), p. 147; K. Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England 1500–1800 (London, 1983), p. 84; Y. Ruckesbusch, ‘A historical profile of veterinary pharmacology’, Historia Medicinae Veterinariae, 1995, 20 (3), 49–79 and N. McKeown, The Hippocratic Patient, p. 56. 30 E.R. The Experienced farrier (London, 1681) p. 3 and R. Barret, The Perfect and Experienced Farrier (London, 1660), p. 31.

remedial and surgical medicine

157

scouring and only moving on to using a strong purging agent such as aloe if absolutely necessary.31 As previously mentioned, most types of remedies required at least some ingredients that were easily accessible in the household. Information as to the ‘qualtities’ of organic plant materials could be found in a large number of publications. These might have included items commonly grown in gardens or regularly purchased for other uses in the home. Speculum mundi, or, A glasse representing the face of the world, for example, described the medicinal properties of over one hundred herbs, trees and spices which over a total of forty-one pages.32 Once the choice of principle ingredient was made, the next step involved deciding whether these should be ‘simples’ or ‘compound’ preparations. As the terms imply, the former contained a single ingredient, while more complex ‘compound’ remedies were composed of several types of, mainly, organic materials.33 A general remedial tonic in the form of ‘a drinke for a sicke horse’ was based on a mixture of gentium and bayberries boiled in a quart of strong beer. This was to be given lukewarm to the sick horse immediately and ‘in like manner 2 or 3 dayes after unto him’.34 Unlike compound medicines, a simple had two dominant qualities, the ‘active’ and the ‘passive’. The former was broken down into either hot or cold and the former into dry or wet, which could range from temperate (neutral) to the fourth degree of heat. It seems highly unlikely, however, that most non-university educated healers of any sort were likely to either have the desire or ability to calculate these for what could be a large number of ingredients in a compound medicine. The London Pharmacoepia, for example, listed 680 simples in the first edition (1618) a number which increased in the second edition of December 1618 to 1,190. Although this was originally in Latin, Nicholas Culpeper translated the Pharmacopoeia into English in 1649.35 31 G. Toby, Culpepper’s Medicine: pp. 199–200 and E.R. The Experienced Farrier (London, 1681), pp. 98–99. 32 J. Swan, Speculum mundi, or, A Glasse representing the face of the world (London, 1633), pp. 236–277. 33 M.J. Dobson, Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1997), p. 265. 34 Wellcome MS 140, Household Book, p. 229. 35 G. Sanderson, ‘Medical Secrets and the Book Trade: Ownership of the Copy to the College of Physicians’ Pharmacoepia (1618–1650)’, in P. Isaac and B. McKay (eds.) The Human Face of the Book Trade: Print Culture and its Creators (Winchester, 1999), pp. 64–80; M. Pelling and C. Webster, ‘Medical Practitioners’, p. 172; C.H. LaWall, Four Thousand Years of Pharmacy (London, 1927), p. 270 and D. Bellamy and A. Pfister, World Medicine (Oxford, 1992), p. 126;

158

chapter six

The next step was to decide how the chosen medicines should be produced or sourced. As the following chapters will show, many people copied and saved recipes for treating sick horses. This suggests that these were considered to be useful remedies which could be easily made in a domestic setting. In human medicine, these fell under the heading of ‘kitchin physick’ or the practice of housewives making medicines at home. It is not clear from the handwritten instructions whether horse remedies were meant to be made by women or men. The answer/s would most likely have been based on a range of factors, from the type of work an animal did to where it lived and who looked after it. Household accounts sometimes provide evidence of the purchase of medicinal ingredients. Although it is not always clear as to whom they were meant for, there are a number of specific references to horses. In 1677, Sarah Fell’s household purchases included ‘turpentine, rosin, garlic or verdigris’ for sore horses’ backs. A second reference mentioned ‘tobacco for use on horses with the itch’. In Reverend John Crankanthorp noted payment in 1708 for ‘a pint of hony for the Watt horse for a medicine’ which was to be added to other ingredients to treat worms.36 As Chapter Three discussed, although many of these ingredients might already be found in households, it was likely that others would need to be purchased. This is particularly true of exotic spices or Paracelsian items such as antimony, iron or lead. For those living in less accessible locations, ingredients could also be purchased and delivered through the postal service. Alternatively, it might be necessary to arrange for ‘engaging the Carriers who come from their respective Countreys, or some of their Friends in Town, to come … for them’.37 Both of these methods were also a means of obtaining

M.P. Earles, The London Pharmacopoeia Perfected (Durham, 1985), p. 5; N. Culpeper, A Physical Directory, or a Translation of the London Directory (London, 1649) and A. Bragman, ‘Alligation Alternate and the Composition of Medicines: Arithmetic and Medicine in Early Modern England’, Medical History, 49 (2005), pp. 293–320. 36 Thanks to Peter Edwards for this reference: N. Penney, The household book of Sarah Fell of Swarthmoor Hall (Cambridge, 1920) and P. Brassley (ed.) Accounts of the Reverend John Crankanthorp of Fowlmere 1682–1710 (Cambridge, 1988), p. 236. 37 L. Weatherall, ‘Drug Treatment and the Rise of Pharmacology’ in R. Porter (ed.) Cambridge Illustrated History of Medicine (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 246–277; P. Wallis, ‘Apothecaries and Medicines in Early Modern London’ in L. Hill Curth (ed.) From Physick to Pharmacology: Five Hundred Years of British Drug Retailing (Ashgate, 2006), pp. 13–28; J.J. Bagley (ed.) ‘The great diurnal of Nicholas Blundell of Little Crosby, Lancashire’ Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire. 110 (1968), Volume 1, page 211; 21 April 1709; P. Brassley, A. Lambert and P. Saunders, Accounts of the Reverend John Crankanthorp of Fowlmere. 215 and N. Comben, ‘Snape’s Purging Pill for Horses—1692’, Veterinary Record, 84 (1969), p. 434.

remedial and surgical medicine

159

the growing number of proprietary medicines which had become increasingly available by the early eighteenth century. The cost of ingredients would, of course, also have been a factor in deciding upon what to use. Andrew Wear believes that there was a growing search for ‘therapeutic plants’ as part of the early modern ‘commercial imperative of … voyages of European discovery’. These included exotic, imported ingredients such as sugar and tobacco from the Caribbean and North America, pepper and saltpetre from India and wine, oil and fruit from Southern Europe. The popularity of these items is illustrated in figures which show that the total value of imported medicinal ingredients grew from approximately £600 for 1567 to some £ 1300 by 609. Such figures swiftly rose, from £15,000 per annum in the 1630’s, up to around £ 60,000 by 1669.38 As my previous publications have shown, most remedies for working animals tended to exclude the most expensive ingredients.39 This does not seem to be true, however, for all sick horses. On one hand, many simplistic remedies could be obtained ‘at any Country Town and Village where a Misfortune may fall’ [to one’s horse].40 However, in many cases recommendations for more serious or long-term conditions often called for more exclusive and expensive mixtures. This was particularly true for the increasing numbers of imported horses from the East or part of the rise in ‘the English Thoroughbred’ between 1650 and 1750.41 According to Jacques de Solleysel ‘those who keep fine Horses will not grudge to advance upon the Price, when they are sure of having a good Medicine’.42 Surgery As previously mentioned, the division in human medicine between physicians tending to inward and surgeons to outward diseases did not exist in

38 A. Wear, ‘The early modern debate about foreign drugs: localism versus universalism in medicine’, The Lancet, 354 (1999), 149–151; P. Hunting, A History of the Society of Apothecaries (London, 1998), p. 29; R.S. Roberts., ‘The Early History of the Import of Drugs into Britain’ in F.N.L. Poynter, (ed.), The Evolution of Pharmacy in Britain (London, 1965), 165–185 and R. Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry (London, 1962), p. 186. 39 L. Hill Curth, Care of Brute Beasts. 40 Anon, The Gentleman or Traveller’s pocket farrier and horseman’s tutor (Northampton, 1735), p. VI. 41 D. Landry, Noble Brutes: How Eastern Horses Transformed English Culture (Baltimore, 2009), pp. 86, 102 and 109. 42 J. de Sollysel, The compleat horseman, or, perfect farrier (London, 1679), sig. B3v.

160

chapter six

veterinary medicine. Marie-Christine Pouchelle has suggested that the former was linked to the desire of physicians to be ‘theoreticians and engage in abstract speculation on elements and humours’, as well as not having to come in close contact with blood, like butchers and executioners.43 Animal healers, on the other hand, were apparently not expected to have such scruples. Instead, it was assumed that they would be able to carry out ‘chirurgery’, a term which developed from the Greek chirurgia which involved ‘instruments proper unto the said arte of curing ye is to saie, the use of the hand’.44 Surgery in the form of vivisection, however, was also carried out on live animals in the name of scientific learning. The practice of dissecting animals, which was considered more ‘appropriate’ than humans dates back to ancient Greece.45 I would suggest that this long-standing tradition of cutting into animals was part of the reason both for these expectations as well as the lower social status of animal healers. According to the definition of one seventeenth century author, surgery done for therapeutic purposes consisted of ‘three operations’. These were to ‘joynth the separated parts close together’, ‘to preserve it from pain’ and to ‘keep it from putrefaction’.46 While Cooke’s manual on surgery included how ‘to unite disjointed parts’, he followed this with separating ‘those unnaturally joined, to remove things superfluous or to replace things wanting’. Surgical skills were also needed to treat wounds, fractures, dislocations, bladder stones and other urinary tract disorders, amputations, skin diseases and syphilis.47 Both definitions, however, highlighted the importance of being able to ‘see and feel what they do’ and if necessary ‘change, apply and remove their Remedies’.48 Given that surgery focused on outward disorders, horse healers needed to have a range of knowledge and experience in many different types of areas. The fundamentals of these were probably gained through the informal or formal apprenticeship that most farriers would go through. In addition, many probably honed their skills on the battlefield. Richard Wiseman, for

43 M.C. Pouchelle, The Body & Surgery in the Middle Ages (trans) R. Morris (Cambridge, 1990), p. 19 and 75. 44 Galen, Certaine works of Galens (London, 1586), p. 8v. 45 D. Gourevitch, ‘The Paths of Knowledge: Medicine in the Roman World’ in M.D. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (London, 1998), pp. 104–138. 46 R.B. The Excellence of Physick and Chirurgerie (London, 1652), p. 1. 47 J. Cooke, Mellisicium Cirurgiae (London, 1662), pp. 1–2 and L. Magner, History of Medicine (New York, 1992), p. 164. 48 H.C. Agrippa, The Vanity of Arts and Sciences (London, 1694), p. 302.

remedial and surgical medicine

161

example, was one of the leading surgeons of the seventeenth century who served in the Royalist army during the first Civil War.49 Thomas DeGrey outlined the basic surgical skills as including the ability to: ‘Cauterize well, to let blood well, to be light and well-handed, bold and hardy in dressing of a Horse well’.50 Other tasks might involve the amputation of tumours or limbs, setting bones, correcting dislocations or stitching wounds. There were also a number of purging methods that could fall under this heading and which would be used depending on the disorder. As previously pointed out in regards to phlebotomy, the seriousness of all these procedures were well known and it was advised that none be carried out without addressing the question of ‘whether it be necessary or possible’.51 It has long been a historical commonplace that most patients either died or became extremely ill after surgery in the early modern period. In fact, historian Mary Lindeman has suggested that only ‘a quarter of [human] patients’ survived surgical operations. She attributes this to ‘the real perils of life-threatening infections and tetanus’.52 Despite not providing supporting evidence for this figure, it is certainly feasible that many would have died from such complications. Of course, this would also depend on the nature and severity of the surgical procedure. Whether it was actually that high of a proportion, however, is questionable and requires further research. Although I have not found any similar mortality figures for horses, it has been possible to find contemporary references to post-treatment deaths. Charles II’s ‘Patent to ye Farryers’, for example, claimed that one of its’ aims was to stop healers who ‘for want of due knowledge and skill … destroyed many horses’.53 Of course, there could have been many reasons why a horse might die from treatment, not necessarily because of the intentional or nonintentional actions of the healer. These could have been various difficulties with carrying out the required procedure, subsequent infections or ‘putrefaction’. There was also the possibility that it was simply ‘God’s will’ or ‘God’s blessing’ that the animal would die.54 It should also be pointed out, however, that there are many references to horses which did survive

A.W. Sloan, English Medicine, (Durham, 1996), p. 7. T. de Grey, The Compleat Horse-man and Expert Farrier (London, 1651), p. 61 and Second Book, pp. 34–38. 51 C. Le Clerc, The compleat surgeon: or, the whole art of surgery (London, 1701), p. 3. 52 M. Lindemann, Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2010), second edition, p. 266. 53 Farriery Company, Guildhall MS 5534-4, Farrier Court Journals 1674–1867, p. 1; T. De Grey The Compleat Horse-man and Expert Farrier (London, 1651), p. 61 and Second Book, pp. 34–38. 54 C. Le Clerc, The compleat surgeon: or, the whole art of surgery (London, 1701), p. 3; 49

50

162

chapter six

different types of surgical intervention. Attempts to ‘joynth the separated parts close together’, for example, would probably have been less dangerous than cutting into the body. On the other hand, some writers argued that although broken bones could be corrected, a horse that had had a fracture ‘with a large wound in the flesh’ was unlikely to recover satisfactorily.55 The following section will introduce the uses of the main surgical tools illustrated in Figure 6.1. This illustration is from one of Gervase Markham’s manuals and can be roughly divided into three categories. The first relates to shoeing horses, which includes tools to cut and shape the hoof. This is followed by other types of knives and cutting instruments. Although modern readers probably associate leeches with bloodletting, it was far more common for horse healers to use some type of sharp instrument. Leeches were, however, sometimes called for to treat other disorders such as swelling. One remedy suggested ‘riding a horse into a Pond that has a great many Leeches in it’ for swelling in the feet. The third group shows tools for cauterizing, cleansing, treating and closing wounds.56 According to Daniel LeClerc, all of these tools could be considered ‘portable instruments’ and could be carried in a case alongside a ‘Plaister-box’.57 These included a ‘lancet’ (number seven in the illustration) which was used to make incisions into ‘small veins and thread veins’. Large views, however, required the use of the fleam (8). This instrument, which often had several different blades, required both skill and strength to cut into the animal. It was necessary to make a sharp blow with a ‘blood stick’ or club to make the vein stand out before attempting to penetrate the skin.58 Markham’s list includes two other types of knives, one to pare ‘superfluous hoof’ (5) and the other (8) for breaking open ‘imposthumes’ or to ‘cut away superfluous flesh’. The most common remedial, surgical measure was bloodletting, which was introduced in the previous chapter. Bloodletting as a therapeutic treatment was usually carried out in order to prepare an animal for further procedures. According to many authors, the first step in both was to start by

M. Lindemann, Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe, p. 266 and L. Coelson, Speculum Perspicuum Uranicum (London, 1680), sig. C8v. 55 W. Gibson, The farrier’s new guide (London, 1722), p. 226. 56 J. Mortimer, The art of husbandry, Part II (London, 1712), p. 51 and G. Markham, Markham’s Maister-piece (London, 1651), pp. 378–379. 57 D. LeClerc, The compleat surgeon (London, 1691), p. 5. 58 L. Coelson, Poor-mans physician, (London, 1656) p. 31; T.E. Crowl, ‘Bloodletting in Veterinary Medicine’, Veterinary Heritage, 19 (1996), pp. 17–20 and J. Clark, A treatise on the prevention of disease incidental to horses (Edinburgh, 1790), p. 302.

remedial and surgical medicine

163

removing some of the ‘naughty and superfluous’ fluid in order to ‘make the body cleane before you can hope to doe [sic] any good’.59 Gervase Markham, however, explained that as ‘all inward sickness in horses, draw their effects from the putrefaction of the blood onely [sic]’, it was necessary to begin any treatment with removing some of it.60 Unlike preventative phlebotomy, the presence of disease often precluded the ability to wait for the most astrologically auspicious timing. Although there would always be a very ill horse might not survive, as one author reminded readers, it should be attempted if ‘it be upon great need.’ For example, an animal suffering from a high fever might have ‘a surfeit of blood’. If the excess humour was not removed, the horse’s body could swell up to the point where it would die. While it is not clear what was wrong with a horse called ‘White Gallop’, letting blood in the middle of winter suggests that it was perceived as suffering from a very serious disorder.61 Given the potential danger of letting blood, many authors recommended that this be done by a farrier who knew how to ‘let blood well’. In addition, it was necessary to know exactly which part of the body to draw it from. As Robert Almond reminded his readers ‘the knowledge of the veins in an Horse is a study so needful, that he cannot be a skilful Farrier that is ignorant herein’.62 There were many printed diagrams to show which veins could and should be tapped in humans.63 Figure 6.2 illustrates Gervase Markham’s comparable image of what might be called ‘vein horse’, which paralleled that of ‘vein man’. The first principle was that ‘the fountaine of blood’ was thought to be in the liver. This was distributed through the horse’s body through ‘one main great conduit or large vein’ which divided into ‘several Branches or lesser Rivers’.64 According to one anonymous early seventeenth century manual ‘an Horse may be let Blood in 31 Vaynes’. These included two in the ‘temple’ 59 R. Allestree, A New Almanack and Prognostication (London, 1640), sig. C5r and T. Vicary, The surgions directorie (London, 1651), p. 102. 60 G. Markham, Faithful Farrier, p. 16. 61 Anon, A Treatise of Oxen, Sheep, Hogs and Dogs (London, 1683), pp. 8–9; L.W.C. The English farrier, or, Countrey-mans treasure (London, 1639), sig. A4v and Staffs. R.O., Paget of Beaudesert MSS, D(W) 1734/3/3/279, ‘30 Jan 1582/3’ with thanks to Peter Edwards for pointing this out. 62 T. DeGrey, The Compleat Horse-man and Expert Ferrier (London, 1651). p. 61 and R. Almond, The English Horsman and Complete Farrier (London, 1673), p. 44. 63 Anon, The anatomie of the inward parts o[ f man] lively set forth and diligently, declaring the principall v[eins] the use of letting bloud [sic] (London, 1650). 64 G. Markham, Markham’s Maisterpiece, (London, 1639), p. 252.

164

chapter six

Figure 6.1. G. Markham, Markham’s Maisterpiece (London, 1639). Printed with permission of the Wellcome Library, London.

remedial and surgical medicine

165

Figure 6.2. Circulatory system of a horse from G. Markham, Markham’s Maisterpiece (London, 1639). Printed with permission of the Wellcome Library, London.

which were ‘the principall Vaines in the Head’. The head included a number of other veins, such as two to the eyes, two ‘pallet vaynes’ in the mouth and two in the neck. Moving further down the body, blood could be drawn from two ‘plate vaynes … in the brest’, from the two ‘shanke vaynes’ or ‘side vaines’ or from the ‘tayle vayne’. The final veins could be found in the ‘hanch’ or in the ‘hoofe’.65 While the location of the veins often signified what determined what disorders they were linked to, others were more multi-purpose. These included two ‘notable veins’ which were opened to treat any general disease in the animal’s head, brain or stomach. There were two other veins, however, joining the eyes and nostrils which were to be used for treating blurry vision or pains in the nose.66 Veins in the head and throat were also opened to

65 L.W.C. A verie perfect discourse, and order hovv to know the age of a horse and the diseases that breede in him, with the remedies to cure the same: as also, the description of euery veyne, and how and when to let him blood, according to the diuersitie of the disease: as hath been proued by the author (London, 1601), sig. A2v and A3r. 66 G. Markham, Markham’s Maisterpiece, pp. 237–239.

166

chapter six

treat hot and dry diseases (linked to Aries and Mars). Murrain, for example, which ‘begeteth an inflammation of the Blood, and causeth a swelling in the Throat’ required letting blood quickly before the animal suffocated. Other hot and dry diseases such as a ‘feaver’ also called for blood to be let from the neck and temples.67 Staggers, which was thought to originate in the head, although required letting blood from this part of the body. The sick animal, which would be suffering ‘frantick fits’ was to immediately be ‘bleed plentifully’ and if it survived this was to be given him two or three strong purges.68 Given the large number of veins and their relationships with specific illnesses, it seems likely that contemporary healers would have found such a chart and accompanying text highly useful. Without consulting it, a healer might cut into a vein that would either be too small to be of any use, or the incorrect one. Such information could also, however, be found in a number of other publications which spanned the early modern period. Diseases such as ‘Lampas, Slavers, Yellows, Surfeits, &c’ required letting blood from ‘the Pallet veins’. If a horse was suffering from ‘molten Grease’, it was recommended that blood be from the Breast Vein. The veins in the lower part of the body and legs were linked to a great many disorders. Opening the ‘Thigh-Veins sendeth away Spavens, Splents, Curbs, Kibed Heels, Swelled Legs [and] Scratches’. More specific disorders in the feet might call for letting blood from the ‘cronet veins’ in the heels or the ‘toeveines’.69 The letting of blood was only one type of surgical procedure that involved cutting into a horse’s body. These included castration or the process of neutering which was normally done on colts. There were various reasons for this procedure, including the idea that it would make them easier to handle and result in an overall healthier animal. There were three main factors that needed to be considered before carrying out the operation. The first was the age of the animal, with different authors suggested varying length of time before it were done from a few days old up until two years of age. Robert Almond, for example, thought that it if it were done as soon as ‘his stones are come down’ that it would ‘improve his growth, shape and 67 J. Worlidge, Systema Agriculturae; The Mystery of Husbandry Discovered (London, 1675) and G. Markham, How to chuse, trayne, and dyet both Hunting Horses and Running Horses (London, 1606), sig. N3v. 68 J. Bartlett, The gentleman’s farriery (Dublin, 1765), pp. 56–57. 69 A.S. The gentleman’s compleat jockey (London, 1715), pp. 67–68; E.R. The experienced farrier, p. 118, R. Almond, The English horseman and complete farrier (London, 1673), p. 45 and G. Markham, Maister-piece, p. 240.

remedial and surgical medicine

167

courage’. The second was ‘the season of the year’, with the most auspicious time being the spring and the fall. Finally, owners were urged to consider the ‘state of the Moon’. Although there was some debate about this, it was generally considered best during the ‘decrease of the Moon’ while it was in Aries, Sagittarius or Capricorn.70 There was a great deal of information available on the best surgical methods to use for this procedure. Some suggested using ‘a fine Incision-knife’ to ‘slit the Cod’. This would enable ‘the stones’ to be pressed out. It was also recommended to then cauterize the area before covering it with a ‘hard Plaister’. This could include ‘rozin, wax and wash’d Turpentine, well Molten together’ or other similarly protective ingredients.71 Instruments ten and eleven in Markham’s chart show other tools that were used for cauterization. During the time of Hippocrates, the Greek term ‘to cut and burn’ was ‘the identifying mark of medical activity’.72 Such methods continued to play a major role in hippiatric medicine well through the early modern period. In conjunction with a lancet or other knife, these ‘irons’ would be heated to a red-heat before applying to the animal’s skin. The larger, longer tool was used ‘to open and separate the flesh’ while the ‘round button’ shape was for boring holes into the skin. This was known to be a very painful procedure for horses, and it was advisable to try other ‘chemical’ options first. Some authors recommended applying ‘putrifactives’ to ‘hard and fleshy areas’ first, as this might sufficiently ‘ripen’ them to a point of bursting. Another option was to raise blisters with the use of caustic substances to open and allow wounds to drain. Gervase Markham recommended using one of a number of inorganic ‘medicines’ such as ‘mercury sublimed’, ‘arsenick … lye, lime, vitriol … and the like’ which would put ‘the poor Beast to a great deal of pain’. If these methods were not effective, it was necessary to ‘sear and burn those places’ instead. Cauterization was also used after amputations when it was the only option ‘whereby to stay the Flux of Blood without danger of bleeding to death’.73

70 R. Almond, English horseman, pp. 195–196; P. Edwards, Horse and Man, p. 41; A.S. The gentleman’s compleat jockey (London 1697), p. 20; and W. Dade, An Almanack (London, 1654), sig A2v. 71 E.R. The experienced farrier, p. 120 and R. Almond, English horseman, p. 196. 72 J. Jouanna, Hippocrates, p. 155. 73 E.R. The experienced farrier, pp. 115 and 117; G. Markham, Faithful Farrier, pp. 73– 74 and B. Forester, The pocket farrier, Or Approved receipts collected from different authors (Shrewsbury, 1776), pp. 24–26.

168

chapter six Surgical Aids

I have chosen to use the term ‘surgical aids’ to refer to the assorted paraphernalia that might be used during a procedure. Although Markham included three items that could fall under this heading, there are a number of others which he did not describe. This may have been because he did not feel that it was necessary to discuss such commonplace items as bandages, straps, swathing-bands, bolsters, poultices or plasters. The first of these was commonly employed in human surgery for ‘the more secure performing of some painful Operation’. The size and weight of horses, however, dictated that the patient be ‘rais’d in a Sling’. ‘Straps’ were used to bind together parts of a horse’s body to help with ‘the reducing of Fractures’ or broken bones. A ‘swathing-band’ was ‘a long and broad Band’ which could be used for different purposes. For humans, it could also be used to refer to a form of support for women in childbirth. In surgical terms it could be employed to ‘contain any Part with the Surgeons Dressing or Preparatives [sic]’. This might include ‘crushed pills … moistened with spittle’ or other ingredients made into a paste. An alternative to swathing bands, which would act as a kind of ‘girdle’ to hold remedies in place would be bandages. Charles Le Clerc explained that there were ‘as many as there are different parts’ with some ‘Simple’ and others ‘Compound’. These included ‘the circular, that with Edgings, the Spiral, the Revers’d and divers others’. Interestingly, some specialist bandages for humans used terminology related to horses, such as ‘bridles’ for the lower jaw and ‘stirrups’ for the ‘ancle-bones of the feet’.74 Before the swathing bands or bandages were applied, however, the ‘mullet’ (12) might need to be used. As with many of the other instruments, this was a multi-functional tool which could be used for cleansing wounds. The sharpness of this instrument is illustrated by the fact that it could also be used on humans for ‘opening the skull’. For horses, it would often be used to clean out the ‘artifical Vent’ made ‘between the Skin and Flesh’ during the process called ‘rowelling’. A mullet might also be used after repairing a ‘compound fracture’ or other surgical procedure to prevent ‘malignant Humours’ from developing in the wound ‘open’d by the Farrier’. After the mullet had been used to scrape out extraneous matter, the wound would often be kept open with a ‘tent’ to allow ‘the digestion of the inward wound’ which then needed to drain.75 74 D. LeClerc, The compleat surgeon, pp. 131–134 and N. Wanley, The wonders of the little world (London, 1774), p. 13 and W. Gibson, The farrier’s new guide, p. 226. 75 Anon, Dictonarium rusticum & urbanicum: or, a dictionary of all sorts of country affairs

remedial and surgical medicine

169

In the absence of modern anasthetics, there were relatively few ways of reducing pain during surgical operations. Various forms of opiates, which had been known since ancient times, were a common and effective means. In the 1650s and 1660s a series of experiments were made injecting animals with a solution of opium, which confirmed its use as both a narcotic and analgesic.76 A barnacle, shown as number thirteen in Markham’s illustration was also thought to be effective. This curious looking item was to be placed on the animal’s nose or ears in order to reduce pain during surgical treatments. The final items Markham shows are different sized needles for stitching the wounds together. Given the thickness and toughness of a horse’s idea, as with many other procedures, their use would have required both patience and strength. Other items that might have been used either before during or after surgery were poultices or plasters. These could be employed either as a protective measure, as well as for ‘expelling Tumors, abating Heat and Inflammation’. As with all medicinal preparations, the ingredients would depend on the ‘Circumstances of the Distemper and Constitution of the Horse’. This would then determine whether the whether the offending humour/s needed to be cooled, heated, moistened or dried. After the ingredients were ‘spread thick on leather’, it was necessary to add something to make them adhere to the horse’s hide. While authors had different suggestions for ingredients, all have similar qualities. These included olive-oil, ‘Shooemakers Wax’, ‘black soap’, honey, suet, ‘hogs grease’ or ‘sweet butter’, all of which had a thick, sticky consistency.77 Although the methods previously discussed involved cutting into or breaking the hide, there were many other methods that could be used to remove ‘corrupt and superfluous’ matter78 A number of these, such as (London, 1804); J. Woodall, The surgeons mate or Military & domestique surgery Discouering[sic] faithfully & plainly ye method and order of ye surgeons chest (London, 1655), p. 20; M.G. Purmann, Chirurgia curiosa: or, the newest and most curious observations and operations in the whole art of chirurgery(London, 1706), p. 5; A. Belloste, The hospital-Surgeon: or, a new, gentle, and easie [sic] way, to cure speedilly all sorts of wounds and other diseases belonging to surgery (London, 1701), p. 2; J. Atkins, The navy surgeon: or, practical system of surgery (London, 1742), p. 74 and H. Bracken, Farriery Improved (London, 1745), p. 321. 76 A.H. Maehle, ‘Pharmacological Experimentation with Opium in the Eighteenth Century’ in R. Porter and M. Teich (eds.) Drugs and Narcotics in History (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 52– 76. 77 G.L. The gentleman’s new jockey: or, farrier’s approved guide (London, 1714), pp. 78, 92, 112 and 187, E.R. The experienced farrier, pp. 118–119; T. Cocke, Kitchin-Physick: or, Advice to the Poor, By Way of Dialogue (London, 1676), p. 9 and W. Gibson, The farriers dispensatory (London, 1721), p. 234 and 262. 78 R. Allestree, A new almanac and prognostication (London, 1640), sig. C5r.

170

chapter six

urination, defecation, vomiting, sneezing or coughing paralleled the body’s own ways of removing unwanted matter. Both these natural and applied ‘purging’ methods could make use of different orifices. Depending on the disorder, these might include the eyes, nose, mouth or ears through the pores in the skin and through to the bowels. It was thought that human bodies had two ‘cavities’, one above and the other below the chest. This meant that treatments would have needed to remove humours in either an upward or downward movement.79 Despite the anatomical differences, the procedures recommended for horses appear to follow a similar line of reasoning. This meant that if ‘the Distemper lyeth above the stomach’ it could be treated by vomits, ‘cleansing’ the head through the use of a gargarisme [gargle] or through ‘neesing’ [sneezing]. Vomiting was also recommended for cleansing the stomach ‘of all ill Humours, or any other matter which offends it’ including an ‘abundance of raw, undigested Flegm’ or fevers resulting from choler and melancholy.80 The lower part of horse’s body could be cleansed of superfluous humours through the use of ‘glysters, clysters’ and suppositories. This might have involved the use of diuretics to encourage copious urination or enemas to remove ‘harden’d Excrements’ which were ‘fastned by a sort of glutinous and viscid Matter to the Sides of the Canal’, and could result in fevers.81 During the sixteenth century the latter were generally administered using a dried pig’s bladder to hold the solution which was inserted into the anus with a greased tube. By the early seventeenth century, however, it became far more common to use a syringe. As with all remedial treatments, the ingredients used would have depended on the disorder, the constitution of the animal being treated and (usually) astrological considerations. This might include either ‘emollient and softening’ agents or ‘purgative’ ones such as senna, as well as some type of lubricant. One author recommended preparing the way for the pipe or syringe by oiling a ‘small hand’, which would then be ‘passed up the fundament’ to ‘bring away any hardened dung’. This was to be followed by an enema using a ‘glyster syringe Pipe and bladder’. Another method would have been to use a ‘Candle of foure in the pound’ and to ‘thrust it up a good way up his fundament’. It was, however, followed with the rather undesirable job of holding his tail down for a quarter to half an hour so that the process would work.82 J. Jouanna, Hippocrates, p. 156. W. Heathcott, Speculum anni (London, 1665), sig. B4v; W. Salmon, The London Almanack (London, 1694), sig. B4r and R. Saunders, Apollo Anglicanus (London, 1682), sig. A6v. 81 W. Gibson, The farrier’s new guide, p. 50. 82 C. Rawcliffe, Medicine and Society in Later Medieval England (Stroud, 1995), p. 61; G. 79 80

remedial and surgical medicine

171

Dangerous humours might also be purged using a combination of different methods. The type chosen, as well as its strength depended on the disorder being treated in conjunction with an assessment of the horse’s constitution. Given that ‘many Horses are kill’d by Purges improperly administer’d’ it was considered imperative that the healer was confident both about the type chosen and its strength. However, most texts do not explain why a particular type of method was recommended. I would suggest that this was because explanations for common procedures such as enemas were simply not deemed necessary for contemporary readers. Instead, authors tended to simply provide easy to follow instructions for carrying out various purging methods. One recommended way to remove ‘grease and foul matter’ from a horse was to start by taking the horse for a hard ride, followed by orally administering a strong purgative mixture.83 Alternatively, an animal could be given a ‘friction’ after exercise. This entailed preparing and heating a mixture of ingredients which would be rubbed into the horse’s hide ‘against the hair’.84 As with all purgatives, the most auspicious time astrologically was when the Moon was in an aspect with a moist planet, such as Cancer, Scorpio or Pisces, which ‘stirred up and down’ the humours, making it easier for them to be excreted.85 As discussed earlier in this book, there were also many types of ‘simples’ or compound mixtures of medicines. While they could be administered in a variety of ways, one of the most common for horses was to shape them into ‘balls’. Preparing medicine in this form was very common, due both to the ease of making and administering them to a horse. The general method was to ‘stamp’ and ‘pound’ the ingredients along with their ‘native juice’. Although these would vary according to the disorder all were normally made into a paste with butter, honey or treacle then rolled into balls.86 These could then either be ‘swallow’d down whole’ or dissolved in some ‘proper

Markham, Cheape and good husbandry (London, 1614), p. 24; W. Gibson, The farriers dispensatory (London, 1721), p. 234; Anon, The family pocket-book: or, fountain of true and useful knowledge (London, 1762), p. 11 and J. Bartlet, The gentleman farrier’s repository of approved remedies, for the diseases of horses (Dublin, 1770), p. 291. 83 J. Halfpenny, The gentlemans jockey, and approved farrier, p. 53 and W. Burdon, The gentleman’s pocket-farrier (London, 1748), p. 54. 84 G. Markham, Cheape and good husbandry, (1614), p. 73. 85 J. Blagrave, Blagrave’s Astrological Practice of Physick (London, 1687), sig. A5r and R. Clark, Clark an almanack (London, 1634), sig. C2r. 86 C. Clifford, The schoole of horsemanship (London, 1595), p. 75; J. Halfpenny, The gentlemans jockey and approved farrier (London, 1676), p. 181 and T. Watson, By His Majesty’s Royal Letters Patent: His Instructions for the Management of Horses and Dogs (London, 1785), pp. 2–3.

172

chapter six

Liquid’ to be used ‘by Way of Drench’. ‘Troches’, although similar to balls, were described as ‘little Cakes, or Lozenges, medicinal Sugar-Plumbs’ which made the remedy taste more palatable.87 Purging medicines could also be prepared and administered in the form of liquids or powders. The base for the former might be ‘old beer’, spirits or various forms of wine. There were also ‘physical wines’ which could be used to cause vomiting or promote sneezing. ‘Perfumes’ could also for the latter purpose by being ‘blown into [a horse’s] Nostrils’. There were also various substances that could be set alight to make fragrant smoke. These might include astringent mixtures to counteract moist, cold disorders or other ingredients to sooth strong emotions.88 The use of water to force impurities through the pores and/or other bodily orifices was another method that could be used to treat animals. This could be done either in a ‘Naturall bath’ such as a spring or an ‘Artificiall baths’, a concept which can be traced back to the ancient Romans ‘vapporary’.89 The second type of therapeutic bathing was called ‘waterish’ and referred to the immersion of either part or the entire body of the patient in water. Helmontian theory held that the water had healing properties because of the minerals and salts it acquired as it percolated through rocks and ‘subterrainiean mynes.’90 The latter could consist either of immersion in the water, or drinking it in order to promote vomiting or bowel movements.91 As the virtues of the waters differed according to location, spas became known for their particular benefits. That said, this generally included the proviso that ‘Euerie medicinall water doth not cure euery infirmitie, nor everie man is to use euerie bathe’. In addition, in order for ‘the superfluities’ to be ‘rype & ready’ to ‘flowe out’, it was recommended that the baths be visited ‘two or three dayes after the change and at the full Moon.’92 During the seventeenth century the best known sites were at Bath and Tunbridge Wells, although Scarborough, Harrogate and Buxton were also popular for catering for the ill. Wiltshire also

W. Gibson, The farrier’s dispensatory, p. 165. G. Blunt, An Almanack (London, 1657), sig. B6v; J. de Solleysel, The compleat horseman, p. 24; N. Culpeper, Complete Herbal, p. 249 and A. Corbin, The Foul & The Fragrant: Odour and the Social Imagination (London, 1994), p. 66. 89 N. Culpeper, The Expert Doctors Dispensatory (London, 1657), pp. 197 and 375. 90 E. Jorden, A discourse of naturall Bathes and Mineral Waters (London, 1633), p. 8. 91 N. Culpeper, Expert Doctors, pp. 197–199; R. Neve, A new almanac and prognostication (London, 1667), sig. B5r; R. Langley, A new almanac and prognostication (London, 1647), sig. B3r and D. Woodward, Vox Uraniae (London, 1688), sig. C7r. 92 T. Buckminster, An almanacke and prognostication (London, 1590), sig. C4v. 87 88

remedial and surgical medicine

173

boasted ‘several Springs of the Nature and Virtue of Tunbridge-Water, some stronger, some weaker.’ These waters all had different ‘qualities’ and related benefits to them. Although there has been a great deal written about the usage of ‘spa waters’ in the early modern period, these works have focused exclusively on humans. As my previous book pointed out, there were also facilities for horses to partake of the waters for medicinal purposes in early modern Bath. This allowed both owners and their horses to either bathe or drink the strongly scented waters in the hopes of strengthening ‘weak and feeble limbs’.93 There were five baths in Bath including the King’s Bath, which was the largest, followed by the Queen’s Bath, the Hot Bath, the Cross Bath and the Horse Bath. Of these, the King’s Bath, Hot Bath and the Cross Bath were fed directly by springs. The King’s Bath supplied the adjoining Queen’s Bath with pumped water, while its refuse water was piped to the Horse’s Bath which lay just outside the southern gate of the city.94 The bath for horses was built ‘in a Garden upon the South Side of St Jame’s Church’ and was used said to be effectual ‘for the cure of lame and foundred horses, and the removal of some other Distempers, which are incident to those kind of Animals’.95 Although there was some debate as the effectiveness of drinking water from the mineral springs, it was generally agreed that this could be beneficial to one’s health.96 One contemporary source notes these healing powers on a sick horse. According to the observer, the Coachman fed his horse water from Bath over a period of six weeks. During that that time the horse ‘fed and work’d as usually, and so continued for some years’.97

93 L. Hill Curth, The Care of Brute Beasts, pp. 137–138; N.G. Coley, ‘Cures without Care. Chymical Physicians and Mineral Waters in Seventeenth-Century English Medicine’, Medical History, 23 (1979), pp. 198–199; P. Borsay, The English Urban Renaissance: Culture and Society in the Provincial Town 1660–1770 (Oxford, 1989), p. 32, C.F. Mullett, ‘Public Baths and Health in England, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Century’, Supplement to the Bulletin of the History of Medicine (Baltimore, 1946), p. 24 and J. Brome, Travels over England, Scotland and Wales (London, 1700), pp. 38–39. 94 J. Childrey, Britannia Baconica, or, the Natural Rarieties of England, Scotland and Wales (London, 1668), p. 32; and J. Wood, An Essay towards a description of Bath (London, 1749), p. 207. 95 Idem and J. Brome, Travels, p. 40. 96 N. Culpeper, Expert Doctors, pp. 197–199. 97 N. Salmon, A New survey of England (London, 1731), Vol. 1, pp. 810–811.

174

chapter six Dietetics

As previously mentioned, the term ‘dietetics’ has its’ roots in the Greek ‘diaita’ for ‘way of life’.98 This is most clearly illustrated in the relationship between the non-naturals and ‘healthy lifestyles’ which were discussed in the previous chapter. Despite the origin of the word, by the early modern period ‘dietetics’ was commonly used to refer only to the consumption of food and drink. Some authors believed that ‘all cures [had been reduced] to the Order of Diet’, while others did not.99 As a result, it was generally recommended that the correct type diet should be supplemented with remedial nostrums. For sick humans, there were three major types of therapeutic diets: ‘thinning’ or ‘sparing’, ‘liberall or full’ and ‘a meane diet betwixt both’. According to Galen, the first was most suitable for chronic diseases, while the others could also be used in acute disorders. The concept of a ‘sparing’ diet, of course, fits in well with the ubiquitous idea of moderation in food, as in all things.100 Although I have not seen this actual term used, it does appear to describe what many authors were recommending for sick horses. John Bartlet, for example, said that a horse recovering from a lung disease should be given ‘a light and open diet for two or three weeks.’101 There were also suggestions for ‘fattening lean horses’, although it is not clear if this was considered to be an actual physical disorder. Interestingly, I have found relatively few references to feeding sick horses. This may be because authors felt that it was unnecessary to include such basic information. Robert Almond recommended ‘fasting a Horse a good while both before and after’ treatment. However, he then went on to suggest that weak, sick animals should have their medicines mixed with ‘Milk and Egges’. The key seemed to be that one ‘must not thrust it [food] violently upon him, but by gentle enticements win him thereto’. Another author recommended that a recuperating horse should be given ‘thin but very clean and sweet’ food. Another suggested that a horse recovering from a hot and dry disease should be given ‘a moistening Diet’. As the term suggests, this was based on ‘moisten’d’ feed, in this case ‘Bran’ which was ‘more easily digested than Oats’.102

98 99 100 101 102

M. Toussaint-Samat, History of Food (trans.) A. Bell (New York, 1992), p. 755. H.C. Agrippa, The Vanity of Arts and Sciences (London, 1694), pp. 305–306. E. Mindell, Earl Mindell’s Herb Bible (New York, 1992), pp. 138–139. J. Bartlet, The gentleman’s farriery, p. 36. R. Almond, The English Horseman, p. 56; A.S. The gentleman’s complete jockey (London,

remedial and surgical medicine

175

Given the differences in diets for healthy horses, based on the type of work they did, it seems likely that there would also have been variations for sick animals. The most elite and expensive horses were likely to receive more attention in general when ill. This may have carried over into spending additional time encouraging them to eat and, perhaps, more ‘delicate’ foodstuffs. However, in the absence of supporting evidence, such ideas must remain mere conjecture at this point. Conclusion This chapter has provided an overview of the many types of remedial methods employed in early modern England. Despite anatomical differences, there are a large number of similarities with between human remedies and surgical procedures and those for horses. Due to their inability to communicate through speech, one of the foremost difficulties would have been in diagnosing what ailed the animal. Fortunately, many disorders had physical manifestations that could help the healer to determine whether it was suffered from an ‘inward’ or ‘outward’ cause. In many cases, the latter was easier to diagnose because of more visible symptoms. On the other hand, the common method of examining either the animal’s urine of faeces were considered to be highly effective for determining the origins of inward disorders. There were many different types of possible treatments that could be used which meant that a number of considerations to be taken into account first. At the lowest level, these included the complexion, constitution and age of the horse. It was also necessary to take both normal and unusual astral configurations into account, as well as environmental factors such as the time of year and weather. The next steps would have been to decide whether to include one or more components of pharmaceutical, surgical or dietetic treatments. As with human medicine, the first category was based mainly on organic substances, although there was a growing trend for the inclusion of ‘chymical’ or non-organic ingredients over time. Although the term ‘surgery’ encompassed many different types of treatments, it was recognised that many could potentially be very dangerous. This was particularly true of bloodletting, although even other types of purges could ‘stirre the humours so violently by their nauseousnesse, that

1782), p. 101; T. Fairfax, The compleat sportsman: or country gentleman’s recreation (London, 1758) and J. de Sollysel, The compleat horseman: or, perfect farrier (London, 1711), p. 240.

176

chapter six

their operation is a sicknesse of itself all the while’.103 As the illustration of a horse’s venal system showed, there were many different places on the body from which blood could be drawn. The actual point to cut into would depend on what type of illness the animal was suffering from. However, as with humans, authors regularly reminded readers of the dangers of letting excessive amounts of blood. Although there was almost no variation in surgical tools or techniques over the early modern period, the types of ingredients and remedies themselves showed both continuity and change. In the earlier stages, most remedies would have probably been produced on a domestic level. For less wealthy horse owners, these might have been based on commonplace, cheap plants and other organic ingredients. As one went up the social scale, however, they were likely to have included more expensive ingredients and to be made by a farrier or healer, rather than the owner. By the early eighteenth century, what I refer to as ‘commercialised’ medicines were becoming increasingly available in the veterinary marketplace. As the following two chapters will show, there were a number of different ways in which contemporaries could obtain information on both preventative and remedial medicine. Chronologically, these begin with the ‘oral culture’ or the medium of speech, followed by a variety of handwritten and finally printed texts. This is not meant to suggest, however, that any of these supplanted each other. As W.H. Sherman has so succinctly noted, there was both a ‘coexistence and interaction of orality and literacy’ in early modern England.104 Chapters Seven and Eight will discuss how knowledge about equine health care was disseminated through each of these mediums, as well as how they were symbiotically joined.

103

W. Rumsey, Organon salutis: An instrument to cleanse the stomach (London, 1659), sig.

B2r. 104 W.H. Sherman, John Dee: The politics of reading and writing in the English Renaissance (Amherst, Mass., 1995), p. 140.

PART THREE

THE DISSEMINATION OF KNOWLEDGE

chapter seven ORAL AND MANUSCRIPT CULTURE

I cannot send you any other directions but to use him as a sick horse, that is to keepe him warme and given him good macche to cherish him.1

Although traditional methods of correspondence have changed dramatically since 1639 when the letter above was written, there are now many other ways to share advice about caring for sick horses. In modern Britain, these include the ‘old media’ of journalism, advertising and public relations in newspapers, magazines, radio and television. According to some academics, the inclusion of newer forms of media such as video and audio recorders, cameras, the internet, video and mobile phones suggest that we are now living in ‘the information age’.2 While these are all new types of technology, it should be noted that none have supplanted the traditional channels through which hippiatric advice was transmitted in early modern England. There were three main ways in the past in which the information on preventative and remedial medicine discussed in the previous two chapters could be disseminated. The first, of ‘orality’, refers to ‘the use of speech or the act of speaking; the natural exercise of the vocal organs; the utterance of words or sentences; oral expression of thought or feeling.’3 Although it is possible to speak to oneself, the term implies the transmission of words between two or more people who might be ‘healers’, such as farriers or laypeople who owned or worked with horses. Over time, this was joined by the second category of the written word in the form of ‘manuscripts’, including notes, records, accounts or correspondence on paper. Printed works, which will be discussed in the following chapter, included vast number of publications targeting both ‘professional’ and lay healers. While all three co-existed symbiotically in the early modern period, I would argue that they still do so today, albeit often in telephonic or electronic form.

D.E. Gardiner, The Oxiden Letters 1607–1642 (London, 1933), p. 143. E. Spence, A. Alexandra, A. Quinn and A. Dunne, Media, Markets and Morals (Oxford, 2011), p. 4. 3 ‘speech, n. 1’. OED Online. September 2012. Oxford University Press. http://www.oed .com/view/Entry/186128?isAdvanced=false&result=1&rskey=YdcWfp& (Accessed June 10, 2012). 1

2

180

chapter seven

Before the relatively recent development of ways to record the human voice, the only way to find out what people had said in the past was if the information had been recorded in some way. This could be done in various forms, with some of the oldest being symbolic or artistic representations. There are many surviving types of such images, including Paleolithic cave drawings of horses in southern France and northern Spain or other parts of the world.4 Such carvings, along with ancient relief drawings, statues or figurines can provide insights into both the anatomy and usage of these animals. There are also a number of surviving, often highly decorated pieces of accessories such as ‘blinker’, ‘frontlet’ or harness ornaments which demonstrate the status and prestige accorded to horses. Some fragments of pottery found in Buckinghamshire also illustrate what are probably either horses or mules transporting goods out of Londonium.5 Images of medieval horses appear in a variety of places and forms. Many churches or cathedrals, such as Winchester or Durham, have highly decorative, carved images on pillars. A large number also have misericords, which were wooden seats in the choir stalls meant to provide some comfort for those participating in the eight daily church services. The undersides of those that have survived across the country contain many different types of carvings. These represent a variety of themes with a large number containing images of animals.6 One of the misericords in Wells Cathedral, for example, shows a bareback rider on a finely carved horse. Gloucester Cathedral has one with a horse and rider wearing a flowing cape, while a misericord at Bristol Cathedral contains an ape riding a horse. There are also many images of horses in medieval manuscripts. They figure most prominently in ‘bestiaries’ or ‘books of beasts’, said to have been the most common type of illustrated manuscripts (other than Bibles) in the Romanesque and Gothic Middle Ages. It is thought that the earliest surviving copies from England date from the 8 or 9th century bc although they did not ‘reach their apogee’ until the first half of the thirteenth century.7

4 E. Fuller Tovey and R.H. Yolken, Beasts of the Earth: Animals, Humans, and Disease (London, 2005), p. 26. 5 J. Curtis and N. Tallis, The Horse: from Arabia to Ascot Exhibition at the British Museum (London, 2012), pp. 134–137. 6 G. Hardwicke, English Medieval Misericords: The Margins of Meanings (Woodbridge, 2011), p. 2. 7 W. George and B. Yapp, The naming of the beasts: natural history in the medieval bestiary (London, 1991), pp. 2–3.

oral and manuscript culture

181

Sander Gilman has suggested that ‘images … represent an unmediated window into medicine’.8 The colourful illustrations of horses in medieval bestiaries, however, are not as useful for veterinary historians as later printed images. This particularly holds true for things such as anatomical or other charts, as well as pictures of zodiac horse or the farrier’s tools shown earlier in this book. Of course, the ability to examine a real horse would have been the most effective way of understanding of an oral discourse about their health or illnesses. This chapter will discuss several forms of manuscript works that played an important role in the transmission of information about equine health. As Michael Hunter has noted, the study of handwritten works are ‘central to textual scholarship’ for academics working in many different disciplines.9 The main problem for early periods, however, is that of source survival. In some cases, this might be linked to heavily used items simply getting worn out and disposed of. Others went missing ‘as a consequence of neglect, ignorance or more active destruction’.10 Surviving manuscripts range from notes on scraps of paper through various types of ‘notebooks’ to complete ‘texts’. According to Harold Love, all shared a type of exclusivity in that they were only able to transmit limited amounts of information to fairly small audiences. While I would agree with this point, his second about the exclusivity resulting in the ‘bonding of individuals who shared certain values … into a community, sect or political faction’ is not really pertinent in this context. That said, his three categories of manuscripts consisting of: ‘authorial holograph’, ‘a [handwritten] copy made by a specialist scribe’ or ‘a [handwritten] copy made by an individual’ do apply to hippiatric works.11 Although there has been a great deal of research into early modern medical manuscripts, these have focused almost exclusively on humans. These have included the study of papers which simply document events, those which either ask for or provide advice and information or various types of business accounts. While diaries, for example, could be used simply to record daily activities, they often included references to the writers’ own health and that of his/her family, friends, colleagues or even strangers.12 S. Gilman, Health and Illness: Images of Difference (London, 1995), p. 11. M. Hunter, Editing Early Modern Texts: An Introduction to Principles and Practice (Basingstoke, 2007), p. 14. 10 D. McKitterick, Print, Manuscript and the Search for Order 1450–1830 (Cambridge, 2003), p. 16. 11 H. Love, Scribal Publication in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1993), pp. 46 and 177. 12 R.G. Frank., ‘The John Ward Diaries: Mirrors of Seventeenth Century Science and 8

9

182

chapter seven

Matters of health were also regularly referred to in correspondence, with the cost of medical goods or services regularly appearing in various types of account books. While both sexes might have produced such manuscripts, collections of ‘medical recipes’ or receipts were generally linked to women. These included advice which had been acquired from watching and working alongside their mother, senior female in their household or perhaps gleaned from other friends or even strangers. As Gervase Markham reminded his readers, the ‘English housewife’ was responsible for ‘the preservation and care of the family touching their health and soundness of body’. It was, therefore, imperative that she knew ‘how to administer many wholesome receipts or medicines for the good of their health, as well to prevent the first occasion of sickness’.13 Mary Fissell has argued that ‘manuscript remedy books’, along with manuscript diaries, and correspondence are the most ‘extant indicators’ of early modern health care for humans.14 The question that follows on from that, however, is what about animals? It has long been a historical commonplace that women, who were the primary and often sole provider of health care for their domestic circle, would also treat small or pet animals. Men, however, were considered to be the providers of health care for large or older animals. Therefore, it seemed highly likely that household books would contain at the very least some veterinary advice. This theory was also supported by the common tendency to include horse remedies in printed texts (under the name of a male author) which had been based on manuscript remedy books by women.15 As this chapter will show, I have found a number of manuscripts, albeit many fewer than expected. The paucity of this material raises the two questions of why women would have failed to include advice for sick pets. It also makes one wonder why some copied down horse remedies at all? One possible explanation might have had to do with socio-cultural issues such as it not

Medicine’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 29 (1974), pp. 147–179 and R. Anselment, ‘ ‘The Wantt of health’: an Early Eighteenth-Century Self-Portrait of Sickness’, Literature and Medicine, 152 (1996), pp. 225–243. 13 G. Markham, The English Housewife, (ed.) M. Best (London, 1612; paperback edition 1994), p. 8. 14 M. Fissell, Patients, Power, and the Poor in Eighteenth-Century Bristol (Cambridge, 1991), p. 16. 15 P. Slack, ‘Mirrors of Health and Treasures of Poor Men: The Uses of the Vernacular Medical Literature of Tudor England’ in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, Medicine and Mortality in the Sixteenth Century, (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 237–274.

oral and manuscript culture

183

being considered ‘suitable’ for women to publish under their own names.16 Therefore, if what had previously been a ‘woman’s notebook’ appeared as a man’s text then it needed to include advice of interest to men. Alternatively, it might have been that a husband or other male family member asked the writer to include something that they considered particularly important. On the other hand, if that were the case then perhaps such notebooks would more generally contain veterinary advice? Women might also have copied something that they had heard of which might be useful for another family member. Although it is not possible to draw a conclusion about why at this point, it is definitely an area that demands further research. The first part of this chapter will begin with different types of manuscripts usually produced by family or friends for domestic use. These included a range of documents, such as commonplace books or miscellanies in what Catherine Field has called the ‘notebook society’.17 It will then move on to examine the hippiatric content of the Wellcome Library’s digitalized collection of seventeenth and early eighteenth century ‘receipt books’. Such notebooks are regularly referred to by different names, including ‘manuscript remedy books’, but are also known as ‘household’ books. Given the range of information found in most such works, I generally prefer to use the latter term. It will then move onto a collection of hippiatric recipes which are part of the extensive Jervoise family papers held at the Hampshire Records Office.18 The most unique feature of these remedies is that they were written on separate, loose pieces of paper. These are particularly exciting given the nature of these sources and related low survival rate of similar ones. In addition, these particular recipes are even more surprising given that many are attributed to a woman. The final section of this chapter will briefly discuss actual manuscript texts or books, which might have been copied for an individual, but had originally been written by (often) an unknown author. This is an area that has been tainted by a paucity of surviving materials, leading to the stereotype that this was because they had never existed in the first place. The best know work is the fifteenth century Boke of Marchalsi which has survived in

16 P. Salzman ‘Introduction’ in P. Salzman (ed.) Early Modern Women’s Writing: An Anthology 1560–1700 (Oxford, 2000), p. ix. 17 C. Field, ‘Many hands: Writing the Self in Early Modern Women’s Recipe Books’ in J.A. Ecekerle and M.M. Dowd, (eds.) Genre and women’s life writing in early modern England (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 49–64. 18 Hampshire Records Office Catalogue for Series 44M69/E8/11.

184

chapter seven

several partial versions. This chapter will close with a discussion of the full version held at the British Library, before moving on to printed works in the following chapter. Notebook Society The very broad term of ‘notebook’ can encompass practically any type of notes, or information, recorded on paper or other material, held together in some type of binding. Modern academics use a range of terms to identify such items, such as ‘miscellanies’, ‘commonplace’ or ‘memorandums’ in addition to diaries, correspondence and ‘receipt’, ‘recipe’ or ‘household’ books.19 It should be noted, however, that these are generally not labels used by the original writers. A further problem with such titles is that they are generally not very helpful in actually describing what kinds of information the manuscripts contain. Miscellanies, which might have been written by men or women, could have included poetry, sermon notes, news, proverbs, references to books, drawings or medical advice. Commonplace books were used to copy ‘phrases and ideas that appealed [to them]’. As with miscellanies, this could have resulted in a mixture of anything from poems or songs to sermons.20 John Birch of Rusholme, Manchester, for example, kept a commonplace book in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. He noted a variety of things of daily interest, including tips on human and animal medicine. These included a few remedies for horses, such as ‘dressing sores’, purging or treating strains in their legs. Another mid-17th century commonplace book contained a single recipe for ‘a wound in a horse’ composed of tallow and turpentine, noting that ‘nothing is better to heal a wound’21

19 J. Lane, ‘The doctor scolds me: The diaries and correspondence of patients in eighteenth century’ in R. Porter (ed.) Patients and Practitioners: Lay perceptions of medicine in pre-industrial society (Cambridge, 1995), 205–247 V. Burke, ‘Women and Early SeventeenthCentury Manuscript Culture: Four Miscellanies’, The Seventeenth Century, XII (Autumn, 1997), 135–150 and C. Field, ‘Many hands: Writing the Self’, pp. 49–64. 20 V. Burke, ‘Contexts for Womens Manuscripts Miscellanies’, The Yearbook of English Studies (2003), 33, pp. 316–320; A. Blair, ‘Humanist Methods in Natural Philosophy: The Commonplace Book’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 53 (October–December 1992), pp. 541– 551; 51V and S.B. Dobranski, Readers and Authorship in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2006), p. 56. 21 John Rylands Library, English MS 914; John Birch’s Commonplace Book (early 17th century), sig. 5v, 7v, 8r, 11–13r and D. Allen, Commonplace books and reading in Georgian England (Cambridge, 2010), p. 90.

oral and manuscript culture

185

A memorandum book, as the title suggests, could also be used to record any information that the author wished to remember. As such, it might closely resemble either miscellanies or commonplace books. Memorandum books, such as that kept by Henry Best contained a number of veterinary recipes. This included ‘a drink for the farysey’ in horses based on rue steeped in old ale. Richard Cholmeley’s memorandum book listed payments to ‘Auberry curing my black nag’ and to Lord Southampton’s farrier, Mr Stanley.22 There are also surviving seventeenth century account books belonging to the Jervoise family of Hampshire which contain multiple references to different types of horses. Shown in Illustration 7.1, these include ‘saddle horses’, ‘coach horses’ and ‘carthorses’ with almost daily sums ranging from a few pence to several shillings. Although the writer does not explain what these were for, it seems likely that they might have represented either lodging or subsistence.23 Patricia Crawford and Laura Gowing have argued that ‘household’ or ‘remedy books’ were probably the primary means of passing on information from, generally, a female author to future generations. Such manuscripts have also been said to have played a major role in ‘the ways in which people understood and interpreted health, and actions that pertained to health.’24 In fact, although these books usually did include medical advice, they often also had a variety of might other non-medical material. They might have provided culinary recipes, tips on caring for a house or children, as well as information also found in other types of ‘notebooks’. Some household books record visits by friends, families or business associates, while others include lists of purchases or accounts relating to the household. Sarah Fell’s household book listed two payments 1677/8 for medicinal ingredients for horse remedies. The first was for ‘turpentine, rosin, garlic and verdigris’ for a horse’s sore back and a second for half a pound of tobacco ‘for use on horses with the itch’.25 H. Best, The Farming and Memorandum Books of Henry Best of Elmswell, 1642 (Oxford, 1986) p. 200 and North Yorkshire Records Office Publication, The Memo Book of Richard Cholmeley of Brandsby 1602–1623 (York, 1988), pp. 110 and 187. Thanks to Peter Edwards for this reference. 23 Hampshire Records Office, Jervoise family collection, 44M69/E7/13—farm accounts. 24 Wellcome MS 85775—English recipe book, 17th century and later, pp. 430–456; P. Crawford and L. Gowing, Women’s worlds in seventeenth-century England (London, 2000), p. 9; D. Evenden, The Midwives of Seventeenth-Century London (Cambridge, 2000); M. Pelling, The Common Lot: Sickness, Medical Occupations and the Urban Poor in Early Modern England (London, 1998) and E. Tebeaux, ‘Women and Technical Writing, 1475–1700’ in L. Hunter and S. Hutton (ed.) Women, Science and Medicine 1500–1700, (Stroud, 1997), pp. 29–62. 25 N. Penney, The household book of Sarah Fell of Swarthmoor Hall (Cambridge, 1920), 12 December 1677/8 and 24 January 1677/8. 22

186

chapter seven

Figure 7.1. Jervoise family collection accounts, MS 44M69/E7/3/4. Printed with permission of the Hampshire Records Office.

oral and manuscript culture

187

I would argue that all of these types of sources illustrate the actual definition of ‘account’, or the more commonly used ‘accompt’ as being a list of important things ‘set down in Order one after another’. These could include ‘what things are good for every Disease’ to business records listing ‘sume of mony and every other thinge or thinges … which shall come into your hands or possession’. Although this quote was part of the duties of a member of the Company of Farriers, it also applied to those who needed to record other business transactions. They could, for example, have included a book of ‘houshold-expences [sic]’ which were supposed to be copied into a ‘cash book’ once a month.26 There was no set format for these notations, with most simply noting daily or other periodical costs, often in chronological order. Given the importance, and expense, of keeping horses, there are often notes from the cost of purchasing an animal, to feeding, housing or caring for their health. It can also be problematic trying to identify the content of a manuscript referred to with the use of terms such as ‘household’ or ‘farm’ account. As with the other sources already mentioned, both could contain a random mixture of information or advice. Diaries, for example, often encompass a large quantity of household or family-related information. A great many, however, also referred to matters concerning health and sickness. An anonymous writer of one diary kept a detailed account of the course of his twentyday illness, beginning with taking sick ‘with paine in my head and neck’ followed by a clearly unsuccessful course of drugs over the following week.27 Although the diary kept by Elizabeth Isham does not appear to have survived, the ‘vade mecum’, or notes for the diary, still exists. While it only contains abbreviated notes covering a span of several years, it provides some insights into the types of medical treatments that Elizabeth administered to her family. The greatest number of entries refers to various types of purges, used for both preventative and remedial treatments. Unfortunately, none are for horses.28 John Evelyn’s and Anthony Woods’ diaries recorded many episodes of their own or other’s ill health. Both, however, focused exclusively on human disorders. The only reference Evelyn made to horses was of his sending

26 E.R. The Experienced Farrier, or Farring Complete, (London, 1678), sig. A2v; Guildhall Mss 5534-4, Farriery Company, p. 38 and E. Hatton, A new view of London; or, an ample account of that city, in two volumes, or eight sections, Vol. 2 (London, 1708), p. 115. 27 Manuscript notes in Bodleian Library, Ashm. 727, J. Booker, Mecurius Coeletias (London, 1645). 28 The Royal College of Surgeons, Isham Family, MS 0030.

188

chapter seven

his ‘black manège horse’ to ‘his Majesty’ in Oxford in 1643. His intentions were clear, given that he was referring to a horse ‘trained for war in the riding academy’. Woods’ diary, in common with many others, was written in yearly editions of almanacs. While they contain a range of interesting entries, relatively few mention horses. Those that do comment on horses do so in terms of the numbers, types and decorations on those drawing either ‘an hears [hearse]’ or coaches.29 That said, as with other types of un-indexed manuscripts, it is difficult to locate references to horses. Many almanacs also often contained hand written notes or remedies for horses. Some cases these were written on blank spaces meant for ‘the wellmeaning husbandman … to Write down his Accounts’. Richard Stapley of Hickstead Place in Twineham used his copy of An Almanack for Six Years to record purchases from books to items for running the family farm.30 In other cases, clues can be found in marginalia scattered throughout the text. Depending on the quantity and content, such marginalia can sometimes insights as to the kind of person who originally it.31 One almanac from 1692, for example, contained a recipe for horses suffering from pin and web. This involved grinding up an egg which had been roasted with salt and ginger and blowing it into the sick horses’ eye.32 Accounts or recipes might sometimes also be found within the pages of other ‘notebooks’ such as those belonging to the Reverend John Crankanthorp. These contained a number of references to payments for consultations with animal healers and for treatments or medicines. In 1705, for example, he mentions having had to call out a farrier to treat ‘Ball’ for the quinsy. This unnamed farrier also apparently supplied some type of eye tonics ‘for the other horses’. Crankanthorp also paid for ingredients for medicinal ‘drinks’, such as the ‘pint of hony’ that was to be ‘added to other things for [treating] worms’ in a horse. Another remedy, attributed to Sir Thomas Doily, was for treating ‘an horse’s cold’ This was based on a drink consisting

29 J. Evelyn, The Diary of John Evelyn, (ed.) G. Bedoyere (Woodbridge, 1995), Vol. I, p. 63 and A. Wood, Wood’s Life and Times: The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, Antiquary of Oxford 1632–1695 (Oxford, 1891), for example Vol. III, 1683, p. 66. F. Beridge, An Almanack for the Year of our Lord 1654 (London, 1654), sig. B3r. 30 Anon., The Country Almanack, (London, 1678), sig. B1v and E. Turner, ‘Extracts from the Diary of Richard Stapley’, Sussex Archaeological Collections, III (1849), pp. 105–108. 31 W.H. Sherman, ‘What Did Renaissance Readers Write in Their Books?’ in J. Andersen and E. Sauer (eds.) Books and Readers in Early Modern England: Material Studies (Philadelphia, 2002), 119–137. 32 T. Gallen A compleat pocket almanac (London, 1692), inside front cover.

oral and manuscript culture

189

of organic ingredients, such as horehound, honey, turmeric and bayberries boiled in ‘good mild Ale’33 Such references can sometimes be found in other types of manuscripts such as correspondence. Again, although many personal letters have survived the centuries it can be very difficult to locate pertinent ones. Archival catalogues, for example, do not generally list the content of such materials. As a result, it is often a matter of luck or chance as to whether one can find such references to horses. Those that do, however, often provide insights into warm relationships between humans and animals. Sir James Oxiden, for example, recommended that his nephew ‘keepe him [his horse] warme and given him good macche to cherish him’.34 Similar sentiments were mirrored in 1476 when Thomas Betson who was loaning a horse to his cousin Katherine asked her to ‘greet well my horse’. Other correspondence might refer to horses in the context of what they cost to buy, such as the one from 10 November 1648 noting a ‘nag [which] cost 3 pounds 10 shillings’.35 Correspondence between Isaac Hobart, the Land Steward at Welbeck Abbey to Edward Hardly, second Earl of Oxford, however, referred to a number of sick horses. These letters dating between the 18th of November 1721 and 6 April 1730 included mention of horses suffering from: Bites from another colt Cough Broken knee Broken winded Cold Eyes—four references Farcie Lameness—four references Lameness in shoulder—two references Rupture Surfeit Spavins Swelling in throat

The letters noted that various people were involved in administering the treatments. In most cases, this included either a Mr Marriott or John Bowron, who ‘let his [a horse] blood the way Mr Marriott direct[ed] which never 33 Crakanthorp, 1988, pp. 162, 194 and 236 and Buckinghamshire Records Office, Chequers Manuscripts, D138/16/16/1. 34 D. Gardner, The Oxinden Letters 1607–1642, p. 143. 35 F. Bennett, ‘The Diary of Isabella, Wife of Sir Roger Twysden’, Archealogica Canterbury, li (1939), p. 127.

190

chapter seven

yet failed’. Mr Jeffery, who was ‘one of the persons belonging to the stable’ was also referred to as treating the sick horses. Although the letters show that although some of the horses did not survive their illnesses, the majority did.36 The frequent inclusion of medical and/or culinary recipes alongside accounts in ‘household’ books often leads them to be referred to as ‘receipt’ or ‘recipe’ books. One early seventeenth century book was entitled ‘Mrs Anne Browning her Booke of Receytes or medicines’, while another is inscribed ‘Mary Miller her Booke of Receipts’.37 It was very common to find recipes attributed to others, including female friends or relatives, male doctors or famous people in such works. The Lady Sedley’s Receipt Book of 1686, for example, noted two remedies for ‘the stone’, one by the Duke of Monmouth and the other by Judge Ellis. Other writers copied recipes from ‘Garrade’s Herbal’ or one of Nicholas Culpeper’s many books.38 While it can be difficult to locate such sources, surviving account or household books can sometimes be found in collections of family papers, often spanning several generations. While some identified who the author/s was or were such as. ‘this is the receipt book of Elizabeth Isham’, many did not.39 Some focus purely on items relating to the running of the farm and are, therefore, typically written by men. There are some exceptions, however, such as the accounts kept by Sarah Sale (c. 1679–1690) who was apparently running her own farm in Buckinghamshire. These included the cost of hiring workers, the types of crops sown and sold and the purchase of various foodstuffs.40 It is interesting that although Sarah Sale was taking on a typically male role (possibly because of the absence of anyone else to do it) that she did not also refer to the health of her animals. Paradoxically, the writers of more traditional ‘household’ books did sometimes include hippiatric advice.

36 B. Hanawalt, The wealth of wives: women, law and economy in late medieval London (Oxford, 2007), pp. 83–84. 37 Wellcome MS 160 Anne Brumwich and others—1625–1700 and MS 3547—Receipt Book 1660—title page. 38 Wellcome MS 85775—English recipe book, 17th century and later, pp. 430–456; P. Crawford and L. Gowing, Women’s worlds in seventeenth-century England (London, 2000), p. 9; D. Evenden, The Midwives of Seventeenth-Century London (Cambridge, 2000); E. Tebeaux, ‘Women and Technical Writing, 1475–1700’ in L. Hunter and S. Hutton (ed.) Women, Science and Medicine 1500–1700, (Stroud, 1997), pp. 29–62 and W. Brockbank, ‘Soverign Remedies: A Critical Depreciation of the seventeenth century London Pharmacopoeia’, Medical History, 8 (1964), pp. 1–14. 39 Royal College of Surgeons, MS 0030, The Receipt Booke of Elizabeth Isham (c. 1608–1654). 40 Folger Shakespeare Library, A2254.5, Sarah Sale’s notebook, 1679–1690.

oral and manuscript culture

191

Over the years I have seen various veterinary recipes in household books. Some included advice for ‘cattle’ (in the generic sense of working animals) alongside recipes for human medicines.41 Others, such as Anne Blencowe’s late seventeenth century ‘receipt book’, for example, specifically referred to horses. This manuscript, which was transcribed and published in 1925, contains two such remedies amongst those for humans. Unlike the latter, however, the hippiatric advice was attributed to male sources. The first recipe, from a Mr Ledgand, described how to treat a horse ‘under a great cold or surfit [sic]’. This involved letting ‘about a quart of blood’ followed by feeding the animal a cordial consisting of aniseed, honey and ale. The second was Mr Blencowe’s instructions for preparing balls to be used for treating ‘a Horses [sic] cold’. This contained a more unpleasant sounding mixture of ‘rusty bacon … tar … honey … flower of brimstone’ and ‘wheat flower’.42 As mentioned in the introduction, the occasional inclusion of horse remedies led to my attempt to carry out a systematic investigation of seventeenth and early eighteenth century ‘receipt’ or ‘household books’. Academics who have worked in this genre will know that there are many difficulties in trying to do this due to the lack of consistent titles to identify them by, standard formats and/or content. Another common problem, as with all early modern manuscripts, is that of survival and accessibility. This has led me to concentrate on the collection of seventy-five seventeenth and eighteenth century ‘receipt books’ held at the Wellcome Library in London. Although these have been digitalised and are available to researchers online, it was an onerous task finding hippiatric remedies in them.43 There are several reasons for this, including the condition of the manuscripts which were sometimes damaged or contained very faded ink. In some cases, the style of writing (which often varied greatly within one text) made them difficult to read. However, the major issue was either the lack of systematic indexing or animal recipes appearing in a random place, possibly as an afterthought. Surprisingly, only eleven in the Wellcome collection contained remedies for animals, including oxen, sheep, dogs and horses. It is not, however, possible to draw any firm conclusions about ‘women’s receipt books’ from this finding, as many of the manuscripts do not even fit under such a label.

41 For example, Buckinghamshire Records Office, Book of Receipts—Chequers Mss D138/ 16/6/1–3, late 17th century. 42 A. Blencowe, The Receipt book of Mrs Anne Belncowe AD 1694 (London, 1925), p. 49. 43 Digitalised collection of seventeenth and eighteenth century Receipt Books available: through http://archives.wellcome.ac.uk/ (Accessed 10 May 2012).

192

chapter seven

There is one notebook with hippiatric advice, for example, which would be more correctly labelled as ‘case studies and remedies’, compiled by a male surgeon living in Exeter. Others are listed in the catalogue as belonging to men or with only a family name, despite containing an inscription of a female inside. In many cases, there is no information at all as to who the author or authors were. However, despite the problems with authorship and/or ownership, the advice they contain still provides interesting insights into their perceived priorities of medical disorders in horses. Table 7.2 lists the Wellcome manuscripts which contained medical advice for horses. The first three columns outline the details found in the Wellcome catalogue. While many include a family name, the names in brackets are those found within the actual manuscript. This will be followed by a brief discussion of each ‘notebook’ including a list of the remedies found in each. Table 7.2. Table of manuscript ‘Receipt’ or Household Books from the Wellcome Library. Wellcome MS

Family name

Date(s)

MS 144 MS 184a MS 212 MS 635 MS 1340 MS 1795 MS 3500 MS 4338 MS 7073 MS 7721 MS 7998

Anon [Stephen Barsett] Lady Francis Catchmay Arthur Corbett [Alice Corbett] Anon Boyle family Anon Meade family Johanna St John Caleb Lowdham Anon Mary Fausett

c. 1650–1739 c. 1625 Mid 17th century Early 17th century Late 17th century c. 1685–1725 1688–1727 1680 c. 1665–1712 c. 1675–c. 1800 Late 17th – mid 18th century

According to the Wellcome’s catalogue, MS 144 was an anonymous manuscript written ‘mainly’ by one hand around 1650 and the other from roughly 1731–1739. Textual evidence on page three, however, includes the inscription of ‘Steven Barsett’, who may or may not have been the author. This is followed by several blank pages before the title ‘A booke of receites’ appears immediately preceding a culinary recipe. While it does not contain an index or table of contents, the majority of the text consists of a mixture of recipes for foodstuffs and human medical treatments. The final pages, however, includes sixteen veterinary receipts, thirteen of which focus on horses.

oral and manuscript culture

193

Wellcome MSS 144—Anon. 1. A drinke for a sicke horse 2. Prevent/treat murrain in oxen and such cattle 3. For an [sic] straine 4. For the gravelling of a horse in the foot 5. For a horse that have scaby hooves 6. For the cold in the lungs or stomach of a horse 7. For a horse that is broken winded 8. For the farcy 9. For a strain in the joint 10. For the plague in the gut of horses 11. For the staggers and yellows 12. For the strangles 13. For the both (staggers and strangles) 14. For the both (staggers, strangles and worms)

As the list above shows, many recipes concentrated on external disorders of the legs or feed. While the majority of these remedies called exclusively for herbal ingredients, some included ‘chemical’ ones such as turpentine or rosin. The suggested treatments for strains, for example, included ointments based on comfrey mixed into grease. ‘Gravelling’ was dealt with by first cutting the hoof to reach and clean out the sore. The resulting wound would then have been plugged with a preparation of fenugreek mixed ‘virgin wax’, rosin and grease. ‘Scaby hooves’, on the other hand, required a more complicated therapy involving taking: a pound of black soope and eggshell burnt then beate it to powder and take the finest of it and with hennes dunge dryed and powder it and mix them all together with cumin strong mustard made with the best wine vinegar you can get then rube the horse heele three or foure times and after three or four dayes washe it off with hote water or chamberlye for keeping your horse heeles cleare with washing every night.

The author of this notebook also included advice on treating common internal disorders such as worms or ‘botts’ This appears to have been a very common problem which required immediate efforts to purge them from the animal’s system. There were three main types that occurred in horses, although all were ‘bred in the[ir] bowels’. The first included ‘short worms with great red heads and long small white tails’, followed by ‘Truncheons, which are short and thick’ and those ‘big as a mans [sic] finger and six inches … only called worms’.44 44 R. Almond, The English Horsman and Complete Farrier (London, 1673), p. 72 and W. Moorcroft, Directions for using the contents of the portable horse medicine chest (London, 1795), p. 47.

194

chapter seven

Another common disorder was ‘the farcy or by some called the farrion in a horse’. This could be treated by letting blood from ‘both sides of the necke a hand breadth from the head’. Once this was done, the horse was to be given a drink made from water in which ‘salt, three handfuls of mallows two handfuls of rew one pound of hempseed’ had been boiled and strained. Finally, an ointment made of ‘one ounce of the oyle of [salt] petre one ounce of oyle of turpentine’ was to be applied to the sore made by the bloodletting.45 Although the author did not attribute the recipe to anyone, it sounds very much like that found in John Ponteus’ The queens cabinet newly opened, which called for: A handfull of salt, three handfuls of Mallows, two handfuls of Rew, one pound of hempseed, bruse all in a morter, then seeth them till the husk be washed, and give it him to drink, then to the outward sore apply one once of the oyle of Terpentine, one ounce of the oyle of Petre chase it well in, and it cureth.46

The next collection of recipes in MS 184a belonged to Lady Frances Catchmay (d. 1629). It contains an inscription on the verso of the second preliminary leaf which reads: This Booke with the others of Medicins, preserues and Cookerye, My lady Catchmay lefte with me to be delivered to her Sonne Sir William Catchmay Earnestly desiringe and Chardginge him to lett every one of his Brothers and Sisters to haue true Coppyes of the sayd Bookes, or such parte thereof as any of them doth desire. In witness that this was her request, I haue herevnto sett my hand at the delivery of the sayd Bookes. Ed. Bett MS 184a Catchmay 1. A good remedye for the stone in a horse 2. A good medicine for many diseases in a horse 3. The way to make y e powder called Diapente good for the diseases following … yellows, colds, coughs 4. Good medicines to be given to horses in their provender to keape him from diseases 5. A good medicine for a foundred horse in the foote 6. A good medicine for a horse that is presently ffoundered 7. A good medicine to cure a horse with a coughe or glanders and to make him … at the noshe [sic] 8. Good medicine to purge a horse of all kind 9. An excellent medicine for the cough of a horse 10. An other [sic] good drinke for a horse that hath a very soare coughe 11. A Windye for the Botts in a horse or a barren mare 45 46

Wellcome MS 114, Anon, (c. 1650–1739), pp. 230–233. J. Ponteus, The queens cabinet newly opened (London, 1662), sig. A4v.

oral and manuscript culture

195

12. A vomitye for a mare with fole that hath the bottes 13. A good medicine to kill the facie or fares [sic] in any horse 14. To cure any scrables, scuffle or mange in any horse or beast whatsoever and also good to take away wartes 15. For the stone in a horse or mare and to make him make water freely 16. A good medicine to kill the favers in any flesh in a horse

Unlike the previous manuscript, Catchmay’s does not focus on disorders of the legs and feet. Instead, it covers a range of (mainly) inward diseases with a particular emphasis on coughs. As with the first notebook, it also discusses farcy. Given that authors were likely to copy down the remedies that they found most useful and were most likely to consult, this suggests that coughing horses were a common problem in the Catchmay household. The tastiest sounding remedy was based on ‘two quarts of good ale, one pound of Reysens of the sonne. Two heads of garlicke, elicampe’ and other herbs. Another was based on one dram of ‘flower of brimstone’ mixed into the yolk of an egg which was fed to the sick horse. Catchmay also includes what sounds like a ‘dietary supplement’ to treat ‘many diseases in a horse’. This consisted of six pounds of ‘wheate meale’ mixed with various herbs, powdered and put into their regular feed.47 Manuscript 212, which was listed as belonging to Arthur Corbett, contained an inscription inside the front cover reading: ‘Alice Corbett Her Boake’. Given that the majority of the notebook consisted of culinary recipes, it seems likely that she was the author. With the exception of two notebooks with only one recipe, it also has fewer remedies for horses than any of the other Wellcome manuscripts in the list above. MS 212—Corbett 1. A most Excelent medicen for deseased horses 2. For ye dry Cough and ye glaunders in horses 3. For ye scratches

These recipes included what sounds like it was meant to be a ‘cure-all’, followed two disorders mentioned in many other notebooks. In common with Lady Catchmay’s recipe for treating ‘many diseases’, the first one also contains a mixture meant to be added to the sick horse’s feed. In common with the advice discussed in Chapter 6, the recipe advised purging the animal first. This recipe called for ‘scouring’ it for ‘clearing ye body from all ill humours’. After preparing the medicine, it was to be administered over a fourteen day period.48 47 48

Wellcome MS 184a, Catchmay (c. 1625), pp. 81–84. Wellcome MS 212, Corbett (mid 17th century).

196

chapter seven

The author of the early seventeenth century MS 635 is not known. This notebook is very faded and in poor condition and does not provide any textual clues as to its original provenance. As with the others, it contains culinary recipes and human remedies, as well as four for horses. These include two recipes for specific disorders and two more general treatments. The horse balls, for example, consisted mainly of herbs and fruits which, presumably, would have made it easier to roll them into balls. The ingredients included aniseed, coriander seed, turmeric, licquorice, saffron with the sole ‘chymical’ being ‘flower of sulphur’. After the herbs had been ‘powdered’ they were to be mixed with three quarters of a pound of figs, half a pound of ‘raisons of sun’, and the oil of aniseeds and almonds. While some of the ingredients were fairly common, the inclusion of very expensive saffron suggests a wealthier owner who felt his animals were worth the cost.49 MS 635—Anon 1. 2. 3. 4.

Prick in the foot of a horse For a cold in a horse A Purge for a horse Cordiall balls for horses

MS 1735 is attributed to ‘the Boyle family’ and appears to have been written mainly by two people, both thought to have been women. The presence of a recipe ‘To make Spirit of Roses my brother Robert Boyls [sic] way’ suggests that the second might have been Katherine (nee Boyle) Jones. As the sister of the prominent natural philosopher, Katherine Jones (later Viscountess Ranelagh) was herself active in ‘intellectual and scientific’ circles.50 There is another, smaller collection (83 pages versus 163) actually entitled ‘Lady Rennelagh’s choise receipts’, as also some of Capt Willis, who valued them above gold’ at the British Library. Undated, this contains a list of herbs, culinary and medical recipes. It does not, however, contain any veterinary remedies.51 It may, however, be that the Wellcome compilation was copied out by a secretary who inscribed the date of May the 1st 1711. While this volume contains a large number of recipes, only one is for treating a sick horse. Given its’ location on the inside back cover suggests that it was a later addition, or afterthought. This receipt, which claimed ‘never fails to cure’ was for treating Wellcome MS 635, Anon (early 17th century), p. 67 in final section. L. Hunter, ‘Sisters of the Royal Society: The Circle of Katherine Jones, Lady Ranelagh’ in L. Hunter and S. Hutton (eds.) Women, Science and Medicine 1500–1700 (Stroud, 1997), pp. 178– 197. 51 British Library, Lady Rennelagh’s choise receipts Sloan MS 1367, ff.183. 49

50

oral and manuscript culture

197

‘Grese in ye horse heels’. Based on a mixture of ale grounds, allam [probably alum] and salt, this would have been considered a hot, dry remedy which ‘never fails to cure’.52 Wellcome 1795 is another anonymous manuscript and also only contains one remedy for horses. This recipe was ‘hidden’ amongst one for ‘gouty rheumetism’ and ‘a cure for ague’ in humans. ‘To cure the grease in Horses’ contains a mixture of organic and inorganic ingredients, such as honey, lard, rock allum and turpentine made into a paste. This was meant to be applied and left on the afflicted horse’s heels for twenty hours in order for the astringent properties to dry up the ‘grease’.53 Wellcome 3500 is attributed to the Meade family MS 3500—Meade 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

For a horser [sic] that hath the glaunders, a cold or a cough Another for A horse that hath a Cough For a horse that hath ye fret ye gripes or chollicke For a Purge for A Horse For the Ffashons in a hHorse To prevent wormes in a horse and to keep their bodies cleane To make Balls, to helpe decayed lunges and winde—and is excellent for a Cough 8. For the Mallenders or scratches in a Horse 9. A certaine cure for the Scraches in a Horse 10. For a straine in a horse or Beast 11. A receite for the ffasons in a horse 12. A Cure for the grese in a horses legs 13. The purge for a horse

Several of these recipes were attributed to different people, both male and female. This type of notation was a fairly common feature in household books and sometimes mentioned well-known people. In this case, however, a Rosie Davis contributed the third receipt, with recipes 5–10 being attributed to a Joseph Stokes. Davis’ recipe was ‘a certain cure’ for various types of cholic, which was a severe cramping or other pains in the abdomen. It was based on ‘a pinte of beefe brine’ mixed with ‘wood soott in a chimney and as much butter as the bigness of an egg’. This was to be fed to the horse ‘blood warme’ through a horn, following by taking a ride. The range of disorders that Stokes provided remedies for suggests that he might have been some type of horse healer. On the other hand, these were fairly common problems, which a layman could easily be used to dealing 52 53

Wellcome MS 1340 Boyle family (late 17th century). Wellcome MS 1795, Anon (c. 1685–1725), p. 199v.

198

chapter seven

with. Interestingly, there were two recipes noted for treating ‘fashons’, one of Stoke’s and another not attributed to an author. Although the presence of the second was because the first was ineffective, in the absence of any other supporting evidence this must remain mere speculation. There are also a number of recipes that are not attributed to others. Numbers one and two offer alternative remedies for ‘a cough’, presumably both associated with a cough or cold. These are similar in that both contain the type of moss that grows on oak trees. One, however, calls for the addition of ‘barke of elder’ and ‘ellincampe’ boiled in milk. After this was strained, a ‘penniworth of treacle, and A pennyworth of honey’ was to be added before feeding it to the horse. The second, however, called for ‘4 cloves of garlick’ to be added to the moss before boiling it in milk, followed by the addition of two ounces of ‘London treakle’. It also noted that before this was given to the horse that it should be bled from ‘the liver veines’.54 Wellcome MS 4338 contains the inscription ‘Johanna Saint John Her Booke’. It is thought that compiler of this collection of medical receipts may have been the daughter of Oliver St. John [1598–1673], Lord Chief Justice. If so, this Joanna later married a kinsman Sir Walter St. John, third Baronet, M.P. for Wiltshire [1621–1708], and was grandmother to Henry St. John, first Viscount Bolingbroke [1678–1751]. MS 4338—Joanna Saint John 1. For any swelling in a horse by a bruse 2. For a horse sick of the plagues in the guts 3. For a galed[galled] horse back excellent [sic]

St John’s first recipe, for swelling and bruises, contained only two ingredients. These consisted of ‘a spoonful of spirit of turpentina such as painters use’ which was made from distilled tree sap. This was to be mixed with ‘two walnutts [size] of hoggs lard’. After this was melted together, the reader was advised to use the ointment at least twice a day to ‘anoynt & wamre’ the bruises. This was followed by a recipe to treat ‘the plagues in the gutts’, which was probably used in the sense of a severe, intestinal disorder. As with some of the other recipes in the Wellcome collection, it contained some expensive ingredients such as two quarts of muscadine and a pint and a half of distilled spirits. A number of organic and inorganic substances were to be boiled in this liquid, including ‘a handful of rue green & one of mithradate an ounce of treacle good store of long pepper liquorish raising & ginger’. After the heat 54

Wellcome MS 3500, Meade family (1688–1727), p. 45.

oral and manuscript culture

199

had reduced this mixture down to a quart, it was to be given to the sick horse ‘with a horne’ [to hold the liquid] over three separate mornings. In addition, the animal was to wrappe up ‘with clothes’ to keep it warm, protected from outside weather conditions and given warmed-up mashes to eat.55 Manuscript 7073 would be better described as a mixture of a medical case book and a ‘remedy’ book, rather than just the latter. This notebook is attributed to the Exeter surgeon Caleb Lowdham and Jane Lowdham. Chronologically, it appears as if Caleb was the first writer and only later joined by Jane, who may have been either his wife, daughter or other relative. A Caleb Lowdham and his son Caleb junior were listed as both invested in the first British tontine or ‘Million Act’ passed in 1692, in the hope of raising one million pounds. It is not clear, however, whether Caleb senior was the author of the manuscript, as his age in 1692 (46) would have made him only a child in 1665. There was also a reference to a Caleb Lowdham who died in 1727 being one of the subscribers to ‘A philosophical account of the works of nature’ Senior died in 1727 in Exeter.56 This suggests that the name Caleb was passed on for at least several generations. Unlike the others in the Wellcome collection, this contained a mixture of notes and references to Lowdham’s work as a surgeon, in addition to some culinary and a small number of veterinary recipes. That said, the large number of recipes for food and drink clearly shows that it was not for his exclusive use. Interestingly, almost every page in the book has a large line drawn through it. These consisted of six for horses and one for ‘mad dogs’. MS 7073—Lowdham 1–4. For the scratches in a horse 2. For a sore back or ach [sic] 3. Ye staggers

The first four recipes focused on treatments for ‘the scratches in a horse’, which appeared to be small marks or wounds in the foot or leg. This is rather interesting and suggests the possibility that Lowdham did not find the first, second or third ones to be effective. Unfortunately, the notebook does not contain any explanatory marginalia as to whether this was the case. The first two were based on organic substances, including ale, soap, honey, hens dung and mustard. His third and fourth, however, called for either a mixture Wellcome MS 4338, Joanna St. John (1680). Nominees of the first British tontine of 1693: Caleb Lowdham, www.ancestry.com (Accessed 20 June 2012); R. Bradley, A philosophical account of the works of nature: endeavoring to set forth the several Gradations Remarkable in the Mineral, Vegetable and Animal Parts of the Creation (London, 1721), p. x and Devon Records Office, Exeter, Will. 55

56

200

chapter seven

of ‘gun powder and mort’ or ‘mort alone’ which the recipe adds ‘is very excellent’. The third recipe was for ‘a sore horse back or ach [sic]’ and called for a blend of organic and inorganic substances. In the final recipe for staggers, the first step was to ‘rub the horses gums till the blood appears’. This was to be followed by administered a mixture of very potent ‘chymicals’, mixed with a bit of cinnamon.57 MS 7721 is another anonymous notebook, dated by handwriting to around 1675 to 1800. It contains only two remedies, ‘A Cure for Gripes in Horses’ and another for a horse bitten by a mad dog. Although many household books provided advice on treating humans bitten by a mad dog, this is the sole reference for a recipe meant to cure horses, cows, dogs that are ‘bitt by a mad dog.’ Inserted haphazardly within the pages of the index, it appears to be written at a much later date than the first one. The rather unusual ingredients include primrose roots and ‘star of the earth’ mixed with one ‘dry mouse ear’ and a second ‘green mouse ear’ boiled in milk along with ‘the black of one crabs claw.’ This was to be sweetened well with Venice or London treacle and then used as a drench three mornings in a row.58 The final Wellcome manuscript with hippiatric advice was found as part of a set of family papers belonging to the Godfrey-Fausetts of Heppington, Nackington, Kent. This volume contains the signature of Mary Fausett (nee Godfrey) who lived from 1695–1761. According to the Wellcome Catalogue, Mary received MS 7998 from an unknown female relative and MS 7999 from Catherine Godfrey, who may have been her mother. Although the majority of veterinary remedies are for horses, there are also several for cows. MS 7998—Fausett 1. For the Collick in A Horse 2. Another for the same disease] 3. Another receipt for the same 4. A purge for a horse 5. Another receipt for the same 6. A Cordiall drink for a horse 7. For a strain in a Horse 8. For ye bots in a Horse 9. For an inveterate cough in a horse 10. A very good receipt for an old dry Cough 11. A receipt for a very great cold in a horse

57 58

Wellcome MS 7073, Caleb Lowndham (c. 1665–1712), pp. 2 and 3. Wellcome MS 7721, Anon (c. 1675 to 1800), pp. 3 and 16.

oral and manuscript culture

201

Unlike some of the other notebooks, this one does not attribute remedies to others authors. Unfortunately, it is impossible to know whether this was because they were invented by the writer or simply because other names were omitted. Interestingly, there are three types of disorders/treatments that have not been found in other notebooks. The first involves two remedies (1 and 2 above) for treating cholic. The former, which the writer noted ‘is a medicine that often try’d with very good success’ initially looks like most other home-made remedies. It also included something called ‘Chollick Drops’, which sounds like the name of a proprietary medicine. A ‘spoonful’ of these drops was to be added to a spoonful of oil of yellow amber, half a pint of rum, a quart of strong beer and a handful of tansy roots. After the mixture was warmed together it was to ‘be given to ye horse in a horn’. The second remedy actually provides the name of a well-known proprietary medicine called ‘Daffy’s Elixir’. Anthony Daffy claimed that his ‘Elixir Salutis’ was a ‘most excellent Preservative of Man-kind’. It was said to cure a host of diseases ranging from the gout, through to ‘languishing and melancholy, scurvy, dropsy and fits of the Mother’. This product, which was invented around 1660, and thrived until at least the 1920’s, was heavily advertised in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, although none suggested administering it to animals.59 Although the recipe was initially kept a secret, in the early nineteenth century several unsuccessful attempts were made to chemically analyse the two versions of Daffy’s Elixir that were being manufactured. By the 1870’s, however, the recipe was found to consist of ingredients very similar to those in earlier ‘household’ and printed vernacular medical texts: Senna leaves, 5 ounces; Guaiacum shavings, dried Elecampane Root, Aniseeds, Corianders, Caraways, and Liquorice Root, and according to some, red Sanders wood, of each 2 1/2 ounces; stoned Raisins, 8 ounces; Proof Spirit, 6 pounds: macerated for a fortnight and filter[ed].60

The inclusion of three remedies for ‘chollick’ strongly suggests that this was either it was a frequently occurring event and/or one of great concern. It is somewhat surprising, however, to find that the third recipe follows the

59 A. Daffy, Elixir Salutis: The Choise Drink of Health or, Health-bringing Drink (London, 1674), sig. A1r and pp. 1–6.C.J.S. Thompson, Quacks, p. 255; H. Coley, Nuncious Coelestis (London, 1687 and 1688), sig. C5r; British Library C112, #16, Late seventeenth century advertisements. 60 W.A. Campbell, ‘Some Early Chemical Analyses of Proprietary Drugs’, Isis, 69, No. 2 (June 1978), pp. 226–233 and A Dispensary Surgeon, The Family Doctor (London, c. 1870), pp. 179–180.

202

chapter seven

more ‘modern’ advice with very traditional ingredients. This calls for starting out by bleeding the horse in the neck or flank, followed by administering balls made out of ‘oynment of marshmallows’ mixed with powder of aniseed. Another questionable point is why the author felt the need to include this short recipe, given that the first two were thought to be so effective. Another unique reference in this manuscript is the reference to number eight which can be found in a contemporary popular veterinary text. This referred to a remedy on ‘page 3hundredeight’ [sic] in Solleysel.61 The full title of Jacques De Solleysel’s book was The compleat horseman: or, perfect farrier, discovering the surest marks of the beauty, goodness, faults and imperfections of horses, the signs and causes of their diseases, the true method both of their preservation and cure which was ‘written originally in French by the Sieur de Solleysel, Excuyer, sometime one of the overseers of the French King’s Royal Academy of Riding … and translated from the last Paris impression by Sir William Hope’.62 There are many different editions of this book with slightly varying titles and different titles and it has not yet been possible to identify which version this recipe comes from. Jervoise Manuscript Remedies This next section will examine the intriguing collection of loose hippiatric recipes dating from the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century. These are part of the very large body of papers belonging to the Jervoise family of Herriard, kept at the Hampshire Records Office. The collection includes a vast range of manorial records, deeds, and estate and family papers covering several hundred years.63 Of most interest to this book, however, are the ‘bundles’ of hippiatric recipes. Although many are not attributed to a specific author, a number included the name of Mrs Wilmot (or Wilmet). As mentioned in the introduction, the task of finding hippiatric recipes either in ‘notebooks’ or other manuscripts written by women, has proved to be very difficult. It was, therefore, a very pleasant surprise to discover such a fascinating assortment of materials. Although her first name is unknown, the Mrs Wilmot mentioned had been born as part of the Jervoise family in the late 1630’s or very early

Wellcome MS 7798, Mary Fausett (Late 17th – mid 18th century), p. 29. S. Solleysel, The Parfait Mareschal or complet Farrier, (trans) Sir W. Hope (Edinburgh, 1696). 63 Hampshire Records Office, Jervoise family of Herriard papers MM469. 61

62

oral and manuscript culture

203

1640’s.64 She was the great-granddaughter of ‘Thomas Jerveys’, a mercer and alderman of London in the mid-sixteenth century and granddaughter of eldest son Thomas who was born in 1600 and knighted in 1611. Sir Thomas’ eldest son Richard (b. 1614) was her father, although title passed on to his younger brother Thomas at his death in 1645. Like his father, this Sir Thomas was very active in Parliament, earning him the description (along with John Jephson) as being ‘the two eldest sons of two of the greatest rebells.’65 Having married William Wilmott of Up Lambourne, Berkshire, Mrs Wilmott died in 1728. There are also surviving culinary and recipes for human medicine under her name, as well as a reference to ‘Cousin Willmot Houghton drops’. Beyond that, there are no identified personal papers once belonging to her. According to the Hampshire Records Office catalogue, the survival of Mrs Wilmot’s papers might have been the result of Thomas Jervoise III helping to oversee the settlement of her estate upon her death.66 Table 7.2 provides an overview of the thirty horse remedies in the Jervoise collection. These recipes show many similarities to the recipes mentioned previously in the chapter both in the types of disorders they were meant for treating and in the types of ingredients they included. Mrs Wilmet’s recipe for a cold, for example, contained ‘powder of anniseed, elicample and liqourish of each half an ounce white sugar candy an ounce and half conserve of rose per ounce and honey’.67 Mr Ledgand’s remedy, which was described earlier in this chapter, also called for aniseed and honey. On the other hand, both of these were very different from the remedies suggested in the Meade family papers.68 Mrs Wilmot’s recipe for ‘farcey’ also shared some characteristics for other suggested remedies for the disease. Firstly, this involved letting ‘blood in ye neck’ in common with the anonymous author of MS 144. The second similarity was that it was based on rue, which would help to ‘draw out’ the offending humour by encouraging perspiration. In addition to the manuscript recipes discussed in this chapter, it was widely recommended in manuals such as the one mentioned earlier by John Ponteus.69 64 It has not been possible to obtain any additional information about Mrs Wilmot or her husband, despite checking Hampshire and Berkshire Records Offices and various other records. 65 F.H.T., ‘The Jervoises of Herriard and Britford’, The Ancestor, III (October 1902), pp. 1–13. 66 Hampshire Records Office Catalogue for Series 44M69/E8/11.; 44M69/M2/4/17 and 19— Mrs Wilmot’s recipe books. 67 Hampshire Records Office 44M69/M2/4/6/13. 68 A. Blencowe, The Receipt book of Mrs Anne Blencowe, p. 49 and Wellcome MS 3500, p. 45. 69 G. Tobyn, Culpepper’s Medicine (Shaftesbury, 1997), p. 212 and J. Ponteus, The true every man & woman their own doctor, (London, 1676) sig. B4v.

204

chapter seven

Figure 7.3. Mrs Wilmot’s recipe, Jervoise Family MSS 44M69/M2/6/1. Printed with permission of the Hampshire Records Office.

oral and manuscript culture

205

Conclusion Although the use of speech was the earliest, and longest surviving, method of passing on hippiatric advice, the only access modern historians have is from when it was recorded in some way. This is, of course, a circular case, as the written word helps to provide insights into the types of information that might have originally been transmitted through ‘popular speech’.70 The earliest known sources often take the form of imagery, whether carved on the side of a rock or moulded into a statue. Medieval illustrations, whether carved onto a wooden misericord or illustrated in a handwritten text also provide insights into the past. However, while some provide contemporary views of health care for horses, most do not. The most fruitful materials for hippiatric historians are the various types of surviving manuscript materials. These include many different varieties of writings, from scraps of paper with a single recipe to full length manuscript texts. Their content can vary greatly, related to the reasons for their original production including the differing view of writer(s), their intended reader(s) and context. The greatest difficulty with using such sources, however, is locating them in the first place. In many cases correspondence or ‘household books’ are not mentioned individually in archival catalogues. On the other hand, as this chapter has shown, any type of these might provide valuable information and insights into early modern health care for horses. While it can be a very exciting experience to stumble across pertinent material while doing research, this is often a matter of chance or luck. The largest part of this chapter has focused on manuscript recipes for treating sick horses. Collecting such materials has been a difficult task, due to the inherent problems in finding pertinent sources. That said, it has been possible to find references in a range of handwritten materials, paving the way for future, additional research. The majority have been in some type of ‘notebook’ falling under the full range of ‘labels’ used by modern academics. These have included ‘commonplace’ texts, miscellanies, diaries and ‘receipt/recipe/household books’, all of which contain differing collections of material. Given the frequent insertion of veterinary advice in printed texts, I expected to find comparable material in the type of ‘household books’ they were based on. It was, therefore, surprising and disappointing to find that

70

P. Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern England (Aldershot, 1996), pp. 91–115.

206

chapter seven

this was not the case. This may have had to do with the issue of it being more socially acceptable to have a male than a female name on the title page of a printed text. Following that line of thought, it might then follow that it was a natural step to include advice on horses. Alternatively, it might be related to the labels of ‘recipe’ or ‘household’ books and their link to women and/or source survival. After all, although the numbers are smaller than expected, there are a fair few such texts that do contain hippiatric advice. The types of diseases they refer to provide some insights into the often anonymous authors of such notebooks. Some, for example, contain a large number of recipes for different disorders. In certain cases there are numerous references to the same illnesses. Although it is only possible to speculate on the reasons for this, it may have been because the first ones did not work. Alternatively, the owner might simply have had a number of people recommending various ideas which he (or she) thought they might need at some future point. Others notebooks only provide a small handful or even only one remedy or other advice. While this area demands further research, it might well be that the longer lists belonged to wealthier people with a large number of horses. On the other hand, they could also have belonged to a family involved with horses on a professional basis, such as hostlers who lodged horses. As the previous chapters have noted, there were a range of ingredients that were called for in early modern remedies. The examples in this chapter show that most writers included a variety of organic and inorganic, ‘chymical’ items. While many of these were common, easily accessible herbs others would have had to be obtained in the ‘veterinary marketplace’ at a much greater cost. There are also two references to the use of proprietary medicines in MS 7998. Interestingly, these are part of a block of three recipes for treating ‘chollick’. The first calls for ‘Chollick Drops’ to be added to a blend of organic ingredients, while the second refers to a popular human proprietary medicine, Daffy’s Elixir, to be given to horses. Given that advertisements for Daffy’s only suggested relatively small amounts for human consumption, feeding a sick horse two pints sounds realistic, albeit rather expensive. Keith Wrightson has suggested that many of ‘the traditional products of the oral culture’ were primarily transmitted through print by the early seventeenth century.71 It is important to emphasize, however, that the printed word both ‘coexisted’ and ‘interacted’ with both ‘popular speech’ and

71

K. Wrightson, English Society 1580–1680 (New Brunswick, 1982), pp. 193–194.

oral and manuscript culture

207

manuscripts throughout the early modern period. Although the advent of mechanical printing enabled the entirely new material to be disseminated, they might also merely serve to ‘transcribe’ the spoken word or to ‘heighten its exposure’ [through the production of more, cheaper texts].72 The following chapter will discuss printed works, through the vantage point of their authors and target audiences.

72 W.H. Sherman, John Dee: the politics of reading and writing in the Renaissance (Amherst, 1995), p. 140 and A. Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England 1500–1700 (Oxford, 2000), p. 5.

chapter eight PRINT, AUTHORS AND OWNERS

This little booke shall teache you soone to know, The originall cause of each infirmity That in an horse by any meanes may grow, The name, the place of every malady. And how you shall the cure thereto apply So as you may by remedies found, reserve his health, and keepe him safe and sound.1

A recent academic text on early twenty-first century ‘self-help’ books has argued that the popularity of such texts is due to the modern obsession with ‘improving our practical and spiritual wellbeing’.2 I would argue that this is far from being a ‘modern obsession’ and that such interest is simply a part of human nature. As a matter of fact, ‘remedy books’ were already the oldest and largest category of vernacular medical texts before the advent of mechanical printing.3 This trend continued in the late fifteenth century as the ability to cheaply reproduce large quantities of texts spread across Europe. In sixteenth century England this resulted in a vast increase in the numbers and variety of vernacular, popular medical texts. By the seventeenth century, health related books had become one of the most profitable segments of the western European publishing trade, resulting in a ‘significant impact on medical beliefs and practices’.4 There has been a great deal of academic interest in recent years on early modern printed texts which were said to have played a ‘fundamental role’ in the ‘formulation, evolution and dissemination of an improving culture’.5

1 N. Maltby, Remedies for diseases in horses approoued and allowed by diuers very auncinet learned mareschals (London, 1588), Sig. A2v. 2 S.K. Dolby, Self-Help Books: Why Americans Keep Reading Them (Chicago, 2005), p. vii. 3 L.E. Voigts and M.R. McVaugh, A Latin Technical Phlebotomy and Its Middle English Translation in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, Vol. 74, 2 (1984), pp. 1–69. 4 P. Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe, second edition (Aldershot, 1994), p. 250 and W.D. Smith, Consumption and the Making of Respectability, 1600–1800 (London, 2002), p. 124. 5 P. Borsay, ‘The Culture of Improvement’ in P. Longford (ed.) The Eighteenth Century 1688–1815 (Oxford, 2002), pp. 183–204.

210

chapter eight

These have included studies on a range of topics, from printers, authors and the book as printed object to the material culture of reading. Other popular areas for research have been the consumption of texts and the nature of ‘literary culture’.6 Manuals on health related topics or ‘popular’ medical books have also been the subject of a growing number of studies. In the 1970’s Paul Slack suggested that such texts were utilised by a relatively small group of practitioners and laymen. More recent work, such as by Andrew Wear have disputed this by arguing that vernacular medical texts disseminated medical theories and practices both to practitioners and the ‘literate public’. It should be noted, however, that there are many different types of literature that can fall under this heading. Lotte Hellinga has included the topics of pharmacy, herbals, distillery and viniculture, alchemy, astrology and bloodletting. According to Ian Maclean, early modern English works tended to highlight therapeutic and astrological topics. As my own work on almanacs showed, most contained medical advice aimed at audiences ranging from the barely literate to the highly educated.7 With the exception of Frederick Smith’s work, which began to be published almost a century ago, the only publications that examine early modern English animal health manuals have been my own. All of these have shown that there was an abundance of popular veterinary manuals available alongside those for humans. While many of these were more general works which discussed the full range of domesticated, working animals, I have also produced some which focused on horses.8 Given the ‘one medicine’ theory 6 See, for example, R. Chartier, The Order of Books, (trans) L.G. Cochrane (Stanford, 1992), E. Eisenstien, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change (Cambridge, 1980) and The printing revolution in early modern Europe (Cambridge, 1993), A. Johns, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago, 1998) and K. Sharpe, Reading revolutions: The Politics of Reading in Early Modern England (New Haven, 2000). 7 See, for example, E.L. Furdell, Publishing and Medicine in Early Modern England (Rochester, 2002); P. Isaac, ‘Pills and Print’ in R. Harris and M. Myers (eds.) Medicine, Mortality and the Book Trade (Folkestone, 1998), 25–49; A. Wear, Knowledge & Practice in English Medicine, 1550–1680 (Cambridge, 2000), p. 40; P. Slack, ‘Mirrors of health and treasures of poor men: the uses of the vernacular medical literature of Tudor England’, in C. Webster (ed.) Health, Medicine and Mortality in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 237–273; L. Hellinga, ‘Medical Incunabula’ in R. Myers and M. Harris (eds.) Medicine, Mortality and the Book Trade (Winchester, 1998), p. 76; I. Maclean, Logic, Signs and Nature in the Renaissance: The Case of Learned Medicine (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 40–41 and L. Hill Curth, English Almanacs, Astrology and Popular Medicine 1550–1700 (Manchester, 2007). 8 F. Smith, The Early History of Veterinary Literature and its British Development: Vol. I– 4 (London, 1919–1934 reprinted 1976), L. Hill Curth, in P. Edwards and E. Graham (ed.) The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2012), pp. 217–240; The Care of Brute Beasts: a social and cultural study of veterinary medicine in

print, authors and owners

211

which highlights parallels between human and animal medicine, it is not surprising that there are many similarities in these texts. As the previous chapters on preventative and remedial medicine discussed, these included both health regimens and therapeutic advice. This chapter will examine different types of printed texts that centred on preventative and or remedial care for horses in early modern England. There are, of course, many different ways of defining what a ‘hippiatric text’ or one on ‘equine health’ is or what it should contain. K.D. Fischer said that there were two main types of texts on veterinary medicine in the ancient world. The first appeared in agricultural treatises as separate sections and the second were ‘specialised’ textbooks. Those which did not fit into either group were delegated to writings which contained miscellaneous works bits on veterinary care.9 While there were similarities in early modern works, attempts to apply Fischer’s definition to this period is somewhat problematic. In the first place, while many agricultural works discuss veterinary medicine, it is rarely a major theme. Secondly, the term ‘textbook’ suggests something linked to formal teaching or learning. I would argue that a more useful term is ‘manual’ or the animal equivalent of a human ‘self-help’ book. The third category, however, certainly applies to ephemeral literature such as almanacs and texts which often initially (and incorrectly) appear to be purely on human health. As this suggests, it is often difficult to locate such material, which sometimes consists of only a single recipe. Therefore, while this chapter will briefly discuss such literature, the major focus will be on the relationship between hippiatric texts, their authors and owners/readers. While some of my previous work has discussed popular veterinary texts, this will be the first to focus solely on horses. In most cases, very little is known about the authors of early modern hippiatric manuals. With the major exception of Gervase Markham, it is often necessary to try to draw information about the writers from the texts themselves. This sometimes early modern England (Leiden, 2010), Chapter 4; ‘A Remedy for his Beast: animal health care in early modern Europe’, Intersections: representations of animals, Yearbook for Early Modern Studies, 6 (2007), 360–381; ‘English Almanacs as Medical Mediators: Transmission of Advice for Sick Animals’ in C. Usborne and W. de Blecourt (eds.) Mediating Medicine: Cultural approaches to illness and treatment in early modern and modern England (Palgrave, 2004), 56– 57; ‘Animals, Almanacs and Astrology: Seventeenth Century Animal Health Care in England’, Veterinary History, 12 (November 2003), 33–54; ‘The Care of the Brute Beast: Animals and the Seventeenth-Century Medical Marketplace’, Social History of Medicine, 15 (2002), 375–392 and ‘English Almanacs and Animal Health Care in the Seventeenth Century’, Society and Animals, 8.1 (2001). 9 K.-D. Fischer, ‘Ancient Veterinary Medicine: A survey of Greek and Latin sources and some recent scholarship’, Medizinhistorisches Journal, Bd 23.H.3/4 (1988), pp. 191–209.

212

chapter eight

includes clues ‘hidden’ in overlooked text available on their title pages. Some examples of this might include the way the author described or identified himself, often in terms of their profession or where they were from.10 In some cases, printed texts continued the medieval, manuscript tradition of including a portrait of their author. Roger Chartier has suggested that this also provided an ‘authenticity to the work’.11 However, while a number of hippiatric texts do contain illustrations, very few contain an image of the author. Interestingly, the sole exception is of Andrew Snape, of the ‘dynastic’ family of royal farriers. His picture appears opposite the title page of the1683 edition of The anatomy of an [sic] horse. Dedicated to King Charles, the preface notes that his family ‘hath had the honour to serve the Crown of this Kingdom in the Quality of Farriers for these two hundred years’. Although both the subsequent reprints in 1686 and 1687 contained the same dedication, the previous portrait had disappeared.12 As this chapter later discusses, this was a large, heavily illustrated book which appeared in the libraries of a number of medical practitioners. While the initial cost of illustrations could push the cost up to 100 % more than other books, this decreased with subsequent editions.13 It is, therefore, unclear why the decision was made to remove Snape’s image from later copies. There are also many difficulties in trying to determine who owned or read (which are not necessarily the same things) different titles. This chapter will employ the virtually unexplored genre of ‘book auction lists’ to address (mainly) the former. As the title suggests, these are lists of books offered for sale at auction, generally after the death of their owner. While some catalogues do not identify this person by name, the ones that will be discussed in this chapter all belonged to various types of medical practitioners who died in the late seventeenth or early eighteenth centuries. While all owned a number of texts on human medicine, most also had at least one hippiatric manual in their collections. Although this does not guarantee that they actually read these works, these are still significant findings given the paucity of other evidence on the audience for hippiatric texts.

10

The masculine ‘him’ is used here because of the absence of any attributed to women. M. Corbett and R. Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece: The Emblematic Title-Page in England 1550–1660 (London, 1979), p. 47 and R. Chartier, The Order of Books: Readers, Authors, and Libraries in Europe between the Fourteenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1992), p. 52. 12 A. Snape, The anatomy of an horse (London, 1683, 1686–1687), sig. A3r. 13 T. Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550–1640 (Cambridge, 1996), p. 262. 11

print, authors and owners

213

Popular Hippiatric Texts Although small numbers of popular medical texts were being produced before the late fifteenth century, their high cost meant that they were only available to small numbers of people. The advent of mechanical printing and subsequent ‘formalisation of the written word’ had a dramatic effect on both production and dissemination. As Elizabeth Eisenstein has so aptly noted, the new printers proved to be pioneers in ‘advertising, publicity, agitation, propaganda, lexicography [and] bibliography’. A great many other people were also involved, such as authors, financiers, artisans who manufactured the equipment, the machinery and consumables, printer, compositors, correctors, pressmen, binders, grand and petty distributors.14 Perhaps more importantly to the subject of this book, mechanical printing not only changed the type and quantity of information of all kinds that could be transmitted, but also led to changes in consumption. In many cases, it would have enabled many people to purchase a book, often a cheaper second hand copy, for the first time.15 Bookshops, and other retail outlets offering books, in turn, became ‘focal points’ for sorts of ‘cultural and intellectual interchange’. These included increased availability in both urban and provincial shops during the sixteenth century. Roger Ward of Shrewsbury, for example, offered nearly 2,500 volumes for sale in 1585 and John Foster of York around 3,000 in 1616. Many types of texts, particularly at the cheaper end of the spectrum could be purchased by chapmen, hawkers and bookstalls.16 In human medicine, printed medical literature can be roughly broken down into two categories. The first is based on the study of ‘theorica’ and ‘practica’ as a university subject followed by practical applications of preventative and therapeutic medicine. It is generally accepted that the latter category of vernacular or ‘popular’ texts were one of the major ways in which medical information was disseminated to the literate public in early modern England. In order to differentiate it from the former, the latter has been

14 D. McKitterick, Print, Manuscript and the Search for Order 1450–1830 (Cambridge, 2003), p. 25; A. John, The Nature of the Book, Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago 1998) and E. Eisenstein, The printing press as an agent of change, Vol. I. (Cambridge, 1979), p. 23. 15 J. Raymond, Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge, 2003), p. 56. 16 E. Eisenstein, The printing press as an agent of change, p. 23; D. Pearson, ‘The Libraries of English Bishops 1600–1640’, The Library, (1992), pp. 230–231; D.M. Palliser, The Age of Elizabeth: England under the later Tudors 1547–1603 (London, 1985), p. 355 and A. Johns, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making, pp. 154–156.

214

chapter eight

defined as ‘the movement or trickle down from knowledge from high to low culture’. Roy Porter has taken that a step further, by controversially stating that popular medical knowledge was ‘regular medicine diluted and made palatable for common readers’. This seems a bit extreme, however, given that there were many people of ‘significant status’ who read texts shared by those of lower social standing.17 It should also be pointed out here that such texts also helped to confirm and perpetuate the traditional, Galenic ideas which had previously been passed on mainly through the oral culture. As might be expected, studies on the relationship between printing and health have tended to focus almost exclusively on humans. In general, these have illustrated a common acceptance of the idea that such early texts allowed the dissemination of ‘the knowledge and experience accumulated over almost two millennia … to be put at the disposal of a new class of readers’.18 This clearly also applies to animals, with Frederick Smith actually crediting the invention of the mechanical printing press as marking ‘the end of ignorance’ in veterinary literature.19 Given his general dislike of early English texts, he was presumably referring to Continental texts. Although there are different ways in which one could interpret ‘ignorance’, it is difficult to see how the advent of printing could have eradicated this or resulted in a sweeping wave of universal knowledge. Furthermore, Smith fails to address the fact that most hippiatric texts were compilations of advice that had often been circulating for centuries in the form of manuscripts or through the oral culture. According to Peter Murray Jones, this could be interpreted as not having an author at all.20 In

17 A. Wear, ‘The Popularization of Medicine in Early Modern England’ in Roy Porter (ed.), The Popularization of Medicine 1650–1850 (London, 1992), p. 19; R. Porter, ‘The Peoples Health in Georgian England’ in T. Harris (ed.), Popular Culture in England c. 1500–1850 (London, 1995), p. 135 and N. Wheale, Writing and Society: Literacy, print and politics in Britain 1590– 1660 (London, 1999), p. 86. 18 See, for example; M. Fissell, ‘Readers, Texts, and Contexts: Vernacular medical works in early Modern England’ in R. Porter (ed.) The Popularization of Medicine 1650–1850 (London, 1992); P. Isaac, ‘Pills and Print’ in R. Harris and M. Myers (ed.) Medicine, Mortality and the Book Trade (Folkestone, Kent, 1998) pp. 25–49; A. Wear, Knowledge & Practice in English Medicine, 1550–1680 (Cambridge, 2000), esp. pp. 40–45; E.L. Furdell, Publishing and Medicine in Early Modern England (Rochester, 2002), A. Johns, ‘Science and the Book’ in J. Barnard and D.F.M. McKenzie (eds.) The Cambridge History of the Book, IV 1557–1695 (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 274–303 and G.R. Keiser, ‘Two Medieval Plague Treatises and Their Afterlife in Early Modern England’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 58 (July, 2003), 292– 324. 19 F. Smith, The Early History of Veterinary Literature and its British Development: Vol. I, p. 121. 20 P.M. Jones, ‘Image, Word, and Medicine in the Middle Ages’ in J.A. Givens, K.M. Reeds,

print, authors and owners

215

fact, this more likely means that they had many different authors or at least contributors. After all, every time a text was copied by hand it was likely to contain at least small changes, whether erroneously or consciously added by the scribe. These might include additions taken from other ancient or modern authors, as well as knowledge gleaned from the practical experience of contemporaries. Although such practices are condemned in the modern world, contemporaries would have been more likely to have seen it as passing on great wisdom from the past. Ian Maclean has suggested that European printed texts which contained medical content went through three major stages of development. Although he based this conclusion exclusively on texts about human health, his categories apply just as well to those for animals.21 Maclean’s first period was from the late fifteenth century up until around 1525. Although Padua produced the largest number of medical texts in the 1470’s, by the 1490’s Venice began to be known as the centre of medical, academic and professional publishing. The majority of these texts consisted of folio editions in Italian which followed the form and style of medieval manuscripts produced by clerics on herbs and health regimes.22 There is a similar pattern in hippiatric texts, with some fifty European authors having produced such works by the beginning of the 16th century.23 Some reproduced the work of individual ancient writers such as Vegetius, while others were compilations of other earlier manuscripts and/or their own experience. It is thought that the first printed hippiatric manual appeared in Spain in 1495, followed by three Italian publications in 1499, 1517 and 1518.24 These included works by Frederico Grissone and others linked to the Italian ‘School of Horsemanship’. Illustration 8.1 shows the title page of a work by Giovanni Battista Ferraro (d. 1569), described by Caracciolo as ‘one of the most famous of the Neopolitan School’ [of horsemanship].25 Smith claims that the first veterinary title attributed to an English author was Walter de Henley’s The Boke of Husbandrie which first appeared in

A. Touwaide (ed.) Visualizing Medieval Medicine and Natural History, 1200–1550 (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 1–24 and L. Hill Curth, English almanacs, astrology and popular medicine 1550–1700 (Manchester, 2007). 21 I. Maclean, Logic, Signs and Nature, pp. 37–38 and P. Slack, ‘Mirrors of Health’, pp. 240– 242. 22 L. Hellinga, ‘Medical Incunabula’ in R. Myers and M. Harris (eds.) Medicine, Mortality and the Book Trade (Winchester, 1998), p. 77. 23 F. Smith Veterinary Literature, Vol. I, p. 1. 24 J. Thirsk, The Rural Economy of England (London, 1984), p. 389. 25 Vegetius, Vegetii (Basle, 1528) and F. Smith, Vol. I, p. 147.

216

chapter eight

Figure 8.1. B. Ferraro, Trattato Vtile Necessario (Naples, 1639?). Printed with permission of the National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, USA.

print, authors and owners

217

print in 1503. In reality, the original copy was only a short, fairly generalized text on farm-related topics with which failed to even mention hippiatric medicine. It was only later editions of the work, credited to John Fitzherbert, which contained relevant references such as the ‘horseleach is he that taketh upon him to cure & mend al maner diseases and sorances that horses have’.26 It is also not the earliest English hippiatric text which was Here begynneth the properytees and medcynes for hors. As with many early printed works, however, identical or similar texts often appeared under slightly different names. While incunabula printed without publication dates can usually be linked to a decade or so, it is often impossible to determine a specific year. Therefore, there is some question over which of the surviving copies of this text is the oldest. The British Library’s edition of Proprytees and medicynes of hors was probably printed around 1497 or 1498. Image 8.2, shows the title page the Huntingdon Library’s Here begynneth the properytees and medcynes for hors, thought to have been printed around 1502. The decorative image on the title page resembles many other early printed books which consisted of an illustration and a short title. Rather than emphasising a farrier at work, or his stables, this is an idealise image of three ladies watching a man attempting to control two horses. It appears as if there are either stables or a farrier’s workshop behind them on the far right of the picture. Whether this was meant to represent a farrier or other healer, however, is not clear. The text itself is divided into two sections, with the first offering a range of general information. This included advice on how to recognise a ‘gode hors’, a topic often discussed in later works. It also contained some tips that seem to be a bit questionable, such as ‘how to make an old hors seem yonge’. This is a pattern that continued to appear in printed hippiatric texts, with some later authors also discussing ‘cosmetic’ tips such as how to make decorative marks on their foreheads. The second section focuses on ‘medcynes’ with advice on how to treat a range of disorders. This included nineteen remedies which covered most parts of a horse’s body. As with later texts, many of these focused on an animal’s hooves and legs, including sores, strains or ‘splints’. Others provided advice on lung disorders, such as ‘windgall’, constipation, worms, liver complaints and for those who were generally ill ‘for spoken’. There was also

26 W. de Henley, The Boke of Husbandrie. (London: 1503), sig. 8v and 9r and J. Fitzherbert, The Booke of Husbandry (London, 1573), sig. F1v.

218

chapter eight

advice offered on both letting blood and on how to staunch the excess flow. The full list included: For the retrete For the greuelynge For the teynte in the hele For the ryngebone For the streytehove For the lose hove For the stone in the pastron For the serowe in the legge For the windgall For the splynt under the knee For the marauder The bottes The trenches The costyfnes The wasting of the lyuer The hors that is for spoken The nyghtmare For all maner of blood letynge To staunche blode27

According to Smith, the second oldest printed English hippiatric text was Mediciues for Horses, which he believed to have been printed between 1510 and 1520. The modern view, however, is that it actually only first appeared in the early 1560’s. There are thought to be three surviving copies of this work, including one almost complete version held at Lincoln Cathedral Library which dates from 1565. (The copy held at the Yale Center for British Art, on the other hand, only contains fourteen pages). Lincoln Cathedral’s edition of Mediciues for Horses, is bound alongside twelve other works and consists of sixty-eight paragraphs (or chapters) of copy, followed by a conclusion. Interestingly, the surviving chapters cover very similar topics to many of those that came later. These include, for example, advice on how to choose ‘the best horses’ based on consideration of their colours. The nature of the diseases covered, although often spelled differently than in later texts, are also recognisable.28 Given that it is not known who the authors of these texts were, it has been suggested that the first English veterinary text was a printed copy of

27 Anon, Here begynneth the properytees and medcynes for hors (London, 1502), sig. A1v and A2r. 28 Thanks to Julie Taylor, Assistant Librarian at Lincoln Cathedral Library for this information.

print, authors and owners

219

Figure 8.2. MSS 59359 Anon, Here begynneth the properytees and medcynes for horses (London, 1502?), title page. Reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California, USA.

220

chapter eight

the thirteenth century manuscript Boke of Husbandrie. As mentioned above, the version appearing under the name of Walter de Henley in 1508 as a short, general text on farm-related topics. What little advice it contained on animal care was quite elementary, such as that ‘plough bestes’ should be given enough food to allow them to ‘sustene theyr labour’ or that ‘theyr stable be made cleane every day’.29 Later, greatly expanded versions of The Boke of Husbandry attributed to John Fitzherbert did include veterinary advice. Despite his apology for not having the space ‘to shew medicines & remedies’ for all ‘diseases and sorances’, however, the text does address a number of illness in horses, sheep and other cattle.30 As with most other authors, Fitzherbert used the term ‘cattle’ in a generic way to refer to most working animals. This term was thought to have originated from the Latin ‘capitale’, (ie. capital in the sense of property) which evolved into the Middle English and Old Northern French ‘catel’.31 Working animals, however, were often further delineated into categories of ‘greater’ or ‘lesser’ cattle. The first type often included ‘the horse, ox, cow, &c’, while the latter referred to ‘lesser sort of Beastes, as Sheepe, Swine, and Goates: and of Fowles, Geese, Peacocks, Duckes, Pigions, Hennes, Chickins and other poultrie’ … deer, conies (i.e. rabbits) and other ‘smaller creatures’.32 Thomas Blundeville, on the other hand, has been called ‘the first identifiable (and very popular) author of a published work on horse health care’.33 As Chapter One noted with ancient veterinary writers, many ‘Elizabethan scholars’ were also interested in a wide range of subjects. In Blundeville’s case these included ‘logic’, ‘universal mappes’ and ‘writing and reading histories’, based on an Italian work. Blundeville also wrote an extremely popular book of ‘exercises’ for young men that covered arithmetic, cosmography, globes, maps and navigational skills.34

W. de Henley, The Boke of Husbandrie. (London, 1503), sig. 8v and 9r. Fitzherbert, The Boke of Husbandry (London, 1533), sig. F1r. 31 W. Poole, The Country Farrier (London, 1652), sig. A1r and I.L. Mason, Evolution of Domesticated Animals (London, 1984), 6. 32 C.H., B.C., C.M., The Perfect Husbandman (London, 1657), 211 and 293 and W. Lilly, Anglicus: Peace or no Peace (London, 1645), p. 27. 33 K. Raber, ‘Nation and Race in Horsemanship Treatises’ in K. Raber and T.J. Tucker (eds.) The Culture of the Horse: Status, Discipline and Identity in the Early Modern World (Basingstoke, 2005), pp. 225–243. 34 T. Blundeville, A briefe description of vniuersal [sic] mappes and cardes (London, 1589); The art of logike (London, 1599) and The arte of logick (London, 1617 and 1619); Mr. Blundevil his exercises contayning eight treatises (London, 1638), sig. A3r–A5r; also 1594, 1597, 1606, 1613, 1622, 1636 and The True Order and Method of writing and Reading Histories (London, 1574). 29 30

print, authors and owners

221

In 1561, Blundeville wrote A newe booke containing the arte of ryding, and breakinge greate horses, was dedicated to the Earl of Leicester, who was Elizabeth’s Master of the Horse from the beginning of her reign to June 1587 when it was taken over by Essex. This was mainly a translation of ‘the foure books of Gryson’ (Grissone) or Frederick Grisone, who lived in the first half of the sixteenth century. Grisone’s earliest treatise, published in 1550, did not include medical advice for horses, although later Italian editions did. The same was true of Blundeville’s book on riding, although his later works called The Four Chiefest Offices belonging to Horsemanship did. As with Grissone’s writing, this included information on breeding, anatomy, internal diseases, surgery and medicines. The popularity of Four Chiefest Offices is clearly illustrated by the multiple editions it appeared in over a forty-three year period.35 As the title implies, the work was made up of four sections. The first ‘office’ was of the breeder, followed by the rider, the keeper and the ‘ferrer’ [farrier]. In his preface to the fourth section, Blundeville explained that ‘such kynde of talke’ was addressed to ‘not onely the keper but also the ferrer or horsleche’ so that they could ‘seeke eyther to preserve a horse from diseases, or ells to cure him when he is fallen unto them’.36 This was followed by a discussion of the importance of the non-naturals in maintaining health and a very comprehensive coverage of dealing with illnesses. Blundeville, as with most of his contemporary writers, was perfectly at ease acknowledging that he had obtained information from other sources. This does not, however, support Pia Cuneo’s view that such texts did not have the credibility or validity of ‘scientific texts’. I would argue that this is simply a value-laden judgement based on modern ideas. It also seems nonsensical to negate the ‘practical experience of non-university educated … men’ in a period when such an education did not even exist for veterinary practitioners.37 Clifford’s The Schole of Horsemanship first appeared in print in 1585. He claimed that his work was based on his own experience over the course of thirty years working as or with the ‘Breeder, the Rider, Keeper, and the

35 F. Smith, The Early History of Veterinary Literature, Vol. I, pp. 137–138 and T. Blundeville, A newe booke containing the arte of ryding, and breakinge greate horses (London, 1561), sig. A2v and The fower chiefest offices belonging to horsemanshippe (London, 1566, c. 1579, 1580, 1593, 1597 and 1609). 36 T. Blundeville, The fower chiefest offices, Book 4, sig. A3v. 37 P. Cuneo, ‘Beauty and the Beast’, Journal of Early Modern History, 4, no. 3–4 (2000) pp. 269–321.

222

chapter eight

Sadler, of the Horseleach and Smith’. Leonard Mascall, on the other hand, had a much wider interest in agricultural endeavours. The author of several books, his first exclusively on animals appeared in 1587. The First Booke of Cattel (which was the generic name for working animals) included a section ‘of the gouernment of Horses, with the approued remedies against most diseases’. Mascall also promised to teach readers to ‘perfectly understand of the present disease in the horse before they minister … the operation of all such herbs and drugs … with what quantity and portion of each thing thereof’.38 Nicholas Malbie was another late sixteenth century author who wrote a popular, albeit highly specialised text promising ‘a plaine and easie way to remedie a Horse that is foundered in his Feete’. He explained in his preface that he had written it both for ‘my good freends and olde acquainatunce’ as well as for ‘all my Countreymen that eyther be or intend to be trauailers on horsbacke’. Malbie began by advising readers to let blood from six different veins, which were to ‘bleede well, to the quantitie of a quart or three pints’. After stopping the bleeding with ‘some horse dung or some earth’, the blood was to be mixed with wheat meal, raw eggs, strong viniger and Bole Armoniack. This past was then attached to the horse’s legs above the knees, after which it was made to walk, ride and then stand in a ‘poole of standing water up to ye belly’. Although this sounds like dangerous and harsh advice to modern ears, the appearance of subsequent editions (1583 and 1586) suggests that many contemporaries believed that this advice had ‘cured about a hundred horses’.39 Malbie’s book was just one example of works linked to a massive growth in the publishing industry starting in the latter part of the sixteenth century. Gervase Markham was probably both the most prolific and popular writer on veterinary and agricultural matters in between the late sixteenth and late eighteenth centuries. His earliest text on horses called covered ‘the breeding and ryding of horses for seruice …. the manner to chuse, trayne, ryde and dyet, both hunting-horses, and running-horses’. As the title suggests, this included a variety of preventative and remedial advice.40 Markham’s Maisterpiece was first published in 1610 and re-appeared in over twenty editions. According to F.J. Smithcors, Markham’s other ‘principal texts’ were The English Husbandman Cheape and Good Husbandry and L. Mascal, The first booke of cattell (London, 1591), sig. A3v. N. Malbie, A plaine and easie way to remedie a horse that is foundered in his feete (London, 1576), pp. 1–8. 40 G. Markham, A Discourse of horsmanshippe (London, 1593), sig. A1r. 38 39

print, authors and owners

223

Markham’s Epitome first published respectively in 1613, 1614 and 1616.41 Many of his other titles were also very popular, despite which often seeming to be simply a reworking of the same material.42 Markham also wrote a number of books on health care for other ‘beasts of burden’ which were called veterena in Latin, which became the root of veterinär in German, or veterinary in English.43 These included Cheape and Good Husbandry ‘for the well-ordering of all Beasts and Fowles and for the generall Cure of their Diseases’. Other titles, which often appeared to be simply a reworking of the same material, promised to contain advice on health care for all animals ‘fit to the service of man’.44 Texts either actually written by Markham or attributed to him continued to enjoy a strong popularity both in England and abroad, with his works in demand even on colonial, far-flung shores long after his death in 1637. Copies of Markhams Master piece revived, containing all Knowledge belonging to Farrier or Horse-Leach, for example, were sent to a Boston bookshop in 1683. On a different note, the 1695 version of The Complete jockey, or, The most exact rules and methods to be observed for the training up of race-horses was attributed to Markham, suggesting that his name was still widely recognised. Other titles which also continued to attract purchasers were Markham’s translations of texts such as Charles Estienne’s ‘Maison Rustique’ and an edition of Googe’s translation of a work by Conrad Heresbach.45 It has been claimed that most other seventeenth century writers offered little more than a reworking of the material in Markham’s books.46 However, such a value laden statement ignores the fact that the majority of authors attributed their work to both ancient and writers like Markham. John Halfpenny, for example, claimed this was book was based on both his own ‘long practice, experience and pains’ and that ‘Matthew Hodson, Mr. Holled, Mr. Willis, Mr. Robinson, Mr. Holden, Thomas Empson, Mr. Roper, Mr. Medcalf,

41 F.J. Smithcors, Evolution of the Veterinary Art: A Narrative Account to 1850 (London, 1958), pp. 192–193. 42 G. Markham. Cheape and Good Husbandry (London, 1616), sig. A1r and Way to Get Wealth (London, 1649), sig. A1r. 43 A. Baranski, Geschichte der Thierzucht und Thiermedicin (Vienna, 1886), p. 17. 44 G. Markham Cheape and Good Husbandry (London, 1616), sig. A1r and Way to Get Wealth, sig. A1r. 45 L.F. Newman, Some Notes on the History and Folk-Lore of Veterinary Science (n.p. 1958). p. 8; J. Thirsk, The Rural Economy of England (London, 1984), p. 232; W.C. Ford, The Boston Book Market 1679–1700 (Boston, 1917), p. 109 and G. Markham, The Complete jockey, or, The most exact rules and methods to be observed for the training up of race-horses (London, 1695). 46 F. Smith, Veterinary Literature, Vol. I, pp. 299, 303 and 321.

224

chapter eight

and Nathaniel Shaw’.47 Thomas Grymes, on the other hand, claimed that he only wrote about ‘what is of my owne experience and practice, and whereof I have had good profile’. His book The Compleat Horse-man and Expert Ferrier claimed to offer a first-hand account of a ‘formall Examen of the office of the Ferrier’.48 One of the best known early seventeenth writers was Thomas De Grey. According to DeGrey, the ‘art’ of farriery consisted of ‘Science, Experience, Knowledge and Hand-work’. The Compleat Horseman and Expert Ferrier portrayed DeGrey as a knowledgeable gentleman farmer who was interested in breeding horses and could offer treatments either on their own premises or was willing to travel to ‘looke upon sicke horses’. His work utilised the time-honoured convention of presenting his description of ‘the office of the Ferrier … Dialogue-wise’ with the format of Hyppophylus having a conversation with the ‘Sergeant Farrier’. His book was divided into two main sections with the first explaining ‘how to know and cure all Maladies and Diseases in Horse’. DeGrey claimed that this included ‘hundreds of Medicines never before imprinted in any Authour’ [sic], although this seems rather unlikely to have been the truth. The second part of the book focused on ‘the best manner of breeding good horses, with their choice, nature, riding, and dieting, as well for Running as Hunting, and how the rider ought to behave himself in the Breaking and Riding of colts’.49 As the title page of The Compleat Horseman illustrated in 8.3 shows, he claimed to have learned much from the work of ‘Masters Blundeville and Markham’ as well as from his own experience both in England and abroad. The greatest quantity of early modern hippiatric advice is probably that which is ‘hidden’ within books on human medicine. In some cases these might contain a great deal of pertinent material, while in others only a recipe or two for horses. These are particularly difficult to find, particularly using the time honoured method of consulting the English Short Title Catalogue or online specialist databases. Unfortunately, this is probably the least effective, because of the nature of early modern titles. In the majority of cases, these are very long and often very complex with the actual reference to horses (if any) at the very end of the page.

J. Halfpenny, The gentlemans jockey and approved farrier (London, 1676), sig. A1r. T. Grymes, The Honest and Plaine-dealing Farrier or a Present Remedy for curing Diseases and Hurts in Horses (London, 1636), sig. A2r; and R. Barrett, The Perfect and Experienced Farrier (London, 1660), sig. A2r. 49 T. de Grey, The Compleat Horse-man and Expert Farrier (London, 1651), p. 61 and Second Book, pp. 34–38. 47

48

print, authors and owners

225

The short title Widdow’s Treasure, for example, does not suggest that it would contain any veterinary advice. However, the full title The widowes treasure plentifully furnished with sundry precious and approoued secretes in phisicke and chirurgery for the health and pleasure of mankinde: hereunto are adioyned, sundry pretie practises and conclusions of cookerie: with many profitable and holesome medicines for sundrie diseases in cattell does.50 Other titles might more obviously be health-related, albeit exclusively for humans, such as The poor-mans physician and chyrurgion. This text does, however, include horse remedies, as does the non-medical sounding The Dukes Desk Newly Broken Up. Another non-descriptive title is The Eighteen books of the secrets of arts and nature, which contains a large section on ‘horses and other cattle’. After a discussion of various types of diseases shared by different ‘beasts’, it moves on to the ‘secrets of horses’. These include advice on ‘emotional’ matters, such as stubborn or frightened horses, preventative measures so they ‘not be troubled by flies’ and disorders such as coughs, scabs or inflammation. In common with many other contemporary authors, Wecker includes some of the sources where he obtained his information.51 There are also a number of agriculturally related works whose short titles do not contain the word ‘horse’. The Herds-men Mate, for example, initially sounds as if it were purely a agricultural treatise. This is also the case with the preface which simply states that the author intended it to be read by ‘gentlemen, farmer or day-labourer’. A further look into the volume, however, shows that it does contain some veterinary advice.52 There are comparable problems with identifying pertinent material in ephemeral literature, such a as almanacs. Although over two thirds of English almanacs printed between 1550 and 1700 contained medical advice, most did not ‘advertise’ this in their titles. The major exception in hippiatric advice, however, were Robert Gardner’s editions of the Veterinarium Meteorologist Astrology and Veterinarius Meteorologist Astrology: Or, The Farriers Almanack (which were discussed earlier in this book).53

50 J. Partridge, The widdowes treasure plentifully furnished with sundry secrets: and approved Secrets in Physicke and chirurgery (London, 1631). 51 J. Wecker, The Eighteen books of the secrets of arts and nature (London, 1683). 52 M. Harward, The Herds-man’s MATE: Or, a GUIDE for Herds-men (Dublin, 1673). 53 L. Coelson, The poor-mans physician and chyrurgion (London: 1656), p. 53; W. Lovell, The Dukes desk newly broken up (London: 1661), p. 1; R. Gardner, Veterinarius Meteorologist Astrology: Or, The Farriers Almanack (London 1697 and 1698) and L. Hill Curth, English almanacs, astrology and popular medicine.

226

chapter eight

Figure 8.3. Thomas De Grey, The Compleat Horseman and Experienced Ferrier (London, 1639). Reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California, USA.

print, authors and owners

227

Hippiatric Authors The first printed book in England was The Recuyell of the Histories of Troy published in 1477 by William Caxton.54 In order to protect the fledgling industry an act was passed in 1484 forbidding the purchase of foreign texts. This initial government intervention was to set the later tone for the running of the printing industry through the management of the Company of Stationers. According to one seventeenth century author, ‘the Company of Stationers [was] of great antiquity before Printing was invented’. Even so, although there had been earlier organisations of people involved in medieval craft guilds, the first official documentation of this was the Charter granted by Philip and Mary in 1557 to the ‘mistery or art of Stationary’. This allowed the industry to be run by members of the Company of Stationers and within two years only members were allowed to run printing presses within London and Westminster.55 The popularity of both new and second hand books resulted in ever larger numbers of printed texts appearing in the first half of the sixteenth century. It has been estimated, for example, that while approximately ninetythree works were produced annually during Henry VIII’s last decade on the throne, these rose to around one hundred and seventy one per year under Edward I and one hundred and thirty-two during Mary’s reign.56 Given that members of the Stationers Company were businessmen whose decisions were made purely by commercial considerations, I would suggest that hippiatric texts would not have been published if they did not make a profit. Before approving the production of any title, the Company would need to understand both the nature of the text and its intended audience. Although they would not have used the modern term ‘marketing mix’, it is clear that the Stationers followed a similar line of thinking. This would have involved evaluating the credentials of the prospective author, whether he had written before and, if so, whether those works were profitable. Furthermore, they would have needed to decide whether a sufficiently large target audience existed. Once the book was published, their final step would

54 W.T. Berry and H.E. Poole, Annals of Printing: A Chronological Encyclopaedia from the Earliest Times to 1950 (London, 1966), p. 33. 55 F.S. Siebert, Freedom of the Press in England 1476–1776: The Rise and Decline of Government Controls (Urbana, 1952), p. 32; C. Blagden, The Stationers’ Company—A History, 1403–1959 (London, 1960), pp. 20– 24 and J. Howell, Londinopolis, an historicall discourse or perlustration of the city of London (London, 1657), p. 45. 56 J.N. King, ‘The book-trade under Edward VI and Mary I’ in L. Hellinga and J.B. Trapp (ed.) The Cambridge History of the Book, III (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 164–175.

228

chapter eight

have been to determine whether it was actually popular enough to warrant the approval of additional titles or editions.57 The format and size that the publication would take was also an economic decision, particularly since the cost of the paper made up 3/4 of its’ price.58 This meant that the cost of a text was determined by size of the paper on which it was printed and the number of times that it was folded. A folio edition was produced from sheets folded once, resulting in a large and grand book while an octavo was from sheets folded three times. Small, cheap publications like almanacs, pamphlets, plays or chapbooks would be printed in octavo or quarto.59 The most profitable part of the Stationer’s trade was referred to as the ‘English Stock’. This included the exclusive right to ‘enjoy profits from the sale of psalters, psalms, primers’ (excluding prayer books for use in church services which was part of the King’s Printer’s privilege), almanacs, prognostications and any ‘little books passing as such’. These were generally printed in runs of 2,500 to 3,000 copies, while most other books would have been appeared in smaller editions of 1,250 to 1,500.60 Unlike the Company of Stationers, authors did not make significant sums of money for their work. According to Alexandra Halasz, the main impetus for someone to invest ‘labour and some aspect of his person’ was not the low, onetime payment they would receive. Instead, it was to gain ‘an authorial name’ which would boost their reputation. Brean Hammond appears to have agreed with this, suggesting that ‘ambitious writers’ felt that their work would highlight their personal abilities.61 Peter Burke, on the other hand, has suggested a somewhat broader and different scenario. These included authors who belonged to one of three categories. The first included learned or upper-class writers who produced works for ‘ordinary’ people. These were followed by a substantial group of commercial writers followed by a third group of smaller number of ‘miscellaneous, ordinary people’.62 P. Hague and P. Jackson, How to Do Marketing Research (London, 1990), pp. 12–13. N. Wheale, Writing and Society, p. 86. 59 D.C. Allen, Star-Crossed Renaissance: The Quarrel about Astrology and Its Influence in England (Durham, North Carolina, 1941), p. 41 and J. Raymond, Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain, p. 5. 60 C. Blagden, The Stationers’ Company, p. 93; M. Nicholson, ‘English Almanacs and the New Astronomy’, Annals of Science, 4 (1939), p. 2; A. Johns, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making, p. 260 and M. Plant, The English Book Trade (London, 1962), p. 93. 61 A. Halasz, The marketplace of print: Pamphlets and the public sphere in early modern England, (Cambridge, 1997), p. 64 and B. Hammond, Professional Imaginative Writing in England 1670–1740: Hackney for Bread (Oxford, 1997), p. 22. 62 P. Burke, ‘Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century London’, The London Journal, 3 (1977), 143–162. 57

58

print, authors and owners

229

Although there are some similarities between these definitions and hippiatric writers, there were probably even more differences. Given the elite status of horses, it is not surprising to find authors who fall under Burke’s first category of ‘upper class’ authors. The best examples of these are found in the writings of William Cavendish, the Duke of Newcastle. There were numerous other ‘gentlemen’, as well, who perhaps produced hippiatric texts ‘out of his own love’ [for horses] like Vegetius.63 There was often a vast difference, however, between whoever their intended audience was and the people who actually purchased or owned their volumes. It is likely that highly attractive, illustrated folio versions such as Andrew Snape’s Anatomy of a Horse may have sold best to more elite members of society. However, more utilitarian works by Gervase Markham who also identified himself as a gentleman, would probably have appealed to a much broader range of readers. There were also a number of anonymous authors, or those who only used initials, falling under Burke’s second category of ‘commercial writers’. These included many texts which provided rather generalised or compiled information. In most cases, their authors justified the content as being drawn from ‘the wisdom’ of previous texts, but often appearing under a new title. That said, although such books would be looked down upon today, this does not appear to have been the case with contemporaries, as illustrated by them being reissued in multiple editions. Burke’s catch-all category of ‘miscellaneous, ordinary people’ could, in theory, include the many others who wrote hippiatric texts. However, it would be probably be more useful to change this heading to horse-healers to encompass the farriers had acquired their knowledge through ‘much Labour and long Experience’.64 On the other hand, it must be remembered that many authors, such as royal farriers, would have crossed the boundaries between these categories. It is often the case that the easiest way of identifying the background of a writer (and often only way) was through information provided on the title page. Table 8.1 provides a sampling of the types of identifying information early modern hippiatric writers included about themselves. In some cases, this could be found immediately following their name. Examples shown in square brackets include material appearing later on the title page or accompanying the preface.

63 M.R. Mezzabotti, ‘Aspects of Multiculturalism in the Mulomedicina of Vegetius’, Akorterion 45 (2000), pp. 52–61. 64 W. Poole, The Country Farrier, p. A3v.

230

chapter eight

Table 8.4. Identifying labels used by early modern hippiatric writers. Author* Blundeville, Thomas Clifford, Christopher Mascall, Leonard Estienne, Charles

Identifying label

None None None Translated by Richard Surflet, practitioner in Physick Brown, William Gent. Markham, Gervase Gentleman LWC None Crawshey, John Of Sandall Magna in the County of York Grymes, Thomas None De Grey, Thomas Esquire Cavendish, William [Duke of Newcastle] Poole, William … by the experience of … Barrett, Robert Of Esborne in Sussex JB Gent. Halfpenny, John Esquire Hayward, Michael Philomath. Almond, Robert Well known and skilful Farrier Tryon, Thomas None ER Gent. JB None Snape, Andrew, Jr Farrier to Charles II GL None AS Gent Solleysel, Jacques del Query to the present King of France (translated by Sir William Hope) Gibson, William None Allen, Matthew Farrier in Coleman Street Trowell, Thomas Farrier in Marden, Kent Bradstreet, John Farmer of Wingfield in Suffolk Bracken, Henry Author of the Notes on Burdon Cavendish, William Duke of Newcastle Reeves, John Farrier at Ringwood, Hants Wood, John Late Groom to the King of Sardinia, and at present Groom to the Right Hon. The Earl of Rochford Ellis, William Farmer Foster, William None Merrick, William Farrier Snape, Edward Farrier Griffiths, William Late Groom at Wynnstay Vial de Sainbel, Charles Professor of Veterinary Medicine *

Approximate dates d. 1605 c. late 16th century d. 1589 c. early 17th century c. 1620’s d. 1637 c. 1630’s c. 1630s 1636 1639 1592–1676 1650s 1660s 1669 1671 1673 1673 1680? 1670s–1680’s 1669/70/75/85 1683 1687 1690s 1702 1722 1737 1720’s 1730’s 1737 1750’s 1750’s–1770’s

1759 1769 1780’s 1780’s–1790’s 1790’s 17790’s

The titles of the books written by these authors will be found in the bibliography.

print, authors and owners

231

The terminology, if present, could be used for a variety of personal or professional reasons. Adrian Johns has suggested that in an age when printed works were commonly ‘pirated’, the issue of whether a book was ‘as it seems’ was particularly important. This rested not, however, on who actually wrote them, but on the perceived credentials of the author and the ‘authority’ of their work.65 Some titles, such as those by the William Cavendish, the Duke of Newcastle would undoubtedly have had a social cachet. ‘Royal’ farriers or other notable authors could also use the title page to boast of royal connections. Authors who choose to refer to their location, on the other hand, might have been hoping to attract local customers for their services. However, the fact that many chose not to use any identifying information suggests that Adrian Johns’ idea does not generally apply to these writers. The ‘labels’ used by hippiatric writers came as a surprise, as I had thought they would follow the pattern illustrated in texts on human health. In most cases, writers who were medical practitioners would use terms which flatteringly described their abilities as a practitioner. Interestingly, these most often consisted of terms such as ‘student of physick’ or ‘gentleman student in the art of physick’ on title pages.66 Such a modest description presumably allowed them to let potential readers know that despite between experienced, they were still always learning and sharpening their skills. There could be a number of reasons why similar ‘claims’ were not common in hippiatric texts. This may have been because of a very different mix of writers than in human manuals. As might be expected, there are a scattering of authors claiming to be farriers or horse doctors. However, these were outnumbered by those who claimed to be gentlemen, used fictional initials or were simply anonymous. Judging by other contemporary texts, it seems likely that many of the latter would have been produced by commercial or ‘hack’ writers. (This prerogative eighteenth century term of ‘hack’ compared these writers to hackney coach drivers who could be hired by anyone).67 Commercial writers would not, of course, have used such as a term to refer to themselves. However, in some cases the lack of a familiar, or indeed any name, on the cover page appears to have been replaced by references

A. Johns, The Nature of the Book, p. 54. L. Coelson, The poor-mans physician and chyurgion (London, 1656); R. Elkes, Approved Medicines of Little cost, to preserve health and also to cure those that are sick (London, 1652) and L. Hill Curth, English Almanacs, astrology & popular medicine: 1550–1700 (Manchester, 2007), pp. 57–67. 67 M.J.M. Ezell, Social Authorship and the Advent of Print (Baltimore, 1999), p. 91. 65

66

232

chapter eight

to its ‘heritage’. Remedies for diseases in Horses, for example, did not include an author’s name but noted that its’ content was ‘approved and allowed by divers very ancient mareschalls’.68 The English Farrier, on the other hand, provided even less information, simply stating that it contained ‘approved Remedies’ and was ‘faithfully set forth according to art’.69 Despite two authors boasting of their royal connections, the omission of ‘farrier’ or ‘horse-doctor’ suggests that these were not considered to be useful marketing tools. In human medicine, the title of physicians might have raised their credibility and improve their chances of attracting new patients. It may be that terms such as ‘gent’ or ‘gentlemen’ might have been perceived to make the text more authoritative than one by a lowly farrier? Alternatively, it might have been that some authors were actually targeting a more elite, educated market. Ownership/Readership Ideally, it would be possible to continue this thread of thought through an examination of the titles actually purchased or owned by contemporaries. Unfortunately, this does not necessarily mean, of course, that they were used or even read. After all, there are many possible reasons for why someone might simply have owned a certain book. This might have included inheriting or receiving it as a present. Alternatively, even if it had been purchased the owner might have found it to be either uninteresting or not useful. There are many difficulties in determining both who owned and/or read certain texts. As Lorna Weatherill has pointed out, there were various reasons for recording ownership of goods and that this happened more frequently in some areas such as London.70 Even if inventories were kept, these can be problematic sources. Some fail to list books at all, or might only mention a Bible. Others might only specify titles of the more valuable or important texts, with others being lumped together as ‘books’ or ‘booklets’. This meant that the cheapest works, such as almanacs, were often not mentioned at all.71

Anon, Remedies for diseases in Horses (London, 1588). Anon, The English Farrier (London, 1631). 70 L. Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain 1660–1760 (London, 1988), p. 60. 71 D. Cressy, Literacy and the Social Order: Reading and writing in Tudor and Stuart England (Cambridge, 1980), p. 49 and D.M. Palliser, The Age of Elizabeth: England under the later Tudors 1547–1603 (London, 1985), p. 356. 68

69

print, authors and owners

233

In the absence of other information, I have attempted to use several forms of ‘indirect evidence’ of ownership and/ or readership. This has included what type of target audience the author was writing for, how sophisticated the language was and the type of advertisements it might contain.72 In some cases it has also encompassed the inspection of physical clues including bookplates, book labels or book stamps. It is also sometimes possible to glean information from the type of binding used, particularly if it contains an armorial or other imprint, provides evidence of ownership. That said, it is possible to misinterpret such clues, such as the use of the royal coat of arms, which might be used on texts dedicated but not owned by the monarch.73 Another common method includes first locating and then trawling through personal library lists. A final and probably most difficult way is through ‘luck’ or ‘chance’ for want of a better explanation. This, for example, is how I came across the reference stating that the Elizabethan merchant and writer Gerard De Malynes (fl 158–1626) owned one of Markham’s books. The same holds true for a seventeenth century list of books owned by Elizabeth Isham. Although she did not have any hippiatric works, The Widowes treasure contained recipes for horse medicines. On the other hand, this may have nothing to do with why she had a copy of what was a very popular work. In the absence of other supporting material it is not possible to know if she even read or used any other part of the work.74 There is, however, an exciting ‘new’ category of sources from which I have gathered the information in Table 8.2. As their title suggests ‘Auction Lists’ were catalogues produced to inform potential buyers of the contents of an upcoming sale. This phenomenon was thought to have originated in the Netherlands in the early seventeenth century, with the first English sale occurring on the 31st of October 1676 in London. Book auctions swiftly caught on in England, with just over four hundred taking place in London between 1676 and 1700.75

L. Hill Curth, English Almanacs, Chapter 4. D. Pearson, Provenance Research in Book History: A Handbook (London, 1994), p. 109 and N. Glaisyer, ‘Readers, correspondents and communities: John Houghton’s A Collection for Improvement of Husbandry and Trade (1692–1703)’ in A. Shepard and P. Washington (eds.) Communities in early modern England: Networks, place, rhetoric (Manchester, 2000), pp. 235– 251. 74 A. Finkelstein, ‘Gerard de Malynes and Edward Misselden: The Learned Library of the Seventeenth-Century Merchant’, Book History 3 (2000), pp. 1–20; J. Partridge, The Widdowes Treasure (London, 1631), sig. A2r and Northamptonshire Records Office, Isham Family, IL4829. 75 J. Lawler, ‘Book Auctioneers and Auctions in the Seventeenth Century’, Antiquary, 19 72

73

234

chapter eight

David Pearson has argued that there are three main academic uses for such records, depending on their nature: 1. Sales of entire libraries of named collectors, or parts of libraries … a record of that collector’s books at the time of sale. 2. The descriptions of books being sold may include information on bookplates, inscriptions or other evidence of previous ownership. 3. Marked-up copies of sales catalogues compiled by auctioneers or by others in attendance, reveal[ing] the names of purchasers.76 The auction lists referred to on the following pages represent lists of books belonging to different types of medical practitioners. Although many early modern auction lists are available on Early English Books Online, the most unusual and special collection is that held at Durham University is currently not. These are part of the Routh Collection which consists of over 16,500 manuscript and printed items which once belonged to Martin Joseph Routh (1755–1854) scholar and President of Magdalen College, Oxford. Most importantly for this study, however, is the bound volume of nineteen book auction lists belonging to medical practitioners.77 Although all were human (rather than veterinary) practitioners, seven of these contained at least one hippiatric text and have been listed below, although none are for animal healers. (Note: Clench’s list is not part of the Routh Collection). Although this is a very small sample, it does suggest some interesting questions which need to be further investigated. The first is whether the fact that less than 50% of the practitioners owned a hippiatric text is significant? Secondly, with the exception of two practitioners, why did the rest only own one hippiatric book? A final point is whether the books owned were meant to be used or had been acquired for other reasons. William Salmon, who was a very successful late seventeenth century astro-medical practitioner and writer, owned the largest number of hippiatric books. Although Salmon was a prolific writer who referred to himself as ‘Professor of Physick’, he was actually self-taught, rather than university educated. As an adult, he obtained an ecclesiastical medical license and

(1889 June) pp. 242–245; B. Katz, Dahl’s History of the Book(Metuchen, 1995). p. 192 and T.A. Birrell, Books and Buyers in Seveneenth-Century English Auction Rooms in R. Myers, M. Harris and G. Mandelbrote (eds.) Under the Hammer: Book Auctions since the Seventeenth Century (London, 2001), pp. 51–64. 76 D. Pearson, Provenance Research, p. 132. 77 Durham University Library, Routh Collection http://www.dur.ac.uk/library/asc/ collection_information/cldload/?collno=122 (Accessed 10 May 2012).

print, authors and owners

235

Table 8.5. Book auction lists containing hippiatric titles. Collection

Title

Auction

Hippiatric title/s

Bernard, Charles

Sergeant Surgeon to her Majesty

22 March 1710

A. Snape The Anatomy of a Horse (1687)

Clench, Andrew

Dr.

1 June 1692

A. Snape The Anatomy of a Horse (1683)

Dickenson, William

Chirurgion of St Thomas Hospital

2 May 1712

A. Snape The Anatomy of a Horse (1674)

Doleman, Richard

MD

10 Sept 1718

A. Snape The Anatomy of a Horse (1683)

Harrison, Dr MD late of Colchester 28 February 1706

G. Markham Way to get Wealth (1676) Markham’s Maisterpiece (1683)

Raunce, J.

Doctor of Physick

18 July 1716

A. Snape, The Anatomy of a Horse (1687)

Salmon, William

Prof. of Physick

10 April 1717

G. Markham, English Horsman [sic] (1613) A. Snape, The Anatomy of a Horse (1683) Anon, The Experienced Farrier or Farring Completed (London, 1681) R. Almond, The English Horsman [sic] (London, 1673) Anon., The Gentleman’s Jockey (London, 1683)

Tovey, John

Apothecary

G. Markham Markham’s Masterpiece (n.d.)

enjoyed a thriving practice near St. Bartholomew’s Hospital in London. It may well have been due to his popularity with the public that led to him being sued and ‘Persecuted … for Eight Years together, without hurting …’ by the College of Physicians (who held a London monopoly similar to that enjoyed by the Company of Farriers).78 The fact that he was not a member

78 A. Wear, ‘Medical Practice in Late Seventeenth-and Early Eighteenth-Century England: Continuity and Union’, in R. French and A. Wear (eds.) The Medical Revolution of the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1989), p. 314; W. Brockbank, ‘Sovereign Remedies: A Critical Depreciation of the Seventeenth Century London Pharmacopoeia’, Medical History, 8 (1964), p. 5; K. Thomas, Religion and The Decline, p. 414 and W. Salmon, Collectanea medica (London, 1703), sig. A3v.

236

chapter eight

of the College does not appear to have changed the way that the general public perceived him, however, and he was able to amass a great deal of wealth. Salmon used some of this to purchase a library so large that it took two separate book auction catalogues to hold them all.79 The second most notable point about these auction lists are that almost all of the practitioners owned a copy of various editions of Andrew Snape’s The Anatomy of Horse. The 1683 version, which several of them listed, was dedicated to ‘His Most Sacred Majesty Charles II’. Interestingly, his preface states that the purpose of his book was ‘to instruct Farriers in the Frame, Situation and Use of the Parts of an Horse, which is the Subject of their Care’.80 However, the fact that it was printed in folio suggests otherwise. Defined as a sheet of paper folded once (as opposed to a number of time for smaller formats) it would have resulted in ‘a large and grand book’.81 This is substantiated by the definition of Andrew Clench’s copy which was ‘larg [sic] Paper, guilt Back [sic]’. (This refers to a ‘gilt backed’ or ‘gilded’ cover, which was highly desirable). The entry for William Salmon’s copy from the same year, also noted that it contained ‘Cutts’ or illustrations.82 The binding of Clench’s copy raises several questions about the usage of his book. In the early modern period, printers sent out most books in sheets, which would be bound at the booksellers. Although this allowed customers the opportunity to request a certain binding, there were also ‘pre-bound’ copies available.83 While it is not known which was the case for Clench’s volume, such a fancy cover does not suggest that it was meant to be regularly used as a reference book. Instead, it sounds more likely that it was meant to be something more for show or display. The Anatomy of Horse also appears as the sole hipppiatric text in auction lists belonging to a variety of non-medical men. This included the collection of John Hughes, esquire and his brother Mr Jabez Hughes who owned a

79 80 81

P. Curry, Prophecy and Power: Astrology in Early Modern England (Princeton, 1989), p. 56. A. Snape, The Anatomy of a Horse (London, 1683), sig. A3r–v. J. Raymond, Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge, 2003),

p. 5. 82 J. Bullord, A Catalogue of Extraordinary Greek and Latin Books … being the library of Dr Andrew Clench (London, 1692), p. 3; M. Harris, Newspaper Advertising for Book Aucitons before 1700 in R. Myers, M. Harris and G. Mandelbrote (eds.) Under the Hammer: Book Auctions since the Seventeenth Century (London, 2001) and T. Ballard, Bibliotheca Salmoneana, vol. II (London, 1713), p. 83. 83 E. Potter, ‘To Paul’s Churchyard to treat with a bookbinder’ in R. Myers and M. Harris (eds.) Property of a Gentleman: The formation, organisation and dispersal of the private library 1620–1920 (Winchester, 1991), pp. 25–41.

print, authors and owners

237

copy ‘with fine cuts’ dating from 1683. Three slightly later auctions also offered copies Snape’s 1686 edition. The first ‘with curious Cutts’ belonged to Reverend Mr Batty, Rector of St John’s A second copy printed in 1686 was owned by The ‘Reverend and Learned Dr John Wallis sometimes since Savilian Professor of Geometry in the University of Oxford’. An auction held in 1739 offered yet another copy of the 1686 version ‘with cuts’ belonging to the Reverend Mr Sampson Estwick.84 Gervase Markham’s books, on the other hand, were not decorative pieces but more utilitarian manuals published in quarto (a sheet folded into four). Due to their size, they could only hold 300–400 words per page. That said, they were much more portable than larger volumes.85 The same was true for the anonymous The Experienced Farrier or Farring Completed while The Gentleman’s Jockey was printed in an even smaller octavo.86 Although it is not possible to prove usage, the nature of these works certainly suggests that they were acquired for practical reasons. Although it has not been possible to find any comparable book auction lists either for farriers or horse-doctors, I do not think that this is particularly significant. There could be a variety of reasons, beginning with the fact that this was such a small sample. It could also be due to the fact that many books would not have been sold at auction, but either passed down within a family or passed on to friends or colleagues. I also do not think that this was because of the stereotypical view that all horse healers were illiterate.87 While there were undoubtedly many at the lower end of the social scale who could not read, it seems likely that many would have had what might be called ‘utilitarian’ or functional literacy. As the term implies, this is defined as ‘the acquisition of the minimum level of literacy necessary to provide skills necessary for doing certain jobs’, such as basic book-keeping. At the most elementary level this would include understanding the:

84 G. Fletcher, Libororum in onibus linguis & literaturaepartibus utilissima collection: or a catalogue of the libraries of John Hughes Esquire nad his brother Mr Jabez Hughes (London, 1732), p. 22; Ibid., A catalogue of the libraries of the Reverend Mr Batty, Rector of St John’s Clerkenwell (London, 1738), p. 91; Ibid., Catalogue of the libraries of the Reverend and Learned Dr John Wallis sometimes since Savilian Professor of Geometry in the University of Oxford (London, 1738), p. 21 and Ibid., A catalogue of the libraries of the Reverend Mr Sampson Estwick (London, 1739), p. 31. 85 H.R. Bourne, English Newspapers: Chapters in the History of Journalism—Volume I (London, 1887), pp. 3–4. 86 T. Ballard, Bibliotheca Salmoneana, pp. 101–102 and 112. 87 L. Wilkinson, Animals and disease: An introduction to the history of comparative medicine (Cambridge, 1992), p. 10.

238

chapter eight letters within bookes and also the figures, and the numeracall letters … secondly to know and shew which are vowels, which consonants.88

Furthermore, Joan Lane’s research has uncovered evidence about farrier’s apprentices who could read and write.89 Although Lane was referring to the mid eighteenth century, there is no obvious reason for why this should not have also held true for the previous century when (many) healers would also have needed to be able to keep at least simple business accounts. H.M. Jewell has taken this a step further, by arguing that such utilitarian literacy the most common type in social levels below the elite.90 Although such an argument is outside the scope of this book, I would add that the many vernacular medical manuals addressed to horse healers or their students also offer indirect evidence of some level of literacy.91 Conclusion There has been a great deal of interest in recent years on the wide range of early modern literature on human health. The relationship between mechanical printing, medical beliefs and practices in early modern England has also become an increasingly attractive area of study over the past few decades. Although they focus on different aspects of health and illness, it is generally agreed that the print culture influenced the medical beliefs and practices in every stratum of early modern English society.92 Such studies, however, have focused exclusively on humans. As readers of my previous publications will know, there were actually many different types of publications that provided information and advice about both preventative and remedial care for domesticated animals. This chapter has 88 A. Finkelstein, ‘Gerard de Malynes and Edward Misselden: The Learned Library of the Seventeenth-Century Merchant’, Book History, 3 (2000), 1–20 and T. Lambrocke, Milke for children, or, A plain and easie method teaching to read and write (London, 1685), p. 20. 89 L. Wilkinson, Animals and Disease, p. 10 and J. Lane, Farriers, p. 100. 90 H.M. Jewell, Education in Early modern England (Basingstoke, 1998), pp. 147–148. 91 The existence of such books, however, does not prove that they were read by farriers or leeches. 92 See, for example L.E. Voigts, ‘Scientific and Medical Books’; M. Fissell, ‘Readers, Texts, and Contexts: Vernacular medical works in early Modern England’ in R. Porter (ed.) The Popularization of Medicine 1650–1850 (London, 1992); P. Isaac, ‘Pills and Print’; P.M. Jones, ‘Medicine and science’, pp. 433–449; A. Wear, Knowledge & Practice in English Medicine; ‘Science and the Book’ in J. Barnard and D.F.M. McKenzie (eds.) The Cambridge History of the Book, IV 1557–1695 (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 274–303; G.R. Keiser, ‘Two Medieval Plague Treatises and Their Afterlife in Early Modern England’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 58 (July, 2003), pp. 292–324 and L. Hill Curth, English almanacs.

print, authors and owners

239

looked at various types of texts on that focused on health care for horse, as well as on their authors and owners, who may also have been their readers. I would argue that the decision about who would be allowed to produce such texts was based on the economic considerations of the Company of Stationers. Given that their paramount concerns were over sale and profits, the public perception of individual authors and their work would have been of utmost importance.93 Works by some of the most popular writers, for example, were allowed to be reissued many times, often over several or more decades. This would certainly not have been the case if the new editions failed to find buyers. Gervase Markham is a perfect example of this, with his works continuing to reappear in new editions through several centuries. With the exception of Gervase Markham, however, very little is known about the majority of early modern hippiatric writers. In order to address this issue, I have tried to glean information about them from textual evidence. The first way was through the ways in which they identified themselves on the title pages of their texts. In those aimed at humans, authors typically included references to their professional credentials in astrological physick.94 Interestingly, while some used terms such as ‘farrier’, the majority did not. I would argue that this was linked to the fact that the way in which they were perceived was more important than actual fact. After all, it was unlikely that most people would ever have first-hand information about, or the opportunity to meet any of the authors. Therefore, it may well have been that the references to having had many years of practice, such as Christopher Clifford who said that he was writing from his own experience of the ‘breeder, the rider, keeper, and the Sadler, of the horseleach [sic] and smith’ from over thirty years would have impressed potential buyers.95 In certain circles, however, the appeal of a ‘gentleman’s’ opinion, or someone with royal connections, may have carried more weight. This might have been particularly true with gentleman readers who, although ‘tis not their Business’ to ‘shooe, drive or clean horses’ needed to be able ‘to understand all the rest’.96 Regardless of modern stereotypical views about early modern veterinary medicine, both the initial appearance and often a large number of subsequent editions, sometimes long after the original author’s death, illustrate

93 P. Lindenbaum, ‘Authors and Publishers in the Late Seventeenth Century: New Evidence on their Relations’, The Library, 17 (1995), p. 260. 94 L. Hill Curth, English Almanacs, Chapter 4. 95 C. Clifford The schoole of horsemanship (London, 1585), sig. A3v. 96 W. Burdon, Capt. Burdon’s Gentleman’s Pocket-Farrier London (London, 1735), preface.

240

chapter eight

their popularity amongst contemporary readers. This was true not only of ‘practical’ manuals, but also of more decorative or what might now be referred to as ‘coffee table’ books such as Andrew Snape’s large and heavily illustrated Anatomy of an [sic] horse. There are, however, many problems in trying to determine who actually purchased or owned these texts.97 Although source survival and continuity is an issue, it is also more than possible that no contemporary book lists were ever made. Furthermore, even when ownership can be determined, this does not prove that the books were ever written or used. There are many possible reasons as to why someone might own a text beyond purchasing it. Some volumes might have been inherited, while others could have been given as presents. The latter may have been the case with the undoubtedly very expensive folio editions of Andrew Snape’s Anatomy of a Horse that was owned by a number of (human) medical practitioners. In some cases, information about ownership can be found in inventories, collections, expense books, or other forms of household accounts. Unfortunately, attempting to find such material can be a time-consuming and often frustrating business. This chapter, however, has utilised the virtually unexplained genre of book auction lists. As the title suggests, these are lists of books being offered at auction, generally after the death of their owner. Although many different types of people appear to have had their libraries auctioned, this chapter has discussed those belonging to men who were identified as [human] medical practitioners. Each of these owned at least one hippiatric text, while Gervase Markham owned a number of them. While this small sample has made it difficult to draw definitive conclusions as to their actual use, it has served as the catalyst to delve deeper into this fascinating and underexplored category of primary source materials. While there are still many questions to be explored as to the ownership and usage of hippiatric texts, there is already ample evidence that there was an on-going demand for such materials. As this chapter has pointed out, the top end of the spectrum included decorative folio editions that might never have been used. Alternatively, the main purpose of an individual text might have been for gentleman to be able to understand and/or oversee what their

97 See, for example, P. Slack, ‘Mirrors of Health and Treasures of Poor Men: The Uses of the Vernacular Medical Literature of Tudor England’, pp. 237–274; R. O’Day, Education and Society 1500–1800: The Social Foundations of Education in Early Modern Britain (London, 1982), pp. 193–194 and K. Wrightson, ‘The Enclosure of English Social History’ in A. Wilson (ed.) Rethinking Social History (Manchester, 1993), p. 62.

print, authors and owners

241

staff was doing with their valuable horses. It seems likely, however, that the greatest demand would have been for practical use by those who desired to help horses, such as: The Country-man, that doth live farre remote, From Farriers help; City, or Towne of note, Had need by Judgement, and Directions skill, Study to know, some help for Cattell ill: As Horse, Kine, Neat, and Sheepe, or Hogs, Creatures much usefull; (& withall mange Dogs) Let him observe, and read this little Booke, To Cure the same himselfe, without delaye not lost, therein to looke. Finding the Cause, Disease, and ready way To Cure the same himselfe, without delay.98

98

W. Poole, The Country Farrier (London, 1652), sig. A2r.

CONCLUSION

Ther is no beest rekene as I began Soo necessarye/as horse to man.1

John Lydgate’s late fifteenth century commendation of horses is an apt way to bring this book to a close. As the previous chapters have shown, Lydgate’s view of them holding place of honour in the hierarchy of domesticated animals is one that dates back to the ancient world. Despite their changing roles over time, there has been an undisputable continuity in the way horses have been valued by different societies and cultures. This book has attempted to illustrate how this importance was mirrored in the ways in which humans tried to promote and preserve the health of their charges as well as to treat the resulting disorders when such efforts eventually failed. While the field of early modern medical history has continued to grow in the recent past, this has not been the case for that of the health of domesticated animals. Interestingly, there has been rising interest in what I would call ‘modern’ veterinary medicine, particularly that of the nineteenth through twenty-first centuries. The ‘pre-veterinary’ period before the founding of the first London Veterinary College in 1791, however, has been generally ignored. Outside of my own publications, when the topic is brought up it is usually swiftly denounced as being of little importance. As the most recent official account of the Royal Veterniary College baldly states, before this time sick horses were subjected to ignorant, one-dimensional and even dangerous quacks ‘using [the] same crude methods and remedies of 100 years before’. As a result, when references are made to the ‘pre-veterinary’ period they generally consist of commonplaces based on the portrayal of animals as being treated by.2 My response to such accusations must be three-fold. The first is related to the idea that their value (both in economic as well as moral or emotional terms) necessitates some form of medical care to keep them healthy and

1 J. Lydgate, Here begynneth a lytell treatyse of the horse, the sheep, and the ghoos (London, 1495), sig. A4v. 2 E. Cotchin, The Royal Veterinary College: A Bicentenary History (Buckingham, 1990), p. 13; R. Dunlop and D. Williams, Veterinary Medicine—An Illustrated History (Chicago, 1996), p. 266; D. Karasszon, A Concise History of Veterinary Medicine, (Budapest, 1988), p. 270 and I. Pattison, The British Veterinary Profession 1791–1948 (London, 1984), p. 2.

244

conclusion

productive. As this book and my previous publications have argued, the need to provide animals with some form of health care goes back to time immemorial. While the earliest undomesticated creatures probably used some form of ‘authotherapy’ to keep themselves well, their ability to do so ceased once domesticated. Based on the assumption that only healthy animals would be productive (whether for labour or their by-products), this task would have then passed on to humans. Although there were many differences in the way people perceived animals, social and economic concerns demanded that everything possible be done to protect their health.3 After all, as Calvin Schwabe has pointed out, the main purpose of veterinary medicine was, and is, to ensure that the benefits domesticated animals are expected to provide for humans are ‘assured and protected’.4 The chapters in this book have argued that the motives for trying to build, preserve and/or return a horse to health were even greater than for other domesticated animals. This was related to the many different types of roles horses played and their accompanying social status. The most expensive and elite or ‘noblest’ of horses, for example, provided both a number of ‘private and public benefits’.5 ‘Private’ advantages would have included companionship and love, while the latter related to the confirmation of an owner’s social or political status. There are numerous examples of all of these points in early modern writings and printed literature. William Cavendish, for example, was said to take ‘so much delight and pleasure’ in his horses that he refused to part with any of them even when ‘in distress for Money’. As a result, many of these animals have been granted immortality in the form of paintings, portraits, sculptures, poetry and literature.6 My second disputation about the absence of ‘pre-veterinary’ equine care is based on the wealth of surviving manuscripts and printed sources about contemporary preventative and remedial medicine. Both late medieval and

3 For more on attitudes to animals see: K. Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England 1500–1800 (London, 1983) and E. Fudge, Perceiving animals: humans and beasts in early modern England (Cambridge, 2000). 4 C.W. Schwabe, Veterinary Medicine and Human Health (Baltimore, 1984), p. 3. 5 See, for example, P. Edwards, ‘Domesticated Animals in Renaissance Europe’ in B. Bohrer (ed.) The Cultural History of Animals in the Renaissance (Berg, 2007) pp. 75–93; D. Landry, Noble Brutes: How Eastern Horses Transformed English Culture (Baltimore, 2007) and P. Edwards, K.A.E. Enkel and E. Graham (eds.) The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2012). 6 M. Cavendish, The life of the thrice noble, high and puissant prince William Cavendishe, Duke, Marquess and Earl of Newcastle (London, 1667), p. 57 and P.F. Cuneo, ‘Beauty and the Beast’, Journal of Early Modern History, 4, no. 3–4 (2000) pp. 269–321.

conclusion

245

early modern materials illustrate the acceptance of traditional principles based on the Galenic-astrological model. This included the idea of providing a good ‘health regime’ based on the concept that it was better to try to keep disease out of their bodies, rather than trying to heal an already ill horse. The components of remedial treatments were based on Bishop Isodore of Seville’s categories pharmacy, surgery and diet (in the Greek sense of the word).7 Thirdly, it must be remembered that the history of veterinary medicine is a story of both continuity and change, rather than of unilinear progress. Biomedicine, which is the predominant Western European medical model in the early twentieth century, is only some two hundred years old. The Galenic-astrological model, on the other hand, supported medical beliefs and practices for well over thousand years. This is an especially important point when considering the many claims that the new London Veterinary College marked the beginning of a ‘modern’ or a new and better system of veterinary care. In reality, the type of material that was taught would have been familiar to practicing farriers until late in the eighteenth century. On the other hand, I would argue that it did illustrate change by providing the kernel that would eventually result in the true the institutionalization and possibly professionalization of veterinary medicine.8 Readers familiar with my previous work will have realised that I planned this book to essentially be a sequel to Care of Brute Beasts: a social and cultural study of veterinary medicine in early modern England. Given that this was had been the first text to focus exclusively on the health and illness of all domesticated working animals, it seemed a logical step to move on to a study of the most elite of these animals. As with the former, it is hoped that A plaine and easie waie to remedie a horse will provide both new and thought provoking material to readers, as well as acting as a catalyst for further study in this area.

7 Isadore of Seville, Etymologies (Madrid, 1933), quoted in J. Salisbury, The Beast Within: Animals in the Middle Ages (London, 1994), p. 57. 8 L. Hill Curth, ‘The care of brute beasts’: a social and cultural history of veterinary medicine in early modern England (Brill, 2009), Chapter 8.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Manuscripts British Library, London MSS Add 70385-6, Folio 38, 29 August 1722 and Folio 195. 30 Aug 1726. MSS Cotton MS Cleopatra DI/f.83v9 Treatise on Military Science. MSS Harley, 6398, f.27a8; 39a18 and 25a4.

Buckinghamshire Records Office, Aylesbury Chequers Mss D138/16/6/1–3, Book of Receipts, late 17th century.

Guildhall Library, London MSS 2890, Blacksmith’s Company, Articles of Farriers by-laws submitted to Court of Aldermen in 1359, c. 17th century. MSS 5534-4, Farrier Court Journals [1674–1867]. MSS 5526, Company of Farriers Apprentice Records, 17th/18th century.

Folger Shakespeare Library MSS A2254.5, Sarah Sale’s notebook, 1679–1690.

Hampshire Records Office MSS 44M69/E7/3/4 Mrs Wilmot’s recipe for horses. MSS 44M69/E7/13 Jervoise farm accounts. MSS 44M69/E8/11, Catalogue for Jervoise family of Herriard, Hampshire series MSS 44M69/M2/4/6/1–21 Medical recipes for ailments in horses, 17th – early 18th c. MSS 44M69/M4/8, Notebook containing medical recipes, c. 1700. MSS 44M69/P1/3 Jaxons [sic] proposal for the stables by Thomas Jervoise III, c. 1703. MSS 44M69, Jaxton’s plan for Jervoise Stable Block, c. 1710.

Herefordshire Records Office MSS Foley, FH/111/3, Foley of Herefordshire records, 10 May 1673.

John Ryland’s Library English MSS 914, John Birch’s Commonplace Book, early 17th century.

248

bibliography

Royal College of Surgeons, London MSS0030, The Receipt Booke of Elizabeth Isham (c. 1608–1654).

Wellcome Library, London MS 7998, Recipe Book belonging to Mary Fausetts, late 17th – mid 18th century. MS 144, Anonymous receipt book, c. 1650–1739. MS 160 Anne Brumwich and others receipt book, 1625–1700. MS 184a, Lady Francis Catchmay receipt book, c. 1625. MS 212, Arthur Corbett receipt book, mid 17th century. MS 635, Anonymous receipt book, early 17th century. MS 1340, Boyle family receipt book, late 17th century. MS 1795, Anonymous receipt book, c. 1685–1725. MS 3500, Meade family receipt book, 1688–1727. MS 3547, Receipt Book 1660—title page. MS 4338, Joanna St John receipt book, c. 1680. MS 7073, Caleb Lowdham notebook, c. 1665–1712. MS 7721, Anonymous receipt book, c. 1675–1800. MS 7998, Mary Fausett receipt book, c.late 17th – mid 18th c.

Newspapers Daily Courant, London, December 5, 1722, p. 3. ———, December 5, 1722, p. 2. Daily Journal, London, 5 June 1728, p. 2. ———, December 8, 1727, p. 2. London Chronicle, October 15–17 1765, Issue 1377, classified advertisements. London Gazette, Thursday November 4—Monday Nov. 8 1675, pp. 113 and 84. St James’s Chronicle or the British Evening Post, London, March 28–30, 1765, classified advertisements. The World, London, Friday July 18, 1788, classified advertisements. Whitehall Evening Post or London Intelligencer, March 14–16 1769, Issue 3583. ———, July 10–12, 1776, classified advertisements.

Printed Primary Sources Abercromby, D., Academia scientairum (London, 1687). Agrippa, H.C., The Vanity of Arts and Sciences (London, 1694). Allen, M., The farrier’s assistant: Or, An essay on the nature and proceedings of distempers incident to horses (London, 1737). Allestree, R., An almanack (London, 1614). ———, A New Almanack and Prognostication (London, 1640). Almond, R., The English Horsman and Complete Farrier (London, 1673). Andrew, L., The noble lyfe a[nd] natures of man of bestes, serpentys, fowles a[nd] fisshes [that] be moste knoweu [sic] (London, 1527).

bibliography

249

Andrews, W., The Astrological Physitian (London, 1656). Anonymous, Here begynneth the properytees and medcynes for hors (London, 1502). ———, Remedies for diseases in Horses (London, 1588). ———, The anatomie of the inward parts o[ f man] lively set forth and diligently, declaring the principall v[eins] the use of letting bloud [sic] (London, 1650). ———, The Arraignment of Lewd, Idle, Forward and Unconstant Women (London, 1637). ———, The builder’s dictionary: or Gentlemans and Architects Companion (London, 1734). ———, The British Jewel; or complete housewife’s best companion (London, 1785). ———, The English Farrier, or, Countrey-mans Treasure (London, 1631). ———, The Gentleman or Traveller’s pocket farrier and horseman’s tutor (Northampton, 1735). ———, The family pocket-book: or, fountain of true and useful knowledge. (London, 1762). ———, The tradesman’s lawyer and country-man’s friend (London, 1703). ———, The vermin-killers (London, 1765?). ———, A Dispensary Surgeon, The Family Doctor (London, c. 1870). A.S., The gentleman’s complete jockey: with the perfect horseman, and experienced farrier (London, 1782). Ashwell, S., A New Almanacke and Prognostication (London, 1641). Askham, A., A Litell treatyse of Astronomy, very necessary for Physyke and Surgerye (London, 1550). ———, An Almanacke (London, 1553). A Sportsman, Captain Burdon’s Gentlemans Pocket—Farrier (London, 1742). Atkins, R., The navy surgeon: or, practical system of surgery (London, 1742). Baley, W., A briefe discourse of certain bathes or medicinall waters in the Countie of Warwicke (London, 1587). Ballard, T., Bibliotheca Salmoneana pars prima. Or, a catalogue of the part of the library of the learned William Salmon, MD. (London, 1713). ———, Bibliotheca Salmoneana, pars secunda. Or, A catalogue of the remaining part of the library of the learned William Salmon. (London, 1714). Barret, R., The Perfect and Experienced Farrier (London, 1660). Bartlet, J., Pharmacopaeia Hippiatrica (London, 1764). ———, The gentleman’s farriery: or, a practical treatise on the diseases of horses (London, 1753 and Dublin, 1765). Beetenson, W., Prodromus astrologicus: being an astrological discourse of the effects of the great eclipse of the sun (or earth) on Monday May 11th, 1724, (London, 1722). Bennett, F., ‘The Diary of Isabella, Wife of Sir Roger Twysden’, Archealogica Canterbury, li (1939), p. 127. Berenger, R., The history and art of horsemanship (London, 1771). Beridge, F., An Almanack for the Year of our Lord 1654 (London, 1654). Blagrave, J., An Almanack (London, 1660). ———, The Epitome of the Art of Husbandry (London, 1670). ———, Blagrave’s Astrological Practice of Physick (London, 1689). Blencowe, A., The Receipt book of Mrs Anne Belncowe’ AD 1694 (London, 1925).

250

bibliography

Blundeville, T., A newe booke containing the arte of ryding, and breakinge greate horses (London, 1561). ———, A briefe description of vniuersal [sic] mappes and cardes (London, 1589). ———, The art of logike (London, 1599,1617 and 1619). ———, Mr. Blundevil his exercises contayning eight treatises (London, 1638). ———, The fower chiefest offices belonging to horsemanshippe (London, 1566, 1579, 1580, 1593, 1597 and 1609). Booker, J., Celestiall Observations (London, 1654). ———, Mecurius Coeletias (London, 1645). Bracken, H., Farriery Improved: Or, A Compleat Treatise upon the Art of Farriery (London, 1737). Bradley, R., A philosophical account of the works of nature: edneavouring to set forth the several Gradations Remarkable in the Minderal, Vegetable and Animal Parts of the Creation (London, 1721). Bradwell, S., Physick for the Sicknesse Called the Plague (London, 1636). Browne, J., An account of the wonderful cures perform’d by the cold baths (London, 1707?). Buckminster, T., A newe almanacke and prognostication (London, 1567). Bullord, J., A Catalogue of Extraordinary Greek and Latin Books … being the library of Dr Andrew Clench (London, 1692). Burdon, W., The gentleman’s pocket-farrier (London, 1748). ———, The gentleman’s pocket-farrier; shewing how to use your horse on a journey (Edinburgh, 1732). Campbell, R., The london tradesman. Being a compendious view of all the trades, professions, arts both liberal and mechanical (London, 1747 and 1757). Cavendish, W., A new method and extraordinary invention to dress horses and work them according to nature (Dublin, 1740). Cavendish, W., Duke of Newcastle A new method and extraordinary invention, to dress horses, and work them according to nature (Dublin, 1740). C.H., B.C., C.M., Ingenious Artists, The Perfect Husbandman, or The Art of Husbandry (London, 1657). Childrey, J., Britannia Baconica, or, the Natural Rarieties of England, Scotland and Wales (London, 1668). Chomley, J., North Yorkshire Records Office Publication, The Memo Book of Richard Cholmeley of Brandsby 1602–1623 (York, 1988). Clark, J., A treatise on the prevention of disease incidental to horses, from bad management in regard to stables, food, water, air and exercise. (Edinburgh, 1788). Clater, F., Every Man his Own Farrier (London, 1783). Clifford, C., The schoole of horsemanship (London, 1595). Coelson, L., The poor-mans physician and chyrurgion (London: 1656). ———, Speculum Persicum (London, 1674). Cogan, T., The Haven of Health (London, 1636). Cooke, J., Mellisicium Cirurgiae (London, 1662). Crankanthorp, J., Accounts of the Reverend John Crankanthorp of Fowlmere 1682–1710, eds. Paul Brassley, Anthony Lambert and Philip Saunders (Cambridge, 1988). Culpeper, N., The English Physitian, or an Astrolog-Physical Discussion of the Vulgar Herbs of this Nation (London, 1652).

bibliography

251

———, Culpeper’s Complete Herbal and English Physician Enlarged (London, 1653). ———, Pharmacopoeia Londinensis: or the London Dispensatory (London, 1653). ———, New Method of Physick (London, 1654). ———, Galen’s Art of Physick (London, 1657). ———, The Expert Doctor Dispensatory (London, 1657). ———, Astrological Judgement of Diseases (London, 1665). ———, Culpeper’s School of Physick (London, 1678). ———, Semeiotica Uranica, or an Astrological Judgment of Disease (London, 1651). Dade, W., A new almanack (London, 1684). ———, The Country-man’s Almanac (London, 1699). Daffy, A., Elixir Salutis: The Choise Drink of Health or, Health-bringing Drink (London, 1674). De Burgundia, J., In this tretyse that is cleped Governayle of helth (London, 1490). DeGrey, T., The Compelat Horse-man and Expert Ferrier (London, 1651 and 1736). De Henley, W., The Boke of Husbandrie. (London, 1503). Digges, L., An everlasting almanac (London, 1572). Edlyn, R., Observations Astrologicae or an Astrological Discourse (London, 1659). Eland, E., A Tutor to Astrology Or, Astrology made easie. (London, 1657). Elkes, R., Approved Medicines of Little cost, to preserve health and also to cure those that are sick (London, 1652). Ellis, T., Every Farmer his own Farrier (London, 1759). E.R., The Experienced Farrier, or Farring Complete, (London, 1678). Estienne, C., Maison rustique, or The countrey farme (London, 1616). Evans, J., A newe Almanacke (London, 1629). Fairfax, T., The compleat sportsman: or country gentleman’s recreation (London, 1758). Fitzherbert, J., The Booke of Husbandry (London, 1573). Fletcher, G., Libororum in onibus linguis & literaturae partibus utilissima collection: or a catalogue of the libraries of John Hughes Esquire nad his brother Mr Jabez Hughes (London, 1732). ———, A catalogue of the libraries of the Reverend Mr Batty, Rector of St John’s Clerkenwell (London, 1738). ———, Catalogue of the libraries of the Reverend and Learned Dr John Wallis sometimes since Savilian Professor of Geometry in the University of Oxford (London, 1738). ———, A catalogue of the libraries of the Reverend Mr Sampson Estwick (London, 1739). Forester, B., The pocket farrier, Or Approved receipts collected from different authors (Shrewsbury, 1770?). Foster, W., The gentleman’s experienced farrier: (London, 1768). G.L., The Gentleman’s new jockey: or, Farrier’s approved guide (London, 1691). Gallen, T., A compleat pocket almanac (London, 1692). Gardiner, D.E., The Oxinden Letters 1607–1642 (London, 1933). Gardiner, E., Phisicall and approved Medicines (London, 1611). Gardner, R., Veterinarius Meteorologist Astrology (London, 1697). ———, Veterinarium Meteorologist Astrology (London, 1698). Gell, R., Stella Nova: a New Starre, Leading wisemen unto Christ (London, 1649).

252

bibliography

Gerard, J., The herbal or Generall historie of plants (London, 1597). Gibson, W., The farrier’s new guide (London, 1722). ———, The true method of dieting of horses (London, 1722). ———, The Farrier’s Dispensatory (London, 1729). Gratarolo, G., A direction for the health or magistrates and studentes (London, 1574). Gresham, E., An almanac and prognostication (London, 1604). Griffiths, W., A Practical Treatise of Farriery (London, 1795). Halfpenny, J., The gentlemans jockey and approved farrier (London, 1676). Harrison, W., The Description of England (London, 1577). Harward, M., The Herds-man’s Mate: Or, a Guide for Herds-men (Dublin, 1673). Hatton, E., A new view of London; or, an ample account of that city, in two volumes, or eight sections, Vol. 2 (London, 1708). Heathcott, W., Speculum anni (London, 1665). Hoole, C., An easie entrance to the Latine tongue (London, 1649). Hope, W., The Compleat Horseman: or Perfect Farrier (London, 1702). Howell, J., Londinopolis, an historicall discourse or perlustration of the city of London (London, 1657). Johnson, J., An Almanacke (London, 1618). Lambrocke, T., Milke for children, or, A plain and easie method teaching to read and write (London, 1685). Le Clerc, C., The compleat surgeon: or, the whole art of surgery (London, 1701). Lemon, G.W., English etymology, or a derivative dictionary of the English Language (London, 1783). Lessius, L., Hygiasticon: or, The right course of preserving Life and Health unto extream old age (Cambridge, 1634). Lilly, W., Merlinus Anglicus Junior (London, 1644). ———, Christian Astrology (London, 1647). ———, Merlinus Anglicus Junior (London, 1644). London Physician, The modern quack; or. The physical imposter, detected (London, 1718). L.W.C., A verie perfect discourse, and order hovv to know the age of a horse and the diseases that breede in him, with the remedies to cure the same: as also, the description of euery veyne, and how and when to let him blood, according to the diuersitie of the disease: as hath been proued by the author (London, 1601). ———, The Honest and Plaine-dealing Farrier or a Present Remedy for curing Diseases and Hurts in Horses (London, 1636). ———, The English Farrier, Or, Country-mans treasure (London, 1639). Lydgate, J., Here begynneth a lytell treatyse of the horse, the sheep, and the ghoos [sic] (London, 1495). Magnus, A., On Animals: A Medieval Zoological Summary, Vol. 1 (Trans Kitchell, KF and Resnick, IM, Vol. 1 (Baltimore, 1998). Maitland, W., The History of London from its foundations by the Romans to the present time (London, 1739). Makluire, J., The Buckler of bodilie health whereby health may bee defended, and sickesse repelled (Edinburgh, 1630). Malby, N., A plaine and easie way to remedie a horse that is foundered in his feete (London, 1576).

bibliography

253

———, Remedies for diseases in horses approoued and allowed by diuers very auncinet learned mareschals (London, 1588). Markham, G., A Discourse of horsmanshippe (London, 1593). ———, How to chuse, trayne, and dyet both Hunting Horses and Running Horses (London, 1606). ———, Cavelrice, Or The English Horseman: Contayning all the Arte of Horse-manship (London, 1607). ———, Countrey Contentments (London, 1615). ———, Cheape and Good Husbandry (London, 1616). ———, Markhams Methode or Epitome (London, 1633). ———, Markham’s Faithfull Farrier (London, 1638 and 1662). ———, Markhams Maister-piece (London, 1639). ———, A Way to Get Wealth (London, 1661). ———, Markham’s Farwel [sic] to Husbandry (London, 1676). ———, Markham’s Master-piece Revived (London, 1681). Mascall, L., The Government of Cattel (London, 1587). ———, The first booke of cattell (London, 1591). Maynwaringe, E., Vita sana & longa: the preservation of health and prolongation of life (London, 1669). Mortimer, J., The whole art of husbandry (London, 1707), The art of husbandry, Part II (London, 1712). Mottley, J., The History and Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster (London, 1753). Moxon, J., A Tutor to Astronomy and Geometry (London, 1674). Mulcaster, R., Positions wherein the primitive circumstances be examined, which are necessarie for the training up of children (London, 1581). Partridge, J., The Widdowes Treasure Plentifully Furnished with Sundry secrets (London, 1631). Pechey, J., A Plain Introduction to the Art of Physick (London, 1697). Penney, N., The household book of Sarah Fell of Swarthmoor Hall (Cambridge, 1920). Pepys, S., The Diary of Samuel Pepys, eds. Robert Latham and William Matthews (London, 1970–1983: 11 volumes). Philippos, N.B., The farrier’s and horseman’s dictionary, being a compleat system of horsemanship (London, 1726). Physiologus, P., The Good housewife made a Doctor (London, n.d.). Ponteus, J., The queens cabinet newly opened (London, 1662). Poole, W., The Country Farrier (London, 1652). Purmann, M.G., Chirurgia curiosa: or, the newest and most curious observations and operations in the whole art of chirurgery (London, 1706). R.B., The Excellence of Physick and Chirurgerie (London, 1652). Reeves, J., The art of farriery both in theory and practice containing the causes, symptoms, and cure of all diseases incident to horses (London, 1758). Renatus, V., Vegetii (Basle, 1528). ———, Vegetius Renatus of the Distempers of Horses, and of the art of curing them (London, 1748). Rogeford, H., An Almanack (London, 1561). Rumsey, W., Organon salutis: An instrument to cleanse the stomach (London, 1659).

254

bibliography

Rusius, L., Hippiatria (Paris, 1532). Salmon, N., A New survey of England (1731) Vol. 1. Salmon, W., Synopsis Medicinae: Or, a Compendium of Physick (London, 1671). ———, Pharmacopoeia Londinensis. Or, the New London Dispensatory (London, 1685). ———, The London Almanac (London, 1694, 1697 and 1699). ———, Salmon’s Family Dictionary, or Household Companion (London, 1702). Saunders, R., Apollo Anglicanus (London, 1681 and 1682). Snape, A., The Anatomy of an Horse (London, 1683). Snape, E., Snape’s Practical Treatise on Farriery (London, 1791). Solleysel, S., The Parfait Mareschal or Compleat Farrier, trans. Sir W. Hope (Edinburgh, 1696). Speed, A., The gentleman’s compleat jockey (London, 1682). Stevens, C. and J. Liebault, Maison Rustique, Or, The Countrey Farme, (trans.) Richard Surflet (London, 1616). Stow, J., The Survay [sic] of London (London, 1603). Swan, J., Speculum mundi, or, A Glasse representing the face of the world (London, 1633). Swift, J., Directions to servants in general (London, 1746). Thompson, J., The Complete Horse-Doctor; or Farriery made plain and easy (London, 1762?). Trigge, T., Kalendarium astrologicum (London, 1678). Tryon, T., The Country-man’s Companion, or A New Method of Ordering Horse & Sheep (London, 1688). Turner, E., ‘Extracts from the Diary of Richard Stapley’, Sussex Archaeological Collections, III (1849), pp. 105–108. Turner, W., A Compleat History of the Most Remarkable Providences (London, 1697). Vegetius, F., The foure bookes of Flavius Renatus Vegetius (trans) J. Sadler (London, 1572). Venner, T., Via recta ad vitam longam. Or, A plain philosophicall demonstration of the nature, faculties, and effects of all such things as by way of nourishments make for the preservation of health (London, 1637). Veterinary College, Veterinary College London, established April 8, 1791 for the reformation and improvement of farriery (London, 1791). Vicary, T., The surgions directorie (London, 1651). Xenophon, The Science of Good Husbandry (London, 1727). ———, On Horsemanship, The Duties of a Hipparch and On Hunting (trans) H.G. Kayns (Digireads.com Publishing, 2010). Wanley, N., The wonders of the little world (London, 1774). Watson, T., By His Majesty’s Royal Letters Patent: His Instructions for the Management of Horses and Dogs (London, 1785). Wecker, J., The Eighteen books of the secrets of arts and nature (London, 1683). Wing, V., An Almanac and Prognostication (London, 1643). Winstanley, W., The country-man’s guide or plain directions for ordering. Curing breeding choice, use and feeding. Of horses, cows, sheep, hoggs, &c (London, 1679). Winter, S., Directions for the use of my Elixir (London, 1664). Wood, A., Wood’s Life and Times, Vol. II, ed. A. Clark (Oxford, 1892).

bibliography

255

Wood, J., An Essay towards a description of Bath (London, 1749). ———, A New Compendious Treatise of Farriery (London, 1757). ———, Supplement to A New Compendious Treatise of Farriery (London, 1758). Worlidge, J., Systema Agriculturae; The Mystery of Husbandry Discovered (London, 1675).

Secondary Sources Abou-El-Hai, B., ‘The audiences for the Medieval Cult of Saints’, Gesta, Vol. 39, No. 1 (1991), pp. 3–15. Ackernecht, E.H., A short history of medicine (London, 1982). Adams, A., The History of the Worshipful Company of Blacksmiths (London, 1951). Adams, J.N., Pelagonius and Latin Veterinary Terminology in the Roman Empire (Leiden, 1995). Ainsworth, G.C., Introduction to the History of Medical and Veterinary Mycology (Cambridge, 1986). Alexander, D., Saints and Animals in the Middle Ages (Rochester, NY, 2008). Allen, D., Commonplace books and reading in Georgian England (Cambridge, 2010). Alvarez-Millan, C., ‘Practice versus Theory: Tenth-century Case Histories from the Islamic Middle East’, Social History of Medicine, 13 (August 2000), pp. 293–306. Anselment, R., ‘‘The Wantt of health’: an Early Eighteenth-Century Self-Portrait of Sickness’, Literature and Medicine, 152 (1996), pp. 225–243. Arcangeli, A., Recreation in the Renaissance: Attitudes toward Leisure and Pastimes in European Culture, c. 1425–1675 (Basingstoke, 2003). Atkinson, C.B. and J.B. Atkinson, ‘Anne Wheathill’s A Handfull of Holesome (though Homelie) Hearbs (1584): The First English Gentlewoman’s Prayer Book’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 27 (Autumn, 1996), pp. 659–672. Baldwin, M.R., ‘Toads and Plague: The Amulet Controversy in Seventeenth-Century Medicine’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 67 (1993), pp. 227–247. Baransky, A., Geschichte der Thierzucht und Thiermedicin (Vienna, 1886). Barber, R., Bestiary (Woodbridge, 1999). Barritt, P., Humanity in Healthcare: The Heart and Soul of Medicine (Oxford, 2005). Barton, T.S., Power and Knowledge: Astrology, Physiognomics, and Medicine under the Roman Empire (Ann Arbor, 2002). Beier, L.M., Sufferers and Healers: The Experience of Illness in Seventeenth Century England (London, 1987). Bell, F.R., ‘The Days of the Farriers’, Veterinary History, 9 (1977), pp. 3–6. Bently, M., Companion to historiography (Abingdon, 2000). Benton, J.R., Materials, Methods Masterpieces of Medieval Art (London, 2009). Berger, M., Hildegard of Bingen: On Natural Philosophy and Medicine (Cambridge, 1999). Best, H., The Farming and Memorandum Books of Henry Best of Elmswell, 1642 (Oxford, 1986). Beuster, D., Heinrich Schliemann at Troy and the so-Called ‘Treasure of Priam’ (Norderstedt, 2008). Birrell, T.A. Books and Buyers in Seveneenth-Century English Auction Rooms in

256

bibliography

R. Myers, Harris, M. and G. Mandelbrote (eds.) Under the Hammer: Book Auctions since the Seventeenth Century (London, 2001), pp. 51–64. Blair, A., ‘Humanist Methods in Natural Philosophy: The Commonplace Book’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 53 (October–December 1992), 541–551; 51V and. Blair, J., The Anglo-Saxon Age (Oxford, 2000). Boehrer, B., Animal Characters: Nonhuman Beings in Early Modern Literature (Philadelphia, 2010). Borsay, P., ‘The Culture of Improvement’ in P. Longford (ed.) The Eighteenth Century 1688–1815 (Oxford, 2002), 183–204. Bosanquet, E., ‘English Seventeenth-Century Almanacks’, The Library, Vol. X, No. 4 (March 1930), 361–197. Bourne, H.R., English Newspapers: Chapters in the History of Journalism—Volume I (London, 1887). Bragman, A., ‘Alligation Alternate and the Composition of Medicines: Arithmetic and Medicine in Early Modern England’, Medical History, 49 (2005), pp. 293–320. British Equestrian Trade Association, http://www.beta-uk.org/ (Accessed 4 July 2012). Britten, N., Medicines and Society: Patients, Professionals and the Dominance of Pharmaceuticals (Basingstoke: 2008). Budiansky, S., The Covenant of the Wild: Why Animals Chose Domestication (New York, 1992). Burke, P., ‘Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century London’, The London Journal, 3 (1977), pp. 143–162. Burke, V.E., ‘Contexts for Women’, The Yearbook of English Studies, 2003, pp. 316– 328. ———, Women and Early Seventeenth-Century Manuscript Culture: Four Miscellanies, The Seventeenth Century, XII (Autumn, 1997), pp. 135–150. Burnham, C., What is Medical History? (Cambridge, 2005). Bury, M.I., Health and Illness (Cambridge, 2005). Busfield, J., Health Care in Modern Britain (Oxford, 2000). Camden, C. Jr., ‘Elizabethan Almanacs and Prognostications’, The Library, 10 (1932). Campbell, W.A., ‘Some Early Chemical Analyses of Proprietary Drugs’, Isis, 69, No. 2 (June 1978), pp. 226–233. Cannon, J., Oxford Dictionary of English History (Oxford, 2009). Cantor, N., The Pimlico Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages (London, 1999). Capp, B., Astrology & the Popular Press: English Almanacs 1500–1800 (London, 1979) Carey, H.M., Courting Disaster: Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later Middle Ages (London, 1992). Chapman, A., ‘Astrological Medicine’ in C. Webster (ed.) Health, Medicine & Mortality in the 16th Century (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 275–300. Chartier, R., The Order of Books, eaders, Authors, and Libraries in Europe between the Fourteenth and Eighteenth Centuries (trans) L.G. Cochrane (Stanford, 1992). Clarke, M., ‘Anglo-Saxon Manuscript Pigments’, Studies in Conservation, 49, pp. 231– 244. Cleveland, C.D., A Compendium of Grecian antiquities (Boston, 1831). Clutton-Brock, J., A natural history of domesticated animals (Cambridge, 1987).

bibliography

257

Cockayne, O., Leechdoms, Wortcunning and Starcraft of Early England (London, 1865). Comben, N., ‘Snape’s Purging Pill for Horses’, The Veterinary Record, 84 (1969), 434– 435. Cook, H., The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart London (London, 1986). Copenhaver, B., ‘Scholastic Philosophy and Renaisance Magic the de Vita of Marsilio Ficino’, Renaissance Quarterly (1985). Corbin, A., The Foul & The Fragrant: Odour and the Social Imagination (London, 1994). Cotchin, E., The Royal Veterinary College: A Bicentenary History (Buckingham, 1990). Coward, B., Social Change and Continuity in Early Modern England 1550–1750 (London, 1988). Crawford, P. and L. Gowing, Women’s worlds in seventeenth-century England (London, 2000). Cressy, D., Literacy and the Social Order: Reading and writing in Tudor and Stuart England (Cambridge, 1980). Crowl, T.E., ‘Bloodletting in Veterinary Medicine’, Veterinary Heritage, 19 (1996), 15– 19. Cuneo, P., ‘Beauty and the Beast’, Journal of Early History, 4 (2000), pp. 269–321. Cuomo, S., Ancient Written Sources for Engineering and Technology, (Oxford, 2008). Curry, P., Prophecy and Power: Astrology in Early Modern England (Princeton, 1989). Curth, Louise Hill, ‘The Most Excellent of Animal Creatures’ in P. Edwards and E. Graham, The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2012), pp. 217–240. ———, ‘History of Health and Illness’ in J. Naidoo and J. Wills (ed.) Health Studies: an introduction, 2nd edition (London, 2008), pp. 47–72. ———, English Almanacs, astrology and popular medicine: 1550–1700 (Manchester, 2007). ———, ‘A Remedy for his Beast: animal health care in early modern Europe’, Intersections: representations of animals, Yearbook for Early Modern Studies, 6 (2007). ———, ‘Introduction: Perspectives on the Evolution of the Retailing of Pharmaceuticals’ and ‘Medical Advertising in the Popular Press’ in L. Hill Curth (ed.) From Physick to Pharmaceuticals: Five Hundred Years of British Drug Retailing (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 1–12 and 29–48. ———, ‘The Medical Content of English Almanacs’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences (July 2005), pp. 255–282. ———, ‘Astrological Medicine and the Popular Press in Early Modern England’, Cosmos and Culture, 9, No. 1 (Spring/Summer 2005), pp. 73–94. ———, ‘Animals, Almanacs and Astrology: Seventeenth Century Animal Health Care in England’, Veterinary History, 12 (November 2003), pp. 33–54. ———, ‘Almanacs as Medical Mediators’ in C. Usborne and W. de Blecourt (eds.) Mediating Medicine: Cultural approaches to illness and treatment in early modern and modern England (Routledge, 2003), pp. 56–70. ———, ‘Lessons from the past: preventative medicine in early modern England’, Journal of Medical Ethics: Medical Humanities, (2003), pp. 16–21.

258

bibliography

———, ‘The Care of the Brute Beast: Animals and the Seventeenth-Century Medical Marketplace’, Social History of Medicine, 15 (2002), pp. 375–392. ———, ‘English Almanacs and Animal Health Care in the Seventeenth Century’, Society and Animals, 8 (2000), pp. 71–86. Curtis J. and N. Tallis, The Horse: from Arabia to Ascot Exhibition at the British Museum (London, 2012). Cust, R., News and Politics in Early Seventeenth-Century England (London, 1997). Davis, D., A History of Shopping (London, 1966). Davis, R., The Rise of the English Shipping Industry (London, 1962). Davis, R.H.C., ‘The Medieval Warhorse’ in E.F.L. Thompson (ed.) Horses in European Economic History (British Agricultural Society, 1983). Dear, P., Revolutionizing the Sciences: European Knowledge and its Ambitions 1500– 1700 (Basingstoke, 2001). Delasata, R., ‘The Horsemen of the Canterbury Tales’ in The Chaucer Review, 3:1 (Summer, 1968), pp. 29–36. De Leemans, P. and M. Klemm, ‘Animals and Anthropology in Medieval Philosophy’ in B. Rest (ed.) A Cultural History of Animals in the Medieval Age (Berg, 2011), pp. 153– 175. Demaitre, L., ‘The Art and Science of Prognostication in Early University Medicine’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 77.4 (2003). Depew, D., ‘Humans and Other Political animals in Aristotle’s History of Animals’, Phronesis, 40, 2, 1995, pp. 156–181. Derolez, A., The Palaeography of Gothic Manuscript Books: From the Twelfth to the Early (Cambridge, 2003). DeVries, J., ‘Between purchasing power and the world of goods: understanding the household economy in early modern England’ in P. Sharpe (ed.) Women’s Work: The English Experience 1650–1914 (London, 1998). Dewhurst, K., Willis’s Oxford Casebook (Oxford, 1981). Dobranski, S.B., Readers and Authorship in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2006). Dobson, M.J., Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1997). Dolby, S.K., Self-Help Books: Why Americans Keep Reading Them (Chicago, 2005). Doyen-Higuet, M., ‘The ‘Hippiatria’ and Byzantine Medicine’, Dumbarton Oaks, 3 (1984), pp. 111–120. Drummond, J.C., and A. Wilbraham, The Englishman’s Food: Five Centuries of English Diet (London, 1994). Duncan, C.H., Autotherapy (New York, c. 1918). Dunlop, R. and D. Williams, Veterinary medicine: an illustrated history (St. Louis, 1996). Earles, M.P., The London Pharmacopoeia Perfected (Durham, 1985). Edwards, P., The Horse Trade of Tudor and Stuart England (Cambridge, 1988). ———, Horse and Man (London, 2007). ———, ‘Upper Class Perceptions of the Horse’ in P. Edwards and E. Graham, The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2012), pp. 281–306. Edy, S., The New Astrology: The art and Science of the Stars (New Pomfret, Vermont, 1999).

bibliography

259

Eisemann, A., ‘Forging Iron & Masculinity: Farrier Trade Identities in Early Modern Germany’ in P. Edwards and E. Graham (eds.) The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2012), pp. 377–402. Eisenstein, E., The printing press as an agent of change (Cambridge, 1979). Elliott, B.B., A History of English Advertising (London, 1962). Engel, C., Wild Health: How animals keep themselves well and what we can learn from them (New York, 2002). Evenden Nagy, D., Popular Medicine in Seventeenth Century England (Bowling Green, 1998). Ezell, M.J.M., Social Authorship and the Advent of Print (Baltimore, 1999). Fabre, J., ‘Hip, Hip, Hippocrates: extracts from The Hippocratic Doctor’, British Medical Journal, 1997:314:1669–1667. Fabrega, H. Jr. Evolution of Sickness and Healing (London, 1999). Fanning, S., Mystics of the Christian Tradition (London, 2001). F.H.T., ‘The Jervoises of Herriard and Britford’, The Ancestor, III (October 1902), pp. 1– 13. Field, C., ‘Many hands: Writing the Self in Early Modern Women’s Recipe Books’ in J.A. Ecekerle and M.M. Dowd, (eds.) Genre and women’s life writing in early modern England (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 49–64. Finkelstein, A., ‘Gerard de Malynes and Edward Misselden: The Learned Library of the Seventeenth-Century Merchant’, Book History, 3 (2000), 1–20. Fischer, K.-D. ‘Ancient Veterinary Medicine: A survey of Greek and Latin sources and some recent scholarship’, Medizinhistorisches Journal. Bd. 23.H.3/4 (1988), 191– 209. Fissell, M., ‘Readers, Texts, and Contexts: Vernacular medical works in early Modern England’ in R. Porter (ed.) The Popularization of Medicine 1650–1850 (London, 1992). ———, Patients, Power, and the Poor in Eighteenth-Century Bristol (Cambridge, 1991). Fleming, G., Animal Plagues: Their History and Prevention (London, 1871). Ford, W.C., The Boston Book Market 1679–1700 (Boston, 1917). Fostovzeff, M.I., The Social & Economic History of the Roman Empire (Oxford, n.d.). Fox, A. Oral and Literate Culture in England 1500–1700 (Oxford, 2000). Frank, J., The Beginnings of the English Newspaper 1620–1660 (Cambridge, 1961). Frank, R.G., ‘The John Ward Diaries: Mirrors of Seventeenth Century Science and Medicine’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 29 (1974), pp. 147– 152. French, R., Medicine before Science: The Business of Medicine from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2003). ———, ‘Foretelling the Future: Arabic Astrology and English Medicine in the Late Twelfth Century’, Isis, 87, 3 (September 1996), 453–480. ———, ‘Astrology in Medical Practice’ in L. Garcia-Ballester, R. Fre3nch, J. Arrizabalaga and A. Cunningham (eds.) Practical medicine from Salerno to the Black Death (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 30–59. Furdell, E.L., Publishing and Medicine in Early Modern England (Rochester, N.Y., 2002). Gaebel, R.E., Cavalry operations in the ancient Greek world (Norman, Oklahoma, 2002).

260

bibliography

Garcia-Ballester, L. ‘Changes in the Regimina sanitatis: the Role of the Jewish Physicians in S. Campbell, B. Hall and D. Klausner (eds.) Health, Disease and Healing in Medieval Culture (Basingstoke, 1992), pp. 119–131. Gauquelin, M., Astrology and Science (London, 1969). Geneva, A., Astrology and the Seventeenth Century Mind (Manchester, 1995). George, W., and B. Yapp, The naming of the beasts: natural history in the medieval bestiary (London, 1991). Gilhus, S. Animals, Gods and humans: Changing Attitudes to Animals and in Greek, Roman and early Christian ideas (London, 2006). Gilman, S., Health and Illness: Images of Difference (London, 1995). Gil Sotres, P. ‘The Regimens of Health’, in M.D. Grmek (ed.)Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (London, 1998), pp. 291–318. Goffart, W.A. Rome’s Fall and After (London, 1989). Gourevitch, D., ‘The Paths of Knowledge: Medicine in the Roman World’ in M.D. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (London, 1998), pp. 104–138. Graf, F. Greek Mythology: an Introduction (trans) T. Marier, (Baltimore, 1993). Grafton, A., G.W. Most and S. Settis, The Classical Tradition, (Cambridge, Mass, 2010). Grammaticos, P.C, ‘Useful known and unknown views of the father of modern medicine, Hippocrates and his teacher Democritus’, Hellenic Journal of Nuclear Medicine, 2008 11 (1)pp. 2–4. Grant, E., Planets, Stars and Orbs: The Medieval Cosmos 1200–1687 (Cambridge, 1994). Grant, M., Galen on Food and Diet (London, 2000). Grendon, F., ‘The Anglo-Saxon Charms’, The Journal of American Folklore 22: (1990), pp. 105–237. Gunnarsson, S., ‘The conceptualisation of health and disease in veterinary medicine’, Acta Veterinaria Scandinavica, 2006, 48:20, pp. 1–6. Hanawalt, B., The wealth of wives: women, law and economy in late medieval London (Oxford, 2007). Harley, D., ‘Rhetoric and the Social Construction of Sickness and Healing’, Journal of the Social History of Medicine, 3 (1999) 407–436. Harris, C.R.S, The Heart and the Vascular System in Ancient Greek Medicine: from Alcmaeon to Galen (Oxford, 1973). Harris, M., ‘Timely Notices: The Uses of Advertising and its Relationship to News during the Late Seventeenth Century’ in J. Raymond (ed.) News, Newspapers and Society in Early Modern Britain (London, 1999). Harrison, M., Disease and the Modern World: 1500 to the present (Cambridge, 2004). Hausmann, W. and W. Jochle, The Discovery of Chiron’s Cave, a Prehistoric School of Medicine for Animals and Humans, Canadian Veterinary Journal, (29) October 1988, pp. 857–860. Holloway, S.F., ‘The Regulation of the Supply of Drugs in Britain before 1868’ in Drugs and Narcotics in History (ed.) R. Porter and M. Teich (London, 1988), pp. 77– 96. Horan, R.D, J.F. Shogren and E. Bulte, ‘A Paleoeconomic Theory of Co-evolution and Extinction of Domesticable Animals’, Scottish Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 59, 2 (May 2003), 131–148.

bibliography

261

Horden, P., ‘What’s wrong with early medieval medicine’ Journal of the Social History of Medicine 2011, 24 (1), pp. 5–25. Houston, R., Literacy in Early Modern Europe (London, 1988). Huff, T.E., The Rise of Early Modern Science: Islam, China and the West, 2nd edition, (Camridge, 2003). Huisman, F., ‘Shaping the Medical Market: On the Construction of Quackery and Folk Medicine in Dutch Historiography’, Medical History, 43 (1999), p. 360. Hunt, T., Popular medicine in thirteenth-century England (London, 1990). Hunter, M., Editing Early Modern Texts: An Introduction to Principles and Practice. Hunting, P., A History of the Society of Apothecaries (London, 1998). Hyland, A., The Medieval Horse (Thrupp, 1999). Ibisworld Market Research Profile June 2012 http://www.ibisworld.co.uk/market -research/veterinary-services.html (Accessed 2 July 2012). Isaac, P., ‘Pills and Print’ in R. Harris and M. Myers (eds.) Medicine, Mortality and the Book Trade (Folkestone, 1998), 25–49. Jewell, H.M., Education in Early modern England (Basingstoke, 1998). Johns, A., The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago, 1998). Jones, E.L., Seasons and Prices: The Role of the Weather in English Agricultural History (London, 1964). Jones, P.M., ‘Medicine and science’ in L. Hellinga and J.B. Trapp (eds.) Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, III, 1450–1557 (Cambridge, 1999), 433–449. Jouanna, J., Hippocrates, (trans) M.B. DeBevoise (Baltimore, 1999). Kalof, L., Animals in Antiquity (Oxford, 2011), introduction. Karasszon, D., A concise history of veterinary medicine (Budapest, 1988). Katz, B., Cuneiform to Computer: A History of Reference Sources, (London, 1998). Keiser, G.R., ‘Scientific, Medical & Utilitarian Prose’, A Companion to Middle English Prose, edited by A.S.G. Edwards (Woodbridge, 2004), pp. 231–248. ———, ‘Two Medieval Plague Treatises and Their Afterlife in Early Modern England’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 58 (July, 2003), 292– 324. Ker, W.P., The Dark Ages (New York, 1911). Kieckhefer, R., Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1989). Kiley-Worthing, M., Equine Welfare (London, 1997). King, J.N., ‘The book-trade under Edward VI and Mary I’ in L. Hellinga and J.B. Trapp (ed.) The Cambridge History of the Book, III (Cambridge, 1999), 164–175. Kirk, G.S, Myth: Its meaning and Functions in Ancient and Other Cultures (Cambridge, 1970). Kirk, R.G.W. and M. Worboys, ‘Medicine and Species: One Medicine, One History?’ in M. Jackson (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of the History of Medicine (Oxford, 2011), pp. 561–577. Kussmaul, A., Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1981). Landry, D., Noble Brutes: How Eastern Horses Transformed English Culture (Baltimore, 2008). Lane, J., ‘Farriers in Georgian England’ in A. Mitchell (ed.) History of the Healing Professions, Vol. III (Cambridge, 1993), E.A. Gray, ‘John Hunter and Veterinary Medicine’ Medical History, 1971 Jan (1), pp. 38–50.

262

bibliography

———, ‘The doctor scolds me: The diaries and correspondence of patients in eighteenth century’ in R. Porter (ed.) Patients and Practitioners: Lay perceptions of medicine in pre-industrial society (Cambridge, 1995), 205–247. Langford, P., A Polite and Commercial People (Oxford, 1989). LaWall, C.H., Four Thousand Years of Pharmacy (London, 1927). Levine, D., Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525–1700 (London, 1979). Lindemann, M., Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1999). Lindenbaum, P., ‘Authors and Publishers in the Late Seventeenth Century: New Evidence on their Relations’, The Library, 17 (1995), pp. 250–269. Livesey, S., ‘Magic and the Occult’ in T. Glick, P. Livesey and S. John (eds.) Medieval Science, Technology and Medicine: An Encyclopedia (Abingdon, 2005), pp. 319– 320. Longrigg, J., Greek Rational Medicine: Philosophy and medicine from Alcmaeon to the Alexandrians (London, 1998). ———, ‘Medicine in the Classical World’ in I. Loudon (ed.) Western Medicine: An Illustrated History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 25–39. Love, H Scribal Publication in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1993). Lucas K. and B. Lloyd, Health Promotion (London, 2005). Lunn D.P. and C.W. McIlwraith, ‘Equine Health and Disease—General Welfare Aspects’ in. MacDonald, M., ‘The Career of Astrological Medicine in England’ in O. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds.) Religio Medici—Medicine and Religion in SeventeenthCentury England (Aldershot, 1996). Macfarlane, A., Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England: a Regional and Comparative Study (London, 1970). Maclean, I., Logic, Signs and Nature in the Renaissance: The Case of Learned Medicine (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 40–41. Maehle, A.H., ‘Pharmacological Experimentation with Opium in the Eighteenth Century’ in R. Porter and M. Teich (eds.) Drugs and Narcotics in History (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 52–76. Mantello A.C. and A.G. Rigg (eds.), Medieval Latin: An Introduction and Bibliographical Guide (Catholic University of America Press, no town, 1999). Mason, I.L., Evolution of Domesticated Animals (London, 1984). Massey, A., ‘Disease Prevention’ in F. Wilson and M. Mabhala (eds.) Key Concepts in Public Health (London, 2010), pp. 158–163. Mayr-Harting, H., ‘The West: The Age of Conversion (700–1050)’ in J. McManners (ed.) The Oxford Illustrated History of Christianity (Oxford, 2001), pp. 92–112. McCabe, A., A Byzantine Encyclopaedia of Horse Medicine: The Sources, Compilation and Transmisison for the Hippiatrica (Oxford, 2007). McIllwraith, C.W. and B.E. Rolin (eds.) Equine Welfare (Oxford, 2011), pp. 59–70. McKendrick, N., ‘The Consumer Revolution of Eighteenth-Century England’ in N. McKendrick, J. Brewer, J.H. Plumb (eds.) The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth Century England (Bloomington, 1982). McKitterick, D., Print, Manuscript and the Search for Order 1450–1830 (Cambridge, 2003). McNeill, W.H., Plagues and Peoples (London, 1976). McVaugh, M., ‘Therapeutic Strategies: Surgery’ in M. Grmek (ed.) Western Medical

bibliography

263

Thought from Antiquity of the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1998), pp. 273– 290. Meaney, A., ‘Extra-Magical Elements in Anglo-Saxon Medicine’, Journal of the Social History of Medicine, 24, 1 (2011), pp. 41–56. Megson, B., The Farriers of London (Chippenfield, 2009). Mezzabotti, M.R., ‘Aspects of Multiculturalism in the Mulomedicina of Vegetius’, Akorterion 45 (2000), pp. 52–61. Morford, M.P.O. and R.J. Lenardon, Classical Mythology, sixth edition, (Oxford, 1999). Murray Jones, P., J.A. Givens, K. Reeds, A. Touwaide (eds.), Visualizing Medieval Medicine and Natural History, 1200–1500 (Aldershot, 2006). ———, ‘Image, Word, and Medicine in the Middle Ages’ in J.A. Givens, K.M. Reeds, A. Touwaide (ed.) Visualizing Medieval Medicine and Natural History, 1200–1550 (Aldershot, 2006). Naumova, E.N., ‘Mystery of Seasonality: Getting the Rhythm of Nature’ Journal of Public Health Policy (2006) 27, pp. 2–12. Nayernouri, T., ‘Asclepius, Caduceus and Simurgh as Medical Symbols, Part I’, Archives of Iranian Medicine, 13, 1 (2010), pp. 61–68. Newman, L.F., Some Notes on the History and Folk-Lore of Veterinary Science (n.p. 1958). Nicholson, H., Medieval Warfare (Basingstoke, 2003). Nutton, V., ‘Galen in the Renaissance’ in A. Wear (ed.) Health and Healing in Early Modern England (Aldershot, 1988). ———, ‘Medicine in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages’ in Conrad et al. The Western Medical Tradition 800BC to AD1800 (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 71–88. ———, ‘The Seeds of Disease’ in From Democedes to Harvey (London, 1988), XI, pp. 1– 34. Odenstedt, B. (ed.), The Boke of Marchalsi. A 15th Century Treatise on Horsebreeding and Veterinary (Stockholm, 1973). Palliser, D.M., The Age of Elizabeth: England under the later Tudors 1547–1603 (London, 1985). Palmer, R.E.A., Rome and Carthage at Peace (Wiesbaden, 1998). Pascua, E., ‘From Forest to Farm and Town: Domestic Animals from ca. 1000 to c. 1450 in B. Rest (ed.) A Cultural History of Animals in the Medieval Age (London, 2011), pp. 81– 102. Pattison, I., The British Veterinary Profession 1791–1948 (London, 1984). Pearson, D., Provenance Research in Book History: A Handbook (London, 1994)/. Pedersen, O., Early Physics and Astronomy (Cambridge, 1993). Pelling, M., The Common Lot: Sickness, Medical Occupations and the Urban Poor in Early Modern England (London, 1998). Plant, M., The English Book Trade (London, 1962). Pollington, S., Leechcraft: Early English Charms, Plantlife and Healing (Trowbridge, 2000). Porter, R., Blood and Guts: A Short History of Medicine (London, 2002). ———, Quacks: Fakers & Charlatans in English Medicine (Stroud, 2001). ———, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity from Antiquity to the Present (London, 1997).

264

bibliography

———, The Eighteenth Century’ in L. Conrad, M. Neve, V. Nutton, R. Porter and A. Wear, The Western Medical Tradition 800BC to AD 1800 (Cambridge, 1995), 371– 472. ———, ‘Consumption: Disease of the Consumer Society?’ in J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.) Consumption and the Word of Goods (London, 1993), 58–70. ———, ‘Man, Animals and Medicine at the Time of the Founding of the Royal Veterinary College’ in A.R. Mitchell (ed.) History of the Healing Professions, 3 (London, 1993), 19–30. ———, Quackery in England 1660–1850 (Manchester, 1989). ———, Patient’s Progress: Doctors and Doctoring in Eighteenth-century England (Cambridge, 1989). Potter, E., ‘To Paul’s Churchyard to treat with a bookbinder’ in R. Myers and M. Harris (eds.) Property of a Gentleman: The formation, organisation and dispersal of the private library 1620–1920 (Winchester, 1991), pp. 25–41. Pouchelle, M.C., The Body and Surgery in the Middle Ages (trans) R. Morris (Cambridge, 1990). Price, E.O., Animal Domestication and Behaviour (Wallingford, 2002). Prince, L., The Farrier and His Craft: The History of the Worshipful Company of Farriers (London, 1980). Raber, K., ‘Nation and Race in Horsemanship Treatises’ in K. Raber and T.J. Tucker (eds.) The Culture of the Horse: Status, Discipline and Identity in the Early Modern World (Basingstoke, 2005), 225–243. ———, ‘From Sheep to Meat, From Pets to People’ I M. Senior, A Cultural History of Animals in the Age of Enlightenment (Oxford, 2007), pp. 73–89. Raven, H. Small and N. Tadmor, ‘Introduction: The practice and representation of reading in England’ in J. Raven, H. Small and N. Tadmor (eds.) The practice and representation of reading in England (Cambridge, 1999). Rawcliffe, C., Medicine and Society in Later Medieval England (Thrupp, 1995). Raymond, J., Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge, 2003). Reff, D.T., Plagues, Priests and Demons: Sacred Narratives and the Rise of Christianity (Cambridge, 2005). Reitan, E.A., The Thatcher Revolution: Margaret Thatcher, John Major, Tony Blair and the Tranformation of Modern Britain (London, 2003). Resl, B., ‘Animals in Culture, ca. 1000–1400’ in B. Rest (ed.) A Cultural History of Animals in the Medieval Age (Berg, 2011). Rivett, G., From Cradle to Grave: the first 50 years of the NHS (London, 1998). Roberts, R.S., ‘The Early History of the Import of Drugs into Britain’ in F.N.L. Poynter, (ed.), The Evolution of Pharmacy in Britain (London, 1965), 165–185. Robson, L.C., The Farriers of London: Being an account of The Worshipful Company of Farriers as described in the Records of the Company (London, 1949). Rochberg, F., ‘A consideration of Babylonian astronomy within the historiography of science’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 33, No. 4 (December, 2002),661–684. Rowley, T., The High Middle Ages 1200–1550 (London, 1988). Rubel, W., ‘English Horse-bread, 1590–1800’ Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture, Vol. 6, No. 3, pp. 40–51.

bibliography

265

Ruckebusch, Y., ‘A historical profile of veterinary pharmocology and therapeutics’, Historia Medicinae Veterinariae, 20 (1995), pp. 49–80. Russell, N., Like engend’ring like: Heredity and animal breeding in early modern England (Cambridge, 2006). Salzman, P., ‘Introduction’ in P. Salzman (ed.) Early Modern Women’s Writing: An Anthology 1560–1700 (Oxford, 2000). Sanderson, M., ‘Medical Secrets and the Book Trade: Ownership of the Copy to the College of Physicians’ Pharmacoepia (1618–1650)’, in P. Isaac and B. McKay (eds.) The Human Face of the Book Trade: Print Culture and its Creators (Winchester, 1999), 64–80;. Sarton, G., Six Wings: Men of Science in the Renaissance (London, 1957). Scarborough, J., ‘Introduction’, Symposium on Byzantine Medicine, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 38, (London, 1984), pp. ix–xvi. Schwabe, C., ‘Animals in the Ancient World’ in A. Manning and J. Serpell (eds.) Animals and human society: changing perspectives (London 1994). ———, Veterinary Medicine and Human Health (Baltimore, 1984). Shailor, B.A., The Medieval Book (New Haven Connecticut, 2002). Sharpe, J., Instruments of Darkness: Witchcraft in England 1550–1700 (London, 1996). Sherman, W.H., John Dee: the politics of reading and writing in the Renaissance (Amherst, 1995). ———, ‘What Did Renaissance Readers Write in Their Books?’ in J. Andersen and E. Sauer (eds.) Books and Readers in Early Modern England: Material Studies (Philadelphia, 2002), 119–137. Sellers, C., ‘Health, Work, and Environment: A Hippocratic Turn in Medical History’ in M. Jackson (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of The History of Medicine (Oxford, 2011), pp. 450–468. Serpell, J., In the Company of Animals: A study of human-animal relationships (Cambridge, 1996). Siebert, F.S., Freedom of the Press in England 1476–1776: The Rise and Decline of Government Controls (Urbana, 1952). Siraisi, N., Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine (Chicago, 1990). Slack, P., The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1985). ———, ‘Mirrors of health and treasures of poor men: the uses of the vernacular medical literature of Tudor England’, in C. Webster (ed.) Health, Medicine and Mortality in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 237–273. Smith, F., The Early History of Veterinary Literature, Vols. I and II (London, 1976). Smith, W.D., Consumption and the Making of Respectability 1600–1800 (London, 2002). Smithcors, F.J., Evolution of the Veterinary Art: A Narrative Account to 1850 (London, 1958). ———, ‘Blaine’s History of Veterinary Medicine to 1800’, Journal of the American Veterinary Medical Association, Vol. 128 (February 15,1956),178–184. Smoller, L., History, Prophecy and the Stars: The Christian Astrology of Pierre D’Alilly 1350–1420 (Princeton, 1994). Society for the Welfare of Horses and Pony Hospital, http://www.swhp.co.uk/ (Accessed 2 July 2012).

266

bibliography

Spence, E., A. Alexandra, A. Quinn and A. Dunne, Media, Markets and Morals (Oxford, 2011). Spufford, M., Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge, 1981). Sutherland, J., The Restoration Newspaper and its Development (Cambridge, 1986). Swabe, J., Animals, Disease and Human Society: Human Animal Relations and the Rise of veterinary medicine (London, 1999). Sweetinburgh, S., The Role of the Hospital in Medieval England (Chippenham, 2004). Tester, S.J., A History of Western Astrology (Woodbridge, 1987). Thirsk, J., The Rural Economy of England (London, 1984). Thomas, K., Religion and the Decline of Magic (London, 1991). ———, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England 1500–1800 (London, 1983). Thomson, G.S., Life in a Noble Household 1641–1700 (London, 1937). Thorndike, L., History of Magic and Experimental Science, Vol. VII (New York, 1958). Toussaint-Samat, M., History of Food (trans.) A. Bell (New York, 1992). Turner, B.S., ‘The Government of the Body: Medical Regimens and the Rationalization of the Body’ The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 33, No. 2 (June 1982), pp. 254–269. Upex, B. and K. Dobney, ‘More Than Just Mad Cows: Exploring Human-Animal Relationships Through Animal Paleopathology’ in A. Grauer (ed.) A Companion to Paleopathology (Oxford, 2012). Ure, J., The Great Adventure of the Middle Ages (London, 1996). Van der Eijk, P., Medicine and Philosophy in Classical Antiquity: Doctors and Philosophers on Nature, Soul, Health and Disease (Cambridge, 2010). Versnel, S. ‘Some Reflections On the Relationship between Magic and Religion’, Numen 38 (1991), pp. 177–197. Voigts, L.E. and M.R. McVaugh, ‘A Latin Technical Phlebotomy and Its Middle English Translation’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Ser., Vol. 74, 2 (1984) pp. 1–69. Walker, E., ‘The Author of their Skill: Human and Equine Understanding in the Duke of Newcastle’s New Method’ in P. Edwards and E. Graham (ed.) The Horse as Cultural Icon (Leiden, 2012), pp. 327–350. Walker, R.B, ‘Advertising in London Newspapers, 1650–1750’, Business History, XV (1973). Wallis, P., ‘Apothecaries and Medicines in Early Modern London’ in L. Hill Curth (ed.) From Physick to Pharmacology: Five Hundred Years of British Drug Retailing (Ashgate, 2006), pp. 13–28. Walsham, A., Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1999), A. Wear, ‘Religious Beliefs and Medicine in Early Modern England’ in H. Marland and M. Pelling (eds.) The Task of Healing: Medicine, Religion and Gender in England and the Netherlands 1450–1800 (Rotterdam, 1996). Wear, A., ‘Medical Practice in Late Seventeenth-and Early Eighteenth-Century England: Continuity and Union’, in R. French and A. Wear (eds.) The Medical Revolution of the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1989). ———, Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 1550–1680 (Cambridge, 2000).

bibliography

267

———, ‘The early modern debate about foreign drugs: localism versus universalism in medicine’, The Lancet, 354 (1999), 149–151. Weatherall, M., ‘Drug Treatment and the Rise of Pharmacology’ in R. Porter (ed.) Cambridge Illustrated History of Medicine (Cambridge, 1996), 246–277. Weatherill, L., Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain 1660–1760 (London, 1988). Webster, C., ‘Paracelsus Confronts the Saints: Miracles, Healing and the Secularization of Magic’, The Social History of Medicine (Spring, 1995), pp. 403–421. White, T.H., The Book of Beasts: Translation from a Latin Bestiary of the Twelfth Century (Madison, 2002). Wilby, E., Cunning Folk and Familiar Spirits: Shamanistic Visionary Traditions in Early Modern British Witchcraft and Magic (Brighton, 2005). Wilkinson, L., Animals & Disease: An Introduction to the history of Comparative Medicine (Cambridge, 1980). Williams, B., Medieval England (Andover, 2004). Wilson, R., Astronomy Though the Ages (London, 1997). Wright, D.W., ‘London farriers and other veterinary workers in the 18th century’, Veterinary History, New Series, Vol. 5, No. 1, Summer 1987, pp. 17–27. Wrightson, K., ‘The Enclosure of English Social History’ in A. Wilson (ed.) Rethinking Social History, New Series, Vol. 5, No. 1, Summer 1987, pp. 58–69.

INDEX Adams, J.N., 37 Advertising, 78, 80, 82, 85, 179, 213 Agriculture, 18, 39, 111 Agrippa, Henry Cornelius, 23, 160fn Albertus, Magnus, 21, 52 Albrecht, Master, 52 Almanac, 78–81 Amulet, 49–51, 58, 75 Animal Studies, 1, 4 Anthropocentricism, 8, 18, 44, 111 Apothecary, 81, 235 Apprenticeship, 160, 238 Aristotle, 29, 30, 91, 140 Asclepius, 15 Astrological Houses, 96–97 Physic, 9, 95, 101–102, 111, 239 Astrology Judicial, 92–94, 110–111 Natural, 92–93, 111 Astronomy, 22, 89–92, 110 Auction lists, 12, 212, 233–237, 240 Autotherapy, 7, 17, 20, 36–37

Blood, 98, 100, 105, 119, 121, 131–132, 134, 137, 139–140, 142, 160, 163, 200 Blood horse, 119, 125, 128 Bloodletting, 71, 105, 136–139, 144, 161–167, 175–176, 189, 191, 194, 203, 210, 218, 222 Blundeville, Thomas, 149, 220–222, 224, 230 Boke of Marshals, 11, 53 Book Auctions, 233–237, 240 Boorde, Andrew, 103 Bowron, John, 189 Bracken, Henry, 230 Brahe, Tycho, 93 Bread (horse), 129–131, 143 Bretnor, Thomas, 89 British Equestarian Trade Association (BETA), 5 British Veterinary Association, 15 British Veterinary Services, 4 Brown, William, 230 Browning, Anne, 190 Buridan, John, 92 Burke, Peter, 228–229 Buxton, 172

Babylonian, 90 Bald’s Leechbook, 50, 51 Barrett, Robert, 230 Baston, James, 98 Barton, Tamsyn, 95 Bath, 172–173 Baths Artificial 172 Devil’s 44 Natural 172 Waterish 172 Battlegrounds, 122 Bedford, Earl of, 139 Bestiary 51–52 Betson, Thomas, 189 Biomedicine, 6, 15, 245 Birch, John, 184 Birds, 19, 51 Blacksmiths, 64 Blagrave, Joseph 101 Blaine, Delebere, 24 Blencowe, Anne, 191

Caesar, Julius, 52 Candles, 46, 170 Carpenter, Richard, 94, 110 Catchmay, Lady Francis, 192–195 Cathedrals, 180 Cattle, 17, 19, 44, 99, 191, 193, 220, 225 Cattle plague, 52 Cave drawings, 180 Cavendish, William, 69, 123, 229–230, 244 Chaldea, 21 Chapman, Allan, 95 Charlemagne, 40 Chartier, R., 212 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 40, 46 Chiron the Centaur, 15, 20, 23–26, 33, 37–38 Christianity, 8, 34, 41, 43–45, 49–50, 58, 74, 93, 102–103 Clark, James, 123 Clater, Francis, 137 Clergymen, 94, 103, 110 Clermont, Council of, 41 Clifford, Christopher, 221, 231

270

index

Clyster, 170 Corbett, Arthur, 192, 195–196 Collars (horse), 41 College of Physicians, 235 Columella, 19 Comets, 98–100, 110, 149 Commonplace books, 205, 243 Complexion, 9, 30–31, 95, 104–105, 111, 128, 138, 175 Constitution, 9, 30–31, 95, 97–98, 104, 111, 117–118, 136, 169–171, 175 Conies (rabbits), 220 Copernicus, Nicholas, 92–93, 98 Cuneo, Pia, 221 Crankanthorp, John, 158, 188 Crawford, Patricia, 185 Crawshey, John, 230 Culpeper, Nicholas, 77, 94, 100–102, 155, 157, 190 Daffy’s Elixir, 201, 206 Dark Ages, 8, 39–40 Decumbiture, 96 Deer, 220 DeGrey, Thomas, 64, 161, 224 Democritus of Abdera, 22, 37 Dewhurst, Kenneth, 16 Diagnosis, 96, 150–152 Diabolical possession, 44 Diets, 124, 128, 143, 174–175 Diseases/injuries Bites, 189 Bleeding (wounds), 160, 167, 218, 222 Bots, 193, 200, 218 Broken winded, 55, 189, 193 Catarrh, 32 Cold, 82, 194 Collick, 34, 200 Cough, 50, 82, 136, 151, 170, 194–195, 197– 198, 200, 225 Eyes, 101, 104, 137, 151, 156, 189 Falling evil, 97 Farcie, 82, 104, 189 Galled, 134, 198 Giddiness, 97 Glanders, 82, 194 Lameness, 34, 68, 173, 189 Nightmares, 44, 75 Pestilence, 136 Phrensie, 136 Plague in the guts, 193, 198 Retrete, 218

Ryngbone, 218 Scratch, 166, 195, 197, 199 Sleeping evil, 97 Spavins, 189 Splynts, 217–218 Staggers, 32, 97, 166, 193, 199, 200 Stone, 151, 160, 190, 194, 218 Strain, 184, 193, 197, 200, 217 Strangles, 47, 132, 134, 166, 189, 193 Surfeits, 109, 131, 189 Swellings, 134, 189, 198 Worms, 49, 158, 188, 193, 217 Yellows, 193 Doctrine of Antipathy, 156 Signatures, 155–156 Sympathy, 101, 156 Dog, 191, 199–200, 241 Doily, Sir Thomas, 188 Domesticated animals, 1–3, 7, 9, 11, 17, 21–22, 29, 32, 36, 44, 47, 57, 60, 84, 116, 143–144, 148, 210, 239, 243 Dung, 77, 134, 151, 170, 193, 199, 222 Earthquakes, 98, 100 Eclipse (horse), 99–100 Eclipses, 92, 98–100, 103, 109, 154 Edward I, 33 Edwards, Peter, 1, 52, 58, 81, 149 Eisenstein, Elizabeth, 213 Elf-shot, 50 English Common Law, 62 Epizootics, 44 Estienne, Charles, 223, 230 Evelyn, John, 111, 199 Famine, 98–99, 102 Farriers, 61, 64–66, 68–69, 71–74, 80, 107, 153, 160, 173, 229, 231, 236–237, 241, 245 Company of, 5, 61, 64–65, 68, 86, 187, 235 Fell, Sarah, 158, 185 Ferraro, Jean Battista, 215–216 Fischer, K.D., 25, 33, 211 Fissell, Mary, 182 Fitzherbert, John, 207, 220 Food for horses barley, 129 beans, 129–131 beer, 157, 172, 201 bran, 129 bread, 129–131, 143

index fitches, 131 grass, 129, 131, 147 oats, 128–131, 143, 174 pease, 129–131 wheat, 130, 143 Gadbury, John, 89 Galen, 16, 23, 30, 32, 50, 86, 90–91, 111, 115–116, 119, 143–144, 154, 174 Gallo-Roman cult of horses, 42 Gardner, Robert, 137–138 George III, 82 Gesner, Conrad, 1 Gibson, William, 117 Greek mythology, 8, 19, 23–24 Godfrey-Fausetts, 200 Grissone, Frederico, 215, 221 Grymes, Thomas, 224, 230 Guild of St Mary and St Loy, 64 Gutenberg, Johannes, 103 Hack writers, 231 Halasz, Alexandra, 228 Halfpenny, John, 223, 230 Harness, 40, 49, 180 Hausmann, Walter, 24 Harward, Michael, 77 Healers, 4–5, 8, 12, 24, 43, 45, 52, 57, 61– 64, 70, 74–75, 84–86, 101, 111, 154, 157, 160–162, 166, 179, 188, 191, 229, 234, 237– 238 Hellinga, Lotte, 210 Henley, Walter de, 53, 215, 220 Herbs Aloe, 157 Caraway, 201 Coriander, 196, 201 Cummin, 156, 193 Elder, 198 Elicampe, 195, 198 Fennegreek, 156, 193 Garlic, 139, 158, 185, 195, 198 Liquorice, 196 Marshmallow, 202 Sage, 156 Senna, 201 Tansy, 201 Here begynneth the properytees and medcynes for hors, 217, 219 Heresbach, Conrad, 223 Hippiatrika, 17, 20, 24, 35, 38 Hippocrates, 8, 16, 22, 26, 30, 34, 36, 167

271

Hippocratic Corpus, 36, 116 De articulus, 28 De Capitis vulneribus, 28 De fracturis, 28 De natura hominis, 27, 36 On Ancient Medicine, 28 Airs, Waters and Places, 36 The Book of Epidemics, 36 Hippocratic Oath, 84 Hobart, Isaac, 71, 189 Holistic medicine, 15, 61, 141, 144 Horden, Peregrine, 42 Horses, types of Almain, 118 Arab, 1 Barbs (Barbarians), 119 English, 118 Flanders, 118 French, 118 Frizeland, 118 Galloping, 118 Hackneys, 118 Hobbies, 118 Hungarian, 118 Irish, 118 Neopolitan, 118 Netherlands, 118 Pads, 118 Poland, 118 Rounciers, 118 Spanish, 118 Sumpters, 118 Housewives, 158, 182 Humoural theory, 9, 31 Humours, 31–32, 104, 116, 125, 135, 140, 143– 144, 151 Hunter, John, 71 Hunter, Michael, 60, 181 Ingredients (medicinal) inorganic 147, 154, 167, 197–198, 200, 206 organic 147, 154, 197–198, 200–206 Iron Age, 7, 20 Isham, Elizabeth, 187, 190, 233 Isodore of Seville, 23, 26, 44, 147, 150, 154, 245 Jaxon, Mr, 123 Jervoise family, 124, 183–186, 202–204 Jochle, Wolfgang, 24 Jones, Katherine (nee Boyle), 196 Jones, Peter Murray, 214

272

index

Karasszon, Denis, 1 Kepler, Joannes, 94, 105 Knights, 40, 58 Lane, Joan, 238 Laws of Hammurabi (c. 2100bc), 21 LeClerc, Daniel, 23, 162 Leeches, 61, 64, 71–72, 162 Leicester, Earl of, 221, 233 Lindemann, Mary, 43, 74 Literacy, 120, 176, 237–238 Literary culture, 210 London, 2, 5, 61, 64–67, 69–71, 73–74, 76, 80– 82, 122, 125, 130, 157, 191, 203 Lorrimers, 64 Love, Harold, 238 Lowndham, Caleb, 192, 199 Lynn, Nicholas of, 103 McCabe, Anne, 17, 35, 37–38 Maclean, Ian, 210, 215 Magic, 8, 39, 43, 48–51, 74–75, 154 Mago of Carthage, 18 Malbie, Nicholas, 222 Malynes, Gerard De, 233 Manuscripts, 8, 10–11, 35, 52, 55, 57, 64, 116, 179, 181–185, 188, 191–192, 195, 202, 206, 214–215, 244 Marketplace Medical, 8, 60, 83 Veterinary, 88, 58, 60–61, 84–85, 150, 152, 176, 206 Markham, Gervase, 10, 12, 30, 65, 120, 129, 132–133, 135, 148, 162, 164, 167–1667, 182, 211, 222–223, 229–230, 233, 235, 237, 239– 240 Marriott, Mr, 71, 189 Marshal/s, 63–64, 69 Farrier to his Majesty, 74 of the City of London, 64 of the City of Rome, 52 King’s Horses, 68 Mascall, Leonard, 222, 230 Master of the Horse, 68–69, 221 Materia medica, 70 Mediciues for horses Meade family, 251, 259–260 Mechanical printing, 111, 207 Medical history, 26, 34 Medicinale Anglicum, 51 Mediciues for Horses, 218 Memorandum books, 184–185

Merrick, William, 74, 230 Miasma, 121 Misericords, 180 Miscellanies, 183–185, 205 Monks, 41 Mortimer, John, 144 Moxon, Joseph, 89, 101 Mulomedicina Chironis, 20, 23, 37 National Health Service, 4, 60 Non-naturals, 9, 15, 30, 32, 105, 116–117, 119, 143–145, 148, 174, 221 air, 120–126 food and drink, 117–132 exercise and rest, 132–134 sleep or watch, 134–136 things excreted or retained, 136–141 passions and emotions, 141–142 Notebook Society, 183 Nutton, Vivian, 27 Odenstedt, Bengt, 54 One medicine, 6, 29, 36, 111, 149, 210 Oral culture, 10, 39, 176, 206, 214 Orality, 59, 176, 179 Oresme, Nicholas, 92 Oxiden, Sir James, 189 Padua, 215 Parkinson, John, 77 People’s Dispensary for Sick Animals (PDSA), 5 Pepys, Samuel, 100 Physiologus, 51 Pilgrimage, 46 Plague, 19, 22, 52, 98–100, 102, 104, 126, 149, 193, 198 Planets Earth, 8, 27, 30, 44, 77, 89–93, 96, 106, 109, 116, 120, 122, 126, 200, 222 Jupiter, 97–98, 101, 104, 155 Mars, 32, 97–98, 104, 106, 125, 166 Moon, 89–91, 93, 96–99, 101, 104–106, 140, 153–154, 167, 171–172 Saturn, 97–98, 101, 104, 151 Sun, 45, 89–93, 96–97, 99, 101–102, 104, 109–110, 117, 126, 153, 155–156, 196 Plaister-box, 162 Pliny, 16, 29 Prioreschi, Plino, 18 Ponteus, John, 194, 203

index Popular or vernacular books, 101, 201, 209– 210, 213 Porter, Roy, 3, 12, 29, 41, 214 Practica, 209, 213 Print culture, 10–11, 112, 238 Ptolemaeus, Claudius (Ptolemy), 91 Pugh, Leslie, 2 Preventative, 112, 115, 136–137, 139, 144, 154, 163, 176, 179, 187, 211, 213, 222, 225, 239, 244 Pseudoscience, 89, 109 Purging, 9, 81, 105–106, 136, 139, 171, 175, 187, 194, 196–197, 200 coughing, 143 diuretics, 170 enemas, 170–171 phlebotomy, 105, 136, 144, 161, 163 sweating, 132, 136, 143 vomiting, 170 Pythagoras, 90 Quacks/quacksalver, 68, 70, 81, 243 Quadrivium, 92 Raber, Karen, 141 Ramses II, 102 Rationalism, 43, 59 Reeves, John, 85, 230 Reformation, 58–60 Regimes/regimens, 9, 28, 115–145 Religion, 42–49 Remedial, 62, 69, 84, 86, 105, 136–137, 147–178 Renaud/Rinaldo, 40 Renaissance, 59–60 Roman Empire, 42 Ruellus, John, 24 Rusius, Laurence, 52 Rufo, Giordano (Ruffus, Russo), 52 Sacombe, John Murray of, 55 Saints Becket, Thomas, 47 Benedict, 47 Bingen, Hildegard, 47 Chrysotom, John, 47 Eligius (Loy), 48, 58, 64 Eustace, 47 Francis of Assissi, 47 Judoc, 46 Patrick, 48 Ulric, 47 Wulfstan, 47

273

St Bel, Charles vial de (Sainbel), 230 St John, Johanna, 251, 260–262 Sale, Sarah, 190 Salmon, William, 234–236 Scarborough, 172 Schliemann, Heinrich, 24 Science of the Stars, 9 School of Equitation (London), 66 Horsemanshippe (Neopolitan), 13, 215 Schwabe, Calvin, 6–7, 18, 244 Sedley, Lady, 190 Self-help books, 209, 211 Sellers, Christopher, 121 Shrine, 45–47, 49, 58, 91 Simples, 157, 171 Simon of Athens, 22–23, 37 Siraisi, Nancy, 45, 91 Slack, Paul, 210 Sleep, 115–120, 134–136, 139, 143 Smith, Sir Frederick, 21, 53–54, 74, 210, 214– 215, 218 Smithcors, F.J., 72, 222 Smoller, Lauren, 101 Snape, 66, 85, 212 Andrew, 66, 76, 80–82, 85, 212, 230, 236, 240 Andrew the younger, 80 Edward, 82, 230 Richard, 66, 80 Robert, 80 Spa water, 173 Spices, 139, 155, 157 Aniseeds, 156, 191, 196, 201, 203 Cinnamon, 200 Ginger, 188, 198 Pepper, 76, 159, 166, 198 Turmeric, 196 Solleysel, Jacques, 155, 159, 202, 230 Stables, 49, 65–66, 69–75, 122–124, 131–132, 141, 143, 148, 189, 217, 220 Stapley, Richard, 188 Stationers, Company of, 11, 227–228, 239 Stow, John, 122 Supernatural, 8, 29, 48, 57–58, 75, 90 Surgery, 159–169, 175, 221, 245 Surgical aids, 168–173 Surgical tools, 162–164, 176 Swadlin, Thomas, 94, 110

274 Thales, 90 Thatcher, Margaret, 69 Theorica, 213 Thomas, Keith, 36, 48, 75, 142 Tobacco, 76, 158–159, 185 Toppsell, Edward, 1, 13 Transportation, 17, 35, 39, 46, 57, 180 Treacle, 155–156, 172, 198, 200 Tryon, Thomas, 123, 230 Tunbridge Wells, 172 University, 221, 234, 237 Urine, 77, 136, 151, 180 Uroscopy, 150

index Weather, 27, 102, 104–105, 111, 122–123, 126, 143, 148, 154, 175 Winds, 39, 110, 130, 138, 143 Wilkinson, Lise, 31 Wilmot, Mrs, 267–268 Wine, 76, 155, 159, 172, 193 Winter, Salvator, 80 Wood, Anthony, 100, 187–188, 245 Wood, John, 73–74, 230 Wrightson, Keith, 72, 206 Wymarcha, 64 Xenophon, 22–23 York, 125

Vaughn Thomas, 49 William, 126, 135 Varro, Marcus Tarentus, 19 Vegetius, 7, 33, 63, 215, 229 Venner, Tobias, 120 Venice, 215 Veterinarians, 15, 35, 63, 84 Veterinarius, 19, 24, 63, 72 Veterinary College, 2, 67, 70, 71, 73, 84, 243, 245 Villanova, Arnald of, 116, 119 Vivisection, 160 Wagon, 40 Ward, Roger of Shrewsbury, 213 Wear, Andrew, 210

Zodiac horse, 106–108, 112, 181 Zodiac man, 106–107, 112 Zodiac, signs of, 104, 122, 125, 153 Aquarius, 108 Aries, 32, 108, 167 Cancer, 106, 108, 125, 171 Capricorn, 104, 108, 151, 167 Gemini, 108, 125 Leo, 32, 104, 108, 125 Libra, 108 Pisces, 106, 108, 156, 171 Sagittarius, 108, 167 Scorpio, 106, 108, 171 Taurus, 106, 108, 122, 156 Virgo, 98, 106, 108