A paradise of priests : singing the civic and episcopal hagiography of medieval Liège 9781580464802, 1580464807

Embraces an all-encompassing interdisciplinary methodology to uncover the symbiosis of saintly and civic ideals in music

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A paradise of priests : singing the civic and episcopal hagiography of medieval Liège
 9781580464802, 1580464807

Table of contents :
Introduction : the sound of civic sanctity in the priestly paradise of Liège --
Martyred bishops and civic origins : promoting the clerical city --
The intersecting cults of saints Theodard and Lambert : validating bishops as martyrs --
The civic cult of Saint Hubert : venerating bishops as founders --
Clerical concord, disharmony, and polyphony : commemorating Bishop Notger's city --
Military triumph, civic destruction, and the changing face of Saint Lambert's relics : invoking the defensor patriae --
Conclusion : hearing civic sanctity --
Appendix : medieval service books preserving the chant repertory sung in the city of Liège.

Citation preview

cat h eri n e sa u cier is assistant professor of music history at Arizona

State University.

A Paradise of Priests

“Saucier’s A Paradise of Priests represents a substantial achievement in a number of fields, including medieval and Renaissance musicology, urban history, and church history. The book’s readable style will make it accessible to students as well as to scholars and teachers. A seamless and compelling narrative.” — s u sa n b o y n t o n , professor of historical musicology, Columbia University

Saucier

Medieval Liège was the seat of a vast diocese in northwestern Europe and a city of an exceptional number of churches, clergymen, and church musicians. Recognized as a priestly paradise, the city accommodated as many Masses each day as Rome. In this volume, musicologist Catherine Saucier examines the music of religious worship in Liège and reveals within the liturgy and ritual a civic function by which local clerics promoted the holy status of their city. Analyzing hagiographic and historical writings, religious art, and sung ceremonies relevant to the city’s genesis, destruction, and eventual rebirth, Saucier uncovers richly varied ways in which liégeois clergymen fused music with text, image, and ritual to celebrate the city’s sacred episcopal origins and saintly persona.         A Paradise of Priests forges new interdisciplinary connections between musicology, the liturgical arts, the cult of saints, church history, and urban studies, and is an essential resource for scholars and students interested in the history of the Low Countries, hagiography and its reception, and ecclesiastical institutions.

A Paradise of Priests Singing the Civic and Episcopal Hagiography of Medieval Liège

Cover image: Second Vespers Magnificat Antiphon Laetare et lauda Deum Legia, B-Lgc H118/87, fol. 194r. Reproduced with permission from the Musée Grand Curtius, Liège.

Catherine Saucier 668 Mt. Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620-2731, USA P.O. Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK www.urpress.com

A Paradise of Priests

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Eastman Studies in Music Ralph P. Locke, Senior Editor Eastman School of Music Additional Titles of Interest The Art of Musical Phrasing in the Eighteenth Century: Punctuating the Classical “Period” Stephanie D. Vial Bach and the Pedal Clavichord: An Organist’s Guide Joel Speerstra The Chansons of Orlando di Lasso and Their Protestant Listeners: Music, Piety, and Print in Sixteenth-Century France Richard Freedman Dance in Handel’s London Operas Sarah McCleave Dieterich Buxtehude: Organist in Lübeck Kerala J. Snyder The Gardano Music Printing Firms, 1569–1611 Richard J. Agee Historical Musicology: Sources, Methods, Interpretations Edited by Stephen A. Crist and Roberta Montemorra Marvin Music and the Occult: French Musical Philosophies, 1750–1959 Joscelyn Godwin The Rosary Cantoral: Ritual and Social Design in a Chantbook from Early Renaissance Toledo Lorenzo Candelaria Word, Image, and Song Volume 1: Essays on Early Modern Italy Volume 2: Essays on Musical Voices Edited by Rebecca Cypess, Beth L. Glixon, and Nathan Link A complete list of titles in the Eastman Studies in Music series may be found on our website, www.urpress.com.

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A Paradise of Priests Singing the Civic and Episcopal Hagiography of Medieval Liège

Catherine Saucier

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Copyright © 2014 by Catherine Saucier All rights reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation, no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded, or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. First published 2014 University of Rochester Press 668 Mt. Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620, USA www.urpress.com and Boydell & Brewer Limited PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK www.boydellandbrewer.com ISBN-13: 978-1-58046-480-2 ISSN: 1071-9989 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Saucier, Catherine, author. A paradise of priests : singing the civic and episcopal hagiography of medieval Liège / Catherine Saucier. pages cm. — (Eastman studies in music, ISSN 1071-9989 ; v. 108) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-58046-480-2 (hardcover : alkaline paper) 1. Church music— Belgium—Liège—500-1400. 2. Christian saints—Cult—Belgium—Liège. I. Title. II. Series: Eastman studies in music. ML3026.8.L54S38 2014 781.71’20949346—dc23 2013043813 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. This publication is printed on acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America.

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For my parents

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Contents List of Illustrations

ix

Acknowledgments

xi

Abbreviations Note on Editorial Conventions Introduction: The Sound of Civic Sanctity in the Priestly Paradise of Liège

xv

1

1

Martyred Bishops and Civic Origins: Promoting the Clerical City

11

2

The Intersecting Cults of Saints Theodard and Lambert: Validating Bishops as Martyrs

49

3

The Civic Cult of Saint Hubert: Venerating Bishops as Founders

94

4

Clerical Concord, Disharmony, and Polyphony: Commemorating Bishop Notger’s City

137

Military Triumph, Civic Destruction, and the Changing Face of Saint Lambert’s Relics: Invoking the Defensor Patriae

168

Conclusion: Hearing Civic Sanctity

202

Appendix: Service Books Preserving the Medieval Chant Repertory Sung in the City of Liège

205

Notes

207

Bibliography

259

Index

287

5

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Illustrations Examples 1.1 Laetare et lauda Deum Legia

43

2.1 Urbs Legia

68

2.2 Christi laudem predicemus

80

2.3 Comparison of Hymns Hymnum cantemus gratiae and Gaudeat prole Gallia

87

2.4 Sacerdos Dei mitissimus

90

2.5 Magna vox laude sonora

91

3.1 Dum mors instabat

128

3.2 Huberte presul eximie

130

3.3 Plebs fidelis jocundetur

131

3.4 O Huberte, dedicatam

132

4.1 Brassart, Fortis cum quevis actio, mm. 91–111

155

4.2. Brassart, Fortis cum quevis actio, mm. 55–76

161

5.1 Fortis in adversis

174

5.2 Letabunda laus beato

199

Figures 1.1 Martyrdom of Saint Lambert commissioned by Renier van Hulsberg (fl. 1520–44)

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46

3.1 Workshop of Rogier van der Weyden (ca. 1399–1464), the Dream of Pope Sergius (late 1430s)

117

4.1 Crucifixion with the Virgin Mary and Saint John the Evangelist, Missale pro defunctis, Abbey of Saint James, Liège (ca. 1320)

156

4.2 Detail from the view of Liège published by Mattheus Merian (1593–1650)

159

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illustrations

5.1 Reliquary bust of Saint Lambert (before 1512) attributed to Hans von Reutlingen (fl. 1497–1522)

190

Tables

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2.1 Chants for the Office of Saint Lambert sung at the Cathedral of Liège in the later Middle Ages

54

2.2 Chants for the Office of Saint Theodard sung at the Cathedral of Liège in the later Middle Ages

58

3.1 Chants for the Office of Saint Hubert sung at the Cathedral of Liège in the later Middle Ages

107

3.2 Verbal similarities between the First Vespers Antiphon Hic Aquitanus genere from Saint Hubert’s Office with the Vita quarta sancti Lamberti and the Vita quinta sancti Huberti

110

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Acknowledgments My research for this book was supported by grants from the Fonds pour la Formation de Chercheurs et l’Aide à la Recherche (Quebec, Canada), the Medieval Academy of America, the University of Chicago, and Arizona State University (ASU). A Faculty Fellowship from the Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies provided much needed time to focus on writing. The AMS 75 PAYS Endowment of the American Musicological Society, funded in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, and subvention grants from the ASU Institute for Humanities Research and the ASU School of Music assisted with production costs. My primary source work would not have been possible without the generous assistance of the archivists and library staff in Liège, Brussels, Aachen, The Hague, Utrecht, Berne, Darmstadt, and Chicago. I am especially indebted to Albert Lemeunier and Philippe Joris (Musée d’Art Religieu et d’Art Mosan and the Musée Grand Curtius), Ives Charlier (Bibliothèque du Grand Séminaire), Carmelia Opsomer (Université de Liège), Christian Dury (Archives de l’Evêché de Liège), Bernard Bousmanne (Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique), Ed van der Vlist (Koninklijke Bibliotheek of the Netherlands), Jan Sanders (Abbey of Berne), and Sylvia Uhlemann (Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek in Darmstadt) for providing images or allowing me to photograph manuscripts in their collections. I am equally grateful to the circulation staff at the Archives de l’Etat à Liège for so patiently retrieving the hundreds of documents I consulted during two years of archival work and for making copies of important texts. Various scholars have given invaluable insight and assisted with access to rare materials, most notably Philippe Vendrix and Christophe Pirenne for their ongoing interest in my research and for introducing me to key contacts in Liège, Diane Wolfthal for sharing her analysis of the Dream of Pope Sergius painting and for reading my work on Saint Hubert, Pieter Mannaerts for sharing images from the liturgical books in Tongeren, the late Ike de Loos for her assistance locating manuscripts in the Netherlands, Anne-Emmanuelle Ceulemans for her advice and help retrieving and dating materials in Brussels and Louvainla-Neuve, Philippe George for answering my questions on the reliquary bust of Saint Lambert, and Jennifer Bain for sharing her research on the Salzinnes Antiphonal in Halifax. For their expert assistance with translations and insight into Latin texts, I am indebted to Leofranc Holford-Strevens, Susan Boynton,

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xii

acknowledgments

and especially to Barbara Newman who so generously supplied translations of key passages. I owe additional thanks to Anne Walters Robertson, Pamela Starr, and Michael McGrade for reading chapter drafts and for their comments on my writing, and to my colleagues at ASU, especially Richard Newhauser, Taylor Corse, Juliann Vitullo, Mark Cruse, and Ben Levy, as well as the editorial staff at the University of Rochester Press for their advice on linguistic and stylistic matters. The musical examples were prepared most diligently by Jeremy Bell. Finally, a note of personal thanks to the friends and loved ones, especially my parents Janet and Jean-François Saucier, who so enthusiastically cheered me on throughout this journey.

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Abbreviations

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AASS

Acta sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur. Edited by Joannus Bollandus et al. 69 vols. Antwerp: Victor Palme, 1643–1940. http://acta.chadwyck.com.

AEL

Archives de l’Etat à Liège

AEvL

Archives de l’Evêché de Liège

AH

Analecta hymnica medii aevi. Edited by Guido Maria Dreves et al. 55 vols. Leipzig: O. R. Reisland, 1886–1922. http://webserver.erwin-rauner.de/crophius/Analecta_conspectus.htm.

B-Br

Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale

BCRH

Bulletin de la commission royale d’histoire

BCRMS

Bulletin de la commission royale des monuments et des sites

BIAL

Bulletin de l’institut archéologique liégeois

B-Lgc

Liège, Musée Grand Curtius

B-Ls

Liège, Bibliothèque du Grand Séminaire

B-Lsc

Liège, Collégiale Sainte-Croix

B-Lu

Liège, Bibliothèque de l’Université

BSAHDL

Bulletin de la sociéte d’art et d’histoire du diocèse de Liège

BSBL

Bulletin de la sociéte des bibliophiles liégeois

BSLM

Bulletin de la sociéte liégeoise de musicologie

B-TOolv

Tongeren, Onze-Lieve-Vrouw-Geboortebasiliek

C

Chartes

CA

Compterie des Anniversaires

CDN-Hsmu

Halifax, Patrick Power Library Saint Mary’s University

CG

Compterie du Grenier

D-AAm

Aachen, Domarchiv

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xiv

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abbreviations

D-DS

Darmstadt, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek

GB-Lbl

London, British Library

GB-Ob

Oxford, Bodleian Library

I-TRmp

Trent, Castello del Buonconsiglio: Monumenti e Collezioni Provinciali

MGH

Monumenta Germaniae Historica

NL-DHk

The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek

NL-HEESWab

Abdij van Berne, Abbey Library

NL-Uu

Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek

PL

Patrologia cursus completus, series Latina. Edited by JacquesPaul Migne. 221 vols. Paris: Migne, 1844–65. http://pld. chadwyck.com.

PT

Petite Table

S

Secrétariat

SM

Saint Materne

US-Cn

Chicago, Newberry Library

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Note on Editorial Conventions Whenever possible, I have translated names, titles, and terms into English, with the following exceptions. Names and terms that have no clear English equivalent (e.g., Bishop Erard de la Marck, and échevin) are given in French, modernized according to the practice of Liège historians. To be consistent with musicological scholarship, musicians are named in Latin, retaining the most frequent spelling given in the documents. Dates found in charters are given in their original form, in keeping with the practice of all liégeois historians. Since account books begin alternatively on August 1 or September 1, I indicate payments from a single year by giving two dates separated by a slash (e.g., 1450/51). This form should be distinguished from a two-year period consisting of two dates separated by a dash (e.g., 1450– 51) according to modern style. English translations of foreign-language extracts are given in the text; the quotations in their original languages are in the notes. If an extract from a foreign-language source is important to my analysis, it follows the translation in the text. All translations are my own unless otherwise noted. The orthography of the Latin texts follows that of the edition. Chant texts are quoted from the edition that most consistently follows the orthography of the liégeois service books, with variants and additional editions (such as Analecta hymnica) specified in the notes. Texts in the musical examples reflect the orthography of the manuscript sources cited in the captions. All biblical passages are quoted from the Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem (Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1969), and The Holy Bible Translated from the Latin Vulgate (Baltimore: John Murphy, 1899; repr., Rockford, IL: Tan Books, 1971).

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Introduction The Sound of Civic Sanctity in the Priestly Paradise of Liège Laetare et lauda Deum Legia, De patroni tui Lamberti presentia, Cujus sanguine consecrari, Cujus corpore ditari meruisti. [Rejoice and praise God, Liège, for the presence of your patron Lambert! By whose blood [you merited] to be sanctified, by whose body you merited to be enriched.] —Second Vespers Magnificat Antiphon

When cantor Henry of Palude intoned the Antiphon Laetare et lauda before the entire clerical community of Liège, the melodious sound of his voice was the sole musical accompaniment to an extraordinary ritual—the nude display of Saint Lambert’s skull. With this plainchant, the cantor and his choir simulanteously invoked the symbolic protection of the patron of the diocese and the martyred bishop-saint’s real presence. Only under exceptional circumstances, as at this ceremony in 1489, did cathedral clerics open the saint’s reliquary to publicly exhibit his bare bones. Yet, rather than herald the martyr’s cranial relic, the cantor and choristers acclaimed instead the city, Legia, sanctified by the saint’s body. Why did these singers equate Saint Lambert with the saintly personification of Liège? And what was the origin of this association between saint and city? The symbiosis of saintly and civic merit voiced so outspokenly in Laetare et lauda constitutes a recurring, yet seldom heard, theme in clerical writing on medieval Liège. Like other musical acclamations to Legia, the Antiphon Laetare et lauda finds its linguistic and ideological origins in the deeds of saints (vitae sanctorum) and bishops (gesta episcoporum) that were recorded by clergymen affiliated with the myriad ecclesiastical institutions of the city and diocese. Some of the region’s most famed hagiographers and historians—Bishop

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Stephen of Liège (r. 901–20), Abbot Heriger of Lobbes (r. 990–1007), Abbot Lambert of Saint Lawrence (r. ca. 1060–70) and monk Sigebert of Gembloux (ca. 1030–1112)—also composed or compiled liturgical music.1 Yet with the exception of Bishop Stephen’s tenth-century Office for Saint Lambert, the chant and devotional polyphony honoring the city’s saintly bishops, alongside the city itself, have failed to attract the attention lavished on their literary counterparts.2 Our present ignorance about the city’s saintly episcopal music contradicts its pervasive resonance and relevance throughout the Middle Ages. As a distinctive component of the liégeois rite, chants commemorating the city’s episcopal founders and origins resounded repeatedly throughout the civic soundscape in the annual cycle of saints’ feasts and processions that took place within and between the cathedral and its seven collegiate churches. These chants remained equally relevant to contemporaneous events and concerns. Extraordinary performances at which local clergy and laity alike celebrated military victories or beseeched civic protection with exceptional urgency infused familiar texts and melodies with new meaning—as with the singing of Laetare et lauda in 1489, amid civil war following the city’s destruction and occupation by the Burgundians. The malleable message of this repertory thus held lasting significance well after the time of its initial composition. Chants such as Laetare et lauda provided an equally versatile vehicle by which clerics voiced cherished hagiographic, episcopal, and civic ideals. Expressions unique to the mid-twelfth-century Vita Lamberti by Canon Nicholas (d. ca. 1146), a hagiographer with a proepiscopal agenda, gained poetic and musical embellishment as a rhymed antiphon acclaiming the city on the annual feasts of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom and Translation. This liturgical poetry in turn came to be inscribed on sixteenth-century devotional artwork depicting at once Lambert’s sanctity and the piety of individual devotees. The prayerlike appeal to Liège and Lambert thus enjoyed at once a communal and an intimately personal utterance as it circulated both sonically and visually in the multivalent spaces of religious worship. The multimedia and semiotic versatility of a chant such as Laetare et lauda invites interdisciplinary analysis. Scholars who have studied the prolific hagiographic and historical output emanating from the leading intellectual institutions of the diocese have pointed to medieval Liège as a major center for the composition and dissemination of hagioepiscopal literature.3 The extant hagiographic dossier for Saint Lambert alone exemplifies the richness of these interrelated literary forms, consisting of five prose vitae, two poems, and substantial entries in countless episcopal gesta from as early as the eighth century and continuing well into the early modern era.4 Ongoing concern for the circumstances of Lambert’s death repeatedly motivated clerics to reinterpret and rewrite this martyred bishop’s deeds and legends, generating a well-established, yet ever-changing, hagiographic profile. Recent studies of the revisions

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introduction 3 introduced by Sigebert of Gembloux and Canon Nicholas have illuminated the political agendas espoused by the clerical networks sponsoring these influential authors.5 Yet how did such hagiographic reinterpretations, originating in a clearly defined political climate, affect the longstanding liturgical veneration of the saint? How did plainchant quoting these authors embellish the underlying meaning of these legends? And how might the singers performing this repertory themselves contribute to the ongoing vitality of Lambert’s cult? It was through the intersection of hagiography, episcopal history, and sacred music that Saint Lambert’s cult became inextricably tied to the identity, survival, and preeminence of the medieval city of Liège. Yet Lambert (d. ca. 700) was not the only bishop to enjoy such a strong civic association. Careful examination of the previously unstudied local liturgies for Lambert’s episcopal predecessor, Theodard (d. ca. 668), and his successor, Hubert (d. 727), sheds new light on the civic tenor shared by these chants. More specifically, a close reading of the language of this long-neglected musical repertory illuminates broader themes connecting the cults of the city’s three founding bishops and underscores the civic flavor and significance of their veneration. Following this triumvirate of episcopal founders, two later prelates, Notger (r. 972–1008) and Erard de la Marck (r. 1505–38), shaped local perceptions of the sacred and historical symbolism of the civic space voiced in votive polyphony and processions. Previously unrecognized references to Legia in a fifteenth-century motet for Saint John the Evangelist, and to Laetare et lauda on the famed sixteenthcentury reliquary bust of Saint Lambert displayed in civic processions laud the lasting influence of these later bishops’ initiatives. By examining these liturgical and votive developments over some eight centuries, we witness the changing meaning of music and rituals relevant to the city’s genesis, destruction (by the Burgundian army in 1468), and eventual rebirth. In this book, I argue that sacred music was the most pervasive and versatile medium by which the secular clergy of medieval Liège promoted the holy status of their city. We cannot understand the civic meaning of this music, however, without studying the saints’ lives and bishops’ deeds from which it emerged, nor can we grasp how its civic message would have been heard without considering the rituals, spaces, and singers necessary for its performance. Drawing from my extensive study of hagiographic, historical, archival, artistic, and liturgical sources, I uncover the richly varied ways in which liégeois clerics fused music with text, image, and ritual to celebrate the city’s sacred episcopal origins and saintly persona.

Medieval Liège: A “Paradise of Priests” Liège is an exceptional place in which to examine clerical expressions of civic sanctity. Above all, the city of Liège was the clerical, administrative, and

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musical headquarters of a vast diocese within one of the most urbanized regions of medieval Europe.6 Indeed, the extraordinary size and wealth of its clerical population earned Liège international acclaim, from the sixteenth century onward, as a “paradise of priests.”7 In book 3 of the Histoire des martyrs (first published in 1554), French martyrologist Jean Crespin noted that the city of Liège was “proverbially called ‘The Paradise of Priests,’ on account of the rich collegiate churches, monasteries, and convents within its walls.”8 The consistency with which visitors quoted and justified this proverbial designation throughout the early modern era harmonizes with medieval perceptions of the city, most famously by Petrarch.9 Reporting on his travels through the Low Countries, arriving in Liège in June 1333, Petrarch observed in a letter to Cardinal Giovanni Colonna: “I saw other peoples of Flanders and Brabant, wool-workers and weavers. I saw Liège, a place noted for its clergy.”10 (Vidi et ceteros Flandrie Brabantieque populos lanificos atque textores; vidi Leodium, insignem clero locum.)11 These external perceptions are but a faint reminder of the essential role played by bishops and clerics in the city’s early history and development. Founded on the site sanctified by Bishop Lambert’s martyrdom (ca. 700), the cathedral outshone prominent churches of the diocese—notably the former episcopal seats of Tongeren and Maastricht and even the Palatine Chapel in Aachen—as the prime religious and administrative establishment until its destruction during the French Revolution.12 Medieval historians and hagiographers alike attribute the displacement of the episcopal seat to its third and final location, in Liège, to the initiative of Saint Lambert’s immediate successor, Bishop-Saint Hubert.13 Local clergymen would subsequently summon the city’s dual martyrial-episcopal origins to justify and celebrate the city’s preeminence for centuries after its founding. These same clerics rendered the episcopal city a center of scholastic study, the birthplace of liturgical innovations (i.e., the widely observed feasts of Holy Trinity and Corpus Christi), and a fertile training ground for church musicians serving prestigious international institutions such as the papal court and imperial chapel. By the time of the Burgundian attack in 1468, the imposing facade of the cathedral dominating the city center was encircled by scores of other ecclesiastical edifices: the prominent towers distinct to each of the city’s seven collegiate churches, the modest sanctuaries of some twenty-six parishes, more than a dozen smaller chapels serving Beguines and devotional societies, and buildings housing as many as fourteen different monastic communities farther afield.14 Ecclesiastical establishments thus occupied just about every corner of the inhabitable territory within and around the city walls, lending credence to Burgundian lieutenant Guy of Brimeu’s report that, “there were as many Masses said there every day as in Rome.”15 As the city’s wealthiest and most generous patrons of music, the cathedral and collegiate churches supported a vast network of musicians. Past and recent

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introduction 5 archival studies have documented the inner workings of the choral ensemble maintained by each church and the diversity of musical performances—both monophonic and polyphonic—that served the liturgical, penitential, intercessory, fraternal, and ceremonial needs of the clerical community.16 The primacy of the cathedral in the civic landscape and the superiority of its chapter over the clergy of the city and diocese were matched by the size and structure of its performing forces. By the time that Henry of Palude acquired the cantorship (in 1488), this dignitary oversaw performances by twenty-three minor canons, a choirmaster and his two assistants, and at least eight choirboys responsible for the daily chanting of the Mass and Office.17 Just as the mater ecclesia sought to set the standard for liturgical observance throughout the diocese, this same institution served as the model for the establishment of choir schools at its daughter churches. The high concentration of secular clergy thus provided multifarious employment and educational opportunities to local singers, composers, organists, and children with musical promise by recruiting and supporting local talent alongside exceptional individuals who would achieve international renown. With an annual average of sixty choirboys serving these institutions alone, by the early fifteenth century, Liège had become an important center of musical instruction. Thus, the city’s proverbial designation as a “paradise of priests” merits elaboration from a musicological perspective, for late medieval Liège was equally a musical “paradise” for choirboys. These religious landmarks also represented the institutions that distinguished Liège from most other urban centers in the Low Countries. The cathedral served as the administrative seat of both an extensive diocese and a politically independent principality resistant to Burgundian domination. This circumstance alone placed Liège at odds with cities such as Bruges and Brussels whose ecclesiastical institutions profited from the patronage of their Burgundian sovereigns.18 Lacking an exclusively secular court, Liège was ruled by a bishop, serving as prince, who from ca. 1000 onward increasingly enhanced his spiritual and administrative oversight with military and territorial control.19 The bishop-prince’s judiciary authority gained concrete representation in the form of a stone column topped by a cross, called the “perron,” soaring from the center of the principal marketplace. In the later Middle Ages, this monument would become the quintessential emblem of liégeois liberty.20 From a commercial standpoint, medieval Liège could not rival the major trade centers of Bruges, Ghent, Antwerp, and Brussels.21 Clerical wealth nonetheless directly benefited the local populace, to the extent that it could be claimed that the local economy depended largely on the financial support of the clergy.22 Indeed, chronicler James of Hemricourt (1333–1403) observed, “We live, for the most part, from [the clergy’s] wheat and great possessions . . . by which the common people are amply sustained.”23 Hemricourt’s remarks suggest that the clergy of Liège represented more than a spiritual force—churchmen guaranteed, in large measure, the city’s economic sustenance. When indeed

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the city’s survival was severely at risk, following the Burgundian attack of 1468, it was the clergy who, having been spared from the fires that destroyed two-thirds of the urban terrain, assured its revival. The statesman and chronicler Philippe de Commynes (ca. 1447–1511), accompanying Duke Charles the Bold on his campaign against Liège, claimed in book 2 of his Mémoires, “All the churches were saved, with a few exceptions, as well as more than three hundred houses belonging to the ecclesiastics. This is the reason why the city was repopulated so soon, for many people came there to take refuge with the priests.”24 (Mais toutes les eglises furent sauvees, ou peu s’en faillit, et plus de trois cens maisons pour loger les gens d’eglise. Et cela a esté cause que si toust elle a esté repeuplee, car grand peuple vint demourer avecques ces prestres.)25 Even from the perspective of the city’s opponents, the clergy were not only essential to civic reconstruction, but indeed represented the perceived cause of the city’s rapid recovery. Existing scholarship on medieval Liège has illuminated distinctive aspects of the city’s political and cultural history. From the historical and political perspectives, Liège represents one of the most contested, yet fiercely independent, territories of the Carolingian heartland. Indeed the city and diocese was plagued perpetually by political turbulence resulting from the competing interests of the dominant powers of its French, Germanic, and Burgundian neighbors.26 For theologians and liturgists alike, Liège is best known for innovations credited to specific individuals. To Bishop Stephen we owe the universally observed offices of Holy Trinity and the Invention of Saint Stephen.27 The enigmatic twelfth-century preacher Lambert le Bègue, moreover, was long thought to be the founder of the Beguine movement.28 And perhaps most famously, the holy women Juliana of Cornillon and Eve of Saint Martin have drawn widespread recognition for their essential roles in the founding and promotion of the feast of Corpus Christi.29 Among musicologists, Liège has acquired a more modest reputation, due to the scarcity of notated musical sources resulting from the city’s destruction by the Burgundians.30 Indeed, Liège has garnered more attention for the talented composers, such as Johannes Ciconia, who left the city to pursue lucrative careers elsewhere than for the numerous musicians who remained.31 Fundamental questions that have yet to be addressed concern the strongly civic orientation of the male secular clergy. How did local clerics themselves perceive their city? By what means and for whom did they articulate these views? And in what way might religious observance—the activity fundamental to the clerical vocation—enact, voice, and promote a civic ideal?

Civic Sanctity It has long been recognized that local saints played a central role in shaping an identity distinct to each medieval community.32 Associations of saint with

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introduction 7 city proved exceptionally strong in urban centers such as Liège that marked the site of a martyr’s passion.33 The widespread belief that this locus sanctus, purified by the spilling of the martyr’s blood, would benefit its inhabitants and visitors is at the root of the localization of martyrs’ cults and the practice of pilgrimage. Yet the mere presence of a martyr’s body alone could not satisfy the expectations of the faithful praying at the holy site, nor could it guarantee the civic ideals of peace and prosperity. Scholarship on the localization of Christian practice repeatedly stresses the importance of ritual in the sanctification of place.34 In one such study, Sabine MacCormack prioritizes the transformative powers of the living over those of the dead by asserting, “If in Christian eyes holiness was not inherent in a place, it could nonetheless be achieved by Christian ritual and by regular worship.”35 Indeed, MacCormack’s emphasis on the role of human action gains support from the thirteenth-century canonistic adage, “Place does not sanctify man, but man sanctifies place” (Locus non sanctificat hominem, sed homo locum).36 Ritual, as a “process for marking interest,”37 focused attention on a specific locale, which could be differentiated and subsequently sacralized by these communal activities. The act of veneration thus played an equal, if not greater, role than the relics themselves in the founding and growth of holy sites. If indeed devotion was so crucial to the promotion of place, how might the liturgical commemoration of local bishops and martyrs in turn come to celebrate the city and its making? Just as the sanctification of place was a dynamic process, the medieval liturgy itself was not a static tradition, but rather an ever-changing discursive medium conducive to the expression and enactment of cultural, and especially local, values.38 Local rites were tailored and modified to voice ideologies and identities specific to individual places and institutions at precise historical moments.39 Given the ubiquity of religious observance in medieval urban—and especially clerical—life, the local rite provided a familiar platform from which to voice civic ideals. The communicative force of these beliefs was enhanced through the varied media of liturgical performance. By analyzing the rhetoric and symbolism of the chants specific to each civic rite from the perspective of local ideologies and discourse, we can thus gain greater insight into the representation and validation of place, community, and civic worth.

Methodological Overview The civic elements of the liégeois rite were shaped largely by ideas formulated through the textual medium of hagiographic legend. Scholarship on hagiography and sainthood has repeatedly stressed the communal and communicative aspects of this seemingly conventionalized, yet equally versatile, genre.40 If the explicit goal of hagiographic writing was to justify the saintliness of an exemplary individual, the implicit motivation concerned broader notions of

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8

introduction

communal identity and independence.41 Through the invention and retelling of saints’ lives, hagiographers highlighted the inherent value of the holy individual for a specific community, thereby mapping collective ideals onto individualized attributes. Just as communal values fluctuated in response to changing social conditions and historical circumstance, so saints’ lives periodically underwent revision in line with contemporaneous mentalities.42 For this reason, the evolving hagiographic profiles of a particular saint expose the dynamics—the malleable meaning—of local, and especially civic, ideals. As we shall soon see, music enhanced the versatility of these ideals through the varied contexts of its performance. Chapters 1, 2, and 3 examine the enduring expression of hagiographic and episcopal ideals in the liturgy of the city’s founding bishops, Saints Theodard, Lambert, and Hubert. The textual rhetoric and musical structure of the chants proper to these feasts jointly deliver a forceful message. Inspired by the style and topoi of diverse nonmusical genres, such as the saint’s life, episcopal gesta, and civic ode, the liturgy for these saints promotes explicitly, and persuasively, the civic prestige of the liégeois community. Hagiographers and singers alike were, first and foremost, clerics. It was in this latter role that they shaped the complex dynamics of interinstitutional collaboration and competition characteristic of the medieval city—a phenomenon of increasing interest to both historians and musicologists. Just as historians have sought to identify and interpret the political interests and propaganda championed by clerical factions, such as the networks to which Sigebert of Gembloux and Canon Nicholas belonged, so too musicologists studying urban centers increasingly emphasize the interactive, spatial, and specifically interinstitutional aspects of musical patronage and performance.43 The variety of institutions sponsoring music within a given city increased and encouraged the mobility of local musicians, who frequently participated in collaborative ceremonies and processions that highlighted the physical layout of church and city. These same musicians were active agents in the dissemination of liturgical traditions and other musical practices between the various churches and organizations they served, thereby contributing to the musical “homogenization” distinct to each locale.44 Yet, how might music itself voice and celebrate these interinstitutional affiliations? And how could a musical composition resonating within the civic soundscape in turn interpret the underlying symbolism of the civic topography? We find a concrete, and unstudied, musical example of these interclerical and topographic forms of civic representation in polyphonic music by the liégeois priest and musician Johannes Brassart (ca. 1400–1455). Like many of his contemporaries, Brassart mastered the musical customs of multiple churches to fulfill his varied duties while resident in the city. Yet through his liégeois affiliations, Brassart became equally familiar with a clerical interpretation of the civic landscape—attested by his motet Fortis cum quevis actio for Saint John the Evangelist.

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introduction 9 As argued in chapter 4, Brassart drew inspiration from the ongoing commemoration of the city’s “second” episcopal founder, Bishop Notger, to infuse his polyphonic tribute to a universally venerated saint with local, and specifically topographical, symbolism and significance. Through analysis of the broader clerical context for Brassart’s motet, we can better understand how local votive practices, interinstitutional alliances, and conceptions of the civic space might converge in the composition and performance of sacred polyphony. The clergy’s efforts to preserve and revitalize the civic space peaked in the wake of the Burgundian attack of 1468, shortly after Brassart gave musical voice to an idealized clerical image of the civic landscape. The destruction of Liège represents at once a time of change and continuity, affecting the city’s subsequent history and geographic reconfiguration as well as the representation and revival of local ideals.45 Not surprisingly, the secular clergy played a key role in the city’s physical and symbolic rebirth. By financing urban reconstruction, they created a tangible link between the city’s initial development and subsequent renovation. Yet the impetus for the imagery and liturgical commemoration of this civic revival, through the veneration of Saint Lambert’s relics, sprang from an unexpected source—the city’s Burgundian destroyers.46 Chapter 5 addresses, therefore, the dichotomies of exterior and interior, continuity and change, and real and ideal at play in the late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century revitalization of Saint Lambert’s corporal cult. By examining the communal, spatial, and sonic aspects of the processional display of Lambert’s skull in 1489, 1512, and 1526 (instituted by Bishop Erard de la Marck), we witness the process by which clerics summoned the remains of a long-dead episcopal martyr to restore local faith in the city’s past merits, present resilience, and future vitality.47 As the foregoing methodological discussion might suggest, my goals in this book are twofold. On the most immediate level, I aim to enhance the current view of the liturgy and civic idealization of medieval Liège from the perspective of the male secular clergy. The language and ideas common to chant and the hagioepiscopal literature that inspired it at once situates this largely unstudied repertory in a specific time and place and illuminates the precise means by which the local rite might further clerical interests and perceptions of the city. Examining these varied expressions of civic identity, as voiced by the liégeois clergy, likewise broadens our understanding of the concept of civic in medieval society at large. On this more abstract level, we can begin to consider as “civic” a fuller spectrum of ideas, both secular and sacred, that reflect and celebrate the diversity characteristic of every civic community.48 Detailed analysis of a wide variety of sources (textual, musical, artistic) within the spatial dimension of the civic topography sheds new light on the shared dynamism of multiple media. We can thus better appreciate the varied and fluid means by which clerics

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10 introduction articulated and experienced the ever-changing perceptions of a civic ideal. When we examine hagiographic and historical texts, ritual practice, and musical performance as dynamic processes rather than static representations, we unlock the communicative potential of these malleable forms of expression. By scrutinizing and interpreting these texts and melodies, and above all by listening to their message, we may begin to comprehend how the clergy themselves rendered Liège a priestly paradise.

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Chapter One

Martyred Bishops and Civic Origins Promoting the Clerical City In his Acts of the Bishops of Liège (published in 1612), local historian John of Chapeaville attributed the city’s status and peaceful state to the spilled blood of its martyred bishop, Saint Lambert: We will never give sufficient honor to the martyr, our patron, who in this place, in Liège, formerly a humble and unknown village, spilled his blood for truth and justice. . . . He attracted such blessing and such celebrity that this small settlement (vicus), better suited to shelter wild beasts than men, soon became a city (urbs) comparable to the most important [cities] of all the neighboring provinces. By his favor and his patronage, it is here that we live—at present more than we deserve to—in peace and tranquility, while everywhere else other cities face trouble. And above all we rest in faith and the catholic religion, which he implanted here while living and dying.1

That Chapeaville identified Saint Lambert as the source of current civic stability testifies to the enduring connection between saintly and civic ideals. Indeed, the association of civic promotion with the act of martyrdom was, by Chapeaville’s time, an ancient idea—one that originated in Early Christian thought and had circulated in local episcopal, hagiographic, and liturgical texts for centuries. Its emergence at a precise moment in liégeois history, however, was singularly essential for the nascent civic identity of this clerical hub. Two interrelated concepts lie at the heart of Chapeaville’s idyllic description of the city’s founding and favorable condition: the martyr’s patronage ensures civic protection and, more significantly, it stimulates civic growth. Like the major pilgrimage sites of Santiago de Compostela and Canterbury, it was the lure of the martyr’s holiness and fame that transformed a humble village into a preeminent city. This idea is universal and circulated in earlier Christian literature through the varied genres of homily, encomium, and votive poetry. Long before Liège was founded, Bishop Avitus of Vienne (ca. 490–ca. 518) emphasized this dynamic and transformational aspect of saintly oversight in

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12 chapter one his dedication homily for the restoration of the baptistery in his episcopal city, observing, “Towns are glorified no less by their churches than by their spiritual patrons, or rather cities have been created out of towns by such patronage.”2 Acquiring the relics of the sanctified patron thus came to define the transition from town (oppidum) to city (urbs).3 Yet it was the relics of a martyr, more than those of other classes of saints (such as confessors), that proved most beneficial to an urban community. A martyr’s passion and triumph over death, in imitation of Christ, rendered their corporal remains an exceptionally effective and perhaps even militant agent of civic protection. As Saint John Chrysostom (347–407) claims in his encomium on Egyptian martyrs, “for the bodies of these saints fortify our city more securely than any wall that is . . . impregnable. Indeed, just like some towering rocks that thrust forward on all sides, they don’t just beat back the attacks of those perceptible and visible enemies, but also the machinations of the invisible demons.”4 By guarding the city against both physical and spiritual attacks, martyrs wielded considerable protective powers. Saint John went so far as to propose that these stalwart protectors could even stand up to God Himself, stating, “[for] when He rages on account of our sin, these bodies may be set forth to shield us and will quickly make Him merciful toward the city.”5 Similarly, if a martyr’s body represented spiritual armor against external threats, their blood guaranteed internal welfare by consecrating the civic soil. The influential poet Prudentius (348–after 405) marvels at the many honors bestowed by the spilled blood of the martyrs Emeterius and Chelidonius on his native Calahorra: This spot has seemed to God worthy to keep their bones, pure enough to be host to their blessed bodies. It drank in the warm stream when it was wetted by the slaughter of the twain, and now its people throng to visit the ground that was coloured with their holy blood, making petitions with voice and heart and gifts.  .  .  . No man here in making his requests has offered sincerely prayer on prayer in vain; from here the petitioner returns happy, with his tears dried, and conscious that all his righteous requests have been granted.  .  .  . This blessing the Saviour himself bestowed for our advantage when He consecrated the martyrs’ bodies in our town, where now they protect the folk who dwell by Ebro’s waters.6

In vivid terms, Prudentius illustrates how God and his witnesses might favor the community present at the martyrdom site. Only on the ground purified by the martyrs’ blood and blessed by their bodies were suppliants guaranteed a spiritual reward and the inhabitants lasting protection. The clergy of Liège, like Prudentius, recognized the special benefits of the martyr’s blood for their own church and city. Canon Anselm (d. 1056) depicts the local significance of Saint Lambert’s passion in his prayer to “the illustrious martyr of Christ” (martir Christi inclite), concluding his

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mid-eleventh-century account of Lambert’s episcopate in the Gesta pontificum Trajectensium et Leodiensium, proclaiming: “Wetting the ancestors’ hearts with the evangelic font, you at once irrigated the land with [your] precious blood. . . . Over your blood, pastor, you founded this church” (Tu fonte euangelico maiorum rigans pectora, terram simul precioso irrigasti sanguine. . . . Per tuum quo hanc aecclesiam fundasti, pastor, sanguinem).7 Having equated the nourishing effects of Lambert’s blood “watering” the land with the font by which Lambert baptized its inhabitants, Anselm links the bishop’s martyrdom to the founding of his own church. Similarly, the holy inception of the city itself might be credited to the spilling of Lambert’s blood, as expressed in the Life of Bishop Notger (Vita Notgeri), written in the 1140s and attributed to Dean Reimbald of Dongelberg. In documenting Bishop Notger’s renovations to the cathedral, this author commented on the saint’s physical connection to the site by invoking the patron and martyr who “consecrated in his blood the locus of our city to the divine cult.”8 While this twelfth-century vita equates Lambert’s blood with civic sanctification, by the fifteenth century, the martyr’s blood could also be linked to civic flourishing, as expressed in an anonymous ode: “Holy Liège, fecundated by the blood of your patron, you are the elect of God: your clergy are like a bright flower; your people have a lion’s heart. Mountains and woods, springs, fresh air, fertile fields, rivers, meadows, vineyards in abundance, coal fire, mines of lead and iron, these are your adornments and titles of glory, which render you equal to the greatest cities of the world.”9 In no uncertain terms, Lambert’s blood represents the perceived source of the city’s sacred origins, growth, and lasting vitality. Yet Liège was not only a locus sanctus that had been consecrated by Lambert’s martyrial blood. In the hagiographic literature the acquisition and veneration of the relics of its two martyred bishops rendered this privileged site a full-fledged city. According to local clerics, Saint Lambert had anticipated the future importance of Liège during his own lifetime. Indeed, this bishop’s decision to translate the remains of his martyred predecessor, Saint Theodard, to the chapel adjoining his secondary residence on the banks of the Legia stream—as imagined by hagiographers—foretold the fate to befall this seemingly insignificant hamlet.10 Lambert himself would succumb to martyrdom in this same residence—a site that subsequently witnessed miracles, pilgrimages, and the construction of a new church that would later become the cathedral at the heart of a vibrant episcopal city. The belief that not just one, but two, martyred bishops lay in the church built over the soil consecrated by Lambert’s blood gave the clergy of Liège exceptional license to promote a divinely sanctioned civic identity. Music for Saints Theodard and Lambert sung at the cathedral in the later Middle Ages extolled the city of Liège alongside its saints. Moreover, chants such as the Sequence Urbs Legia for Saint Theodard and the Magnificat Antiphon Laetare et lauda Deum Legia for Saint Lambert gave voice to the synthesis of saintly and

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14 chapter one civic praise expressed in local hagiographic literature. At first glance, these seemingly perfunctory appeals to a locale might be dismissed as mere geographic markers. Analysis of the clerical milieu and literary models from which they originate, however, reveals how hagiographers and singers alike combined widespread and longstanding laudatory, historical, and musical traditions— episcopal gesta and panegyric, civic ode, and liturgical hymn—to praise the city with persuasive force. This chapter examines the local hagiographic and historical traditions at the root of this musical synthesis of saintly and civic ideals. To begin, we witness the transformation of the idealized locus of Liège from a privileged holy site to a preeminent cathedral city by comparing diverse vitae and gesta from the tenth and eleventh centuries that detail the location of the two martyr’s bodies. Not all writers, however, praised Liège specifically as a civic community. As we shall soon discover, only two clerics—namely, Sigebert of Gembloux (in ca. 1070–81) and Canon Nicholas (in 1144–45)—were as adept at articulating a civic ideal as they were at enhancing each bishop’s martyrial image. Subsequently, an analysis of the vivid language of the civic appeals and descriptions embedded in the vitae of Sigebert and Nicholas uncovers the rhetorical techniques and historical models that enabled both writers to match so explicitly the city’s status to that of its martyrs. Further consideration of the political context suggests that these two hagiographers belonged to clerical networks espousing similar agendas, a similarity that may explain their shared goal to embellish the saints’ lives from both the martyrial and civic perspectives. Yet, as a careful reading of lexical and thematic details reveals, Sigebert and Nicholas drew upon different literary models to promote their city. In so doing, these clergymen created varied forms of civic idealization that would gain an enduring voice in the chants of the local liturgy.

Bishop Lambert’s Initiatives: Making Liège a Martyrium in Hagiography and Chant (Tenth–Eleventh Centuries) Theodard and Lambert shared a strong physical and spiritual connection in the cathedral sheltering their relics. Neither of the two martyred bishops, however, was originally buried in this church. It was only through the exhumation and displacement of their remains that Liège became a martyrium, despite the fact that Lambert had perished at this site. Hagiographers recognized the local significance of relic acquisition and the act of their transfer, or translation, by explicitly commenting on the value of each bishop’s remains both for the place of their martyrdom and for that of their burial. Yet how and when did the translation of the two martyrs’ remains become associated with the founding of the city? Only by analyzing successive accounts of the two bishops’ lives can we understand the origins of this connection between city and martyrium.

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Even after death, Lambert was imagined to initiate the translation of his own body from his family’s tomb, in the church of Saint Peter in Maastricht, to the site of his martyrdom. As early as the eighth century, an anonymous hagiographer recounted the miracle of Lambert’s posthumous apparition in the Vita prima, claiming that Saint Lambert had appeared in a vision requesting that his body be returned to Liège.11 When Lambert’s successor, Bishop Hubert, heard of this miracle, he sought the counsel of his senior advisers and ultimately consented to translate the relics back to the place sanctified by Lambert’s passion. Conveyed through the supernatural medium of a dream, Lambert’s wish thus inspired Hubert’s decision and legitimized the establishment of his cult in Liège.12 Indeed, Lambert’s posthumous oversight of his own translation, which rendered Liège a martyrium, would later mimic his living actions. By the tenth century, it was believed that Lambert too had fulfilled his episcopal duty by transferring the relics of his own martyred predecessor to his villa in Liège.13 As specified by Theodard’s hagiographers, Lambert did more than simply acquire his predecessor’s remains—he personally acknowledged the prestige of the martyrdom site. The anonymous tenth-century Acta inedita concludes with a detailed account of the veneration of Theodard’s wonder-making relics in the region surrounding the site of his passion, near the cities of Speyer and Strasbourg, and their subsequent translation to Liège. The displacement of these precious remains, however, is no easy feat. Rather, a series of obstacles thwarted initial attempts at their removal and demonstrated their special powers in the place sanctified by Theodard’s blood. We soon learn that Lambert was not the only bishop drawn to this site. The fame of the martyr’s posthumous miracles first lured the Bishop of Worms. Yet when a violent storm suddenly interrupted the exhumation of Theodard’s body, the bishop was forced to acknowledge that God was not yet willing to deprive this place of its patron.14 By divine intent, the Bishop of Worms thus failed in his quest, essentially guaranteeing that Theodard’s relics remained undisturbed until the arrival of his successor. Even Lambert, however, had to overcome local opposition. It was not until he returned a second time, bearing gifts of silver, that he was received more warmly. On this occasion, Lambert delivers a commanding speech in which he stresses his filial connection to Theodard by begging the local populace to “refuse to deprive sons of their own father” (Nolite, quaeso, filios proprio privare genitore), and recognizes the prestige of the martyrdom site: “Let it suffice for you, that he consecrated your soil with his blood. Here and now give back the lifeless body!” (Sufficiat vobis, quod vestras sanguine terras sacravit. Jam nunc exanime reddite corpus).15 Lambert succeeded at winning local approval for his cause by reminding the inhabitants of the holy status of their land, which had been consecrated by the martyr’s blood—a spiritual privilege rendered tangible by the silver he bore. Having distributed his gifts, Lambert departed amid hymns and praises with Theodard’s relics and translated them to his villa, the exact place soon to be consecrated by his own body.16

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16 chapter one The Acta inedita thus comments explicitly on the power and prestige of the martyr’s relics. References to the bishop of Worms and to the fame of Theodard’s miracles in neighboring cities testify to episcopal competition for these prized possessions, while the sudden violence of the storm signals divine superintendence at the martyrdom site. Yet it is through Lambert’s words and actions that the hagiographer emphasizes the topographical significance of martyrdom. Not even Lambert can deny the prestige of the locus sanctus. Lambert turns this circumstance to his advantage, however, by acknowledging the spiritual and protective benefits guaranteed by the martyr’s spilled blood. Saintly patronage is no longer dependent on the physical presence of the martyr’s body. By recognizing the holiness embedded in the site itself, Lambert thus justifies his own acquisition and displacement of his predecessor’s body. Ultimately, Theodard’s relics will mark another sacred locale, the villa destined to be consecrated by Lambert’s own martyrdom. By the tenth century, Liège was thus upheld as an exceptionally well-endowed martyrium. Not until the next century, however, did the monk Sigebert of Gembloux equate Saint Theodard’s translation with the founding of the city. This civic emphasis, which is notably absent in earlier hagiographic sources, would also circulate musically in chants appended to Saint Theodard’s liturgy. In describing Lambert’s speech by which he sought to win local support for the translation of the relics, Sigebert quotes Lambert as saying “it is absurd for sons to be denied [their] father and for cities to be denied [their] bishop” (dicens absurdum esse patrem filiis et episcopum ciuibus denegari).17 Sigebert’s version of this speech thus enhances the saints’ filial bond, present in the tenth-century vita, with a specifically episcopal and urban connection. The civic significance of Theodard’s relics dominates the concluding description of their translation to Liège: (Lambert) elevated the father’s lovable body, carried it back with hymns and praises, and buried it in the villa publica of Liège with the honor that befits a martyr. Who would not see God’s dispensation in this? Divine providence was at work in Lambert when God preordained that Liège would be adorned with Theodard’s tomb. For because that place had been designated as the site of Lambert’s own passion and because, by means of Lambert, Liège itself would be expanded into a city and honored as an episcopal see, God did not wish Theodard and Lambert to be far separated in burial. Foreseeing that they alone of all the bishops of Tongeren would be equal in the glory of martyrdom, he wished them also to be equal in the grace of merits. Theodard only preceded Lambert (in death) lest Lambert be the first martyr in this church; and Lambert preceded Theodard (in his burial) lest Theodard be the only martyr in this church. [Amabile corpus patris tulit et cum hymnis et laudibus reuexit et in uilla publica Legia tumulauit cum honore qualis decebat martyrem. Quis non uideat hic Dei dispensationem? Operabatur in Lamberto Dei prouidentia, quando preordinauit decorari Legiam tumulo Theodardi. Quia enim

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Lamberto ibi designatus est locus passionis et ipsa Legia per Lambertum in urbem ampliari et episcopalis sedis honore debebat exaltari, noluit Deus longe a se disiungi tumulo quos solos e numero Tungrensium episcoporum sibi equales per martirii gloriam preuidebat equales fore etiam per meritorum gratiam. Preripuit tantummodo Theodardus Lamberto ne primus in hac ecclesia esset martyr, preripuit Lambertus Theodardo ne solus in hac ecclesia foret martyr.]18

From Sigebert’s perspective, Liège acquires the relics of two martyrs by divine intent, for Lambert translates his predecessor’s remains in accordance with God’s will. Lambert’s choice of Liège as the burial site for Theodard’s relics, which he precedes in the burial cortege,19 prophesies his own martyrdom. As the first martyr present in Liège, Theodard’s body symbolizes what Lambert himself will soon become. The augural powers of Theodard’s relics thus amplify the prestige of the site soon to be honored by the presence of two martyrs—the sole prelates of the episcopate of Tongeren to be glorified by this distinction. Just as Theodard’s martyrial cult foreshadows that of Lambert’s, the villa publica transforms into a city (urbs).20 The acquisition of the martyrs’ relics, sanctioned by divine providence, thus constitutes the foundation for urban growth. Sigebert not only embellished the translation of Theodard’s relics with civic significance, he likewise enhanced the tale of Lambert’s own burial request with a tribute to Liège. Sigebert prefaces his account of the martyr’s posthumous miracles in both versions of his Vita Lamberti by claiming that Liège “merited to be made illustrious by the martyrdom of its own patron” since the initial lack of corporal relics had in no way deprived this place of the saint’s miracles.21 In Sigebert’s account, Liège deserves to benefit by Lambert’s martyrdom, despite the fact that it does not yet possess the saint’s relics. Lambert’s subsequent apparition and request that his body be returned to the martyrdom site reinforces Sigebert’s praise for the place worthy of such distinction.22 The translation of Lambert’s relics, as depicted in vitae and chronicles from the mid-eleventh century onward, became analogous to the transfer of the bishop’s seat, thereby rendering Liège the principal city of the diocese. We can credit the invention of this detail to Canon Anselm, who, as we shall observe in chapter 2, likewise influenced later hagiographic accounts of the legendary cause of Lambert’s martyrdom. Anselm specified in the Gesta pontificum Trajectensium et Leodiensium that with Lambert’s bones, Hubert transferred the bishop’s seat, formerly in Maastricht, to Liège.23 Likely inspired by Anselm’s claim, Sigebert could therefore equate the origins of the episcopal city with Lambert’s relics. Certain secular chapters within the diocese, however, resented liégeois preeminence. Hagiographic writing may have served to fuel the rivalry between the mother church and her daughter institutions, especially in the former episcopal center of Maastricht.24 Responding to a commission from the chapter of Saint Servatius in Maastricht, the priest Jocundus would challenge this idea in his Vita et miracula Servatii completed in the 1080s.25 Indeed, Jocundus’s vita

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18 chapter one is a Maastricht-centered history of the life and legends of the fourth-century saint, Servatius, the earliest bishop of the diocese whose activities are recorded in contemporaneous sources. Jocundus went so far as to state that the transfer of the bishop’s seat from Maastricht to Liège resulted from the “counsel of the impious,” apparently voicing local regret over the loss of the cathedra.26 As we shall soon see, such competition between the secular chapters of Maastricht and Liège, represented by their respective titular bishop-saints, would continue to influence hagiographic writing and liturgical customs well after Sigebert’s time. The hagiographic association of martyr worship with place, and even city, found a musical voice in the chants of the liégeois rite. Liturgical texts sung during Saint Theodard’s Office detail Lambert’s efforts to promote the veneration and translation of his predecessor’s body.27 Five antiphons for Lauds echo the tenth-century account of Lambert’s acquisition of the relics by quoting from this vita, as illustrated in the passages highlighted in boldface below: Office of Saint Theodard, Lauds Antiphons28

Acta inedita, 591F–92B

Almi patris exitus ubi ad beati Lamberti

His itaque gestis, rumor stare loco nesciens,

notitiam pervenit, jam tunc primo flore

viresque eundo acquirens, ad beati

vernantem angelicam faciem

Lamberti, ut liquet, postmodum in

lacrymarum calido flumine peroravit.

episcopio subrogati notitiam pervenit; qui almus vir scelus horrendum per suspiria longa revolvens gemitus ex alto ciebat; pulchras genas jam primo flore vernantes oculorum flumine calido per rorabat: & quis a lacrymis temperaretur, qui vultum ange licum tanto mœrore obnubila tum conspiceret.

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Ergo quam primum diu desiderati

Ergo quamprimum se ex more eripiens

magistri praesentiam requirit, sed

diu desiderati Magistri præsentiam

refragante populo quem toto corde

felix feliciter requisivit; quæsitum invenit.

ardebat adipisci non poterat.

Populo refragante, quem toto corde desideravit, minime adipiscens, spem conceptam sibi considerans ademptam, continuo est reversus.

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martyred bishops and civic origins Fratres, inquit, corpus patris nostri

Fratres carissimi & commilitones

Theodardi nolite prohibere;

constantissimi, semper pati quam facere

nolite, quaeso filios a proprio

præstat injuriam. Corpus patris nostri

privare genitore.

Theodardi præsulis. Jam altera repedatione petitum, nolite negare, quem a nobis sospite vita digressum, in confinio vestro rebus humanis constat exemptum. Nolite, quæso, filios proprio privare genitore; cum potius ex præceptis divinis pro ficuum orbatis solatium impendere debeatis.

Ante angelici viri supplicationem

His dictis omnium rigor astantium

flexus est rigor contradicentium

flecti cœpit ad misericordiam;

et collata sententia deprecantem

neque enim ante angelici viri mellifluam

statuunt exaudire.

supplicationem quisquam inflexi bilis quiverat permanere: &, collata sententia, humillime deprecantem statuunt exaudire.

Sanctus itaque Lambertus

Denique omnipotentem Deum, qui sibi

corpus beati martyris

felices tribuerat successus, gratificans,

in villam Legiam invexit

omnibus valefaciens, secum corpus

cum laudibus et hymnis,

beatissimi Martyris cum hymnis &

urbemque suo sanguine sacrandam

& laudibus feliciter avexit. Tum demum

in magistri sancto corpore fundavit.

sui potitus efficientia, in villa quam uno ex latere fluminis unda alluit; ubi idem postea successit episcopus, cincresque proprii corporis ex hac luce migrando consecravit, sancto Dei præsuli Theodardo summo cultu libitinam elegit.

19

These chants recall, in an abbreviated form, the series of events that lead to the translation of Theodard’s relics to Liège: Lambert hears of the miracles surrounding the site of Theodard’s martyrdom (in the first antiphon); he attempts to acquire his predecessor’s relics but is refused by the local

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20 chapter one inhabitants (second antiphon); Lambert addresses the local populace in a speech exhorting them to honor his veneration for his episcopal “father” (third antiphon); and Lambert successfully convinces them to part with the relics (fourth antiphon). The language of the last antiphon in this series merits examination, for it differs significantly from that of the preceding chants. The actual translation of Theodard’s remains to the place soon to be consecrated by Lambert’s own body is the topic of the fifth antiphon Sanctus itaque Lambertus: And thus Saint Lambert brought the body of the blessed martyr into the villa [of] Liège with praises and hymns. And he founded the city, which would be sanctified by his blood, over the sacred body of his master. [Sanctus itaque Lambertus Corpus beati martyris In villam Legiam invexit Cum laudibus et hymnis, Urbemque suo sanguine sacrandam In magistri sancto corpore fundavit.]29

While this chant is clearly inspired by the penultimate paragraph of the tenthcentury Acta inedita, from which it quotes the phrases “corpus beatissimi martyris in villa(m)” and “cum hymnis et laudibus,” the remaining text describes Liège in a manner closer to later vitae. The final lines of the antiphon, unlike the text of the Acta inedita, identify Liège as the city Lambert founded over Theodard’s relics. This explicit prediction of the civic consequences of Lambert’s actions, sanctifying Liège with his blood and building it over his predecessor’s body, parallels Sigebert’s equation of martyr worship with civic origins. As we noted previously in the Vita Theodardi, Sigebert identified Liège as the place “designated as the site of Lambert’s own passion,” which, on account of Lambert, “would be expanded into a city and honored as an episcopal see.”30 Sigebert rearticulated the idea of civic promotion resulting from Lambert’s foresight in his two vitae for Saint Lambert, recounting the same event in a slightly abbreviated passage: “Thus [Lambert] buried the translated body of the saint in the villa publica of Liège, knowing beforehand what God had foreseen: that it would also be specially consecrated by his own blood and name and that, to increase the glory of the martyrs, God was preparing to enlarge it into a city” (Relatum itaque sancti corpus, in villa publica, Legia tumulavit, praesciens, quod eam divinitas, ipsius etiam sanguine et nomine specialiter consecrandam, praevidebat, et ad ampliandam martyrum gloriam parabat in urbem ampliare).31 Once again, the translation of Theodard’s relics anticipates

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the city’s future glory, as the site destined to receive Theodard’s relics and to witness Lambert’s passion. Lexical similarities between these hagiographic and liturgical texts— Sigebert’s three vitae and the antiphon Sanctus itaque Lambertus—highlight a common civic concept. All four accounts describe Liège as a villa or villa publica to which Lambert translates Theodard’s relics, yet Lambert’s martyrdom and the translation of his own body transforms this site into an urbs. These verbal parallels are significant, for not all hagiographers designated Liège specifically as an urbs. Even authors familiar with Sigebert’s vitae, such as Canon Nicholas writing in the mid-twelfth century, chose different vocabulary to detail the promotion of the locale benefiting from Theodard’s corporal presence and Lambert’s guardianship.32 The language of the Lauds antiphon Sanctus itaque Lambertus thus recalls most directly the civic image of Liège introduced by Sigebert. Like Sigebert’s vitae, the antiphon establishes a close relationship between Lambert’s actions, Theodard’s body, and the city’s early history—portraying the urban development of Liège as the direct result of Saint Lambert’s actions. In recounting the translations of the city’s two martyred bishops, hagiographers betray their perception of Liège as a privileged locale. Lambert’s speeches give a saintly, albeit imaginary, voice to this idea, which in turn became truly audible among the clergy chanting the Divine Office. Yet by the late eleventh century, the discourse of place had acquired a distinctly civic tenor, as Sigebert of Gembloux infused the corporal translations of Theodard and Lambert with laudatory rhetoric of a decidedly civic nature. It is through the vitae of Sigebert, therefore, that Liège emerges as an exceptional city.

Civic Rhetoric in the Vitae of Sigebert of Gembloux (ca. 1065–81) Sigebert’s civic acclamations testify to an outspoken attempt, on the part of the cathedral clergy, to venerate the preeminence of their episcopal city alongside its martyrs. Yet what inspired a Benedictine monk who apparently never resided in Liège to promote this urban community, and how, specifically, did he praise it? By analyzing the language of Sigebert’s vitae for Theodard and Lambert in conjunction with the documented activities of this author and texts with which he was familiar, we gain insight into the literary and clerical context for this unprecedented civic emphasis. As we shall observe presently, Sigebert did more than simply laud the city; he articulated this praise with the persuasive force of civic rhetoric. The style of Sigebert’s acclamations resembles the language of civic odes and literature conceived to express civic preeminence. This lexical similarity may be understood by considering the hagiographer’s prior activities and writings. Having completed his education under the supervision of Abbot Olbert

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22 chapter one at the Benedictine Abbey of Gembloux, recognized at the time as one of the principal intellectual centers of the diocese, Sigebert accepted the position of scholaster at the episcopal Abbey of Saint Vincent in Metz.33 One of the earliest of Sigebert’s diverse writings is an ode to this city appended to his vita (written between 1065 and 1070) for Saint Theoderic, bishop of Metz (965–84) and founder of Saint Vincent.34 Sigebert penned his Messine ode as a parting tribute to the city in which he had resided for fifteen to twenty years (ca. 1047/51–ca. 1065/70), just prior to his return to the Abbey of Gembloux.35 Once resettled in the diocese of Liège, Sigebert wrote, in addition to his betterknown historical and polemical tracts, a series of hagiographic and liturgical texts for saints of local significance—namely, the Passio sanctorum Thebeorum (ca. 1072–73, commemorating Saint Exupère, standard-bearer for the Thebian Legion and patron of Gembloux), vitae and lessons for the offices of Saint Guibert (founder of Gembloux) and Saint Malo (whose relics were venerated at Gembloux), his vita for Saint Theodard (ca. 1070–81), and finally two vitae for Saint Lambert (probably completed by 1081).36 By the time of his death on October 5, 1112,37 Sigebert had authored some twenty-five works, several of which combined civic, hagiographic, and liturgical themes. That Sigebert completed his Messine ode prior to his vitae for Theodard and Lambert increases the likelihood that his mastery of the laudatory rhetoric and civic topoi characteristic of this genre influenced the language of his later hagiographic texts. Sigebert prefaces his Messine ode, a lengthy poem in Leonine hexameter, with a prologue in prose. In this section, he distinguishes between all civic communities, which can rejoice for the benefits guaranteed by their holy intercessors, and those that witnessed the triumphs of martyrs. Sigebert describes the sacred sounds emanating from the ground adorned by the martyr’s spilled blood, a place from which “the [martyr’s] voice still calls to God.”38 Yet he also recognizes the importance of relic possession, by which cities devoid of a martyr’s blood may experience the benefits of the martyr’s body. It is for this reason that Metz, lacking martyrs native to this locale, can nevertheless be glorified by the numerous relics that it has acquired through the efforts of Bishop Theoderic: “Rejoice therefore, fortunate city of Metz! Think again and again what you owe to that great man [I mean Theoderic] through whose pious zeal you received the relics of so many saints—in addition to the patronage of your native saints and the abundance of your natural fertility, in which you are uniquely rich. Augmented by Theoderic, you exalted your head among other cities.” (Proinde laetare fausta Mediomatricorum civitas! Etiam atque etiam meditare, quid tali viro, Deodericum dico, debeas, cujus pio studio tot sanctorum, praeter indigenarum patrocinia, suscepisti reliquias, et praeter nativae ubertatis, qua singulariter affluis, copias; ab eo augmentata, caput extulisti inter urbes alias.)39 This sacred endowment increases local pride and enhances the city’s stature among other urban centers. Sigebert names these “daughter” cities, including Liège, at the conclusion of the ensuing poem, in the following hexameters:

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The neighboring cities cede to you the honor of mother, Worms, Toul, Verdun, Liège, Reims, Trier, and the mother lovingly rejoices to rise in rank. [Urbes vicinae tibi cedunt matris honore, Vangiones, Leuci, Virdunum, Leggia, Remi, Treveris et mater assurgere gaudet amanter.]40

Through these passages in the Messine ode, Sigebert emphasizes the connection between martyrdom, relic possession, and civic preeminence roughly a decade before he wrote his vitae for Theodard and Lambert. Sigebert’s tributes to Liège and its martyrs must therefore be understood as a rearticulation of ideas he had first explored in Metz.

Civic Odes Sigebert was demonstrably familiar with the longstanding and widespread tradition, found in laudatory literature from Antiquity, of associating local heroes with place. Celebratory oratory, classified by Aristotle as the third species of rhetoric, encompassed the genres of praise, encomium, panegyric, and epideictic that sought to honor individuals—and later cities.41 Quintilian made the association of person and place explicit by commenting, “Cities are praised in a similar way to men. The founder takes the place of the parent, and age lends authority, for example to those who are said to be ‘sprung from the earth’; virtues and vices in actions are the same as they are in individuals. What is special to this subject derives from the position and fortification of the site.”42 While both heroes and cities could be lauded for their individual virtues, it was in the topic of origins that person and place enjoyed a reciprocal association: personal encomia typically referenced the honoree’s birthplace, while cities were to be praised for their founders. A third-century treatise attributed to Menander Rhetor emphasizes parallels in the praise of person and place by noting that epideictic or encomiastic speeches address divine subjects in hymns, and mortal objects through tributes to places or living creatures.43 Two types of hymns were to include specific references to locus: cletic hymns alluded to the places from which the gods were summoned, while apopemptic hymns featured topographical descriptions of the country, city, or nation toward which the god was directed.44 Cities themselves were to be praised for their geographic position and relationship to neighboring cities as well as for their origins, actions, and accomplishments.45 Tributes to a city’s origins might include founders and settlers, while a city’s accomplishments were to be assessed according to virtues, such as piety toward the gods. Such virtues were evident both through the blessings and honors bestowed by the gods upon the city and the “god-loving” acts of private devotion and public ritual.46

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24 chapter one As codified by Menander, encomiastic literature encouraged a fluid interplay between the praise of place and hero, either mortal or divine. Classical rhetoricians and poets inspired numerous medieval panegyrists and encomiasts who applied ancient epideictic techniques to a Christian context. Early Christian orators trained in classical rhetoric—such as Saint John Chrysostom, a pupil of the rhetor Libanius of Antioch—adapted these rhetorical strategies and literary forms to the service of the church, thereby infusing their panegyrics to martyrs with laudatory topoi.47 Late Antique poets, notably the celebrated “transitional” figures Prudentius (348–after 405) and Venantius Fortunatus (ca. 540–ca. 600), likewise synthesized classical and Christian literary traditions in martyrial and episcopal panegyric that fused praise of saint or bishop with praise of place.48 Prudentius’s pride in the martyrs of his homeland, expressed in the poems of the Peristephanon, is reminiscent of Virgil’s patriotism, notably the laudes Italiae of the Georgics, and may well have been inspired by his familiarity with these classical texts.49 Similarly, the earliest surviving medieval examples of the civic ode, the Versus de Mediolano civitate (739–44) and Versus de Verona (dated 796–806),50 invoke the merits of local saints and relics amid lengthy topographical descriptions and appeals to the civic community. The intersection of local, individual, and divine praise apparent in the rhetorical treatises of Antiquity would therefore remain ever-present in the encomiastic genres of the Middle Ages. Verbal and thematic similarities among episcopal panegyric, liturgical hymn, and civic ode are especially apparent in the invocation of saints and cities common to these laudatory forms. Four well-known poems dating from the fifth to eighth centuries, at least one of which would have been accessible to Sigebert, illustrate the interchangeability of these acclamations. In a tribute to Bishop Vilicus of Metz, for example, Venantius Fortunatus equated the city’s prosperity with the bishop’s merits in the following appeal: “O city, exceedingly well fortified, girt with wall and river,  / you stand to flourish all the more through the merit of your bishop” (Urbs munita nimis, quam cingit murus et amnis, / Pontificis meritis stas valitura magis).51 Fortunatus underscores the symbiosis of episcopal and civic merit by praising Metz in his panegyric to Vilicus. Through this use of laudatory rhetoric, the city itself becomes worthy of the honor bestowed on its bishop. A similar civic appeal characterizes the widely known Carolingian hymn to the Apostles Peter and Paul, Felix per omnes festum mundi, attributed to Paulinus II of Aquileia (d. 802), the seventh stanza of which features the following tribute to Rome: O happy Rome, stained purple with the precious blood of so many princes! You excel all the beauty of the world, not by your own glory, but by the merits of the saints whose throats you cut with bloody swords.

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[O Roma felix, que tantorum principum es purpurata pretioso sanguine! Excellis omnem mundi pulchritudinem non laude tua sed sanctorum meritis, quos cruentatis iugulasti gladiis.]52

These lines summon the city to celebrate the virtues of its many martyrs. Rome itself is dyed the same hue as the precious blood spilled by its apostles—the imperial, or royal, purple. The poet equates the imperial associations of this color, from the city’s pagan past, with the royalty of the “princes” of the Church, Peter and Paul.53 Rome now derives its happiness and excellence not from the military conquests of its emperors but from the spiritual triumph of its martyrs. While no city could outdo Rome in the prestige of its martyrial and apostolic cults, similar appeals to the civic community and its saintly guardians are found in the eighth-century odes to Milan and Verona. Each of these poems features a laudatory stanza equating the city with saintly patronage, as illustrated in these lines from the Versus de Mediolano civitate, O how happy and blessed is the city of Milan, which merited to have so many protective saints, by whose prayers she remains unconquered and fertile. [O quam felix et beata Mediolanum ciuitas, que habere tales sanctos defensores meruit, precibus inuicta quorum permanet et fertilis.]54

This tribute appears to have inspired the following passage in the Versus de Verona,55 O happy are you, Verona, enriched, distinguished, and surrounded by a throng of holy guardians to defend and drive the wicked enemy away from you. [O felicem te Verona ditata et inclita, qualis es circumuallata custodes sanctissimi, qui te denfendet et expugnat ab hoste iniquissimo.]56

The exclamatory appeals of these poems, three of which address the city in the second person, further infuse panegyric, hymn, and ode alike with a fervent local spirit and enthusiasm. Through direct, laudatory language, these poets sought to engage and celebrate a form of civic identity. Regardless of the literary genre, the city’s merit consistently reflects the oversight of its bishops and saints. It is therefore from the perspective of the laudatory topoi and rhetoric of classical and medieval encomium that we can interpret the civic tributes in Sigebert’s vitae for the liégeois martyrs. Two passages illustrate the style and

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26 chapter one intensity of Sigebert’s language. Sigebert echoes acclamations to the cities of Metz, Rome, Milan, and Verona in his Vita sancti Theodardi, which concludes with an explicit tribute to Liège: “O happy Liège! You are adorned by the equal martyrdom of [Theodard and Lambert]; you are assisted by their equal patronage before God. Let us magnify God for the glory of his saints, that by their merits we may obtain the grace of him who lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen.” (O te Legia, felicem! Quorum pari decoraris martyrio, eorum pari ante Deum adiuuaris patrocinio. Nos Deum magnificemus per Sanctorum suorum gloriam, ut Sanctorum meritis illius impetremus gratiam, qui uiuit et regnat in secula seculorum. Amen.)57 Eschewing a more customary prayerlike appeal to the saintly subject of the vita, Sigebert addresses the city directly. The emphasis shifts from saint to city as Sigebert proclaims enthusiastically the joy and prestige bestowed by the two martyrs on the city itself. Sigebert adopts a similar strategy in his two vitae for Saint Lambert, addressing Liège in an even more flattering civic appeal: You have your joy, O Liège! Behold, you have your special patron saint. Hence comes the beginning of your progress. Through him you have been exalted into a city, you have grown from a daughter into a mother. Promoted through him to an episcopal see, you have advanced in all honor. While other cities decline into a kind of feeble old age, you have blossomed through him in a state of flourishing youth. May the holy martyr who has advanced you thus far protect you forever with his suffrages, that you may be esteemed among cities in both name and merit. [Habes, Legia, tuum gaudium; ecce, tenes tuum speciale patrocinium; hinc coepit tui provectus initium; per hunc, in urbem exaltata, proveheris de filia in matrem; per hunc, in episcopalem sedem promota, in omnem profecisti honestatem; aliis urbibus in senium quodammodo vergentibus; tu per hunc effloruisti in pulchrae juventae statum. Protegat te in aevum, suis sanctus martyr suffragiis, qui te ad hoc provexit ut inter urbes, nomine et merito magnificeris.]58

Sigebert thus emphasizes the civic rewards of Saint Lambert’s patronage. The martyr’s protection at once elevates Liège to the status of a city and even the diocesan capital, while his guardianship guarantees the city’s preeminence over other urban communities—Liège “blossoms” while others “decline.” Sigebert thus gives the city of Liège considerable cause for joy. Alongside the prized remains of two martyred bishops, Liège emerges as an honoree in its own right, worthy of direct address and acclamation. All of these laudatory texts summon the city to rejoice for the merits or protection of its saintly guardians. Civic well-being is thus explicitly dependent on saintly patronage. In the Italian poems, saintly oversight assures physical resistance to external threats, while it assumes a more abstract form in the liégeois texts. The stylistic and thematic similarities of these passages attest, in concrete

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language, to Sigebert’s familiarity with laudatory rhetoric.59 As an author of both the civic ode and saintly vita, Sigebert was in an ideal position to recognize and promote this intersection.

Civic Comparisons In addition to the genre of civic ode, Sigebert was equally inspired by the rhetorical technique of comparison (amplificatio), likewise found in diverse literary forms. As defined by Aristotle in Rhetoric, one of the surest methods of praise is the amplification of the subject’s deeds or merits through comparison to those of others: “Amplification .  .  .  , with good reason, falls among forms of praise; for it aims to show superiority, and superiority is one of the forms of the honorable. Thus, even if there is no comparison with the famous, one should compare [the person praised] with the many, since superiority [even over them] seems to denote excellence.”60 Comparison constitutes an essential component of laudatory rhetoric since, in this context, it could be used to flatter the honoree by demonstrating equality with a worthy counterpart or superiority over numerous lesser ones.61 An explicit reference to this rhetorical strategy survives in an eighth-century copy of the anonymous treatise, De laudibus urbium, which prescribes among the topoi for civic encomia glory among neighboring cities.62 We can thus interpret Sigebert’s articulation of Messine and liégeois preeminence from this broader rhetorical and transgeneric perspective. Indeed, Sigebert’s claim that Metz had “exalted [its] head among other cities” on account of the relics acquired by Bishop Theoderic is reminiscent of Fortunatus’s panegyric to Bishop Leontius of Bordeaux (Carmen 1.15), in which both bishop and city enjoy supremacy due to episcopal generosity: “As [Bordeaux] has raised its head above all other cities, so you surpass other bishops in the status of your office.”63 The imagery of both passages is clearly inspired by Virgil’s reference to the preeminence of Rome, in his first Eclogue, as a city that “has reared her head as high among all other cities as cypresses oft do among the bending osiers.”64 Virgil’s natural analogy of tree-like cities surpassing one another in height acquires a figurative interpretation in the medieval equation of civic preeminence with episcopal initiative. Civic stature might also be expressed through the metaphors of head (caput), queen (regina) and mother (mater). As the prime locus of martyrial veneration centered on the cult of Saint Peter, the princeps apostolorum, Rome enjoyed the prestige of caput urbium, or “chief of all cities.”65 The exalted status of the papal city reflected both the preeminence of its apostolic patron and the sheer quantity of its holy possessions, rendering this privileged place the principal, and exemplary, depository of relics throughout Christendom. Prudentius recognized Rome as a civic model in his fourth Peristephanon, honoring the eighteen martyrs of Saragossa, in which he compares the city’s

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28 chapter one spiritual wealth, measured in relic possession, to that of its Italian paradigm: “In number greater than any other city thou [Caesaraugusta] hast companies of martyrs ready to meet the Lord; thou wilt enjoy great light because thou dost surpass all in the riches of thy devotion. Scarce is the populous mother of the Punic world, scarce Rome herself, set on her throne, worthy to outstrip thee, our glory, in this offering.”66 Comparison to Rome legitimizes Saragossa’s status as a martyrial center. The metaphors of maternal and royal authority, inspired by the principle of amplificatio, provided a forceful image with which to articulate civic preeminence, as evinced by their pervasive use in a variety of civic and hagiographic sources. The eighth stanza of the ode to Milan, for example, portrays the city as both mater and regina to its civic neighbors, proclaiming: “This is the queen of the cities and mother of the patria” (Hec est urbium regina mater adque patrie).67 Here Milan reigns, like the Virgin Mary, over her Italian subjects. Sigebert’s descriptions of Metz and Liège in a position of matriarchal supremacy over neighboring “daughter” cities are thus clearly inspired by a well-established literary convention. These varied expressions of civic preeminence demonstrate the range of Sigebert’s influences, both in the form of concrete literary models—preexisting civic odes and episcopal panegyric—and through the application of broader rhetorical principles characteristic of laudatory literature.

Local Expressions of Civic Pride Sigebert’s demonstrated familiarty with widely cultivated rhetorical techniques does not, however, preclude the possibility that he sought additional inspiration from poetry and panegyric of local origin. The tenth-century lectionary compiled for the chapter of Liège cathedral includes, alongside the well-known vita and Office for Saint Lambert attributed to Bishop Stephen, an obscure poem titled Versus in laude beati Landberti.68 Copied at the head of the section devoted to Saint Lambert, immediately prior to the preface to Bishop Stephen’s Vita et passio beati Landberti, the Versus consists, in its present fragmentary state, of fifty-six lines in Leonine hexameter praising Lambert’s merits and martyrdom.69 Of particular interest is the conclusion, consisting of an acclamatory appeal to Liège: These things are yours, O Liège, especially yours! By these you are enthroned above the stars, you shine above heaven’s heights, And, lifted far above the earth, you are summoned from the pole. O Paradise of God, you have earned this [praise] for yourself alone:

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No place is your equal— unless it be said, this city is your equal. O how sweet the soil, how sweet the earth of your tilled fields! Fashion praise, such worthy praise as befits you; Then you may shout on high and summon aid below: Let them magnify the Lord, by whom all these are yours forever, Who has justly granted you so great an honor for all ages. Amen. [Haec tua, haec tibi sunt, O Ledgia, haec tibimet sunt; His super astra sedes, caeli super ardua splendes. Et procul a terris absens ex asse vocaris. Hanc tibi iam, paradise dei, solam meritasti: Nulla tibi compar, nisi constat haec tibi compar. O quam dulce solum, quam dulcis gleba per arvum! Quas tibi quasque vales dignas tibi fingito laudes; Tum sursum vocites iusumque iuvamina clames, Magnificent dominum quo tecum cuncta per aevum, A quo tantus honos tibi cessit iure per annos! Amen.]70

The poet uses laudatory language to portray this site as an exceptionally privileged place—a “paradise of God” positioned above the heavens. Like the laudes urbium, the poem hails Liège directly and relies on the technique of amplificatio to describe its elevated status, to which no other place compares. These lines were apparently appended to the poem for Saint Lambert as an afterthought, for they are copied in different ink, and therefore at a different stage of writing, than the preceding verses. Careful analysis of scribal details, however, confirms that the entire poem, including this concluding tribute, was penned by the same tenth-century hand.71 The Versus in laude beati Landberti thus testifies to a local tenth-century mentality associating the promotion and preeminence of Liège specifically with Saint Lambert, and may be seen as a poetic precursor to Sigebert’s odes.

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30 chapter one We find a similar expression of liégeois pride in a local prose source much closer to Sigebert’s immediate clerical circle. Canon Anselm’s mid-eleventhcentury Gesta pontificum Trajectensium et Leodiensium concludes with the acclamation “O sweet Liège” (o dulcis Legia).72 In his continuation of the gesta originally begun by Heriger of Lobbes (d. 1007), Anselm adds a thirty-fivechapter account of the life and deeds of his own bishop, Wazo (r. 1042–48).73 Anselm uses a combined matriarchal and matrimonial analogy to describe the close relationship between the bishop and his cathedral on the occasion of Wazo’s episcopal consecration, by which the prelate was transformed “from a good son into the spouse of his mother Church of Liège.”74 Sigebert documents his personal familiarity with this work in the Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (written in 1111–12), naming Anselm “cleric of Liège” as the author of the gesta in which he truthfully recounted the life of Bishop Wazo.75 Two additional passages, hailing a saintly or civic subject, may have been equally inspirational: the “Prayer to Saint Lambert” concluding Anselm’s account of the bishop’s martyrdom (chapter 15), and the final Apostropha ad Lethgiam (chapter 74) appended to his panegyric to Bishop Wazo. Following his account of the bishop’s death, Anselm beseeches his “sweet” city to embrace “the vestiges of ancient religion.”76 After hailing Liège as a “sweet nurse” (o dulcis nutricula), Anselm recalls that it was in its “bosom” that he grew up “among so many learners of true philosophy.”77 He thus acknowledges the renown of the city, and especially its cathedral, as a religious and educational center. As we might recall, it was in this same gesta that Anselm equated the transfer of the bishop’s seat to Liège with the translation of Saint Lambert’s relics. We may thus imagine Sigebert combining the imagery of these preexisting hagiographic and historical tributes to Liège and its founding bishops with his mastery of the genre of laus urbium to infuse his vitae with the rhetoric of civic praise. As we shall soon see in greater detail, similar rhetoric would likewise infuse the musical realm of the liégeois rite. Singers invoked the civic merits of Saint Theodard’s patronage in the opening verse of the Hymn Gaudeat prole Gallia, proclaiming, Let Liège be glad for its father, having been promoted by the merits of the saintly bishop, Theodard. [Laetetur patre Legia Sancti provecta meritis Theodardi antistitis.]78

Similarly, they attributed civic joy to Saint Lambert’s bodily presence in the rhyming Antiphon Laetare et lauda, beginning, “Rejoice and praise God, Liège, / for the presence of your patron Lambert” (Laetare et lauda Deum Legia / De patroni tui Lamberti presentia).79 Such musical acclamations thus illustrate the

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generic versatility of civic rhetoric, which, through the medium of these liturgical texts, infused religious ritual with local pride.

The Clerical Audience for Sigebert’s Saintly Civic Rhetoric Rhetoric, by definition, is a verbal art conceived to persuade. Through the mastery of eloquence, in addition to the rules of composition, rhetors sought above all to influence their audiences. Panegyrists and encomiasts were especially sensitive to the dual demands of audience and honoree, and drew from conventional techniques and topoi to craft messages specific to the occasion.80 More than mere adulation, celebratory oratory sought to convey broader notions of authority, security, and social stability. Classically trained late Antique bishops and their poets may have relied on the persuasive language of rhetoric, and especially acclamation, to assert clerical control over their cities and instill among local inhabitants a sense of communal pride.81 One can interpret the panegyric of Venantius Fortunatus, for example, as an attempt to legitimize episcopal power in Merovingian Gaul through the representation of an idealized civic community. By explicitly celebrating the bishop’s guardianship, Fortunatus implicitly promoted the resulting social cohesion within the bishop’s city.82 Civic encomia embedded within hagiographic literature, such as Sigebert’s acclamations, were largely tailored to a clerical audience. Yet what was the immediate object of Sigebert’s civic rhetoric? And who, specifically, did he seek to persuade? While Sigebert apparently never resided in Liège, he was intimately connected to influential clerics affiliated with the city. Since the episcopate of Notger (r. 972–1008), the Abbey of Gembloux, where Sigebert spent the majority of his life, belonged to the Church of Liège. Emperor Henry IV confirmed this right to Bishop Theoduin in 1070, the approximate date of Sigebert’s return to the abbey.83 Sigebert also cultivated personal ties to the episcopal city, as documented in two sources that at once illuminate Sigebert’s stated reasons for writing the vitae of the liégeois martyrs and name the patron motivating the latter of these hagiographic undertakings. Sigebert’s disciple Godescalc of Gembloux provides firsthand testimony of Sigebert’s renown and reputation in Liège in the Gesta abbatum Gemblacensium, observing that the most venerable, high-ranking, and intelligent men of the city sought Sigebert’s advice and consulted him with their questions. According to Godescalc, the most important of these men was “lord Henry” (Henry of Montaigu, d. 1124), the archdeacon and dean of the cathedral at whose request Sigebert wrote several works listed in his book on illustrious men.84 Indeed, Sigebert names his patron in the Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (also know by the alternate title of Libellus or Catalogus de viris illustribus)

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32 chapter one cataloging his entire output. Yet he credits his initial motivation for both the Vita Theodardi and his Vita prior for Saint Lambert simply to the refinement of literary style, in keeping with the conventions of hagiographic revision.85 Some scholars have speculated that Sigebert conceived his vitae for liturgical performance, probably as substitutes for the lections quoting from tenth-century sources.86 These hagiographic projects might thus coincide with his other liturgical undertakings documented in the Liber de scriptoribus, namely, the revised Vita Maclovi from which he derived proper Office chants (now lost). While the precise motivation for these stylistic revisions remains enigmatic, Sigebert does specify that the second of his two vitae for Saint Lambert, embellished with “ancient” (i.e., biblical) comparisons, was commissioned by Henry of Montaigu—a dignitary of the cathedral for whom Sigebert later wrote four polemical works expressing the position of the Church of Liège vis-à-vis the Gregorian Reform.87 Over the course of his clerical career, Henry of Montaigu held three high-ranking and influential positions, serving as provost of the collegiate church of Saint Paul (from 1078), archdeacon of the cathedral (from 1082), and dean (from 1099).88 Sigebert’s tributes to the liégeois martyrs, especially Lambert, must therefore have been inspired by, or at the very least resonated with, the interests of local clerics, specifically cathedral canons such as Henry who were prominent members of the bishop’s entourage. By the time that Sigebert wrote his vitae of Theodard and Lambert, Liège had grown into a substantial and influential clerical city under the governance of a bishop-prince invested with dual spiritual and temporal powers. The cathedral founded, in Anselm’s terms, over the ground “irrigated” by Lambert’s blood was now surrounded by two Benedictine abbeys and seven collegiate churches. The clerical population affiliated with these institutions was considerable, for by the time of Bishop Wazo’s tenure (1042–48), each collegiate chapter counted thirty canons, with twice that number at the cathedral, generating an estimated total of 270 secular canons resident in the city.89 With the increasing establishment of collegiate churches both in the city and throughout the diocese, numbering by the close of the eleventh century some fifty institutions counting a total of 700–800 canons,90 bishops relied by necessity on seven archdeacons (by 1066) attached to the dignity of provost at the cathedral to act as episcopal agents or vicars. These high-ranking clergymen represented the bishop, supervising clerical discipline and proper administration in the surrounding regions (Ardenne, Brabant, Campine, Condroz, Famenne, Hesbaye, and Hainaut).91 By the final decades of the eleventh century, Sigebert’s claim that Liège had “grown from a daughter into a mother . . . esteemed among cities in both name and merit” may well have been a fitting tribute to a recently enlarged clerical city at the administrative heart of a vast ecclesiastical domain. The episcopal city also found itself at the center of tensions, at times severe, between the bishop and landed aristocracy—precisely the issue triggering

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the martyrdom of both Theodard and Lambert. Invested with temporal powers from the time of Notger’s episcopate, the liégeois prelate gained increasing countal prerogatives on Church lands over the course of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Parts of the diocese were thereby transformed into an episcopal duchy and eventually a principality. Episcopal acquisition of the counties of Huy (in 985), Brugeron (987), Hesbaye (1040), and Hainaut (1071–76), followed by the purchase of the castles of Couvin and Bouillon by Bishop Otbert (in 1096), substantially increased the bishop’s territorial domination.92 As the bishop came to resemble a count, marquis, or duke, he became increasingly concerned with the maintenance of public order and especially peace throughout the diocese. In an effort to quell prevailing insecurities resulting from the growing intensity of the Investiture Controversy and tensions among the local aristocracy, a group of nobles—including, significantly, the brother of Sigebert’s patron (Count Conon of Montaigu)—urged Bishop Henry I of Verdun to issue, in 1081, the Peace of God. By this proclamation, the bishop declared himself protector of the public order throughout the diocese and instituted a ban on the carrying of arms, the lighting of fires, plundering, combat, and other potentially hostile or dangerous activities during fixed periods of the year. This Peace, or Truce, of God would substantially enhance the prelate’s authority over the landed aristocracy of his diocese—in keeping with imperial interests—as well as his personal prestige.93 When we consider that both Bishops Theodard and Lambert were believed to have perished protecting church property from infringement by the local aristocracy (as discussed further in chapter 2), the retelling of these bishop’s lives, and especially their deaths, would have been exceptionally relevant to the ongoing competition between episcopal and aristocratic powers in Liège that characterized the closing decades of the eleventh century. As Mireille Chazan has argued, Sigebert’s vitae for the bishops of Metz (Saint Theoderic) and Liège (Saints Theodard and Lambert) share a similar episcopal profile— that of an “imperial” bishop who, possessing the virtues of a monk, priest, leader, and royal counselor, is equally suited to Church and to kingdom.94 Sigebert completed these vitae just prior to his famed polemical works (commissioned by the same patron as the Vita altera for Saint Lambert, Henry of Montaigu) in which the monk articulated the steadfastly proimperialist and moderate reformist sympathies of the cathedral chapter. Given the political circumstances under which Sigebert produced his hagiographic works, it is not surprising that he portrayed his saintly episcopal subjects from a highly contemporary stance. The episcopal profile common to Sigebert’s Messine and liégeois hagiographic texts resembles that of Bishops Theoduin (1048–75) and Henry I of Verdun (1075–91). The episcopates of both prelates coincide with the probable period during which Sigebert wrote his vitae for the liégeois martyrs, most likely in the decade between 1071 and 1081. Indeed, Theoduin actively

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34 chapter one promoted Saint Lambert’s cult, having witnessed miracles at churches under the saint’s titular protection in Bavaria and others credited both to Lambert and Remaclus, patron of the Abbey of Stavelot.95 In 1071, to protest the appropriation of the monastery of Malmedy by Archbishop Anno II of Cologne, the monks of Stavelot brought the relics of Saint Remaclus to the cathedral in Liège, where the two saints jointly performed a number of miracles.96 As witnessed by Bishop Lietbert of Cambrai, Lambert and Remaclus could be seen murmuring to one another, as if discussing the matter among themselves, in a cloud and ray of brilliant light near Saint Lambert’s tomb in the cathedral crypt. This miracle was recorded in the Triumphus sancti Remacli written soon after this event and referenced by Bishop Theoduin himself in a letter to Bishop Imado of Paderhorn penned in the same year.97 One wonders if these miracles, by which the Bishop of Liège triumphed over the Archbishop of Cologne, who had been forced to renounce his claims to Malmedy, prompted Sigebert to write the first of his vitae Lamberti. In any event, the ongoing power of the saint’s body would have been exceptionally vivid immediately following these events. Just as Sigebert updated the profiles of Saints Theodard and Lambert in line with those of contemporaneous bishops, he enhanced the civic profile in keeping with the city’s newfound preeminence. The depiction of Liège as merely the repository of Theodard’s relics and locus of Lambert’s martyrdom would have been blatantly disharmonious with the recent growth and burgeoning superiority of the episcopal city—by now a veritable city of clerics providing spiritual protection and administrative counsel to an increasingly powerful bishop-prince. By associating the ongoing “progress” and “promotion” of Liège with the deeds and deaths of its martyred bishops, Sigebert may well have sought to legitimize growing clerical and episcopal supremacy throughout the diocese. By praising the city, Sigebert was also praising its most powerful representatives—the exclusive guardians and “descendants” of its founding saints. As the keepers of the episcopal martyrs’ relics and inheritors of their office, the cathedral chapter and bishop stood to benefit the most from the divine protection concentrated in this sacred site. We are now in a position to recognize the multiplicity of political and literary influences motivating Sigebert’s hagiographic lauds to Liège. Sigebert idealized the profiles of martyr and city alike at precisely the moment that the bishop and his clerical entourage sought to exert their entitlement to increased temporal and territorial control of the diocese. Since Liège itself had emerged as the clerical, intellectual, and administrative heart of this vast domain, the nascent local awareness of the previous century, preserved in the Versus in laude beati Landberti, now merited expression in an idealized civic medium—with the laudatory rhetoric that would herald the city’s recent accomplishments. Yet, as we shall observe presently, Sigebert’s rhetoric would leave a lasting mark on the civic cult of the two episcopal martyrs, one that endured long after his

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time, by inspiring both hagiographic revisions and, more importantly, musical and liturgical accretions.

Civic History and Episcopal Lineage in the Vita of Canon Nicholas (1144–45) While Sigebert of Gembloux merits the distinction of the first and most outspoken of the city’s saintly civic panegyrists, Canon Nicholas articulated a similar ideal from an equally individualized perspective. By 1112, Nicholas had emerged as a cathedral canon under Bishop Otbert, in the midst of the Investiture Controversy, and actively served Bishops Albero II and Henry of Leez until 1146, the probable year of his death.98 Rather than echo Sigebert’s rhetoric, Nicholas looked to a different literary model—the gesta episcoporum— as the basis for his civic discourse and hagiographic inventions. Indeed, Canon Nicholas was one of the most creative and influential of Saint Lambert’s hagiographers. Not only did Nicholas embellish the bishop’s life with newly invented tales, but he inspired composers and painters to depict these same legends later on in liturgical music and devotional art. Chants such as the Magnificat Antiphon Laetare et lauda and the Sequence Christi laudem predicemus testify to the combined influence of his hagiographic writings in the musical realm of the local liturgy and in the visual realm of a votive painting. Canon Nicholas’s creativity was surely stimulated by his firsthand experience of the renewed vitality of Saint Lambert’s relics in conjunction with the Battle of Bouillon in 1141—a military expedition that indirectly motivated his revisions and embellishments to the saint’s life. Yet despite the dramatic political changes of the decades separating these vitae, Nicholas wrote for clerics who longed for the lost glories of Sigebert’s era. By comparing the civic discourse of these two hagiographers, we can thus appreciate how the dual impulses of stylistic diversity and historical continuity shaped local expressions of the civic ideal. Canon Nicholas embellished Saint Lambert’s life with an influential tale that substantially altered the place of Lambert’s martyrdom and the early history of this site.99 Having described the geographic location of the hamlet surrounding Lambert’s villa, Canon Nicholas equated the city’s future importance with its legendary origins—a chapel built by Bishop Monulphus and dedicated to the martyrs Cosmas and Damian. Nicholas recounts in vivid detail how Monulphus first perceived the site: As ancient history recounts and as the writings of the Fathers teach, when blessed Monulphus, the twenty-first bishop of Tongeren, had arrived at this place one day with his attendants, he was captivated by the pleasant site and stood rooted to the spot. Touched by a prophetic spirit, he said to those around him, “Behold the place the Lord has chosen for the salvation of

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36 chapter one many of his faithful! One day it will be magnificently illumined by the merits of a servant of his, and it shall be equal to the greatest cities.” At once he commanded that a chapel should be built there, which he dedicated to the Lord in honor of the martyrs, saints Cosmas and Damian. [Hunc locum, sicut narrat antiquitas, & scripta patrum edocent, cum B. Monulphus, vicesimus primus Tungrorum episcopus, quadam die cum suis intrasset, captus situ & amœnitate, substitit, propheticoque spiritu tactus; Eja, inquit astantibus, locus, quem Dominus ad salutem multorum fidelium suorum elegit, & quem per merita cujusdam servi sui postmodum magnifice illustratum summis civitatibus æquabit. Statimque ecclesiolam illic ædificare præcepit, quam in honorem SS. Cosmæ & Damiani martyrum Domino dedicavit.]100

Citing the authority of “ancient” history, Nicholas fabricates an elaborate account of the bishop’s foresight. Through the medium of prophecy, Monulphus anticipates the future civic preeminence of the site chosen by God as a locus of salvation, which will be promoted by Lambert’s merits. Inspired to immediate action by the prophetic spirit, Monulphus consecrates this place by founding a chapel, which he dedicates to Saints Cosmas and Damian. The (fictional) presence of an oratory built on episcopal initiative and dedicated to two martyrs thus anticipates the elevated, and specifically civic, stature of the site soon to witness Lambert’s martyrdom. Nicholas states, I have inserted these remarks about the status and position of Liège so that we may plainly see from what beginnings it grew and, by comparing its former status with the position it now holds, we may rightly glorify God in his martyr Lambert, our patron saint. Through his merits and the presence of his body, this place grew to the size of a city and was raised to the grandeur of an episcopal seat. [Hæc idcirco de statu & habitu Legiæ interseruimus, ut liquido sciamus, a quibus augmentum acceperit initiis, & collato hujus & illius temporis statu, merito magnificemus Deum in martyre suo Lamberto, patrono nostro, per cujus merita, per cujus corporis præsentiam, promotus est locus iste in civitatis amplitudinem, & in episcopalis cathedræ sublimitatem.]101

Nicholas thus interrupts the narrative of Lambert’s life to portray the anticipated civic benefits of the saint’s martyrdom as a defining moment along a broader historical continuum. Lambert’s martyrdom and patronage link the early history of this site, associated with martyr-worship from the era of Monulphus’s episcopate (ca. 600), to its future grandeur. Canon Nicolas was the first of Saint Lambert’s hagiographers to attribute the city’s origins to this fictional chapel—thereby enhancing the locus of Lambert’s martyrdom with preexisting episcopal and martyrial affiliations.

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Nicholas appears to have been inspired by the aforementioned late-eleventhcentury vita of Saint Servatius of Maastricht written by the priest Jocundus, from which he borrowed this and other details.102 Earlier historians, such as Gregory of Tours and Heriger of Lobbes, had credited Monulphus with the construction of a church in Maastricht to house Servatius’s corporal remains, following the transfer of the diocesan capital from its original location in Tongeren.103 Significantly, it was Jocundus who enhanced Monulphus’s church-building initiatives to include, in addition to the church in Maastricht, the founding of a chapel in Liège, which Jocundus designated as the future site of Lambert’s martyrdom.104 By crediting Monulphus, a saint whose cult was exclusive to Maastricht, with the founding of the first church in Liège, Jocundus may well have sought to link the ecclesiastical origins of Liège to the former episcopal center of Maastricht, much as he would portray Servatius as the “father” of all subsequent bishop-saints of the diocese.105 Yet in Canon Nicholas’s Vita Lamberti, Monulphus founds just one church, the chapel in Liège, thereby overlooking this bishop’s initiatives in the promotion of Maastricht and the cult of Servatius.106 Through a highly selective retelling of the legends recorded by Jocundus, Canon Nicholas apparently challenged the primacy of Maastricht in the history of the diocese and its saintly bishops.107 In appropriating Bishop Monulphus of Maastricht for the early history of Liège, where he had been “touched by a prophetical spirit” to recognize the future of this site “equal to the greatest cities,” Nicholas simultaneously displaced the location of the bishop’s church-building endeavors and endowed Liège with a divinely sanctioned episcopal ancestry. As we shall presently observe in our discussion of the liturgical music inspired by Nicholas’s vita, ongoing competition between the clergy of Liège and Maastricht is relevant to the transmission of these chants. More so than previous hagiographers, Nicholas sought to emphasize the importance of saints, and especially bishops, in the early history of the diocese. While Sigebert had referenced five other local saints in his vitae for Saint Lambert, Nicholas increased this number to eleven.108 Lambert’s devotion to Theodard’s relics thus figures along an episcopal lineage and historical continuum, one that can be traced back to Monulphus and will continue with Hubert’s translation of Lambert’s own relics to the church marking his martyrdom. This lineal conception of local history evokes the language and imagery of the gesta episcoporum, by which clerics traced episcopal successions—precisely the literary model for Nicholas’s entire vita.109 Nicholas’s interest in the genre of the gesta episcoporum, and especially the issue of episcopal lineage, likely catered to the concerns of this canon’s immediate clerical circle. A figure central to the context and ideology of Nicholas’s vita is the influential canon and future bishop Henry of Leez.110 During the reign of Albero II (r. 1135–45), who is generally remembered as an indecisive and weak bishop, Henry rose to prominence as the leader of a clerical

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38 chapter one faction intent on restoring Liège to its former glory and regaining the lost power of the episcopal seat. In the early decades of the twelfth century, the liégeois episcopate had been weakened by both external and internal conflicts. Externally, the decline in imperial power following the Concordat of Worms (1122) may have gradually diminished the prestige of the liégeois prelate, who had remained loyal to the emperor during the Investiture Controversy.111 Internally, fierce competition for the episcopal office had sparked a full-blown civil war.112 Exasperated by Albero’s reluctance to resolve conflicts within the diocese, Henry implored his bishop to reestablish order and eventually had him summoned to Rome by Pope Eugenius III in 1145. When Albero died on the return journey, Henry was poised, as a leading force in the cathedral chapter, to succeed him on the episcopal throne. As bishop, Henry II of Leez successfully regained the power of Henry I of Verdun and Otbert, both bishops of Sigebert’s era who had endorsed the imperial cause.113 It was at a time of intense local devotion to the symbolic and real powers of the martyred bishop’s relics that Nicholas received a commission for the vita from his fellow canons, the “friends and brothers” (amicis et fratribus) referenced in his prologue.114 Indeed, Nicholas revised Saint Lambert’s life immediately following the symbolic triumph of the saint’s remains at the Battle of Bouillon in 1141—a military expedition in which Henry of Leez participated.115 To reclaim possession of the Castle of Bouillon, a strategically located fortress that had been seized by an ambitious count (Renaud of Bar), Bishop Albero was forced into military action following his failure to enlist papal and imperial assistance in the resolution of this complex affair.116 Scholars have speculated that it was Henry of Leez who initiated the siege,117 and indeed, Henry would play an important role in the “translation” of Saint Lambert’s precious reliquary to a dangerous outpost on the frontier of the diocese. When the bishop’s plot of a surprise attack failed, it was Henry who returned to Liège to convince the cathedral dignitaries to expose Lambert’s relics to the perils of the battlefield, for the militia refused to besiege the castle unless the saint’s remains were brought onsite to bless the enterprise. As a prime source of military inspiration (which we will examine further in chapter 5), Lambert’s relics were central to the success of the campaign. In the eyes of contemporary chroniclers, and especially the clergy, Saint Lambert himself had successfully reconquered lands belonging to the church. Yet Lambert’s triumph also benefited the bishop’s city, as recorded by an anonymous eyewitness in the Triumphus sancti Lamberti. Upon the return of Lambert’s reliquary to Liège, the martyr is perceived to have “crowned” the city with honor, thereby furnishing his “sons” with sweet nourishment, strong defense, and merciful guardianship.118 As a member of the bishop’s entourage and resident of the city honored by Lambert’s recent victory, Canon Nicholas apparently witnessed the liturgical commemoration of Saint Lambert’s military triumph in 1143—at which the feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation gained new military significance—and dedicated his vita

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to another attendee.119 Nicholas’s hagiographic inventions were thus inspired by his firsthand experience of the renewal of Saint Lambert’s cult resulting from the actions of his bishop and clerical circle. Inspired by the literary model of the gesta episcoporum, Canon Nicholas situated Lambert’s life within a lineal history of the diocese that could be imagined to project forward to the events of his contemporaries. If we accept Renaud Adam’s theory that Nicholas’s vita sought to portray bishop-elect Henry of Leez as a worthy descendant of his episcopal ancestors,120 this episcopal lineage might equally generate a civic counterpart. Just as Bishop Monulphus preceded Lambert in establishing a martyrial cult at this site, the oratory of Cosmas and Damian served as an architectural precursor to the modest agglomeration surrounding Lambert’s villa. If Lambert’s actions could be portrayed in relation to those of past bishops and as a model for the present prelate, civic supremacy too could be measured in relation to the origins and growth of the locale: from an ecclesiola dedicated to twin martyrs, to the vicus ignobilis of Lambert’s era, to the summa civitas of the present.121 Writing approximately seventy years after Sigebert, Nicholas revitalized Saint Lambert’s life with new legends and topographical depictions at precisely the time that local clerics sought to restore Liège and the episcopal office to the power and grandeur achieved by Sigebert’s era. Writing on the eve and in the aftermath of the Investiture Controversy, Sigebert and Canon Nicholas responded to pressing concerns for the limits of episcopal power and especially the need to legitimize episcopal supremacy over the local aristocracy. Both hagiographers contemporized the episcopal profiles of their saintly subjects and the civic image of the bishop’s seat. Yet the similarities between the two authors are by no means limited to the textual form of hagiographic legend. Indeed, Sigebert and Nicholas were equally influential in the musical realm of the liturgy.

Voicing the Civic Ideal in the Liturgy for Theodard and Lambert (Later Middle Ages Onward) It is through the largely neglected medium of liturgical performance that the civic sanctification of Liège acquired its most familiar voice. Singers repeatedly acclaimed the city alongside its martyred bishops, intoning words and phrases reminiscent of Sigebert and Canon Nicholas in the musical genres of hymn, sequence, and antiphon. The ongoing, annual performance of these chants well after the twelfth century, moreover, guaranteed the enduring expression of the ideals of civic promotion and preeminence. As we noted earlier in this chapter, the Antiphon Sanctus itaque Lambertus sung at Lauds on the feast of Saint Theodard’s Martyrdom mirrors Sigebert’s rhetoric by celebrating the promotion of Liège from villa to urbs. Just as

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40 chapter one Sigebert had recognized the civic consequences of Lambert’s decision to bury Theodard at the site of his future martyrdom, the singers performing the antiphon equated this event with the founding of the city: “And he [Lambert] founded the city, which would be sanctified by his blood  / over the sacred body of his master” (Urbemque suo sanguine sacrandam / In magistri sancto corpore fundavit).122 Similarly, other chants for Theodard and Lambert prominently acclaim Liège in language reminiscent of the civic ode. Each chant begins by summoning the city, as voiced in these acclamations to Saint Theodard: the Sequence Urbs Legia, Glad city of Liège, rejoice! Praise the laudable man, holy from his childhood, praiseworthy Theodard. [Urbs Legia leta plaude, Lauda virum dignum laude; Sanctum ab infantia; Laudabilem Theodardum.]123

and the First Vespers Hymn Gaudeat prole Gallia, Let Gaul rejoice for its offspring, let Liège be glad for its father, promoted by the merits of the saintly bishop, Theodard. [Gaudeat prole Gallia, Laetetur patre Legia Sancti provecta meritis Theodardi antistitis.]124

Like the laudes urbium penned by Sigebert, these chants address Liège in direct commands, through use of the imperative or hortatory subjunctive moods. The urgency of these musical exhortations thus emphasizes the strength of the bond between saint and city. Evoking a prevalent civic topos, the city in turn rejoices on account of the saint’s patronage. This connection is especially audible in Urbs Legia as a result of the chant’s double-verse structure (see the melody in ex. 2.1). Typical of most sequences, each pair of versicles is sung to the same melody. Thus, the opening exclamation, “Glad city of Liège, rejoice!” is musically identical to the subsequent invocation, “praiseworthy Theodard”—a melodic parallel the singers could not have failed to recognize. In its opening appeal to the city, the Sequence Urbs Legia for Saint Theodard also shares a verbal resemblance to a better-known chant from the Liège diocese. The Sequence Urbs Aquensis sung at the Palatine chapel in

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Aachen on the feast of Saint Charlemagne (canonized in 1165) begins with a similar civic summons: City of Aachen, royal city, principal seat of the kingdom first court of kings: sing to the King of kings the praises with which you celebrate the presence of king Charlemagne. [Urbs Aquensis, urbs regalis, Regni sedes principalis, Prima regum curia, Regi regum pange laudes, Quae de magni regis gaudes Karoli praesentia.]125

The vocative acclamation to the city in these lines constitutes an Aquensian counterpart to the liégeois tribute. Interestingly, the Aquensian sequence would accrue additional civic significance well after the time of its initial composition. Indeed, by the late thirteenth century, Urbs Aquensis appears to have resembled more closely a civic anthem than a saintly sequence with the inscription of the opening three lines of this chant on the facade of Aachen’s first city hall.126 Such use of a local chant to express, in durable form, a civic ideal evinces the communicative potential of liturgical music well beyond the realm of its immediate conception. Yet the liégeois chants are more than civic acclamations. Among the liturgical repertory invoking Liège in the company of its martyred bishops, the littlestudied Antiphon Laetare et lauda voices most powerfully the notion of civic merit. Framing the Magnificat at Second Vespers on the feasts of Lambert’s Martyrdom and Translation, the antiphon asserts that Liège was indeed worthy of its distinguished saintly heritage: 1. Rejoice and praise God, Liège, 2. for the presence of your patron Lambert! 3. By whose blood [you merited] to be sanctified, 4. by whose body you merited to be enriched. 5. O lover of chastity, 6. O defender of truth, 7. Christ’s martyr and priest, Lambert, 8. intercede with God for us. [1. Laetare et lauda Deum Legia, 2. De patroni tui Lamberti presentia,

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42 chapter one 3. Cujus sanguine consecrari, 4. Cujus corpore ditari meruisti. 5. O amator castitatis, 6. O defensor veritatis, 7. Christi martyr et sacerdos Lamberte 8. Pro nobis apud Deum intercede.]127

Following the opening call to the city’s feminine persona, Legia, to rejoice and thank God for the corporal presence of her celestial patron, this antiphon boldly affirms the city’s worth. Liège can do more than simply rejoice for having been sanctified by Lambert’s blood and body—the city deserves to benefit by his martyrdom. The antiphon thus associates the civic topoi of joy, protection, and merit with the martyr’s patronage. Indeed, Laetare et lauda may be interpreted as a vocal tribute not merely to Saint Lambert but equally to the city worthy of the saint’s protection. The rhyming poetry summons two addressees, Liège and Lambert, in the vocative case at the end of lines 1 and 7, respectively. This explicit association of city with saint is highlighted in the text’s mirror-like structure. The initial hail to Legia (in lines 1–2) and affirmation of her merits (in lines 3–4) is reflected, and actually reversed, in the ensuing tribute to Saint Lambert that begins by evoking the saint’s attributes (in lines 5–6) before calling on him by name to intercede on our behalf. These textual and thematic similarities are underscored by the musical setting. As example 1.1 illustrates, several recurring melodic gestures generate a sense of musical rhyme, which, while not tied to the poetic rhyme, strengthens the bond between the two honorees.128 This musical connection is particularly evident in the return of cadential figures B, C, and D, initially featured in the first section hailing Liège, in the last four phrases summoning Lambert. The return of cadential figure B, for example, musically links the opening appeal to Liège with the closing plea for the intercession of its priestly “defender of truth.” Most revealing is the musical setting of the pivotal transition from Liège to Lambert featured near the midpoint of this chant. The repeated segments marked x and y highlight musically the anaphoric construction of the texts they set, in a manner reminiscent of the double-versicle structure of a sequence. Yet even more striking is the exact repetition of the aurally prominent cadential figure C, which elicits extra attention by extending the melodic range of this chant to a full octave above the modal final. The singing of this phrase to the words “consecrari” and “castitatis” creates a noteworthy parallel between the sanctity of Liège, which has been consecrated by the martyr’s blood, and the chastity of Lambert. From both the textual and musical perspectives, then, Lambert’s image can be seen to reflect that of Liège. Lexical and stylistic details suggest that Laetare et lauda is a liturgical accretion appended to Saint Lambert’s Office after the tenth century.129 This

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Example 1.1. Laetare et lauda Deum Legia (B-Lgc H118/87, fol. 194r; B-Lsc 2, fols. 209v–10r; B-Br 6434, fol. 91r–v)

antiphon differs from its First Vespers counterpart Magna vox (transcribed in chapter 2) and the other chants transmitted in the tenth-century lectionary preserving Bishop Stephen’s Office by the consistency of its rhyme scheme, with a new rhyme for each couplet (aabbccdd).130 Yet it is the antiphon’s language, reminiscent of the vitae by Sigebert and Canon Nicholas, that is most revealing. The initial appeal to Liège echoes Sigebert’s acclamation, “You have your joy, O Liège! Behold, you have your special patron saint” (Habes, Legia, tuum gaudium; ecce, tenes tuum speciale patrocinium),131 while the first four lines in their entirety resemble Canon Nicholas’s assertion, “I have inserted these remarks about the status and position of Liège . . . [so that] we may rightly

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44 chapter one glorify God in his martyr Lambert, our patron saint. Through his merits and the presence of his body, this place grew” (Hæc idcirco de statu & habitu Legiæ interseruimus . . . merito magnificemus Deum in martyre suo Lamberto, patrono nostro, per cujus merita, per cujus corporis præsentiam, promotus est locus iste).132 The closing invocation to Lambert mirrors even more closely Canon Nicholas’s vita, as lines five and six feature expressions unique to this source. Canon Nicholas was apparently the only liégeois hagiographer to describe Lambert in his priestly persona as both a “lover of chastity” (amator castitatis) and “defender of truth” (defensor veritatis) in the following passage: “Then indeed the lover of chastity and defender of truth, Christ’s priest Lambert, inflamed with the greatest fervor of religious duty, roused himself against Pippin” (Tunc vero amator castitatis, & veritatis defensor, Lambertus Christi sacerdos, supremo religionis fervore succensus, erexit se aduersus Pipinum).133 This statement, in which Canon Nicholas exposes Lambert’s resolve to confront King Pippin, a conflict that will ultimately result in Lambert’s murder (as discussed in chapter 2), provides a remarkably close verbal parallel to the fifth, sixth, and seventh lines of the antiphon. The musical style of the antiphon, moreover, resembles that of other Office chants and sequences contemporaneous with Nicholas’s vita. Lines 3–6 exemplify characteristics commonly found in chant from or after the eleventh century, with sequence-like repetition of identical melodic segments (x and y), scalar passages spanning intervals greater than a perfect fourth, melodic focus on the upper octave, and subtonal cadences emphasizing the upper fifth (A–B–B) and modal final (D–E–E).134 The language and style of the antiphon thus prompts us to speculate that Laetare et lauda may not have been introduced into Saint Lambert’s liturgy until the mid-twelfth century or later.135 Regardless of its compositional date, however, Laetare et lauda shares an undeniable verbal correspondence to Canon Nicholas’s vita. At the cathedral, Laetare et lauda enjoyed additional exposure on the Feast of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom through its performance not only during the Office of Vespers, but more prominently in the procession preceding Mass. Rubrics detailing this ritual specify that Laetare et lauda was to be intoned by the cantor, once the procession had reached the middle of the church. Following the completion of the antiphon, the bishop was to respond with the verse “Pray for us, blessed Lambert” (Ora pro nobis beate lamberte).136 It was thus in the visually prominent and accessible space of the nave, in the midst of the assembled faithful, that the cantor summoned the city to rejoice for the martyr, whose presence was punctuated by the bishop’s prayer. Laetare et lauda by no means remained proper to the cathedral rite, but was equally familiar to the clergy of the city’s seven collegiate churches. Indeed, the sole surviving medieval antiphonal from the city of Liège for the church of Holy Cross preserves a fourteenth-century copy of the text and melody (transcribed in ex. 1.1). Additionally, all secular clerics would have heard or performed Laetare et lauda at the communal celebrations of Lambert’s feast and

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at other extraordinary ceremonies (such as the 1489 ostension of the martyr’s relics, discussed in chapter 5) hosted by the cathedral chapter. Indeed, this antiphon may have enjoyed an exceptionally resonant performance by singers from across the city on the annual celebration of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom. As documented in the fourteenth-century Liber officiorum, the full choirs (pleno choro) from the city’s seven collegiate churches were required to attend First and Second Vespers as well as Mass at the cathedral on this and other highranking feasts, with the choirboys (scola or pueri) from five of these churches also present.137 Expense accounts from the collegiate churches of Holy Cross and Saint Denis specify that singers from these churches chanted the responsories.138 Such payments do not preclude the possibility that singers from the remaining institutions also performed the antiphons. Without question, Laetare et lauda would have enjoyed a communal hearing among the city’s secular clergy assembled at the cathedral on this occasion in a collective tribute to the martyred bishop whose blood had consecrated their city. Significantly, Laetare et lauda also circulated beyond its immediate civic context. The antiphon is found in service books copied for the Marian churches of Aachen and Tongeren, in addition to choirbooks for the Gregoriushuis in ’s-Hertogenbosch and an unidentified Franciscan community within the diocese.139 By singing this chant, secular clerics from prestigious institutions such as the Palatine Chapel (in Aachen) and the first cathedra of the bishopric (in Tongeren), as well as various monastic communities, thus openly acknowledged the merits of Liège, which had been enriched by the corporal presence of the diocesan patron. In Tongeren, the text of Laetare et lauda was also displayed visually in votive artwork commissioned by Renier van Hulsberg, a member of the priory of regular canons from 1520 until his death in 1544.140 The painting depicts Lambert’s martyrdom and includes other textual and visual references to Canon Nicholas’s vita.141 As shown in figure 1.1, the inscription on the original frame quotes the closing lines of Laetare et lauda, changing castitatis to caritatis: O lover of charity, O defender of truth, Christ’s martyr and priest, Lambert, intercede with God for us. [O amator caritatis O defensor veritatis C[h]risti martir et sacerdos Lambert[e] Pro nobis apud Deum intercede.]142

The inscription couples this quote from the antiphon with that from another chant for Saint Lambert, the ninth versicle of the Sequence Christi laudem predicemus, “Here the salutary victim is sacrificed, before the altars sacred blood

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Figure 1.1. Martyrdom of Saint Lambert commissioned by Renier van Hulsberg (fl. 1520–44), oil on wood, 66 x 52 cm (26 x 20.5 in.), Musée Grand Curtius, inv. 80/76. Reproduced with permission from the Musée Grand Curtius, Liège.

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is poured fourth” (Hic hostia salutaris imolatur coram aris sacer sanguis funditur), also inspired by the same hagiographic source (discussed further in chapter 2).143 That the painting itself portrays Lambert’s death before an altar bearing a triptych of the crucifixion flanked by the martyrs Cosmas and Damian symbolically links the site of Lambert’s martyrdom to its martyrial precursor—the oratory founded by Bishop Monulphus.144 The painting and frame thus jointly depict the city’s martyrial origins as conceived uniquely by Canon Nicholas and attest to the wider dissemination and relevance of this legend. Not all diocesan clergymen, however, sang Laetare et lauda. Ordinals for the collegiate churches of Our Lady and Saint Servatius in Maastricht prescribe an alternate Second Vespers Magnificat Antiphon, Sacerdos Dei, devoid of any civic reference.145 The Antiphon Sacerdos Dei Lamberte martyr was also known in Liège, where it was sung within the octave of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom and on the feast of his Triumph. Yet in light of the aforementioned competition between the clergy of the current and former episcopal seats, the chapters of Maastricht would surely have sought to avoid proclaiming the merits of their civic rival. Beyond a doubt, Sacerdos Dei constituted a safer choice. The conspicuous absence of Laetare et lauda from the Maastricht rite may thus represent a liturgical vestige of ongoing interclerical tensions and perhaps even hostility toward the diocesan capital. As voiced in the music jointly acclaiming Liège and its martyred bishops, local clerics drew upon the liturgy to promote civic preeminence. Through the performance of this music on the annual observances for Saints Theodard and Lambert, conducted at the cathedral for centuries after its foundation, the clergy and faithful citizens of Liège in attendance celebrated the sacred origins of their city—a site blessed with the holy remains of the martyred bishops whom it could claim as its founders and whose sacred endowment would ultimately transform the original hamlet into a true urbs. At least two chants share explicit verbal ties to embellishments introduced by the hagiographers most adept at articulating a civic ideal: the Lauds Antiphon Sanctus itaque Lambertus for Saint Theodard (resembling Sigebert’s rhetoric) and the Second Vespers Magnificat Antiphon Laetare et lauda for Saint Lambert (echoing Canon Nicholas). Yet it was the latter of these two antiphons that gained the widest resonance, circulating among secular and regular clergymen across the diocese. This musical tribute to Liège and the patron of the mater ecclesia would thus project, in addition to a local civic awareness, the far-reaching supremacy of the cathedral city. *

*

*

*

*

Music and liturgy in the cathedral of Liège added a welcome aural dimension to the civic rhetoric that emerged in the eleventh and twelfth centuries in hagiographic legend. While these musical appeals to the city might sound perfunctory in comparison to their more florid hagiographic counterparts, the versatility of musical performance allowed this civic praise to resound more

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48 chapter one widely within the city and across the diocese—especially with the singing of processional chants such as Laetare et lauda. It may, therefore, have been by singing and hearing plainchant, more so than by reading Sigebert’s rhetoric or Nicholas’s legends, that local and diocesan clerics celebrated most vividly the city’s preeminence. As the civic discourse expressed by Sigebert and Nicholas continued to circulate in a variety of liturgical, ceremonial, and votive contexts, Saint Lambert’s corporate identity changed. These hagiographers’ original tributes to the city are roughly contemporaneous with the earliest documented uses of the cathedral seal (in the twelfth century) by which the chapter asserted its supremacy and administrative independence through the image of Saint Lambert.146 This initial praise for the saint and city therefore coincides with the association of Lambert’s profile, as the diocesan patron, with the prerogative of the cathedral chapter. Yet the martyred bishop’s image itself would soon accrue additional administrative connotations well beyond the exclusive control of the saint’s corporal keepers. Indeed, by the late twelfth or early thirteenth century, Saint Lambert also appeared on the great seal of the city.147 Hagiographic and liturgical acclamations are therefore not an isolated phenomenon; rather, they evince the wider symbiosis of saintly and civic identities. Through multiple media—hagiographic, musical, artistic, and diplomatic—Lambert and Liège came to be represented precisely as they were in Laetare et lauda, as mirror images. As we shall observe in the next chapters, Lambert’s episcopal successor, Saint Hubert, was long remembered as the city’s founder and first bishop, due to his efforts to promote Lambert’s cult and the site of his passion. Yet it was devotion to the two martyrs, Theodard and Lambert, that rendered Liège favorable to urban development. Through their veneration, Liège could at once commemorate its origins and celebrate its ongoing civic promotion.

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Chapter Two

The Intersecting Cults of Saints Theodard and Lambert Validating Bishops as Martyrs Saints Theodard and Lambert shared a distinctive rank in the liégeois rite. Of the thirteen local bishops featured in the annual cycle of saints’ feasts, these two alone were classified as martyrs.1 Through their martyrial status, Theodard and Lambert thus outshone the most distinguished early bishops of the diocese— Maternus (the diocesan “founder” and first bishop of Tongeren) and Servatius (first bishop of Maastricht)—venerated as mere confessors. Hagiographers recognized this distinction, as we might recall from Sigebert of Gembloux’s late eleventh-century Vita Theodardi: God did not wish Theodard and Lambert to be far separated in burial. Foreseeing that they alone of all the bishops of Tongeren would be equal in the glory of martyrdom, he wished them also to be equal in the grace of merits. Theodard only preceded Lambert [in death] lest Lambert be the first martyr in this church; and Lambert preceded Theodard [in his burial] lest Theodard be the only martyr in this church. [Noluit Deus longe a se disiungi tumulo quos solos e numero Tungrensium episcoporum sibi equales per martirii gloriam preuidebat equales fore etiam per meritorum gratiam. Preripuit tantummodo Theodardus Lamberto ne primus in hac ecclesia esset martyr, preripuit Lambertus Theodardo ne solus in hac ecclesia foret martyr.]2

Sigebert’s astute emphasis on the “equality” of the two episcopal martyrs concisely summarizes the multiple ways in which their cults would intersect. As we observed in chapter 1, Lambert figured prominently in Theodard’s vita and liturgy as an active agent in the translation of Theodard’s relics from the site of his martyrdom (near Speyer) to Liège—the very place soon to witness Lambert’s own martyrdom. Similarly, we find a reciprocal association in the earliest extant hagiographic reference to Saint Theodard, which appears, significantly, in the Vita prima of Saint Lambert (written between 727 and 743).3

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50 chapter two Both in life and especially in death, the two bishops shared an exceptional bond—as recognized explicitly in hagiographic literature and celebrated musically in the local liturgy. Hagiographic and liturgical parallels between Saints Theodard and Lambert were especially tangible in the church housing their remains. While the cathedral marked the epicenter of Lambert’s cult, built over the very soil sanctified by the titular patron’s martyrial blood, this church also cultivated a special devotion to Theodard. Both saints held the highest liturgical rank of totum duplex in the cathedral rite, resulting in the performance of a full proper Office and a sequence at Mass on their respective feast days. The solemnity with which the clergy observed these martyrial feasts, celebrated just one week apart—September 10 for Theodard and September 17 for Lambert—reflected the physical location of the saints’ relics at opposite ends of the church interior. As documented in the twelfth century, Saint Lambert’s reliquary occupied the crypt beneath the western choir marking the site of his passion while Saint Theodard’s remains could be found in the corresponding crypt of the eastern choir.4 The two reliquaries would share even greater proximity as they were carried throughout the city, both annually, in three summer processions of the craft guilds, and occasionally, such as in the sonorous relic display on the feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation in 1489 (discussed in chapter 5).5 Significantly, the institution of a great general procession showcasing Saint Lambert’s newly completed monumental bust in 1526 coincided with the inception of a new reliquary for Saint Theodard. Thus, as we shall soon observe in a more detailed analysis of these rituals, the two martyred bishops shared an enduring physical connection in the church and city benefiting from their patronage. Of all the classes of saints venerated in the Middle Ages, martyrs held the greatest prestige as the most Christlike of holy men. These witnesses of Christ voluntarily endured His suffering and imitated His passion, willingly sacrificing their lives in the name of the faith. In a tribute to the Spanish martyrs Emeterius and Chelidonius, the fourth-century poet Prudentius depicted an archetype of martyrdom: For Christ in his goodness has never refused aught to his witnesses,—witnesses whom neither chains nor cruel death deterred from confessing the one God at the cost of their blood, yes, their blood, but such loss is repayed by life prolonged. It is an honourable way of death and one that becomes good men, to make of the body, which is a fabric of feeble flesh and doomed to be wasted by disease, a gift to the enemy’s sword, and by death to overcome the foe. A noble thing it is to suffer the stroke of the persecutor’s sword; through the wide wound a glorious gateway opens to the righteous, and the soul, cleansed in the scarlet baptism, leaps from its seat in the breast.6

As witnesses, fearing neither torture nor death, martyrs surrender their life and spill their blood for Christ. Bloodshed is essential, for the cleansing effect of

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the martyr’s blood purifies the soul and renders it fit for direct admittance into heaven. Indeed, it was commonly held that martyrs preceded all other souls in the enjoyment of Paradise and would avoid scrutiny on Judgment Day.7 Unlike the prototypical martyrs of the Early Christian era, however, neither Theodard nor Lambert died for faith alone. In hagiographic and liturgical texts alike, both bishops become embroiled in local land disputes resulting in murder by political rivals—circumstances that are not entirely Christlike.8 Episcopal assassinations during the sixth and seventh centuries inspired the revival of the Early Christian martyr model bestowed upon individuals acting in the interests of the Church.9 Theodard and Lambert thus belong to a group of Frankish bishops involved in power struggles with the local aristocracy and sainted in increasing numbers as the Church spread into new areas of the Merovingian realm.10 These worldly martyrs held a less credible claim to the exalted rank enjoyed by their Early Christian forebears. In fact, Lambert’s cult was initially threatened by the Pippinid feud of the early eighth century, during which opponents of Pippin’s legitimate son and heir to the mayoralty of the palace, Grimoald, may have sought to discredit the saint’s protective powers by murdering Grimoald as he traveled to Lambert’s shrine.11 Given the questionable circumstances of each prelate’s demise, their martyrial status required justification—a problem of particular urgency for a clerical city whose civic preeminence depended so heavily on the cult of its martyred bishops. How, then, could local clergymen reimagine the violence of a politically motivated murder as a divinely sanctioned act of martyrdom? Hagiographic accretions, liturgical music, and processional rituals testify to the degree to which liégeois clerics sought to legitimize the martyrial status of the two bishops central to the city’s origins and ongoing identity. Responding to pressing concerns about the circumstances of their death, hagiographers Sigebert of Gembloux and Canon Nicholas were instrumental in refashioning these bishops’ worldly images into holier portraits, generating hagiographic embellishments that were echoed in hymns and sequences and enacted through processional display.12 The interrelation of the two martyrs’ cults emerges most prominently through a comparative analysis of these textual, musical, and visual components of the local rite. At the heart of the liturgy proper to Saints Theodard and Lambert are the Office chants that detail the principal events of each saint’s life and especially the circumstances of their deaths, based on hagiographic sources probably dating from the tenth century. This repertory provides a useful starting point from which to recognize the biographical similarities and idealized attributes shared by the two bishops. Subsequent hagiographic and musical embellishments enhanced each bishop’s martyrial profile. The central sections of this chapter examine how Sigebert and Nicholas infused their vitae with biblical comparisons and the singers they inspired borrowed preexisting melodies (contrafacta) to equate these local saints with exemplary

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52 chapter two models—the promartyr Stephen, John the Baptist, and, above all, Christ. Last, we witness the parallel development of the two saints’ cults in its most visible form through the joint display of their reliquaries, heralded by singers, in later medieval processions conducted before the urban public. By identifying the manifold aspects of martyrdom to which text, music, and ritual allude, we can fully comprehend how it was that the city’s murdered bishops earned a credible place among the highest ranking saints of the medieval church.

Episcopal and Martyrial Parallels in the Historiae of Bishops Theodard and Lambert (Tenth Century Onward) Hagiographic and liturgical parallels between the two martyred bishops are most readily apparent in the Office chants, or historiae, structured around textual excerpts from each saint’s vita. Saint Lambert’s Office is well-known to musicologists as one of three, alongside those for the Holy Trinity and the Invention of Saint Stephen, attributed to Bishop Stephen (r. 901–20) that are among the very earliest surviving examples of the versified Office.13 Stephen actively promoted Saint Lambert’s cult, as evinced by the hagioliturgical contents of the lectionary for the cathedral of Liège (B-Br 14650–59) dating from the period of his episcopate.14 The antiphons and responsories preserved in this source constitute the core components of Saint Lambert’s liturgy, providing the musical basis for the feasts of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom, Translation, and Triumph as well as the weekly votive Office observed at the cathedral in the later Middle Ages.15 In contrast, Saint Theodard’s Office remains anonymous and the chants themselves are virtually unstudied, despite the interrelation of the two martyred bishops’ cults.16 We thus gain fresh insight into the liturgical veneration, and idealization, of Theodard and Lambert by comparing their offices and the hagiographic texts upon which they are based. The anonymous Acta inedita for Theodard and Bishop Stephen’s Vita secunda for Lambert recount each saint’s accomplishments, idealized character, and legends that were voiced in the antiphons, responsories, and lections on their martyrial feasts. A comparative reading of these vitae highlights the biographical similarities shared by the two bishops, as successors to the same episcopal throne (Maastricht).17 Each hagiographer begins by identifying the social status of the bishop’s family, as noble (for Theodard) or Christian (for Lambert). We soon learn that both men were educated at the episcopal court, supervised by their respective episcopal predecessors. Thus, while Theodard’s studies were overseen by Bishop Remaclus, Theodard himself would subsequently supervise Lambert. Once installed as bishop, each prelate sought to promote the Christian faith either by rebuilding churches (Theodard) or by converting

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pagans (Lambert) and became entangled in power struggles over episcopal property that ultimately resulted in death by murder. Theodard was killed in the forest of Bienwald in Alsace as he traveled to the court of King Childeric II, seeking justice against a group of local nobles who had seized church possessions. Following Theodard’s assassination, Lambert himself faced opposition, first from a man known as Pharamond who ruled the cathedral during Lambert’s seven-year exile at the Abbey of Stavelot,18 and later from a powerful administrator of King Pippin II, named Dodo, who harassed the bishop by intruding on his land and seizing his goods. When Lambert’s relatives retaliated by killing two of Dodo’s men, this vengeful administrator mounted a small private army to attack and slay Lambert at his episcopal or family residence in Liège. Subsequent to the martyrdom scene, numerous miracles at the initial burial site confirm each bishop’s sanctity. Bishop Stephen’s tenth-century Office for Saint Lambert consists of a series of proper chants commemorating the bishop’s life (at Matins) and death (at Lauds). In a detailed study of the Office structure and verse scheme, Ritva Jonsson noted a recurring pattern in the use of hagiographic sources: the poetry of the antiphons draws from the hexameters of the tenth-century Carmen de sancto Landberto, while the prose of the rhymed responsories and lections originates from Bishop Stephen’s own Vita secunda (see table 2.1).19 Stylistic and hagiographic differences distinguishing the antiphons from the responsories further shape their thematic content. Not surprisingly, the vitabased responsories for Matins narrate the principal events of Lambert’s life. In the First Nocturn, we learn of Lambert’s birthplace in Maastricht and childhood perfectionism (first responsory), piety as a child (second responsory), and episcopal promotion acclaimed by the people of Maastricht (third responsory). The Second Nocturn addresses Lambert’s pious acts as bishop (fourth responsory), deposition from the episcopal seat lamented by the people (fifth responsory), and exile at the Abbey of Stavelot, where he was made to stand barefoot in the freezing night at the abbey’s cross as punishment for having disturbed the monks by dropping his shoe (sixth responsory). Finally, the Third Nocturn details the bishop’s words of forgiveness to the monks seeking pardon for his punishment (seventh responsory), Lambert’s return to the episcopal seat in Maastricht (eighth responsory), and the heavenly reception following his death, where he rejoices among the apostles, prophets, martyrs, confessors, and virgins, and receives both the palm of perennial glory and stole of eternal delight (ninth responsory). Conversely, the antiphons for Matins highlight the principal attributes of the saint’s character: his studious nature, wisdom, fervent piety, strength, and humility. Lambert emerges through the Matins antiphons as a morally sound individual committed to strengthening the Christian faith of his flock. These antiphons thus supplement the narrative biography sketched by the responsories with poetic tributes to Lambert’s virtues.

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Table 2.1. Chants for the Office of Saint Lambert sung at the Cathedral of Liège in the later Middle Ages Liturgical placement I Vespers

Chant genre and incipit

Mode

Textual source

B-Br 14650–49 (10th c.)

An: Erat vere dignus

1

Vita prima, paraphrased

An: Consilium et opus

3

Vita prima, paraphrased

An: Lambertus Christi martyr

1

Vita prima, paraphrased

An: Magnum triumphum

4

An: Laudemus Dominum

1

Hymn: Hymnum cantemus gratiae

7

R: Consilium et opus

1

I Vespers: Magnificat

An: Magna vox laude sonora

2



Matins: Invitatorium

An: Eternum trinumque

2



Matins: I Nocturn

An: Orbita solaris presentia

1



An: Hic fuit ad tempus

2

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 64–65



An: Sed post ut fidei

3

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 66–67



R: Gloriosus martyr Lambertus

1

Vita secunda, chapter 1



R: Sanctus Lambertus parvi

2

Vita secunda, chapter 1



R: Sanctum Domini Lambertum

3

Vita secunda, chapter 1



An: Is subjectus erat ferventi

4

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 257, 225



Matins: II Nocturn

Vita prima



(continued)

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Table 2.1.—(continued) Liturgical placement

Chant genre and incipit An: Dignus honore sacro An: Fortis in adversis

Lauds

Textual source

5

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 259, 262



6 (in C)

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 261, 263



R: Almifluus presul

4

Vita secunda, chapter 1



R: Lambertus Christi athleta

5

Vita secunda, chapter 2



6 (in C)

Vita secunda, chapter 2



R: Sacerdos Dei mitissimus Matins: III Nocturn

Mode

B-Br 14650–49 (10th c.)

An: Sollicitus plebis patrias

7

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 266–69



An: Hic indeficiens Domini

8

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 227–28



An: Ultima namque dies

8

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 293–94



R: Egregius presul fratres

7

Vita secunda, chapter 2



R: Iste miles emeritus

8

Vita secunda, chapters 2–3



R: Pretiosus Domini sacerdos Lambertus

1

Vita secunda, chapter 3



An: Contigit ergo virum

8

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 341–43



An: Quod cum praescirent

3

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 348, 352



(continued)

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Table 2.1.—(concluded) Liturgical placement

Chant genre and incipit

Mode

Textual source

B-Br 14650–49 (10th c.)

1

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 354–56



6 (in C)

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 409–10



An: Sic animam claris

4

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 411–12



Hymn: Hymnum cantemus gratiae

7

Lauds: Benedictus

An: Exin praeclaris anglorum

2

Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 428–29, 440–41



II Vespers

Antiphons from Lauds proper to a martyr

An: Ecce propinquantes An: Unus et ex illis

Hymn: Hymnum cantemus gratiae

7

R: Sacerdos Dei mitissimus

6 (in C)

Vita secunda, chapter 2 Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta?

II Vespers: Magnificat

An: Laetare et lauda Deum Legia

3

II Vespers: Magnificat (within the Octave)

An: Sacerdos Dei Lamberte martyr

4

Sources: Complete Office in D-DS 394, vol. 2 fols. 120r–25r (present foliation) or fols. 603r–8r (original foliation); B-Lgc H118/87, fols. 188r–94v; B-Lsc 2, fols. 203r–10r; US-Cn Inc. 9344.5, fols. 111v–14v; B-Lu Res 1310 A. Partial Office in NL-DHk 68 A 1, fols. 138v–40v; B-Br 6434, fols. 88r–91v.

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A conspicuous omission from the chants for Matins is the topic of Lambert’s martyrdom, reserved exclusively for the five antiphons sung at Lauds. Contrary to the purely commendatory nature of the Matins antiphons, those performed at Lauds detail the events surrounding the saint’s murder. Lambert arrives at his villa in Liège (first antiphon), Dodo’s vicious accomplices set out to kill him (second antiphon), they encircle Lambert’s dwelling revealed to them by the sign of the cross (third antiphon), and one of the attackers climbs above the bishop’s room to murder him (fourth antiphon). Lambert’s soul subsequently ascends to the stars (fifth antiphon), and the Office of Lauds closes by praising Lambert’s sanctity revealed though the miraculous sound of angelic voices surrounding his tomb (Benedictus antiphon).20 Like Saint Lambert’s Office, that for Saint Theodard relies heavily on an early hagiographic text—the anonymous Acta inedita most probably written in the tenth century and likely conceived for liturgical performance.21 Yet the two offices differ in style and structure (see table 2.2). Stylistically, the chants of Theodard’s Office lack a versified scheme, as well as the thematic distinction between virtuous attributes (in the antiphons) and life events (in the responsories) characteristic of Lambert’s Office. Structurally, Theodard’s Office condenses the bishop’s life, which is limited to the first two nocturns at Matins, to give greater emphasis to the saint’s posthumous veneration—namely, his miracles (in the third nocturn) and the translation of his relics (at Lauds). The chants and lections for the First and Second Nocturn describe Theodard’s noble origins (in the first antiphon), tutelage under Saint Remaclus (second antiphon and third responsory), devotion as a bishop (fourth antiphon), pursuit of those violating the rights of his church (fifth antiphon), and surrender to death (fifth and sixth responsories). Chants for the Third Nocturn detail the miracles associated with the saint’s body: the divine light emanating from his head and feet (in the seventh antiphon and responsory) and the cure from blindness bestowed on devotees venerating his remains (eighth antiphon). Following this series of events, the antiphons for Lauds depict Lambert’s devotion to his deceased predecessor and the translation of Theodard’s relics to Liège. Thus, while Saint Lambert’s Office focuses on a single saintly subject, Theodard’s concludes by celebrating the bond between the two bishops. The most detailed liturgical depiction of Theodard’s martyrdom is found in the Second Nocturn of Matins. Derived from the Acta inedita, these chants and readings first address Theodard’s episcopal undertakings: his decision to rebuild the churches of his diocese (lectio 4), and his resolve to seek assistance from the king against the wrongdoers plundering the Church (fifth antiphon, lectio 5). We then witness the bishop’s virtuous actions when confronted by his attackers. Theodard delivers a speech in which he declares his readiness to drink from the chalice of death for his Savior who bore for him the marks of his passion, recalling the “chalice of salvation” in Psalm 115:13–15, representing the death of God’s saints, and the chalice from which Christ drank at the

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Table 2.2. Chants for the Office of Saint Theodard sung at the Cathedral of Liège in the later Middle Ages Liturgical placement I Vespers

Chant genre and incipit

Mode

An: Lumen rectorum cordium

1

An: Dignus sacerdos et martyr

2

An: Cum esset pacificus

3

An: Ad te levavit oculos

4

Textual source

An: O venerande pontifex

5

Hymn: Gaudeat prole Gallia

7

R: Pro sui dilectione

2

I Vespers: Magnificat

An: In sancti martyris Theodardi

1

Matins: Invitatorium

An: Adoremus christum regem

Matins: I Nocturn

An: Sanctus antistes Theodardus

Acta inedita, chapter 1

An: Preciosus confessor Remaclus

Acta inedita, chapter 1

An: Divina providente gratia

Acta inedita, chapter 1

R: Laetentur omnes recti R: Pro sui dilectione

Matins: II Nocturn

R: Curae pastorali renuntians

Acta inedita, chapter 1

An: Totus Deo devotus

Acta inedita, chapter 1

An: Pro commissio sibi

Acta inedita, chapter 1

An: Jamque dioecesis suae

Acta inedita, chapter 1

R: Athleta Dei Theodardus R: Sufficiat inquit domine

Acta inedita, chapter 1

R: Virum sanctum quasi agnum Matins: III Nocturn

An: Materfamilias puellam percutiens

Acta inedita, chapter 2

An: At illa dolore cordis

Acta inedita, chapter 2

(continued)

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Table 2.2.—(concluded) Liturgical placement

Chant genre and incipit

Mode

Textual source

An: Ad beati martyris

Acta inedita, chapter 2

R: Ad corpus sancti martyris Theodardi

Acta inedita, chapter 2

R: Respice domine ecclesiam R: Hodie rex regum Lauds

An: Almi patris exitus

Acta inedita, chapter 2

An: Ergo quam primum

Acta inedita, chapter 2

An: Fratres, inquit, corpus

Acta inedita, chapter 2

An: Ante angelici viri

Acta inedita, chapter 2

An: Sanctus itaque Lambertus

Acta inedita, chapter 2

Hymn: Aulae paradisi laudemus Lauds: Benedictus

An: Venit Wangionum pontifex

II Vespers

An: Adesto nobis famulis tuis

1

An: O beate pater Theodarde

8

An: Sancte martyr Theodarde

1

An: Sacerdos Dei Theodarde

4

An: Iam beate martyr Theodarde

4

Hymn: Hymnum cantemus Domino II Vespers: Magnificat

Acta inedita, chapter 2

mixed 5–6

R: Hodie rex regum

1

An: Iste est pontifex sanctus Theodardus

1

Sources: Complete Office in US-Cn Inc. 9344.5, fols. 106v–9r; B-Lu Res 1310 A. Partial Office in D-DS 394, vol. 2 fols. 298v–99r (present foliation) or fols. 780v–81r (original foliation); NL-DHk 68 A 1, fols. 135r–38r; B-Br 6434, fols. 83r–86v.

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60 chapter two Last Supper in Matthew 26:27–28 and Mark 14:23–24 (fourth responsory, lectio 6).22 Having welcomed death, Theodard is subsequently dismembered “like a lamb among wolves” (fifth and sixth responsories). Through the annual performance of these chants, the cathedral clergy remembered Theodard’s martyrdom as the combined result of the bishop’s defense of the Church and emulation of Christ. Despite these stylistic and structural differences, a verbal correspondence between the two offices testifies to an initial attempt to idealize each bishop’s martyrdom. Two responsories, Athleta Dei Theodardus (the fourth responsory for Theodard) and Lambertus Christi athleta (the fifth for Lambert), summon the bishop in the same persona. As athletes of God or Christ, both bishops willingly make the ultimate sacrifice. Theodard prepares to drink from the Savior’s chalice, while Lambert commends his flock to Him who cleansed with baptism and redeemed by blood. Such emphasis on the heroic aspect of martyrdom reflects the Early Christian view of martyrs as athletes fighting the devil or other opponents in the arena, inspired by the Apostle Paul’s comparison of the Christian life to an athletic contest (1 Corinthians 9:24–27).23 As we shall soon see, each bishop’s martyrial image would be further enhanced with increasingly individualized, yet equally exemplary, attributes. While Theodard and Lambert shared similar hagiographic and liturgical profiles, the most significant—and problematic—parallel lay in the circumstances of their death. Not surprisingly, the cause and scene of each bishop’s martyrdom inspired ongoing reinterpretation and embellishment, in both the hagiographic literature and liturgical music voiced in their honor. The changing face of each bishop’s portrait thus testifies to a conscious attempt, overseen by the cathedral clergy, to portray the lofty status of these saints in a more credible light. If the prime goal of hagiography was to “validate saintly worth,”24 some hagiographers were more outspoken in this attempt than others. Without question, Sigebert of Gembloux and Canon Nicholas contributed the most influential embellishments to the scene of each bishop’s martyrdom. As we shall presently observe, the martyrial language and imagery introduced by these hagiographers in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries gained musical expression in the hymns and sequences that complemented each saint’s historia. Thus, as the lives of these bishops became increasingly idealized, so too did their liturgy.

Bishop Theodard as the First Martyr and Good Shepherd in the Vita of Sigebert, Hymn Gaudeat prole Gallia, and Sequence Urbs Legia (Eleventh Century Onward) Because hagiographers recounted the events leading to Theodard’s demise with relative consistency, it is in the details of language, imagery, and biblical

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comparison, which would gain musical expression, that we find the most revealing enhancements to this murdered prelate’s saintly profile. The tenth- and eleventh-century vitae agree that once the bishop, seeking justice from King Childeric against the plunderers of the church, had crossed the border of his own diocese and arrived in the region of Alsace, he was attacked by a group of rivals who threatened him with death.25 After giving a lengthy discourse in which he invited his attackers to make peace and declared himself ready for death, like a mild lamb surrounded by greedy wolves (Luke 10:3), Theodard was decapitated and dismembered.26 Sigebert of Gembloux further embellished this series of events by portraying Theodard as the Good Shepherd of John’s Gospel who (paraphrasing John 10:12–13) does not flee before the wolves, but resolutely defends his sheep. Following this vivid comparison, Sigebert infused the ensuing depiction of the bishop’s martyrdom with additional biblical references: comparing Theodard to Christ on the cross and to the first martyr, Saint Stephen.27 The Christlike figures of the Pastor Bonus and the protomartyr provided exemplary models for all bishops and martyrs. Yet how might these images combine to legitimize Saint Theodard’s hybrid episcopal-martyrial status? Sigebert gave special emphasis to the Good Shepherd analogy by inserting biblical passages absent from earlier hagiographic texts. In Sigebert’s account, Theodard strives to be an exemplary bishop by following two models: the True Pastor prophesied by Ezechiel (quoting Ezechiel 34:2), and the clergy summoned by Peter to feed God’s flock and to receive “a never fading crown of glory” when the Prince of Pastors will arrive (I Peter 5:2–4). Sigebert subsequently demonstrates the extent of Theodard’s pastoral zeal as he opposes the injustices of the Church by declaring his willingness, in the manner of Christ, to “lay down his life” for his flock (quoting John 10:11 and 15:13).28 Through these comparisons to the Good Shepherd, Sigebert portrays Theodard as a perfect prelate. Unlike John’s mercenary—understood as an evil prelate or priest—who flees before the wolf,29 Theodard sacrifices his life for the good of his church and diocese. Theodard’s pastoral actions, modeled on those of the ideal bishop, thus lead directly to his death. Sigebert again relied on scripture, referencing Acts 7:55 and Revelation 3:5, to illustrate Theodard’s resemblance to the first martyr: “The same faith that opened the heavens to the protomartyr Stephen, so that he might see Jesus standing at the right hand of God to help him, also opened the heavens to the martyr Theodard, and made him who bore the marks of Jesus to be inscribed with the martyrs in the book of life” (Fides nimirum que prothomartyri Stephano aperuit celos ut uideret Iesum a dextris Dei stantem ad auxiliandum sibi, hec quoque Theodardo martyri celos aperuit eumque ferentem stigmata Iesu in libro uite cum martyribus ascribi fecit).30 Here Theodard is entitled to the same vision of heaven granted to Stephen just prior to his stoning. As a result of the bishop’s Christlike suffering, Theodard joins the highest rank of all saints—the martyrs whose

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62 chapter two names are inscribed in the book of life and who will thus be spared from the second death. Sigebert evokes multiple martyrial images by combining Saint Luke’s rendition of Stephen’s death, the biblical prototype for all hagiographic texts, with John’s description of the Last Judgment. Sigebert mimics the biblical modeling of Stephen’s martyrdom on the Passion of Christ by explicitly aligning Theodard’s suffering with Christ’s wounds. Both through comparison and quotation, Sigebert thus portrays Theodard’s death as an undeniable act of martyrdom. The resulting mosaic of biblical and hagiographic allusions confirms, in authoritative language, the bishop’s martyrial status.31 We find a musical echo of Sigebert’s imagery in a hymn from Theodard’s Office and in the sequence sung at Mass. The First Vespers Hymn Gaudeat prole Gallia fuses Theodard’s episcopal and martyrial attributes to portray the beneficial effects of venerating this Good Shepherd: 1. Let Gaul rejoice for its offspring, let Liège be glad for its father, promoted by the merits of the saintly bishop, Theodard. 2. This teacher of true faith, emulator of God’s law, enlightened the fatherland, destroying idolatry. 3. When he profitably rebuked the ministers of malice, the robbers of the Church, he died, slain by wrongdoing. 4. Thus for the guidance of the flock, [Theodard], washed in his own blood, ascends to the lofty kingdom that is illustrious with the light of heaven. 5. Watch the sheep, shepherd! Take [them] with you to the stars, so that the legion of angels may be in our chapter! 6. Here, let the divinity, the Three in One, show to us how Theodard worshipped and taught one God. Amen. [1. Gaudeat prole Gallia, Laetetur patre Legia

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Sancti provecta meritis Theodardi antistitis. 2. Hic doctor verae fidei Aemulator legis Dei Illuminavit patriam Destruens idolatriam. 3. Dum ministros nequitiae Praedatores Ecclesiae Salubriter redarguit Fraude caesus occubuit. 4. Sic pro gregis regimine Suo perfusus sanguine Aulam scandit ad arduam Coeli luce conspicuam. 5. Pastor oves considera Tecum perduc ad sydera Ut angelorum legio Nostro sit in collegio. 6. Hoc nobis praestet deitas In unitate trinitas Quam Theodardus coluit Deum unum et docuit. Amen.]32

The depiction of Theodard’s death combines pastoral and martyrial symbols to generate a vivid image of the redemptive consequences of the bishop’s martyrdom. Having been cleansed by his own blood, Theodard saves his pastoral flock. Indeed, the hymn commands the bishop to oversee his sheep so that the canons chanting the liturgy may be joined by the angelic choir. In singing this hymn, the cathedral clergy thus recognized Theodard’s saving guardianship— both for the city and especially for their own chapter.33 The language of Gaudeat prole Gallia shares several similarities with Sigebert’s eleventh-century vita. The opening appeal to the region of Gaul bears a telling similarity to the first words of this source, “Blessed Theodard, born in Gaul” (Beatus Theodardus, natus in Gallia), in which Sigebert describes Theodard’s birthplace differently from other hagiographers.34 Yet it is the shared reference to the episcopal ideal of the Good Shepherd that establishes the most meaningful link between the hymn and vita. The prominence of the word “Pastor” by which Theodard is invoked both by Sigebert and by the singers chanting the fifth stanza of the hymn audibly links this musical text to its hagiographic counterpart.35

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64 chapter two Like the First Vespers hymn, other chants simultaneously idealize Theodard’s episcopal oversight and celebrate the salvific effect of his martyrial blood. The Sequence Urbs Legia summons the city to praise Theodard both as a benevolent bishop, feeding his flock, and as victorious martyr, crowned for his triumph over death: 1a. Glad city of Liège, rejoice! Praise the laudable man, holy from his childhood, 1b. praiseworthy Theodard, surpassing incense and spikenard with the fragrance of virtues. 2a. He was illustrious by birth, but still more illustrious in his life and knowledge. 2b. He eradicated wicked ways; having become bishop, he fed his flock with all diligence. 3a. When he denounces certain men as transgressors, usurpers of the Church’s goods, 3b. they hasten to the king and pursue him as he enters the forest of Alsace. 4a. Cut to pieces by those assassins with many wounds, at once the innocent man is slain. 4b. Thus, crowned with his blood, the blessed man enters the gate of paradise. 5a. At the tomb where he is buried, many sick people are delivered from the pains of illness. 5b. With the help of his prayers, may Christ lead us with him to the heavenly realms.

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6a. Let everyone say Amen, that in the heavenly house he may sing a glad Alleluia. [1a. Urbs Legia leta plaude, Lauda virum dignum laude; Sanctum ab infantia; 1b. Laudabilem Theodardum Superantem thus et nardum Virtutum fragrantia. 2a. Nobili stirpe claruit Sed clarior apparuit Moribus, scientia. 2b. Mores pravos extirpavit Presul factus gregem pavit Omni diligentia. 3a. Dum arguit transgressores Quosdam viros invasores Bonorum ecclesie, 3b. Tunc ad regem properantem Insequuntur jam intrantem Sylvam Elisatiae; 4a. Mox ab illis sicariis Plagis concisus variis Innocens occiditur. 4b. Sic sanguine laureatus Paradisi vir beatus Januam ingreditur. 5a. Ad tumbam hujus sepulti Egri liberantur multi A morbi molestia. 5b. Hujus interventu precum Nos perducat Christus secum Ad regna celestia. 6a. Amen dicat omnis homo Ut cantet in celesti domo Jocundum alleluya.]36

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66 chapter two In this sketch of Theodard’s life, death, and miracles, the martyr receives his crown as a direct consequence of his brutal murder—he is literally laureled with the blood flowing from his wounds. This martyrial symbol entitles Theodard to direct admittance into Paradise, taking the place of Stephen (whose Greek name signifies “crown”) in Sigebert’s vita.37 Yet more so than this and earlier hagiographic texts, the chants of Saint Theodard’s liturgy highlight the significance of Theodard’s martyrial blood. The graphic image of Theodard’s sanguine crown, in Urbs Legia, recalls the Early Christian interpretation of martyrdom as a second baptism, or “scarlet baptism” in the words of Prudentius. The first baptism (by water) and second (by blood) could be distinguished by the effects of their reception, as explained by Saint Cyprian of Carthage (ca. 200/210–58): “In the baptism of water the remission of sins is received, in that of blood, the crown of virtues.”38 The martyr’s crown thus figures prominently in Cyprian’s comparison of the two baptisms. Cyprian asserted that baptism of the blood is greater than that of water, since it entails a complete remission of sin and unites the martyr’s soul with God. This concept of a dual baptism originates from Christ’s description of his own death as a baptism in the Gospels of Mark (10:38) and Luke (12:50), referenced by Cyprian to explain the effects of baptism conferred upon martyred catechumens: They are not in fact deprived of the sacrament of baptism, inasmuch as they are baptized with the greatest and most glorious baptism of all, that of blood. It was of this that the Lord Himself said that He had another baptism with which to be baptized. And the Lord further declared in the Gospel that those baptized in their own blood and sanctified with a martyr’s suffering are made perfect and obtain the grace which God has promised.39

Having been baptized in their own blood, as was Christ, martyrs are purified and made fit for immediate ascent to heaven—precisely the effect of the blood crowning Theodard’s head in Urbs Legia, and the profusion of the Good Shepherd’s blood in Gaudeat prole Gallia. The melodies of the hymn and sequence alike further underscore the combined pastoral and martyrial imagery of their texts. As we shall examine later in this chapter, St Theodard’s hymn shares a musical connection to its counterpart for Saint Lambert—thereby equating each bishop’s pastoral oversight and martyrdom to Christ’s care for his flock through the sacrificial symbolism of the Eucharistic meal. Similarly, the melody of Urbs Legia (given in ex. 2.1) is not unique to this sequence. We find the most obvious match with the widely circulating Marian Sequence Hodiernae lux diei celebris in matris Dei, sung throughout Europe by the mid-twelfth century.40 In some churches, Hodiernae lux diei was sung on a frequent basis in Marian votive services, while in others it was performed annually on one of the Marian feasts, typically the Annunciation,

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Assumption, or Nativity of the Virgin.41 At the cathedral of Liège, this sequence was sung on the Octave of Assumption,42 yet the melody also held a combined martyrial-episcopal association through its appropriation for the Sequence Hodiernae lux diei celebris martyris Dei for the Common of a martyr and bishop.43 Instead of praising Theodard (in versicle 1b) this sequence praises his celestial counterpart: 1b. Let us praise the king of glory through whom the martyr of Christ holds the prizes of victory. [1b. Laudemus regem glorie Per quem habet victorie Martyr Christi preconia.]44

We learn in the next versicle that the martyr, having been fortified by Christ, enters into “the palaces of heaven” on account of his suffering. The conventionalized imagery of Hodiernae lux diei celebris martyris Dei would thus have rendered the shared melody strongly resonant of martyrdom in its most ideal form. Indeed, the martyrial associations of Hodiernae lux diei were widespread, as suggested by the custom of borrowing this melody for at least two other sequences for the Common of a martyr (Iucundetur ex affectu and Psallens Deo Sion gaude) and several for widely venerated martyrs such as John and Paul (Paulus et Iohannes fortes), John the Baptist (Vos primaevi fundatores), Denis (Gaude turma triumphalis), Stephen (Ecce martyr primitivus), and Thomas of Canterbury (Spe mercedis et coronae) in the French, Germanic, and Scandinavian lands.45 The popularity of the Hodiernae lux diei melody thus infused its Marian origins with additional meanings that varied from place to place.46 It seems likely, therefore, that the choice of this melody for Saint Theodard’s sequence was inspired by its local association with the saintly class of bishop martyr, thereby highlighting Theodard’s special status among other local saints. The cumulative effect of these hagiographic and musical embellishments was to transform a local bishop murdered for his protection of the goods of the Church into a Christlike Good Shepherd, watching over his flock, and into the prototypical or victorious martyr crowned for his triumph over death. As voiced in the Hymn Gaudeat prole Gallia and Sequence Urbs Legia, the spilling of Theodard’s blood, like that of the first martyrs, ensured Theodard’s own salvation as well as that of his devotees. The bishop’s hybrid episcopal-martyrial image, enhanced both by the textual imagery and musical associations of these chants, promised to benefit the clerical and civic community commemorating his martyrdom—for as a better bishop and martyr, in the conventional sense, Theodard become a surer advocate on their behalf.

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Example 2.1. Urbs Legia (NL-DHk 71 A 4, fols. 158v–59r; NL-HEESWab 19, fol. 144r–v)

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The Legend of Bishop Lambert’s Martyrdom (Eighth–Twelfth Centuries) Given the similarities between the vitae of Theodard and Lambert, we would expect to witness a similar transformational process in the validation of Lambert’s martyrial status. Yet the circumstances of Lambert’s demise were, by contrast, considerably more complex, generating two hagiographic traditions that would intersect in the eleventh and twelfth centuries as clerics were increasingly pressured to explain and justify the “true” causes of the bishop’s martyrdom. The resulting hagiographic dossier, rich in historical and scriptural references, testifies to the dual demands of historical reinterpretation and saintly idealization motivating the retelling of Lambert’s death. As we shall observe by tracing the ongoing revision of this dramatic event, both hagiographic traditions would, in time, gain a liturgical voice. The eighth-century Vita prima portrayed Lambert as the victim of a private power struggle between two families competing for territorial control.47 By murdering the bishop, the Merovingian administrator, Dodo, avenged the deaths of his kin, Gallus and Rivaldus, killed by Lambert’s own relatives Peter and Andolet during their attempt to invade the diocese.48 In this initial scenario, Lambert’s first impulse, when confronted by his attackers, is to arm himself with a sword for self-defense. But he soon disposes of his weapon, refusing to kill. Having reminded his relatives of their crime, Lambert opens his Psalter and reads the words, “For the Lord will require the blood of his servants” (Quoniam requiret Dominus sanguinem servorum suorum)—evoking Psalm 9:13, “For requiring their blood he hath remembered them,” and Psalm 33:23, “The Lord will redeem the souls of his servants.” Subsequently Lambert, who is likened to the priest-prophet Zechariah “killed between the temple and the altar” (Matthew 23:35 and Luke 11:51), quotes Zechariah’s speech at the moment of his death (2 Chronicles 24:22): “The Lord see, and require it” (Videat Deus, & requirat). Meanwhile, one of the attackers climbs onto the roof of the house and tears off the covering. Seeing Lambert at prayer, prostrated on the floor of his room with his arms spread in the shape of a cross, the attacker strikes and kills the pious bishop with his javelin.49 Because Lambert’s family had committed the first mortal crime, the events leading to his death did little to establish this bishop’s saintly credentials.50 Lambert’s martyrial status, as portrayed in the Vita prima, thus depends solely on his actions at the moment of death itself—his willingness to sacrifice himself, to resist fighting off his attackers and to prostrate himself in prayer. Not surprisingly, Lambert’s first vita was soon embellished with a legend giving a supplementary explanation for the cause of his death. From the ninth century onward, the Merovingian royalty played a key role in depictions of Lambert’s murder. Martyrologies from this period include a scene in which the zealous bishop reprimands the royal household and is

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70 chapter two subsequently killed by “the most wicked men sent by the king from the palace” (ab iniquissimis viris de palatio regio missis).51 Yet it was not until the tenth century that an anonymous hagiographic poem would specify the source of Lambert’s disdain. In the Carmen de sancto Landberto, Lambert pales at the illicit relations between Dodo’s sister and the “king” (rex), who, “scorning the laws of chastity” (proculcans iura pudoris) had taken her as his mistress while his wife was still living. The poet specifies that Dodo benefited by his sister’s concubinage, from which he derived greater honor. Fueled by the double insult of Lambert’s accusations and the death of his relatives by members of Lambert’s family, Dodo subsequently plots his murder.52 While the king remains nameless, this legend substantially revised the cause of Lambert’s martyrdom, shifting the source of enmity between Lambert and Dodo from the exclusive domain of interfamilial violence to the realm of royal immorality. Explicitly guilty of this adulterous affair, the Merovingian king becomes, implicitly, the underlying cause of Lambert’s death. Such an unflattering, and outright critical, portrait of the royal family appears to reflect contemporaneous attitudes on the nature of kingship.53 More specifically, this legend may have been inspired by a recent divorce case—the attempt by King Lothar II to obtain an annulment of his marriage to his legitimate wife, Theutberga, to marry his mistress, Waldrada—in which Bishop Franco of Liège (858–901) was embroiled.54 While the Carmen de sancto Landberto supplied the texts for the antiphons of Bishop Stephen’s historia, it is noteworthy that these chants avoid any reference to the legendary cause of Lambert’s martyrdom. Such a deliberate omission is consistent with Bishop Stephen’s steadfast loyalty to the Carolingian dynasty.55 Through selective quotation from the verses immediately following the account of the king’s illicit affair, the five Lauds antiphons conspicuously avoid the scandalous circumstances motivating Lambert’s murder.56 Yet despite Bishop Stephen’s caution, the legend would accrue additional details that subsequently influenced the language and imagery of texts and chants that were later appended to Lambert’s liturgy. By the early eleventh century, the legend had adopted a decidedly anti-Carolingian stance recognized by later hagiographers. A passage from the annals of the Abbey of Lobbes (Annales Lobienses) completed during the episcopate of Notger (972–1008) embellished the legend substantially by identifying the immoral king as Pippin II of Herstal, great-grandfather to Charlemagne.57 Having repudiated his first wife, Plectrude, Pippin is known to have fathered Charles Martel with his second wife, Alpaïda, while Plectrude was still living.58 In the Annales Lobienses, Lambert publicly reprimands King Pippin, who is still married to Plectrude, for taking Dodo’s sister, Alpaïda, as a bigamous wife. The night following this confrontation, Lambert falls victim to a plot perpetuated by Dodo, who, with Pippin’s consent, seeks vengeance for the insult to his sister.59 Not only does the drama revolve around named historical figures, but

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Pippin approves of Lambert’s killing. Charlemagne’s ancestors are thus explicitly implicated in this crime. Three influential versions of this legend—penned by clerics with connections to the cathedral chapter in the mid-eleventh to mid-twelfth centuries—openly acknowledge the political and specifically anti-Carolingian aspects of the legend, while simultaneously assigning to Pippin’s mistress, Alpaïda, an increasingly unflattering role. In the Gesta pontificum Trajectensium et Leodiensium, completed by 1056, the cathedral canon Anselm drew from the Vita prima and Bishop Stephen’s Vita secunda as well as the early tenth-century chronicle by Regino of Prüm (d. ca. 915) to present both the initial and legendary accounts of Lambert’s martyrdom in immediate succession. Inspired by an unnamed “alternate” source, Anselm gives a substantially embellished account of the legend, in which the adulteress becomes enraged—like Jezebel against Elijah, or Herodias against John the Baptist—to the point that, having “drunk the outpouring from her viperous tongue” (viperea lingua), Dodo vows to seek brutal revenge. Alpaïda’s anger and the persuasive impact of her venemous speech thus motivate Dodo’s actions. Anselm concludes this vivid scenario, replete with biblical comparisons, with a telling observation: that the earliest author of Lambert’s life surely must have silenced this cause of the bishop’s passion to avoid disgrace to those whose ancestors were guilty of such infamy.60 Writing at a safe chronological distance from the Carolingian era, Anselm acknowledged his freedom to openly express these anti-Carolingian ideas.61 Just a few decades later (by ca. 1081), Sigebert echoed Anselm’s concerns in the epilogues to both the Vita prior and Vita altera for Saint Lambert. Sigebert claimed that his eighth-century predecessor had been constrained by his Carolingian surroundings, which hindered him from exposing the “true” causes for Saint Lambert’s martyrdom. Presumably, the author of the Vita prima would not have wished to blame the monarchs of his time for the faults of their ancestors—specifically, the birth of Charles Martel from an illicit union.62 Yet in his version of the legend, Sigebert tactfully sought to present Pippin in a positive light, by casting him as a devout admirer of the bishop intent on saving his soul. In Sigebert’s account, Pippin’s only fault is his weakness for the corrupting influence of the true culprit, Alpaïda.63 Having been denied Lambert’s blessing as one of Pippin’s companions, the adulteress urges her brother to plot the bishop’s murder for fear that Pippin will succumb to Lambert’s influence and abandon her. Indeed, Sigebert goes so far as to praise Pippin’s noble and saintly lineage and to laud Charlemagne as the greatest of the Frankish kings.64 Sigebert’s attempt to shift the blame entirely to the seductive powers of the adulteress was short-lived. In the preface to the mid-twelfth-century Vita quarta for Saint Lambert, Canon Nicholas affirmed that the cathedral chapter had exhorted him to “diligently research a worthier cause of the blessed man’s passion and his deeds now buried by age.”65 Nicholas embellished a variety of

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72 chapter two previous accounts, named in the preface, to include a scene in which Pippin threatens Lambert with death for his refusal to acknowledge Alpaïda. Like the anonymous author of the tenth-century Carmen, Nicholas appears to have been influenced by another royal scandal—in this case, the divorce of King Philip I of France in 1092.66 Unlike Sigebert, who had created a hybrid account of the martyr’s passion, in which Dodo seeks revenge because of both Lambert’s disdain for his sister and the murder of his relatives by Lambert’s family, Nicholas attributed the cause of Lambert’s death solely to Pippin’s affair. Clearly, each of these authors addressed an ongoing concern for the circumstances of Lambert’s martyrdom and growing fascination with the legend from varying perspectives, conditioned largely by historical parallels and the immediate concerns of their clerical patrons. In detailing the legendary circumstances of Lambert’s death, both Sigebert and Canon Nicholas addressed contemporaneous ideologies—specifically, issues relevant to the Gregorian Reform.67 Lambert’s overt opposition to the king’s illicit and immoral conduct relates to two reformist concerns: episcopal oversight of royal morals and ecclesiastical control over matrimony. During the Investiture Controversy, Sigebert voiced his political sympathies—siding with the pope in the condemnation of simony and concubinage but opposing the forceful and violent means by which the pope sought to implement these principles—in a variety of genres, including his polemical and hagiographic texts.68 In the Apologia contra eos qui calumniantur missas conjugatorum sacerdotum, commissioned by the cathedral clergy in response to Pope Gregory VII’s accusations against Bishop Theoduin, Sigebert praised the reforms that had inspired his depiction of Saint Lambert’s martyrdom: “If you return to the principles, what is more lovely and more profitable to Christianity than to make holy orders subject to the laws of chastity, . . . to correct the life and morals of a young king for his own and his subjects’ advantage?”69 Here Sigebert openly supports clerical chastity and oversight of the monarch’s morals—precisely the concerns motivating Lambert to condemn Pippin’s affair. Perhaps influenced by Sigebert’s political writings, Canon Nicholas similarly infused Lambert’s legend with moderate reformist ideas by modeling Lambert’s profile on that of Bishop Ivo of Chartres (d. 1115)—the only bishop to openly oppose King Philip’s repudiation of his first wife Bertha of Holland and to condemn the king’s bigamous marriage with Bertrada, the supposed wife of Count Fulk of Anjou, as invalid.70 Having maintained that matrimony was “ordered by nature and confirmed by both ecclesiastical and secular law,” Ivo refused to acknowledge Bertrada, whom he likened to Jezebel and Herodias, as the king’s legitimate wife.71 As exemplified by this prolonged conflict between king and bishop resulting in Philip’s temporary excommunication, the Church sought to control lay morals with the regulation of marriage.72 Through these reformist and historical parallels, influencing both Sigebert and Canon Nicholas, Lambert emerged as a thoroughly contemporary bishop.

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Bishop Lambert as John the Baptist and the Sacrificial Lamb in the Vita of Nicholas, Hymn Hymnum cantemus gratiae, and Sequence Christi laudem predicemus (Twelfth Century Onward) In addition to the overtly political undertone of Lambert’s legend, the symbolism and comparisons introduced in these eleventh- and twelfth-century accretions arguably transcended immediate circumstance to serve a more far-reaching goal. Inspired by Anselm, both Sigebert and Nicholas sought to reconcile Lambert’s politicized acts with the martyrial ideal by comparing the murdered bishop to two biblical models—Elijah and John the Baptist. While Sigebert enhanced Lambert’s profile with numerous other biblical comparisons, notably to Moses and David,73 Elijah and John dominate the scene of Lambert’s martyrdom. Acting “in the spirit and virtue of Elijah and John,” and undeterred by the rage of Alpaïda (likened to Jezebel and Herodias), Lambert fearlessly confronts and attempts to free Pippin (as Achab and Herod).74 Similarly, Canon Nicholas drew on these biblical figures to underscore the strength of Lambert’s conviction, as he rejects Pippin’s mistress with the zeal of Elijah and in the spirit and words of John, saying, “It is not lawful for thee to have her” (quoting Matthew 14:4).75 Beyond a doubt, these parallels infused Lambert’s legend with dramatic flair and biblical authority. The comparison to Elijah stresses the severity of the conflict between Lambert and Pippin, and especially the fatal consequences of Alpaïda’s ire.76 Yet as late-medieval accretions to Saint Lambert’s liturgy attest, it was John the Baptist who provided the best model for the idealization of Lambert’s martyrdom. In denouncing adultery, Lambert emulates one of the most popular, and highest ranking, martyrs of the medieval church.77 Having condemned as sinful Herod’s adulterous and incestuous marriage to Herodias (Herod’s niece, and wife of his half brother), John was imprisoned at the adulteress’s insistence and later beheaded at her daughter Salome’s behest, as recounted in the Gospel of Matthew (14:3–8): 3 4 5 6 7 8

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For Herod had apprehended John and bound him, and put him into prison, because of Herodias, his brother’s wife. For John said to him: It is not lawful for thee to have her. And having a mind to put him to death, he feared the people: because they esteemed him as a prophet. But on Herod’s birthday, the daughter of Herodias danced before them: and pleased Herod. Whereupon he promised with an oath, to give her whatsoever she would ask of him. But she being instructed before by her mother, said: Give me here in a dish the head of John the Baptist.

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74 chapter two By comparing Lambert’s disapproval of the adulterous couple to this wellknown biblical scene, both Sigebert and Nicholas intimate Lambert’s candidacy for martyrdom prior to his murder. These embellishments transform the victim of a private power struggle into a martyr in the biblical sense, whose potential claim to this lofty title—suggested by his condemnation of adultery— is fulfilled through his Christlike sacrifice. While Saint Lambert’s tenth-century Office conspicuously avoids the legendary cause of his death, later liturgical texts and music embrace it. The six lections for the First and Second Nocturns at Matins assigned to the Octave of Lambert’s Martyrdom recount this tale in language inspired by Canon Nicholas.78 The first and third readings quote directly from this source, as exemplified in the following comparison:

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Octave Saint Lambert, Matins, lectio 1

Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta, chapter 5

Pippinus eo tempore quo dux Austrasiae qui multos hostes debellaverat de se ipso triumphare non potuit; in adulterii turpitudinem resolutus cecidit, nam uxorem suam legitimam Plectrudem repudians, Alpaidem sororem Dodonis viri inter Francorum proceres potentis et nobilis superduxit.79

Pipinus vero, ut præmisimus, eo tempore sub rege Theodorico regnum Francorum strenue gubernabat, cujus principatum præcipue illustrabat & rerum in bellis a se gestarum claritas, & cum morum temperantia justitiæ æquitas. Sed o misera, semperque incerta & casui obnoxia, humanæ fragilitatis conditio! Vir tantus & bellator præcipuus, superveniente tentatione, de seipso triumphare non potuit, quem sicut virtus & industria inter adversa bellorum effecerat modestum & fortem, sic, superatis aut pacatis hostibus, securitas & potentia resolvit in adulterii turpitudinem. Cum enim filii ejus Grimoaldus & Drogo paternæ felicitatis gloriam eo maxime exornarent, quod jam in ipso juventutis flore a nobilitatis suæ splendore non videbantur esse degeneres, Pipinus matrem eorum Plectrudem, uxorem suam legitimam repudiavit, eique superinduxit puellam

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elegantem, Alpaïdem nomine, quæ erat soror Dodonis viri inter Francos proceres nobilis & potentis. Et factum est in oculis totius Franciæ publicum hoc adulterium.80 Octave Saint Lambert, Matins, lectio 3

Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta, chapter 5

Praedictam vero Alpaidem a se in omni patientia saepius redargutam non poenitentem, sed se impudenter ingerentem conspiciens, relicto prandio, ipsam aulam egreditur, ne per communionis consortium, reatui adulterae aliquem videretur praebuisse concensum.81

Nam prædicta Alpaïs occasione hujus piæ jocunditatis credens, sibi non debere negari, quod videbat omnibus sic distribui, cyphum suum sanctificandum latenter ingessit Episcopo. Sensit hoc Lambertus, & conversus ad Pipinum, importunitatem & audaciam mulieris incusat, relictoque prandio, ipsam aulam egreditur, ne per cujuslibet communionis vel benedictionis consortium reatui impudentis adulteræ aliquem videretur præbuisse consensum.82

Further evidence of Canon Nicholas’s influence is found in the fifth and sixth readings, which portray the location of Lambert’s martyrdom in a manner unique to this source—the oratory of Saints Comas and Damian (discussed at greater length in chapter 1). The six lections summarize the legend’s principal events. First, Pippin succumbs to the infamy of adultery, repudiating his legitimate wife, Plectrude, for Dodo’s sister, Alpaïda (lectio 1). Following the example of John the Baptist, Lambert soon approaches the illicit couple at their palace (lectio 2). Having convicted Alpaïda during a banquet, Lambert leaves the palace, lest he be thought to have consented to the crime of adultery (lectio 3). Subsequently, the impenitent sinner, like a second Herodias, at once compels Pippin, having been seduced with illicit love, and convinces her brother Dodo to plan the bishop’s slaughter (lectio 4). With Pippin’s consent and by Alpaïda’s command, Dodo, with the armed multitude of his henchmen, approaches the oratory dedicated to the martyrs Cosmas and Damian (lectio 5). Last, the attackers slay the bishop’s nephews Peter and Andolet, and from the roof of the oratory, strike the blessed bishop, prostrated in prayer before the altar of the martyrs (lectio 6). As the legend was told at Matins, Lambert models his actions on those of John the Baptist, while Alpaïda becomes a second Herodias. Through the recitation of these lections, clerics were repeatedly reminded of this comparison.

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76 chapter two The closest musical counterpart to these liturgical readings survives in two chants transmitted in service books destined for the cathedral and collegiate churches of Liège from the fourteenth century and later.83 The Hymn Hymnum cantemus gratiae, assigned to Vespers and Lauds for the feast of Lambert’s Martyrdom, relies exclusively on the legendary account of the saint’s death (as given in the fourth and fifth stanzas): 1. Let us sing a hymn of thanks to Christ who is the king of glory, and let us consecrate to memory the martyr’s victory. 2. Now come the sacred solemnities, by which the church demonstrates with what virtue Lambert, the illustrious martyr, is endowed. 3. Invincible in battle, champion in the name of Christ, he kept sincere faith and shone with affection. 4. Prohibiting Pippin’s crime, offering care diligently, he condemns the incestuous nuptials, detriments for true salvation. 5. Hence, so that revenge might be seized, the prelate, given to prayer, suffers eagerly the punishment, which the cause appeases perpetually. 6. Let God the Father be united with the Son and the Spirit, who reigns in eternity and offers strength for [our] assistance. [1. Hymnum cantemus gratiae Christo qui est rex gloriae Et martyris victoriam Ducamus ad memoriam. 2. Assunt sacra solemnia Quibus docet ecclesia Qua sit virtute praeditus Lambertus martyr inclytus.

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3. Invictus in certamine Athleta Christi nomine Fidem sinceram tenuit Et caritate micuit. 4. Crimen Pipini prohibens Curam solerter adhibens Incestas damnat nuptias Verae saluti noxias. 5. Hinc ut sumatur ultio Praesul datur supplicio Poenam suffert alacriter Quam placat causa jugiter. 6. Deo Patri cum Filio Et Spiritu sit unio Qui regnat in perpetuum Et dat robur profectuum.]84

In the series of attributes and events to which this hymn alludes, Lambert’s condemnation of Pippin’s illicit relationship leads directly to his murder. The hymn balances Lambert’s idealized image, as a victorious and illustrious martyr (in the first two stanzas) and champion of Christ (in the third), with the events of the legend. Details specific to this tale—Pippin’s crime and the prelate’s condemnation of the “incestuous nuptials”—illustrate the martyrial consequences of Lambert’s actions. The hymn thus merges universally recognized saintly ideals with a local legend to legitimize Lambert’s veneration as a martyr. Likewise, the Sequence Christi laudem predicemus,85 sung at Mass on the feast of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom and inspired by Canon Nicholas’s vita, links Pippin’s “crime” to Lambert’s death. Several versicles detail Lambert’s conflict with the adulterous couple that results in his murder, portrayed as a sacrificial offering: 5b. [Lambert] saw an immense and monstrous crime opposing the law of Christ and his exalted name. 6a. For Pippin, sovereign of the Franks, who flees the lawful marriage-bed, breaker of laws, despiser of morals, clings to an adulteress. 6b. The prelate pours forth prayers; he frequently urges and openly

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78 chapter two warns him, and mercifully tries to prevail on him, 7a. that, despising such a bond and removing the source of evil, he govern the urges of the flesh within the conjugal embrace, 7b. that he change his perverse way of life, living chastely, and love his wife— for this falls to his honor— rather than an impure woman. 8a. And Alpaïda on learning this is inwardly furious; the Spirit, giver of peace, does not favor her plans. 8b. With poisoned words she assails Dodo, she urges him, constrains him until he yields: thus the saint is killed. 9a. Thus the salutary victim is sacrificed, and at the altars sacred blood is poured forth. [5b. Scelus ingens et enorme Vidit obstans Christi norme Et excelso nomini, 6a. Nam Pipinus dux Francorum Qui legalem fugit thorum Fractor legum, spretor morum Adheret adultere; 6b. Preces fundit et frequenter Instat presul et patenter Illum monet et clementer Vult eum inducere 7a. Ut contempto nexu tali Et amota causa mali Sub amplexu conjugali Motus carnis dirigat; 7b. Ut perversum mutet morem

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Caste vivens et uxorem, Cedit enim ad honorem, Non incestam diligat. 8a. Et alapis his acceptis Flagrascit medullitus, Non aspirat suis ceptis Dator pacis spiritus, 8b. Verbis usa venenatis Dodonem aggreditur Illum urget, arctat satis. Sic sanctus perimitur. 9a. Hic hostia salutaris Immolatur et in aris Sacer sanguis funditur.]86

In this vivid version of the legend, Alpaïda bears sole responsibility for Lambert’s death as she convinces her brother with “poisoned words” to murder him. We might recall that in the mid-eleventh century Anselm had introduced the forceful image of Alpaïda’s “viperous tongue,” yet the persuasive effect of her “depraved words” (verbis depravatis) figures equally in Canon Nicholas’s twelfth-century account. While the sequence omits Nicholas’s comparison to Herodias (quoted above), the depiction of Lambert’s death as the immediate result of the adulteress’s command is strongly evocative of this biblical story. The text of this colorful passage would have been exceptionally clear in performance (as shown in ex. 2.2), for the eighth vesicle alone features an exclusively syllabic setting, with just one note per syllable. Musically, this versicle commands our attention in several ways. It is the sole passage in which the motivic structure of the melody, featuring internal repetition of two subphrases, matches the rhyme scheme of the poetry. This close correlation of music and text contrasts markedly with the longer phrases, melodic variety, and melismas of the other versicles. The cadential structure of this versicle is equally unique in its avoidance of the modal final (D). These musical anomalies thus call aural attention to this passage and its vicious image of the adulteress. The ensuing depiction of Lambert’s martyrdom as a sacrificial offering at the altar is unique to Canon Nicholas’s vita and testifies unequivocally to the influence of this hagiographic source on the sequence text.87 The outpouring of Lambert’s blood in the ninth versicle parallels the following passage from Nicholas’s vita: “Thus, the most blessed martyr Lambert .  .  .  , immolated in the sight of the Lord in the early morning, just as the morning sacrifice [takes place in the early morning], truly a priest and victim, lay dead at the foot of the altar” (Sic Lambertus martyr beatissimus . . . tanquam matutinum sacrificium, in

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Example 2.2. Christi laudem predicemus (B-Lgc H118/87 [GC.REL.25c.1987.34050], fols. 252r–54r; B-Ls 32 A 8, fols. 100v–1v; NL-DHk 71 A 4, fols. 159r–60v; NL-HEESWab 19, fols. 145r–47v)

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82 chapter two conspectu Domini primo mane immolatus, vere sacerdos & hostia ad basim altaris occubuit).88 Thus Lambert’s death at the altar represents the offering made upon it. The sequence further embellishes Nicholas’s analogy with vivid sacrificial imagery in the concluding versicles: 9a. Thus the salutary victim is sacrificed, and at the altars sacred blood is poured forth. 9b. But Adam’s redeemer is refreshed by the odor of the evening sacrifice. 10a. The castrated ram with a blood-red hide, made whiter than snow, covering the tabernacle— 10b. reddened by his passion, whitened by his chastity, brought forth the dwelling place. 11a. May he who thus trampled the wine-press and whitened his clothing with the blood of the true Lamb 11b. gather us in heaven, absolved from sins, and render us cleansed of sin. Amen. [9a. Hic hostia salutaris Immolatur et in aris Sacer sanguis funditur; 9b. Sed redemptor prothoplausti Vespertini holocausti Odore reficitur. 10a. Vervex pelle rubricata Super nivem dealbata Tegens tabernaculum 10b. Passione rubricatum Castitate candidatum Gessit habitaculum. 11a. Qui torcular sic calcavit Et qui vestem dealbavit Agni veri sanguine

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11b. A peccatis absolutos Celo jungat et ablutos Nos reddat a crimine. Amen.]89

Through his sacrifice, and the spilling of his blood at the altar, Lambert is transformed into the Mystical Lamb of God, whose blood washes the white robes of martyrs in the Apocalypse (Revelation 7:14). Apocalyptic images of the redemptive Lamb permeate this concluding passage of the sequence and are especially apparent in the repeated contrast of red blood and white clothing. In the tenth versicle, the ram’s blood-red hide made “whiter than snow” covers the Lord’s dwelling place, the tabernacle reddened by the redeemer’s Passion and whitened by his chastity, combining the depiction of the tabernacle covered by reddened rams’ skins in Exodus 26.14 with the Apocalyptic scene in which the martyrs, having washed their robes white in the blood of the Lamb, stand before God’s throne (the Lamb’s dwelling) and serve God day and night in his temple (Revelation 7:15–17).90 Indeed, the sequence acknowledges Lambert as the redemptive Lamb much the way Saint John the Baptist recognized Christ as the Agnus dei, “the lamb of God, who taketh away the sin of the World” (John 1:29). Not only does Lambert’s murder at the adulteress’s command parallel that of the biblical martyr, but the spilling of his blood aligns this liégeois bishop with the Messiah whom John recognized. While Christi laudem avoids an explicit comparison to Lambert’s New Testament model, two sequences circulating elsewhere in the diocese name Herodias and John the Baptist. The earliest extant copy of a sequence for Saint Lambert, Lambertus martyr in conspectu Domini, was appended before 1158 to a late eleventhor early twelfth-century hagiographic manuscript (GB-Lbl Add 26788) destined for the Benedictine Abbey of Saint Heribert at Deutz, located across the Rhine from Cologne.91 The fourth and fifth vesicles of this sequence compare Lambert’s martyrdom to that of John the Baptist in language reminiscent of Sigebert’s Vita altera: 4a. Thence there is the reason: by means of the deadly blow, the priest and victim of chastity climbs to heaven. 4b. The adulteress sought to kill the one accusing [her] in [her] ways, as did Herodias John. 5a. Thus he enters the heavenly temple with crown and palm, shining with the purple-colored stole. [4a. Inde est quod per mortis plagam Scandit caelos sacerdos Et castitatis victima,

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84 chapter two 4b. Occidit illum adultera arguentem in porta, ut Iohannem Herodias. 5a. Sic caeleste templum intrat cum corona et cum palma nitens stola purpurea.]92

Following the overt reference to the biblical model, Lambert enters heaven gleaming in the stole reddened by his passion and bearing the archetypal insignia of his new rank: the crown and palm of martyrdom. Another sequence, Martyris egregia Lamberti, transmitted in a thirteenth-century gradual from the Marienkirche in Aachen (D-AAm G13, fols. 140r–v) includes a more detailed account of this comparison closer to Canon Nicholas’s vita: 9a. After he [Lambert] accused Pippin, whom a concubine joined in unlawful intercourse, 9b. The second Herodias, as a rival of the [new] John, contrives a plot. 10a. While [Lambert], out of zeal for prayer was in Liège, closed in his cell, 10b. There appears a cabal of the minions of Dodo, or rather, Satan. [9a. Dum Pipinum arguit, Quem pelex innexuit Non legali copula, 9b. Molitur insidias Alter Herodias, Ut Iohannis aemula. 10a. Cum orandi studio Esset in Leodio Sua clausus cellula, 10b. Dodonis satellitum Immo Satan comitum Assunt conventicula.]93

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Here Lambert, in the role of John the Baptist, is attacked by the henchmen of Dodo, impersonating the Devil, as the direct result of the plot conceived by his rival, the second Herodias. The explicit comparison of Lambert to John, the concubine to Herodias, and Dodo to Satan, polarizes these figures in the opposition of good and evil. Oppositions govern each paired versicle; Lambert’s conflict with Pippin incites the adulteress’s hostility, while Lambert’s priest-like devotion distances him from the Devil’s cabal. Like Lambertus martyr in conspectu Domini, the ensuing versicles of this sequence depict the union of Lambert’s soul with the martyrs laureled in heaven. Through these chants, the biblical comparison featured so explicitly in the eleventh- and twelfth-century depictions of Lambert’s legend became increasingly embellished, as the musical counterpart to the lections recited on the Octave of Lambert’s Martyrdom. That John the Baptist is the only biblical figure, apart from Christ, referenced in these liturgical texts and music testifies to the ongoing and widely perceived relevance of this biblical martyr to the validation of Lambert’s martyrial status. While hagiographers might evoke multiple biblical models, the liturgy commemorating Lambert’s death prioritized a singular example. As a complement to the event of Lambert’s murder depicted in the Lauds antiphons of the saint’s tenth-century Office, the hymns and sequences sung on the feast of Lambert’s Martyrdom and the lections read on its Octave addressed precisely the topic Bishop Stephen so carefully sought to avoid— the cause of Lambert’s death. With the addition of new texts and music inspired by various hagiographic traditions, the depiction of the martyrial act central to the feast itself became more complete. Yet liturgical accretion did not amount to revision, as the tenth-century Office remained intact. The resulting hagioliturgical mosaic generated, instead, multiple reinterpretations of the bishop’s demise, voiced successively as the feast itself unfolded. Through the commemoration of Lambert’s Martyrdom, clerics thus came to contemplate, from myriad perspectives, the causes, consequences, and validity of their patron’s lofty rank.

Musical and Processional Intersections in the Civic Cult of the Martyred Bishops (Thirteenth–Sixteenth Centuries) The liturgical honors shared by Theodard and Lambert resulted not only in the idealization of each bishop’s martyrial profile but in the intersection of their cults. As we noted previously, the cathedral clergy marked the bishops’ proximity both in rank and time, by celebrating their martyrial feasts just one

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86 chapter two week apart. Yet the two saints enjoyed a much closer musical and physical connection, exemplified by the common melodic source of the hymns commemorating their martyrdom and by the civic processions showcasing their relics. The sonic and visual elements of these rituals merit analysis, for it was through musical performance and processional display that the bond uniting the two martyred bishops became most tangible to the civic clergy and laity alike. The singers performing the Office chants commemorating Theodard and Lambert would surely have recognized a musical connection between the hymns proper to these bishops (shown in ex. 2.3). Both Gaudeat prole Gallia for Theodard and Hymnum cantemus gratiae for Lambert belong to a group of hymns sharing the same melody as the widely known Matins Hymn Aeterne rex altissime for Ascension, on which the Lauds Hymn Verbum supernum prodiens for Corpus Christi was later modeled.94 While it is unlikely that liégeois clerics knew Aeterne rex altissime,95 the Corpus Christi hymn Verbum supernum was sung at both the cathedral and the collegiate church of Holy Cross by the early fourteenth century at the latest.96 These hymns for Corpus Christi, Theodard, and Lambert share, in addition to a common melody, joint allusions to Christlike sacrifice. In Verbum supernum, Christ gives himself to his disciples at the Last Supper, where he will be betrayed by one of his own (second stanza): Handed over by a disciple to his enemies for his death, he first gave himself to his disciples on a plate. [In mortem a discipulo Suis tradendus aemulis Prius in vitae ferculo Se tradidit discipulis.]97

These voluntary and salvific effects of Christ’s Passion inspire the martyrial acts of the two bishops. Having been deceived by the malicious plunderers of the Church, Theodard saves his pastoral flock through the redemptive effect of his spilled blood (third and fourth stanzas), while Lambert, as Christ’s champion, eagerly suffers the vengeance of the adulterous couple (fifth stanza). The hymns for Theodard and Corpus Christi further detail the victim’s heavenward ascension. Following his passion, Theodard experiences a Christlike ascent to heaven (fourth stanza), the door of which is opened by Christ, as the “saving victim,” in Verbum supernum (fifth stanza). This example of contrafactum—the retexting of a shared melody resulting in vivid intertextual associations—thus invited singers and devotees alike to contemplate the similarities between the two martyred bishops and to celebrate their Christlike virtues. In addition to these musical parallels, Saints Theodard and Lambert enjoyed a corporal connection through the processional display of their relics. During

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Example 2.3. Comparison of hymns Hymnum cantemus gratiae and Gaudeat prole Gallia (B-Br 6433, fols. 136v–37v; NL-DHk 68 A 1, fols. 136r, 139r)

88 chapter two three processions held each summer throughout the later Middle Ages, the secular clergy collaborated with the city’s craft guilds to carry the reliquaries of both episcopal martyrs to various ecclesiastical communities situated near the city limits—thereby emphasizing the extent of these saints’ protective powers for the urban populace at large. Seeking divine benediction for the crops, the cathedral and collegiate clergy joined the civic guilds to sing the litanies during the tres processiones ministeriorum following the Octave of the feast of Saint John the Baptist.98 The three processions—originally visiting the Augustinian (later Carthusian) church of the Twelve Apostles at Mont-Cornillon, the priory of Saint Leonard, and the Augustinian house of Saint Giles—began in 1244 and continued until 1526, when Bishop Erard de la Marck founded a new procession for the feast of the Translation of Saint Lambert’s relics (analyzed in chapter 5).99 Because of the distance of Mont-Cornillon and Saint Giles from the city center, the processional route was modified to visit three churches located at or not far beyond the city walls: Saint Leonard and the Benedictine congregation of Saint Lawrence (just beyond the city’s eastern and western limits, respectively) and the Abbey of the Scholares across the river in the Outremeuse (to the south).100 The first procession usually took place on the first Friday of July, the second procession on the following Wednesday, and the third on the following Monday.101 The honor of carrying Saint Theodard’s feretory fell to the guild of the goldsmiths, while Saint Lambert’s silver reliquary was carried by the butchers.102 Chants invoking Theodard and Lambert heralded the progress of each reliquary along the processional route or its arrival at the designated ecclesiastical community.103 Leaving the choir of the cathedral, the choirmaster began a responsory for the Holy Trinity, Honor virtus, with the Verse Gloria patri followed by the responsory for Saint Lambert, Sacerdos Dei. Approaching either the church of Saint Leonard, Saint Lawrence, or the Scholares, the cantor intoned two Marian chants—the Responsory Gaude Maria Virgo and the popular processional Sequence Inviolata—while the ordinary brethren and the monks responded in the choir. With the arrival of the guild members carrying Saint Theodard’s feretory, the choirmaster serenaded this saint with the chant O Theodarde. The clergy then celebrated various votive masses at each church: the Mass against sin (with the Introit Salus populi) at Saint Leonard, a Mass of the Holy Spirit (with the Introit Spiritus domini) at Saint Lawrence, and a Marian Mass (with the Introit Salve sancta parens) at the Scholares. Returning to the cathedral, two members of the cathedral clergy sang the litanies. These same canons then joined with the monks to sing the Te Deum in the middle of the nave, near the great chandelier, or corona sancti Lamberti.104 Once all the guildsmen had gathered, one of the canons who had sung the litanies intoned the Magnificat antiphon for Saint Lambert, Magna vox. The monks then retreated to their churches, and the celebrant said the prayer “Pray for us, Saint Lambert” (Ora pro nobis sancte Lamberte).

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As processional chants, both the antiphon and responsory for Saint Lambert were closely associated with the visual display of the bishop’s relics and with the feast of his Martyrdom.105 The sixth Matins Responsory Sacerdos Dei, quoting from Bishop Stephen’s Vita secunda, invokes Lambert in his priestly persona. The chant details Lambert’s nocturnal punishment at the cross for having disturbed the monks of Stavelot by dropping his shoe:106 The most gentle priest of God burned inwardly with the flame of the Spirit, the Paraclete, so that outwardly he braved the torments of the bitter cold. Heaven lay open to his prayers, and his prayer reached the ears of the Most High. [Sacerdos Dei mitissimus Ardebat plane interius Flamma paraclyti spiritus. Iccirco exterius frigoris Contempsit cruciatus. V. Caelum ejus patuit precibus, Et oratio ad supernos pervenit auditus.]107

The inner fervor of Lambert’s faith is such that he is oblivious to his external pain. Even the coldest exterior conditions cannot snuff the spiritual flame burning within God’s priest. For this reason, Lambert’s prayers are heard in heaven. As shown in example 2.4, Sacerdos Dei is a melismatic chant, with lengthy flourishes counting an average of five to seventeen notes per syllable. Such a high degree of vocalization allowed the singers to dwell on Lambert’s priestly fervor and especially his willful suffering. Indeed, in the phrase “so that outwardly he braved the torments of the bitter cold” (repeated after the verse), singers embellished the word “torments” (cruciatus) with close to forty notes— by far the longest melisma in the entire chant. In singing this responsory, clerics thus gave voice to Lambert’s exemplary asceticism. In contrast to the ascetic tone of Sacerdos Dei, the First Vespers Magnificat Antiphon Magna vox summons Lambert in joyous song: The voice resounding with loud praise is fitting to you in every respect; the choir of heaven takes delight in you, enriched by such a companion. The land applauds and rejoices, worthy of such a great bishop. O holy martyr, Lambert! Receive our prayers.

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90 chapter two Example 2.4. Sacerdos Dei mitissimus (B-Lgc H118/87, fol. 191v; B-Lsc 2, fol. 207r; B-Br 6434, fols. 90v–91r)

[Magna vox laude sonora, Te decet per omnia. Quo poli chorea gaudet, Aucta tali compare. Terra plaudit et resultat, Digna tanto presule. O, sacer Lamberte martyr, Nostra vota suscipe.]108

The singers invoke Lambert, both as bishop and martyr, in direct language with a melismatic and exclamatory “O” preceding his name.109 As shown in example 2.5, the chant enhances the sonic effect of this exclamation by extending the melodic range a full third above the customary modal limit.110 Indeed, sound figures prominently in this antiphon evoking the resonant and festive manner in which Lambert’s praise is voiced by a sizable community, both earthly and celestial—perhaps, on this occasion, representing the collaboration between lay and clerical participants in the procession.111 Within this sonic appeal, the exclamatory melisma of the last phrase is the unique moment at which the singers literally “raise” their voices to summon the holy martyr.

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Example 2.5. Magna vox laude sonora (B-Lgc H118/87, fol. 189r; B-Lsc 2, fol. 204r– v; B-Br 6434, fol. 89r–v)

A similar vocative appeal characterizes the processional music for Saint Theodard. While the chant O Theodarde is not transmitted with Theodard’s Office, it may have constituted an embellishment in the form of a prosa appended to one of the responsories.112 If the local clergy did indeed sing this prosa, they would have invoked Theodard’s many merits: O glorious Theodard! Patron pleasing to God, endowed with every virtue, now worthily exalted. Esteemed martyr of God, favored preacher, man of great prudence, with your whole heart you loved Christ, the king of glory, for whom you suffered death. [O Theodarde inclite, Patrone Deo grate, Omni virtute praedite, Iam digne sublimate, Martyr Dei pretiose, Praedicator gratiose, Magnae vir prudentiae, Toto corde dilexisti, Pro quo mortem pertulisti, Christum, regem gloriae.]113

More so than Magna vox, this chant summons the martyr’s God-given virtues, as a wise preacher whose heartfelt dedication results in his Christlike

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92 chapter two death. As God’s esteemed martyr, Theodard resembles God’s most gentle priest, Lambert. By the early sixteenth century, the tres processiones ministeriorum would be replaced with a great civic procession on the feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation. Yet, significantly, Saint Theodard’s relics continued to elicit the interest of the bishop who oversaw the inauguration of this procession showcasing Saint Lambert’s monumental reliquary bust. The year 1526 marks the institution of the new procession for Lambert and the first payment for a new reliquary for Theodard—both by Bishop Erard de la Marck.114 It was the bishop’s goldsmith, Leonard of Bommershoven, who received the commission for a new silver reliquary decorated with fifteen gilt statuettes. Bommershoven’s personal record of the payments he received suggests that the goldsmith completed the majority of his work between 1526 and 1528, with additional donations from the cathedral treasury and prominent individuals.115 These supplementary contributions included revenue from a house that had belonged to the former cathedral cantor Henry of Palude—the same singer who, as we shall see in chapter 5, serenaded Saint Lambert’s cranium. Thus, the very individuals actively promoting the civic veneration of Saint Lambert’s relics likewise financed the remodeling of Saint Theodard’s remains. Through this process of artistic renovation, the two martyred bishops would share a new civic profile. The ongoing musical and visual intersection of the two martyrs’ cults publicized their underlying historical and hagiographic parallels for the urban public. The persistence of these associations suggests that the cults of the city’s martyred bishops developed in tandem and were understood as complementary. Indeed, Sigebert’s perception that Theodard and Lambert shared an equal distinction from their episcopal predecessors and successors could not have been more prophetic of the extent to which their martyrial connection would flourish. *

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As voiced by hagiographers and singers, Saints Theodard and Lambert were virtually inseparable in the church and city endowed with their remains. Just as these saints shared a common “problem,” having perished as the result of political action rather than spiritual belief, both bishops acquired an increasingly idealized profile through the embellishments of hagiographic writing and liturgical song. Vivid depictions of the prelate’s passion, expressed musically in the Sequences Urbs Legia (in which Theodard is laureled by his own blood) and Christi laudem (portraying Lambert as the sacrificial victim whose blood is spilled at the altar) evoked the martyrial archetype detailed by Prudentius—the Early Christian poet who had emphasized the locational significance of martyrdom, much as Sigebert of Gembloux would later idealize both martyr and city.

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As we noted in chapter 1, the civic preeminence of Liège relied heavily on the cult of its two martyred bishops. In hagiography and music alike, the idealized images of saint and city were mutually reflexive—Legia mirrored Lambert and vice versa. Just as the city merited to be consecrated by the bodies of its founding saints, these murdered prelates merited to be venerated as true martyrs. By recognizing and expressing this civic-martyrial symbiosis, Sigebert and Nicholas promoted both the preeminence of the two martyrs over other local bishops and the prestige of the episcopal city over other urban communities. The biblical imagery and laudatory language of their legends, moreover, facilitated the fusion of these ideals in the cathedral rite. Thus, on the martyrial feasts of Theodard and Lambert, local clerics could at once voice their prayers to the highest-ranking saints of their church and rejoice for the supreme protection bestowed on their city. Yet Theodard and Lambert were not the only liégeois bishops whose cults would intersect. As we shall examine in the next chapter, the titular saint of the cathedral and patron of the diocese (Lambert) also shared close ties to the patron of the city (Hubert). As Lambert’s episcopal successor who oversaw the return of his relics to his martyrdom site, Hubert played a decisive role both in the promotion of Lambert’s cult and the prestige of Liège. Indeed, in hagiographic texts and liturgical music, Saints Theodard, Lambert, and Hubert formed an exceptionally tight-knit triumvirate—as teachers or students chosen to succeed one another on the same episcopal throne who would come to share the same burial place. We cannot fully understand the local importance of this episcopal trio, therefore, without analyzing the civic cult of its third member—Bishop Hubert.

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Chapter Three

The Civic Cult of Saint Hubert Venerating Bishops as Founders Hubertus ipse est praesul et parens tuus, Beata tanto conditore Legia. [That same Hubert is your bishop and father, Liège, blessed by such a founder.] —Sebastian Hustin

With this poetic appeal to the citizens of Liège published in 1612,1 theologian Sebastian Hustin lauded Saint Hubert’s civic and episcopal attributes. Hustin’s claim, in the preceding verses, that it was Hubert (d. 727) who had “given laws and established justice for the inhabitants,” echoed a longstanding perception of the bishop’s urban undertakings first documented in the Gesta pontificum Trajectensium et Leodiensium in the mid-eleventh century by Canon Anselm. In his entry on Hubert’s episcopate, the cathedral canon credited this prelate not only with the promotion of “humble” Liège to the seat of the diocese, but equally with the institution of civil law and civic measures: “He gave civil law to the inhabitants of the town, he ordered their life and customs with the bridle of discipline. He wisely established the pound of bread, the pound of wine, and the measure [of grain], which have persisted with us to this day” (Ius civile oppidanis tribuit, vitam et mores ipsorum disciplinae freno composuit. Libram panis, libram vini, modiumque, quae nobiscum perseverant usque hodie, sapienter constituit).2 Through this concise testimony to Hubert’s lasting civic influence, Canon Anselm effectively merged an idealized image of the liégeois community, subject to the bishop’s disciplinary oversight, with the reality of daily life, regulated by the bishop’s measures.3 Chroniclers subsequent to Anselm would enhance Hubert’s civic and episcopal profile with diverse references to fictitious deeds and real events. By the end of the fourteenth century, if not earlier, Hubert was remembered both as the last bishop of Maastricht and the first bishop of Liège. He was also believed to have given this city a new name, Leodium, replacing the earlier designation of Legia, and to have impressed his image on its coinage. Most significantly,

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the civic cult of saint hubert 95 it was Hubert to whom the city could credit the legend inscribed on the civic seal: “Saintly Liège, by the Grace of God, Daughter of the Church of Rome” (Sancta Legia Dei gratia Romane ecclesie filia).4 This explicit association of Liège with the city of the Apostles reflects the recurring Roman, and especially apostolic, themes of Hubert’s civic cult. Yet the most poignant testimony to the bishop’s enduring urban identity is found in the actions of an outsider. Intent on subjugating Liège to Burgundian rule in 1468, Duke Charles the Bold chose none other than Saint Hubert’s feast as the day on which to destroy the city. A local witness to this calamity, the Benedictine monk and chronicler Adrian of Oudenbosch, recalled: “On the feast of Saint Hubert, who originally founded the city of Liège, the duke declared that the churches be preserved and the remainder be set on fire” (In die S. Huberti, qui primo fundavit civitatem Leodiensem, dux declaravit ecclesias reservari, et residuum incendio tradi).5 By conflating the city’s destruction with its founding, the Burgundian duke at once challenged and recognized local belief in the civic patron. Despite the variety and longevity of these civic associations, current scholarship focuses on the saint’s rural cult around the Benedictine abbey at Andage.6 This rural community was renamed after Hubert following the ninth-century translation of his relics away from the city of Liège to a remote location in the Ardenne forest (near the present-day border with Luxembourg). As the titular patron of the Ardenne region,7 Hubert was subsequently invoked as an intercessor against rabies and as patron of hunters. As such, he was frequently portrayed holding a horn and surrounded by animals, most notably the cruciferous stag whose miraculous appearance in the forest was believed to have inspired Hubert’s dedication to God and to the holy life.8 At precisely the time that Hubert acquired these attributes especially suited to a rural environment, however, he continued to be praised in the episcopal city. How, then, was Hubert commemorated by the urban clergy of Liège, and what does the cathedral liturgy reveal about the civic significance of his cult? As Saint Lambert’s successor on the bishop’s throne, Hubert was venerated with the customary episcopal classification of confessor in the liégeois rite. Yet Hubert was no ordinary confessor. By the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the cathedral clergy celebrated Hubert’s principal feast (November 3) at duplex rank with a full complement of proper chants—a versified Office including a prosa and two hymns, as well as a sequence at Mass—that highlighted Hubert’s ties to his martyred predecessor, Lambert, and to the Prince of the Apostles, Peter. These saints represented, not coincidentally, the titular patrons of the two churches Hubert had founded in Liège. As an analysis of the hagiographic sources for these martyrial and apostolic associations will reveal, Saint Hubert’s civic cult celebrated more than the episcopal origins of the cathedral city. In venerating their founding bishop, urban clerics simultaneously asserted the apostolic authority of the bishop’s office and the divinely sanctioned continuity of the episcopal lineage.

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96 chapter three A fresh look at the little-studied cathedral liturgy for Saint Hubert reveals how music, art, and ritual underscore at once the bishop’s ties to the city he founded and to the episcopal martyr whose cult he promoted.9 In order to recognize these civic and interepiscopal connections, we must first examine Hubert’s place in the early history of the city and the special status of the clergy serving the two churches that became central to his civic cult. These institutions share a complex relatioship to the five vitae that document Hubert’s changing profile between the eighth and fifteenth centuries and increasingly emphasize Hubert’s ties to his predecessor. Indeed, the longstanding influence of hagiographic legends introduced into the cult of Saint Lambert by Canon Nicholas in the mid-twelfth century is equally pronounced in the cult of Hubert. As we will discover in the central portions of this chapter, the Mass and Office music proper to Hubert evokes these legends—depicted in a fifteenthcentury painting—to portray the direct link between Lambert’s martyrdom and Hubert’s episcopal consecration, celebrated in Rome by papal and apostolic consent. Yet as we will soon see, Hubert’s liturgy also draws from earlier hagiographic sources to legitimize the fiction of the bishop’s enduring bodily presence at the church of Saint Peter in Liège. The cathedral rite thus conveniently overlooks the reality of the saint’s translation to Andage and anticipates sixteenth-century attempts to reestablish the original site of Hubert’s tomb as a pilgrimage destination. These legends, chants, and rituals combine multiple influences, inspired by the civic genre of the gesta episcoporum, the apostolic origins of the episcopate, and the curative powers of saintly relics. By examining the evolution of Hubert’s liégeois cult over some eight centuries, we can better understand how urban clerics tailored Hubert’s saintly profile to both idealize their founding bishop and to voice real concerns for episcopal accession and relic possession involving the city’s principal secular chapters.

Bishop Hubert as Civic Founder (Eighth Century Onward) While Saint Lambert was invoked as the patron of the Liège diocese, Bishop Hubert was remembered as the founder and patron saint of the city. Just as hagiographers emphasized Lambert’s preference for Liège as the final repository for Bishop Theodard’s relics, so too Hubert was believed to have chosen the same place as the permanent sepulchre for his own martyred predecessor, Lambert. It was Hubert who promoted Liège as a sacred site by translating Lambert’s remains from Maastricht, the martyr’s birthplace and the seat of his bishopric. Prior to the translation, probably in 716,10 Hubert approved and likely oversaw the construction of a new basilica marking the precise location of the bishop’s martyrdom.11 The proximity of the new martyrium to the Marian oratory adjoining Lambert’s villa, which appears to

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the civic cult of saint hubert 97 have housed a baptismal font, may have inspired the erection of a double cathedral dedicated jointly to the Virgin and Saint Lambert in subsequent centuries.12 Hubert outdid his predecessor in the establishment of a sacred infrastructure in Liège by building an additional sanctuary, under the invocation of Saint Peter, over the site of a Merovingian cemetery.13 Fittingly, it was in the church of the Apostle that Hubert wished to be buried. Thus, by the time of his death in 727, Hubert had overseen the enlargement of Liège by two new churches, which, alongside the preexisting oratory, would constitute the ecclesiastical core of the later medieval city. That Hubert actively enhanced the physical and symbolic importance of Liège is beyond doubt, yet the extent of the prelate’s role in the founding of an episcopal city and transfer of the seat of the diocese remains enigmatic.14 Many historians believe that the relocation of the bishop’s seat from Maastricht to Liège was a gradual process spanning several decades, possibly even centuries.15 Hubert may merely have seen Liège as his principal residence or power center.16 Some have argued that Liège did not become a true civitas, housing the bishop’s throne, until the later eighth century—perhaps around the time of Charlemagne’s Easter visit in 770.17 Others have proposed that Hubert sought to endow Liège with an episcopal agglomeration, as evinced by the details of the construction project he initiated. Under Hubert’s supervision, the three churches of Liège did in fact offer the variety of liturgical functions—baptism at the Marian oratory, protection of the martyr’s relics at Saint Lambert’s basilica, and the funeral cult at the church of Saint Peter—characteristic of an episcopal city.18 The dedicatees of these sanctuaries, moreover, reflect those established in the former cathedral town of Maastricht: the Virgin, a local bishop, and the Apostle.19 The prevailing opinion, however, is that Liège did not replace Maastricht as the episcopal seat during Hubert’s lifetime. Besides the obvious spiritual appeal of Saint Lambert’s martyrium, Liège may have lured Hubert away from Maastricht on account of more mundane concerns—namely, the ongoing Christianization of the diocese, and the interests of the Pippinid family. Historians have noted the significance of the location of the new sanctuary dedicated to Saint Peter over a preexisting cemetery. While the Apostle entrusted by Christ with the keys to heaven was a customary protector of funerary churches, Hubert built the liégeois church of Saint Peter in the midst of a combined pagan–Christian burial ground, thereby undoubtedly seeking to purify the site of pagan influence.20 It is noteworthy in this respect that Liège was more centrally located within the diocese than Maastricht and closer to the Ardenne forest still plagued by paganism.21 Indeed, Hubert’s first hagiographer, likely writing just prior to 750, claimed that Hubert specifically set out to evangelize the pagans living in this region.22 The bishop was also undoubtedly sensitive to the advantages of the geographic proximity of Liège to Pippinid domains, despite internal divisions within this powerful family. Indeed, Hubert may have belonged to the kin

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98 chapter three group of Plectrude, the first (and legitimate) wife of Pippin II of Herstal.23 This branch of the Pippinid family appears to have been the first to support Lambert’s cult. As early as 714, Plectrude’s second son and heir to the mayoralty of the palace, Grimoald, traveled to Liège specifically to pray at Lambert’s shrine.24 Yet, as we noted in chapter 2, Grimoald’s murder on this journey may have signaled hostility not only toward Plectrude’s descendants but equally to Saint Lambert, no doubt resulting from tensions between Plectrude’s supporters and the kin of Pippin’s bigamous wife, Alpaïda, apparently centered in and around Liège.25 Despite a probable initial alliance with Plectrude, Hubert must have translated Lambert’s relics in cooperation with Alpaïda’s illegitimate son, Charles Martel. After the murder of his half brother on the way to Lambert’s shrine, Charles may have promoted the martyr’s cult as an act of reconciliation between the two branches of the family.26 In fact, Carolingian rulers inhabiting the neighboring towns of Herstal, Jupille, and Chèvremont quickly recognized Liège as a religious center.27 As recalled annually in the chants honoring Saint Hubert’s burial, Carloman, the son of Charles Martel and uncle to Charlemagne, demonstrated marked support for Saint Hubert’s cult by witnessing the elevation of the bishop’s relics at the church of Saint Peter in 743, accompanied by his wife and members of his court. As Hubert’s civic attributes increased in subsequent centuries, the clergymen serving the two churches built under his supervision assumed greater administrative control over the city and diocese. At precisely the time that Canon Anselm credited Hubert with the transfer of the episcopal seat and the establishment of civil law and civic measures, in the mid-eleventh century, the cathedral and its chapter held a preeminent position among the city’s clergy. Following the reconstruction of this church, initiated by Bishop Notger and consecrated by his successor Balderic II in 1015, the cathedral chapter counted some sixty canons—twice that of the surrounding collegiate churches. Recruited for the most part from the nobility, the cathedral chapter formed a corporation of lords intent on preserving their privileges and liberties.28 The growing independence of the cathedral chapter, and especially its provost, would manifest itself most notably in the privilege of episcopal election— a circumstance of considerable relevance to Saint Hubert’s later civic cult. Even prior to the Concordat of Worms concluded between Emperor Henry V and Pope Calixtus II in 1122, which substantially weakened imperial intervention in the administration of dioceses within the Germanic realm, the cathedral’s highest ranking dignitary—the provost—played an important role in episcopal elections. As the prima vox, the provost had first say in naming episcopal candidates, a privilege that implicitly gave the cathedral chapter considerable influence over the pool of nominees from which each bishop was chosen.29 The provost also doubled as an archdeacon of Liège, with the right to inspect the city’s churches, control admission to benefices, admonish and correct clerical abuses, and hold synods of the local clergy.30 Invested with these combined

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the civic cult of saint hubert 99 electoral and archidiaconal powers, the cathedral provost was thus in a position to challenge the bishop’s authority. The cathedral chapter itself would continue to strengthen its temporal and spiritual independence from the bishop and to increase its administrative rights. By the time that cathedral provosts gained archidiaconal jurisdiction over the city in the early thirteenth century, seven more archdeacons, typically chosen from the cathedral chapter, governed religious establishments throughout the diocese.31 In this way, the clerical population of the entire diocese came under the direct authority of the cathedral chapter. As episcopal electors, these all-powerful canons equally sought exclusive control in the administration of the diocese during periods when the bishop’s throne was vacant. By the end of the thirteenth century, the cathedral chapter alone had acquired the right to designate a “mambour” to assume the temporal powers of the bishop during the sede vacante.32 The granting of this privilege roughly coincided with that of another important right, as the chapter became exempt from the spiritual jurisdiction of the bishop and his officials.33 Freedom from the bishop, however, did not liberate the chapter from external pressures of a far higher order. From the mid-thirteenth century onward, these canons were increasingly compelled to answer to the pope.34 As we shall soon see, papal intervention in the frequently contested matter of episcopal accession is an issue central to Hubert’s liégeois liturgy. The canons next in rank to the cathedral chapter were those serving the church of Saint Peter—Hubert’s funerary sanctuary and the city’s oldest collegiate church.35 Left in ruins following the Norman invasion of 881, the church was rebuilt, enlarged, and rededicated on May 29, 922, by Bishop Richer, who endowed it with a chapter of thirty canons.36 Saint Peter would soon become the leading establishment among the city’s seven collegiate churches, hosting frequent meetings presided by its dean and attended by two representatives of each chapter.37 The seal of Saint Peter was used to corroborate charters issued by the collegiate churches until the assembly designed its own seal in 1408. Beginning in the same year, each chapter was required to pay an annual fee to maintain a common fund, for the defense of clerical privileges, kept at Saint Peter alongside the seal and archives of the assembly. Seven resident canons, appointed annually by their respective chapters, were entrusted with a key to the communal money chest housed at this church.38 Saint Peter thus represented the physical and administrative headquarters for the city’s secular clerics seeking a measure of independence from the all-powerful cathedral canons. In addition to these intercollegiate administrative privileges, the chapter of Saint Peter held an important civic function by hosting an annual Mass on the Vigil of the feast of the Apostles Peter and Paul (June 29) uniting the urban secular clergy with the city’s lay dignitaries (Magistri civitatis leodiensis).39 Music was integral to this votive ceremony. On the vigil of the Apostles, cathedral clerics habitually processed to Saint Peter, singing the Responsory Peccavi with

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a sequence, if needed. After arriving at the church, they sang two chants for the Apostle—the Antiphon Solve iubente Deo and Verse Tu es petrus—followed by the Kyrie eleison, bending their knees. The cathedral canons then sang a special Mass, beginning with the Introit Salus populi, and processed back to the cathedral, singing the litanies. The presence and musical participation of representatives from the city’s secular clergy, including the cantoribus sancti lamberti referenced in late fifteenth-century expense accounts,40 no doubt served to highlight the church’s unique position within the power hierarchy separating the cathedral from the collegiate chapters. As we shall observe presently, the city’s highest-ranking secular clerics played a leading role in the development of Bishop Hubert’s civic cult. Chants sung at the cathedral in the later Middle Ages commemorated, among the saint’s many deeds and attributes, Hubert’s burial at Saint Peter. Indeed, Hubert’s relics were venerated at both the cathedral and most spectacularly around his tomb in the collegiate church, long after the translation of his body away from this site. By analyzing Hubert’s civic cult, we thus witness the process by which local clerics ensured the survival of the bishop’s memory in the very place, and specifically the churches, he had personally sought to promote.

Carolingian and Apostolic Associations in the Vitae Huberti (Eighth–Fifteenth Centuries) Saint Hubert’s hagiographic profile underwent a remarkable transformation between the mid-eighth and fifteenth centuries. The longevity of this tradition is all the more impressive when we consider that the majority of these vitae postdate the early ninth-century translation of the saint’s corporal remains away from the city. Successive hagiographic embellishments testify to the ongoing vitality and evolution of Hubert’s cult during a period contemporaneous with the development of the saint’s local liturgy. Only by examining the details of the bishop’s many legends, as they emerged over 700 years, can we understand the complex web of hagiographic threads that influenced local votive practices and guaranteed Saint Hubert’s lasting relevance to the secular clergy of Liège. The elevation of Hubert’s relics inspired the first two of the saint’s vitae, both of which testify to Carolingian support for his cult. The Vita prima sancti Huberti, written probably between 743 and 750, documents the formal recognition of Hubert’s sanctity. The bishop was first officially venerated in Liège at the elevation of his relics from the crypt to the high altar of the church of Saint Peter on November 3, 743—an event later commemorated at Lauds in Hubert’s versified Office.41 The vita acknowledges Carolingian interest in Hubert’s cult by documenting the participation of the mayor of the Austrasian palace, Carloman (d. 754), brother of Pippin III and uncle of Charlemagne.42

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the civic cult of saint hubert 101 This event, marking the prominence of Hubert’s relics at the site he personally designated for his burial, established November 3 as Hubert’s principal feast day, thereby eclipsing the date of the bishop’s actual death (May 30). The division of the Vita prima into nine chapters suggests that this text was initially conceived to be read at the nine lessons of Saint Hubert’s earliest Office.43 Hubert’s first hagiographer, an anonymous cleric writing approximately twenty years after the bishop’s demise, describes solely the events with which he was personally familiar.44 Since this cleric appears to have lived in Hubert’s entourage for only the final year or so of the bishop’s life, his vita lacks any reference to Hubert’s origins, life prior to his episcopate, and to the greater part of his episcopate itself. The vita begins, instead, with a brief allusion to Saint Lambert’s martyrdom—an event that would accumulate considerable significance in later accretions to Hubert’s cult. Following a perfunctory reference to Hubert’s episcopal election, the hagiographer highlights the bishop’s principal deeds: his translation of Lambert’s relics; Hubert’s efforts to evangelize the regions of Ardenne, Toxandria, and Brabant; and his exorcism of a woman possessed by demons, among other miracles. The focus then shifts to the events surrounding Hubert’s demise and posthumous veneration: his premonition of death, announced by a vision; choice of the church of Saint Peter for his burial; death in Fura and the subsequent translation of his remains to Liège; and the elevation of his incorrupt body at the church of Saint Peter, also inspired by visions.45 The number of biographical lacunae in the Vita prima, however, appears to have inspired the many legends addressing these unknown aspects of the saint’s life that would emerge by the twelfth century both in hagiographic texts and liturgical music. Inspired by the Vita prima, Saint Hubert’s Vita secunda commemorates the next elevation of Saint Hubert’s relics, in 825.46 Yet it also documents the translation of the bishop’s body from Liège to the Benedictine abbey at Andage. To mark the relocation of Hubert’s remains to this remote monastery at the heart of the Ardenne forest, Bishop Walcaud (r. ca. 809–ca. 831) commissioned his personal friend and fellow scholar at the Carolingian royal court, Bishop Jonas of Orléans (r. 818–ca. 841), to revise the antiquated literary style of the Vita prima, thereby creating a more eloquent and current account of Hubert’s life, to which he would append a detailed account of the translation.47 Walcaud’s surprising decision to delegate the writing of a local saint’s life to the bishop of another diocese can be explained by the fact that Walcaud and Jonas shared several common interests, in addition to a personal friendship.48 Like Walcaud, Jonas actively participated in the synodial assemblies convened under Charlemagne’s son Louis the Pious, and both bishops espoused the monastic and literary reforms characteristic of the Carolingian era. Not only was Jonas renowned as a literary authority, but in 825 he was equally involved in translating the relics of a local saint (Maximinus) from his own cathedral of Orléans to a rural monastery (Micy) within his diocese—an exact and contemporaneous parallel to the transfer of Saint Hubert’s remains.49 Through these

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translations, both bishops undoubtedly sought to promote episcopal authority over the monastic communities of their diocese. With the Vita secunda, Jonas addressed the two audiences—episcopal and monastic—directly involved in the translation of Hubert’s relics.50 As specified in the dedicatory epistle, Jonas responded to Bishop Walcaud’s request for a “correct” literary style, which would inspire greater devotion and a more appropriate means of venerating Saint Hubert. By enhancing the events recorded in the Vita prima with new biblical citations and elegant prose, Jonas likely sought to inspire more profound spiritual contemplation.51 Implicitly, Jonas also catered to the monks of Andage who would undoubtedly rely on the vita to familiarize themselves with the deeds of their new patron and to promote his cult among pilgrims.52 Yet surprisingly, given the circumstances of the commission, the Vita secunda became equally familiar to a third, and perhaps unexpected, audience—the cathedral chapter of Liège.53 Indeed, Jonas’s vita figured prominently in the versified Office for Saint Hubert sung at the cathedral, as the source of the first six lections for Matins and as the textual inspiration for the antiphons sung at Lauds and repeated at Second Vespers.54 Compare, for example, the words highlighted in boldface in the following excerpt from the third antiphon for Lauds and the Vita secunda: St Hubert Office, Lauds, third antiphon

Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda, 816E

Karolomannus ut audivit,

. . . Carlomannus. Qui talibus auditis,

De regali solio

regali solio exsilivit,

Cum uxore tunc exivit

unaque cum uxore

Relicto palatio;

et primoribus palatii sui

Ad videndum hunc transivit,

ad viri Dei corpus pervidendum accessit . . .

Plenus magno gaudio.55

nimioque gaudio permotus.56

That the Office concludes with the veneration of Saint Hubert’s relics in Liège as expressed in the Vita secunda, not the Vita prima, reveals a telling contradiction. While the Office closes by commemorating the elevation of Saint Hubert’s relics at the church of Saint Peter, the event that inspired the creation of both a proper liturgy and Hubert’s first vita, the textual source for the chants depicting this solemn ceremony was actually commissioned for the very occasion that the Office neglects—the removal of Hubert’s body from the city. As we shall soon see, this deliberate hagioliturgical contradiction served the interests of the cathedral clergy and contributed significantly to Hubert’s ongoing civic veneration.

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the civic cult of saint hubert 103 Not until the mid-twelfth century was Saint Hubert’s cult revitalized with new legends emphasizing papal and apostolic approval for his episcopate. The hagiographer who inspired these dramatic developments may seem unlikely—the cathedral canon Nicholas, who, as we noted in chapters 1 and 2, substantially enhanced the life of Saint Lambert. Yet in keeping with his goal of creating a gesta-like episcopal lineage, Nicholas also embellished his Vita Lamberti with substantial references to Hubert.57 The canon invented an account of Hubert’s origins and early life, as well as, most notably, the legend of the bishop’s miraculous consecration by Pope Sergius I. As complementary additions to the events recorded in the Vita prima and Vita secunda, Nicholas’s anecdotes substantially influenced subsequent hagiographic and liturgical accretions, including portions of Hubert’s versified Office and other music. Like Hubert’s first two hagiographers, Nicholas was also inspired by an elevatio—yet significantly, not that of Hubert’s relics, but rather that of Lambert’s (in 1143). Canon Nicholas’s vita thus attests to the increasing interdependence of the two bishops’ cults long after the departure of Hubert’s body from the city. Canon Nicholas appears to have derived the legend of Pope Sergius from a preexisting hagiographic source, modified to suit his immediate political surroundings. As several scholars have noted, a similar story characterizes the consecration of Saint Willibrord (658–739) in a ninth-century vita by Alcuin— one of Nicholas’s undocumented sources.58 Indeed, as recalled by Alcuin and recorded by Willibrord himself in his own liturgical calendar, it was Pope Sergius I who had consecrated this Northumbrian missionary as bishop during a visit to Rome in 695.59 In Alcuin’s account, Willibrord, having been “fortified with the apostolic blessing,” would subsequently preach the Gospel in Frisia, during the reign of Charles Martel, and establish the seat of his bishopric in Utrecht.60 Renaud Adam has recently speculated that Canon Nicholas cultivated a singular devotion to Saint Willibrord, for he is the only hagiographer to recount a personal meeting between Willibrord, the “confessor of Christ” (confessor Christi), and Lambert, the “special apostle of Toxandria” (Taxandrorum specialis apostolus), in his description of the evangelization of this borderland region at the intersection of the dioceses of Utrecht and Liège.61 Nicholas likely tailored this old tale for a more contemporary purpose. As we noted in chapter 1, Nicholas belonged to a clerical circle—surrounding the influential canon, archdeacon, provost, and future bishop Henry of Leez—seeking to restore episcopal authority within the Liège diocese. The Roman and specifically papal context for Hubert’s consecration parallels the journey of the liégeois delegation, including Henry of Leez, to Rome in 1145.62 We might recall that in this year Pope Eugenius III summoned, on the express request of Henry and his circle, the current bishop Albero II to appear before the papal jurisdiction on grounds of laxity. Eugenius III clearly sided with Henry’s party, as documented in a papal bull addressed to Henry recognizing

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the supremacy of this clerical faction over the bishop.63 Albero II’s death on the return journey would subsequently lead to Henry’s episcopal election. If we substitute Saint Hubert with Henry of Leez, Canon Nicholas may have inserted this tale to promote, and perhaps even predict, Henry’s accession to the episcopal throne by papal consent.64 Yet as attested by later vitae and liturgical observances, Canon Nicholas’s legend would soon circulate independently of its original hagiographic and political context, acquiring additional details that may have held new political significance and would, above all, enhance Hubert’s ties to his episcopal predecessor. Canon Nicholas’s embellishments to Hubert’s life influenced three groups of hagiographic texts preserved in manuscripts dating from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, known, respectively, by their designation in Acta Sanctorum as the Vita tertia, quarta, and quinta.65 Of these three groups, the Vita tertia resembles most closely Nicholas’s anecdotes by quoting portions of Nicholas’s prologue and rearranging excerpts from his Vita quarta for Saint Lambert.66 Each section of the Vita tertia for Hubert corresponds to a passage from Nicholas’s text: the opening tribute to Hubert’s noble origins and affiliation with the Aquitanian court; the description of Hubert’s discipleship under Lambert; the angelic vision predicting Hubert’s succession to Lambert as bishop and founder of Liège; the location and early history of this site; Saint Oda’s devotion to Saint Lambert and the construction of a church dedicated to Saint George; Hubert’s pilgrimage to Rome; the angelic vision announcing Lambert’s martyrdom to Pope Sergius; and the pope’s reception of Lambert’s pastoral staff with which he was to consecrate Hubert as bishop upon the completion of his pilgrimage to Rome. With the exception of a few brief insertions, the Vita tertia adheres faithfully to Nicholas’s legends and language. The Vita quarta and Vita quinta would respect this series of events and miracles, although these texts are not directly related to the Vita tertia. Instead, these later vitae return to Canon Nicholas’s original as the basis for an ever-elaborated account of Hubert’s life, which would soon find its way into the local liturgy. Just as Canon Nicholas had drawn from the life of Willibrord to depict papal involvement in Hubert’s consecration, subsequent hagiographers would borrow the iconographic attribute of yet another bishop-saint, Servatius, to emphasize the apostolic validation of Hubert’s episcopate. Both the Vita quarta and Vita quinta embellish Canon Nicholas’s original with new interpolations. In addition to depicting the miraculous apparition of the cruciferous stag urging Hubert to turn toward God and the holy life, the Vita quarta introduces two more events that are entirely absent from earlier sources: a detailed description of Hubert’s consecration by Pope Sergius following his arrival in Rome; and Hubert’s reception of the stole belonging to Saint Lambert and a key from Saint Peter.67 As a symbol of the key to heaven bestowed upon Peter by Christ, in the Gospel of Matthew (16:13–20), this relic—often containing links from Peter’s chains—represented a sign of papal primacy. Popes came to promote

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the civic cult of saint hubert 105 the Apostle’s cult by distributing golden keys as gifts and souvenirs of pilgrimage. The recipients of these keys included Charles Martel and Charlemagne as well as local saints, notably Servatius.68 This fourth-century bishop was believed to have traveled to Rome to seek divine protection for his episcopal seat, through the agency of the Prince of the Apostles.69 According to legend, Saint Peter himself, bearing the keys to heaven, appeared to Servatius in a vision.70 The first hagiographer to reference this miracle was none other than the priest Jocundus, in his late eleventh-century Vita et miracula Servatii—the same source that had inspired Canon Nicholas’s account of the founding of Liège (discussed in chapter 1).71 Yet the relic kept by the canons of Saint Servatius in the treasury at Maastricht dates from the ninth century.72 This key subsequently became a defining attribute of Saint Servatius. Sometime in the mid-twelfth century, however, the canons of Saint Peter in Liège acquired a similar relic for Saint Hubert, first referenced in the 1250s by Giles of Orval.73 Given this chronology, it seems likely that hagiographic references to Saint Hubert’s key originate from the cult of Servatius, and might represent another vestige of clerical competition between Maastricht and Liège.74 Indeed, the secular clergy of Liège may have sought to align Saint Hubert with earlier founding bishops of the diocese. The prestige of two prelates— Saint Maternus (first bishop of Tongeren) and Saint Servatius (first bishop of Maastricht)—surpassed that of other local bishops due to their apostolic associations.75 Like Servatius, Maternus enjoyed a close connection to Saint Peter. A tenth-century legend, reiterated in the cathedral charters of 1315, identifies Maternus as one of Saint Peter’s disciples sent to evangelize Gaul alongside Saints Eucharius and Valerius.76 Following Maternus’s death in Elegia (later identified as Alsace), his companions supposedly laid Saint Peter’s staff on his body and he miraculously rose from the dead to carry the Gospel to Tongeren, Cologne, and Trier.77 Maternus retained a lasting association with these dioceses, where he was venerated as the first bishop of Tongeren and Cologne and the third of Trier, and depicted iconographically with three churches or miters.78 In the legends of both Maternus and Servatius, objects belonging to Saint Peter underscore the apostolic origins of their episcopal mission. The staff was central to the ritual of episcopal ordination as a symbol of the priestly power conferred by Christ upon his apostles.79 The key, meanwhile, evocated Saint Peter’s authority, as the symbol by which Peter had simultaneously been made Prince of the Apostles and head of the universal church.80 Consequently, by embellishing Saint Hubert’s legend with apostolic references and relics, clerics in Liège could venerate and promote their own bishop as the head of the local church. Like Maternus and Servatius, Hubert too had been chosen by Saint Peter to rule the diocese. While Saint Hubert benefited early on from active support by the Carolingians, in later centuries it was his apostolic affiliations that would prove most powerful. Through the legend of his reception of Saint Peter’s

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key, local clerics could promote Hubert’s entitlement to the elevated apostolic status enjoyed by other founding bishops of the diocese. Yet as we shall now see, local singers chanting the music proper to Saint Hubert’s feast told a more complex story. As recorded in the cathedral rite, Saint Hubert shared ties not only to the Apostle but also to the bishop whose martyrdom had sanctified the episcopal city.

Proper Chant for Saint Hubert (Fourteenth–Fifteenth Centuries) The liturgy sung in Hubert’s honor at the cathedral in the later Middle Ages represents a selective amalgamation of diverse hagiographic influences. By combining newer legends evoked at Matins with older traditions preserved at Lauds and Second Vespers, Saint Hubert’s versified Office encapsulates the evolution of the bishop’s cult over several centuries. The Office chants outline the saint’s life, beginning with the First Vespers depiction of his noble origins and Aquitanian affiliation, as invented by Canon Nicholas. Matins combines Nicholas’s references to the episcopal bond between Hubert and Lambert with the six lections from Jonas’s Vita secunda portraying Hubert’s episcopal virtues. Last, Lauds and Second Vespers conclude with the elevation of Hubert’s relics as detailed in the Vita secunda. Of these various services, Matins is the most hagiographically complex, juxtaposing details inspired by Canon Nicholas and the later vitae alongside direct quotations and paraphrased passages from Jonas. The first two nocturns celebrate Hubert’s ties to Lambert by portraying his discipleship under his predecessor and reception of Lambert’s episcopal insignia from Pope Sergius, while the Third Nocturn emphasizes Hubert’s episcopal virtues, burial request (at the church of Saint Peter in Liège, following a visit to Lambert’s shrine), and death. Similarly, the Lauds Hymn Novum melos decantemus and especially the Sequence Gratuletur chorus iste combine multiple hagiographic traditions through references to Hubert’s early life, consecration by Pope Sergius, and episcopate. Given the complexity of these hagiographic intersections, we might wonder, when did the chants proper to Hubert emerge, and what story do they tell? While not all the music of Saint Hubert’s versified Office has survived, stylistic and structural features of the complete texts and melodies for Vespers and Lauds preserved in extant sources narrow the probable time frame for the composition of these chants. Melodic concordances between two sixteenth-century antiphonals, for the Gregoriushuis in ’s-Hertogenbosch and an unidentified Franciscan community in the Liège diocese,81 reveal that the five antiphons for First and Second Vespers as well as Lauds are ordered by mode (see table 3.1). These chants, like the Matins melodies for Saint Lambert, move successively through the numbered scales of the modal system so that the mode of each

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Table 3.1. Chants for the Office of Saint Hubert sung at the Cathedral of Liège in the later Middle Ages Liturgical placement

Chant genre and incipit

Mode

An: Respiremus in beati Huberti

1

An: Insecutus nobilium

2

Combined similarities to Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti (paragraphs 48–49) and the Vita quinta sancti Huberti (paragraph 1)

An: Hic Aquitanus genere

3

Combined similarities to Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti (paragraph 48) and the Vita quinta sancti Huberti (paragraph 1)

An: Sub conjugali federe

4

Some similarities to Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti (paragraph 48)

An: Ebroynum considerat

5

Similar to Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti (paragraph 48)

Hymn: Hymnus laudis decantetur

3

R: O Huberte pastor pie

5

I Vespers: Magnificat

An: Plebs fidelis jocundetur

1

Matins: Invitatorium

An: Christo regi confessorum

Matins: I Nocturn

An: Moram Tongris dum faceret

I Vespers

Textual source

Similar to the Vita quinta sancti Huberti (paragraph 4)

An: Hunc Lambertus amplexatur An: Post sermones sancti viri

Similar to the Vita quinta sancti Huberti (paragraph 4)

R: Consilio regitur Lamberti R: Summum pastorem R: Sergius Hubertum cum Rome (continued)

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Table 3.1.—(continued) Liturgical placement Matins: II Nocturn

Chant genre and incipit

Mode

Textual source

An: In lamentis resoluta An: Dum quievit in aurora

Similar to the Vita quarta sancti Huberti (paragraph 3) and the Vita quinta sancti Huberti (paragraph 7)

An: Rem Lamberti notam fecit R: Sergius angelicis monitis R: Post funus triste R: Precipuus meritis et sanguine Matins: III Nocturn

Lauds

6 (in C)

An: Curam gerens Tongrensium

Similar to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (paragraph 1)

An: Oves fessas sublevabat

Some similarities to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (paragraph 1)

An: Magnus erat consolator

Similar to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (paragraphs 1–2)

R: Quando suum scivit corpus

Similar to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (paragraph 12)

R: Basilicam subiit quam Petri

Similar to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (paragraph 12)

R: Dum mors instabat

1

Similar to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (paragraph 12)

Prosa: Huberte presul eximie

1

An: Post decessum confessoris

1

Some similarities to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (paragraph 24)

An: Apertum est monumentum

2

Similar to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (chapter 25)

(continued)

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the civic cult of saint hubert 109 Table 3.1.—(concluded) Liturgical placement

Chant genre and incipit

Mode

Textual source

An: Karolomannus ut audivit

3

Similar to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (chapter 26)

An: Tum cum cetu rex primatum

4

Similar to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (chapter 27)

An: Postquam corpus collocavit

5

Similar to Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti (chapter 27)

Hymn: Novum melos decantemus Lauds: Benedictus

An: Benedicta sit majestas

II Vespers

Antiphons from Lauds Hymn: Hymnus laudis decantetur

6

3

Any responsory for Saint Hubert II Vespers: Magnificat

An: O Huberte, dedicatam

7

Sources: Complete Office in D-DS 394, vol. 2 fols. 320r–24v (present foliation) or fols. 802r–6v (original foliation); US-Cn Inc. 9344.5, fols. 139v–41v; B-Lu Res 1310 A. Partial Office in CDN-Hsmu M2149.L4 1554, fol. 198; NL-DHk 68 A 1, fols. 150r–52v; B-Br 6434, fols. 123r–26v.

antiphon reflects its position within the Office.82 Hubert’s Matins music must have followed a similar modal order, as suggested by two responsories: the mode 6 melody (transposed to C) of the sixth Matins Responsory Precipuus meritis et sanguine,83 and the mode 1 melody of the ninth Responsory Dum mors instabat.84 Modal ordering is a customary feature of versified Offices,85 and indeed the chant texts exemplify various types of versification that are far more consistent than those found in Saint Lambert’s Office. The antiphons each consist of six lines, alternating lengths of seven and eight syllables with paroxytonic or proparoxytonic accentuation and a variety of rhyme schemes—patterns that emerged with new prominence in the twelfth century.86 The responsories, each counting eight lines, feature similar accentuation and rhyme, but are less consistent in length, varying anywhere from five to nine syllables. The musical style of the extant melodies, moreover, exemplifies features typical of “late” chant repertories (referenced in chapter 1), with scalar passages spanning

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Table 3.2. Verbal similarities between the First Vespers Antiphon Hic Aquitanus genere from Saint Hubert’s Office with the Vita quarta sancti Lamberti and the Vita quinta sancti Huberti Saint Hubert Office, I Vespers, third antiphon

Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 611C

Vita quinta sancti Huberti, 834A

Hic Aquitanus genere

Eo etiam tempore, quo

Hubertus, nobili exortus

Theodrici regis tempore

prædicti Ebroïni crudelitas

prosapia, Theoderici regis

Regalis palatii

regnum Francorum graviter

Francorum temporibus erat

Comes erat insignitus,

opprimebat, erat adolescens

dux Aquitaniæ comesque

In doctrinis eruditus

nobilis, Aquitanus genere,

palatinus, in doctrinis

Litteralis studii.*

sub Theodorico rege comes

liberalibus eruditus, regalis

palatii, Hubertus nomine &

palatii præsentia insignitus.

literarum studiis eruditus. *Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 925C. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 114.

intervals greater than a perfect fourth, and subtonal cadences emphasizing the upper fifth and modal final.87 The combination of these modal, poetic, and melodic characteristics, while not exclusive to one time period, is most prevalent in chant from the twelfth century onward.88 Extant service books document Hubert’s musical veneration with proper chant, specifically sequences, from at least the twelfth or thirteenth centuries,89 yet thematic details and documentary evidence suggest a late fourteenth-century dating for either the composition or official recognition of the versified Office. References to Hubert’s Aquitanian affiliation and to the tales involving Pope Sergius mirror Canon Nicholas’s vita, thereby establishing a probable mid-twelfth-century terminus post quem for the composition of the Office consistent with its textual and melodic style.90 Several chants, however, resemble later texts. The allusion to Hubert’s return from his pilgrimage (entirely absent from Canon Nicholas’s account) in the fifth Matins Responsory Post funus triste, for example, aligns this chant more closely with the Vita quarta (paragraph 6) and Vita quinta (paragraph 11) transmitted in fifteenth-century sources. Linguistically, several chants resemble passages from the Vita quinta, often combined with additional words and phrases introduced by Nicholas.

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the civic cult of saint hubert 111 As shown in table 3.2, the First Vespers Antiphon Hic Aquitanus genere shares verbal similarities with both of these hagiographic texts. The versified poetry of Saint Hubert’s Office thus borrows and combines words and phrases from multiple prose sources (listed in table 3.1). The probable date for the introduction of this Office into the cathedral rite is confirmed by a hitherto neglected liturgical detail. The cathedral ordinal printed in 1492 specifies the year in which the chapter instituted proper chant for Saint Hubert in the following statement: “Let it be known that in the year 1384 it was ordered at the general chapter meeting conducted around the feast of Saint Lambert in the church of Liège that henceforth be sung proper chant of Saint Hubert” (Sciendum quod anno domini MCCCLXXXIIII fuit ordinatum in capitulo generali circa festum beati lamberti celebrato in ecclesia leodiensis quod de cetero cantaretur proprius cantus sancti huberti).91 It seems likely, therefore, that Saint Hubert’s versified Office, which does not appear in extant sources prior to the fourteenth century,92 was perhaps conceived and surely introduced into the local liturgy to satisfy this ordinance. An approximate date in the 1380s would also explain recurring linguistic similarities to hagiographic texts circulating in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Prior to this time, Saint Hubert was presumably venerated at the cathedral with Office chants from the common of confessors.93 The principal hagiographic components of Hubert’s versified Office were also voiced in the Sequence Gratuletur chorus iste from the fifteenth century onward. The sequence balances the account of Hubert’s early life introduced by Canon Nicholas with elements of Hubert’s episcopate, death, and elevation detailed by Jonas: 1a. Let this chorus rejoice and let anything unhappy be far away from this chapter. 1b. On this day Saint Hubert transmigrated to the heavens with joy. 2a. He was a palatine count when cruel Ebroin oppressed Francia; 2b. Indeed, he left this place [Francia] because he could not endure the malice of the tyrant. 3a. Hubert went on to Lambert, as soon as he understood the morals and merits of this bishop.

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3b. Lambert taught him; having been instructed, Hubert fulfilled the prophecies of his own father. 4a. He execrates the pride of the world, he embraces the law of Christ with complete desire. 4b. He put aside military action and subjected his whole self to the counsel of Lambert. 5a. In search of these things, he departed for Rome, now advanced in the doctrines, in the shrewdness of Lambert. 5b. He visited the apostles, to whom he surrendered his own deeds and duties. 6a. Then the angel revealed the death of glorious Lambert to the highest pontiff, 6b. By a divine miracle, the angel appeared to this same pontiff with the pastoral staff. 7a. Thereupon Hubert was elected as successor to the deceased [Lambert], and he was placed in his bishopric. 7b. Here he governed the people of Tongeren, he protected them from the snarling pit of the wolves. 8a. Knowing that death was imminent, he predesignated his burial place in the basilica of [Saint] Peter. 8b. While he was exhaling his last breath, he commended himself to God, singing sacred songs. 9a. Carloman took care to exhume Hubert from the place of his burial.

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the civic cult of saint hubert 113 9b. He raised him in height and he enriched that place with a royal gift. 10a. O Hubert, piously reunite this flock with Christ, the true king, 10b. So that they may be able to obtain and to possess the beseeched eternal joys. [1a. Gratuletur chorus iste Sitque procul omne triste Ab isto collegio. 1b. Die sanctus hodierna Transmigravit ad superna Hubertus cum gaudio. 2a. Comes erat palatinus Cum crudelis Ebroinus Opprimebat Franciam; 2b. Illam prorsus deseruit Quia ferre non potuit Tyranni malitiam. 3a. Ad Lambertum hic perrexit, Postquam mores intellexit Ipsius et merita. 3b. Hunc Lambertus instruebat, Hic instructus adimplebat Sui patris monita. 4a. Mundi fastum detestatur, Christi legem amplexatur Toto desiderio. 4b. Militarem rem abiecit Atque totum se subiecit Lamberti consilio. 5a. Post haec Romam est profectus, In doctrinis iam provectus Lamberti solertia;

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5b. Apostolos visitavit, Quibus suos mancipavit Actus et officia. 6a. Tunc Lamberti magnifici Mortem summo pontifici Angelus aperuit, 6b. Qui divino miraculo Cum pastorali baculo Eidem apparuit. 7a. Mox defuncto subrogatur Et in eius collocatur Hubertus regimine. 7b. Hic Tungrorum plebem rexit, A luporum hanc protexit Mordaci voragine. 8a. Mortem sciens adventuram Preelegit sepulturam In Petri basilica, 8b. Dum animam exsufflabat Sese Deo commendabat Sacra canens cantica. 9a. Carlomanno fuit curae Extra locum sepulturae Hubertum eximere; 9b. Hunc in altum sublimavit Et regali praeditavit Locum illum munere. 10a. O Huberte, gregem istum Apud verum regem Christum Pie reconcilia, 10b. Ut valeat obtinere; Et obtenta possidere Sempiterna gaudia.]94

After acknowledging the saint’s celestial position, the sequence outlines Hubert’s Frankish origins, ties to Saint Lambert, journey to Rome, promotion to bishop, burial request, death, and the elevation of his relics by

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the civic cult of saint hubert 115 Carloman. Versicles 2 through 6 combine language reminiscent of Canon Nicholas’s vita for Saint Lambert with the Vita quinta for Saint Hubert, thereby replicating the textual strategy that we noted in the hybrid antiphons of Matins. Much like the Office, the sequence recounts relatively little of Hubert’s actual episcopate. Instead, this chant emphasizes two themes central to Hubert’s liégeois cult. Of particular note is the frequency with which Gratuletur chorus iste references Saint Hubert’s predecessor. Lambert is named as many as five times—more frequently than Hubert himself—in the three versicles detailing Hubert’s discipleship and pilgrimage. After Hubert seeks Lambert’s instruction (versicle 3), he follows Lambert’s counsel and shrewdness (versicles 4b–5a) to undertake the journey to Rome where the angel reveals Lambert’s death and pastoral staff to Pope Sergius (versicle 6). Lambert also figures implicitly, as the “deceased,” in the description of Hubert’s episcopal accession (versicle 7). The sequence then dwells on Hubert’s burial at Saint Peter, as a sepulchral site not only chosen by the bishop himself but equally worthy of royal and specifically Carolingian patronage. While the cathedral ordinance of 1384 does not explain why the cathedral chapter waited so long to formally honor the city’s founding bishop with proper music, we may examine the chants themselves and the hagiographic legends from which they were inspired to understand the underlying significance of Saint Hubert’s civic cult and especially its meaning for the cathedral chapter. We will soon discover that the episcopal undertone of this music and especially the theme of episcopal accession resonates with political events that are roughly contemporaneous with the year of the cathedral ordinance. This was a time of division among the liégeois clergy, following the Papal Schism (in 1378) and the controversial election of a new bishop, Arnold of Hornes (in 1379) favored by Pope Urban VI. Tensions between the cathedral chapter (inclined to side with Rome) and those of the collegiate churches (swayed toward Avignon) escalated during the winter of 1382–83, when canons from Holy Cross and Saint Bartholomew participated in a plot to restore the episcopal seat to the Clementine candidate (Eustache Persand) but were condemned by Arnold of Hornes.95 These circumstances may well have influenced the cathedral chapter’s decision to enhance the local rite with chants idealizing the bishop (Hubert) and his consecration in Rome. At least two elements of Hubert’s liturgy would have held special significance among local clerics: the ongoing veneration of Hubert’s body at the church of Saint Peter, and the episcopal bond between the city’s martyr and founding confessor. As we shall presently examine, linguistic details in the unstudied antiphons and responsories for Matins reveal the extent to which Saint Hubert’s legend and liturgy promotes this interepiscopal connection.

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Hubert’s Episcopal and Papal Connections: The Dream of Pope Sergius in Legend, Art, and Music (Twelfth–Fifteenth Centuries) Bishop Walcaud’s decision to translate Saint Hubert’s relics away from the episcopal center of the diocese to a rural monastic community was likely motivated, in part, by a concern for the ongoing development of Hubert’s cult. Under the eternal shadow of Lambert’s dominating presence in the city consecrated by his blood, the confessor’s cult risked remaining perpetually stifled by the celestial superiority of his martyred predecessor.96 By physically removing Hubert from the center of Lambert’s domain, Walcaud essentially invested Hubert’s cult with newfound independence, thereby allowing the cult to flourish and attract pilgrims in a rural, and still only partially Christianized, region along the diocese’s southernmost frontier.97 Yet from a hagiographic perspective, Hubert was intimately tied to Lambert, through his active promotion of Lambert’s cult in Liège and his choice of this same place as the site for his own burial—actions that contributed to Hubert’s saintly status and initial presence in the episcopal city. Liturgical, artistic, and musical evidence, moreover, suggests that this interepiscopal connection became one of the defining characteristics of Hubert’s liégeois cult. How, then, did hagiographers, artists, and singers alike celebrate this episcopal bond? Canon Nicholas emphasized the enduring ties between the two bishops by embellishing his account of Saint Lambert’s life with a supernatural occurrence: the angelic vision announcing Lambert’s martyrdom to Pope Sergius. This miracle was depicted visually in a fifteenth-century painting, the Dream of Pope Sergius, attributed to the workshop of Rogier van der Weyden, which was displayed in the Chapel of Saint Hubert in the church of Saint Gudula in Brussels (see fig. 3.1).98 The story also circulated musically in the versified chants of Saint Hubert’s Office, especially in the antiphons and responsories for Matins. Jointly, these hagiographic, artistic, and musical representations of the Pope Sergius legend highlight the underlying theme of episcopal accession—an issue of prime concern to the cathedral chapter, especially in the later decades of the fourteenth century. The dream of Pope Sergius essentially links Lambert’s martyrdom to Hubert’s consecration. According to Nicholas, it is on Lambert’s initiative that Hubert undertakes the pilgrimage to Rome,99 where the angel appears to a slumbering Sergius. Having revealed the event of Lambert’s death, the angel miraculously transfers Lambert’s pastoral staff from the locus of his martyrdom to the pope’s quarters with the explicit instruction that Sergius give it to Lambert’s successor, Hubert, upon his arrival in Rome. After awakening, Sergius discovers the staff, and perceiving the dream to be a divine vision, sets out to meet Hubert as he approaches the city.100 Both the angel and the pope

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Figure 3.1. Workshop of Rogier van der Weyden (ca. 1399–1464), the Dream of Pope Sergius (late 1430s), oil on panel, unframed 88.9 x 80 cm (35 x 31.5 in.), framed 123.5 x 98.1 x 8.9 cm (48.6 x 38.6 x 3.5 in.), the J. Paul Getty Museum, inv. 72.PB.20. Reproduced with permission from the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles.

thus function as conduits for the transfer of episcopal power. At this dramatic, transformative moment, the staff ensures the fluid and near instantaneous transferal of Lambert’s episcopal authority to Hubert, his worthy successor, and guarantees uninterrupted continuity in the episcopal lineage—reflecting the gesta-like emphasis of Canon Nicholas’s vita.101 Of the many hagiographic accretions transmitted in the Vita quarta and Vita quinta, new details interpolated into the tale of Pope Sergius reflect the

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increasing importance of the apostolic city in the idealization and confirmation of episcopal power. A passage from the Vita quarta, subsequently quoted or paraphrased in the Vita quinta and referenced in Saint Hubert’s liturgy, locates the bishop’s consecration specifically in Rome.102 After Hubert enters the Church of Saint Peter, Pope Sergius leads him before the altar of the Apostles and informs Hubert of the death of his master, as revealed to him by the angel. Upon hearing this news, Hubert weeps sorrowfully but refuses consecration, considering himself unworthy to succeed Lambert on the episcopal throne. By divine influence, however, Hubert is clothed in Lambert’s pontifical insignia, which are suddenly translated by the angel from the martyrdom site. Through these miracles, God declares Hubert’s merits, and Pope Sergius proceeds to consecrate Hubert as bishop. Meanwhile, a voice from above interrupts Lambert’s funeral in Maastricht, to announce Hubert’s episcopal consecration. Hubert himself then leaves Rome, bearing the pastoral staff as well as a golden key given to him by Saint Peter, who had appeared before Hubert while he celebrated Mass. Hubert is then received with honor by the clergy and people of Maastricht, and in the cathedral he is reverently enthroned.103 These later embellishments to the legend of Pope Sergius conflate an idealized image of the episcopate with the reality of episcopal accession—both of which were tied to Rome. The emphasis on the cult of Saint Peter, evident in the location of Hubert’s consecration and his miraculous reception of the key from the Apostle himself, underscores the apostolic origins of Hubert’s episcopal office. Hubert’s entitlement to the episcopate thus receives ultimate approval, by both papal and apostolic consent. Yet this form of episcopal idealization betrays an equally real concern for the process of episcopal accession. While the Fourth Lateran Council had granted to the cathedral chapter exclusive control of episcopal elections (in 1215), the pope quickly asserted his right to intervene.104 Even during the course of Canon Nicholas’s mid-twelfthcentury career, Rome, and the pope in particular, had played an increasingly influential role in the affairs of the liégeois episcopate: Pope Calixtus II had consecrated Frederic of Namur as bishop in 1119, Pope Innocent II had deposed Bishop Alexander I on suspicions of simony in 1135, and Pope Eugenius III had supported the episcopal election of Henry of Leez in 1145.105 By the late 1230s, virtually all episcopal appointments to the see of Liège resulted, in one way or another, from papal oversight.106 In detailing Hubert’s Roman consecration, specifically by Pope Sergius, hagiographers subsequent to Canon Nicholas may have thus sought to reconcile Hubert’s legend with the reality of papal control. Several Office chants reference these hagiographic accounts of Hubert’s episcopal consecration. A condensed version of these events is found in the third verse of the First and Second Vespers Hymn Hymnus laudis decantetur (sung to the same melody as the widespread Corpus Christi Hymn Pange lingua), in which Hubert is invested by Sergius:

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the civic cult of saint hubert 119 After the martyrdom of the distinguished bishop Lambert, Hubert was adorned by Sergius with glorious insignia, and he was made pastor of Tongeren by angelic visions. [Post Lamberti martyrium Proeclari pontificis Insignitur per Sergium Infulis magnificis. Fitque pastor Tungrensium Visibus angelicis.]107

A similar scenario figures in the third verse of the Lauds Hymn Novum melos decantemus, in which “the pope” endows Hubert with the pastoral staff: When Lambert transmigrated from the prison of the flesh, the pope endowed Hubert with the pastoral staff, and he elected him as successor to the deceased [Lambert] by the divine miracle. [Ut Lambertus transmigravit De carnis ergastulo Illum Papa decoravit Pastorali baculo, Et defuncto subrogavit Divino miraculo.]108

Yet the most explicit musical parallel to details specific to the Vita quarta and Vita quinta, locating Hubert’s consecration specifically in Rome, occurs in the first and second nocturns at Matins. Hubert approaches the tomb and church of the Apostles Peter and Paul in the second Responsory Summum pastorem: In search of this advice, he hastens to visit the highest pastor, to come into the church where Saints Peter and Paul are buried, so that, through them, he have the power to enter into the covenant with Christ. [Summum pastorem Post hoc festinat adire Limina sanctorum

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Petri Paulique subire, Ut per eos valeat Cum Christo fedus inire;]109

Sergius then learns of Hubert’s visit to Rome and informs him of Lambert’s death in the third Responsory Sergius Hubertum: When Sergius learns that Hubert is in Rome, he announces to him that Lambert has been slain by Dodo’s spears. . . . [Sergius Hubertum cum Rome sciret adesse, Illi Lambertum Dodonis nunciat esse Occisum telis. . . .]110

The fifth and sixth Antiphons Dum quievit and Rem Lamberti subsequently detail the events of Sergius’s dream, and Hubert is mitered in the fourth Responsory Sergius angelicis as a direct consequence of Lambert’s demise: Sergius is shown to submit to the angelic prophecies. Hubert is adorned with the bishop’s miter: Thus Hubert bears the insignia of the pontificate ever since Lambert was slain by Dodo. [Sergius angelicis monitis parere probatur. Mitra pontificis Hubertus condecoratur: Sic gerit Hubertus insignia pontificatus. V. Postquam Lambertus est a Dodone necatus.]111

Hubert’s episcopal crowning becomes intertwined with Lambert’s murder through the rhyme and repetition scheme of this responsory, as the singers repeat the fifth and sixth lines “Sic gerit Hubertus insignia pontificatus” following the verse “Postquam Lambertus est a Dodone necatus”—a rhetorical strategy linking the two bishops that the singers would encounter elsewhere in this

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the civic cult of saint hubert 121 Office. Following his consecration in Rome, Hubert returns, mitered, to succeed Lambert on the episcopal throne in the fifth Responsory Post funus triste: After the sorrowful death of the martyr Lambert, this prelate followed and remained on his seat. He, who had arrived on a pilgrimage, departed from the city, mitered. [Post funus triste Lamberti martyris, iste Presul succedit et ejus sede resedit: Qui peregre venit, mitratus ab urbe recedit.]112

One notable difference in the language of these chants and that of extant hagiographic sources is the reference to the bishop’s miter—an episcopal vestment that figures prominently in the aforementioned painting of Pope Sergius’s dream. The explicit inclusion of this detail in musical and artistic depictions of the legend, yet conspicuous absence of the term “miter” in medieval Latin, French, and Dutch versions of Hubert’s life, suggests that chant and artwork were inspired by an alternate, and perhaps nontextual, tradition.113 The miter is featured twice both in the painting and in the responsories for the second nocturn at Matins. In the painting (shown in fig. 3.1), the miter first appears alongside Saint Lambert’s staff in the hands of the angel standing over a slumbering Sergius, in the foreground, and later in the hands of Sergius himself, before whom kneels Saint Hubert, dressed as a pilgrim, at the entrance to the Church of Saint Peter.114 The chants of Saint Hubert’s Office, meanwhile, reference the miter in the abovenamed responsories Sergius angelicis, in which Sergius consecrates Hubert, and Post funus triste describing Hubert’s departure from Rome. Artistic and musical emphasis on the miter may have sought to underscore the bishop’s wisdom, chastity, and Christlike glory alongside his pastoral jurisdiction represented by the staff. As interpreted by William Durand (ca. 1230–96) in book 3 of the Rationale divinorum officiorum, the miter’s height represented the loftiness of the bishop’s knowledge; its white color and linen fabric symbolized the purity of chastity; while its placement on the bishop’s head recalled the honor and glory of Christ’s crown.115 Indeed, the staff and miter may have served complementary functions: the staff to convey the authority of doctrine, and the miter to inspire the bishop to live in a manner worthy to receive the eternal crown.116 The artistic and musical emphasis on Hubert’s reception of the miter may thus have emphasized the bishop’s dedication to this Christlike, and indeed martyrial, ideal.

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By the time the cathedral instituted a proper liturgy for Hubert, just six years following the double election of Popes Urban VI and Clement VII (in 1378), these explicit references to Hubert’s episcopal consecration by Pope Sergius would have reminded liégeois clerics not only of their church’s obedience to Rome, but, more specifically, of the recent, and contested, election of their own bishop. As we noted previously, the legend of Pope Sergius appears to have been inspired by the life of Saint Willibrord, a Northumbrian missionary, who, during a visit to Rome, was consecrated as archbishop of the Frisians by Pope Sergius I (d. 701). By the late fourteenth century, however, the naming of Sergius in vita and chant alike may have evoked other equally relevant aspects of the pope’s life. Significantly, Sergius had asserted the primacy of Rome throughout western Europe, and had faced opposition from Antipope Paschal I (d. 692)—a rival candidate, who, having been enthroned prior to Sergius’s election, refused to abdicate.117 Just as the rivalry between Sergius and Paschal might be understood as a historic precursor for the ongoing schism between Urban VI and Clement VII, Saint Hubert’s consecration by the Roman pope would surely have recalled Urban VI’s intervention in the recent election of the liégeois bishop, Arnold of Hornes. For well over a century prior to this time, the papacy had overseen the appointment of all but two bishops to this see, a tradition that did not cease even with the onset of the schism.118 Between the election of Urban VI in April 1378 and that of Clement VII in September, thirty-two cathedral canons unanimously elected a member of their own chapter as the successor to the recently deceased Bishop John of Arckel. Yet when Urban VI refused to recognize this canon’s candidature, preferring instead Arnold of Hornes, the liégeois delegates sought approval for their choice from Antipope Clement VII, who confirmed the election. Enmity between the new bishop, Eustache Persan of Rochefort, and his pastoral flock, however, quickly resulted in his deposition,119 and the liégeois clergy subsequently approved Urban’s choice. Significantly, Arnold of Hornes hesitated to accept this new episcopal appointment—much as, in the Vita quarta and quinta, Hubert’s initial impulse was to refuse the seat of Saint Lambert. Only through direct pressure from Urban VI did the former Bishop of Utrecht finally accept his new seat and was enthroned, in October 1379, in the cathedral of Liège.120 While Arnold, unlike Hubert, did not receive his consecration in the city of the apostles, the decisive role played by the Roman pope in his election easily constituted a contemporary counterpart to the participation of Sergius in Hubert’s consecration. And yet, despite the likely immediacy of this political analogy, these late medieval textual and musical accretions to the tale of Pope Sergius demonstrably served a more far-reaching hagiographic and liturgical goal—to ally Hubert’s cult with that of Lambert. Indeed, an exceptional number of chants celebrate Hubert’s ties to his predecessor. In addition to the previously quoted Sequence Gratuletur chorus iste naming Lambert a total of five times, both the hymns Hymnus laudis decantetur and Novum melos decantemus recall Hubert’s

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the civic cult of saint hubert 123 studies with Lambert as well as the martyr’s death. Furthermore, singers performing the six antiphons and six responsories proper to the first and second nocturns at Matins utter Lambert’s name a total of eight times, and also allude to his person, as a “saintly man” or “martyr.” Following the description of Hubert’s discipleship under Lambert (in the three antiphons and first responsory of the First Nocturn), three chants name both bishops in conjunction with the events of Pope Sergius’s dream. The third Responsory Sergius Hubertum depicts the pope’s vision of Lambert’s death just prior to Hubert’s arrival, while the fourth Responsory Sergius angelicis celebrates the intersection of Hubert’s investiture and Lambert’s murder. The naming of Hubert and Lambert in both responsories is further underscored by the internal rhyme (Hubertum and Lambertum in the third responsory, as well as Hubertus and Lambertus in the fourth), through which the two bishops are linked. The intervening sixth Antiphon Rem Lamberti likewise emphasizes this interepiscopal connection and the role of the staff in the transfer of episcopal power: The divine revelation made known Lambert’s circumstance, it revealed Hubert’s circumstance to sleeping Sergius. The transferring of the staff supplied proof for these things. [Rem Lamberti notam fecit Divina revelatio; Rem Huberti patefecit Dormienti Sergio; Argumentum his subjecit Baculi translatio.]121

The antiphon verbally underscores the interrelation of Lambert’s death and Hubert’s election through the anaphoric structure of the first and third lines— establishing a linguistic parallel between Lambert and Hubert that is further enhanced by the rhyme scheme, as well as identical patterns of syllable count (eight), and accentuation (paroxytonic). The poetry of this chant thus brings to the foreground the underlying idea of episcopal succession motivating the hagiographic, artistic, and musical depictions of this tale. As the legend of Pope Sergius’s dream came to circulate beyond its original hagiographic realm, the story, voiced annually in the chants of Hubert’s Mass and Office from the late fourteenth century onward, enjoyed increasingly vivid representation among local clerics. Two descriptions of the elaborate ostension of the relics housed at the cathedral in July 1489 attest to the tangible display of Saint Lambert’s pastoral staff.122 An anonymous chronicler documenting the reign of Bishop John of Hornes (1482–1505) gives the most detailed account: “And above

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the reliquary [of Saint Lambert] were hanging visibly in the air the infula [bands] of the pastoral staff, which the angel took from the altar in the hour of Saint Lambert’s martyrdom and carried away toward Rome. With it Hubert was consecrated by Pope Sergius” (Et supra feretrum in aere pendebant videlicet infula baculi pastoralis quem angelus sumpsit ab altari in hora martirizationis sancti Lamberti et detulit versus Romam, cum quo per Sergium papam Hubertus fuit consecratus).123 In this context the infula are literally the bands attached to the staff, itself representing the transferal of episcopal authority.124 Yet the infula might also have a more figurative meaning, as a symbol of the episcopal dignity.125 What is significant about this account is the specific location of the infula, suspended above Saint Lambert’s reliquary. Through the prominent display of a relic integral to the local cult of Saint Hubert in the immediate vicinity of Lambert’s remains, the cathedral clergy dramatized the enduring connection between the two bishops. The ongoing gesta-like embellishment of the legend of Hubert’s consecration by Pope Sergius increasingly enhanced the continuity of the episcopal lineage. This emphasis on the near-instantaneous transfer of episcopal power, via an increasing number of vestments, may reflect clerical concerns for the frequently contentious and volatile climate of episcopal elections, and fears of the rupture of power during the sede vacante.126 As spiritual governor of the diocese during the vacancy of the prelate’s office and the bishop’s prime electoral body, albeit subject to papal oversight,127 the cathedral chapter would have been highly sensitive to the real risks and complexities of episcopal accession. Thus, while Pope Sergius may have represented the reality of papal influence, the miraculous and divinely sanctioned transfer of episcopal power at once signaled Hubert’s worthiness to succeed Lambert and promoted a highly idealized form of episcopal rule. Contrary to the presumed competition that necessitated the distancing of these two episcopal cults, the cathedral clergy celebrated their reciprocity. Thus, in the very place where the confessor’s cult faced the greatest risk of curtailment by that of his martyred superior, the two bishops enjoyed the closest bond. While the legend of Pope Sergius circulated throughout and even beyond the diocese, the interepiscopal implications of this tale were exceptionally strong in the city sanctified by the martyred bishop’s remains—as evinced by the ostension of 1489. Just as Lambert had inspired Hubert’s episcopal career, it may well have been precisely through affiliation with the cathedral’s titular patron that Hubert’s civic cult continued to thrive.

Hubert’s Civic Presence: Relics, Demoniacs, and Exorcism (Fourteenth–Sixteenth Centuries) Besides emphasizing Hubert’s episcopal link to the diocesan patron and titular saint of the cathedral, local clerics also celebrated the benefits of Hubert’s

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the civic cult of saint hubert 125 actions (in life) and oversight (in death) for their own community—the city originally housing Hubert’s remains. The departure of the saint’s relics in 825 did not hinder the ongoing promotion of Hubert’s corporal cult in Liège. Local interest in Saint Hubert’s body was likely inspired, in part, by the presence of a reliquary in the cathedral treasury containing (at least theoretically) the bishop’s bones. Yet through votive rituals and liturgical music, local clerics would fabricate a far more vivid image of the saint’s tangible and imagined presence. The versified Office for Saint Hubert sung at the cathedral conspicuously ignores the event of the saint’s translation. Such an omission is all the more striking when we recall that the lections read at Matins and chants sung at Lauds and Second Vespers quote from or were inspired by Jonas’s Vita secunda commissioned precisely to commemorate this occasion. The Office concludes, instead, by detailing the elevation of Hubert’s relics to the high altar at the church of Saint Peter, conducted some eighty years prior to his translation. The Office chants therefore present a deceptive account of the saint’s cult at odds with the hagiographic source that inspired them. The textual compiler and poet of the versified Office—cognizant of the departure of Hubert’s relics—thus created the illusion of the saint’s continued presence in Liège. Several Office chants reference Hubert’s body and specify the location of his tomb. While Hubert does not endure the acts of martyrdom suffered by his immediate episcopal predecessors, a supernatural occurrence nevertheless anticipates the prelate’s demise. According to his first two hagiographers, the bishop received a warning of his imminent death through a divine vision that appeared to him within the foregoing year.128 Following this miracle, Hubert went to the cathedral, to pray at Lambert’s tomb, before making a personal visit to his future resting place at the altar of Saint Albinus in the church of Saint Peter built under his supervision. Paraphrasing the Vita prima and Vita secunda, the eighth Matins Responsory Basilicam subiit conflates Hubert’s choice of burial site with his actual sepulchre: He entered the basilica which he dedicated in Peter’s honor and sought the altar of Albinus, which he himself consecrated. Before it he prostrated himself, praying to Christ in tears: Lying there prostrate, he measured his tomb with his body. [Basilicam subiit Quam Petri laude dicavit; Albini petiit Altare, quod ipse sacravit;

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Ante quod extensus est Christum flendo precatus; V. Illuc prostratus est Tumbam corpore mensus.]129

Through the act of praying and prostrating himself before the altar of Saint Albinus soon to house his tomb, the responsory emphasizes Hubert’s active role in designating the site for his corporal remains. Here the bishop literally enacts his burial. By describing this event, local clerics could therefore commemorate both the original location of Hubert’s sepulchre in the church he had built, and, significantly, the bishop’s personal choice to be buried at this site—providing a compelling reason, and indeed justification, for his ongoing veneration at this place. The explicit reference to the altar of Saint Albinus in chant and vitae alike is noteworthy, for Hubert’s cult shared several parallels with that of this earlier Merovingian bishop. As recounted by Venantius Fortunatus in the sixth-century Vita sancti Albini, the former monk and abbot had initially resisted “with the zeal of humility” his election as Bishop of Angers (in 529),130 not unlike Hubert’s own reluctance prior to his consecration by Pope Sergius. As bishop, Albinus would subsequently be remembered for miraculous cures, such as reviving the dead,131 and, most significantly, exorcism—an episcopal deed, that, as we shall observe shortly, became central to Hubert’s liégeois cult. The altar commemorating Saint Albinus thus constituted a highly fitting location for Hubert’s sepulchre. All three responsories sung at the third nocturn of Matins focus on Hubert’s corporal remains. The seventh and ninth responsories frame the description of Hubert’s burial in Basilicam subiit with references to his visit to Lambert’s shrine and to his actual death. The seventh Responsory Quando suum scivit invites a comparison between Hubert’s body prior to death with that of his martyred predecessor: When he knew it was time for his body to be released and his soul to depart from the prison of the flesh, he proceeded to the illustrious altar of Lambert the martyr: And commended himself to the same in prayer. [Quando suum scivit Corpus debere resolvi Ac animam novit De carnis carcere volvi,

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the civic cult of saint hubert 127 Transit ad claram Lamberti martyris aram; V. Exorando quidem Se commendavit eidem.]132

Knowing by divine foresight that his own body and soul are soon to be released from the constraints of the flesh, Hubert visits the altar dedicated to Lambert, to whom he commends his spirit. Hubert’s burial at the altar of Saint Albinus in the church of Saint Peter in the following responsory then parallels the location of Lambert’s remains in the crypt of the cathedral. Having secured the site for his own burial, Hubert receives the ultimate summons away from his body through death in the ninth Responsory Dum mors instabat: While death was imminent, he directed his eyes to the stars. Beforehand he said these things: “Now I am summoned to leave the infirm encampment of the body, and also to pass under the barrier of death.” Thus, he is said to have expired, and to have flown to the stars. [Dum mors instabat, Oculos direxit ad astra. Hec prelibabat: Jam cogor languida castra Corporis exire, Mortis quoque claustra subire. V. Sic expirasse, Sic fertur ad astra volasse.]133

Singers chanting the melody of this responsory, given in example 3.1, would have dwelled on the topic of Hubert’s death through the lengthy flourishes on the words “mors” and “mortis” in the opening and concluding phrases of the respond (lines 1 and 6 in the text). Thus, as the clergy sang these three chants they simultaneously commemorated two aspects of Hubert’s corporal cult: the transformation of Hubert’s body, from living to deceased, as well as the bishop’s express wish to be buried at the church of Saint Peter in Liège. The Office of Matins then concludes with a special musical item that heightens the significance of this transformative moment—a direct appeal to the deceased bishop in the form of a prosa: 1a. Hubert, eminent prelate, descendant of a distinguished lineage, 1b. cultivator of all moral purity,

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Example 3.1. Dum mors instabat (B-Br 6434, fol. 126r–v; NL-DHk 68 A 1, fol. 152r–v)

light of the illustrious church! 2a. You reside today on the throne of grace, 2b. you delight in the rest of the celestial fatherland. 3a. Wash away clemently our offenses, 3b. and give assent to our prayers. [1a. Huberte presul eximie, Proles insignis prosapie, 1b. Totius cultor munditie,

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the civic cult of saint hubert 129 Iubar preclarum ecclesie, 2a. Resides hodie In throno gratie: 2b. Frueris requie Celestis patrie. 3a. Noxas nostras clementer dilue, 3b. Atque nostris precibus adnue.]134

Prosae of this sort, which adorn an Office responsory, are exceedingly rare in the cathedral liturgy and therefore merit particular attention.135 Just as Hubert’s death is highlighted in his earliest vitae by no less than a divine prophecy, the prosa gives musical prominence to the responsory describing the bishop’s demise. This liturgical embellishment would have rendered the conclusion of Matins exceptionally prolix, requiring the assembled clergy to reflect on the relevance of Hubert’s death for their own salvation. Both the text and melody of the prosa adhere to a carefully planned scheme that complements and dramatizes the style and content of the responsory depicting Hubert’s death. As shown in example 3.2, the twelve lines of poetry are set to three musical phrases, following a double-versicle structure—reminiscent of a sequence—that underscores the rhetoric and meaning of the text. Following the opening vocative appeal to the idealized, morally pure and illustrious bishop (in versicle 1), the singers address Hubert in the second person to praise his celestial comfort (versicle 2), before begging Hubert in the imperative to purify them from sin and hear their prayers (versicle 3). In stark contrast to the descriptive and highly melismatic responsory to which it was appended, the syllabic style and direct rhetoric of the prosa, in which the syllable count diminishes with each versicle, heightens the immediacy and urgency of this liturgical invocation. Indeed, the performance of this prosa dramatizes the event of Hubert’s death, for rubrics in the antiphonal transmitting this melody specify that it was sung between the second and third statements of Hubert’s speech, in the responsory, “Now I am summoned to leave the infirm encampment of the body . . .” (Jam cogor languida castra corporis exire), thereby creating a dialogue-like exchange between Hubert and the singers beseeching his oversight. The responsory and prosa, which were repeated at the conclusion of Second Vespers, thus jointly render Hubert’s death exceptionally vivid and personally beneficial to the individuals involved in their performance. Two additional chants, of unknown textual origin, depict Hubert’s corporal presence in the city.136 The Magnificat Antiphon Plebs fidelis jocundetur for First Vespers summons local devotees to venerate Hubert’s body: Let the faithful people of Liège rejoice today!

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Example 3.2. Huberte presul eximie (NL-DHk 68 A 1, fol. 152v)

Let them venerate the holy body of the eminent bishop, so that he may aid the same [people] with the power of protection. [Plebs fidelis jocundetur Hodie Leodii; Sacrum corpus veneretur Praesulis eximii; Ut eidem suffragetur Ope patrocinii.]137

Through the precise language and present tense of this chant, Hubert’s body remains unequivocally in Liège, providing continued intercession to the civic faithful. In singing this antiphon, the clergy could thus venerate both Hubert’s idealized protective powers and his bodily remains, rendered symbolically present through the chanted text. Musical similarities between the second and fifth phrase of the chant melody, shown in example 3.3, underscore the power of Hubert’s aid specifically in Liège. The Magnificat Antiphon O Huberte, dedicatam for Second Vespers, meanwhile, summons Saint Hubert to protect the church he founded as well as the populace congregated in his honor: O Hubert, protect first the church—dedicated by you, also endowed with the gifts of your burial, and consecrated by [your] body— with your prayers; and [protect] now the people congregated here during your praises.

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the civic cult of saint hubert 131 Example 3.3. Plebs fidelis jocundetur (B-Br 6434, fols. 124v–25r; NL-DHk 68 A 1, fol. 151v)

[O Huberte, dedicatam Aulam a te primitus, Tue quoque subarratam Sepulture dotibus Et corpore consecratam Serva tuis precibus, Atque plebem congregatam Hic in tuis laudibus.]138

This antiphon invokes Hubert’s corporal presence, implicitly in Liège and explicitly at his burial site. Like Plebs fidelis, the melody of O Huberte, in example 3.4, features internal repetition, in this case linking Hubert’s sepulchre (in the fourth phrase) to the people convened at this location (in the seventh). Through these shared locational and corporal references, the two Magnificat antiphons frame Hubert’s versified Office by appealing to Hubert’s special intercessory and protective powers over the civic population. Indeed, singers referenced Hubert’s “corpus” a total of eight times over the course of the entire Office, in music for First and Second Vespers, Matins, and Lauds. These chants invoking Saint Hubert’s body prompt us to consider the actual location of his remains. While the Benedictine community of Saint Hubert at Andage would insist that they possessed the bishop’s complete body, various other ecclesiastical establishments succeeded in acquiring relics.139 By the early

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Example 3.4. O Huberte, dedicatam (B-Br 6434, fol. 126v; NL-DHk 68 A 1, fol. 152v)

sixteenth century, competition over the possession of Hubert’s remains provoked a heated dispute between the monks at Andage and an abbey of regular canons at Autrey (located in the Vosges Mountains in the region of Lorraine), which resulted in papal intervention. In response to a petition from Andage, Leo X issued a decree in 1515 confirming the Hubertine monks’ claim to the saint’s “incorrupt and complete” body.140 Yet even papal support for the primacy of the saint’s cult at Andage did not prevent the continued veneration of his relics elsewhere. To what extent, then, did Saint Hubert remain physically present in Liège?

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the civic cult of saint hubert 133 Two ceremonies conducted in 1489 testify to the veneration of Hubert’s relics at the cathedral. Descriptions of the elaborate ostentation of all the relics housed at this church in July of that year document, on the third day of the exhibit, the display of a gilded reliquary containing “many bones from the body of Saint Hubert, Confessor and First Bishop of Liège” (multa ossa corporis S. Huberti Confessoris et primi Episcopi Leodiensis).141 Hubert’s relics were also carried alongside those of Saint Remaclus in the procession concluding a special Mass—in memory of Robert de la Marck, presumably Robert I (d. ca. 1487– 89), father of future bishop Erard—held at the cathedral on Saint Hubert’s feast day.142 Through the acquisition and display of Hubert’s bones, the cathedral chapter thereby secured the enduring tangibility of the bishop’s presence for local devotees. The bishop’s original burial site also witnessed an exceptionally vivid manifestation of his presence. Under Bishop Erard de la Marck (r. 1505–38), the church of Saint Peter regained its status as a pilgrimage site on account of the exorcisms attributed to Hubert’s intercession.143 In the portion of his gesta documenting the life of Erard de la Marck, the Franciscan brother John of Brusthem (d. 1549) recounted the first of these miracles in significant detail: In the year 1508 around the feast of the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist, from the town of Duren in the diocese of Cologne where the most blessed Anne is distinguished by magnificent miracles, two maiden sisters haunted by demons, originating from the town of Osnabrück, were brought to Liège to the crypt of Saint Peter, where the sepulchre of bishop-saint Hubert is kept. For when they had been brought at first to the town of Duren, and an exorcism was made over them, the evil spirits replied that they needed to be expelled not there, but at the sepulchre of the most blessed Hubert, which is in the crypt of the church of Saint Peter of Liège; and thus it was done. Futhermore, relics of the saints were discovered, revealing themselves in the wall of the crypt of that very church, which no one living had known, by a spontaneous uncovering. After these [events] a great throng of lunatic men followed, and of them, those vexed by foul spirits were cured by the merits of blessed Hubert. [Anno 1508 circa festum nativitatis beati Johannis Baptistae ex oppido Duren, Coloniensis dyocesis, ubi beatissima Anna magnificis claret miraculis, adductae sunt Leodium ad criptam sancti Petri, ubi sepulchrum habetur sancti pontificis Huberti, duae juvenculae sorores daemonibus obsessae, ex civitate Osnaburgensi oriundae. Cum enim primum ad oppidum Duren adductae fuissent, et super eas exorcismus fieret, responderunt maligni spiritus se non ibi, sed ad sepulchrum beatissimi Huberti, quod est in cripta ecclesiae sancti Petri Leodiensis, debere expelli; quod et factum est. Reliquiae quoque sanctorum in muro criptae ipsius ecclesiae, quas nemo viventium noverat, ipsis revelantibus, sunt inventae.

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Subsecutus est post haec concursus multus hominum lunaticorum, et eorum, qui vexabantur a spiritibus immundis, qui meritis beati Huberti curabantur.]144

Several aspects of this story emphasize the power of Hubert’s presence. Not only does the exorcism succeed, having failed elsewhere, but the demons themselves designate Saint Hubert’s sepulchre as the proper locus for their expulsion. Hubert’s cult at the church of Saint Peter therefore trumps that of Saint Anne in the town of Duren as the preferred site for exorcism. In addition to drawing subsequent throngs of demoniacs, who are guaranteed a cure due to Saint Hubert’s merits, the church also benefits from the discovery of saintly relics concealed within its walls. Saint Hubert’s curative yet invisible presence is therefore matched by the “hidden” relics coinhabiting the saint’s sepulchral space. While Saint Hubert was commonly invoked against madness resulting from rabies elsewhere in the diocese,145 the miracles occurring at Saint Peter target the saint’s intercessory powers, like those of Saint Albinus, specifically against demoniacs. Hubert’s antidemonic powers, however, were not newly invented in the sixteenth century. Rather, they first appear in his earliest vita. As noted previously, one of the deeds characterizing Hubert’s episcopate, just prior to the vision of his impending death, is an exorcism. Both the Vita prima and Vita secunda recall the moment at which Hubert, having just delivered a speech to the faithful in Maastricht, is accosted by a vociferous demoniac. To silence her, Hubert first casts over her the sign of the cross, and then slaps her until she is dumb. As if dead, the trembling woman immediately falls to the ground, where she lies at Hubert’s feet. Slaver flows from her mouth until she is cured of the devil.146 By analogy to this preexisting miracle, documented as early as the mid-eighth century, Hubert’s posthumous exorcisms revived his living actions. Some 800 years after his first exorcism, Saint Hubert’s enduring vitality could still be experienced at the site of his first tomb. One additional testimony to the curative effects of Hubert’s presence at the church of Saint Peter originates from the relic Hubert had acquired at the moment of his episcopal consecration. As we will recall from the later versions of the legend of Pope Sergius, Hubert had received a key from the Apostle Peter. The following account of this miracle, transmitted in the Vita quarta and Vita quinta, also appears in the chronicle completed between 1376 and 1379 by a canon of the collegiate church of Holy Cross, Mathias de Lewis: Having then been consecrated by the pope, when he was celebrating Mass, at that moment, blessed Peter appeared to him, as though handing to him a golden key carried in the hand for the power of binding and loosing and of conferring sanity to lunatics and madmen. Which key is kept until the present day in the church of Saint Peter of Liège.

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the civic cult of saint hubert 135 [A papa ergo consecratus cum ibidem missam celebraret, apparuit ei beatus Petrus tradens ei clavem quasi auream in manu gestandam, in potestatem ligandi et solvendi et lunaticis et furiosis conferendi sanitatem. Que clavis Leodii in ecclesia beati Petri reservatur usque hodie.]147

By specifying the power of this key “to bind and loose,” Lewis references the keys conferred to Peter by Christ in the Gospel of Matthew (16:19), “And I will give to thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven. And whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, it shall be bound also in heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth, it shall be loosed also in heaven” (Et tibi dabo claves regni caelorum et quodcumque ligaveris super terram erit ligatum in caelis et quodcumque solveris super terram erit solutum in caelis). Yet these later versions of the Pope Sergius legend specify that the key was also to be used for the purpose of curing the insane. The key housed permanently at the church of Saint Peter in Liège thereby came to be associated with Hubert’s sanity-restoring powers. This equation may have been inspired by the biblical account of the curative effects of Saint Peter’s shadow, which, when he walked the streets of Jerusalem, healed the sick and possessed (Acts 5:15–16). Thus, in Liège, Saint Hubert’s antilunatic powers were concentrated both in the tangible relic and in the physical space of the church he had originally founded. Analysis of the miracles, legends, and especially the chants associated with Saint Hubert’s corporal cult and sepulchral space reveals the extent to which this bishop continued to hold a very real presence in his episcopal city. While Liège no longer marked the current site of Hubert’s integral remains, the city would retain a lasting memory of this former privilege through the liturgy sung in his honor and exorcisms attributed to his intervention. Refusing to acknowledge the event that marked Hubert’s departure, the cathedral clergy re-created the illusion of the saint’s enduring presence at the church of Saint Peter on the annual celebration of his feast—a liturgical fabrication aided by the curative associations of Hubert’s key and miracles attracting pilgrims to this site. By deliberately resetting history to the period prior to Hubert’s translation, clerics successfully secured the survival of the saint’s cult in Liège and preserved a living memory of his enduring civic presence. *

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While the liégeois liturgy for Saint Hubert lacks the explicit laudatory rhetoric of civic panegyric we noted in the vitae and music for this bishop’s martyred predecessors, Hubert’s chants are no less evocative of the urban community he oversaw. Repeated references to the bishop’s body and burial site at the church of Saint Peter constitute the most obvious attempt to assure the ongoing veneration of the saint in this place. When we consider that Saint Peter represented the headquarters of the city’s collegiate chapters and customarily hosted collective celebrations uniting clerics from the city’s prime secular chapters with

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representatives of the civic government, the naming of this church on Saint Hubert’s feast day could not have failed to evoke the actual civic function of this site. Furthermore, through the celebration of Hubert’s steadfast bond to his immediate predecessor, symbolized by his miraculous reception of Lambert’s staff and miter as a consequence of this bishop’s martyrdom, local clerics commemorated Hubert’s ties to the cathedral he had founded and, indirectly, to the chapter witnessing firsthand the uncertainties of episcopal succession. Of the three bishops to whom Liège could attribute its civic genesis, Saint Lambert is unquestionably the primogenitor—the prime motivator for the city’s sacred origins and initial growth. In the hagiographic sources and in the cathedral liturgy, Saints Theodard and Hubert essentially enhance Lambert’s prestige: Theodard’s murder and subsequent translation to Liège foretell Lambert’s own martyrdom in close proximity to the bodily remains of his predecessor, while Hubert’s actions recognize Liège as the center of Lambert’s cult. The cathedral clergy would have essentially reenacted this sequence of events in the series of feasts featured in close proximity in the liturgical calendar: venerating Saint Theodard on September 10, celebrating Saint Lambert’s martyrdom on September 17, and commemorating Saint Hubert’s relics on November 3. By simply adhering to the church calendar, the cathedral clergy thus re-created the city’s founding on an annual basis, with Lambert’s martyrdom framed by the actions of his episcopal predecessor and successor. These interepiscopal connections would only become more tangible in the first decades of the sixteenth century with the institution of a new procession for the Translation of Saint Lambert by Bishop Erard de la Marck, as we shall see in chapter 5. Yet before we examine the events and individuals motivating the votive zeal of this later bishop, we cannot overlook the lasting influence of an earlier episcopal figure on the civic topography. Just as Bishop Hubert, the city’s first founder, had established the city’s ecclesiastical core, a similar, yet far more ambitious, project undertaken at the turn of the eleventh century merited Bishop Notger the title of “second founder.” Notger’s church-building and defensive initiatives would leave a lasting mark both on the physical reality and clerical idealization of the civic space—as commemorated through the richly varied media of the bishop’s vita, liturgical processions, and polyphonic music composed by a local priest. It is therefore from the city’s first founder to its second that we must now turn.

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Chapter Four

Clerical Concord, Disharmony, and Polyphony Commemorating Bishop Notger’s City The earthly successors to the three saintly founders of Liège—Bishops Theodard, Lambert, and Hubert—oversaw the subsequent growth of this holy terrain into a true ecclesiastical city. Following its birth around the site of Lambert’s martyrdom in the early eighth century, Liège witnessed a second period of church construction in the tenth and eleventh centuries resulting from episcopal initiatives. Bishops Richer (920–45), Eraclus (959–71), Notger (972–1008), and Balderic II (1008–18) personally approved the founding of seven collegiate churches—the secular chapters that rendered Liège a veritable city of clerics.1 These canons enhanced the bishop’s power and prestige, supplying a ready pool of administrators from which the prelate could recruit his counselors and men of letters.2 Yet, ideally, each canon’s primary duty was a musical one—to sing the Divine Office.3 By surrounding the episcopal seat with a sizable clerical population singing and praying on their behalf, bishops at once increased the fervor of civic pleas for divine protection and paved the way for personal salvation. Bishops Richer, Eraclus, and Notger were particularly successful in this respect. Having secured their burial at a collegiate church, these individuals were guaranteed a lasting memory among the chapters of canons commissioned to sing and pray, in perpetuity, for the well-being of their souls.4 Of the four bishops who established the city’s seven collegiate churches, Notger is beyond a doubt the most preeminent. From Notger’s time to the present, historians have repeatedly lauded this prelate’s singular civic influence.5 Notger’s role as the “second founder” of Liège, coined in 1905 by the Belgian historian Godefroid Kurth,6 is rooted in local discourse from as early as the tenth century. Even while Notger was still living, his contemporary, Abbot Folcuin of Lobbes (d. 990), observed, “none of his predecessors . . . enriched more than him the church of Liège with goods, ennobled it with edifices.”7 It is with good reason that these writers acknowledged the prelate’s superlative status, for, as charters, diplomatic records, and archaeological evidence

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attest, no other bishop in liégeois history single-handedly built more churches, installed more secular clergy, or contributed more to the city’s fortification than Notger.8 This bishop’s initiatives, however, were not limited to the physical realm of construction. While the city could credit its martyrial origins to three saintly founders, to Notger it owed its clerical identity. Just as Notger’s modifications to the civic space shaped enduring patterns of social interaction between resident clerics, Notger’s dedication to clerical life, as memorialized after his death, inspired the subsequent idealization of the clerical community. The bishop’s deeds could thus be summoned to promote the ideals of clerical discipline and fraternity in the face of social disharmony and division. As we shall soon see, urban clerics repeatedly witnessed the intersection of Notger’s real and imagined initiatives through the varied activities of communal worship, processional perambulation, memorial devotion, and musical performance. The combined spiritual and worldly duties of the secular clergy inhabiting the spaces founded by Notger and his fellow bishops brought these churchmen into frequent interaction, generating a complex web of interinstitutional alliances and divisions.9 While members of the cathedral chapter sought to distinguish themselves from the lesser canons of the collegiate churches, these subordinate chapters united to protect their common rights. Interclerical fraternities might thus be imagined as the interweaving threads that gave the city’s social fabric a distinctive texture—much like the intersecting cults of the city’s founding saints gave the liturgy its local color. Indeed, a wide range of liturgical observances—from communal solemnities at the cathedral, to joint services between a collegiate chapter and their confraternal allies, to the daily pealing of church bells—publicized the social dynamics of these clerical networks. As singing clerics circulated within and between these ecclesiastical spaces, they gave meaning to the resulting fusion of the city’s landscape and soundscape.10 If musical performances traced an aural map of these interclerical unions, how might music itself idealize the civic topography and its clerical community? As clerics, musicians were intimately familiar with the varied observances that fostered alliance or marked division between the secular clergy. Indeed, the cathedral and collegiate chapters were the city’s most generous music patrons, providing multifarious employment opportunities to singers and instrumentalists (mainly organists) willing to submit to the rigors of the clerical vocation—celibacy, obedience, and the tedium of daily liturgical performance, among other obligations.11 Yet ecclesiastical service might also provide a creative outlet, especially to those musicians who had mastered the art of polyphonic composition. Such individuals could thus enrich local musical traditions and liturgical customs with original repertory inspired by the ecclesiastical spaces in which they performed and the clerical communities they served. We find an exemplary case of such locally inspired musical creativity in the fifteenth-century priest and musician, Johannes Brassart. Like several of

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his liégeois contemporaries, Brassart periodically left the city to pursue more lucrative opportunities in papal and imperial service. Yet Brassart also maintained lasting ties to the clerical city in which he had celebrated his first Mass and would find a comfortable retirement. Brassart witnessed firsthand the intricate dynamics of interclerical interaction through his service to four different churches. Surprisingly, the musical fruits of his liégeois labors have elicited little musicological interest. In fact, the civic dimension of Brassart’s motet for the titular patron of the first church he served, Saint John the Evangelist, has remained entirely overlooked. Brassart must have known that this church was not only founded, but actually favored, by Bishop Notger. For indeed, Brassart’s motet draws on the topographic symbolism of Notger’s posthumous commemoration. We cannot understand the local significance of Brassart’s motet, however, without first examining the lasting influence of Notger’s civic and clerical initiatives on the city’s secular clergy. This chapter begins, therefore, by surveying Notger’s undertakings in church construction, civic fortification, and the promition of claustral discipline. Clergymen serving the church of the Evangelist, in which Notger had sought a cloistered retreat and a humble burial, kept a special memory of their founder by celebrating not only his episcopal undertakings but, notably, his commitment to clerical life. These attributes were recorded in the twelfth-century Vita Notgeri, likely penned by a resident canon. As suggested by the hagiographic title of this document, Notger’s memorialization acquired saint-like attributes. Indeed, the bishop’s identity came to intersect with that of the titular patron, Saint John. Thus, by the time that Brassart composed his motet, local clerics had enhanced the cult of this universally venerated saint with extra episcopal and civic meaning. By examining the liégeois customs inspiring Brassart’s music, we witness the extraordinary convergence of episcopal memorialization, biblical symbolism, and civic topography in a newly composed polyphonic piece voicing local ideals of interclerical harmony.

Bishop Notger’s Clerical City (972–1008) Over the course of Bishop Notger’s thirty-six-year reign, the site of Liège underwent a radical transformation.12 When Notger mounted the episcopal throne in 972, the unwalled town nestled in a dangerously exposed low basin of the River Meuse had become increasingly vulnerable to external attacks. The Norman raids of 881, which had left the cathedral in ruins, were a mere portent of persistent hostility from opponents closer to home—namely, the strong-willed aristocracy inhabiting the surrounding countryside. These threats were exacerbated by the ambitions of the Carolingian monarchy intent on recapturing the ancient kingdom of Lotharingia, in which Liège was situated.13 Anxious to protect the seat of the diocese more effectively, Notger’s

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predecessor Eraclus had sought to relocate the cathedral to a more strategic position atop the Publémont, a steep ridge overlooking the city.14 By reconstructing the cathedral in its original location, however, Notger recognized the spiritual powers embedded in the site sanctified by Bishop Lambert’s martyrdom and rededicated the defensive sanctuary on the Publémont, fittingly, to the soldier-saint Martin.15 The prelate also rebuilt the cloisters, the episcopal palace, and the Marian baptistery in the immediate vicinity of the cathedral. Over the course of his episcopate, Notger substantially increased the city’s clerical population by supervising the construction of five additional sanctuaries: the collegiate churches of Saint Paul (founded by Eraclus), Holy Cross, Saint Denis, and Saint John the Evangelist, as well as the parish of Saint Adalbert.16 At many of these institutions, Notger increased the number of resident canons, thereby surrounding the cathedral with a sizable clerical community. By the end of Notger’s tenure, the cathedral and collegiate churches of Liège may have housed collectively as many as 225 canons.17 To protect these clergymen, Notger enclosed the six principal churches of the city’s ecclesiastical core, excluding Saint John and Saint Adalbert located on the island, within a robust stone wall.18 Equally intent on strengthening the city’s resilience against ongoing natural and military threats, Notger also oversaw the deepening of the arm of the River Meuse flowing between the island and the rising Publémont.19 Thus, by the time of Notger’s demise in 1008, Liège had emerged as a fully fortified and renovated clerical city whose distinctive topography was enhanced by his undertakings. Notger’s most ambitious civic undertaking was the reconstruction of an immense cathedral, the dimensions of which were so vast that it became one of the most impressive ecclesiastical sites of the entire Western Empire.20 While the edifice erected under Notger’s supervision was subsequently destroyed by the fire of 1185, its foundation served as the model for the new Gothic structure that emerged in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The distinctive, double-choir form of Notger’s church—with a square-shaped western choir dedicated to Saint Lambert and the eastern choir dedicated to the Virgin— served a highly symbolic function, for each liturgical zone honored one of the two titular patrons.21 Notger emphasized the sacrality of Lambert’s martyrium by installing a crypt beneath the western choir marking the site of his passion—the prime locus for the veneration of the martyr’s relics for centuries thereafter.22 Significantly, this western choir also served a communal function, as the meeting place for the clergy of the city’s collegiate churches summoned to the cathedral on high-ranking feasts.23 The double-choir form of Notger’s cathedral would subsequently influence the architectural style of the city’s collegiate churches. Long after the western choir had been replaced by a western portal in other churches throughout the Empire, liégeois church builders perpetuated Carolingian and Ottonian practice by retaining a western wall and chapel, as seen at the churches of Saint Martin, Saint Paul, and Holy Cross.24

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The architectural design of Notger’s cathedral would thus leave a permanent and distinctive mark on both the city’s mother church and its daughter institutions. As we shall soon see, the titular patron of the cathedral’s eastern choir, the Virgin Mary, would also occupy a central place in the underlying topographic symbolism of Notger’s city. Notger’s efforts to endow the episcopal city with a monumental cathedral were matched by his concern for civic fortification. Intent on strengthening the urban defensive system, Notger rebuilt and extended the city ramparts to incorporate the sanctuary Eraclus had intended as the new cathedral, now Saint Martin.25 Under Notger’s care, this newly rededicated sanctuary controlled multiple routes of access into the city from its strategic position at the Western gate. Perched atop the Publémont, Saint Martin likewise overlooked the entire Meuse valley and any military activity in the surrounding area could be easily monitored from the church tower.26 Notger’s choice of Saint Martin as the titular patron is therefore far from coincidental. As historian Jean-Louis Kupper has suggested, this sacred fortress brought military protection to the city just as Martin, patron saint of warriors, was acclaimed for his military actions.27 Indeed, the location of Saint Martin at one of the city gates recalls the event for which its titular patron was most renowned. While serving the Roman army in Amiens, Martin was said to have generously given up part of his cloak, which he cut with his sword, to a shivering beggar huddled at the city gate. In this way, the soldier-saint had offered physical protection to the needy, much as the church would guard the city’s inhabitants. Yet it was the titular patrons of two other churches that would figure most prominently in clerical interpretations of the city’s topography. In the mid-eleventh century, Canon Anselm recalled that a certain personage “very powerful in arms” (quilibet in armis prepotens) had asked Notger’s permission to build a stronghold acting as a secondary defense on the Publémont, just to the east of Saint Martin.28 Recognizing at once the defensive benefits of this site and the oppressive menace of a feudal fortress, Notger urged the cathedral provost, Robert, to found in its place a collegiate church dedicated to the Holy Cross. Anselm attributes Notger’s choice of dedicatee to the protective powers of the victorious cross, whose virtue could offer a form of protection stronger than “all the arms of mortals.”29 Thus, during Notger’s tenure the promontory overlooking the city came to be fortified, not by a feudal fortress, but rather by two collegiate churches that combined spiritual oversight with physical protection. Notger may have had a defensive plan in mind when choosing the location for the last collegiate church he would found and dedicate to Saint John the Evangelist (on May 1, 981, or 987). The bishop built the new collegiate church near an arm of the River Meuse, which he had just deepened, possibly to protect the unfortified island and the southern area of the city at large. Yet Notger also sought personal protection from this church, which he chose for his retirement and burial.30 This funerary function is mirrored in the church’s circular

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form, modeled on two prominent institutions serving a similar purpose—the Palatine Chapel in Aachen (housing Charlemagne’s remains) and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem.31 As we shall soon see, Notger’s personal predilection for the church of the Evangelist would be commemorated in hagiographic texts and votive polyphony. Notger’s persistent preoccupation with the city’s defensive system can be better understood in the context of the changing nature of the bishop’s status. During Notger’s tenure, the prelate’s spiritual and administrative duties came to be enhanced by additional military powers.32 That Notger incorporated sacred edifices such as Saint Martin, Holy Cross, Saint Denis, and perhaps even Saint John into the city’s defensive system can thus be seen to reflect the spiritual-military duality of his own office. Just as the bishop himself now represented the city’s sacred and military guardian, the churches erected during his tenure would offer both spiritual and physical security to the urban population. Notger’s defensive concerns, however, were subsequently overshadowed by his clerical endeavors—both in the posthumous veneration of this bishop and in the idealization of his city. As imagined by local writers and musicians, Notger and Liège could jointly be sanctified by the biblical figures representing the clerical communities established by the city’s “second founder.”

“Blessed” Notger’s Civic and Clerical Image in the Vita Notgeri (Twelfth Century) The liégeois clergy commemorated Notger’s civic initiatives long after his death. Yet Notger was not remembered merely as a bishop. Already by the twelfth century, biographers sought to enhance Notger’s episcopal image with sacred preeminence—by lauding him as a saint. Numerous biographers and chroniclers invested Notger with the saintly status of beatus or sanctus, most notably the anonymous author of the twelfth-century Vita Notgeri, historians Giles of Orval and John of Outremeuse, and the author of the fifeenth-century Magnum Chronicon Belgicum.33 By 1566, Robert Quercentius, a canon and scribe at the church of Saint John, went so far as to propose that Notger merited inclusion in the list of saints given in the church breviary. Indeed, less than a century later, on August 28, 1643, the chapter of Saint John formally petitioned Bishop Ferdinand of Bavaria (r. 1612–50) to initiate the process of canonization. While Notger was never formally canonized, his saintly image remained vivid in the clerical imagination. The most influential tribute to Notger’s perceived sanctity and civic influence survives in the Vita Notgeri, a twelfth-century biography likely penned by the canon Reimbald of Dongelberg (d. 1149).34 If indeed this canon is the author, the Vita Notgeri probably dates from the 1140s, following Reimbald’s promotion as provost of Holy Cross, a church that figures prominently

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alongside Saint John and the cathedral in the vita’s interpretation of the civic topography.35 Reimbald was an active member of the clerical faction supporting the episcopal election of Henry of Leez in 1145 (referenced in chapter 1). The canon may thus have portrayed Notger in a saintly guise as an inspirational model for his own bishop, Henry. Yet this author also looked to the past, consulting archival sources relevant to Notger’s episcopate, and, most significantly, quoting from an eleventh-century verse panegyric honoring the recently deceased bishop.36 Both this poem and the Vita Notgeri in turn were quoted by later historians, most notably the Cistercian monk Giles of Orval in his thirteenth-century Gesta pontificum Leodiensium, itself interpolated into an anonymous late fifteenth-century Notgerian biography published by Abraham Ortelius in 1584.37 By reading the Vita Notgeri on the anniversary of the bishop’s death, the clergy of Saint John kept a lasting memory of Notger’s saintly portrait—a commemorative gesture that likely inspired a local composer. The Vita Notgeri recounts the bishop’s origins, service to Emperor Otto III, episcopal deeds, and above all, his civic undertakings. The length and language of the passages detailing Notger’s activities in Liège—more than half of the vita—underscore the bishop’s civic interests. Chapter 3, for example, begins by commemorating Notger’s zeal for church construction: “And because the graces distributed by God had been granted to him, as a good steward, to enlarge and adorn the city, his hand did not cease to build churches in locations in which there were none, nor to complete those just begun, nor to increase in wealth and maintain the possessions of the ones already completed” (Et quia distributiones gratiarum ad ampliandam et exornandam civitatem tamquam bono dispensatori a Deo ei collate fuerant, non cessavit manus ejus vel ecclesias in quibus non erant locis edificare, vel inchoatas consummare, vel consummatas bonis augere et in bonis conservare).38 Cast in the role of a “good steward,” Notger builds, completes, and endows these churches specifically to “enlarge” and “adorn” the city. Yet the most outspoken tribute, in chapter 5, concerns the bishop’s modifications to the River Meuse, a branch of which Notger redirects for common use through the city center. The author associates the benefits of the river’s new trajectory with those of the stream irrigating the City of God, quoting Psalm 45:5: “The stream of the river maketh the city of God joyful” (fluminis impetus laetificat civitatem Dei).39 Having thus equated Liège to the celestial city, chapter 5 concludes with an outspoken tribute both to Notger, as the civic founder, and to Liège, indebted to its prelate: There is scarcely anything of great or remarkable construction in our city that he himself will not have undertaken or realized, so that he is seen to a greater extent to have created the city than to have cultivated it. Therefore, to proclaim succinctly the praise owed to him, many things about him are expressed in this verse: Liège, binding for you, with the prelates, the laws by the [divine] Law, You owe Notger to Christ, the rest to Notger.

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[Vix aliquid magni aut preclari operis est in civitate nostra quod ipse non fecerit aut perfecerit, ut magis fecisse civitatem quam coluisse videatur. Unde in preconium laudis sibi debite paucis multa de ipso comprehensa sunt hoc metro: Legia, lege ligans cum prelatis tibi leges, Nogerum Christo, Nogero cetera debes.]40

These concluding verses combine a play on words with various biblical references to fuse the bishop’s identity with that of his city. Verbally, this passage alludes to a local tradition by which the name Legia was associated with the Latin noun lex, meaning law, to portay Liège as the “city of the law.”41 The reference to the law in these verses might be inspired by Psalm 1:2, “but his will is in the law of the Lord, and on his law he shall meditate day and night” (sed in lege Domini voluntas eius et in lege eius meditabitur die ac nocte). Commentaries on this psalm shed light on a perceived etymological connection between the noun “law” and the verb “to bind.” In his Explanation of the Psalms, Cassiodorus (ca. 485–ca. 580) avoided the customary equation of lex with lego, meaning “to ordain or appoint,” to derive it instead from the verb ligo, meaning “to bind.”42 Cassiodorus explains the significance of this unusual etymology in his interpretation of the second line of the psalm verse, And in the law he shall meditate. One should note that he says for a second time, in the law, not beneath the law, for He who spurned sins was within the law, but the rest of mankind are rightly beneath the law for they are bent by the burden of their sins. Lex (law) gets its name from the fact that it binds (ligare) our minds, and holds us subject to its provisions.43 [Et in lege eius meditabitur. Intendendum quod secundo dicit: In lege, non sub lege, quia in lege fuit qui peccata contempsit. Reliqui autem mortales merito sub lege sunt, qui delictis onerantibus inclinantur. Lex enim dicitur ex eo quod animos nostros liget, suisque teneat obnoxios constitutis.]44

Thus, Liège might be imagined as a city literally bound by Divine law. Yet the verb ligo also alludes to the power conferred by Christ on the Apostle Peter to “bind and loose,” as recalled in Matthew 16:19 (referenced in chapter 3). Indeed, Notger himself had received this gift of ecclesiastical authority directly from Pope John XV during a visit to Rome in 989.45 The Vita Notgeri thus simultaneously lauds Notger’s Apostolic persona, as a second Peter, and the lawbound city that owes everything to his initiative. Another biblical figure, Saint John the Evangelist, plays an even more prominent role in Notger’s civic undertakings and clerical identity. Of Notger’s numerous ecclesiastical enterprises, the Vita Notgeri devotes the greatest attention to the collegiate church of Saint John.46 Indeed, it is Notger’s affinity for Saint John the Evangelist—the apostle whom Christ loved—that influences the

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location of the new church within the urban landscape. Notger chooses a site rife with biblical significance: Now he (Notger) erected this church of the apostle (Saint John the Evangelist) loved by Christ and esteemed by Christians in an elevated location on the island directly facing the church of Saint Lambert, which is dedicated principally to Mary forever virgin, so that the son given to the Virgin by Christ, during the ultimate testament on the cross, might always have sight of his mother by divine ordinance, and (that) he, the guardian of the Virgin, might be guarded by the Virgin. [Nam hanc ecclesiam propter dilectionem apostoli a Christo amplius dilecti et a christianis amplius diligendi in editori loco Insule ex directo ante faciem constituit ecclesie Sancti Lamberti que principaliter consecrata est ad titulum semper virginis Marie, ut filius deputatus Virgini a Christo summo testamento in cruce matris sue semper prospectum habeat divina constitutione, et custos virginis custodiatur a virgine.]47

The Vita Notgeri thus equates the physical alignment of the church of Saint John with the cathedral of Our Lady to mutual, interinstitutional, custody: the collegiate church and cathedral keep sight of one another, just as the Evangelist son both protects and is protected by his Marian mother. This analogy originates from the scene of Christ’s Passion recounted in the Fourth Gospel, John 19:25–27: 25 Now there stood by the cross of Jesus, his mother, and his mother’s sister, Mary of Cleophas, and Mary Madgalen. 26 When Jesus therefore had seen his mother and the disciple standing whom he loved, he saith to his mother: Woman, behold thy son. 27 After that, he saith to the disciple: Behold thy Mother. And from that hour, the disciple took her to his own. Of particular relevance to the polyphonic veneration of the Evangelist (discussed later in this chapter), this reference to Saint John’s Gospel relates to Notger’s city in several ways. On the most immediate level, it identifies a biblical scene at the heart of the city landscape, by situating the church of Saint John in direct alignment with the Marian cathedral (to the East) and below the church of Holy Cross (to the North). The biblical analogy also justifies the perceived mutual guardianship between the church sheltering Notger’s sepulchre and the cathedral housing the bishop’s throne. Indeed, historian Jean-Pierre Delville has gone so far as to suggest that Notger’s biographer may have sought to equate the bishop with the “beloved disciple.”48 Notger himself thus assumes a position within the civic Calvary, taking the place of the Evangelist at the foot of the Cross. From his residence and tomb at Saint John, Notger oversees the

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cathedral (as the principal church of the diocese), while this mother church attends to the peace of his soul. The Vita Notgeri thus summons a biblical scene to depict the sacred program motivating the bishop’s civic initiatives and to idealize the interinstitutional dynamics of clerical life. Significantly, it was through his activities at Saint John that Notger promoted the ideal of claustral life and discipline.49 In chapter 9 we learn that Notger, wishing to retreat from his episcopal obligations, seeks to rest, pray, and read at the church of the Evangelist where he has built a private dwelling within the cloister. It is from this cloistered retreat that Notger dictates his writings to messengers and scribes. Indeed, Notger promotes the ideal of erudition and work subject to claustral discipline at the church of Saint John by personally investing the dignitaries of the chapter. He chooses a provost and dean from among the canonical assembly, as well as a sexton, scholaster (supervising the school), and cantor (overseeing the choir). Having thus attended to these disciplinary and administrative necessities, Notger focuses on spiritual matters by consecrating with his own hand the high altar in honor of Saint John the Evangelist and dedicating the entire church, both interior and exterior, to the divine cult. We soon learn that it is in this sanctuary, rather than at the cathedral, that Notger wishes to be buried. The Vita Notgeri concludes by specifying the location designated for the bishop’s sepulchre: the most humble corner of the crypt in the chapel of Saint Hilary founded by Notger himself. By detailing Notger’s personal predilection for the church of Saint John and oversight of its chapter, both in life and death, the Vita Notgeri thus enhances the civic associations of the prelate’s episcopal portrait with a more intimate glimpse of his clerical identity. Such emphasis on Notger’s attention to claustral life may, in fact, reflect the implicit goal motivating the Vita Notgeri’s twelfth-century author—to promote the institution of secular canons.50 Undoutedly inspired by his personal service to three secular chapters within the city, Reimbald of Dongelberg likely sought to defend the secular canonical order in the wake of the eleventh-century reforms promoting the vita apostolica, a movement that had triggered renewed interest in monasticism and had motivated the institution of the canons regular.51 This clerical crisis appears to have been especially acute in early twelfthcentury Liège, as large numbers of secular canons deserted their chapters to join the monasteries of Saint Lawrence (established under Benedictine rule in 1034) and Saint James (founded in 1015).52 In his capacity of provost of Saint John, Reimbald would have been especially cognizant of the rules of clerical life. In fact, he may have even attempted to renew his brethrens’ commitment to the collegiate church by attributing the founding and organization of their own chapter to one of the most influential prelates in the city’s history.53 As portrayed in the Vita Notgeri, Bishop Notger bestows lavish attention and resources on the secular clergy. It is therefore the secular canons of Liège who stood to benefit the most by their bishop’s actions and posthumous veneration.

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As we shall observe shortly, the Vita Notgeri at once expressed the immediate preoccupations of twelfth-century canons and inspired lasting clerical devotion to Notger’s memory. Indeed, the annual reading of this vita on the anniversary of the bishop’s death may well have influenced the fifteenth-century musician Johannes Brassart. As a resident singer and chaplain, Brassart was intimately familiar with the liturgical and commemorative rituals distinct to two institutions featured in the civic Calvary—the church of Saint John and the cathedral. It may be for this reason that Brassart gave voice to this biblical analogy in his own polyphonic tribute to the Evangelist, thereby embellishing the hagiographic portrait of Notger’s clerical city with a musical counterpart. Yet before we can examine these musical vestiges of the idealized civic topography, we must consider the reality of clerical life among the city’s secular chapters.

Voicing Alliance and Division among the Secular Clergy (Twelfth–Fifteenth Centuries) Notger could not have foreseen the social and liturgical divisions that came to distinguish the “primary” clergy of the cathedral chapter from their canoncical subordinates—the seven chapters constituting the “secondary” clergy. As recorded in decrees, complaints, disciplinary regulations, and liturgical rubrics, communal observances among these secular canons at once celebrated the cathedral’s supremacy over its daughter churches and strengthened fraternal bonds between these lesser chapters. Interclerical unions and divisions were further amplified through sound and musical performance—from the ringing of church bells, to the singing of chants along a processional route or from prominent spaces within each sanctuary, to the resonance of the performing forces convened to celebrate the Divine Office. The resulting sonority of these interinstitutional dynamics generated a “soundscape” that was as distinctive as the city’s topography. The sizable population of canons resident in Liège—estimated at the impressive figure of 270 already by the mid-eleventh century—held a privileged status in urban society. The prerogative of immunity from lay jurisdiction and civic taxes protected the liberties and wealth of each chapter, placing these clerical communities in a class of their own. Yet not all canons were created equal. Over the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the chapter attached to the cathedral, the bishop’s church, acquired powers that distinguished these canons from those of its daughter institutions. By size alone, the cathedral chapter—numbering sixty canons—dwarfed those of the collegiate churches housing a mere thirty canons each and even outshone other cathedral chapters in the surrounding region.54 Yet the superior size of this chapter was just one of many factors contributing to its prime position within the city, for the cathedral was equally the wealthiest, most powerful, and most socially

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prestigious ecclesiastical community.55 The resulting social division between the primary clergy of the cathedral and the secondary clergy of the collegiate churches, manifested sonically on a daily basis, reinforced the fraternal bonds that had initially united these lesser clergymen. Through mutual assistance and alliance, the secondary clergy sought to protect their common rights and to retain at least a measure of independence from their mother church. During the second half of the thirteenth century, each of the seven collegiate churches established a brotherhood with another chapter in the city.56 The first institutions to unite were the churches of Saint Martin, Saint John, and Saint Paul (in 1242), followed by Saint Denis and Saint Bartholomew (in 1291), and lastly, Saint Peter and Holy Cross (by 1300). Modeled on preexisting prayer unions with monastic communities in the surrounding region, these confraternal agreements served both the spiritual and temporal welfare of the clergy. Each alliance stipulated that the canons convene with their confraternal partners for funerals, on the feasts honoring the titular patron and dedication of each church, and to provide mutual aid and counsel in the resolution of internal or external conflicts. The confraternal agreement between Saint Denis and Saint Bartholomew, for example, specifies that each chapter support the another against the aggression of strangers.57 These fraternal associations, celebrated at semiannual liturgical reunions between the canons and musicians serving each institution, thus guaranteed mutual support in the defense of the rights and privileges of the secondary clergy.58 Periodically the canons of the collegiate churches united with their superiors at the cathedral, using their most powerful spiritual weapon—the performance of the Divine Office—to oppose infringements of their privileges. The tax exemption to which the primary and secondary clergy claimed entitlement brought these canons into frequent conflict with the urban patriciate intent on raising funds for the physical maintenance of the city and its fortifications by taxing consumable goods.59 To protest against such abuses, the primary and secondary clergy collectively ceased celebrations of the Divine Office.60 The alliance treaty concluded by the cathedral and collegiate churches in 1231 specifies that if one church should suspend observance of these services, the others follow suit.61 Finding legitimate and indeed pressing cause to resort to this tactic, the cathedral urged the collegiate churches to join in a liturgical strike. While agreeing to this course of action, the collegiate churches specified that they were following the cathedral’s example solely on account of their mutual fraternity (sed solius amicitie causa et fraternitatis mutue) rather than by jurisdiction or coercion. While the suspension of the Divine Office might represent collective clerical protest, the celebration of these services and other liturgical observances frequently marked clerical division. The primary clergy summoned the communicative force of sound to assert the hegemony of their chapter. Indeed, the ringing of each canonical hour came to symbolize the primacy of the cathedral

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within the civic soundscape, for no church was permitted to ring its bells before those of the mother church.62 Daily celebrations of the Office would thus serve to remind not just the collegiate clergy but indeed the entire urban populace of their subservience to the cathedral chapter. In addition to bell ringing, the cathedral’s sonic supremacy was further amplified by the size and structure of its musical forces. As mother church, the cathedral supported the largest and oldest musical establishment of any church in the city.63 In addition to the standard hierarchy of musicians comprising the vocal ensemble, which consisted of the cantor, a choirmaster and his assistants, choirboys, and adult choral singers, the primary clergy had at their disposal two chapters of minor canons—under the patronage of Saint Maternus and Saint Giles—hired expressly to shoulder their musical obligations.64 As stated in the foundation charter of 1203, the minor canons of Saint Maternus were to occupy a place in the choir above the vicars and next to the major canons, between the higher-ranking imperial chaplains, where they were expected to attend the daily and nightly offices and to substitute for absent canons in reading and singing the responsories at Matins.65 The gradual secularization of the cathedral chapter over the course of the twelfth century had freed most major canons of their obligation to reside in the church cloisters, thereby diminishing the number of resident canons available to sing the canonical hours.66 It is therefore not surprising that by the beginning of the thirteenth century the chapter engaged permanent substitutes. Yet the minor canons’ ability to carry out their choral duties would soon elicit scrutiny. By 1250, it had become necessary to recruite another group of clerics, formerly responsible for services held in the chapel of Saint Giles, to assist the canons of Saint Maternus in the choir.67 An act from 1277 describes the composition of each chapter, consisting of four priests, four deacons, and four subdeacons, bringing the total number of minor canons, theoretically, to twenty-four.68 Both chapters were now required to sing, read, and intone all daily and nightly offices without interruption, and to participate in the daily celebration of Mass.69 Yet the cathedral chapter repeatedly sought to remedy musical ineptitude among these singers and to enhance the quality of musical performances. Not until the final decade of the fourteenth century did the primary clergy devise an efficient and effective means to ensure musical competence among the minor canons. The promise of a minor canonicate, which could be held concurrently with an existing salary, lured experienced musicians—particularly choirmasters (succentores, literally “subcantors”) adept in musical instruction. The cathedral chapter thus succeeded in maintaining a ready supply of skilled individuals capable of leading and correcting daily and nightly performances in the choir.70 The impressive size and structure of the cathedral’s performing forces not only permitted the primary clergy to shirk their musical duties altogether but also provided stable employment to musicians seeking a double salary. The

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coupling of a minor canonicate with the position of choirmaster or assistant choirmaster allowed the performing ensemble to benefit both from the musical talent of external musicians and from the liturgical expertise of those promoted within—an efficient means of ensuring musical competence among all participants. As the only church in the city to offer a supplementary salary in the form of a minor canonicate, the cathedral must have been the “mother church” par excellence for many musicians.71 Musical performances at the cathedral would have been especially resonant on the most solemn and festive observances of the liturgical year—occasions on which the mater ecclesia hosted communal celebrations among the primary and secondary clergy. Canons from the seven collegiate churches were expected to visit the cathedral on ten high-ranking feasts: Christmas, Purification, Palm Sunday, Holy Thursday, Easter and the first four days of Easter week, Ascension, Pentecost, Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom, the dedication of the cathedral (October 28), and All Saints.72 Mass and Vespers services on these solemnities were further enlivened by the participation of the choir (either full or half) and, to a lesser extent, the choirboys from each collegiate church.73 Visiting singers from the collegiate churches attracted special attention by intoning chants from prominent spaces within the cathedral edifice. Rubrics from extant processionals for Easter and the Vigil of Assumption specify that these musicians stood in the middle of the church, at the main altar, beneath Saint Lambert’s reliquary perched on the jubé, or under the corona sancti Lamberti, a large chandelier suspended in the nave.74 The largest of four “crowns of light” which illuminated the cathedral, the corona sancti Lamberti held sixty candles separated into groups of five by twelve turrets and served as a focal point for important ceremonies.75 It was under this chandelier that the cantor from the church of Saint Peter, for example, sang the Responsory for the Apostle, Ait Petrus principibus sacerdotum, with the Easter Verse In resurrectione tua Christe after Mass on Easter Day.76 Indeed, Easter observances at the cathedral necessitated the carefully choreographed collaboration between diverse groups of singers, featuring musical performances by the clergy of Saint Peter, Saint Martin, and Saint Paul, alongside the cathedral canons and the bishop.77 Such evidence suggests that visiting singers not only witnessed the solemnity with which these feasts were celebrated by the primary clergy, but themselves shared brief moments as the focal point of the service, both through their physical placement and their musical performance. While the primary and secondary clergy actively collaborated at these joint ceremonies, representatives of the collegiate churches openly decried this practice. One of the most outspoken critics was surely Mathias de Lewis, canon of Holy Cross from the 1360s and dean from 1383 to 1389,78 who protested against what he perceived to be a wrongful application of the cathedral’s prerogative. Lewis opined that the custom, far from increasing the splendor of the divine cult, only disrupted observances at the collegiate churches for the

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precise feasts—notably Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost—on which the devotion of the faithful should be at its greatest, to the extent that “the divine service [was] spoiled, curtailed, and in a certain measure omitted.”79 Communal celebrations at the cathedral thus robbed the collegiate churches of the very personnel necessary to celebrate these high feasts with their customary solemnity. Such requirements clearly benefited the primary clergy alone, whose seemingly self-indulgent obsession with the splendor of their own rite might adversely affect, and outright ruin, observances elsewhere in the city. Just as the primary clergy convened their subordinates to the cathedral, the secondary clergy in turn collaborated with their confraternal partners for feasts of special importance for each collegiate church—a practice of particular relevance to the performance of civic polyphony. The confraternal agreements concluded between the churches of Saint Martin, Saint John, and Saint Paul, for example, stipulated that the canons of each church meet for joint services on a frequent basis: to sing the vigils upon the death of one of their members, and to process to the churches of their confraternal partners for First Vespers and Mass on the feasts of each church’s titular saint and dedication.80 The clergy of these three collegiate churches situated near the city’s western walls are known to have congregated for six liturgical celebrations each year: for First Vespers, the procession, and Mass on the feasts of Saint Martin (November 11), Saint John the Evangelist (December 27), the Conversion of Saint Paul (January 25), and for the anniversaries of the dedication of the churches of Saint John (May 1), Saint Paul (May 7), and Saint Martin (July 8).81 Singers from these institutions as well as the organist from Saint Martin are documented in payments for joint celebrations on the feasts of Saint Martin and the dedication (July 8).82 Fifteenth-century payments to the choirmaster for his associates (pro sociis suis), or to the external singers (cantores extranei), suggest the possibility of a special musical performance on these occasions.83 Following the model of their mother church, the collegiate chapters thus enlarged the performing forces for their own interinstitutional festivities by featuring singers affiliated with their confraternal partners. Once assembled in the host church, the number of participating singers allowed for more impressive music making than the usual performing forces permitted, a circumstance that, as we shall soon see, may have inspired local composers to write elaborate polyphonic works suitable to these communal solemnities. Joint celebrations among the primary and secondary clergy necessitated the physical displacement of clerics from one or more chapters, who proceeded to the host church in procession. Processional routes highlighted distinctive features of the urban topography, tracing both visible and audible links between dissimilar areas such as the island, the rising Publémont, and the city’s spiritual and commercial heart marked by the cathedral and the market. Processions not only mapped trajectories between the city’s center and periphery, reinforcing the supremacy of the cathedral over its daughter

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institutions, but also publicized fraternal relations between the collegiate churches, several of which shared geographic proximity. Processions and communal ceremonies in Liège thus gave musical voice to existing social networks among the city’s clerical bodies.

Johannes Brassart’s Civic Motet Fortis cum quevis actio and the Vita Notgeri (Fifteenth Century) A local priest and singer who experienced firsthand the complex dynamics of interclerical alliance and division holds the exceptional distinction of having composed polyphonic music honoring Liège and its saints. Like many fifteenthcentury musicians, Johannes Brassart (b. ca. 1400/1405, d. 1455) led a largely itinerant life, pursuing prestigious court appointments in Rome, Basel, and the Habsburg lands under one pope (Eugenius IV) and three emperors (Sigismund I, Albert II, and Frederick III) while maintaining ties to his homeland through ecclesiastical service.84 Brassart cultivated a career-long connection to the city of Liège by serving four different local institutions: the collegiate church of Saint John (beginning in ca. 1422), the cathedral (from 1428 to 1434), the civic baptistery of Our Lady ad Fontes (until 1435) and lastly the collegiate church of Saint Paul (from 1445 to, presumably, the time of his death in 1455).85 Not surprisingly, the titular patron of the first of these institutions, Saint John the Evangelist, appears among the saintly subjects of Brassart’s motet Fortis cum quevis actio. While it is generally assumed that Brassart completed this composition during his residence in Liège,86 the motet in question has yet to be studied from a civic perspective. How might this newly composed polyphony, devoid of a plainchant quotation, reference the city in which it was likely conceived and performed? A close reading of the language and symbolism of Brassart’s motet uncovers a previously undetected civic emphasis. Urban identification with a universally venerated saint reflects the composer’s personal affinity for the church of Saint John and familiarity with customs proper to its use. Indeed, it can be argued that Brassart’s motet was inspired by the ongoing commemoration of Bishop Notger and his clerical city. Over the course of his career, Brassart acquired a range of clerical positions in Liège. From the time of his first documented appearance in the city (in 1422) Brassart progressed from the lower-paying post of singer at the lectern and assistant choirmaster (at Saint John), to chaplain (at Saint John and the cathedral), choirmaster (at the cathedral), and archpriest (at Our Lady ad Fontes), and finally to the coveted status of canon (at Saint John and Saint Paul).87 The most rigorous of his musical duties were at Saint John and at the cathedral. As a chaplain, Brassart would have assumed the double duty of celebrating all the services founded at his altar and substituting for absent canons in daily performances of the Divine Office in the choir.88 As the cathedral

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choirmaster, Brassart was expected to oversee the musical training of the choirboys, to assume the cantor’s musical duties and his place in the choir on all days throughout the liturgical year except for the solemn feasts when the cantor was present, and to intone the chants sung at the canonical hours.89 By the time that Brassart acquired this position (in 1428), the cathedral supported seven or eight choirboys and two assistant choirmasters from whom Brassart would likely have received assistance in his teaching and performance duties.90 In addition to these daily tasks, Brassart presumably performed the chants reserved for the choirmaster during the solemn services celebrated at the cathedral in the presence of the secondary clergy, such as the vigil Mass for Assumption—a detail of possible significance for the motet Fortis cum quevis actio. Choirmasters in Liège were also expected to coordinate special musical performances, collaborate with singers from other institutions, and perform polyphony.91 Through his liturgical and musical duties, Brassart was thus intimately familiar with the customs proper to each institution and the joint ceremonies uniting clerics from across the city. Of the four liégeois institutions he served, Brassart established the closest personal ties to Saint John. It was at this church that the composer celebrated his first Mass as priest (in 1426) and to which he transferred the income from his family’s property (in 1432).92 Such a voluntary act suggests that Brassart fostered a special attachment to the church founded and favored by Bishop Notger. As Notger’s funerary monument, this church played a key role in the ongoing memorialization of the bishop’s life, civic initiatives, and clerical identity—attributes that were remembered on the annual anniversary of Notger’s death (April 10, 1008).93 Yet at this church, Notger’s episcopal deeds also intersected with the cult of the titular patron, for, as recalled in the Vita Notgeri, it was Notger himself who had “consecrated with his own hand the main altar in honor of blessed John the Evangelist, and had dedicated the entire church, intertior and exterior, to the Divine cult.”94 The feasts of the Evangelist (December 27) and especially the Dedication (May 1) would thus have shared an association with Notger. As a resident priest and singer, Brassart must have celebrated these feasts on a regular basis and witnessed their special significance for the clergy of Saint John. Indeed, it is only from this local perspective that we can fully comprehend Brassart’s motet. The rhyming, sequence-like poetry of Fortis cum quevis actio reveals surprisingly little about the life or deeds of Saint John the Evangelist:95 1. Since every valiant action 2. and firm agreement of things 3. bring forth a happy result from God, 4. it behooves us to strive for this [goal], 5. to devote praises to Christ 6. through each unwearied heart.

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7. Action specifically 8. because Liège, in point of morals, 9. has now begun to be something new. 10. So that [the renewal] may endure 11. the entreaty is expedient; 12. and it is equally essential 13. for the Queen of Chastity 14. and for the nurture of [her] companion, 15. John the Evangelist. 16. And so that this our prayer be free 17. from any fault that may cause it not to be heard, 18. we, choristers, will sing. [1. Fortis cum quevis actio 2. rerumque firma pactio 3. a Deo gerant processum, 4. nos decet ad hoc tendere, 5. C[h]risto laudes impendere, 6. omne per cor indefessum. 7. Actio specialiter 8. quod legia moraliter 9. jam incepit novum esse. 10. Ut eius sit duratio, 11. expedit flagitatio. 12. Pariter et est necesse 13. regine castimonie 14. et paris alimonie, 15. Johannis Evangeliste 16. nostraque hec peticio 17. In non audiri vicio 18. vacet, psallemus choriste.]96

The motet focuses instead on the act and benefits of venerating, through this sung prayer, three holy figures: Christ (in line 5), followed by the Virgin (as the regine castimonie in line 13), and last, John (line 15). Mary and John enjoy a close association as the companions, or couple, to be nurtured by this musical supplication. As shown in example 4.1, Brassart manipulates the four-voice texture to enhance the clarity of the text for these all-important lines. The

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Example 4.1. Brassart, Fortis cum quevis actio, mm. 91–111

upper voices jointly begin the word “Queen” (regine) in the longest durations found in the entire work and coordinate for a simultaneous flourish on “chastity” (castimonie). Brassart then creates a musical and verbal echo between the upper voices by setting syllabically the fast-paced phrases “and for the nurture of [her] companion” (et paris alimonie) and “John the Evangelist” (Johannis Evangeliste) in strict imitation.97 The rests following each imitative phrase enhance this echo effect so that the text of each poetic line is heard twice. Through a variety of compositional strategies, Brassart thus deliberately draws aural attention to the chaste queen and her companion. The pairing of the Virgin with the Evangelist evokes the well-known Crucifixion scene in John 19:25–27 (quoted previously). As shown in figure 4.1, it was from the cross that Christ commended the care of his mother to “the disciple whom he loved.” This scene figured prominently in the Evangelist’s cult, for these verses depict Christ’s love for him and distinguish John as the sole disciple to witness the Crucifixion. It was John’s chastity that rendered him fit to became an alter Christus as Mary’s adopted son and male counterpart.98 Medieval exegetes conflated John’s account of the wedding at Cana

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Figure 4.1. Crucifixion with the Virgin Mary and Saint John the Evangelist, Missale pro defunctis, Abbey of Saint James, Liège (ca. 1320), B-Br Ms IV 1045, fol. 37v. Reproduced with permission from the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels.

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(John 2:1–11) with the story of his desertion of his bride on his own wedding day, through Christ’s intervention, to emphasize the Evangelist’s intimacy with Mary.99 As stated in the influential tract On the Origin and Death of the Fathers attributed to Isidore of Seville (ca. 560–636), “the Lord Jesus led John to be an example of virginity, in order that a virgin might serve the Virgin, and in order that the mother might have an appropriate son.”100 John and Mary could thus be coupled through their chastity. Yet the specific wording of the motet text, and identification of Mary as the “Queen of Chastity,” suggests an alternate perspective from which to interpret the virginal pair. This biblical scene figures equally in the apocryphal account of Mary’s Assumption—the event by which Mary acquired her queenly persona. The most popular medieval account of this miracle, known as the Gospel of Pseudo-Melito,101 begins with a vivid account of the Crucifixion by paraphrasing John 19:25–27. In the ensuing description of the events leading to Mary’s Assumption, precisely this biblical scene justifies John’s role in Mary’s funeral. John is the disciple chosen to carry before the Virgin’s coffin the palm branch conveyed to Mary from paradise by the angel predicting her Assumption. When John suggests that Peter is best suited to this honor, Peter responds: “You only of us are a virgin chosen of the Lord, and have found such favor that you lay on his breast; and he, when he hung for our salvation on the tree of the cross, committed her to you with his own mouth. You therefore ought to carry this palm; and let us take up the body to bear it to the place of the sepulcher.” . . . And with [Peter] the other apostles bore the body of the blessed Mary, and John carried the palm of light before the bier.102

Once again it is John’s virginity and kinship with Mary that renders him worthy of this special privilege. We find an exceptionally vivid emphasis on this virginal bond linking Mary and John in a chant specific to liégeois use. In place of the widely disseminated sequences Johannes Jesu Christo dilecte attributed to Notker Balbulus or Verbum Dei assigned to the feast of the Evangelist in numerous manuscripts from the twelfth century and later,103 the cathedral rite prescribes the little-known chant Laus gloria virtus et gratia proper to liégeois sources.104 The sequence begins by praising Christ specifically on account of his care for his undefiled mother and custody of the virgin John: 1a. Let there be praise, glory, virtue, and grace, and eternal salvation, 1b. O Christ, let all your blessings exist and may they endure.

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2a. You, who took flesh from a virgin, and had protected the temple of purity, the undefiled mother, 2b. You cared for the virgin, John, the apostle and evangelist uncovering the mysteries of this word. [1a. Laus, gloria Virtus et gratia Salusque aeterna, 1b. Christe, tua Sint atque maneant Bona quaeque cuncta. 2a. Qui carnem De virgine assumpseras, Integritatis aulam Matrem quoque servaveras Incontaminatam, 2b. Iohannem Custodieras virginem Verbi huius arcana Reserare apostolum Et evangelistam.]105

The symbolic similarities between Christ’s virginal mother and the chaste Evangelist, in the second versicle, would have been especially prominent in performance, due to the paired-versicle structure of the sequence melody. Local singers thus would have praised Christ’s custody of Mary (in versicle 2a) and John (in 2b) with the same music. The sequence subsequently portrays John’s physical proximity to Christ at the Last Supper and care for Mary at the foot of the cross. Brassart would have had ample opportunity to hear and sing this sequence, which circulated throughout the city and diocese, as attested by extant fourteenth- and sixteenth-century service books from the cathedral as well as the collegiate churches of Holy Cross, Saint Paul, and the Marian church of Tongeren.106 Indeed, it is tempting to speculate that this chant may have inspired Brassart’s choice of text, for its holy subjects—Christ, the Virgin, and John—are identical to those of his motet.

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Figure 4.2. Detail from the view of Liège published by Mattheus Merian (1593–1650) in Topographia Westphaliae: Das ist, Beschreibung der Vornembsten und bekantisten Stätte und Plätz, im Hochbol: westphalischen Craisse (Frankfurt, 1647; repr., Bärenreiter, 1961). Reproduced with permission from Bärenreiter. Circled is the collegiate church of Saint John the Evangelist (west), the collegiate church of Holy Cross (north), and the cathedral of Our Lady and Saint Lambert (east).

While the scene of John and Mary at the foot of the cross was widely commemorated and depicted throughout medieval Europe, we will recall that this very passage from the Gospel of John held special significance among liégeois clerics. Indeed, the biblical scene was germane to the founding and location of the collegiate church of Saint John by Bishop Notger. Remember that the twelfth-century Vita Notgeri (quoted previously) had detailed the symbolic significance of the church’s location within the urban topography—specifically in relation to the Marian cathedral and collegiate church of Holy Cross (as shown in fig. 4.2). Precisely through reference to John 19:25–27, the vita emphasized the special connection and mutual gaurdianship between the two institutions representing the Evangelist and the Virgin within the civic Calvary.

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The clergy serving Saint John would have been reminded of this biblicaltopographical analogy well into the mid-fifteenth century, including the years of Brassart’s tenure, with the annual reading of the Vita Notgeri on the anniversary of the bishop’s death (April 10).107 Indeed, the liégeois historian Joseph Deckers has argued that the Vita Notgeri may have been exposed for public viewing in the church choir, much like the anonymous late fifteenth-century version of Notger’s life copied onto a parchment tablet (tabula membranea) and published by Ortelius in 1584.108 Notger’s memory may have also retained a permanent visual presence within the church interior in the form of a cenotaph built in the twelfth or thirteenth century and restored in 1566, located beneath the tower directly opposite the choir.109 Surrounded by these visual reminders, Brassart could not have ignored Notger’s importance to the founding of Saint John, and would have been familiar with details of the bishop’s twelfth-century vita. Given the local topographical significance of John’s account of the Crucifixion scene, it is significant that the motet text features the obscure term legia in the eighth line. For this passage (shown in example 4.2) Brassart reduces the texture and synchronizes the two voices in slower-moving notes (breves and semibreves) contrasting with the faster rhythms (in minims) of the preceding imitative passage to identify legia audibly as a locus of moral renewal.110 While legia does not receive marked rhetorical stress in the text alone, Brassart gives it careful musical attention. Brassart’s emphasis on these words is noteworthy, for this is the first time that he disregards the structure and syntax of the poem. Up until this point, Brassart has carefully coordinated textural changes to coincide with divisions between tercets, scoring the first tercet for two voices and the second for four. Moreover, rests in the upper two voices consistently punctuate the end of each poetic line. Brassart thus thwarts our expections by postponing the return to a two-voice texture by an entire poetic line, thereby obscuring the beginning of the third tercet to give extra musical clarity to the words “quod legia moraliter.” The composer further punctuates this passage by inserting a lengthy (breve) rest in both voices at the end of the next line “jam incepit novum esse,” forcing the listener, during a moment of silence, to reflect on these lines before resuming the anticipated return to a full four-voice texture with the next tercet. Such musical manipulation thus prompts us to ponder the significance of legia and its moral renewal. The feminine noun Legia is the most common name for Liège found in poetry, hagiographic literature, and especially liturgical texts throughout the Middle Ages.111 Brassart may have heard this name during the annual reading of the Vita Notgeri, which as we noted previously, invokes Legia in the paragraph immediately following the passage referencing the Crucifixion scene in verses, quoted from an eleventh-century poem, summoning the city to praise Notger’s accomplishments: “Liège, binding for you, with the prelates, the laws by the [divine] Law,  / You owe Notger to Christ, the rest to Notger” (Legia, lege ligans cum prelatis tibi leges, / Nogerum Christo, Nogero cetera debes).112 Indeed,

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Example 4.2. Brassart, Fortis cum quevis actio, mm. 55–76

this verse panegyric to Bishop Notger includes two other prominent references to Legia in conjunction with the bishop’s deeds. In emphasizing the civic benefits of the destruction of the Carolingian citadel of Chèvremont, Notger claims, “Liège is endowed by me, Chèvremont is despoiled;  / [Chèvremont] falls, [Liège] rises; the latter endures and the former is never restored” (Legia dotatur per me, Caprimons spoliatur; / Hic ruit, haec surgit; manet haec nec ille resurgit).113 The poem also summons Legia to laud Notger’s fluvial initiatives, To your cloisters, Lambert, Denis, Paul, John,

Notger made available currents of the drifting Meuse; Rejoice, Liège, on account of the distinct fluminal course. [Ad Lamberte tua, Dionysi, Paule, Ioannes Notgerus claustra nandi Mosae dedit amnes; Cursu flumineo letare Legia claro.]114

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These verses from the eleventh-century poem were known to travelers visiting the church of Saint John in the late sixteenth century, as quoted in the Itinerarium published by Ortelius. It is therefore highly probable that this poem would have been equally familiar to a resident composer. Significantly, in this poetic context, the name Legia, like the Crucifixion scene, was closely associated with Notger’s memory. As a singer and chaplain, Brassart would have also heard and vocalized the word Legia through liturgical performance. While serving the church of Saint John, Brassart must have sung this name on the feast of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom, in the Antiphon Laetare et lauda Deum Legia (“Rejoice and praise God, Liège,” analyzed in chapter 1). Indeed, on this occasion Brassart would have processed with the full choir and the choirboys of Saint John to the cathedral, to celebrate this highest-ranking local feast jointly with the primary clergy.115 As we noted previously, the communal Mass celebrated on this occasion began with a procession featuring an exceptionally prominent performance of Laetare et lauda, intoned by the cathedral cantor from the middle of the nave.116 During his tenure as choirmaster at the cathedral, Brassart would have sung the name Legia even more frequently in two sequences proper to the cathedral rite: Letabunda laus beato on the feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation, proclaiming that Liège had been consecrated by Lambert’s martyrdom; and Urbs Legia for the feast of Lambert’s predecessor, Saint Theodard, which begins with the vocative appeal, “Glad city of Liège, rejoice!” The civic reference in Brassart’s motet thus echoes liturgical acclamations found in chants proper to local saints of prime importance to the liégeois community and especially to its clerics. The sum of these musical and liturgical details compels us to hear the sequence-like text of Brassart’s motet from a civic perspective. This polyphonic piece thus represents a sonorous prayer for the faithful of Liège to be morally renewed and rededicated to Christ through the veneration and intercession of Mary and John the Evangelist—the biblical couple representing the very institutions Brassart served. For the clerical community of Saint John, the church dedicated by Bishop Notger’s own hand, the motet surely resonated with the local association of this bishop with the Evangelist (noted previously). Thus, by explicitly invoking John as Mary’s chaste companion, the motet may have implicitly summoned Notger’s oversight of the mother church and commitment to claustral life and discipline—clerical values that may well have been understood to promote the city’s spiritual renewal. Furthermore, the Crucifixion scene to which the motet alludes was equally relevant to the cults of the Evangelist and the Virgin. This biblical analogy thus provided an especially apt means to celebrate the ideals of reciprocal custody and mutual guardianship shared by the churches under their patronage.117 Indeed, just as the author of the Vita Notgeri had sought to put these ecclesiastical institutions on a geographic and symbolic par, Brassart’s motet was equally suited to local

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observances on the feasts of Saint John and the Assumption. As we shall discuss presently, Brassart and his fellow singers could have easily sung the motet at either of these two churches.

Local Performing Forces, Venues, and Votive Contexts for Brassart’s Motet (Fifteenth Century) At both the cathedral and the collegiate church of Saint John, Brassart performed among a well-trained choral ensemble providing ample resources from which to recruit “choristers” to sing his motet. As we noted previously, the cathedral supported the largest number of singers of any church in the city, with two chapters of minor canons, a choirmaster and his two assistants, as well as eight or nine choirboys at its disposal in the 1420s and 1430s.118 The contemporaneous choral establishment of Saint John, meanwhile, included one succentor, three assistants (including the composer himself), and six choirboys.119 Brassart would likely have recruited two or three adult singers and up to four choirboys to perform his polyphonic piece.120 Adult singers may have included choirmaster Johannes Paulus and assistants Johannes of Sancto Georgio, Johannes Crenwic, Johannes Wisen, and Martinus of Tongris—lesser-known musicians whose local activities are amply recorded in the church archives.121 We will soon see that at least two of these singers, like Brassart, benefited from employment at both churches. While we lack documentary evidence specifying the precise context for Brassart’s motet, local institutions clearly had the musical resources necessary for its performance. Indeed, the “choristers” singing Brassart’s motet may well have been in the best position to comprehend and appreciate the subtleties of its civic message. Several factors support the likelihood of a performance of Fortis cum quevis actio at the collegiate church of Saint John. The chapter demonstrably celebrated the interconnected cults of John and Mary, for the Evangelist figured prominently alongside Christ and the Virgin in artwork visible from the church choir. Indeed, a mid-thirteenth-century sculpture perched atop the jubé depicted precisely the biblical scene featured in Brassart’s motet—the Virgin and John at Calvary.122 Singers in other local churches are known to have performed motets before a votive image, presumably a painting or sculpture.123 Could Brassart’s “choristers” have sung his motet before this Calvary sculpture? By the time of Brassart’s residency in the 1420s, the clergy of Saint John were accustomed to polyphonic performance, as attested by the will of canon and scholaster Jacob of Wonck founding a polyphonic Mass at the altar of Saints Barbara, Leonard, and Giles in 1388.124 In addition to endowing polyphony, this canon founded a chapel with two altars, the first of which was dedicated to Christ, the Virgin, and Saint Catherine, the second to Saints John the Evangelist, John the Baptist, Magdalene, and Barbara with a daily

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Mass to be sung at each altar. At least five other altars included dedications to the Evangelist, two of which shared a dedication to the Virgin. The three holy figures of the Crucifixion scene, moreover, continued to elicit special devotion from resident clerics during Brassart’s lifetime. In 1421, just one year prior to Brassart’s arrival, the chapter of Saint John approved the foundation of an altar dedicated to Christ, the Virgin, and the Evangelist in the neighboring parish church of Saint Adalbert, the rector of which was to be chosen from among the chaplains of Saint John.125 Various spaces within the church or its jurisdiction thus commemorated the biblical figures of Brassart’s motet. Brassart would have also witnessed the special observances instituted by the clergy of Saint John to enhance the cult of their titular patron. Sometime in the mid-fourteenth century, the chapter had petitioned the church of Saint John Lateran in Rome for relics of the Evangelist.126 Although it is not clear whether this request was granted, the chapter clearly sought to strengthen local devotion to the Evangelist. To this end, an endowment dating from 1404 ensured that the clergy of Saint John observe an extra votive service for their patron every Tuesday.127 By Brassart’s time, resident clerics would thus have venerated the Evangelist on a weekly basis. The celebration of Saint John’s feast day itself, as well as the feast of the Dedication on May 1—a suitable occasion on which to commemorate Notger’s initiative—would have been especially festive with the presence of clerics and additional singers representing its confraternal partners, the collegiate churches of Saint Martin and Saint Paul (discussed previously). Brassart may thus have had multiple opportunities to perform his motet at the church to which he cultivated his closest personal attachment. Yet, Fortis cum quevis actio may have been equally appropriate for performance at the cathedral. As evinced by the aforementioned Sequence Laus gloria virtus et gratia, the primary clergy likewise cultivated a local devotion to Saint John. Individual members of the cathedral chapter further personalized Saint John’s cult by founding altars dedicated to his name. The chapel located beneath the great bell tower was endowed with two foundations naming John, including one also invoking the Virgin and John the Baptist, by canon John of Haccour (d. 1412). Similarly, the third chapel on the south side of the nave was enhanced with two foundations for John and the Virgin, the first of which also included Saint Lambert, while its counterpart on the northern side of the nave received its dedication to the Evangelist from canons Godfrey of Willeries and John of Hoxem in the 1340s. Finally, the chapel of Saint Luke near the schools contained two foundations for the Evangelist.128 In addition to these chapels and altars commemorating the Evangelist, the cathedral also possessed a relic of the palm—the very object linking John to the Virgin in the apocryphal account of Mary’s Assumption. The cathedral chapter documented their familiarity with this story in the relic inventory and ostension conducted at the cathedral in 1489 identifying the palm that “John

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the Evangelist carried toward the sepulchre of the blessed Virgin Mary.”129 While evidence attesting to the veneration of this relic remains scarce, it seems likely that the palm would have been displayed on the feast of the Evangelist or in conjunction with the feast of the Assumption. The cathedral hosted a special Mass on the Vigil of Assumption, which began with a performance of the Introit Salus populi by the choirmaster (Brassart) and featured the active participation of the secondary clergy, including clerics from the neighboring church of Saint Peter who sang one of three Marian antiphons—Speciosa facta es et suavis, Salve regina misericordie, or Ave regina celorum.130 The strength and local significance of the cults of the Virgin and Saint John would therefore have rendered the cathedral an equally favorable venue for the performance of Brassart’s motet invoking the virginal couple. Brassart was not the only “chorister” to benefit from employment both at the church of Saint John and at the cathedral. Indeed, at least two of the singers with whom Brassart may have sung his motet held musical positions at both institutions. Choirmaster Johannes Paulus, who actually paid Brassart for his chaplaincy (in 1422), served simultaneously as a minor canon of Saint Giles at the cathedral for the first five years of his two-decade-long directorship of the choral ensemble at Saint John (1412–32).131 Conversely, Brassart’s companion singer at the lectern, Johannes Crenwic, began his musical career at Saint John as a choirboy (from 1403) and continued to serve this church as a chaplain and assistant choirmaster (1418–25) before moving on to the cathedral, as a minor canon of Saint Maternus for fifteen years (1429–44).132 Two additional singers from Saint John aquired minor canonicates at the cathedral during Brassaart’s lifetime. The first is Berthold of Lantins who, in the midst of his thirty-four-year tenure as cantor of Saint John (1379–1413), also served as a minor canon of Saint Maternus (1393–1406).133 Next, we find Johannes Natalis, documented at Saint John as a choirboy alongside Johannes Ciconia in 1385/86 before rising to choirmaster (1389–91).134 Natalis then appears at the cathedral as a minor canon of Saint Giles for about fifteen years (1393–1409) and is designated choirmaster in 1405/6.135 This contemporary of Ciconia and predecessor of Brassart seems to have maintained exceptionally strong ties with both institutions over the course of his life, for he is identified as a canon of Saint John in his will from 1416 in which he leaves money for the celebration of his anniversary at both the church of the Evangelist and the cathedral.136 Similarities in the career paths of these singers suggest that musical relations between the two churches must have been particularly close in the first four decades of the fifeenth century. The availability of higher-ranking minor canonicates, which sometimes resulted in a double salary, likely lured many of these musicians to the city’s leading ecclesiastical establishment. Singers such as Johannes Paulus and Johannes Crenwic may thus have experienced, albeit in a more mundane form, the reciprocity between Saint John and its mother church idealized in Brassart’s motet. Without a doubt, all of these musicians

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would have witnessed firsthand the interconnected cults of the Evangelist and the Virgin commemorated at both institutions through the diverse rituals and varied media of liturgical and devotional performance. While the notion that Brassart composed Fortis cum quevis actio at the churches he served in Liège has never been questioned, we can now recognize the distinctly liégeois significance of this motet. Not only does the text prominently name the city, set clearly in a largely homophonic duet just prior to the midpoint of the motet, but the holy subjects of this musical supplication— Christ, Mary, and John—shared a symbolic connection in clerical conceptions of the civic topography. Foundations at both the church of Saint John and the cathedral specify that local clerics venerated the Evangelist regularly through weekly votive masses and celebrated the connection of his cult to that of the Virgin through altar dedications and religious artwork in the very spaces conducive to a polyphonic performance. *

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Brassart’s “civic” motet celebrates the biblical symbolism rooted in clerical perceptions of the urban landscape and the interrelation of its churches—the very institutions that defined Liège as a clerical city. The use of a biblical scene to idealize urban space and to envision civic peace was hardly unique. Yet in Liège, the Bible provided an especially apt tool with which to imagine corporate harmony within its sizable clerical population, specifically among the city’s secular chapters divided by their “primary” and “secondary” status. Surprisingly, local churchmen and musicians eschewed the widespread civic ideal of the New Jerusalem (from Revelation 21) to favor, instead, John’s account of the Crucifixion (John 19).137 This Gospel scene, more so than John’s vision of the Apocalypse, could be summoned to depict an idealized parental relationship between the mother church and her ecclesiastical children. The intimate connection between the virginal mother and her adopted son, sanctioned by the still-living Christ, provided an authorative model by which to promote the reciprocal benefits of joint custody and mutual guardianship. The physical alignment of the cathedral (in the city center) and the collegiate churches of Holy Cross (on the rising Publémont) and Saint John (on the island) from distinctive spaces within the urban topography would thus have constituted a visual reminder of the mutual companionship enjoyed by their titular patrons—and, supposedly, their canonical chapters. The physical aspect of these interinstitutional relations intersected with its sonic dimension in the processional displacement of singing clerics from church to church. Thus, by the time that Brassart composed his motet, he gave polyphonic voice to both a civic reality and an ideal, inspired at once by the existing sound of interinstitutional collaboration and by the imagined resonance of clerical concord. Unlike the processional chants invoking one saint with a single (monophonic) melody, Brassart’s motet praised a holy trio in multivoiced (polyphonic) harmony.

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Through the performance of Brassart’s music, local “choristers” thus rendered the civic ideal a sounding reality. While widely revered saints such as John the Evangelist might evoke the reality of civic space or idealize interinstitutional relations, local saints provided special protection to the community that had witnessed their deeds and treasured their relics. The tangible presence of a saint’s corporal remains heightened, indeed maximized, the strengh of their virtus for the residents of that place—a widespread belief that motivated communities across Christendom to preserve, adorn, and venerate the relics of their local heroes both on a customary basis, and at extraordinary events. It was under circumstances crucial to the well-being of the community that the saint’s presence was summoned most spectacularly. Thus, in the decades following the destruction of Brassart’s clerical homeland by the Burgundians (in 1468), the canons financing urban reconstruction sought to restore local faith in the city’s enduring vitality through the public ostension of Saint Lambert’s skull and reliquary bust. Yet, as we shall see in the next chapter, the transfiguration of Saint Lambert’s relics has a complex history—one that is riddled with numerous dichotomies in keeping with the changing needs of the civic community.

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Chapter Five

Military Triumph, Civic Destruction, and the Changing Face of Saint Lambert’s Relics Invoking the Defensor Patriae Saint Lambert was extolled in the later Middle Ages not only as a virtuous martyr, but as an equally vigorous protector. In a brief allusion to the auspicious significance of the saint’s name, the tenth-century author of the Carmen de sancto Landberto interpreted “Landbert” to mean “defender of the patria” (defensor patriae).1 Thus by name alone, Lambert could be summoned to protect his fatherland—an etymological association that proved especially effective in times of war. Indeed, the joint protective and patriotic significance of the saint’s identity became literally “embodied” in his relics, through their veneration on the battlefield by local troops fighting to reclaim church land or to defend the city and diocese from external enemies. The military vigor of Lambert’s relics was especially prominent at the battles of Bouillon (1141) and Steppes (1213), victories that gained liturgical commemoration on the feasts of Lambert’s Translation (from 1143) and Triumph (1219). Thus, the bodily remains of this martyred bishop provided physical protection not only to the episcopal city sanctified by his martyrdom, but to the troops under the bishop’s command.2 Lambert’s demonstrated military vigor was first recorded in hagiographic sources. Beginning with the Vita prima (727–43) and culminating with the vitae of Sigebert of Gembloux (ca. 1070–81), hagiographers consistently portrayed Lambert as a vigorous fighter. The Vita prima, echoed by Sigebert, characterizes the youthful Lambert as “strong and swift, agile, and greatly powerful in war” (fortis & velox, agilis & multum firmus in bello).3 Such emphasis on Lambert’s martial attributes reflects the seventh- and eighth-century fusion of aristocratic and hagiographic ideals, resulting in a new type of saint who was as zealous in politics as in religion.4 Indeed, these hagiographers were careful to balance Lambert’s vigor with his virtue. Inspired by the Vita prima, Sigebert describes the adolescent Lambert as equally “filled with charity, girded with chastity,

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[and] grounded in humility” (charitate plenus, castitate praecinctus, fundatus in humilitate).5 Similar dualities appear in the depiction of Lambert’s martyrdom. Hagiographers agree that the bishop’s first impulse when confronted by his attackers was that of “the strongest warrior”—to seize a sword, ready to fight.6 Yet Lambert quickly drops his weapon, preferring instead to die for God. While Lambert’s priest-like piety ultimately triumphs over his warrior-like agility, hagiographic emphasis on these dual attributes inspired the many faces of Lambert’s virtus.7 The varied scope of Lambert’s protective powers was readily visible in the changing appearance of the saint’s relics. The new reliquary inaugurated by Bishop Albero II on the feast of the Translation in 1143 paid visual tribute to Lambert’s military strength with depictions of scenes from the victory at Bouillon. Conversely, the monumental bust commissioned by Bishop Erard de la Marck and first displayed on the Translation of 1512 focused on the personalized features of the martyr’s face, the virtuous deeds of his life, and his posthumous veneration. Between these two ceremonies Saint Lambert’s relics assumed still other forms: represented symbolically in the battle standard leading the liégeois army in 1213, and beheld tangibly through the display of the saint’s nude skull to the civic faithful in 1489. The music accompanying the visual display of Lambert’s relics underscored their inherent versatility. Because the feasts of the Translation and Triumph borrowed from the liturgy of Lambert’s Martyrdom, the chants commemorating Lambert’s life, virtues, and passion came also to evoke his military vigor. When sung on the Translation or Triumph, the Hymn Hymnum cantemus gratiae, for example, may have conflated Lambert’s martyrial and military triumphs, through references to “the martyr’s victory” (in the first stanza), and to his physical and spiritual strength, rendering him “invicible in battle, champion in the name of Christ” (in the third). Thus, the symbolism of these martyrial/ military associations might converge with its literal meaning. The clergy singing these chants could not have ignored the range of Saint Lambert’s protective powers resulting from his singular profile—a singularity resonating in the music common to the saint’s various feasts. Indeed, the core repertory shared by the feasts of Lambert’s Martyrdom, Translation, and Triumph might represent the saint’s relics themselves, which, despite the various forms and circumstances of their ostension, retained a common corporal origin. It is at moments when the “defender of the patria” was invoked with exceptional urgency that the versatility of Lambert’s virtus and veneration is most evident. This chapter focuses, therefore, on the five occasions on which the martyr’s relics made an especially prominent appearance. We begin by studying two military campaigns—the Battles of Bouillon (in 1141) and Steppes (in 1213)—and end with three civic processions (in 1489, 1512, and 1526). As we shall soon learn, the political circumstances motivating these military and civic ostensions were dramatically different. Following the destruction of Liège in

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1468, it was, surprisingly, the city’s Burgundian conquerors who inspired local interest in the martyr’s skull. Thus, the failure of Lambert’s military powers initiated his later civic transfiguration. While the historical and visual aspects of these relic ostensions are amply studied, their sonic counterpart remains largely unheard. These momentous ceremonies have failed to elicit musicological interest, in part, because they did not inspire a new musical repertory. Nonetheless, music amplified the display and veneration of Lambert’s relics. While the prescribed plainsong and polyphony originated from other rituals, the textual and contextual themes of this music highlighted specific saintly attributes of particular relevance to each event. By examining the changing face of Saint Lambert’s relics from the perspective of the rituals and especially the music that facilitated and enhanced their viewing, we thus gain fresh insight into the dynamism of Lambert’s corporal cult.

Commemorating Saint Lambert’s Military Triumphs (Twelfth–Fifteenth Centuries) Two liturgical feasts—the Translation instituted in 1143 and Triumph founded in 1219—commemorated the potency of Saint Lambert’s relics to defend the church, city, and diocese of Liège against external threats. Both the Battles of Bouillon (1141) and Steppes (1213) resulted from attempts by foreign noblemen to seize church or civic land. Having been invested with dual spiritualmilitary authority, bishop-princes Albero II and Hugh of Pierrepont naturally responded to these invasions by summoning their troops to defend the patria. On both occasions, however, the episcopal army alone failed to match the size and strength of the opposing forces, necessitating the additional participation of the urban militia and the physical or symbolic presence of Saint Lambert’s relics. Indeed, the saint’s motivational powers were such that circumstantial accounts attribute these liégeois victories specifically to Lambert’s intervention. Yet while the two feasts commemorating Lambert’s military triumphs served a common purpose, the material form of the saint’s relics at these observances differed. The varied ceremonial appearance of Lambert’s relics thus mirrored the diversity of the saint’s protective powers as they were summoned sonically, through plainsong and prayer, on the battlefield. As we will recall from chapter 1, Bishop Albero II enhanced the military significance of the feast commemorating the eighth-century translation of Saint Lambert’s remains from Maastricht to Liège, following the symbolic triumph of the saint’s relics at the Battle of Bouillon.8 This military expedition resulted from competing territorial interests that brought the cathedral chapter into direct conflict with the aristocracy. Some forty years prior to the battle, Duke Godfrey of Bouillon had mortgaged his castle to Bishop Otbert in order to

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finance his participation in the First Crusade preached by Pope Urban II in 1195.9 Following the death of Godfrey and his heirs, however, the Church of Liège regarded this fortress located on the southwestern frontier of the diocese as a veritable possession. Not until 1134 did the powerful Count Rainald of Bar, a descendant of the dukes of Lorraine and advocatus of Verdun looking to maximize his territorial domination, contest the church’s claim to Bouillon by bribing the castellan and seizing the property.10 Bishop Albero’s failed attempt to win papal and imperial support forced him to take military action and besiege the castle, likely urged by the cathedral canon Henry of Leez. Contemporaneous chroniclers suggest that the bishop’s attempt to restore episcopal control of this property may well have failed had it not been for the motivational powers of Saint Lambert’s relics. Lacking the forces or opportunity for a bold assault, Bishop Albero’s initial siege quickly degenerated into a series of ineffective skirmishes. It was thus necessary to summon additional military and spiritual reinforcement. As recorded in the Triumphus sancti lamberti de casto Bullonio, attributed to a member of the episcopal entourage writing shortly after the battle, it was reportedly the besiegers themselves who responded to a lengthy appeal by the bishop exhorting them to fight for the defense of their patria by demanding that the relics of “this our martyr” (noster ille martyr) be brought on site to justify the conquest.11 Yet rather than summon the saint’s military might, the soldiers sought, above all, Lambert’s protection and curative powers: “In short, if this [martyr] is brought hither, he will comfort the afflicted, he will strengthen the weary, he will heal our wounds and remove each infirmity, he will hasten the enterprise and look to our peace, and he will pray for us and make God propitious” (Ille denique si huc afferatur, afflictos consolabitur, taediosos roborabit, vulnera nostra curabit omnemque langorem auferet, opus coeptum maturabit et paci nostrae consulet et Deum pro nobis orabit et placatum faciet).12 Even in the face of an offensive assault, the perceived source of Lambert’s virtus lay not in his vigor as a warrior but instead in his virtuous oversight. When Canon Henry of Leez was sent back to Liège to mobilize the urban and rural militia, he thus faced the delicate task of convincing the cathedral chapter to expose the precious remains of their titular patron to the dangers of the battlefield. Ultimately, the victory of the liégeois army would be credited not to the soldiers laying siege to the castle but to their patron saint.13 As the events of Bouillon were recalled by eyewitnesses and chroniclers alike, music played a telling role in the veneration of Saint Lambert’s relics before, during, and after the battle.14 Prior to departing from Liège, the clergy withdrew Lambert’s relics from the crypt and exposed them in the middle of the cathedral for public viewing by the city’s faithful as “the church resonated with praises to God in memory of the blessed martyr.”15 Clergymen then carried Lambert’s reliquary in a procession, headed by a priest bearing a fragment of the True Cross, over the Publémont to the Meuse where it was placed on a boat to cross the river. Monk Renier of Saint Lawrence notes the sound

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of praises and hymns sung by the choirs of monks and clerics accompanying Lambert’s reliquary following its withdrawal from the cathedral crypt and along the processional route.16 Once arrived at the siege, the bishop ordered that the clergy shelter Lambert’s remains under a small tent serving as a temporary chapel where they were to be venerated with praises sung three times daily: in the morning, at noon, and at Vespers.17 An Irish monk witnessing the battle observes that when the relics were brought to the tent, they were accompanied by three types of music: canticles, organa, and hymns.18 This seemingly formulaic distinction between musical genres nevertheless emphasizes the varied ways in which the liégeois summoned their saint—with the “song” of the canticle (from canticum), the well-tuned resonance of organum (here probably meaning a monophonic song of praise), and the strophic melody of the hymn. Indeed, the combined regularity and variety of these performances may have indirectly influenced the outcome of the battle by sonically signaling the saint’s presence. Despite the failure of the assault launched on the feast of Lambert’s Martyrdom, the liégeois army was eventually successful, due in part to the incapacitation of the commander of the garrison, Hugh, the eldest son of the count of Bar and brother of Rainald. Afflicted by a sudden mental malady, which chroniclers associated with the intimidating presence of Lambert’s relics, Hugh was taken hostage by the bishop, leaving Rainald in sole command of the castle. Significantly, when Rainald surrendered, he was led before the martyr’s reliquary and promised never again to usurp the possessions of Saint Lambert.19 With the enemy ousted from the fortress, the saint’s relics were subsequently carried into the middle of the castle church, where they were venerated by a collective singing of praises to God. After a solemn Mass, the “glorious conqueror” (inclitus triumphator) was carried out of the castle. Subsequently, the passage of his reliquary homeward produced miracles and elicited popular devotion in the towns of Namur, Andenne, Huy, and especially in Liège, the city “crowned” by the martyr’s triumph. As Saint Lambert’s relics were ushered back to the cathedral, they were serenaded one last time with the melodious singing of hymns.20 By far the most remarkable musical details are those recalled in the Triumphus sancti Lamberti, which emphasize communal devotion and the active musical participation of the soldiers who echoed the clergy “in voices of exultation and confession.”21 This sonic interaction between clergy and laity is exemplified most explicitly in the performance of the antiphons for the Holy Cross and Saint Lambert en route to the castle.22 Along this perilous journey, clerics and soldiers must have drawn inspiration from Saint Lambert’s virtus by jointly singing the sixth Matins antiphon from Saint Lambert’s Office: “Strong in misfortunes, humble in prosperous times of peace,  / He could neither be crushed by fear, nor broken by duty” (Fortis in adversis, humilis per prospera pacis,  / Nec terrore teri potuit nec munere frangi).23 The choice of this particular antiphon appears to have been highly fitting for the militia seeking to fortify

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themselves against their opponents, by summoning Lambert’s exemplary courage and fearlessness. Yet this brief chant balances these vigorous attribributes with the saint’s virtues of humility and resilience against munera—perhaps the burden of his episcopal duty or possibly bribery. In an analysis of the chant’s verse structure and cadential patterns, Gunilla Björkvall and Andreas Haug have noted the formal and semantic parallelisms that govern both text and melody.24 Indeed, the initial rhyme linking the words fortis and humilis, at the beginning of each subphrase of the first verse, verbally underscores the interrelation of Lambert’s vigorous strength and virtuous humility. Similarly, the anaphoric structure of the words nec terrore . . . nec munere in the second verse stresses the scope of his fortitude. Rather than echo these textual parallels, however, the melody distinguishes Lambert’s vigor from his virtue (see ex. 5.1). A melodic match between the opening gestures of the first phrase of each line audibly links Lambert’s strength to his fearlessness, while similarities in the contour of the second phrase of each line create a more subtle connection between Lambert’s humility and resilience. Through different means, the text and music of this antiphon thus highlight the interplay of Lambert’s varied attributes and motivational powers. Just as Lambert’s relics had elicited special votive care and musical praise throughout the siege, the liturgical commemoration of Lambert’s first military victory centered, from its inception, on the saint’s reliquary. As documented by Renier of Saint Lawrence, the triumph would be remembered visually and ceremoniously at the cathedral through new artwork and rituals introduced in 1143, just two years after the battle.25 In December of that year, Bishop Albero II transferred Saint Lambert’s relics into a new reliquary, decorated with gold and jewels, illustrating the victory.26 The bishop also authorized the annual commemoration of this triumph to coincide with the feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation, previously observed on Christmas Eve, which he moved to a new date, April 28. Henceforth, the feast marking the initial reception of Lambert’s relics in Liège—an event essential to civic growth—would equally celebrate the military victory resulting from Lambert’s presence on the battlefield.27 Through the convergence of these civic and military associations, the feast of the Translation would thus, implicitly, recognize the strength of the saint’s protective powers, both for the populace inhabiting his city and for the militia defending his patria. The second feast honoring the martyr’s relics, known as the Triumph of Saint Lambert, commemorated the military success of the liégeois army at the Battle of Steppes on October 13, 1213.28 On this occasion, Bishop Hugh of Pierrepont led his troops against Henry I, Duke of Brabant-Louvain—considered by some to be the hereditary enemy of the principality and even the personification of the Antichrist. The conflict had begun well over a year prior (in May 1212), when the Brabantine army, under the pretext of besieging the contested county of Moha located in the fertile Hesbaye region had gone so

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Example 5.1. Fortis in adversis (B-Lgc H118/87, fols. 190v–91r; B-Lsc 2, fol. 206r)

far as to sack the city of Liège. For five days, the Brabanters had terrorized the liégeois populace with mass murders, rape, arson, and pillaging. Bishop Hugh of Pierrepont swiftly prepared to avenge this attack by striking the duke and his allies with an anathema, prohibiting the celebration of the Divine Office until revenge had been taken, fortifying the city ramparts, and supplementing his army with additional military support from France, Flanders, and Namur. When Duke Henry invaded the principality for a second time, on October 10, 1213, the bishop hastily summoned his troops from across the region, recruiting the militia of Liège, Huy, Dinant, and from the towns along the River Sambre. The bishop subsequently coordinated his army with that of Count Louis II of Loos to confront and crush the Brabantine forces at Steppes on the morning of Sunday, October 13. While it was the military strength of the troops serving the count of Loos that essentially guaranteed this triumph, the battle was remembered as one of the most significant victories in liégeois history. Indeed, as we shall observe presently, the lections read during the liturgical commemoration of this battle portrayed the liégeois victory as a justifiable and divinely sanctioned act of revenge. At Steppes, Saint Lambert’s relics were not carried to the battleground as at Bouillon, but rather made a symbolic appearance in the form of the battle standard.29 Comparable to the French oriflamme housed at the abbey of Saint Denis, the standard of Saint Lambert figured at the head of the liégeois army for some 300 years, from the second half of the twelfth century to the late fifteenth century.30 Documents dating from the turn of the 1190s and later codify the customary veneration of the standard prior to battle.31 As soon as a military campaign was announced, the cathedral chapter conducted a ceremonial ostension of the standard, which the provost removed from the treasury and placed on the main altar or even on Saint Lambert’s reliquary.32 Having touched this sacred object, the battle standard now took on the sacred virtues associated with Saint Lambert’s relics. On the first day of the campaign, the military commander (customarily the advocatus of Hesbaye) presented himself at the cathedral, beneath the great chandelier (the corona sancti Lamberti) where he was armed with white armor before proceeding to the high altar to preach an oath of loyalty to the cathedral chapter. The provost subsequently removed the standard from the church, accompanying the advocatus to the

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steps leading to the city marketplace where the advocatus finally took possession of the standard, and, from that moment, assumed leadership of the liégeois army. This ceremony thus illustrates the combined sacred-military significance of the standard. Venerated as a material representation of saintly virtus by its clerical keepers, the standard served a military purpose in the hands of the army’s commander. Significantly, the battle standard, identified as the “vexillum beati martyris,” figures in the liturgy commemorating Saint Lambert’s Triumph, specifically in the lections of Matins. These readings draw from an anonymous account of the battle, written in the first third of the thirteenth century and incorporated into the third book of the life of Saint Odilia.33 The hybridity of this hagiographic source, which merges two distinct texts, is apparent in the lections themselves. The clerical author of the Vita Odiliae interpolated the account of the battle with visionary episodes that serve to illustrate the remarkable ability of Saint Odilia’s son, priest John, to predict local historical events.34 The passage quoted in the lections exemplifies this pattern; the first five readings represent a vision, while only the sixth depicts an actual scene from the battle. In the first two lections, for example, a vociferous demoniac predicts the military triumph by crying, “Today, today blessed Lambert will obtain victory!”35 The sixth lection, by contrast, recalls the manner in which Saint Lambert was venerated on the battlefield by detailing the following events. First, the bishop dispatched heralds throughout the army, so that collectively they might rise and follow the blessed martyr’s battle standard. Once the army had arrived at Steppes, on a Sunday, the bishop then ordered his soldiers to genuflect and implore Saint Lambert and the Virgin to rescue them from the present danger. Subsequently, the bishop absolved his troops from sin and delivered a commanding oration.36 The lections thus focus on the anticipation of victory by depicting the army’s devotion to their diocesan patron, who leads and protects the army with his standard, as the culmination of the visions predicting Lambert’s oversight and triumph. While the lections stop short of recounting the actual liégeois victory, subsequent passages from the historical portions of the Vita Odiliae reference the liturgical celebration of this triumph. As soon as news of the victory was announced in the city of Liège, the populace assembled at the cathedral to sing the Te Deum, performed such that while one choir was singing a verse of this hymn, the other choir shed tears of joy.37 Such rejoicing spread not only throughout the city, but through the entire diocese. Yet it was not until 1219 that the cathedral chapter instituted, by a unanimous vote, the annual liturgical commemoration of the triumph.38 Just as Saint Lambert had assumed a tangible presence for the liégeois soldiers on the battlefield, the cathedral clergy themselves later celebrated both the feasts of the Translation and the Triumph in a literal, and exceptionally vivid, manner. At the feast of the Translation observed in 1319, Bishop Adolph

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de la Marck “translated” Saint Lambert’s reliquary from its previous location in the western choir to a more prominent location atop the jubé at the entrance of the eastern choir.39 This relocation of the saint’s remains marked a significant break with tradition by distancing the reliquary from the site of Lambert’s martyrdom represented by the western choir—the customary locus for his veneration. It would appear that by the early fourteenth century, the cathedral clergy placed greater value on displaying the new features of the church interior—the newly built jubé—than on the martyrial significance of the edifice’s older double-choir structure. Yet in so doing, these canons also focused increasing attention on the prominence and visibility of the reliquary itself— a trend that anticipated the public ostension of Saint Lambert’s cranium in 1489, from atop the jubé, and the subsequent processional display of his monumental bust. While Saint Lambert’s reliquary would receive, quite literally, a new face by the early sixteenth century, his standard befell a different fate. Inspired by Saint Lambert’s past military victories, the cathedral clergy exposed his battle standard on the main altar of the cathedral on the feast of the Triumph in 1467, prior to the Battle of Brusthem against Charles the Bold.40 This invasion of the principality, following the recent Burgundian victories at Montenaken (1465) and Dinant (1466), was spurred by the refusal on the part of liégeois leaders Raes, Sire of Heers, and his rival Fastré Baré de Surlet—both rebellious opponents of Bishop Louis of Bourbon (r. 1456–82)—to accept the peace treaties established by the Burgundians.41 To counter the imminent threat of the massive Burgundian army, the liégeois troops sought to repeat their victory against the Duke of Brabant at Steppes by venerating the same holy objects associated with their former triumph—namely, Saint Lambert’s standard and the miraculous statue of Our Lady of Steppes, which was brought from the town of Montenaken and greeted at the cathedral by a sonorous pealing of the bells. Chronicler Adrian of Oudenbosch specifies that the assembled clergy and laity illuminated the Marian statue and Lambert’s battle standard with numerous candles in the hope that “Our Lady and Saint Lambert would give them victory.”42 Unlike past conflicts, however, Saint Lambert’s symbolic presence would ultimately prove ineffectual against the Burgundians, who not only butchered the liégeois army and abolished all civic institutions and privileges, but, in the following year, destroyed the city itself. Tellingly, during the course of the battle, the standard was torn to shreds and three of the four canons accompanying it lost their lives. The saint’s failure to produce a victory on this occasion surely contributed to fading faith in the miraculous powers of the battle standard. Indeed, the standard would accompany the bishop-prince for the last time at the Battle of Chênée in 1482, a military defeat rendered especially poignant by the bishop’s death.43 As evinced by these momentuous military and ceremonial events, the Translation and Triumph of Saint Lambert continued to hold a very real

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meaning for the liégeois clergy and militia well beyond the time of the battles these feasts commemorated. Through the annual veneration of Lambert’s relics as they had appeared on the battlefield, in the form of the reliquary at Bouillon and the standard at Steppes, the clergy reminded the attendant faithful of the saint’s motivational and protective powers against external enemies—specifically, Lambert’s oversight of the soldiers fighting to reclaim church property or to avenge the city’s destruction. Yet, as we shall soon see, Saint Lambert’s failure to secure a victory against the Burgundians in 1467 was a mere portent of the utter devastation soon to befall the city seeking his protection. By 1468, proof of Lambert’s virtus lay not in the physical outcome of the attack, arguably the most severe defeat in liégeois history, but in the attention lavished on his relics by the invading forces.

Burgundian Destruction and Devotion to Saint Lambert (1467–77) Internal and external tensions that plagued Liège through much of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries reached a disastrous climax in 1468 when Charles the Bold destroyed the city. Accounts of the utter devastation suffered by the city’s survivors, sending shock waves throughout the Burgundian realm, testify to the force of the duke’s resolve to suppress liégeois independence. Yet in the very act of destruction, Charles and his lieutenant, Guy of Brimeu (b. ca. 1434, d. 1477), could not fail to recognize the importance of the city’s churches, clergy, and martyred bishop. Through their devotion to Saint Lambert, these Burgundian conquerors left the most influential mark on the subsequent display and civic veneration of the saint’s relics. In the years immediately preceding the 1468 attack, Burgundy had already imposed harsh sentences on the city it would ultimately destroy.44 By the Peace of Saint-Trond (1465) and the Peace of Oleye (1466), the Burgundian duke was made hereditary guardian of the city and principality of Liège. Following the Burgundian victory at Brusthem (1467), Charles the Bold dictated a severely repressive sentence, abolishing the civic constitution in its entirety, dismantling the city walls, removing the treasured perron (symbol of civic dignity and jurisdiction) to Bruges, confiscating firearms and artillery, and imposing fines so high that many liégeois inhabitants were forced to sell their personal belongings.45 Once again, the Burgundian duke was to be recognized as the advocatus of the city and territory of Liège. The crippling consequences of such a repressive sentence, however, failed to tame the unruly spirit of the city’s revolutionary leaders, fired by a fierce desire for political independence, that would result in its near extinction. Having surprised the city of Liège with a swift attack on the morning of Sunday October 30, 1468, at precisely the moment when the populace should

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have been at worship, Charles the Bold promptly set forth a plan to systematically destroy the city and massacre its rebellious inhabitants.46 The duke partitioned the city into four sections, each under the control of a detachment of the Burgundian army, and authorized his troops to commit atrocities recalled by eyewitnesses in all their horror: rape, public hangings, mass drownings in the Meuse, rampant looting, and the desecration of the city’s sacred spaces. Charles then ordered that the city be burned three times and chose the highly symbolic date of November 3—feastday of none other than Saint Hubert, the city’s episcopal founder—on which to light the fires that would burn for seven weeks.47 Even a ruler as ruthless as Charles the Bold did not, however, overlook the symbolic power and lucrative potential of the city’s numerous ecclesiastical establishments. In a destructive plan designed to reduce much of the city to a veritable wasteland, only the churches and the dwellings housing the secular clergy were spared.48 The duke even made special provisions to protect each church from the fires he had ordered by commanding workmen and carpenters from the towns of Maastricht, Tirlemont, Huy, and Namur to demolish those houses that might pose a fire hazard to the religious edifices in their immediate proximity. Just months after the fires that burned two-thirds of the city had subsided, Charles allowed the bishop and secular clergy to rebuild 128 dwellings to lodge the chaplains and other clerics of each church as well as 104 habitations for the servants and workmen serving the church personnel.49 Thus, by the duke’s own command, the numerous religious institutions that came to represent the few visible monuments of the city’s past would provide the impetus for its future recovery and reconstruction. Of the liégeois chuches the Burgundian duke sought to preserve, the cathedral and its titular patron attracted his greatest attention.50 At the very moment when the city’s other churches were pillaged and desecrated, Charles the Bold is said to have personally protected the cathedral, going so far as to kill members of his own army who ventured to enter the sacristy. Reports from both sides agree on this point, as documented by the liégeois monk Adrian of Oudenbosch,51 and detailed by the Burgundian chronicler Philippe de Commynes: Thereupon the duke returned to the great church of Saint Lambert, which his men were trying to enter by force to take prisoners and loot. Although he had already posted guards from his household, they could not subdue the soldiers who were assailing the two doors. I know that when the duke arrived, he killed a man with his own hands, and I saw it. Thereupon the soldiers withdrew, and the church was not plundered; but eventually the men inside were taken, as well as all the goods.52 [Et incontinent retourna ledict duc a la grant eglise de Sainct Lambert, ou ses gens vouloient entrer par force pour prendre des prisonniers et des biens. Et combien que ja il y eust commys des gens de sa maison, silz n’en

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pouvoient ilz avoir la maistrise, et assailloient les portes. Je sçay que a son arrivee il tua ung homme de sa main, et le veiz. Tout se despartit, et ne fit point ladicte eglise pillee; mais, a la fin, durent prins les hommes qui estoient dedans et tous les biens.]53

In this way, the duke valiantly sought to defend the local patrimony against his own men. Another chronicler, Theodericus Pauli, specifies that the duke’s battle standard hung in the nave to signal that the church was to be spared out of reverence for Saint Lambert.54 In so doing, Charles may well have succeeded in protecting Saint Lambert’s relics, which, despite the removal of the church treasury to Maastricht, remained untouched in Liège.55 Charles displayed marked devotion to Saint Lambert on numerous occasions both before and after 1468. During a brief visit in 1467 following the Burgundian victory at Brusthem, the duke is known to have visited the cathedral to venerate Saint Lambert’s remains and left an offering to the relics themselves as well as a provision for wine to the attending sextons. This visit initiated a series of actions by which the duke repeatedly exhibited his reverence for the cathedral’s titular patron. As early as December 1467, Charles commissioned goldsmith Gerard Loyset to make a gold statuette, which the duke wished to present to “my lord Saint Lambert of Liège.”56 This object, arguably the most famous possession in the cathedral treasury to this day, portrays two armored figures: Charles and his protector Saint George.57 The saint literally oversees the kneeling duke, who holds a hexagonal reliquary. The reliquary has undergone intense scrutiny, and an examination of its contents confirms the presence of a finger bone identified with the inscription “S[ancti] Lambert[i].”58 The duke also commissioned weaver Jehan Marchant of Brussels to embroider scenes depicting Saint Lambert’s life that were to adorn the vestments that Charles intended to donate to the cathedral along with altar cloths and other liturgical objects.59 The duke’s representatives eventually presented these items as well as the gold statuette and vestments to the cathedral chapter on February 14, 1471, during a special Mass for peace celebrated by the abbot of Saint James in the presence of the bishop.60 It appears that in January of that year, the bishop had instituted, at the duke’s command, a weekly votive Mass “for peace and for the duke” (pro pace et pro domino duce) to be celebrated at the cathedral every Friday. Through these gifts and foundations, the duke thus reminded the cathedral clergy of his ongoing reverence for their titular patron. Contemporaneous chroniclers would have us believe that the duke’s gifts were understood by the liégeois populace as an act of expiation for having destroyed the city, a view that has persisted for centuries. Yet there are many other ways of interpreting the duke’s motives. In a study of the destruction and reconstruction of cities in the Burgundian realm, Marc Boone has proposed that Charles may have sought to portray himself as protector of Saint Lambert, and, by extension, protector of the church and entire city under the saint’s

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patronage, as a means of reinforcing and even sanctifying his own authority.61 This theory is consistent with Hugo Van der Velden’s conclusions in his meticulous study of the statuette and its historical context. Van der Velden believes that Charles the Bold, through veneration of Saint Lambert, emphasized his responsibility as regent of the city to defend the interests of the Church, the bishop, and the diocese. From this viewpoint, the statuette that Charles offered to the saint himself testifies to the duke’s faith in the righteousness of his actions.62 At the precise moment when Charles sought to subject the city to his authority, and thus change the course of its history, he turned to the saint central to its very existence to legitimize his cause. Yet the duke was not the only Burgundian to openly venerate Saint Lambert. An equally influential devotee was the duke’s lieutenant, Guy of Brimeu.63 As the official representative of ducal power during the Burgundian occupation of Liège, from as early as 1466 to the end of Charles’s reign in 1477, Brimeu cultivated a steadfast association with the city and its saint. During the course of his eleven-year governance of Liège, Brimeu acquired the prestigious posts of commissioner (receiving the civic oath recognizing Burgundian guardianship in 1466), lieutenant-general (in 1467), captain-general (commanding the campaign against Liège in 1468), and governor of the ducal fortress erected on the island, renamed Isle-le-Duc-lez-Liège (from 1469), thereby increasing his personal authority over the city and surrounding region. Contemporaneous reports suggest that while Brimeu benefited financially from the Burgundian occupation of these lands, receiving on more than one occasion goods confiscated from the local inhabitants by the bishop and duke, he exercised his duties with minimal force.64 In particular, Brimeu appears to have supported the local clergy by protecting, whenever possible, the churches and actively encouraging the recovery of their stolen goods, as specified in his will of 1471.65 In conjunction with these activities, Brimeu nurtured an equally personal interest in the diocesan patron. Brimeu’s devotion to Saint Lambert paralleled that of Charles. It may, in fact, have been a personal injury during the attack of 1468 that sparked the lieutenant’s affinity for this saint—an event that would have a lasting effect on Lambert’s civic cult. Just two months after the conquest, during which Brimeu suffered from a bullet wound to his foot, the cathedral canons (namely, deacon John of Seraing) opened Lambert’s reliquary for the express purpose of presenting to the lieutenant, not coincidently, a bone from the saint’s foot.66 Subsequent to his reception of this relic, Brimeu customarily said a prayer at Lambert’s shrine during his visits to Liège, and even named one of his daughters “Lamberte.”67 Perhaps initially seeking the saint’s intercession to heal his wound, Brimeu would nurture a special devotion to Lambert for the remainder of his life, and even in death. Two of Brimeu’s votive acts anticipated and inspired subsequent developments to Lambert’s liégeois cult. Brimeu has long been credited with the initial

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inspiration for Saint Lambert’s monumental reliquary bust. During a visit to Liège in March 1472, Brimeu visited Lambert’s shrine, where he kissed the saint’s skull, as reported by John of Loos: On the next day, indeed in his presence, a Mass was celebrated at the high altar of the church of Saint Lambert, after which he was permitted to ascend to the feretory containing Saint Lambert’s body, [to] whose skull, when it had been kissed devoutly, he offered, just as he had done previously, the sum of thirty marks of silver, demanding vehemently that the skull of this saint be admirably encased in silver. [In crastino vero ad ipsius instantiam celebrata fuit missa ad summum altare ecclesiae sancti Lamberti, qua dicta permissus est ascendere ad feretrum corporis sancti Lamberti, cujus caput cum osculatus esset devote, obtulit, prout pridem jam fecerat, summam triginta marcharum argenti, instanter requirens quatenus caput ipsius sancti nobiliter argento includi deberet.]68

Brimeu thereby renewed his former pledge of thirty marks of silver, offering a total of sixty marks, for the saint’s cranium to be encased in a silver reliquary bust similar to that of Saint Servatius in Maastricht.69 Adrian of Oudenbosch notes that Brimeu discussed this project with the Burgundian duke, the bishop, and the cathedral chapter but nothing was done, at the time, to realize his wish.70 Yet a seemingly lesser votive act may have been just as inspirational. In the only extant copy of his will, dated February 10, 1471, Brimeu made an especially personal endowment for Saint Lambert. In addition to elevating the rank of the saint’s feast day in the church of Saint Servatius in Maastricht to match that of the titular patron, Brimeu founded the following votive service at the cathedral in Liège: I leave and give the said county, land, and lordship (of Meguen) perpetually to the Church of Saint Lambert of Liège, provided that they will be required to sing, by one of their canons, a daily Requiem Mass for the salvation of my soul, and that at the beginning of the aforesaid great Mass, he who must say this Mass will be required to come to the nave of the church, before the feretory of my lord saint Lambert, to say an antiphon, verse (or versicle) and collect for saint Lambert, and afterward to say the De profundis and Fidelium, and to turn himself toward the populace to say these words: “Devoted people, pray for the souls of my lord Guy of Brimeu, during his lifetime lord of Humbercourt, count of Meguen, and my lady Antoine of Rambures, his wife.” [Je leisse et donne ladite conté, terre et seignourie [de Meguen] perpetuellement a l’eglise Saint Lambert de Liege, pourveu que ilz seront tenus de faire et chanter par ung de leurs chanonnes chacun jour une grant messe de Requiem pour le salut de mo name, et que au commenchement de ladite grant messe celui qui devera dire ladite messe sera tenus de venir en la nef

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de l’eglise devant le fiettre monseigneur saint Lambert dire une antiene, versel et colecte de saint Lambert, et apres dira le De profundis et Fidelium, et soy retourner vers le peuple et dira ces mots: Devotes personnes, priés pour les ames de monseigneur Guy de Brimeu, en son temps seigneur de Humbercourt, conte de Meguen, et madame Antoine de Rambures, sa femme.]71

While Brimeu’s provision for a daily Requiem Mass is by no means unusual, the inclusion of Saint Lambert in this personal service is significant. By serenading Saint Lambert with a proper antiphon, verse, and collect just prior to the chanting of a penitential psalm (De profundis, followed by the prayer Fidelium for the dead), Brimeu wished to publicize his enduring affinity for the saint by merging the commemoration of his own soul with that of the titular patron. As we shall soon see, the musical and locational details of this foundation—notably the singing of a votive antiphon and the penitential psalm De profundis in the nave before Saint Lambert’s reliquary—are highly relevant to new rituals for the Translation of Saint Lambert’s relics introduced by Bishop Erard de la Marck in the sixteenth century. While both the Burgundian duke and his lieutenant actively promoted the veneration of Saint Lambert’s relics, it was Brimeu who had the greatest influence on the revitalization of the martyr’s cult during the era of the city’s reconstruction. Brimeu’s fervent devotion to Lambert’s skull would inspire the public ostension of this relic in 1489 and its subsequent encasement in an elaborate bust completed and inaugurated on the feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation under Bishop Erard de la Marck. This prelate at once enhanced the civic display of Lambert’s bust and demonstrated an equally personal devotion to the saint in commemorative rituals that paralleled those for Brimeu. Had it not been for the Burgundian destruction of Liège and especially Brimeu’s inspiration, the inhabitants of the newly rebuilt city may never have beheld Lambert’s lifelike visage or witnessed the collective and personalized benefits of his rejuvenated presence.

Serenading Saint Lambert’s Cranium in 1489 As we noted previously, from the mid-twelfth century onward, the feast of the Translation of Saint Lambert conflated the annual commemoration of the reception of the martyr’s relics in Liège with the saint’s victory at the Battle of Bouillon. Through the convergence of Lambert’s civic and military associations, this feast thus proved more versatile than those of Lambert’s Martyrdom or Triumph, as the prime occasion on which to celebrate and summon the diverse forms of Lambert’s protection. Indeed, at precisely the time that the urban clergy overseeing the rebuilding of the city wrestled with the internal chaos of civil war, in 1489, they chose the feast of the Translation on which

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to invoke Lambert’s virtus by showcasing his nude skull.72 Surprisingly, the impetus for growing clerical and episcopal interest in this relic stemmed from the city’s most ruthless opponents—its Burgundian destroyers. Subsequently, the vivid ostension of 1489 would inspire increasingly elaborate processional displays of Lambert’s cranium introduced by Bishop Erard de la Marck in 1512 and 1526. Music was integral to the public viewing of this relic and the monumental bust in which it was encased. In the presence of the saint’s head, replete with eyes to see, a mouth to speak, and ears to hear,73 the multisensory aspects of the liturgy and rituals conducted on this feast would have been especially meaningful. Yet the sonic dimension of Saint Lambert’s revitalized image has remained virtually unheard. As we shall presently observe, the chants that enhanced the changing face of Lambert’s relics illuminate the civic, episcopal, and increasingly personalized undertones of the saint’s corporal cult. As recalled by an eyewitness, the entire clerical community of Liège jointly celebrated the Translation of Saint Lambert’s relics in 1489 with exceptional solemnity and musical resonance.74 The melodious sound of the first chant greeted canons, chaplains, choral singers, and other subordinate officers from the collegiate churches, preceded by standard-bearers and thurifers wafting incense, as they entered the cathedral and carried two reliquaries into the choir to place them at the high altar. An antiphon to the Virgin then serenaded monks from the Benedictine abbeys of Saint Lawrence and Saint James as they too brought their reliquaries into the choir. Lay parishioners were admitted to the side chapels and peripheral spaces of the cathedral where they would remain for the entire service, while priests bearing more relics entered the choir and assembled around the steps of the sanctuary. Once all the clergy of the cathedral, collegiate churches, parishes, abbeys, and numerous other monastic houses had gathered in the middle of the church, the Abbot of Stavelot (substituting for the bishop) proceeded to the high altar to celebrate Mass. But before attending to this service, the abbot first performed a special ritual, the focal point of the ceremony. He climbed atop the jubé to reach Saint Lambert’s relics and blessed the congregation while a deacon and subdeacon removed Saint Lambert’s skull (caput) from the reliquary. As this precious relic was displayed to the kneeling clergy, the cantor intoned the Second Vespers Magnificat Antiphon Laetare et lauda from Saint Lambert’s Office, which was sung “most devoutly with a pleasing melody.” The abbot then turned to the West and to the East showing Lambert’s head to the populace. Following this solemn act, the abbot returned to the high altar to celebrate Mass while clerics and monks sang the Introit Protexisti me Deus (“You protected me, God”) for the feast of the Translation. Upon the completion of Mass, the attending clergy formed a lengthy procession in which the feretory and skull of Saint Lambert were carried alongside the relics of his episcopal predecessors, Saints Maternus and Theodard, followed by the Blessed Sacrament, a relic of the Holy Cross, and a painting of the Virgin. Numerous musicians blowing their

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horns heralded these relics as the procession passed before the neighboring episcopal palace. Once reassembled in the middle of the cathedral, a resonant symphonia of the chorus, trumpets, and bells filled the church, and a festive Te Deum was performed by two groups of singers: cantors in polyphony and monks chanting the plainsong. The Antiphon Laetare et lauda was then sung a second time, in unison “with a sweet melody, by the choirboys prostrated on the ground.” This chant was followed by a performance of the First Vespers Magnificat Antiphon Magna vox as the Blessed Sacrament, Saint Lambert’s cranium, and the other relics returned to the altar. After Vespers, cantilenas and other magnificent music played by trumpet and horn players resounded from the church tower. The diverse sounds of liturgical chant, polyphonic singing, bell-ringing, and instrumental serenades thus amplified the copious display of relics and accentuated the solemnity of this extraordinary ceremony. In the context of the growing visibility and prominent display of Saint Lambert’s relics, the sonorous Translation of 1489 bears the unmistakable influence of past votive practices, notably those introduced by the Burgundians. As the abbot climbed atop the jubé to showcase Lambert’s skull, he mimicked Brimeu’s ascent to this location to kiss the same relic in 1472. Indeed, the cathedal chapter would have been reminded of Brimeu’s devotion to their titular patron just days before the 1489 Translation during a “visitation,” or scrutiny, of the chuch’s relic collection beginning on April 14 and continuing for at least a week thereafter. When cantor Henry of Palude, priest John Billeton, and notary Crispinus Roefs, among other clerics, opened Saint Lambert’s feretory, they found a protocol documenting Brimeu’s reception of a foot relic.75 They also beheld and venerated Lambert’s cranium both on this occasion and during the thirteen-day ostension of all the relics belonging to the cathedral chapter, placed on and around the jubé for public veneration in July of that year. After singing antiphons first to the blessed Virgin and then to “our patron Saint Lambert,” clergy from the cathedral and religious houses summoned faithful onlookers to behold the remains of different saints on each day of this prolonged exhibit. Not until the tenth day did they display “the skull of the glorious martyr, Lambert, with hairs from his head” (caput gloriosi martyris Lamberti, una cum capillis capitis sui), before the city’s entire religious community reassembled for a second Mass and procession.76 As attested by an anonymous chronicler, the martyr’s skull had also remained visibly prominent throughout the Translation itself, during which it was displayed on the high altar for the duration of the Mass and until the conclusion of Second Vespers, specifically “so that it be venerated piously by all.”77 While the repeated ostension of Lambert’s cranium was clearly inspired by Burgundian devotion to this relic, the individuals who would actively promote subsequent artistic and musical embellishments to Lambert’s cult were the very canons who had inspected the reliquary—notably the singer Henry of Palude and priest John Billeton. The ceremonies of 1489 would thus prove pivotal to the sound and sight of Lambert’s later invocation.

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Nude ostensions were extraordinary events at which the local populace experienced a tangible manifestation of the saint’s enduring corporal presence, conducted especially during times of distress following a natural disaster, conflict, or financial crisis.78 As stated explicitly in contemporaneous accounts of the 1489 Translation, the cathedral chapter had summoned the city’s entire religious population to celebrate jointly this solemn and sonorous ceremony in an attempt to bring peace to the patria of Liège and surrounding region.79 No stranger to political turmoil, Liège suffered a series of devastating blows in the final decades of the fifteenth century. Following the death of its Burgundian destroyer Charles the Bold in 1477, the city endured fifteen years of civil war, invasions, and an impending agricultural crisis.80 The 1480s were especially troublesome for the primary clergy.81 The assassination of Bishop Louis of Bourbon by his rival—the city’s grand mayeur (chairman of the city’s supreme court) William de la Marck, known as the “Wild Boar of the Ardennes”—at the Battle of Chênée in 1482 sparked a heated competition for the episcopal seat resulting in a full-blown schism of the cathedral chapter.82 The few canons remaining in Liège elected William’s son, John de la Marck, while those who had fled the civil war and taken refuge in Leuven chose John of Hornes—the very clergyman who had carried Lambert’s standard at Chênée alongside the ill-fated Louis of Bourbon.83 By 1483, the chapter faced an additional threat from Emperor Maximilian I, who sought to divide the entire diocese into two bishoprics with seats in Namur and Maastricht, thereby depriving Liège of the privilege of diocesan capital. The united attempt of the Three Estates to preserve the integrity of the existing diocese and papal confirmation of John of Hornes as bishop would do little to quell the numerous uprisings, both internal and external, that continued to plague the city and patria.84 The condemnation and decapitation of William de la Marck in 1485 sparked renewed unrest. By 1488, the cathedral chapter faced a second rift followed by another attempt at displacement (to Brabant), this time by their own bishop. Just days preceding the Translation of 1489, John of Hornes was besieged in the town of Saint-Trond by his old rivals, the de la Marck family—a confrontation in which the bishop proved his military skills. This siege appears to have been the immediate motivation behind the cathedral chapter’s call for peace and for the “salvation and victory of the Lord of Liège at that time absent and expelled” (pro salute et victoria domini Leodiensis tunc absentis et expulsi), as suggested by at least one chronicler.85 Yet the Translation of 1489 must have also sought to emphasize communal worship and ecclesiastical unity in an attempt to remedy the explosive and persisting internal divisions experienced firsthand by the chapter, city, and diocese during this, one of the most tumultuous eras of its history.86 The extraordinary splendor of the ritual, punctuated by the vibrant sounds of polyphonic singing and instrumental music, betrays the desperation that surely motivated the clergy to arouse the attention of their martyred patron with the most resonant voices and instruments at their disposal. The vocal

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highlight of the ceremony was surely the Te Deum invoking “the noble army of martyrs” among the apostles and prophets. With its rousing appeals to the local community, implied by the collective “we,” to jointly praise God with “all the earth” and the angels crying aloud, the hymn combines this resonant thanksgiving with direct pleas for mercy and salvation. As specified in an eyewitness description of the ceremony, the Te Deum was sung alternatim, or alternately, between plainchant and polyphony.87 The “cantors” performing the polyphonic verses must have included the cathedral choirmaster, Ludovicus of Meffia, and his two assistants, Henricus Quarem and Laurentius de Horion.88 Of these singers, Ludovicus of Meffia enjoyed the most successful local career, rising steadily from the position of choirmaster at the collegiate church of Saint Denis (1473–81/82) to that of choimaster and minor canon at the cathedral (1483/84–1492/93) and eventually to the prized dignity of cantor at the collegiate church of Saint Bartholomew prior to his death in 1511.89 Led by an experienced musician, whose diverse duties required musical skill (training choirboys, coordinating special musical performances, singing plainchant and polyphony) and versatility (copying music, on occasion),90 we would hope that the polyphonic performance of the Te Deum was truly harmonious. Yet surprisingly, the musical counterpart to the visual effect of Lambert’s cranial relic, as it was shown to the assembled faithful, was the plainchant Antiphon Laetare et lauda. Given the visual prominence of this relic throughout the ceremony, a chant praising Lambert’s caput or the martyrial crown, such as the First Vespers Antiphon Lambertus Christi martyr coronatus (“Lambert, the crowned martyr of Christ”) proper to Saint Lambert’s Office, would have been a more obvious choice. By singing Laetare et lauda, the clergy praised, instead, the city meritorious of Lambert’s blood and body: 1. Rejoice and praise God, Liège, 2. for the presence of your patron Lambert! 3. By whose blood [you merited] to be sanctified, 4. by whose body you merited to be enriched. 5. O lover of chastity, 6. O defender of truth, 7. Christ’s martyr and priest, Lambert, 8. intercede with God for us. [1. Laetare et lauda Deum Legia, 2. De patroni tui Lamberti presentia, 3. Cujus sanguine consecrari, 4. Cujus corpore ditari meruisti. 5. O amator castitatis, 6. O defensor veritatis, 7. Christi martyr et sacerdos Lamberte 8. Pro nobis apud Deum intercede.]91

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When we imagine the performance of this chant in conjunction with the ostension of Lambert’s nude skull, the urgency of these vocative appeals must have highlighted the physical immediacy of the city’s most precious relic. As we noted in chapter 1, the verbal and musical structures of this antiphon create a mirror-like symbiosis of civic and saintly merits in language inspired by the twelfth-century hagiographer Canon Nicholas, who witnessed the renewal of Lambert’s cult following the saint’s triumph at Bouillon. Thus, in the prominence given to Laetare et lauda at the Translation of 1489, we witness the ongoing relevance of the clerical ideas and civic imagery contemporaneous with the era in which the feast first gained military significance. The singer who intoned Laetare et lauda at this ceremony, moreover, left an enduring mark on the martyr’s subsequent veneration. Henry of Palude demonstrated his personal affinity for Saint Lambert while serving as the cathedral cantor (1488–1515),92 by commissioning votive art and polyphony in Lambert’s honor. Henry appears as the pious donor, identified by his coat of arms and bearing his cantoral staff, in the lower right-hand corner of the panel depicting Saint Lambert’s martyrdom, paired in a diptych with a scene of the Nativity.93 As stipulated in his will, the cantor also dedicated his soul to the “blessed martyr Lambert,” among other saints, and endowed the weekly performance of a polyphonic Mass for Lambert to be sung every Tuesday in the cathedral’s “old” or western choir marking the site of Lambert’s martyrdom.94 Henry was eventually buried in this same location under a tombstone on which he was portrayed with his cantoral insignia.95 In the final years of his cantorship, Henry would witness firsthand the revitalization of Lambert’s civic cult, increasingly focused on the martyr’s cranium—the very relic he had personally serenaded. By 1489, the clergy of Liège financing urban rebuilding very likely would have wished to restore local belief in the city’s merits and sacred origins, having just endured political crises so devastating that the city’s survival must have seemed dubious. Indeed, the Ordo ceremoniarum for the 1489 Translation begins with a personal plea to Saint Lambert, who, the author reminds us, can be credited with the city’s initial growth: “I invoke you, Divine Father Lambert, for this enterprise, by whose merits Liège emerged from, formerly, an obscure settlement into the robustness of an outstanding city” (Te huic caepto, cuius meritis ex ignobili quondam vico Legia in egregiae Civitatis robur euasit . . . Lamberte Dive Pater, invoco).96 The emphasis on this idealization of the city’s original flourishing, from a humble vicus to an outstanding civitas reminiscent of the eleventh-century rhetoric of Sigebert of Gembloux, in this context, may well have provided a literal model for the city’s ongoing reconstruction. Indeed, the repopulation of the city proved to be a lengthy process, despite the building of some 500 new houses by local craftsmen, merchants, artisans, and above all by the clergy whose landed wealth facilitated their rapid recovery. By 1480, the city (estimated at just 10,000 inhabitants) counted at most half the population of 1468 (between 20,000 and 25,000), with prominent edifices such as the city

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hall still years from completion.97 In 1489, therefore, the sight of Lambert’s actual skull punctuated by the exclamatory, civic appeals of the plainchant antiphon undoubtedly sought to rouse renewed faith in both the celestial powers of this saintly protector and the reemerging city deserving of his patronage.

The Civic Face of Lambert’s Bust in 1512 and 1526 Inspired by the Translation of 1489, the association of Lambert’s body, and especially his head, with the newly rebuilt city itself would become increasingly pronounced in the next century. The five decades between the extraordinary ostension of the saint’s skull, in 1489, and the institution of a great general procession, in 1526, witnessed, at an accelerated pace, the dynamism and versatility that characterized the feast of the Translation from its inception. When viewed from a broad historical perspective, the revitalization of Lambert’s relics in the decades following the Burgundian occupation can be seen as a concrete symbol of civic regeneration in its many forms—physical, legislative, and moral. Indeed, the civic dimension of this feast is especially apparent in the changing appearance of the relics and in the rituals accompanying their viewing. By the Translation of 1489, efforts to finance a new reliquary showcasing Saint Lambert’s cranium were already well under way. From the 1480s onward, the cathedral clergy consciously sought to execute Brimeu’s plan. Individual members of the cathedral chapter—John Billeton and Alexander of Seraing— collaborated with two cardinal-legates to promote the completion of the bust. In his will, dated December 17, 1488, Alexander of Seraing voiced his enthusiastic support for this Burgundian undertaking, which he credited specifically to Charles the Bold and Guy of Brimeu.98 Similarly, in a letter issued just a year prior, on July 3, 1487, the cardinal-legate Julian de la Rove (future Pope Julius II) acknowledged Burgundian support for the encasement of Saint Lambert’s skull—a plan, which he claimed, had been thwarted by the duke’s death and the ensuing calamities that distressed the liégeois principality.99 The cardinal sought to revive local interest in the reliquary and to finance the repair and preservation of the cathedral edifice and other objects serving the divine cult, by granting indulgences of a hundred years and a hundred times forty days to the penitent faithful who contributed to this artistic project by giving alms or by making a donation to the cathedral fabric. To receive these indulgences, contributors were required to visit the cathedral between First and Second Vespers on the feasts of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom and Translation, the martyrial feast of Saints Cosmas and Damian, and every occasion on which Lambert’s skull was exposed. The letter itself emphasizes the processional use of Lambert’s relics in a series of illuminations depicting both the bust and a cortege in which a reliquary, preceded by a banner, is carried on a bier, accompanied by the faithful and the bishop.100 It was the cardinal-legate’s secretary, John Billeton, who

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inspired this enthusiasm for Lambert’s cult. As one of the cathedral canons participating in the 1489 visitation of the martyr’s relics, Billeton later named Saint Lambert as a personal patron, in his will dated 1500, and bequeathed a jewel specifically to decorate the saint’s bust.101 By 1508, a second cardinallegate, Bernardin Carvajal (on close terms with Pope Julius II), likewise issued indulgences to those who gave alms toward the completion of the reliquary and to those who participated in the ostension of the martyr’s head. The cardinal-legate’s decree coincided with his visit to Liège and ceremonial reception by Bishop Erard de la Marck at the cathedral, where the cardinal was greeted musically by the singing of responsories for Saint Lambert and the Te Deum, among other chants.102 We thus witness the joint efforts of the cathedral clergy and papal representatives to realize the reliquary conceived by the Burgundians and to stimulate local interest in the saint’s skull. Yet it was Prince-Bishop Erard de la Marck who pursued this project most aggressively, personally supervising the reliquary’s design and execution by the Aquensian goldsmith Hans von Reutlingen (fl. 1497–1522).103 Indeed, on the very day of his episcopal election, December 30, 1505, Erard donated a sum of forty marcs of silver “in honor of God and blessed Lambert” to launch the making of the bust.104 The bishop also purchased a quantity of pearls and other jewels specifically to decorate the reliquary, during a visit to Italy in 1509.105 The completed bust, of monumental dimensions, visibly acknowledges Erard’s devotion to Saint Lambert by representing this bishop as the donor figure kneeling at the center of the base (see fig. 5.1).106 The base also features six niches depicting specific scenes of Lambert’s life and posthumous veneration: two miracles from Lambert’s childhood, namely, the water that Lambert caused to spring forth from a fountain to quench thirsty masons, and the glowing embers that Lambert carried to his teacher Landoald in his own clothing without burning himself (first niche); the bishop’s deposition from the episcopal seat and exile at Stavelot where he stands penitently at the abbey cross (second niche); Lambert’s martyrdom at the foot of an altar with a retable depicting the Crucifixion (third niche); his burial and the punishment of his murderers (fourth niche); Lambert’s translation by Bishop Hubert in a procession headed by a banner (fifth niche); and the veneration of the saint’s relics by a group of pious devotees (sixth niche).107 Indeed, much like the illuminated letter issued by cardinal-legate Julian de la Rove, the final two scenes constitute a self-referential tribute to the public and processional display of the reliquary on the feast of Lambert’s Translation, as it was now celebrated. Rather than depict the saint’s military victory, as illustrated on the reliquary completed in 1143 in conjunction with the liturgical commemoration of Lambert’s triumph at Bouillon, the bust emphasizes attributes better suited to the saint’s civic veneration: the childhood miracles illustrating Lambert’s candidacy for sainthood, his penance and martyrdom, the just punishment of his murderers, and the pious devotion to his relics by the city’s episcopal founder and other faithful.

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Figure 5.1. Reliquary bust of Saint Lambert (1505–12) by Hans von Reutlingen (fl. 1497–1522), gilt, silver repousse, cisele, 150.5 cm (59.25 in.) high without the base, base measures 8.4 x 106.7 x 78.7 cm (3.3 x 42 x 31 in.). © Trésor de la Cathédrale de Liège. Reproduced with permission from the Trésor de la Cathédrale de Liège.

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To mark the completion of the new reliquary in 1512, the bishop and cathedral chapter celebrated a special Mass and procession on the feast of the Translation, in the company of the clergy of the collegiate churches, parishes, and monastic houses joined, notably, by the city burgomasters.108 The procession featured Saint Lambert’s bust carried by six men, five of whom (including Henry of Palude’s nephew Gerard) had recently been admitted to the cathedral chapter, preceded by the reliquaries of Peter and Andolet (Lambert’s relatives and companions in martyrdom), Saint Theodard, and the large reliquary containing the remainder of Lambert’s body, and followed by a relic of the Holy Cross, carried by Bishop Erard, and a painting or sculpture of the Virgin,109 toward which Saint Lambert’s bust should turn in a reverent gesture as the procession passed in front of the cathedral steps leading to the market.110 Once back at the cathedral, the bust and other reliquaries were placed on an altar erected under the corona sancti Lamberti (the great chandelier) in the middle of the nave. Having stopped before the “old” (western) choir marking the site of Lambert’s martyrdom, Bishop Erard himself sang the antiphons O crux splendidior for the Holy Cross and Regina celi for the Virgin. These chants were followed by a “glorious” performance of the Te Deum in polyphony,111 before the cantor intoned the Magnificat Antiphon Magna vox for Saint Lambert as he entered the choir. Music was also featured prominently after First Vespers, with the sound of singers singing from the church tower, and especially during the Mass itself, with the regular clergy positioned around both the Eagle lectern and the side doors of the eastern choir to sing the Mass opposite the secular clergy in the middle of the church.112 During this sonorous celebration, Saint Lambert was venerated with a Low Mass said at each of the two imperial altars on either side of the jubé. Yet in inaugurating this newly completed, larger-than-life representation of the saint, the assembled clergy also honored the city—specifically its genesis.113 Chronicler John of Brusthem deliberately notes that this ceremony also sought to celebrate the most worthy city of Liège, which, unlike Rome or Babylon founded respectively by “rustic pastors” (pastoribus rusticis) or by “rebels and castaways” (rebellibus et reprobis), owed its origins and growth to the “most holy pontiffs” (sanctissimis pontificibus). To justify such a blatant assertion of liégeois preeminence, Brusthem credits three early bishops with a precise civic undertaking: blessed Monulphus discovers Liège; Lambert inhabits and consecrates it with his roseate blood; while Hubert, having translated Lambert’s relics from Maastricht to Liège, establishes the new city and institutes its name, rights, and laws.114 As recalled by Brusthem, the 1512 inauguration of Saint Lambert’s revitalized image thus doubled as an occasion on which to celebrate the city’s holy origins and the foresight of its episcopal founders. Brusthem’s emphasis on the civic significance of the bust parallels a recurring reference to Bishop Hubert in the celebration of Saint Lambert’s Translation. Extant accounts of these festivities pointedly acknowledge the

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city’s episcopal founder. Indeed, in documenting Bishop Albero’s adaptation of this feast in 1143 to conflate the translation of Lambert’s relics to Liège with their triumph at the Battle of Bouillon, Renier of Saint Lawrence noted that the translation “was undoubtedly accomplished previously by Saint Hubert by a divine summons” (Quae nimirum qualiter a sancto sit Huberto divina olim ammonitione peracta).115 More than three centuries later, the churchmen promoting Lambert’s new reliquary had by no means forgotten Hubert’s devotion to his precedessor’s remains. Hubert figures pictorially in the margin of the cardinal-legate’s decree of 1487, granting indulgences for the completion of the bust, where he appears, holding his hunting horn, in the company of Lambert surmounted by the perron— the monumental symbol of civic jurisdiction which had recently been returned (in 1478) to the marketplace following its confiscation by the Burgundians.116 Likewise, the Ordo ceremoniarum for the procession of 1489 acknowledges the role of “the most holy lord Bishop Hubert, first prelate of Liège and last prelate of Tongeren” in the translation of Lambert’s relics “to the distinguished locus in which he rests to the present day.”117 The reliquary bust itself depicts Hubert in the act of translating Lambert’s relics in the fifth niche decorating the base, and additionally as one of six bishops, in the company of Maternus (first bishop of Tongeren, the first seat of the diocese) and Servatius (first bishop of Maastricht, the second seat of the diocese), enthroned in the pillars separating each scene.118 By the time of the bust’s ceremonial inauguration, Erard de la Marck and John of Brusthem alike drew from a long-established tradition of evoking Saint Hubert’s initiatives on the feast of the Translation, implicitly commemorating the episcopal founding of the city. Bishop Erard’s continued reverence for Lambert’s relics would only enhance the civic significance of the Translation, as evinced by the bishop’s decree for the great general procession, which he instituted in 1526.119 After crediting Saint Hubert with the founding of the city and expressing his desire that the new procession be observed each year in perpetuity, the bishop instituted an annual fair, beginning on April 22 and continuing for eight days, that would coincide with the feast of the Translation.120 Lest the clergy and lay inhabitants be burdened with a multitude of processions, the bishop suppressed two of the three existing processions of the craft guilds (to Saint Leonard on the first Friday of July and to Saint Lawrence the following Wednesday) during which, as we observed in chapter 2, guildsmen carried the reliquaries of Lambert and Theodard to religious houses near the city walls. Yet the elimination of this former custom by no means hindered lay participation in the public perambulation of Lambert’s bust. From 1526 onward, the procession on the Translation was to include, in addition to the city’s entire ecclesiastical community, representatives from every sector of city government, following a route extending into the city’s commercial district.

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Accompanied by the two burgomasters, members of the civil court of échevins, officials, commissioners, and ministers representing each of the thirtytwo craft guilds, Saint Lambert’s bust was carried by six minor canons (three each from the chapters of Saint Maternus and Saint Giles) and six chaplains of the cathedral across the central marketplace to pass through the city’s eastern sector, along the bustling streets of Hors-Château and the Féronstrée. In the course of this trajectory, the procession paused at four stations to hear the opening of the four Gospels, one for each cardinal point: Matthew at the monastery of the Friars Minor to the north, Mark at the collegiate church of Saint Bartholomew to the east, Luke at the parish church of Saint John the Baptist to the south, and John at the baptistery of Our Lady ad Fontes to the west.121 Each station featured a different clerical group within the city’s varied ecclesiastical population, with the Friars Minor representing the mendicant orders, Saint Bartholomew the secondary clergy, Saint John the Baptist the parish priests, and Our Lady ad Fontes the clergy of the civic baptistery. This processional circuit was likely symbolic, for the return trajectory from Saint Bartholomew (located near the ancient route to Maastricht) may well have reenacted Saint Lambert’s initial translation, retracing the path by which his relics would most probably have arrived into the city.122 Yet even more significantly, through this lengthier perambulation, Saint Lambert’s bust now circulated in a wider civic space, emphasizing the diverse ecclesiastical and civic institutions serving the urban population,123 in an effort to stimulate popular zeal for the cathedral’s glorious patron. In music and ritual, the procession instituted in 1526 was modeled on earlier ceremonies, combining features of the Translation celebrated in 1489 with that of 1512. On all three occasions, Saint Lambert’s reliquary was carried alongside the relics of other local saints (specifically Theodard in 1489 and 1512), followed by a fragment of the Holy Cross, and an image of the Virgin. A performance of the Te Deum, sung polyphonically in 1489 and 1512, and the Magnificat Antiphon Magna vox then concluded the ceremony.124 Additionally, the processions of 1489 and 1526 featured the Blessed Sacrament, greeted musically by a chant for the Eucharist, specified in 1526 as the Magnificat Antiphon O sacrum convivium from the Office of Corpus Christi. The visual and musical prominence given to the Eucharist was significant, for indeed the trajectory of the procession showcasing Lambert’s relics mirrored that for Corpus Christi. Two descriptions of the 1489 Translation note this resemblance, by observing that the procession was carried out “as on the feast of the Sacrament.”125 Similarly, the processional circuit of 1526 retraced the trajectory of the Corpus Christi procession documented by chronicler John of Stavelot in 1438, which encircled the parish church of Saint Thomas immediately adjacent to the collegiate church of Saint Bartholomew.126 Henceforth, the annual perambulation of Lambert’s bust would thus evoke other festivities witnessed by the entire city.

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Conflating City, Saint, and Bishop: Erard de la Marck’s Devotion to Saint Lambert (1505–38) An equally significant modification of 1526, however, lies not in the procession itself, but in the music and rituals that preceded it. In his decree, Erard de la Marck stipulated that, following his death, the clergy of the collegiate churches, monasteries, and convents were to visit his own tomb, located in the cathedral choir, where they were required to chant the penitential psalms Miserere mei deus and De profundis and to utter the prayer Deus qui inter apostolicos sacerdotes (from the Office of the Dead) before beginning the Mass. During his lifetime, the same ceremony with different prayers (Deus cui proprium, Inclina, and Fidelium) was to be conducted in memory of his episcopal predecessors and all the deceased faithful.127 Through the inclusion of this somber commemorative service, the bishop undoubtedly sought to ensure, in addition to his own salvation, a lasting memory of his personal devotion to Saint Lambert, which had motivated the completion of the reliquary bust and the implementation of the rituals by which it was venerated. In so doing, Erard realized, in an inverted form, the conflation of saintly devotion and personal salvation exhibited, more than five decades prior, by the Burgundian inspirer of the reliquary. Just as Guy of Brimeu had sought to interpolate the musical veneration of Saint Lambert into the daily Requiem Mass for his soul, so Erard de la Marck inserted the commemoration of his own soul into the festal display of the saint’s bust. By 1526, the feast of the Translation thus served to jointly honor the city’s individual bishops, both past and present. In the annual Translation of Saint Lambert’s relics conceived by Erard, the ceremony itself would acknowledge the bishop’s active role in the promotion of the saint’s relics and their veneration, providing a ritualistic counterpart to the donor image on the reliquary. Indeed, the prayer uttered by Erard, as the donor figure kneeling at the base of the bust facing the scene of Saint Lambert’s penitence at the abbey cross, bears a previously undetected, yet striking, resemblance to the processional chant invoking most prominently the city and its saintly martyr. The vocative appeal of the bishop’s prayer, “Christ’s martyr [and] priest, Lambert, / Intercede with God for me” (Christi martir sacerdos Lamberte / Apud Deum pro me intercede) is but a personalized variant of the concluding two lines of the Magnificat Antiphon Laetare et lauda, “Christ’s martyr and priest, Lambert, / Intercede with God for us” (Christi martyr et sacerdos Lamberte  / Pro nobis apud Deum intercede).128 The plural “for us” (pro nobis) of the antiphon becomes the singular “for me” (pro me) of the donor’s prayer. The modification of this quoted chant—which, we will recall, accompanied the communal viewing of Lambert’s skull in 1489—thus collapses the distinction between the civic community of Liège, its episcopal martyr, and the episcopal donor, much as the ceremonial veneration of the reliquary itself celebrated both communal and individual forms of devotion. Ritual and reliquary thus

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came to serve a common goal—to honor two individuals, Saint Lambert and his devoted episcopal successor, within a civic context. Just as Saint Lambert’s relics could now be viewed and venerated in a lifelike form through the painted features of the bust,129 the individual bishop responsible for this revitalized image was himself to be remembered—visually, ceremonially, and musically—on this grand civic occasion. As suggested by John of Brusthem, Erard de la Marck’s foundations for Saint Lambert’s bust coincide with his broader decorative program for the cathedral and other churches of the city and diocese.130 The bishop demonstrated his affinity for Saint Lambert through various artistic media: a set of Parisian tapestries depicting the lives of the Virgin and Saint Lambert, to decorate the stalls of the cathedral choir (donated in 1514);131 and a series of stained-glass windows illustrating the lives of the Virgin, Saint Lambert, and Saint Martin for the apse of the collegiate church of Saint Martin (in 1526). The window for Saint Lambert depicts a series of hagiographic scenes similar to those decorating the base of the reliquary bust, including, notably, a representation of Lambert’s translation. In keeping with a custom current among the princes and prelates of his era, Erard endowed several other churches (such as Saint Peter in Liège and Saint Hadelin in Visé) with stained glass bearing his portrait or coat of arms.132 Yet it was naturally the cathedral that attracted his greatest attention. In addition to the bust of Saint Lambert, Erard also commissioned a new reliquary for Saint Theodard, which was begun in 1526 by goldsmith Leonard of Bommershoven,133 alongside liturgical vestments and furnishings, ornamental objects in precious metal, a richly embroidered antependium, a great chandelier, and two bells. The cathedral edifice and chapter thus benefited from the prelate’s lavish generosity, facilitated by his considerable personal fortune, at precisely the time that the bust was completed and inducted into the local rite. In keeping with the commemorative rituals and music for his personal salvation introduced in the processional decree of 1526, Erard de la Marck endowed the cathedral with additional foundations of a highly personal nature. The choir embellished by the prelate’s tapestries would soon feature a monumental mausoleum, built in 1528.134 In addition to this visually prominent funerary monument, located in the middle of the choir, Erard made a specific foundation for the sonic embellishment of his anniversary with special musical performances. In a document dated February 13, 1530,135 the bishop stipulated that the Matins responsories were to be sung by three different choral groups: the choirboys during the First Nocturn, the minor canons of Saint Giles during the Second, and the minor canons of Saint Maternus during the Third. The last chant was then to be followed by a polyphonic setting of the burial responsory Libera me Domine and a polyphonic Mass. Music and monument thus jointly instilled among the cathedral clergy a vivid, and personal, memory of the bishop’s lasting presence, piety, and generosity.

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While extant sources fail to specify the exact circumstances motivating Erard’s foundations for the reliquary bust and its processional display, John of Brusthem provides intriguing insight into the many factors prompting the bishop’s devotion to Saint Lambert. In documenting the bishop’s gift of the choir tapestries depicting the lives of the cathedral’s titular patrons, Brusthem notes that Erard de la Marck’s foremost and highest desire was “to honor the church, to repair the things that had fallen into ruin, to reform the clergy, to remedy [current] habits, [and] to keep peace everywhere” (cujus quidem praecipuum ac summum erat desiderium ecclesiam honorare, dilapsa reparare, clerum reformare, mores componere, pacem ubique conservare).136 Brusthem’s comments reflect the general view of Erard’s reign, as an era of renewal, peace, and prosperity—in marked contrast to the severe hardships of the previous century. As suggested by extant foundations, ordinances, and legislative policies, the prelate’s primary concerns were to hinder the spread of Protestantism within his diocese, to safeguard the integrity and independence of his principality, to amend its political and judiciary institutions, to reallocate public finances, and, most significantly, to promote clerical reform.137 The latter of these concerns is especially relevant to the bishop’s votive acts. Both the inauguration of the reliquary bust, in 1512, and institution of the civic procession, in 1526, coincided with local attempts to correct clerical abuses. The year 1512 marked the beginning of a protracted process by which the civic magistrates sought to reglement the ecclesiastical mortmain resulting from the numerous goods and rents aquired by the liégeois clergy following the Burgundian attack. The resulting conflict over the rights of succession to inherited or acquired goods belonging to local ecclesiastical communities did not reach definitive resolution until 1521, through the strict control of clerical possessions.138 By 1526, the bishop himself instituted a far more comprehensive disciplinary program aimed at the parish clergy. In a pastoral letter issued on January 15 of that year, Erard took aggressive action against persisting problems of absenteeism, immorality, ignorance, and the accumulation of benefices by imposing a severe set of corrective measures: banning the reading or possession of Lutheran books; requiring documented credentials or a personal exam demonstrating the competence of local and foreign priests before they were permitted to preach or hear confession; prohibiting the celebration of Mass in private or profane locations; and, above all, vehemently denouncing the moral turpitude of concubinary priests.139 With the consent of the cathedral chapter, Erard would apply similar disciplinary measures to the secondary clergy, ordered to separate themselves from their concubines in an ordinance of 1537.140 Given Bishop Erard’s pronounced aversion to clerical immorality, and especially to concubinage, it is worth reexamining the aspects of Saint Lambert’s cult that he promoted. The scenes depicting Lambert’s childhood miracles, penitence at the abbey cross, and martyrdom before the altar—common to

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the reliquary bust and stained-glass windows—served to emphasize Lambert’s candidacy for sainthood, piety, and, indirectly, his chastity as exemplified by his condemnation of sexual impropriety. A musical counterpart to these attributes is found, not coincidentally, in the Sequence Letabunda laus beato sung at the cathedral on the feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation (see ex. 5.2).141 The opening versicles praise Lambert’s saintly virtues: 1a. Let joyous praise be given to the blessed martyr Lambert with pure accord. 1b. His is the everlasting reward, the solemn light and sweet harmony of the angels. 2a. The divine fire filled him from his youth with morals worthy of God: 2b. The illustrious man also shone with miraculous signs of holiness, and with the grace of virtues. 3a. He enlightened Toxandria, which he cleansed of all the filth of idolatry, 3b. And buried the translated body of Landrada, which he revealed by divine power. [1a. Letabunda laus beato Detur martyri Lamberto Cum mera symphonia, 1b. Illi merces est perhennis Angelorum lux solemnis Et dulcis armonia. 2a. Hunc moribus Deo dignis Divinus replevit ignis Ab adolescentia; 2b. Miris quoque fulsit signis, Sanctitate vir insignis Et virtutum gratia.

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3a. Taxandriam illustravit Idolorum quam mundavit Ab omni spurcitia; 3b. Et Landradam tumulavit Quam translatam revelavit Divina potentia.]

Here the singers celebrate the Godlike morals and saintly signs that distinguished Lambert in his youth, as well as the strength of his episcopal zeal as an evangelizer and miracle worker.142 Subsequently, the fourth versicle depicts the martyrial and civic consequences of Lambert’s disdain for adultery: 4a. Detesting adultery, the prelate suffered martyrdom as he prayed in the church. 4b. Thus he is sacrificed at the altar, thus his beloved Liège is consecrated by his blood— 5a. the city in which Lambert, the noble martyr, performs miracles granted him by heaven. 5b. Supported by his prayers, let us be joined to the citizens of heaven, blessed through all ages. 6a. Let this chorus say Amen. Joyful in their native land, may they praise you forever, O Christ. 6b. Let the devout people say Amen and praise with all their minds the merits of so great a father. Amen. [4a. Detestans adulterium, Presul subit martyrium Orans in ecclesia; 4b. Sic ad aram immolatur, Sic cruore consecratur Grata sibi Legia,

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Example 5.2. Letabunda laus beato (NL-HEESWab 19, fols. 158r–59r)

5a. In qua concessa celitus Lambertus martyr inclytus Ostendit miracula. 5b. Cujus suffulti precibus Jungamur celi civibus Felices per secula. 6a. Amen dicat chorus iste, Semper psallat tibi, Christe, Jocundus in patria. 6b. Amen dicat plebs devota Et collaudet mente tota Tanti patris merita. Amen.]143

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That Lambert is murdered while praying, specifically before the altar, emphasizes the sacrificial and eucharistic aspects of his death introduced by Canon Nicholas (discussed in chapter 2) and illustrated in the third niche of the bust. Following an explicit depiction of the civic benefits of Lambert’s martyrial blood, by which Liège is consecrated, the sequence concludes by evoking the clerical chorus and the devout populace praising Lambert’s merits. Similarly, at least four other chants from Saint Lambert’s Office sung on the feast of the Translation emphasize Lambert’s idealized priestly conduct.144 The Responsory Sacerdos Dei, for example, matches the second scene at the base of the bust—to which the donor figure prays—detailing Lambert’s penitence at the abbey cross: The most gentle priest of God burned inwardly with the flame of the Spirit, the Paraclete, so that outwardly he braved the torments of the bitter cold. Heaven lay open to his prayers, and his prayer reached the ears of the Most High. [Sacerdos Dei mitissimus Ardebat plane interius Flamma paraclyti spiritus. Iccirco exterius frigoris Contempsit cruciatus. V. Caelum ejus patuit precibus, Et oratio ad supernos pervenit auditus.]145

As we will recall from chapter 2, this chant—which was sung in previous centuries during the processional display of Lambert’s relics by the city’s craft guilds—evokes vividly the inner blaze of Lambert’s fervor warming him from the outer cold. Two other responsories acclaim Lambert in his priestly persona, as the “the priest most beloved to the everlasting king” (aeterno regi sacerdos dilectissimus) in Gloriosus martyr Lambertus, and as “the precious priest of the Lord” who rejoices with the apostles, prophets, martyrs, and confessors and receives the palm of perennial glory as well as the stole of eternal joy in Pretiosus Domini sacerdos Lambertus. To these chants we may add Laetare et lauda, which hails Lambert not only as a priest, but explicitly as a “lover of chastity” and “defender of truth.” By summoning so outspokenly Lambert’s exemplary morals, music and image alike may thus have served to legitimize Bishop Erard’s disciplinary actions—lending saintly advocacy to his cause—and to exhort the assembled clergy, especially its concubinary priests and canons, to moral rectitude. By the time that Erard de la Marck endowed the revitalized, lifelike image of the diocesan patron’s relics with public processional display, the feast of Saint

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Lambert’s Translation not only celebrated the city’s sacred origins but promoted an equally idealized image of the clerical community and the very bishop overseeing its renewal. Inspired by the personal interests of a Burgundian lieutenant, the relic of Lambert’s cranium increasingly became the focal point of this feast. As the relic assumed the personalized features of a bust, through the joint efforts of individual clerical, papal, and episcopal sponsors, the accompanying rituals similarly emphasized personal conduct alongside communal well-being. While the nude ostension of 1489 sought to summon local unity in the midst of rampant anarchy through the crude remnants of the saint’s skull, the processional display of Saint Lambert’s lifelike features decorating the reliquary bust and commemorative rituals preceding its civic perambulation paid tribute to Lambert’s devout successor and the exemplary forms of clerical behavior he sought to promote. *

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By tracing the evolution of the feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation through the later Middle Ages into the early decades of the sixteenth century, we can appreciate how closely this feast reflected changing practices in the veneration and viewing of Saint Lambert’s relics. From the mid-twelfth century onward, the feast came to emphasize the many forms of Saint Lambert’s protection: generating military might on the battlefield, providing fortification to the civic populace facing external threats, and lending spiritual oversight to individual devotees such as Erard de la Marck. These votive and visual changes were amplified by extraordinary performances of two chants proper to Saint Lambert’s Office. In 1141, soldiers had invoked Lambert’s fearlessness and humility by singing Fortis in adversis as they carried the saint’s body to Bouillon. In 1489, cantor Henry of Palude praised Lambert’s civic identity by intoning Laetare et lauda as the city’s clergy and pious laity beheld the martyr’s nude skull. By 1512, Bishop Erard de la Marck beseeched the priestly martyr to intercede on his behalf by paraphrasing Laetare et lauda in his silent prayer on Lambert’s lifelike bust. If the core musical components of the rituals conceived to enhance Lambert’s relics preserved a sense of continuity with the past, ceremonial accretions or borrowings from other contexts—such as the singing of the penitential psalms for personal salvation—revitalized the ritual itself by emphasizing a specific dimension of the feast’s symbolism or infusing it with new meaning. Thus, while the Translation instituted in the twelfth century commemorated Lambert’s ability to inspire the militia to be better fighters, by the sixteenth century it urged clerics to be better priests. By recognizing the symbiotic relationship between relics and their rituals, we can thus better understand how the ancient remains of this long-dead “defender of the patria” could retain a living presence in the city, and among the individuals, seeking to benefit from his guardianship.

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Conclusion Hearing Civic Sanctity We will conclude our study of the civic sanctification of medieval Liège in the way we began—by listening to Laetare et lauda. In many ways, this plainchant antiphon constitutes the liturgical equivalent of a theme song, repeatedly voicing a familiar idea and melody at different times, in different contexts, and by different means. Laetare et lauda gave musical voice to the ideal of civic merit first infused into Saint Lambert’s vita by Sigebert of Gembloux, the late eleventh-century monk who wrote for prominent members of the episcopal entourage at precisely the time that the bishop and his all-powerful cathedral chapter sought to assert their supremacy throughout the diocese. Hailing both Liège and Lambert with anaphoric poetry and recurring melodic motives, this chant audibly conflates the city’s identity with that of its saint. Through its verbal ties to Canon Nicholas’s twelfth-century embellishments to Saint Lambert’s life and legend, the chant may have equally recalled the renewal of Lambert’s cult in the city “crowned” by his triumphant reappropriation of church property at the Battle of Bouillon. Additionally, the antiphon addressed clerical concerns for the legitimacy of Lambert’s lofty martyrial status by invoking the priestly martyr as a “lover of chastity,” alluding to Lambert’s disapproval of adultery— the legendary cause of his martyrdom. By singing Laetare et lauda, local clerics could thus celebrate both the preeminence of their city over other urban communities and the prestige of their episcopal martyr over other bishops. Yet this communal expression of saintly–civic pride would acquire a more tangible and individualized association in later eras. When cantor Henry of Palude intoned Laetare et lauda in 1489, the entire clerical community renewed its faith in the merits of the recently destroyed city by beholding the crude features of Lambert’s nude skull. Inspired by this vivid relic display, the chant text would become permanently associated with Saint Lambert’s reliquary bust in the early sixteenth century. Just as the bust visualized the individual features of Lambert’s face, the inscription accompanying the image of its most enthusiastic donor, Bishop Erard de la Marck, transformed the chant’s communal plea into a personal prayer. While the singers performing this chant continued to praise Liège as a worthy civic counterpart to its saintly martyr, the donor’s silent prayer summoned Lambert’s lasting oversight of his personal well-being and the clerical

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conclusion 203 reforms he undertook. The coexistence of these media testifies to the broader malleability of a chant rife with local significance. If in earlier eras the antiphon celebrated the external preeminence of the city and saint over other communities of the diocese, in the decades following the city’s destruction it became increasingly relevant to internal welfare. By hearing the changing meaning of Laetare et lauda, we recognize how music of the local rite might simultaneously echo ideals rooted in the city’s past and voice the pressing needs of the present. While Laetare et lauda was the only plainchant to acclaim Legia so explicitly in her saintly persona, other music invoked Liège alongside saints of local importance. A variety of chants—antiphons, hymns, and sequences—summon the city to rejoice for its founding bishops. Echoing the laudatory rhetoric of civic panegyric, the exclamatory appeals of the Hymn Gaudeat prole Gallia and Sequence Urbs Legia equate the city’s joy to the holy merits of Saint Theodard, while the Antiphon Plebs fidelis jocundetur perpetuates the fiction of Saint Hubert’s enduring civic presence by urging the faithful of Liège to venerate his corporal remains. Furthermore, Liège itself is consecrated by Saint Lambert’s martyrial blood in the Sequence Letabunda laus beato. These shared civic references underscore the interrelation of the three bishops’ cults. Yet Liège could also be lauded for the widely revered titular patrons of its numerous churches. Undoubtedly the most sonorous depiction of the city’s sacred landscape survives in Johannes Brassart’s motet Fortis cum quevis actio praying for Legia to be morally renewed through the veneration of the titular patrons of its cathedral (the Virgin Mary) and collegiate church (Saint John the Evangelist). Through these varied musical appeals, Liège could be praised for the multifarious benefits bestowed by its saintly founders and protectors. These monophonic and polyphonic acclamations represent the most audible vestiges of the myriad ways in which local clerics promoted Liège as an exceptional city. Verbal similarities link these musical texts to other media— most notably votive poetry, hagiographic literature, and emblematic inscription. As early as the tenth century, Legia figured prominently in the Versus in laude beati Landberti praising Liège as the earthly equivalent to God’s Paradise. Possibly inspired by the laudatory language of this poem, Sigebert’s late eleventh-century embellishments to the lives of the city’s two martyred bishops hail Liège not only as a privileged place, but specifically as a preeminent cathedral city, while Canon Nicholas’s twelfth-century descriptions of the city’s history invest this favored site with an earlier episcopal and martyrial lineage. By name alone, Liège might be understood to be a “city bound by divine Law” through the complex etymological interpretations of the Vita Notgeri. Yet the most striking verbal appeal to the city’s saintly persona survives on the city seal, inscribed with the legend “Saintly Liège, by the Grace of God, Daughter of the Church of Rome” (Sancta Legia Dei gratia Romane ecclesie filia), attributed to Saint Hubert. In the resonant and performative medium of music, all of these civic images might converge with the utterance of a single name—Legia.

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The clerical singers giving voice to this name would surely have recognized the complex web of saintly–civic associations that it evoked. These clergymen at once cultivated an intimate understanding of the local rite through the rigors of daily liturgical performance and experienced firsthand the intricacies of interinstitutional alliance and division as they circulated between the city’s numerous secular chapters. Henry of Palude, for instance, held canonicates at three collegiate churches (Saint Paul, Saint Denis, and Saint Martin) prior to acquiring the dignity of cantor at the cathedral where he oversaw the entire vocal ensemble and acted as master of ceremonies in the choir. Individuals such as Henry were well-positioned to grasp both the broader concerns of the secular clergy and the inner workings of the liturgy. For Henry, the association of saint with city must have been especially tangible, having physically inspected Saint Lambert’s cranium just days before he would serenade this same relic with the civic acclamation, “Rejoice and praise God, Liège!” It may be no coincidence, therefore, that this cantor nurtured such a special devotion to Saint Lambert, resulting in both artistic and polyphonic accretions to his cult. Yet it was an earlier musician who left the most striking mark on local votive and musical practices through his polyphonic tribute to the biblical scene within the civic topography. As a singer at the collegiate church of Saint John and choirmaster at the cathedral, Johannes Brassart was ideally situated to summon his fellow “choristers” to give polyphonic voice to the clerical ideal of mutual custody and guardianship uniting these institutions. Musicians serving the churches that defined the city’s unique social structure and physical space thus amplified both the reality of existing clerical networks and the ideal of clerical concord through the harmonious sound of their singing. We can now recognize medieval Liège as a prime place in which to discern the sound of civic sanctity. In a city whose origins, intellectual renown, artistic flourishing, and ongoing vitality hinged on clerical initiatives, the activity central to the clergy’s existence—the chanting of Mass and Office—became the prime medium in which to fuse the city’s identity with that of its saints. As voiced by bishops, canons, monks, and priests, Liège owed its civic progress specifically to the idealized attributes, deeds, and oversight of its episcopal martyrs. Thus, civic worth was rooted in saintly merit—a civic–saintly symbiosis that might receive divine approval as it was celebrated and sung in the liégeois rite. Through the rhythm of religious observance, musical utterances of Legia intermingled in the extraordinary ceremonies, annual feasts, interclerical reunions, and votive rituals that gave the church calendar its local color. While the singers vocalizing this name could not escape the harsh realities of the city’s volatile social climate and turbulent political history, the cumulative effect of these performances generated an alluring alternative. By acclaiming Legia as a locus of moral renewal, as the site endowed with the enduring corporal protection of its episcopal founder, and above all as a worthy counterpart to its heavenly martyrs, singers sonically transformed Liège into the idealized clerical community for which it was renowned—a paradise of priests.

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Appendix Service Books Preserving the Medieval Chant Repertory Sung in the City of Liège B-Br 14650-59 Lectionary for the Cathedral of Liège (tenth century) B-Br 11971-11972 Ordinal for the Cathedral of Liège (fifteenth century) B-Br IV 112 Processional for the collegiate church of Saint-Peter, Liège (late fourteenth century–early fifteenth century) B-Br 6433 Antiphonal (temporale and hymnal) for an unidentified Franciscan community, diocese of Liège (sixteenth century). Includes hymns for Saints Lambert, Maternus, and Hubert. B-Br 6434 Antiphonal (sanctorale) for an unidentified Franciscan community, diocese of Liège (sixteenth century). Includes the First and Second Vespers chants for the offices of Saints Theodard, Lambert, and Hubert. B-Br 9598-606 Processional and collection of saints’ lives and other documents copied at the Abbey of Saint-Lawrence, Liège (1527–28). Includes instructions for the procession on the Translation of Saint Lambert instituted by Bishop Erard de la Marck (1526). B-Br II 4384 Printed processional, entitled “Le Prestre Processionaire Reformé” (1701) B-Lgc H118/87, formerly at the Musée d’Art Religieux et d’Art Mosan Summer antiphonal for the collegiate church of Holy-Cross, Liège (ca. 1333–34) B-Lgc H118/87 (GC.REL.25c.1987.34050), formerly at the Musée d’Art Religieux et d’Art Mosan Gradual for the collegiate church of Holy-Cross, Liège (fourteenth century) B-Ls 32 A 8 Gradual for the collegiate church of Saint-Paul, Liège (fourteenth century) B-Lsc 1 Winter antiphonal for the collegiate church of Holy-Cross, Liège (ca. 1333– 34)

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B-Lsc 2 Summer antiphonal for the collegiate church of Holy-Cross, Liège (ca. 1333– 34) B-Lu Inc. XV.C.45 Printed summer breviary for the Cathedral of Liège (1492) B-Lu XVe s C227 Printed ordinal for the Cathedral of Liège (1492) B-Lu Inc. XV.A.46 Printed missal for the Cathedral of Liège (1499) B-Lu Res 1310 A Printed breviary for the Cathedral of Liège (1509–11) B-Lu Res 143 A Printed missal for the Cathedral of Liège (1509) B-Lu 5084 B Printed ordinal for the Cathedral of Liège (1521) B-Lu 2686A Printed processional for the Cathedral of Liège (1634) CDN-Hsmu M2149.L4 1554 Antiphonal for the Abbey of Salzinnes, diocese of Liège (1554–55). Includes the Vespers and Lauds chants for the office of Saint Hubert. D-DS 394 Breviary for the Cathedral of Liège (ca. 1320) NL-DHk 68 A 1 Antiphonal for the Gregoriushuis in ’s-Hertogenbosch, diocese of Liège (ca. 1520). Includes the First and Second Vespers chants for the offices of Saints Theodard, Lambert, and Hubert. NL-DHk 71 A 4 Gradual for an unspecified community (probably the Beghards or Tertiaries) in Maastricht, diocese of Liège (ca. 1500). Includes sequences for Saints Theodard and Lambert. NL-HEESWab 19 Gradual for the Groot Gasthuis in ’s-Hertogenbosch, diocese of Liège (fifteenth century–sixteenth century). Includes sequences for Saints Theodard, Lambert (including the Translation and Triumph), and Maternus. US-Cn Inc. 9344.5 Printed breviary for the Cathedral of Liège (1484)

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Notes Introduction 1. Bishop Stephen’s role as composer or liturgical compiler of the Office of Saint Lambert is discussed by Auda, Etienne de Liège, 151; and by Jonsson, Historia, 118, 127–28. For recent references to the musical expertise of Heriger of Lobbes and Lambert of Saint Lawrence, see Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 94–95; and Lantbert von Deutz, 9–10, 38–39, 46–47, 104. Sigebert’s complete works, including his liturgical compositions, are documented by Licht, Untersuchungen zum biographischen Werk. All four of these “composers” are referenced by Kelly, “Medieval Composers of Liturgical Chant.” 2. Research on the Office of Saint Lambert includes the following: Auda, Etienne de Liége; Corswarem, “Les développements de la liturgie”; Jonsson, Historia; Björkvall and Haug, “Performing Latin Verse”; and Saucier, “Sweet Sound of Sanctity.” 3. Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 34. 4. For an overview of the medieval sources, see Kupper, “Saint Lambert.” 5. For recent scholarship on Sigebert of Gembloux and Canon Nicholas, see Schmidt-Chazan, “Sigebert de Gembloux”; Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle; Licht, Untersuchungen zum biographischen Werk; Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert”; Adam, “La Vita Landiberti Leodiensis”; and Adam,“Saint Lambert et la dévotion moderne.” 6. Flanders and the bishopric of Liège were among the most urbanized areas in northwest Europe until the mid-twelfth century and possibly as late as 1500. See Verhulst, Rise of Cities, x; Van Uytven, “Belgium,” 110; and Stabel, Dwarfs Among Giants. 7. Numerous liégeois scholars reference this proverb. For a history of its various forms, see Dejardin, Dictionnaire des spots, 2:17; and Hassell, “The Proverb in Bonaventure,” 37–38. For a recent analysis from a musicological perspective, see Corswarem, “De la ville à l’église,” 28. 8. Crespin, Histoire des martyrs, 3:261: “La cité du Liege, prouerbialement appelee Le paradis des Prestres, à raison des riches eglises collegiales, monasteres & conuents compris en son enclos, auoit esté iadis abreuuee du sang de quelques Martyrs.” Following its initial publication, Crespin’s martyrology was reissued in more than fifteen editions until as late as 1619. 9. Early modern references to the proverb are found in Guicciardini, Descrittione; and Browne, A Brief Account of Some Travels. For biographical information on Guicciardini, see Guicciardini Belgique 1567, 5–12. For a discussion of the travel literature by Browne, see Nivette, “Un voyageur anglais.” 10. See also the following alternate translations in Petrarch, Letters, 24: “I saw other peoples of Flanders and Brabant, wool-workers and weavers. I saw Liége, an

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important ecclesiastical center”; and in Petrarch, Rerum familiarium, 26: “I also saw the wool spinners and weavers of Flanders and of Brabant. I saw Liège, famous for its clergy.” During his visit to Liège in 1333, Petrarch discovered Cicero’s Pro Archia poeta. See Monchamp, “Pétrarque et le pays liégeois”; and Hoyoux, “Pétrarque à Liège.” 11. Petrarch, Le Familiari, 1:51. 12. A legend prevalent throughout the Middle Ages—largely corroborated by archaeological findings—places the actual site of Bishop Lambert’s martyrdom in close proximity to the saint’s crypt beneath the western choir of the cathedral dedicated to his name. See Werner, Der Lütticher Raum, 301; and Kupper, “Archéologie et histoire,” 379–81. The most recent archaeological excavations of this site are reported in Otte, Les fouilles de la place Saint-Lambert; Henrard, “Place Saint-Lambert à Liège”; and Henrard, Van der Sloot, and Léotard, “La villa de la place SaintLambert,” 159–74. Liège is the only diocese in Lotharingia in which the cathedral is dedicated to a local bishop. See Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 205. 13. The displacement of an episcopal seat between three different locations was rare in medieval Europe. See Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 22–23. 14. The majority of these ecclesiastical institutions were founded between the tenth and thirteenth centuries. See Lejeune, Liège et son pays, 211–12; and Kupper, “Portrait d’une cité,” 87–88. The following monastic communities were located within the city walls or in the surrounding suburbs: two Benedictine abbeys (Saint Lawrence and Saint James), an abbey of canons regular (Saint Giles), one Cistercian monastery (at Val Saint Lambert), and two Cistercian convents (at Robertmont and Val Benoît), Premonstratentians (at Beaurepart), Scholari (in the Outremeuse), the Friars Minor (to the north of the market), Dominicans, Carmelites, Crosiers (on the island), Gulielmites (in Avroy), and the Carthusians (on Mont Cornillon). 15. Philippe de Commynes, Mémoires, 1:153: “Car j’ay ouy dire a monsr de Humbercourt, qui congnoissoit bien la cité, qu’i s’i disoit autant de messes par jour comme a Rome.” 16. The principal musicological studies of the medieval city of Liège include Auda’s classic work, La musique et les musiciens de l’ancien pays de Liège, numerous publications by the late Quitin, and most recently Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians.” 17. These numbers are given in accounting records for the chapters of Saint Maternus (in 1488) and Saint Giles (in 1486 and 1489) as well as payments to the choirmaster with his assistants and the choirboys (for 1488). See the following archival documents: AEL Cathédrale, SM 99, PT 34, and CG 46. 18. The collegiate churches of Saint Donation and Our Lady in Bruges both enjoyed Burgundian patronage, as discussed by Strohm in Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 23–25, 48–49, 94–97. Ducal patronage at the collegiate church of Saint Gudula and other religious establishments in Brussels is studied by Haggh, “Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony in Brussels” 171–75, 349–52, 370–76, 379–82. 19. The notion of the prelate as military leader and even prince was a widespread concept throughout medieval Europe, as discussed by Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut and Reims, 57–58, 209–12. In bishoprics such as Liège located within the German Empire, however, the title of bishop-prince was not merely an honorary epithet but reflected the real duality of the prelate’s office, as spiritual and secular

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notes to pp. 5–6 209 lord of his diocese and principality. On the formation of the epsicopal principality during Bishop Notger’s tenure (972–1008) see Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 421–25; and Kupper, “Aux lisières de l’empire.” 20. Kupper, “Aux origines de la cité,” 331. Kupper notes that the “perron” is first referenced in ca. 1150. 21. While liégeois cloth could be found at international markets in Genoa, Sienna, Venice, Cologne, Champagne, and England in the thirteenth century, the success of the cloth industry was short-lived. By the fourteenth century, Liège could not compete with cities in Brabant and Flanders, and its cloth disappeared from the international market. See Vercauteren, Luttes sociales à Liège, 31; and Kupper, “Portrait d’une cité,” 77–78, 99. Kupper speculates that Liège failed to develop a competitive industry oriented toward commercial exportation due to the presence of the clergy. 22. Clerical stimulus to the local economy surely resulted from the fact that the cathedral, collegiate churches, and certain abbeys owned much of the land exploited for coal mining and wine production in addition to vast domains in the fertile regions of the Hesbaye and around the Meuse and Sambre rivers providing a ready supply of agricultural products. See Chaineux, Culture de la vigne, 21–41, 51–54; Deckers, “Le domaine de la collégiale Saint-Jean”; Kupper, “Portrait d’une cité,” 78–79, 81; and Ghiot and Wilkin, “La formation du domaine.” 23. James of Hemricourt, Le patron de la temporalité, 59: “Encors avons, de la dicte clergie, aultres sorcours, car nous avons leurs bonnes predications et vivons, por la plus grande partie, de leurs bleis et grandes possessions revenantes en la dicte citeit, dont ly common peuple est craissement sourtenus, et dont les almoines karitaubles sont espandues aux povres souffraiteur, sens nombres, ens pluseurs liies.” Through his various duties as transcriber, secretary to the civic échevins, notary public, and bourgomaster, Hemricourt had ready access to a wide variety of administrative documents, which he references in his historical writings. See Balau, Les sources de l’histoire, 546–49. 24. Philippe de Commynes, Memoirs of Philippe de Commynes, 1:192. 25. Ibid., 157–58. See also Kupper, “Portrait d’une cité,” 99–100. 26. For various interpretations of the political power struggles that perpetually plagued the liégeois region, see the following: Lejeune, Liège et son pays; Harsin, Etudes critiques sur l’histoire; Harsin, “Liège entre France et Bourgogne,” 193–256; Gaier, Grandes batailles; Werner, Der Lütticher Raum; Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale; Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians; Dierkens, “La Christianisation de campagnes”; Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms; Wood, “Genealogy Defined by Women”; Fouracre and Gerberding, Late Merovingian France; Marchandisse, La fonction épiscopale; Marchandisse, “Entre défiance et amitié”; and Tada, “Creation of a Religious Centre.” 27. Scholarship on the offices attributed to Bishop Stephen includes the following: Auda, Etienne de Liége; Cabrol, “Le culte de la Trinité”; Jonsson, Historia; Björkvall and Haug, “Text und Musik im Trinitätsoffizium”; and Björkvall and Haug, “Performing Latin Verse.” 28. For scholarship on Lambert le Bègue and the liégeois Beguines, see the following: McDonnell, The Beguines and Beghards in Medieval Culture; Oliver, “The ‘Lambert-le-Bègue’ Psalters”; Goossens, De kwestie Lambertus “li Beges”; Cottiaux, “Le

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diocèse de Saint Lambert”; Cottiaux, “La Fête-Dieu”; and Simons, Cities of Ladies. For a recent study of music in the beguinages of the Low Countries, see Mannaerts, Beghinae in cantu instructae. 29. Recent studies of the holy women of Liège and the surrounding region include the following: Cottiaux and Delville, “La Fête-Dieu”; Dor, Johnson, and Wogan-Browne, New Trends in Feminine Spirituality; Delville, “Julienne de Cornillon”; Mulder-Bakker, Lives of the Anchoresses; Mulder-Bakker, Living Saints of the Thirteenth Century; Walters, “Church-Sect Dynamics”; Walters, “O verge de droiture”; Walters, Corrigan, and Ricketts, The Feast of Corpus Christi; and Lauwers, “Les femmes et l’eucharistie.” 30. For scholarship on extant music manuscripts from the medieval city of Liège, see Auda,“Motets Wallons”; Frisque, “Les manuscrits liturgiques”; and Oliver, “L’héritage de Philippe Bruni.” For new research on the biography and theoretical treatise of Jacques de Liège, see Desmond, “New Light on Jacobus”; Desmond, “Behind the Mirror”; and Bent, “Jacobus de Ispania?” Studies of medieval musical sources from the surrounding region are more numerous. See, for example, Bain and Dietz, “Family Ties and the Salzinnes Antiphonal”; Haggh, “Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony in Brussels”; Haggh “Musique et rituel à l’abbaye Saint-Bavon”; Haggh, Daelmans, and Vanrie, Musicology and Archival Research; Huglo, Les manuscrits du processional; Huglo, “Les séquences de Münsterbilsen”; Huglo, Les tonaires; Kügle, “Two Abbots and a Rotulus”; Long, “La musique et la liturgie de la Confrérie des Notaires à la cathedrale de Tournai”; Loos, “Attributions and Re-attributions”; Loos, “Saints in Brabant”; Loos and Van Aelst, Patronen ontrafeld; Mannaerts, “A Collegiate Church on the Divide”; Mannaerts and Schreurs, Cantus Tungrensis; McGrade, “Affirmations of Royalty”; Rice, Music and Ritual at Charlemagne’s Marienkirche in Aachen; Schreurs, “Het muziekleven in de Onze-Lieve-Vrouwekerk van Tongeren”; and Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges. For additional publications by these scholars, see the bibliography. 31. The most important studies of the liégeois activities of Ciconia and Brassart include the following: Bent, “Ciconia’s Dedicatee, Bologna Q15, Brassart, and the Council of Basel”; Bent, Introduction to The Works of Johannes Ciconia; Clercx, “Jean Brassart et le début de sa carrière”; Clercx, Johannes Ciconia; Di Bacco and Nadas, “Verso uno ‘stile internazionale’ della musica”; Fallows, “Ciconia padre e figlio”; Mixter, “Johannes Brassart: A Biographical and Bibliographical Study”; Quitin, “Notes sur Johannes Brassart de Lude”; Schreurs, “Music at the Collegiate Church of Tongeren”; Starr, “Letter to the Editors”; Vendrix, “Johannes Ciconia”; and Wright, “Johannes Brassart and Johannes de Sarto.” Studies of the activities of other local musicians include Auda, La musique et les musiciens; Droz, “Musiciens liégeois du XVe siècle”; Hutchins, “Polyphonic Mass Music”; Quitin, “A propos de Jean-François de Gembloux”; Quitin, “La musique dans les églises urbaines”; Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians”; and Schreurs, “Music at the Collegiate Church of Tongeren.” Studies of the patronage of musicians in the surrounding region include Bouckaert, La cathédrale Saint-Bavon de Gand; Bouckaert and Schreurs, Stemmen in het kappitel; Haggh, “Foundations or Institutions?”; Haggh, “Singers and Scribes in the Secular Churches of Brussels”; Rice, “Choirboys, Memorial Endowments, and Education”; Schreurs, “Het muziekleven in de

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notes to pp. 6–8 211 Onze-Lieve-Vrouwekerk van Tongeren”; and Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges. For additional publications by these scholars, see the bibliography. 32. See, for example, Brown, The Cult of the Saints, 3–5, 86–105; Vauchez, La sainteté en occident, 19–20; Weinstein and Bell, Saints and Society, 166–93; and Heffernan, Sacred Biography, 18–19. 33. On the subject of martyrs and local identity, see Loades, Introduction to Martyrs and Martyrologies, xvii: “If martyrs did not exist, it might be necessary to invent them in order to give the Church in that particular place a boost to its morale or an intensified sense of identity.” 34. See Smith, To Take Place; MacCormack, “Loca Sancta”; Markus, “How on Earth Could Places Become Holy?”; Smith, “Aedificatio sancti loci”; and Hamilton and Spicer, “Defining the Holy.” The anthropological principle that ritual sacralizes place is inspired by Durkheim, Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse; and Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane. 35. MacCormack, “Loca Sancta,” 17. 36. This canonistic saying is quoted by Bossuyt, “The Liturgical Use of Space,” 192. 37. Smith, To Take Place, 103. 38. Several scholars have explored the broader cultural and discursive aspects of medieval liturgical practice. See Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship; Flanigan, Ashley, and Sheingorn, “Liturgy as Social Performance”; and Boynton, Shaping a Monastic Identity. 39. For a recent case study of the interplay of liturgy and history in the expression of a corporate identity, see Boyton, Shaping a Monastic Identity. 40. See Geary, Furta Sacra; Geary, Living with the Dead; Heffernan, Sacred Biography; Head, Hagiography and the Cult of Saints; Lifshitz, “Beyond Positivism and Genre”; Bullough, “Hagiography as Patriotism”; and Ashton, Generation of Identity. 41. See Geary, Furta Sacra, 9: “The values of hagiography mirrored, as a reality or as an ideal, the consensus of the community in which and for which the text was written.” In discussing the varied purposes of hagiographic writing, Lifshitz notes that saints’ lives could be used to promote the independence of a community or institution. See Lifshitz, “Beyond Positivism and Genre,” 97. 42. Zimmern emphasizes the versatility of hagiographic writing in “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 250–51. 43. One of the most influential musicological studies of a late medieval urban center in the Low Countries is Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges. For more recent discussions of the musical aspects of interinstitutional relations within medieval and Renaissance cities see, among others: D’Accone, The Civic Muse; Burgess and Wathey, “Mapping the Soundscape”; Kisby, Music and Musicians in Renaissance Cities and Towns; Borsay, “Sounding the Town,” 83–91; and Kendrick, Sounds of Milan. 44. In a recent musicological study of English parishes, for example, Caroline Barron has observed, “the flexible urban workforce of skilled musicians not only homogenized musical performance in towns but also carried new liturgical practices and devotions from one parish to another.” See Barron, “Church Music in English Towns 1450–1550,” 86.

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45. My research has been inspired by the following scholarship on civic destruction: Boone, “Destroying and Reconstructing the City”; and Marchandisse, Vrancken-Pirson, and Kupper, “La destruction de la ville de Liège.” 46. Burgundian devotion to Saint Lambert is documented by Van der Velden in The Donor’s Image. 47. For analysis of the cultural significance of relics and reliquaries, see Snoek, Medieval Piety from Relics to the Eucharist; Montgomery, “The Use and Perception of Reliquary Busts”; and Bozóky and Helvétius, Les reliques. 48. For recent scholarship that embraces a broader understanding of the medieval city, moving beyond political and economic concerns to explore aspects of representation and perception, social networks, religion, and space, see Prevenier and Boone, “Les villes des Pays-Bas”; Lilley, City and Cosmos; Goodson, Lester, and Symes, Cities, Texts and Social Networks; and Brown, Civic Ceremony and Religion.

Chapter One 1. Chapeaville’s preface to his Gesta pontificum (1612), including this excerpt, is edited in Hoven, Jean Chapeaville, 88–91: “Alterum me in hanc adduxit sententiam, nunquam a nobis satis celebratus martyris huiusce, patroni nostri, honos, qui hoc in loco, Leodio inquam, humili et ignobili quondam uico, sanguinem suum pro ueritate et iustitia fudit . . . sed tantam benedictionem et claritatem ut uicus ille exiguus et ferarum magis quam hominum habitationi idoneus, mox in urbem summis uicinarum omnium prouinciarum aequiparandam, excreuerit; in qua singulari eius beneficio patrocinioque non tantum degimus, sed supra meritum huc usque, caeteris undequaque urbibus turbatis, pacifice quieteque uiuimus, et quod summum est, in fide religioneque catholica, quam is hic uiuens et moriens plantauit.” 2. Avitus of Vienne, Holimia III, 295D: “Generali exsultatione gaudendum est, quod florentibus sceptris catholicae potestatis, orationum loca, martyrum templa, liminum sacra, ornantur oppida non minus aedibus quam patronis: imo potius, illustratae patrociniis fiunt urbes ex oppidis.” Translated by Wood, “Audience of Architecture,” 78. 3. Thacker, “Loca Sanctorum,” 25. 4. John Chrysostom, Laudatio martyrum Aegyptiorum, 211. 5. John Chrysostom, Laudatio martyrum Aegyptiorum, quoted in Holum and Vikan, “The Trier Ivory,” 116. 6. Prudentius, Peristephanon I, 2:98–99, 106–7: “hic locus dignus tenendis ossibus visus Deo, / qui beatorum pudicus esset hospes corporum. / hic calentes hausit undas caede tinctus duplici, / inlitas cruore sancto nunc harens incolae / confrequentant obsecrantes voce, votis, munere. / . . . nemo puras hic rogando frustra congessit preces; / laetus hinc tersis revertit supplicator fletibus / omne quod iustum poposcit inpetratum sentiens. / . . . hoc bonum Salvator ipse, quo fruamur, praestitit, / martyrum cum membra nostro consecravit oppido, / sospitant quae nunc colonos quos Hiberus alluit.” 7. Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 197.

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notes to pp. 13–17 213 8. Vita Notgeri, 11: “Monasterium beati Lamberti patroni nostri, cujus vita venerabilis, mors preciosa, qui causa et pena martyr in sanguine suo locum civitatis nostre cultui divino consecravit, longe in melius quam fuerat immutavit.” 9. Quoted in Kurth, La cité de Liège, 2:306: “Liège sainte, fécondée par le sang de ton patron, tu es l’élue de Dieu; ton clergé est comme une fleur brillante; ton people a un coeur de lion. Monts et bois, sources, bon air, champs fertiles, fleuves, prés, vignes en abondance, feu de houille, mines de plomb et de fer, voilà tes ornements et tes titres de gloire, qui te font l’égale des plus grandes villes du monde.” 10. The translation of Theodard’s relics to Liège may have been mere hagiographic invention. See Theuws, “Maastricht as a Centre of Power,” 173n45. Theuws believes it is inconceivable that Lambert would have transferred his predecessor’s relics to a place that was not yet a major cult site. 11. Vita prima sancti Lamberti, 580A. This passage is discussed by Baix,“Saint Hubert” (1927–28), 123. Versions of this tale are also transmitted in the tenth-century Carmen de sancto Landberto, Canon Anselm’s mid-eleventh century Gesta pontificum, and Sigebert’s two vitae for Saint Lambert discussed below. 12. Brian Brennan discusses the expectation that a bishop promote the veneration of his predecessor’s relics and the hagiographic tradition of dream visions to legitimize a new or existing cult. See Brennan, “The Image of the Merovingian Bishop,” 126. 13. The eighth-century Vita prima of Saint Lambert references Theodard as Lambert’s predecessor, but omits the event of Theodard’s martyrdom and the translation of his relics. These details appear for the first time in the Acta inedita of Saint Theodard. The Acta has been dated to the tenth century due to the style of the Latin, and the fact that it quotes a line from the tenth-century Carmen de sancto Landberto: “Sic animum claris caelorum reddidit astris.” See Balau, Les sources de l’histoire, 144–46; and Van der Essen, Etude critique, 137–40. Webb proposes a dating of ca. 1000 in “Cathedrals of Words,” 35. 14. Acta inedita, 591E–F. 15. Ibid., 592A. 16. Ibid., 592A–B. 17. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 42. 18. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 43; translated by Barbara Newman. 19. My thanks to Barbara Newman for this insight. 20. The lexical distinction between villa and urbs is significant. Villa designates a variety of smaller settlements (an estate, a large country or royal residence, a village, or sometimes a town) while urbs signifies a city (usually a major or episcopal city, often used as a variant of civitas). Liège is referenced as a vicus, vicus publicus, or villa publica in sources dating from the mid-eighth and ninth centuries. The term vicus suggests an agglomeration of some importance (a village, estate, or merchants’ settlement), while publicus acknowledges the “public” or “royal” status of this place, which was visited by the king and whose bishop was himself affiliated with the court. The term vicus publicus might also designate a nonepiscopal settlement with a parish church administering baptism. For definitions of these terms, see Niermeyer and Van de Kieft, Mediae Latinitatis lexicon minus, 2:1372–73, 1429–32, 1434–36; and Oxford Latin Dictionary, 2058, 2063, 2105. For a discussion of

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these terms as they apply to the early history of Liège, see Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 22–23; and Kupper, “Aux origines de la cité,” 327. 21. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita prior sancti Lamberti, 779A; and Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 807C: “Legia, quae illustrari meruit patroni sui martyrio, quamvis corpore ejus/ipsius se ad tempus doluerit viduatam esse, tamen miraculorum ejus immunis non fuit.” 22. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita prior sancti Lamberti, 779C; and Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 808A. 23. Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 198: “Hic cum ossibus beati Lamberti Leodium transtulit sedem episcopii, quae eatenus habebatur Traiecti.” 24. Several scholars allude to an ongoing rivalry between Maastricht and Liège. For recent examples, see Tekippe, “Procession, Piety, and Politics,” 56, 86–89; Hartog, Romanesque Sculpture in Maastricht, 145–46; and Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 230–31, 260–63. 25. Jocundus identifies himself as a priest and a foreigner, who is generally assumed to have originated from France, perhaps the region of Fleury-sur-Loire. It seems likely that he came to Maastricht to study or to teach. For a discussion of Jocundus’s biography and the dating of this vita, see Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 239–50. 26. Jocundus, Translatio sancti Servatii, 123: “Ex quo enim tempore pontificalis sedes consilio impiorum alio translata est.” See also Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 231–32. Haye identifies the biblical basis of this passage in Psalm 1 “Beatus vir qui non abiit in consilio impiorum” in “Un hériage Maastrichtois,” 233. 27. The melodies of the antiphons and responsories sung at Matins and Lauds have not survived. 28. Daris, “La liturgie,” 97. See table 2.2 for a list of the primary sources transmitting St Theodard’s Office (text and music). 29. Daris, “La liturgie,” 97. 30. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 43. 31. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita prior sancti Lamberti, 764A; and Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 786B (with suo instead of ipsius). Translated by Barbara Newman. 32. Canon Nicholas claimed that when Lambert honored the villa of Liège with Theodard’s tomb it was no more than an obscure or inglorious estate (ignobilis vicus), yet, by divine ordination and by the protective merits of Blessed Lambert, it became the head and preeminent residence of the entire region (totius hujus regionis caput, principatus domicilium). See Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 604E: “Relatum itaque tam sacratissimum pignus non sine magna exequiarum pompa sepelivit, ejusque tumulo honoravit villam Legiam, tunc quidem ignobilem vicum, nunc vero ordinatione divina & ipsius B. Lamberti patrocinantibus meritis, totius hujus regionis caput, principatus domicilium.” 33. Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 35–40. 34. Schmidt-Chazan, “Sigebert de Gembloux,” 25–27; and Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 40–41, 58. 35. Schmidt-Chazan, “Sigebert de Gembloux,” 27–30; and Chazan, “Erudition et conscience urbaine,” 441–42. 36. Schmidt-Chazan, “Sigebert de Gembloux,” 24, 30–32; and Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 60–105. For a discussion Sigebert’s complete works, see

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notes to pp. 22–27 215 Schumacher, “L’oeuvre de Sigebert de Gembloux”; and Licht, Untersuchungen zum biographischen Werk. 37. Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 101. 38. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita Deoderici, 716B–C. 39. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita Deoderici, 716C–D; translated by Barbara Newman. 40. Ibid., 719B. 41. Russell, “Panegyrists and Their Teachers,” 19–22. Aristotle’s tripartite classification is codified in On Rhetoric, book 1, chapter 3. 42. Quintilian, Institutio oratoria, 3.7.26, translated by Russell and Wilson in Menander Rhetor, xxiv. 43. Menander the Rhetor, “Division of Epideictic Speeches,” 3–5. 44. Ibid., 7–13. 45. Ibid., 33. 46. Ibid., 47, 55, 63–65. 47. Delehaye, Les passions des martyres, 137, 143–47. 48. Anne-Marie Palmer discusses Prudentius’s transitional position between the eras of pagan Rome and the Christian Roman Empire in Prudentius on the Martyrs, 1. Michael Roberts designates Fortunatus as a “poet of transition” in Humblest Sparrow, 3. Roberts also analyzes the fusion of civic and episcopal praise in the poetry of Fortunatus in “Description of Landscape,” 4–7. 49. Mahoney, Vergil in the Works of Prudentius. Palmer discusses the influence of Virgil on Prudentius’s patriotism in Palmer, Prudentius on the Martyrs, 123–24. 50. For a discussion of the relationship between the Versus de Verona and the Versus de Mediolano civitate, see Fasoli, “La coscienza civica,” 294–304; Picard, “Conscience urbaine et culte des saints”; Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, 29–31; and Hyde, “Medieval Descriptions of Cities,” 5–6. 51. Venantius Fortunatus, Ad Villicum, 138B; translated by George in Venantius Fortunatus, 1. 52. Paulinus II of Aquileia, L’oeuvre poétique de Paulin d’Aquilée, 160; translated by Vegvar and Ó Carragáin in the introduction to Roma Felix, 1. 53. Vegvar and Ó Carragáin in the introduction to Roma Felix, 1. 54. Versus de Verona, Versum de Mediolano Civitate, 146. 55. Picard, “Conscience urbaine et culte des saints,” 458. 56. Versus de Verona, Versum de Mediolano Civitate, 153; edited and translated by Godman in Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, 184–85. 57. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 43; translated by Barbara Newman. 58. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita prior sancti Lamberti, 780A; and Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 808C–9A (with juventutis instead of juventae, and an alternate conclusion: ut in terra merito et nomine magnificeris). Translated by Barbara Newman. 59. Like his late antique predecessors, Sigebert had at his disposal a wide range of classical and medieval models. See Chazan, “Erudition et conscience urbaine,” 442–44. It is possible that Sigebert consulted the Versus de Verona during his residency at the Abbey of Saint Vincent, the library of which may have acquired a copy of the poem in a manuscript brought to Metz from Verona by Bishop Theoderic himself. Sigebert may also have accessed this poem in the library at Lobbes, which

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owned a manuscript copy of the Versus de Verona purchased in Verona by the Lobbenese monk Rathier (also known as Ratherius of Verona, ca. 887–974), who inscribed in the margin his own poetic farewell to that city. A copy of the Versus de Verona (under the title Laudes Veronae) is documented in inventories of the Lobbes library. See Dolbeau, “Un nouveau catalogue,” 208. Sigebert did in fact consult a variety of sources, evident in the hagiographic texts he penned both in Metz, namely, the Passio sanctae Luciae, and at Gembloux, the Passio sanctorum Thebeorum. These vitae include references to numerous classical texts—most notably Cicero, Virgil, and Horace—alongside early Christian and medieval standards by Sedulius, Jerome, Augustine, Venantius Fortunatus, and Isidore of Seville. See Schumacher, “L’oeuvre de Sigebert de Gembloux,” 75–76, 98–103; and Schmidt-Chazan, “Sigebert de Gembloux,” 35–36. Similarly, the Vita sancti Theodardi includes at least one reference to Ovid’s Metamorphosis and another to Virgil’s Aeneid. See Schumacher, “L’oeuvre de Sigebert de Gembloux,” 39–40. 60. Aristotle, On Rhetoric, 82. 61. For a helpful explanation of the method of comparatio, as distinguished from exemplum and applied in both panegyric and hagiography, see Rapp, “Comparison, Paradigm and the Case of Moses,” 278–79. 62. Zanna, “Descriptiones urbium,” 595. 63. Quoted in Roberts, Humblest Sparrow, 50. 64. Virgil, Eclogue I, 1:26–27. Roberts identifies Fortunatus’s Virgilian model in Humblest Sparrow, 50. 65. Thacker, “Rome of the Martyrs,” 13, 15, 20. 66. Prudentius, Peristephanon IV, 2:160–61: “sola in occursum numerosiores / martyrum turbas Domino parasti, / sola praedives pietate multa / luce frueris. / vix parens orbis populosa Poeni, ipsa vix Roma in solio locata / te, decus nostrum, superare in isto / munere digna est.” Roberts discusses this comparison in Poetry and the Cult of the Martyrs, 36. 67. Versus de Verona, Versum de Mediolano Civitate, 146. 68. B-Br 14650–59, fol. 18r–v; and Versus in laude beati Landberti, 157–59. 69. Demarteau comments on the poetic style of this poem in Vie de Saint-Lambert, 40–41. 70. Versus in laude beati Landberti, 159; translated by Barbara Newman. 71. Lectionarium Sancti Lamberti, xxv–xxvi. 72. Jeffrey Webb notes that this passage testifies to the development of a specifically liégeois “cultural identity.” See Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 204. 73. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 14. 74. Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 220: “Post triduum sacro crismate in episcopum perungitur, et ex bono filio in sponsum matri suae Leodicensi aecclesiae confirmatur.” See also Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 202. 75. Sigebert of Gembloux, Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, 585B: “Anselmus, clericus Legiensis, scripsit Gesta pontificum Legiensium, et in eo libro Vitam Guazonis episcopi veraciter sibi notam plene descripsit.” 76. Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 234: “Age ergo nunc, o dulcis Lethgia, si qua est tibi cordi aut pietas in Deum aut honestatis amor ad seculum, ardentissime, queso, saltem antiquae religionis vestigia amplecti contendito.”

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notes to pp. 30–32 217 77. Ibid.: “O dulcis nutricula, in cuius gremio ego inter tot verae philosophiae tyrones solus inutilis vernula coalui.” See also Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 185–86. 78. Daris, “La liturgie,” 63. 79. Auda, Etienne de Liège, 181. 80. Mary Whitby discusses these communicative aspects of panegyric in her introduction to Propaganda of Power, 1, 9, 13. 81. Peter Brown explores the relalationship between classical education, episcopal power, and civic culture in Power and Persuasion, 75–77, 82, 119–26, 146–51. 82. See Brennan, “The Image of the Merovingian Bishop,” 119–20, 139; Roberts, “Description of Landscape,” 22; and Coates, “Venantius Fortunatus,” 1114–20, 1137. 83. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 396; and Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 60–61. From 1012 to 1048, Gembloux remained under the supervision of Sigebert’s teacher, Abbot Olbert, who reformed the abbey and from 1021 served equally as abbot of another Benedictine community, the Abbey of Saint James, in Liège proper. From childhood, Olbert maintained an intimate friendship with Wazo—a cleric probably originating from the Liège diocese who spent a lifetime of service in the episcopal city. Both Olbert and Wazo had studied with Heriger of Lobbes, and Olbert apparently remained a close counselor to Wazo. It was undoubtedly as a result of Olbert’s personal connection to Wazo, Anselm’s bishop, that Sigebert became acquainted with Anselm’s gesta. For these details, see Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 130–33, 241, 397. 84. Godescalc of Gembloux, Gesta abbatum, 550. Chazan discusses this passage in L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 73. 85. Sigebert of Gembloux, Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, 587B–C. Schumacher believes that Sigebert’s life of Saint Theodard was based on a now lost hagiographic source, and not the Acta inedita. See Schumacher, “L’oeuvre de Sigebert de Gembloux,” 145–46. 86. Sigebert’s Vita prior for Saint Lambert consists of twenty-seven chapters, with three for each of the nine lessons of the Office. See Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 72–75. 87. Sigebert of Gembloux, Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, 587C: “Vitam quoque sancti Lantberti cum in primis urbane meliorassem, postea rogatu Henrici archidiaconi et decani ecclesiae sancti Lantberti, defloravi comparationibus antiquorum, juxta consequentiam rerum, quamvis priorem, utpote simplicem, quidam magis amplectantur, et curiosius transcribant; est enim sensu apertior et verbis clarior.” Sigebert’s four polemical tracts consist of a response to the second letter of Gregory VII to Hermann of Metz; the Apologia contra eos qui calumniantur missas conjugatorum sacerdotum; the Epistola Leodiensium adversus Pascalem papam in 1103; and the Epistola de jejuniis quattuor temporum. See Schmidt-Chazan, “Sigebert de Gembloux,” 31–32. 88. Other members of the Montaigu-Duras family held equally privileged positions in Liège among the episcopal entourage. See Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 323, 522. In his analysis of Sigebert’s two vitae Lamberti, Kupper notes that the approximate dating of these works relies on a chronological interpretation of the order in which Sigebert lists them in the Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis. It is

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therefore uncertain whether the vita altera was written after Henry’s appointment as archdeacon of the cathedral. See Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 39. 89. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 327. 90. Dereine, “L’Ecole canonique liégeoise,” 84. 91. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 332–34. 92. Ibid., 423–29. 93. For a discussion of the Peace of God, including references to Conon of Montaigu and Sigebert’s view of Bishop Henry I, see Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 458–63. 94. Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 78–79. 95. Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 224–25. 96. The monastery of Malmedy was formerly under the supervision of the abbot of Stavelot and the bishop of Liège. 97. Triumphus sancti Remacli, 457; and Theoduin, Epistola ad Imadonem, 1441– 44. Webb references these events in “Cathedrals of Words,” 224–25. For a more detailed description of the miracles recorded in the Triumphus sancti Remacli, see Tekippe, “Pilgrimage and Procession,” 741–43. 98. Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 62–64. 99. Demarteau claims that hagiographers after Canon Nicholas, such as Giles of Orval, followed his example by including this tale. See Demarteau, “La première église de Liège,” 17–18. 100. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 613B; translated by Barbara Newman. 101. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 613B; translated by Barbara Newman. 102. Demarteau, “La première église de Liège,” 15–18; and Adam, “La Vita Landiberti Leodiensis,” 510, 521–22. The cult of the seventh-century bishop, Monulphus, and his immediate successor Gondulphus, enjoyed renewed vigor in the eleventh century. Jocundus was the first hagiographer to record the lives of these bishop-saints, which he incorporated into his Vita Servatii. For these details, see Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 229–93. 103. Gregory of Tours, Liber in Gloria confessorum, 340; and Heriger of Lobbes, Gesta pontificum, 176. For a recent discussion of this passage, see Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 152, 252. 104. Jocundus, Jocundus: Biographie de Saint Servais, 200. 105. Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 272. 106. Adam, “La Vita Landiberti Leodiensis,” 524. 107. Ibid., 507. 108. Ibid., 503–4. 109. Ibid., 504, 521, 524, 527. 110. Henry of Leez served as a cathedral canon from at least 1135, archdeacon of Famenne from 1141/42, and provost of the cathedral from 1142. Kupper documents his presence at the Lateran in Liège et l’église impériale, 168. 111. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 285; and Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 48. 112. This conflict initially erupted between the proponents of two candidates: the cathedral provost Frederic of Namur and the archdeacon Alexander. Bishop Frederic’s sudden demise under questionable circumstances just two years after his

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notes to pp. 38–40 219 consecration by Pope Calixtus II in 1119 revived hostilities between these opposing parties. For these details, see Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 145–64. 113. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 167–71, 285, 389, 393–96. Kupper sees Henry of Leez as a “great restorer of episcopal authority,” whose reign represented a return to the era of Bishops Henry I of Verdun and Otbert. 114. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 602D. Adam believes Nicholas’s “friends and brothers” belonged to the political faction that favored the election of Hentry of Leez. See Adam, “La Vita Landiberti Leodiensis,” 526–27. 115. The “triumph” of Saint Lambert’s relics at the Battle of Bouillon has been studied by numerous scholars, including: Chestret de Haneffe, “Les reliques de Saint Lambert,” 6; Auda, Etienne de Liège, 124–25; Gaier, “Le rôle militaire des reliques”; Gaier, Grandes batailles; Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 169; Joris, “Le ‘Triomphe de Saint-Lambert’”; Foote, “Taming Monastic Advocates”; and Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, 172–76. There are three extant sources: the roughly contemporaneous account attributed to a member of the episcopal entourage, Triumphus sancti Lamberti; a second account, quoting words and phrases from the Triumphus and penned approximately ten years later by monk Renier of Saint Lawrence, Triumphale Bulonicum; and an eyewitness account by an Irish monk in the Vita Mochullei. 116. Joris explains the complexities of this territorial acquision in “Le ‘Triomphe de Saint-Lambert,’” 184–85. 117. Kupper suggests that Henry of Leez may have been a prime motivator in this military operation. See Liège et l’église impériale, 171. 118. Triumphus sancti Lamberti, 504–5, 511: “Iam perlatus Leodium, qua devotione susceptus sis, quanto honore civitatem tuam coronaveris, dicant tui filii, quos dulciter enutris, fortiter defendis, misericorditer tueris.” The verb corono in this passage vividly equates Lambert’s martyrial crown with the triumph of his relics, in keeping with the early Christian association of the crown of martyrdom with the laurel awarded to Greco-Roman athletes and military victors. 119. The elevation and translation of Saint Lambert’s relics is reported by Renier of Saint Lawrence, Triumphale bulonicum, 592, and discussed by Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 72–73. Canon Nicholas dedicated his vita to Abbot Wedric of Liesses (r. 1124–47 in the diocese of Cambrai) who received on this occasion a collection of Saint Lambert’s relics: a bone, ashes of Lambert’s skin, clothing, and the bed found in his first tomb. Immediately following this event, Canon Nicholas promoted the dissemination of Lambert’s cult by sending another collection of relics to Bishop Udon of Naumburg in 1144. A letter addressed to the bishop specifies that Canon Nicholas upheld his promise of obtaining relics on the bishop’s behalf and succeeded in sending them to Naumburg with the assistance of his nephew. See Kupper,“Saint Lambert,” 44; and Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 65–66. 120. Adam, “La Vita Landiberti Leodiensis,” 527–28. 121. Adam compares Nicholas’s veneration of Saint Lambert and his vicus ignobilis to his praise for Lambert’s episcopal successor, Henry of Leez, and his summa civitas. See Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 85. 122. Daris, “La liturgie,” 97. 123. Ibid., 208; translated by Barbara Newman. 124. Daris, “La liturgie,” 63.

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125. AH, vol. 55, no. 201; translated by McGrade in “O Rex Mundi Triumphator,” 215. 126. Giersiepen, Die Inschriften der Stadt Aachen, 10–12; and McGrade, “Affirmations of Royalty,” 233. 127. Auda, Etienne de Liège, 181. 128. My analytical transcription of Laetare et lauda is inspired by Auda’s analysis of this melody in Etienne de Liège, 181. While Auda identifies the recurring melodic formulas and anaphoric structure, he does not addresss the meaning of the text. 129. The tenth-century lectionary does not include any chants for Second Vespers, but does transmit the First Vespers Magnificat Antiphon Magna vox. B-Br 14650–59, fols. 37r–39r. 130. Jonsson analyzes the variety of rhymes in the responsories of Bishop Stephen’s Office in Historia, 157–61. Only one responsory, Iste miles emeritus, features three pairs of rhymes (aabbcc). Not all of the antiphons are rhymed; those that are do not follow the scheme of Laetare et lauda. 131. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita prior sancti Lamberti, 780A; and Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 808C. 132. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 613B. 133. Ibid., 614A. 134. While these features are not exclusive to one time period, they are more common in versified offices and sequences from the eleventh century onward. See Hiley, Introduction to Historia Sancti Emmerammi, xxv; Hiley, Western Plainchant, 273–79; Hankeln, “Old and New in Medieval Chant,” 162–63; and Hughes, The Versified Office, 2:506–17. 135. The extant sources transmitting Laetare et lauda that I have been able to locate date from the thirteenth century and later. While the CANTUS database indicates that this antiphon is preserved in an antiphonal from Aachen (D-AAm G 20, fol. 91v) dating from the 1200s, Gatzweiler notes in his catalog entry that the manuscript was copied in three distinct hands, dating from the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries. Gatzweiler further indicates that the Vespers antiphons for Saint Lambert are from the fifteenth century. Compare the entry in the CANTUS database, cantusdatabase.org (accessed August 23, 2013), to Gatzweiler, Die liturgischen Handschriften, 109–12. 136. These details are found in B-Lu XVe s C227, fol. 155v. 137. AEL Sainte-Croix 5 fol. 214r; and Le liber officiorum, 63–66. 138. AEL Sainte-Croix 209, and 210; and AEL Saint-Denis 188–228. 139. Laetare et lauda is transmitted in the following late medieval service books (antiphonals and ordinals) destined for the Church of Our Lady in Aachen: D-AAm G 20, fol. 91v; D-AAm G 23, 461; D-AAm G 26, 499; D-AAm G 1; D-AAm G 2, fol. 91v. My thanks to Michael McGrade for sharing these details. The antiphon is also referenced in a processional and an ordinal for the Church of Our Lady in Tongeren: B-TOolv 68, fols. 194v–95v; B-TOolv olim 21, fols. 19v–20v. For the Gregoriushuis in ’s-Hertogenbosch, the chant appears in an antiphonal: NL-DHk 68 A 1, fol. 140r–v. The Franciscan source is a sixteenth-century antiphonal: B-Br 6434, fols. 91r–v. For studies of the Tongeren sources, see L’ordinaire de la collégiale, autrefois cathédrale de Tongres, 514; and Mannaerts, “A Collegiate Church on the Divide,” 109–11.

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notes to pp. 45–49 221 140. The most detailed discussion of this painting, including the inscription on the original frame, is the catalog entry by Josse in Philippe, ed. La donation BrabantVeckmans, 22–25; and an updated entry by Allart in La peinture du XVe, 157–61. 141. Renier van Hulsberg was undoubtedly familiar with Canon Nicholas’s vita, which circulated in various manuscript copies throughout the diocese, including a thirteenth-century summer passionale destined for the collegiate church of Our Lady in Tongeren: B-TOolv 59, fols. 56v–57v. For an analysis of this manuscript, see Mannaerts, “A Collegiate Church on the Divide,” 112; and Mannaerts and Schreurs, Cantus Tungrensis, 54–55. For a discussion of the transmission of Canon Nicholas’s vita, see Adam, “Saint Lambert et la devotion moderne.” 142. Musée Grand Curtius Inv. 80/76. 143. Josse identifies the quote from the Magnificat antiphon but does not recognize the sequence text. See Philippe, La donation Brabant-Veckmans, 22–25. 144. As noted by Allart, the painting has sustained considerable damage and careless touch-ups in recent decades, making it increasingly difficult to identify the figures on the triptych as they were originally portrayed. Earlier scholarship identified these figures as Saints Cosmas and Damian with greater confidence. 145. De ordinarius van de collegiale Onze Lieve Vrouwkerke te Maastricht, 218; and De ordinarius chori van de collegiale Sint-Servaaskerk, 152. This antiphon is also found in a mid-twelfth century antiphonal for the Church of Our Lady in Utrecht: NL-Uu 406 (III J 7), fol. 173v. See also the fourteenth-century ordinal for the collegiate church of Saint Peter in Leuven: Les ordinaires des collégiales Saint-Pierre à Louvain, 248. 146. The earliest extant cathedral seal is attached to a charter dated 1188, which had been in use since the early twelfth century, as attested by the description of a (now lost) charter dated 1117 bearing the sigillum sancti lamberti. The seal of 1189 was replaced in 1218 with a very similar seal also bearing an image of Lambert. For a discussion of these details, see, Poncelet, “Le martyre de Saint Lambert et les sceaux,” 169–70; and Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 341. 147. Halkin, “Les origines du grand sceau,” 1, 6–10. Saint Lambert’s image is framed by the words S. LAM//BERTUS and the seal is encircled with the legend SANCTA . LEGIA . DEI . GRATIA . ROMANE . ECCLESIE . FILIA. The seal of the city of Liège was inspired by that for the city of Cologne (dating from 1149) depicting Saint Peter with the legend SANCTA . COLONIA . DEI . GRATIA . ROMANAE . ECCLESIAE . FIDELIS . FILIA.

Chapter Two 1. The cathedral sanctorale featured early bishops Maternus (September 19), Severinus (October 23), and Servatius (May 13), in addition to ten of their successors who are believed to have ruled the diocese in nearly unbroken succession from the mid-sixth to the mid-eighth centuries: Saints Domitian (May 7), Monulphus and Gondulphus (July 16), Perpetuus (November 4), Amandus (February 6), Remaclus (September 3), Theodard (September 10), Lambert (September 17), Hubert (November 3), and Floribert (April 25). All thirteen bishops appear consistently in the calendars of service books dating from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries.

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2. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 43; translated by Barbara Newman. 3. The anonymous Vita prima sancti Lamberti was written after the death of Saint Hubert (May 30, 727), who is referenced in the past tense, and before the Vita prima sancti Huberti (written soon after 743), which borrows from it. See Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 6n3. 4. While the location of Saint Lambert’s reliquary is documented in the crypt beneath the western choir until 1319, extant references to Saint Theodard’s crypt are limited to the twelfth century (1117). See Genicot, “La cathédrale notgerienne,” 64; Forgeur, “Sources et travaux,” 54, 66; and Piavaux, “La cathédrale NotreDame-et-Saint-Lambert,” 55–57. References to the number of candles that were to illuminate these reliquaries on each bishop’s feast day are found in Le liber officiorum, 42–43. 5. In an account of the reliquary display of 1489, the cathedral chapter claimed to possess Theodard’s complete body. See Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:226: “Feretrum S. Theodardi Episcopi Tongrensis & martyris, in quo corpus eius integraliter continetur.” 6. Prudentius, Peristephanon I, 2:100–101: “nil suis bonus negavit Christus umquam testibus, / testibus quos nec catenae, dura nec mors terruit / unicum Deum fateri sanguinis dispendio, / sanguinis, sed tale damnum lux rependit longior. / hoc genus mortis decorum est, hoc probis dignum viris, / membra morbis exedenda, texta venis languidis, / hostico donare ferro, morte et hostem vincere. / pulchra res ictum sub ense persecutoris pati. / nobilis per vulnus amplum porta iustis panditur: / lota mens in fonte rubro sede cordis exilit.” 7. Early Christian writers such as Tertullian, Cyprian of Carthage, and Saint Augustine state this explicitly. See Delehaye, Les origines du culte des martyrs, 4; Malone, Monk and the Martyr, 1–2; and Geary, Furta Sacra, 33–34. 8. Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 33. Zimmern specifies that Lambert’s hagiographer sought “to prove the sanctity of a bishop who had been heavily involved in partisan politics, behaviour which did not fit the hagiographical stereotype of an ecclesiastical saint.” 9. Thacker, “Loca Sanctorum,” 29. 10. Other seventh-century bishops that suffered a similar fate include Aunemundus of Lyon, Leodegar of Autun, and Praiectus of Clermont. These saints and the general seventh-century phenomenon of venerating murdered bishops as martyrs is discussed by Fouracre and Gerberding, Late Merovingian France, 45–47; and Thacker, “Loca Sanctorum,” 29. 11. Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 27–28. 12. The lack of extant liturgical sources between the tenth and early fourteenth centuries complicates the dating of this repertory. Verbal and thematic resemblances to the vitae of Sigebert and Nicholas suggest that these hymns and sequences emerged between the late eleventh and mid-twelfth centuries or later. 13. Björkvall and Haug, “Performing Latin Verse,” 278–79. 14. This manuscript has undergone rigorous study. See Lectionarium Sancti Lamberti. The items for Saint Lambert are found on fols. 18r–60v and include, in addition to the Office antiphons and responsories, a proper hymn, laudatory poetry, a homily, and a collection of miracles. The manuscript also transmits two

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notes to pp. 52–61 223 hagiographic texts quoted in the Office chants that are connected to Bishop Stephen: the Vita secunda for Saint Lambert, of which he is considered the author, and the Carmen de sancto Landberto, an anonymous poem probably commission by the bishop and copied under his supervision, several verses of which are interpolated in the Vita secunda. 15. Daris asserts that Bishop Stephen’s Office was still sung in the seventeenth century. See Daris, “La liturgie,” 12. 16. The lections and texts for the antiphons of the liégeois Office of Saint Theodard are published in Daris, “La liturgie,” 95–97. The complete Office is found in extant service books dating from the fifteenth century and later. See table 2.2 for a list of these primary sources (text and music). 17. Acta inedita, 589C–92B; and Stephen of Liège, Vita secunda sancti Lamberti, 582E–88E. Documentary evidence confirms that both Theodard and Lambert were real bishops. A diploma issued by King Childeric II on September 6, 667, instructed Bishop Theodard to measure the domain belonging to the Abbey of Stavelot. See Balau, Les sources de l’histoire, 145. Another diploma, issued by King Clovis III (690–94), granted Bishop Lambert the privilege of immunity over the goods of the Marian church of Maastricht. See Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 17. 18. Zimmern discusses the political context for Lambert’s seven-year exile. See Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 22–24. 19. Jonsson, Historia, 128, 154–64, 218–21. 20. For an analysis of this sonic miracle and the Benedictus antiphon, see Saucier, “Sweet Sound of Sanctity,” 10–27. 21. The Acta inedita has been dated to the tenth century due to the style of the Latin text, and the fact that it quotes a line from the tenth-century Carmen de sancto Landberto: “Sic animum claris caelorum reddidit astris.” See Balau, Les sources de l’histoire, 144–46; and Van der Essen, Etude critique, 137–40. Webb proposes a dating of ca. 1000. See Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 35. 22. The symbolism of the cup of death (calix mortis) is analyzed by Magennis in “The Cup as Symbol.” 23. For a summary of the Early Christian view of the martyr as Christ’s athlete, see Malone, Monk and the Martyr, 64–68. 24. Ashton, Generation of Identity, 2: “The intention of the hagiographer is, therefore, to validate saintly worth and to insure the veneration of its subjects.” 25. See the Acta inedita, 590A–B; Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 1069D; and Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 33–34. 26. Acta inedita, 590B–D; and Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 34. Anselm omits the description of Theodard’s speech as well as the Gospel reference. 27. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 33–34. Both Schumacher and Chazan identify the biblical sources of this passage. See Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 74. 28. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 30–33. 29. Inspired by the writings of Saint Augustine and Gregory the Great, the Good Shepherd was commonly invoked as a model for the perfect prelate and the mercenary (John 10:12) was understood to represent an evil prelate or priest concerned merely with earthly rewards. See Powell, “Pastor Bonus,” 527.

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30. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 35; translated by Barbara Newman. Constable discusses this passage from Sigebert’s vita in Three Studies, 200. 31. Heffernan, Sacred Biography, 6, 18, 80–81. Heffernan traces the origins of hagiography to Saint Luke’s account of Stephen’s martyrdom in Acts 7 and discusses this method of authenticating saintly status, 6: “The repetition of actions taken from Scripture or from earlier saints’ lives (often this practice extended to appropriating the same language) ensured the authenticity of the subject’s sanctity.” 32. Daris, “La liturgie,” 63–64. See also AH, vol. 23, no. 486, with minor variants. The hymn text and melody are preserved in NL-DHk 68 A 1, fol. 136r. This hymn probably dates from the late eleventh century or later. 33. This idealized relationship between the bishop, as a perfect pastor, and his flock, including the clergy, is found in the episcopal panegyric of Venantius Fortunatus, itself modeled on imperial panegyric that idealized the relationship between the perfect prince and his people. See Brennan, “The Image of the Merovingian Bishop,” 120. 34. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita et passio sancti Theodardi, 22. Sigebert was the sole hagiographer to associate Theodard’s birthplace specifically with Gaul. The tenthcentury vita simply alludes to his noble origins, while Anselm avoids the topic of Theodard’s origins altogether. 35. Sigebert’s emphasis on the Good Shepherd image is evident in his word choice, using the terms pastor four times (absent from the tenth-century vita) and grex three times (once more than in the tenth-century vita). Neither term exists in Anselm’s gesta. Chazan notes that Sigebert had previously used the Good Shepherd ideal to portray Bishop Theoderic of Metz and Abbot Erluin of Gembloux. See Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 74. 36. Daris, “La liturgie,” 208–9; translated by Barbara Newman. See also AH, vol. 40, no. 339. The sequence text and melody are preserved in two graduals: NL-DHk 71 A 4, fols. 158v–59r; NL-HEESWab 19, fols. 144r–v. The regularity of the rhyme scheme and syllable count within each paired versicle, following an a8–a8–b7 + c8– c8–b7 pattern, is typical of sequences from the twelfth century and later. See Raby, A History of Christian-Latin Poetry, 348; and Fassler, Gothic Song, 73. 37. The thirteenth-century liturgist William Durand equated the martyr’s crown with the meaning of Stephen’s name in Rationale divinorum officiorum, 140B:120: “Et quia corona debetur eis tanquam uictoribus, ideo sepe fit mentio de corona, unde Stephanus interpretatur coronatus.” 38. Hummel, Concept of Martyrdom, 110. 39. Cyprian of Carthage, Epistle 73 in Sancti Cypriani Episcopi Epistularium, 3C:556–57: “Deinde nec priuari baptismi sacramento, utpote qui baptizentur gloriosissimo et maximo sanguinis baptismo, de quo et dominus dicebat habere se aliud baptisma baptizari. Sanguine autem suo baptizatos et passione sanctificatos consummari et diuinae pollicitationis gratiam consequi declarat in euangelico idem dominus.” Translated in Letters of St. Cyprian, 4:67; and Hummel, Concept of Martyrdom, 108. 40. See AH, vol. 54, no. 219. Fassler discusses the dissemination of the Marian sequence in “Music and the Miraculous,” 275. The Hodiernae lux diei melody is transcribed in Moberg, Über die schwedischen Sequenzen, vol. 2, nr. 3; and Hiley, Western Plainchant, 192. Families of sequences based on the Hodiernae lux diei melody are

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notes to pp. 66–70 225 referenced in Moberg, Über die schwedischen Sequenzen, 1:152; Eggen, Sequences of the Archbishopric of Nidarós, 1:40–42, 172–73; Fassler, Gothic Song, 179; and Shinnick, “The Manuscript Assisi,” 334–42. 41. Shinnick, “The Manuscript Assisi,” 334–35. This sequence appears among the Marian votive pieces in a gradual for the collegiate church of Holy Cross B-Lgc H118/87 (GC.REL.25c.1987.34050), 289r–v. 42. As prescribed in the cathedral missals B-Lu Inc. XV.A.46, and B-Lu Res 143 A. 43. This sequence is assigned to the common of a martyr and bishop in the cathedral missal B-Lu Res 143 A, fol. vi r. 44. Daris, “La liturgie,” 237. See also AH, vol. 39, no. 346, with minor variants. 45. Analecta hymnica identifies Hodiernae lux diei as the melody for these sequences, with the exception of Ecce martyr primitivus. Shinnick discusses the sequences for John and Paul, John the Baptist, and Stephen in “The Manuscript Assisi,” 335–41, noting, “The group itself contains a meta-frame of references to martyrs.” 46. This melody also appears in sequences venerating Christ, the apostles, bishops, virgin-martyrs, and female relatives of Mary, as documented in Analecta hymnica. 47. Both Liège and Maastricht were at the center of land conflicts and other unresolved hostilities in the late seventh and early eighth centuries. See Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 15. 48. For a summary of this initial cause for Lambert’s martyrdom, see Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 17–18; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 18–19. 49. Vita prima sancti Lamberti, 577E–78B. 50. Zimmern interprets the substantial number of posthumous miracle stories, which constitute close to a third of the Vita prima, as evidence that the hagiographer sought to prove not only Lambert’s saintly status but also his innocence in the political conflicts leading to his murder. For the details of these miracles, including the gruesome deaths of Dodo and his henchmen, see Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 33–37. 51. This account of Lambert’s murder is given in the martyrology of Bishop Ado of Vienne compiled in Lyon before 860, quoted by Quentin in Les martyrologes historiques, 581. See Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 28–30; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 19. 52. Carmen de sancto Landberto, 151–52. For translations and interpretations of this passage, see Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 31–34; and Vie de Saint Lambert, 70–73. 53. See, for example, the mirrors for princes penned by prominent figures such as Sedulius Scottus, Notker “Balbulus,” and Archbishop Hincmar of Reims. 54. Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 34; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 62, 67–69. For a study of King Lothar’s divorce (between 855 and 869), see Airlie, “Private Bodies and the Body Politic”; and Heidecker, Divorce of Lothar II. 55. Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 31–34; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 70. 56. The Lauds antiphons quote the following passages from the Carmen de sancto Landberto: lines 341–43; 348, 352; 354–56; 409–10; 411–12. The king’s affair is recounted in lines 326–40.

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57. The Annales Lobienses is a hybrid text, based on a compilation originating from Lobbes but revised and continued in Liège over the course of the tenth century. The passage concerning Saint Lambert may well date from the time of Bishop Notger, who early in his reign faced considerable hostility from King Lothar of France (r. 954–86), a Carolingian seeking to recapture Lotharingia. Lothar’s army invaded the Meuse valley in 978, and a similar military expedition against the city of Liège was planned around 986 but was thwarted by Lothar’s death. Kupper notes that these events coincide with the anti-Carolingian details of Saint Lambert’s legend recorded in the Annales Lobienses. See Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 35–37; and Kupper, “La maison d’Ardenne–Verdun,” 203–7. 58. Both Plectrude and Alpaïda belonged to families with considerable territorial possessions. Alpaïda’s kin appear to have been situated around Liège. See Wood, “Genealogy Defined by Women,” 239; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 20–21. 59. Annales Lobienses, 227. 60. Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 195. 61. Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 38–39. Kupper notes that Anselm’s rendition of the legend reflects the political context of his chronicle, conceived as an apology for Bishop Wazo (1042–48), who had opposed the ecclesiastical policies of Emperor Henry III. Anselm may have used the legend to uphold the Gelasian concept of the subordination of temporal power to spiritual power and the episcopal duty to oversee the salvation of royalty. 62. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita prior sancti Lamberti, 780D–81A; and Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 810A–B. 63. Kupper interprets Sigebert’s version of the legend from the perspective of his universal chronicle, in which Sigebert argues for the ongoing influence of the Frankish Empire on the Germanic sovereigns of his era. See Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 40. 64. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita prior sancti Lamberti, 773D–74D, 768C–D, 771D– 72A, 780D–81A; and Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 801A–2B, 810B. In the epilogue to the Vita prior, 780D, Sigebert states, “de Pippino Carolus Magnus, quo nemo ante eum, vel post eum, inter Francorum reges, fuit major.” For a discussion of these passages, see Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 40; and Chazan, L’Empire et l’histoire universelle, 77. 65. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 602E–F: “Sed quidam ex dominis & prioribus nostris parvitatem meam saepius sunt exhortati, quatenus digniorem passionis causam beati Viri, & gesta ejus vetustate jam obruta, diligenter pervestigarem, & conscribendo tanquam in lucem retraherem.” This passage is discussed by Van der Essen, Etude critique, 51; and Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 42. 66. Adam discusses parallels between Canon Nicholas’s account of the legend and the historical circumstances of King Philip’s scandalous divorce in “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 87–88. 67. Ibid., 76–89. 68. For an overview and analysis of Sigebert’s reactions to the reforms introduced by Pope Gregory VII, see Robinson, “Reform and the Church,” 268–99. Robinson notes that while Sigebert approved of Gregory’s principles, he condemned the pope’s recourse to violence. On this point, see also Dereine, “L’école canonique liégeoise,” 88; and Chazan, L’empire et l’histoire universelle, 80–92. As discussed in

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notes to pp. 72–74 227 chapter 1, Sigebert expressed the proimperialist and moderate reformist sympathies of the cathedral chapter in his four polemical tracts commissioned by archdeacon and dean Henry of Montaigu. 69. Sigebert of Gembloux, Apologia, 438: “Si enim ad principia redeas, quid pulchrius, quid christianitati conducibilius, quam sacros ordines castitatis legibus subicere . . . iuvenis regis vitam et mores ad suam et subditorum utilitatem corrigere.” Quoted and translated in Robinson, “Reform and the Church,” 278. In this passage, Sigebert also voices his opposition to simony by supporting a system of ecclesiastical promotion based on personal merit instead of financial gain, and proposes that bishops be freed from the obligation of secular service. 70. Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 87–88. For a classic study of Bishop Ivo’s opposition to King Philip’s divorce, see Duby, The Knight, the Lady and the Priest, 5–18, 161–62; and Brooke, Medieval Idea of Marriage, 122–23. For a recent analysis of Ivo’s letters, as well as a reinterpretation of his views on marriage and reaction to King Philip’s affair, see Rolker, Canon Law and the Letters of Ivo, 211–47. As Adam notes, Canon Nicholas may have known this story through Sigebert’s universal chronicle, which figures among the named sources for Nicholas’s vita. 71. Ivo of Chartres, Epistolae, 36A, 143D: “quod et natura disposuit, et lex tam ecclesiastica quam mundana firmavit.” For an analysis of these passages, see Rolker, Canon Law and the Letters of Ivo, 211, 232. 72. Rolker, Canon Law and the Letters of Ivo, 231–32, 236–45. 73. Schumacher enumerates these biblical comparisons in “L’oeuvre de Sigebert,” 152–54. Moses was a preferred Old-Testament model for bishops. See Rapp, “Comparison, Paradigm and the Case of Moses,” 288–91. 74. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 799B–C: “Lantbertus, in spiritu et virtute Eliae et Joannis.” 75. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 612D: “Non licet, ait, tibi eam habere uxorem.” 76. In the Old Testament Book of Kings, Elijah, as the servant of God, accused King Achab of forsaking the Lord’s commandments (3 Kings 18:18) and incited Jezebel, the King’s wife, to such anger that she swore to take his life (3 Kings 19:2). Sigebert appears to have been inspired by a widspread hagiographic motive of the angry princess (the so-called Jezebel motive), as portrayed, for example, in the Vita vel passio sancti Desiderii, the Vita sancti Corbiniani, and the Passio sancti Kiliani. Licht identifies these parallels, 152. 77. In the liégeois litany of the saints, as elsewhere, John the Baptist ranks immediately after the angels and archangels, before the apostles, evangelists, and martyrs. See, for example, B-Br IV 112, fol. 18r; US-Cn Inc. 9344.5, fols. 23v–24v. Lambert was not the only bishop to benefit by this comparison. In the Vita Albini by Venantius Fortunatus, John the Baptist provided a biblical model for Bishop Albinus of Angers who had punished a couple guilty of an incestuous marriage with excommunication, a comparison that, as Coates argues, strengthened the bishop’s claim to sanctity. See Coates, “Venantius Fortunatus,” 1127. For an analysis of artistic representations of this comparison, see Carrasco, “Notes on the Iconography,” 342; and Carrasco, “Sanctity and Experience in Pictorial Hagiography,” 47–50. 78. These lections are preserved in at least two copies of the cathedral breviary: US-Cn Inc. 9344.5, fol. 118v; B-Lu Res 1310 A.

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79. Daris, “La liturgie,” 103–4. 80. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lambert, 612B–C. 81. Daris, “La liturgie,” 104. 82. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lambert, 613E–F. 83. As mentioned previously, the lack of extant liturgical sources between the tenth and early fourteenth centuries complicates the dating of this repertory, which likely emerged between the late eleventh and mid-twelfth centuries or later. 84. Daris, “La liturgie,” 66 (with charitate instead of caritate given in liégeois service books in the third stanza). See also AH, vol. 4, no. 324, with variants. The earliest extant service book destined for the Cathedral of Liège to transmit Hymnum cantemus gratiae is a breviary dated ca. 1320: D-DS 394, vol. 2, fol. 231r [present foliation] or fol. 712r [original foliation]. This hymn is assigned consistently to the feast of Lambert’s Martyrdom in service books destined for institutions across the diocese dating from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries. The melody is preserved in the following antiphonals: B-Lgc H118/87, fol. 319r–v; B-Lsc 2, fols. 342v–43r; NL-DHk 68 A 1, fol. 139r; B-Br 6433, fols. 136v–37v. Hymnum cantemus gratiae apparently replaced the Hymn Fulges salvifico preserved in the tenth-century cathedral lectionary: B-Br 14650-59, fol. 60v. In this source the hymn is incomplete, likely due to a missing folio. See Lectionarium Sancti Lamberti, xii. The text of this hymn is published in AH, vol. 23, no. 390, and vol. 51, no. 171. Fulges salvifico lacks the hagiographic detail of Hymnum cantemus gratiae and does not specify the reason for Lambert’s death. 85. Christi laudem is referenced in a number of textual and musical sources (missals, ordinals, and graduals) dating from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries destined for churches throughout the Liège diocese. The sequence melody is transmitted consistently, with a minimal number of minor variants, in the following graduals: B-Lgc H118/87 (GC.REL.25c.1987.34050), fols. 252r–54r; B-Ls 32 A 8, fols. 100v–101v (partial melody); NL-DHk 71 A 4, fols. 159r–60v; NL-HEESWab 19, fols. 145r–47v; B-TOolv 57, fols. 246v–48v. The consistency of the rhyme scheme and syllable count (with subphrases of seven and eight syllables) is typical of sequences from the twelfth century and later. 86. Daris, “La liturgie,” 211–12. See also AH, vol. 9, no. 274, with minor variants. My thanks to Barbara Newman, Leofranc Holford-Strevens, and Ronald Musto for their assistance with my translation. 87. For an analysis of the eucharistic elements of this scene, see Saucier, “Sacrament and Sacrifice,” 704–5. 88. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 616A. 89. Daris, “La liturgie,” 212–13 (with lubricata instead of rubricata given in liégeois service books in versicle 10a). See also AH, vol. 9, no. 274, with minor variants. My thanks to Barbara Newman, Leofranc Holford-Strevens, and Ronald Musto for their assistance with my translation. 90. I am indebted to Barbara Newman for identifying the reference to Exodus 26.14, and for pointing out that the first and third lines of versicle 10a are also found in the sequence Triumphalis lux illuxit for Saint Vincent (AH, vol. 55, no. 341). 91. For a recent analysis and critical edition of this manuscript, see Lantbert von Deutz.

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notes to pp. 84–88 229 92. AH, vol. 40, no. 268. 93. AH, vol. 42, no. 267; translated by McGrade in “Affirmations of Royalty,” 260, with modifications. 94. Stäblein identifies the melodic source of Hymnum cantemus gratiae (with a variant incipit Hymnum canamus glorie given in AH, vol. 4, no. 324) as Melody 62 in Hymnen (I), 670. A scribe annotating the antiphonal for the Gregoriushuis in ’s-Hertogenbosch (within the diocese of Liège) illustrated visually this musical connection by overlaying the text to Verbum supernum (Corpus Christi) above that for Gaudeat prole Gallia (Theodard), and the text to Aeterne rex altissime (Ascension) above that for Hymnum cantemus gratiae (Lambert). See NL-DHk 68 A 1, fols. 136r, 139r. In addition to Aeterne rex altissime redemptor (Ascension, Matins; AH, vol. 51, no. 88) and Verbum supernum prodiens (Corpus Christi; AH, vol. 50, no. 388), Stäblein lists the following hymns sharing melody 62: Aeterne rex altissime reddens (Crown of Thorns; AH, vol. 12, no. 18), Jesu nostra redemptio amor (Ascension, Lauds; AH, vol. 51, no. 89), Silvestri almi praesulis (Saint Silvester; AH, vol. 14, no. 23), Clarae diei gaudiis (Saint Anne, Lauds), and Jesu rex admirabilis (Name of Jesus, vigils). See the index of hymn incipits in Stäblein, Hymnen (I). As documented in extant service books from the city of Liège, these hymns, with the exception of Verbum supernum, are either absent or are set to a different melody. 95. The Ascension hymn Aeterne rex altissime, while sung elsewhere in the diocese, does not appear in extant antiphonals or breviaries destined for the city of Liège. 96. Verbum supernum, set to the same melody as Gaudeat prole Gallia and Hymnum cantemus gratiae (Stäblein’s Melody 62), is transmitted in the Office for Corpus Christi in the cathedral breviary dated ca. 1320 (D-DS 394, fol. 205v ff, text only) and in the summer antiphonal for Holy Cross copied ca. 1333–34 (B-Lgc H118/87, fol. 300v; B-Lsc 2, fol. 323r, with music). 97. AH, vol. 50, no. 388; translated by Walters and Corrigan in Walters, Corrigan, and Ricketts, The Feast of Corpus Christi, 296. 98. Schoolmeesters, “Les processions des métiers.” For references to payment records confirming the participation of the collegiate clergy in these processions, see Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 271. 99. Schoolmeesters, “Les processions des métiers,” 8. According to Schoolmeesters, an unpublished chronicle from the Abbey of Saint James specifies that the processions were instituted in 1244. This assertion is supported by an entry between the years 1241 and 1245 in the chronicle of the Abbey of Saint Lawrence (Historia insignis monasterii sancti Laurenti) documenting the presence of Saint Theodard’s relics in three processions conducted “by the clergy and the people” to the houses of the Carthusians, Saint Leonard, and Saint Giles during a severe drought. As a result of a sudden downpour that interrupted the procession to Saint Leonard, attributed to divine intervention, it was agreed that the three processions would continue on an annual basis. See Historia insignis monasterii sancti Laurenti, 1101–2. The Historia was written in the fifteenth century by the liégeois monk Adrian of Oudenbosch (drawing from a chronicle completed by Rupert of Deutz before 1106, supplemented by the writings of Renier of Saint Lawrence, Sigebert of Gembloux, and Giles of Orval, as well as archival sources) and continued by other monks until the late sixteenth century. For these details, see Balau, Les sources de

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l’histoire, 343–64, 625–26. Another account of these processions in 1246 is recorded by the Cistercian monk Giles of Orval in his Gesta pontificum, 128–29. While Saint Theodard’s reliquary figures prominently in this description, Saint Lambert’s relics are replaced by those of the virgin Saint Madelberta. 100. Historia insignis monasterii sancti Laurenti, 1102. 101. Schoolmeesters, “Les processions des métiers,” 9. An ordinal for Saint Martin also specifies the days of the three processions for the year 1472. See Brassine, “Notes relatives à la collégiale Saint-Martin,” 41. At a special Mass held in the collegiate church of Saint Peter on the vigil of the feast of Apostles Peter and Paul, the burgomasters of Liège consulted with the secular clergy to fix the exact date of the first procession, to the church of Saint Leonard. The dates for the two remaining processions were decided at the churches of Saint Leonard and Saint Lawrence, respectively. These instructions survive in the cathedral ordinal of 1492 (B-Lu XVe s C227, fols. 135v–36r). 102. Schoolmeesters, “Les processions des métiers,” 9–10. 103. This description of the procession is based on that given in the cathedral ordinal of 1492 (B-Lu XVe s C227, fols. 135v–36r). 104. Schoolmeesters states that the Te Deum was sung “ad pilare in opposito magne corone.” 105. The Responsory Sacerdos Dei was sung by both the cathedral and collegiate clergy in the procession on the feast of Lambert’s Martyrdom, as documented in a fifteenth-century processional for the collegiate church of Saint Peter (B-Br IV 112, fols. 131r–v) and the cathedral ordinal of 1492 (B-Lu XVe s C227 fol. 155v). 106. For an analysis of this episode from Lambert’s life, see Scheibelreiter, “Der Tod Landberts von Maastricht,” 63–68. 107. Jonsson, Historia, 219–20; translated by Barbara Newman. 108. Jonsson, Historia, 218 (with a variant spelling of Lambert as Lantbert); translated by Björkvall and Haug, “Performing Latin Verse,” 288–89, with modifications. See also AH, vol. 26, no. 79. The text and melody of this antiphon are preserved in the tenth-century cathedral lectionary (B-Br 14650-59, fol. 37r) and in numerous later sources from across the diocese. 109. In one of the copies of the summer antiphonal for the church of Holy Cross, a scribe has penned in “Theodarde” as an alternative for “Lamberte.” See B-Lgc H118/87, fol. 189r. 110. Ibid., 290. The range for mode 2 melodies usually does not extend higher than a′. 111. The term terra might mean the world at large or a particular land or region. Thus, it was probably the diocese of Liège that was “worthy of such a great bishop”—a meaning surely understood by local singers. 112. In the context of the Office, the prosa is typically a newly composed, syllabic chant appended to a responsory. For a discussion of the distinction between the terms prosa and prosula (usually based on a preexisting melisma), see Steiner, “Some Melismas for Office Responsories,” 111–12n8; Kelly, “New Music from Old,” 367; and Maurey, “Heresy, Devotion and Memory,” 160–61. 113. AH, vol. 28, no. 1230. 114. As documented by the bishop’s goldsmith, the first payment for Theodard’s reliquary was made on the eve of Ascension (1526) by the dean of the collegiate

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notes to pp. 92–96 231 church of Holy Cross, in Erard de la Marck’s name. This reliquary was documented in an inventory of the cathedral treasury conducted in 1713, and referenced for the last time in 1793. See Ponthir and Yans, “Note sur une oeuvre d’art disparue,” 2, 8; Halkin, “Le mécénat d’Erard,” 34. 115. Ponthir and Yans, “Note sur une oeuvre d’art disparue,” 2–3, 8.

Chapter Three 1. Sebastian Hustin’s poem was originally published in the first volume of the gesta by John of Chapeaville in 1612. See the critical edition in Hoven, Jean Chapeaville, 100–107. 2. Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 198. Several scholars have discussed this passage, most recently Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 200–201. 3. For a discussion of the economic context for Anselm’s chronicle, especially with respect to the bishop’s involvement in local disputes over sales of wine and wheat, see Kupper, “Episcopus, ingenui, cives et rustici.” 4. La Chronique liégeoise de 1402, 63, 67. Balau attributes this anonymous chronicle to a monk from the Abbey of Saint James in Liège writing after 1390. The description of Hubert’s civic attributes appears to originate from the thirteenthcentury Gesta abbreviata, an abbreviated version of the Gesta pontificum by Giles of Orval. See Balau, Les sources de l’histoire, 461–63, 533–37. Hubert’s civic attributes are also found in the chronicle by Mathias de Lewis completed by 1379. See Mathias de Lewis, Chronicon Leodiense, 29–30. As referenced in chapter 1, the civic seal of Liège was inspired by that for the city of Cologne (dating from 1149) depicting Saint Peter with a similar legend. 5. Adrian of Oudenbosch, Chronicon rerum Leodiensium, 219. For a recent study of Adrian’s life and works, see Toussaint, “Adrien d’Oudenbosch.” 6. The following recent publications focus overwhelmingly on Hubert’s rural cult: Dierkens and Duvosquel, Le culte de saint Hubert au Pays de Liège; Dupont, “Les débuts du culte de saint Hubert à Andage”; Dierkens and Duvosquel, Le culte de saint Hubert en Namurois; and Freckmann and Kühn, Le culte de saint Hubert en Rhénanie. 7. Kupper, “Qui était saint Hubert?” 17. 8. For studies of these attributes, see Dupont, “Aux origines de deux aspects particuliers du culte de saint Hubert”; Krupa, “Quatre siècles d’images consacrés”; and Lefèvre, “Essai sur la structuration de la diffusion du culte de saint Hubert.” 9. To date, the only musicological studies of the liégeois Mass and Office liturgy for Saint Hubert are: Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 119–31, 151; Mannaerts, “A Collegiate Church on the Divide,” 79, 105–7; and Bain, “Hildegard, Hermannus, and Late Chant Style,” 131–39. While the cathedral sources transmit only the texts of these chants, melodies for Vespers and Lauds are preserved in the sixteenth-century antiphonal for the Abbey of Salzinnes in the diocese of Liège (CDN-Hsmu M2149.L4 1554, fol. 198). The Vespers chants are also found in two other antiphonals: NL-DHk 68 A 1, fols. 150r–52 v; B-Br 6434, fols. 123r–26v. The sixth responsory for Matins is copied at the end a processional for the collegiate church of Saint Peter in Liège: B-Br IV 112, fols. 143v–44r. 10. For a discussion of this date, see Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians, 133.

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11. Archaeological evidence has confirmed the location of Lambert’s martyrdom in Liège. See Otte, Léotard, and Fock, “Phases anciennes de la cathédrale,” 123, 131; and Kupper, “Liège au VIIIe siècle,” 359. According to the Vita prima, the local populace built the basilica, inspired by miracles at the martyrdom site. For a discussion of this passage, see Genicot, “Aspects de Saint Hubert,” 16; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 26–27. 12. Kupper, “Archéologie et histoire,” 379–80. 13. Alénus-Lecerf, “La cimetière mérovingien de Liège,” 29; and Maquet, “Les origines de la collégiale Saint-Pierre,” 703. 14. Anselm is the first chronicler to claim that Bishop Hubert transferred the episcopal seat along with Saint Lambert’s relics. See Werner, Der Lütticher Raum, 281. 15. Kurth, La cité de Liège, 1:31; and Kupper, “Le village était devenu une cité,” 34. 16. It was customary during the Merovingian and Carolingian periods for bishops to establish several residences. The diocese of Liège, however, seems to have counted an exceptionally high number, totaling seven, in the towns of Tongeren, Maastricht, Liège, Huy, Namur, Dinant, and Givet. See Boeren, “Les évêques de Tongres-Maastricht,” 33; and Theuws, “Maastricht as a Centre of Power,” 160–62, 173–75, 181. 17. Kupper, “Archéologie et histoire,” 379–80. While the first documented reference to Liège as a civitas, signifying the seat of the bishopric, is in the early tenth-century chronicle by Regino of Prüm, Kupper argues that this author was referencing an earlier development. He also notes that in the Vita prima sancti Lamberti, written between 727 and 743, Liège is consistently designated as a villa, in contrast to the civitas of Maastricht, but that by ca. 825, the Vita secunda sancti Huberti no longer references Maastricht as a civitas but rather as a simple oppidum. See Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 23–24. 18. Genicot, “Un groupe épiscopal mérovingien,” 282; and Maquet, “Les origines de la collégiale Saint-Pierre,” 702–3. 19. Genicot, “Aspects de Saint Hubert,” 17. 20. Maquet, “Les origines de la collégiale Saint-Pierre,” 703. 21. Genicot, “Aspects de Saint Hubert,” 17. 22. Vita prima sancti Huberti, 799D. 23. Genicot, “Aspects de Saint Hubert,” 10; and Kupper, “Qui était saint Hubert?” 13. Plectrude’s kin were firmly established in Echternach (located in present-day Luxembourg) but may also have held the monastery of Süsteren (just north of Liège, now in the Dutch province of Limburg). See Fouracre, Age of Charles Martel, 43, 55–56. 24. Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians, 134. 25. Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms, 270–71; Wood, “Genealogy Defined by Women,” 239, 243–44; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 27–28. The exact identification of the lands belonging to Alpaïda’s family is problematic. See Fouracre, Age of Charles Martel, 34n4. 26. Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians, 134; Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms, 271; Wood, “Genealogy Defined by Women,” 244; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 29.

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notes to pp. 98–101 233 27. Werner discusses Carolingian involvement in the promotion of Liège as a religious center. See Werner, Der Lütticher Raum, 306–12, 317. 28. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 327, 340. 29. Ibid., 109–210. Five provosts themselves figured among thirteen candidates for the episcopal seat in the twelfth century. 30. The dignities of provost and archdeacon appear to have been merged from the time of Notger’s episopate. After 1200, cathedral provosts were specifically designated as archdeacons of the city. See Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 334. Paquay outlines the archdeacon’s rights in “Les fonctions et prérogatives des archidiacres,” 170–71. 31. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 334. 32. Lejeune, Liège et son pays, 236; and Marchandisse, La fonction épiscopale, 477– 78, 484. 33. Pope Sixtus IV renewed this privilege in 1480, in a bull summarized in Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, 5:208. 34. Marchandisse, La fonction épiscopale, 110–11, 209–17. 35. The status of the chapter of Saint Peter is evinced by the order of the canons’ names listed as witnesses to solemn acts and episcopal decrees. See Inventaire analytique des chartes de la collégiale de Saint-Pierre, xi. 36. Ibid., viii–ix. The church of Saint Peter was rebuilt and rededicated a third time by Bishop Otbert on October 1, 1117, the date celebrated as the feast of the dedication until the supression of the chapter in the nineteenth century. 37. Halkin, “Les statuts de la collégiale Saint-Pierre,” 494–95; and Dury, “Fraternités et clergé secondaire,” 307, 309. 38. The new seal, archives, fund, and keys are all mentioned in an act issued by the secondary clergy on October 12, 1408. See Bormans, Notice d’un cartulaire du clergé secondaire, 45–46. 39. Rubrics for this Mass, including references to the magistri civitatis, are found in the cathedral ordinal printed in 1492: B-Lu XVe s C227, fols. 134v–35v. 40. AEL Saint-Pierre 250–51. 41. Baix, “Saint Hubert: Sa mort, sa canonisation, ses reliques,” 74. 42. Zimmern notes that Carloman may have sought to ally Hubert’s cult with his own branch of the family, rather than with that of his rival Pippin. See Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 40–43. 43. Balau, Les sources de l’histoire, 41. 44. Vita prima sancti Huberti, 798–805. This hagiographer sought primarily to emphasize the bishop’s Christian virtues. See Maquet, “Les origines de la collégiale Saint-Pierre,” 701. 45. For a summary of these events, see Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 38–40. 46. Jonas of Orléans, Vita secunda sancti Huberti, 806–16. 47. Jonas of Orléans, Le métier du roi, 26–28; Dierkens, “La Christianisation des campagnes,” 320–24; Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 85–87; and Tada, “Creation of a Religious Centre,” 216–22. 48. Jonas of Orléans, Le métier du roi, 17–18, 26–27; and Dierkens, “La Christianisation des campagnes,” 311, 319–20. 49. Jonas of Orléans, Le métier du roi, 15–16; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 86, 90.

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50. See Zimmern’s discussion of audience, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 86–88, 95–99. In the Translatio sancti Huberti appended to the Vita secunda, Jonas of Orléans documented, in what appears to be a highly accurate and contemporaneous report, the circumstances motivating the translation of Hubert’s relics to Andage. Indeed, Jonas likely witnessed the translation, as suggested by Dubreucq in Jonas of Orléans, Le métier du roi, 27–28. For an analysis of these details, see Dierkens, “La Christianisation des campagnes,” 319–24. 51. Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 88. 52. Dierkens, “La translation du corps de saint Hubert,” 17. 53. A copy of Jonas’s Vita secunda sancti Huberti was transmitted in the tenth-century cathedral lectionary: B-Br 14650-59, fols. 206r–10r. 54. Saint Hubert’s Office was sung in Liège as late as the seventeenth century. See Daris, “La liturgie,” 11. 55. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 927D. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 116. 56. The wording of the Vita prima sancti Huberti is considerably different. Expressions such as “regali solio” are altogether absent from this passage. 57. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 602–17. 58. Kupper, “Saint Lambert” 43; and Adam, “La Vita Landiberti Leodiensis,” 525. 59. Alcuin, “Life of Saint Willibrord,” 196–97. For a reference to Willibrord’s inscriptions in his liturgical calendar, see Honée, “St Willibrord in Recent Historiography,” 16. 60. Alcuin, “Life of Saint Willibrord,” 198–201. 61. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 609E, and 616A; and Adam, “La Vita Landiberti Leodiensis,” 515–19. 62. Both Canon Nicholas and Henry of Leez had traveled to Rome previously, in 1139, amid the liégeois delegation accompanying Bishop Albero II to the Second Lateran Council. See Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 168; and Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 64. 63. Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 75. 64. Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 43–44; and Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 75. 65. For a detailed analysis and comparison of the Vita tertia, quarta, and quinta, see Van der Essen, Etude critique, 64–69. 66. Ibid., 65. The anonymous author of the Vita tertia sancti Huberti explicitly references Saint Lambert’s vita in the opening lines of the prologue, 829C. 67. Van der Essen, Etude critique, 66–68. 68. Martinot, Weber, and George, “La clé de Saint Hubert,” 4–5. 69. Gregory of Tours includes this detail in his influential account of Servatius’s life. For a recent discussion of this passage, see Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 251. 70. Tekippe, “Procession, Piety, and Politics,” 79. 71. Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 287–88. 72. Martinot, Weber, and George, “La clé de Saint Hubert,” 4; and Hartog, Romanesque Sculpture, 4–5. 73. Martinot, Weber, and George, “La clé de Saint Hubert,” 19. For a detailed analysis of the material composition and dating of Saint Hubert’s key, see 9–16. Giles of Orval references the key in his Gesta pontificum, 43. 74. Tekippe, “Procession, Piety, and Politics,” 89. 75. Tekippe discusses the prestige of Servatius’s ties to Saint Peter in ibid., 83.

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notes to pp. 105–111 235 76. For a transcription of the cathedral charter of 1315 founding the chapel of Saint Maternus see Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, 3:151. 77. The baculum Petri resuscitation miracle is a topos of apostolic legends. See Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 300–304. 78. Mannaerts discusses these attributes in the context of Maternus’s cult in Tongeren. See Mannaerts, “A Collegiate Church on the Divide,” 102–3, 120–42. 79. William Durand, Rationale divinorum officiorum, 140:214–17. 80. Duffy, Saint and Sinners, 1. 81. NL-DHk 68 A 1, fols. 150r–52v; B-Br 6434, fols. 123r–26v. 82. Among the earliest examples of modal ordering is Bishop Stephen’s tenthcentury Office for Saint Lambert, after which the practice became increasingly prevalent. See Hiley, Introduction to Historia Sancti Emmerammi, xxv. 83. As mentioned previously, the melody of this responsory is transmitted in a processional for the collegiate church of Saint Peter in Liège: B-Br IV 112 fols. 143v–44r. The fact that the chapter of Saint Peter sang this responsory in the procession held on Saint Hubert’s feast suggests that they were equally familiar with the entire Office. 84. Since this responsory was also sung at Second Vespers, it is transmitted in NL-DHk 68 A 1, fol. 152r–v; B-Br 6434, fol. 126r–v. With only eight scales in the medieval modal system, it was customary to return to mode 1 for the ninth antiphon and responsory at Matins. 85. Hiley, Western Plainchant, 273. 86. Hughes, “Literary Transformations in Post-Carolingian Saints’ Offices,” 25. 87. Bain has demonstrated that the Magnificat and Benedictus antiphons from Hubert’s liégeois Office preserved in the Salzinnes Antiphonal exemplify characteristics of the plainchant repertory composed in the eleventh century and later, through a comparison of these melodies to the music of Hildegard of Bingen (1098–1179) as well as the theories and compositions of Hermannus Contractus (1013–54). See Bain, “Hildegard, Hermannus, and Late Chant Style,” 131–39. 88. Hankeln, “Old and New in Medieval Chant,” 162–63; and Hughes, The Versified Office, 2:506–17. 89. Two sequences listed in Analecta hymnica are transmitted in twelfth- or thirteenth-century sources: Regem regum invocemus (AH, vol. 44, no. 162) and Laudes Christo personemus (AH, vol. 55, no. 171). 90. For a previous discussion of this evidence, see Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 123–24. 91. B-Lu XVe C227, fol. 165r. The same passage is reproduced in the cathedral ordinal printed in 1521: B-Lu 5084 B, 203. The cult of Saint Hubert was also enhanced at the Abbey of Saint Lawrence around this time. Between 1378 and 1388, Abbot Robert of Gynemont elevated Saint Hubert’s feast to duplex rank, as recorded in the Historia insignis monasterii sancti Laurenti, 1119. 92. It is significant that the Office of Saint Hubert transmitted in the cathedral breviary from ca. 1320 (D-DS 394, vol. 2 fols. 320r–24v [present foliation] or fols. 802r–6v [original foliation]) was copied in a fifteenth-century supplement at the end of the manuscript. For a discussion of the contents and dating of this source, see Eizenhöfer and Knaus, Die liturgischen Handschriften der Hessischen Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek Darmstadt, 258–59. This Office is identical to that transmitted

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in the cathedral breviaries printed in 1484 and 1509 with the exception of the fifth responsory: Papa sacer novit hubertum replaces Post funus triste. It also lacks the prosa. Analecta hymnica lists only one other fourteenth-century source for the Office (Dusseldorf Ms C 60). All other known sources date from or after the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 93. An ordinal for the collegiate church of Our Lady in Maastricht, copied in the third quarter of the fourteenth century, specifies that only the collects and nine lections of Hubert’s Office were proper to his vita and that the remainder of the Office was taken from the common of confessors. See De ordinarius van de collegiale Onze Lieve Vrouwekerk te Maastricht, 230–31. 94. AH, vol. 40, no. 231. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 227–28, with minor variants. Extant sources for this sequence are exclusively textual and date from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Mannaerts notes that this sequence was not sung in Tongeren until the 1430s, as evinced by its absence from a gradual dating from ca. 1390 and inclusion in the ordinal of 1435–36. See Mannaerts, “A Collegiate Church on the Divide,” 77–79. 95. For these details, see Xhayet, Réseaux de pouvoir, 207. 96. Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 45; Kupper, “Qui était saint Hubert?” 17; Dierkens “La Christianisation des campagnes,” 312, 323; and Dierkens, “Carolus monasteriorum,” 288. 97. Zimmern notes that pilgrimage to Andage would have provided additional financial support for the abbey. Indeed, following the arrival of Hubert’s relics at Andage and the renaming of the Benedictine abbey under his titular patronage, the saint soon gained recognition from the rural clergy, as attested by a series of miracles recorded in the Miraculorum sancti Huberti. For a discussion of these rural miracles, see Dierkens, “La Christianisation des campagnes,” 326–27; and Zimmern, “Hagiography and the Cult of Saints,” 100–103. 98. Two panels, the Dream of Pope Sergius (Los Angeles, the J. Paul Getty Museum) and the Exhumation of Saint Hubert (London, National Gallery), originally belonged to a pictorial series commissioned for the chapel of Saint Hubert following the enlargement of the church of Saint Gudula beginning in 1415. Pope Eugenius IV granted permission for the founding of the chapel in 1432. Jan Coels endowed it with funds in 1437, and his brother-in-law Gillis Coels served as its first chaplain in 1439. Both founders were connected to the Burgundian duke, Philip the Good, and could have easily commissioned the panels from Rogier van der Weyden. Several artists, presumably from van der Weyden’s shop, collaborated to complete the painting. For the most recent pictorial analysis and overview of scholarship on these images, including a bibliography, see Metzger and Wolfthal, Corpus of Fifteenth-Century Painting (in press). My thanks to Diane Wolfthal for sharing a draft of this entry prior to publication, and for her insight into the symbolism of the scene. For the details of the chapel’s founding, see Campbell, “Rogier van der Weyden and His Workshop,” 16–20. 99. Pilgrimage to Rome, and specifically to the Church of the Apostles, fulfilled an episcopal duty. See Tekippe, “Procession, Piety, and Politics,” 78. 100. Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 612E, 616A–C. 101. Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 75.

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notes to pp. 118–122 237 102. Mathias de Lewis, canon and dean of the collegiate church of Holy Cross, includes a similar account in his chronicle completed by 1379. See Mathias de Lewis, Chronicon Leodiense, 28–29. 103. Vita quarta sancti Huberti, 832F–33D; and Vita quinta sancti Huberti, 834E–35D. 104. Marchandisse, La fonction épiscopale, 110. 105. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 147, 164, 171–72; and Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 81. 106. Marchandisse, La fonction épiscopale, 212. 107. Daris, “La liturgie,” 70. See also AH, vol. 23, no. 335, with minor variants. 108. Daris, “La liturgie,” 71. See also AH, vol. 23, no. 336. 109. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 926D. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 115. 110. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 926D–E; translated by Barbara Newman. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 115. 111. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 926F. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 115. 112. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 926F. 113. The word “miter” is absent from the following hagiographic and historical sources: the seven vitae and two books of miracles for Saint Hubert given in Acta sanctorum, the thirteenth-century Gesta pontificum by Giles of Orval, the late fourteenth-century chronicle by John of Outremeuse, the anonymous Latin “Légende Brabançonne,” the fifteenth-century French life attributed to Hubert the Provost, and the Middle-Dutch life of Saint Hubert copied in a fifteenth-century manuscript housed in Deventer. For published editions of the sources not given in Acta sanctorum, see: Giles of Orval, Gesta pontificum, 42–43; John of Outremeuse, Ly myreur des histors, 2:371–74; La vie de saint Hubert dite d’Hubert le prevost; Doppler, “Korte Levensbeschrijving der HH. Servatius en Hubertus.” The painting at the Getty Museum is the only extant artistic representation of this legend. 114. My thanks to Diane Wolfthal for bringing these pictorial details to my attention. 115. William Durand, Rationale divinorum officiorum, 140:209–13. 116. Ibid., 140:177–84. 117. Indeed, Sergius was the compromise candidate, appointed to resolve the electoral division between the supporters of Paschal and those of his opponent Theodore. While Theodore accepted Sergius’s election without hesitation, Paschal submitted only under force and continued to plot against the new pope. Paschal remained impenitent even following his deposition and imprisonment in a monastery, where he remained for five years until his death in 692. For these details, see Richards, The Popes and the Papacy, 207–8. 118. Marchandisse, La fonction épiscopale, 452. 119. Eustache Persand subsequently took refuge in Avignon. See Xhayet, Réseaux de pouvoir, 200. 120. For an account and political analysis of these events, see Marchandisse, La fonction épiscopale, 190–99. Given the emphasis on Hubert’s reception of episcopal insignia and especially the bishop’s miter in the Office chants, it is perhaps more than coincidental that coinage issued under Arnold of Hornes depicts the bishop precisely with this same signum pontificis. See Marchandisse, “La symbolique du pouvoir épiscopal,” 22–23.

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121. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 926E. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 115. 122. Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:383; and Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:226–27. 123. Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:383. 124. Typically, the infula are a pair of bands or ribbons hanging from the back of the bishop’s miter, but the term can be used more broadly to refer to the cords attached to other vestments. On this broader use, see Norris, Church Vestments, 94. 125. My thanks to Susan Boynton for this insight. For this meaning of the term infula, see Niermeyer and Van de Kieft, Mediae Latinitatis lexicon minus, 1:700. 126. On average, approximately one year separated each bishop’s reign throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Most episcopal elections during this period generated hostilities involving the cathedral chapter. See Marchandisse, La fonction épiscopale, 476. 127. Ibid., 109–10, 477. 128. Vita prima sancti Huberti, 801E; and Vita secunda sancti Huberti, 812. 129. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 927B–C; translated by Barbara Newman. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 115. 130. Venantius Fortunatus, Vita sancti Albini, 58F. For a succinct summary of the central elements of Fortunatus’s vita and the cult of Albinus, see Carrasco, “Sanctity and Experience in Pictorial Hagiography.” 131. Maquet, “Les origines de la collégiale Saint-Pierre,” 702–3. 132. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 927B; translated by Barbara Newman. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 115. 133. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 927C. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 116. 134. NL-DHk 68 A 1, fol. 152v. See also Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 927C, with variants including the following in 3b: “Atque vestris precibus amove.” 135. For a broader discussion of the genre and meaning of the Office prosa, see Steiner, “Some Melismas for Office Responsories”; Kelly, “New Music from Old”; and Maurey, “Heresy, Devotion and Memory.” 136. For an analysis of the melodies of these chants, as transmitted in the Salzinnes Antiphonal, see Bain, “Hildegard, Hermannus, and Late Chant Style,” 134–37. 137. Gloria postuma sancti Huberti, 926B. 138. Ibid., 928D. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 116. 139. Several scholars have examined the dispersal of Hubert’s relics. See, for example, Demarteau, “Le corps de Saint Hubert,” 49–59; and Lefèvre, “Essai sur la structuration de la diffusion du culte de saint Hubert,” 11, 22. 140. The bull is referenced in numerous sources, including the following: Demarteau, “Le corps de Saint Hubert,” 52–53; Dessoy, “Le corps de Saint Hubert,” 15–16; Lefèvre, “Essai sur la structuration de la diffusion du culte de saint Hubert,” 11, 24; and Marquet, “Le culte de saint Hubert,” 34. Dessoy notes that Pope Leo X did not guarantee the integrity of Hubert’s body at Andange, but merely supported the monks’ claim to this privilege. 141. Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:225; and Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:382. 142. Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:392. It seems likely that Robert I de la Marck died in combat on June 20, 1489. For a discussion of his death date, see Albot, “La date de la mort de Robert I de la Marck.”

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notes to pp. 133–138 239 143. The first exorcism occurred in 1508, contrary to the incorrect date of 1308 given in Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 127. 144. John of Brusthem, Vita reverendissimi domini Erardi, 27. A similar account is found in Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:241–42. 145. Dupont, “Aux origines de deux aspects particuliers du culte de saint Hubert,” 19–26. 146. Vita prima sancti Huberti, 800B; and Vita secunda sancti Huberti, 811A. While the cathedral chants for Saint Hubert lack any reference to this exorcism, three sequences listed in Analecta hymnica allude to this event: Laudes Christo personemus (AH, vol. 55, no. 171); Canat mater dulcibus (AH, vol. 10, no. 256); and Vox de caelo (AH, vol. 10, no. 257). 147. Mathias de Lewis, Chronicon Leodiense, 29. This same passage, with minor variants, is found in the Vita quarta sancti Huberti, 833C; and in the Vita quinta sancti Huberti, 835D. For a discussion of this passage, see Martinot, Weber, and George, “La clé de Saint Hubert,” 8; Lefèvre, “Essai sur la structuration de la diffusion du culte de saint Hubert,” 13; and Marquet, “Le culte de saint Hubert,” 32.

Chapter Four 1. Bishop Richer rebuilt the church of Saint Peter; Eraclus founded the church of Saint Paul and built the sanctuary that would become Saint Martin; Notger founded Holy Cross, Saint Denis, and Saint John the Evangelist; and Balderic II dedicated Saint Bartholomew. See Kupper, “Archéologie et histoire,” 381–84. 2. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 327–28. 3. As we shall see later in this chapter, the secular canons of Liège would increasingly delegate their musical duties to lower-ranking minor canons and other clerics from the thirteenth century onward. 4. The chapter of Holy Cross, for example, maintained a tradition of venerating the three individuals credited with its foundation: Bishops Notger and Wazo, and Provost Robert. See Inventaire analytique des chartes de la collégiale de Sainte-Croix, xxviii. 5. Kupper considers Saint Lambert’s martyrdom, the translation of his relics, and Notger’s construction program as the three most important events of the city’s early history. See Kupper, “Archéologie et histoire,” 377. 6. Kurth devotes an entire chapter, titled “Notger second fondateur de Liège,” to Notger’s civic undertakings. See Kurth, Notger de Liège, 1:130. 7. Folcuin, Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, 70: “Nullus praedecessorum suorum, quantum recordatur opinio, illo amplius Leodiensem ecclesiam rebus auxit, aedificiis nobilitavit.” See also Kupper, “Notger de Liège revisité,” 16. 8. For a discussion of Notger’s reputation and documentation of his deeds, see the following publications by Kupper: “Archéologie et histoire,” 381–84; “Aux lisières de l’empire”; “Notger de Liège revisité”; and “Notger de Liège.” 9. For recent scholarship on the interplay of religion and social networks in medieval urban society, see, for example, Goodson, Lester, and Symes, Cities, Texts and Social Networks.

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10. Recent studies exploring the spatial or sonic aspects of urban identity include the following: Burgess and Wathey, “Mapping the Soundscape”; Hanawalt and Kobialka, Medieval Practices of Space; Boone and Stabel, eds., Shaping Urban Identity in Late Medieval Europe; Carter, “The Sound of Silence”; Borsay, “Sounding the Town”; Sheldrake, “Placing the Sacred”; Lilley, City and Cosmos; Classen, Urban Space in the Middle Ages; Stoessel, Identity and Locality in Early European Music; and Cassidy-Welch, “Space and Place in Medieval Contexts.” 11. The choral ensembles documented at the cathedral and collegiate churches from the fourteenth century onward were led by a priest musician (the choirmaster called the succentor) but also included choirboys, young clerics in minor orders, chaplains, and a few tonsured laymen (the chorales) who had to abide by a strict code of conduct. Organists are documented at the churches of Saint John and Saint Martin. For these details, see Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 281–93. 12. Anselm devotes six chapters to Notger’s episcopate in his Gesta pontificum, 203–6. 13. Only since 925 had Liège been incorporated to the Germanic realm. See Kupper, “Aux lisières de l’empire,” 97; and Kupper, “Notger de Liège revisité,” 7–8. 14. The foundation of this new cathedral was confirmed in an act dated June 2, 965, and signed by Emperor Otto the Great and his son Otto II, King Lothair of France, the archbishops of Cologne, Trier, and Reims, as well as numerous bishops within these regions. See Kupper, “Les origines de la collégiale Saint-Martin.” 15. Ibid., 18; and Kupper, “Archéologie et histoire,” 381–83. Initially, however, Notger may have sought to move the episcopal seat to the town of Huy, as suggested by his intimate collaborator, monk Heriger of Lobbes. Yet Notger’s plans were substantially altered with the ascent of the Robertian monarchs over the Carolingian dynasty in France, marked by the coronation of Hughes Capet in 987. Relieved from the lingering threat of the Carolingian obsession with Lotharingia, Notger could thus refocus his energies on Liège. At precisely the time that Carolingian hostilities ceased, Notger took forceful action against the local aristocracy by besieging the imposing fortress of Chèvremont and capturing its rebellious nobility. See Joris, La ville de Huy au moyen-âge, 102; Kupper, “Aux lisières de l’empire,” 100–102; Kupper, “Notger de Liège revisité,” 9–11; and Kupper, “Chèvremont,” 37. 16. Kupper, “Archéologie et histoire,” 381–83; and Dunin-Wasowicz, “Le culte de saint Adalbert.” 17. Kurth counts sixty canons at the cathedral, thirty at the collegiate church of Saint Peter, fifteen at Holy Cross, and thirty each at the churches of Saint Martin, Saint Paul, Saint Denis, and Saint John. See Kurth, Notger de Liège, 1:166. According to Anselm, Notger promoted education among the resident clergy and also established classes for the laity. See Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 205–6; Renardy, “Les écoles liégeoises”; and Delville, “Notger, la culture et les écoles.” 18. For a detailed study of Notger’s fortifications, see Denoël, “Les fortifications notgeriennes.” 19. Kupper, “Archéologie et histoire,” 383–84. Kupper notes that Notger had three reasons to deepen the river: to prevent flooding, to better protect the unwalled island, and to introduce a course of water near the city center for use by nearby mills.

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notes to pp. 140–143 241 20. Notger’s cathedral measured some 300 feet in length and was consecrated by his successor, Balderic II, in 1015. See Genicot, “La cathédrale notgerienne”; Otte, Léotard, and Fock, “Phases anciennes de la cathédrale”; and Piavaux, “La cathédrale Notre-Dame-et-Saint-Lambert.” 21. This double-choir structure was probably inspired by an earlier church built after the transfer of the episcopal seat from Maastricht to Liège in a style typical of the Carolingian era and found throughout the Rheno-Mosan region. See Otte, Léotard, and Fock, “Phases anciennes de la cathédrale,” 133–39; and Piavaux, “La cathédrale Notre-Dame-et-Saint-Lambert,” 54–55. 22. It appears that this western crypt was still used to venerate Lambert’s relics as late as the eighteenth century. See Otte, Léotard, and Fock, “Phases anciennes de la cathédrale,” 135. 23. Genicot, “La cathédrale notgerienne,” 24–25. 24. Piavaux, “La cathédrale Notre-Dame-et-Saint-Lambert,” 64. 25. Kupper, “Les origines de la collégiale Saint-Martin,” 19. 26. Polain, “La formation territoriale,” 178. 27. Kupper, “Les origines de la collégiale Saint-Martin,” 20. 28. Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 203. See also Kupper, “L’évêque Notger et la fondation de la collégiale Sainte-Croix,” 420–21. Kupper argues that the “powerful personage” wishing to erect the fortress was the Carolingian duke Charles “de Lorraine” (977–95) or his son Otto (995–1005). 29. Anselm of Liège, Gesta pontificum, 204. 30. Kurth, Notger de Liège, 1:152. See 2:40–58 for a detailed discussion of Notger’s burial wishes and the search for the bishop’s remains at Saint John. 31. Delville, “Notger, nouveau saint Jean,” 71–73. 32. On the formation of the episcopal principality during Bishop Notger’s tenure (972–1008), see Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 421–25; and Kupper, “Aux lisières de l’empire.” 33. For a detailed discussion of Notger’s posthumous veneration, see Kurth, Notger de Liège, 1:346–53. 34. Reimbald joined the chapter of Saint John in 1101 and served subsequently as provost of this church (from 1126) and Holy Cross (1140), and finally as dean of the cathedral (1141). Kurth was the first historian to study the Vita Notgeri episcopi Leodiensis in detail. See his edition of this source in Notger de Liège, 2:10–15. See also Deckers, “Les Vitae Notgeri”; Kupper, “Note sur une ‘Vie de l’évêque de Liège Notger’”; Delville, “Vie de Notger,” 7; and Delville, “Notger, nouveau saint Jean,” 66–67. 35. Kupper, “Note sur une ‘Vie de l’évêque de Liège Notger,’” 914–16. 36. Deckers believes that the poem was probably written between 1010 and 1020 to commemorate Notger’s memory at the collegiate church of Saint John and was probably read annually on the anniversary of his death. See Deckers, “Les Vitae Notgeri,” 21–23. 37. Ibid., 21–24. 38. Vita Notgeri, 2:11. 39. Previous scholars have noted a parallel between this biblical passage and the inscription, reading “fluminis impetus latificat sanctam urbem,” on the baptismal font of the civic baptistery, Our Lady ad Fontes, completed before 1118. The

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author of the Vita Notgeri may have been inspired by this local and visually prominent reference to the heavenly city. See Delville, “Vie de Notger,” 14. 40. Vita Notgeri, 2:12. 41. For a reference to this lexical association, see Deroy, “Nouvelle réflexions sur l’origine du nom de Liège,” 539. Delville identifies the law, in its singular form, as “the Divine Law.” See Delville, “Vie de Notger,” 14. 42. My thanks to Leofranc Holford-Strevens for pointing out this connection to Cassiodorus. 43. Cassiodorus: Explanation of the Psalms, 1:50. 44. Cassiodorus, Expositio psalmorum, 1:32. 45. Webb, “Cathedrals of Words,” 93–94. 46. Chapter 4 details Notger’s special connection to the church of the Evangelist. The bishop not only founds this church with his personal funds, but he endows it with property and a chapter of thirty canons, and decorates it with altar cloths, tapestries, curtains, vessels, candlesticks, and other utensils necessary for the celebration of the Divine cult. To symbolically defend the site and its occupants, Notger further endows the church with the precious relics of the martyr Vincent, as well as those of saints Fabian and Sebastian. For these details, see the Vita Notgeri, 2:11–12. 47. Ibid., 2:12. See also Kurth, Notger de Liège, 1:152; Inventaire analytique des chartes de la collégiale de Saint-Jean, i; Deckers, “Notger et la fondation de la collégiale Saint-Jean,” 14–15; and Kupper, “L’évêque Notger et la fondation de la collégiale Sainte-Croix,” 424. 48. Delville, “Vie de Notger”; and Delville, “Notger, nouveau saint Jean,” 65–73. 49. For the following details, see the Vita Notgeri, 2:14–15. Delville discusses the significance of Notger’s actions at the church of Saint John in “Notger, nouveau saint Jean,” 65–73. 50. Deckers, “Les Vitae Notgeri,” 21–23. 51. Reimbald may have also authored the Liber de diversis ordinibus, a portion of which defends secular canons and justifies their lifestyle. See Dereine, “Clercs et moines,” 195. 52. Deckers, “Les Vitae Notgeri,” 22; and Kupper, “Archéologie et histoire,” 384. Poncelet examines the dissolution of communal life among the secular canons of Liège in “La cessation de la vie commune.” For a more recent discussion of this phenomenon, see Wilkin, “Fratres et canonici.” 53. Deckers, “Les Vitae Notgeri,” 22. 54. Kupper counts sixty resident canons at the cathedral by the end of Bishop Wazo’s tenure (1048) in Liège et l’église impériale, 327. Chot-Stassart claims that the cathedral of Liège was one of the most important institutions in the German Empire on account of its size. See Chot-Stassart, “Le chapitre cathédral de SaintLambert,” 9. 55. Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 340. Kupper describes the cathedral chapter as a “corporation of lords” intent on preserving their privileges and liberties. Cathedral canons were recruited for the most part from the nobility. 56. Dury, “Fraternités et clergé secondaire”; and Dury, “Fraternités de chapitres et chapitres de prêtres.” While initially exclusive to the collegiate churches located within the city, chapters from other parts of the diocese would soon join this assembly so that by 1437 the secondary clergy comprised fifty-nine chapters.

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notes to pp. 148–149 243 57. AEL Saint-Denis 1 fol. 94r; and Bormans, “Notice des cartulaires de la collégiale Saint-Denis,” 80. 58. The assembly of the secondary clergy sought principally to support the demands of the collegiate churches through collective action. See Dury, “Fraternités et clergé secondaire,” 311. Documents preserved at Saint Peter in a cartulary belonging to the secondary clergy testify to the active involvement of this auxiliary government in a range of affairs—taxes, crimes, military expeditions, monetary loans, and the collation of benefices—concerning the bishops, clergy, and city council of Liège from the early thirteenth to late fifteenth centuries. See Bormans, Notice d’un cartulaire du clergé secondaire. 59. Kurth, La cité de Liège au moyen-âge, 1:111–237. 60. A liturgical strike resulting in the silencing of the Divine cult throughout the entire city is reported in 1198 by Renier of Saint James. See Denoël, “Les ramparts de la cité de Liège,” 65. 61. Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, 1:283–84. 62. This rule is documented in the following passage from a twelfth-century document copied as an appendix to the fourteenth-century Le liber officiorum, 73–74: “Cum enim nullis horis signa sua pulsare debeant nisi signo Sancti-Lamberti ante pulsato . . . ut ostendant alias ecclesias in suorum officiorum executione et ordine quadam sua obedientia reverentiam privilegii matri ecclesie servaturas.” The appendix has been dated to the second half of the twelfth century on account of the individual canons it names. 63. For a comparative study of the performing forces of the cathedral and seven collegiate churches of Liège, see Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 278–372. 64. The foundation of the minor canons of Saint Maternus, confirmed by Bishop Hugh of Pierrepont in 1203, marks the earliest extant reference to the musical duties required of the cathedral personnel. Ten canons originally destined to revive celebrations of the divine service at the neighboring abbey of Our Lady ad Fontes were transferred to the cathedral to form a new chapter under the patronage of Saint Maternus. For circumstances surrounding the foundation of this chapter see Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, 1:xiii; Lahaye, “Les chanoines de Saint-Materne,” 96–101; and Marchandisse, “L’obituaire du chapitre de Saint-Materne,” 11. 65. Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, 1:137. 66. No extant documents specify a date for the secularization of the cathedral chapter, although there is evidence that by the twelfth century many canons had abandoned communal life to reside in individual houses. See Kupper, Liège et l’église impériale, 312–14. 67. Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, 1:580–92. These statutes are dated November 9, 1250. The chapter of Saint Giles, also known as the Petite Table, was founded between 1230 and 1234. See Dubois, Le chapitre cathédral de Saint-Lambert, 157. 68. Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, 2:283–84. In practice, however, the chapter of Saint Maternus would remain fixed at just eleven canonicates throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 69. Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, 3:505. The cathedral chapter issued these statutes in 1336.

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70. Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 300–302. 71. For a list of the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century musicians who held a minor canonicate at the cathedral, see Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 354–55. 72. The custom of communal celebrations held on these major feasts conformed to standard liturgical practices in most Western churches. Processions on Christmas, Purification, Palm Sunday, Easter, Pentecost, Assumption, and most probably Epiphany and Ascension as well, are documented in other churches from at least the eighth century. See Bailey, Processions of Sarum and the Western Church, 100–101. 73. Le liber officiorum, 63–66; AEL Sainte-Croix 5 fol. 214r. For additional details regarding these requirements, see Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 226–39. 74. B-Br IV 112, fols. 52r and 123r; B-Lu XVe s C227, fols. 68v–69r. For details on the corona sancti lamberti see Forgeur, “Joseph Dreppe et le couronne de lumières.” The corona sancti lamberti resembled the elaborate lamp in Aachen’s Marienkirche. McGrade describes the corona in Aachen’s Marienkirche in “O Rex Mundi Triumphator,” 208–9. 75. Forgeur, “Jospeh Dreppe et la couronne de lumières,” 211. There are additional references to singing beneath the cathedral chandelier during the Lenten procession before Annunciation (B-Br IV 112, fol. 33v) and in the Palm Sunday procession (B-Lu Res 143 A, fol. 13r). 76. B-Br IV 112, fol. 52r. 77. B-Lu XVe s C227, fols. 68v–69r. 78. Balau, Les sources de l’histoire, 538. 79. Le liber officiorum, 10–11; AEL Sainte-Croix 5 fol. 214v: “De obsequiis vero in pretacta majori ecclesia per secundarias ecclesias . . . in diminutionem notorie vergentibus dicti divini cultus et subtractionem, presertim diebus natalis Domini, Pasche et Pentechoste, quibus devotio fidelium, cleri et populi amplior esse deberet, oporteat corrumpi, sincopari, et quodammodo obmitti officium.” 80. Numerous sources describe these confraternal agreements. Archival records include AEL Saint-Martin 17bis p. 54, and AEL Sainte-Croix 50 fol. 11v. Published sources include the following: Inventaire analytique des chartes de la collégiale de SainteCroix, 80; Inventaire analytique et chronologique de chartes du chapitre de Saint-Martin, 13; Cartulaire ou recueil de chartes et documents inédits de l’église collégiale de Saint-Paul, 47; and Thimister, “Chartes inédits de l’anciennce église collégiale de Saint-Paul,” 277. 81. AEL Saint-Martin 123–42. 82. In the accounting year 1377/78, the clergy of Saint Martin paid the choral singers (chorales) of Saint John for the feast of Saint Martin. Similar payments from the first decade of the fifteenth century mention the choral singers of both Saint John and Saint Paul for this feast or for the Dedication. References to the organist or to playing the organ on these occasions begin as early as 1363/64 and continue until 1426/27. See AEL Saint-Martin 122–30. 83. AEL Saint-Martin 129, 136. 84. Mixter, “Johannes Brassart: A Biographical and Bibliographical Study,” 37–62. Brassart also visited the papal court in 1424–25, under Martin V, and may have composed his motet Te dignitas presularis for him. See Bent, “Early Papal

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notes to pp. 152–153 245 Motets,” 34–36. Brassart held some of these court and church positions simultaneously, as documented in a record from the Council of Basel issued on December 10, 1434, identifying Brassart both as the archpriest of the parish of Our Lady ad Fontes in Liège and as an imperial chaplain. See Concilium Basiliense, 3:269; and Bent, “Ciconia’s Dedicatee,” 44–47. Brassart was admitted by name to the Council on June 5, 1433. 85. In Liège, Brassart was known alternatively as Johannes Brassart de Lude or as Johannes de le Wegge, likely referencing his origins in the village of Lowaige, approximately four miles from Tongeren, northwest of Liège. Brassart appears under the name “Johannes de le Wegge” in one document from the cathedral (AEL Cathédrale CG 28) and in a previously unstudied payment from Saint Denis (AEL Saint-Denis 199). Late medieval forms of Lowaige are given in Dictionnaire historique et géographique des communes belges, 1:680. For Brassart’s local ecclesiastical appointments, see Clercx, “Jean Brassart et le début de sa carrière”; Quitin, “Les maîtres de chant de la cathédrale,” 10; Quitin, “Notes sur Johannes Brassart de Lude”; Mixter, “Johannes Brassart: A Biographical and Bibliographical Study,” 37–62; Starr, “Letter to the Editors”; and Schreurs “Music at the Collegiate Church of Tongeren,” 2486–89. 86. See, for example, Wright, “Brassart, Johannes,” Grove Music Online, www. oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed August 23, 2013). 87. There is no documentary evidence to support the common assumption that Brassart served as choirmaster of Saint John. Extant payments from 1368/69 to the end of the fifteenth century consistently designate but one individual as choirmaster at Saint John, and those that list the choirmaster in the company of additional adults frequently use the choirmaster’s title to distinguish him from the other singers. For a discussion of this misconception and analysis of the liégeois sources, see Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 312–15. At the civic baptistery of Our Lady ad Fontes, the archpriest held the rank of a chaplain and was appointed by the dignitaries of the cathedral chapter. See Lahaye, “Les paroisses de Liège,” 7–8. 88. For a detailed discussion of the duties of the church personnel in Liège, see Forgeur, “Les statuts et l’organisation des collégiales” 281–94. 89. Ibid., 197; and Clercx, Johannes Ciconia, 34. 90. Quitin discusses the role of the assistant choirmasters in “Les maîtres de chant de la cathédrale,” 5–6. See also Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 304–6. 91. Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 286–88. 92. Details concerning the Brassart family property are documented in AEL Saint-Jean 2 fol. 17r–v. See also Droz, “Musiciens liégeois du XVe siècle”; and Mixter, “Johannes Brassart: A Biographical and Bibliographical Study,” 44–45. 93. Payments from 1357 attest to the ongoing observance of Notger’s anniversary. See AEL Saint-Jean 226. 94. Vita Notgeri, 2:15: “Principale altare in honore beati Johannis evangeliste manu sua consecravit, et totam ecclesiam intus et extra cultui divino dedicavit.” 95. The motet is transmitted in two manuscripts: GB-Ob 213, fols. 131v–32r; and I-TRmp 87-1, fols. 79v–81r. In GB-Ob 213 it is introduced with the inscription “Johannes de ludo compossuit Ad honorem sancti Jo[hannis] evangeliste.” In I-TRmp 87-1, Fortis cum quevis actio appears in the seventh gathering alongside three other motets attributed or ascribed to Brassart, at least two of which share a likely

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connection to Liège: Lamberte vir inclite and Christi nutu sublimato (both for Saint Lambert), and Te dignitas presularis (for Saint Martin). Fortis cum quevis actio is published in Johannes Brassart: Opera omnia, 2:19–23. The motet has been dated to the 1420s or 1430s, on stylistic and thematic grounds. See Mixter, “Johannes Brassart and His Works,” 1:80, 113, 138, 190; Hamm, “Manuscript Structure in the Dufay Era,” 169–71; Wright, The Related Parts of Trent, 189; and Cumming, The Motet in the Age of Du Fay, 228–29. 96. My thanks to Leofranc Holford-Strevens for his assistance with my translation. 97. Mixter notes the structural importance of imitation in this motet in “Johannes Brassart and His Works,” 1:113. 98. Hamburger, St John the Divine, 165–66; and Volfing, John the Evangelist and Medieval German Writing, 36–40. 99. Volfing, John the Evangelist and Medieval German Writing, 11, 26–31; and Greenhill, “The Group of Christ and St John,” 408. 100. Translated by Volfing, John the Evangelist and Medieval German Writing, 39–40. For the original Latin, see Liber de ortu et obitu patriarcharum, 63–64. 101. Fulton, From Judgment to Passion, 272, 554. Jacobus de Voragine paraphrased the Gospel of Pseudo-Melito in his entry for Assumption in the widely disseminated Golden Legend, dated ca. 1260. See Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, 2:80. For an analysis of this apocryphal narrative in the Assumption liturgy, see Fulton, “‘Quae est ista quae ascendit sicut aurora consurgens?” 102. Translated by Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament, 712. 103. Volfing, John the Evangelist and Medieval German Writing, 94. 104. B-Lu Res 143 A, fol. 12r; B-Ls 32 A 8, fols. 15r–16r; B-Lgc H118/87 (GC. REL.25c.1987.34050), fols. 41v–42v. 105. AH, vol. 37, no. 217. See also Daris, “La liturgie,” 133, with minor variants. 106. The sequence melody is transmitted in the following fourteenth-century graduals destined for the city of Liège: B-Lgc H118/87 (GC.REL.25c.1987.34050), fols. 41v–42v; B-Ls 32 A 8, fols. 15r–16r. It is also found in a late fourteenth-century gradual for the collegiate church of Our Lady in Tongeren: B-TOolv 57, fols. 20v–22v. 107. Deckers, “Les Vitae Notgeri,” 21–23; and Inventaire analytique des chartes de la collégiale de Saint-Jean, iii. 108. Deckers, “Les Vitae Notgeri,” 23–25. Deckers argues that the late fifteenthcentury biography, copied from a tabula membranea, in the Itinerarium is the same document referenced in an archival inventory of 1517 and is also the manuscripta tabula kept in the church choir that is mentioned in an act of 1633: “manuscripta tabula fundationis hujus ecclesiae, publice ab olim in choro exposita.” Deckers speculates that the Vita Notgeri may have disappeared during the Burgundian attack of 1468 and that the anonymous late fifteenth-century biography, authored perhaps by the scholaster and dean Johannes de Platea de Senzeille (b. ca. 1433, d. 1503), was written to replace it. Documents from as late as the eighteenth century specify that Notger’s life was still read at Saint Jean on the bishop’s anniversary during the Office of Prime. 109. Kurth, Notger de Liège, 1:349; and Laffineur-Crépin, “L’affaire du tombeau,” 108. 110. Indeed the end of line 9 “jam incepit novum esse,” which marks the midpoint of the text, is punctuated by a breve rest in both voices, the only occurence of a simultaneous pause of this length in the entire motet.

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notes to pp. 160–165 247 111. For an etymological analysis of the name Legia, see: Herbillon, “Petite histoire du nom de Liège”; Deroy, “Nouvelles réflexions sur l’origine du nom de Liége”; and Deroy, “Les noms de la ville de Liège.” Deroy debates the possibility that Legia may have specifically designated the city, while Leodium signified a larger area into which the city was administratively incorporated. He notes, however, that it is just as possible that the city had two names. Legia is also an alternate medieval spelling for lega or leuca, a feminine noun meaning a distance of a league or a pale that was subject to urban authority. For these definitions, see Niermeyer and Van de Kieft, Mediae Latinitatis lexicon minus. 1:781–82. A search of the texts in Patrologia Latina and Analecta hymnica confirms that the city of Liège is indeed the most frequent meaning of this word. 112. Vita Notgeri, 2:12. 113. Giles of Orval, Gesta pontificum, 58 (with variant spellings); and Ortelius, Itinerarium per nonnullas Galliae Belgicae partes, 144. 114. Ortelius, Itinerarium per nonnullas Galliae Belgicae partes, 148. 115. Le liber officiorum, 63–65; AEL Sainte-Croix 5 fol. 214r. Singers from Saint John would have been joined by those from the collegiate churches of Saint Martin, Saint Paul, Holy Cross, and Saint Bartholomew for communal celebrations of Mass as well as First and Second Vespers. 116. B-Lu XVe s C227, fol. 155v. 117. Bishop Notger was remembered both at Saint John and at the cathedral. Payments for the celebration of Notger’s anniversary at the cathedral in 1399, 1426, and 1432 are recorded in the following documents: AEL Cathédrale CA 78, 83–84. Notger’s anniversary is also recorded in the cathedral obituary. See Marchandisse, L’obituaire de la cathédrale, 196. 118. AEL Cathédrale CG 26–30. 119. AEL Saint-Jean 443–62; and Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 312. 120. In a 1475 foundation for a polyphonic Salve at the collegiate church of Saint Denis, for example, Cantor Antonius Kerss de Blisia requested that a total of seven singers—the choirmaster, four of the best choirboys, and two additional singers having sufficient voices and talent—were to gather at the altar of Saint Nicholas under an image of Saint Denis to sing a motet. AEL Saint-Denis 27, fols. 30v–31r; and Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 328–29. 121. See the tables listing musicians employed at the cathedral and collegiate church of Saint John in Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 356–57, 360. 122. Didier, “La Sedes, la Vièrge et le saint Jean,” 70–72. 123. AEL Saint-Denis 27, fols. 30v–31r. See my previous description of the polyphonic performance founded at Saint Denis by Cantor Antonius Kerss de Blisia. 124. AEL Saint-Jean 19, fols. 4r–6v; Inventaire analytique des chartes de la collégiale de Saint-Jean, 1:268; and Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 195–96. 125. Inventaire analytique des chartes de la collégiale de Saint-Jean, 1:333. 126. Ibid., 1:201. 127. In his will of 1404, Canon John Noyel of Blarey founded a votive Mass for the Evangelist to be sung every Tuesday by the choirboys: AEL Saint-Jean 19, fol. 9v. 128. AEL Cathédrale S 234 and S 235; Forgeur, “Un pouillé des bénéfices,” 11–16; and Schoolmeesters, “Liste des autels de la cathédrale.” 129. Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:382.

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130. B-Lu XVe s C227, fol. 146r; and Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 234–35. 131. AEL Saint-Jean 445–54; AEL Cathédrale, PT 8–9; and Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 323. 132. AEL Saint-Jean 444–52; AEL Cathédrale SM 45–61. 133. AEL Cathédrale PT 8 fol. 15v; SM 20–27. Berthold of Lantin’s tenure at Saint John has been studied by Lahaye in Inventaire analytique des chartes de la collégiale de Saint-Jean, 1:xlvi. 134. AEL Saint-Jean 436 fol. 20v, 437 fol. 20r, 438 fol 51r. The biography of Johannes Natalis has been studied by Quitin in “Les maîtres de chant de la cathédrale,” 9–10 and in his “La musique dans les églises urbaines,” 40. 135. AEL Cathédrale PT 2–4; CG 24; CA 79. 136. AEL Saint-Jean 19 fol. 24r–v. 137. For a discussion of the pervasiveness of the heavenly Jerusalem as a medieval urban model, see Sheldrake, “Placing the Sacred,” 247; and Lilley, City and Cosmos, 15–18, 185.

Chapter Five 1. Carmen de sancto Landberto, 145; and Vie de saint Lambert, 28–29. Thibaux notes that this etymological interpretation merges two Germanic roots: land (country) and berg (protector). He also notes an alternative etymology, which interprets the second root as bert (illustrious). Other vitae invoke Lambert as a defender or guardian. See Stephen of Liège, Vita secunda, 584D: “defensor in adversis”; and Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta, 606E: “O custos & pater patriæ!” For a discussion of the terms custos, pater, and patria, in this context, see Lejeune “Les notions de ‘patria’ et d’‘episcopatus,’”; and Adam, “La Vie de saint Lambert,” 82–83. 2. As discussed previously, all prelates governing the Liège diocese were invested with dual spiritual and temporal (including military) powers from the time of Bishop Notger’s tenure (972–1008). It is therefore not surprising that these bishopprinces wished to commemorate the military victories attributed to their episcopal predecessor, known to have been an able warrior in his own right. By instituting these liturgical tributes to Lambert’s triumphs, bishop-princes could project the spiritual-military duality of their own office onto their patron saint. 3. Vita prima sancti Lamberti, 574E. Sigebert of Gembloux gives the following variant in the Vita prior sancti Lamberti, 763B, and in the Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 785A: “Scripsit eum fuisse fortem, velocem, multum agilem, firmum in bello.” 4. Kupper identifies Lambert as a perfect representative of this new saintly type in “Saint Lambert,” 11–12. 5. Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita prior sancti Lamberti, 763B; and Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 785A. Sigebert paraphrases the Vita prima sancti Lamberti, 574E–F: “Animo clarus, specie ornatus, caritate, castitate & humilitate fundatus.” These are standard saintly ideals, as identified by Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 11. 6. Vita prima sancti Lamberti, 577E–F. 7. On the broader concept of saintly virtus, see Vauchez, La sainteté en occident, 497–518.

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notes to pp. 170–172 249 8. See the sources listed in chapter 1 for scholarship on this military campaign. My account relies on Joris, “Le ‘Triomphe de Saint-Lambert,” 183–96; Gaier, Grandes batailles, 37–45; and Foote, “Taming Monastic Advocates,” 24–26. 9. Godfrey of Bouillon’s participation in the First Crusade has been studied most recently by Murray, “The Army of Godfrey of Bouillon”; and by Dierkens, “A propos de Godefroid de Bouillon.” 10. For an analysis of the political context for Rainald of Bar’s claim to Bouillon, see Saur, “Entre Bar, Namur et Liège.” 11. The besiegers may have doubted the legitimacy of their cause, and thus demanded the presence of Saint Lambert’s relics. See Nisin, “L’arrière-plan historique,” 198. 12. Triumphus sancti Lamberti, 504. 13. Ibid., 511. 14. Of the three extant accounts, the Triumphus sancti Lamberti de castro Bullonio is by far the most detailed. A second account, the Triumphale Bulonicum written in the 1150s by monk Renier of Saint Lawrence, quotes words and phrases from the Triumphus. A much briefer eyewitness account by an Irish monk survives in the Vita Mochullei Hibernensis episcopi. For a summary of these events, see Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, 173–76. 15. Triumphus sancti Lamberti, 505: “Resonabat ecclesia laudes Deo pro memoria beati martyris.” 16. Renier of Saint Lawrence, Triumphale Bulonicum, 587: “Choris monachorum atque clericorum tanto patri debito affectu et veneratione prosequentibus, atque canticorum officio usque Mosam fluvium per Puplicum Montem deducentibus, per sanctorum caenobia inibi constituta honorifice prius decantatis laudibus.” 17. These threefold references may have been inspired by the liturgical significance of the verb triumphare, meaninging “to sing three times.” See Niermeyer and Van de Kieft, Mediae Latinitatis lexicon minus, 2:1364; and George, “Les ‘Triomphes’ de saint Lanbert.” 18. Vita Mochullei, 513: “Sed cum sacrati martyris corpus cum canticis, organis et ymnis ad tentorium Leodiensis episcopi deportari.” 19. Triumphus sancti Lamberti, 510–11. 20. Renier of Saint Lawrence, Triumphale Bulonicum, 591: “Redditisque canora modulatione ymnis, ad maiorem denuo est aecclesiam relatam.” 21. Triumphus sancti Lamberti, 506: “Cantabant clerici Deo laudes imposita antiphona: O crux splendidior cunctis astris, et ad laudem sancti patroni sui conclamantes: Fortis in adversis. Laici vero post eos resonabant in voce exultationis et confessionis.” 22. Nisin interprets the veneration of the True Cross, represented visually by the relic heading the procession and sonically by the performance of the antiphon O crux splendidior cunctis astris, from the perspective of the combined influence of crusader and imperial ideology. He further notes the strength of the imperial cult of the cross and of military saints, such as Saint Maurice and the martyrs of the Theban Legion, who figure prominently in the Triumphus sancti Lamberti. See Nisin, “L’arrière-plan historique,” 200–208, 212–13. Indeed, the author of the Triumphus specifies that the date of Saint Lambert’s victory, September 22, coincided with the feast of Saint Maurice and the martyrs of the Theban Legion. See Triumphus

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sancti Lamberti, 511. For a recent study of the local Office of Saint Maurice, see Mannaerts, “L’office de saint Maurice.” 23. Jonsson, Historia, 162–63, and 219. As noted by Jonsson, this antiphon quotes from the tenth-century Carmen de sancto Landberto, lines 261 and 263, detailing Lambert’s virtues following his reestablishment on the episcopal throne. Translated by Björkvall and Haug, “Performing Latin Verse,” 291, with one minor modification. For an alternate translation of this chant, see Newman, “The Life of Juliana of Cornillon,” 267. Fortis in adversis was also recited privately as one of the suffrages after Lauds for the Office of the Virgin transmitted in thirteenth-century books of hours, such as a liégeois psalter-hours copied in 1247 (B-Br 19095, fol. 120r–v). 24. Björkvall and Haug, “Performing Latin Verse,” 291–92. 25. Renier of Saint Lawrence, Triumphale bulonicum, 592. See also Kupper, “Saint Lambert,” 41–44; and Adam, “La Vie de Saint Lambert,” 72–73. 26. Renier of Saint Lawrence, Triumphale Bulonicum, 592. Saint Lambert’s new reliquary survived the fire of 1185, although some of its precious stones were lost. See Chestret de Haneffe, “Les reliques de Saint Lambert,” 9–10. 27. That the feast celebrated on April 28 conflated the translation of Lambert’s relics with his victory at Bouillon is specified in the early fourteenth-century Le liber officiorum, stating unambiguously “on the triumph of blessed Lambert at Bouillon, which is the feast of the Translation of Saint Lambert” (in triumpho beati Lamberti de Buillon, quod est festum translationis sancti Lamberti). See Le liber officiorum, 48. 28. My discussion of this battle draws from: Gaier, Art et organisation militaires, 254–62; Gaier, Grandes batailles, 57–69; Gaier, Armes et combats, 15–25; Verbruggen, Art of Warfare, 155–57; and Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, 176–81. 29. The most detailed studies of Saint Lambert’s battle standard are: Polain, “Les drapeaux à Liège”; and Gaier, “Le rôle militaire des reliques,” 240–49. 30. Gaier, “Le rôle militaire des reliques,” 242; Verbruggen, Art of Warfare, 155; and Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, 177. 31. Two documents describe the ceremony by which the advocatus of Hesbaye received the standard: an early thirteenth-cenutry copy of an act originally issued in 1196 attributed to Bishop Albert of Cuyck, and a record from 1321. For a comparison of these descriptions, see Godefroid, “L’avouerie de la cathédrale,” 388–90. My description of this ceremony is based on the 1321 version supplemented by two fifteenth-century chronicles, as detailed by Gaier, “Le rôle militaire des reliques,” 242–44. 32. Events described by a fifteenth-century chronicler attest to this practice. See Adrian of Oudenbosch, Chronicon rerum Leodiensium, 268. 33. Vitae Odiliae liber III, 169–91. The six readings for Matins quote passages from part 11: “Quod quidam demaniacus victoriam predixit,” 182–83. The lections are transmitted in the following breviaries: D-DS 394, vol. 2 fols. 308v–10v [current foliation] or 790v–92v [original foliation]; US-Cn Inc. 9344.5, fol. 129r–v; B-Lu Res. 1310 A. 34. For a detailed analysis of the structure of the Vita Odilia, see Kurth, “L’Archidiacre Hervard,” 138–53. 35. Vitae Odiliae liber III, 182: “‘Hodie, hodie victoriam obtinebit beatus Lambertus.’” 36. The lections in D-DS 394 (copied ca. 1320) are numbered differently from those in later service books to include the full text of the bishop’s speech. For a

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notes to pp. 175–179 251 recent analysis of this scene, see Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, 177–81. Bachrach notes the influence of crusader ideology in this description of the bishop’s battlefield sermon. 37. Vitae Odiliae liber III, 185: “Cum autem unus chorus unum illius hymni decantaret versiculum, alter pre gaudii magnitudine lacrimas proferebat.” 38. Ibid., 191. 39. John of Outremeuse, Ly myreur des histors, 6:250–51. See also Schoolmeesters, “La fierte de Saint-Lambert,” 4; and Chestret de Haneffe, “Les reliques de Saint Lambert,” 11–12. This event commemorated the long-awaited completion of the eastern choir following the fire of 1185 and would have showcased the newly built jubé. See Otte, Les fouilles de la place Saint-Lambert, 4:63. 40. Adrian of Oudenbosch, Chronicon rerum Leodiensium, 176. For a summary of these details, see Gaier, Art et organisation militaires, 342–48; Gaier, Grandes batailles, 171–72; and Van der Velden, The Donor’s Image, 94. 41. For an analysis of the political circumstances motivating these conflicts, see Kupper, “Marc de Bade”; and Lejeune, “La principauté de Liège,” 157–61. 42. Adrian of Oudenbosch, Chronicon rerum Leodiensium, 176. 43. Gaier discusses this battle in Grandes batailles, 181–92. 44. These sentences are summarized by Vaughan in Charles the Bold, 11–24. 45. Kurth gives a detailed description of the 1467 sentence in La cité de Liège, 3:276–81. 46. Numerous historians have described the destruction of Liège in 1468. See, for example, Marchandisse, Vrancken-Pirson, and Kupper, “La destruction de la ville de Liège,” 78–85. 47. Adrian of Oudenbosch, Chronicon rerum Leodiensium, 217–19; and Marchandisse, Vrancken-Pirson, and Kupper, “La destruction de la ville de Liège,” 81–82. 48. Philippe de Commynes, Mémoires, 1:157: “Et puis fut ordonné grand nombre de gens pour deffendre les maisons des chanoynes a l’envyron de la grant eglise, afin qu’il peult demourer logis pour faire le divin service. Semblablement en furent ordonnéz pour deffendre les aultres eglises.” Commynes specifies that the houses were needed to lodge the canons celebrating the Divine Office. 49. Kurth, La cité de Liège, 3:340–50. Charles the Bold’s seeming magnanimity to these institutions may well have been motivated by the financial benefits he envisaged through the city’s reconstruction. The duke imposed an income on each of the 104 houses built to accommodate the craftsmen and servants supporting the church personnel, while those wishing to erect additional dwellings in subsequent years were permitted to do so only by paying a fixed sum. The financial burden of the city’s reconstruction is discussed by Marchandisse, Vrancken-Pirson, and Kupper, “La destruction de la ville de Liège,” 87–91. 50. Van der Velden gives a detailed account of Charles the Bold’s veneration of Saint Lambert in The Donor’s Image, 93–105. 51. Adrian of Oudenbosch, Chronicon rerum Leodiensium, 218: “Dominus dux personaliter fuit in ecclesia S. Lamberti, et evaginato gladio vix potuit cohibere, ne frangerent sacristiam.” 52. Philippe de Commynes, Memoirs of Philippe de Commynes, 1:189–90. 53. Ibid., 1:153. Burgundian chronicler Oliver de la Marche gives a similar account. See Van der Velden, The Donor’s Image, 97.

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54. Quoted in Van der Velden, The Donor’s Image, 97: “Surgensque ab oratione sua, precepit vexillum suum figi in navi ecclesie, precipiens sub poena capitis, ne aliquis etiam quantumcumque magnus eam violaret vel spoliaret, propter reverentiam Sancti Lamberti.” 55. Ibid., 97. Adrian of Oudenbosch notes that while there was talk of also removing Saint Lambert’s reliquary, it remained nevertheless. See Adrian of Oudenbosch, Chronicon rerum Leodiensium, 219. 56. Van der Velden, The Donor’s Image, 337: “A Gerart Loyet, orfevre de mondit seigneur, sur ce qu’il lui porroit estre a cause de certain ymage d’or, que icellui seigneur lui avoit ardonné de faire, por le presenter a monseigneur Saint Lambert de Liège, XIIc livres.” 57. The duke’s facial features match those of his patron saint. For recent interpretations of this resemblance, see Borchert, “Image of Charles the Bold,” 78–79; and Koldeweij, “A Good Example to Follow,” 229–31. 58. See Van der Velden, The Donor’s Image, 81–153; and George, “Le reliquaire de Charles le Téméraire.” Van der Velden suspected that the finger bone might belong to Saint Adrian, but after a careful opening of the reliquary itself, George discovered the inscription to Saint Lambert. 59. Van der Velden, The Donor’s Image, 338. 60. Ibid., 100. 61. Boone, “Destroying and Reconstructing the City,” 31. 62. Van der Velden, The Donor’s Image, 100–153. See also Koldeweij, “A Good Example to Follow,” 231. 63. For a detailed study of Brimeu’s life, see the following publications by Paravicini: Guy de Brimeu; and “Guy de Brimeu, Seigner d’Humbercourt.” 64. Paravicini, “Guy de Brimeu, Seigner d’Humbercourt,” 150, 154–55. Paravicini notes the motto Non force inscribed on Brimeu’s seal. 65. The following clause from Brimeu’s will is published by Paravicini in Guy de Brimeu, 579: “Item je veuil semblablement que tous les livres et toutes autres choses d’église que j’ay recouvré de ceux qui les avoient pilliés, appartenans aux eglises de Liege, soient portez en Liege ainsi que j’avoie ordonné qu’il fu fait, c’est assavoir que tout fu porté aux freres Prescheurs dudit Liege pour les rendre es lieux la ou ilz appartiennent.” 66. Adrian of Oudenbosch, Chronicon rerum Leodiensium, 226; and Paravicini, Guy de Brimeu, 228–30. 67. Paravicini, Guy de Brimeu, 231–32. 68. John of Loos, Chronicon rerum gestarum, 68. 69. Adrian of Oudenbosch, Chronicon rerum Leodiensium, 226; and Paravicini, Guy de Brimeu, 233. 70. Brimeu did succed, however, in commissioning a more modest reliquary bust of Saint Lambert, likely containing the foot relic he had received from the canons of Liège during his recovery in 1469, which his widow would later bequeath to the cathedral chapter of Arras, who carried it in processions well into the eighteenth century. This smaller reliquary bust of Saint Lambert (now lost) is referenced in the will of Brimeu’s widow, dated September 18, 1488. See Paravicini, “Guy de Brimeu, seigneur d’Humbercourt,” 153; Paravicini, Guy de Brimeu, 234; and Van der Velden, The Donor’s Image, 119.

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notes to pp. 182–185 253 71. Paravicini, Guy de Brimeu, 579. One of the three copies of this will was kept in the cathedral archives (now missing), as noted by Paravicini, 231. 72. For recent studies of this ceremony and the events surrounding it, see Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 69–73; and Bruyère, “Le Martyre de saint Lambert,” 337–44, 363–68. 73. Montgomery discusses the multisensory and communicative features of reliquary busts in two publications: “The Use and Perception of Reliquary Busts,” 54; and St. Ursula and the Eleven Thousand Virgins, 60. 74. The following account is based on Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:216– 24. According to Balau, Chapeaville’s description of the 1489 Translation of Saint Lambert’s relics stems from an anonymous account recorded in the Ordo ceremoniarum which was likely written by canon and notary Crispinus Roefs. See Balau, Les sources de l’histoire, 660. A more succinct account of the 1489 Translation by an anonymous and highly trustworthy chronicler from the city of Liège writing at the end of the fifteenth century survives in the Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:380–82. This same account is preserved in AEvL Cathédrale AI1, fol. 47r–v. One additional brief description of this event is given by a Benedictine monk writing at the Abbey of Saint Lawrence in Liège in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. See John of Loos, Chronicon rerum gestarum, 99. 75. An account of this inspection, called the “visitation” of the reliquaries, immediately precedes the account of the 1489 Translation in Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:213–16. Several witnesses to this event are known to have served at the cathedral at approximately this time: Henry of Palude, cantor from 1488 to 1515; Crispinus Roefs, documented as a minor canon of Saint Giles in payments from 1483/84 to 1489/90; Brunon of Thys, minor canon of Saint Maternus from 1475/76 to at least 1500/1501; and John Jorlet, minor canon of Saint Giles in 1483/84. For a discussion of the erroneous dating in Chapeaville’s description of the protcol, which reads 1449 instead of 1469, see Chestret de Haneffe, “Les reliques de Saint Lambert,” 12. 76. The “ostentation” of the reliquaries comprises the third component of the Ordo ceremoniarum. See Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:224–27. This event is also described by the author of the Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes who claims that a similar visitation of the relics was carried out in Aachen that year. See 1:382–83. A third account of the display is given by John of Loos, Chronicon rerum gestarum, 100. 77. Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:381; and AEvL Cathédrale AI1, fol. 47v: “Et positum est caput sancti Lamberti super altari majori, total missa durante. . . . Caput vero gloriosissimi Lamberti martiris remansit in magno altari ab illa hora usque post vesperas finitas, ut ab omnibus pie veneraretur; quibus finitis, relocatum est in suo loco decenti et consueto.” 78. On the use and significance of the late medieval reliquary bust, see Montgomery, “The Use and Perception of Reliquary Busts,” 43, 110–11, and 140– 41. Montgomery notes that after the ruling by the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 against the veneration of relics outside their reliquaries, nude ostensions became rarer events and the production of reliquary busts increased. 79. Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:217; and Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:381.

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80. For a detailed discussion of the politically volatile events that characterized the closing decades of the fifteenth century in Liège, see Harsin, Etudes critiques sur l’histoire, vol. 1. 81. The following details are discussed in Harsin, Etudes critiques sur l’histoire, 1:81–235. 82. Gaier references the display of Saint Lambert’s standard on this occasion in “Le rôle militaire des reliques,” 244. For details on the Battle of Chênée, see Gaier, Grandes batailles, 181–92. For a recent study of the broader political context motivating the conflict between Louis of Bourbon and William de la Marck, see Marchandisse, “Le prince-évêque Louis de Bourbon.” 83. Gaier, Art et organisation militaires, 352. 84. The Three Estates consisted of the clergy, the nobility, and the burgomasters of the pincipality’s twenty-two “bonnes villes.” 85. Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:381–82; and AEvL Cathédrale AI1, fol. 47v. 86. Poncelet notes that anarchy would reign in Liège, which had become a hotbed of hostility, espionage, treason, and conspiracy, until peace was sealed in Maastricht on May 5, 1492, and Bishop John of Hornes was reenthroned in Liège on July 25 of that year. See Poncelet, “Lettre écrite, le 8 avril 1489,” 62–65. 87. Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:223: “Post hoc canore iubilo letitiae canticum Te deum laudamus iucundissime per cantores in discantu, per monachos in cantu simplici, omni cum deuotione vicissim cantatum est.” 88. All three singers received an annual salary for their choral duties in the expense accounts of 1489: AEL Cathédrale CG 46. 89. Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 326–27, 355, 358, 364, 371. 90. The versatility of a choirmaster’s musical abilities is suggested by the range of services for which he customarily received extra compensation. See Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 286–88. 91. Auda, Etienne de Liège, 181. 92. For an overview of Henry of Palude’s biography, see Theux de Montjardin, Le chapitre de Saint-Lambert, 2:304–6; Allart, La peinture du XVe, 92–93; and most recently Bruyère, “Le Martyre de saint Lambert,” 329–30, 349–50, 357. Henry’s reception of his cantorship in 1488 is recorded in the chapter records: AEL Cathédrale S 3, fol. 122v; AEL Cathédrale CG 46. 93. Philippe, La cathédrale Saint-Lambert, 153; Kockerols, Monuments funéraires en pays mosan, 190; Allart, La peinture du XVe, 83–93; and Bruyère, “Le Martyre de saint Lambert,” 349–62. 94. AEL Cathédrale S 266, fols. 58r–61v. That Henry’s foundation for this Mass was actually instituted is attested by two extant documents: an undated register listing the votive services perfomed in the western choir and other spaces within the cathedral (AEL Cathédrale S 235), and a charter copied by the échevins of Liège on June 30, 1539 (AEL Cathédrale C 1955). Henry’s nephew Gerard would enhance Henry’s endowment for the Mass in his own will of 1527: AEL Cathédrale S 266, fols. 146r–47v. 95. Theux de Montjardin, Le chapitre de Saint-Lambert, 2:305. Gerard of Palude was buried in this location, next to his uncle, in 1527. 96. Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:216.

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notes to pp. 188–191 255 97. Harsin, Etudes critiques sur l’histoire, 1:336; and Marchandisse, VranckenPirson, and Kupper, “La destruction de la ville de Liège,” 85–89. The city hall was not rebuilt until 1498. 98. Paravicini, Guy de Brimeu, 233. A copy of Alexander’s will is found in AEL Cathédrale S 265, fol. 62. 99. Schoolmeesters, “Deux lettres d’indulgences,” 237. 100. AEL Cathédrale C 1616. For an analysis and transcription of this document, see Schoolmeesters, “Deux lettres d’indulgences,” 236–37, 239–41. 101. AEL Cathédrale S 266, fols. 3r–5v. For Billeton’s biography, see Theux de Montjardin, Le chapitre de Saint-Lambert, 2:324–25. 102. Schoolmeesters, “Deux lettres d’indulgences,” 237–38, 242–44. 103. For the most recent discussion of the bust, see George, “L’image de saint Lambert,” 40–43. The bust is attributed to Hans von Reutlingen on stylistic grounds by Colman, “Le créateur du buste-reliquaire.” 104. John of Brusthem, Vita reverendissimi domini Erardi, 12; and Schoolmeesters, “Deux lettres d’indulgences,” 235. 105. John of Brusthem, Vita reverendissimi domini Erardi, 32; Harsin, Etudes critiques sur l’histoire, 2:82–87; Colman, “Le buste-reliquaire,” 42; and Steppe and Delmarcel, “Les tapisseries du Cardinal Erard de la Marck,” 36. Erard de la Mark traveled to Italy to participate in a military campaign against the Venetians led by King Louis XII of France. 106. Colman, L’orfévrerie religieuse liégeoise, 1:95–96; and Colman, “Le trésor de la cathédrale,” 4–6. The bust measures 59.25 inches high, without the base. The base measures 3.3 x 42 x 31 inches. 107. Colman, L’orfévrerie religieuse liégeoise, 1:95; Colman, “Le trésor de la cathédrale,” 4–8; and Colman, “Le buste-reliquaire,” 41, 74–75. Colman notes similarities between the portrayal of Lambert’s martyrdom on the bust and on the cathedral chapter seal of 1514 in L’orfévrerie religieuse liégeoise, 1:101; and “Le créateur du bustereliquaire,” 19. See also Montgomery, “Mittite capud meum,” 53–55. Montgomery observes that the hagiographic scenes in the niches of Saint Lambert’s bust serve to comment on the saintly figure towering above. 108. The following details are documented in the Ordo processionis in die translationis sancti Lamberti habite anno XVc XIIo copied in AEvL Cathédrale AI1, fols. 48r–49r. For an analysis and transcription of the Ordo processionis see Bruyère, “Erard de la Marck,” 137–50, 174–76. My thanks to Paul Bruyère for bringing this document to my arttention. The ordo specifies that the chairman and members of the civil court of échevins were also supposed to participate in the procession, directly behind the bishop, but a dispute with the burgomasters prevented them from doing so. On the structure of the city government in medieval Liège, see Xhayet, Réseaux de pouvoir, 77–103. 109. Bruyère believes that the Marian imago referenced in the Ordo processionis was a sculpture, but it may have been the painting of the Virgin and Saint Luke specified in Chapeaville’s account of the Translation in 1489. 110. As noted by Bruyère, the author of the Ordo processionis specifies that this gesture was omitted out of negligence: “sed hoc per negligentiam fuit omissum.” See AEvL Cathédrale AI1, fol. 48v; and Bruyère, “Erard de la Marck,” 146, 175. 111. AEvL Cathédrale AI1, fol. 48v, transcribed by Bruyère, “Erard de la Marck,” 175: “Postea canebatur Te deum laudamus in discantu magnifice.”

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112. AEvL Cathédrale AI1, fol. 48v, transcribed by Bruyère, “Erard de la Marck,” 175: “Item omnes religiosi omnium ordinum induti sacerdotalibus fuerunt in formis et ad aquilam et eo circum circa januis lateralibus clausis chori maioris cantantes missam contra cantores ecclesie et ecclesiarum cantantes in medio ecclesie.” 113. The following details are documented by John of Brusthem, Vita reverendissimi domini Erardi, 39–40. 114. A similar, albeit more concise, account is found in Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:247–48. Chapeaville quotes Canon Nicholas’s tale of the discovery of the site by Bishop Monulphus (discussed in chapter 1). 115. Renier of Saint Lawrence, Triumphale Bulonicum, 592. 116. Schoolmeesters, “Deux letters d’indulgences,” 237; George, Saint Lambert: Culte et iconographie, 69; and Lejeune, “La principauté de Liège,” 165. 117. Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:218: “His igitur sic rite dispositis & ornatis adueniente die, quo venerandum Martyris antedicti corpus annos octingentos a Traiectensi vico per sanctissimum Dominum Antistitem Hubertum, primum Leodiensium, & vltimum Tungrorum Praesulem ad insignem locum in quo nunc vsque quiescit fuerit miraculis choruscantibus honorabiliter translatum.” 118. Bribosia, “L’iconographie de saint Lambert,” 147, 205; Dierkens, “Propos sur le culte de St Hubert,” 54; and Colman, “Le buste-reliquaire,” 66. 119. The following details are transmitted in an exemplar, titled Exemplar litterarum originalium de institutione processionis in die Translationis sancti Lamberti martyris, copied in 1528: B-Br 9598-606, fols. 143r–49r; AEL Sainte-Croix 6bis, fols. 79r–84v. A copy of the same exemplar found in the cartulary of the Abbey of Saint Lawrence was published by Lambert de Saumery in Les délices du païs de Liége, xvii– xxiv. For additional sources of Bishop Erard’s decree and a recent study of this procession, see Bruyère, “Erard de la Marck,” 151–72. 120. Both this fair and another around the feast of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom were originally founded in 1339, as documented by Mathias de Lewis, Chronicon Leodiense, 109. See Bruyère, “Erard de la Marck,” 153n86. 121. The widespread processional custom of reading the four Gospels at four cardinal points, representing the four corners of the city, served to mark the city with a protective cross. See Tekippe, “Pilgrimage and Procession,” 730. 122. For a different interpretation of the symbolism of this procession, see Bruyère, “Erard de la Marck,” 163–68. 123. Arlinghaus notes that medieval civic processions may have sought to reconcile two potentially conflicting practices: to celebrate the autonomy of various social groups and geographic quarters, and to promote their cohesion. See Arlinghaus, “The Myth of Urban Unity,” 228. 124. While the instructions for the procession of 1526 fail to mention any chants for Saint Lambert, this practice is suggested by later sources: a processional for the Cathedral of Liège printed in 1634 (B-Lu 2686A, 164–68), which prescribes the two Magnificat Antiphons Magna vox and Laetare et lauda alongside other chants from Saint Lambert’s Office; and an eyewitness account of the procession in Le Prestre Processionaire Reformé published in 1701 (B-Br II 4384, 83–84) that documents the performance of “hymns” in Lambert’s honor. 125. Chronique du règne de Jean de Hornes, 1:381; and Chapeaville, Qui gesta pontificum, 3:223.

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notes to pp. 193–197 257 126. For a discussion of John of Stavelot’s reference to the trajectory of the Corpus Christi procession, see Saucier, “Sacred Music and Musicians,” 265. 127. B-Br 9598-606, fols. 145v, and 147r. 128. Auda, Etienne de Liège, 181. The inscription of the bishop’s prayer is quoted in Colman, L’orfévrerie religieuse liégeoise, 1:96; Colman, “Le trésor de la cathédrale,” 6; and Bruyère, “Erard de la Marck,” 168. While neither author recognizes the liturgical source of this prayer, Colman sees the praying donor as a mirror image to the penitent saint praying at the foot of the abbey cross. 129. Head reliquaries typically sought to represent the saint’s “portrait-like presence.” See Tekippe, “Pilgrimage and Procession,” 701. 130. John of Brusthem, Vita reverendissimi domini Erardi, 79. John of Brusthem discusses the institution of the annual procession on the feast of the Translation in conjunction with la Marck’s embellishment of the cathedral. For research on Erard de la Marck’s decorative program see Steppe and Delmarcel, “Les tapisseries du Cardinal Erard de la Marck,” 37–38, 42; Collon-Gevaert, Erard de la Marck et le palais, 16–25; and Halkin, “Le mécénat d’Erard.” 131. Steppe and Delmarcel, “Les tapisseries du Cardinal Erard de la Marck,” 39–51. These tapestries may have served as a visual reminder of the bishop’s wealth and power. For a recent study of choir tapestries in their broader social and liturgical context, see Weigert, Weaving Sacred Stories. 132. Steppe and Delmarcel, “Les tapisseries du Cardinal Erard de la Marck,” 37–38. 133. Ponthir and Yans, “Note sur une oeuvre d’art disparue,” 8. 134. Halkin, “Le mécénat d’Erard de la Marck,” 34–35; and Kockerols, Monuments funéraires en pays mosan, 64–65, 210–14. A description of the mausoleum dating from 1584–86 specifies that the inscription on the base of this funerary monument referenced Erard’s institution of the procession on the feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation, among his other deeds. 135. A damaged and lacunar yet legible copy of the original charter (presumably lost) is found in AEL Cathédrale C 1892, fols. 2r–4r. 136. John of Brusthem, Vita reverendissimi domini Erardi, 50. 137. Steppe and Delmarcel, “Les tapisseries du Cardinal Erard de la Marck,” 35. 138. Harsin, Etudes critiques sur l’histoire, 2:256–59. 139. For a summary of Erard’s letter, see Harsin, Etudes critiques sur l’histoire, 2:259–64. Harsin sees other evidence of Erard’s reformative spirit in the number of editions of the liégeois breviary and missal (following cathedral use), which were printed in the early sixteenth century. Eight editions of the breviary were printed between 1503 and 1558, while fifteen editions of the missal appeared between 1499 and 1557. See Forgeur, “Introduction à l’histoire des livres liturgiques,” 22. 140. Harsin, Etudes critiques sur l’histoire, 2:261. The secondary clergy opposed this ordinance through a mass meeting in Leuven, outside the principality. 141. Letabunda laus beato enjoyed particular popularity at the cathedral, where it was sung not only on the feasts of the Translation and Triumph but also on the octave of Lambert’s Martyrdom and at the weekly votive Mass. The sequence is assigned to these feasts in the cathedral missal printed in 1509: B-Lu Res 143 A. The melody is transmitted in the following gradual: NL-HEESWab 19, fols. 158r–59r.

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142. Versicle 3b references Lambert’s miraculous discovery of the remains of Saint Landrada, abbess of the convent of Münster-Bilsen who died ca. 690. Landrada reportedly appeared to Lambert in a vision predicting that God would reveal her burial place through the sign of the Cross. Lambert then translated Landrada’s relics to the church at Wintershoven (just north of Tongeren). Both Sigebert of Gembloux and Canon Nicholas inserted this story into their vitae for Saint Lambert. See Sigebert of Gembloux, Vita prior, 770A–71D; and Vita altera, 796B–98C; and Nicholas of Liège, Vita quarta, 610D–11C. 143. Daris, “La liturgie,” 181–82 (with sihi instead of sibi given in liégeois service books in versicle 4b); translated by Barbara Newman. See also AH, vol. 40, no. 267. 144. The chant texts are transmitted in the following breviaries: US-Cn Inc. 9344.5, fol. 57r–v; and B-Lu Res 1310 A. 145. Jonsson, Historia, 219–20; translated by Barbara Newman.

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Index Page numbers in italics indicate musical examples or illustrations. Page numbers followed by t indicate a table. Aachen, Palatine Chapel, 4, 40–41, 45, 142 Acta inedita (for Saint Theodard), 15–16, 18–21, 52, 57, 58–59t, 213n13, 223n21 Adam, Renaud, 39, 103 Ado of Vienne, Bishop, 225n51 Adolph de la Marck, Bishop, 175–76 Adrian of Oudenbosch, 95, 176, 178– 79, 181, 229n99 Aeterne rex altissime (hymn), 86, 229nn94–95 Ait Petrus principibus sacerdotum (responsory), 150 Albero II, Bishop, 35, 37–39, 103–4, 169, 170–71, 192 Albert II, Holy Roman Emperor, 152 Alcuin, 103 Alexander I, Bishop, 118, 218–19n112 Alexander of Seraing, 188–89 Allart, Dominique, 221n144 Alpaïda, 70–71, 72, 73, 75, 78, 79, 98, 226n58, 232n25 amplificatio rhetorical device, 27–28, 29 Andage, Benedictine Abbey at, 95, 96, 101–2, 131–32, 234n50, 236n97 Annales Lobienses, 70–71, 226n57 Anno II of Cologne, Archbishop, 34 Anselm of Liège: Gesta pontificum Trajectensium et Leodiensium, 12–13, 17, 30, 32, 71, 73, 79, 94, 98, 143, 213n11, 216n75, 217n83, 224n35, 226n61, 231n3, 232n14, 240n12, 240n17; on Notger’s building plans, 141

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Antiquity, encomiastic literature from, 23–24 Antonius Kerss de Blisia, 247n120 apopemptic, 23–24 Apostles Peter and Paul, Vigil of the Feast of the, 99–100 Aristotle, 23–24; Rhetoric, 27 Arlinghaus, Franz-Josef, 256n123 Arnold of Hornes, Bishop, 115, 122, 237n120 Assumption, Feast of the, 66–67, 150, 153, 163, 165, 244n72 Auda, Antoine, 220n128 Augustine, Saint, 216n59, 222n7, 223n29 Aunemundus of Lyon, Bishop, 222n10 Autrey, Abbey of, 132 Ave regina celorum (antiphon), 165 Avitus of Vienne, Bishop, 11–12 Bain, Jennifer, 235n87 Balau, Sylvain, 231n4 Balderic II, Bishop, 98, 137, 239n1, 241n20 Barron, Caroline, 211n44 Basilicam subiit (responsory), 108t, 125–26 Beguines, 4, 6 Bertha of Holland, 72 Berthold of Lantins, 165, 248n133 Bertrada, 72 Björkvall, Gunilla, 173 Boone, Marc, 179–80

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Bouillon, Battle of (1141), 38, 168, 169, 170–73, 201, 202, 219n115; commemoration of, 38, 173, 177, 182–86, 192; music performed during siege, 172 Brennan, Brian, 213n12 Bruges, 5, 177, 208n18 Brunon of Thys, 253n75 Brussels, 5, 116, 208n18 Brusthem, Battle of (1467), 176, 177, 179 Burgundy: attack on Liège (1468), 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 95, 170, 176, 177–78; influence on the veneration of Saint Lambert’s skull, 183–201; Liège’s resistance to, 5; victories in liégeois territory, 176, 177

Childeric II, Frankish ruler, 53, 61, 223n17 Christi laudem predicemus (sequence), 35, 45, 47, 77–79, 80–81, 83, 92, 228n85 Cicero, 208n10, 216n59 civic odes, tradition of, 23–28, 40–41 Clement VII, Antipope, 122 Clovis III, Frankish ruler, 223n17 Colonna, Giovanni, Cardinal, 4 Conon of Montaigu, Count, 33, 218n93 contrafacta, 51–52, 86 Corpus Christi, Feast of: hymns for, 86, 118, 229n94, 229n96; Liège as birthplace of, 4, 6; procession, 193 Crespin, Jean, Histoire des martyrs, 4 Crispinus Roefs, 184, 253n75 Cyprian of Carthage, Saint, 66, 222n7

Calahorra, 12 Calixtus II, Pope, 98, 118, 219n112 Canat mater dulcibus (sequence), 239n146 Canterbury, 11 Carloman, Frankish ruler, 98, 100, 102, 112, 115, 233n42 Carmen de sancto Landberto, 53, 54–56t, 70, 72, 168, 213n11, 213n13, 223n14, 223n21, 225n56, 250n23 Carolingian dynasty, 97–98, 100–101, 139–40. See also Pippin II Carvajal, Bernardin, 189 Cassiodorus, Explanation of the Psalms, 144 Chapeaville, John of, Qui gesta pontificum Tungrensium, Trajectensium et Leodiensium, 11, 253nn74–75, 256n114 Charlemagne, Holy Roman Emperor, 70, 71, 97, 98, 100, 101, 105, 142 Charlemagne, Saint, 41 Charles Martel, Frankish ruler, 70, 71, 98, 103, 105 Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 6, 95, 176, 177–80, 185, 188, 251n49 Chazan, Mireille, 33 Chelidonius, Saint, 12, 50 Chênée, Battle of (1482), 176, 185

De laudibus urbium, treatise, 27 De profundis (penitential psalm), 181– 82, 194 Deckers, Joseph, 160, 241n36, 246n108 Delville, Jean-Pierre, 145, 242n41 Demarteau, Joseph, 218n99 Deroy, Louis, 247n111 Deus qui inter apostolicos sacerdotes (prayer), 194 Dodo, Frankish administrator, 53, 57, 69, 70–71, 72, 75, 78, 84, 85, 120, 225n50 Dream of Pope Sergius (painting from the workshop of Rogier van der Weyden), 116, 117, 236n98 Dum mors instabat (responsory), 108t, 109, 127, 128 Dum quievit (antiphon), 108t, 120–21 Elijah, Prophet, 71, 73, 75, 227n76 Emeterius, Saint, 12, 50 Eraclus, Bishop, 137, 140, 141, 239n1 Erard de la Marck, Bishop: Church of Saint Peter’s regained pilgrimage status and, 133; devotion to Saint Lambert, 194–201; Lambert reliquary bust commissioned by, 169, 189, 194–95, 202–3; mausoleum for, 195, 257n134; participation in

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index 1512 procession, 191, 201; reception for Cardinal Carvajal, 189; rituals introduced by, 3, 9, 88, 92, 136, 182, 183, 192–93, 195–96; tapestries and stained-glass windows commissioned by, 195, 196, 197, 257n131 Eugenius III, Pope, 38, 103–4, 118 Eugenius IV, Pope, 152, 236n98 Eustache Persand, 115, 122 Eve of Saint Martin, 6 Exupère, Saint, Passio sanctorum Thebeorum commemorating, 22 Fastré Baré de Surlet, 176 Ferdinand of Bavaria, Bishop, 142 Fidelium (prayer), 181–82, 194 Folcuin of Lobbes, Abbot, 137 Fortis in adversis (antiphon), 55t, 172– 73, 174, 201, 250n23 Fourth Lateran Council, 118 Franco of Liège, Bishop, 70 Frederic of Namur, Bishop, 118, 218– 19n112 Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor, 152 Fulk of Anjou, Count, 72 Gatzweiler, Odilo, 220n135 Gaude Maria Virgo (responsory), 88 Gaudeat prole Gallia (hymn), 30, 40, 58t, 62–63, 66, 67, 86, 87, 203, 229n94, 229n96 Gembloux, Abbey of, 22, 31, 216n59, 217n83 Gerard Loyset, 179 Gerard of Palude, 191, 254n94 gesta episcoporum, 1, 2, 8, 14, 35–39, 96, 103, 117, 124. See also specific bishops Giles, Saint, 149, 163 Giles of Orval, 105, 142, 143, 218n99, 229n99; Gesta abbreviata, 231n4; Gesta pontificum Leodiensium, 230n99, 234n73, 237n113 Gillis Coels, 236n98 Gloriosus martyr Lambertus (responsory), 54t, 200 Godescalc of Gembloux, Gesta abbatum Gemblacensium, 31

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Godfrey of Bouillon, Duke, 170–71, 249n9 Godfrey of Willeries, 164 Gondulphus, Bishop, 218n102 Gospel of Pseudo-Melito, 157, 246n101 Gratuletur chorus iste (sequence), 106, 111–15, 122 Gregorian Reform, 32, 72 Gregory of Tours, 37, 234n69 Gregory VII, Pope, 72, 217n87, 226n68 Grimoald, son of Pippin II, 51, 98 Guibert, Saint, vitae and lessons commemorating, 22 Guy of Brimeu, Burgundian lieutenant, 4, 177, 180–82, 184, 188, 194, 252n70 hagiographic writing, 2–3; authors of, 8; dream visions in, 213n12; origins of, 224n31; purposes of, 7–8, 51, 60, 71–72. See also specific saints Hans von Reutlingen, 189, 190, 255n103 Haug, Andreas, 173 Henricus Quarem, 186 Henry I, Duke of Brabant-Louvain, 173–75 Henry I of Verdun, Bishop, 33–34, 38, 219n113 Henry III, Holy Roman Emperor, 226n61 Henry IV, Holy Roman Emperor, 31 Henry V, Holy Roman Emperor, 98 Henry of Leez, Bishop, 35, 37–39, 103–4, 118, 143, 171, 218n110, 219nn113–14, 219n117, 219n121, 234n62 Henry of Montaigu, 31, 32, 33, 227n68 Henry of Palude: as cantor, 1, 5, 184, 187, 201, 202, 204; house belonging to, 92; as witness to visitation of reliquaries, 253n75 Heriger of Lobbes, Abbot, 2, 30, 37, 217n83, 240n15 Hic Aquitanus genere (antiphon), 107t, 110t, 111 Historia insignis monasterii sancti Laurenti Leodiensis, 229n99, 235n91

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Hodiernae lux diei celebris in matris Dei (sequence), 66–67, 224n40, 225n45 Holy Trinity, Feast of, 4, 6, 52 Honor virtus (responsory), 88 Horace, 216n59 Hubert, Bishop-Saint: burial at Saint Peter, 100, 101, 102, 106, 125–27, 133, 135–36; Carolingian supporters of cult, 100–101; civic accomplishments of, 94–95, 96–100; civic cult of, 94–136, 235n91; civic presence, 124–35, 203; episcopal seat relocation as initiative of, 4, 17, 94, 97–98; family background, 97–98; hagiographies of, 100–106, 116–24, 134–35, 237n113; illusion of continued presence in Liège, 124–35; intercessory powers, 133–35; Lambert cult promoted by, 48, 93, 115, 191–92; legend of Pope Sergius’s dream and, 116–24, 236n98; Office chants for (see Office of Saint Hubert and specific chants); as patron saint of Liège, 96–100, 136; reliquary, 133; rural cult at Andage, 95, 101–2, 131–32; status of, 95, 106; story of key bestowed upon, 104–6, 118, 134–35; story of Rome pilgrimage, 116–21, 124; translation of Lambert’s remains, 14, 15, 17, 37, 96, 189; translation of relics to Andage, 95, 96, 100–102, 116, 125, 131, 132, 234n50, 236n97; veneration in Liège, 115, 133–35 Huberte presul eximie (prosa), 108t, 127– 29, 130 Hugh of Bar, 172 Hugh of Pierrepont, Bishop, 170, 173– 75, 243n64 Hughes Capet, 240n15 Hustin, Sebastian, 94 hymns: apopemptic, 23–24; Carolingian, 24–25; cletic, 23–24; musical connections in Theodard and Lambert commemoration hymns, 86, 87, 88

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Hymnum cantemus gratiae (hymn), 54–56t, 76–77, 86, 87, 169, 228n84, 229n94, 229n96 Hymnus laudis decantetur (hymn), 107– 9t, 118, 122 Imado of Paderhorn, Bishop, 34 In resurrectione tua Christe (Easter verse), 150 Innocent II, Pope, 118 Invention of Saint Stephen, Office of, 6, 52 Investiture Controversy, 33, 35, 38, 39, 72 Inviolata (sequence), 88 Isidore of Seville, On the Origin and Death of the Fathers, 157 Iste miles emeritus (responsory), 55t, 220n130 Ivo of Chartres, Bishop, 72 Jacob of Wonck, 163 James of Hemricourt, 5, 209n23 Jan Coels, 236n98 Jehan Marchant, 179 Jerusalem, Church of the Holy Sepulchre in, 142 Jezebel, 71, 72, 73, 227n76 Jocundus: identity of, 214n25; Vita et miracula Servatii, 17–18, 37, 105, 218n102 Johannes Brassart: career and musical duties, 138–39, 152–53, 204, 245n84; Fortis cum quevis actio (motet), 8–9, 139, 152–67, 155, 161, 203, 245–46n95; name of, 245n85; Vita Notgeri’s influence on, 147, 152–63 Johannes Ciconia, 6, 165 Johannes Crenwic, 163, 165–66 Johannes de Platea de Senzeille, 246n108 Johannes Jesu Christo dilecte (sequence), 157 Johannes Natalis, 165, 248n134 Johannes of Sancto Georgio, 163 Johannes Paulus, 163, 165–66

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index Johannes Wisen, 163 John Billeton, 184, 188–89, 255n101 John Chrysostom, Saint, 12, 24 John de la Marck, 185 John Jorlet, 253n75 John Noyel of Blarey, 247n127 John of Arckel, Bishop, 122 John of Brusthem, 133–34, 191–92, 195, 196, 257n130 John of Hornes, Bishop, 123–24, 185, 254n86 John of Hoxem, 164 John of Loos, 181 John of Outremeuse, 142, 237n113 John of Seraing, 180 John of Stavelot, 193 John the Baptist, Saint, 52, 67, 71, 73–75, 83–84, 85, 163, 164, 227n77 John the Evangelist, Saint: Johannes Brassart’s motet for, 3, 8, 147, 153– 55, 157–62, 163–65; Notger’s affinity for, 144–45, 242n46 Jonas of Orléans, Bishop: Translatio sancti Huberti, 234n50; Vita secunda sancti Huberti, 101–2, 106, 108–9t, 111–15, 125, 134, 234n50 Jonsson, Ritva, 53, 220n130, 250n23 Julian de la Rove, Cardinal-legate, 188, 189 Juliana of Cornillion, 6 Julius II, Pope, 188, 189 Kupper, Jean-Louis, 141, 209n21, 217– 18n88, 219n113, 219n117, 226n57, 226n61, 226n63, 232n17, 239n5, 240n19, 241n28, 242nn54–55, 248n4 Kurth, Godefroid, 137, 239n6, 240n17, 241n34, 251n45 Laetare et lauda (antiphon), 43; changing meaning, 202–3; civic sanctity shown in, 202–4; displayed in votive artwork, 45, 46, 47, 221n144; dissemination beyond Liège, 45; Lambert as patron of Liège, 30–31, 36, 47; melody,

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42, 220n128; Nicholas of Liège’s influence on, 35, 43–44; performed at nude display of Saint Lambert’s skull (1489), 1, 2, 3, 45, 169, 176, 182, 183, 184, 186, 201, 202; performed in Liège’s collegiate churches, 44–45; performed on Feast of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom, 44, 47–48, 162, 200; sources transmitting, 220n135; synthesis of saintly and civic praise in, 13–14, 41–45, 47; variant of on reliquary bust, 194–95 Lambert, Bishop-Saint: Carolingian supporters of cult, 98; chastity of, 42, 44, 168–69, 196–97, 200; classification as martyr, 49–52; compared to Christ’s sacrifice, 79, 82–83, 86; as defensor patriae, 168–77, 201; discovery of remains of Saint Landrada, 258n142; documentary evidence confirming existence, 223n17; Erard de la Marck’s devotion to, 194–201; foot relic presented to Guy of Brimeu, 180, 184, 252n70; gold statuette reliquary commissioned by Charles the Bold, 179; Guy of Brimeu’s endowment for, 181–82; Hubert’s relation to, 115, 122–24, 125–26, 191–92; humility of, 173; image on great seal of Liège, 48; initiatives of, 14–21; intersecting cult with Theodard, 49–93; martyrdom account, 13, 69–72, 74–79, 85, 225n51; martyrdom augured by Theodard’s relics, 15, 17, 20–21, 40; martyrdom cause, 33, 44, 51, 53, 60, 69–72; martyrdom site, 4, 7, 11, 12–13, 21, 32, 35–37, 50, 75, 96, 140, 200, 208n12, 222n4, 232n11; martyrdom’s civic benefits to Liège, 36–37, 42–44, 48, 189, 201; murderers of, 53, 57, 69, 85; nude display of skull (1489), 1, 2, 3, 45, 50, 167, 169, 176, 182–88, 201, 202, 253nn74–75; Office chants for (see

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Lambert, Bishop-Saint—(cont’d) Office of Saint Lambert and specific chants); as patron of Liège, 30–31, 36, 47, 93, 136; as personal patron of John Billeton, 189; portrayed as John the Baptist, 73–74, 83–84, 85; portrayed as Sacrificial Lamb, 83; principal life events, 52–53; relics associated with battle standard (1213), 169, 174–75, 176; reliquary, 1, 38, 50, 88, 124, 150, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 180, 182, 183, 184, 189, 222n4, 250n26; reliquary bust, 3, 50, 92, 169, 176, 181, 182, 183, 188, 189, 190, 191–93, 194, 195, 196, 197, 200, 201, 202–3; remains taken to Battle of Bouillon, 35, 38, 169, 170–73, 192, 201, 219n115; as saintly personification of Liège, 1, 3, 42; social status, 52; tapestries and stained-glass windows commissioned by Erard de la Marck for, 195, 196, 197, 257n131; translation of remains by Hubert, 14, 15, 17, 37, 96, 189; translation of Theodard’s remains, 13, 14, 16–17, 19–20, 37, 40, 49, 57, 214n32; tribute Versus in laude beati Landberti, 28–29 Lambert, Bishop-Saint, hagiographies of, 2–3, 49, 69–85; later embellishments in, 51, 52–53, 60, 69–72, 203, 218n99; military vigor recorded in, 168–69; Monulphus story, 35–37, 39, 47; by Nicholas of Liège, 2, 3, 14, 21, 35–39, 44, 51, 60, 71–72, 73–75, 77–78, 96, 103, 116, 200, 202, 221n144, 284n32; Pippin conflict in, 44, 51, 70–77, 85; posthumous apparition story, 15; by Sigebert of Gembloux, 3, 14, 16–17, 20–33, 37, 71, 75, 168–69, 202, 217–18n88, 226nn63–64; by Stephen of Liège, 52–53, 70, 71, 89, 223n14; Triumphus sancti Lamberti, 38, 171, 172, 219n115, 219n118; Vita prima sancti Lamberti, 15, 49, 54t, 69, 71, 168, 213n13, 222n3, 225n50, 232n17

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Lambert le Bègue, 6 Lambert of Saint Lawrence, Abbot, 2 Lambertus Christi martyr coronatus (antiphon), 54t, 186 Lambertus martyr in conspectu Domini (sequence), 83–84, 85 Landrada, Saint, 197, 258n142 Laudes Christo personemus (sequence), 235n89, 239n146 Laurentius de Horion, 186 Laus gloria virtus et gratia (sequence), 157–59, 164 Legia: etymology of, 247n111; evocations of, 203–4; references in Johannes Brassart’s motet for Saint John the Evangelist, 3, 154, 160–62; references in Laetare et lauda antiphon, 1, 41–42, 162; references in Vita Notgeri, 143–44, 160–62, 203 Leo X, Pope, 132, 238n140 Leodegar of Autun, Bishop, 222n10 Leonard of Bommershoven, 92, 195 Leontius of Bordeaux, Bishop, 27 Letabunda laus beato (sequence), 162, 197–200, 199, 203, 257n141 Libanius of Antioch, 24 Liber officiorum, 45 Libera me Domine (responsory), 195 Liège: annual fair instituted by Erard de la Marck, 192; bishop residences in diocese, 232n16; bishop-prince as ruler of, 5, 32, 33, 208–9n19, 248n2; Burgundian attack (1468), 4, 5, 6, 95, 170, 176, 177–78; Burgundian conquest, 177–82; centrality of music in, 2, 5, 47, 137, 138–39, 149–51, 193; church construction in tenth and eleventh centuries, 137–38; church property spared in Burgundian attack, 6, 178–79; church reconstruction and city repopulation in fifteenth century, 6, 167, 187–88, 251n49; civic baptistery of Our Lady ad Fontes, 152, 193, 243n64; civic crisis, late fifteenth century, 2, 185–86, 254n86; civic rivalries, 17–18; civic sanctity, 6–7, 40–45, 47,

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index 202–4; as civitas, 39, 97, 187, 232n17; clerical crisis in, 146–52; clerical population, 4, 32, 99, 137, 140, 147, 166, 185, 193; clerical reforms, early sixteenth century, 196–201; cloth industry in, 209n21; ecclesiastical establishments in, 4, 208n14; economy of, 5–6, 209n22; exorcisms in, 133–34; Hubert as patron saint of, 96–100; Hubert’s construction initiatives, 96–97; interinstitutional alliances and divisions, 138, 145, 146–52, 163–65; Lambert as saintly personification of, 1, 3, 11, 42–44, 93; Lambert’s image on great seal of, 48, 221n146; legend on great seal of, 95; liturgical innovations, 4, 6; Metz and, 22–23, 27; musicians in, 4–5, 149–51, 163–66, 240n11; names of, 94, 247n111; Norman raids (881), 139; as “paradise of priests,” 3–6, 10, 204; “perron” column, 5, 177, 192, 209n20; population density, 207n6; procession routes, 88, 151–52, 171–72, 183–84, 191, 192–93; Protestantism concerns in, 196; Saint Adalbert parish church, 140, 164; Saint John the Baptist parish church, 193; Saint Thomas parish church, 193; service books preserving city’s medieval chant repertory, 205–6; Sigebert of Gembloux’s tributes to, 17, 25–27; topography of, 140, 159, 159–60, 166–67; transition to urbs, 11, 12, 17, 21, 39–41, 47, 213n20; translation of Theodard’s remains equated with founding, 16–17, 19–21, 214n32; twelfth-century power struggle, 37–39 Liège, collegiate churches of: Church of Holy Cross, 44, 45, 86, 115, 134, 140, 141, 142, 145, 148, 150, 158, 159, 166, 239n1; Church of Saint Bartholomew, 115, 148, 186, 193, 239n1; Church of Saint Denis, 45, 140, 142, 148, 186, 204, 239n1; Church of Saint John the Evangelist,

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139, 140, 141–42, 144–45, 146, 147, 148, 152, 153–55, 157–67, 159, 204, 239n1, 241n36, 242n46, 242n49, 247n117, 247n121; Church of Saint Martin, 140, 141, 142, 148, 150, 151, 164, 195, 204, 230n101, 239n1, 240n11, 240n17, 244n82, 247n115; Church of Saint Paul, 32, 140, 148, 150, 151, 152, 158, 164, 204, 239n1, 240n17, 244n82, 247n115; Church of Saint Peter, 96, 97, 98, 99–100, 101, 102, 105, 106, 115, 125, 127, 133–35, 148, 150, 165, 195, 221n145, 230n101, 231n9, 233nn35–36, 235n83, 239n1, 240n17, 243n58; disputes with cathedral, 148–52; Laetare et lauda performances in, 44–45; Notger’s supervision of construction, 140; Office performance suspensions, 148–49; preserved in Burgundian conquest, 178–79 Liège Cathedral, 159: as administrative seat, 5, 97–98; bell-ringing, 148–49; Charles the Bold’s donations to, 179– 80; construction of, 96–97; doublechoir form, 97, 140–41, 241n21; Easter observances, 150; episcopal election privilege, 98–99, 115, 116–24; Feast of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom ritual, 44, 45; founded on Lambert’s martyrdom site, 4, 7, 11, 12–13, 21, 32, 96, 140, 208n12, 222n4, 232n11; Hubert cult at, 100; Johannes Brassart’s motet performed at, 163–66; Lambert and Theodard reliquaries housed in, 50; musical forces, 5, 45, 149–51, 163, 240n11; Notger commemorated at, 247n117; Notger’s reconstruction of, 140–41, 240n14; Office of Saint Lambert chants, 54–56t; physical alignment with Church of Saint John the Evangelist, 145; preserved in Burgundian conquest, 178–79; provost position, 98–99; sanctorale of, 221n1; tensions with aristocracy, 32–33, 51, 69

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Lietbert of Cambrai, Bishop, 34 Lobbes, Abbey of, 70–71, 215n59, 226n57 locus sanctus: associations in liégeois rite, 18–21; civic promotion and, 11–13, 19–21, 48; importance of ritual in, 7; prestige of, 16 Lothar, King, 226n57, 240n14 Lothar II, King, 70 Lotharingia, 139–40, 208n12, 226n57, 240n15 Louis II, Count of Loos, 174 Louis of Bourbon, Bishop, 176, 185, 254n82 Louis the Pious, Holy Roman Emperor, 101 Ludovicus of Meffia, 186 Luke, Saint, 62, 224n31, 255n109 Maastricht: Hubert in, 94, 97; Jocundus in, 214n25; as Lambert’s birthplace, 96; Lambert’s feast day in, 181–82; Monulphus and, 37; rivalry with Liège, 4, 17–18, 37, 47, 225n47 MacCormack, Sabine, 7 Magna vox (antiphon), 43, 54t, 88, 89–90, 91, 184, 191, 193, 256n124 Malmedy, Monastery of, 34, 218n96 Malo, Saint, vitae and lessons commemorating, 22 Martin, Saint, 140, 141, 195 Martinus of Tongris, 163 Martyris egregia Lamberti (sequence), 84–85 martyrs’ cults: localization of, 7, 11–13, 21; prestige of, 50–51, 66. See also specific names Mary’s Assumption, apocryphal account of, 157, 164, 246n101 Maternus, Bishop-Saint, 49, 105, 149, 183, 192, 221n1, 243n64 Mathias de Lewis, 134–35, 150–51, 231n4, 237n102 Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, 185 Maximinus, Saint, 101

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Menander Rhetor, 23, 24 Merovingian royalty, 69–72 Metz, 22–23, 24, 27, 216n59 Micy, Monastery of, 101 Miserere mei deus (penitential psalm), 194 Missale pro defunctis (Abbey of Saint James, Liège), 155, 156 modal ordering, 106, 109, 235n82 Montgomery, Scott, 253n73, 253n78, 255n107 Monulphus, Bishop-Saint, 35–37, 39, 47, 218n102, 221n1, 256n114 Nicholas of Liège: articulation of civic ideal, 14, 48, 93, 203; career, 35, 118; liturgy influenced by, 39, 43–44, 75, 77–85, 106, 110–15, 187, 200; political sympathies, 72; Vita quarta sancti Lamberti, 2, 3, 14, 21, 35–39, 44, 47, 51, 56t, 60, 71–72, 73–75, 77–78, 96, 103–4, 107t, 110t, 116, 202, 214n32, 221n141 Nisin, Paul, 249n22 Notger, Bishop, 137–67; Abbey of Gembloux and, 31; cathedral and church renovations, 13, 98, 136, 138, 139–42, 143, 241n20; Church of Saint John the Evangelist founded by, 153, 242n46, 247n117; civic influence, 3, 137–38, 143; clerical identity, 138, 146; hagiography of, 139, 142–47, 241n36, 246n108; identity fused with Liège, 143–44; Lothar and, 226n57; posthumous commemorations, 139, 143, 153, 160, 247n117; temporal powers, 33, 248n2 Novum melos decantemus (hymn), 106, 109t, 119, 122 O crux splendidior (antiphon), 191, 249n22 O Huberte, dedicatam (antiphon), 109t, 130–32, 132 O sacrum convivium (antiphon), 193

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index O Theodarde chant, 88, 91–92 Oda, Saint, 104 Odilia, Saint, 175 Office of Saint Hubert, 102, 106, 107–9t, 109–11, 110t, 118–21, 123, 125–32, 235–36nn92–94; dating, 110–11; hagiographic components, 106–11, 118–20, 125; illusion of Hubert’s continued presence in Liège, 125–29; melodies in, 106, 131–32; modal ordering, 106, 109; prosa in, 127–29; textual sources and similarities, 102, 107–9t, 110t, 110– 11; transmission, 235–36nn92–94; versification, 109–10 Office of Saint Lambert, 52–57; accretions, post tenth-century, 42–44, 74–77; antiphon Laetare et lauda (see under Laetare et lauda); antiphon Magna vox, 43, 54t, 88, 89–90, 91, 184, 191, 193, 256n124; correspondences with Saint Theodard Office, 57, 60, 86–87; hymn Hymnum cantemus gratiae, 54–56t, 76–77, 86, 87, 169, 228n84, 229n94, 229n96; modal ordering, 235nn82–83; by Stephen of Liège, 2, 28, 42–44, 52–60, 54–56t, 74, 85, 220n130; transmission, 222–23n14 Office of Saint Theodard, 52, 57, 58–59t, 60; correspondences with Saint Lambert Office, 57, 60, 86–87; hymn Gaudeat prole Gallia, 30, 40, 58t, 62–63, 66, 67, 86, 87, 203, 229n94, 229n96; Lauds antiphons, 18–21, 39–40; Matins chants, 57, 60 Office of the Holy Trinity (Stephen of Liège), 6, 52 Olbert, Abbot, 21–22, 217n83 Ora pro nobis sancte Lamberte (prayer), 88 oratorical genres, 23–24 Oratory of Cosmas and Damian, 35–36, 39, 47, 75 Ordo ceremoniarum, 187, 192, 253n74, 253n76 Orléans, Cathedral of, 101

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Ortelius, Abraham, 143, 160; Itinerarium, 162 Otbert, Bishop, 33, 35, 38, 170–71 Otto I, Holy Roman Emperor, 240n14 Otto II, Holy Roman Emperor, 240n14 Otto III, Holy Roman Emperor, 143 Our Lady of Steppes, statue of, 176 Palmer, Anne-Marie, 215n48, 215n49 Pange lingua (hymn), 118–19 Papa sacer novit hubertum (responsory), 236n92 Papal Schism, 115, 122 Paschal I, Antipope, 122, 237n117 Paulinus II of Aquileia, Felix per omnes festum mundi, 24–25 Peace of God proclamation (1081), 33 Peace of Oleye (1466), 177 Peace of Saint-Trond (1465), 177 Peccavi (responsory), 99–100 Peter the Apostle, Saint, 61, 95, 104–5, 134–5, 144, 157; cult of, 27, 97, 118 Petrarch, 4, 208n10 Pharamond, 53 Philip I, King of France, 72, 226n66 Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, 236n98 Philippe de Commynes, 6, 178–79 pilgrimage, practice of, 7, 11, 104, 105, 116, 133–34 Pippin II, Frankish ruler, 44, 51, 53, 70–71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77–79, 84, 85, 98 Plebs fidelis jocundetur (antiphon), 107t, 129–30, 131, 131, 203 Plectrude, 70–71, 75, 98, 226n58, 232n23 polyphony as civic ideal, 8–9, 139, 152–67, 203–4 Poncelet, Edouard, 254n86 Post funus triste (responsory), 108t, 110, 121 Praiectus of Clermont, Bishop, 222n10 Pretiosus Domini sacerdos Lambertus (responsory), 55t, 200

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processions: changes in, 192–93; craft guilds of, 50, 88, 92, 192, 229n99, 230n101; for Feast of Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom, 44, 162; for Feast of Saint Lambert’s Translation, 88, 92, 183–84, 191–93; intersections in Theodard and Lambert cults, 85–92; showcasing Saint Lambert’s reliquary bust (1526), 3, 50, 176, 194–201; urban topography features highlighted by, 151–52. See also specific feasts prosae, 91, 127–29, 230n112 Protestantism, 196 Protexisti me Deus (introit), 183 Prudentius, 12, 50–51, 66, 92, 215n48; Peristephanon, 24, 27–28 Quando suum scivit (responsory), 108t, 126–27 Quercentius, Robert, 142 Quintilian, 23 Raes, Sire of Heers, 176 Rainald of Bar, Count, 171, 172 Regem regum invocemus (sequence), 235n89 Regina celi (antiphon), 191 Regino of Prüm, 71, 232n17 Reimbald of Dongelberg, 146, 241n34; Liber de diversis ordinibus, 242n51; Vita Notgeri, 13, 139, 142–47, 152–63, 203, 246n108 relics: importance of acquisition for urbanization, 12, 14, 27; of John the Evangelist, 164–65; of Lambert, 1, 2, 3, 14, 15, 17, 35, 37, 38, 45, 50, 96, 167, 169–77, 182–88, 201; Lambert’s, collection given to Wedric of Liesses and Udon of Naumburg, 219n119; Lambert’s at Battle of Bouillon, 35, 38, 169, 170–73, 192, 201, 219n115; Lambert’s failure at battle of Brusthem, 176; Lambert’s protected by Charles the Bold, 178–79; Lambert’s skull, Burgundian conquerors’ interest in, 170, 183–86, 188–201; Lambert’s

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symbolically associated with battle standard, 169, 174–75, 250n31; miracles attributed to, 34; nude ostensions as extraordinary events, 185, 253n76, 253n78; processional display of, 86, 88–92, 229n99, 230n101 (see also processions); of Theodard, 13, 14, 15, 16–17, 19–20, 37, 40, 49, 57, 92, 183, 191, 195 Rem Lamberti (antiphon), 108t, 120–21, 123 Remaclus, Bishop-Saint, 34, 52, 57, 133, 221n1 Renaud of Bar, 38 Renier of Saint Lawrence, 171–72, 173, 192, 229n99 Renier van Hulsberg, 45, 46, 47, 221n141 Richer, Bishop, 99, 137, 239n1 Robert I de la Marck, 133, 238n142 Robert of Gynemont, Abbot, 235n91 Roberts, Michael, 215n48 Robinson, Ian, 226n68 Rome, tributes to, 24–25, 27 Rupert of Deutz, 229n99 Sacerdos Dei Lamberte martyr (antiphon), 47, 56t, 88, 89, 90, 200, 230n105 Saint Heribert, Abbey of (Deutz), 83–84 Saint Hubert, Feast of: Burgundian attack on, 95, 178; Gratuletur chorus iste (sequence) performed at, 106, 111–15, 122; liturgical status, 95–96, 100–101; Office for (see Office of Saint Hubert) Saint James, Abbey of (Liège), 146, 217n83 Saint Lambert’s Martyrdom, Feast of: Christi laudem predicemus (sequence) performed at, 35, 45, 47, 77–79, 80–81, 83, 92, 228n85; Laetare et lauda (antiphon) performed at, 41–45, 47; lections recited on, 53, 74–75, 85; Office for (see Office of Saint Lambert); Sacerdos Dei Lamberte martyr (antiphon) performed at, 47

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index Saint Lambert’s Translation, Feast of: borrowings from Martyrdom feast, 169; importance of, 38, 168, 176–77, 250n26; institution of, 170, 173; Laetare et lauda (antiphon) performed at, 183–84, 186–87; Letabunda laus beato (sequence) performed at, 197–98, 199, 200; music at 1489 commemoration, 183–84, 185–88; music at 1512 commemoration, 191, 201; nude display of skull (1489), 1, 2, 3, 45, 50, 167, 169, 176, 182–88, 201, 202, 253nn74–75; Office chants sung at, 200–201; procession for, 136, 191– 93; reliquary inaugurated in 1143, 169, 173; relocation of relics (1319), 175–76 Saint Lambert’s Triumph, Feast of: borrowings from Martyrdom feast, 169; as commemoration of Steppes victory, 173–75; importance of, 168, 176–77; institution of, 170; Sacerdos Dei Lamberte martyr (antiphon) performed at, 47 Saint Lawrence, Monastery of (Liège), 146, 235n91 Saint Theodard’s Martyrdom, Feast of: Office for (see Office of Saint Theodard); Urbs Legia (sequence) performed at, 13–14, 40, 64–67, 68, 92, 162 Saint Vincent, Abbey of (Metz), 22–23, 215n59 Salus populi (introit), 88, 100, 165 Salve regina misericordie (antiphon), 165 Salve sancta parens (introit), 88 Salzinnes Antiphonal, 235n87 Sanctus itaque Lambertus (antiphon), 19, 20, 21, 39–40, 47, 59t Santiago de Compostela, 11 Saragossa, 27–28 Schoolmeesters, Emile, 229n99 Sergius angelicis (responsory), 108t, 120, 121, 123 Sergius Hubertum (responsory), 107t, 120, 123

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Sergius I, Pope, 103, 104–5, 106, 110, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 135, 237n117 Servatius, Bishop-Saint, 18, 37, 49, 104, 105, 181, 192, 221n1 ’s-Hertogenbosch, Gregoriushuis in, 45, 106 Sigebert of Gembloux: acclamation style, 21–22; Apologia contra eos qui calumniantur missas conjugatorum sacerdotum, 72, 227n69; articulation of civic ideal, 14, 16–17, 22–23, 25–27, 34, 48, 93, 187; career, 21–22, 31–32; clerical audience for saintly civic rhetoric, 31–35; equation of Theodard’s translation with founding of Liège, 16–17, 20–21; Gregorian reforms reaction to, 32, 72, 226–27n68; hagiographies by, 2, 22, 31–32, 33, 51, 60, 203; Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, 30, 31–32, 217–18n88; Messine ode, 22–23, 27; music by, 2; musical liturgy influenced by, 20–21, 39–40, 43, 62–66; Passio sanctae Luciae, 216n59; Passio sanctorum Thebeorum, 22, 216n59; political and literary influences on, 24–26, 27–28, 32–35; political sympathies, 72; rhetorical models of, 215–16n59; use of amplificatio rhetorical device, 27–28; Vita prior and Vita altera sancti Lamberti, 3, 14, 16–17, 20–33, 37, 71, 75, 83, 168–69, 202, 217–18n88, 226nn63–64; Vita Maclovi, 32; Vita sancti Theodardi, 20, 22, 25–26, 32, 33, 49, 60–62, 63, 224nn34–35 Sigismund I, Holy Roman Emperor, 152 Solve iubente Deo (antiphon), 100 Speciosa facta es et suavis (antiphon), 165 Spiritus domini (introit), 88 Stäblein, Bruno, 229n94 Stavelot, Abbey of, 34, 53 Stavelot, Abbot of, 183 Stephen, Saint, 51–52, 61–62, 66, 224n31

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Stephen of Liège, Bishop: hagiographies by, 1–2; Holy Trinity Office, 6, 52; Invention of Saint Stephen Office, 6, 52; music by, 2; Office for Saint Lambert, 2, 28, 43, 52, 53, 54–56t, 57, 70, 85, 235n82; Offices by, 52; Vita secunda for Lambert, 52, 53, 70, 71, 89, 223n14 Steppes, Battle of (1213), 168, 169, 170, 173–75, 177 Summum pastorem (responsory), 107t, 119–20 Te Deum chant, 88, 175, 184, 186, 189, 191, 193, 230n104 terra (term), 230n111 Tertullian, 222n7 Theodard, Bishop-Saint: birthplace, 224n34; classification as martyr, 49–52; compared to protomartyr Stephen, 61–62, 66; documentary evidence confirming existence, 223n17; hagiographies of, 20, 22, 25–26, 51, 52–53, 60–67, 203, 213n13; intersecting cult with Lambert, 49–93, 183, 191; Lambert’s translation of remains of, 13, 14, 15, 16–17, 19–20, 37, 40, 49, 57, 214n32; martyrdom cause, 33, 51, 53, 60, 67; martyrdom significance, 66; martyrdom site, 15–16, 49, 53; new reliquary for, 92, 195; Office chants for (see Office of Saint Theodard and specific chants); as patron of Liège, 30, 136, 203; portrayed as Good Shepherd, 61–62, 63, 67, 223n29, 224n35; principal life events, 52–53, 57, 60; reference in Vita prima of Saint Lambert, 49; reliquary, 50, 88, 92, 222n4, 230–31n114; social status, 52; veneration and power of relics, 15, 16, 92, 183 Theoderic, Bishop-Saint, 22–23, 27, 33, 215n59, 224n35 Theodericus Pauli, 179 Theoduin of Liège, Bishop, 31, 33–34, 72

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Theutberga, 70 Tongeren, 4, 37, 45, 105 Triumphalis lux illuxit (sequence), 228n90 Triumphus sancti Lamberti, 38, 171, 172, 219n115, 249n14, 249n22 Triumphus sancti Remacli, 34 Tu es petrus (verse), 100 Udon of Naumburg, Bishop, 219n119 Urban II, Pope, 171 Urban VI, Pope, 115, 122 Urbs Aquensis (sequence), 40–41 Urbs Legia (sequence), 13–14, 40, 64–67, 68, 92, 162, 203 Van der Velden, Hugo, 180, 252n58 van der Weyden, workshop of Rogier, 116, 117, 236n98 Venantius Fortunatus, 24, 27, 31, 215n48, 216n59, 224n33; Vita sancti Albini, 126, 227n77 Verbum supernum prodiens (hymn), 86, 229n94, 229n96 Versus de Mediolano civitate, 24, 25 Versus de Verona, 24, 25, 215–16n59 Versus in laude beati Landberti, 28–29, 34, 203 Vilicus of Metz, Bishop, 24 Virgil, 216n59; first Eclogue, 27; Georgics, 24 vita apostolica, 146 Vita Odiliae, 175 Vita prima sancti Huberti, 100–101, 102, 103, 125, 134, 222n3 Vita prima sancti Lamberti, 15, 49, 54t, 69, 71, 168, 213n13, 222n3, 225n50, 232n17 Vita quarta sancti Huberti, 104, 108t, 110, 117–18, 119, 122, 134–35, 239n147 Vita quinta sancti Huberti, 104, 107–8t, 110, 110t, 115, 117–18, 119, 134–35, 239n147 Vita tertia sancti Huberti, 104 vitae sanctorum, 1. See also specific saints Vox de caelo (sequence), 239n146

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index Walcaud, Bishop, 101–2, 116 Waldrada, 70 Wazo, Bishop, 30, 32, 217n83, 226n61, 239n4, 242n54 Webb, Jeffrey, 213n21, 216n72, 218n97 Wedric of Liesses, Abbot, 219n119 William de la Marck, 185 William Durand, Rationale divinorum officiorum, 121, 224n37

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Willibrord, Bishop-Saint, 103, 104, 122 women of Liège, 6 Worms, Bishop of, 15, 16 Worms, Concordat of, 38, 98 Zechariah, Prophet, 69 Zimmern, Matthew, 211n42, 222n8, 223n18, 225n50, 233n42, 236n97

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cat h eri n e sa u cier is assistant professor of music history at Arizona

State University.

A Paradise of Priests

“Saucier’s A Paradise of Priests represents a substantial achievement in a number of fields, including medieval and Renaissance musicology, urban history, and church history. The book’s readable style will make it accessible to students as well as to scholars and teachers. A seamless and compelling narrative.” — s u sa n b o y n t o n , professor of historical musicology, Columbia University

Saucier

Medieval Liège was the seat of a vast diocese in northwestern Europe and a city of an exceptional number of churches, clergymen, and church musicians. Recognized as a priestly paradise, the city accommodated as many Masses each day as Rome. In this volume, musicologist Catherine Saucier examines the music of religious worship in Liège and reveals within the liturgy and ritual a civic function by which local clerics promoted the holy status of their city. Analyzing hagiographic and historical writings, religious art, and sung ceremonies relevant to the city’s genesis, destruction, and eventual rebirth, Saucier uncovers richly varied ways in which liégeois clergymen fused music with text, image, and ritual to celebrate the city’s sacred episcopal origins and saintly persona.         A Paradise of Priests forges new interdisciplinary connections between musicology, the liturgical arts, the cult of saints, church history, and urban studies, and is an essential resource for scholars and students interested in the history of the Low Countries, hagiography and its reception, and ecclesiastical institutions.

A Paradise of Priests Singing the Civic and Episcopal Hagiography of Medieval Liège

Cover image: Second Vespers Magnificat Antiphon Laetare et lauda Deum Legia, B-Lgc H118/87, fol. 194r. Reproduced with permission from the Musée Grand Curtius, Liège.

Catherine Saucier 668 Mt. Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620-2731, USA P.O. Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK www.urpress.com