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PAUL M. ANGLE
by
The war
that
American
Iliad"
has been called "the
splendidly presented here in a rare gallery of over 350 pictures,
is
many
never before published, gathered from sources North and South. A compact and masterly history of the war, year by year, written by Civil War
M. Angle, accompanies
authority Paul
the collection of photographs,
sketches
artists'
and
other
combat contem-
porary
are
illustrations. Many of the photos enhanced by reproduction in
duotone.
Important tary
figures, political
and
mili-
- Grant,
Lee, Lincoln, Dred Scott, Roger Taney, Stonewall Jackson, 18year-old Rebel spy Belle Boyd - appear in authentic portraits.
figures
-
a mess boy
So do humbler filling
canteens,
liberated slaves flocking to the
Union
army, a sutler with his wagon
full
of small luxuries, on which he had to keep a close watch.
The
reality of war leaps out of photos of "the grim harvest of Fredericksburg,"
Burnside's
Vicksburg,
Mud Lee's
March, the caves
army
crossing
at
the
Potomac, Union and Confederate dead Gettysburg, an Indiana surgeon caring for Confederate wounded at at
(continued on back ^^-
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Paul M
A «. PICTORIAL HIoTORY
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Angle, Paul M.
Civil WAR YEARS
THE
A
Pictorial History of
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS
A PICTORIAL HISTORY OF
THE Civil
War
YEARS
*•*•••* By
PAUL M. ANGLE
r VAN HORN LIBRARY
DOUBLEDAY & COMPANY, INC.
GARDEN
CITY,
NEW YORK
COPYRIGHT ® 1967 BY NELSON DOUBLEDAY,
INC.
All rights reserved
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NO. 67-15353
Printed in the United States of America
To
the
Memory
of
Charles L. Sherman, friend of
who that I
many
years,
suggested
do
this
book.
FOREWORD
THIS BOOK
is
based on several premises.
that the person
wants a book that
is
who
is
first is my belief War picture book Many readers may
The
interested in a Civil
devoted primarily to pictures.
James Ford Rhodes, or Nicolay and Hay, to name only a few of those who have told the story of this great American conflict in full detail. With them I have no quarrel. However, in accordance with my conviction I have held my text to a minimum and emphasized the story as prefer the comprehensive text of Bruce Catton, Allan Nevins,
pictures
My
tell it.
second premise
is
that the picture story should
be
realistic.
upon the camera. But the Civil War photographers, wonderful as they were, had one deficiency. They could show bloated bodies after a battle, but with their slow lenses they could not catch a cavalry charge or an infantry attack. For action, one must rely upon the artists who accompanied the armies. In pen and ink sketches, in wash drawings, and even in oils, they caught aspects of the war that the photographers could not record. My third premise is that the work of the artists deserves to be used in its original state. Most of them sent their drawings, often unfinished, to such publications as Leslie's and Harper's, where This means reliance,
first,
GALLANT CHARGE OF THE
19th
BRIGADEApr«i '
ruk.
iMaa
^S
engravers or lithographers turned them into their conception of what readers wanted to see.
And what
these conventional craftsmen did
was criminal. The worst example I have the lithograph, by Henry Mosler of Harper's Weekly, shown
to honest pictorial reporting
seen
is
here.
It
(Union)
is
supposed to represent the charge of the 19th Brigade
at the battle of Shiloh, but
anyone who has ever read three
hundred words about that conflict will know that nothing of the kind pictured here could have taken place on that confused and bloody field. I
have made no attempt
graphs
I
have used.
to identify the
photographer had assistants
in
Gardner, or Barnard on a print
snapped the
shutter.
On
signed their drawings, so that
is
men who
Accurate identification
is
took the photo-
impossible.
Every
field, and the stamp of Brady, no assurance that that photographer
the is
the other hand, the artists almost always I
have taken pains
to give
them the
credit
their due.
Except for the seals, the sketches used in the margins come from two sources: John D. Billings's Hardtack and Coffee, or The Unwritten Story of
Army
Life (Boston,
1888), illustrated by Charles
W.
Reed
of the 9th Massachusetts Battery;
and the southern song book
War Songs: Camp fire, Patriotic, and Sentimental (New York, 1890), pubhshed by M. T. Richardson & Company, edited by WiUiam Long Fagan, and illustrated by H. D. Nichols. The work of the two
Southern
artists is readily distinguishable.
Reed's drawings are bold and simple;
book are much more
those of the illustrator of the southern song delicate.
In the making of first
debt, of course,
searched their
But
I
files
My
is
to those custodians of picture collections
who
book
I
and permitted
should be remiss
ness to Miss
have incurred many obligations.
this
if I
their holdings to
did not acknowledge
my
be reproduced.
especial indebted-
Margery Melgaard, whose extraordinary
skill
rapher and typist greatly expedited the completion of
as a stenog-
this
book; to
Mrs. Paul H. Rhymer, curator of prints and photographs at the Chicago Historical Society, who constantly amazes me by her knowl-
edge of the thousands of pictures the
in her custody; to
Chicago Historical Society's
staff
Walter
photographer,
a
W.
Krutz,
craftsman
without a superior; and to C. Earl Cooley, of Doubleday
& Company,
who was
and archives
to
which
indefatigable in finding pictures in libraries I
did not have ready access.
Paul M. Angle
Chicago Historical Society October
1,
1966
NOMENCLATURE
In
many instances
different
names
to
Northern and Southern historians have affixed same battle. Several of the engagements
the
referred to or described in this
book have dual names. Thus:
CONFEDERATE
FEDERAL
Sharpsburg
Antietam Bull
Run
Second Bull Run
Second Manassas
Pea Ridge
Elkhorn Tavern
Perryville
Chaplin Hills
Shiloh
Pittsburgh Landing
The Merrimack,
frequently misspelled Merrimac, raised after the
destruction of the Norfolk
renamed
Manassas
Navy Yard and clad with iron, was Navy Department. Most
the Virginia by the Confederate
writers have preferred the original alliterative
name, probably because of
its
appeal when coupled with the Monitor.
Another source of confusion arises from the almost identical names of the two principal Western armies: the Union Army of the Tennessee and the Confederate Army of Tennessee. The Union army was named for the river, the Confederate army for the state. P.M.A.
CONTENTS
The Long Road
to Secession
1
— War Comes 1861 — The 1862 — and Bloody Fighting 1862 — The Big 1863 — The Year 1863 — The Southland 1864 — Union Armies Slug 1864 — The 1865 — The End 1865 — The 1861
Picture Story
Bitter
Picture Story
of
Battles
Picture Story
the
Picture Story
Picture Story
Index
29 53
67 93 123 143 165
187
207 227
239
A
Pictorial History of
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS
THE LONG ROAD TO SECESSION
/^CTOBER hot
comes
to South Carolina as a blessed interlude between
summer and
chill
and rainy winter. In the tenth month of warm, the flowers still verdant.
the year the skies are blue, the breezes
But
in October, 1860, the
resolution of William
amenity of nature did not soften the hard Gist, governor of the state. For years this
Henry
man who had
between politics, his plantation, and the Methodist Church had been determined that the South should set itself up as an independent nation. On the fifth day of the month, in somnolent and lovely Columbia, capital of the state, he sat at his desk to write a letter to the several governors of the Cotton
fifty-three-year-old
States.
To each he
predicted that
divided his
Abraham Lincoln would be
to the Presidency of the United States.
decisive action.
life
Gist preferred that
lina should take the lead in seceding
some
state other
desire to
than South Caro-
from the Union, but
South Carolina would act alone. "If you decide
upon the
elected
This event would call for
if
none would,
to call a convention
election of a majority of electors favorable to Lincoln, I
know
the day you propose for the meeting, that
our convention to meet the same day,
if
we may
call
possible."
was realistic. He had watched the two sections of the between union bond of the Democratic party, a country, break apart in the year that was coming to an end. He had Gist's assessment of the political scene
William H. Gist. As Governor of South Carolina, 1858he called for secession in the event of Lincoln's election to the Presidency of the United States. 1860,
seen the northern faction secede from the National Convention to
nominate the
Illinoisan,
Stephen A. Douglas.
He had watched
the die-
hard Southerners choose John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky. He was aware that the Republican party, which had put its first candidate into the field only four years earlier, surged with the confidence of sure victory.
He knew
that the
selves the Constitutional
Bell of Tennessee,
remnant of the Old Whigs, who called themUnion party and who had nominated John
would only make the election of Lincoln certain. was correct. On November 6 the voters of the
Gist's assessment
United States gave Lincoln 1,866,452 votes out of a
total
of 4,682,069.
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS His was a minority victory, but in the Electoral College he received
180 votes against 123 for his three opponents. By that time Gist had received replies from most of the governors to whom he had sent his inquiry. Some equivocated but others were forthright. Governor A. B. Moore of Alabama wrote: "It is my opinion that Alabama will not secede alone, but if two or more States will cooperate with her, she will secede with them." John J. Pettus of Mississippi replied without reservation: "I will call our Legislature in
known
extra session as soon as
it
carried the election.
I
expect Mississippi will ask a council of the
if
that council advises secession Mississippi will
Southern States, and
is
that the
Black Republicans have
go with them." The Governor of Georgia replied that
in his opinion the
people of Georgia, in the event of the election of Lincoln, would "meet all
the Southern States in convention and take
protection of the rights of all." "I
Governor M.
S.
our
rights,
If
am
common
action for the
South Carolina
proud
to say that Florida,"
"is
ready to wheel into
Palmetto State, or any other Cotton State or States,
any course which she or they may
adopt. ...
.
.
Perry of that state answered,
line with the gallant
in
.
The Cotton States up behind
line
there
is
sufficient
in their
judgment think proper to
manliness in the South to strike for
honor, and safety, in God's
name
let it
be done before the
inauguration of Lincoln."
South Carolina moved quickly to carry out Gist's promise. In mid-December, in response to a call of the Legislature, delegates to a convention assembled at Columbia. Finding the capital in the throes of a smallpox epidemic they adjourned to Charleston, but not before
James L, Petigru, the only outspoken Unionist in the state, made a Asked by a visitor the location of the insane asylum, Petigru pointed to the Baptist Church where the convention was in session. "It looks like a church," he said, "but it is now a lunatic asylum: go there and you will find one hundred and sixty-four maniacs
pointed quip.
within."
On December
1
8 the convention reassembled at Charleston.
Crowds
of excited people filled the streets and the stairways of the hall in which the delegates met.
The
streets
were gay with bunting and
holiday atmosphere pervaded the to report
city.
flags
The convention took
and pass by unanimous vote an ordinance of
and a
little
time
secession:
"We, the People of the State of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, "That the Ordinance adopted by us in Convention, on the twentythird day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also, all Acts and parts of Acts of the General Assembly of this State, ratifying amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed; and that the union now subsisting between South
To one sturdy South Carolinian, the Secessionists were insane
John C. Breckinridge, candidate of the die-hard Democrats in 1860
Carolina and other States, under the America,'
is
name
of 'The United States of
hereby dissolved."
That evening
in the
presence of crowded galleries every
of the convention signed the ordinance.
member
At the conclusion
of the
ceremony the audience broke into a storm of cheers, the ladies waved their handkerchiefs, and the palmetto trees ornamenting the chamber were torn to pieces for souvenirs.
The basic cause of disunion: Negro slavery
Outside, the city went wild with
excitement. Church bells pealed and cannon fired salutes. As one observer commented: "The whole heart of the people had spoken." What had brought this prosperous nation, the world's outstanding example of democratic government, to disunion? Negro slavery? In the end, yes, but it had taken almost two centuries for that blight to become a serious divisive force. Throughout most of the colonial
period slavery prevailed in
more numerous
all
the colonies although slaves were far
in those of the south than in those of the north.
The
southern colonies had forced Thomas Jefferson to delete a paragraph
from the Declaration of Independence condemning George III for condoning the slave trade, but the deletion had been accomplished without excessive bitterness. Throughout the Revolution the southern colonists had fought shoulder to shoulder with those of the north. The presence of slavery had resulted in compromises in the Constitutional Convention but had not prevented the adoption of the Constitution. Early in the nineteenth century, however, the two sections of the new nation began to move in different directions. In 1793 Eli Whitney, a Yale graduate tutoring in Georgia, invented the cotton gin.
The
TENNESSEE STATE LIBRARY
John Bell of Tennessee and Edward Everett of Massachusetts, candidates of the Constitutional Union party in 1860
AND ARCHIVES
q^Sek'-
James L. ist.
Petigru,
To him,
the
Charleston entire
state
lawyer and Unionwas a madhouse.
machine removed an inherent limit on the crop. As a result, production increased by leaps and bounds. The Negro, adapted to work in the cotton fields, became, in the eyes of southern planters, indispensable. Although the slave trade was prohibited after 1808, the number of slaves increased almost as rapidly as the
came from the plantations. The North, however, began
number
to outstrip the
of bales of cotton that
South in population and
South Bay Street
in
Charleston on the eve of Secession
1800 the United States contained number, 2,622,000 lived in the states of the South. By 1850 the population had increased to 23,000,000. Of these, only 7,250,000 lived in the states that would secede. Ten years later, on the eve of war, the disparity between the two sections was even greater. Of a population of 31,000,000, more than 22,000,000 would cling to the Union with only 9,000,000 seceding. Of the cities with more than 100,000 inhabitants, six were located in the northern stood in border states that states. Two St. Louis and Baltimore would remain loyal. The deep South could claim only one. New According
wealth.
to the census of
5,308,000 persons. Of
this
—
—
Orleans.
Nor
is
sections.
population the only gauge of the difference between the two
The
construction of railroads offers another measurement.
In 1850, of the 8600 miles of railroad in the United States, the north-
ern states possessed 6200 miles and the southern and border states
2400
miles.
Ten
years later the totals were 19,700 and 10,800.
In manufactures a similar disparity prevailed. ciencies of the South
volumes of
statistics
would be
tedious.
when he declaimed
One in
To
itemize the defi-
Southerner summarized
1855:
The North
pulls
ahead
of the South in population and wealth
i^J m} U twaiBW^i '
Hall of the
St.
Andrew's Society
of Secession was adopted.
"From born
in Charleston,
where the Ordinance
Fire destroyed the building in 1861.
the rattle with which the nurse tickles the ear of the child
in the
South to the shroud that covers the cold form of the dead,
everything comes to us from the North.
The South as poor relation
We
from between sheets made in Northern looms, and pillows of Northern feathers, to wash in basins made in the North, dry our beards on Northern towels, and dress ourselves in garments woven in Northern looms; we eat from Northern plates and dishes; our rooms are swept with Northern brooms, our gardens dug with Northern spades, and our bread kneaded in trays or dishes of Northern wood or tin; and the very wood which feeds our fires is cut with Northern axes, helved with hickory brought from Connecticut or New York." By the middle of the nineteenth century it was evident that economically the nation had split into two parts. Southern society rested on the production of cotton, tobacco, and other staple crops cultivated by slave labor. Northern society, agricultural, mechanical and commercial, was carried on by free labor. A clash between the two different systems 8
rise
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS was
inevitable although
its
imminence was only imperfectly seen by
men of the time. The earliest overt conflict between North and South came in 1818 when Missouri sought admission to the Union with a constitution which Her admission would upset the balance between had so far prevailed. Two years of bitter controversy resulted in the Missouri Compromise, which admitted the new state to the Union but provided that slavery would be excluded from much of the unorganized country lying to the west. The line of Missouri's southern boundary, 36° 30', was to be extended westward and the territory north of the line would be free soil. permitted slavery. free
and slave
states that
B y LT_ 11
f_m o ji_,.,, TJiJ^.„„ gjmiS.-.:^.,-,..^
Banner of the South Carolina Secession Convention. Of the states shown Maryland and Kentucky remained loyal; Missouri, though bitterly divided, did not pass an ordinance of secession; and Tennessee left the Union by declaring her independence.
.....
.., J!
I
AN ORDUfA]fCE 7o diMotve
the
between the State qf South Canahim mmd
CMon
« I^e other States united with her under the compact* entitled Conatitutimt qf the United States qf .America.'" We, tke People of it
u
the State
herdry declared
of South OaroUna,
and
That the Otdinanoe adopted by ns
I
m
OonvaUioH as$e»Med, do dedare »,
ill
ot Ihoso l>viii
rli. ruwr
riirrj
u||
l iIm^- prlnriplr^ II i> llac Ar Ikr propU' lu Hm' lu Ibrir luijl*)! ua4 M»^
Wll. Kl}Lli€>€;€}! raa4Malr tmr rr^lniloa
lo (
oacrrM,
mIII alMi
adi/^'f^ri 1^ y
Brown on
his
way
to the scaffold.
Opposition of the party's Southern extremists.
A
drawing by A. Berghaus.
In fifty-seven ballots he
could not obtain the necessary two-thirds majority.
Recognizing the
hopelessness of the situation, the Convention adjourned to meet in later. There on June 23 a similar broken by the withdrawal of the Southern delegates. nominated on the second ballot. The bolters organized of their own and nominated the Kentuckian, John C.
Baltimore two months
deadlock was
Douglas was a convention
Breckinridge,
as their candidate.
mid-May, the Republican National Convention had met in Chicago. The delegates had been expected to nominate William H. Seward of New York, the acknowledged leader of the party. Failing Seward, Salmon P. Chase of Ohio appeared to be the most likely choice. After the Convention met, it became apparent that both Seward and Chase, who had long been in public life, had acquired many powerful enemies. Delegates from states essential to victory asserted heatedly that with either Seward or Chase at the head of the ticket they could not succeed. Eyes turned to Abraham Lincoln, who enjoyed the endorsement of only his own state. He had not been before the public long enough to acquire the enemies who were blocking the nomination of Seward and Chase. He came from a pivotal state, he enjoyed the national notice which the debates with Douglas had given Before
this time, in
25
Abraham
Lincoln,
dark horse, wins the Republican nomination
CHICAGO HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Abraham
Lincoln, President-elect,
1860
I
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS
Salmon
P.
William Henry Seward of New York, Lincoln's principal rival for the Republican nomination in 1860
Chase of Ohio, the favor-
of the radical wing of the Republican party for the presidential ite
nomination
in
1860
him, and he possessed the log cabin birth and boyhood of frontier hardship that at that time appealed so strongly to the American people.
On the
third ballot
he won the nomination. The
split in
the Democratic
party and the candidacy of John Bell of Tennessee, on the Constitutional
Union
on the
ticket, virtually
crisis
guaranteed Lincoln's election, bringing
which Governor Gist of South Carolina had foreseen.
Lincoln, in his modest office in Springfield, at the
news of South Carolina's
Illinois,
He
secession.
refused to panic
said nothing publicly
but he did indicate to friends that he would not allow the Union to apart without
Washbume
making every
effort to
in Congress he wrote
hold
it
together.
To
fall
Elihu B.
on December 21: "Last night
I
received your letter giving an account of your interview with Gen. Scott,
and and
for tell
which
I
thank you. Please present
him, confidentially,
I shall
my
respects to the General,
be obliged to him to be as well
prepared as he can to either hold, or retake, the require, at,
and
after the inauguration."
forts,
as the case
may
Similar letters went to other
confidants in the capital.
27
The
President-elect
will not
permit
the South to secede in
peace
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS
Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, 1860
In the
last
days of 1860 the majority of the people of the North
refused to believe that the Union stood on the edge of dissolution.
The
South had threatened to secede so often that most Northerners considered this to be only another bluff with no more substance than those
Major Robert Anderson of Kentucky, loyal to the Union, garrisons Fort Sumter
which had preceded it. However, South Carolina gave every evidence of sincerity and determination. Private military companies paraded and drilled. By the end of the year they had guns trained on Fort Moultrie in Charleston Harbor. For five weeks the fort had been commanded by Major Robert Anderson, a popular Kentuckian. Anderson, though sympathizing with the South, was a loyal officer determined to carry out his responsibilities as best he could. Knowing that Moultrie was vulnerable from the land side, he decided to transfer his garrison to Fort Sumter, a
the night of
When day
stronger fortification, but then unfinished.
December 26 he made
the
move
in the
On
utmost secrecy.
broke, the Union flag over Sumter infuriated the people of
Charleston.
28
much
WAR COMES
THE FIRST MONTH
TNthe lead of South
of the
ncw
year other Southern states followed
by an ordinance of secesUnion on January 9; Florida on January 10; Alabama on January 11; Georgia on January 19; Louisiana on January 26; and Texas on February 1. On February 4 delegates from all these states except Texas met at Montgomery, Alabama, to form a provisional government for the Confederate States of America. There they adopted a provisional constitution modeled on that of the Carolina.
Mississippi,
sion, declared herself out of the
United
States.
The
in treasury notes
provisional Congress proceeded to issue $1,000,000
and provided
serve twelve months.
It
for raising
100,000 volunteers to
passed acts to organize a navy, post
office,
and authorized the sending of commissioners to Europe to and commerce. The states turned over to the Confederacy the property of the national government which they had seized, and Louisiana received a special vote of thanks for giving up $536,000 in coin which she had confiscated from the mint and customhouse in New Orleans. and
courts,
make
treaties of friendship
On February
9 the provisional Confederate Congress chose Jefferson
Davis President and Alexander H. Stephens Vice President to serve until
February 22, 1862, when the permanent government would go Davis, a fifty-three-year-old Mississippian, was a West
into effect.
29
Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, inaugurated as Provisional President of the Confederate States of
America on February
18,
1861
Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, Provisional Vice President of the Confederacy
Point graduate
He had been
who had
served in the Black
War
Hawk and Mexican
wars.
and had served most of two terms in the United States Senate, resigning upon the secession of Mississippi. Stephens, a Georgian, had been in Congress for eight terms, including the one in which Lincoln had been a representative from Illinois. The two men had become friendly enough for Lincoln, two days after South Carolina's secession, to appeal to the Georgian Secretary of
for understanding.
"Do
in Pierce's cabinet
the people of the South really entertain fears
that a Republican administration would, directly, or indirectly interfere
with their slaves or with them, about their slaves?
once a friend, and no cause for such fears."
to assure you, as
there
is
From
still,
I
If
they do,
I
wish
hope, not an enemy, that
Washington, where efforts to compromise the differences between the two sections were being made. To Senator William H. Seward, whom he had already chosen to be his Secretary of State, he wrote: "I say now ... as I have all the while said, that on the territorial that is, the question of extending slavery under the national question auspices, I am inflexible. I am for no compromise which assists or permits the extension of the institution on soil owned by the nation. And any trick by which the nation is to acquire territory, and then Springfield, Lincoln sent counsel to Republicans in
— —
30
1861
—
allow some local authority to spread slavery over as
any other." Lincoln had already been
at
work on
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS it,
is
as obnoxious
his inaugural address.
Taking
with him only Henry Clay's speech in support of the Compromise of
1850,
Andrew
Jackson's proclamation against nullification, and a copy
of the Constitution, he retired each day to a vacant second-story
room
With a printed copy of the address in his on February 1 1 for. a trip to Washington that would take almost two weeks. On the way he spoke frequently, but only on one or two occasions did he say anything of consequence regarding the national crisis. The sharpest of these comments came when he addressed the General Assembly of New Jersey at Trenton. "I shall do all that may be in my power," he said, "to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am. None who would do more to preserve it. But it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly." At this point the audience broke into cheers so loud and long that Lincoln could not continue for several minutes. "And if I do my duty," he concluded, facing the State House.
carpetbag he
left
Springfield
The inauguration of Davis and Stephens at Montgomery, Alabama, February 18, 1861
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS
1861
"and do right, you will sustain me, cheers answered his question.
Though office,
the sun shone
the day was
March
4,
will
you not?" Another storm of
1861, when the
new
President took
raw and disagreeable.
In spite of the sharp winds, thousands of people lined Pennsylvania
Standing
in the sights of sharpshooters' rifles, Lincoln takes
the oath of office
Avenue as Lincoln and retiring President Buchanan drove from the White House to the Capitol in a barouche drawn by four white horses. Soldiers and District of Columbia militia lined the street and sharpshooters lay on roofs behind parapets ready in case of an attempt at assassination.
After watching the induction of Hannibal Hamlin, Vice
President, in the Senate
Chamber, Lincoln was escorted
to the outdoor
platform at the east portico of the Capitol, where 10,000 curious spec-
had gathered. Chief Justice Taney administered the oath of office and the new President spoke his inaugural address. His tone was pacific, but a vein of iron ran through his words. The tators
accession of a Republican administration, he told the people of the
Southern
states,
personal security. perpetual union.
did not threaten their property, their peace, their
Beyond a doubt,
No
state of
its
the Constitution contemplated a
own motion
could lawfully secede.
he would execute the laws throughout To th^ nation. "In doing this," he asserted, "there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me, will be used to hold, the extent of his ability
Satirical view of Lincoln's secret jour-
ney from Harrisburg to Washington, February 23, 1861. Drawn by Adalbert John Volck, a Baltimore dentist
who possessed extraordinary skill as a draftsman. Volck was an ardent Confederate sympathizer.
32
1861
The inauguration of Lincoln, March
—
4,
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS
1861
occupy, and possess the property, and places belonging to the govern-
ment, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion force against, or
among
—no
may be
using of
the people anywhere."
Lincoln closed with the emotional appeal that made his address forever memorable. "We are not enemies, but friends. We must not
must not break our be enemies. Though passion may bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthhave strained,
stone, all over this
broad land,
when again touched,
will yet swell the
as surely they will be,
it
chorus of the Union,
by the better angels of
our nature."
Moving
as
it
was, the inaugural offered no plan for resolving the
national crisis and spelled out
no compromise. In essence
it
did express
the hope that with time the disaffected South, realizing that the
Administration posed no threat to slavery where
it
new
already existed,
would retreat from the extreme position it had assumed. But there would be no time. As the Southern states had seceded, their local troops had seized nearly all the Federal forts within their boundaries or off their shores. Only four remained in the hands of the 33
The newly-inaugurated President pleads for reconciliation
between North and South
J
In compliance with a custom as old as the government
^
to address
^
stitution of the
i^
execution of his
$
you
and
briefly,
to take, in
I appear before yon
your presence, the cath prescribed by the Con-
States, to be taken
United
itself,
by the President "before he enters on the
oflice."
The more modern custom
of electing a Gh"ef Magistrate upon a previously declared
6
platform of principles, supercedes, in a great measure, the necessity of re-stating those
7
principles in an address of this sort.
jT
elected
f
the plainest grounds of good faith, one so
not at liberty to shift hii position.
is
in his
that,
pressed,
Upon
It
is
necessarily implied, if not ex-
judgment, the platform which he thus accepts, binds him
to
nothing either unconstitutional or inexpedient.
Jf}
Having been
//
so elected
upon the Chicago Platform, and while I would repeat noth-
0^ aspersion or epithet or question of motive against any
man
«
//
i^ig ^^ ^')
or party, I
j
/^
hold myself bound by duty, as well a3 impelled by inelination to follow, within the
^
/4
executive sphere, the principles therein declared.
/•
By
no other course could I meet
the reasonable expectations of the country.
/y
I do not consider
//
it
necessa-y at present for
me
to
say more than I have, in relation J
to those matters of administration, about which there
j®» Apprehension seems
/f
to exist
among
is-
no special excitement.
the people of the Southern States, that by
/^
the accession of a Republican Administration, their property, and their peace, and por-
•^
^
sonal security, are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such
'Z
/
^2 ^J
istcd,
^v /
Z^ ^
^hen
inspection.
to their
who now
^
0^
to
do
I declare that "I have
so,
na purpose,
and I have no inclination
where to
and had never recanted them.
tion
is
found in nearly
all
the while ex-
the pub'ished
direetly or indirectly, to interfere with the exists.
it
Those who nomiinated and elected me
made
And more
I believe I have no lawful right
than
this, thif,
and many similar declarationsr they placed in the platform, for
acceptance, and as a law to themselves, and to me, the clear and emphatic resolu-
which 1 now read
:
That the maintenance
^/ J 2, JJ
ing to
^A
the perfection and endur&nce of our political fabric depend
t^' "^^
all
I do but quote from one of those Hpeeches
do sOi"
did so with full knowledge that I had
my
It
addresses you.
institution of slavery in the States
'^
Z
and been open
speeches of him
24 •^
Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has
apprehension.
^'Resolved,
cially the right of its
own judgment
lawless invasion
inviolate of the rights of the States,
each State to order and control
its
soil
| -
and we denounce the
%
of any State or Territory, no matter under
^
;
3 A vhat pretext, as among the gravest of crimes."
The
first
page of Lincoln's Inaugural Address
as he had
it
accord-
S
power on which
exclusively, is essential to that balance of
by armed force of the
and espe-
own domestic institutions
printed before leaving Springfield
1861
—
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS
in the Dry Tortugas, Fort Pickens in Pensacola Key West, and transcending all others in imporFort Sumter in Charleston Harbor. On March 5, Lincoln's
Union: Fort Jefferson Bay, Fort Taylor at tance,
first full day in office, he was presented with a shocking fact. Major Anderson in Fort Sumter had provisions for no more than thirty days. If he did not receive additional supplies within a month he would have to surrender. Lincoln had been aware, of course, of the fact that the Buchanan administration, two months earlier, had sent an unarmed merchant ship. The Star of the West, with provisions and additional troops to Sumter, but that she had turned back when fired upon by the shore batteries. He had not suspected, however, that the situation was
as critical as
he
now
discovered
it
to be.
Could Sumter be reinforced? Lincoln's military advisers answered it could not be relieved or even provisioned without an army of 20,000 men and a bloody battle. There were not 20,000 men in the Regular Army of the United States, and if there had been, they could not have been assembled and transported to the danger point in time. that
'
•
f
Robert Anderson. graph,
made
in
This photo1861, shows
)m^^ALM!^^i i
him wearing the
single star of a brigadier general, a rank to
which
May
he
\ ^
1 1
^^^ ft
was promoted on
15, 1861.
¥^^^m^
I
1
Com-
Thomas Jonathan Jackson, graduate
of West veteran of the Mexican War, and Professor of Artillery Tactics and Natural Philosophy at the Virginia Military Institute.
Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard.
Point,
missioned a brigadier general in the Confederate Army on February 20, 1861, he commanded the troops that fired the opening
An
shots of the war.
early photograph.
Naval
officers,
optimistic, but
who even
held shore batteries in low esteem, were more if
they were correct, an attempt to relieve the fort
would be almost certain
As
to precipitate war.
the only apparent alternative, should Sumter be surrendered?
(Southern "commissioners" were even then in Washington attempting to negotiate the transfer of the forts
the Confederacy.)
When
still
in possession of the
confronted with
the Cabinet favored surrender.
Lincoln, never one to
Union
to
a majority of
this question,
move
hastily,
deferred a decision. Within two or three weeks he realized that to the fort in Charleston Harbor had become a symbol. To surwould be equivalent to consenting to a dissolution of the Union. By this time a majority of his Cabinet had swung around to the same view. Lincoln's attitude was strengthened by the reports of emissaries whom he had sent to Charleston. In their opinion the people of South Carolina were adamant in their desire to break up the Union and were no less firm in their determination that Fort Sumter should pass from the hands of the Federal government to the Confederacy. Time pressed. Finally Lincoln made a decision in between relief and abandonment. He would send provisions but no troops to Ander-
North the render
son.
36
it
On
April 6 he dispatched a messenger to Francis
W.
Pickens,
1861
THE CIVIL WAR YEARS
who had succeeded William H.
Gist as Governor of South Carolina. by the President of the United States," the message read, "to notify you to expect an attempt will be made to supply Fort Sumter with provisions only; and that, if such attempt be not resisted, no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, will be made, without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the Fort." Immediately upon receipt of this notification Pickens relayed it to Jefferson Davis at Montgomery. After an anxious cabinet meeting, L. P. Walker, the Confederate Secretary of War, ordered General P. G. T. Beauregard, in command at Charleston, to demand the evacuation of the fort and if this were refused to take it by force. On April 1 1 Beauregard sent his demand for surrender to Anderson. Anderson refused it but remarked that he would be forced by lack of provisions to give up the fort in a few days. To Beauregard the reply was unsatisfactory. At 3:30 A.M. on April 12 he notified the Federal commander that he would open fire within an hour. True to his promise a howitzer "I
am
directed
fired the first shot at 4:30.
The engagement
lasted for thirty-three hours.
Sumter's guns were put out of commission and
was
its
Although many of interior burned, none
Near the end of the battle, the relief expedition appeared at the mouth of the harbor but made no effort to come to the aid of the beleaguered fort. With his ammunition nearly exhausted and his provisions gone, Anderson surrendered. Beauregard of the defenders
killed.
Francis W. Pickens, Governor of South Carolina, who will'f^giy guided the events that his predecessor, William H. Gist,
had set
in
motion
CONFEDERATE MUSEUM, RICHMOND, VA.
Outfitting a Confederate volunteer.
From
a water color by W. L. She p pard.
permitted the garrison to embark on the ships of the expedition and to salute the Stars
exploded and killed
and Stripes. Ironically the gun firing the a Union soldier, the only casualty of the first
salute battle
of the war.
on Sumter and chagrin at its surrender swept the North. Offers of unlimited support poured into Washington. One of the most welcome was that tendered by Lincoln's longtime rival, Stephen A. Douglas. On the evening of April 14 he called on the President to say that while he remained unalterably opposed to the Administration on all political issues, he would sustain the government in preserving the Union. "The capital of our country is in danger," he said, "and must be protected at all hazards, at any expense of men and money." Lincoln responded to the Confederate challenge by issuing three proclamations. The first, dated April 15, called up 75,000 militia Shock and anger
at the assault
38
i
m mmn
flag has been msulted
REBELUON HAS BEEN INAUGURATED! INVASION OK THE TAI'ITAL
riTKIOTa I^dcon.
W
»AIIIIIIALI,
T\
.
THREATENED
.n ™il„|
M
„.
!
„
Saturdu:^ the 5J0th insf., at 1 orhuk IV lo oVuniJ/.«' a yoluDteer Company, to l>c- temh-nMl to fh, Oo^i riimcal fo Kuoixiri tri« '/ >9wlirMrttf?i and the Laiot, in ua^iv;*
^^^^s^^'"^ 4 J> COOK COLLECTION, VALENTINE MUSEUM
The Charleston Light
1861. War, in those early days, called for considerable strutting.
Sergeant
Francis
E.
Brownell,
11th
New
York Volunteers. On May 24, 1861, he killed James T. Jackson, who had assassinated Elmer Ellsworth.
Artillery,
Abram Duryee, commissioned 5th
New York
His uniform
colonel of the Infantry on April 25, 1861.
illustrated the individuality of
the early volunteers.
CHICAGO HISTORICAL
Ulysses S. Grant, U.S. Military Academy, 1843, and a veteran of the Mexican War, left this unpretentious store in Galena, Illinois, to serve on the staff of
Governor Richard Yates, and soon afterward,
56
Illinois Infantry,
a fractious regiment.
to take
command
of the 21st
SOCIETY
•3?
An
example of the
primitive state of the Southern economy
As
the Union troops moved into Alexandria, where Ellsworth was killed, they saw slave pens
Virginia, like this.
I
2fr i
r^
rM^Ja
i % Vi'
:/
!.'•«.
w^*-
tmm-r
Mm v^^i'i^-
-
Volck,
the
Baltimore
artist,
offered a satirical picture of the enlistment of Daniel E. Sickles'
New
Sickles,
Brigade,
Excelsior
York,
in
June,
who had
1861.
killed
wife's lover in 1859,
his
was an
easy target.
NEW YORK
PUBLIC UtRA
Charles W. Reed drew a vivid sketch of a Union war rally. Fervid oratory
induced
man
War
many
to sign the
a
young
muster
roll.
7>iccti}ii
HARDTACK AND COFFEE
NEW YORK
Again Volck dipped in acid.
his
pen
This time his subject
was the German-American, Franz Sigel, who rallied large numbers of Germans to the cause of the Union but fought without distinction. Nevertheless,
"I fights
mit Sigel,"
was the proud slogan of soldiers.
his
PUBLIC LIBRAr
Centreville, Virginia.
Manassas Junction the
Confederates
twenty-five
miles
As McDowell advanced toward
in the First
withdrew
Bull
from
Run Campaign, this
west and south
of
little
town
Washington.
ix:^^^tM
McDowell's advancing men discovered
that the Confederate
defenses at Centreville were less formidable than they aptrunks contributed to the tree peared. "Quaker guns"
—
illusion of strength.
—
59
'-rtalE^i.'
*
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
Burnside's brigade opening First Bull Run. the artist,
was
in the field
Alfred R.
Waud,
for the Illustrated News.
The Henry House. Near this structure, on the field of First Bull Run, T. Jackson's Confederate brigade formed and held the defensive line that won for commander the name "Stonewall." CHICAGO HISTORICAL SOCIETY
J. its
1st New York Artillery. These rifted cannon 20-pounders are shown here were much superior to the smoothbore Napoleons, the basic field artillery weapon
Parrott guns of the
—
—
of both armies.
est-
NO COMl'ROJUSE WITH
TKAITOItS,
AND NO AUCrMENT BIT A
K>.(K
KIWW N ARGUMENT.
Volunteers Wanted!
FOR COMPANY Nathaniel Lyon, killed at Wibon's Creek,
August
10,
M.
COLONEL OWEN'S 2d REGIMENT,
1861
BAKER'S BRIGADE thin Conipunj-. f\