A History of the Old Icelandic Commonwealth ; Islendinga Saga (U of M Icelandic Series) [Reprint ed.] 0887556965, 9780887556968

Table of contents :
Cover
Table of Contents
List of Illustrations and Maps
From the Author's Foreword
A Prefatory Note from the Translator
DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT
Thule
Did the Romans Reach Iceland?
Papar
The Norsemen Arrive in Iceland
Landnámabók (The Book of Settlements)
Chronology
The Origin of the Icelanders
Reasons for the Settlement
Early Methods of Establishing Settlements
Pattern of Settlement and Population
FORM OF GOVERNMENT
The Founding of the Althing
The Site of the Althing
The Dates of the Annual Sessions of the Althing
The Hallowing of the Althing and its Prorogation
The Lawspeaker
The Division of the Country into Quarters
Chieftains — Their Power and Jurisdiction
The Court of Legislature
The Quarter Courts
Skapti the Lawspeaker and the Fifth Court
District and Midsummer Assemblies
'Hreppar' and Guilds
The Codification of the Secular Law
VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS
Icelandic Ocean-Going Vessels and the Icelandic Language
The Discovery and the Settlement of Greenland
The Discovery of the North American Continent
A Part of the Icelanders' 'Imago Mundi'
The Art of Navigation
The Treaty between the Icelanders and King Ólafr the Saint of Norway
CHURCH AND RELIGION
Heathenism and Irish Christianity
Historical Sources on Christian Missions and the Introduction of Christianity
Christian Missionary Work and the Christianization of Iceland
Missionary Bishops from Abroad
Bishop Ísleifr
Bishop Gizurr Ísleifsson and his Contemporaries
The Founding of the Episcopal See of Hólar — Bishop Jón Ögmundarson
Schools and Foreign Influences
The Code of Church Law and the Administrative Structure of the Icelandic Church
Assets and Income of Churches and Clergy
The First Steps towards Ecclesiastical Autonomy — Bishop Thorlákr Thórhallsson
Disputes over the Patronages of Churches and Church Property
Reforms
Icelandic Saints
Monasteries
Bishop Guðmundr Arason
Foreign Bishops
Celibacy of the Clergy
The Resolution of the Court of Legislature in 1253
THE DEATH THROES OF THE COMMONWEALTH
The Acquisitiveness of the Kings of Norway
The Development of the Power of Chieftains until ca. 1220
Feuds between the Oddaverjar and the Norwegians — Snorri Sturluson
Sturla Sighvatsson's Attempt to Obtain Power over the Whole of Iceland
The Fate of Snorri and Órækja
Thórðr Kakali
A Struggle over Thórðr Kakali's Territory
Earl Gizurr and the End of the Commonwealth
Gizurr's Covenant
ECONOMIC HISTORY AND MATERIAL CULTURE
Animal Husbandry
The Cultivation of Grain — Climate
A Few Ancient Branches of Industry
Fishing
Imports
Exports
Administrative Control over Trade
Navigation and Trade
Standards of Value and the Calculation of Prices
Improvements in Communications
Housing
Class Division
The Author
Genealogical Tables
Lawspeakers during the Commonwealth Period
Bishops during the Commonwealth Period
A Select Bibliography of Works by Dr. Jón Jóhannesson
Bibliography of Works Cited
Index of Names
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B
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Citation preview

University of Manitoba Icelandic Studies Vol. II

A History of the Old Icelandic Commonwealth

University of Manitoba Press

c 1974 The University of Manitoba Press Reprinted 2006 The University of Manitoba Press Winnipeg, Manitoba R3T TM5 Canada www.umanitoba.ca/uofmpress Printed in Canada All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, or stored in a database and retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the University of Manitoba Press, or, in the case of photocopying or any other reprographic copying, a licence from ACCESS COPYRIGHT (Canadian Copyright Licencing Agency) 6 Adelaide Street East, Suite 901, Toronto, Ontario M5C 1H6, www.accesscopyright.ca.

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Johannesson, Jon, 1909-1957. [Islendinga saga. English] A history of the old Icelandic commonwealth / Jon Johannesson ; translated by Haraldur Bessason. Reprint. Originally published: Winnipeg : University of Manitoba Press, 1974. Translation of: Islendinga saga. ISBN 0-88755-696-5 (pbk.) 1. Iceland-History. I. Bessason, Haraldur, 1931 - II. Title. DL352.J6132006

949.12'Gl

C2006-905283-2

Publication of this book has been made possible through the financial support of the Icelandic Language and Literature Fund, Icelandic Department at theUniversity of Manitoba.

Ill

A HISTORY OF THE OLD ICELANDIC COMMONWEALTH Islendinga saga by

Jon Johannesson

Translated by: Haraldur Bessason

IV

Ackno wledgem en ts This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Humanities Research Council of Canada. The Icelandic Festival of Manitoba and the Icelandic National League have also pledged their support. Thanks are due to Mr. Grettir L. Johannson, Consul General of Iceland, and Dr. Paul H. T. Thorlakson C.C.M.D. for their abiding interest in the 'University of Manitoba Icelandic Studies' series, and to E. Grettir Eggertson B.Sc.E.E. Hons. for having created a special fund at the University of Manitoba for the furtherance of publications in the field of Icelandic Studies. The Faculty of Graduate Studies at the University of Manitoba and the Arlene Meredith Roberts (Johnson) and Dr. Thomas John Speakman Memorial Research Fund provided grants for some of the preparatory research for this volume. Mrs. R. Rossol deserves special thanks for long hours of secretarial service, and Mrs. Bjorg Eysteinsdottir for her typing of a part of the manuscript. Messrs. Baldur Hafstad, Max Chmielnicki, and Kenneth M. Kristofferson helped with the compiling of an Index and the final proofreading of the book. Further acknowledgements are noted in A Prefatory Note from the Translator. The publication of the present volume coincides with the eleven hundredth anniversary of the settlement of Iceland. It is the hope of the editors that, within the English speaking world, this translation of Jon Johannesson's Islendinga saga will serve both academic and more general interest in Iceland's long and colourful history. Robert J. Glendinning Haraldur Bessason

v

TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Illustrations and Maps From the Author's Foreword A Prefatory Note from the Translator

VIII IX X

DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT Thule Did the Romans Reach Iceland? Papar The Norsemen Arrive in Iceland Landnamabok (The Book of Settlements) Chronology The Origin of the Icelanders Reasons for the Settlement Early Methods of Establishing Settlements Pattern of Settlement and Population

1 2 3 7 11 13 15 24 28 31

FORM OF GOVERNMENT The Founding of the Althing The Site of the Althing The Dates of the Annual Sessions of the Althing The Hallowing of the Althing and its Prorogation The Lawspeaker The Division of the Country into Quarters Chieftains — Their Power and Jurisdiction The Court of Legislature The Quarter Courts Skapti the Lawspeaker and the Fifth Court District and Midsummer Assemblies 'Hreppar' and Guilds The Codification of the Secular Law

35 41 44 45 47 49 53 63 66 70 74 83 89

VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS Icelandic Ocean-Going Vessels and the Icelandic Language . 94 The Discovery and the Settlement of Greenland 98 The Discovery of the North American Continent 101 A Part of the Icelanders' 'Imago Mundi' 104 The Art of Navigation 106

VI

The Treaty between the Icelanders and King Olafr the Saint of Norway CHURCH AND RELIGION Heathenism and Irish Christianity Historical Sources on Christian Missions and the Introduction of Christianity Christian Missionary Work and the Christianization of Iceland Missionary Bishops from Abroad Bishop Isleifr Bishop Gizurr fsleifsson and his Contemporaries The Founding of the Episcopal See of Holar — Bishop Jon Dgmundarson Schools and Foreign Influences The Code of Church Law and the Administrative Structure of the Icelandic Church Assets and Income of Churches and Clergy The First Steps towards Ecclesiastical Autonomy — Bishop Thorlakr Thorhallsson Disputes over the Patronages of Churches and Church Property Reforms Icelandic Saints Monasteries Bishop Gudmundr Arason Foreign Bishops Celibacy of the Clergy The Resolution of the Court of Legislature in 1253 THE DEATH THROES OF THE COMMONWEALTH The Acquisitiveness of the Kings of Norway The Development of the Power of Chieftains until ca. 1220 Feuds between the Oddaverjar and the Norwegians — Snorri Sturluson Sturla Sighvatsson's Attempt to Obtain Power over the Whole of Iceland

109 118 124 125 138 144 147 153 156 160 169 179 182 186 190 192 200 214 216 218 222 226

239 247

Vll

The Fate of Snorri and Oraekja Thordr Kakali A Struggle over Thordr Kakali's Territory Earl Gizurr and the End of the Commonwealth Gizurr's Covenant ECONOMIC HISTORY AND MATERIAL CULTURE Animal Husbandry The Cultivation of Grain — Climate A Few Ancient Branches of Industry Fishing Imports Exports Administrative Control over Trade Navigation and Trade Standards of Value and the Calculation of Prices Improvements in Communications Housing Class Division

The Author Genealogical Tables Lawspeakers during the Commonwealth Period Bishops during the Commonwealth Period A Select Bibliography of Works by Dr. Jon Johannesson Bibliography of Works Cited Index of Names

253 257 264 271 282 288 296 300 303 305 310 317 322 328 335 337 344

359 361 367 369 370 371 375

Vlll

Illustrations and Maps 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Thingvollur Farm names indicating the sites of temples Ruins of assembly booths by Biidafoss in Thjorsa Assemblies and Quarter boundaries The Medieval World of the Scandinavians

42 57 75 79 105

At the back of the volume 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

Objects from a grave at Kaldarhofdi. An ancient figurine (possibly depicting the god Thor). A bust of Christ from a crucifix from Ufsir in Svarfadardalur. The crook of Bishop Pall Jonsson's crozier. Roman copper coins (antoniniani) from the time of Aurelian, Probus and Diocletian (about 300 A.D.) found in south-east Iceland. Bishop Pall's stone casket. Prior Sveinn's seal. A church bell from Hals in Fnjoskadalur. A statue of the Virgin Mary. A crucifix from Tungufell in Hrunamannahreppur. Blast iron. A pair of old scales. A silver hoard from Sandmuli in Su6ur-Thingeyjarsysla. A carved panel from Flatatunga in Skagafjordur. A church door from Valthjofsstadir. A map of Iceland.

IX

From the Author's Foreword The main purpose of this book is to provide an outline for studies of Icelandic history at the University of Iceland. But above and beyond this it is hoped that it will be a useful source of information to anyone interested in history. Even though the book has been a long time in the writing, it may be expected to fall short, in various ways, of providing an exhaustive analysis. Basic research remains to be done in many more areas than most people would suspect, and it is likely that some of this research will remain in abeyance for a long time to come. Secondly, the views of scholars regarding the historical source-value of Old Icelandic literature, particularly the Family Sagas and the earliest written Sagas of Kings, have changed completely during the last twenty or thirty years. Therefore, most of the earlier historical surveys dealing with the first two or three hundred years of Icelandic history have become obsolete sooner than would have been anticipated. Thirdly, there is reason to expect that archeological research in Iceland, particularly the investigations of the ruins of ancient farm buildings, will uncover information of historical significance. The same holds true for the work of geologists. Currently, studies in tephrochronology (i.e. the dating of layers of volcanic ash) and climatology appear to be of the greatest importance for historians. It is quite obvious that even minor fluctuations in climatic conditions may have affected the living conditions of the Icelandic people and either alleviated or aggravated their struggle for existence. Accordingly, it may become necessary to re-evaluate gradually, in the light of climatological research, currently accepted ideas on Icelandic history. As has been indicated in bibliographical references in the main text, this book is based on diverse sources. Many of the problems encountered have been clarified with the help of existing scholarly literature, while it has also been most helpful to consult personally with people well informed in Icelandic history. Even though I shall have to forgo the listing of names of individuals and titles of books, I must give recognition to my teacher in Icelandic history at the University of Iceland, Professor Ami Palsson. I am indebted to him for his guidance in many fields of historical research. I am also indebted to the various historical works which I studied at the University, particularly Rettarsaga althingis by Einar Arnorsson and Kristnisaga Islands by Jon Helgason. Jon Johannesson

x

A Prefatory Note from the Translator I am deeply indebted to Professor Hjalmar V. Larusson of the Faculty of Education at the University of Manitoba, Hermann Palsson, Reader in Icelandic at the University of Edinburgh, and Professor Robert J. Glendinning, my co-editor of the present series, for their careful and extensive editing of my translation. Recognition must also be given to many others from whose help I have benefitted. Dr. Gudrun P. Helgadottir compared the entire translation with the Icelandic original and eliminated a number of inaccuracies. Professor Emeritus Richard Beck, Mr. George Noble, former Director of the University Extension Library at the University of Manitoba, and my graduate students Miss Julian O. Thorsteinson and Mr. Howard S. Reilly read the manuscript, either in part or in its entirety, offered constructive criticisms and made corrections. Mrs. Lenore Good and Mr. Gunnar Gunnarsson have helped with the preparation of footnotes and indices. The maps from the original volume have been re-drawn by Mr. Gylfi Mar Gudbergsson, who also made the folded map of Iceland at the back of this volume. The illustrations, all of which appeared in the Icelandic original of the present work, are reproduced here with the kind of permission of Mr. Thor Magnusson, Curator of the National Museum of Iceland. The Photography is by Mr. Gisli Gestsson. Dr. Hallvard Mager^y, Professor of Icelandic at the University of Oslo most generously gave me his permission to make free use of the many footnotes which he added in his Norwegian translation of the present work in 1969. Most of these have been reproduced here either wholly or in part and together with a few notes added in this translation they are identified by the use of square brackets. In some instances, translations of passages from Old Icelandic texts have either been borrowed from or based on the following standard works and translations: Egil's Saga, translated by Gwyn Jones, Syracuse University Press, 1960; Eyrbyggja Saga, translated by Paul Schach. Introduction and verse translation by Lee M. Hollander, University of Nebraska Press, 1959; Hrafnkel's Saga and other Stories, translated by Hermann Palsson, Penguin Classics, 1970; Laxdcela Saga, translated by Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Palsson, Penguin Classics, 1969; The Age of the Sturlungs: Icelandic Civilization in the Thirteenth Century by Einar Olafur Sveinsson (Islandica, Vol. XXXVI), translated by Johann S. Hannesson, Cornell University Press, 1953; The Book of Settlements (Landnamabok), translated by Hermann Palsson and Paul Edwards, University of Manitoba Press, 1972; The Book of the Icelanders (Islendingabok) by Ari Thorgilsson (Islandica, Vol. XX), translated by Halldor

XI

Hermannsson, Cornell University Press, 1930; The History of Iceland by Knut Gjerset, Macmillan (New York), 1924; The Poetic Edda, translated by Lee M. Hollander, University of Texas Press, 1962; The Viking Achievement by Peter Foote and David M. Wilson, Sidgwick & Jackson (London) 1970; The Vinland Sagas, translated by Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Palsson, Penguin Classics, 1965. Except for a few modernized vowel symbols Old Icelandic forms of personal names and technical terms have been retained, since these forms have become familiar through Old Icelandic literature. On the other hand, the Modern Icelandic spelling of place names has been used throughout, since it is consistent with present-day maps of Iceland. With the exception of l> (p), transliterated below as Th (th), Icelandic symbols occurring in proper names have been retained. These symbols together with some examples from English showing approximately the Modern Icelandic sound value of each symbol are as follows: a (like ow in Engl. cow); e (like ye in yes}; i (like ee in green); d (like o in note); u (like oo in school); y (the same as Icel. i); ae (like i(gh) in high); d (like d in German hbren and similar to eu in French peur); au (a diphthong like eu in French feuille, not found in English); ei and ey (a diphthong like a in hate); d (a voiced spirant like th in breathe). An index of names, as well as genealogical tables for the principal families of Medieval Iceland, have been added to the present translation for the benefit of those who may not have had the opportunity to read the old Icelandic historical literature. Finally, I thank the author's wife, Dr. Gudrun P. Helgadottir, and Almenna bokafelagid, Reykjavik, the publisher of the Icelandic original (Islendinga saga I, Reykjavik 1956), for granting permission for the publication of an English translation. H.B.

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DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT Thule We have no records to tell us when people first set foot on Icelandic soil, or when the first fire was kindled there. However it is obvious that this cannot have happened in the very remote past as it presupposes the existence of ocean-going ships. Without these there would hardly have been an Icelandic nation, for the beginning of Icelandic society and the whole course of its history are closely linked with the evolution of shipbuilding and navigation in north-western Europe. The earliest archeological finds indicating human habitation in Iceland date from about 300 A.D. But there are scholars who maintain that the country had been known some six hundred years earlier, and we must briefly consider these theories. Pytheas of Marseille was an astronomer, mathematician and geographer, who explored north-western Europe, probably in the fourth century B.C. His own account of the exploration is now lost but parts of it have survived in the works of later authors, notably the geographer Strabo, who lived around the time of the birth of Christ. In Strabo's works, Pytheas' descriptions are taken out of context and probably distorted, and it is quite clear that Strabo and most others not only questioned the accuracy of his descriptions but even tried to make him seem ridiculous. Modern scholars, however, have concluded that this treatment of Pytheas' writings was completely undeserved and that he must have been an outstanding scientist. Pytheas is said to have mentioned a country which he called Thule, situated six days' sailing north of Britain and close to the frozen sea. He also seems to have maintained that in Thule the sun stayed above the horizon all night at summer solstice. This description fits Iceland, but Pytheas evidently implied that Thule was inhabited and this would rule Iceland out as there is not the slightest reason to believe that anyone was living there at this early date.

2

Consequently it has been suggested that the description of Thule refers to Norway, Shetland or even Orkney, but unless some fresh evidence comes to light this question must remain unsolved. The derivation of the name 'Thule' itself is obscure and has not yet been satisfactorily accounted for. 1 According to some scholars the climate in Scandinavia in the days of Pytheas was exceptionally cold, and the same conditions must also have prevailed in Iceland. This makes it less likely that Pytheas could have sailed so far north. For a long time after the days of Pytheas the name Thule' was used for various parts of northern Europe, but there is no reason to consider this problem here. After Iceland was discovered people identified it with the Thule of Pytheas, and there are many who still believe that Iceland was the country he described; hence 'Thule' came to be the first name for Iceland, and for a long time after its discovery by the Norsemen, authors did not use it to denote any other country. Did the Romans Reach Iceland? In the present century three Roman copper coins (antoniniani), dating from the period A.D. 270-305, were found in eastern Iceland. Two of these coins were dug up in the ruins of a Norse farmhouse built in the Age of Settlements near Bragdavellir in Hamarsfjordur. The third coin was found on the beach near the farm at Hvalnes in Lon. All three coins probably came from the same hoard and they are the only known artifacts in Iceland older than the Age of Settlements (c. 870-930).2 They are well preserved, which suggests that they must have been buried in the ground for a long time and that the Norse settlers in Iceland either found them there or brought them from abroad. The first alternative seems more plausible since it is unlikely that the Norsemen would dig up and bring to Iceland old copper coins which had long gone out of circulation and become quite worthless. On the other hand, one can easily imagine the Norse settlers searching carefully for any signs of previous habitation in their new land; they would have given special heed to artifacts of nonScandinavian origin. Thus it is not surprising that they would think it remarkable to find such coins in Iceland. It is significant, too, that the coin discoveries were made in the south-east corner of Iceland — the very part where seafarers from Europe would have been most likely to land. In the fourth century, Britain was an important naval power, and one cannot rule out the possibility that some Roman ships from this quarter were driven off course and reached Iceland, in which case the three an1 2

Cf. Fridthjof Nansen, Nord i Taakeheimen (Kristiania, 1911); Gaston E. Broche, Pytheas le Maxsaliole (Paris, 1936). Vilhjalmur Stefansson, Ultima Thule (New York, 1940). [Cf. p. 13, and pp. 31-32.]

3

toniniani would be the remaining testimony of their adventure.3 Papar4

The documentary evidence we have suggests that after Pytheas the Irish were the next to explore the North Atlantic. They were converted to Christianity shortly after St. Patrick came to Ireland from Britain in 432 A.D., but they had some previous knowledge of Christianity. St. Patrick became the apostle of Ireland and the faith grew in strength, exerting immense influence on the population. When Britain was invaded by the heathen Angles and Saxons, the Irish Church became isolated and developed its own distinctive features. Irish missionaries travelled in large numbers to other parts of the British Isles and also to the Continent. Some of them founded religious houses abroad, the most celebrated one being the monastery on the island of lona in the Hebrides, which was founded by St. Columba (Irish Collumcille) in 563 A.D. lona became an important centre of missionary activity, and from there Christianity reached the Picts on the mainland of Scotland, and Orkney and Shetland. Various branches of learning were assiduously cultivated in Ireland, and a good many Irishmen became teachers abroad. Some of the monks craved solitude to serve God in peace, and therefore they set out in search of secluded places. There are many stories about their voyages in search of new lands, but most of these are full of fantasy. The Irish must have read various accounts of Thule in books that came to Ireland with the Christian faith, and it was only reasonable that they should look for that island. The coracle (curach) was the most common type of boat used by the Irish explorers. Curachs were constructed of twig frames covered with skins or hides5 which were sewn together. These skin boats varied in size according to use. Those intended for long voyages were quite large and made of two or three layers of skin; they were propelled by sails or oars.6 In these boats the Irish were gradually able to reach almost every point around the British Isles and far into the northern seas. About 825 A.D. the Irish monk Dicuil, who was a teacher in France, wrote a book called De mensura orbis terrae (On Measuring the Earth). In this work he mentions certain islands which, from their description must be the Faroes. Dicuil says that these islands had been inhabited by Irish hermits for about a century. He also states that before the hermits came the islands had been uninhabited from the beginning of time, and 3

Kristjan Eldjarn, Gengid a reka (Akureyri, 1948), pp. 10-24; "Fund af romcrske mSnter pS Island", Nordisk numismatisk Ursskrift (1949); [also by the same author, Kuml og haugfe (Reykjavik, 1956), pp. 11-22.) * [plural form of the sing, papi, 'priest'-] 5 Curach is a cognate of the Latin corium, skin. ' P. W. Joyce, A Social History of Ancient Ireland. II, pp. 423-426.

4

that they had once more become depopulated at the time of his writing because of pillaging by Norwegian vikings. This suggests that the Irish must have discovered the Faroes in the first quarter of the 8th century, or perhaps a little earlier.7 Eventually the Irish found the country which is now called Iceland. The Venerable Bede (d. 735 A.D.) states in his commentaries on the Books of Kings (In libros regum questionum XXX liber) that the inhabitants of Thule and those of the remotest parts of the Scythian regions (i.e. northern Russia) were able to see the sun both by night and by day for a brief period every summer. Bede claims to have this on the authority of ancient chronicles and contemporary accounts by people who had come from these lands.8 It is impossible to determine whether 'Thule' refers here to Iceland or to some other country such as Norway. But if Iceland is meant, Irish hermits must have settled there not long after they came to live in the Faroes, and Bede may have obtained information about Thule from Irish priests. In the work mentioned above, Dicuil excerpts authors like Pliny, Isidore, Priscian, and Solinus on the subject of Thule and asserts that it was semper deserta (continuously uninhabited), but adds that thirty years ago (about 795 A.D.)9, I was told by some priests who had stayed on this island from early February to the beginning of August that not only at summer solstice, but also for a few days both before and after, it looks as if the sun, when it sets at night, is merely hiding for a while behind a knoll. During this brief interval dusk does not even fall, so that a man can do what he wants, even pick lice out of his shirt as if the sun were overhead. And if men were up in the highlands the sun would perhaps not be lost to their sight at all. The middle of this short period coincides with midnight at the equator; on the other hand, I presume that immediately before and after winter solstice in Thule the sun can be seen only for a short interval every day, the middle of which interval would then correspond with mid-day at the equator. The records which describe the ocean around the island as being frozen over must be in error. The same accounts are also erroneous in maintaining that, while in this northern land a period of continuous darkness extends from the autumnal equinox to its vernal counterpart, the remaining span from spring to autumn is one of uninterrupted daylight. The above misstatements have been brought to light by the fact that the priests sailed up to the island at the time of year when, in accordance with the law of nature, it was very cold. At that time, however, day and night alternated until about summer solstice. One day's sailing to the north of the island the priests sighted the frozen sea.10 7

[Kristjan Eldjarn maintains that Dicuil means Iceland, cf. Kuml og haugfe, p. 12.] Migne, Patrologia latino, XCI, p. 732. ' [Cf. p. 3.] 10 Dicuili liber de mensura orbis terrae (Berlin, 1870), pp. 42-44. 1

5

Dicuil is believed to have been a reliable scholar, and it is commonly held that his references to Thule apply to Iceland, even though it may seem strange that his report should not include any accounts of the Scandinavian peninsula as well. But Dicuil only intended to correct earlier statements which geographers had made as to the temperature of the sea around Thule and the proportionate length of its day and night. This limited objective explains why he does not mention various things which would have been of interest to the modern reader. The priests referred to in his book must have come from Ireland, and if the report of the frozen sea one day's sailing north of Thule is factual, the priests must have been explorers. It is tempting to suggest that, being familiar with that part of Pliny's description in which the frozen sea is said to be a day and a night's sailing north of Thule, the priests attempted to verify his statement for themselves. Since Dicuil describes Thule as "continuously uninhabited," it seems unlikely that the information which the Irish priests possessed about Thule and the proportion of daylight to darkness there at winter solstice could have been obtained from someone who had been there before them. Dicuil's contention that Thule was uninhabited would not necessarily contradict Bede's previously mentioned reference to people who had come from the northern lands. One may assume that the early settlements of Irish hermits were both intermittent and limited in size. It is understandable that Dicuil would not have regarded the Irish priests as the discoverers of Thule, for even though they may in reality have been the first sailors to travel that far into the north, Dicuil would have believed that they had merely reached the land which had been known to Pytheas and others under the name of Thule. The priests themselves would probably have concurred with Dicuil in this assumption. According to the Irish calendar the first day of February marked the beginning of spring, while autumn began with the first day of August." It is difficult to understand why the priests mentioned by Dicuil should have chosen to stay in Thule from February to August. But in spite of all the mystery surrounding these ancient events, it seems highly probable that in the late 8th century Irish priests were exploring the northern seas as far north as Iceland, which they identified with Thule. However, it is impossible to tell when they first reached Iceland. Ari the Learned's hlendingabok (The Book of Icelanders, from ca. 1125 A.D.), is our oldest reliable source for the voyages of the Irish priests to Iceland and their sojourn in that country. Islendingabok states that "at that time (when the Norwegians began to settle in Iceland in the latter part of the 9th century), there were some Christians here (in P. W. Joyce, op. cit.. pp. 388-390.

6

Iceland) whom the Norwegians called papar (priests). Because they would not live among heathens, they went away from Iceland, leaving behind Irish books, bells, and croziers, all of which goes to show that these men must have been Irish." 12 Landnamabokn asserts that papar were living at Kirkjubaer (Church farm) in the Sida district 14 when a Norse settler called Ketill the Foolish (hinn fiflski) came to Iceland and made his home there. Ketill the Foolish and his successors at Kirkjubaer were Christians, and it was believed that heathens should not live there. One can easily imagine that the peculiar ways of the Irish hermits instilled fear in the Norsemen. In addition to written sources there are several place names in Iceland which remind one of the Irish hermits: Papey (Papar Island), Papafjordur at Lon 15 (cf. Papos, Papajjardaros, Papafjordur Estuary), Papafell (Papar Hill) in Strandasysla and perhaps Papi, a deep pool in the river Laxa in Laxardalur in Dalir. Finally, there is Pappyli (Papabyli, Papar Dwelling) known from the Hauksbok.16 Pappyli appears to have been the name of a district, since there is a reference to two farms, Breidabolstadur and Hof in Pappyli. Although the exact location of this district is no longer known, it must have been somewhere in the Skaftafellsthing in the south-eastern part of Iceland. 17 If we can rely on these sources, a small number of papar must have come to Iceland and made their home there, particularly in the south-eastern regions of the country. The word papi is probably borrowed from the Irish pob(b)a or pab(b)a (hermit or monk). The Irish word is a loanword from the Latin papa meaning 'father'. After the Norwegians had founded settlements west of the North Sea, i.e. first in Shetland and later in Orkney, the Faroes' and other regions, they must have encountered hermits from Ireland, and for some obscure reason the Norsemen referred to them as papar. And it is from these Norse settlements that reports of the papar were later brought to Iceland. It is of interest to note that two of the place names just mentioned, Papey and Pappyli, are not only common in Shetland, but are also known in both Orkney and the Faroes. The Irish hermits apparently lived in small communities, each member spending his life in a small beehive-shaped hut. These structures were probably similar in form to the so-called Jjarborgir known in Iceland from later periods. The Jjarborgir were sheep shelters of dry masonry. Ruins of ancient hermit settlements excavated in the British Isles show that in addition to the huts, each settlement had within its enclosure a well, a church 12

[Kristjan Eldjarn does not consider this information quite reliable, cf. Kuml og haugfe, p. 12.] "(Cf. p. 11.] 14 [In Vestur-Skaftafellssysla.) 15 [In Austur-Skaftafellssysla.] 16 [Lawman Haukr Erlendsson's version of Landnamabok.] 17 [Cf. Guflni Jonsson's review of the p.-esent work, Skirnir, 130 (1956), p. 256.]

7

and a garden. Perhaps this arrangement was followed in the Irish colony at Kirkjubaer in the south-east of Iceland. The artifacts which, according to Ari the Learned, were left behind in Iceland give no indication as to the number of priests in each settlement. One may speculate that the Irish books mentioned by Ari were devotional literature in Latin, illuminated in an Irish style, and that each hermit possessed such books. The bells were used, among other things, to summon the congregation and also to exorcise evil spirits. 18 These were little hand bells as useful to one individual as to a whole group of men. The Irish croziers mentioned in Islendingabok were carried by abbots and bishops, who could retire from the world and settle in secluded hermitages without forfeiting their titles or the insignia pertaining to their office. In his version of Landnamabok, Haukr Erlendsson states that the objects which the papar left in Iceland were first discovered in "Papey in the east and in Pappyli". Whatever caused them to leave such objects there, they cannot have done so of their own free will. Perhaps some of them could not make their escape, or alternatively had to flee in a great hurry. It is also conceivable that these objects had belonged to papar who died in Iceland. Since they did not take women with them the colony was doomed to die out sooner or later unless new recruits came from elsewhere. The Irish hermits had no appreciable influence on the history of the Icelandic people. They seem to have brought sheep to the Faroes since they needed wool for clothing. But there is no evidence that they ever brought any sheep with them to Iceland, even though this is in itself not unlikely. During the Age of Settlements Iceland was visited by Irishmen who resembled the papar in some respects, but these are not counted among the latter. Mention will be made of them at a later point. 19 The Norsemen Arrive in Iceland The dawn of Scandinavian history breaks just about the time when Dicuil is consulting the priests who had sailed to Thule. It is now that the Viking Age begins, a period which can be said to have come to an end in the l l t h century, though viking piracy persisted somewhat longer. The vikings made their first attack on England in 793 A.D., on Ireland in 795, and in 802 and 806 they plundered the Columban monastery on lona, to mention but a few examples. In his discussion of the viking raids on England in 793, Alcuin writes that at that time no one had believed it was 18

P. W. Joyce, op. cit., I, pp. 372-376. " [Cf. pp. 122-123.] and Einar Ol. Svcinsson, "Papar", Sklrnir. 119 (1945), pp. 170-203; cf. also by the same author, Landnam ! Skaflafellsthingi (Reykjavik, 1948), pp. 1-39; [Hermann Palsson, "Minnisgrcinar um Papa", Saga. sovufelavs 5 (19551.1 Timaril sogufelags. (1955).]

8

possible to make such voyages. One may surmise from this that the voyages in 793 must have been about the first time the Norsemen sailed across the North Sea. But historians have maintained that the Norwegians must have reached both Shetland and Orkney quite a few years earlier, even though the evidence for these early Norwegian ventures is inconclusive. People from Norway settled in Shetland and Orkney and subjugated the Picts and the papar who inhabited these islands when they came. The Norwegians pushed on south to the Hebrides, Scotland, the Isle of Man, Ireland, and the western coast of England. In all these countries they founded colonies in the 9th and 10th centuries, colonies which did not endure with equal tenacity. During the same period the Danes were following a more southerly course, concentrating their attacks on England, France and Germany. The Danes also raided Ireland, while their neighbours, the Swedes, turned to the east and attacked the Baltic regions. From there the Swedes pressed along the great rivers of Russia all the way to the Black Sea. Like the Norwegians, they established a number of states or colonies in the territories they conquered. The Norwegians reached the Faroes in the first quarter of the 9th century, drove away the Irish monks who lived there, and colonized the islands. Grimr Kamban is said to have been the first settler there, and some of his descendants emigrated to Iceland. In the latter part of the 9th century a certain 6ttarr of Halogaland became the first Norse seafarer to make the voyage east to the White Sea.20 He was a contemporary of the first Norsemen who sailed to Iceland. The earliest written sources for the discovery of Iceland by the Norsemen are two Latin works from Norway. One of these is Historia Norwegian from about 1170.21 The other is a historical compilation by the monk Theodricus, written about 1180. But both these works are very brief, and the text of Historia Norwegian is so corrupt in the passage dealing with the discovery of Iceland that it is of little use. Although they are of a later date than these Norwegian sources, the two versions of the Icelandic Landnamabbk (The Book of Settlements), compiled by the historians Sturla Thordarson and Haukr Erlendsson, contain much fuller accounts of the discovery of Iceland. However, one must remember that all these Norwegian and Icelandic sources were written some three to four and a half centuries after Iceland was discovered, so that we cannot treat them as completely reliable. In fact, they contradict one another on significant points. But these are the 20 21

Timaril hins islenzka bdkmenntafetagsA(\8&4), pp. 155-158; [cf. also Del norske folks liv og historic, I (Oslo, 1930), pp. 250-253.] [The date of Historia Norwegian is debatable. Many scholars believe the work may have been written even later in the 12th century.]

9

only sources that we possess and it is possible to show that certain elements in these records are derived from still older writings which have been lost. In Sturla Thordarson's version of Landnamabok the following passage occurs: The story goes that some people intended to sail from Norway to the Faroes — a viking called Naddodr, to name one of them. They were driven out to sea westwards, and came to a vast country. They went ashore in the Austfirdir, climbed a high mountain, and scanned the country in all directions looking for smoke or any other sign that the land was inhabited, but they saw nothing. In the summer they went back to the Faroes, and as they were sailing away from the coast a lot of snow fell on the mountains, so they called the country Snaeland. They were full of praise for it. According to Saemundr the Learned the place in the Austfirdir where they landed is the one now called Reydarfjall. 22

This passage evidently derives from some work by Saemundr the Learned (d.1133), the first Icelandic historian. But medieval authors are known to have been eclectic in their use of sources, so that it is by no means certain that the whole paragraph is derived from Saemundr. The sentence "— a viking called Naddodr, to name one of them" is probably erroneous and of later date. The monk Theodricus gives a similar although somewhat shorter account, but he refers to the sailors as traders and makes no mention of the viking Naddodr. It could be argued that Theodricus' version is the earlier of the two, and that Sturla Thordarson or someone else has confused two independent traditions, one about traders, and the other about a viking called Naddodr. The next chapter in Sturla Thordarson's Landnamabok tells about a man of Swedish origin called Gardarr Svavarsson who set out in search of Snowland (Snaeland), making land at Eastern Horn 23 (just east of Hornafjordur). Gardarr sailed around the country and thus observed that it was an island. He spent the winter at Husavik on Skjalfandi 24 (on the north coast). In the spring, after he had put out to sea, a boat drifted away from his ship with a man called Nattfari aboard, and a slave and a bondwoman. Nattfari took possession of Reykjadalur and marked his land claim on trees. He became the first Norseman to make his home in Iceland as far as the records show, though, like the papar, he is not included among the settlers. It may be that Nattfari's method of claiming new land was not considered to have been in accordance with the law. The wording in Landnamabok would seem to indicate this. Gardarr Svavarsson returned to Norway full of praise for the counu

No doubt the mountain Reydur, south of ReydarfjSrdur, cf. Kr. KSlund, Historisk-topograflsk Beskrivelse af Island, II, p. 252. " [In Austur-Skaftafellssyla.] 24 [In Suflur-Thingeyjarsysla.]

10

try, which was now given the name Gardarsholmr (Gardarr's Isle). The names Gardarr, Svavarr, and Nattfari are of East Norse origin, mostly found in Sweden. It seems improbable that the Norwegians would have applied the name holmr (an isle) to a land as big as Iceland, but on the other hand, this usage is found in the East Norse part of Scandinavia, e.g. Borgundarholmr (now Bornholm). This onomastic feature lends credibility to Sturla Thordarson's description of Gardarr Svavarsson's voyage. In this part of Landnamabok Sturla Thordarson must have drawn on ancient historical records now irretrievably lost. The main difference between Sturla Thordarson's account of the Norse discovery of Iceland and that of Haukr Erlendsson lies in the latter's contention that Gardarr Svavarsson was the first Scandinavian to reach Iceland. Haukr's source appears to have been the same as that of the original version of Landnamabok^ and Historia Norwegice. The conflicting accounts cannot be explained away and may be very old, going back to the Age of Settlements itself. The question of who should be given credit for discovering the country must have touched the pride of all concerned. There were no doubt political motivations as well, as the discovery could be used to strengthen the claims to ownership. In this connection mention should be made of the story that King Haraldr Finehair of Norway promised Uni, the son of Gardarr Svavarsson, the earldom of Iceland if Uni could successfully bring the country under the Norwegian crown. It is quite credible that King Haraldr should have attempted to take advantage of Uni's inherited claim to Iceland. But this tradition is of somewhat dubious provenance.26 Genealogical records indicate that these Norsemen must have lived about the middle of the 9th century, or a little later. By that time the Scandinavians had already established a strong reputation as seafarers. Our sources indicate also that some of the early Scandinavian voyagers who reached Iceland were driven off course and that they came upon it by sheer accident. It happened frequently in later periods that ships drifted to Iceland over long distances, as in the year 1337, for example, when a small ship bound for Scotland from Norway was driven ashore at Lon in the south-eastern part of Iceland.27 Credible as these stories may be, it has nevertheless been suggested that the Norsemen learned about Iceland from the Irish papar. But one can hardly assume that thzpapar would have told the Norsemen about Iceland deliberately. The first Norseman to try to settle in Iceland, according to our 25 26 27

Jon J6hannesson, Gerdir Landnamabokar (Reykjavik, 1941), p. 45. Ibid, pp. 117-119. hi. Annaler.

11 sources, was a man called Floki Vilgerdarson, a great viking, who decided to live at Vatnsfjordur west of Bardastrond. 28 But Floki and his men neglected to make any hay for their livestock in the summer, and this oversight proved to be disastrous for them, as the next winter and spring were extremely severe. This put an end to their settlement. Before leaving the country Floki gave it a new name, f sland (Iceland), and so it is called to this day. Next, two blood-brothers from Norway, Ingolfr and Hjorleifr, went to explore the country. They stayed the first winter at Alftafjordur on the east coast of Iceland. 29 Later the two returned to Iceland to settle there. This first permanent settlement in the country may be said to mark the beginning of the history of the Icelanders. Landnamabok (The Book of Settlements) Landnamabok is our chief source of information on the colonization of Iceland. Its nucleus is a list of settlers or pioneers30 who either took possession of uninhabited areas or obtained land in some other legitimate way. The book indicates also the boundaries of each settlement claim.31 In most cases it also tells us where the settlers made their homes, and relates various stories about them, their ancestors and descendants. In the present work, Landnamabok is so frequently cited that it will be useful to consider its source value briefly. The original version of Landnamabok is now lost, but it is almost certain that it was written in the early 12th century, and thus it is one of the earliest written works in the Icelandic language. It is very likely that Ari the Learned (d.1148) had a hand in its compilation. The arrangement of Landnamabok, where in most instances a separate chapter is devoted to each settlement, made it easy for later scribes or copyists to make alterations or additions without destroying the unity of the work. Landnamabok survives in three medieval versions. The oldest, Sturlubok, a version produced by Sturla Thordarson the lawman (d.1284), is the only version which has been preserved in its entirety. The second version, Hauksbok, compiled by Haukr Erlendsson the lawman (d.1334), is almost complete. The third version is Melabok which, with a high degree of certainty, has been ascribed to Snorri Markiisson the lawman (d.1313) of Melar in Melasveit. Only fragments of it have survived, some of them as parts of a 17th century composite version of Landnamabok called Thordarbok. 21

[In Bardastrandarsysla.) " Originally the name was Alftafjordr hinn sydri. 30 [The Icelandic term is landnamsmadr (land-taking-man), plural, landnamsmenn.] 31 [landnam. 'land taking '.]

12

Scholarly research has shown that of all these versions Melabok is the one that has preserved the original text of Landnamabok most faithfully. This makes it all the more regrettable that only fragments of it should have come down to us in such a poor state of preservation. Sturla Thordarson, on the other hand, made many alterations in the original text. Most of these changes can be traced to writings from a later period which have no independent source value, such as various sagas which are still extant. Haukr Erlendsson followed Sturlubok and another version, now lost, compiled by the prior Styrmir Karason the Learned (d.1245).32 Anyone wishing to use Landnamabok as an historical source must always make a point of getting as close as possible to the original text. Not only is the original version of the book very old, but also, it seems to have been written in the same critical spirit as the Book of the Icelanders (Islendingabok); that is, for the purpose of recording fact rather than for entertainment. But even when the original text has been established, there is still room for doubt, as it was written about two centuries after the Age of Settlements came to a close. Oral traditions become garbled in a shorter time than two hundred years. However, the laws of the Old Icelandic Commonwealth provided a strong motivation for people to commit genealogies to memory so that they would know all their kinsmen, fourth cousins and closer. Within this circle of relatives, individuals were mutually affected by laws dealing with such matters as inheritance, maintenance of the poor, and payment of wergild. Canon Law prohibited marriage between a man and a woman who were even more distantly related than fourth cousins, unless they first paid a special dispensation fee. Most of the contemporaries of the author (or authors) of the original version of Landnamabok were fifth generation Icelanders; only a few were further removed from the original settlers. The fact that the author (or authors) of the earliest Landnamabok grew up in a society where it was particularly important to know one's ancestry makes it highly probable that the book contained reliable information on other matters as well. Thus it is safe to assume that the original text of Landnamabok gave a coherent overall picture of the settlement, even though it may have been erroneous in detail and may have been lacking in certain features which would clarify the picture. The memory of the Age of Settlements must have been somewhat blurred when it was handed down to the 12th century. But even though the reconstructed text of the original Landnamabok is in places fragmentary or uncertain, the extant versions constitute the most remarkable sources any nation has for its beginnings.

32

Cf. J6n J6hannesson, Gerdir Landnamabokar (Reykjavik, 1941).

13

Chronology^ Landnamabok describes the settlement of Iceland. Islendingabok, on the other hand, brief as it is, traces the history of the Icelandic people from the beginning of the settlement down to the year 1120. In this book, Ari Thorgilsson the Learned has made an attempt to determine the year in which the settlement began. His account runs as follows:

Iceland was first settled from Norway in the days of Haraldr Finehair, son of Halfdan the Black, about the time — according to the opinion and calculation of Teitr my foster-father, the wisest man I have known, son of Bishop f sleifr; and of my paternal uncle Thorkell Gellisson, who remembered far back; and of Thuridr, daughter of Snorri the Priest, who was both learned in many things and trustworthy — when Ivarr, son of Ragnarr Lodbrok, caused Edmund the Saint, King of the English, to be slain; and, according to what is recorded in his saga, that was 870 years after the birth of Christ. A Norwegian 34 called Ingolfr, 35 it is told for certain, first went from there to Iceland when Haraldr Finehair was sixteen years old, and for the second time several winters later. He settled south in Reykjavik.

The 'Saga of Edmund' is undoubtedly the Passio Sancti Edmundi by Abbo of Fleury, even though the latter does not give the year of Edmund's death. This particular piece of information must have been derived from Anglo-Saxon annals and then inserted into the version of the source to which Ari refers in his book. If we assume that oral accounts of King Edmund were not in circulation among the Icelanders we must find another way to explain the various references to his saga in Ari's Islendingabok, and the question then arises whether there was not a special reason why this Icelandic historian and his informants paid such close attention to this insignificant source and chose the year of St. Edmund's death as a point of departure for their chronology. The most plausible explanation is that these people traced their ancestry back to St. Edmund,

" [Cf. Olafia Einarsd6ttir, Studier i kronologisk rnetode i tidlig islandsk historieskrivning (Stockholm, 1964).] 34 [The original has norraenn.} 35 Ari fails to mention Ingdlfr's father in hlendingabok, while other sources of information are not in agreement on this. In Thordarbok Ingdlfr is referred to as "the son of Bj8rn61fr of Fjalir and a brother of BjBrn of Heyangr" (Landn. (1921), p. 26) and this appears to be derived from the original text of Landnamabok. But in Egils Saga and Eyrbyggja Saga he is referred to as the son of Orn (Arnarson) and in the Sturlubok version of Landnamabok as the son of Orn the son of BjSrnolfr, which may reflect Sturla's attempt to fuse together the two divergent accounts.

14

or at least back to some Edmund whom they identified with St. Edmund of East Anglia. This is reflected in later writings.36 Next we shall consider how Ari the Learned's informants were able to reach the conclusion that Iceland was first settled from Norway "about the time" when King Edmund was martyred. Their calculations appear to have been based on two premises: the age of King Haraldr Finehair, and the length of the Age of Settlements. The statement that King Haraldr Finehair was sixteen years old when Ingolfr Arnarson made his first voyage to Iceland is more likely to have been derived from oral tradition than from the calculation of historians. 37 In Islendingabok Ari maintains that King Haraldr died in 931 or 932 at the age of approximately eighty. This means that Ingolfr must have made his first voyage to Iceland about 867 or 868. According to Ari, Ingolfr made his second voyage only "a few winters later", or probably about 870. Ari the Learned has this to say about the length of the Age of Settlements: Wise men have also said that Iceland was fully settled in sixty winters so that there was no further settlement made afterwards. It was about that time that Hrafn H^ngsson became lawspeaker. According to Ari's own reckoning, Hrafn Haengsson assumed the office of lawspeaker in the year 930, so that "about that time" Iceland appears to have been fully settled. This agrees with what has been stated

"The genealogy is as follows: (Landn. St., I. p. 56; cf. also hi. fornr., X I I , p. 284): Jatmundr (Edmund) * Olfrun I Vilborg Osvaldsdottir \

Valgerdr

He

* Eyjolfr

* Teltr

I Einarr Thvera:ingr

.* Gizurr

f Thuridr Snorradottir d. 1 1 1 2 or 1113

I Teitr d , [ ,0

Valgerdr j Thorkell Gellisson

37

Isleifr

Helga

Hallfridr

[On this cf. Hermann Palsson, "Upphaf Islandsbyggdar", Skirnir, 131 (1957).]

'ga

Thorgils

\ Ari

d. 1148

15

already, that the settlement began about 870.38 It is possible, however, that the duration of the Age of Settlements was estimated on the basis of King Haraldr's life span. In certain later sources, admittedly, the two voyages of Ingolfr Arnarson are given different dates, but these are not to be trusted. Sturlubok and some of the Icelandic annals state that Ingolfr established a settlement in Iceland in 874. It was on the basis of this dating that the Icelanders celebrated the millennium of the settlement of their country in 1874, and many historians have accepted this date, even though it is very unlikely that it could have been derived from ancient sources independent of Ari the Learned. The discrepancy between these dates has not been satisfactorily explained. But the present state of our knowledge makes it necessary to reject the sources which run counter to Islendingabok. Many scholars in recent times have argued that Ari and Saemundr the Learned, the first authors to write continuous accounts of the lives of Norwegian Kings, followed the same chronological system and dated the life of Haraldr Finehair 10 to 15 years earlier than he actually lived. Even though this thesis has some weaknesses, it must be admitted that the supporting evidence is quite strong. It is quite possible that both Ari and Saemundr failed to establish a correct chronology for the life of King Haraldr Finehair for lack of reliable information. 39 If King Haraldr Finehair is to be moved forward in history, it will also become necessary to make corresponding adjustments to other dates and suppose that the settlement of Iceland started later than Ari and Saemundr thought. But this, in turn, hinges on the old tradition that King Haraldr was 16 years old when Ingolfr Arnarson made his first voyage to Iceland. The Origin of the Icelanders The ethnic origin of the Icelanders, as well as their position in Scandinavian society, still remains somewhat of a mystery, even though the central facts are not in dispute. Landnamabok implies that people who settled Iceland came either from Norway or the Norwegian colonies in the British Isles, but it does not make this point explicitly in every instance. In his Islendingabok, Ari the Learned mentions only those settlers who came from Norway. He has this to say: And then (i.e. when Ingolfr had settled in Iceland) a very great emigration started out hither from Norway until King Haraldr forbade it, because he thought that Norway would be depopulated. Then they 3

"Cf. Tiniarit him; islen:ka bukmenntafelags 18 (1897), p. 190-194. A useful summary on this subject can be found in hlenzk fornrit, XXVI, Heimskringla, I, pp. Ixxiv-lxxxi; [cf. also Halvdan Koht, Innhogg og utsyn i norsk historic (Kristiania, 1921); Harold Hdrfagre og rikssamlinga (Oslo, 1955); Per Wieselgren, Forfallarskapet till Eigla (Lund, 1927).]

39

16 came to this agreement: that every man40 who was not exempted and went from there to Iceland should pay the king five ounces (i.e. of silver) . . . These are the origins of that tax which is now called 'landdues'.

It is likely that in this account Ari did not intend to explain the ethnic origin of the Icelanders but to point out the reasons which led to the levy of the tax referred to in hlendingabok as 'land-dues' (landaurar). Nor should one attach too much importance to the fact that Ari, in his brief account, only mentions Norway as the homeland of the first settlers who came to Iceland. By pointing out in several places that certain settlers were norroenir (Norse or Norwegian), his account clearly implies that some of the settlers came from other lands. Such a remark would not have been necessary if all the settlers had come from Norway. Nonetheless, Ari's statements clearly indicate that he believed the majority of the settlers to have come from there. It does not affect this interpretation of our source that the fear of depopulation may have applied only to those districts of Norway whence most of the settlers had come. Landnamabok indicates that most of the settlers (those who formally claimed land), as well as other immigrants, came from Norway. Therefore, the two histories — hlendingabok and Landnamabok — may be said to be in agreement as to the origin of the Icelanders. Even if this interpretation is accepted, it is still important to determine how great a proportion of the settlers came from the Norse colonies in the British Isles. It is logical to assume that during the earliest period the influence of Celtic culture and the racial intermingling of Celtic and Norse elements was in direct proportion to the number of immigrants from those colonies. Various attempts have been made to determine the ratio between these two elements. There are, however, many reasons why this research is of dubious value. If Landnamabok had been contemporary with the events it describes, one would have few misgivings about its reliability. The problem is that the earliest part of this work was not committed to writing until about two centuries after the close of the period which it describes, and therefore it is far too unreliable for any statistical purposes. In addition, there is no mention of the origin of a great many of the settlers and other pioneers.41 It must also be taken into account that the Scandinavians were constantly on the move during the Viking Age. As a result, one often finds it difficult to determine the ethnic origin of the settlers or where they are likely to have spent the first part of their lives, even when we are told from what place they set out for Iceland. While we cannot quote any figures, we may conclude that the first 40 41

Probably each free male judging from the treaty of the Icelanders with King Olafr the Saint. [That is, those who accompanied the settlers.]

17 settlers in Iceland had many connections with the British Isles. According to Landnamabok, many of these men had made their home in the western settlements for some time before they finally moved to Iceland, and some were even born there. In several instances the families of settlers had lived in the British Isles for generations. The news of Ingolfr Arnarson's settlement in Iceland must have spread rapidly throughout the Scandinavian world. Norsemen in the British Isles, where there was little scope for them, were among the earliest people to settle in Iceland, and they took possession of large areas of land. Among these were Helgi the Lean who settled Eyjafjordur, 42 and Audr the Deepminded who claimed land in the Dalir43 district in western Iceland; it has also been noted that a good many of the settlers were in one way or another associated with the Hebrides. As was implied earlier, many of the settlers who came to Iceland directly from Norway had previously had contacts with the western settlements. At this time Norway was a completely rural society, with not a single town, and it was considered an essential part of the education of every free man to go on viking expeditions, not only to acquire fame and fortune, but also to widen his outlook. Those who stayed behind were referred to as heimskir.4* Some spent only one summer as vikings, but others would go again and again and make raiding their way of life. Several of these professional vikings are listed among the settlers of Iceland. There are references to vikings who raided only along the coast of Norway, but King Haraldr Finehair put a stop to the activities of these individuals. Others made longer expeditions to the Baltic and to the British Isles. Many of these settled in the west or sailed from there to Iceland. But many also returned to Norway. This is borne out by a vast number of archeological finds in both western and southern Norway, 45 whence most of the vikings set sail. Many of the artifacts found here are unmistakably of Celtic origin, and it appears likely that they were obtained on viking raids rather than through peaceful trading. Of course, it must be borne in mind that one and the same man might be, depending on circumstances, raider, merchant, or explorer. It is thus safe to assume that among the settlers who came to Iceland from Norway there were many who had previously been to the viking colonies in the west. This is partly confirmed by stories that were told of these men. Also, their navigational skill serves to strengthen this assumption, as no one would undertake a voyage from Norway to Iceland 42

[In Eyjafjardarsysla.] [In Dalasysla.] Cf. stories about Hrafn the Foolish, a settler and ancestor of the Oddaverjar, and about Gormr the Foolish, King of Denmark, cf. Jon Jonsson, Vikingasaga. p. 231. [heimskr means 'dull-witted', 'simple'.] 45 Viking Antiquities, Part V (Oslo, 1940), ed. Haakon Shetelig and Jan Petersen.

43 44

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without being an experienced navigator himself or at least having the benefit of an experienced crew. Voyages to the British Isles, whether in the form of viking raids or more peaceful missions, gave the Scandinavians the necessary experience. We can therefore be confident that the Icelandic settlers originated from those parts of Norway where the viking element was the strongest, and that most of the ships bound for Iceland during the Age of Settlements brought people who, at least for some time, had been living in the British Isles and neighbouring areas. When the vikings came to live in close proximity to the Celts (the Picts and the Irish), the races soon intermingled. In both Shetland and Orkney the Picts vanished completely, becoming assimilated into the Norse community. Some of the Picts may have been enslaved by the Norsemen and sold abroad. In other parts of the British Isles the Celts held their own in spite of a continuing trend toward racial intermixture. It is quite obvious that many of those who emigrated from the viking colonies to Iceland were of mixed Norse and Celtic origin, and scfme were full-blooded Celts. Among the latter were wives of Norsemen, and slaves. Some of the settlers brought Celtic slaves with them to Iceland, but the exact number of these slaves is a matter of speculation. Slaves are never mentioned unless there is a special reason for it, as for example when they were granted their freedom or when they took possession of land or accepted such property as a gift. The old historical sources also relate stories about slaves who rebelled against their owners, as in the case of Hjorleifr Hrodmarsson and Gufa Ketilsson.46 It must be assumed that among the Norwegians who came directly from Norway to Iceland there were also people of Celtic ancestry, since the vikings used to bring Celtic slaves back to Norway from the colonies in the west. However, it is quite certain that the Celtic element in Norway never reached the same proportions as in Iceland. For a long time both personal names and nicknames of Celtic origin were in common use in Iceland. A great many names of this kind have been preserved in genealogical records and other historical compilations. 47 These names have also been preserved as elements in Icelandic place names. Examples of personal names are: Avangr, Bekan, Bjollok, Dufthakr, Grelod, Kadall, Kalman, Kjallakr, Kjartan, Kodran, Konall, Kormakr, Njall, etc. Among the Celtic nicknames are: bjolan, feilan, hnokan, lunan, meldun. In most instances these Celtic names reflect an intermixture of Celtic and Norse elements, though some of them may have been given when pagan Norsemen received baptism, in which case the Celtic name was regarded as a nickname. 48 46

Cf. the Melabok version of Landnamabok. Cf. Hermann Palsson, "Keltnesk mannanofn i islenzkum Srnefnum", Sklrnir, 126 (1952), pp. 195-203; by the same author, "Urn Ira-ornefni", Skirnir, 127 (1953), pp. 105-111. 41 Cf. Chr. Steenstrup, Normannerne, II (K0benhavn, 1878), p. 97. 47

19 Because of this practice one must exercise a certain degree of caution in concluding that Celtic or Anglo-Saxon names or nicknames in Iceland necessarily reflect racial intermingling. Nevertheless, they very clearly attest to cultural ties with the Anglo-Saxons and the Celts, a fact which is further borne out by the handful of Celtic words which became part of the Icelandic vocabulary, 49 and the fact that some of the first settlers in Iceland and their descendants in the 10th century were Christians, at least in name. Some of the stories about these early Christians show certain Celtic features.50 With the passage of time, however, Norse language and culture dominated in Iceland. The number of personal names of Celtic origin declined until none remained except those that had attained fame through the Icelandic Sagas, such as Kjartan and Njall. Irish Christianity in Iceland did not last, and for a certain period of time almost the entire population of Iceland must have been heathen. Other kinds of Irish influence were also shortlived. This apparent lapse of the cultural heritage from Ireland may in part be attributed to the rapidly decreasing communication between the Icelanders and the Celts, whereas Iceland was kept in close contact with the Scandinavian world. Most of the settlers who, according to Landnamabok, came straight from Scandinavia, put out from the south-west of Norway, particularly Sogn and Hordaland. A number of the immigrants came from the north of Norway but very few from the east. As has been explained earlier, it would be difficult to hazard a guess as to the number of settlers from each district in Norway. The descendants of Bjorn Buna, the noblest family to emigrate to Iceland from the Norse settlements in the west, came from Sogn, and there are other indications that the Icelanders came mostly from the south-west. Thus, the early Icelandic laws were based on those of the Gulathing, which comprised Hordaland, Sogn, and the Fjord Provinces (Firdir). The dialects of Iceland and the viking colonies in the west bore a closer resemblance to the language of southwestern Norway than to other forms of Norse. This is only natural, as the south-west of Norway was the obvious point of embarkation for voyages to the British Isles, the Faroes, and Iceland. Finally, economic and environmental conditions in that part of Norway were the least suitable for a growing population. The original settlers included several who were neither of Celtic nor Norwegian origin. For example, Landnamabok mentions one settler whose father came from Gotaland and whose mother was Flemish.51 However, there is no suggestion in Landnamabok that any of the settlers 49

Finnur J6nsson, Norsk-islandske kultur- og sprogforhold i del 9. og 10. Srhundrede, (Kjibenhavn, 1921). [Cf. Fredrik Paaschc, Landel med de mfrke skibene (Oslo, 1938), p. 300 ff.] " Landn. (1900), pp. 69, 191; Landn. (1921), p. 105.

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came from other parts of Scandinavia than Norway, and the Icelanders have always felt more akin to the Norwegians than to other peoples. It is possible that the Norwegians may have intermingled to some extent with the Danes and Swedes at the beginning of the Viking Age, just as they did with the Celts, but this admixture was so slight that it makes very little difference. Early in the 9th century the district around Oslofjord was partly under Danish rule, and an Icelandic scholar, Bardi Gudmundsson, 52 has argued that later in the 9th century the Danes greatly "extended their sway and gained control over the sea route north along the west coast of Norway, where they settled at the most advantageous places". Bardi Gudmundsson assumes that these Danes then became the leading opponents of King Haraldr Finehair as he fought his way to the throne, and that they subsequently were compelled to leave Norway for Iceland where they moulded the cultural and social life on a Danish rather than a Norwegian model.53 But this would only have been possible if these Danes had become the ruling class in Iceland, in which case it would be strange that their Danish origin should be completely forgotten. Also, it is hard to explain how the Icelanders could have managed to introduce a Danish mode of government into their new society at the same time they founded their laws on the law-code of the Gulathing in western Norway. Thus the evidence on which Bardi Gudmundsson based his thesis would require a different interpretation. Anthropologists have tried to shed some light on the ethnic origin of the Icelanders by comparing measurements of modern Icelanders with bones found in pagan graves, and they have also taken into account such features as the colour of hair and eyes, pigmentation and blood groups. This research has not advanced to the point where one may draw conclusions beyond what the written records suggest, but there are good reasons to feel hopeful about the results of future research in this field. Even though migrations of people into new areas may have certain effects on those who take part in them, the science of ethnography is chiefly concerned with hereditary rather than with acquired characteristics. It will suffice here to mention two important factors. The most common blood types among the Icelandic people correlate to a higher degree with those of the Celtic people than those of the Norwegians and other Scandinavians. Among Icelanders and Celts the O-group is the most common type, whereas the A-group is the prevalent type among Norwegians. Jon Steffensen54 explains this difference by suggesting that among the Icelanders and the Celts the O-group represents an ancient hereditary feature going back to a common 52

[Icelandic historian and Head of the National Archives in Reykjavik, died 1959.] " Bardi Gudmundsson, "Islenzkt pj6derni", Andvari, 56 (1939), pp. 88-105; [cf. also the same author, Uppruni hlendifiga (Reykjavik, 1959).] 54 [Professor of Medicine at the University of Iceland.]

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ancestry. The members of this primitive tribe, Steffensen suggests, were gradually forced to retreat into the remotest parts of Norway and the British Isles before people of a more advanced culture, and eventually people of this stock migrated from Norway and the British Isles to Iceland. Judging by skulls from the last century of paganism, the cephalic index of the Icelanders in viking times was different from that of the Scandinavians. The Icelanders had an index for medium 'long-heads' (dolichocephalics); also, a low cranium seemed to be a common feature among them. The Scandinavians were also medium 'longheads' but with high crania. A great number of skulls from a graveyard in Trondheim suggest, however, that many Norwegians had the cephalic structure characteristic of Icelanders. It is possible that skeletons from preChristian Scandinavia differing from the ones found in Iceland belonged to the ruling class whose families and relatives did not emigrate to that country. Very few of these skeletons are from digs in the western part of Norway. Jon Steffensen believes that the ruling class in Norway did not belong to the 'longhead' type and that members of this class either cremated their dead or placed them in graves that were too humble to attract the attention of archeologists.55 The second alternative seems to be the more likely one, as we see when we compare west Norway with the colonies founded from that region. In heathen times funeral customs differed greatly between Iceland and Norway. Cremation was unknown in Iceland and the Faroes, and the same applies to the viking settlements in the British Isles, though with a few exceptions. But in Norway cremations were very common almost everywhere as long as paganism was practised there. This difference is probably due to Christian influences on the original settlers of Iceland, who seem to have come from that part of Norway which had always had the closest connections with the Christians on the other side of the North Sea. But it is of course possible that the settlers simply changed their burial customs when they moved to a new empty land.56 Archeologists have observed that graves of prominent men in Iceland during the heathen era are much smaller and contain fewer treasures than corresponding burial places in Norway. 57 This difference may reflect the kind of Christian influence just mentioned. Further, one may speculate that the Old Icelandic society never had as wealthy a class " Cf. Jon Steffensen, Samlid og saga, V, pp. 112-122- also pp. 28-50 and III, pp. 271-293; [cf. also the same author, Kulturhistorisk leksikon. XIII.] 56 [Kr. Eldjirn believes that the custom of cremating was already on the wane in the heathen era and no longer dependent on religious concepts. He also disallows the possibility of drawing any conclusions about the ethnic origin of the settlers from funeral customs, cf. Kuml og haugfi, pp. 426-440.] 11 Arbbk him islenzka fornleifafelags (1937-1939), pp. 5-18; [an Icelandic translation of "Islands graver og oldsaker fra vikingetiden", Viking, I (Oslo, 1937).]

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of aristocrats as existed in pre-Christian Norway. What has been said above justifies further comment on both the social background and the ancestry of the people who settled Iceland. The Thordarbok version of Landnamabbk has preserved an ancient epilogue which runs as follows: It is often said that writing about the settlements is irrelevant learning, but we think we can all the better meet the criticisms of foreigners when they accuse us of being descended from slaves or scoundrels, if we know for certain the truth about our ancestry. 58

It is not known when this epilogue was first written, but there are various reasons to believe that it was a part of the original of Landnamabok and that it reflects the sentiments which motivated its writing. The Icelanders were evidently concerned about defamatory remarks about their ancestors, even though they considered such statements unfounded. It is not known what people are referred to as 'foreigners'. It is unlikely that Norwegians are meant because the Icelanders would hardly have called them foreigners. It is scarcely more likely that they were Swedes or Danes.59 It is probable that the writer had in mind the people of England or France, who, with their old background of Christianity, looked upon Icelanders, and indeed all Norsemen of the Viking Age, as evil men and keepers of slaves. If this assumption is correct, the epilogue of Thordarbok would have to be dismissed as irrelevant to the question of the social background and ancestry of the people who settled Iceland. But it is also probable that some of the settlers may have been marked men in their own countries who were fleeing from justice when they came to Iceland. This is precisely what happened in the colonization of other countries, such as America. However, it is by no means necessary to believe that these men were always wrongdoers. It has often been argued that the settlers were an elite, the cream of the Norwegian people, and this has been offered as an explanation of the fact that the civilization of early Iceland was so different from that of Norway. But a careful scrutiny of the sources will show that this assumption is wrong. It seems most likely that the Icelandic pioneers were a cross-section of the Norwegian people, though it should be noted that some of the settlers decided to leave Norway because their prospects there were not too bright: younger sons whose hopes of inheritance were small, and slaves who had been given their freedom. Landnamabok contains the names of 317 settlers, including those who were granted land by the first colonizers. In addition there are about "Landn. (1921), p. 143. [Gudni Jonsson has pointed out that in Gragas, la, 172, Norwegians, Swedes and Danes are also called foreigners, cf. Skirnir, 130 (1956), p. 256.]

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a hundred people who are said to have acquired land as presents or to have bought it, or got it in some other way. The latter are often counted among the settlers. Some of the settlers are said to have been descended from war lords (hersar), earls (jarlar), or even kings (konungar); others are spoken of as being of outstanding family (agaetir) or the descendants of noble and famous men (gofugir, kynstorir, aettst6rir), even though their ancestry is not traced. The Sturlubok version of Landnamabok singles out 38 settlers as being of the noblest descent (gofugastir, agaetastir, staerstir). The compilers of Landnamabok seem to have exaggerated the noble lineage of the settlers in order to refute the taunts of foreigners. The most suspect of all the genealogies are those which are traced back to royal families, not only to the kings of Norway, but also to the kings of Denmark, Sweden, Gotaland, Ireland, England, Finland and even of Slavic countries. It should be remembered, however, that in ancient times royal families tended to be very large. In the pagan period and even longer, kings used to practice polygamy, and their wealth enabled them to keep as many concubines as they wished, so that they were able to father a great number of children. Those sons who did not become ruling chieftains were eminently qualified to become leaders of viking expeditions. They wandered widely abroad and added greatly to the unrest of the Viking Age. What has been said above does not, however, alter the fact that some of the Icelandic genealogies containing names of royalty have no foundation in reality. Ari the Learned traced his own family tree back to the Ynglings of Sweden, and Saemundr the Learned's genealogy extended back to the Skjoldungs of Denmark. There is no doubt that these records must have been fabricated at least to some extent. It appears that having recorded all the names which they knew belonged to their own family trees, these two historians set themselves the task of combining their genealogies with the family records of the most renowned royal houses of ancient Scandinavia. Also, it is quite possible that in order to establish acceptable chronological sequences, both Ari and Saemundr invented names and connections. These examples indicate that it would be unwise to give unqualified credence to the genealogical records of the pioneers of Old Iceland, even though one is justified in accepting the names of the settlers and their descendants. There is every reason to believe that most of the settlers mentioned in Landnamabok came from farmers' stock. Among them were several freedmen whose descendants, at least in some cases, married into prominent Icelandic families. This indicates that class distinctions were considerably shaken during the Age of Settlements when every able person could lay claim to almost as much land as he wished. Although the settlers whose names were included in Landnamabok represent only a

24

small fraction of all the immigrants, these men were evidently the outstanding members of the community, whatever their social background. Many of them owned the ship, or a share in the ship, in which they had come, and many had been the leaders of men. Both courage and daring were needed to have charge of a ship and its crew on a long voyage across wide distances of unexplored seas, and then to get established in an almost uninhabited country where force was the only recognized law. And these leaders were the people who shaped the social order and culture. The descendants of some of these pioneers wielded great influence during the Commonwealth Period and were appointed to public office after Iceland came under the Norwegian crown. For centuries these men owned most of the land in Iceland. The slaves whom the settlers brought with them made little contribution to the national culture of the Icelanders, even after they were given their freedom. But it is more difficult to determine the extent of their influence upon the physical features of the basically Norse Icelanders. There are two different reasons for this: in the first place the number of slaves in Iceland is not known; secondly, our knowledge about their nationality is limited to the slaves of Celtic origin. Reasons for the Settlement The settlers were undoubtedly motivated by the hope that they would make a better living in the new land. In many ways Iceland must have been very much more attractive in those days, when it was still practically a virgin country untouched by people or domestic animals. When the Norse settlers came to Iceland many kinds of fish and vegetation were in greater abundance than later when the rapacious hand of man had taken its toll. Ari the Learned writes that during the Age of Settlements "Iceland was covered with woods between the mountains and the seashore". This must be an exaggeration, but there is no doubt that the land was much more thickly wooded than it was in later times, and even in Ari's day the woods must have been declining. The most common kind of tree, the birch, was of little use except for charcoal and firewood. The Norwegians, being used to a greater variety of trees, must have regarded Iceland's ample sources of thermal heat as a compensation for her scarcity of wood. Hot springs are unknown in Norway, but it did not take the settlers long to learn how to make use of them. It is interesting to see how many farmsteads are called after the steam coming from hot springs and geysers (cf. such names as Reykjavik, Reykholt, Reykholar, etc.). The hot water was used for both bathing and for washing clothes. What was most important, however, was that every settler could claim as much land as he wanted, or buy it at a very low

25 price. It is also possible that Iceland enjoyed a milder climate during the Age of Settlements. Lastly, some of the settlers may have been moved by the spirit of adventure. Even so, these reasons are not sufficient to explain why Iceland became fully settled in a period of 60 years, and one must therefore look for other causes. Iceland was settled during the reign of King Haraldr Finehair, who gained control over the whole of Norway. This political revolution explains in part why the Icelandic settlement was completed in so short a period, and it is therefore highly relevant to our problem to examine how this came about, even though the history of King Haraldr has become shrouded in the mystery of folklore and romance to such an extent that it is difficult to extract fact from fiction. In the main, the course of events appears to have been as follows: before King Haraldr Finehair's time, Norway consisted of a number of petty states. Of these, his own hereditary state in eastern Norway had been the most powerful. It was probably through the example of other European monarchs that he resolved to conquer the whole of Norway, and the conditions in the country were in his favour. At the same time, however, the viking strongholds in the south-west posed a grave threat to commerce and peaceful seafaring along the southern coast of Norway. The people of Halogaland were the most adversely affected. They were engaged in commerce with other countries, trading in furs they obtained from Finmark, stock fish and other commodities. This trade was partly in the hands of Frisians and it suffered from viking ravages to such an extent that it appears to have virtually ended. It is very likely that these depredations compelled Haraldr Finehair and Earl Hakon Grjotgardsson of Halogaland to make a united effort, first to extend their authority over the entire country, and then to suppress all acts of violence within its boundaries. The personal ambition of King Haraldr and the interests of the inhabitants of Halogaland as well as those of other Norwegians coincided in this respect.60 As one can easily imagine, the chief opposition to the unification of the Norwegian states came from the districts in western Norway. It is generally believed that the decisive battle took place at Havsfjord. King Haraldr was the victor in this battle and became King of the whole of Norway. According to the Kings' Sagas this battle took place during the early part of King Haraldr's reign, but these sources cannot be reconciled with some of the accounts in Landnamabok. The most reliable source on the Battle of Havsfjord is a poem composed by King Haraldr's own court poet, Thorbjorn Hornklofi. A prose rendering of two stanzas describing the enemy runs as follows: 60

[The author follows here Johan Schreiner's theories, cf. Johan Schreiner, Olav den hellige og Norges samling (Oslo, 1929).]

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Ships came from out of the east / prepared for battle / with towering figureheads and ornate beaks. They were filled with warriors / and white shields, spears from the western lands / and swords from France.

Thorbjorn Hornklofi uses the term holdar61 (translated above as 'warriors') to denote King Haraldr's enemies, who must have possessed some of the unmistakable viking attributes. In the poem, their weapons are identified as vestraen (from the western lands) and volsk (from France), and the poet uses the term knerrir for their ships, a term which was commonly used later on to denote the ships that were used for voyages to Iceland. Elsewhere in Thorbjorn Hornklofi's poem King Haraldr's ships are called kjolar, which in this particular context probably refers to merchantmen rather than warships. After the Battle at Havsfjord many of King Haraldr's opponents felt compelled to leave Norway. Some of them set sail for the British Isles, from which they made raids on their own homeland, Norway. Thus King Haraldr had no alternative but to hunt them down, and he therefore organized expeditions against them. In his poem, Glymdrapa, Thorbjorn Hornklofi maintains that the Scots fled before King Haraldr. Also, the phrase 'slayer of the thieves of Limerick' in the same poem apparently refers to King Haraldr and his attempts to take reprisals on vikings in Ireland. During this expedition the king tried to establish law and order in some of the western lands, and he set up earls over Orkney and the Hebrides62 before he returned to Norway. Landnamabok contains the names of several Icelandic settlers who are said to have left Norway because of the oppression (ofriki) of either King Haraldr or Earl Hakon Grjotgardsson. Some of these settlers and the father of one of them fought against King Haraldr at Havsfjord. It goes without saying that a political revolution with such far-reaching consequences as the unification of Norway could not have been achieved without sharp internal conflict. This conflict created feelings of animosity, especially among men of power whose sphere of influence now became severely restricted, even if these men did not necessarily engage in open hostilities against King Haraldr. Of course, one should not discount the apparent connection between the West-Norwegian opposition to King Haraldr and the fact that most of the settlers of Iceland came from the western part of Norway. King Haraldr no doubt banned any kind of warfare in his land. By so doing he deprived a number of men of a lucrative occupation and gave them no choice but to leave Norway. Moreover, he levied taxes,63 which appears to have been a complete in" [holdr means 'freeholder'.] " Landn. (1921), p. 128. 63 [This has been a matter of debate among Norwegian historians.]

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novation, at least outside of Haraldr's ancestral kingdom. Among primitive peoples taxes always met with opposition, as they clashed with the freedom of the individual. Aside from what has been mentioned above, little is known about the kind of rule King Haraldr established in Norway. It is unlikely that wealthy landowners and chieftains willingly decided to abandon their estates even under the pressure of Haraldr's rule — although there are examples of such decisions from all periods of history. In considering the possibility that wealthy landowners may have emigrated to Iceland, one should remember that at the time in question Norwegians knew they could take as much land there as they wanted. Ari the Learned's statement in hlendingabok about the exodus from Norway to Iceland and the origin of the 'land dues' supports the theory that many of the Icelandic settlers left Norway because of King Haraldr's oppression. First the king tried to stem this flow by a ban on emigration, and when this failed to have effect, he resorted to the 'land dues' so that he would at least be able to derive some financial gain from the emigration. As Ari has indicated in his book, it is quite likely that an agreement was reached about the levy of this tax between the king and his subjects, since in the long run most people must have considered it prudent to remain on peaceful terms with him. But it can hardly have been the case that all the settlers went to Iceland because of King Haraldr's oppression. Two of the noblest among them, Ingimundr the Old and Hrollaugr (the son of Earl Rognvaldr of Moere in Norway), were in fact said to have been his friends. Therefore one must search further afield for possible motivations behind the exodus from Norway to Iceland. The settlement of Iceland was only one part of the vast Scandinavian expansion which lasted from the beginning of the Viking Age until the end of the colonization of Greenland. A large scale emigration from Scandinavia continued with little or no interruption throughout this period. By the end of the period the Scandinavians had exhausted their energies and therefore failed to establish a permanent settlement in the Western Hemisphere after having discovered it about the year 1000 A.D. Research on farm names in Norway has shown that the Viking Age was also a period of expansion in that country inasmuch as new areas of land were broken and cultivated, especially in the east and the north. In the western regions of Norway the prospects of further expansion were less favourable, which in turn partly explains why proportionately greater numbers of people emigrated from that part of Norway than from any other. The main reason for emigration from Norway and the founding of new settlements within the country was rapidly increasing population and the resulting shortage of land. The same holds true for the other Scandinavian countries, where the vikings were also

28

hungry for new land. Until the 19th century the Scandinavian countries were still at such a primitive stage of technology that, especially in the agricultural regions, they could support only a relatively limited number of people. When the population reached that limit even the slightest worsening of living conditions would cause widespread famine or bring about mass emigration. Geographic circumstances explain why the Norsemen began to practice seafaring at such an early date, and one of the consequences was that when the population at home had reached a critical point they migrated across the sea. On the sea they were invincible. No other European nation had comparable fleets nor could others equal the Norsemen's skill in navigation. The Christian nations did not even have a navy to defend their coastlines. Rapid growth of population aggravated the struggle for wealth and power, and Scandinavia was constantly in a state of war. Men of royal birth who failed to gain power at home went into exile and gathered around them vast numbers of disgruntled men who would sooner or later start looking for a new land where they could settle permanently. This activity extended the area of viking warfare and led to new viking colonies wherever land was available. In Ireland the viking colonies suffered a setback at the end of the 9th century. In 892 some of the vikings there went over to England and apparently joined forces with the great host from France, accompanying them back to France in 896-897. About this time, in 901 and 902, the Irish captured Dublin and, having driven the vikings away, enjoyed a brief period of peace. But in 914 the vikings returned to Ireland, bringing with them some of those who had left earlier. During this period the Norse supremacy in other western settlements also declined considerably. The position of the Norwegians was, for example, weakened in both the Hebrides and Scotland, and many of the settlers in these colonies may have felt compelled to leave them and go to Iceland. To sum up, the increase in population in Scandinavia, with its resulting internal strife and shortage of land, must be regarded as one of the two main reasons why Iceland became fully settled in such a short period. Early Methods of Establishing Settlements The voyages to Iceland must have entailed thorough preparation. The ships had to be well fitted out and their crews selected with great care. On every ship there were one or two leaders who, on arrival in Iceland, took possession of land. These leaders brought with them their wives, children, relatives, friends, and slaves. There would usually be ten to twenty freemen on each ship, and seldom more. The settlers took with them some of their livestock, often calves and foals, and also such necessities as clothes, weapons, all kinds of implements, and sacred ob-

29

jects. Any possessions they left behind such as farms, buildings, and livestock had to be sold, for silver if possible. Some of the settlers brought along timber from their old homes which seems to indicate that the farms were then desolate. This serves to support Ari the Learned's account of the danger that Norway would be 'emptied of people1. Many of the settlers brought with them the carved and decorated pillars which stood on either side of the chieftain's seat in temples or halls. These were held sacred. Many of the pioneers threw their high-seat pillars overboard when they sighted land, and established their homes wherever the pillars happened to wash ashore, even though it might take years to find them. We are told, too, that some threw their benchboards64 into the sea for the same purpose. When the settlers arrived in Iceland they beached their ships and built temporary shelters. Then they set out to explore the land, to give names to various landmarks and to choose a site for the new home. Each took possession of a certain area of land as his own. The term landnam (land taking) denoted both 'the act of claiming land' and also 'the area claimed'. Each land-claim was identified as clearly as possible, often by rivers, or watersheds on mountains. As a rule a settlement comprised a continuous area of land. However, the land claimed by Geirmundr HellSkin in Skardsstrond and in Hornstrandir 65 was an exception in that it consisted of two separate tracts of land. Ordinary crew members are sometimes listed as independent settlers, but most often these received their land as a gift from their captain. On the whole, the different settlements in Iceland were established in a peaceful manner, even though there are accounts of latecomers who challenged the owner to a duel and won it. The Hauksbok version of Landnamabok contains the following account: Austfirdir was the first part of Iceland to be settled, but the area between Hornafjordur and Reykjanes was the last to become fully settled. The reason is that the treacherous breakers and the lack of good harbours on the south coast made landings there very hazardous.66

Even though this assertion is no doubt derived from an early written source, it may originally have been based on observation of geographic features. The settlements varied greatly in size. The first pioneers claimed vast areas; for example Ingolfr Arnarson settled the region which now comprises Gullbringusysla, almost all of the Kjosarsysla, and a good M

65 66

[Cf. p. 339.] [Skar&sstrSnd in Dalasysla, Hornstrandir in fsafjardarsysla.] landn. (1900), p. 103; cf. Landn. (1921), p. 6, pp. 142-143.

30

slice of Arnessysla. In the north of Iceland Helgi the Lean took possession of almost the entire district of Eyjafjordur and a part of Thingeyjarsysla. Other settlers who laid claim to extensive areas were Skalla-Grimr in the Myrasysla district, Audr the Deepminded in Dalasysla, Hrollaugr in what is now Austur-Skaftafellssysla and Ketill Haengr in Rangarvallasysla. Many other settlers took possession of large areas, and these extensive land claims were bound to cause disputes with those who came later. The Hauksbok version of Landnamabok offers the following comment: The late settlers felt that others had taken too much land, but King Haraldr Finehair settled the dispute by decreeing that no one should claim more land than he and his crew could mark off in a single day by means of signal fires. They should kindle the first fire as the sun was in the east, and then other fires should be built so that the smoke from one might be seen from the next. Those kindled while the sun was in the east must be kept burning till night-fall. Then they should walk until the sun was in the west and then make other fires.67

This account probably derives from the original manuscript of Landnamabok. Scholars have questioned its authenticity, but the agreement with King Haraldr seems to be reflected in Landnamabok's description of seemingly independent settlements within the area originally claimed by Ingolfr Arnarson and Helgi the Lean. The obvious explanation of this is that the settlements of both Ingolfr and Helgi and of some of the other original landowners were later parcelled out to other settlers. The question of re-apportioning land must have been a difficult one, and it was therefore natural that men should refer the issue to King Haraldr, the most distinguished of Norwegians. The parties who consulted him could hardly have been his enemies, and neither Ingolfr nor Helgi the Lean are reputed to have come to Iceland because of his tyranny. King Haraldr's arbitration in the matter undoubtedly created a precedent which the Icelanders were to follow later, especially towards the end of the Commonwealth Period. Every settler seems to have hallowed his land-claim by some means or other. Originally ceremonies of this kind had a religious significance, but at the time of the colonization of Iceland such ceremonies had come to be regarded as a legal convention. The most common method of claiming land was the one described above, and as has been pointed out, the fires that were kindled marked the boundary of the new settlement. A faint echo of this ancient practice of kindling fires seems to have survived in Iceland where, until recently, it was customary to bury pieces of char-

" Landn. (1900), p. 103.

31

coal in the so-called boundary hummocks. 68 But Helgi the Lean is said to have followed a different custom, which seems to be even more primitive. Landnamabok states that "he built fires at every estuary to hallow his land-claim". 69 Landnamabok mentions other procedures which may imply deviations from traditional methods.70 A woman was supposed to hallow her land-claim by other means. The Hauksbok version of Landnamabok says: "It was decreed that no woman could take more land than she could walk around, between dawn and sunset on a spring day, leading a two-year old,71 well-fed heifer".72 This practice probably dates back as far as the one involving the boundary fires. However, it has not been explained why women were not expected to follow the same rules as men.73 Some settlers held their new land very sacred; one settler dedicated his property to the god Thor and called it Thorsmork. 74 The settler of Stodvarfjordur 75 declared the whole fjord sacred, just as his place in Moere had been, forbidding people to take any life there except domestic cattle. He came from Moere which was a very holy place in Norway. Pattern of Settlement and Population The nature of Iceland and the uses to which the land could be put gave rise to widely scattered settlements, isolated farmsteads as in Norway, not hamlets as in some other countries, and certainly not cities. The farms came to be owned by individuals, and not by communes or groups of people. There were, however, certain commons belonging to the community at large, but wherever their origin is known, they were at first privately owned. The same applies to the common pastures, which appear to have been private .property originally. In Ari the Learned's islendingabok there is the following statement: "Wise men have also said that Iceland was fully settled in sixty years so that there was no further settlement made afterwards". Sturla Thordarson the lawman (1214-1284) felt that the words fully settled implied densely settled16; that is, that the number of farms in Iceland had not increased after the end of the Age of Settlements. In recent times many other historians have agreed with Sturla's interpretation of Ari's words, even though it is obviously incorrect. There is no reason to believe that the number of farmsteads in Iceland was the same or even lower in Ari 61

According to information provided by 6lafur Larusson. [This custom is not exclusively Icelandic; cf. Olav B0, "Deildegasten", Norveg, 5 (Oslo, 1963).] ""Landn. (1900), p. 193. 70 Cf. Dag StrSmback, "Att helga land", in Festskrift tillagn. A. Hagerstrom (Uppsala, 1928). " [Konrad Maurer's interpretation of "half stalit", Die Entstehung des isl. Stoats, p. 60.] 12 Landn. (1900), pp. 98-99. 73 Cf. Konrad Maurer, Island (MUnchen, 1874), p. 37. 74 [In Rangarvallasysla.] 75 [In Sudur-Mulasysla.] " Landn. (1900), p. 230.

32

the Learned's day than it had been at the end of the Age of Settlements. Therefore, one must take Ari's words fully settled to mean fully claimed.1'1 Even though there were no unclaimed areas left in Iceland, the number of farmsteads steadily increased throughout the 10th and probably also the llth century. This view is supported by the fact that some of the major estates in Iceland were not founded until after the end of the Age of Settlements, i.e. in the latter half of the 10th century. Among these were Helgafell, Hjardarholt in Laxardalur, Reykholt, Svalbard on Svalbardsstrond (founded about 984 A.D.), and Skalholt. In both the Thjorsardalur area and Hrunamannaafrettur archeologists have investigated ruins of farmhouses that were apparently quite new when they were laid waste in a volcanic eruption from Mount Hekla. 78 It has been shown with reasonable certainty that this particular volcanic eruption occurred in the year 1104.79 The ruins indicate that even though the farmhouses themselves were situated on the very fringe of the uninhabited interior of Iceland, they must have been built during the era of peace and prosperity which prevailed in Iceland during the days of Bishop Gizurr fsleifsson (1082-1106). Although some of the above mentioned farm houses in Hrunamannaafrettur were built on the site of an older settlement, the information deduced from their ruins supports the theory that about the end of the 11th century farmsteads in Iceland were still growing in number; in fact, they seem to have reached their maximum number about that time. This development was brought about chiefly by a steady increase in the population of the country; immigration also continued, especially during the 10th century. During the early years the locations of farmsteads did not remain fixed. The settlers had a keen and appreciative eye for pleasant landscape and chose the sites of their new homes accordingly. The names they gave their farms are often beautiful and poetic. But other factors had to be considered: the farms must have a good supply of drinking water, be sited where they would not be snowed under, and have plenty of good meadows and pasturage. But as the settlers were unfamiliar with the new land, they often chose to build their homes at unsuitable places. Thus the buildings either had to be moved to a better location or abandoned to the adverse forces of nature. Many of the pioneers made the mistake of trying to farm too high above sea level. In this they followed the Norwegian pattern of settlement, not realizing that the bounds of habitable environment are lower in Iceland. Many of the farms that were mistakenly founded on high locations were later moved to lower levels. Other farms, "Cf. Safn til sogu 'islands, IV, p. 602, footnote. Fornlida gSrdar i Island. Meddelanden frSn den Nordiska Arkeologiska Undersokningen i Island Sommeren 1939. (K0benhavn, 1943); cf. also Kristjan Eldjarn, "Eydihyggd a Hrunamannaafretli", Arbok him islen:ka fornleifafelags. 1943-48, pp. 1-43. 79 Cf. J6n Steffensen, Arbok hins hlenzka fornleifafelags, 1949-50, pp. 63-72; Sigurdur Th6rarinsson, Andvari, 79 (1954), pp. 49-50. 78

33

especially those that had been built far inland, were eventually abandoned. During the Age of Settlements, homes were established in various areas at such elevated locations and so far inland that they could only last for a limited period of time. Among the areas that have remained uninhabited ever since that time are Thorsmork, Einhyrningsmork and the upper part of the Rangarvellir in Rangarvallasysla, Thjorsardalur and Hrunamannaafrettur in Arnessysla, Geitland in Borgarfjordur, Langavatnsdalur in Myrasysla, and many other districts all around the country. Landnamabok makes mention of about 600 farmsteads; as far as one can tell, one fourth of these have been deserted for centuries. In the 13th century, if not earlier, desolate farm sites abandoned because of inclement conditions together with remains of temporary shelters from the Age of Settlements, gave rise to the belief that the earliest period of Icelandic history had seen a greater number of occupied farmsteads than later times, and this belief has lingered on ever since. The proponents of this theory have failed to take into account that often a farm would be rebuilt at a new site. Secondly, crofts and cottages seem to have mushroomed about the main farms when conditions were favourable, only to be deserted in times of famine, leaving no marks but the ruined walls. There are still other reasons for the belief that in the early stages of Icelandic history the number of farmsteads was proportionately very high. When a farm was shifted to a new site its name was often changed. For example, fifteen of the farmsteads which have names ending in stadir and which were founded in the Age of Settlements take their names from the sons, the grandsons or even the great-grandsons of settlers. These names may have been variously altered as a result of changes of location. On the other hand, changes of location did not always give rise to new names. The farm Hvammur in NorSurardalur was originally situated where Fornihvammur is now. After the original farm houses had been moved another farm was built on the old site. In the 11th century the distributional pattern of farms had become quite stable. Most of the farms still in use today had been founded by that time.80 Various attempts have been made to determine the number of immigrants and the size of the total population towards the end of the Age of Settlements, but these attempts are quite useless as they are not based on reliable sources. The same can be said about Bjb'rn M. Olsen's81 efforts to determine how large the population was in 965.82 But there are figures from the late llth century which are relevant to our purpose. About that time, or shortly before the episcopal see at Holar in northern Iceland was founded in 1106, Bishop Gizurr isleifsson had a census taken 80

Cf. Olafur Larusson, Byggd og saga (Reykjavik, 1944), p. 9-41. [Professor of Icelandic language and literature at the University of Iceland 1911-1918.] "Safn til sbgu Islands, IV, pp. 357-384. 81

34 of all the tax-paying farmers in Iceland.83 This census shows that there were seven hundred tax-paying farmers in the East Quarter, one thousand in the South Quarter, nine hundred in the West Quarter, and twelve hundred in the North Quarter. But we have no way of knowing how many farmers were exempted from the thing-tax. The census takers used the duodecimal (long) hundred (i.e. 120) in their enumeration. Therefore, the total number of tax-paying farmers was about 4,560. The above figures are obviously imprecise, since they are all in round numbers. In spite of this Bjorn M. Olsen used them as a basis for his conclusion that at about the end of the llth century the population of Iceland was 77,520.84 But this figure is highly suspect as it is scarcely possible to estimate the number of farmers exempt from the thing-tax, or the average number of people in each household. Bjorn M. Olsen's estimate is probably too generous.85 Nevertheless, the population of Iceland was proportionately greater in the Commonwealth Period than it is now, if a comparison is made with the populations of neighbouring countries.86

13

[Cf. p. 61.] "Safn titsogu islands, IV, pp. 342-356. 15 Cf. Olafur Larusson, Byggd og saga, pp. 35-36. •* [On the settlement in general see also Foreningen Nordens historiske publikasjoner, 4 (1965); Kulturhistorisk leksikon, X, art. Landnam.]

35

FORM OF GOVERNMENT The Founding of the Althing Germanic tribes in earlier times were governed by so-called things, assemblies of the freemen, which were a much older institution than monarchy. At the beginning of the Viking Age there were many things in Norway and the law differed from one district to another. The area in which a particular legal code was valid was never very large. The most important thing in each law province was a general assembly called the althing,1 where every able-bodied man had the right to vote. The Norse vikings adopted this form of government wherever they settled, and some of these things lasted for a long time. The one on the Isle of Man is still in existence, though in a modified form, and the word thingvollr which is reflected in various place names in the British Isles commemorates these ancient assemblies. The most important things in the Norse colonies were called althings just as had been the case in Norway. The settlers of Iceland brought with them Norwegian laws and judicial customs, and one can safely assume that in the Age of Settlements the leading chieftains among them tried to establish the same kind of government by things as they had known in their homeland. However, only two such things are known to have existed. One of these, styled as a local assembly (heradsthing), was founded by Thorolfr Mosterbeard, who settled at Thorsnes in Snaefellsnes. It is not known whether it was confined to Thorolfr Mosterbeard's settlement or covered a wider area, but it was probably for a smaller area than the one serving a whole assembly district. 2 Ari the Learned does not make any reference to this particular thing, and it is only mentioned in unreliable sources. But Ari the Learned has this to say about the assembly at Kjalarnes: 3 The Althing was established by the counsel of Olflj6tr and all the people of the land where it now is (i.e. at Thingvollr by Oxara). Previously, however, there was a thing at Kjalarnes which Thorsteinn, the son of Ingolfr the settler, and the father of Thorkell Moon the law-speaker, held there together with other chieftains who joined him. 1 2 3

Cf. Absalon Taranger, (Norsk) Historisk Tidsskrift (1924), pp7 1-15. Cf. Olafur Larusson, Byggd og saga. pp. 199-229. [North of Reykjavik in Kj6sarsysla.]

36 It is conceivable that Ari mentioned only the assembly at Kjalarnes because he had no knowledge of any others before the founding of the Althing, and as he must have known the true origin of the Thorsnessthing, one is compelled to reject the accounts of its early founding. Whether or not the assembly at Kjalarnes was the only thing in this early period, Ari's account of it implies that it was the precursor and model of the Althing. This is clear from another source. Thordarbok contains the following paragraph which probably derives from the original version of Landnamabok and was certainly written during the Commonwealth Period: On the advice of Helgi Bjola, Orlygr of Esjuberg and other wise men, Thorsteinn Ingolfsson became the first man to convene an assembly at Kjalarnes before the Althing was founded. That is the reason why the chieftains wielding his authority still perform the 'hallowing of the Althing'. 4

The chieftaincies of Thorsteinn Ingolfsson and his co-founders of the Kjalarnes Assembly have been merged into one, and the function of performing the inaugural ceremony at the Althing was assigned to its holder. The reasons for this must have been that Thorsteinn and his colleagues were the principal instigators behind the founding of the Althing, and that the preparatory steps for this event were taken at the Kjalarnes Assembly 5 where, perhaps, some kind of general assembly was held under the leadership of Thorsteinn and his allies. The land-claim made by Ingolfr Arnarson was both the oldest and the largest, which explains why the first assembly worthy of note was established within its confines. But it must be borne in mind that the Kjalarnes Assembly did not have a legislative role; its only function appears to have been judicial. The Kjalarnes assembly must have followed the laws and procedures which Ingolfr and his kinsfolk had been accustomed to in Norway. It is also quite probable that settlers in other districts who came from the same part of Norway as Ingolfr may have found it expedient to refer their cases to this assembly. It is unlikely that others attended. It would have been a natural development if, on the Norwegian model, many local assemblies had been founded, each serving its own district and following its own laws, and the size of the country and difficult communications should have helped to bring this about. But the idea that the Icelanders needed a single general assembly and one code of laws for the entire country began to take shape. This is an ideal which reflects a broader outlook and a nobler vision than existed elsewhere among Northern peoples. Throughout the era of the Icelandic Commonwealth 4 !

Landn. (1921), p. 145. The paragraph could have originally been in the chapter about Ingolfr. Cf. Vaka, 3 (Reykjavik, 1929), p. 112.

37

neither the Norwegians, nor the Swedes, nor the Danes succeeded in creating a uniform code of laws for their nation. There are many reasons why the founding of the Althing became a necessity. After the migration to Iceland families became separated, and relatives and in-laws were no longer neighbours, but were scattered all over Iceland; the establishment of one national assembly enabled these people to pursue matters of common interest. Although the social conditions that prevailed during the Viking Age, particularly in the Norse colonies, may have weakened traditional bonds of kinship, family ties remained strong. According to the Icelandic lawbook Gragds, bonds of kinship extending as far as fourth cousins entailed certain rights and duties regarding such matters as vengeance, inheritance, maintenance of the poor and payments of wergild.6 These features are much older than the settlement of Iceland, dating back to the very remote period when the clan or the family represented the only administrative unit. These legal customs would have lost their significance if the Icelanders had not been able to agree on one code of laws for the entire country. The same conditions which weakened the influence of the clan among the settlers of Iceland also tended to reduce the unifying effect which different district codes in Norway had had upon their adherents. In Iceland people who had come from various 'law provinces' in Norway, as well as some individuals from other countries, became neighbours. This created confusion in the administration of justice, and it was natural that the Icelanders should seek to solve this problem by introducing a new code of laws for the entire nation. Finally, it is conceivable that King Haraldr Finehair's decision regarding the extent of individual settlements played some part in the establishment of the Althing. His decree had a particularly adverse effect on those chieftains who had claimed the largest areas of land. It would therefore be logical to conclude that these chieftains and their descendants unanimously supported the idea of a national assembly in order to prevent the referral of important matters to the arbitration of a foreign power. Hardly anyone could have been in a better position to play a leading role in the founding of the Althing than Thorsteinn Ingolfsson. He was one of the most powerful men in the country, the son of Iceland's most illustrious settler, and he had already taken part in founding an earlier assembly. The Thordarbok version of Landnamabok appears to be correct in pointing out that Ingolfr Arnarson was the brother (i.e. halfbrother) of Bjorn of Heyangr.7 This would then have enabled Thorsteinn Ingolfsson to count among his relatives and in-laws the members of the largest and most influential family in Iceland, i.e. the descendants of 6 1

C f . Grg.. I l l , p. 613 (under fracndsemi); Dipl. Isl.. I, pp. 383-388. Landn. (1921), p. 26.

38 Grimr from Sogn. These people were in turn related to other powerful families. Thus, a great many Icelanders were bound together by strong kinship. It was only logical that these people should join forces in promoting the idea of a national assembly. It was the most effective way in which they could secure peace and safeguard their position against intervention by the King of Norway and against the unrestrained spirit of freedom and independence which was bound to prevail as long as new immigrants to Iceland continued to extend their power and influence. This also explains why Thorsteinn Ingolfsson and his followers sought the support of other influential clans, even though they did not have any kindred ties with them. They must have realized that such support was important if a national assembly was to be successfully founded.8 Ari the Learned informs us that an 'Easterner' (i.e. a Norwegian) by the name of Ulfljotr was the first man to bring a code of laws — Ulfljot's Law (Ulfljotslog) — from Norway to Iceland: But this law was chiefly modelled upon the Gulathing Law of that time, additions, omissions, or different provisions being made therein upon the advice of Thorleifr the Wise, son of Horda-Kari.

Landnamabok states that Ulfljotr, a nephew of Thorleifr the Wise, bought property in Lon9 in eastern Iceland from Thordr the Bearded, whereupon Thordr, on the advice of Ingolfr, moved west into the Mosfell district and took up residence at Skeggjastadir,10 Thus Thorsteinn Ingolfsson may have obtained information about Ulfljotr from Thordr the Bearded. In Norway Thorleifr the Wise apparently enjoyed an excellent reputation as a lawmaker; unfortunately, it is not possible to determine to what extent the stories about him are historically accurate. Ties of kinship between Thorleifr and LJlfljotr probably explain why the latter was engaged for the journey to Norway, and it may be that his genius for lawmaking was inherited. It is believed that Ulfljotr spent three winters in Norway composing the new law code for Iceland. Since Thorsteinn Ingolfsson and the majority of the settlers had come from the Gulathing Province in Norway, it was to be expected that the new laws for Iceland would be based on the Gulathing Law. This code appears to have extended to Hordaland, Sogn, and the Firdir. The merging of these areas into one province was probably a late development brought about by King Haraldr Finehair. The following statement occurs in Ari the Learned's book: and it is said that Grimr Goatbeard was his (Ulfljotr's) foster-brother, the man who, on Ulfljotr's advice, explored all Iceland before the »Cf. Sigurdur Nordal, hlenzk menning, 1, (Reykjavik, 1942), pp. 111-119. 9 [In Austur-Skaftafellssysla.] [In Kjosarsysla.]

10

39 Althing was established. And every man (i.e. every adult male who enjoyed normal rights and privileges?) in this land gave him a penny" for this (i.e. for exploring the country), but afterwards he gave this money to the temples.

The terseness of this account makes it very difficult to understand what the words explored all Iceland mean precisely. It would seem quite plausible to deduce from these words that Grimr Goatbeard explored the country for the purpose of selecting a meeting place for the Althing. But some scholars have argued that Grimr was assigned the duty of explaining the proposed code of laws to people and that he was to solicit support for its adoption and announce both the date and the place of the inaugural session of the Althing. This interpretation is hardly tenable, however, since the expression ad kanna land (to explore the country) is not known to have been used in this sense. Selecting a meeting place for the Althing was a practical problem. It was to the advantage of prominent men and other pioneers to have the shortest distance possible to travel to the Althing, but it is unlikely that just a handful of individuals would have been able to dispose of this matter without the consent of the majority. One may even speculate that choosing the site for the Althing grew to be a matter of such major dispute that it became necessary to explore the whole country in order to find the most suitable site. In those early days there were no maps to aid the explorers, and mental images of geography were anything but clear. Moreover, it would be taking Ari the Learned's statement too literally if one deduced from it that Grimr Goatbeard not only explored the main regions of Iceland but that he visited every distant point along the coastline. Suffice it to say that in view of the means of travel in those days the choice of the site for the Althing was made with such good judgement that it would be difficult to point to a more suitable location. As a result, it is safe to say that a decision was not made about the meeting place of the Althing until all circumstances had been carefully examined. One is perhaps justified in assuming that some kind of a national assembly was convened at Kjalarnes upon Ulfljotr's arrival from Norway with the proposed code of laws and that an agreement was reached at the assembly on almost everything regarding the founding of the Althing except its location. Ulfljotr may then have suggested that Grimr Goatbeard be asked to explore the country in search of a suitable location, and that every participant of the Kjalarnes Assembly pay Grimr a fee for his service. Ari maintains that according to the "counsel of Cllfljotr" the Althing was established at Thingvollur by the river Oxara, but he does not state the year. He only mentions that Ulfljotr brought the code from It is uncertain whether the word penningr, 'penny', means a coin (of foreign origin) or a unit of weight.

40

Norway "when Iceland had become widely settled" and that Hrafn, son of Haengr the settler, assumed the lawspeakership "next after Ulfljotr" in 930 A.D., about the time when the country had become "fully settled". From this it is obvious that Ari must have believed that a period of no less than 10 to 15 years elapsed from the time of Ulfljotr's arrival from Norway to the year in which Hrafn became lawspeaker. In the Konungsannall Ulfljotr's arrival is assigned to the year 927. This entry in the annal merely represents a conjecture based on the assumption that Ulfljotr proclaimed the laws for three consecutive sessions of the Althing, the normal three-year period over which the lawspeaker's tenure of office extended. It is also quite apparent that Ari considered Olfljotr to have held this office, although he did not indicate the length of his term in the same way as he did with all other lawspeakers listed in his book. From the list of lawspeakers written in the 13th century it can be seen that writers at that time were in doubt as to whether or not Ulfljotr ever held the office 12 of lawspeaker. Egils Saga, from which Landnamabok has derived information on this matter, lists Hrafn as the first lawspeaker in Iceland. However, Egils Saga cannot be accepted as historically accurate on this point. In all probability Ari knew neither the length of Ulfljotr's term as lawspeaker nor the year in which the Althing was founded. It is even questionable whether he had accurate information about the beginning of Hrafn Haengsson's term as lawspeaker. It is rather odd that Ari should assign Hrafn and his immediate successor, Thorarinn Ragabrodir, the same number of years as lawspeaker, i.e. a term of exactly twenty years each. His account of this matter seems to be based on conjecture. It is therefore not certain that the Althing, as is commonly believed, was founded in 930 A.D., but there does not appear to be any way of determining the date more accurately. In accordance with the Norse tradition, the national assembly in Iceland derived its name Althing from its function as a public forum for all free men in the country. Having founded their national assembly, the citizens of Iceland became united by one code of laws. As a result of this, Iceland now attained the status of a unified state, even though it lacked an executive body. One notes, however, that the Icelanders never referred to their society as a state; instead they spoke of'our laws' (var log). This expression could refer either to a certain code of laws or to the provinces in which this code obtained. This explains such geographical names as Gulathingslog, Thrcendalog, Danalog (Danelaw in England) and others. 13 The founding of the Althing was an event of major consequence in the history of the Icelandic people. 12 13

Dipl. hi, I, p. 500; Landn. (1921), p. 146. [Modern Icelandic usage also shows a distinct correspondence between var log and the names Gulathingslog, Thraendalog, Danalog.]

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The Site of the Althing The Althing was held at Thingvollur (Thing Plain) by the river Oxara (Axe River) from the time of its founding throughout the entire Commonwealth Period and up until the year 1798. In 1799 its meeting place was moved to Reykjavik, and in 1800 it was discontinued. The Saga of Hcensa-Thorir maintains that the Althing was convened by Mount Armannsfell (undir Armannsfelli) at the time when Iceland was divided up into Quarter districts, i.e. about the year 962 A.D., but this must be incorrect. The site by Armannsfell was merely a meeting place for a Quarter assembly. 14 It is not certain to which settlement Thingvollur originally belonged. The Hauksbok version of Landnamabok says that Hrafnagja marked the boundary of Ingolfr Arnarson's settlement. According to this account the entire Thingvollur would then have come within Ingolfr's settlement. But this statement of Hauksbok may be dismissed as an interpolation used to fill in a lacuna in the accounts of this particular version. The Sturlubok redaction of Landnamabok mentions the river Oxara as the boundary of Ingolfr's settlement and this statement appears to be based on more reliable information. But originally the river Oxara did not follow its present course. Sometime during the early years of the Commonwealth Period the river "was diverted into Almannagja so that now its course lies through Thingvollur"; 15 west of Almannagja one can still detect the old riverbed. 16 This major task of diverting the river Oxara into a new channel was no doubt undertaken to ensure that the members of the Althing would have easy access to a permanent water supply. From this it does not appear that any part of Thingvollur ever lay within the settlement of Ingolfr Arnarson. Ari the Learned maintains that a certain man named Thorir Crop-Beard, who owned property in the neighbourhood of Blaskogar (Blue Woods), was convicted for the murder of a slave or a freedman and that as a result of his crime Thorir's farmland became public property which was designated for the use of the Althing. Ari says about this place that "there is free cutting of wood for the Althing in the forests, and on the moor there is pasture for the keeping of horses". The entire area to the north and also to the west and the south of the lake Thingvallavatn was referred to in the olden days as Blaskogar. Thorir's property most likely consisted of the farmland which was called Thingvollur (Thingvellir), with its outlying estates. Apparently this area remained in some kind of public ownership for a long time. 17 Ari's statement indicates that Thorir's conviction occurred before the 14

Olafur Larusson, Byggd og saga, pp. 125-128. St., I, p. 57. " Arbok hins islenzka fornleifajelags (1881), pp. 22-23. 17 Cf. Einar Arnorsson, Reltarsaga albingis, p. 124.

15

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founding of the Althing; this is implied in the words "had been found guilty". The verdict would then have been reached at the Kjalarnes Assembly. This may have been the fortuitous event which helped to decide the site of the Althing. The Althing used to meet in the open as there were few buildings at Thingvollur other than a farmhouse. During the pagan period, sacrifices were probably held at every regular thing, but these must have taken place in the open as there is no reference to temples of any kind where the assemblies convened, nor is there any archeological evidence for the existence of such buildings. 18 A church was built at Thingvollur in the l l t h century. Some historians believe that King Olafr the Saint of Norway (1014-1030) provided the timber for it; others think that it was King Haraldr Sigurdarson (1046-1066) who donated it. This is where the laws were proclaimed and the court of the Church was held in bad weather. The records mention a 'farmer's churchyard', which has given rise to the speculation that there were two churches at Thingvollur, one for the attendants of the national assembly (thingmannakirkja) with no adjoining graveyard, and another called the farmer's church (i.e. a church belonging to the farmers of Thingvollur). But whatever the original meaning of 'farmer's churchyard' may have been, historical sources mention only one church at Thingvollur. Payments of various debts and fines were made in the farmer's churchyard on Wednesday in the middle of each annual session of the Althing, and a market seems to have been held there also.19 The people who came to the Althing lived for the duration of the session in booths (budir). These were shelters of turf and stone built around a framework of timber and roofed and decorated with homespun cloth. In the Old Icelandic literature many of the booths are identified by name, but their exact locations are long forgotten except that of Snorrabud20 (Snorri's Booth) which stood close to Logberg. All sorts of people would go to the Althing: sword cutlers, tanners and even vagrants. Some of them had their own booths at Thingvollur, but others lived in tents. The most important business of the Althing was transacted at two different locations at Thingvollur, Logberg (Law Rock) and Logretta (the Court of Legislature). Logberg was situated on the eastern bank of Almannagja 21 and constituted the very centre of the Althing. From this rock the laws were proclaimed when weather permitted, and it was also from here that members of the Court of Legislature and the Courts of Justice (domar) went to carry out their business. The hallowing of the 11

Cf. Olafur Larusson, Byggd og saga, (1944), pp. 227-228. "Cf. Nordisk kultur, XVI, p. 182. 20 [The booth of Snorri the Priest.] 21 In the eighteenth century it was referred to as the Law Rock of the Christians (Kristna-LSgberg), but the Law Rock of the Heathens (Heidna-LSgberg) (Annalar hins islenzka bokmenntafelags, IV, p. 356) or the Old Law Rock (GamlaLogberg) was located on a ridge called Spdngin between Flosagja and Nikulasargja.

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Althing was performed at Logberg, and here also its annual sessions were formally prorogued. Logberg was the place where public announcements were made, summonses delivered, and speeches addressed to the general assembly.22 At the local assemblies the thingbrekka (an elevation of land at an assembly site) corresponded to Logberg at Thingvollur. Elevations of a similar kind are to be found on all the ancient sites which the Nordic peoples selected for their things. When Iceland came under the Norwegian crown, Logberg lost its importance as the centre of the Althing, and before long most people even forgot where it had been. The Court of Legislature and the Courts of Justice will be discussed further in a later chapter of this book. The Dates of the Annual Sessions of the Althing The very size of Iceland made it difficult to send out special announcements about the forthcoming session of the Althing every year, so this had to be decided at least one year in advance, even though discrepancies in the calendar greatly complicated the issue. The Icelanders reckoned only 364 days in the year, or 52 weeks, and it was divided into two seasons (summer and winter). Thus the year was a day or two short. The week, as a unit of time, was borrowed by the Scandinavians from West Germanic tradition, as the ancient names for the days clearly show, especially Frjadagr which should have been Friggjardagr23 in Old Norse. This borrowing had taken place before the Age of Settlements and was a part of the accepted reckoning of the early Icelanders. The Icelanders soon discovered the discrepancy in their calendar and undertook a serious and comprehensive study of chronology. Some of them became veritable experts in this branch of science. Ari the Learned says that "men noticed by the course of the sun that summer was moving backwards into spring" or, in other words, that the year was not long enough. In the early years of the Althing it may sometimes have become necessary to move the opening date of the annual session forward in time, otherwise the Althing would eventually have been convened in the spring before the roads to the assembly site became passable. Finally, at the suggestion of Thorsteinn Surtr Hallsteinsson, who acted upon the advice of Thorkell Moon and other wise men, it was made a law "that one week should be added to the year every seventh summer" in an attempt to eliminate chronological discrepancies. Thorkell Moon was the son of Thorsteinn Ingolfsson of Reykjavik. He was lawspeaker from 970 to 984. By observing the way in which Ari the Learned arranged his material in Islendingabok, scholars have con22 23

Grg., I l l , pp. 644-645, (under logberg); [cf. also Kulturhistorisk leksikon. XI, Logberg.] [For further information on this see Kulturhistorisk leksikon, II, Dagnavn. On the Christian names of the days in I'celand'cf. pp. 154-155 below.]

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eluded that this law, which changed the opening date of the Althing from time to time, was not introduced during Thorkell Moon's tei ..n of office, even though his name was associated with its introduction; -ather, this particular law must have originated in the period from 950 to 969 when Thorarinn Ragabrodir was lawspeaker. This special act of the Althing shows that the chronological system underwent a thorough scrutiny. The resulting change, it must be admitted, did not completely eliminate the existing discrepancies. Nonetheless, it led to the introduction of the socalled extension of summer (sumarauki), an intercalary week which has since remained a part of the Icelandic calendar. Some time in the 12th century, perhaps, when the Icelanders had become acquainted with the chronology of the Church, they brought their own calendar into line with it.24 One may now understand why it is not possible to determine the dates on which the Althing was convened during the early decades of its history. Ari the Learned claims that until the year 999 people used to come to the Althing on a Thursday, at the end of the 9th week of summer, but then it was decreed that the opening date should be moved forward one week to the Thursday marking the end of the 10th week of summer, which in terms of the calendar of the Church 25 was some time between the 18th and the 24th of June. This arrangement remained unchanged until 1271 when the Section on Assemblies (Thingfararbalkr) of the lawbook Jarnsida (Iron Side) took effect. It is noteworthy that the Gulathing Assembly in Norway also convened on Thursday — until the year 1164.26 The lawbook Gragas implies that the length of each annual session of the Althing was two weeks. There is some evidence, however, to show that in the 13th century the sessions grew shorter. The Hallowing of the Althing and its Prorogation Each annual session of the Althing commenced with the hallowing of the assembly on the evening of its opening day, Thursday. This inaugural ceremony, as we have seen already, was performed by the chieftain who held the hereditary authority (godord) of Thorsteinn Ingolfsson and his descendants. This man bore the title allsherjargodi2'1 (supreme chieftain), and his booth at Thingvollur was known as the allsherjarbud (quarters of the supreme chieftain). The custom had its roots in ancient Germanic tradition, 28 The supreme chieftain was to determine the precincts 29 of the Althing and no doubt to declare the area within them a "Alfratdi islenzk. II, pp. I-XXII. 25 [Lat. "stylus vetus" i.e. the Julian calendar.] "(Norsk) Hisiorisk Tidsskrift (1924), p. 18. 27 Landn. (1921), p. 145, [literally allsherjargodi means 'chieftain of all the people'.] 28 Tacitus, Cermania, Chapter XI. 29 "Thordar saga hredu", Vatnshyrna. AM 564A,4° (a manuscript in the Arnamagnean Institute. Copenhagen).

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sanctuary. At any rate this area was often referred to as thinghelgi (the sanctuary of the assembly). It is not known just how the hallowing ceremony was performed, even though it would appear probable that during the heathen era it involved sacrificial feasts out in the open. Once the thing had been hallowed, everyone there was entitled to a double compensation for any offence against him. The boundaries of the Althing are not stated in our historical literature, but in his careful study of Thingvollur, Matthias Thordarson 30 concluded that they were as follows: the higher bank of Almannagja on the western side; to the north, the socalled Castles; to the east, Flosagja and the gorge extending from it into Thingvallavatn; to the south, Thingvallavatn. The real boundaries of Thingvollur must then have encompassed an area of some 400,000 square meters.31 All the booths were situated inside this area, and within these confines the entire business of the Althing was carried out. In the heathen era it was customary for every free adult male to bear arms wherever he went. This was for protection against attacks and in case it should become necessary to take immediate revenge. Although the Church was strongly opposed to the custom of bearing arms and the taking of revenge, the bearing of arms remained a common practice in Iceland until after the Reformation, and even though acts of vengeance finally were severely curtailed, such acts were permitted by law throughout the Commonwealth Period. In heathen times it was apparently forbidden to bear arms in temples; later the same ban was extended to churches. In accordance with Old Germanic custom men came to the thing fully armed, and they would indicate agreement there by the 'wapen-take' (vapnatak). 32 This custom lingered on during the early centuries of- Icelandic history until, in 1154, according to an entry in Konungsannall, the bearing of arms at the Althing was prohibited. Two years earlier, in 1152, the bearing of arms had been virtually banned in Norwegian market towns and there must have been a connection between these two events. Cardinal Nicholas Brekespeare (later Pope Hadrian IV) was no doubt instrumental in effecting the ban when he visited Norway in 1152 in order to make preparations for the founding of the Archbishopric of Nidaros. The ban against the bearing of arms at the Althing applied only to the Courts of Justice where the use of force always remained a definite threat. The ban appears to have been effective for quite some time, although in his islendinga Saga (The Saga of the Icelanders) Sturla Thordarson says that about 1216 it became common for men to equip themselves with clubs before they attended the sessions of the courts.33 This custom, however, was gradually abandoned, since 30

[The Curator of the National Museum of Iceland 1908-1947.] Arbok hins islenzka fornleifafelags ( 1 9 1 1 ) , p. 5. [OE vaepengetaek 'touching of weapons'.} "St.. I, p. 267. 31

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the hostilities which prevailed throughout the Age of the Sturlungs 34 seem to have called for weapons more effective than clubs. However, our sources state specifically that in 1234 the people at the Althing obeyed Bishop Magnus Gizurarson's ban against the bearing of arms at court sessions.35 The last day of the Althing session was called thinglausnadagr (prorogation day), and was also referred to as vapnatak, reflecting the ancient custom of either clashing weapons or beating them against shields, but this custom may have been abandoned after 1154. Although it is not a matter of certainty, it would appear to have been the duty of the supreme chieftain rather than of the lawspeaker to make a formal announcement of the prorogation of the Althing. 36 The Lawspeaker31 For almost two centuries the laws of Iceland were preserved in memory, a function of the lawspeaker and the legislative court, but in the winter of 1117-18 their codification began. Besides knowing the laws, it was the duty of the lawspeaker to make them known to the public by proclaiming them officially in an appropriate manner. The office of the lawspeaker was created when the Althing was founded and it remained until 1271. During this period the lawspeaker was the nation's only public servant in Iceland. As a rule he proclaimed the laws at Logberg. On certain occasions, however, he could perform this duty in the Court of Legislature, and after a church had been built at Thingvollur the laws were proclaimed there when the weather did not permit outdoor meetings. The lawspeaker arrived at the Althing on the first Friday of its annual meeting, when he proclaimed the lawful procedures for the session to ensure that those who participated in the Althing knew how the business there was to be conducted. He proclaimed other sections of the code in three consecutive summers which constituted his term of office. The recitation of the law code was a demanding task performed under the supervision of the Court of Legislature. If he deemed it necessary before he proclaimed the law code, the lawspeaker was free to consult five or more legal experts (logmenn). It was his duty at the Althing and elsewhere to help those who asked his advice and to clarify for them problematic points in law. On the lajt day of the session, acquittals were announced, and after the introduction of Christianity the same occasion was used to promulgate important changes in the calendar. Both were repeated at midsummer assemblies (Iei6ir). Official announcements on the chronological system had the same function as the calendar today. " [Cf. p. 133.]

35 36 37

St., I, p. 374; [on the bearing of arms in churches, cf. p. 168.] Cf. Grg. I l l , pp. 687-689 (under vapnatak), pp. 705-706 (under thinglausn). [Cf. Kullurhislorisk leksikon, XI, Logsogumadr.}

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The lawspeaker was the president of the Althing. When the assembly was in session, he chose the men who were to sit at Logberg where he had a special seat reserved for himself— the lawspeaker's chair (logsogumannsrum). Except for the hallowing ceremony, the lawspeaker was in charge of all the affairs of the Althing. He led the procession from Logberg when the courts convened to consider challenges and to hear the presentation of a case. He also decided where the courts should sit. One of his duties was to summon people by a bell to the courts,38 a custom which must have been adopted in Christian times, because in the year 1000, according to Ari, the lawspeaker had to send word to individual booths to gather people to Logberg. The lawspeaker presided over the meetings of the Court of Legislature where he had a vote and a seat on the middle platform. He was elected by the Legislature for a three-year term on the first Friday of the meeting of the Althing, at the time when his predecessor in office had announced the procedures for the newly begun session. If the lawspeaker died in office between annual meetings, another man from the same Quarter was requested to proclaim the procedures at the next session, whereupon a new lawspeaker would be elected. There are many instances in which a certain lawspeaker would be re-elected. This was legally permissible. For his services the lawspeaker received from the Legislature's treasury two hundred ells of homespun cloth per annum and a portion of the fines paid for various offences (sakeyrir).39 One can readily understand that the onerous and demanding duties of the lawspeaker made it imperative that an articulate man with administrative abilities and profound knowledge of both law and chronology be elected for that office. As a result, the lawspeakers came from the most prominent and highly cultured families in the country, but the historical sources do not indicate whether or not the lawspeaker was permitted to hold the office of a godi. If he owned a chieftancy, he may have been required to appoint someone else to represent it at the Althing. When the laws were finally committed to vellum, it naturally became much easier to proclaim them; the traditional recitation may even have been gradually abandoned. One would expect it to have been very important for the lawspeaker to obtain the most reliable scrolls possible. But there is no evidence of any particular law book ever having been reserved for his use. The Thordarbok version of Landnamabok, following the Melabok, states that Ulfljotr was the first to teach law in Iceland.40 Lawspeakers and other experts must have continued to offer this kind of instruction, since it was necessary to keep the public well informed about law not only 38

Crg., la, p. 45. " Cf. Grg.. I l l , pp. 649-650 (under logsogumadr), pp. 666-667 (under segja upp). Landn. (1921),'p. 146.

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during the Commonwealth Period, but much later, i.e. until about 1720 when courts ceased to be nominated 41 in Iceland. It must have been more difficult for the general public to acquire a knowledge of the law when the recitation of the law code at the Althing ceased. There is no mention of lawspeakers in Norway, and it is uncertain whether such a public office ever existed there.42 The Division of the Country into Quarters During Thorarinn Ragabrodir's term as lawspeaker (950-969) a major dispute arose between two prominent men, Thordr Gellir at Hvammur in Dalir and Tungu-Oddr at Breidabolstadur in Reykjadalur. 43 This conflict was brought on by Hasnsa-Thorir and his companions who burnt Thorkell Blund-Ketilsson to death in the latter's home at Ornolfsdalur in Borgarfjordur. The ensuing lawsuit saw Thordr Gellir in charge of the prosecution and Tungu-Oddr leading the defence. The Icelandic Annals mistakenly refer to this event as 'the burning of Blund-Ketill', and it is also doubtful whether one can rely on the date 962 which they have assigned to it. Ari the Learned states that at that time "it was law that actions for manslaughter must be raised at the assembly nearest to the scene of the killing, which facilitated matters for the prosecution". In accordance with this, the incendiaries of Ornolfsdalur were prosecuted at an assembly in Thingnes in Borgarfjordur, where it was convenient for Tungu-Oddr to make use of force. A battle ensued preventing the Thingnes Assembly from conducting its business in a lawful manner. The case was then referred to the Althing where Tungu-Oddr, after involving himself in a battle for the second time, sustained defeat. At this session Haensa-Thorir was sentenced to outlawry and then put to death together with some of his accomplices. On this occasion Thordr Gellir delivered a speech from Logberg explaining that it was urgent to change the awkward rules which compelled a person to engage in a lawsuit at a remote district assembly far away from his home. On this occasion the Althing legislated a constitutional change which Ari the Learned has described in the following manner: Then the country was divided into Quarters, making three assemblies in each Quarter, where individuals should take their cases to an assembly they shared. Only in the North Quarter were there four assemblies, because no other agreement could be reached; those living north of Eyjafjordur were not willing to attend the assembly there, those who lived west of Skagafjordur would not attend the assembly there. 41

42

[Cf.

p. 67.]

Cf. (Norsk) Hisl. Tidsskrift (1924), p. 6. [The lawmen in Norway no doubt performed the same functions, cf. E. Hertzberg. Grundlraekkene i den aeldste norske proces (Christiania, 1874), p. 156.] 41 [In Borgarfjardarsysla.)

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However, the number of judges and of members of the Court of Legislature44 were to be the same from that Quarter as from any of the others. Afterwards the Quarter-Assemblies were established.

It is difficult to determine how radical a change this was, since very little is known about the constitution before the time of the Quarter division, though it is possible to make some conjectures about it. The very core of the new act was constituted by the change in the laws affecting prosecutions. It had been law "that an action for manslaughter must be raised at the assembly nearest to the scene of the killing", but now "individuals should take their cases to an assembly they shared", which meant that lawsuits could always be taken to the Althing — the assembly shared by all Icelanders. If the parties to a suit were from the same Quarter, but did not belong to the same district assembly (varthing), their case could be brought before a Quarter assembly or even the Althing, whichever was preferred. In the event that the contending parties shared the same district assembly, it fell to the prosecutor's lot to decide whether the prosecution should take place at a district assembly, a Quarter assembly or at the Althing. Minor lawsuits, however, were to be raised at district assemblies.45 This change was a considerable improvement, even though some people were left in a less advantageous position than others. Thus, all other things being equal, a participant who happened to live in the Arnessthing 46 in southern Iceland, only a short distance from Thingvollur, had a definite advantage over an opponent from a different Quarter. In Norway four provinces, Rygjafylki, Hordafylki, Sygnafylki, and Firdafylki were each divided into Quarters, with each Quarter having its own assembly. It is reasonable to assume that the Quarter division in Iceland was modelled on Norwegian practice.47 In Iceland the Quarter division represents the earliest instance in which geographic boundaries were used for administrative purposes. The names of the Quarters and their boundaries were as follows: The East Quarter, extending from Helkunduheidi and probably Skoravikurbjarg at Langanes to the river Jokulsa at Solheimasandur;48 the Rangaeings' or South Quarter, comprising the area from Jokulsa to the river Hvita in Borgarfjordur; the Breidfirdings' or West Quarter, extending from the river Hvita to the river Hrutafjardara, and the Eyfirdings' or North Quarter from the river Hrutafjardara to Helkunduheidi. The dividing line between the North 44

[At the Althing.] Grg., la, p. 99. [In Arnessysla where the Althing was held.] 47 Cf. (Norsk) Hist. Tidsskrifl (1924), p. 21; [cf. also Gustav Indrebjd, "Fjordung", Bergens museums Srbok (1935).] 4 * [The northern boundary comes close to but does not quite coincide with the present boundary between NordurThingeyjarsysla and Nordur-Miilasysla. There are two points extending northward from Langanes, and Skoravikurbjarg is on the one farther to the west. Helkunduheidi is just south of Langanes. The river Jokulsa now forms the boundary between Vestur-Skaftafellssysla and Rangarvallasysla.J 45

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and the East Quarters was not clear enough, and the Hammer of Thor49 was therefore erected there to mark the boundary. The division into Quarters was based on reasonable principles, with the exception of the boundary line at the river Hvita; this soon turned out to be impractical in that it divided the BorgarfjSrdur district into two regions. Some scholars have doubted that the river Hvita ever constituted a Quarter boundary, even though all our historical sources agree that it did.50 A chieftain was not allowed to have supporters or liegemen (thingmenn) from outside his Quarter except by special permission of the Court of Legislature. However, a man could move house across Hrutafjordur into a new Quarter without being required to sever the bonds of allegiance with his chieftain. 51 It is tempting to speculate that this restriction of the power of chieftains had something to do with the territory and jurisdiction of Tungu-Oddr in Borgarfjordur; he may have obtained some of his liegemen from the West Quarter, i.e. the area west of the river Hvita, while his own home was in the South Quarter east of the Hvita. The members of the Court of Legislature obviously tried to ensure equal representation at the Althing from the various Quarters. At the local level, however, this failed as the men of the North Quarter refused to be content with three assemblies, and as a result the number of district assemblies was increased from twelve to thirteen. Scholars are largely agreed that before the Quarter division was instituted Iceland was divided into twelve assembly districts, with three chieftains for each assembly, and that when the Quarter boundaries were decided, the Thingeyjarthing with its three chieftains was added in the North Quarter. This assumption is based on the following explanatory passage at the beginning of the section 'On Assembly Procedure' (thingskapathattr) in Gragas: "But those were ancient and plenary chieftaincies when there were three assemblies in each Quarter, having three chieftains (godar) each. At that time the original assemblies were still intact".52 It has been assumed that this describes the constitution as it was before the Quarter-division, and that the premature mention of the unestablished Quarters must be explained as an oversight. But this passage in Gragas probably dates from the 13th century and cannot be relied upon except in giving the number of the 'ancient chieftaincies' as thirty-six. During the Commonwealth Period people would hardly have forgotten the correct number of these chieftaincies, as the chieftains representing them played a specific role both in the Court of Legislature and in making appointments to the judicial courts. It would appear to have been relatively easy to decide the " Dipl. Isl.. X I I , p. 3. '"Cf. Arhi'ik hins Men:ka fornleifafelags (1916), pp. 1-25; [cf. also p. 238.] Sl Grg., la, p. 141; II, p. 278. " Grg., la, p. 38. Cf. "They have the choice, if they so desire, of discontinuing a thing in order to combine two things into one, though these may previously have been separate assemblies". Grg., la, p. 108.

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Quarter boundaries to everyone's satisfaction if people at that time had become accustomed to twelve district assemblies for the entire country. On the other hand, it is easy to understand that the division of the country into Quarters would cause dissatisfaction if it were introduced before the number and distribution of district assemblies had been brought into line with a larger administrative pattern. At that time the inhabitants of both the Hiinavatnsthing and the Thingeyjarthing 53 may have had their own district assemblies, one or even more for each district, and it would have been only natural for people from these areas to refuse to relinquish them. The location of some of the ancient sites of the district assemblies indicates that at one time the distribution of these assemblies did not follow any systematic arrangement. The decision to establish Quarter assemblies was probably made when the Quarter division was introduced, and thus it may be assumed that the assemblies began the following spring. The word afterwards in Ari the Learned's previously quoted passage does not necessarily indicate that a longer period of time elapsed before the policy on Quarter assemblies was implemented. The Quarter assemblies were judiciary assemblies. They do not appear to have been held at regular intervals and were in all probability discontinued long before the end of the Commonwealth Period. The only reference to the Quarter assemblies in Gragas54 implies that they were very seldom convened. They are not listed with the regular assemblies (skapthing). Most likely they were not held unless there was a special reason. The Quarter assemblies were held at Lon in the East Quarter, at Armannsfell in the South Quarter; in the West Quarter the assembly was held at Thorsnes,55 but there is no mention made of a permanent site in the North Quarter, even though it appears to have been at the site of the district assembly in Hegranes in Skagafjordur. 56 At Lon and Armannsfell there are no ruins to indicate the actual assembly sites. It is true that near the farmstead of Vik in the Lon district just beside the present highway, there is a hill named Thingbrekka (assembly hill) on the western slope of Lonsheidi. On the eastern slope, also beside the highway, there is another Thingbrekka. In ancient times both of these were no doubt resting places for people going to and returning from the Althing. 57

" [the furthest west and the furthest east in the North Quarter.] 54 Grg.. II, p. 356. " Dipl. Isl.. XII, pp. 5, 8, 12. 56 Olafur Larusson, Landnam ! Skagafirdi (Reykjavik, 1940), pp. 152-153. "Cf. Arbok hins islenzka fornleifafelags (1925-26), p. 12.

53 Chieftains — Their Power and Jurisdiction The government of the country was in the hands of men of authority who were called chieftains (godar); the office of chieftain was called a chieftaincy (godord). Scholars have put forward conflicting theories on both the origin of the chieftaincies and the authority held by chieftains. Only the two most important of these will be outlined here. The most widely held opinion is that the authority of chieftains was derived from their ownership of temples as well as from their leading role at sacrificial feasts. Contrary to this claim, the German scholar Friedrich Boden has maintained that the Icelandic chieftains, like their counterparts among other Germanic nations, attained their positions of power through high birth and the backing of supporters.58 The etymologies of godi and godord clearly indicate that, essentially, the first theory must be the correct one, since the noun godi originally denoted a man conducting sacrificial ceremonies; in the heathen era the chieftain or godi therefore served as a temple-priest. Indeed, this assumption derives support from many other sources, some of which will be further explored below. But while the ownership of temples and leadership at sacrificial feasts undoubtedly constituted the chief basis for the power of chieftains, their authority must have rested on other factors as well, such as aristocratic lineage and wealth. No known forms of administration outside Iceland could have served as models for the Icelandic chieftaincies, although the word godi occurs in two runic inscriptions on the island of Fyn in Denmark. One of these dates back to the 9th century; the other is from about 900.59 Moreover, Landnamabbk refers to Thorhaddr the Old, temple-priest (hofgodi) from Moere in Norway, who became a settler in Stodvarfjordur in Iceland. All these must have been prominent men who conducted sacrificial feasts, but it is a matter of speculation whether they had any secular authority similar to that of the chieftains in Iceland. Research into the origin of the authority of chieftains is hampered by the lack of information about the kind of individuals in Norway who were entrusted with such responsibilities as the keeping of temples and nominations to courts. Nor is it possible to determine just how extensive the Icelandic chieftains' authority was before the time of the Althing. The high-born individuals in command of ships who brought a number of people with them to Iceland where they claimed large areas as their settlements, or obtained possession of land by other means, must have tried to establish the same kind of authority in the new land as their forefathers had had in the old. But a rural society with a scattered pop51 59

Die isl. Regierungsgewalt in der freistaallichen Zeit (Breslau, 1905). L. Wimmer, De danske Runemindesmcerker, II, pp. 346, 352, 369.

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ulation in a country where the rugged natural environment makes communications difficult, is inimical to the development of power and tight social organization. The needs of the people in Iceland were different from those in Norway and other countries. The geographic position of Iceland made a military attack from abroad highly improbable. This explains why the law code of the Old Icelandic Commonwealth did not provide for a special section on defence, and why the constitution did not even take such matters into account. The Icelanders had no need of a king or an earl, since the main duty of these was providing leadership during armed conflicts between states. The same principle also applied to Shetland, the Faroes, and, later on, to Greenland. Most of the other Norse colonies had either a king or an earl. Both before and during the Age of Settlements in Iceland, war lords (hersar) were common in Norway, even though they were not known in the Norse colonies. The title hersir60 must have implied certain powers peculiar to life in Norway. Most of the war lords belonged to prominent families. As there was no need for military defence in Iceland, individual power for the most part centered on temples and assemblies. In the early days tenants did not yet constitute a source of power. Landnamabbk shows that some pioneers, or their sons, built temples and that in later years their chieftaincies (godord) usually remained in the hands of their descendants. As a rule these temple builders were men of wealth and of noble lineage; indeed, the building of a stately temple must have meant a considerable outlay of wealth. Many of these pioneers were no doubt genuinely concerned with sacrificial feasts; others, while lacking such interest, may have built temples because of the prospect of power associated with such an undertaking. The temples were privately owned in the same way as the churches which replaced them. Donations of property were made to temples to ensure their proper maintenance, as is shown by the following passage from Landnamabok: Jorundr the Priest, son of Hrafn the Foolish, settled west of Markarfljot at a place which is now called Svertingsstadir, and built a large temple there. There was an unclaimed piece of land between the river Krossa and Joldusteinn. Jorundr carried fire around it and dedicated it to the temple. 61

This area is called Godaland, 'the land of the gods', which no doubt indicates that it either must have been dedicated to the gods or designated as their property. The same source has it that in Jokuldalur in the east there was an unclaimed plot of land between the areas claimed by Thorsteinn Torfi and Hakon which they gave to the temple. This is now called Hofsteigur (temple-strip).62 Also, Ari the Learned 60

[Cf. The Viking Achievement, p. 129.] Landn. (1900), p. 236; cf. also pp. 107 and 218. " Landn. (1900), p. 204; cf. also p. 88. 61

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claims that Grimr Goatbeard gave the temples the fee he received for exploring Iceland. One may conclude that people would not have given property to the temples unless these institutions served an important social function. The leading men who owned the temples and were in charge of them must have been the chief founders of the district assemblies and, later on, of the Althing. Gragas describes two kinds of chieftaincies, the ancient chieftaincies (forn godord), 63 and the new chieftaincies (ny godord).64 The structure of the Quarter Courts, the Fifth Court and the Court of Legislature shows that the ancient chieftaincies must have been 36 in number. This matter must have been decided at the time of the founding of the Althing, since the number of chieftaincies was raised to thirty-nine when the Quarter division was instituted. The number twelve, or the dozen, was the basic numerical unit for courts and other assemblies in Norway and in the Norse colonies, and it probably goes back to the earliest assemblies in Norway.65 When the Althing was founded in Iceland, it was decided as a matter of course that the number of chieftaincies should have the numerical unit twelve as a basis, and three dozen may indeed have come closest to the number of men of rank who had laid claims to chieftaincies. The founders of the Althing would have been faced with great difficulties in the allotment of chieftaincies if the chieftaincies were fewer in number than the leaders wishing to claim them. In deciding this matter the pioneers of the Althing tried to ensure that the authority accompanying the chieftaincies was evenly distributed among the most prominent men in the country. In Gragas it is implied that two or more individuals could own a chieftaincy jointly, the term of management assigned to each owner being proportionate in length to the share he owned. However, there was a minimum tenure extending over the period of three regular assemblies.66 If the law code which Ulfljotr brought to Iceland contained a similar provision, it should have been possible to grant a share in a chieftaincy to almost every man who wished one. Both Landnamabok and the Sagas contain accounts of many chieftains, or men of rank, who could hardly have owned more than a part of a chieftaincy. The chieftaincy of Hrafn Sveinbjarnarson and that of the Thorsnesings are examples of the kind of joint ownership of chieftaincies which existed until the end of the 12th century. However, it is not necessary to assume that these chieftaincies were originally divided in this manner. On certain occasions the apportionment of inherited property may have brought about a division of 63

Grg., la, pp. 38, 77, 211; cf. also Vlga-Glums saga. Chapter I. *< Grg,, la, p. 77. 65 Cf. A. Bugge, Vesterlandenes indflydelse paa Nordboernei vikingetiden (Kristiania, '905), pp. 133-134; (Norsk) Hist. Tidsskrift, 1924, p. 13. » Grg.. la, pp. 38, 43, 141. [1 year; cf. p. 60.]

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chieftaincies; under other circumstances such an allotment may have led to the amalgamation of individual shares. The story of Grimr Goatbeard's donations to temples indicates that the founders of the Althing wished to strengthen the pagan religion. This they could achieve both by making financial contributions to the temples and by granting those who were responsible for their management exclusive rights to govern the country. Apparently both these methods were used. Several historical records contain an interesting account dating from the latter part of the 12th century or the first half of the 13th century. It concerns the law code of the heathens, and its most original version, found in the Hauksbok redaction of Landnamabok and the Story of Thorsteinn Oxfoot,67 runs as follows: A temple-ring weighing two ounces or more68 (or: worth two ounces or more) should be kept upon the altar of every major temple (hofudhof)Every chieftain (or: temple-priest) should wear the temple-ring on his arm in attendance at any of the regular assemblies which were convened under his leadership. First, however, he should immerse the ring in the blood of the bull offered as sacrifice by the chieftain himself. Anyone transacting legal business before a court should first take an oath on the temple-ring, and, having called two or more witnesses, he should declaim the following words: "I call upon you to testify", he should say, "that I take an oath by the ring — a lawful oath. So help me Freyr and Njord, and the Almighty God (in all probability Thor)69 as I proceed to prosecute or to defend this case and to bear testimony, give verdicts or pronounce judgements, as truthfully and as much in accordance with the law as my knowledge permits me. Also, I shall discharge such legitimate business as comes within the scope of my office as long as I am present at this assembly". When the country was divided into Quarters, there were to be three assemblies to each Quarter and three major temples (hofudhof) in each assembly district. There guardians of the temples were selected according to their wisdom and sense of justice. At assemblies they were to make appointments to courts and direct lawsuits. Because of their position, these men were called gudar (i.e. godar). Each man was to pay a temple-toll in the same way as we now pay tithes to our churches.70

This passage is akin to the previously mentioned explanatory note at the beginning of the chapter in Gragas on the Procedures of Assemblies in that the author does not mention the disproportionate number of assemblies in the North Quarter. In addition, he apparently implies that the Quarter division was introduced when the Althing was founded. One must discount as exaggeration the statement that temple-priests were 67

Cf. Jon J6hannesson, Gerdir Landnamabokar, pp. 32-35, 159-162, 212. It was called stallahringr. « [Further on this cf. pp. 118-119.) ™Landn. (1900), p. 96.

68

Farm names indicting the sites of temples (hof) in pre-Christian Iceland.

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selected according to their wisdom and sense of justice. Wealth and social status were undoubtedly of greater importance; also, preference must have been given to those who had already attained positions of power. Occasionally, all these qualifications may have combined to determine the selection of a temple-priest. However, the passage in Hauksbok undoubtedly contains some very old ideas. The part about the oaths shows that no one would have been in a position to place legal matters before the courts unless he confessed his belief in the heathen gods; in other words, only those who believed in the pagan gods were able to enjoy full legal rights, even though an apparent freedom of religion prevailed. The separation of state and religion simply was not feasible, so that it is easy to understand why the Christian influences that reached Iceland during the settlement period all but faded away when the Althing was established. Even the sons of the Christian chieftains built temples and offered sacrifice in order that they might retain their power. When, finally, Christianity was legislated in Iceland, a change in customs naturally followed. Oaths by temple-rings and invocations of the heathen gods were no longer required. It became customary to take oaths by the sign of the Cross or by a sacred book, while invocations were addressed to the Holy Trinity. The chieftains gave up their role as priests or keepers of temples and assumed purely secular power, though they retained the title of godi. The idea of major temples and temple-tolls was probably derived from the law code introduced by Ulfljotr. The following passage from Eyrbyggja Saga contains the most precise account of the temple-tolls: All men were required to pay tolls to the temple and it was their duty to take part in all expeditions with the temple-priest just as liegemen now must accompany their chieftains. For his part the temple-priest had to maintain the temple at his own expense, so that it did not deteriorate, and hold the sacrificial feasts in it. 71

This suggests that the liegemen of a godi were originally those who paid tolls to his temple. Even without the testimony of historical records, this would be the most natural explanation of the original ties between the two ranks. It is quite obvious that a hofudhof (major temple) was to be a part of each of the old chieftaincies, but it is not certain whether this arrangement also included the three chieftaincies which were added at the time of the Quarter division. The term 'major temple' implies the existence of minor temples, and even though one might dismiss some of the information on this matter as unreliable, there would nonetheless be sufficient evidence remaining from sagas and such farm names as Hof,n Hofstadir 71 72

Islenzk fornril. IV, p. 9 ['temple'.]

59 to indicate that temples in Iceland far exceeded the number of thirtysix.73 Nothing is known about the legal status of minor temples. Some of them may have been built during the Age of Settlements, ceasing to function when the Althing was founded and the temple system put into effect. A limited number of temples may have been privately owned. It is possible, too, that plans for the establishment of major temples were never fully carried out, or were even disregarded when private temples were erected in remote districts — particularly in areas where a chieftaincy was owned by two or more individuals. Vapnfirdinga Saga mentions a certain Steinvor, a temple-priestess in charge of a major temple who collected temple-tolls.74 There are references to priestesses or temple-priestesses in other historical sources. This has led scholars to doubt that the keepers of temples were automatically granted authority in secular affairs. Rather, they contend that during this early period it would not have been in keeping with popular thinking to place women in positions of secular power. It may indeed be inferred from Gragas that women were not allowed to manage or represent a chieftaincy. 75 However, nothing seems to have hindered women from owning chieftaincies, and the most natural interpretation of the comments offered in Gragas on this matter is simply that women owning chieftaincies were required to delegate their authority to a liegeman from their own district. On the other hand, it is quite conceivable that women were permitted to discharge duties as priestesses and keepers of temples if the story about Steinvor in Vapnfirdinga Saga has any foundation in fact. As was stated, it was decided when the Althing was founded that the number of chieftaincies should be thirty-six. When the country was divided into Quarters, three new chieftaincies were created, as the people of the North Quarter insisted on having a fourth district assembly. Thus, all the new chieftaincies belonged to the North Quarter where they were formed from certain parts of older chieftaincies. In Bandamanna Saga the chieftaincy of Oddr Ofeigsson of Melur in Midfjordur is spoken of as a 'new chieftaincy', 76 even though the author of the saga apparently does not know just when it was founded. The author of Njals Saga considers himself more knowledgeable on this point when he maintains that the new chieftaincies were formed when the Fifth Court was added to the judicial section of the Althing. This event, he claims, took place in the heathen era, and he names three chieftaincies: the Melmannagodord in Midfjordur, the Laufaesingagodord in Eyjafjordur, and the chieftaincy in the Rangarthing owned by Hoskuldr Hvitanessgodi. 77 The last has a 1

Olafur Briem, Heidinn sidur a Island!, p. 187. ' Islenzk fornrit, X I , p. 33. 5 Grg.. la, p. 142. 6 hlenzk fornrit, V I I , pp. 300-301. 1 hlenzk fornrit, X I I , pp. 241-247.

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questionable foundation in reality, and Njals Saga seems to have substituted it for the third chieftaincy added in the North Quarter on which there is no information. What Njals Saga has to say about the other two chieftaincies is undoubtedly historically accurate. Even though the authors of Bandamanna Saga and Njals Saga did not know the true origin of these chieftaincies, they must have known which of them were referred to as 'ancient' and which of them were classified as 'new chieftaincies', since their respective spheres of influence within the administrative system varied until the end of the Commonwealth Period. The Melmannagodord was, of course, the chieftaincy which in Bandamanna Saga is ascribed to Oddr Ofeigsson. One is therefore justified in rejecting the widely held theory that the new chieftaincies founded at the time of the Quarter division were all in the north-eastern part of Iceland. Gragas contains an explicit description of the functions of chieftains. 78 Their command of chieftaincies gave them authority over other men (mannaforrad); in the 13th century this kind of authority was often referred to as power (riki). Farmers and landowners, whether or not the latter owned any livestock, had to declare their allegiance to a certain chieftain at one of^the three regular assemblies, i.e. at a district assembly, a midsummer assembly,79 or at the Althing, with the chieftain's approval. Farmers were allowed to transfer their allegiance from one chieftain to another. However, such an action could be taken only once a year. Members of a household were to attend the same assembly as their master, and tenant-farmers were to share an assembly with their landlords.80 The alliance between a chieftain and those of his liegemen who were farmers or landowners was based on a completely free and personal contract. The liegemen of a chieftain might therefore be dispersed over areas that were likewise occupied by the liegemen of some of his fellow chieftains. Thus, the chieftaincies had no geographic boundaries prescribed by law, except the Quarter boundaries. However, the temples may have helped to preserve the integrity of the chieftaincies even though there was no compelling reason why the people affiliated with a specific temple had to come from a district any more geographically limited than those who shared a certain district assembly. The ancient law code often employs the term thridjungsmadr (a liegeman by association or a liegeman from the same district) instead of thingmadr (liegeman). Indeed, these two terms sometimes differ in meaning. If, for instance, A and B were the joint owners of a chieftaincy, C was by association the liegeman of A,81 if he (i.e. C) was the liegeman of B. Conversely, if C was 78 79 80

81

Grg. I l l , pp. 617-618. (under godi). [at a vanhing or /«».] [Cf. p. 348.] [a thridjungsmadr of A, i.e. 'a liegeman from the same district as A'.

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A's liegeman, he was B's thridjungsmadr (liegeman by Association). It was the duty of all farmers and landowners either to attend the district assemblies themselves, or to send their representatives to discharge whatever legal business there might be. While in attendance at a district assembly, each chieftain was at liberty to make the request from the assembly hill that every ninth farmer of those within his jurisdiction on whom the thing-tax 82 was levied should accompany him to the annual meeting of the Althing. Everyone was obliged to pay thing-tax if he owned one cow or its unmortgaged equivalent, or a net or boat for every member of his household, including the necessary hired help. The ownership of a beast of burden, either an ox or a horse, together with the necessary implements of husbandry, was an additional requirement. Farmers who worked their land alone had to own property to the value of two cows for each household servant. The farmers themselves decided which representatives should accompany the chieftain, and the representatives provided their own horses and their own food for the journey. But the chieftain had to provide his men with living quarters during the session of the Althing, and pay them a fee to defray travel expenses. This fee was referred to as thingfararkaup. (thing-tax) 83 The same term was used for payments made by farmers who owned the minimum amount of property specified above, but did not accompany their chieftain to the Althing. During major disputes a chieftain might request a greater number of taxpayers to attend the Althing with him than the law required. The amount of the thing-tax was a matter for negotiation between chieftain and liegeman, the distance to the Althing being the deciding factor. Payers of the thing-tax enjoyed more extensive rights and had greater responsibilities than others.84 In Norway it appears that those who were chosen to participate in assemblies were expected to collect the thing-tax from other farmers themselves.85 Among the duties of a chieftain was that of supporting his liegemen in lawsuits. In turn a liegeman was to give his chieftain all the support which the law required of him and to perform all the duties assigned to him at assemblies by his chieftain. Insofar as circumstances allowed, chieftaincies were treated as private property. Thus they could form a part of an estate passed on to lawful heirs. They could be sold or given away as gifts or as dowries. At courts of confiscation86 the value of chieftaincies was assessed, but tithes were not levied on them as on other property. The Tithe Law defined a chieftaincy as "power rather than wealth". In the event a chieftain " [cr. p. 60.] 83

[Literally 'assembly attendance dues'.] Grg., Ill, pp. 701-703 (under thingfararkaup). "(Norsk) Historisk Tidsskrift (1924), p. 19, footnote. 86 [Cf. Kulturhislorisk leksikon. IV, art. Feransdomr.} 84

62 received a sentence of either the greater87 or the lesser88 outlawry, or forfeited his chieftaincy through negligence or mismanagement, his liegemen would become the owners of his chieftaincy and divide it among themselves; however, such a situation hardly ever arose. There is nothing to indicate that chieftains were ever elected to office. If a chieftain was prevented from attending to his duties, or if a chieftaincy was owned either by a woman or by a man of less than sixteen years of age, its management was to be entrusted to a liegeman from the owner's assembly district. However, a boy between twelve and sixteen years of age could be granted special permission by the liegemen of his district to manage or represent a chieftaincy. Management of jointly owned chieftaincies has been discussed above.89 The chieftains had many and varied duties. They had to be present at the Althing before sunset on the first day of its annual meeting. Then they took their seats in the Court of Legislature, appointed members to the Courts of Justice and convened a special body of twelve arbitrators (the chieftain was a member of this body himself) called tylftarkvidr.90 Further, the chieftains appointed juries at district assemblies, convened midsummer assemblies (leidir) and held courts of confiscation. (feransdomar). 91 In their own districts the chieftains were supposed to be the guardians of the peace, and to keep watch over various activities around them. During the heathen era the chieftains derived some revenue from temple-tolls, but it is not known whether they received any remuneration for collecting the thing-tax. They occasionally had some small income from other sources. Thus, the office of a chieftain does not appear to have been a lucrative position, considering the many expenses involved. Historical records contain many references to chieftains in the 11th and the 12th centuries who were in straitened circumstances. It has thus been suggested that these men were faced with diminished income when payments of temple-tolls were suspended. However, this explanation should be accepted with caution. In the 12th century many important farmers began to derive revenue from churches. They exploited this source of income to an increasing extent in the 13th century, but at that time many of them found it necessary to maintain large retinues, which was a costly undertaking, and therefore their liegemen often made private contributions to defray the expenses.92 Before the law all the chieftains were equal in power, so that none of " [The legal term for such a sentence was skoggangr and it implied full outlawry, the most severe penalty under the existing law. Cf. Kulturhistorisk leksikon. IV, art. Fredtyshed.] [Restricted outlawry (fjorbaugsgardr) usually requiring a three-year stay outside Iceland.] "' [Cf. pp. 60-61.] 90 [Literally 'dozen-oath'.] " [Cf. p. 61.] "St., II, pp. 69, 122, 196, 200. 88

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them could claim authority over any other chieftain. To a certain extent the Icelandic Commonwealth may be likened to a union of many states (i.e. chieftaincies) where the administration of law and justice embraced the entire union but in which executive power was altogether lacking. The Court of Legislature92 Our earliest information about the Court of Legislature, the most important institution of the Althing, dates back to the time of the Quarter division. At that time thirty-nine chieftains held seats there. But in order to keep the power of the North Quarter proportional to the others, 94 it was decreed that in each of the three remaining Quarters chieftains sharing the same district assembly should bring with them to the Court of Legislature one man who would be granted a seat there with a position equal in influence to that of a chieftain. These additional appointees were nine in number, which raised the total membership of the court to forty-eight. Then, each of the forty-eight members was to select from the ranks of his own liegemen two men to sit with him in the court as his counsellors. This seems to imply that the nine supplementary members must have owned shares in chieftaincies; otherwise they could not have had any liegemen. Perhaps the supplementary member was provided with counsellors by a chieftain who belonged to the same assembly district. The lawspeaker held a seat in the Court of Legislature from its beginning; later on, after the founding of the two episcopal sees in Iceland, the two bishops were granted seats there, but without the privilege of appointing counsellors. Thus, the total membership reached the maximum number of one hundred and forty-seven. It is not known for certain whether the Court of Legislature had become an independent institution before the time of the Quarter division. However, what is known about its composition after the introduction of the Quarter division would indicate that in an earlier period there was a separate judicial body composed of the chieftains who managed the thirty-six 'ancient chieftaincies', two counsellors for each chieftain, and the lawspeaker. The total membership would then have been one hundred and nine. There is every reason to believe that the appointment of two counsellors for each chieftain dates further back in Icelandic history than the Quarter division which, in fact, did not enhance democratic government in the country. Meetings of the Court of Legislature were held outdoors. In Gragas it is stated that the court should always observe the long-standing tradition of holding its meetings at its present location. Accounts dating from " Cf. the relevant sections in Gragas (Grg.. la, pp. 211-217; Grg., I l l , pp. 647-649). 94 [The North Quarter had one assembly and three chieftaincies more than the others; cf. pp. 49-50.)

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the 13th century suggest that its location was then on the plains either to the north or the east of the river Oxara. But the wording in Gragas seems to imply that it used to be held at a different place in earlier times. At a meeting place of the Court of Legislature there were three circular benches or platforms in concentric arrangement. Each platform was to provide ample space for the seating of four dozen men. The middle platform was occupied by the chieftains, the supplementary members, the lawspeaker, and, later on, the two Icelandic bishops, while the two remaining platforms provided seats for the counsellors. Thus, each chieftain and supplementary member would have one of his counsellors sitting in front of him, and the other right behind him. Only the occupants of the middle platform possessed what was referred to as 'the right of full participation' 95 in the affairs of the Court of Legislature. According to Gragas the functions of the Court of Legislature were as follows: (a) In the court men were to 'make right their laws'; some scholars have taken this to refer to making changes in the existing laws. Yet the above statement most likely describes the role which the Court of Legislature played in interpreting the laws and in determining their correct application. This was a very important task indeed, since it was only natural that differing interpretations would arise, particularly during the period in which the laws were either memorized or incompletely recorded on scrolls. This was the original function of the Court of Legislature, and it seems to have given rise to its name, Logretta. Legislative courts (logrettur) are known to have existed at Norwegian assemblies, but shared only this one function with the Icelandic Legislature. But the Norwegian legislative courts were different in composition and served also as a court of appeal.96 It is likely that the Norwegian model for the earliest Court of Legislature in Iceland provided only for the interpretation of the laws, and that apart from this the legislative courts in each country later evolved along different lines. Our historical records show how legal disputes were dealt with after the law code had been recorded. In the presence of witnesses all the chieftains and the lawspeaker were challenged to go to the Court of Legislature where they would arbitrate the question at hand. There the contending parties would have an opportunity to state their opinion. All the members of the court were to be present, but only those occupying the middle platform, forty-eight in number, had a vote. All questions were settled by a majority vote; in an even division, the lawspeaker had the deciding vote. Great importance was attached to resolving cases of this kind as is shown by the penalty of lesser outlawry for any member of " [seta til fulls.} "Cf. Absalon Taranger, (Norsk) Historisk Tidsskrift (1924), pp. 23-25, 29-35.

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the middle platform who abstained from voting on them. Such resolutions passed by the Court of Legislature were proclaimed at Logberg (the Law Rock) and were regarded as legal enactments, even though they were not the equivalent of judicial court pronouncements. (b) The Court of Legislature was to 'make new laws' (gera nymaeli). This refers to the passing of new laws and also to the emendation of existing laws. Gragas does not state the method by which changes in law were effected, but in all probability the same procedure was employed as for the resolution of legal disputes. This seems to be borne out by Ari the Learned's account of the codification of the laws in 1117-1118. The method used in the granting of exemptions seems to be ruled out, as the law texts show that the adoption of new laws was a straightforward procedure. To counterbalance this, it was specified that every new enactment should be subject to a probationary period of three years before it might be declared by the Court of Legislature to be permanent law.97 (c) The Court of Legislature granted permits (leyfi), i.e. exemptions from the law. Such exemptions might be granted by a group of fortyeight members of the court. These men, chosen at random from the three benches, would hold their meetings at the middle platform. The exemption must receive the affirmative vote of each of the forty-eight members present; however, anyone present at the Althing, even though he was not a member of the Court of Legislature, could lay such an exemption under an interdict; his injunction would prevent the exemption from being granted. In this way it was possible to guarantee that a particular exemption would not infringe upon the rights of individuals. 98 In present day societies exemptions from the law are ordinarily the responsibility of the executive branch of government. (d) The Court of Legislature elected the lawspeaker, supervised the proclamation of the laws and decided when the judicial courts should convene. (e) Finally, the Court of Legislature may be said to have acted for the nation in foreign affairs as, for instance, in the case of the treaty with St. Olafr of Norway and the one with King Hakon the Old. There are references to the Treasury of the Legislature (logrettufe), which was in fact the State Treasury. This fund was the depository of fees paid for special marriage licenses and perhaps other kinds of dispensations, even though these are not mentioned. Nothing is known about the custodianship of the Treasury. Nor is it possible to determine what became of it when Iceland came under the Norwegian crown. The wages of the lawspeaker were paid out of the Treasury. 99 "Cf. Grg.. Ill, pp. 655-656; Dipt, hi, I. p. 260. 98 Cf. Grg.. Ill, pp. 640-641 (under lof). " Grg.. Ill, p. 649 (under logretlufe).

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It was one of the most remarkable features of early Icelandic law that the legislative and judicial powers were so clearly kept apart. The Quarter Courts™0

According to Ari the Learned Haensa-Thorir was sentenced to outlawry at the Althing. 101 This indicates that there must have been a court for judicial purposes there before the country was divided into Quarters. Unfortunately, as in the case of the Court of Legislature, nothing is known about the composition of this early judicial body. Nonetheless, one may surmise that in accordance with ancient Norse traditions its judges must have been especially appointed for each session of the court; this old custom of making temporary appointments persisted down to the 18th century, until which time permanent judges were unknown in Iceland. This court probably consisted of thirty-six judges, each of whom was appointed by one of the chieftains. It seems to have been an ancient Norse custom that the highest judicial institution should be composed of three dozen judges. According to Gragas four Quarter Courts were held at the Althing. They must have been established before the 'Fifth Court' (fimmtardomr), and it may be concluded that they were founded when the Quarter division was instituted or shortly afterwards, even though Ari the Learned fails to mention it. As is implied in the name Quarter Courts, each of these four institutions served its respective Quarter of the country. In keeping with their roles they were referred to as the Court of the South Quarter or the Court of the Rangaeings (Sunnlendingadomr or Rangasingadomr), the Court of the West Quarter or the Court of the Breidfirdings (Vestfirdingadomr, Breidfirdingadomr), the Court of the North Quarter (Nordlendingadomr), and the Court of the East Quarter (Austfirdingadomr). The names of the Quarters have been mentioned previously.102 Gragas does not contain an explicit statement of the number of judges assigned to each Quarter Court, and scholars have not agreed whether the law code implies the number nine or thirty-six. However, Njals Saga significantly gives the latter number, and one must assume that this saga was written early enough for its author to have been wellinformed on this point 103 The owner of each of the 'ancient and plenary' chieftaincies appointed a member to every court, and it seems likely that the order in which these assignments were made was determined by the 100

Grg., Ill, pp. 607-608 (under Jjordungsdomar). [Cf. Islenzk fornril, I, "fslendingabdk", p. 12.] [Cf. pp. 50-51.) 103 Islenzk fornril, X I I , p. 243; Pall Melsted, Nyjar athuganir vid nokkrar ritgjordir urn Althingismalid (Reykjavik, 1845), pp. 108-110; [Konrad Maurer, Die Quellenzeugnisse uber das ersle Landrecht und uber die Ordnung der Bezirksverfassung des islandischen Freistaates (Munchen, 1869), pp. 80-81, 100-101.]

101

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67 casting of lots. This method served to ensure the highest degree of impartiality on the part of the judges and made them less subject to the influence of the chieftains. The three 'new chieftains' from the North Quarter did not appoint judges to the Quarter Courts. Judges to the Quarter Courts were appointed on the first Friday of the annual meeting of the Althing after the assembly procedures had been declared. Gragas mentions a certain rock-cleft, now forgotten, where appointments of judges were made. Each chieftain was to appoint as judge a man from his own assembly district or riding, unless the members of the Court of Legislature gave him permission to do otherwise. The general qualifications for a judge were that he should be male and at least 12 years old. Even though men did not reach the age of majority until they were sixteen, this rule did not apply to judges or litigants. It was stipulated that a judge must be mentally mature and fully responsible for his 'words and oaths'; he should be a free man, and have a fixed domicile. In the event that he was not a native speaker of the 'Danish tongue' (i.e. the language the Scandinavians had in common),104 a judge should have been resident in Iceland for at least three years before he was eligible; finally, the parties to a lawsuit were naturally disqualified from court appointments. On the following day, Saturday, the courts convened at Logberg, where individual judges were to be challenged. Such challenges could be made until the hour when the sun came into line with the cliffs on the western bank of Almannagja and the lawspeaker's stand at Logberg. As we have already seen, the lawspeaker announced the setting up of courts by ringing a bell, whereupon he would lead the procession of chieftains, representatives of chieftains, and their judges to a location chosen by him for the sitting of each court. This walk from Logberg, called Logbergsganga, appears to have been a formal procession.105 Apparently the courts held most of their meetings somewhere north or east of Oxara. Sometimes the defendants would use force to prevent the courts from completing their deliberations at the chosen place. It is said, for instance, that at the Althing in 999,106 when Hjalti Skeggjason was sentenced to outlawry for blasphemy, the court had to be held on the bridge of Oxara, with armed men to defend it at either end. This bridge was located only a short distance west of the present farmhouse at Thingvollur. In a similar way Thorgils Oddason was convicted in 1120 by a court which had to be convened near Byrgisbud upon an out-cropping of lava rock called Spdngin.101 The session of the courts dealing with the qualifications of the judges 104

[The Latin designation was vox danica.] Cf. hlrnzk fornrit, II, p. 274. '« [Cf. p. 130.} 107 [On Spongin see p. 43, footnote no. 21.] 105

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began each year on a Saturday and lasted through the night until the sun rose over Thingvollur on Sunday morning. Either of the litigants could disqualify any member of the court who was related to the other litigant by blood, marriage or spiritual ties. He could also dismiss a judge against whom he had an unsettled lawsuit involving manslaughter. It was the duty of the chieftains to nominate replacements for disqualified judges. The courts were to convene to hear charges on a certain day agreed upon by the members of the Court of Legislature and at the same time of day as the preceding session dealing with the disqualification of judges. On this occasion the judges were once again accompanied by the lawspeaker, the chieftains, and the litigants. Each of the parties to the suit had the right to bring with him a maximum often supporters, but as is shown by the sagas, this rule was frequently violated. As soon as six or more of the appointed members had entered a court, and if there was more than one case to be dealt with, the order of hearing would be decided by the casting of lots, whereupon both the prosecution and the defence would begin their proceedings. It is probable that all meetings of the courts were held at night (after midnight) and on succeeding nights until all the cases placed before them had been dealt with. The Quarter Courts could give verdicts in all matters as courts of first instance except in cases punishable by a fine of only three ounces of silver. As a rule, such cases were heard at district assemblies if the litigants belonged to the same assembly district. Then, all cases from district assemblies where the juries were deadlocked could be referred to the Althing, where the Quarter Courts would serve as courts of appeal. A case would be tried in the court representing the Quarter to which the defendant belonged. In the Commonwealth Period all litigation was an involved matter, and great importance was attached to correctness of procedure. Deviations from this procedure usually ended in a mistrial. However, one must bear in mind that the emphasis on procedure served the purpose of ensuring a measure of objectivity in judicial affairs. As in our present-day society, a lawsuit had to be preceded by a summons. Then a notice of the case would be served at Logberg, or at an 'assembly hill' (thingbrekka), if the case was to be dealt with at a district assembly. Occasionally a notice of a case would serve as the equivalent of a summons. A special 'jury of neighbours' (biiakvidr)108 served the important function of deciding whether there was a case to answer. The members of this jury were nominated by the prosecutor and consisted of farmers who lived closest to the place where the offence which occasioned the lawsuit had been committed, and who owned enough property to be required to I0

* [The Icel. term biiakvidr is derived from but (neighbour) and the verb kveda (to say, declare); literally it therefore means 'neighbours' utterance', cf. Foote and Wilson, The Viking Achievement, 376]; Grg., I l l , pp. 631-635 (under kvidr): [biii = farmer, cf. Kullurhistorisk leksikon, IX, art. Kvidr.]

69 pay the thing-tax. The defendant had the right to exclude from the jury any member who did not have these qualifications, and he could also disqualify on grounds of relationship by blood or marriage or by spiritual ties, that is, on the same grounds as applied in the Quarter Courts. Major lawsuits required nine members on the jury of neighbours, but less significant ones required only five. If the defendant had a lawful defence he could ask a special jury (bjargkvidr) to give an opinion on his submission. This jury consisted of five members chosen from the nine-member jury of neighbours or of the entire membership if it had only five members. In certain important lawsuits a chieftain from the defendant's assembly district would, on the request of a plaintiff, appoint what was called 'a jury of twelve' or a 'chieftain's jury' (tylftarkvidr, godakvidr) 109 in which the chieftain himself participated as the twelfth member. Witnesses stated what they had heard or seen, while the members of the jury stated whether or not, according to their own knowledge of the case, the defendant was innocent or guilty. Therefore, the statements of the jury and the witnesses served the same function. However, the latter were rarely called to give evidence in a lawsuit. 110 The decisions of a jury were reached by majority vote; in the event of a tie the side supported by the chieftain had the deciding vote. Throughout the Commonwealth Period juries were the usual means of presenting evidence in legal proceedings, but such juries were abolished when the law code of Jarnsldanl was adopted. It is noteworthy that in Old Norwegian laws juries (kvidir) are hardly mentioned. Litigants were never allowed to offer sworn statements in evidence. When both the prosecution and the defence had completed the presentation of their cases one of the judges was to recapitulate the argument of the prosecution and another that of the defense, whereupon the sentence would be passed. The laws provided for specific penalties for every type of offence, and the court would only give a verdict of 'guilty as charged' or 'not guilty'. If the judges did not agree on a verdict, they were required to 'dismiss' (vefengja) the case, provided that the dissenting minority consisted of a minimum of six judges. Otherwise a verdict would be regarded as unanimous. In cases of dismissal or deadlock one faction of the jury would deliver a verdict of acquittal, while the other would give a verdict of guilty. The Quarter Courts were not competent 'to deal with such 'dismissal cases' (vefangsmal), and therefore the litigants had to refer them to the Fifth Court. 112 It is not possible to determine what procedures were followed in the Quarter Courts before the Fifth Court was instituted. They were ' [Cf. p. 6£, footnote no. 108.] C f . Grg.. I l l , pp. 696-698 (under vztti). " [A code of laws accepted by the Icelanders in 1271-73.] 12 Cf. Grg., I l l , pp. 691-693 (under vefan/>). D

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probably similar to those described above, even though they would inevitably fail to produce a decision. Old Norwegian law also permits two opposite judgements or verdicts, and it also implies that even in the Legislature, which served as the highest court in Norway, all judgements must be unanimous in order to be valid."3 It may be inferred from this that certain cases could not be resolved in the Norwegian judicial assemblies, which makes it probable that the same situation prevailed in Iceland before the introduction of the Fifth Court. It has been suggested that in this early period duels must have been used to resolve difficult court cases;114 duels evidently were abolished by law about the time when the Fifth Court was instituted. However, this thesis has been challenged115 as it has no support in Old Icelandic historical literature. Moreover, it appears that duels were fought to resolve all kinds of disputes irrespective of circumstances. Skapti the Lawspeaker and the Fifth Courtn6 Skapti, the son of Chieftain Thoroddr from Hjalli in the Olfus district, was lawspeaker for twenty-seven summers (1004-1030), longer than any other man. He inherited his father's chieftaincy, and some of Iceland's most influential men were related to him by marriage. His sister, Thordis, was the wife of Gizurr the White, and his son, Thorsteinn Holmunnr, 117 married Jodis, the daughter of Gudmundr the Powerful of Modruvellir. His reputation as a legislator earned him the nickname Law-Skapti (Log-Skapti). In fact, his contributions seem to have marked the beginning of a new epoch in the history of the Icelandic nation. However, his career as an administrator coincided with the rising influence of Christianity in Iceland to the extent that one finds it impossible to distinguish between the two. In his Islendingabok Ari has this to say about Skapti: He established the law of the Fifth Court, and also brought about a law forbidding a slayer to announce a killing committed by anyone but himself; until then there had been the same law here on that point as in Norway. In his day many chieftains and powerful men were fined or exiled for manslaughter or assaults by the exercise of his authority and the forceful discharge of his office.

Some scholars have made the mistake of assuming that the phrase ad setja log ('to set laws', translated above as 'bring about a law') had the same meaning in Islendingabok and in some other Old Icelandic sources " J Cf. Absalon Taranger, (Norsk) Historisk Tidsskrift (1924), pp. 32-35. K. Maurer, Upphaf allsherjarrikis a Islandi Reykjavik, 1882, pp. 176-185. 115 V. Finsen, Om den oprindelige Ordning aj nogle aj den islandske Fristats Inslilulioner (K0benhavn, 1888), pp. I 16131. "*Cf. Grg., Ill, p. 605 (under Jimlardomr). 117 [holmunnr, 'hollow mouth'.] 114

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as it does in Modern Icelandic. If this were the case Ari's use of the phrase would be misleading as the legislative power did not rest with any one individual, but with the Court of Legislature at the Althing (Logretta). In Old Icelandic the expression ad setja log had a meaning similar to the Modern Icelandic ad semja log (i.e. to compose articles of law) and ad eiga frumkvaedi ad logum (i.e. to suggest the introduction of a certain law). 118 Ari obviously considered the law on declarations of homicides quite important; his interest in this item of legislation is perfectly understandable, since the earlier legal custom represented a very primitive kind of justice. It appears that chieftains and other important people who had committeed manslaughter would announce that some inferior man had committed the deed in order that they themselves would escape being outlawed and ostracized. Our sources do not contain information about specific individuals of power and influence who received sentences of outlawry as a result of Skapti Thoroddsson's authority and the new law on the declarations of homicides. The omission of such accounts in the Sagas of Icelanders, many of which are set during Skapti Thoroddsson's term of office, is one of the features which have weakened our faith in the historicity of the saga literature. Ari the Learned's statement implies that both the Act prescribing the establishment of a Fifth Court, and the law on the declaration of homicides, were introduced when Skapti was lawspeaker. Bearing in mind that the account found in Njals Saga of the establishment of the Fifth Court and the motivation behind it is open to question, one cannot hope here to achieve greater precision in dating these two important events. The judges of the Fifth Court were to be appointed at the same time as their colleagues in the Quarter Courts; the authorized spokesmen for the thirty-six chieftains representing 'the ancient chieftaincies', were to appoint one judge each, three dozen judges in all, but those in charge of the so-called 'new chieftaincies' were to nominate the fourth dozen in order that each Quarter might be represented by a dozen judges. Thus, the Fifth Court consisted of forty-eight appointed* or nominated judges; but, as in both the Quarter Courts and the courts convened at district assemblies, only a group of thirty-six judges in the Fifth Court were permitted to render judgements or pass sentences. This reduction in the membership of the Fifth Court was brought about by allowing both the plaintiff and the defendant each to have six judges excluded from it. If the defendant did not do so, the plaintiff would have to challenge twelve members of the court, otherwise the trial would be invalid. Gragas does not account for the origin of the 'new chieftaincies' or state their number, but it implies that there must have been twelve of "«Cf. Landn. (1900), p. 95.

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these chieftaincies, i.e. three for each Quarter. Scholars have advanced hypotheses concerning the origin of the new chieftaincies, of which Bardi Gudmundsson's suggestion seems to be the most plausible.119 As has been mentioned earlier, three chieftaincies, all in the North Quarter, were added when the Quarter division was introduced. These must then have come to be identified as 'new chieftaincies', because later on the original chieftaincies, i.e. those that existed before the time of the Quarter division, came to be referred to as 'ancient chieftaincies' (forn godord). The chieftains representing the new chieftaincies did not have the authority to appoint judges at the Althing, even though they, like all the other chieftains, were assigned seats on the middle platform of the Court of Legislature. At this time three additional members from each of the three remaining Quarters were assigned seats on the middle platform of the Court of Legislature, in order to ensure equal representation from all the Quarters. Bardi Gudmundsson has suggested that eventually these nine additional members also came to be known as 'new chieftains', even though they did not have any liegemen. In Gragas these new members are in fact listed with chieftains. Before long the new chieftains from the North Quarter appear to have become dissatisfied with not being able to appoint members to the courts in the same way as the majority of their colleagues. Their position was improved somewhat when they were granted the right to appoint judges to the Fifth Court. However, in order to prevent disparity in power between the North Quarter and the other Quarters, it was deemed necessary also to grant the nine new chieftains from outside the North Quarter the right to appoint judges for the Fifth Court. This view of the constitutional changes discussed above is preferable to the speculation of some scholars that the 'new chieftains' were a group of rebels dissatisfied with the prevailing system of government. The difficulty remains, however, of bringing the above theory into harmony with the section of the law code which stipulates that every chieftain should nominate his own liegeman to the Fifth Court. It appears that the supplementary members did not have any liegemen at all. It is equally difficult to explain the section of the law which grants the right to each member of the middle platform to select his two counsellors from among his liegemen or from men of his own district (thridjungsmenn). This statement includes the twelve supplementary members (new chieftains). It is conceivable, however, that in the above instances the 'new chieftains' were allowed to accept counsellors that other chieftains appointed for them, unless the new chieftains themselves owned shares in some established chieftaincies. Sessions of the Fifth Court were held in the Court of Legislature, "'Skirnir. Ill (1937). pp. 56-83.

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and it may be suspected that this meeting place points to an earlier period when it was still a part of the legislative courts serving as the highest court of the land in much the same way as in Norway. Early references mentioning a 'judgement circle' allude either to the platforms of the Court of Legislature, or to the seating arrangement of judges. 120 Gragas implies that the namQfimmtarddmr denotes 'the fifth court', and no better explanation of its meaning has been offered. Two kinds of cases were brought before the Fifth Court: (a) In cases of dismissal (vefangsmal) from the Quarter Courts the Fifth Court would act as a court of appeal and hand down a final judgement. Cases of dismissal came first on the agenda of the Fifth Court, and it seems logical to conclude that they were the principal reason for its founding. A case of dismissal only required a ratification of one of the two opposing judgements from the Quarter Court. (b) In some instances the Fifth Court had the two-fold function of serving as both a primary and a final court. Cases thus heard arose mainly from charges of malfeasance in the Quarter Courts: false testimony, bribery, as well as charges of unlawful sheltering of outlaws, the harbouring of debtors in bondage, and the sheltering of slaves and priests who had run away from their masters. The notice of a charge or offense given at Logberg was the equivalent of a summons to the Fifth Court, where a simple majority of votes would uphold a judgement. But in the case of a deadlocked vote (18:18), a verdict of 'guilty as charged' had to be handed down, except in cases of dismissal from the Quarter Courts, where an even vote in the Fifth Court would call for extremely involved procedures. The main rule was that the judges should decide by the casting of lots which of the opposing judgements from the Quarter Courts should prevail. But in the event that the vote in the Quarter Court was also a deadlock, the following rules obtained: (a) When both sides of the court in a dismissal case had acted within the law, the one reflecting a lesser degree of technical precision received annulment. (b) If, in arriving at .its verdict, one faction followed a correct procedure, while the other ran afoul of the prescribed rules, the judgement of the former prevailed, even though the latter might be felt to have rendered the more correct judgement during the earlier part of the trial. (c) If neither faction of the Quarter Court was found to have observed correct procedures in the preparation of the dismissal case, the Fifth Court would annul the verdict which showed greater procedural 0

Cf. Grg., I l l , p. 595 (under domhringr); Arbok hins islenzkaSornleifafelags(l$84-lS%5), leksikon. I I I , art. Domhringr.}

p. 15; [cf. also Kulturhistorisk

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flaws. Otherwise the legally more anomalous judgement would be dismissed. 121 It is noteworthy that the Icelanders adhered to the basic unit of twelve in both the Quarter Courts and the Fifth Court, even though they adopted a system of uneven numbers for the juries (kviddomar). After the founding of the Fifth Court no major changes were made in the Icelandic constitution for the remainder of the Commonwealth Period, except that the two bishops of Iceland were granted a seat on the middle platform of the Court of Legislature. However, the foundations of the secular administration gradually deteriorated as the power of the Church increased. District and Midsummer Assemblies122 It has already been suggested that the local assemblies could hardly have been fully organized until the country was divided into Quarters, and the little that is known about them before this time is derived from some fortuitous references. According to Gragas the district assemblies (varthing) always had to be held at the same place, though there is evidence of an assembly site being moved or of two assemblies being held at the same 'assembly plain' provided the chieftains agreed and the Court of Legislature granted special permission. Gragas shows that towards the end of the Commonwealth Period the system of local assemblies had broken down, and they may indeed have been held irregularly from the beginning. The sagas mention instances of individual chieftains convening special assemblies for their own liegemen. If these sources are accepted as correct, these special assemblies would have been completely unlawful. All district assemblies had to be identified by name; as a rule they were named after the places where they were held. The following sections are an account of the regular district assemblies,123 as well as of other comparable assemblies of which there are some visible traces in the form of ruins. In some instances such ruins may be the vestiges of assemblies established before the district assemblies were fully organized, or alternatively they may mark the sites of the midsummer assemblies (leidir). (a) District assemblies in the South Quarter: 1. The Rangaeings' Assembly', which Njals Saga refers to as the Thingskalathing, was held on the Rangarvellir at Thingskalar, only a short distance from the river Ytri-Ranga. Traces of the ruins of halls or booths can still be seen on the site, even though a farmhouse was built 121

Cf. Einar Arnorsson, Rettarsaga althingix. pp. 98-101: Alii nefndar er skipud var til rannsoknar a hvort Island muni eiga rettarkrofu til Greenland! (Reykjavik, 1952), pp. 69-70. '"Cf. Grg.. I l l , p. 689 (under varthing), p. 638 (under leid). 123 Cf. KSlund, Bidrag til hiswrisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af Island.

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Ruins of assembly booths by Budafoss in Thjdrsa. The places marked with X indicate heaps of stones, apparently the shapeless ruins of old buildings. (Sketch by Gudmundur Kjartansson).

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there in 1811. Njals Saga also mentions an assembly in Hvitanes which was to have served one of the new chieftaincies; however, the location of this assembly is unknown and the entire matter of its existence is open to question. On the other hand, there are remnants of ancient assembly booths (thingbudir) at Thingholt (assembly knoll) in the Land district just opposite the site of the Arnessthing. But historical records make no mention of an assembly there. 2. The Arnessthing was held on the river Thjorsa at Arnes, a site which is now an islet. The name of the assembly indicates that in earlier times the islet was a point jutting into the river. No remains of assembly booths have been detected at this site, but a short distance north of the islet, near Budafoss, 124 there are distinct vestiges of booths. It appears that the people of the Arnessthing selected this location for their assembly when the earlier site at Arnes became an island in the river. If one surmises that from its inception the assembly at Arnes represented only the Arnessthing, the assembly site on the very fringe of the assembly district was very badly chosen. It is likely that people from both the Arnessthing district and the Rangarthing or from sectors of both districts were represented at least for some time at the same assembly. Later the inhabitants of the Rangarthing appear to have moved their assembly to Thingholt, and again from there to Thingskalar, while either Arnes or Budafoss remained the meeting place for the Arnessthing assembly. In addition to the above locations, remains of assembly booths have been discovered in the area of Laugatorfa, between Helludalur and Nedridalur in Biskupstungur. 125 These may be vestiges of buildings once connected with a midsummer assembly. It has been noted that according to the Icelandic Annals, a meeting of the Court of Legislature was held at Haukadalur in 1178. This would appear to have been a special meeting designed to deal with matters of some urgency, but this information is not sufficient to explain the origin of the fairly extensive ruins at Laugatorfa. 3. As previously mentioned, the Kjalarnessthing, which in due course became a regular district assembly, was older than the Althing itself. Kjalnesinga Saga maintains that it was held "south by the seashore on Kjalarnes" and that remains of the assembly booths could still be seen at the time when the saga was written; these ruins can no longer be detected. Only a short distance to the west of the river Mogilsa and beside the sea there is a place called Leidvollur. 126 Perhaps this was the site of the Kjalarnessthing since, in most instances, midsummer assemblies were held at the same locations as the district assemblies. Thingnes, which is a 124

[lit. 'the waterfall by the booths'.] '-"• 4rbok hins islenzka Jornleijafelags (1908), p. 38. 126 ['midsummer assembly plain'.]

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point extending from the south into the lake Ellidavatn, must once have been the site of a regular gathering, for signs of ancient ruins of booths can still be detected there; it is difficult to decide whether this was a meeting place for m i d s u m m e r assemblies, or whether the Kjalarnessthing was held there for some period of time. (b) District Assemblies in the West Quarter. 1. As has been said earlier, Thingnes on the southern bank of the river Hvita had become the site of an assembly before the country was divided into Quarters. This location of the assembly strongly supports the contention that the district assemblies had not been arranged systematically before the Quarter division (see also the preceding account of the location of the Arnessthing). When the Quarter division was instituted, the site at Thingnes fell within the boundaries of the South Quarter and, as a result of this, a new site was selected for the assembly further inland on the river Gljufura near the farm of Grisartunga. Besides remains of ancient booths that have been found there, the name Thingholl (assembly hill) is significant evidence. Both Egils Saga and Gunnlaugs Saga refer to an assembly in this area, suggesting that it was held 'by Mount ValfelP (undir Valfelli). 127 Later this assembly was moved to Stafholtsey near the confluence of the rivers Thvera and Hvita, whereupon it came to be referred to as the Thverarthing, and that is where the assembly was held until the end of the Commonwealth Period. Stafholtsey seems to have become the site of the Thverarthing about the middle of the 12th century.128 Some time later, probably in the 13th century, two of the chieftaincies within the jurisdiction of the Kjalarnessthing were transferred to the Thverarthing. Perhaps this transfer was made after Snorri Sturluson obtained possession of the Reykhyltings' chieftaincy and half the Lundarmanna chieftaincy, but both these chieftaincies had become a part of the Kjalarnessthing when the arrangement of district assemblies was permanently fixed. Snorri probably regarded this transfer as a sensible move, since he would otherwise have remained the owner of chieftaincies on both sides of the Quarter boundary at Hvita. After this transfer had been effected, the hallowing of the Thverarthing assembly became the permanent duty of the representative of the Reykhyltings' chieftaincy. This expansion of the Thverarthing explains why the district between the two rivers Hvita and Botnsa in Hvalfjordur came to be identified as "the Thverarthing south of Hvita", while the original area of this assembly was known as "the Thverarthing north or west of Hvita". Failure to understand these designations has led some scholars to conclude that Botnsa in Hvalfjordur constituted the boundary between the South and the West '" Skirnir. 91 (1917), pp. 319-321, 416-419. 128 Dipt. hi.. I, p. 180.

78 Quarters. Nevertheless, our historical sources clearly indicate that it was Hvita, not Botnsa, which formed this boundary line. 129 It is conceivable that after the expansion of the Thverarthing the Kjalarnessthing was moved to a site beside the lake Ellidavatn. 2. Earlier in the present work 130 the Thorsnessthing was referred to as the assembly of Thorolfr Mosterbeard. This assembly was originally held near the farm Jonsnes in the Thorsnessthing district. 131 Soon, however, another meeting place was selected for it. According to Eyrbyggja Saga it was "further inland on the ness (i.e. further inland on Thorsnes) where it is still held" (i.e. at the time of the writing of the saga).132 Remains of assembly booths can still be seen on the site, even though the farmhouses of Thingvellir 133 were built there after the close of the Commonwealth Period. Eyrbyggja Saga also uses the name Thingskalanes 134 for a location now called Sauranes, but the historical reasons for the former name are not known. Eyrbyggja Saga maintains that shortly after the year 1000 the men of Raudamelur withdrew their chieftaincy from the Thorsnessthing and founded a new assembly in Straumfjordur which was to function for a long time to come. It is quite obvious that the founding of the Straumfjardarthing had no legal basis, but comparable deviations from the established pattern may have occurred in other parts of the country. 3. The Thorskafjardarthing assembly was held at the head of Thorskafjordur where there are still ruins of old booths. Historical records show that this assembly was functioning both late in the 10th century and in the year 1241. Our sources also mention two other assemblies in the area of Vestfirdir, both of which were in Dyrafjordur. One of these was called the Hvalseyrarthing or the Valseyrarthing, as it had alternate meeting places at Hvalseyri and Valseyri. Both these locations were on the northern side of Dyrafjordur, only a short distance from its head.135 The other was called the Thingeyrarthing or the Dyrafjardarthing with a meeting place at Thingeyri on the south side of Dyrafjordur. These assemblies probably served only a part of the Vestfirdir area. (c) District Assemblies in the North Quarter: 1. The Hiinavatnsthing was held at Thingeyrar by the lake Hunavatn. No ruins from that time have been found, and historical writings make no mention of the assembly after the monastery was founded there in 1133. 2. The Hegranessthing had its meetings on a site near the farm Gardur 129

[Cf. p. 51, footnote no. 50.] [Cf. p. 35.] Olafur Larusson, Byggd og saga, pp. 199-229. 132 hlenzk fornrit. IV, p. 18; Landn. (1900), p. 153. '•" [a farm in the area.] 134 ['assembly halls' ness'.] 135 "Gisla saga Siirssonar", hlenzk fornrit., VI, p. 18. 130

131

Assemblies and Quarter Boundaries.

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in Hegranes in Skagafjordur. The ruins of assembly booths can still be made out on the site. 3. The Vodlathing or Vadlathing was held near the farm Litla-Eyrarland in Eyjafj5rdur, and there are still traces of assembly booths on this site. Historical writings have it that the chieftain Gudmundr Dyri at Bakki in Oxnadalur had the Vodlathing abolished about the year 1190. "Then it was no longer to be called an assembly for prosecution, as it seemed to him that the Vodlathing had become a forum for major disputes, as was the case with general assemblies".136 Nothing is said about meetings of the Vodlathing after the year 1190, even though the wording of the source just quoted does not preclude that 'an assembly on standard prices and payments of debts'137 continued to be held at the site near LitlaEyrarland for quite some time after the abolition of the 'prosecution assembly' 138 there. This division of district assemblies based on their twofold function is discussed further at a later point. 4. The Thingeyjarthing which Reykdaela Saga refers to by its more ancient name of Eyjarthing was held at Thingey in the river Skjalfandafljot. Not far from the farm Fjosatunga in Fnjoskadalur there are also quite extensive remains of booths and place names indicating that assemblies were held there. (d) District Assemblies in the East Quarter: 1. Even though no ruins can be found at its location, the Miilathing was held at Thingmuli in Skridudalur. Perhaps the manse at Thingmuli was built on the ruins, obliterating all the visible signs of the assembly. The earliest reference to it is to be found in Droplaugarsona Saga. For a long time Thingmuli served as a joint meeting place for the two northernmost assembly districts in the East Quarter, which no doubt meant that two different assemblies were held on the same 'assembly plain' (thingvollur). The original location of these two district assemblies before they were moved to Thingmuli is not known, but in this part of Iceland local assemblies are known to have been held at different places. Our sources indicate, for example, that because of disputes the Sunnudalsthing, with its meeting place somewhere in Sunnudalur in Vopnafjordur, had to be terminated in 987; however, there are no visible signs indicating the exact location of this assembly which may in fact have represented a single chieftaincy. Droplaugarsona Saga also makes mention of the Krakalaekjarthing which was held on the west bank of the river Lagarfljot near Krakalaekur, where there are still easily detectable ruins of old assembly booths. The same saga further refers to the Lambanessthing which must have been held in Vatnsskogur in the assembly district of ""St., I, p. 170. [skuldathing.] [soknarthing.]

137 138

81 Hjaltastadir. 139 Extensive ruins can still be detected in this area.140 Finally, there are substantial ruins of assembly booths at Freysnes on the western bank of Lagarfljot across from Egilsstadir; doubtless an assembly was held there, even though historical sources make no mention of one. 141 2. The Skaftafellsthing was held at Skaftafell in Oraefi but there are no ruins showing its location. In some instances the district assemblies were held on the sites of midsummer assemblies. The three chieftains who belonged to the same local assembly were called samthingsgodar (chieftains of the same assembly); it was the duty of one of these to hallow the assembly. District assemblies met in two separate sessions: soknarthing and skuldathing.142 The soknarthing met first; it dealt with judicial matters and issued various promulgations. The court comprised thirty-six men, each of the three chieftains naming twelve. These men sat in a circle. Announcements were made from the thingbrekka (assembly hill) which corresponded to Logberg at the Althing in that it was at the very centre of the assembly. The district assemblies had no legislative power, but they were competent to make various decisions affecting the assembly district they represented, as long as they acted within the law. The skuldathing was held after the soknarthing and usually at the same place, though in some cases they appear to have been held at separate locations as is borne out by the place name Skuldathingsey (lit. debt-moot island) in the river Skjalfandafljot. At these assemblies debts were paid; also it seems to have been customary to hold markets there as one would expect, since the prevailing currency consisted mostly of marketable goods. Against this background one is able to explain a reference to the trading of grain at the Thorsnessthing, 143 and the place name Kaupangur (lit. market place) near the site of the Vodlathing. Business meetings of this kind were held to fix standard prices for the entire assembly district; these prices were to apply also to whatever trading might take place while the assembly was in session. Such price levels varied not only from one assembly district to the next, but also differed from the standard levels decided by the Althing. Prices of goods were calculated on the basis of thinglagsaurar (standardized ounces)144 which differed from the logaurar (law ounces) — six ells of homespun cloth equalling one ounce. Only one ancient price list from about 1200145 has been preserved. This document bears the title 'On the Fixing of Prices in 1)9

[Hjaltastadathingha.] 0Arbdk him islenzka fornleifafelags (1924), pp. 34-41. 141 Arbok hins islenzka fornleifafelags (1896), pp. 26-27. 142 ['prosecution assembly' and 'assembly for the payment of debts'.] 143 St.. I, p. 27. 144 Cf. Grg.. I l l , p. 705 (under thinglag). I4J Grg.. Ib, pp. 246-248: Dipt. /.?/.. I, pp. 315-317.

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the Arnessthing'. It appears likely that the so-called Bualog originated at business assemblies of the above description.146 The duration of the district assemblies varied from four to seven days, and they were not to be convened until the beginning of the fifth week of summer (i.e. on May 7 at the earliest). A prosecution assembly (soknarthing) had to be concluded not later than six weeks after the beginning of summer (i.e. on May 27 at the latest). No rules have been preserved which would indicate when the meeting for the payment of debts and other business transactions (skuldathing) was to be prorogued. The district assemblies ceased to function as regular assemblies when Iceland came under foreign rule. The District Courts, the Quarter Courts and the Fifth Court constituted the three levels of the public judicial system in Iceland from the time of the establishment of the Fifth Court; however, the internal structure of this system and the way in which the higher courts complemented lower judicial assemblies differed markedly from present-day jurisdiction. In addition to the public judiciary, private courts or juries are known to have existed in Iceland. Leidir or leidmot, (midsummer assemblies) or haustthing (fall assemblies) as they were sometimes called, were among the so-called skapthing (regular assemblies). Chieftains sharing the same district assembly also had to share the same midsummer assembly, and the two were to be held at the same place. But since it was in the power of the Court of Legislature to grant exemptions from both these rules, it became quite customary to hold midsummer assemblies at locations different from those of the district assemblies. By the same token, individual chieftains are known to have held their own private midsummer assemblies in order to free their liegemen from journeys to distant points. The existence of special and even private locations for midsummer assemblies is borne out by a number of names, such as the Hvammsleid (Hvamm Assembly) called after Hvammur in Nordurardalur, the Ljosvetningaleid (Ljosvetnings' Assembly), the Reykdaelaleid (Reykdaelings' Assembly) and the Thverarleid (Thverar Assembly) in Eyjafjordur, the exact location of which is not known. The same kind of testimony may be adduced from place names apparently dating from the Commonwealth Period. Thus we have Leidvollur (midsummer assembly plain) in the Leirar district, Leidarholmur (midsummer assembly isle) in Middalir, Leidarnes (midsummer assembly point) in Fnjoskadalur, where the Ljosvetnings' Assembly was held, Leidarholl (midsummer assembly hill) in Reykjadalur, the site of the Reykd^lings' Assembly, and another Leidvollur (cf. above) in the Medalland area. At some of M

Bualog (Reykjavik, 1916-1933) (publication not completed), [biialog: a list of prices of goods for sale among the farmers.]

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these places there are extensive ruins of assembly booths. On the other hand, as stated above, it was quite customary to hold the midsummer assemblies at the sites of the district assemblies. Midsummer assemblies served as connecting links between the Althing and those who did not attend its annual sessions. They were convened on a Sunday some time between the 15th and the 19th week of summer and were to last for not less than one day and not more than two nights. Here the chieftain who hallowed the assembly was to proclaim new laws and announce vital items of the calendar, unless he and his fellow chieftains had made some other arrangement. Many other matters were dealt with at midsummer assemblies, but these gatherings never served in either a judicial or legislative capacity. Nothing is known about a possible model that might have given rise to them, but the term leid (lit. a journey) implies a meeting held during the homeward journey of those who had attended the Althing. Perhaps these assemblies were introduced in compliance with Ulfljot's Law. 147 They continued to be held at irregular intervals until the 17th century; there are even instances of midsummer assemblies having been held as late as the first half of the 18th century. 'Hreppar' and Guilds One of the most remarkable sections of the Old Icelandic law code provided for the division of the entire country into communal units or municipalities called hreppar}** Unless the Court of Legislature permitted a smaller number, each of these units had to have a minimum of twenty residents, each of them owning sufficient property to be required to pay the thing-tax. 149 The hreppar had geographic boundaries and, as far as can be determined, they were completely independent of the authority of chieftains. Figures showing the total number of hreppar in Iceland during the Commonwealth Period are not available, but in 1703 they amounted to 162, and there are several reasons to believe that from the Middle Ages to the present time this number has remained quite constant. The essential function of a hreppr was to provide relief for the poor as well as to prevent people from reaching the stage of such poverty. This had to be done in accordance with certain rules laid down by the law. Care of the poor was primarily the responsibility of relatives, sometimes to the degree of fourth cousins. In some instances, however, the responsibility of providing maintenance lay beyond the circle of kinship 150 ; also, 141

148

[Cf. p. 38.]

[sing, hreppr. plur. hreppar.] [Cf. p. 61.] 150 Grg., Ill, pp. 611-612 (under framfcersta). 149

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in order to obtain subsistence, some people had to sacrifice their personal freedom. 151 In the event that no individual could be held legally responsible for the care of a pauper, and if the pauper was unable to obtain help by submitting to bondage, the necessary relief had to come from the people of his hreppr or those of his assembly district, his Quarter, or even the entire country. In this regard, however, the hreppr would be the most likely source of help. An indigent could claim relief from a hreppr district if he had no relatives closer than second cousins living there. Every farmer of the district prosperous enough to have to pay the thing-tax was to provide care in direct proportion to the amount of his property. Thus, the person receiving help may well have had to move from one home to another in order to obtain manneldi (maintenance). After the conversion of the country to Christianity, the hreppr gradually built up various sources of revenue which could be used to support thurfamenn (the needy), but the needy apparently included all those who did not qualify as payers of the thing-tax. This category then included heads of households in the district who could not provide for their families unaided. The thurfamannatiund (tithe for the needy) served as a source of revenue here. It was legislated with other kinds of tithes in 1097. Also, this community fund included donations of food supplies, along with some minor payments from violators of the Sabbath. The extent of food donations was decided by a law which made it incumbent on every farmer to give needy persons in his hreppr three nattverdi (evening meals) for every member of his household who was required to observe Lent. 152 It was considered reasonable that needy persons should receive some of the food supplies which farmers would accumulate because of the prolonged periods of fasting by their households. Various precautionary measures were designed to protect the sources of revenue in each hreppr against unwarranted claims for support. Any farmer or crofter (biidsetumadr) 153 who wished to move from one hreppr to another, would have to obtain special permission from members of his new community. This permission had to be granted unless the applicant was known to be irresponsible or on the verge of destitution. Every man who was not the head of a household was to acquire domicile in the home of one of the farmers in the community. Prospective members of a hreppr would change their abode during the so-called fardagar (Removal Days), i.e. the first four days in the seventh week of summer.154 Those who accepted alms and who begged from door to door for more than a fortnight were designated as vagabonds. If such men were 151

Cr.. Ill, pp. 673-675 (under skuld). Grg., I l l , p. 651 (under matgjafir). '" [Cf. pp. 348-349.] '" [Cf. p. 355.] 152

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found to be in unimpaired health, their conduct was a serious enough offence to warrant depriving them of all their civil rights. The residents of a hreppr maintained a rather remarkable system of insurance: they were held jointly responsible for compensating individuals in their community for two kinds of loss or damage. In the first place, a farmer was entitled to compensation if he lost one-fourth of his herd of cattle from murrain. In the same way insurance would be paid to a man whose skali (hall), eldhus (kitchen), or bur (larder) had been destroyed by fire. He would also receive compensation for the loss of a church or a chapel (baenhiis) if either of these was a part of his property. Various articles in either farmhouses or houses of worship were also insured. If a certain man owned both a kitchen and a hall, he had to decide which of these should be covered by the insurance which he himself and other members of his district provided. If there was enough money in the insurance fund, the compensation for each building could amount to half its estimated value. But no farmer was ever to contribute more than one sex alna eyrir (six-ell ounce) for every hundred (i.e. 120) six-ell ounces of estimated value, so that his contribution would not exceed Ye of one per cent of the assessed price of the property in question. The same individual could not lawfully claim insurance for more than three consecutive accidents..155 Compensation of this kind was designed to prevent those who sustained major losses from becoming paupers themselves. Its origin was therefore the same as that of relief payments to thurfamenn (the needy). Early historical sources contain no references to many of the administrative functions that in later centuries were the business of the hreppar and their administrators (hreppstjorar). There is, for instance, no mention of fox hunting, the rounding up of livestock from the common mountain pastures, the building of roads and bridges, and the operation of ferries. However, some of these tasks may already have come under the district administration in early times. Originally, pasture lands were not the property of hreppar, but were owned by one or more individuals. Later on there were instances in which pasture lands became the property of church establishments. The inhabitants of a hreppr conducted their own community affairs. They held three regular meetings at fixed times of the year. The first meeting took place during Lent (einmanadarsamkoma); 156 the second meeting was held in the spring after the annual meetings of district assemblies; the third meeting was convened in the fall, in the twenty-third week of summer at the earliest, and not later than the first Sunday of 1 1

Grg., I I , pp. 260-261. [einmanudr was the last month of winter in the Icelandic calendar, i.e. thirty days beginning with the Thursday which falls between the 9th and 15th of March.]

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winter. 157 These meetings were called samkomur. Additional meetings were held as the need arose and were announced by the dispatching of a special signal in the form of a cross. This signal had to reach every home in the hreppr and was carried along the officially recognized message route (retta bodleid). At the spring meetings the farmers of the hreppr elected their district council, apparently for the period of a year. The members of the council were called sbknarmenn (prosecutors) as it was their duty to prosecute individuals whose conduct of the affairs of the community was found to be at variance with its rules and regulations. Quite early the prosecutors' came to be referred to as hreppstjorar (district administrators). This name was to prevail for a long time. 158 Each hreppr was to have five prosecutors, 159 a number that remained unchanged for many centuries. They were to receive a portion of the fines that accrued from cases successfully prosecuted. Except for this, they were not remunerated or granted any special privileges for their term in public office. Unless the people of the hreppr (i.e. the farmers or their representatives) decided otherwise, the prosecutors were to be selected from the ranks of the freeholders. Prosecutors were charged with the responsibility of apportioning tithes and food donations and other gifts to the poor.160 At fall 161 conventions they would decide the extent to which each farmer was to provide maintenance for indigents. In some instances they managed the so-called 'Christ farms' or 'glebe lands' which people donated for their own salvation and to support the poor.162 There has been much speculation about the age and origin of these communal units or hreppar, but it has proved virtually impossible to come to'any definite conclusion. 163 During the Commonwealth Period affairs of public interest in these communities centered primarily upon the maintenance of paupers. It would therefore be logical to conclude that this need for public support gave rise to the original district division. There is reliable evidence that the hreppar were already in existence at the time of the introduction of the Tithe Law in 1097. In fact, this law charges the hreppar with the responsibility of apportioning the thurfamannatiund (tithe for the needy). This would not have been done if the hreppar had not already existed at that time as administrative units in charge of relief measures. Thus the existence of hreppar is implied in the Tithe Law, and it is safe to assume that without them the Icelanders 157

[winter began about the end of October.) In the Tithe Law these men do not have a specific designation. K. Maurer, Island (Munchen, 1874), p. 308. "" [Cf. p. 84.] 161 Cf. Grg., I l l , pp. 624-625 (under hreppr). '" Dipl. hi.. I, pp. 199, 200. 163 Skiili Thordarson, "Uppruni hreppanna", Sveitarstjornarmal, 2 (1942); cf. also Larus H. Blondal, "Skipun framfaerslu og sveitarstjornarmala a bjodveldisold", Sveitarstjornarmal, 8 (1948). 158 159

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would have followed the example of other nations in letting the Church administer the 'tithe for the needy'. Furthermore, it is stated in the Old Icelandic law code that a hreppr may be broken up into smaller units "to facilitate the distribution of food donations and the apportionment of tithes", even though there might be fewer than twenty thing-tax payers to a unit. 164 This clause implies that the hreppar must be older than the laws on food donations and tithes. It is interesting to speculate whether the division into hreppar, and their role in administering relief, originated in Christian or pagan times. A confirmation of a pre-Christian origin would indeed shed valuable light on the way of thinking among the heathen Icelanders. However, no conclusion can be reached on this matter. The noun hreppr (repp) occurs in both Norwegian and Swedish dialects, but apparently without any suggestion of an administrative role. In the Age of Settlements this noun must have been brought to Iceland where, at the time of the introduction of districts which independently managed the affairs of the poor, it somehow came to denote an administrative unit. The oldest names of Icelandic hreppar mentioned in historical records are found in Landnamabok. These are Gniipverjahreppr and Hrunamannahreppr. These two together are given the place-name Hreppar. Land (area) and Herad (district), etc.,165 may be mentioned as comparable place names. Landnamabok also mentions Hraungerdingahreppr and Kaldnesingahreppr, both of which are in the region of Floi. These names must have been derived from the meeting places of the corresponding hreppar, which were Gnupur, Hruni, Hraungerdi and Kaldadarnes. Hraungerdi was a pioneer farm from the Age of Settlements; the other three were established at a later date. Early in the history of the country, churches were built at all these places, making them important centres in their respective districts. One would perhaps be justified in concluding from this that the division into hreppar was not introduced until after the close of the Age of Settlements.166 In an appendix to Skardsarbok the winter of 975-976 is said to have been the most severe in the history of Iceland. Then people resorted to the eating of crows and foxes, and many other things unfit for human consumption were eaten. In some places elderly people and paupers were put to death or pushed over the edges of cliffs. Many people starved to death. Others became outlaws and tried to support themselves on thievery, for which they were convicted and executed. Then outlaws were killed by outlaws because on the advice of

164

165 166

Grg., Ib, p. 171. K. Maurer, op. cit., p. 321. Cf. Hans Kuhn, Arbok hins islenzka fornleifafelags

(1943-1948), pp. 74-79.

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Eyjolfr Valgerdarson, it was decided by law that any outlaw would be pardoned who killed three others of his kind. 157

This famine appears to have occurred in many countries. It is mentioned in Norway, and the Anglo Saxon annals report that in 976 a great famine fell upon the English nation. Some historians have taken the account of Skardsarbok about the slaying of paupers and elderly persons to imply human sacrifices offered in the hope of improving the prevailing conditions, 168 but even if this may have been the case, it is unlikely that any laws on maintenance were then in existence. However, sources other than Skardsarbok, in an apparent reference to this famine, point out that some people protested the intolerable killing of human beings.169 Perhaps the hreppar and the provision of relief for the poor were legislated only a short time afterwards, i.e. in the last quarter of the 10th century. The maintenance of indigents must have become a matter of serious concern by the year 1000 when the Christian faith was lawfully established. The Icelanders demanded, as a condition for the adoption of the new faith, that the exposure of infants and the eating of horseflesh continue to be sanctioned by law. When both of these practices were abolished a few years later, the economic condition of the people deteriorated and the rate of population growth increased. At this time the Church made its views known; spiritual leaders considered it essential, for the sake of eternal salvation, to offer support to the poor. Thus, most of the relief measures undertaken by the hreppar communities originated with the Church. Rules regarding community insurance or mutual assistance in case of loss or damage are rarely included in medieval law codes; on the other hand, they were quite often a part of the regulations of the medieval guilds, which in this regard must have provided the model for community insurance in the Icelandic hreppar. One Old Icelandic source seems to bear out this relationship between the hreppar and the guilds. Sturlu Saga mentions a meeting held at Hvammur in the Hvamm district in 1148. In Kroksfjardarbok, one of the two basic manuscripts of the saga, this meeting is called a hreppsfundr (meeting of a hreppr], whereas the other version of the saga (in the manuscript known as Reykjarfjardarbok)110 refers in its corresponding account to a gildisfundr (meeting of a guild). In the Middle Ages guilds were common among most of the Germanic peoples. They were religious brotherhoods designed to promote the common interests of their members, and they came into being at a time when the family as a social unit seems to have been disintegrating, and when it was not uncommon to find the government of a country in a 167 Cf. Jon Johannesson, Cerdir Landnamabokar. p. 16; Grg. la, p. 187, II, p. 399. "" Olafur Briem, Heidinn sidur a Island/, pp. 166-168. 169 Cf. "Reykdaela saga", 'hlenzk fornril, X, pp. 169-170. 110 St.. I, p. 66.

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state of impotence. The guilds differed from one another and changed with the passage of time, but regular feasts at certain dates of the year, on which occasions the guildsmen pooled their resources of food and drink, were a common feature of all of them. This tradition is supposed to have given rise to the name gildi (etymologically akin to gjalda, 'pay'), which later came to denote a banquet or a feast. The history of the guilds can be traced back to the heathen era. To give an example, 10th century poets used the word gildi as a component in compound metaphors (kennings) denoting the 'poetic mead' of Norse Mythology. In this context gildi had the meaning 'potation'. There are indeed many indications that the word gildi was originally associated with sacrificial feasts and other heathen customs. Aside from the mention of the meeting of guildsmen at Hvammur our historical records contain but two references to guilds in Iceland. One of these was the Olafr's Guild, held at Reykholar; the other account mentions a meeting of guildsmen at Thingeyrar in 1181. The Saga of Thorgils and Haflidi describes a meeting of the Olafr's Guild held in 1119, at which gathering there were many guildsmen. The opening ceremonies included toasts to the two patrons of the guild, Christ and St. Olafr, while other holy men were honoured in the same fashion. This custom is traceable to sacrificial gatherings of heathens where a toast was proposed to pagan deities. The Olafr's Guild meeting was held on St. Olafr's Day (29th of July) each summer, and according to the account of 1 1 19 it provided an occasion for "good entertainment and many kinds of games, dancing and wrestling matches, as well as recitations of stories". At the particular guild meeting mentioned in our source, three stories were told. This story-telling leads one to suspect that the guilds may have played a more important part in shaping Old Icelandic literature than can now be determined with certainty. It often proved difficult to get the grain and malt for the festive ale. This lack of provision, together with opposition from the clergy to the heathen undertones of the guilds, seems to have ended their sway in Iceland. Some functions of the guilds,

however, were taken over by the hreppar. 171 The Codification of the Secular Law

As has been explained earlier, 172 the first law code of the Icelanders, Ulfljot's Law, was modelled on the Norwegian Gulathing Law. Nevertheless, there is a marked difference between the Icelandic laws and the oldest preserved version of the Gulathing Law. Some of these differences must go back to the original codes of the two countries, but 171 Cf. O. A. Johnsen, Gildevjesenet i Norge i middelalderen, (Norsk) Historisk Tidsskrift '" [Cf. p. 38.]

(1924), pp. 73-101.

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others have arisen from the divergent trends of social evolution. The most important changes in the Icelandic law code were made after the legislation of Christianity in the year 1000. The change in religion made it necessary that various clauses relating to pagan traditions be eliminated, and new laws were introduced to satisfy the social needs of the Christian Church. Although new laws often replaced old ones, the Icelandic law code must have been expanded considerably throughout the l l t h century in order to meet the growing demands of a steadily maturing society. One can easily imagine that, having acquired the necessary literary skills, the Icelanders soon considered putting their laws down in writing. In this the Norwegians preceded the Icelanders, who no doubt were inspired to follow the Norwegian example. Although it is open to question, some scholars have suggested that the Tithe Law was written down in 1097 when it was originally introduced. Shortly afterwards, the codification of the secular law began, as is supported by the following account from Islendingabok'. The first summer in which Bergthorr recited the laws, the innovation was made that our laws should be written in a book at Haflidi Masson's the following winter according to his dictation and counsel, and that of Bergthorr and of other wise men who were chosen for the task. They were to make new provisions in the law wherever they considered that such would make better laws than the old ones. The laws were to be recited the next summer in the Logretta (the Court of Legislature), and all those were to be enacted which the majority of the people then did not oppose. And so it came about that the Manslaughter Section and many other portions of the law were written down and read aloud by clerics in the Logretta the following summer. And all were well pleased with it, and no one spoke against it.

This passage contains all the information there is to be had about this important event. Bergthorr Hrafnsson was lawspeaker from 1117 to 1122, and Haflidi Masson (d.1130) farmed at Breidabolstadur in Vesturhop. The latter was the son-in-law of Teitr Isleifsson of Haukadalur, Ari the Learned's foster father. Haflidi is said to have been "both prescient and benevolent as well as an outstanding leader". 173 One would therefore consider it very likely that it was on Haflidi's initiative that the law code was written down. It is, for example, noteworthy that Gragas refers to the document in question as the scroll "which Haflidi caused to be made". 174 The codification of the laws must have meant their revision at the same time, as it must have been obvious to people that it was no short-term measure to commit the laws to vellum. No doubt the task of writing the laws was carried out by men of clerical '"S/.. I, p. 12. "4 Grg., la, p. 213.

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background to the dictation of knowledgeable lawmen, and Ari himself may have been one of these clerics, even though he does not mention himself. Lawspeaker Bergthorr in all probability could neither read nor write, which would explain why he did not read out the newly recorded laws in the Court of Legislature. The new laws were probably read out in this body, since it was necessary to obtain its formal consent. This was a special procedure which differed from the normal proclamation of laws at Logberg. The scroll made under the supervision of Haflidi has long been lost. In later times, it has occasionally been called the Haflidaskra (Haflidi's Scroll). The Vlgslodi (Manslaughter Section) must have appeared at the beginning of it. As a result, it was singled out for mention by Ari. On the other hand, nothing is known about the remaining parts of the scroll, or what is implied in Ari's reference to "many other points of the law". Haflidi's Scroll was undoubtedly legislated without delay. There are no accounts of any further attempts to revise and record the secular laws for subsequent approval by the Court of Legislature, but Kristinna laga thattr (Church Law Section), was composed and recorded some time between 1122 and 1132. Soon after the first laws had been written down, individual people could get copies of Haflidi's Scroll, the Church Law, and such other articles of law as lawmen had written down for their own convenience. As they produced their copies, the scribes would at various points purposely leave out articles which had been declared invalid and insert new ordinances. Some would change the wording of the laws and even the order of contents. Because of this, a number of law scrolls differing in content came into being and created a problem which had to be solved. It would have been logical to charge the lawspeaker with the responsibility of having all changes in the law code properly recorded under the supervision of the Court of Legislature in order to eliminate any reason for doubt. However, this course was apparently not followed. Instead, complicated rules were introduced in the latter half of the 12th century to determine the relative value of law scrolls. The rules were as follows: It is still to be the case that those laws that have been entered upon scrolls shall have validity in our land. In the event of discrepancies between individual scrolls, the ones owned by the bishops shall be given preference. Now if their scrolls do not agree, then preference shall be given to the one which contains the more extensive paragraphs regarding the case under dispute. But if the relevant passages in the two are found to be of equal length, but nonetheless different in content, the scroll of the episcopal See of Skalaholt shall prevail. Everything contained in the scroll which Haflidi caused to be made shall prevail, unless

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the law has been changed from the original. Of scrolls made under the supervision of other lawmen those sections shall be valid that do not run counter to Haflidi's Scroll, but everything in such scrolls which is fuller or more lucidly stated than in Haflidi's Scroll shall be taken as valid law.

In the event that the collation of the law scrolls did not solve the problem at hand, the Court of Legislature would be asked to settle the matter. 175 The methods of determining the validity of individual law scrolls imply that there were other lawmen besides Haflidi who dictated laws for codification, although their scrolls had less value than his. It seems, therefore, that these additional scrolls were not approved by the Court of Legislature, but served mostly as mnemonic aids, even though, all other sources failing, they could be used to substantiate certain points. There are law scrolls still extant in complete or fragmentary form which date back to the Commonwealth Period. The laws recorded therein are collectively referred to as Gragas (Grey Goose), a name of uncertain origin. The earliest uses of this name date back to the year 1548,176 and it may originally have been used for one of the manuscripts of the Commonwealth laws. Also, there is a possibility that this name was originally transferred by mistake from a manuscript of the Norwegian Frostathing Law to the Icelandic code. This Norwegian manuscript, in existence about 1190, was called Gragas. The most important of the extant manuscripts of the Old Icelandic laws (Gragas) are two vellum codices: Konungsbok (Codex Regius), in the Royal Library in Copenhagen (1157 fol.), 177 and Stadarholsbok (The Book of Stadarholl), in the Arnamagnean Collection in Copenhagen (AM 334, fol.).178 Scholars have disagreed about the dates of these manuscripts, but they seem to have been written some time during the period 1250 to 1270.179 Both books are divided into sections and chapters, but otherwise they differ both in wording and in content. In Stadarholsbok the following sections are missing: thingskapathattr (procedures of assemblies), baugatal (section on the law determining wergild), Ibgsdgumannsthattr (section on the lawspeaker), logrettuthattr (section on the Court of Legislature), and rannsoknarthattr (a section on searches and enquiries). On the other hand, most of the sections contained in both these lawbooks are fuller in Stadarholsbok than in Konungsbok. Two fragments of manuscripts of an earlier date than Konungsbok and Stadarholsbok have been preserved. These are AM 175

Gr#., la, p. 213. Pall Eggert 6lason, Menn og mennlir. IV, p. 236; Grg.. Ill, p. 411. [number and abbreviation denote entries in the catalogues of the Royal Library of Copenhagen.] 171 [an entry in a catalogue of manuscripts in the Arnamagnean Institute in Copenhagen.] '" [According to the most recent research, the code of Church Law in Codex Regius was recorded at the beginning of the 14th century; cf. also Kulturhistorisk leksikon. V, art. Gragas.] 176

177

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315, fol. D, containing the beginning of the landbrigdabalkr (section on the escheatage of land), most likely written in the latter part of the 12th century, and AM 315, fol. C, in all probability from the period 12001230. The latter contains a small part of a 'section on searches and enquiries'. The law manuscripts were private law books. The main portion of them consisted of laws passed by the Althing, and the chief emphasis was upon content rather than upon the wording of individual passages or the arrangement of the contents. In addition to purely legal matter, they contain various items of interest unrelated to law, even including accounts from abroad. For some reason the scribes wished to retain this extraneous information, and other law codes, now lost, also seem to have included such items. This inclusion of non-legal matter has brought about dissension among scholars regarding the precise nature of the law codes, and this makes it difficult to determine the source of Gragas. The manuscripts are not entirely reliable, for even when their date is known we cannot be sure that certain clauses were not included which had been abolished before the codification of the laws. However, there cannot have been many instances of this. Further, one may even assume that a few of the laws in the ancient scrolls had already lost their currency when the recording of Icelandic laws was first begun. Some of the articles in Gragas were undoubtedly derived from Ulfljot's Law, even though it would be difficult to single out specific instances except by comparing in detail Icelandic and Norwegian law codes. However, a comparative method of this kind would have to be applied with scholarly caution. The differences between the various law scrolls must have caused tremendous confusion among the people about the law of the land. No one could determine what the precise law should be in any given situation. Earlier it was pointed out that the Court of Legislature was empowered to settle disputes over the validity of certain laws. Such appeals caused delays and inconvenience. As the 13th century wore on, the Icelandic law code was badly in need of revision. However, the Old Icelandic Commonwealth did not last long enough to accomplish this task. 180

°Cf. Olafur Larusson. "Gragas", Tidsskrift for rettsvitenskap (1953), pp. 465-479.

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VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS Icelandic Ocean-Going Vessels and the Icelandic Language Icelandic literature represents the highest achievement of the Norsespeaking peoples during the Middle Ages. Voyages to Iceland, and later to Greenland and North America, may be counted as their second greatest achievement. Other European nations showed little interest in navigating the northern seas until the 15th century. In early times the Norse ships used for North Atlantic seafaring were of the merchantman type called knerrir,* but these were later replaced by another kind of cargo ship called buza.2 The merchantmen carried the Norse settlers to Iceland, Greenland, and the North American continent. They were also used on trade routes to Greenland from the beginning of settlement there until the 14th century. The knerrir seem to have been more suitable for long and arduous voyages over the wastes of the open sea than most other types of ocean-going vessels. Perhaps they were found to be more manageable on treacherous routes through the polar ice. In the earlier periods of their history the knerrir were often used as battleships; however, one must not confuse them with the longships (langskip). The knorr was high at stem and stern, with the prow bending inward, and so had the shape of a bird's breast. Before and well into the Age of Settlements it was customary to adorn the top of the stem of a merchantman with the wooden image of a beast's head. In Ulfljot's Law it was stated that "no ships adorned with wooden images of heads should be used on the open seas; however, if this rule was not followed, the image was at least to be removed before the ship made landfall so that it would not sail up to the shore with gaping head and beak and thus frighten the guardian spirits of the country". 3 The enemies of King Haraldr Finehair used knerrir "with towering heads" in their final battle with Haraldr at Havsfjord. The buzur were a Mediterranean type of vessel which did not reach Scandinavia until the llth century. In the beginning they seem to have been longships of a particular shape, but in the late 12th century they had come to be used as cargo ships, gradually replacing the knerrir on all but 1 1 1

[sing, knorr, plur, knerrir.} [sing, buza, plur. buzur.] Landn. (1900), pp. 95-96.

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the Greenland route. The earliest mention of a cargo ship is found in Sverris Saga, which in 1184 refers to the so-called Valla-buzan, a cargo ship used on the route between Norway and Iceland. It is not known what difference there was between knerrir and buzur except that both the stem and the stern on each type seem to have had a distinctive shape. Perhaps the latter were capable of taking on a larger cargo. At any rate, they represented an intermediary stage in the development from the knbrr to the kuggr (cog vessel), which was to become the most common type of ship on northern trade routes during the ascendancy of German power in Scandinavia. 4 Both the knerrir and the buzur were equipped with a large square sail and a rudder aft on the starboard side. If necessary they could be propelled by oars which were installed both fore and aft. But these ships were heavy and difficult to manage. Occasionally, if the sails did not provide sufficient propulsion, they had to be towed by oar-propelled tugboats. Decks were installed fore and aft and along both sides. Thus it was possible to walk freely from stem to stern. The middle section of the ship was open and provided storage room for the cargo, which was carefully covered with hides.5 During the first centuries of their history, the Icelanders owned ocean-going vessels and were skilled navigators. All the more powerful settlers must have had their own ships in which they brought their retinues with them. It is not possible to determine the number of ships owned by Icelanders in this period, although it is quite evident that towards the close of the Age of Settlements, few nations could have owned a better fleet of sea-going vessels if size of population is taken into consideration. However, their fleet was to diminish gradually. The ships of the early colonizers were not always the best, but certainly only reasonably sea-worthy vessels could be considered for a voyage to Iceland. These ships lasted well into the 10th century. The Hauksbok version of Landnamabok claims to have derived the information from Ari the Learned that in the same summer when Eirikr the Red went to settle Greenland (in 985 or 986), twenty-five ships set out from Borgarfjordur and Breidafjordur. However, only fourteen of these are said to have completed the voyage; the remaining eleven either were lost or were forced to turn back. It is quite likely that some of these were dilapidated ships left over from the original fleet of the Icelandic settlers. However this may be, the paragraph from Hauksbok shows that at about the end of the 10th century the Icelanders were still in possession of a number of seagoing vessels; other documents support this claim. The Icelandic historian Bogi Melsted undertook the task of collecting all the references he 1

[Cf. Kulturhistorisk leksikon. II, art. Busse.] > Hjalmar Falk, Altnordisches Seewesen (Heidelberg, 1912); Nordisk kultur, XVI, (1933), p. 282ff.

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could find in ancient books to seaworthy ships in Iceland during the Commonwealth Period.6 Much of Melsted's material relates to the 10th and the 11th centuries. The problem is that in many instances it is impossible to ascertain whether the account is historically correct or merely a fabrication. However, one may at least assume that all these reports on ships and navigation reflect old memories of a sizeable fleet of seaworthy ships existing in Iceland until the l l t h century, and the treaty which the Icelanders concluded with King Olafr the Saint of Norway removes any doubt about this matter. 7 But as the old ships fell into disrepair, it was difficult to replace them. Indigenous Icelandic trees were not big enough to yield timber for large ships, and even the ample supplies of driftwood in Iceland did not make much difference, as oak was considered the only suitable materal for ocean-going ships. Although their historical authenticity may be questioned, there are several stories about seaworthy ships having been built out of timber from Icelandic forests. If they were to keep renewing their fleet the Icelanders had no alternative but to buy ships or have them built abroad. It would hardly have been a profitable venture to import timber for shipbuilding. Occasionally the Icelanders received ships as gifts from foreign rulers; such instances would, however, have to be regarded as quite exceptional. Purchasing a seaworthy ship required a good deal of money, and Icelanders who could afford anything so costly grew steadily fewer in number. Also, as will be shown in a subsequent chapter, they were faced with relentless competition from the Norwegians in the field of seafaring and navigation. From the 12th century, when the sources become better and more reliable, we know of only five certain cases of ships having been owned by Icelanders. The owners of these ships belonged to prominent families, and all these date from the period 1100-1170. But some of the people in question owned only a half share in a ship, the other half being owned by a Norwegian. This also reflects the continuing decline of the Icelandic fleet, since in earlier times shipowners were found among families of ordinary farmers. But from about 1170 until the end of the Commonwealth Period there is but one known instance of a ship being in the sole possession of an Icelander: in the year 1220 Earl Skuli of Norway gave Snorri Sturluson a ship which he sailed to Iceland. There is no mention of this vessel after that time, and most likely Snorri sold it upon arrival in Iceland. It is reported that Thorleifr of Gardar owned a part of the ship which he and Snorri Sturluson took from Norway to Iceland in 1239, but Thorleifr may have merely rented his share. There are ample written 6

Bogi Th. Melsted, "Ferdir, siglingar og samgongur milli Islands og annarra landa a dogum pjodveldisins", Safn til sogu islands, IV, pp. 585-910, and pp. 915-916; [cf. also Arbok hins islenzka fornleifafelags, 1964, pp. 20-68.] ' fCf. n. 113.1

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sources from this period consisting of such major collections as the Sagas of Bishops (Biskupasogur) and Sturlunga Saga, so that it is likely that ships owned by Icelanders at this time would have been mentioned if they had reached any significant number. Thus one must conclude that the era of Icelandic ocean-going vessels came to an end in the late 12th century. From that time on the Icelanders had to depend on other nations for the transportation of vital goods and this was bound to pose a threat both to the political and the economic independence of the nation. As long as the Icelanders were in possession of ships large enough to navigate on the high seas, they were in a position to engage in viking raids, trading voyages, and the search for new lands if they were so inclined. Indeed, it was considered as important that fathers supply their sons with the means for voyages to foreign lands as it was that they provide them with adequate means to conclude marriage agreements. The historical records show that these young men sailed to all the Scandinavian countries, the British Isles, and even into the Baltic regions. In addition, they made voyages to Greenland and the North American continent. During this period there was no danger that Iceland would become culturally isolated because of her great distance from other lands. In their day the merchantmen (knerrir) represented the swiftest means of transportation in the world. Provided the wind was favourable, they were capable of faster travel than even the longships. But once the Icelanders ceased to own ships, their civilization was doomed to suffer. As their fleet diminished, the Icelanders were also faced with another unfavourable development. During the Age of Settlements all the Scandinavian peoples spoke the same language, different varieties of Norse being sufficiently close to be mutually quite intelligible. The vikings had transplanted the Norse language to various regions outside Scandinavia, with the result that it was more widely spoken in the Viking Age than at any other tims. The Icelanders called their language donsk tunga (the Danish tongue), a usage probably borrowed from English or French. Of the Scandinavian peoples the Danes were geographically the closest to both England and France and it was only to be expected that in these two countries people in the more distant Scandinavian regions would be confused with the Danes.8 Eventually the Norse language communities outside Scandinavia ceased to exist; at the same time the Scandinavians at home were faced with ever increasing differences between their various dialects. So began the isolation of Icelandic from other Scandinavian languages. This separation became virtually complete after the Reformation, when all commercial and cultural exchange between the Icelanders and the Norwegians, who spoke the language most closely 1

[On this see Kutturhistorisk teksikon. II, art. Dansk lunge, and Foreningene Nordens hiswriske publikasjoner, IV.]

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related to Icelandic, was broken off for a long period of time. This turn of events had a pronounced effect on the cultural history of Iceland. Earlier its literature had been circulated throughout the Norse world, but with the steadily decreasing number of those who were able to understand the language, interest in Icelandic literature was bound to decline. Finally, only the Icelanders themselves were able to read their own literature. One can easily understand that as a result of this restricted market, literary activities among them suffered a setback. The Discovery and the Settlement of Greenland Accounts of navigation during the period in question and even much later clearly indicate that by this time the Norsemen had not mastered the art of sailing against the wind, but could only follow its direction or, at most, hold a course through crosswinds. But the succeeding periods of the Viking Age s?w definite advances in the seafarers' skill. In this early period head winds would make it necessary for ships on coastal routes to seek shelter by sailing into the calm waters of fjords or bays where they could wait for the wind to change. Sailors who ran into head winds on the high seas would reef sail and remain adrift until the wind shifted, and there are accounts of sailors who were driven back to their original points of departure. In other instances they drifted far off course in unfavourable winds or in prolonged periods of calm. Ships are also known to have lost their way because of fog. Navigational hazards of this kind often led to the discovery of new lands, and they explain why ancient records attribute the discovery of Iceland, Greenland, and North America to sailors who were blown off course. These stories have an appearance of authenticity, whether or not they are correct in detail. Records from much later dates than the discoveries of these three lands tell of comparable adventures at sea. It was, for example, quite common for ships bound for Iceland from Norway, or on their way back to Norway, to drift into the seas off Greenland or right up to its coast. Instances of such unintended deviations are recorded for the years 1189, 1209, 1381, 1382, 1385 (four ships), 1406, and 1522.9 Most of these ships managed to return safely. During the Age of Settlements the northern seas were sailed more extensively than for centuries afterwards, and a good many sailors must have drifted close enough to Greenland to sight that country, or even make land there. Landnamabok tells us that some time during the Age of Settlements a certain Gunnbjorn Ulfsson was driven so far into the seas west beyond Iceland that he came to some skerries that were called after him Gunnbjarnarsker (Gunnbjorn's Skerries). From here he is said to 'St.. I, p. 138; cf. also Jsl. Annaler and Dipt, hi, IX, pp. 97-99.

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have been able to see a country later identified as Greenland. A description of Greenland attributed to fvarr Bardarson maintains that the Gunnbjarnarsker are situated midway between Greenland and Iceland.10 However, it is not known whether the precise location of these skerries was remembered when the news of Gunnbjorn's discovery receded into the past. There are stories of Icelanders setting out in search of Gunnbjarnarsker, and they are supposed to have made land somewhere along the north eastern coast of Greenland. However, these voyagers were not regarded as the discoverers of Greenland.11 Their voyage must have been made shortly before Eirikr the Red, while searching for the land Gunnbjorn had sighted, discovered Greenland. Ari the Learned describes Eirikr's discovery as follows: The country called Greenland was discovered and colonized from Iceland. A man called Eirikr the Red, from Breidafjordur, went there and took possession of land in the district which has since been called Eiriksfjordur. He gave the country a name and called it Greenland, and said that people would be more eager to go there if it had an attractive name. They found there human habitations, both in the eastern and western parts of the country, and fragments of skin-boats and stone implements, from which it can be concluded that the people who had been there before were of the same kind as those who inhabit Vinland and whom the Greenlanders call Skrcelings. He began colonizing the country fourteen or fifteen winters before Christianity came to Iceland (985 or 986 A.D.) according to what a man who had gone there with Ein'kr the Red told Thorkell Gellisson in Greenland.

Landndmabok contains another account of Eirikr the Red, and this account, either in its entirety or in part, has been incorporated into various sagas. It has a questionable historical basis, however, and does not appear to have been a part of the original version of Landnamabdk.n Historia Norwegiae states that the Icelanders both discovered and settled Greenland. 13 This would support Ari the Learned's account if the authenticity of the latter were in question. The name Greenland is a complete misnomer. Perhaps when Eirikr the Red coined this name he thought of how the name 'Iceland' had influenced people's ideas about that country. The "human habitations" which Eirikr and his men found "both in the eastern and western parts of the country" (in the Eastern Settlement and the Western Settlement, as these areas later came to be designated), suggest that the Eskimos had already reached Greenland, even though they seem to have fallen back into the more northerly region, or else 10 11 12 IJ

Grflnlands tiittorlske Mindeamaerker, I I I , p. 250. Landn. (1900), p. 174. Jon J6hannesson, Gerdir Landnamabokar. pp. 95-99. Monumenta hixlorica Norvegicn (Kristiania, 1880), p. 76.

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moved to the east coast and then proceeded north through the coastal areas. Not only in Ari the Learned's time but throughout the 12th century, and into the 13th, there were probably no Eskimo settlements in the explored sections of Greenland.14 Landnamabok contains the following passage: Ari Thorgilsson maintains that during that summer (i.e. 985 or 986) twenty-five ships went from Borgarfjordur and Breidafjor6ur (in Iceland) to Greenland, but only fourteen reached their destination. Some drifted back and some were lost.15

Thus the colony in Greenland appears to have been established in a short period of time. There were two principal settlements, the Eastern Settlement (in the Julianehaab district) and the Western Settlement (in the Godthaab district). An early description of Greenland has this to say about the two settlements: So it is estimated that there are one hundred and ninety 'settlements' (i.e. farmsteads?) in the Eastern Settlement, but ninety in the Western Settlement. 16

From this it has been deduced that the population of the Greenland colony was about 3000. The Greenlanders established their own government, modelling their laws on those of Iceland in the same way as the Icelanders had previously copied the Norwegian code of Gulathing. They regularly held a thing at Gardar (Igaliko) in Einarsfjordur (Igaliko-fjord). Some scholars have argued that the Greenlanders were politically dependent upon the Icelanders, but this can not be proven. On the other hand, the Greenlanders may well have enjoyed some special advantages in their dealings with the Icelanders.17 The Greenlanders submitted to King Hakon the Old of Norway about the year 1261, and agreed to pay him taxes and tribute. In this they preceded the Icelanders by only a short period of time. It is generally accepted that Leifr the Lucky, the son of Eirikr the Red, went from Norway to Greenland in the year 1000 at the instigation of King Olafr Tryggvason in order to bring Christianity to the Greenlanders. The account of this voyage has been traced back to a work by the monk Gunnlaugr Leifsson, but does not seem to have any factual basis. Earlier sources such as Historia Norwegiae and Agrip, do not list Greenland among the countries Christianized by King Olafr, and Historia Norwegiae states that by means of the Catholic faith the 14

Cf. Hauksbok (1892-96), pp. 500-501. Landn. (1900), p. 35, cf. p. 156. " Grflnlands historiske Mindesmaerker, I I I , p. 228. " Cf. Alii nefndar, er skipud var til rannsoknar a bvi, hvorl Island muni eiga rettarkrofu til Greenland! (Reykjavik, 1952). 15

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Icelanders lent strength to Greenland.18 This statement must mean that the Icelanders brought Christianity to the Greenlanders. According to a story recorded by Adam of Bremen, Archbishop Adalbert19 sent priests to Greenland at the request of her inhabitants. An episcopal see was founded at Gardar, Greenland, in 1126, but shortly before this date a certain Eirikr Gniipsson is referred to as a bishop of Greenland. Eirikr Gmipsson was of Icelandic lineage and must have served in Greenland as a missionary bishop. The Greenlanders built their farmsteads around fjords, and with the changes made necessary by the environment they did their daily work in much the same way as in Iceland. Animal husbandry and fishing were their chief occupations. They had large cattle farms, and also raised sheep, horses, pigs and goats; grain farming was almost nonexistent. The Greenlanders did their fishing along the settled areas as well as the uninhabited parts of the country. Their main centres of operation were in the Nordrseta north of the Western Settlement. The lack of iron and of timber for the building of houses and boats was a serious matter; these commodities were expensive and had to be imported. The chief items of export were hides of male goats, cow hides, seal skins, ropes of walrus hide, and walrus tusks. Ropes of walrus hide were unexcelled in strength and were, among other things, used as towlines for ships and for riggings.20 By the thirteenth century, Greenland's contact with the outside world was limited to Norway, and even Norwegian voyages to this northern post had become extremely rare. The Discovery of the North American Continent, The chief sources on the discovery of the North American mainland are contained in Thorfinns Saga Karlsefnis, now commonly designated as Eiriks Saga rauda (The Saga of Eirfkr the Red), and Graenlendinga Saga (The Saga of the Greenlanders). To a large extent these two sagas tell of the same men and the same voyages and events, even though they contradict each other on major points. Most scholars have assumed that these two sagas were independent of each other and that Thorfinns Saga was the older and more reliable of the two. In the present work we shall differ considerably from conventional theories on the dates of composition of the two sagas as well as the relative strength of their factual elements, even though space does not permit elaboration and the presentation of supporting evidence. The present writer believes The Saga of the Greenlanders is older than The Saga of King Olafr Tryggvason, written by the monk Gunnlaugr Leifsson, which means that the former 18

Monumenta hislorica Norvegice (1880), p. 76. " [1043-1072.] Grifinlands historiske Mindesmcerker, I I I , pp. 320, 326.

20

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could not have been written later than about 1200. It would appear that the saga \vas based on stories that were in circulation among the descendants of Thorfinnr Karlsefni. Conversely, Thorfmns Saga was written in the latter half of the 13th century. Its author must have been a learned man who made use of various written sources. Among these were the Sturlubok version of Landnamabok, The Saga of Olafr Tryggvason by Gunnlaugr the monk, and in all probability The Saga of the Greenlanders gives, in most respects, an earlier version than Thorfmns Saga, even though certain portions of the latter may have been based on some ancient sources more accurate than The Saga of the Greenlanders.11 The Saga of the Greenlanders tells us that while on his way to his father's home in Greenland, Bjarni Herjolfsson, a kinsman of the men of Reykjavik, 22 sighted certain lands to the southwest of Greenland; however, he did not explore them, as his intention was to join his father in Greenland. This was in 985 or 986. Then Leifr, the son of Eirikr the Red, went in search of these lands some time during the reign-of Earl Eirikr Hakonarson of Norway (1000-1014) and discovered three lands which he named Helluland (Flatstone Land), Markland (Woodland), and Vinland (Wineland). Following upon this the saga describes several voyages of exploration to these parts undertaken by both Icelanders and Greenlanders. Of these the voyage of Thorfinnr Karlsefni was the most significant. Thorfinnr took along various kinds of livestock with the intention of settling in Vinland. However, his plans were frustrated by hostile attacks on him and his people by Skraelings.23 Karlsefni had his wife Gudridr with him, and their son Snorri was born in Vinland. Among the descendants of Karlsefni and GuSridr were many outstanding people who undoubtedly preserved memories of the Vinland voyages for a long time. The monk Gunnlaugr Leifsson appears to have maintained thai Leifr discovered Vinland while on a voyage from Norway to Greenland where he was to introduce Christianity in the year 1000 A.D. Gunnlaugr's account has been preserved in Heimskringla, Kristni Saga, Thorfmns Saga, and apparently is also contained in an ancient booklet on geography which by mistake has been regarded as a part of the 'Itinerary' 24 of Abbot Nikulas of Munka-Thvera. Having decided to incorporate the account of the monk Gunnlaugr into his work, the author of Thorfmns Saga not only had to reject the account of the discovery as it is reported in The Saga of the Greenlanders, but at the same time was compelled to rearrange the chronological order of various other events. There is no doubt that the new lands of the sagas must have been a 21 22 23 24

[Cf. Jon Johannesson, "Aldur Graenlendinga sogu", Nordaela (Reykjavik, 1956).] [the descendants of the settler Ingolfr.] [The indigenous people of Vinland; skraelings means 'the little people'.] Alfradi islenzk, I, p. 12, cf. also pp. XX-XXI. Nikulas died in 1159.

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part of the North American continent, even though they have not been located exactly. 25 Nor is it to be expected that descriptions of such distant lands should be completely reliable. The necessity of re-examining the entire scholarly literature on the Vinland voyages is obvious, and it is equally apparent that if the above observations on the links between existing historical records were used as a point of departure, many important issues regarding this early period of explorations would be clarified. At the present time it may be accepted that the Helluland of the sagas was most likely Baffin Island, Markland Labrador, and, if we are to believe one of the accounts of The Saga of the Greenlanders which maintains that the sun rose in Vinland at 9 a.m. and set at 3 p.m. on the shortest day of the year, Vinland must have lain to the south of the 50th parallel. 26 One should take care not to draw far-reaching conclusions regarding the geographic position of Vinland from its name alone, for in the assigning of topographic names, Leifr Eiriksson may have been as shrewd a propagandist as his father, Eirikr the Red, had been before him. 27 Sources on Vinland dating further back than the two sagas are quite scarce. Adam of Bremen (c.1075) says that King Sveinn Ulfsson of Denmark informed him of a far-off island in the ocean; this island was discovered by many, he says, and was called Vinland because vines grew wild there. He also quotes the Danes as having said that in this land grain grew 'self-sown'. Perhaps we have here an explanation of the origin of the story in Thorfmns Saga about the self-sown grain fields in Vinland, and the vines that grew wild there. But Adam of Bremen is known to have been wrong quite often in his descriptions of remote countries. Thus, our acceptance of his account of Vinland would have to be based on careful and critical scrutiny. It seems possible, however, that reports of the discovery of Vinland may have reached his ears. Ari the Learned had been informed about Vinland and knew it to have been inhabited by the same Skraelings who were supposed to have lived in Greenland, and who left behind the artifacts that were later discovered there by the early Greenlanders. Ari's account is important as he was in a very good position to obtain reliable information on the early explorations. Hallfridr, the daughter of Snorri, son of Thorfinnr Karlsefni, 28 was the mother of Bishop Thorlakr Runolfsson. 29 Also, Ari's uncle, Thorkell Gellisson, had himself been to Greenland where he gathered information. However, it is conceivable that the inhabitants indigenous to Vinland were not Eskimos, but Indians. 25

[This question has been re-examined lately by archeologists; excavations at L'Anse aux Meadows are discussed by Helge Ingstad in his book Vesttrveg lil Vinland, (Oslo, 1965).] hlen:k fornrit, IV, p. 251. "Cf. Kristjan Eldjarn, Gengid a reka. pp. 122-123. 28 [Cf. p. 14.] " [Bishop of Skalholl 1118-1133, a close collaborator of Ari the Learned.] 26

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The treaty between the Icelanders and King Olafr the Saint of Norway30 suggests that in the 11th century the Icelanders were active explorers, and they seem to have continued their search for new lands well into the 12th century. In Konungsannall (The King's Annal), there is the following entry for the year 1121: "Bishop Eirikr of Greenland set out in search of Vinland". Similar entries are found for that year in other annalistic records. We do not know how Bishop Eirikr 31 fared on his voyage, or whether he ever returned. This entry in the annals shows that voyages to Vinland must have been discontinued, or that explorers had merely a hazy notion of its location. On the other hand, voyages to Markland and probably also to Helluland were continued. The following is a contemporary record from Skalholtsannall (the Annal from Skalholt) of a voyage to Markland in 1347: Then a ship arrived from Greenland; it was smaller in size than small ships plying to Iceland. The ship put in at Outer Straumfjordur. It had no anchor. There were seventeen men on board, who had sailed to Markland and then drifted to Iceland.

It is likely that the Greenlanders made voyages to Markland to obtain timber. A Part of the Icelanders' 'Imago Mundi' A brief description of the world preserved in a manuscript from about 1300 (A.M. 736 I, 4to) contains the following paragraph: To the north of Norway lies Finnmark (Lapland); from there the land sweeps north-east and east to Bjarmaland (Permia), which renders tribute to the king of Russia.32 From Permia there is uninhabited land stretching all the way to the north until Greenland begins. To the south of Greenland lies Helluland and Markland; and from there it is not far to Vinland, which some people think extends from Africa. England and Scotland are one island, but separate kingdoms; Ireland is a large island, Iceland is also a large island to the north of Ireland. These islands are all in the part of the world called Europe. 33

Different versions of this geographic sketch are contained in a few other manuscripts. The date of the original version is not known, but the geographic concepts it reflects can be traced back to the Commonwealth Period. The description of a circular and unbroken land mass extending from Bjarmaland (Permia) to Greenland, and south from there to Africa, is the chief characteristic of these accounts. The earliest source in which 30 31 32 33

[Cf. pp. 109-117.] [Cf. an earlier mention of Bishop Eirikr on p. 101.] [The source has Gardariki.} Gnfinlands hisloriske Mindesmaerker. HI, pp. 216-218; Alfraedi islenzk, I, p. 12.

The Medieval World of the Scandinavians.

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this feature may be quite clearly detected is Historia Norwegian, and as a whole its underlying concept is based on amazingly extensive knowledge of geography, even though in places it is tinged with superstition. The idea of lands extending from Greenland to Russia may imply previously obtained information about Spitsbergen and Novaja Zemlja. The southern edge of the polar icefield is only a short distance away from these lands and, in part, may have given rise to the idea of a continuous land mass in these regions. Historia Norwegiae tells of men who, on a voyage from Iceland to Norway, were driven off course into the northern seas until they finally came upon a land between Greenland and Bjarmaland. This land must have been Spitsbergen, since Historia Norwegian was written prior to the discovery of Svalbardi or Svalbardr, which ancient annals have included in an entry for the year 1194. Svalbardi must then have been Jan Mayen. In fact, the latter assumption is supported by a statement in Sturlubok where the distance between Langanes in northeastern Iceland and Svalbardi is said to be four days sailing. Konungsskuggsja (The King's Mirror) refers to the common belief that Greenland is attached to a continent. This clearly reflects the conviction, which long endured, that a continuous land mass lay between Greenland and Russia. The sea to the north of Iceland that extended along the land assumed to join these larger land masses was called Dumbshaf (The Foggy Sea) which ended at a point somewhere to the north or north-east. Historia Norwegian makes no mention of Helluland, Markland, and Vinland. Instead it maintains that Greenland extends almost all the way to the African Islands. This is an example of learned hypotheses being substituted for a real knowledge of geography, and the author of Konungsskuggsja seems to have had similar ideas. They are also reflected in the previously mentioned cosmographical sketch, or the part of it which ascribes the belief to "some people" that Vinland "extends from Africa". Vestiges of these learned concepts can also be discerned in Thorfmns Saga where the existence of the circular land mass is clearly taken for granted. 34 The saga refers to Einfaetingaland (The Land of the Unipeds) as being in the vicinity of Vinland, but from scholarly writings the Icelanders obtained the information that the Unipeds lived in the part of Africa called Blaland (Ethiopia).35 The A rt of Navigation During the Commonwealth Period Norse seafarers did not have compasses or other instruments by which to determine their bearings. It is only in sources from later dates that lodestones are mentioned as aids "Cf. hlen:k fornrit, IV. p. 213. ]5 Cf. Hauksbok (1892-1896), p. 166.

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to navigators. Thus it was necessary for sailors not only to select the shortest route to their point of destination, but also to take bearings from high mountains or icecaps.36 This explains why ships leaving Norway for Iceland would sail by way of Shetland and the Faroes, or at least come close enough to these islands for the crew to ascertain that they were on course. From these points they would normally be able to maintain a set direction until a faint image of Iceland's ice-capped mountains could be seen on the horizon. When Eirikr the Red went in search of the land which he later called Greenland, he evidently selected Snaefellsjokull37 (Snaefell's Icecap) as his point of departure and reached the shore of Greenland at Midjokull (Centre Icecap), or that part of it which is called Blaserkur. As has been said before, the factual basis of this story is open to question; nonetheless, the mere outline of it may be of significance, since the sea route to Greenland must have been a matter of common knowledge. It would mean that Eirikr the Red took bearings from the high ice-capped mountains which marked his point of departure on the one side and his landfall on the other. MidjokuU is a glacier from which a continuous flow of ice emanates just south of Angmasalik and flows all the way down to the sea. Blaserkur, on the other hand, must have been the name of an icecap, or ice-capped mountain peak, rising above the surrounding ice-field. In Sturlubok it is stated that the shortest way from Snaefellsnes to Greenland is four days sailing. This undoubtedly refers to the route described above. Then, after reaching Greenland, sailors must have set a southerly course along the east coast. In the Vinland Sagas there is one description highly relevant in this connection. In Thorfmns Saga it is related that, as they left Greenland, Karlsefni and his companions sailed first from the Eastern Settlement to the Western Settlement and then pushed onward in search of Vinland. They came first to Bjarney (Bjarn Isle); from there they made a two-day voyage before a northerly wind up to the shores of Helluland (Flatstone Land). From an ancient description of Greenland it may be deduced that Bjarney was a name used for today's Disco Island. 38 But so far no acceptable reason has been given for Thorfinnr Karlsefni's decision to begin his voyage by sailing in a direction opposite39 to that of Vinland. Perhaps the following facts offer an explanation: Disco is an island of basalt, about 1880 meters in height, capped with ice and snow and very clearly visible against the gneissic mountains to the south from a distance of more than eighty nautical miles in clear weather.40 This is more than a 36 Cf. Monumenla hi.tlorica Norvegiae (1880), p. 93. •" "Snaefellsnes" in Sturlubok is a scribal error. 3 * Grfinlands hisloriske Mindesmaerker. I l l , p. 228. •" [Cf. islenzk fornril. IV. p. 222. In sailing from the Eastern Settlement to the Western Settlement and from there to Bjarney, Thorfinnr was actually bearing in a north-westerly direction, whereas Vinland was roughly to the south-west.] 40 Salmonsens Konvenatioiu Leksikon, under Disco.

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third of the distance between Bjarney (Disco Island) and Baffin Island. The author of Thorfinns Saga no doubt knew about this route even though it may not have been discovered until some time after the first voyages to the North American mainland. Even though sailors might have been unable to see the lands they were passing, the presence of land could be detected by the flight of certain birds. The story about Hrafna-Floki is a classic example. As he went in search of Iceland he took along with him three ravens, which he set free one after the other. 41 At that time sailors who happened to lose their course had no means of determining the latitude of certain points. Provided that visibility permitted them to tell directions, however, navigators could approximate the longitude of their position from either a lodestar or the sun. Because of this, seafarers who ventured out to where land disappeared from sight would select routes from east to west or vice versa. When the skies were clear, this method enabled them to hold a direct course. On the other hand, voyages in a southerly or northerly direction, for the reasons stated above, could not be conducted in this manner, and therefore sailors always tried to stay within sight of land or within an area where birds flying offshore could be seen.42 The longest sea route mentioned in our historical sources extended from Norway to Greenland. In Sturlubok it is described in this way: People say if you sail from Bergen west to Cape Farewell43 in Greenland, you pass twelve leagues south of Iceland.

This route must have been used after Bergen became a trading centre in 1075 by traders who went from there to Greenland. Cape Farwell (Hvarfid) is situated on approximately the same parallel as Bergen, and it overlooks the old site of the harbour Sand — the harbour most frequently used by the Greenland traders. The quadrant, by which latitudes could be determined, became known in Norway about the year 1300 or even earlier,44 but it is unlikely that it was known in Iceland or Greenland. Even though it was composed later, the Hauksbok45 version of Landnamabbk contains a more detailed description than Sturlubok46 of the route from Norway to Greenland. Distances at sea were measured in vikur (leagues), tylftir (twelvemile units), and dazgursigling (the distance covered in one day) or 'during half of one revolution of the earth', i.e. a period of twelve hours. These measurements were not accurate, nor has it proven possible to determine their meaning with complete precision. The league (vikan) appears to 41

This brings to mind the story of Noah and his birds, a raven and doves. [Cf. also Carl V. Silver, Vestervejen. Om Vikingernes sejlads (K^benhavn, 1954).] [Hvarf.] 44 Alfraedi islenzk, II, p. 125. cf. also op. cit.. p. 107. 45 From around 1330. 46 Sturla Th6rdarson died in 1284. 42

43

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have been the equivalent of four to five nautical miles (quarter-miles). In Sturlubok the distances from Iceland to the nearest point in each of the four main directions are given. From the headland at Stadr in the province of Firdafylki, Norway, it was a seven-days' sail to Horn, which is situated only a short distance to the east of Hornafjordur in Iceland. 47 Then from Snaefellsnes, provided the shortest route was selected, the distance to Greenland was equated with a voyage of four days. According to the Sturlubok version of Landnamabok (The Book of Settlements), it took five days to sail from Reykjanes in southern Iceland to Jolduhlaup, an unidentified place in Ireland, 48 and four days to sail from Iceland to Svalbardi. Here Svalbardi no doubt refers to Jan Mayen. The above figures most likely presuppose maximum rather than average rates of speed. Thus, one may assume that in actual fact there were deviations from these sailing times since winds and currents would vary from time to time. Nevertheless, the excerpt from Sturlubok clearly shows that under favourable circumstances the ships were capable of cruising at a fairly high speed.49 The Treaty between the Icelanders and King Olafr the Saint of Norway The only treaty concluded by the Icelanders during the Commonwealth Period with a foreign ruler was the one they made with King Olafr Haraldsson of Norway (1014-1030), who later became known as St. Olafr. This was an agreement concerning the rights of Icelanders in Norway and the rights of the King of Norway and his subjects in Iceland. This treaty shows very clearly the high degree of importance the Icelanders attached to their relations with Norway. The treaty has been preserved in two separate manuscripts — the Codex Regius version of Gragas, and Skinnastadabok.™ Both manuscripts are in agreement about the terms, although they differ as to the sequence of constituent articles. Of the two, the Codex Regius undoubtedly represents, in most if not all respects, an older and more reliable version. The following excerpt on the lawful claims of the Icelanders forms an epilogue to the treaty: This right (lawful claims) and these laws, which have been recorded here, St. Olafr, the King, granted the Icelanders. Bishop Gizurr and Teitr 'filius ejus', Markus, Hreinn, Einarr, Bjorn, Gudmundr, Dadi and Holmsteinn, all swore that Bishop f sleifr and others had sealed the treaty herein recorded, namely that St. Olafr recognized the terms set out in the treaty as minimum rights of the Icelanders. 47 48 49 50

Cf. Alfrcedi islenzk. I, pp. 12-13. [This place has now been identified as Slyne Head in Ireland, cf. The Book of Settlements translated by Hermann Palsson and Paul Edwards (University of Manitoba Press, 1972), p. 16, footnote 6.] Cf. Hjalmar Falk, Altnordisches Seewesen (Heidelberg, 1912), pp. 15-23. Grg., Ib, pp. 195-197; I I I , pp. 463-466; Dipt. 1st.. \ pp. 54, 64-70.

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Doubtless the treaty was committed to writing the second time its validity was attested by oaths. Thus it is the oldest extant document in the history of the Icelanders written in the Norse language. The date of the actual recording may be deduced from its content, style and form. However, it is not certain whether it represents an unadulterated version of the original. For example, it may well be that Article 10, which prescribes rules for the handling of possessions of deceased foreigners in Norway, 51 is a later addition. This particular article appears to have been borrowed from some Norwegian law codes which probably existed in written form. Nevertheless, it is conceivable that it was included in the original agreement. Obviously it is not possible to determine the precise content of the original treaty with King Olafr the Saint, since it was not immediately recorded, but was preserved only in memory for a considerable period of time. One may nevertheless regard the most significant features of the written document as authentic. The first part of this ancient document deals with the 'rights of the King of Norway in Iceland, where offenders against the Norwegian crown were to be prosecuted automatically in accordance with Icelandic laws. In Iceland the subjects of the King of Norway were to enjoy the same rights as Icelandic citizens. In the event a Norwegian died in Iceland, and neither a kinsman nor a companion of the deceased laid immediate claim to a lawful inheritance, the estate could not be disposed of until a lawful heir from Norway presented himself. The above provisions must be regarded as great privileges for the Norwegians, since, during the period in question, journeys from Norway to deliver summonses in Iceland involved great risks and major problems. Such undertakings must have been particularly difficult for those who were not Icelandic citizens. The King of Norway must have set great value on this agreement, since it enabled him and his subjects to prosecute cases in absentia merely by assigning them to the Icelandic judiciary. It is all the more noteworthy that Norwegians should have had the same rights in Iceland as Icelandic citizens, since the same concessions were not granted Icelanders in Norway except in a few situations where the rights of Icelanders were in fact more extensive than corresponding rights of Norwegians. The latter part of the treaty deals with the rights of Icelanders in Norway. They enjoyed many privileges, but also had some responsibilities. Their rights were these: (1) Icelanders in Norway were to have the same rights as holdar52 51

52

Dipl. 1st., I, pp. 66-67.

\hbldr: literally a 'freeholder'.

Ill (yeomen). In the so-called older version of the Norwegian Gulathing Law, the rules regarding this point are more explicit, as can be seen from the following statement: While on trading journeys, the Icelanders shall have the same rights in Norway as yeomen. If, however, they have resided here (i.e. in Norway) for three winters, they shall be given such rights as are proportionate to their attested merit. All other foreigners are entitled to the same rights as farmers, unless testimonies warrant that they be granted greater favour. 5 - 1

The word rettr (right) means here just or lawful claims to redress of such injuries as a person might suffer. In Iceland, this right was the same for all free men and amounted to 48 legal ounces (six-ell ounces). In Norway the extent of this right varied greatly, since it depended upon the esteem in which the kinsfolk of the claimant were held, as well as upon his social standing. According to the Gulathing Law holdsrettr (the right of a yeoman) was fixed at three marks (24 ounces), whereas the right of a farmer amounted to 12 ounces. Both amounts are stated in terms of Norwegian currency. It is not clear just why the king granted the Icelanders these privileges. One may speculate that a prospect of increased trade between Norway and Iceland was surely a motive. Also, it is reasonable to suggest that ties of kinship between the two peoples played some part in bringing about these royal decrees. Privileges enjoyed by Greenlanders in their dealings with Iceland may be regarded as a parallel case. The greatest likelihood, however, is that the king wished to gain the esteem of the Icelanders by granting them the 'yeoman's right' and that this was a further move, after several earlier attempts, to bring Iceland under the dominion of the Norwegian crown. After three years' residence in Norway, an Icelander was entitled to Norwegian citizenship according to laws that were the same in both Iceland and Norway, and his rights were determined by his social status in Norway. According to the Bjarkey Law,54 all foreigners were to enjoy 'a yeoman's right' in market towns. This particular item is of more recent date than the corresponding section from the treaty discussed above. Its introduction, to satisfy the demands of the expanding towns in Norway, 55 made the parallel article of the treaty on the rights of Icelanders in Norway redundant. (2) In the event an Icelander died during his stay in Norway, his second cousin or someone laying a just claim to closer kinship — a man or 53 !< 55

Norgesgamte love, I . Raekke, I, p. 71. Cf. also op. cil., I, pp. 314, 321 (Bjarkeyjarrettr). [Cf. Kullurhistorisk leksikon, VI, art. Hauld.} [Cf. p. 322; these were the by-laws designed to serve town dwellers, traders and seafarers.] Alexander Bugge, Studier over de norske byers selvestyre og handelfor Hanseaternes lid (Kristiania, 1899), pp. 18-19.

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a woman — would be recognized as a lawful heir, but in each case the right to claim such inheritance would not remain valid for more than three winters, or beyond the "third Christmas season".56 Thus it seems that inheritance claims which Icelanders could make in Norway were more limited than corresponding rights of Norwegians in Iceland. As has been pointed out above, some of the specifications regarding custody and payments of inheritance money appear to be interpolations in the treaty. (3) In Norway the Icelanders were to have free use of "water and wood" (firewood) from forests belonging to the crown. (4) In Norway Icelanders were not to be required to give up money they had inherited in other kingdoms. This refers to money of Icelanders who were passing through Norway on their way back to Iceland. (5) Icelanders were free to leave Norway, unless the country was in a state of war. The Icelanders must have insisted on this to safe-guard themselves against interdicts imposed by the king. It is conceivable that the interdict King 6lafr Tryggvason imposed on Icelanders in Norway during the conversion period prompted the inclusion of this item. In addition, it was stated in the treaty that the Icelanders were to be free to leave their own land for whatever countries they might desire to visit. This seems to reflect an earlier attempt by one of the kings of Norway to make trade with Iceland a Norwegian monopoly, a restriction which the Icelanders were unwilling to accept and successfully resisted. (6) Any man in unimpaired health and sufficiently well off to be able to pay land-dues 57 was at liberty to go to Norway. But to qualify as immigrants, Icelandic people had to have sufficient means to care for their dependants and be in a position to discharge their military duties. A woman could qualify as an immigrant if she owned three marks of silver, and if she came to Norway in the company of either her husband, father, son or brother. This regulation seems to imply that there was considerable emigration, or rather exportation from Iceland to Norway of paupers who were unable to fend for themselves. For the Icelanders the treaty entailed two very heavy obligations: (1) Every free man enjoying the full rights which his social standing called for was to pay land-dues in Norway. He was to be exempted from other taxes, although he had to pay fees to those who served as guards in the various towns. Originally, payment of land-dues was introduced during the Age of Settlements and was an emigration toll to be paid by every individual leaving Norway. At the time of the treaty, however, these payments applied to people coming to Norway. The latter method made it easier to collect the land-dues, which explains this complete reversal in taxation procedures. For some time after their introduction the land-dues H

-Grg.. la., p. 239. [Cf. pp. 15-16.]

57

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varied in amount, but in the treaty they were fixed at either sixfeldir5* and six ells of homespun cloth, or four ounces of silver. The land-dues were to be paid when a ship had been properly moored or anchored in a Norwegian port. The required quantity of furs (feldir) and homespun was no doubt valued at current Norwegian prices; thus, payments of landdues give no indication of the value of silver in 11th century Iceland, even though it is known that in most instances four ounces of silver equalled tvo kugildi, (double the value of a cow). Under certain circumstances the payment of land-dues might be waived. If Icelanders paid land-dues in either Orkney or Shetland, they would be exempted from such payments upon their arrival in Norway, unless they had been back to Iceland in the meantime. If anyone suffered shipwreck and could not pay the entire land-dues, he would be granted exemption. The same applied to explorers whose ships drifted up to Norwegian shores and to those whose ships were swept off course to Norway from the route between Iceland and Greenland, or between ports in Iceland. These rules about exemptions from payment of the land-dues contain quite valuable information about Icelandic seafarers and seaworthy vessels of Icelandic ownership in the llth century. They also show that the Icelanders were greater explorers in this era than other accounts indicate. The land-dues must have been a considerable burden on Icelanders who went to Norway, but a rich source of revenue for the Norwegian king. In Agrip and various Kings' Sagas that were later recorded, it is written that the Alflfulog (Alfifu Law) — the laws which King Sveinn Alfifuson introduced in Norway about 1030 — contained a regulation directing every man who went from Norway to Iceland to pay land-dues whether or not he was a Norwegian citizen. Nevertheless, it does not seem possible that Icelanders could have been required to pay land-dues twice, both upon their arrival in Norway and at the time of their departure. The Alfifu Law was abolished during the reign of Sigurdr Jorsalafari (Sigurd the Jerusalemfarer) and his brothers early in the 12th century. (2) Icelanders in Norway were subject to military service. This obligation they had to fulfill if enemies were known to have invaded Norwegian territory, and if a general levy had been issued. Two-thirds of every ship's crew were then drafted for the Norwegian army, while the remaining one-third would stay behind to guard the ship and the cargo Icelandic citizens, however, were not required to take part in any military ventures or expeditions beyond what was needed to defend Norway. This compulsory service meant that the king had the authority to forbid 58

[marketable furs, cf. p. 312.]

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Icelanders to leave the country as long as there was any danger of an outbreak of hostilities within his realm. Compulsory service in the army must have been an onerous task for the Icelanders, although warfare was nothing new to them. In ancient accounts of battles the names of Icelanders often appear as allies of the Norwegian kings, but it is unknown whether they gave their services under compulsion or for other reasons. Those Icelanders who had become the liege vassals of a Norwegian king (handgengnir menn)59 were understandably obliged to help their master defend his lands and to join him on military expeditions abroad, even if it had not been stipulated in their treaty with St. Olafr. There are instances in which Icelanders, obviously to their great disadvantage, had no choice but to become involved in civil wars in Norway. Throughout almost his entire reign, St. Olafr had to be prepared for enemy attacks, especially from Canute the Great, King of England and Denmark. Thus it was to be expected that he would want to ensure the support of Icelanders when such hostilities broke out. It must be kept in mind, however, that the part of the treaty which deals with military service, may date further back than St. Olafr's reign. This is in fact indicated by the regulation on the land-dues. Neither Snorri Sturluson nor any other ancient writer as much as alludes to the treaty between St. Olafr and the Icelanders, which is indeed strange, since its provisions must have been a matter of common knowledge. Because of this silence on the part of the historians, we do not know how the pact was ratified or what reasons lay behind its introduction. One must nonetheless assume that it was debated and approved at the Althing. Another possibility is that the Althing elected special representatives with full authority to go to Norway to negotiate the various terms with the king himself. The date of the treaty has generally been set at 1022, but it may have been concluded a few years earlier or later. The treaty granted the Icelanders valuable privileges60 which, excepting only minor changes, were to remain in force until the end of the Commonwealth Period. As the treaty was not put down in writing when it was first composed, it was only to be expected that the exact content of some of its provisions would sooner or later cause disagreement. The previously quoted epilogue61 shows that before the agreement was finally committed to parchment the Icelanders, on two different occasions, had to verify its validity. An oath was sworn first by Bishop Isleifr and some other men whose names are unknown. As the treaty was so important for the Icelanders, it is reasonable to surmise that this was done in Norway. " [Cf. Kulturhistorisk leksikon, VI, art. Handgengnir menn. ""'Hakonar Saga'. Icelandic Sagas. I! (1887), p. 52. 61 [Cf. p. 109.]

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It is known that the winter following his ordination (1056-1057), Bishop Isleifr stayed in Norway, and our sources do not indicate that he ever left Iceland again after his return in 1057. At that time King Haraldr Sigurdarson (1046-1066) ruled over Norway. The following comment on King Haraldr comes from an ancient source: Of all the Norwegian kings he enjoyed the greatest popularity among the Icelanders. As Iceland was experiencing a season of great privation, King Haraldr sent four ships with cargoes of grain to Iceland and limited the price of each skippund (384 pounds) to three marks in homespun cloth. He allowed every indigent who so desired to emigrate from Iceland to Norway as soon as that person could obtain passage and necessary provisions. As a result, many paupers moved out of Iceland. And soon the famine in Iceland was relieved and conditions improved although the country had come to the brink of exhaustion because of the hardships. 62

In Fagrskinna^ (and Heimskringla) this story has been taken to mean that King Haraldr granted four ships the right to export grain to Iceland. This may have been what the king did, since special approval was always required for the export of grain regardless of whether the harvest was good or poor. The grain King Haraldr is said to have sent to Iceland was to sell at three marks (144 ells of homespun) per skippund (384 pounds) which was precisely the same as the usual price.64 But the king appears to have found it necessary to declare this to be an absolute maximum price in order to prevent the grain traders from taking advantage of the distress of the people. Further, it is conceivable that, like the Icelanders, the Norwegians also had their share of privation to contend with, even though our sources give no indication of this. With regard to these grain shipments, Fagrskinna (and Heimskringld) state the value of a skippund as 'a hundred in homespun' (120 ells). The ancient chroniclers may have felt that their lowering of the valuation would reflect favourably on King Haraldr. His decision to allow unrestricted immigration of Icelandic paupers to Norway must, however, have been of even greater significance than his licences for the grain shipments, since the former required a special exemption from the agreement contained in the treaty with King 6lafr the Saint. Another account of these times of hardship in Iceland is found in an appendix to the Skardsarbok version of Landnamabok, but its inclusion here was for a reason completely different from the one behind the story of King Haraldr's praiseworthy actions. This source maintains that the period of distress started in Iceland the same winter that Bishop fsleifr was ordained, most likely in 62 Morkinskinna (K^benhavn, 1932), p. 170 (in a lacuna which was filled in with material from "Fagrskinna (Kjibenhavn, 1902-1903), p. 263. " Hint hi., hi I, I pp. nn 317, 117 318 T1R "Dipt,

Flaleyjarbok).

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the latter part of the winter of 1056. The following description is taken from Skardsarbok: But the first winter Bishop Isleifr was in Iceland (1057-1058), a great number starved to death. Then people were known to eat just anything they could possibly sink their teeth into. The following summer (1058), at a session of the Althing, the bishop got people to make the vow that for three consecutive years they would observe a fast on the 12th day of Christmas in the same manner as had been customary at Herford in Saxony, where the bishop had attended school. At the time of the Althing the whole country was so heavily covered with snow that most men travelled on foot to the Althing. But as they made their vow, the weather began to improve, so that the summer turned out to be a most clement season. The following winter was so mild that frost never settled in the ground, and at Christmas people were able to attend church barefoot; in the month following midwinter 65 (thorri), they were able to build houses and fences. The next summer therefore, it was made law that, unless it coincided with the Lord's day, a fast should always be observed on the twelfth day of Christmas. 66

The preceding story bears obvious marks of clerical writing, whereas the account involving King Haraldr may be said to reflect the secular attitude of a royalist. Irrespective of these different views, both stories may contain a kernel of truth. It seems that in 1056 other nations in Europe also suffered starvation, Sweden being a case in point.67 But Iceland appears to have been more seriously affected than most. News of the privation in Iceland may have reached Norway before Bishop Isleifr left there for his homeland in the spring or the summer of 1057. It would then have been quite natural for the bishop to seek King Haraldr's aid in order to avert further disaster in Iceland. The bishop would at the same time have had those of his compatriots who were in Norway verify by oath their treaty with St. Olafr. It seems logical that precisely at the time when Icelandic-Norwegian relations had assumed a new importance, it was discovered that some sections of the treaty were beginning to fade in people's memory. Scholars have not been in agreement about the time and the place of the sworn testimony Bishop Gizurr and his companions are said to have offered in support of the treaty. Jon Sigurdsson maintained that the oaths were sworn in Norway in the spring of 1083, but others have suggested that they were taken at a session of the Althing about the turn of the llth century. Jon Sigurdsson's claim is well founded, since the content of the manuscript has some unmistakeable marks of Norwegian 65 66 67

[The month from the middle of January to the middle of February.] hlendinga sogur, I (Kjrfbenhavn, 1843), pp. 323-324. Adam of Bremen, History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen (New York, 1959), p. 127.

117 provenance. For instance, the words thar (there) and thadan (thence) are used in the treaty with reference to Iceland, whereas the word her (here) applies to Norway. As was suggested above, the treaty was undoubtedly committed to writing when Gizurr and his men took their oaths. Indeed, it would appear likely that on an occasion of this nature the Icelanders would have been compelled to go to Norway to ensure their rights; a written submission from the Althing would have been deemed an inadequate measure. If one agrees that the oaths were sworn in Norway, the ceremony itself must have taken place in 1083. Gizurr had then just been ordained bishop and was about to return to Iceland, whose shores, as far as can be judged from our sources, he was never to leave again. Among those who are said to have participated in the oath-taking ceremony was Markus Skeggjason, a poet and a man of great influence. Like Bishop Gizurr he is known to have been away from Iceland at the time in question. Moreover, he is said to have composed poems about the King of Denmark and the King of Sweden. In Iceland he served as lawspeaker of the Althing from 1084 to 1107, during which period it is unlikely that he left his country. Those who swore the oaths with Bishop Gizurr are mentioned in the treaty by Christian name only. At that time it was not necessary to identify them by patronymics, and one can still, with a reasonable degree of certainty, tell who they were. Besides Bishop Gizurr himself, his son Teitr, and Markus, the following individuals took part in the swearing of the oath: Hreinn Hermundarson of Gilsbakki, Einarr Arason of Reykholar, Bjorn the son of Thorfinnr Karlsefni of Skagafjordur, GuSmundr the son of Eyjolfr the Lame of Modruvellir in Eyjafjordur (?), Da6i Starkadarson of the Svinfelling family, and Holmsteinn Oraekjuson from Fljotsdalur. It is quite clear that aside from the bishop himself, the delegation consisted of two men from each Quarter. Every one of them was either the owner of a chieftaincy or closely related to a chieftain. There is ample reason to believe that they went to Norway as the elected representatives of the Althing. At that time, 6lafr Haraldsson the Quiet was King of Norway (1066-1093). During King Olafr's reign Norway enjoyed peace and prosperity, and it is not known that there were any disagreements between Iceland and Norway during this period. But it is hardly possible that so many prominent Icelanders would have had to offer their sworn testimony in Norway unless the execution of the treaty existing between the two countries had previously brought about some serious disagreements.

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CHURCH AND RELIGION Heathenism and Irish Christianity In the chapter on chieftains and chieftaincies references were made to pagan practices, a topic to which we shall now give further consideration.1 Although the majority of the colonists of Iceland were heathen, their religious beliefs were of two different kinds. On the one hand there was the belief in landvaettir (guardian spirits of the country); on the other, there was godatru or asatrii (the faith in the gods). Of these two cults the one associated with guardian spirits was much earlier in origin and more primitive in nature. As can be seen from our previous discussion of Ulfljot's Law, this cult became very strong in Iceland. These spirits, the 'genii', were from the world of the supernatural and capable of manifesting themselves in the likeness of either a human being or some kind of animal. It was considered more expedient to propitiate them than to frighten them away. They were believed to inhabit waterfalls, rocks, groves or other beautiful and unusual places, which were therefore venerated. People would leave offerings of food by the waterfalls and other sacred spots, believing that the spirits would receive them. Belief in the sanctity of certain places, although in greatly altered form, has lingered on in Iceland to the present day. It is likely that those who paid homage to guardian spirits also offered sacrifices to the gods. Even though the gods surpassed ordinary mortals in both strength and power, people visualized them in human form. The deities were referred to as aesir (gods) and asynjur (goddesses). Images of them were honoured at sacrificial feasts. Ulfljot's Law implies that Freyr, Njord and 'the all-powerful god' were the three deities most revered in Iceland. There has been disagreement as to the identity of'the all-powerful god'. Some scholars have suggested that 'all-powerful' here is a reference to 6dinn; others have rightly pointed out that it must apply to the god Thor, who was highly esteemed by the Icelanders.2 It is significant that literary sources dealing with the conflict between heathenism and Christianity invariably pit Thor against Christ. In the present context the appellation 1

Cf. Olafur Briem, Heidinn sidura island! (Reykjavik, 1945); [Jan de Vries, Altgermanische Religionsgeschichle, I and II (Berlin, 1956-57); Folke Strom, Nordisk hedendom (Goteborg, !96I);Gabriel Turville-Petre.A/y/A and Religion of the North (London, 1964).] ! [Also the god Ullr has been suggested, cf. Hermann Palsson, "Ass hinn almattki", Skirnir 130 (1956), pp. 187-192.]

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'all-powerful' does not have the same meaning as in modern idiom; rather it implies complete or unlimited strength. Outside of the realm of ancient poetry there is no evidence that Odinn was worshipped in Iceland; there are, for example, no Icelandic place names compounded with the element 66inn. Indeed, there are few if any such names to be found in the areas from which most of the Icelandic settlers came, that is, the coastal regions of Western Norway and the sites of the Norse colonies in the Western Islands. The most important centres of heathen worship were the horgar3 and the hof. Of the two, the horgar were earlier in origin. There are Icelandic place names reflecting the existence tfhdrgar, but it is not certain whether they were houses or stone altars or even some other type of structure. It is even doubtful that all of the horgar served as places of heathen worship. The plural form of this noun in Horgaeyri on the Westman Islands — a place for sacrificial feasts mentioned in KristniSaga — indicates that unlike the hof, the horgar were not necessarily houses. The hdfudhof (major temples) were not only places where idols or images were worshipped, but served also as halls for sacrificial feasts. Archeologists have examined many probable sites of ancient templeruins in Iceland. If the testimony of these ruins could be ascertained, they would be most significant for scholarly research; however, the Danish archeologist Aage Roussell has questioned the authenticity of virtually all ruins of this kind that have ever been found in Iceland. He has not even accepted as genuine the well-known temple-ruins of Hofsstadir at Lake Myvatn, for among these ruins Roussell unearthed tools and implements that were used for daily chores, but could not possibly have served any purpose at sacrificial ceremonies.4 Roussell also came to the conclusion that most temples in Iceland were built of timber, and that one should not expect to find any remains of these after the passage of so many centuries. The only possible exception, in his opinion, is the ruin at Saebol in Haukadalur in Dyrafjorftur, which he believes could be the remains of a rectangular temple building 6.5 meters square, with a surrounding rectangular wall or enclosure 14 meters square. The temple at Haukadalur would then appear to have been of the same size and architectural design as the famous temple of the fertility god at Arkona on the island of Riigen.5 Only further research will determine the validity of this hypothesis. Thorgrimr the Priest of Freyr (Freysgodi) Thorsteinsson, the father of Snorri the Temple-Priest, lived at Saebol. Ordinarily, sacred observances at temples required that a male beast 3 4 5

[sing, horgr.} [Kristjan Eldjarn believes the ruins at Hofsstadir are temple remains, cf. Kulturhistorisk leksikon, V I I , art. Hov og Horg. A different view on the 'hof-horgr' problem is expressed by OlafOlsen, Horg, hovogfc/rAre(K0benhavn, 1966).] Forntida gSrdar i Island, pp. 215-223.

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be sacrificed; human sacrifices, on the other hand, were not offered except in crises. At these ceremonies the blood of the sacrificial beast was of particular importance. In the Lay ofHyndla (Hyndluljod) 6 a horgr (a stone altar?) is said to have been sprinkled with the fresh blood of a bull. Because of these practices, the lay implies, the rocks of the horgr turned into glass. Even though the Lay of Hyndla was in all probability composed in Norway, one may surmise that its description also applied to the religious practices of the Icelanders. The blood from the sacrificial beast was called hlaut. It was contained in the hlautbolli (blood cup) and sprinkled on the appropriate area within the temple with a twig called hlautteinn (blood sprig). A somewhat inaccurate reference in Heimskringla maintains that the sacrificial blood was sprinkled not only on the temple-altar, but on the inside and outside of the temple-walls, as well as on those attending the ceremony. The Lay of the Hymir1 shows that the sacrificial blood was used for the making of prophesies. The first verse of the lay contains the following line: Twigs they shook / and watched the blood stains.

The twigs must have been dipped into the blood and shaken, then prophecies would be read in the various stain patterns which appeared. When Iceland was being colonized, the veneration of the heathen gods was already on the wane. This decline resulted from the increased exposure of Scandinavians, both at home and abroad, to Christians and Christian cultural traditions. Landnamabok mentions a certain settler called Hallr the Godless, the son of Helgi the Godless. Scholars have been inclined to believe that the descriptive words added to the names of these two men reflected their unwillingness to offer sacrifices to the heathen gods and that they chose instead to believe in 'their own might and main'. This attitude is also borne out by references to the settlers Hjorleifr and Bersi the Godless, the grandfather of Bjorn Hitdaelakappi. One would no doubt come closer to the truth about the religious outlook of these men if one assumed that they were among the Norsemen who received preliminary baptism and were required, as a result, to discontinue their participation in heathen observances. The method of performing this preliminary christening, or prima signatio, was to make the sign of the cross over a pagan. Many pagans who had dealings with Christians are known to have received an initiation of this kind. Although the prima signatio was regarded as a preliminary to baptism, it was conducted as a ceremony in its own right in the conversion period, when its special significance was that of granting properly initiated in6 7

[An Eddie lay, cf. Flateyjarbok, I, Akranes, 1945, p. 10; cf. also The Poetic Edda translated with an Introduction and Explanatory Notes by Lee M. Hollander (University of Texas Press, 1962), pp. 129-136.] [Cf. The Poetic Edda, translated by Lee M. Hollander, pp. 1-13.]

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dividuals, whatever their non-Christian religion might be, the right to associate freely with Christians and to attend Christian services. These non-Christians had to give up sacrifice and other pagan practices. The mythological poetry clearly reflects the declining interest in heathen religious traditions. Nowhere was this as apparent as in the Norwegian colonies, even though the founders of the Icelandic state and of the Althing took certain measures to protect their old religion. Thorhaddr the Old, a settler in Stodvarfjordur, tore down his temple in the district of Moere in Norway "and took with him the 'temple-earth' (most likely earth from underneath the temple-altar) and the pillars".8 There must have been other settlers who followed the same procedure as Thorhaddr, but when sacred objects were moved out of Norway they were known to lose their power, and in their new surroundings they did not have time to gather strength again. One must also take into account that because of climatic conditions, and a small and widely dispersed population, the Icelandic environment was not likely to generate strong religious movements. Moreover, the Icelanders were neither sufficiently concerned with the cultivation of their soil nor deeply enough involved in military engagements to have the same need as many other nations for powerful gods of fertility and war. However, as long as life remains a mystery, some form of religious belief seems to be a necessity, and therefore the pagan faith never degenerated into complete atheism amongst the Icelanders. But the religious concepts of the ancient Icelanders varied greatly in their character and origin. For example, Landnamabok says of Thorkell Moon (lawspeaker from 970 to 984), the son of Thorsteinn Ingolfsson, that "when he was lying on his death bed, (he) had himself carried out to a shaft of sunlight, and gave himself to the god who created the sun". Much is also said in this source about Thorsteinn's chaste and pure way of life;9 but one should not forget that stories of this kind were recorded by Christian authors and so are likely to reflect their sentiments. The Sibyl's Prophesy (Voluspa)10 represents a major effort on the part of its author to revitalize faith in the heathen gods. This poem was composed shortly before the year 1000 when the heathen religion had almost run its course in Iceland and was about to give way to Christianity. The asatrii (belief in the gods called aesir) was polytheistic in nature; therefore its adherents found it possible to recognize Christ as the god of other nations, even though their own gods surpassed him in power. But the strength of the Christian position lay not only in its monotheistic 1

[the high-seat pillars from his house or temple.] Landn (1900). p. 134. ' Cf. Sigurdur Nordal, Voluspa (Reykjavik, 1923).

1

122 basis, but also in the written word which the Christians used as one of their chief weapons. The heathens had no comparable means with which to support their cause. The Icelanders had known about the Christian religion from the beginning of the Age of Settlements. Their earliest contacts with the new religion were, however, confined to Irish Christianity, which in some ways differed from the Roman Catholic tradition. To give an example, the Irish Church did not recognize the supreme authority of the Pope until 1152. The papar (Irish hermits), as has been said earlier, were Christians. Moreover, the settlers who came to Iceland from the Western Islands (the Norse colonies in Britain), where they had been living for a considerable period of time, had not only become familiar with the Christian faith there, but had in some instances received the sacrament of baptism. Probably most of these men moved between heathen and Christian beliefs in the same manner as Helgi the Lean, a settler in Eyjafjordur, who "believed in Christ but invoked Thor when it came to voyages and difficult times". 11 He called his farm Kristnes. A fair number of slaves from Ireland were brought to Iceland, mainly during the Age of Settlements and on intermittent occasions throughout the 10th century. Almost all of these people were Christians, but one must assume that opportunities to practise their religion were rather limited. Kjalarnes and Akranes 12 were the areas where Christians first attained some prominence, and two men from these areas became legendary: the settler Orlygr the Old, and Asolfr Alskik, both of whom came to Iceland during the Age of Settlements. Orlygr landed in the Vestfirdir (West Fjords) in the area of Patreksfjordur, and according to Landnamabok he named the fjord after St. Patrick, the Bishop of the Hebrides, his fosterfather. This must be an inaccurate reference to St. Patrick, "Apostle of the Irish" (d.461). 13 Later Orlygr settled at Esjuberg on Kjalarnes. There he built a church which he dedicated to Columba or Columcille (d.597). Some of the possessions of this church, such as an iron bell and an unabridged missal (plenarium) were still believed to be in existence during Stada-Arni's episcopacy of the See of Skalholt (1269-1298).14 The descendants of Orlygr, the Esbergings, "believed in Columcille, even though they did not receive the sacrament of baptism" (cf. the Hauksbok version of Landnamabok). Hauksbok has a very thorough account of Asolfr. It is assumed in this account that he came to Iceland with eleven others and that these men were missionaries from the monastic order of the Culdees (Celtic " Landn. (1900), p. 193. 12 [In south-western Iceland.] '•' In the same manner, it is possible that Trostansfjordur in the Vestfirdir is named after St. Trostan, the Scottish saint. 14 Kjalnesinga saga, the final passages. [Cf. pp. 172-173.]

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monks identified as 'the servants of god'). The Culdee missionaries travelled about in groups of twelve in imitation of the twelve apostles.15 There is another story about Asolfr which seems to imply that he came to Iceland alone. During the last years of his life he lived as an anchorite at Innri-Holmur on Akranes, where he was laid to rest. A church which was built at Innri-Holmur in the l l t h century was dedicated to Columcille. This shows that old memories of Irish Christianity must have been revived among the Icelanders at the time of their conversion. Jorundr the Christian at Jb'rundarholt, now called Gardar on Akranes, was Asolfr's maternal uncle. As was very common among Irish Christians, Jorundr decided in his old age to take up the life of a hermit. These hermits were in many ways similar to thepapar, even though they went by a different name. As could be expected, the Christianity which reached Iceland in the Age of Settlements gained only limited ground and then disappeared, even though memories of it lingered on. From this early period the church at Esjuberg is the only one mentioned in our historical sources, but the farm name Kirkjubaer in the Sida district indicates that a church was built there very early, either by the papar or by the settler in this area, Ketill the Foolish.16 There is no mention of priests serving at this time; nor were there books to speak of, as very few people knew how to read. At the founding of the Icelandic Commonwealth, no provisions were made for any Christian beliefs, and Christians were barred from all participation in administrative affairs unless they were willing to compromise with the heathen ritual that required chieftains (temple-priests) to take oaths by a temple-ring. Of course, it must be remembered that many of the Christians were in fact slaves. The nickname hinnfiflski (the foolish) given Ketill, the settler at Kirkjubaer, reflects the kind of contempt some people had for Christianity. There are, however, no signs that Christians in Iceland were subjected to any direct religious persecution by the heathens, even though they did not enjoy the same rights and privileges. For this reason there are no Icelandic Christian martyrs. Various historical records show the intermingling of religious elements which came about during the period in question. Heimskringla relates that in Asgardr, 17 where 6dinn was chief, there was a hierarchy of twelve temple-priests who were called dlar or drottnar (gods). The plural form diar was derived from the Irish dia (god). In Irish this noun was in turn a loan-word from the Latin deus. The same source says that it was Odinn's custom "if he sent his men into battle or assigned them to any other mission, first to place his hands upon their heads and bestow "> A. D. Jorgensen, Den nordiske Kirkes Grundleeggelseogforste Udvikling, 1 (K^benhavn, 1874), pp. 212-213. [Cf. also Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirche, II (1958), art. Cell De.] ' [Cf. p. 6 above.] [The home of the pagan deities.]

124 'bjannak' upon them, whereupon they believed that their mission would bring success".18 The word bjannak was borrowed from Celtic (Irish beannacht. Gaelic beannachd); ultimately this may be traced to the Latin benedictio (blessing). This fusion of Christian and heathen ideas came about when heathens and Celtic Christians19 occupied the same regions. Developments of this kind are likely to have occurred more frequently in the Western Islands (the British Isles) than in Iceland. The Icelandic words bagall (crozier) and kross (cross) are thought to be Irish words,20 although they were not transmitted along the same channels as diar and bjannak and do not therefore reflect any mixture of religious concepts. After the close of the colonization period Christian influences continued to reach Iceland, but on too small a scale to make any appreciable inroads into the heathen tradition. Icelanders are known to have visited the lands of Christian peoples as participants in either viking raids or trading missions, and some of them would then receive the prima signatio (preliminary christening). Among those mentioned in our historical sources are Egill Skalla-Grimsson and Gisli Siirsson, which would explain why EgilPs poem Hofudlausn (Head Ransom) seems to indicate that its author had been exposed to the singing of hymns. Before Christian missionaries took up their activity in Iceland, most of the Christians there, according to our sources, seem to have been people in bondage. However, mention is made of a certain Christian from the Hebrides who went from Iceland to Greenland in 985 or 986 and composed at this time the poem Hafgerdingadrapa. It would appear that when Christian missionaries came to Iceland the path had already been smoothed for them. Historical Sources on Christian Missions and the Introduction of Christianity In Islendingabok Ari the Learned describes the spread of Christianity and its adoption by the Althing. Within its limits Ari's account appears to be reliable. Landnamabok touches upon certain points concerning these events, but the dating of passages relevant to our discussion is open to question. Other sources of information on this subject are Historia Norwegian, a historical survey by a monk named Theodricus, and an Icelandic translation of The Saga of King Olafr Tryggvason, originally written in Latin by the monk Oddr Snorrason of Thingeyrar. This translation reflects influences from Islendingabok. In addition to these sources, the monk Gunnlaugr Leifsson of Thingeyrar (d. 1219) "Jslenzk fornrit, XXVI, p. I I . "Cf. Alexander Bugge, Vesterlandenes indflydelse (Kristiania, 1905), pp. 133-134. [Cf. pp. 17-19.] [bagall in the meaning 'crozier', and kross are derived from the Lat. baculus and crux.]

20

125 seems to have written a detailed commentary on missionary efforts and Christianization in his Latin Saga of King Olafr Tryggvason. But the monk Gunnlaugr was a highly credulous man and there is ample reason to believe that his uncritical attitude led him to record ill-founded stories intended for the glorification of Christians. His Saga of King Olafr Tryggvason has been lost, but the following records may be regarded as dependant on it: the chapter on the Christianization of Iceland in The Longer Saga of King Olafr Tryggvason, Kristni Saga (The Saga of Christianization), the account of the conversion in Heimskringla, and, in all probability, a corresponding chapter on the advent of Christianity in Njals Saga. The latter source treats the subject very freely. As historical sources, all these accounts must be used with extreme caution. They do, however, undoubtedly contain some ancient features, particularly those sources in verse which provide valuable information about the pagan religion and are not found in the work of the monk Gunnlaugr.21 Christian Missionary Work and the Christianization of Iceland In the tenth century Christianity took firm root in the Scandinavian countries. The German King Henry I defeated the Danes about the year 934 A.D. and thus paved the way for missionary activities in Denmark. Although it suffered some setbacks, Christianity survived in Denmark from this time on. The archbishops of Bremen were deeply interested in missionary work in Scandinavia, and even though historical sources do not make any reference to it, it may be assumed that Adaldag, Archbishop of Bremen (937-988), was responsible for the first Christian mission to Iceland. This effort to Christianize the Icelanders is the earliest one on record and seems to date from the latter part of Archbishop Adaldag's term of office. At this time new religious currents, first from Germany and then for a time from England, brought about changes in the Christian ideas which the Icelanders had received from Ireland. There is a story to the effect that Thorvaldr Kodransson the Fartraveller from Stora-Gilja in Thing 22 was baptized in Saxony by a certain Bishop Frederick, with whom he stayed for some time afterwards. Thorvaldr then asked the bishop to accompany him to Iceland to baptize his kinsmen. Historical records outside Iceland apparently make no mention of Bishop Frederick. This would indicate that he only held the post of a 'missionary bishop' — a title used for those whose consecration entitled them to preach the faith to heathens; these missionaries, however, had no permanent episcopal sees. As Bishop Frederick did not know the Norse language, Thorvaldr acted as his interpreter, and assisted him in other 31 22

Cf. Einar Arnorsson. "Kristnitokusagan arid 1000", Skirnir 115 (1941). pp. 79-118. [In Austur-Hiinavatnssysla.]

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ways. It has generally been held that Bishop Frederick and Thorvaldr stayed in Iceland from 981 to 986, first at Stora-Gilja and then at Laskjamot in Vididalur; but it is not possible to tell with certainty by what authority these dates were fixed. It is interesting to note, however, that in KristniSaga Snorri the Temple-Priest at Helgafell was "eighteen winters of age" when Thorvaldr and the bishop arrived in Iceland.23 This statement may contain an old chronological element ultimately derived from Ari the Learned's writings. In his hlendingabok Ari has nothing else to say about Frederick but that he came to Iceland during the heathen era. All other existing sources of information on the mission of Thorvaldr and the bishop date from the 13th century or later. The most important of these are the chapter on Christianization in the Longer Saga of King Olafr Tryggvason (an episode concerning Thorvaldr the Far-traveller), and Kristni Saga. These two men achieved considerable success in the North Quarter where most of Thorvaldr's kinsmen lived. But as far as can be judged, they did not baptize any of the chieftains (godordsmenn). However, Thorkell Krafla at Hof in Vatnsdalur and Eyjolfr Valgerdarson of Modruvellir in Eyjafjordur accepted theprima signalio.24 Beyond this it is difficult to assess the results of this early mission, since our records are unreliable and show definite tendencies on the part of their authors to exaggerate rather than minimize the accomplishments of the two proselytizers. The story of Svadi and Arnorr Kerlingarnef, for instance, tells that according to most people Thorvardr Spak-Bodvarsson of As in Hjaltadalur was baptized by Bishop Frederick. The same source further cites the monk Gunnlaugr as relating that in the opinion of other people Thorvardr was baptized in England, and that he brought from there the lumber for the church which he built at As. Of these two references, the one reportedly deriving from Gunnlaugr may be more authentic. According to Landnamabok and other ancient sources the church at As was built in 984.25 Lampoons were the most effective weapons used by the heathens in their fight against Christian missionaries, even though Icelandic law prescribed heavy penalties for the making of libelous verses. At a meeting of the Althing, Bishop Frederick and Thorvaldr made some unsuccessful attempts to preach Christianity, whereupon heathen men are said to have composed lampoons about them including the following verse: The bishop bore children Nine in number. All of these Thorvaldr fathered. 21

Biskupa sogur, I, p. 4. " Neither of these men is mentioned in the chapter on Christianization in the Longer Saga of King f>lafr Tryggvason. 25 Thorvardr was the brother of Arngeirr from whom the Asbirnings were descended in direct male line.

127 In accordance with the requirements of the Church, the bishop must have had to shave off his beard, and his attire naturally bore a resemblance to women's clothing; such features enabled enemies to liken him to a female. The verse also probably alludes to the Christian concept of godparents. Thorvaldr no doubt stood godfather to children as they were being baptized by the bishop. Some light is thrown on people's ideas at this time by the fact that the verse is also an imitation of verse 39 of the First Lay of Helgi Hunting's Slayer: On Saga's Ness full nine wolves we had together — I begat them all. 26

Thorvaldr killed the two men who had lampooned him. The bishop strongly disapproved of this act as he felt revenge to be an unfitting trait in Christian people. Eventually the bishop and Thorvaldr were virtually driven out of Iceland. For some time after this no further attempts were made to advance the Christian cause in Iceland until Olafr Tryggvason came to the Norwegian throne in 995. Olafr had been a fierce viking and had participated in many raids. His last incursions were made on England, where, in 994, the English bribed him with a large sum of money to keep the peace. Later King Ethelred sent for him and arranged to have him confirmed by Bishop Elfeah of Winchester, while King Ethelred himself stood godfather. It is not known whether Olafr was baptized on or before the day of his confirmation. He now promised King Ethelred to desist from further raids upon England, and stood by his word. 27 The following year Olafr returned to Norway with hoards of money and seized power without resistance, since at that time Earl Hakon Sigurdarson had lost the good-will of a large portion of his compatriots in Norway. It is tempting to speculate that the money Olafr had brought with him played some part in his political success. Then, with cruelty and coercion, King Olafr — his viking spirit unsoftened by baptism — began to force Christianity upon the Norwegians who were still, for the most part, heathen. At the same time he used every means at his disposal to bring Christianity to countries whose inhabitants were of Norwegian origin, and his efforts resulted in the Christianization of Orkney, Shetland, the Faroes, and Iceland. To Iceland King Olafr sent Stefnir Thorgilsson, an Icelander, together with some other preachers of the new faith. However, Stefnir's mission in Iceland was an almost complete failure. On his K 27

Konrad Maurer, Die Bekehrung des Norwegischen Slammes zum Christenthume, I (Miinchen, 1855), pp. 217-218, footnote; [cf. also The Poetic Edda, translated by Lee M. Hollander, p. 186, verse no. 39.] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a revised translation), ed. Dorothy Whitlock and others. (Eyre and Spottiswoode: London, 1961), p. 83; cf. also Konrad Maurer, Die Bekehrung des Norwegischen Slammes zum Christenthume, I, (Miinchen, 1855), pp. 276-277.

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travels there he is said to have wreaked damage upon heathen houses of worship (hof and horgar), and demolished statues of heathen deities. We are told that it was then made law at the Althing that the more distant relatives of Christians should prosecute their renegade cousins and have them fined or sentenced to outlawry if they were known either to have spoken disparagingly of the gods, or to have brought any other disgrace or dishonour upon the family, Christianity being then regarded as a stigma on all the kinsfolk of the Christian. If this statement is based on fact, and indeed it bears the marks of authenticity, then it shows quite clearly what view people must have taken of the disruptive influences of Christianity upon time-honoured kindred ties.28 In accordance with this law, Stefnir was found guilty of blasphemy and forced to leave the country. He must have received the sentence of lesser outlawry, the very kind of sentence which was later passed on Hjalti Skeggjason for blasphemy (godga). Kristni Saga and the chapter on Christianity in the Longer Saga of King Olafr are our only sources on Stefnir. Next, King Olafr sent the Icelanders a priest by the name of Thangbrandr. He was to preach Christianity and baptize all those who accepted the faith. Hallr Thorsteinsson of Sida "let himself be baptized early and so did Hjalti Skeggjason of Thjorsardalur and Gizurr the White, son of Teitr of Mosfell, and many other chieftains; yet those were more numerous who opposed baptism and refused it. And when he (Thangbrandr) had been here a winter or two he went away, having slain here (in Iceland) two or three men who had libelled him". This information comes from Ari the Learned. He does not appear to have obtained very accurate reports on Thangbrandr, even though he was in a good position to learn about his missionary work and the subsequent legislation of Christianity in Iceland, since he was brought up in the house of Hallr Thorarinsson at Haukadalur, the man whom Thangbrandr had baptized in 999. At Haukadalur Ari studied, under Teitr the Priest f sleifsson, whose paternal grandfather was Gizurr the White. In addition, Ari was the descendant of Hallr of Sida Thorsteinsson. Other medieval authors give the appearance of knowing much more about Thangbrandr, but their accounts may not be authoritative. On some interesting points their writings contradict Ari the Learned. Only a few items from these sources will be singled out for further comment here. In Historia Norwegian Thangbrandr is said to have been in the company of King Olafr Tryggvason when the latter returned from the Western Islands to Norway. The monk Theodricus gives the same account except that he uses the name Theobrand instead of Thangbrandr and maintains that the missionary was of Flemish extraction. However, the name Thangbrandr 1

Bj6rn M. Olsen, Urn kristnilokuna arid 1000 og tildrog hennar (Reykjavik, 1900), pp. 23-27.

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is attested by a contemporary reference contained in a verse attributed to Steinunn, the mother of Skald-Refr (Refr the Poet). Theodricus lists Thorgils of Olfus (Thorgils de Aulfusi) as having been one of the men of rank who accepted the Christian religion as a result of Thangbrandr's mission. Here he must have mistaken the name Thorgils for Thoroddr the Temple-Priest of Olfus, the father of Skapti the Lawspeaker. This assumption is supported by the chapter on the Christianization in the Longer Saga of King Olafr and Kristni Saga, which tells of events that took place at the Althing in the year 1000, when, as will be related below, the Christians and the heathens had made announcements at Logberg declaring they would not be bound by the same laws. Then, "a man came running and announced that a volcanic fire (jardeldr) had come out of the ground in the Olfus district and that it would strike the house of Thoroddr the Temple-Priest. The heathens remarked that it was not strange that the gods should become angry at such speeches (the speeches that were being delivered at the Althing)". Then Snorri the Temple-Priest observed, "What angered the gods when the lava field on which we are now standing came forth in flames?", whereupon the people who had gathered at Logberg dispersed".29 However strong its factual basis may be, this story would not have come into being unless Thoroddr the Temple-Priest had accepted the Christian faith. It appears then that in his account (cf. above) Theodricus, instead of putting down the name Thoroddr, mistakenly recorded the name of Thoroddr's son-in-law, Thorgils Orrabeinsstjupr. 30 In the chapter on Christianization in the Longer Saga of King Olafr and in Kristni Saga a few topographical names are mentioned which are derived from 'Thangbrandr'. These could only refer to the priest mentioned here, as it is most unlikely that more than one man bore this name in Iceland. The place-names in question are: Thangbrandspollur (Thangbrandr's Pool) by Lake Myvatn, Thangbrandslaskur (Thangbrandr's Creek) in Oxarfjordur, Thangbrandshofn or Thangbrandshrof (Thangbrandr's Harbour) in Alftafjordur in Austfirdir, and another Thangbrandshrof in Hitara in Myrar. The word hrof refers to a shed where ships were either built or kept. These place-names show that Thangbrandr did in fact visit many places, while the two place-names containing the word hrof might indicate that he spent two winters in Iceland rather than just one (997-999). Not only the above historical sources, but Njals Saga as well, contain five Scaldic verses touching upon Thangbrandr's career. These are supposed to have been composed by his contemporaries and throw an in29 10

Biskupa sogur. I, p. 22. {Orrabeinsstjupr, 'the stepson of Scarleg'.]

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teresting light on several facets of his life. A verse attributed to Thorvaldr Veili 31 contains a message from the author to the poet Ulfr Uggason urging Ulfr to drive 'the evil pervert and detractor of gods (argan godvarg) over the cliff, which was precisely the method of offering human sacrifice. Ulfr replied with another verse, saying that he would not rise to the bait. Thorvaldr Veili is listed among those who were slain by Thangbrandr because of the libelous verse composed about him. Just as Bishop Frederick and Thorvaldr the Far-traveller had before him, Thangbrandr seems to have had his share of lampoons, even though none of these compositions has been preserved except the allusion in Thorvaldr Veili's verse. Authoritative sources (Landnamabok and a verse) show that Thangbrandr also killed a poet by the name of Vetrlidi of Fljotshlid because of libel. On that occasion Gudleifr Arason from Reykholar — a member of an important family — was in the company of Thangbrandr. From the Christian standpoint these slayings were naturally immoral, but, as noted earlier, the prevailing laws made them justifiable homicides, and most likely they enhanced rather than damaged Thangbrandr's reputation. In his missionary work he accomplished more than his predecessors had done. That Thangbrandr was a gifted and hardworking man is scarcely a matter of dispute, even though some of the comments which ancient Icelandic chronicles have preserved about him are not altogether complimentary. Upon his return to Norway in 999, Thangbrandr gave King Olafr a complete report of his experienfces with the Icelanders and said that there was no hope that they would ever accept Christianity. One must conclude that he had met very strong resistance in Iceland. The king was furious and said that in retaliation he intended to have the Icelanders who were in Norway at the time either maimed or killed. Now our story returns to Iceland where, in this same summer (999) at a meeting of the Althing, apparently shortly after Thangbrandr left Iceland, Hjalti Skeggjason declaimed the following verse at Logberg: I have no desire to mock the gods; however, I consider Freyja a bitch-goddess.32

The heathens called this blasphemy (godga), and it gave Runolfr the Temple-Priest of Dalur t at Eyjafjoll grounds for having Hjalti sentenced to lesser outlawry. 33 No doubt this sentence was based on the law which is said to have been introduced when Stefnir was in Iceland. Nothing is known about what caused Hjalti to compose this verse, although it must Jl

[Veili: 'the sickly'.] [In the original this reads: Vil ek eigi god geyja: grey frykki mer Freyja. A play on words is involved, since geyja means both 'to mock' (blaspheme) and 'to bark'. This verse has been variously interpreted. For the latest discussion see Jakob Benediktsson, hlenzk fornrit. I, p. 15, footnote 7.] " Landn. (1900), p. 223. [on 'lesser outlawry' cf. p. 62.] 12

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have been connected with discussions that took place at Logberg with regard to the new religion. As has been mentioned in an earlier chapter, it was decided at this same meeting of the Althing that people should come to the annual session of this body a week later than had previously been the custom. It cannot be ascertained whether the approval of this amendment was at all affected by people's attitudes towards the Christian cause. It is nevertheless conceivable that the heathens, who must have been party to the amendment, felt that, in case of a late spring, this later opening date of the annual session of the Althing would facilitate attendance for inhabitants of remote areas where Christianity had as yet gained little ground. But in the Arnessthing, an area in the neighbourhood of the Althing, Christianity had gained considerable strength at the time in question, at least if one is to accept as valid evidence the position taken by men of such influence as Hjalti, Gizurr the White, and in all probability Thoroddr the Temple-Priest of Hjalli. Christianity had now become a matter of grave political concern since Christians could not rightly engage in the sacrificial ceremonies entailed in holding chieftaincies; nor could they take part in judicial proceedings requiring them to take oaths according to heathen rites. As far as authoritative sources inform us, the chieftains (godordsmenn) who were baptized by Thangbrandr were the' first of their status to accept Christianity. It is logical to surmise that these men were reluctant to give up their chieftaincies, and that in fact they rebelled against the prevailing system and established separate district assemblies for those who had accepted the Christian faith and wished to join forces with them. 34 This hypothesis is quite plausible, even though there is no irrefutable evidence for it. Indeed, it seems to be borne out by the ruins of assembly booths found in Laugatorfa in Biskupstungur, which suggest that this was the site of a district assembly originally convened here by Gizurr the White after he had been baptized. Whatever the case, the Christians must have dissociated themselves from all active participation in the regular proceedings of the Althing and ceased either to collect or pay temple-dues. Both moves must have been matters of concern for all prudent and intelligent people. This problem concerned the country as a whole and was therefore an appropriate topic for deliberation at the particular session of the Althing referred to above. After the Althing had been dissolved in the summer of 999, Gizurr and his son-in-law Hjalti went abroad. Hjalti was required to leave Iceland because of the sentence he had received, and Gizurr apparently intended to obtain counsel and support from King Olafr, who happened to be his second cousin. Hjalti and Gizurr were able to negotiate a settlement between their captive compatriots in Norway and the king by M

Bj8rn M. Olsen, Um kristnitokuna arid 1000, pp. 50-53.

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promising the latter that they would exercise their influence to have Christianity accepted in Iceland, expressing the firm hope that their efforts would be successful. It is impossible to judge why they were so optimistic, unless they anticipated that their countrymen in Iceland would be appreciative enough of the way the two men had pleaded the cause of the Icelanders in Norway to agree to support the adoption of Christianity in Iceland. King Olafr finally agreed to release the Icelanders who were then in Norway. As a precautionary measure, however, he decided to keep four of them hostage, i.e. one man from each Quarter in Iceland. These were Kjartan, the son of 6lafr Peacock of Hjardarholt, 35 Svertingr, the son of Runolfr the Temple-Priest of Dalur, Halldorr, the son of Gudmundr the Powerful of Modruvellir, and Kolbeinn Thordarson, a brother of Flosi the Burner of Svinafell.36 Undoubtedly Gizurr and Hjalti had had their say in the selection of these four men, who were all members of Iceland's noblest families, since King Olafr could hardly have been expected to possess enough knowledge to settle such a matter on his own. It is likely that the two Icelanders tried to choose, as far as possible, men related to those chieftains most strongly opposed to Christianity. In the summer of the year 1000 Gizurr and Hjalti went to Iceland in the company of a priest called Thormodr. The monk Theodricus calls him Thermo, adding that in their native tongue the Icelanders referred to him as Thormodr, and that he came from the British Isles with King Olafr; thus the nationality of this priest is not known. Thormodr and the two Icelanders arrived in the Westman Islands at the end of the tenth week of summer, when, according to the law-amendment of the previous year, people were to ride to the Althing. It is not possible to ascertain the exact date, since for this particular period the relationship between the chronology of the Church and the Icelandic calendar is not known. From the Westman Islands the men, now grown to a company of twelve, at once continued their journey to Landeyjar on the mainland. Until they reached the farmstead of As in the Holt area, the home of Thorvaldr, Hjalti's brother-in-law,37 no one had felt free to lend them horses because of the tyrannical sway Runolfr the Temple-Priest held over the district. These twelve then travelled on as fast as they could to the Althing. Before reaching their destination, however, they may have sought assistance at Biskupstungur, where Gizurr had many supporters. It seems, however, that when they got there, many people from Biskupstungur were already on their way to the Althing. At the request " [A protagonist in Laxdaela Saga.] 36 Olafs Saga Tryggvasonar by Oddr Snorrason (1932), p. 127. In this source, Kolbeinn is said to have been the son of Flosi, but other sources agree with what is stated here. " Landn. (1900), pp. 113-114, p. 223.

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of his companions, Hjalti — then an outlaw — broke his journey and stayed behind in Laugardalur with eleven men. But Gizurr and those who were with him rode on until they reached Vellankatla by Olfusvatn (Thingvallavatn). From there they sent word to the Althing that their supporters should come to meet them because they had heard that their adversaries were about to keep them from the assembly plain by force of arms. It is evident that each side must have spied upon the activities of the other, and that at first Gizurr and his followers intended to plead their cause calmly. But when they learned about the preparations of the heathens, they apparently decided to fight until a settlement could be reached. They sent for supporters from those assembled at the Althing, and it may be assumed that they also sent for Hjalti, since he and his companions arrived at Vellankatla before the Christians and their supporters left for the Althing. It is conceivable, however, that Hjalti changed his mind and that it was his personal decision to join those at Vellankatla. But as far as can be judged, the Christians present at the Althing made no preparations until they received word from Gizurr and his men. They could not have known that he and his companions from Norway would return to Iceland before the opening of the Althing, and even less could they have anticipated what assignments Gizurr and his company had been given before they left Norway. 38 When Gizurr and Hjalti were on the last leg of their journey to the Althing, their friends and kinsmen came to meet them as they had been asked. Most of these must have come from the Arnessthing area, and one may gather that Christians from various other parts of Iceland were also with them. The whole company then rode to the Althing and the heathens closed ranks, fully armed. Conflict seemed inevitable. The heathens must have regarded the presence of the Christians, who were known to have a convicted man in their midst, as an outright provocation. At this point something must have happened to change matters, for on the following day the heathens went so far as to permit Gizurr and Hjalti to deliver speeches at Logberg. What could have caused this change in the attitude of the heathens? In the first place, the Christians may have had a greater number of supporters than had been anticipated. Up to this time many of them may in fact have remained silent about their religious inclinations for fear of embarrassment. Secondly, there were individuals in both camps who wanted first and foremost to preserve the peace. The Christian Hallr of Sida was one of these men, and in the ranks of the pagans those who emphasized the preservation of law and order were the lawspeaker Thorgeirr the Temple-Priest of the Ljosvetnings,39 Snorri the Temple-Priest of Helgafell, and many others. These men must have 3

" Cf. Bjorn M. Olsen, Um kristnilokuna arid 1000, p. 78. [His tenure of office as lawspeaker extended from 885 to 1001.

39

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acted as mediators in order to avert a direct confrontation of the two opposing sides, and to provide the Christians with an opportunity to present their case at Logberg. Thirdly, the news about King Olafr's hostages must have reached Iceland by this time, making some of the heathens hesitant in their opposition to the new religion. This must have affected not only the kinsmen of the hostages, but also relatives of those who had been set free by King Olafr on the condition that Gizurr and Hjalti take charge of the preaching of Christianity in Iceland. Runolfr the TemplePriest must have been the leader of those who were eager to prevent Hjalti from riding straight to the assembly site. His honour was at stake since he was the one who had convicted Hjalti. But it is quite probable that Runolfr gave up all resistance when he learned that his son, Svertingr, was being held hostage by King 6lafr. It must be admitted, however, that all the existing accounts of these events are so thoroughly confined to the Christian point of view that it is not possible to ascertain who the chief spokesmen of the heathens were. The day after their arrival at the Althing, Gizurr and Hjalti proceeded to Logberg and made their intentions known. Nowhere is it explicitly stated that anyone came to state the case of the heathens on this occasion. However, someone must have done so, whereupon the proposals of the Christians were rejected outright. "But the consequence was that one man after the other called witnesses, the Christians and the heathens, each declaring themselves out of law with the other, and then they went away from Logberg". (Ari the Learned). The first steps had now been taken towards the establishment of two separate states in the country, one Christian and the other heathen, although it had not been found necessary to resort to the use of arms. People were nevertheless able to understand that heathens and Christians could not possibly coexist in a single undivided state. Those who were both wise and cautious saw the dangers in this solution; accordingly, they tried to find another way. "Then (after people had departed from Logberg) the Christians asked Hallr of Sida to proclaim their law in conformity with Christianity, but he got out of it by bargaining with Thorgeirr the Lawspeaker (a literal translation would be 'bought from Thorgeirr') to the end that he (Thorgeirr) should declare the law though he was still heathen" (Ari the Learned). It is not known what Ari meant by the phrase "bought from Thorgeirr" (translated above as "bargaining with Thorgeirr"). Ancient chroniclers understood it to mean that Hallr paid Thorgeirr a fee. The same writers are in disagreement in their apparently unfounded assumptions as to the amount of this fee. Their accounts imply that in accordance with the advice and approval of other Christians, Hallr paid Thorgeirr bribes. This view is reflected in The Saga of King Olafr by the

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monk Oddr, where it is stated that King Olafr handed Gizurr and Hjalti "a large amount of money in order that they might befriend influential men".40 Latter-day scholars have rejected this interpretation and suggested instead that Hallr only handed over to Thorgeirr the lawspeaker's fee he himself (Hallr) had already received. There is, however, absolutely no evidence to support this claim. On the contrary, none of the amounts mentioned in ancient sources is equal to the fee which it was customary to pay the lawspeaker. This disparity shows indeed that the old chroniclers did not wish to imply that any transfer of a lawspeaker's fee had taken place on this occasion. The most plausible theory is that Ari's words keypti at Thorgeiri (literal transl. 'bought from Thorgeirr') merely mean 'negotiated with Thorgeirr'. It would appear then that in order to comply with the aspirations and wishes of Christian men of consequence, Hallr brought it about through negotiation that Thorgeirr should proclaim the laws; at the same time it was understood that both sides would make some concessions. Initially, however, this agreement was not made public. In addition to his office as lawspeaker, Thorgeirr Thorkelsson held a chieftaincy (godord). Because of this the heathens may have felt that Thorgeirr had a particularly strong reason for not yielding to pressures from the Christians. The first problem facing Thorgeirr was that of persuading both sides to accept him as the sole arbitrator in the dispute. He spent the latter part of a day and the following night in his booth, where, in solitude, he thought over the entire situation. The next morning he sent word that everyone should come to Logberg. When they had assembled he delivered a speech more momentous than any other ever heard in the history of Iceland. In his Islendingabok Ari the Learned has provided a rather substantial account of the content of Thorgeirr's speech. From this it may be gathered that the speaker placed great emphasis upon the danger which the existence of more than one law-code would entail, and that he urged the assembly not to let this come to pass: "And now it seems advisable to me," he said, "that we do not let their will prevail who are most strongly opposed to one another, but so compromise between them that each side may win part of its case, and let us all have one law and one faith. It will prove true that if we divide the law we will also divide the peace." And he so concluded his speech that both parties agreed that all would keep the law which he should declare. (Ari the Learned).

In The Saga of King Olafr by Oddr Snorrason it is maintained that the members of the assembly gave their consent because "the heathens were hopeful that matters would be settled in accordance with their 40

Olafs Saga Tryggvasonar by Oddr Snorrason (1932), p. 128.

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wishes, since he who proclaimed the law was a heathen himself. The Christians, on the other hand, thought that Thorgeirr would conduct matters in compliance with the contract he had previously entered into with Hallr". It is not unlikely that afterwards the extremists on both sides felt that they had been betrayed, but disgruntled individuals would then have been unable to translate their displeasure into action, as the majority of people at the Althing had agreed to accept the terms that Thorgeirr might set. Then it was made law (1) that all people should be Christian and those be baptized who still were unbaptized in this land; (2) but as to exposure of infants the old law should stand, (3) as should that relating to the eating of horse flesh. (4) People might sacrifice to the heathen gods secretly, if they wished, but under the penalty of the lesser outlawry if this was proved by witnesses. But a few years later this heathen practice was forbidden as were the others. (Ari the Learned; the laws and exceptions to the laws have been numbered here for the sake of clarity).

It must be assumed that in spite of the previous decision by the Christians and heathens to declare themselves out of law with each other, the Court of Legislature ratified these new laws. Nonetheless, Thorgeirr was authorized to determine their content. In the decree that people should be baptized, the Christians achieved their most important victory, since baptism was a prerequisite to induction into the Christian religion. Without baptism there was no hope of salvation. All the other decrees represented concessions to the heathens. Only the declaration that people could offer sacrifice secretly dealt with a specifically religious subject. Doubtless it was felt that the inclusion of this item would serve to placate the most fanatical among the heathens. It is significant that the performing of heathen sacrifices could not be proven through the most common kind of testimony, i.e. the 'verdict of neighbours' (kvidburdr); instead, a charge of this kind had to be verified by witnesses, who were often difficult to obtain. To the heathen, the articles relating to the exposure of infants and the eating of horse flesh were probably primarily thought of as economically important, significant enough to be safeguarded by law. Conversely, from the Christian point of view, these matters had important religious overtones, although it must be assumed that Christian leaders were also aware of the economic implications. Among primitive peoples it is a common practice to let certain infants die from exposure. In ancient times the Scandinavians exposed infants who were sickly or malformed, but there seem to have been instances in which healthy female infants were also exposed. The poor almost certainly took such drastic measures when food was scarce.41 It may be taken as 41

Cf. hlenzk fornrit. I l l , p. 56.

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fact that children of slaves were exposed to hold the slave population within limits, and there is evidence that slaves were sometimes castrated for the same reason. 42 In accordance with heathen custom, infants were left to die from exposure before being given a name or sprinkled with hallowed water; otherwise the exposure would be regarded as murder. But after Christianity had been introduced, infants who were exposed before they had been baptized were thought of as destined to become the possession of the devil. Thus the exposure of infants must have been the object of strong aversion among the Christians. In the heathen era horse flesh must have been a staple food, especially among the poor, since it was an inexpensive commodity. Under Christian law its use was banned, as was the eating of various other foods.43 In the chapter on Christianization in the Longer Saga of King Olafr there is an explanation of why heathen men wished to maintain these ancient customs and why Christians found it possible to support them: Those who were most firmly opposed to the preaching of Christianity found it difficult to understand how it would be possible to bring up children of both rich and poor people if, at the same time, the victuals that had previously been the very mainstay of the common people were prohibited.

This no doubt comes close to the truth. The heathens must have feared the rapid growth of the pauper population if the eating of horse flesh and infant exposure were both banned; apparently, leading men among the Christians were of the same opinion. Practical wisdom may be said to have been characteristic of these men. The legislating of Christianity in the year 1000 was an event which had a strong impact and a far-reaching effect on the history of the Icelandic people. The nation was saved from schism, and new cultural influences arrived with Christianity which in succeeding centuries brought many changes for the betterment of the country, as well as some that might better never have come to pass. In most countries the introduction of Christianity was a slow and painful process, even when energetic national leaders tried to advance it by forceful means. In Iceland Christianity was approved by the national legislative assembly in spite of the fact that its opponents were in the majority; in all matters of importance other than those affected by the new religion the authority of heathen chieftains remained unchanged. A brief account of the motive forces which lay behind this development is appropriate. In the first place, the heathen religion (asatrii) was on the wane, [The North Star.] 140 "Skalholtsannall," 1st. Annaler. 138

275 of a mansion in Bergen called The Goldshoe'.141 A friend and comrade 142 of Thorgils Skardi, he is otherwise known to us only through the missions he undertook to Iceland and Greenland. The results of his journeys to Iceland reveal him to have been a shrewd politician. When he reached Iceland he put in at Hvita, apparently just after the Althing had ended, and spent the following winter at Reykholt with Egill Solmundarson, Snorri Sturluson's nephew. At this time Gizurr's jurisdiction over Borgarfjordur was revoked and Hrafn Oddsson was placed in charge of the district. The earl had previously assigned it to Sturla Thordarson, who now claimed that the earl had deceived him. Historical sources make no mention of friendly exchanges between the king and Hrafn before this time, but such must have been the case. It seems almost certain that during the preceding year, Hrafn must have ingratiated himself with ivarr Arnljotarson and Pall Linsauma when they were at the Althing presenting the king's case, realizing no doubt that the prevailing circumstances offered him no other prospect of holding his own against the earl. The king, on the other hand, seems to have seized Hrafn's offer of loyalty, delighted with the prospect of being able to pit him against Gizurr. Hrafn and Gizurr had been enemies for a long time, and this move did little to improve matters between them. Hallvardr was to plead the king's cause to the people and to the earl, and persuade the latter to fulfill his pledges to the king. Shortly after his arrival in Iceland, Hallvardr met with the earl, who promised to comply with all his wishes. In the fall they met for the second time, and on this occasion several farmers took oaths of allegiance to the king, although some of them had previously been strongly against it. These farmers were probably from Gizurr's own districts in the southern part of the country. The following winter Gizurr stayed at Reynistadur in Skagafjordur. In 1259 he had established his household there ano! every man qualified to pay the thing-tax had made a contribution of one ewe to it. He now consulted with farmers in the north about a suitable reply to the royal deputies, and it became clear what promises he had really given the king. The farmers offered to give the earl large amounts of money in order to "release them from the tribute demanded" 143 — doubtless a reference to the tribute demanded by the king. That they should volunteer such large payments clearly shows how firmly the farmers were opposed to the tribute. Hallvardr said that he did not want farmers to be forced to pay such exorbitant amounts, adding that the king expected from the farmers obedience and such tribute as would cause them no hardship, promising in exchange privileges and amendments to the law. These privileges and 141 142 143

[Edv. Bull, in Norsk hiagraftsk leksikon, suggests that it was the Goldshoe (the estate) which was named after the man Hallvardr Goldshoe.) [A member of the same royal household (hiri)).} "Hakonar Saga," Icelandic Sagas. II, p. 322.

276 amendments are included in the covenant soon to be discussed. Hallvardr's reply shows that he was resolved not to give Gizurr an opportunity to engage in any further subterfuge. Hallvardr also pleaded the king's cause with the Vestfirdings, who do not appear to have offered any resistance, perhaps because Hrafn, their most prominent leader, had already committed himself to the king. In his Hakonar Saga Sturla maintains, indeed, that those who became the earl's liege vassals remained loyal to him and to King Hakon, even though the former had deceived them, and apparently there was a good deal of truth in this. As has been said earlier, Sturla and Sighvatr Bodvarsson were among these liege vassals.144 It should not be overlooked, however, that when he was writing Hakonar Saga, Sturla Thordarson may have deliberately put himself in a favourable light with the king. Through his pleading, Hallvardr was able to get the Vestfirdings to promise that they would attend a meeting of the Thorsnessthing Assembly in the spring of 1262 and pledge by oath both land and people to the king. A written notice of this was sent north to the earl, together with a rejection of all such impositions as he had negotiated earlier with farmers in the northern regions. The earl no doubt found this news quite disturbing as he must have been most unwilling to let the Vestfirdings steal a march on him in such a manner, fearing that Hrafn might be selected to replace him. Thus he summoned farmers to the site of the Hegranessthing Assembly and made a few men pledge both land and people to the king. For some reason Hrafn did not come to the Thorsnessthing Assembly at the appointed time, and therefore Hallvardr also absented himself. The king's requests were then referred to the Althing, and as the time of the assembly drew nearer, all the noblest men (chieftains) in the Vestfirdir gathered about them large groups of followers. They sent messengers to Halfdan Saemundarson and to the sons of Andres Saemundarson, 145 instructing them to ride to the Althing with all the followers they could possibly levy east of the river Thjorsa. Also, Thorvardr Thorarinsson had promised to attend with the Austfirdings. Apparently he had made this pledge on April 3 the preceding spring at the meeting at Laugaras, 146 where Sighvatr and Thorvardr had agreed on a settlement of their differences arising from the slaying of Thorgils Skardi. In addition to Thorvardr and Sighvatr, Sturla Thordarson, Vigfuss Gunnsteinsson, and Hallvardr were also present at this meeting, where "many words were spoken in secret and fewer in public". 147 The Vestfirdings, the Oddaverjar, and Thorvardr had different reasons to be opposed to Gizurr; Thorvardr because of his own '« [Cf. p. 272.] [Cf. pp. 263 and 273.1 [In Biskupstungur in Arnessysla.] 147 St., II, pp. 224-225. 145

146

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claims to authority in Eyjafjordur. But the Oddaverjar had apparently made no promises about attending the forthcoming session of the Althing, and undoubtedly they did not wish to take a stand there in support of the royal cause. At an earlier meeting of the Althing in 1260, either they or the Rangaeings had been strongly opposed to the tribute, and they undoubtedly regarded the oaths that had been sworn that same summer at Thingskalar as having been taken under compulsion. 148 Earl Gizurr rode to the Althing with a large following both from the northern and the southern part of the country. On the other hand, Thorvardr and the Oddaverjar must have reached the decision that it would be better for them not to attend. The Vestfirdings waited in Borgarfjordur while Hallvardr rode on to the Althing and announced that large gatherings of men stood ready west of the moors, all of whom had pledged to give approval to the tribute, and were prepared to ride to the assembly site in order to support the king's requests if necessary. On receiving this news the earl consulted with his friends and then proceeded to plead the king's cause with Northerners and Southerners alike, using kindly persuasion and maintaining that a rejection of the king's demands would be an act of treason against him (Gizurr). At this stage the earl must have feared death at the hands of the king's men because of his many broken promises and evasions as a royal deputy. Even though his circumstances were different from those of Snorri Sturluson, he had every reason to be mindful of the latter's fate. The Northerners, who had previously agreed to pay the tribute to the king, were the most receptive to the earl's persuasions, and in the end the Southerners also agreed. After this, according to Sturla Thordarson, members were appointed to the Court of Legislature (logretta), a procedure which has been variously interpreted by scholars. Attending the Althing on this occasion were only the Northerners, and the Southerners from the Arnessthing and the part of the Kjalarnessthing which was south of Borgarfjordur. In the present context it must be borne in mind that the lawspeaker had the authority to appoint the Court of Legislature in order to secure a plenary panel of judges in instances of unavoidable absence of the regular members. However, the lawspeaker does not appear to have followed such a procedure at this time. Rather, the seats in the Court of Legislature were occupied only by those who swore oaths to the king and were concerned with the contract then agreed upon which has been called 'Gizurr's Covenant' (Gizurarsattmali). It follows from what has just been said about representation at this meeting of the Althing that those who swore the oaths must have been members of the Court of Legislature both from the North Quarter and from the part of the South Quarter which is between 148

[Cf. p. 274.]

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the Rangarthing and Borgarfjordur. They swore "land, people and tribute in perpetuity to King Hakon with such conditions as are stated in that letter" (i.e. Gizurr's Covenant).149 It is more difficult to determine whether the oaths were taken by all the incumbents of the Court of Legislature, or whether they were sworn only by those making up the panel of the middle platform. 150 Sturlunga Saga mentions by name twelve men from the North Quarter who did so, which would indicate that the oath-taking ceremony only included the judges of the middle platform. The members from the South Quarter who took part were then most likely four in number; that is to say, three from the Arnessthing district and one from the Kjalarnessthing area. The earl would not be expected to swear, as he had taken the oath of allegiance to the king on an earlier occasion. At this meeting of the Althing the Icelanders by no means agreed to render to the king unconditional obedience and tribute. Rather, they stipulated that various rights should be granted them in exchange for their pledges. This mutual agreement then resulted in a written covenant with the king, or rather with the king's functionary, Hallvardr Goldshoe. We shall refer to this agreement as Gizurr's Covenant, as its other designation, 'The Old Covenant' (Gamli Sattmali), really refers to another pact of a later period. Gizurr undoubtedly took the initiative in formulating this pact. By this means he wished, as far as possible, to safeguard the rights of the Icelanders and to reaffirm his own authority, which lacked a secure basis because of his prior evasiveness as a royal deputy in Iceland. Accordingly, one of the conditions of the covenant reads as follows: "The earl we shall have over us as long as he remains loyal to you (to the king") and keeps his peace with us". The content of the covenant will be discussed more fully in the next chapter. Earl Gizurr now rode away from the Althing and into Laugardalur, where he stayed for a time without disbanding his army. Most likely he planned to remain on guard in case the Vestfirdings changed their minds at the last moment. But Hallvardr and Bishop Sivardr rode west to Borgarfjordur, meeting the Vestfirdings at the assembly site of the Thverarthing, where they took "such oaths as others had taken", 151 i.e. oaths identical in content to the ones sworn earlier at the Althing. The first of the Vestfirdings to take the oaths were the leaders Hrafn, Sighvatr, Sturla, Einarr Thorvaldsson, and Vigfuss Gunnsteinsson, each man engaging three farmers to swear with him. There were also three farmers who swore on behalf of the Borgfirdings. Except for the Austfirdings and the Rangasings all Icelanders had then confirmed to King Hakon their obedience and promised to pay tribute to him. l4

'"Hakonar Saga," Icelandic Sagas, II, p. 323. [This occurred in the summer of 1262.] [Cf. p. 64.] "Hakonar Saga", Icelandic Sagas. II, p. 323.

lso ISI

279 In Sturlunga Saga it is stated that at the meeting of the Althing in this year, Earl Gizurr and Hrafn became reconciled. "Earl Gizurr then came forward and so did Hrafn and his son Sturla. They shook hands before the church door at the Althing in the presence of Bishop Sivardr, Abbot Brandr Jonsson, Sighvatr Bodvarsson, and Sturla Thordarson". 152 The accuracy of this account cannot be questioned. This dating of the reconciliation (1262) must be correct, since the age of Sturla Hrafnsson, who was born in 1246,153 is an indication that it could not have happened earlier. Nor could the settlement have been made any later since Sighvatr and Sturla Hrafnsson left the country in the company of Hallvardr that same summer, which was also the time Abbot Brandr set sail. The only way of reconciling Sturlunga Saga's account of this event with that of Hakonar Saga is to assume that the Vestfirdings rode to the Althing after they had sworn the oaths at the assembly site of the Thorsnessthing, and that Gizurr at the same time returned to the Althing from Laugardalur. This course of events is not as hard to explain as one might think. Before his departure from Iceland Hallvardr no doubt wished, if possible, to avoid leaving any loose ends, and thus it was only natural that he should try to bring about a settlement between the earl and Hrafn. The royal authority in Iceland was not yet firmly enough established to warrant the risk of serious dissent among the king's own spokesmen. But the dual function of the meeting of the Althing in 1262 is not described in Sturlunga Saga, which speaks of only one transaction for that year.154 This inaccuracy has in turn given rise to various other errors in this source. The only possible flaw in this interpretation of the conflicting sources is that it does not explain why they make no mention of Hallvardr's part in the settlement. However, the omission of his name may have been merely accidental. As mentioned above, Abbot Brandr went abroad this same summer at the request of the archbishop, and on March 4, 1263, he was consecrated Bishop of Holar with the approval of both King Hakon and King Magnus. An Icelander was also consecrated Bishop of Skalholt after the death of Bishop Sivardr, and for some time both the episcopal seats in the country were occupied by Icelanders. But as before, the bishops were elected on this occasion by the Norwegian Chapter of Canons. This indicates a deliberate change in policy concerning the nationality of bishops, but the reason is unknown. Certainly the Icelanders must have wanted their own countrymen rather than Nor-

152 151

154

Sr. I, p. 529; II, p. 281. Cf. Si.. II, p. 70. [i.e. the formal reconciliation of Earl Gizurr and Hrafn.]

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wegians as bishops, and the king may have felt that at this stage he could afford to grant them their wish as there could hardly be any further doubt that his policies would prevail in Iceland. In 1263 the Oddaverjar, on behalf of the farmers in the Rangarthing, agreed to pay tribute to King Hakon and his son, King Magnus, but the circumstances of this event are not known. In the summer of that year Bishop Brandr and Hallvardr Goldshoe came from Norway to Iceland for the second time, where they declared themselves in favour of the king's demands. About the beginning of November, Thorvardr Thorarinsson pledged by oath to his uncle, Bishop Brandr, to go abroad the following summer to visit the king. He left Iceland in the company of Hallvardr Goldshoe. Finally, Hrafn Oddsson forced Sturla Thordarson to go abroad the same summer. 155 For some time the two men had been bitterly hostile towards each other, mostly, it appears, because of disagreement over rights to jurisdiction in Borgarfjordur. Also, the king may have learned that charges had been laid against Sturla, since Sturlunga Saga refers to Sturla's fear of the kings of Norway, particularly King Hakon. Sturla must have been guilty of a breach of loyalty towards the Crown, although the nature of his offence cannot be determined. When Sturla reached Norway, King Hakon had left on a military expedition to Scotland, and he died on this undertaking on December 16, 1263. Shortly afterwards Sturla won King Magnus' friendship and undertook to write the biography of his father, King Hakon. Hallvardr Goldshoe spent the next winter in Iceland, and at the Althing the following summer (1264), Ormr Ormsson swore on behalf of the men of Sida (Sidumenn) to pay tribute to the kings of Norway. On his father's side, Ormr was a nephew of Bishop Brandr, who had died in the spring (May 26, 1264). According to Konungsannall, all Icelandic leaders had then agreed to pay tribute to the kings of Norway. This means that Thorvardr must have consented to the payment of tribute at the same time as he pledged his journey abroad to Bishop Brandr. In all probability the news of King Hakon's death had not reached Iceland at the time of the Althing in 1264, although it must have been known there before Hallvardr went back to Norway. However, this would not have made any difference, since according to Sturla Thordarson, the Icelanders submitted to the rule of King Magnus "more willingly" than to that of his father King Hakon. When Thorvardr arrived in Norway, "he gave himself up to King Magnus, surrendering to him all his territory because of offences committed against royal authority in the execution of Thorgils Skardi and 155

[In the summer of 1263.]

281 Bergr, both of whom had been King Hakon's retainers".156 Bergr had been in the company of Thorgils and both were killed at the same time. By this time the Commonwealth Period had run its course, and peace was gaining ground in the country. The disputes between Thordr Andresson and Earl Gizurr were almost the last chapter of the widespread hostilities which had been raging so long in the country, and this concluding feud apparently had more to do with a struggle for authority in the Rangarthing than with any dissent on the part of chieftains over pledges of subservience and payments of tribute to the king. These feuds came to an end when Gizurr, by treachery, had Thordr executed on September 27, 1264. As has been indicated at various points in this book, there were many different reasons for the collapse of the Icelandic Commonwealth. Here one of these may be singled out for special consideration. For a long time it had been the custom of many Icelanders who went abroad to become liege vassals of Norwegian kings or earls, to whom they gave their allegiance by oath. This custom was bound to have serious consequences if the king ever attempted to gain power in Iceland, which was precisely what King Hakon did. All his Icelandic agents were also his liege vassals: Snorri, Sturla Sighvatsson (in all probability), Gizurr, Thordr Kakali, Thorgils Skardi, and Finnbjorn Helgason. It would have been difficult for them to disobey the king's commands, although they sometimes carried them out much against their own will. Snorri Sturluson's case shows that Iceland was within easy reach of royal retribution if a liege vassal failed to obey his king. The king could summon his Icelandic vassals to Norway, and keep them there as long as he pleased. This authority was the weapon repeatedly used by King Hakon. The vassals belonged to the royal court, which consisted of hand-picked men subject to 'the laws and statutes of the royal household' (hirdlog). 157 'Hirdmen maintained at the royal table' (bordfastir hirdmenn) were bound together by oaths. They served as body guards and officers of the royal household and were often required to undertake missions on the king's behalf. Many of these travelled from one part of the realm to another, acting as the king's representatives, defending the country or carrying out other functions on his behalf. They were the very foundation of royal power. In addition to his Icelandic retainers the king usually had a number of his Norwegian retainers in Iceland for various reasons. As has been briefly described above, these men were merchants, spies, and either secret or official spokesmen of the king. This is how the king came to be in a position to remain so well informed on what was going on in Iceland, which in turn enabled him to adjust his plans to chang156 "Brot lir Magnuss sogu", Icelandic Sagas. II, p. 363 '" [lit. 'bird-law'.]

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ing circumstances and strike at the Icelanders where they were most vulnerable. The court — its Icelandic and Norwegian components alike — provided the king with power, and later this institution became the royal instrument of government in Iceland, the same kind of development having taken place earlier in Norway. Traces of this change in the function of the hird (court) lingered on in the title of the highest-ranking royal deputy in Iceland, who became known as the hirdstjori (governor; lit. 'the captain of the hird'). Gizurr's Covenant Gizurr's Covenant (Gizurarsattmali), i.e. the agreement reached at the Althing in 1262 with the representative of the King of Norway by Northerners and by Southerners between the river Thjorsa and Borgarfjordur, has been preserved in several manuscripts, the oldest of which dates from the latter half of the 16th century. Although the manuscripts are of comparatively recent date, the terms of the covenant have been preserved almost completely undistorted. Gizurr's Covenant is such an important document for the history of Iceland that it seems only reasonable to quote it in full. The accompanying oath is found in most of the manuscripts of the covenant as well as in many other documents. For the sake of convenience the various articles of the covenant have been numbered here: This was the agreement of farmers in both the northern and the southern parts of the country: 1. that under oath they agree158 to pay in perpetuity a tribute amounting to twenty ells for each payer of the thing-tax to His Majesty King Hakon and to King Magnus, and at the same time they yield to them their country and agree to become their subjects. This tribute is to be collected by chief administrators of the local districts (hreppstjorar) and then brought by them aboard a ship and placed in the hands of the king's deputy, at which point they shall have no further responsibility with regard to these payments. 2. In consideration hereof the king will let us enjoy peace and the Icelandic laws. 3. Six ships are to sail from Norway to Iceland during each of the next two summers; from that time forth their number shall be decided according to what the king artd the most judicious farmers in Iceland believe to be in the best interests of the country. 4. Any inheritance which falls to Icelanders in Norway is to be given to them, however long it may remain due, as soon as the rightful heirs, or their legal representatives, present themselves to claim it. 5. The land-dues are to be abolished. "" One manuscript has "when under oath they agree", which is considered to be the original version. (Dipl. 1st., I, p. 622).

283 6. In Norway Icelanders are to have rights as advantageous as they have ever enjoyed there and which you (King Hakon) have yourself determined in your letters; you are to maintain peace for us in so far as God gives you the strength to do so. 7. We accept the earl as our overlord so long as he keeps faith with you and peace with us. 8. We and our descendants shall keep faith with you so long as you and your descendants keep this covenant, but be free of all obligations if, in the opinion of the best of men, it is broken. 159 The oath reads as follows: "To this end I place my hand on the Holy Bible and call God to witness that under oath I do grant King Hakon and Magnus the land as well as the allegiance of a royal subject and tribute in perpetuity according to conditions named here and as our written agreement, bears testimony. May God be as gracious to me as I am truthful; as wrathful if I lie."

Although the term 'peace-treaty' (sattargjord) is employed in the text of the covenant, it is really, in its form, a unilateral agreement, as it was composed by the Icelanders alone. But although there is no mention of it, one must surmise that the approval of the king's representative was obtained. On the other hand, the covenant is bilateral in content in that it takes into account both the responsibilities undertaken by the Icelanders and the rights they stipulated in exchange for their commitments. To a certain degree, though not completely, it replaced the treaty the Icelanders had made with St. Olafr, King of Norway. The opening section of the covenant deals with two kinds of duties, payments of tribute and allegiance or loyalty. The tribute was set at twenty ells, which covered the older thing-tax. This is not specifically stated, the thing-tax having at this stage become the property of the king, as the chieftaincies had entered into his possession. The per capita amount of 20 ells was calculated on the basis of marketable homespun cloth160 (voruvadmal). In some of the manuscripts containing a version further removed from the original record of the agreement, the tribute is calculated as eight ells or eight ells of homespun cloth on the basis of the so-called commercial homespun (gjaldavadmal), the ratio between gjaldavadmal and voruvadmal being 1 : 2!/2. In the covenant the Icelanders yielded up their country to the king, pledging their allegiance as his subjects. This meant that they accepted the King of Norway as their sovereign, whose subjects they had become, and that the Icelandic Commonwealth had ceased to exist. This is the very core of the agreement. At the same time the Icelanders made it clear that they and their descendants would remain loyal to the king as long as '" Dipt. 1st., I, pp. 619-625; IX, pp. 1-3; X, pp. 5-6. 160 [On the marketable homespun cloth see p. 311.]

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he and his heirs continued to honour the pact (Article 8). This brings us to the question of the criteria of lawful succession to the Norwegian throne, criteria which must have been decided in accordance with the Norwegian laws of succession (erfdalog) introduced at the assembly of the Frostathing in 1260. The rights the Icelanders reserved for themselves were apparently based on earlier promises given them by the king. The article stipulating that the king must maintain peace for the Icelanders refers to internal conditions in Iceland. The Icelanders were finding it increasingly difficult to tolerate the constant civil unrest which had long plagued the land, and they were most anxious not only to have the king bring this disorder to a halt, but also to have him maintain peace in the future. As a result, the king assumed the executive power and the chief authority for lawenforcement in Iceland, although he had to delegate such authority to his deputies. The king was to let the Icelanders enjoy the Icelandic laws, which did not imply that the laws of the Commonwealth were to remain unaltered, but did mean that the king could not introduce or implement any new laws in Iceland without due sanction from the Icelanders themselves. In this manner the Icelanders stipulated that the legislative power should rest with them, although there was nothing to prevent the king from proposing new legislation or amendments to the laws. The number of ships to go to Iceland was obviously intended to satisfy the needs of the entire country, even though only the Northerners and those of the Southerners living west of the river Thjorsa were party to the covenant. This is borne out by a subsequent agreement specifying the same number of vessels for the country as a whole. One may then wonder if the same argument did not indeed hold for other articles of the covenant. Was not the entire pact intended for the country as a whole? The only reason why this is in doubt is the fact that only a small fraction of the people supported it. But it is quite likely that Earl Gizurr made provision for all Icelanders to affirm under oath their acceptance of the tribute and their allegiance to the king, both of which were subject to the conditions stated in the covenant. The alternative situation could have led to separate stipulations from the inhabitants of each Quarter or from people occupying even smaller areas. What is more doubtful is whether the Northerners and the Southerners made it a condition before they took their oaths in affirmation of both the tribute and their allegiance to the king that other Icelanders follow their example. But this may well have been the case even though there is no documentary evidence of it. The minimum number of ships that were to sail to Iceland was a clear indication of the fear among the people that their supply of vital im-

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ports might dwindle. This condition implied that the king not only relinquished his right to impose a ban on the importation of certain goods, but that in fact he accepted the responsibility of providing the Icelanders with an adequate supply of essential commodities. At this time a lack of ships had made the Icelanders dependent on the Norwegians for the transport of goods to their country. But the stipulation that a fixed number of ships should sail to Iceland every year was to remain valid for only two years, either due to divided opinion or to the king's resolution to retain for himself the right to an embargo on Iceland after the specified term expired, which would then have been his weapon against those who might stubbornly refuse to give him their allegiance. But there is no mention of any threats from the king to use an embargo as a means of gaining power in Iceland, even though the Icelanders would obviously have been completely defenceless against any such move. The article in Gizurr's Covenant safeguarding the rights of inheritance in Norway is a relaxation of a corresponding part of the treaty which the Icelanders had made with St. Olafr. The Stadarholsbok version of Grdgds also contains an article dealing with this matter, and it appears to represent an intermediary stage between the two comparable sections of the pacts. It runs as follows: In Norway an Icelander has the right to inherit the property of a second cousin or closer kinsman, and his claim remains valid however long it may take him to make it. 161

In Gizurr's Covenant the limit drawn at a second cousin was abolished. The land-dues article contained in the treaty with St. 6lafr was eliminated in Gizurr's Covenant, which meant that the king lost some of his revenue. The article relating to the rights of Icelanders in Norway reaffirmed the treaty with St. Olafr except for its sections on payments of land-dues and on claims to inheritance. But in reality this treaty had lost most of its significance because of the steadily declining number of Icelandic visitors in Norway. This article further states that the king must safeguard the peace of Icelanders. Taken in its context, this must be a reference to protection to be given Icelanders in Norway. Although some scholars have believed that these words meant that peace was to be maintained in Iceland, this cannot be the case since this stipulation is made in an earlier section of the covenant. The section dealing with the earldom refers to Earl Gizurr's incumbency and does not imply that the country must maintain the earldom after his day. Gizurr apparently slipped this condition into the covenant in order to secure his own position. There is some reason to "' Grg., II, p. 88. cf. 96; [cf. pp. 111-112.]

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doubt that the other leading chieftains of the day ever approved of this section, although it is quite conceivable that the same kind of relationship was achieved between the earl and chieftains as the one which was to prevail later on between governors (hirdstjorar) and district magistrates (syslumenn). Finally, there are terms outlining conditions for the abrogation of the covenant. In the event the king failed in any way to honour the agreement, the Icelanders were to be released from all their obligations. Prior to an abrogation, however, the best qualified individuals (lit. 'the best of men') were to determine whether a breach of contract had in fact taken place. This section contains no ambiguous statements other than the reference to beztu menn (the best qualified individuals). But according to traditional idiomatic use, this reference implies, in all probability, the most influential Icelandic farmers and other leaders, both secular and spiritual. The most significant points of Gizurr's Covenant have been discussed. Its creation reflected the desire on the part of its authors to provide a small nation with as much security as any document could afford against the encroachments of another larger and more powerful nation. It is not to be denied, however, that on certain of its points the covenant is inadequate and remarkably vague. The only definition, for example, of the king's authority in Iceland is contained in the stipulation that he "will let us enjoy peace and the Icelandic laws". The reason for this lack of more specific safeguards must have been the assumption that the king would have much the same authority as had belonged to the chieftains, as the Icelandic chieftains had gradually given up their chieftaincies to the king. But .the laws of the Commonwealth did not provide for the contingency that a foreign sovereign might obtain possession of the chieftaincies, and the decision of a chieftain to- yield up his chieftaincy in this manner did not commit his liegemen in any way. But one may take it for granted that as the Icelanders swore their oaths of allegiance to the king, they also consented to relinquish their chieftaincies to him, so that the epoch of the chieftains now came to a close. The king resided in another country and had to entrust his deputies with most of the authority which had belonged to the chieftains. Thus, royal deputies appointed members to the courts and decided the composition of the Court of Legislature. It was therefore but a short step to the king's claim that he had the right to take some of the judicial power into his own hands and to determine the laws and the election of lawspeakers. As was borne out by later events, the Icelanders failed to safeguard their interests in the covenant. Nor did they include provisions regarding the nationality of the royal deputies who would succeed Earl Gizurr at his death. The terms of the covenant must have been decided at the Althing in

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1262 before the oath-taking ceremony. The text of the oath was no doubt brought from Norway by Hallvardr Goldshoe, and the Vestfirdings must have sworn the same oath as did the Oddaverjar and the Austfirdings later. As has been shown already, all Icelanders must have given their approval to Gizurr's Covenant at the same time, and the covenant is referred to in the oath as the 'written agreement' (maldagabref)However, there is another covenant referred to as the Old Covenant (Gamli sattmali), which, according to some scholars, dates from 1263 or 1264. However, there is evidence which clearly shows that it belongs to the days of King Hakon Highlegs. From the years 1262-1264 there is no evidence of any other agreement between the Icelanders and the king than Gizurr's Covenant. Bjorn M. 6lsen maintained that Gizurr's Covenant was binding for all Icelanders, including those who did not take any part in it, since it was approved by all the members of the Court of Legislature. But this view cannot be correct. The relinquishing of national independence was such an important issue that binding agreements entered into by the Court of Legislature would have required lawful representation from all Quarters. The limitations of the ratification of the covenant by the Court of Legislature were in fact indirectly acknowledged by the royal deputies when they required all chieftains in the country to swear the oaths. On the other hand, it may be that Hallvardr Goldshoe was responsible for the attempt to persuade all the chieftains to attend the Althing in 1262. He had every reason to want to have the issue at hand resolved in a lawful fashion. If this attempt had succeeded, the Court of Legislature would undoubtedly have been in a position to reach agreements by which everyone could abide. Various written works have produced speculations as to what Iceland's constitutional status became after the ratification of Gizurr's Covenant. The conclusions presented have been diverse in nature, and in some instances inexplicit. According to the covenant, however, the constitutional status is quite clear. The agreement does not presuppose that the Icelanders and the Norwegians would share any authority other than the king. Thus, Iceland was not incorporated into the Norwegian state; rather it continued to exist as a separate state whose relations with Norway could be best described as a personal union. However, in reality this union assumed a different character, since it turned out that on many occasions Iceland was merely regarded as one of the tributary lands of the Norwegian Crown and was therefore placed on a level subordinate to that of Norway itself. Concepts of constitutional status were not so clearly defined then as now and the Icelanders were not always fully on their guard against the king's desire for power.

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ECONOMIC HISTORY AND MATERIAL CULTURE' Animal Husbandry2 The settlers of Iceland formed a society of farmers with agriculture as their chief means of livelihood. Almost every one was engaged in this occupation, including the bishops once they appeared on the scene. To start with, the Icelanders tried to practice the kind of agriculture they knew from their native districts in Norway, conditions in the two countries being in many ways quite similar. Soon, however, it became obvious that Iceland was not as well suited for the cultivation of grain as Norway. As a result, animal husbandry became the most important branch of Icelandic agriculture. Most of the pioneers brought some animals with them, though these were few in number and mostly young beasts such as colts and calves. There is evidence that special cargoes of livestock were brought to Iceland. Landnamabok tells a story of a ship putting in at Kolbeinsaros in Skagafjordur towards the end of the Age of Settlements carrying a cargo of livestock. This story has survived as a part of a longer episode describing a young mare which strayed off and was later found, after which she met with an unusual fate.3 No doubt this voyage was not an isolated event, and quite soon domestic animals in Iceland must have been in ample supply. These animals consisted of cattle, sheep, horses, goats, pigs, chickens, and geese, as well as cats and dogs. But as far as one can judge, reindeer were not imported, which would indicate that the settlers did not come from the northernmost regions of Norway where it was most common to domesticate these animals.4 No records exist showing the number of domestic animals in individual districts or in the country as a whole until the beginning of the 18th century, nor is there any way of knowing the total number of domestic animals on any farm in Iceland during the Commonwealth Period. From the sagas, from inventories and other written documents, as well as from observation of the ruins of ancient buildings, one is nevertheless able to form an idea of the total number per farm, and in the case of one large farm, Kirkjubaer of Sida, it is possible to estimate with 1 1 1 4

Icelandic forms of many of the technical terms used in this section have been relegated to footnotes. Cf. Thorvaldur Thoroddsen, Lysing Islands. I I I - I V . Landn. (1900), pp. 189, 66. [Reindeer were imported to Iceland from Norway in the latter half of the 18th century.]

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some accuracy the number of domestic animals for the year 1250. At that time Ogmundr Helgason, who was in charge of the church estate there, was sentenced to outlawry by Saemundr and Gudmundr, the sons of Ormr of Svinafell. The two brothers then convened a court of confiscation and seized Ogmundr's property at Kirkjubaer. First, however, the property belonging to the church estate was separated from the rest. What the church property amounted to is not known, but about the year 1218 the church estate was in possession of 30 cows, seven kugildi (one kugildi being the value of a cow) in barren cattle, 180 ewes, 60 wethers, 60 castrated yearling rams, and 30 horses.5 The amount of property belonging to the church estate in 1250 could hardly be expected to have been any less. With the property of the church estate set apart, the remaining portion belonging to Kirkjubaer was divided equally between Ogmundr Helgason and his wife, and Ogmundr's share of the livestock, which was immediately driven away from the farm, is said to have consisted of 30 cows, 12 times the value of a cow in young barren cattle, 4 plough-oxen, 120 ewes, 50 wethers, 70 castrated yearling rams, 20 horses, 25 pigs and 50 domesticated geese.6 On the basis of this list it is easy to calculate the total number of livestock on the farm. Farms of this size were no doubt exceptional, and one must not take it for granted that the same amount of livestock was found on every farm in the country; nor should one surmise that its quantity could have remained constant from the time of early settlement. Nevertheless, certain inferences may be drawn from the source just quoted, particularly as it receives support from other written sources which also indicate that in this period the number of cows per farm must have been much higher than in later periods extending down to the 20th century. These sources show that in proportion to the sheep population, cows were indeed quite numerous. Moreover, the raising of barren cattle must have been quite widespread. By the beginning of the llth century or even earlier cattle had become very numerous in Iceland. Excavations at Bergthorshvoll in Landeyjar have uncovered an old byre big enough for 30 head of cattle.7 This byre definitely appears to have been among the houses which were destroyed in the Burning of Njall (Njalsbrenna) in 101^ D erhaps it was used mainly for milch cows, as other cattle were most likely wintered outdoors in that district. Ancient ruins of byres at Stong in Thjorsardalur and at the site of Thorarinsstadir in Hrunamannaafrettur have been investigated. Both these farms were destroyed in 1104 in what appears to have been Mount Hekla's first eruption after the country was fully settled. The byre at Stong had 18 to 20 stalls or even 5

6 7

Dip/. /*/.. I, p. 394. St.. II, p. 95. Arbok bins islenzka fornleifafelags

(1951-52), p. 68.

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more, 8 and the barn at Thorarinsstadir had 14.9 It appears that only 8 of the 14 were intended for cows, which is nevertheless a considerable number for a farm in a mountain district. These examples show that in the early centuries of Icelandic settlement, methods of farming were in some ways different from what they have been in later times. Cattle farming, nevertheless, was essentially the same as it is now, except that in the pagan era bulls were used for offerings at sacrificial feasts; also, beef was an every-day item of diet. Oxen were used as draught animals. They were used in pairs to pull sleighs and frame carriers (vogur),10 and, as long as cereals were grown, oxen were yoked to the ancient plough called the arc)/-.11 Old oxen were greatly prized. Financial gain from this very extensive cattle farming must have varied from period to period. Cattle had to fend for themselves as best they could, and even milch cows were put out to graze in the winter.12 In many districts barren cattle were grazed the year around, and in summer they were driven into the common pastures in the mountains. In bad years a great number of them starved to death. For example, during the winter of 1226-1227, a hundred head of cattle died at Snorri Sturluson's estate at Svignaskard in Borgarfjordur. 13 Undoubtedly these were beef cattle which had to depend on grazing. In some areas, byres were built for these animals at a considerable distance from the farmstead,14 and from there they were driven out to pasture. At some of these places, houses and other farm buildings were erected, a practice which accounts for farmstead names such as Fjbs (byre) and Fjosar. Throughout the Commonwealth Period, cattle farming was the most important branch of Icelandic agriculture, and from remote antiquity to our own day the cow has been used as a basic unit of value, as will be further explained in a subsequent chapter. A clear indication of the importance attached to the raising of cattle is that during the Commonwealth Period, cattle were the only domestic animals on which farmers purchased special insurance.15 Sheep seem to have been fewer in proportion to cattle than in later centuries. Ewes were relatively few in number, but wethers, on the other hand, were quite numerous. As a rule the ewes were penned in a special fold16 near the pasture and the lambs weaned from them. The lambs were driven to the mountain pastures, and wherever it was feasible, the ewes *Forntida gdrdar i Island, p. 92. Arbok hins islenzka fornleifafelags (1943-48), pp. 28-31. [A sort of primitive sleigh, cf. Jonas Jonasson, Islenzkir thjodhxttir (Reykjavik, 1954), p. 84.] " [The function of Itieardr was to "break up the surface of the ground by passing a downward-directed point through the earth". Foote and Wilson, The Viking Achievement. (London, 1970), p. 176.] 12 Biskupa sogur, I, p. 368. "St.. I, p. 315. 14 islenzk fornril, V, pp. 68-69. " [Cf. p. 85.] " [stekkr.] 9

10

291 were kept in areas surrounding the shielings.17 In this way a farmer could make the greatest possible use of summer pastures and at the same time save the grazing areas surrounding his farm. The shielings were sometimes called summer houses,18 in contrast to the winter houses,19 i.e. the houses on the farm itself. These names indicate that at times most if not all of the people of the household spent the summer, or part of it, at the shieling, and during this season the shieling was the place where the cows on the farm were tended. In every district in the country one is able to find a number of topographical names and old ruins which testify to these ancient modes of farming. In winter the sheep, particularly the wethers, were sheltered in barns20 near the pasture. In some areas where weather conditions would allow it, farmers did not build barns for their sheep, but made do with the so-called sheep burrows. 21 Horses were the chief means of travel and transport, and were therefore essential for every farm, although, as was said above, in the earlier centuries oxen were more common as draught animals than were horses. In pagan times people ate horse flesh, but this was prohibited during the Catholic era, and the prohibition remained in effect for a long time after the Reformation. In the year 1000, when Christianity was legislated in Iceland, the compromise was reached with the heathens that the eating of horse flesh would be permitted for some time. The reason for this concession was no doubt that horse flesh was an inexpensive commodity and thus an important item of food for ordinary people. But its prohibition, after this had been completely enforced, must have brought about some changes in farming, as a different kind of food had to be adopted in its place. The reason for this ban was that among various heathen people the horse was a sacred animal, 22 and during the heathen era it seems to have been venerated in Iceland. It was common in this period to bury horses beside humans. Stallions were often trained for fighting, and horse fights were a common and popular diversion, even as late as the 17th century. Many place-names contain references to this type of entertainment, which originally appears to have been of a religious nature. During the Commonwealth Period, fighting horses were occasionally exported to Norway, where they were highly prized. The sagas show that the Icelanders were keenly interested in raising horses, and it appears that they pursued a systematic type of horse breeding, although there is no evidence that other kinds of farm animals were systematically bred. Indeed, they kept herds of breeding horses, the ul..

" [sumarhus . ] " [vetrhus.] 20 Iheitarhus.] 21 [fjarborgir.]

" [Cf. p. 137, footnote no. 23.)

292 timate goal being to produce a pure breed. The stallion and the mares were often of the same colour. The main purpose of horse breeding was to produce good horses for fighting and perhaps also for riding. During the first centuries after the settlement goats were fairly common in all parts of the country, but later they disappeared almost everywhere except in the north-east, more particularly in the assembly district of the Thingeyjarthing. The reason for this was that in the later period Iceland's forests were used up, and goats thrive best in brushwood, where they can graze the year around. In many places special goats' folds were built quite far from the farmhouses. The raising of goats never was a significant branch of Icelandic farming. During the Commonwealth Period, particularly in its earlier phase, pigs were quite common on Icelandic farms, but with the passage of time their number gradually dwindled, and in the 16th century this type of livestock was no longer raised. The Icelandic pigs were of the ancient Norse breed called land pigs23 or rural pigs,24 which were quite common in Scandinavia in the old period and could be maintained almost solely from grazing. These pigs were hardy, thin to the point of being bony, and very fertile. They were not allowed in the mountain pastures and were not protected by law, since they apparently caused a great deal of damage to their surroundings.25 This lack of protection played a part in their eventual disappearance, since the custom of building walls around the 'homefields', or cultivated areas was abandoned. Homefield pigs,26 or home boars,27 were kept in the 'homefield' close to the farm and then slaughtered for home consumption. As testified by the name of a wellknown saga character, Haensa-Thorir, poultry as well as domestic geese were found on some farms, most likely on the major estates only. 6lafur Stephensen28 once said that the grazing of domestic animals in winter was "the main pillar of our farming". 29 These words hold true for the entire history of Icelandic farming from the time of settlement to the present day. Domestic animals have grazed the year around and have had to fend for themselves the best they could. The effectiveness of such methods varied, however, from one part of the country to another. In areas where grazing could not be depended upon all year around, the livestock were put to pasture whenever it was possible. Sometimes only over-night shelter would be provided; in other instances the sheep were fed a small amount of hay out on the pasture lands. These methods have been practiced all along in Iceland, but during the Age of Settlements the 2)

[landsvin.] 24 [svcitasvin.J "Grg. Ib. pp. 121-122. 26 [tunsvin.J 27 [todugellir.] 2 » [Governor of Iceland 1793-1803.] " Rit thess Islenzka Lcerdoms-Lista Felags, V, (Kaupmannahofn, 1785), p. 95.

293 quality of pasture lands was better than in later centuries, woods being then in greater abundance and soil erosion less extensive. The settlers must soon have discovered the necessity of storing hay in case the pastures should fail. The legendary account of the viking Floki is relevant here. Floki intended to make his home in Iceland, but became so interested in fishing that he forgot to make hay for his livestock, which died from starvation the following winter as a result of this oversight. In the beginning, hay-making was done on uncultivated land, the kind of terrain which has ever since constituted a very large proportion of Icelandic hayfields. From Gragas comes the following stipulation: "He who takes lease on land must hire a large enough number of farm hands so that he will be able to work all the meadows".30 This means that tenant farmers had to have the meadows of the farm they took lease on mown every year (or every other year?) in order to prevent deterioration through neglect. Jonsbok31 contains no regulation on this matter and this omission caused enough dissatisfaction among landowners to have the above stipulation reintroduced as a part of the law reform introduced in 1294.32 Although one may doubt that this condition was scrupulously fulfilled on all tenant farms, it nevertheless shows that haying on meadows must have been very extensive. One may, in fact, infer from this that at the time the enactment was reintroduced, the population of the country had reached the highest level that livestock farming could possibly support. Just when this point was reached can not be determined, although it could not have been later than the 13th century; indeed it may have been earlier. In some parts, attempts were made to improve the meadows by irrigation, but because of the lack of suitable implements, such undertakings were only on a small scale. Almost immediately after their arrival, the Icelandic pioneers must have begun to cultivate their homefields, which they called tun. Research on cross sections of geological layers at the sites of ancient homefields, both in Thjorsardalur and in other parts of the country, has revealed that wherever it was necessary, brushwood was burned. This practice is also reflected in many place names, though these may not be taken as reliable proof. 33 The brush had to be cleared in order to make a space for farm buildings and a homefield. The spaces cleared in this way undoubtedly yielded an increased amount of grass, and from the early years of settlement all available manure must have been used as fertilizer. Otherwise heaps of manure from the ancient period would have been discovered. That manure was used as fertilizer is also borne out by the word tada >Grg.. Ib, p. 135. 1 [The law book introduced in 1281.] ' Dipl. Isl., II, p. 283. 3 S. Thorarinsson, Tefrokronologiska sludier pd Island. Thj6rsardalur och dess forodelse (Stockholm 1944) pp 173203.

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(hay from the homefield) which is etymologically akin to tad (manure). In the olden times manure could, of course, have been used for fuel, as was done in later centuries, but there is no evidence for this, and as long as woods were plentiful, there was no need to get fuel from other sources. In addition, the Icelanders are known to have cut peat for fuel from the time of early settlement down to the present day, that is to say, where peat was available. An ancient story has it that Torf-Einar, Earl of Orkney and a contemporary of the Icelandic settlers, became the first man to discover how "to cut turf out of the ground for fuel".34 Whatever the truth of this account may be, it suggests, together with several other sources, that it was from the British Isles that the Icelanders acquired the idea of using peat for fuel. Various kinds of evidence have revealed that during the Age of Settlements homefields on Icelandic farms were much bigger than in subsequent periods of prolonged economic decline. In the last century, when the cultivation of homefields became the object of renewed and general interest, it was pointed out that on many farms, especially the larger estates, ruins of ancient fences or walls were visible outside the existing boundaries. In some places traces of two or even more enclosures were discovered, and indications were that the farther out these vestiges were, the older they must be. This decrease in the size of homefields is paralleled by the decline in the total number of cows for the country. But more extensive research is needed in this area before definite conclusions can be reached. No attempts were made to smooth out the humps and hummocks of the old homefields. Gragas (and Jonsbok), on the other hand, mentions the need for the breaking of new land, i.e. virgin soil, for the production of hay and grain. 35 Turning over the sod and digging up the ground were then the chief methods of cultivation. Fields could also be enlarged by keeping sheep in enclosed pens overnight on fallow land, which would then become more fertile because of the accumulation of sheep dung. In this period special drags made from bundles of faggots36 were trailed over the homefields in order to crush the manure. The ancient Icelanders devoted much time to the building of walls or fences of sod and stone, which enclosed homefields, marked boundaries between farms, and served as protective walls along the boundaries of meadows and pasture lands. Some of these fences marked the dividing line between districts or between adjacent commons. Vestiges of these old constructions can still be seen all over the country; however, some of them may be from later periods. The following statement is from Gragas: J4 Flaleyjarbok. * I. (Akranes 1944), p. 245. ['turf refers to 'peat'. " Grg.. Ib, p. 89. 36

[hrisslodar.

295 Between working seasons the law demands that fences be built. The working season in the spring lasts until the end of the first month of summer, 37 after which there is a two-month season for the building of fences. Then comes the haymaking season for two months, which, in turn, is followed by the law-fence season for the last month of summer. 38

Thus, a period of three months was set aside each year for the construction of enclosures or fences, and although tools were primitive, much could be accomplished in such long periods, labour being then in ample supply and inexpensive. The old sod-fences were built of long sods.39 People nowadays may not be much impressed by the attempts of men of old to improve their agriculture by such methods as building walls, breaking new land, and irrigation. But one must keep in mind that their technology was primitive and their tools poor and of limited variety. There is no mention of ordinary ploughs having been used by the Icelandic pioneers, although they were already in use in other Scandinavian countries. On the other hand, in the Age of Settlements and for a long time afterwards, the Icelanders are known to have made use of the kind of wooden plough 40 mentioned earlier, and they probably did so as long as the old kind of cultivation continued to be practiced, although smaller fields may have been dug up with a spade. Other important farm implements included a kind of small hoe for digging, 41 the spade42 and the shovel. 43 In the 19th century, when at last the modern type of shovel44 replaced these implements, the working methods on Icelandic farms were virtually revolutionized. Implements used in haymaking were also very primitive, particularly the scythe, which played a more important role than the rake. Until 1867 the Icelanders had to make do exclusively with home-made scythes. These were often extremely blunt, as the proper kind of forgeable iron was difficult to obtain. To maintain a sharp edge, the blade of the scythe was heated in a forge and then placed on an anvil and hammered until the edge was restored. The re-tempering of the blade was the all-important part of the whetting process, but this often turned out badly, as the skill of the smiths varied. Every farm had to have its own smithy for these tasks. The blade of the scythe was attached to the handle with the so[here 'summer' means half a year.] Grg.. Ib., p. 91. [strengr.]; Forntida gQrdar i Island, p. 34. 0 [the ardr, cf. p. 290, footnote no. I I . ] 1 [»«•/] 2 [pall; this word is derived from the Old English pal (lat. pala) which shows how the idea of this implement reached Scandinavia]; Alexander Bugge: Veslerlandenes indflydeIsepaa Nordboerne i vikingeliden (Kristiania, 1905), p. 262. MO.] [skojla.]

296 called scythe-ropes,45 but often the ropes tended to be loose. Whet-stones were usually imported. In view of the technology of the medieval period, haymaking must have been both difficult and expensive. It was, as it still is, highly dependent on weather conditions, both as to the size of the crop and the quality of the hay. And as a rule it happened that periods which saw the greatest demands for hay were also the times during which haymaking was extremely difficult. In good or average seasons all went well. But if supplies of hay became exhausted, disaster was certain. Then farm animals died by the hundreds and starvation haunted the people like an evil spectre. It is easy to blame this on the lack of foresight, but only technological improvements could have prevented the death of vast numbers of livestock in bad years. However, the Age of Technology had not yet dawned, and famine was bound to recur from time to time merely because there was no way of getting enough food for the population. The Cultivation of Grain — Climate^ Many of the pioneer settlers probably tried to grow grain just as they had been accustomed to do in their old homeland. That such attempts were made is borne out by stories, place names and even archeological finds in many parts of the country. Few such pieces of evidence can, however, be obtained from the Mlilathing district and the north-eastern part of the district of the Thingeyjarthing, the coastline of these areas being exposed to a cold current from the north. The cultivation of grain appears to have come to an end as early as the 10th or the l l t h century in both the North Quarter and the district of Mulathing, and in these parts of the country grain farming was never of great significance. In other areas this kind of farming continued for a longer period, particularly in regions along the seashore and in areas of thermal springs, as, for example, on Reykjanes in Isafjordur, at Reykholar, in Reykholt in Borgarfjordur, and so on. Apparently the best conditions for the growing of grain were found in districts where the effect of the Gulf Stream was strongest — that is, in the southeast, the south, and the west. However, there are certain indications that this cultivation steadily declined. Just before the middle of the 14th century Abbot Arngrimr offered the following comment in his Gudmundar Saga: "Grain is cultivated in few places in the southern parts, and then only barley".47 Arngrimr was a Southerner himself, and therefore one must accept his testimony. Judging by this and other sources, the growing of grain never became substantial enough to be of any importance to the national 45 46 41

[Ijabond.] Bjorn M. 6lsen."Um kornirkju a Island! ad fornu", Biinadarrii (1910), pp. 81-167. Thorvaldur Thoroddsen, Lysing island.-:, IV,'p. 167 ff. Biskupa sogur, II, p. 5.

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economy; indeed, its significance diminished steadily. However, the grain growers themselves must have derived some benefits from their labour, although grain from Icelandic farms never satisfied the demand of the home market, not even in areas where the greatest emphasis had been placed upon its cultivation. Njals Saga, for example, which mentions grain cultivation more often than any other saga, repeatedly alludes to the importing of meal. Some grain fields were so extensive that it was necessary to break up the soil with the wooden plough, and quite frequently one comes across references to plough-oxen. 48 On the other hand, smaller grain fields were dug or hoed. Fields were divided into strips four to eight fathoms in width, and sometimes separated by special windbreaks. Mention is made of grain fields which were never barren, which means that every year they yielded a crop. As a rule, however, a field was divided into sections to be seeded in alternate years, the unsown section being used as a pen or night-pasture for livestock in order to ensure that fertilizer would accumulate in the area before the next year's seeding. Seaweed was also used for fertilizer, and in some regions fields were irrigated. As a rule they were carefully protected; hence the frequent mention of field walls.49 The only grain cultivated was barley. It was mown with a sickle and then bound in trusses 50 and stacked in ricks. 51 Next the grain was apparently dried beside a fire in the furnace house 52 and then threshed. Some of the equipment used bore Celtic names such as sofn for "furnace", and the word thust for the implement used for threshing. 53 This would indicate either that Celtic implements replaced earlier Scandinavian ones or that the task of threshing most often fell to Celtic slaves. Celtic loan words in the Norse language apply almost entirely to aspects of daily labour. 54 Mill-stones for the grain mills were, as a rule, made of Icelandic rock, as is reflected in the farm name Kverngrjot, later Kveingrjot (meaning 'rock for mill-stones') in Dalasysla. The flour was used for bread and porridge, although neither dish was really common. Also, the grain was malted and used for the brewing of ale. During the Commonwealth Period the price of meal was exorbitant, one vaett^ being equal to one-third the value of a cow, which also meant that a vaett of meal was equal in price to a vaett of butter or cheese. This indicates how difficult the growing of grain must have been. 4 * [ardruxar. ] " [akrgerdi.] » \kerf,.} 51 \skriif, hence the verb skryfa 'to stack'.] 52 [sofnhus.]; for further information on the furnace house at Bergthorshvoll, see Arbok hins Islenzka (1951-52), pp. 34-35. The Icel. sofn is derived from the Old Irish sornn. Lat. furnus: oven. 53 It was called ihiisl from the Old Irish siiist, \al.fustis. 54 Alexander Bugge, Vesterlandenes indflydelse. pp. 254-260. » [Cf. p. 314, footnote no. 151.]

fornleifafelags

298 In Old Iceland both grain and-flour were measured in sieves,56 measures, 57 and quarter measures. The term fjordungr (quarter measure) has been retained in the Icelandic vocabulary as both a liquid (20 pints) and a weight measurement. A certain area of land was supposed to require one sieve of seeds.58 By the same token, people spoke of a measure's area59 and 'quarter's area'.60 Topographical names such as Lmekrudalur at Solheimar in Myrdalur, Lmakrar at Bergthorshvoll, and perhaps other names, indicate that in Old Iceland attempts were made to grow flax, 61 mostly for the making of underwear and fishing-lines. But the cultivation of flax seems to have been a very minor industry. Various attempts have been made to explain the decline and eventual abandonment of grain cultivation in Iceland. Some scholars have suggested that the yield from the land diminished because of a change in the climate, some have pointed to social changes and still others maintain that the answer must lie in the combination of both. 62 It is almost impossible, however, to see how social changes could have affected the cultivation of grain. But the climate may have become colder and wetter. A change of this kind would not only have affected whatever cultivation of grain there was, but its impact would have extended to every sphere of the national economy, so that the struggle for survival would become harder as the climate worsened. It is a well-known fact that in the Northern Hemisphere, and perhaps in other parts of the world as well, the climate has been getting warmer since about 1920; also that over long periods of time the climate has alternately grown warmer and colder. A change in weather conditions might therefore have occurred in the Commonwealth Period, although conclusive evidence is hard to find. A few things, however, point to this possibility. In later centuries a few glaciers in Iceland underwent immense expansion, the most impressive example being Breidamerkurjokull. Shortly before 1709 it covered the ruins of the settlement farm of Fjall, and later the ruins at Breida, the farm which is said to have been the home of Kari Solmundarson. 63 This spread of the glacier continued until the 19th century. But now both the ancient farm sites are clear of ice. It is obvious that the complete devastation of the two farms could only have come about after a long period of glacial expansion, but unfortunately there is no evidence as to when this expansion began. There are nevertheless » [said.] [mcflar.]

57

511

[An area of this size was called saeldingr.] " [mcelisland.] *° [On this, see Nordisk kullur. XXX, i.e. fjordungsland.} 61 Cf. Busaeld og barningur, (Reykjavik, 1955), pp. 63-67. 62 S. Thorarinsson, Tefrokronologiska sludier pa Island, pp. 131-161. 13 [A well-known character from Njals Saga.]

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strong indications that the farmstead at Breida, which was also the location of a church for a period of time, was already deteriorating in the latter half of the 14th century, 64 and almost certainly this was partly due to the advance of the glacier. Some scholars have shown a readiness to attribute the growth of the glaciers to increased volcanic activity in the 14th century, but in general these views have not been accepted. What appears more likely is that the frequency of volcanic outbursts grew in direct proportion to the increasing pressure from glaciers upon the geological layers. Thus, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that expansion of glacial areas was brought about by changes in climatic conditions, either falling temperatures or heavier precipitation, or perhaps both of these. It is not so easy to date the beginning of this development, although it seems to have started in the Commonwealth Period. Since the beginning of settlement drifting polar ice has occasionally beset the coast of Iceland. But none of our sources refer to any appreciable amount of drift ice having reached the country in the Commonwealth Period. Also, it is particularly noteworthy that even though records pertaining to the Commonwealth are much concerned with seafaring, they do not mention a single instance of a ship having become ice-bound. The same holds true for accounts of voyages to Greenland. In these early times there seems to have been less ice off the east coast of Greenland than in later periods. However, an entry for the year 1126 in Konungsannall offers the following comment: "Steingrimr among icefloes" (Steingrimr a isum), which apparently alludes to some location just off the coast of Greenland, because a few years later the same Steingrimr is said to have been in that area,65 although no exact location is given. The Story of the Greenlanders (Einars thattr Sokkasonar) mentions that in about 1130 ice drifted up to the coast of the Eastern Settlement in Greenland, blocking all fjords and preventing the departure of commercial vessels that were in the area. However, these conditions were of short duration. 66 Altogether it seems that there was less ice in the northern seas in the Commonwealth Period than was to be the case in later times, before it began to decline again in recent decades. There are, nevertheless, certain signs pointing to an increase in the amount of drift ice off the coast of Iceland in the 13th century. Among these are the following three excerpts from annals: 1233: "Drift ice all summer long". 1261: "Iceland surrounded by drift ice". 1275: "Almost the whole of Iceland encircled by drift ice".

M

Blanda. I I , pp. 259-260. " Islenzk fornrit, IV, p. 281. » hlenzk fornrit. IV, p. 290.

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Finally, scholars have maintained that the deforestation of the country must have effected a minor decrease in temperature. But even though one finds a number of indications of a period of comparative warmth within the first part of the Commonwealth Period before a colder trend set in, conclusive evidence for this is still lacking. It is therefore useless to try to assess what influence climatic changes may have had upon the course of the history of Iceland. A Few Ancient Branches of Industry For many centuries the Icelanders remained largely self-sufficient. Carpentry, weaving and other crafts vital to every-day life were then carried on in the home. Quite early, however, many of the trades which required special skills came to be the profession of a special class. It is not possible to do justice to Icelandic home industries in a short space. Here reference will be made only to charcoal-making, the smelting of bog-iron from haematite,67 ale-making, and salt-making. A few other branches of industry will be discussed elsewhere. Both charcoal-making and smelting were particularly important for the economy of medieval Iceland. Charcoal was necessary for the forging of metal and for the kind of heating and hammering of scythe-blades which was practised down to the 19th century. As there were no sources of coal in the country and it was not imported until long after the Reformation, the Icelanders had to depend on charcoal. It appears that the forests were used for this purpose, although in some areas driftwood may have served. First, the trees were cut into chips and these were then placed in a deep pit and set afire. The pit was covered in order to prevent over-exposure to air. The wood was then kept smouldering until its transformation to charcoal was complete. The method of whetting the scythes made it necessary for every farm to have a smithy, and to produce charcoal as well, where woodland areas existed. In many instances disputes arose over rights to wooded areas, particularly when forests had almost been exhausted in large parts of the country. Charcoal-making was the greatest factor contributing to the destruction of the forests.68 The smelting of iron 69 and the forging of artifacts were, in the olden days, closely associated industries, as it was common for the blacksmiths themselves to extract from the haematite the iron which they used in their craft. Haematite accumulates on the stalks of marsh grass when water has dissolved subterranean iron deposits and brought them to the surface. The smelting of iron from haematite had been practiced in Scan67

[raudablastr.] ** Cf. Kristleifur Thorsteinsson, "Urn vidarkolagerd", Biinadarril (1925), pp. 84-92. Cf. Oddur Oddsson, "Vidarkol", Eimreidin (1928), pp. 374-382. 69 [Cf. Kulturhislorisk leksikon. V I I I , art. "Jarnframstallning".]

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dinavia for centuries when the settlement of Iceland began, and there is no question that the early settlers brought the skills of this trade with them to their new home. Landnamabbk names the pioneer Bjorn of Dalsmynni in Nordurardalur as the first Icelander to smelt iron in this manner. From this he earned the name Rauda-Bjorn. 70 The accuracy of this account is doubtful, since many settlers for whom the smelting of iron would have been equally important must have arrived in Iceland ahead of Bjorn. Therefore it is more likely that the nickname resulted from his skill as a smelter, or from some other associations he may have had with the processing of haematite. However, it is certain that the Icelanders extracted iron from haematite from the early part of the Age of Settlements down to the 15th century, if not longer. There is no documentary evidence of the importing of unwrought iron during the Commonwealth Period. In Sweden the smelting of iron from ore was begun about 1200. It may be that some of this was brought to Iceland, but not in any great quantity, and there is little likelihood that the Icelanders ever imported iron smelted from haematite. On the other hand, articles made of iron were imported regularly, weapons being one case in point. Many kinds of articles were, however, made by the Icelanders themselves. This is, for example, indicated by a passage in Sturlunga Saga in which mention is made of a 'Norse steel cap' worn by a Norwegian in Iceland. 71 It is not likely that the author would have used the adjective Norse if imported Norse helmets had been common in Iceland. Iron derived from haematite no doubt came close to satisfying current demands, which, of course, were not comparable to those of the present day. First and foremost iron constituted the raw material for scythe-blades, implements of various kinds, weapons, horse shoes, and rivets for the building of boats. Old smithies where iron was extracted from haematite have been uncovered and quantities of slag have been found at many farms, particularly farm sites that were abandoned early and then left undisturbed. Smelting was not practised at every farm, as was the burning of charcoal, since haematite varies in quantity from one marshland to the next, and in some areas is completely non-existent. Further, the conditions for iron-smelting were especially favourable in places where wood for charcoal-making was plentiful. Thus, one may safely conclude that the production of iron reached its peak in districts where both haematite and wood were abundant. Supplies of iron must then have been sold to regions where it was scarce. Gragds (cf. Jonsbok) names three kinds of iron used as legal tender: blast iron; 72 wrought 70 [raudi is the Icelandic word for haematite.] " St., I, p. 514, ['Norse': Norwegian.] 72 [blaslrsjarn.]

302 iron, 73 and tempered iron. 74 The tempered iron may have been imported; this, however, is uncertain. It is not altogether clear how the smelting was accomplished. Apparently heaps of haematite were heated intensely in a forge with glowing charcoal. 75 Bellows were used to fan the fire, which explains the etymology of the Icelandic word for haematite. 76 As the haematite melted in the heat, the dross became separated from the metal, leaving lumps of coagulated iron in the forge. At the locations of some ancient smithies discoveries have been made of pits with slab linings, each pit being half a meter or a little less in both length and width, and about the same in depth.77 These have posed a problem for scholars; Niels Nielsen has expressed the opinion that a pit of this kind which he found at Belgsa in Fnjoskadalur served as a smelting-furnace for haematite, 78 but this is quite unlikely. On the other hand, one wonders if the dross could not have been diverted along a special channel leading from the forge and into this pit. In the National Museum of Iceland there are two lumps of blast-iron, both of which have been almost hewn asunder. This practice was common, the object being to ascertain the success of the smelting. When the blast iron had solidified, it was heated anew to 'fuse' it, and shaped by being hammered on a rock or an anvil, which also purified it of dross and ash. At this stage it was called fellujarn (wrought iron). It might then be heated and hammered once more before it was moulded into bars. These final processes further purified the product, which was referred to as teintjarn (tempered iron), and was the kind of material best suited for the blacksmith's craft. It is easy to understand why these different kinds of iron should vary in price. In a list of'legal prices (logauraskra), which, according to Diplomatarium Islandicum, was compiled in 110079 (setting the earliest possible date of composition at about 1200 would appear to be more nearly correct) the price of a vaztt™ of blast iron is fixed at five ounces and thus assigned a value equal to a vcett of victuals, while the price of a comparable amount of wrought iron was six ounces. Tempered iron was of special value. According to a price list from the period in question, one ell of tempered iron was equal in value to one ell of marketable homespun cloth.81 Salt-making and the brewing of ale were both branches of food production. The ancient Icelanders had little need for salt, since most of 7J

[fellujarn.] [leinl jam. ] " Cf. Pall Vidalin, Fornyrdi logbokar, p. 97. " [raudablastr literally means "blowing for haematite".] 77 Arbok hins hlenzka fornleifafelags (1943-48), p. 38. '" Aarbfger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Hislorie (1926), pp. 155-157. "Dipt, hi, I, pp. 162-167. >° [vaett: 80 Ibs.) 11 Dipt, hi, I, p. 318, cf. Idnsaga Islands, II, pp. 40-58, 254 and on. [About marketable homespun cloth cf. p. 312.] 74

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their regular catch of fish was dried and preserved as stock fish. Meat was dried for storage, whereas butter and various other items of food were pickled. What salt was needed was produced in the country through salt-burning 82 or salt-roasting. 83 In this process, kelp or seaweed was burned, and the ashes were then used for salt. On the island of Grimsey this method of salt-making was followed right down to the 17th century or even longer. Other primitive methods of producing salt may also have been used. 84 Home-brewed ale was commonly drunk at banquets, festivals and assemblies. Mention is made of both a brew-house 85 and an ale-booth86 at the Althing. The ale was produced as it was required for drinking, because it could not be stored for any length of time. The brewer's art was a demanding one. Malt, either local or imported, was used for brewing, and the still with its accessories consisted mainly of a boiler and a grinder in which the malt was ground. Mill-stones, or fragments of these, have frequently been found in house ruins on Old Icelandic farm sites, but it is difficult to determine whether the stones are from malt-mills or barley-grinders. 87 Fishing In his Gudmundar Saga Abbot Arngnmr says that fish from the sea and dairy foods made up the staple diet of the Icelanders. He adds that the entire country depended on fishing, as dried fish (so-called 'hardfish' and stockfish) was a commodity bought and distributed in all districts.88 The saga was written shortly before the middle of the 14th century, but as far as can be judged, it would also have applied to the entire Commonwealth Period. Ancient sources speak of off-shore fishing as early as the Age of Settlements, and, as could be expected in a country bordering on the world's richest fishing grounds, this industry still flourishes. Landnamabok, for example, tells of Thuridr Sundafyllir, 89 a woman who settled at Bolungarvik. She fixed the bearings for Kviarmid, a fishing bank in Isafjardardjup, and then claimed a hornless ewe from every farmer in fsafjordur who fished within the set limits. It is likely that fishing increased after the adoption of Christianity and fasting gradually became common. During times of fasting fish and whale meat became the main dishes. Further, it is conceivable that the ban against the eating of horse flesh gave rise to increased fishing. 2

[saltbrenna.} [saltsvida.] Idnsaga Islands, II, pp. 30-36; Gisli Oddsson, hlenzk annalabrot og undur Islands (Akureyri, 1942), p. 106. 5 [hituhus.] ' [olbiid.] Idnsaga Islands, II, pp. 94-104. * Biskupa sogur. II, pp. 5, 179. ['sound-filler'; in times of privation she had, through the powers of magic, filled a certain strait or sound in Norway with fish.] 3

4

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Abbot Arngrimr says that paupers became quite rich from fishing,90 and in Bandamanna Saga, fishing is supposed to be the surest road to wealth for those without property. According to the saga, Oddr Ofeigsson of Reykir in Midfjordur left his home and joined a group of fishermen at Vatnsnes. All he brought with him was his fishing gear and twelve ells of homespun. Other gear he had to borrow from the fishermen. He stayed at Vatnsnes for three years, and at the end of this period he had paid his debt in full and saved enough money to buy a share in a ferry. He then undertook to maintain a freight route between Strandir and the districts farther inland, and thereby his circumstances improved to the point where it was possible for him to become the sole owner of the ferry. A few summers afterwards he purchased a share in a sea-going vessel and undertook trading voyages to foreign countries. Soon after becoming the sole owner of the cargo ship, he acquired a second vessel of the same kind. Finally he bought property at Melur in Midfjordur and a chieftaincy, and as a farmer and chieftain he attained the greatest authority possible at that time in Iceland. Bandamanna Saga is, to a large extent, fictitious, but despite this one may accept as quite authentic its portrayal of Icelandic social conditions. From the fishing-stations the fish were sold to the farming districts. There is no evidence that stock fish was exported in the Commonwealth Period.91 There are also some rather vague stories which indicate that in the 10th century fishing was pursued with greater zeal both at Bjarneyjar on Breidafjordur and on Snaefellsnes than was the case in the 13th century. The following excerpt is from Laxdaela Saga: There is a fishing-station in Breidafjordur called Bjarneyjar; there are a number of islets in this group, and they were very productive. At that time people used to go there in great numbers for the fishing, and many were stationed there all the year round. 92

It is quite clear that when the saga was written (ca. 1250), the situation must have been quite different from that described above. Later, however, Bjarneyjar became once more a productive fishing-station. Another account of a similar nature is found in the Saga of Bardr Snaefellsass, a work containing memories of ancient events, although it dates from a late period, probably the first half of the 14th century. The saga states that "at that time there was a lot of fishing in the Snaefellsnes area".93 These accounts from the sagas can hardly be dismissed as deliberate fabrication, nor do they have the appearance of being mere *° Biskupa sogur, II, p. 179. "(Cf. pp. 314-315.] " hlenzk fornrit. V, p. 29. " hlendinga sogur. I I I , (Reykjavik, 1946), p. 314.

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figments of people's imagination. But it is possible that the civil unrest which prevailed throughout the Age of the Sturlungs caused a reduction in fishing. There is no means of determining the average size of the fishing boats used, although there are many reasons to believe that small boats, even boats designed for only two men, were much in use. From VallaLjots Saga comes the account that on a certain day 30 boats, most of them small in size, put out to sea from the island of Grimsey.94 But the Saga of Thordr Kakali, in its account of the naval battle of Hunafloi (Floabardagi) in 1244, suggests that in the Commonwealth Period there must have been a considerable number of fairly large vessels in the country, most of them either ferries or freighters. The fishing gear was primitive, consisting of hook and line. These were sometimes difficult to obtain, as the lines had to be made of flax fibre, which was in most instances imported. At the main fishing stations the fishermen found lodgings in huts 95 or shelters96 during the fishing season. They were paid with a share of the catch.97 Permanent fishing villages were prevented from developing because no one was allowed to set up a home unless he was a milk producer, even though the local district council could grant exemptions by making the district responsible for members of the cottager's household if food ran short. Along with salt-water fishing, fishing in lakes and rivers, whaling and sealing were all diligently pursued. Whales often drifted ashore and were of great benefit to the people. Fowling of all kinds, the collecting of eggs, the digging of edible roots, the picking of Iceland moss,98 wild angelica,99 dulse,100 berries and so on were all practised. But because of excessive use, some of these resources were gradually depleted. Imports From the Age of Settlements down to the present day the Icelanders have been very dependent upon their trade with other nations. The dearth of natural resources, coupled with the absence of even vital necessities, has left the Icelanders with no alternative but to import various kinds of merchandise if they wished to enjoy any of the amenities of a civilized nation. But from time to time wide fluctuations have occurred in the balance of this trade, which has depended on what merchandise was available and on the partners with whom the Icelanders were trading. Also, fluctuating demand for the limited variety of Icelandic exports has 94

Valla-Ljdls Saga. (Kjilbenhavn, 1952), p. 28. [fiskiskalar.] [verbudir.] 97 hlenzk fornrit, V, p. 29. '* [Ceiraria Islandica.] " [Archangelica officinalis.' 100 [Rhodomenia palmala.] 95

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been a determining factor. Then too, much has depended on weather conditions, the outbreak of wars, and the availability of transportation. Finally, it was important who controlled the trade. The history of foreign trade in Iceland therefore constitutes a very significant aspect of the nation's history as a whole, even though this trade did not assume the importance during the Commonwealth Period that it now has. There are no trade figures available, either native or foreign, from the Commonwealth Period. Little is therefore known about quantities of goods, prices, and kinds of merchandise. The Viking Age no doubt saw a great increase in Scandinavian trade, since it was the era in which the Scandinavians founded colonies along many vital commercial routes outside Scandinavia. The vikings pursued trading as a sideline, selling for silver or for more suitable goods whatever portion of their loot they did not need. Even though the hazards of their business could have led traders to place an exceptionally strong emphasis upon profit-making, luxury items and other goods which could be sold at a high profit did not dominate the market to the exclusion of more vital commodities. The early Icelanders maintained a remarkably high degree of self-sufficiency, but foreign trade had nevertheless begun to play a part in the national economy even at the earliest period of their history. Archeological finds constitute the chief evidence of Icelandic imports in the 10th century. But in many instances it is difficult to say whether the articles in question were brought to Iceland by the pioneer settlers or by traders after the close of the Age of Settlements. Haakon Shetelig has argued that archeological finds in Iceland point to influences from the Swedish-Baltic area. Such influences are slight or altogether absent in Norway. This has led him to assume that the Icelanders must have opened up their own trade route past Norway into the Baltic regions.101 At this point it is well to remember that a pioneer settler by the name of Skinna-Bjorn 102 is said to have travelled into the Ladoga regions of Russia,103 and perhaps other settlers also made voyages into Russia. It is conceivable therefore that ancient artifacts showing Swedish-Baltic characteristics were either brought by these men to Iceland, or that the Icelanders maintained for a while old trade routes to the east, even though these had by then been abandoned by the Norwegians. Archeological research seldom affords information about types of merchandise other than those made of metal, stone, wood, or similar materials, which means that it tells us little about such things as food and textiles. Thus archeological sources are very inadequate in the present in101 102 103

Arbok hins islenzka fornleifafelags (1937-1939), pp. 12-16. [Fur-trading Bjorn.] [i.e. Holmgardr, later Novgorod, now Gorki.]

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stance, although they do testify to the existence of a certain amount of trade. Nor do legal records, sagas, and other documents shed much light on this matter. In fact, it is mere coincidence if they mention any kind of merchandise. For this reason it is impossible to write a detailed history of Icelandic trade in the medieval period. However, some salient features are reasonably clear. A section in Gragas shows that grain, linen, lumber, wax, and tar were considered vital necessities for import. This section probably dates from the 13th century. 104 But no doubt these had not all been regarded as necessities in the preceding centuries. Other wares which could be considered of lesser importance or even outright luxuries were brought in, but it is difficult to distinguish between the two categories. In Iceland the cultivation of grain, as mentioned earlier, was always of limited scope, and in a season when the weather was unfavourable, the crops would fail completely and grain purchases from other lands became a necessity. These consisted mainly of barley from Norway, Orkney, and even England. But these imports never reached a significant dimension, since it was only in years of heavy yields that Norway, where most of Iceland's foreign trade was carried on, could afford to export grain. This could be done only with the sanction of the king, a rule which applied even to the Archbishop of Nidaros. The largest grain imports on record occurred during the period of hardship from 1056-1058, when King Haraldr Sigurdarson permitted four ships to bring full cargoes of grain to Iceland. Grain was used mostly for porridge, since bread never became common. Malt for the brewing of ale was imported, chiefly from Norway, although the records mention the importing of both grain and malt from Orkney. 105 Other imported food materials are seldom mentioned, although there was some importing of honey and flour, mostly or even wholly from England. 106 Honey served the same purpose as was later served by sugar. In the latter part of the Commonwealth Period limited quantities of such beverages as wine, mead, and beer were imported, mostly from Germany. Earlier, wine had been purchased from England. For festive occasions home-brewed ale was the most popular beverage. After the coming of Christianity, communion-wine became a necessity, but it was sometimes in short supply when trading-vessels failed to arrive. For this reason the Icelanders began in 1203 to make berry-wine as a substitute for communion-wine. Bishop Jon of Greenland taught the Icelanders how to make this wine from crowberries, which art he had learned from King Sverrir of Norway. Berry-wine was then used for communion services to some extent until 1237, when the Pope forbade (

hlenzk fornrit. V I I I , pp. 264-271. 116 A. L. Poole, From Domesday Book to Magna Carta 1087-1216. (Oxford, 1951), p. 83. 117 Biskupa sogur, I, p. 163, 235. 118 [kleberg, talgusleinn.] '" Arbok hins islenzka fornteifafelags (1949-50), pp. 41-62. 114

310 with all or most other nations. The English themselves began to sail to Norway, and from about the end of the 12th century, and far into the 13th, English-Norwegian trade relations flourished. 120 As early as the 12th century these two nations had entered into a mutual agreement on tariff concessions, and in the early part of the reign of King Hakon the Old they concluded the first international trade agreement ever entered into by the English. In the 12th century the Germans also began to trade with Bergen, and throughout the 13th century this trade grew in magnitude, particularly after the founding of German cities in the Baltic. Some of the goods marketed there are bound to have reached Iceland. 121 Exports During the Commonwealth Period the main exports of the Icelanders were farm products, falcons, and sulphur. The farm products included marketable cloaks of sheep-skin, 122 homespun, wool", hides, horses, and perhaps cheese. The exporting of other goods is not mentioned, and it is unlikely that it ever amounted to much. Marketable furs and homespun, the two main export goods in the Commonwealth Period, were both manufactured goods. Manufacturing must therefore have been a sizeable industry in Iceland at this time, although every product had to be made by hand. Spinning and weaving were the home industries pursued by women on every farm, which explains why spindle-heads and loom weights 123 are among the most common artifacts found in ancient farm ruins. The art of knitting was not yet known and was not introduced in Iceland until the late 16th century. Marketable furs-were used as overcoats, and apart from being an important commodity, they were a legal form of currency both in Iceland and in Norway. In Norway they could be used for payment of land dues, and in Iceland they were acceptable as tithes, except for the share which was taken exclusively by the Church. E. Hertzberg believed that marketable furs were fleeced sheepskins, 124 but this view is unfounded. The list of legal currencies in Gragas contains the following statement: A marketable fur is priced at two ounces and is four thumb-ells in length and two in width and has thirteen shag-stripes across. If furs are of a better quality, then they have a special value. 125

120

[The trade between Norway and England came to an end early in the 15th century, Cf. S. Hasund, Del norske folks liv og hislorie. I l l , (Oslo, 1934), p. 236.] Alexander Bugge, "Handelen mellem England og Norge indtil begyndelsen af del 15de aarhundrede", (Norsk) Hisiorisk Tidsskrifl (1898), pp. 1-149; Timor,; hins islenzka bokmentafelags (1897), pp. 134-189. 122 [vararfeldir.] 123 [weight to hold the fabric tightly stretched.] nt Arkiv for nordisk filologi, V, pp. 231, 232, 369. 125 Grg., Ib, p. 192; Dipt. 1st.. I, p. 164. 121

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It is obvious that this statement refers to furs both larger and more valuable than fleeced sheepskins, since fleeced lambskins were valued at one ell of homespun each. 126 Hjalmar Falk was of the opinion that a fur which qualified as legal currency was made up of many fleeced sheepskins which were sewn together, and that it differed from the kind which was worn as an overcoat. But there is no evidence to substantiate this claim. He also surmised that the so-called shaggy furs constituted the third type, and that these were overcoats made of shaggy homespun. 127 But the previously quoted excerpt from the list of legal currencies in Gragas shows that marketable furs were indeed shaggy furs and most probably all the cloaks in question were of the same kind. The marketable furs would then have been of homespun, not of either fleeced or shorn sheepskins, but, as the second component of the noun vararfeldr (a cloak lined with fur) implies, they were given the appearance of natural furs. The stripes on the furs were therefore not of ordinary wool but rather an artificial design woven into the material in order to obtain as close a resemblance to natural fur as possible.128 Overcoats made of sheepskin were referred to as skincloaks 129 and differentiated in this manner from marketable furs. Furs were dyed various colours. They were fastened across the right shoulder with a pin 130 or cloak-pin. 131 In medieval Icelandic there were two terms denoting marketable fur (a type of cloak) and a parallel pair of words for homespun cloth,132 which names indicate the great importance of this type of garment for the export trade. In the earlier part of the Commonwealth Period especially, the exporting of marketable furs was of major importance, and references to this are found in stories.133 The most interesting of these is an account in Snorri Sturluson's Heimskringla to the effect that during the reign of King Haraldr Gunnhildarson, an Icelandic ship arrived in Norway one summer carrying a full cargo of marketable furs. 134 Snorri would hardly have recorded this event, had he not believed it to be authentic. Adam of Bremen says that the heathen Prussians offered the Saxons the much-sought-after martens' skins in exchange for woolen garments called faldones.n5 In all probability Adam's statement refers to marketable furs, and from his account one can draw some inferences 126

[One ell usually equalled 1/6 of an ounce, cf. p. 331.] Hjalmar Falk: Altwestnordische Kleiderkunde. Kristiania (1919), pp. 174-178; [cf., however, Kullurhistori.sk leksikon, V I I , art. "Hundrad".] 121 [The shaggy furs were called rbggvarfeldir, and they had a pile-weave embellishment "executed by laying short lengths of wool in the^hed or tying the.m round the warp threads." Foote and Wilson, The Viking Achievement, p. 172; cf. also, Elsa B. Gudj6nsson"Forn r6ggvarvefnadur",/4r66& him Islenzka fornleifafelags (1962).] '" [skinnfeldir.] 130 [dalkr.] '•" \feldarslingi.} '•" [In the fur category there were vararfeldr and vorufeldr; vararvad and voruvad referred to the homespun cloth.] 1 •" Saga filafi Trvggva.tonar by Oddr Snorrason, ed. Finnur Jonsson, (K^benhavn, 1932), p. \22;).lafs Saga Tryggvasonar by Oddr Snorrason, pp. 122-123; Dipl. 1st., X p. 22. Dipt. hi.. I, pp. 718-719.

313

The list of legal currencies in Gragas includes various kinds of furs. The prices of some of these were fixed by law. These were foxskins, 142 fleeced lambskins, shorn wetherskins, and two kinds of catskins, but prices of ordinary catskins and lambskins varied according to quality. The shorn wetherskins were appropriately named klippingar. It is very likely that all these kinds of furs were exported; otherwise, it would not have been possible to stipulate that they be accepted as legal tender, but the foxskins 143 and the shorn wetherskins 144 are the only furs about which it is explicitly stated that they were sold to other lands. Of all Icelandic furs the catskins were by far the most expensive, which shows that as a marketable item they must have been in great demand. In the laws ofJonsbok145 the kinds of furs counted as legal currency are foxskins, catskins, and lambskins, but in 1294, when the law amendments of King Eirikr Magnusson were introduced, foxskins were removed from the list at the fequest of the Icelanders themselves. Thus it is obvious that in the 13th century, markets for Icelandic furs must have declined, which is quite understandable since the greater part of the Icelandic trade had then, as will be explained later, fallen into the hands of the Norwegians, who had an adequate supply of furs themselves, some of which surpassed Icelandic furs in quality and value. In addition, an increased supply of Russian furs must have caused a considerable reduction in the sale of the Icelandic product. From the early part of the 13th century Hanseatic merchants used the ancient Holmgardr (Novgorod, now Gorki) as a major trading centre, from which choice furs were shipped westward in great quantities. 146 Horses, in most instances fighting horses, 147 were on occasion sold to Norway in the Commonwealth Period. There are no references to any exports of food during the Commonwealth Period, and one may be certain that if there was any such trading it must have been on a very limited scale. The epithet morlandi (suet-man) occasionally given to Icelandic visitors to other lands would appear to allude to the exporting of suet, or sausages of lard and meat. 148 However, this epithet could have originated in the custom among Icelandic seafarers of using suet-sausages as provisions for voyages to other lands. On the other hand, it is very likely that the Icelanders exported cheese. From the earliest period of Icelandic history down to the 13th century, cheese-making seems to have been a very widespread national industry. Late in that century it decreased in volume until, in the 14th or 15th century it virtually disappeared. This can be inferred from the high '• [melrakkabelgir, the skin t a k e n off whole.) 1 Islenzk fornrit. V, p. 277. hlenzk fornrit. X, pp. 22-23. [Cf. p. 172.] " Nordisk kulliir. X V I , p. 131. «'[Cf. p. 291.] 4 * Biskupa sogur, I, p. 222 (footnote), pp. 224, 357; Islenzk fornrit. I l l , p. 335; V, p. 253.

314

taxes payable in cheese149 to the episcopal sees, monasteries, and churches in the 12th, 13th, and first half of the 14th centuries, whereas from the last part of the 13th century there were instances where these taxes could be paid in butter. 150 The records show that payments in cheese were too large to have been consumed at the institutions to which they were paid. Payments to the church estate of Oddi provide a good example of this. Thus it is almost certain that during the Commonwealth Period cheese was one of the items exported from Iceland. Our sources indicate that in the 12th century butter was exported by Norway. There are no references of any exports of butter by Iceland during the Commonwealth Period. Butter was usually eaten with dried fish, as bread was an uncommon article of diet. About 1200 the price of butter was the same as that of cheese, i.e. 80 pounds 151 of butter were equal to one third of the value of a cow. But by the end of the 13th century the price of butter had risen, 10 pounds of cheese152 being equal in price to two-thirds of the same quantity of butter. At this point the exporting of butter seems to have begun, and consequently the exporting of cheese may have declined. It is remarkable that the only reference to the exporting of stockfish in this period should be contained in the shorter version of Bandamanna Saga,153 which seems to differ there as elsewhere from the original version, and there are other reasons as well to suggest that in the medieval period there was little or no exporting of stockfish from Iceland. Writing around 1075, Adam of Bremen states that the raising of domestic animals was the sole livelihood of the Icelanders. 154 This must have been an exaggeration, even though the eating of fish during Lent had not yet become a common practice. However, it is certain that in Adam's time Icelandic stockfish had not reached the continental market. During the Commonwealth, fish and fish products were not recognized by the Althing as legal tender, 155 which indicates that the market was limited in comparison to supply. About the year 1200, payments made in stockfish were nonetheless sanctioned within the assembly district of the Arnessthing, and perhaps in other parts of the country as well, although the price was very low: 24-30 ells156 of homespun cloth per long hundred of fish. 80 pounds of stockfish were therefore equal in price to 8 to 10 ells of homespun cloth, a long hundred of fish being roughly 240 pounds. Thus it appears unlikely that the Icelanders exported any appreciable amount i.e. osltollar. Dipt. /.?/.. I I , p. 195. [80 pounds constituted a vaell or 8 fjordungar, a fjordungr being equal to 10 pounds.] 2 Dipt, hi, I I , p. 195. •' "Bandamanna saga". Islenzk fornrit, V I I , p. 296. 4 Adam of Bremen, op. cit., p. 217. Cf. Dipt. Isl.. I, pp. 164-167. Dipt. 1st., I, pp. 317, 319, 320. Later when the prices of exported fish were at the peak, two fish were assessed as the equivalent of one ell of homespun cloth.

315 of fish in the Commonwealth Period.157 This was only natural: the Norwegians, who were Iceland's chief trading partners, caught many more fish in their own waters than they were ever likely to need at home, and therefore there was no market for Icelandic fish products in Norway. Perhaps as early as the Viking Age, the Norwegians began to sell their fish to England, and this trade increased considerably after the founding of Bergen in 1075. If there were ever any opportunities for the marketing of Icelandic fish in Norway, this date would have been the earliest one possible for such trade. Quite early Bergen became the centre for all stockfish trade not only for Norway, but for the whole of Europe. During the 12th century the English and the Germans had begun making voyages to Bergen and were eager to purchase stockfish, which was marketed there from the northern regions of Norway. From then on these two nations vied with each other for the trade with Bergen, the English getting the larger share at first. But the Germans gained the upper hand in the latter part of the 13th century, as the Hanseatic towns were then rapidly growing in prosperity. This was the point at which it first became apparent that the Norwegians would not be capable of satisfying existing demands for stockfish. Testimony of this is implicit in the following excerpt from a judgement dating from the year 1340: A short time ago stockfish was exported from Iceland in small quantities, then called matskreid (dried fish), but homespun cloth was the most important item. But now the choice exports of Iceland consist of stockfish and train-oil.158

This excerpt clearly shows that for a certain period of time there was little or no exporting of stockfish from the country, but the length of this period is not known. It is rather unlikely, however, that after they had once reached significant proportions, the sales of stockfish to other lands would have ceased completely. The location of ports in 13th century Iceland points to the same conclusion. Except for the Westman Islands and Eyrar, which were the only sites where harbours could be built for the exporting of farm products from the densely populated areas of the Rangarthing and the Arnessthing, none of the ports were close to any of the main fishing stations. Further, the records make no references to arrivals of ships from abroad during the 13th century along Sudurnes, 159 or along the socalled Innnes 160 on the bay of Faxafloi, or along the Snaefellsnes coast,

IS7

One should hardly include among exports the stockfish bought by traders, who used it as a part of their provisions for voyages to Norway. "» Dipl. 1st.. II, p. 729. "* [Along Reykjanesskagi on the south west coast.] 160 [Seltjarnarnes, Alftanes, and Kjalarnes.]

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although these are the areas where the largest fishing stations have always been located and where, in a subsequent period, harbours came to be built in rapid succession. At the time in question there were harbours along the bays of Faxafloi and Breidafjordur, at Hvita in Borgarfj8r6ur, and at Dogurdarnes on Fellsstrond.161 Among the ancient exports of Iceland, sulphur and falcons remain to be discussed. Both were commodities much sought after by the King of Norway and the Archbishop of Nidaros. That the exporting of these goods had already begun in the latter half of the 12th century is supported by strong evidence, and it may well be that falcons had been traded considerably earlier. The Saga of Sverrir makes mention of sulphur supplies in Bergen in the year 1198.162 This sulphur must have come from Iceland, as there were no sources of sulphur anywhere else in Northern Europe. In Tristrams Saga, translated into Norwegian in 1226, there is a reference to a ship storm-driven from Norway to France with a cargo of various goods including sulphur. The story itself, as everyone knows, is a work of fiction, but the goods described, including the sulphur, are for the most part an interpolation by the translator. Clearly the translator would not have mentioned it unless he knew that sulphur in considerable quantities was an item of international trade. This and other such references must be to sulphur from Iceland. 163 The Life of Bishop Ami is the only Icelandic source which mentions the exporting of sulphur in the Commonwealth Period. This source further maintains that the Archbishop of Nidaros had the right to purchase sulphur and falcons in Iceland before the country submitted to the King of Norway, who later wished to monopolize this trade.164 Some writers have suggested, wrongly it seems, that the archbishop had a monopoly on Icelandic falcons and sulphur. The sulphur was undoubtedly intended for military use. After the Third Crusade (1187-1192) 'Greek fire' came into use in western Europe, and sulphur was one of the materials required for its production. 165 Sulphur was also used to make the so-called 'thunder-flashes' which resulted from explosions of some kind. According to the Life of Larentlus, four components were needed for detonations of this kind: fire, sulphur, vellum, and coarse hemp. "In wars men often make thunderflashes in order that those caught unawares by the din will scatter in all directions".166 The hemp served as a fuse. It is unlikely that sulphur for military use ever became important enough in Norway to be much in de61

[In Dalasysla.j " Sverris Saga, p. 150. " Timarit hins islenzka bokmentafelags (1897), p. 161. 64 Biskupa sogur, I, pp. 713, 738. 5 A. L. Poole: From Domesday Book to Magna Carta 1087-1216, p. 373, footnote 2. 'Grg., la, p. 204; Ib, p. 141; II, p. 214. 224 [Cf. p. 92.] 225 [hleikt silfr.]: Crg.. Ib., p. 192; I I I , p. 462. 226 [brennt silfr.] 227 islenzk fornrit. V, p. 269. 228 [Haraldsslatta.] 229 [penningr.]

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As silver supplies in l l t h century Iceland became depleted, homespun cloth became the chief currency and the basic monetary unit. From the settlement period onward, though on a smaller scale, homespun had probably been a lawful currency. Voruvadmal (commercial homespun) was the designation of the homespun most commonly used in trading. Precise rules were of course needed to safeguard the quality of cloth which was to serve as currency. 230 The 'ell',231 originally a unit of length, then became a monetary unit. The weight measures of the 'mark', 'ounce', and 'farthing', 232 which had been used for measuring silver, were now introduced as units in the new monetary system, which may be designated as the 'homespun standard'. 233 This new system had many subdivisions, the law-ounce measures being the most common of these. According to regulations on currency, the 'ounce' equalled six ells and was designated as the 'law-ounce'. 234 In addition to the law-ounce there was an ounce-unit valid only within the assembly district where it was specifically proclaimed. 235 There are records of two such monetary units in Iceland, the four-ell ounce, and the three-ell ounce, the value of each unit being implicit in its designation. The standard ratio, however, was 8 ounces to a 'mark' and three farthings to an ounce. The three-ell ounce seems to have been particularly common, but in keeping with what was stated above, it was half the value of a six-ell ounce.236 These variations between ounce units resulted from certain standards which had to be established in order to fix the minimum length of a piece of homespun acceptable as currency. A creditor who was owed a debt of 120 ells would have found it unsatisfactory to receive 120 one-ell pieces from his debtor. Thus, a regulation was passed that a piece of homespun acceptable in payments of a major debt should be 6 ells in length at a minimum. A piece of homespun of this length was called an ounce or law-ounce. 237 But within certain districts it might often be a matter of convenience to permit payment in shorter pieces, and this would be approved at the district assembly. From the time of the earliest written sources in Iceland onwards, there was no consistency between an ounce of homespun and an ounce of silver, either in terms of weight or numerical units. The laws of the Commonwealth express two different kinds of ratio between the law-ounce and an ounce of silver, 1:8 and 1:7^2, 238 the former being no doubt an older standard and still in force in the winter of 1117-1118 when the ™ Dipt. 1st.. I, pp. 614, 316. "' [iiln. alin.] 2>2 \mork. eyrir. ortug.] 2)3 [vafimahreikningr.] 214 [logeyrir.] "' [thinglagseyrir.] 21(1 [atx alna eyrir.] 217 [evrir. liigevrir.] "• Cf. Grg.. I l l , pp. 668-670 (under silfr).

332 codification of the laws began, and probably for some time afterwards. The latter is most likely from about 1200 or a little earlier. In Jonsbok, on the other hand, the ratio between the law-ounce and an ounce of purified silver is listed as 1:6. In the 12th and 13th centuries silver must therefore have depreciated in Iceland in comparison with homespun, the reason for this depreciation being the vast increase in silver mining in Germany in the latter part of the 12th century, at which time silver production also began in Sweden and perhaps in some other parts of Scandinavia.239 Paucity of source material makes it quite difficult to determine the ratio of homespun to silver in the llth century and earlier. The previously mentioned explanatory note in Gragas240 maintains that 'faded silver'241 was used in Iceland for payments of major debts at the time when Christianity reached the country, the ratio between the 'law-ounce' and the ounce of 'faded silver' being then 1:4. Although the explanatory note in Gragas is of doubtful reliability, it would be unwise to ignore it completely. As a rule, 'faded silver' is supposed to have had half the value of 'purified silver'. But then it is difficult to see what advantages there would have been in using the former at all. It would appear much more likely that in certain areas of commercial activity attempts were made to equate the value of 'faded silver' with that of 'purified silver', but that because of the shortage of silver in the 11th century, the value of silver doubled in both Norway and Iceland in that period.242 King Haraldr paid mercenary fees in 'Haraldr's Mint', 243 and taxes and fines were no doubt paid to him in this currency which he had to accept at unreduced value. But this led to an increase in the value of 'purified silver' in ordinary trade. This was indeed recognized by King Olafr the Quiet when he introduced special coins of purified silver, each being half the weight of a coin from 'Haraldr's Mint'. This upward valuation of 'purified silver' spread to Iceland, where, however, it had few economic repercussions, since silver had become quite scarce in the latter country. Although the value of silver doubled during the l l t h century, the law-ounce was only one fourth the value of an ounce of silver. It therefore remains to be determined whether there was a time when a law-ounce in homespun of the value stated in the sources was equal to an ounce of silver, or whether the ounce in homespun was originally a larger unit than can be inferred from existing records,244 and that this unit was equal to the silver ounce so that the denominations 'mark', 'ounce', and 'farthing' "' Nordisk kultur. X X I X , pp. 12, 1 1 1 . [Cf. p. 330.] [Cf. p. 330.] 242 L. B. Stenersen: Myntfundet fra Graeslid i Thydalen (Christiania, 1881), pp. 70-71. Chrisliania Vid-Selsk. Forhandlinger, I (1876), pp. 3-4 24) [Coins made of alloyed silver.] 244 [larger than 6 ells in length.] 240 241

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came to be transferred from the silver standard to the homespun standard. Bjorn M. Olsen245 inclined toward the former theory. He argued that during the Age of Settlements, when there were adequate supplies of silver in the country, the shortage of domestic animals made farm products expensive. 246 These conditions in turn gave him reason to believe that the law-ounce, i.e. the six-ell ounce, was equal to an ounce of silver, and this must be essentially the correct interpretation. In Norway, until the 13th century, the six-ell ounce was assigned the same value as an 'ounce counted', 247 and before the increase in the value of silver, the sixell ounce was probably equal to an ounce of'purified silver'. This kind of correlation was very ancient and was adopted in Iceland in the Age of Settlements. Later, homespun underwent a major devaluation in Iceland. In addition to the 'ell', 'mark', 'ounce', and 'farthing', the 'hundred', i.e. a duodecimal hundred in homespun cloth, 248 became a monetary measure which must not be confused with 'a hundred in silver' or 'a hundred six-ell ounces', etc.249 The cow or the value of a cow also served as a unit of value, and had done so since remote antiquity. Rigid specifications were set for the cow used as a standard of value. But cows could hardly be used as a means of payment except locally. Trading in more distant places depended on the more manageable media of silver or homespun. Prices of all domestic animals, as well as of foods valued on the basis of a grain-standard, and of wool and cow hides, were calculated in terms of the value of a cow.250 Although this value is not listed anywhere in law-ounce registers, the Stadarholsbok redaction of Gragas251 states that cows and ewes must be priced according "to the standard of value proclaimed by the assembly of that district". 252 This means that the standard price of cows was decided at district assemblies, and thus it may have varied from district to district. There are references dating from the 12th and 13th centuries which place the value of a cow at 16 ounces (96 ells), 15 ounces (90 ells), 12 ounces (72 ells), and 20 ounces (a long hundred ells in value).253 These enormous variations in value seem to have resulted from the practice, which was not abandoned until the 13th century, of fixing of the value of a cow on the basis of the silver standard. The first three examples seem to presuppose that the value of a cow equalled 2 ounces of silver.254 These examples reflect different periods of time in which an ounce of silver was 245

[Cf. p. 33, footnote no. 81.] Safn til siigu Islands. IV, pp. 366-371. [eyrir lalinn.] 241 [120 ells of homespun cloth.] 249 [Cf. p. 329 and 331.] "°Grg. Ib, pp. 193-195; Dipl. Isl., I, pp. 165-167. "' [Cf. p. 92.] » 2 Grg., I I , p. 61. 2 » Dipl. Isl.. I, pp. 265, 278, 282, 316, 420, 423; II, p. 83. » 4 Cf. Christian/a Vid. — Selsk. Forhandl. I (1876), p. 65. 246

247

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the equivalent of 8, ll/2, or 6 law-ounces. Thus the value of a cow which was rated as the equivalent of 12 ounces could hardly be older than the time the law code ofJonsbok255 was adopted (i.e. about 1281), although monetary units of this kind appear in inventories which are thought to be of earlier provenance. On the other hand, the rating of a cow at 20 ounces is in line with an estimated 2'/2 ounces of silver at the time when an ounce of silver equalled 8 law-ounces, but in the Older Law Code of the Gulathing, the value of a cow is rated at 2'/2 ounces in silver,256 and this rating may date back to the Age of Settlements. From about 1186 there is documentary evidence of a twenty-ounce rating for the value of a cow, and after the close of the Commonwealth Period this standard seems to have held. Many aspects of Icelandic economic history cannot be understood without some knowledge of Icelandic units of value and the way in which they were calculated. There are many indications that in the Commonwealth Period the financial affairs of the Icelanders were in a rather confused state, but this matter cannot be pursued here at any length. If goods were used as a medium of payment, their value and negotiability might be held in dispute. Because of this the Althing introduced comprehensive regulations on both these questions, incorporating in them an agreement on fixed values. This agreement is contained in a law-ounce register in Gragas,2*7 and later, in slightly modified form, it was included in Jonsbok. But some kinds of goods acceptable as a medium of exchange varied so widely in quality that it was not possible to fix their value. Goods of this kind were therefore subject to assessment by representatives of the two negotiating parties. This law-ounce register has been dated alternatively at 1100258 and 1080,259 but the value of silver and other items listed there shows that it cannot be earlier than the latter part of the 12th century or around 1200. There exist fragments from older law-ounce registers.260 The district assemblies sometimes passed agreements on units of value to be used within the assembly district in question. One such document from the Arnessthing261 has been preserved. All agreements of this kind were primarily designed to determine the medium for various payments, but they must nevertheless have taken into account the often unstable prices in current internal trade. Loans at the legal interest rate of ten per cent were common. Although the Church looked upon all payments of interest on inanimate 255

[Cf. p. 172.] Nordisk Kultur, XXX, p. 134. Grg.. Ib, pp. 192-195. ™Dipl. Isl.. I, p. 162-167. 259 Timarit hins islenzka bokmennlafelags (1904), p. 9. too Grg.. Ib, p. 31; II, p. 61; Ib, p. 141; II, p. 214. 261 Grg., Ib, pp. 246-248; Dip/. Isl.. I, pp. 315-317. 256

257

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property as usury, its efforts to stem such practices brought little success in this period. Improvements in Communications During the Commonwealth Period the Icelanders made a number of improvements to facilitate travel within the country, but later some of these fell into disuse. In some areas pathways were cleared through wooded areas for sleighs or wooden frame carriers (vogur)262 drawn by oxen. And judging from such place names as Akbrautarholt (sleigh-road hill) in Holt, 263 Brautarholt on Kjalarnes, Brautarholl in Svarfadardalur and others, people must have regarded these works as a considerable accomplishment. Across many of the major rivers there were regular ferries, the oldest on record being the Sandholar-ferry on the river Thjorsa. References to this ferry date as far back as the 10th century. Place names indicate that many other ferries were in use very early. The owner of the Kaldadarnes farm was, for example, in charge of the ferry on the river Olfusa and everything that was required for its maintenance and operation. The farm name Kaldadarnes, 264 which is very old, undoubtedly reflects the practice of 'calling for a ferry.' In many other parts of the country there are place names reminiscent of ferries or the act of calling for a ferry, though these names are often distorted beyond recognition. An inventory for the Olfusar-ferry has been preserved. Although this document has been dated at about 1200, it was probably recorded somewhat later. 265 This source contains a list of property belonging to the ferry. It was to be in the custody of the owner of Kaldadarnes, who would have at his disposal a boat and a small cargo vessel. Everyone was entitled to a free passage, and many kinds of goods were exempt from freight payments, whereas other kinds were not. There are also precise rules stating the duties of ferrymen. Finally, it decrares that no other ferries may be operated on the river Olfusa, although permission is given to transport people across to "Harstadir", a farm, the location of which is not known. The inventory was probably approved by the Legislature. It is known that Hrafn Sveinbjarnarson 266 maintained ferries on Arnarfjordur and Breidafjordur, but there is nothing to indicate that he assigned any property for their upkeep. Ferries were also used for transportation to and from off-shore islands and along the coast. One reference from the early 13th century indicates that once during the

262

[Cf. p. 290, footnote no. 10.] [In Rangarvallasysla.] [Kalladarnes: 'caller's-ness'.j 2 5 " Dipl. hi. I, pp. 319-320. 1 J" fPf [Cf. np. 71fi 236.]1 263 264

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market season the men of Rosmhvalanes267 owned two ferries on the river Hvita in Borgarfjordur. Bridges, some of them quite large, were also built across many rivers. The Sagas of Icelanders and Sturlunga Saga mention two bridges over the river Jokulsa in Dalur. 268 The same sources also refer to bridges over Glera in Eyjafjordur (1198), Hvita in Borgarfjordur (at Bruarreykir in 1241 and 1242, and at Bjarnafoss, now Barnafoss, about 1014),269 Oxara on Thingvollur (1241 and earlier), and Alfta on Myrar (1242). Also, bridges were to be maintained on the two rivers Hitara and Grjota by the farm of Stadarhraun. 270 At Saurbaer on Kjalarnes a bridge was to be maintained over the river Blikdalsa. 271 Documentary and place name evidence shows that there were bridges or landing stages at many other points, and it is likely that most of them were in use during the Commonwealth Period, although this cannot be proven. Later, in times of degrading hardship and difficulties, some of these bridges were said to have been natural arches of rock. But stories of this kind have no foundation in reality. All the bridges were made of timber and were very narrow, some of them not strong enough to support horses. The bridge on the river Blikdalsa, for example, was only required to be strong enough for a man of average size to cross it carrying forty pounds on his back in calm weather. Shelters (saeluhus) were built on some of the mountain paths, and in one place mention is made of a kind of alms house called saelubu. This was at Ferjubakki in Borgarfjordur. An ancient inventory for this establishment, dating back to the episcopacy of Bishop Gizurr fsleifsson, has been preserved. Tanni Torfason and his wife Hallfridr founded the saelubu, contributing to it half of the farmland at Ferjubakki, 10 cows, 60 ewes, and a new ferry boat. "But he who lives there must harbour all those who, in his judgement, deserve to be harboured". 272 Perhaps this statement implies, in particular, paupers, pilgrims, and the representatives of the Church. Ferjubakki had been on a main traffic route from the earliest times. In addition to their gifts to the saelubu at Ferjubakki, Tanni and Hallfridr donated property to the church at Stadarhraun on Myrar, with the same stipulations as before, and instructions that every man must be provided with a lodging "over night". 273 Various other churches and Christ-estates had the obligation to provide hospitality, particularly to paupers.274 267

[At Reykjanes in Gullbringusysla.] «• Cf. the farm name Bni: 'bridge1, islenzk fornrii. XI, pp. 12, 109, 119, 171. hlenzk fornrit. I l l , pp. 284, 288, 297. 270 [Cf. the farm name Briiarfoss, which is in this area and means 'the waterfall by the bridge'.] 271 Dipt. Isl.. 1, pp. 279, 402. ™Dipl. Isl., 1, p. 169. 273 Dipl. Isl.. I, p. 174. 274 There are folk tales about 'living rooms' and 'halls' being constructed across the public mainroad where, in the heathen era, every visitor was entitled to a meal, cf. Landn. (1900), pp. 148, 188; 'hlenzk fornrit, IV, p. 13, but it is not known whether there is any connection between these stories and the 'alms houses' (saelubu). 269

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Ferries were sometimes variously referred to as saluskip (soul's ships) or sceluskip (synonymous with the former), the two forms being parallel to saluhus and sceluhus, and perhaps there was the dual form sdlubu (soul's farm) and saslubu. The first compound in each of these pairs is the older of the two and obviously reflects the belief that donating money and property for the upkeep of ferries, bridges, and other similar establishments afforded hope for the salvation of one's soul. The Church therefore encouraged donations to bridges and ferries and exempted these from tithes. The same kind of exemption must have extended to money contributed to facilities for travellers, such as hospices (saelubu, saeluhus). All gifts of this nature were regarded as tokens of gratitude to God. Consequently, most of these improvements were undertaken after the conversion, but not all of them. There appears, for instance, to be no reason to doubt that the ferry at Sandholar existed in heathen times. Visio Godeschalci (Gottskalks leidsla) relates that on the way to heaven there is a certain moor overgrown with thorns and a river full of weapons over which only those will be able to cross who in life built bridges and improved roads or were engaged in good works of a similar nature. These ideas which prompted Christians to improve accommodation for travel and transportation can be traced back to the heathen era.275 According to an inventory of the hospice at Ferjubakki, the Bishop of Skalholt was to have jurisdiction over the farm there after Tanni's death. But the owner of the farm of Kaldadarnes was to be in charge of the ferry there and of the property belonging to it. However, the bishop seems to have claimed the right to supervise the property of this ferry, just as he supervised other property intended for the benefit of the poor (Christ-fee). For this reason the inventories for both Ferjubakki and Kaldadarnes are contained in the inventory register of the See of Skalholt. In disputes arising out of neglect of regulations for the maintenance of a ferry or bridge, the person whose journey was interrupted had the right to prosecute, or alternatively, this could be done by the donor of the facility or his heirs. 276 Housing211 In Iceland there are no buildings dating back as far as the Commonwealth Period, but certain ruins of buildings from that era have been investigated by archeologists. 278 Excavations on the sites of ancient farms in Thjorsardalur in 1939 brought the most significant results, and subsequent excavations on the site of the farm of Thorarinsstadir in 5 Voluspa. ed. Sigurdur Nordal (Reykjavik, 1923), p. 78; new edition 1952, p. 107. "Grg., Ib, pp. 222-223; II, pp. 453-455. 7 fCf. Kuliurhistorisk leksikon. V. art. Gdrd; V I I . art. HusbvRge.} ' Fornlida gdrder i Island [cf. also p. 338.]; Arbbk hins htenzka fornleifafelags, (1932), pp. 1-23; (1941-42), pp. 17-25; (1943-48), pp. 1-43.

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Hrunamannaafrettur have also been important. In both places the walls of the old houses have been unusually well preserved, particularly on the sites of Stong in Thjorsardalur and at Thorarinsstadir, and both these buildings can be dated, since the farms were destroyed in 1104279 by what available evidence indicates was the first eruption of Mt. Hekla after the beginning of settlement in Iceland. In addition to archeological evidence, Old Icelandic literature offers much information on housing in Iceland shortly before or about the time this literature was committed to writing. But as a rule it is inadvisable to follow the example of certain scholars in accepting as authentic saga accounts of buildings which existed long before the time of the saga-writers themselves. There are, however, exceptions to this in which it is obvious that, instead of merely describing contemporary modes of house-building, the authors have either obtained information about the buildings mentioned in their accounts, or have shown some other signs of possessing genuine antiquarian interests. 280 Only the main features of the development of housing in Iceland will be included in the present discussion. In the Commonwealth Period most houses were built of sod and stone, and this included both walls and roof. This method of housebuilding had been common in the native land of the settlers, where it had been prevalent even in some of the wooded areas. Imported lumber was often used for frames and panelling. However, early in their history the Icelanders tried very hard to make do with driftwood, which became an eagerly sought-after commodity. The settlers and their descendants built 'halls'281 or 'halls where fires were kept burning', 282 which, at least for a certain period of time, were more commonly called living rooms. 283 Initially, the 'hall' constituted the main dwelling on each farm. In this room people cooked the food, ate their meals, carried on various domestic activities, and slept. Halls of this type have been excavated at Skallakot (where evidently an extension had been added to the back of the house), at Snjaleifartoftir in Thjorsardalur, and at the farms of Isleifsstadir in Borgarfjardarsysla and Klaufanes in Svarfadardalur. A characteristic feature of the oldest halls is that each of their side walls is curved outward at the middle, an architectural feature which was also common in other lands. This shape perhaps reflects the ultimate derivation of the word skali (hall), which is considered to be etymologically related to skal (bowl),284 and leads one to believe that originally a skali may have had the shape of an inverted skal (bowl). But at the time in question the 'hall' "' Arbok hins islenzka fornleifafelags (1949-50), p. 63; Andvari (1954), p. 49 210 m, 1889); Idnsaga islands. I, 1943. Cf. Valtyr Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pS Island i sagatiden, (K^benhavn 281 [skalar.] '•"- [eldaskalar.] -** [eldahus.] -1" [This thesis has not won unequivocal approval.)

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had assumed an oblong shape,285 and for years afterward its architectural form remained characteristic of Icelandic farmhouses. In some instances the hall would be divided up into smaller compartments by partitions of lumber or sod. There was usually a single outside entrance near one end of the house. Inside this entrance there was a small room or porch off which there were closets or closet-like places for the storage of food and other necessities. At the other end of the house there were often bedclosets, which could be closed off for privacy by doors. These were used by the master of the household and by distinguished guests. In the centre of the floor of the hall there was the 'fireplace'286 where a fire or fires called 'long fires' 287 were lit at mealtimes; these were also called 'meal fires'.288 But in the centre of the hall, on both sides of the fireplace, the floor was raised, and this part was referred to as the 'benches'.289 Further back in Scandinavian history the entire floor of the hall appears to have been level and to have been called a 'flat'. 290 Along the front edge of the benches there was a board 291 intended for people to sit on. On each side of the fire along the sitting area there was a row of pillars 292 running the length of the hall. The pillars opposite the fire were further designated as 'highseat pillars'. 293 Between the highseat pillars on either side were the upper highseat and the lower highseat, which were reserved for the heads of the household and their distinguished friends. Along the walls were the 'outer pillars'. 294 People would both sit and dine within the sitting area (the benches) and would also sleep there. The raised part of the floor, i.e. the 'benches', was sometimes so wide that people could lie there crosswise with their feet against the bench-board. They are also known quite early to have rested in a lengthwise position. In some places the halls were very large, as they were the rooms where festive occasions were celebrated, that is, until the 'sitting room' 295 became the place for such gatherings. According to early accounts, the hall which Bjarni Skegg-Broddason built at his home of Krossavik was "thirty-five fathoms" in length. 296 The hall which Thorgils Arason built at Reykholar during the reign of St. Olafr, King of Norway, was fifty-nine ells in length and was still standing in 1303.297 Various temporary shelters were also called 'halls', and undoubtedly **• [langhux: 'long house'.] 2M [arirtn.] 2X7 [langeldar.] "* [maleldar.] »• [. [thingbrekka.]

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spring meeting of a district assembly. The slave then swore to obey the laws and became an accepted member of society. Before the declaration, however, he was to pay the chieftain a coin weighing one-tenth of an ounce. The standard value of this coin is not known. Although the liberated slave had the social status of a freedman, his rights were in some respects circumscribed. To mention but two examples: weregild for a freedman was lower than for other men, and certain offences, if committed against him, entailed lesser penalties. Also, certain ties between the former master and the freedman remained, some of these being rather to the latter's advantage. The master who granted freedom was, for example, obliged to provide the means of support for the freedman and his children if such support was deemed necessary, while at the same time he was given the right to hold the children liable later for such payments. If a freedman died without issue, his master was entitled to both inheritance and weregild. No one who granted freedom was permitted to revoke his decision and return a freedman to his former position of slave, unless the freedman, having himself no legitimate children, failed to bequeath his property to his master and appointed instead some other person as his beneficiary.364 As was stated earlier, a few freedmen became freeholders during the Age of Settlement. Later on, however, as the prices of farms kept rising, many of them no doubt had to content themselves with becoming tenant farmers, while others found employment as free farm labourers with people who, in some instances, had previously been their owners. In Iceland slavery was never abolished by law, but rather ended spontaneously. The last slave mentioned in Old Icelandic sources was Gilli, the slave of Thorsteinn Sidu-Hallsson about the middle of the 11th century or a little later.365 But the clauses in Gragas pertaining to the status of slaves indicate that some were still being held in the winter of 1117-1118, when the recording of the Old Icelandic laws began, and a stipulation regarding slaves is also found in the Code of Church Law a few years later. It would be difficult to dismiss these regulations as archaisms lingering on in the records after slaveholding had come to an end. As long as the law code had to be retained by memory, it was anything but likely that archaisms of this kind would be perpetuated. In Norway the keeping of slaves continued far into the 12th century. In Denmark it did not come to an end until the 13th century, and in Sweden it existed as late as the 14th century. Various factors led to the end of slavery. As the Scandinavian countries became Christianized the viking raids diminished, finally ending almost entirely in the l l t h century. As a result, the supply of slaves 3M

Cf. Crg., Ill, pp. 709-711 (under thraell and the other entries referred to there). '"Islenzkfornril. XI, pp. 323-326.

353 dwindled, which most likely led to an increase in their price. Social developments in Iceland militated against slavery. A growing population, with the resulting shortage of farmland, brought about an increase in the supply of labour from the ranks of freemen. Many farmers must have decided that it was more practical for them to hire inexpensive labour from among the ranks of freemen than to keep slaves, who either had to be bought at a high price or reared by the owner himself. In addition, the larger estates were always the ones to benefit from the keeping of slaves. In the l l t h century, however, farms in Iceland were becoming progressively smaller, at the same time as they were increasing in number. Some farmers were in no need of labour beyond what they themselves and their children were able to provide. Others had to provide needy kinfolk with employment in order to avoid having to support them. Population growth and the increased supply of labour from among the free population must have done much to bring about the end of slavery. It is not improbable, however, that there was yet another reason of major significance. Ami Palsson366 has argued that in Iceland the abolition of the laws pertaining to the exposure of infants removed the conditions which made the perpetuation of slavery possible, and it is likely that the same must have held true in some other countries as well.367 The exposure of infants must have been a very important economic issue, since official approval for the abolition of the laws in question could not be obtained in Iceland until some time after the adoption of Christianity, and it may be taken for granted that the children of slaves, rather than the children of freemen, were in most instances the ones to be exposed. In Iceland it was never practical to bring up more than a limited number of children born to slaves, and as Ami Palsson has pointed out, there were only three ways in which to keep their number down. First, slaves could be castrated, but the case of Gilli, the slave of Thorsteinn Sidu-Hallsson, represents the only known example of this. It is therefore improbable that the castration of slaves ever became a common practice in Iceland. Second, the slave population could be kept down by the exposure of infants, and this method was used in the heathen era. Finally, slaves might get their freedom, then rent or receive as a gift small crofts where they themselves could bring up their children, and after the exposure of infants had been abolished by law, this was the only way of solving the problems which the practice of slaveholding had created. If one also takes into account that at this time there was no fresh supply of full-grown slaves being placed on the slave-market, it becomes all the more obvious that the era of slavery had come to an end. ' [Professor of History at the University of Iceland 1931-1943.] 1 Ami Palsson, "Urn lok thraeldoms a Islandi", Skirnir. 97 (1923), pp. 191-203.

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In many ways the Catholic Church contributed indirectly to the abolition of slavery. But the Church never prohibited slavery by law and seldom took a direct stand against it. In addition to the common kind of slavery, there was the so-called 'bondage resulting from debts' (skuldathraeldomr). People could become bondsmen and bondwomen of their own free will, or indeed against their will if they failed to support their dependants or pay compensation for the crime of seduction.368 The bondage would last until the bondsman (or the bondwoman) had worked off his or her debt. From this it may be gathered that the status of people in this kind of bondage was somewhere between that of freemen and slaves. In some cases people might free themselves from bondage by committing their children in their place, the latter being given the same opportunity to work off their debts.369 It is not known how extensive this kind of bondage became. The lawbooks Jarnsida and Jonsbok make no mention of it. In Landnamabok there are no references to labourers who were free men or women, but this does not warrant the conclusion that there were no such people in Iceland during the Age of Settlements. But it is probable that in the earliest part of that era they were few in number and that they gradually increased as the slave population diminished. People tried very hard and in various ways to maintain their freedom. The following statement is from Gragas: "One is in the position of an bnnungr if every day one performs such tasks as the master of the household desires".370 In Snorra Edda the term onnungr denotes a slave, so that the passage from Gragas reflects the feeling on the part of free people that employment of this kind was beneath their dignity. Instead, people would accept employment for a certain type of work, in which case the master of the household had no right to order them to do any other tasks. In the Saga of St. dlafr in Flateyjarbok, Gizurr Gullbrarfostri is said to have made the following remark to King Olafr at Stiklestad in the year 1030: "It is common in Iceland for people to hire themselves out to do 'piece-work',371 and after their chores are done they feel entitled to rest".372 This story is of fairly late provenance, since it is an interpolation replacing an older account in the Saga of St. Olafr.313 Thus it would not be safe to infer from it that as early as 1030 the assigning of 'piece-work' had become a common practice in Iceland. But it is probable that agreemerlts of this kind date back to the time when free people in Iceland began to hire themselves out to do labour. In accor•"* [The technical terms were skuldarmadr and skuldarkona.] Cf. Grg., I l l , pp. 673-675 (under skuld). Grg., la, p. 35. [akvaedisverk.] Flateyjarbok, I I , (Akranes, 1945), p. 466; Den store saga om Olav den hellige (Oslo. 1941), p. 824. Cf. Sigurdur Nordal, Om Olaf den helliges Saga (K0benhavn, 1914), pp. 94, 128-29.

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dance with such agreements people undertook to complete certain tasks within specified time limits and were then at liberty to do as they pleased. Their free time naturally depended on how hard they worked. Labourers who were free people were called 'man-servants', 'houseservants', 'housemaids', 374 to mention the most common terms; the designations 'hired man', and 'hired woman' 375 were not adopted until after Iceland came under the Norwegian crown. At the time of 'Removal Days' all hired workers were to have declared domiciles for themselves in the homes of the freeholders; hence the words gridmadr and gridkona.316 'Removal Days' were the first four days in the 7th week of summer, beginning between May 21 and 27. Originally there were no obligations regarding work and actual residence attached to the declaration of a domicile, but it is obvious that the legislators steadily inclined towards making it obligatory for people to spend as much time as possible in the homes they had declared as their domiciles. From this it necessarily followed that people would have to be employed where they were domiciled, but the stipulation that a person reside and work at his domicile the year round never received legal sanction during the Commonwealth Period. A chapter in Gragas partly reveals the conditions under which free hired people had to live, and it is the only available information on wages during the Commonwealth Period. As to some points, however, this chapter is so vague that for the sake of objectivity it is best to include it here in its entirety: Depending on his agreement with the freeholder, a man must arrive at his domicile either at the time of Removal Days or in midsummer (July 12-18). A man of sixteen years or older will select a domicile at his own discretion. A maid aged twenty years or more will also declare a domicile of her own choosing. A person may move to his domicile in midsummer and engage in other work up to that time if he so chooses. If he works as a farm labourer during that period, his wages up to the time of midsummer are not to exceed half a mark in six-ell ounces. But from midsummer onwards until the beginning of winter (Oct. 11-18) he must work for the freeholder at whatever chores he (the freeholder) decides, except herding the sheep. He must go once into the mountains to round up sheep, work at slaughtering, make journeys with the freeholder, work the homefield over with a drag 377 in the spring and repair fences. These chores are to earn him his board (matlaun). No penalties are to be imposed on servants (gridmenn) for accepting for the period from 'Winter Eves'378 to 'All Saints Day' (Nov. 1) three ounces 374

[huskarlar, gridmenn, gridkonur.] "' [vinnumaflr and vinnukona.] 17(1 (grid: 'a fixed abode', 'a domicile'.] 377 [Cf. p. 294, footnote no. 36.] 371 ["Winter Eves": the two days immediately before the beginning of winter.

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in wages. Those who have many dependants to provide for and not enough money to meet their obligations are to receive higher payments if they so desire. For herding cattle, a man is to be paid an ell for a cow or for an ox four years old or more. In this calculation of wages two head of cattle less than four years old are to be considered the equivalent of a cow. The herding of thirty full-grown wethers requires six ells in wages, of forty lambs, an ounce, and for the preparation of food enough for ten men, six ells in homespun . . . Builders who make houses of Norwegian timber or bridges over streams or rivers where fish can be caught in nets, or build booths at the Althing, are given the opportunity to work for daily wages during the haymaking season. At the time of Removal Days these men are to have made known their domiciles even if they do not avail themselves of this opportunity. 379

Violations of the provisions contained in these clauses entailed a fine of three marks. The laws were obviously introduced at a time when there was a great dearth of hired help among the freeholders for the kind of wages they felt they were able to pay. According to the law, labourers were allowed to be their own masters and wait until the beginning of haymaking in midsummer to hire themselves out. During the preceding period, while they were still uncommitted, many of these men would go out fishing, 380 which, under favourable circumstances, brought them a profit. But if they chose to work on a farm, 381 their wages must not be in excess of twenty-four ells. After midsummer, labourers were to do whatever the freeholder wanted them to do except herd sheep. Certain details are given about the chores assigned to them. Haymaking must have been the most important of these, although there is no mention made of it. From midsummer to Removal Days these chores apparently were to suffice to provide workmen with means of sustenance,382 including board, lodging, and probably work clothes, and this was the extent of their salary. It has been suggested that the term matlaun denoted 'board' and some fixed additional wages,383 but this interpretation is not altogether plausible. During the period from Winter Eves to All Saints' Day (Nov. 1) workmen were allowed to accept a salary of 12 ells without penalties. Apparently this fee was looked upon as a bonus to augment the 'board' and was most likely the privilege of those who worked exceptionally hard. The workmen in question do not appear to have been expected to do any of the winter chores, such as tending sheep, and if they undertook any such work, they were to receive additional remuneration '"Grg., la, pp. 129-130; I I , pp. 265-267. Crg., la, p. 132. [From the Removal Days to midsummer.] 382 [vLil.] 383 Gudbrandur Jonsson, Frjalst verkafolk a hlandi from til sidaskifta og kjor thess (Reykjavik, 1934), pp. 322-329. 380

311

357 in proportion to the extent of their labour.384 Spring chores, on the other hand, are included in the duties on which a person's board depended, but the composition of the previously cited chapter from Gragas indicates that the part dealing with wages is a conflation of provisions from different periods and is therefore not reliable. Daily wages appear to have been denied all people except certain builders whose privileges were nevertheless limited to a part of the summer season. Sheepherding commanded little respect, and farmers had to engage special persons for this task. Hrafnkels Saga shows clearly what terms were offered to shepherds. Einarr Thorbjarnarson was "to herd fifty milch ewes at Hrafnkell's shieling and gather in all the firewood for the summer as well", and this was to earn him board and lodgings for twelve months. 385 It was common for some men to work on a farm for wages during the summer months only and then travel about in winter as hawkers.386 These men were called 'summer labourers' 387 or 'men without domicile'. 388 They were regarded with disfavour by the farmers, and their presence often led to trouble. The laws restricting workmen to their domiciles were directed against such people. Later, however, much more stringent measures were taken against those who had no domicile. In his Life of Bishop Gudmundr, Abbot Arngrimr states that it was a part of the Icelandic tradition "that a crowd of destitute folk wander about both winter and summer from home to home receiving alms from kind people as their only means of sustenance".389 The law was to blame for this, since it permitted paupers and the aged to roam about in their local district (hreppr) or some other delimited area in order to obtain provisions for themselves. But occasionally able-bodied men would also rove about in this manner. Those who wandered about for a fortnight or more were designated as 'vagrants' 390 and had hardly any rights unless it was specifically ordained that they should be furnished with sustenance. In some cases people were no doubt forced to go begging because they could not get work. This was particularly likely to happen in times of famine. These men often joined forces with those who not only needed and accepted their support but offered them, in addition, some hope of an improved status. In this way the vagrants contributed to the political unrest of the Commonwealth Period. When, in the course of his conflict with Gudmundr Dyri in the year 1199, Thorgrimr Alikarl arrived in Skagafjordur from his journey over the mountain roads of Kjolur 391 "•Thorkell Johannesson, Die Slellung der freien Arbeiler in Island bis zur Mine des 16. Johrhunderls (K.0benhavn, 1933), pp. 207-211. 5 hlenzk fornrii, XI, p. 101. 6 Islenzk fornrii. I l l , p. 6; V I , pp. 143, 195; Si.. 1,, p. 65. 7 [suinrungar], St., I, 1946, pp. 96, 290. * [lausamenn.] ' Biskupa sogur, II, p. 44. 0 [gongumenn.], Grg., la, 140. 1 [Cf. p. 206.]

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"tramps and homeless people flocked to his side".392 A further example of this is offered by the vagrants and homeless people who joined themselves to Bishop Gudmundr Arason. But an effective remedy for these national ills could scarcely be achieved with the means available to the society of this age.

m

Sl., I, p. 204.

359

The Author Dr. Jon Johannesson (1909-1957) served as Decent in Icelandic History at the University of Iceland from 1944 to 1950, and as Professor of Medieval Icelandic History at the same university from 1950 to the time of his death in 1957. As a student he gained distinction for his academic excellence and by the time he completed his university studies he had become a leading historian and philologist in Iceland. Despite his untimely death at the age of 47, a loss which was deeply felt within the Icelandic academic community, he left behind a legacy of scholarly publications. The founding of the Old Icelandic Commonwealth in 930 A.D. was an event of major significance in the history of the old Germanic world. It gave clear promise of previously unparalleled progress in the development of political theory and legal institutions. The prudence of the founders failed, however, to provide for lasting safeguards against disunity from within and disruptions from without the Icelandic nation. For these reasons, the Icelandic Commonwealth Period came to be known in history not only as a period of intellectual achievement, but also as an era of social conflict persistent enough to put an end to Iceland's political autonomy shortly after the middle of the 13th century. The Old Icelandic Commonwealth in its wider Scandinavian and European context became Dr. Jon Johannesson's main field of study. Early evidence of his interest in this area is found in his doctoral dissertation, Gerdir Landnamabbkar (a comparative study of the various recensions of The Book of Settlements), Reykjavik 1941. In this important scholarly work new light is shed on the very difficult question of the proportionate use of original and secondary material in the extant manuscripts of Iceland's most famous historical document. In one respect it may be said that the works of Dr. Jon Johannesson emphasize the limited factual content of Old Icelandic literature. With equal justification, however, it may be claimed that they produce a number of instances in which these same documents, if placed in their proper literary and historical context, acquire new and unexpected source-value. The essay Aldur Graenlendinga sogu (the Date of Composition of the Saga of the Greenlanders, Reykjavik, 1956) may be cited as an example of the author's rare ability to illuminate in a single presentation the paradoxical problem of limited source-value and informative content. Until the middle of the 20th century the biographical form may be said to have dominated Icelandic historical writing. Historians were not only inclined to follow their own time-honoured Saga traditions, but also allowed themselves to be unduly influenced by the fact that in a nation as

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small as their own every individual receives a wider stage for his personal performance than he would find in a more populous society. On its publication in 1956, the book offered here in English translation became the first major work on Icelandic history in which biographical accounts were carefully subordinated to the analysis of the numerous social forces and conditions which shaped the destiny of Medieval Iceland and gave the Old Icelandic Commonwealth its own distinctive character. It may be said that analytic precision coupled with the method of assessing and presenting individual achievements in their broader social and political contexts have given the present work a place of distinction in Icelandic historical literature. In this work Dr. Jon Johannesson established himself as one of the pioneers of modern historical writing in Iceland. Haraldur Bessason

361

Genealogical Tables I

The Svinfellings

Sigmundr Thorgilsson (d. 1118) Jon (d. 1164)

Ormr (d. 1191)

Sigurdr (d. 1235)

Sigmundr the priest (d. 1198)

Jon (d. 1212)

Ormr Svinfellingr (d. 1241)

Saemundr (d. 1252)

Thorarinn (d. 1239)

Bishop Brandr (d. 1264)

Ormr (d. 1270) Thorvardr (d. 1296)

Oddr (d. 1255)

362 IT

The Oddaverjar

Saemundr the Learned (d. 1133)

Loftr Saemundarson the priest (married to Thora Magnussdottir, the daughter of King Magnus Bareleg)

Jon Loftsson (d. 1197)

.1 Saemundr (d. 1222)

Bishop Pall (d. 1211)

Loftr (d. 1261)

Ormr Breidbaelingr (d. 1218) (Bjorn Thorvaldsson of the family of Haukdaelir cf. Table III, was his son-in-law)

363 III The Haukdaelir

Hallr Teitsson (d. 1150) (his father, Teitr, d. 1110, was the son of Bishop Isleifr Gizurarson, d. 1080)

Gizurr (d. 1206) (he was lawspeaker from 1181 to 1200)

L

Thorvaldr (d. 1235) (father of Earl Gizurr (d. 1268) and Bjorn (d. 1221), see Table II)

Bishop Magnus (d. 1237)

Hallr (d. 1230) (lawspeaker 1201-1209)

364 IV The Sturlungs

Thordr Gilsson

Sturla (d. 1183)

Snorri 1 (d. 1241)

Sighvatr (d. 1238)

Thordr (d. 1237)

L

Bodvarr

6lafr hvitaskald (d. 1259)

Sturla 2 (d. 1284)

Tumi (d. 1222)

Sturla (d. 1238)

Kolbeinn (d. 1238)

Thordr Kakali (d. 1256)

Oraskja (d. 1245)

1 1

Among Snorri Sturluson's sons-in-law were Gizurr Thorvaldsson, Thorvaldr Snorrason and Kolbeinn the Young, cf. Tables II, V and VI. i.e., Sturla Thbrdarson the historian.

365 V

The Vatnsfirflings

Thordr Thorvaldsson

Pall the priest (d. 1171)

Snorri (d. 1194)

Thordr (d. 1201)

Thorvaldr 1 (d. 1228)

L_ Thordr (d. 1232)

Snorri (d. 1232)

Einarr

His second wife was Thdrdis the daughter of Snorri Sturluson (cf. Table IV) and the mother of Einarr.

366 VI The Asbirnings

Tumi Kolbeinsson 1 (d. 1184)

Kolbeinn (d. 1208)

Arnorr (d. 1221)

Kolbeinn the Young (d. 1245)

1

Sighvatr Sturluson's father-in-law, cf. Table IV.

367

LAWSPEAKERS DURING THE COMMONWEALTH 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39.

Olfljotr Hrafn H^ngsson Thorarinn Ragabrodir Oleifsson Thorkell mani (Moon) Thorsteinsson Thorgeirr Ljosvetningagodi (the Chieftain of the Lj6svetnings) Thorkelsson Grimr Svertingsson Skapti Thoroddsson Steinn Thorgestsson Thorkell Tjorvason Gellir Bolverksson Gunnarr hinn spaki (the Wise) Thorgrimsson Kolbeinn Flosason Gellir Bolverksson (second time) Gunnarr hinn spaki Thorgrimsson (second time) Sighvatr Surtsson Markiis Skeggjason Ulfhedinn Gunnarsson Bergthorr Hrafnsson Gudmundr Thorgeirsson Hrafn Olfhedinsson Finnr Hallsson the priest Gunnarr Olfhedinsson Snorri Hunbogason the priest Styrkarr Oddason Gizurr Hallsson Hallr Gizurarson the priest Styrmir hinn frodi (the Learned) Karason the priest Snorri Sturluson Teitr Thorvaldsson the priest Snorri Sturluson (second time) Styrmir hinn frodi Karason (second time) Teitr Thorvaldsson (second time) Olafr hvitaskald Thordarson Sturla Thordarson Olafr hvitaskald Thordarson (second time) Teitr Einarsson Ketill Thorlaksson the priest Thorleifr hreimr Ketilsson Sigurdr Thorvaldsson

PERIOD ca. 930-949 ca. 950-969 970-984 985-1001 1002-1003 1004-1030 1031-1033 1034-1053 1054-1062 1063-1065 1066-1071 1072-1074 1075 1076-1083 1084-1107 1108-1116 1117-1122 1123-1134 1135-1138 1139-1145 1146-1155 1156-1170 1171-1180 1181-1202 1203-1209 1210-1214 1215-1218 1219-1221 1222-1231 1232-1235 1236-1247 1248-1250 1251 1252 1253-1258 1259-1262 1263-1265 1266

368

40. 41. 42. 43.

Jon Einarsson Thorleifr hreimr Ketilsson (second time) Jon Einarsson (second time) Thorleifr hreimr Ketilsson (third time)

1267 1268 1269-1270 1271

369

BISHOPS DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

PERIOD

FOR THE WHOLE OF ICELAND 1. Isleifr Gizurarson 2. Gizurr Isleifsson

1056-1080 1082-1106

FOR THE SEE OF SKALHOLT 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Gizurr Isleifsson Thorlakr Runolfsson Magnus Einarsson Klaengr Thorsteinsson Thorlakr (the Saint) Thorhallsson Pall Jonsson Magnus Gizurarson Sivardr Thettrnarsson (Norwegian)

1106-1118 1118-1133 1134-1148 1152-1176 1178-1193 1195-1211 1216-1237 1238-1268

FOR THE SEE OF HOLAR 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Jon (the Holy) Ogmundarson Ketill Thorsteinsson Bjorn Gilsson Brandr Saemundarson Gudmundr (the Good) Arason Botolfr (Norwegian) Heinrekr Karsson (Norwegian) Brandr Jonsson

1106-1121 1122-1145 1147-1162 1163-1201 1203-1237 1238-1246 1247-1260 1263-1264

370

A SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS BY DR. JON JOHANNESSON Books Gerdir Landnamabokar (Reykjavik, 1941). Islendinga saga, I (Reykjavik, 1956). Islendinga saga, II, ed. Thorhallur Vilmundarson (Reykjavik, 1958). Editions Annular 1400-1800, IV (Reykjavik, 1940). "Brandsstadaannall", Hiinathing, I (Reykjavik, 1941). Sturlunga saga, I-II, with Magnus Finnbogason and Kristjan Eldjarn (Reykjavik, 1946). "Austfirdinga sogur", 'islenzk fornrit, XI (Reykjavik, 1950). "Islendingabok Ara froda", Islenzk handrit, I, in facsimile (Reykjavik, 1956). Articles "Bjorn at Haugi", Afmaslisrit helgad Einari Arnorssyni (Reykjavik, 1940). "Reisubok Bjarnar Jorsalafara", Skirnir, 119 (1945), also in Islendinga saga, II. "Hird Hakonar gamla a fslandi", Samtld ogsaga, IV (1948), also in Islendinga saga, II. "Timatal Gerlands i islenzkum ritum fra thjodveldisold", Skirnir, 126 (1952), an English translation of this article appeared inSaga-Book, XVI, 1 (London, 1962). "Gizur bondi galli i Vi6idalstungu", Svipir og sagnir, III (1953), also in Islendinga saga, II. "Skalholtsfor Jons biskups Arasonar 1548" Saga, II (1955), also in Islendinga saga, II. "Urn verzlun a thjodveldisold", Ny tldindi (1955). "Sannfraedi og uppruni Landnamu", Saga, II (1955 and 1957). "Aldur Grasnlendinga sogu", Nordcela, 1956, an English translation of this article appeared in Saga-Book, XVI (London, 1962). "Olafur konungur Godro6arson", Skirnir, 130 (1956). "Rettindabaratta fslendinga i upphafi 14. aldar", Safn til sogu Islands, Annar flokkur, I (1956).

371

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CITED

(In Icelandic titles the symbol f) has been replaced by th) Abbreviations

Biskupa sogur, I and II = Biskupa sogur, I and II, ed. Gudbrandur Vigfusson and Jon Sigurdsson (K^benhavn, 1858 and 1878). Byskupa sogur, 1938 = Byskupa sogur I. hefte, ed. Jon Helgason (K^benhavn, 1938). Christiania Vid.-Selsk. Forhandlinger = Forhandlinger i Videnskabsselskabet i Christiania (1858-1927). Dipt. Isl. = Diplomatarium Islandicum, I-XVI (K^benhavn and Reykjavik, 1857-1952). Grg., I = Gragas Islaendernes Lovbog i Fristatens Tid, vol. I (la) and II (Ib) (The Royal Library Manuscript.), ed. Vilhjalmur Finsen (K^benhavn, 1852). Grg., II = Gragas (The Arnamagnean MS no. 334 fol., Stadarhblsbbk) (K^benhavn, 1879). Grg., I l l = Gragas. Fragments from Skalholtsbok the Arnamagnean MS no. 351 and from several other manuscripts (K^benhavn, 1883). "Hakonar Saga", Icelandic Sagas, II = "Hakonar saga and a fragment of Magnus saga with appendices", Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores, Icelandic Sagas, etc. Vol. II (London, 1887). Isl. Annaler = Islandske Annaler indtil 1578, ed. Gustav Storm (Kristiania, 1888). Landn. (1900) = Landnamabok, ed. Finnur Jonsson (K^benhavn, 1900). Landn. (1921) = Landnamabok. Melabbk AM 106. 112 fol. (Kflbenhavn-Kristiania 1921). Sverris Saga = Sverris saga, from Cod. AM 327 4° (Kristiania, 1920). St., I-II = Sturlunga saga, I-II, ed. J6n J6hannesson, Magnus Finnbogason, and Kristjan Eldjarn (Reykjavik, 1946). Other titles Aarbger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historic (Kjjtfbenhavn, 1866). Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, ed. B. Schmeidler (Hannover, 1917); in the present translation references are to the standard English translation of Adam of Bremen, History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, trans, by Francis J. Tschan (New York, 1959). Alfraedi islenzk, I-II, ed. Kr KSlund and N. Beckman (Kjrfbenhavn, 1908 and 1914-16). Andvari. Timarit bokautgafu Menningarsjods og Hins islenzka thjodvinafelags, I(K0benhavn and Reykjavik, 1874). Arbok hins 'islenzka fornleifafelags, 1880(Reykjavik, 1881). Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a revised translation, ed. by Dorothy Whitelock and others (London, 1961). Arkiv for nordisk filologi, I- (Lund, 1883). Arnorsson, Einar, "Kristnitokusagan arid 1000", Sk"irnir 115 (1941). Rettarsaga althingis (Reykjavik, 1937). Bergsteinsson, Gissur, Alit nefndar, er skipud var til rannsoknar a thvl, hvort Island muni eiga rettarkrofu til Graenlands (Reykjavik, 1952). Blanda, frodleikur gamall og nyr, 1-9 (Reykjavik, 1909). Blondal, Larus H., "Skipun framfaerslu og sveitarstjornarmala a thj65veldis51d", Sveitarstjornarmal, V I I I (Reykjavik, 1948). Boden, Friedrich, Die islandische Regierungsgewalt in der freistaatlichen Zeit (Breslau, 1905). Briem, Olafur, Heidinn sidur a Islandi (Reykjavik, 1945). Bualog (Reykjavik, 1916-1933).

372

Bugge, Alexander, "Handelen mellem England og Norge indtil begyndelsen af det 15de aarhundrede", (Norsk) Historisk Tidsskrifl (1898). Studier over de norske byers selvstyre og handelfor Hanseaternes tid (Kristiania, 1899). Vesterlandenes indflydelse paa Nordboerne i vikingetiden (Kristiania, 1905). Bunadarrit, I- (Reykjavik, 1887). "Busaeld og barningur", Svipir og sagnir, IV (Reykjavik, 1955). Den store saga om Olav den hellige, I-II, ed. Oscar Albert Johnsen and Jon Helgason (Oslo, 1930-41). Det norske folks liv og historic gjennem tiden, ed. Edvard Bull, Wilhelm Keilhau, Haakon Shetelig and Sverre Sten (Oslo, 1929). Dicuili liber de mensura orbis terrae (Berlin, 1870). Eimreidin (Kaupmannahofn and Reykjavik, 1895). Eldjarn, Kristjan, "Fund af romerske m0nter pS Island", Nordisk numismatisk arsskrift (1949). "Gaulverjabasr-fundet og nogle mindre islandske m^ntfund fra vikingetiden", Nordisk numismatisk arsskrift (1948). Gengid a reka (Akureyri, 1948). Falk, Hjalmar, Altwestnordische Kleiderkunde (Kristiania, 1919). Altnordische Seewesen (Heidelberg, 1912). Finsen, Vilhjalmur, Om den oprindelige ordning af den islandske Fristats Institutioner (K^benhavn, 1888). Flateyjarbok, I-IV (Akranes, 1944-45), ed. Sigurdur Nordal and others. Forntida gardar i Island. Meddelanden frSn den Nordiska Arkeologiska Undersokningen i Island Sommeren 1939, ed. MaYtin Steinberger (Kjrfbenhavn, 1943). Gronlands historiske mindesmcerker, I-II (K^benhavn, 1838-45). Gudmundsson, Bardi, "Islenzkt thjoderni", Andvari, 65 (1939). Gudmundsson, Valtyr, Privatboligen pa Island i sagatiden samt delvis i de ipvrige lande (K^benhavn, 1889). Hauksbok, ed. Finnur Jonsson (K^benhavn, 1892-96). Idnsaga Islands, I-II, ed. Gudmundur Finnbogason (Reykjavik, 1943). Islenzk fornrit (Reykjavik, 1933). Islenzkar artidaskrar, ed. Jon Thorkelsson (Reykjavik, 1893-96). Johannesson, Jon, "Aldur Graenlendinga sbgu", Nordaela. Afmaeliskvedja til Sigurdar Nordals 14. September 1956 (Reykjavik, 1956). Gerdir Landn'amabbkar (Reykjavik, 1941). Johannesson, Thorkell, Die Stellung der freien Arbeiter in Island bis zur Mine des 16. Jahrhunderts (K0benhavn, 1933). Johnsen, O. A., "Gildevaesenet i Norge i middelalderen", (Norsk) Historisk Tidsskrifl (1924). Jbmsv'ikinga saga, ed. by Carl af Petersens (K0benhavn, 1882). Jbnsbbk, ed. Olafur Halldorsson (K^benhavn, 1904). Jonsson, Finnur, Norsk-islandske kultur- og sprogforhold i det 9. og 10. arhundrede (K^benhavn, 1921). Jonsson, Gudbrandur, Frjalst verkafolk a 'islandi til sidaskifta og kj'dr thess (Reykjavik, 1934). Jonsson, Jon, Vlkingasaga (Reykjavik, 1914-15). J0rgensen, A. D., Den nordiske Kirkes Grundlaeggelse og ftfrste Udvikling (K0benhavn, 1874). Joyce, P. W., A Social History of Ancient Ireland (Dublin, 1913). KSlund, Kristian, Bidrag til en Historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af Island, I-II (Kjzibenhavn, 1877-79). Larusson, Olafur, "Gragas", Tidsskrifl for rettvitenskap (1953). Landnam I Skagaflrdi (Reykjavik, 1940).

373 Maurer, Konrad, Die Bekehrung des norwegischen Stammes zum Christenthume (Munchen, 1855). Die Entstehung des islandischen Stoats und seiner Verfassung (Munchen, 1852). Island (Munchen, 1874). Melsted, Bogi Th., "Ferdir, siglingar og samgongur milli {stands og annarra landa a dSgum thjodveldisins", Safn til sogu Islands og islenzkra bokmennta, IV (Reykjavik, 19071915). hlendinga saga, I-III (Kjfoenhavn, 1903-1930). Melsted, Pall, Nyjar athuganir vid nokkrar ritgjordir um Althingismalid (Reykjavik, 1845). Migne, Jacques Paul, Patrologiae cursus completus, sive bibliotheca universalis — Series latino, supplementum Accurante Adalberto Hamman (Paris, 1958-68). Monumenta historica Norvegiae (Kristiania, 1880). Morkinskinna, ed. Finnur Jonsson (K^benhavn, 1928-32). Nansen, Fridthjof, Nord i Taakeheimen (Kristiania, 1911). Nordal, Sigurdur, 'islenzk menning, I (Reykjavik, 1942). Nordisk kultur (Stockholm, 1936). Nordisk numismatisk arsskrift (K0benhavn and Stockholm 1936). Norges gamle Love indtil 1387 (1846-95). (Norsk) Historisk Tidsskrift (Oslo [Kristiania] 1871-) Oddsson, Gisli, Islenzk annalabrot og undur Islands, translated by Jdnas Rafnar (Akureyri, 1942). Oddsson, Oddur, "Vidarkol", Eimreidin (1928). Olason, Pall Eggert, Menn og menntir sidskiptaaldarinnar a Islandi, I-IV (Reykjavik, 1919-26). Olsen, Bjorn M., "Um kornirkju a tslandi ad fornu", Biinadarrit, 23 (1910). Um kristnitokuna arid 1000 og tildrog hennar (Reykjavik, 1900). Palsson, Ami, "Um lok thraeldoms a Islandi", Skirnir, 106, (1932). Palsson, Hermann, "Keltnesk mannanofn i islenzkum ornefnum", Sklrnir, 126 (1952). "Um Ira-ornefni", Skirnir 127 (1953). Poole, A. L., From Domesday Book to Magna Carta 1087-1216 (Oxford, 1951). Safn til sogu Islands og islenzkra bokmennta, I-VI (K^benhavn and Reykjavik, 18561939). Saga Olafs Tryggvasonar by the monk Oddr Snorrason, ed. Finnur Jonsson (K0benhavn, 1932). Salmonsens Konversations leksikon, 2nd ed. (Kjdbenhavn, 1915-1930). Skardsarbbk. Landnamabok Bjorns Jonssonar a Skardsa, ed. Jakob Benediktsson (Reykjavik, 1958). Samfid og saga, I-V (Reykjavik, 1941-1951). Shetelig, Haakon, "Islands graver og oldsaker fra vikingetiden", Viking, I (Oslo, 1937). Sigfusson, Bjorn, "Veldi Gudmundar rika", Sklrnir, 108 (1934). Skirnir. Timarit Hins islenzka bokmenntafelags (K^benhavn and Reykjavik, 1827). Steenstrup, Johannes Christoffer, Normannerne, I-IV (K^benhavn, 1876-82). Stefansson, Vilhjalmur, Ultima Thule (New .York, 1940). Stenersen, L.B., Myntfundet fra Graeslid i Thydalen (Christiania, 1881). Stromback, Dag, "Att helga land", Festskrift ttfagnad Axel Hagerstrom (Uppsala, 1928). Sveinsson, Einar Olafur, Landnam i Skaftafellsthingi (Reykjavik, 1948). "Papar", Skirnir, 119 (1945). Tacitus, Cornelius, Germania (Bostonia, Perkino et Marvin, 1840). Taranger, Absalon, Den angelsaksiske kirkes indflydelsepaa den norske (Kristiania, 1890). Thorarinsson, Sigurdur, Tefrokronologiske studier pa Island; Thjbrsardalur och dess forodelse (Stockholm 1944). Thoroddsen, Thorvaldur, Lysing Islands, I-IV (K^benhavn, 1907-22). Tidsskrift for rettsvitenskap (Oslo, 1888).

374

Timarit hins "islenzka bokmenntafelags, I-XXV (Reykjavik 1880/1881-1904). "Thordar saga hredu", Vatnshyrna, AM 564 4° (a manuscript in the Arnamagnean Institute, Copenhagen). Th6rdarson, Matthias, Thjodminjasafn Islands. Leidarvisir (Reykjavik, 1914). Thordarson, Skuli, "Uppruni hreppanna", Sveitarstjbrnarmal, II (Reykjavik, 1942). Thorsteinsson, Kristleifur, "Um vidarkolagerd", Bunadarrit (1925). Tobiasson, Brynleifur, Heim ad Holum (Reykjavik, 1943). Vaka. Timarit handa Islendingum, 1-3 (Reykjavik, 1927-29). Valla-Ljbts saga, ed. Jonas Kristjansson (K^benhavn, 1952). Vidalin, Pall, Skyringar yfir fornyrdi logbbkar (Reykjavik, 1846). Viking Antiquities, ed. Haakon Shetelig and Jan Petersen (Olso, 1940-54). Voluspa, ed. Sigurdur Nordal (Reykjavik, 1923). Wimmer, Ludvig F. A., De danske Runemindesmaerker (K0benhavn, 1893-1908). Titles added in the Norwegian and English translations A eta Archaeologica (Lund, 1954). B0, Olav, "Deildegasten", Norveg 5 (Oslo, 1953). Einarsdottir, Olafia, Studier i kronologisk metode i tidlig islandsk historieskrivning (Stockholm, 1964). Eldjarn, Kristjan, "Carved Panels from Flatatunga, Iceland", Ada Archaeologica, XXIV. Kuml og haugfe (Reykjavik, 1956). Foote, P. G. and Wilson, D. M., The Viking Achievement (London, 1970). Foreningen "Norden" - Norden, published by the Danish Society for Nordic Co-operation - (Kjrfbenhavn, 1942-44). Gudjonsson, Elsa, "Forn roggvarvefnadur", Arbbk fornleifafelagsins (1962). Gudmundsson, Bardi, Uppruni Islendinga (Reykjavik, 1959). Hertzberg, Ebbe Carsten Horneman, Grundtraekkene i den celdste norske proces (Christiania, 1874). Ingstad, Helge, Vesterveg til Vinland. Oppdagelsen av norr^ne boplasser i Nord-Amerika (Oslo, 1965). Jonsdottir, Selma, Byzonsk domsdagsmynd I Flatatungu (Reykjavik, 1959). Jonsson, Jonas, Islenzkir thjbdhaettir (Reykjavik, 1945). Koht, Halvdan, Harold Harfagre og rikssamlinga (Oslo, 1955). Innhogg og utsyn i norsk historic (Kristiania, 1921). Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder fra vikingetid til reformationstid, I(K^benhavn, 1956). Larusson, Magnus Mar, "On the so-called Armenian bishops" Studio Islandica, 18 (1960). Mager^y, Ellen Marie, "Flatatunga Problems", Acta Archaeologica, XXXII. Maurer, Konrad, Die Quellenzeignisse 'uber das erste Landrecht und uber die Ordnung der Bezirkverfassung des islandischen Freistaates (Miinchen, 1869). Olsen, Olaf, H$rg, hov og kirke (Kyibenhavn, 1966). Paasche, Fredrik, Landet med de nvfirke skibene (Oslo, 1938). Palsson, Hermann, "Minnisgreinar um Papa", Saga. Timarit Sogufelags, 5 (1955). "Upphaf Islandsbyggdar", Skirnir, 129 (1965). Schreiner, Johan, Olav den hellige og Norges samling (Oslo, 1929). Silver, Carl V., Vestervejen. Om vikingernes sejlads (K^benhavn, 1954). Wieselgren, Per, Forfattarskapet till Eigla (Lund, 1927).

375

INDEX OF NAMES* Abbo of Fleury, French abbot 13 Abingdon 141 Abraham, bishop 143 Adalbert, Archbishop of Bremen 101, 142, 143 Adaldag, Archbishop of Bremen 125 Adam of Bremen 101, 103, 116, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 170, 193, 311, 314, 325 Africa 104, 106 African Islands 106 Agatha Helgadottir, abbess 198 Agrip 100, 113 Akbrautarholt 335 Akranes 122, 123, 234, 246 C6 Akrar, Blonduhlid 349 F3 Alborg, Jutland 325 Alcuin 7 Alexander III, Pope 183, 184 Alexanders Saga 196 Alfifulog 113 Alfta 336 C5 Alftafjordur 11, 129 K5 Alftanes 244 C6 Almannagja 41, 43, 46, 67 Ambrosius of Milano, bishop 202 America 22 Andres Saemundarson 273, 276 Angles 3 Angmasalik 107 Annales Regii, cf. Konungsannall Apavatn 250, 251 E6 Ari Thorgilsson the Learned 5, 7, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16,23,24,27,29,31,32, 35, 36, 38, 3 9 , 4 0 , 4 1 , 4 4 , 4 5 , 4 8 , 4 9 , 52,54,65,66,70,71,90,91,95,99, 100, 103, 124, 126, 128, 134, 135, 136, 141, 143, 146, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 165, 196, 233, 345 Ari Thorgilsson the Strong 233 Arkona 119 Armannsfell, mount 41, 52 D6

Armenia 143 Armenian bishops and priests 166 Arnamagnean Collection (Copenhagen) 92 Arnarfjordur 236, 265, 335 B3 Arnarstakksheidi 320 G8 Ames 76, 250 E6 Arnessthing 50, 76, 77, 82, 131, 133, 220, 232, 236, 277, 278, 314, 315, 317, 334 Arnessysla 30, 33, D6 Arnfinnr Thjofsson 253 Arngrimr Brandsson, abbot 210, 296, 303, 304, 357 Ami Magmisson Oreida (Ami the Unready) 243, 244, 254, 255, 272 Ami Thorlaksson, Bishop of Skalholt 122, 157, 161, 172, 173, 174, 184, 185, 186, 198, 217, 218, 220 Arnold of Brescia, monk 213 Arnorr Asbjarnarson 160 Arnorr Bjarnarson Kerlingarnef, Story of 126 Arnorr Kolbeinsson 259 Arnorr Tumason 205, 206, 208, 209, 246 Arnorsson, Einar 41, 74, 125, 344 As, Hegranes 208 F3 As, Hjaltadalur 126 F3 As, Holt 132 E7 As, Vatnsdalur 145, E4 Asbirnings 160, 235, 236, 259, 268 Asgardr 123 Asgrimr Ketilsson, poet 231 Asgrimr Thorvaldsson the Wealthy 231 Askell Eyvindarson, chieftain 226 Asolfr Konalsson Alskik 122, 123 Audr the Deepminded 17, 30 Audun Thorbergsson, bishop 191, 214 Augustinian Order 180, 190, 195, 196, 198 Aulfusi, cf. Olfus

*From the footnotes only the names of authors have been included in the index. The names Iceland and Norway have been omitted. References to the map of Iceland at the back of this volume have been added to the page references of most of the Icelandic place names.

376 Austfirdings 263, 276, 278 Austfirdir 9, 29, 129, 185, 230, 268, 323 K5 Austur-Skaftafellssysla 30 16 Avangr, Celtic name 18 Avellingagodord (Eyvellingagodord), cf. /Everlingagodord Averjar 263 Baffin Island 103, 108 Baglar 321 Bakki, Oxnadalur 80, 231 G3 Baltic regions 8, 17, 97, 306, 310 Bandamanna Saga 59, 60, 169, 304, 314 Bardardalur 329 H3 Bardastrond 11, 236 B4 Bari, Italy 232 Barnafoss, cf. Bjarnafoss Battle of Havsfjord 25, 26 Becket, Thomas, archbishop 202 Bede, the Venerable 4, 5 Bekan, Celtic name 18 Belgsa, Fnjoskadalur 302 H3 Belgsdalsbok 318, 321 Benedict of Nursia 195 Benedictine Order 193, 194, 195, 198 Benedictines 155, 179 Benediktsson, Jakob 130 Bergen 108, 142, 195, 261, 275, 309, 315, 316, 321, 327 Bergr Amundason 281 Bergr Gunnsteinsson, priest 202 Bergthorr Hrafnsson, lawspeaker 90, 91 Bergthorshvoll 289, 298 E7 Bernard of Clairvaux, abbot 213 Bernhard of Saxony, bishop 142 Bernhard Vilradsson, bishop 140, 141 Berserkjahraun 342 C5 Bersi Balkason the Godless 120 Bersi the Wealthy 234 Berufjordur 323 K5 Bessastadir 244, 262 C6 Birgir, Steward of King Harald Gormsson 223 Biskupasogur (Sagas of the Bishops) 97 Biskupstungur 76, 131, 132 E6 Bjarkey (Birka) 322

Bjarkey-Law 111, 320, 322 Bjarmaland (Permia) 104, 106 Bjarnafoss (Barnafoss) 336 E5 Bjarney (Disco Island) 107, 108 Bjarneyjar 304 Bjarni Bergthorsson the Number-Wise, priest 159 Bjarni Herjolfsson 102 Bjarni Skegg-Broddason 339 Bjollok, Celtic name 18 Bjorn (Rauda-Bjorn) 301 Bjorn Arngeirsson Hitdaelakappi 120 Bjorn Buna 19 Bjorn Gilsson, bishop 152, 191, 194 Bjorn Hjaltason (Kygri-Bjorn), priest 214, 215 Bjorn of Heyangr 37 Bjorn Sasmundarson 252, 274 Bjorn Thorfinnsson 109, 117 Bjorn Thorvaldsson 232, 244 Black Sea 8 Blaland (Ethiopia) 106 Blaserkr 107 Blaskogar (Blue Woods) 41 D6 Blikdalsa 336 D6 Blund-Ketill Ornolfsson 49 Blondal, Larus H. 86 Blonduhlid 251, 349 F3 Boden, Friedrich 53 Bolungarvik 303 B2 Books of Kings 4 Bordeyri 323 D4 Borg 225 D5 Borgarfjordur 33, 49, 50, 51, 95, 100, 141, 186, 193, 196, 209, 231, 234, 236, 237, 248, 249, 256, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 268, 272, 273, 275, 277, 278, 280, 282, 290, 296, 316, 323, 324, 336, 338, 345 C6 Borgundarholmr (Bornholm) 10 Botnsa 77, 78, 198, 238, 244 D6 Botolfr, bishop 216, 261 Bragdavellir 2 K5 Brandr Halldorsson the Learned, prior 199 Brandr Jonsson, bishop 196, 199, 217, 220, 230, 256, 259, 279, 280

377

Branch Kolbeinsson 259, 260, 261, 263, 266, 273 Brandr Saemundarson, bishop 184, 191, 201, 346 Brautarholl 335 G3 Brautarholt 244, 335 D6 Breida 298, 299 16 Breidabolstadur, Fljotshlid 153, 169, 232, 241, 244, 263 E7 Breidabolstadur, Pappyli 6 Breidabolstadur, Reykjadalur 49 Breidabolstadur, Vesturhop 90, 151, 153, 228, 236, 244 E4 Breidafjordur 95, 99, 100, 196, 236, 237, 304, 316 A4 Breidamerkurjokull 298 16 Brekespeare, Nicholas, see Hadrian IV Bremen 101, 103, 125, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 162, 163, 170, 325 Breviarium Nidrosiense 192 Briem, Olafur 59, 88, 118 Britain 1, 2, 3, British Isles 3, 6, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 26, 35, 294, 326, 349 Bruarreykir 336 D5 Budafoss in Thjorsa 76 Bugge, Alexander 55, 111, 124, 169, 297, 310 Bull, Edvard 275 Burgundy 135 Burning of Njall (Njalsbrenna) 289 Byrgisbud 67 Basr, Borgarfjordur 141, 193, 199, 249

Christ 89, 118, 121, 122, 140, 213 Church of England 144 Cistercian Cloisters (Norway) 199 Clairvaux 213 Cluny, Monastic Order of 155, 156, 179, 193 Codex Regius, cf. Konungsbok Constantinople 156 Copenhagen 92 Crusades, the Icelanders' participation in 156 Culdees, monastic order of Celtic monks 122, 123 Dadi Starkadarson 109, 117 Dalasysla 297 D4 Dalir 6, 17, 49, 206, 246, 254, 255, 258 Dalla Thorvaldsdottir 145, 147, 151 Dalsmynni 301 D5 Dalur, cf. Jokuldalur Dalur at Eyjafjoll (Dalur undir Eyjafjollum) 130, 132, 232, 244 F7 Dalverjar 232, 244 Danalog (Danelaw in England) 40 Danes 8, 103, 170, 175 De mensura orbis terrae 3 Deildartunga 345, 346 D5 Denmark 23, 103, 114, 117, 125, 140, 144, 148, 151, 153, 192, 222, 223, 325, 352 Dicuil, Irish monk 3, 4, 5, 7 Diplomatarium Islandicum 302 Disco Island, cf. Bjarney Djupadalsa 261 Dominicans 213 Droplaugarsona Saga 80 D5 Bodvarr Thordarson 246, 249, 254, 262 Dublin 28, 326 Dufthakr, Celtic name 18 B0, Olav 31 Dumbshaf 106 El Caithness 192 Dyrafjardarthing 78 Canon Gamli (Gamli Kanoki) 196 Dyrafjordur 78, 119, 235, 238, 323 B3 Canterbury 202 Canute the Great, King of England 114, Dbgurdarnes 258, 316, 323 C4 East Anglia 14 140, 142, 144, 193 Eastern Horn (east of Hornafjordur) 9 Cape Farewell 108 Castles (Kastalar) 46 Eastern Settlement (Eystribyggd in Greenland) 99, 100, 107, 299 Celestine I I I , Pope 203 Edmund the Saint 13, 14 Celtic Nicknames 18 Celts, h e r e d i t a r y ties with the Edward, king 142 Edwards, Paul 109 Icelanders 18, 19, 20

378

Efri-Vellir 229 Eyjafjordur 17, 30, 49, 59, 117, 122, Egill Skalla-Grimsson 124 126, 151, 174, 181, 194, 197, 203, Egill Solmundarson 275 206, 209, 226, 233, 234, 236, 252, Egils Saga 40, 77, 323 257, 260, 266, 268, 269, 270, 271, Egilsstadir 81 K4 277, 323, 336 G2 Einarr Arason 109, 117 Eyjolfr Hallsson, abbot 197 Einarr Brudr Bjarnason 232 Eyjolfr Ofsi Thorsteinsson 265, 266, Einarr Eyjolfsson Thveraeingr 194, 225, 267, 268, 269 243 Eyjolfr Saemundarson, priest 180, 181 Einarr Sokkason 299 Eyjolfr the Lame 117 Einarr Thorbjarnarson 357 Eyjolfr Valgerdarson 88, 126, 223, 225 Einarr Thorvaldsson 245, 256, 263, 278 Eyrar (Eyrarbakki) 241, 315, 323, 324 Einars thattr Sokkasonar (Story of the D7 Greenlanders) 299 Eyrbyggja Saga 58, 78 Einarsdottir, Olafia 13 Eyri (Hrafnseyri) 202, 214, 245, 263, Einarsfjordur (Igaliko-Fjord) 100 265 B3 Einfaetingaland 106 Eysteinn Erlendsson, archbishop 179, Einhyrningsmork 33 F7 181, 182, 184, 186, 187, 188, 189, Eirikr Gniipsson, Bishop of Greenland 196 Eyvindr Eyvindarson Brattr 254 101, 104 Eirikr Hakonarson, earl 102, 138 Fagrskinna 115 Eirikr Ivarsson, archbishop 189, 197, Falk, Hjalmar 95, 109, 311 Faroes 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 19, 21,54, 107, 202 Eirikr Magnusson, King of Norway 127, 163, 192 Faskrudur 246 D4 313 Eirikr Sveinsson the Good, King of Faxafloi 315, 316 B6 Fellsstrond, cf. Medalfellsstrond Denmark 151 Eirikr Thorvaldsson the Red 95, 99, Ferjubakki 336, 337 D5 Filippus Saemundarson 263, 264, 273 100, 101, 102, 107 Finland 23 Eiriks Drapa 151 Finnbjorn Helgason 264, 265, 266, 268, Eiriksfjordur 99. 269, 281 Eldjarn, Kristjan 3, 4, 6, 21, 32, 103, Finnmark (Lapland) 104 119, 329, 343 Elfeah, Bishop of Winchester 127 Finsen, Vilhjalmur 70 Firdafylki (Firdir, Fjord Provinces) 19, Ellidavatn 78 D6 38, 50, 109 England 7, 8, 22, 23, 28, 40, 104, 114, 126, 127, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, Fjall 298 16 156, 186, 190, 192, 309, 312, 317, Fjord Provinces, cf. Firdafylki Fjos(ar) 290 318, 325, 337 Erlingr, earl 182, 240 Fjosatunga 80 H3 Flanders 308 Esbergings 122 Flatatunga 343 F4 Esjuberg 36, 122, 123, 157 D6 Flatey on Breidafjordur 196 C4 Eskimoes 100, 103 Flateyjarbok 354 Ethelred, king 127 Europe 1, 2, 104, 116, 222, 316, 317 Fljot, Skagafjordur 231 F2 Fljotamannagodord (Chieftaincy of the Eyfirdings 269, 270 Fljotamenn) 231 Eyjafjoll 130, 232, 244

379

Fljotsdalur 117, 198 J5 Fljotshlid 130, 153, 169, 180, 232, 241, 244, 321, 334 E7 Floabardagi (The Battle of Floi) 258, 305 Floi (a district) 87, 147, 329 Floki Vilgerdarson (Hrafna-Floki) 11, 108, 293 Flos Peregrinationis 232 Flosagja 46 Flosi Bjarnason, priest 232 Flosi Thordarson the Burner (BrennuFlosi) 132 Flugumyrarbrenna (The Burning of Flugumyri) 267, 269 Flugumyri 199, 266 F3 Fnjoskadalur 80, 82, 302 H3 Foote, Peter G. 68, 290, 311, 322, 342, 351 Fornihvammur 33 D5 France 8, 22, 26, 28, 142, 150, 156, 180, 197 Francis of Assisi 213 Franciscans 213 Frederick, bishop 125, 126, 130, 144 Freyja 130 Freyr 56, 118, 119 Freysgydlings 230 Freysnes 81 K4 Frisians 25 Frostathing Law 92, 284 Fyn, Denmark 53 Gamli Sattmali (The Old Covenant) 278, 287 Gardar, Akranes 96, 123, 190, 207, 234, 246, 248, 249, 260, 263, 264, 265, 271 C6 Gardar (Igaliko) 100, 101 Gardarr Svavarsson 9, 10 Gardarsholmr (Gardarr's Isle) 10 Gardur, Hegranes 78 F3 Gasar (Gaseyri) 220, 257, 323, 324 G3 Gaulverjabaer 329 D7 Gautavik 323 Geirmundarstadir 350 C4 Geirmundr Hell-Skin 29, 349 Geirsholmur 251 D6

Geitland 33 E5 Geldingaholt 265, 268 F3 Germany 8, 125, 140, 156, 307, 309, 312, 318 Gillastadir 245 C3 Gilli, slave 352, 353 Gils Einarsson 194 Gilsbakki 117, 234 E5 Gilsbekkingar 234 Gilsfjordur 251 D4 Gisli Finnsson 158 Gisli Siirsson 124 Gizurarsattmali (Gizurr's Covenant) 277, 278, 282, 285, 286, 287, 324 Gizurr Einarsson 230 Gizurr Gullbrarfostri 354 Gizurr Hallsson 187, 201, 232 Gizurr fsleifsson, bishop 32, 33, 109, 116, 117, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 227, 230, 324, 336, 345, 347 Gizurr Teitsson the White 70, 128, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 139, 144 Gizurr Thorvaldsson, earl 190, 219, 220, 245, 250, 251, 252, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 281, 282, 284, 285, 286, 287 Glera 336 G3 Gljufura 77 D5 Glymdrapa 26 Gnupur 87 E6 Gnupverjahreppur 87 E6 Godaland 54, 169 F7 Godesthi, abess 144 Godthaab 100 Goldshoe 275 Gorki (Novgorod) 326 Gormr, King of Denmark 223 Gotland 192 Gotskalk, bishop 143 Gottskalksleidsla, cf. Visio Godeschalci Gragas (lawbook) 37, 45, 51, 52, 55, 56,59,60,63,64,65,66,67,71,72, 73, 74, 90, 92, 93, 109, 161, 164, 165,

380

170, 237, 238, 285, 293, 294, 301, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 313, 317, 319, 320, 322, 323, 330, 332, 333, 334, 341, 347, 348, 350, 352, 354, 357 Gratian 174 Greenland 16, 27, 54, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 113, 124, 145, 157, 163, 192, 241, 262, 274, 275, 299, 307 Greenlanders 101, 102, 103, 111, 145, 262, 274 Gregory VII, Pope 147, 156, 179 Gregory IX, Pope 217, 247 Grelod, Celtic name 18 Grenjadarstadir 197, 265 H3 Grimkil, bishop 140, 160 Grimr from Sogn, War Lord 38 Grimr Goatbeard 38, 39, 55, 56 Grimr Kamban 8 Grimr Svertingsson 139 Grimsey 209, 225, 267, 303, 305 HI Grimsnes 250 E6 Grisartunga 77 D5 Grjota 336 D5 Groa Alfsdottir 220 Groa Gizurardottir 151 Grund, Eyjafjordur 234, 247, 265 G3 Graejilendinga Saga (Saga of the Greenlanders) 101, 102, 103 Gudjonsson, Elsa B. 311 Gudleifr Arason 130 Gudmundar Saga, cf. Life of Bishop Gudmundr Gudmundr Arason the Good, Bishop of Holar 142, 163, 165, 166, 175, 181, 191, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 217, 230, 236, 247, 347, 358 Gudmundr Eyjolfsson (son of Eyjolfr Haiti) 109, 117 Gudmundr Eyjolfsson the Powerful 70, 132, 224, 226 Gudmundr Ormsson 263, 265, 289 Gudmundr Thorvaldsson (Gudmundr Dyri) 80, 231, 238, 357

Gudmundsson, Bardi 20, 72 Gudmundsson, Valtyr 338, 340 Gudridr Thorbjarnardottir 102 Gudrun Olafsdottir 197 Gufa Ketilsson 18 Gulathing Assembly 45 Gulathing Law 19, 20, 38, 40, 89, 100, 111, 171, 334 Gulathing Province 38 Gulf Stream 296 Gullbringusysla 29 C7 Gunnbjarnarsker 98, 99 Gunnbjorn Olfsson 98, 99 Gunnlaugr Leifsson, monk 100, 101, 102, 124, 125, 126, 153, 155, 159, 194, 207 Gunnlaugs Saga 77 Guttormr, archbishop 209 Gotaland 19, 23, 158, 192 Hadrian IV (Nicholas Brekespeare), Pope 46, 163, 179, 215, 217 Hafgerdingadrapa 124 Haflidaskra91, 92 Haflidi Masson 90, 91, 92, 151, 153, 228, 229, 237 Hakon 54 Hakon Grjotgardsson, earl 25, 26 Hakon Highlegs, king 287 Hakon Sigurdarson, earl 127 Hakon the Old, King of Norway 65, 100, 210, 211, 215, 219, 225, 226, 239, 240, 243, 247, 249, 253, 254, 256, 257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 267, 269, 271, 272, 273, 274, 276, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 310, 317 Hakonar Saga 242, 253, 264, 272, 276, 279 Halfdan Sasmundarson 263, 274, 276 Halfdan the Black 13 Hallbera Snorradottir 244, 246 Halldora Tumadottir 206 Halldorr Gudmundarson 132 Hallfridr, wife of Tanni Torfason 336 Hallfridr Snorradottir 103 Hallfridr Thorgilsdottir 196 Hallormsstadir 185 K4

381

Hallr Gizurarson (son of Earl Gizurr) Hegranessthing 78, 268, 276 220, 266 Heimskringla 102, 115, 120, 123, 125, Hallr Gizurarson, lawspeaker 233 225, 311 Hallr Helgason the Godless 120 Heinrekr, bishop (Heinrekr the Stout) Hallr Kleppjarnsson 203, 205, 206, 207, 142, 143, 145 208, 233 Heinrekr Karsson, bishop 216, 217, Hallr Teitsson of Haukadalur 152, 165, 219, 220, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 229, 232 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 341, 342, Hallr Thorarinsson 128, 141, 152 345, 346 Hallr Thorsteinsson (Sidu-Hallr) 128, Hekla 32, 289, 338 F7 133, 134, 135, 136 Helgafell 32, 126, 133, 196, 197, 224, Hallvardr Goldshoe 274, 275, 276, 277, 233 C4 278, 279, 280, 287 Helgastadir 209 H3 Hallveig Ormsdottir 244, 245, 254 Helgi Bjola 36 Halogaland 8, 25 Helgi Hunding's Slayer 127 Hamarsfjordur 2 K5 Helgi Ormarsson the Godless 120 Hamburg 141, 162, 163, 318 Helgi Skaptason, priest 181 Hanseatic merchants, towns 315 Helgi the Lean 17, 30, 31, 122 Haraldr Finehair, King of Norway 10, Helgisetur 216 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 25, 26, 27, 30, 37, Helkunduheidi 50 J2 38, 94, 222 Helle, Knut 149 Haraldr Gormsson 222, 223, 224 Helludalur 76 Haraldr Sigurdarson the Ruthless, Helluland 102, 103, 104, 106, 107 King of Norway 42, 115, 116, 142, Henry I, King of England 318, 319 144, 145, 307, 330, 332 Henry I, King of Germany 125 Haraldr Saemundarson 263, 264, 273 Henry III, German Emperor 145 Haraldr's Mint (Haraldsslatta) 330, 332 Henry III, King of England 243, 317 Hardvig, Archbishop of Magdeburg Henry IV, German Emperor 147 147 Herad 87 Harmsol 196 Herdis Bersadottir 234 Harstadir 335 Herford, Saxony 116, 144, 147 Hasund, Sigvald 310 Hertzberg, Ebbe 49, 310 Haugsnes 261 F3 Hestathingshamar 266, 267, 268 Haukadalur, Arnessysla 76, 90, 128, Hildibrand (Pope Gregory VII) 156 141, 147, 151, 152, 165, 174, 187, Historia Norweghe 8, 10,99, 100, 106, 201, 202, 229, 232 E6 124, 128 Haukadalur, Vestur-fsafjardarsysla H i s t o r y of the Archbishops of 119 Hamburg-Bremen 141 Haukdaelir (Family of Haukadalur) Hitara 129, 336 C5 147, 188, 204, 210, 214, 232, 233, Hitardalur 194, 195, 197, 199 C5 234, 251, 261, 317 Hjalli, Olfus 70, 131, 139 D7 Haukr Erlendsson 8, 10, 11, 12 Hjalmr Asbjarnarson 236 Hauksbok 6, 11, 29, 30, 31, 41, 56, 58, Hjaltadalur 126, 153, 230, 309 F3 95, 108, 122 Hjaltastadir 81 K4 Havsfjord 25, 26, 94 Hjalti Magmisson 250, 257 Hebrides 3, 8, 17, 26, 28, 122, 163 Hjalti Skeggjason 67, 128, 130, 131, Hegranes 52, 80, 208 F3 132, 133, 134, 135

382

Hjardarholt 32, 132, 343 D4 Hjorleifr Hrodmarsson 11, 18, 120 Hjbrleifshofdi 185 G8 Hleidra 246 Hlidarendi 180 F7 Hof, farm name 58 Hof, Pappyli 6 Hof, Vatnsdalur 126, 139, E4 Hof, Vopnafjordur 147, 207, 230 J3 Hofsstadir, farm name 58 H3 Hofsstadir, by Lake Myvatn 119 Hofsteigur 54, 169 K4 Hofverjagodord 147 Holar 33, 146, 149, 152, 153, 154, 158, 159, 160, 161, 167, 184, 191, 194, 196, 198, 201, 202, 203, 205, 207, 208, 209, 211, 214, 216, 230, 259, 261, 279, 309, 346 F3 Hollander, Lee M. 120, 127, 149, 187 Holmgardr (Novgorod, Gorki) 313 Holmsteinn Oraekjuson 109, 117 Holt, Fljot 231 F2 Holt, Rangarvallasysla 132, 335 E7 Holt, Onundarfjordur 186 B2 Horn (Eastern Horn) 9, 109 K6 Hornafjordur 9, 29, 109, J6 Hornstrandir 29, 200, 304, 349 C2 Hrafn Hasngsson 14, 40 Hrafn Oddsson 219, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 271, 275, 276, 278, 279, 280 Hrafn Sveinbjarnarson 55, 202, 207, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 245, 252, 254, 257, 263, 335 Hrafn the Foolish 54 Hrafnagil 233, 271, 343, G3 Hrafnagja 41 Hrafnkell Freysgodi 357 Hrafnkels Saga 357 Hrani Kodransson 265, 266, 267 Hraungerdi 87 E7 Hraungerflingahreppur 87, 147, E7 Hraunhofn 323 Jl Hraunsverjar 235 Hreinn Hermundarson 109, 117 Hreinn Styrmisson, abbot 194, 195 Hreppar 87 E6

Hrollaugr, son of Earl Rognvaldr 27, 30 Hrunamannaafrettur 32, 33, 289, 338, 340, 341 F6 Hrunamannahreppur 87 E6 Hruni 87, 188, 190, 232, 240, 235 E6 Hrutafjardara 50, 193, 259, 266 D4 Hrutafjordur 51, 237, 269 D4 Hunafloi (Hiina Bay) 258, 305 D3 Hiinavatn 78 E3 Hunavatnsthing 52, 78, 142, 234, 246, 268 Hungrvaka 141, 143, 147, 148, 155, 160 Hiisavik on Skjalfandi 9 H2 Hiissdrapa 343 Hvalfjordur 77, 251 D6 Hvalnes 2 K6 Hvalseyrarthing 78 Hvalseyri 78 Hvammsleid 82 Hvammssveit (Hvamm district) 88 D4 Hvammur, Dalir 49, 88, 89, 233 Hvammur, Nordurardalur 33, 82, D5 Hvammur, Reykjadalur 226 H3 Hvarfid (Cape Farewell) 108 Hvita, Borgarfjordur 50, 51, 77, 78, 209, 234, 237, 238, 256, 275, 316, 319, 323, 324, 336 Hvitanes 76 Hymiskvida (Lay of Hymir) 120 Hyndluljod (Lay of Hyndla) 120 Hsnsa-Thorir 49, 66, 292 Hofdabrekka 185 F8 Hofudlausn 119 Hordafylki (Hordaland) 11, 19, 38, 50 Horda-Kari 38 Horgaeyri 119 Horgardalur 198, 203, 205, 231, 266, G3 Hoskuldr Thrainsson Hvitanessgodi 59 Igaliko, cf. Gardar Igaliko-Fjord, cf. Einarsfjordur Illugi Bjarnason, priest 153 Illugi Ingimundarson 344 Indians 103 Indreb0, Gustav 50, 307

383

Ingi Bar6arson, king 240 Ingi Steinkelsson, King of Sweden 151 Ingibjorg Snorradottir 245 Ingibjorg Sturludottir 266 Ingimundr the Old, Thorsteinsson 27 Ingimundr Thorgeirsson, priest 200 Ingolfr Arnarson 11, 13, 14, 15, 17, 29, 30, 35, 36, 37, 38, 41 Ingstad, Helge 103 Irtgunn Arnorsdottir 160 Innnes, Faxafloi 315 Innocent IV, Pope 173 Innri-Holmur, Akranes 123 C6 lona 3, 7 Ireland 3, 5, 8, 26, 28, 104, 109, 122, 142, 326 fsafjordur (isafjardardjiip) 237, 296, 303 B2 Isfirdings 254, 256 Isidore of Seville 4 Isle of Man 8, 35 jsleifsstadir 338 C5 Isleifr Gizurarson, bishop 13, 109, 114, 115, 116, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 153, 157, 158, 162, 169, 170, 186 Isleifr Gizurarson (son of Earl Gizurr) 220, 253, 264 Islendinga Saga (The Saga of the Icelanders) 46, 220, 235, 242, 253, 264 Islendingabok (The Book of the Icelanders) 5, 7, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 27, 31, 44, 70, 90, 124, 126, 135, 149, 152, 155 Ivarr Arnljotarson 259, 263, 264, 275 Ivarr Bardarson 99 Ivarr Englason 269, 271 Ivarr Ragnarsson 13 Jan Mayen 106, 109 Jarnsida (Iron Side), lawbook 45, 69, 354 Jarnskeggi Einarsson 194 Jerusalem 194 Jews 224 Joan the Irish, bishop 141, 142, 143 Jodis Gudmundardottir 70

Johannes Scotus, cf. Joan the Irish Johannesson, Jon 10, 12, 56, 88, 99, 102 Johannesson, Thorkell 356 John the Baptist 197 Johnsen, O.A. 89 Jbmsvikinga Saga (Saga of the Jomsvikings) 222, 224 Jomsvikings 224 Jon, Bishop of Greenland 307 Jon Ketilsson, priest 231 Jon Loftsson 177, 178, 181, 183, 185, 186, 187, 188, 191, 197, 231, 232, 237 Jon Sigmundarson, the Elder 230 Jon Sigmundarson, the Younger 202, 207, 209, 230 Jon Snorrason Murtr 210, 242, 243, 245 Jon Sturluson 258, 259, 263 Jon Ogmundarson the Holy, bishop 146, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 191, 192, 193, 194, 201, 321 Jonasson, Jonas 290 Jonsbok (lawbook) 172, 177, 293, 294, 301, 313, 332, 334, 346, 354 Jonsdottir, Selma 343 Jonsnes 78 B4 Jonsson, Finnur 19, 311 Jonsson, Gudbrandur 356 Jonsson, Gudni 6, 22 Jonsson, Jon 17 Jora Klaengsdottir 188 Joyce, P.W. 3, 5 Julianehaab 100 Jutes 148 Jutland 325 Joklamannagodord (the Chieftaincy of the Joklamenn) 234, 238 Jokuldalur (Dalur) 54, 169, 336 J4 Jokulsa, Solheimasandur 50, 178 F8 Jokulsa, Oxarfjordur 264 Jolduhlaup 109 Joldusteinn 54 Jorgensen, A.D. 123, 143 Jorundarholt (Gardar, Akranes) 123 Jbrundr Hrafnsson, priest 54 Jorundr Ketilsson, a Christian 123

384

Jorundr Thorsteinsson, bishop 194, 198 KaMund, Kristian 74 Kadall, Celtic name 18 Kaldadarnes 87, 335, 337 D7 Kaldnesingahreppur 87 D 7 Kalman, Celtic name 18 Kari Solmundarson 298 Karl Jonsson, abbot 194 Karlsefni, cf. Thorfmnr Karlsefni Kaupangur 81 G3 Kelddaslir 235 Keldur 197, 199, 263, 271 E7 Keta 329 E2 Ketill Hcengr 30 Ketill the Foolish 6, 123 Ketill Thorsteinsson, bishop 151, 160, 161, 193, 229 Kings' Sagas 25, 113 Kirkjubasr 6, 7, 123, 180, 198, 265, 288, 289 G7 Kjalarnes 35, 36, 39, 76, 122, 181, 244, 335, 336, 349 C6 Kjalarnessthing (Kjalarnes Assembly) 36, 39, 43, 76, 77, 78, 234, 238, 244, 249, 277, 278 Kjallakr, Celtic name 18 Kjalnesinga Saga 76 Kjartan, Celtic name 18, 19 Kjartan Olafsson 132 Kjosarsysla 29 D6 Kjolur 206, 250, 254, 357 F5 Klaufanes 338 G3 Kleifar 251 D4 Klaengr Bjarnarson 244, 254, 255, 256 Klaengr Thorsteinsson, Bishop of Skalholt 180, 181, 182 Knut the Holy, King of Denmark 148, 151 Kodran, Celtic name 18 Koht, Halvdan 15 Kolbeinn Arnorsson Kaldaljos 259 Kolbeinn Arnorsson the Young 211, 214, 244, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 261, 266, 268 Kolbeinn Sighvatsson 252 Kolbeinn Thordarson 132

Kolbeinn Tumason 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 231, 235, 237 Kolbeinsaros 288, 323, 324 F3 Kolr, bishop 141 Kolr Thorkelsson, bishop 146 Kolskeggr Eiriksson the Wealthy 232 Kolsrud, Oluf 149 Konall, Celtic name 18 Konungsannall 40, 46, 104, 214, 215 280, 299 Konungsbok (Codex Regius of Gragas) 92, 109, 170, 320, 330 Konungsskuggsja (The King's Mirror) 106 Kormakr, Celtic name 18 Kormakr Ogmundarson 309 Kormaks Saga 309 Krakalskur 80 K4 Krakalaekjarthing 80 Kristnes 122 G3 Kristni Saga 102, 119, 125, 126, 128, 147, 150, 229, 230 Kroksfjardarbok 88 Kroksfjordur 245, 251 C4 Krossa 54 Krossavik 339 K3 Kuflungar (cowl-men) 325 Kuhn, Hans 87 Kverngrjot (Kveingrjot) 297 Kviarmid 303 Labrador 103 Ladoga 306 Lagarfljot 80, 81 K4 Lambanessthing 80 Lambkarr Thorgilsson, abbot 199 Land, Rangarvallasysla 76, 87, 232, 244 E7 Landeyjar 132, 289 E7 Landnamabok 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19,22,23,25,26,29,30,31, 33,36,37,38,40,41,48,53,54,55, 56, 87, 95, 98, 99, 100, 108, 109, 115, 288, 301, 303, 309, 345, 349, 350, 354 Langahlid (Skrida) 231 G3 Langanes 50, 106, 320 J2 Langavatnsdalur 33 D5

385

Langidalur 235 E3 Ljosvetninga Saga 319 Lapland 104 Ljosvetningaleid 82 Larusson, Magnus M. 143 Ljosvetnings 133 Larusson, Olafur 31, 33, 34, 35, 41, 43, Ljotr Manason 233 52, 78, 93 Lodinn Leppr 172, 173 Laufaesingagodord 59 Loftr Halfdanarson 274 Laugaras 276 E6 Loftr Palsson 232, 255 Laugardalur 133, 139, 278, 279 E6 Loftr Saemundarson 231 Laugatorfa 76, 131 E6 Lon 2, 6, 10, 38, 52 K6 Laxa, Dalir 6 D4 Lonsheidi, 52, 320 K6 Laxardalur 6, 32 D4 Lund, archdiocese 143, 154, 160, 162, 163 Laxdaela Saga 304 Leidarholl 82 Lundarmannagodord (the Chieftaincy Leidarholmur 82 D4 of the Lundarmenn) 77, 234, 238 Leidarnes 82 G3 Lundar-Reykjadalur 139, 233, 237 D5 Leidarvisir og borgaskipan 194 Lundur, Borgarfjordur 139 D5 Lei6vollur, Kjalarnes 76 Lyons 213 Leidvollur, Leirar District 82 Laekjamot, Vididalur 126 E4 Lei6vollur, Medalland 82 G7 Logberg (Law Rock) 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, Leifr Eiriksson 100, 102, 103 65,67,68,73,81,91, 129, 130, 131, Leirar District 82 133, 134, 135, 228 Leirubakki 244 E7 Liavizo, archbishop 141 Macon 148 Liemarus, Archbishop of Bremen 147 Magdeburg 148 Life of Archbishop Thomas (Thomas Mager^y, Ellen Marie 343 Magnus Einarsson, bishop 194, 232 Saga erkibiskups) 202 Life of Bishop Ami (Arna biskups Magnus Erlingsson, King of Norway Saga) 218, 316 182, 184, 240, 328 Life of Bishop Gudmundr (Gudmundar Magnus G i z u r a r s o n , B i s h o p of Skalholt 47, 198, 201, 204, 208, 209, Saga) 296, 303, 357 Life of Bishop Jon the Holy (Jons Saga 210, 211, 214, 215, 233, 235 biskups) 150, 153, 155, 158, 192 Magnus Gudmundarson, priest 207, Life of Bishop Larentius (Larentius 214, 229, 230, 234, 241, 244 Saga) 316 Magnus Hakonarson Lawmender, Life of Bishop Pall (Pals Saga) 318,319 King of Norway 257, 279, 280, 282, 283 Life of Bishop Thorlakr, the older recension (Thorlaks Saga hin eldri) Magnus Haraldsson, King of Norway 330 183, 192 Life of Bishop Thorlakr, the younger Magnus Olafsson Barefoot, King of recension (Thorlaks Saga hin Norway 231, 240 yngri) 183, 184, 185, 187, 192, 196, Magnus Olafsson the Good, King of 344 Norway 142 Limerick 26 Magnus Palsson, priest 196 Linakrar 298 Malaren, a lake in Sweden 322 Lincoln, England 180, 196 Malmey 209 F2 Linekrudalur 298 Mani Snorrason 233 Markarfljot (Fljot) 54, 169 E7 Litla-Eyrarland, Eyjafjordur 80 G3

386 Markland (Labrador) 102, 103, 104, 106 Markiis Skeggjason, lawspeaker 109, 117, 150, 151 Marseille 1 Maurer, Konrad 31, 66, 70, 86, 87, 127, 175 Mecklenburg 142 Medalfellsstrond (Fellsstrond) 233, 316, 323 C4 Medalland 82 G7 Melabok 11, 48 Melar, Melasveit 11 C6 Melasveit 11 D6 Melmannagodord (the Chieftaincy of the Melmenn) 59, 235 Melmenn 235 Melrakkasletta 323 12 Melsted, Bogi Th. 95, 96, 144 Melsted, Pall 59, 66, 234, 304 Melur 59, 234, 304 D4 Middalir 82, 245 D4 Midfjordur 59, 234, 304 E4 Midjokull 107 Miklatoer 252 F3 Milano 202 Moere 27, 31, 53, 121 Mogilsa 76 D6 Mosfell 38, 128, 139, 152 D6 Mount Valfell (undir Valfelli) 77 Mulathing 80, 238, 296 Muli, Reykjadalur 159 H 3 Munka-Thvera (Thvera) 102, 156, 194, 199, 203, 206, 231 G3 Myramannagodord (the Chieftaincy of the Myramenn) 234, 238 Myramenn 234 Myrar, Dyrafjordur 235 B3 Myrar, Myrasysla 129, 234, 336 C5 Myrasysla 30, 33 C5 Myrdalur 185, 298 F8 Myvatn 119, 129 H3 Modruvellir, Eyjafjor6ur 70, 117, 126, 132, 151, 223, 224, 226 G4 Modruvellir, Horgardalur 198, 203, 205, 231, 266 G3 Mogr Mbgsson 235

Naddodr, viking 9 Nansen, Fridthjof 2 Narfi Snorrason, priest 217 National Museum of Iceland 302 Nattfari 9, 10 Nedridalur 76 E6 Nedri-Muli 228 D4 Netherlands 308 Nicholas Brekespeare, cf. Hadrian IV Nidarholmr 193, 210 Nidaros (Trondheim) 46, 158, 163, 179, 186, 192, 197, 202, 203, 207, 210, 211, 215, 216, 217, 239, 253, 307, 316, 317, 327, 328 Nielsen, Niels 302 Nikulas Bergthorsson, abbot 102, 156, 194 Njall, Celtic name 18, 19 Njall Thorgeirsson 289 Njals Saga 59, 60, 66, 71, 74, 76, 125, 129, 297 Njalsbrenna (the Burning of Njall) 289 Njord 56, 118 Nordal, Sigurdur 38, 121, 337, 354 Nordnes 195 Nordrseta 101, 274 Nordurardalur 33, 82, 301 D5 Normandy 312, 325 North Atlantic 222 North Sea 6, 8, 21 North-America (North-American continent, mainland) 94, 97, 98, 101, 103, 108 Northern Europe 159, 179 Northern Hemisphere 298 Northerners 258, 277, 282, 284 Novaja Semlja 106 Novgorod (Gorki) 313 Oddaverjaannall 150 Oddaverjar 150, 177, 180, 207, 214, 219, 227, 231, 232, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 250, 252, 273, 276, 277, 280, 318 Oddi 150, 153, 158, 165, 172, 174, 177, 178, 180, 181, 183, 185, 187, 197, 201, 202, 229, 230, 240, 243, 245, 250, 263, 319 E7

387

Oddi Helgason (Stjornu-Oddi) 159 Oslo 327 Oddr Gizurarson, priest 230 Oslofjord 20 Oddr Ofeigsson 59, 60, 304 Ottarr of Halogaland 8 Oddr Snorrason, monk 124, 135, 194, Pall Jonsson, Bishop of Skalholt 167, 311 168, 174, 183, 187, 191, 202, 204, Oddr Thorarinsson 263, 267, 268 207, 208, 232, 255 Oddr Onundarson (Tungu-Oddr) 49, 51 Pall Linsauma 273, 274, 275 Oddsson, Gisli 303 Pall Saemundarson, deacon 240, 241 Odinn 118, 119, 123 Pall the Burner 181 Olafr, Bishop of Greenland 262, 274 Pall Thordarson 234 Olafr Haraldsson the Quet, King of Palsson, Ami 353 Norway 117, 142, 327, 330, 332 Palsson, Hermann 7, 14, 18, 109, 118 Olafr Haraldsson the Saint, King of Papafell (Papar Hill) 6 Norway 43, 65, 89, 96, 104, 109, Papafjordur 6 K6 110, 114, 115, 116, 140, 141, 144, Papar (Irish hermits, priests, monks) 3, 152, 157, 160, 190, 224, 225, 271, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 122, 123, 157 283, 285, 323, 328, 339, 354 Papey (Papar Island) 6, 7 K5 Olafr Hildisson 228, 229 Papi 6 Olafr Hoskuldsson Peacock 132, 343 Papos (Papafjardaros) 6 K6 Olafr Thordarson Hvitaskald 249, 253, Pappyli (Papabyli) 6, 7 263 Paris 150, 179, 180, 192, 196, 197 Olafr Thorsteinsson, canon 197 Pascal II, Pope 154 Olafr Thorsteinsson the Unjust 197 Passio Sancti Edmundi, cf. Saga of St. Olafr Tryggvason, King of Norway Edmund 100, 112, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, Patreksfjordur 122 A3 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 137, Paulicians, cf. Armenian bishops 138, 139, 140 Peter (Petrus), bishop 143 Olafr's Guild 89 Peter Waldo (Pierre Valdo) 213 Olason, Pall Eggert 92 Petersen, Jan 17 Olsen, Bjorn M. 33, 34, 128, 131, 133, Petr, Archbishop of Nidaros 205 287, 296, 318, 333 Picts 3, 8, 18 Olsen, Olaf 119 Pliny 4, 5 Ordulfr 144 Poole, A. L. 309 Orkney 2, 3, 6, 8, 18, 26, 113, 142, 163, Priscian 4 192,294,307,326 Prussians 311 Ormr Bjarnarson 244, 254, 255, 256, Pytheas 1, 2, 3, 5 263 Ragnarr Lodbrok 13 Ormr Eyjolfsson, priest 191 RagnheiSr Thorhallsdottir 187, 188 Ormr Jonsson Breidbaelingr 187, 232, Rangarthing (Rangaeings' Assembly) 241 59, 74, 76, 178, 231, 232, 236, 250, Ormr Jonsson of Svinafell, the Elder 273, 278, 280, 281, 315 230 Rangarvallasysla 30, 33 F7 Ormr Jonsson Svinfellingr 230, 250, Rangarvellir 33, 74, 150, 177, 197, 263 263, 289 E7 Ormr Ormsson 280 Rangaeings 263, 274, 277, 278 Oraekja Snorrason 245, 248, 253, 254, Rannveig Teitsdottir 151 255, 256, 259, 260 Raudamelur 78

388 Reichenau (monastery) 156 Reydarfjall 9 L5 Reykdasla Saga 80 Reykdaslaleid 82 Reykholar (Reykjaholar) 24, 89, 117, 130, 224, 296, 339 C4 Reykholt 24, 32, 196, 234, 255, 275, 343 D5 Reykhyltings' Chieftaincy (Reykhyltingagodord) 77, 234, 238 Reykir, Laugardalur 139 E6 Reykir, Lundar-Reykjadalur 139 D6 Reykir, Midfjordur 304 E4 Reykjadalur (Reykholtsdalur) 49 D5 Reykjadalur 9, 82, 159, 209, 226, 264 H3 Reykjarfjardarbok 88 Reykjanes 29, 109, 198, 320 C7 Reykjanes, Isafjardardjup 296 C3 Reykjavik 13, 24, 41, 44, 102, 151 C6 Reynisnes 198 F3 Reynistadur 198, 275 F3 Rikini (French chaplain at Holar) 158 Ringerike, province 343 Ripar, Jutland 325 Rita-Bjorn, monk 210 Romans 2 Rome 147, 153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 162, 194, 232, 247, 248 Rosmhvalanes 336 C6 Rouen 312, 325 Roussell, Aage 119 Rudolf, bishop 140, 141, 193 Riigen 119 Runolfr Olfsson, temple-priest 130, 132, 134 Russia 4, 8, 104, 106, 306 Rygjafylki 50 Rognvaldr, Earl of Moere 27 Sabina 261 Saga of Bardr Snaefellsass 304 Saga of Hasnsa-Thorir 41, 319 Saga of O l a f r T r y g g v a s o n by Gunnlaugr Leifsson 101, 102, 125, 126 Saga of Olafr Tryggvason by Oddr Snorrason 124, 134, 135

Saga of Olafr Tryggvason, the so-called Longer Saga 125, 126, 128, 129, 137 Saga of St. Edmund (Passio Sancti Edmundi) 13 Saga of St. Olafr by Snorri Sturluson 243

Saga of St. Olafr in Flateyjarbok 354 Saga of Thordr Kakali 260, 262, 305 Saga of Thorfinnr Karlsefni (Saga of Eirikr the Red) 101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 108 Saga of Thorgils and Haflidi 89, 228 Sagas of Icelanders 55, 58, 71, 336 Saga's Ness 127 Sand, harbour 108 Sandholar-Ferry 335, 337 E7 Sandmuli 329 H4 Saudafell 245, 246, 250, 263, 265 D4 Saudafellsfor 245 Sauranes 78 C4 Saurbaer, Dalasysla 228, 251, 256, 349 C4 Saurtoer, Eyjafjordur 197, 199, 206 Saurbasr, Kjalarnes 181, 244, 336 G4 Saxons 3, 311 Saxony 116, 125, 142, 147 Scandinavia 2, 10, 19, 20, 21, 23, 27, 28, 94, 95, 97, 125, 156, 158, 179, 193, 222, 292, 301, 306, 308, 328, 329,

332, 349 Scandinavian countries 97, 125, 144, 148, 162, 172, 196 Scandinavian dioceses 154 Scandinavians 136, 197, 306 Schleswig 325 Schreiner, Johan 25 Scotland 3, 5, 10, 28, 104, 142, 192, 280 Scots 26 Scythian regions 4 Selja 142, 216 Shetelig, Haakon 17, 306 Shetland 2, 3, 6, 8, 18, 54, 107, 113, 127, 192, 309, 326 Sida, a district 6, 123, 128, 133, 134, 180, 198, 280, 288 G7 Sidumenn 280 Sigfrid, bishop 140

389

Skeggjastadir 38 D6 Sigfusson, Bjorn, 226 Sighvatr Bodvarsson 272, 276, 278, 279 Skeljastadir 309 F6 Sighvatr Sturluson 174, 206, 209, 210, Skinna-Bjorn Holmgardsfari 306 211, 214, 231, 233, 245, 247, 248, Skinnastadabok 109 Skjalfandafljot 80, 81 H3 249, 250, 251, 252, 260 Skjalfandi 9 H2 Sighvatr Surtsson, lawspeaker 153 Skjoldungs, a family of Danish kings 23 Sigmundr Ormsson, priest 230 Skoravikurbjarg 50 Sigmundr Thorgilsson 230 Skrida, Fljotsdalur 198 Sigridr Arnorsdottir 268 Skrida, Horgardalur 231 Sigurdr Magniisson Jorsalafari 113 Sigurdr Munnr, King of Norway 232 Skridudalur 80 K4 Sigurdr Ormsson of Svinafell 184, 185, Skriduklaustur 198 K4 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, Skraelings (indigenous people of Greenland and Vinland) 99, 102, 103 209, 229, 230, 231, 233 Skuldathingsey 81 Sigurdr Silk-Eye 269, 270, 271 Sigurdr Tafsi Eindridason, archbishop Skuli Bardarson, earl 96, 210, 211, 215, 225, 226, 240, 241, 242, 243, 249, 211, 215, 217, 219, 249 253, 254 Sigurdsson, Jon 116 Sivardr Thettmarsson, bishop 216, 217, Slavic countries 23 219, 220, 255, 256, 261, 263, 269, Snjaleifartoftir 338 270, 271, 278, 279 Snorra Edda 354 Skaftafell 81 H7 Snorrabiid (Snorri's Booth) 43 Skaftafellsthing 6, 81 Snorri Markusson 11 Skagafjordur 49, 52, 117, 209, 220, 235, Snorri Sturluson 77, 96, 114, 152, 197, 236, 246, 251, 252, 259, 260, 261, 207, 210, 224, 225, 229, 230, 234, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 273, 235, 237, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 275, 288, 323, 358 F2 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 253, Skagfirdings 80, 209, 229, 261, 270 254, 255, 256, 260, 261, 262, 264, Skagi, northern Iceland 329 E2 265, 275, 277, 281, 290, 311, 319 Skaldatal 150 Snorri Thordarson 234 Skald-Refr 129 Snorri Thorfinnsson Karlsefnis 102, Skalholt (Skalaholt) 32, 91, 122, 141, 103 145, 146, 147, 149, 151, 152, 153, Snorri Thorgimsson Temple-Priest of 157, 160, 161, 164, 167, 174, 176, Helgafell 13, 119, 126, 129, 133,233 180, 181, 182, 183, 190, 191, 192, Snorri Thorvaldsson 245 194, 198, 202, 204, 208, 211, 214, Snorrungagodord (the Chieftaincy of 216, 220, 233, 255, 269, 270, 279, the Snorrungs) 233, 245, 246, 354 325, 337, 345, 346 E6 Snatfellsjokull 107 B5 Skalholtsannall 104, 248, 249, 258 Snzefellsnes 35, 107, 109, 266, 304, 315, Skalla-Grimr Kveld-Dlfsson 30 342 B5 Skallakot 338, 340, F6 Snaeland (Snowland) 9 Skapti Thoroddsson (Law-Skapti) 70, Sogn 19, 38 71, 129, 139, 141, 144,150,227,239 Sognefjord 223 Skardsarbok 87, 88, 115, 116 Solheimar, Myrdalur 298 F8 Skardsheidi 249 D6 Solheimasandur 50, 178 F8 Skardsstrond 29, 233, 349 C4 Solinus 4 Skardsastt (the Family of Skard) 218 Solund Islands 223

390

Solveig Saemundardottir 245 Southerners 263, 274, 277, 282, 284 Spitsbergen (Svalbardi) 106 Spongin 65, 228 St. Augustine 195 St. Columba (Columcille) 3, 122 St. Olafr's Day 89 St. Patrick 3, 122 St. Peters 156 St. Victor's Monastery 180, 196, 197 Stadarfell 233 C4 Stadarholl 92, 228, 263, 265 D4 Stadarholsbok (the Book of Stadarholl) 92, 285, 319, 333 Sta6arhraun 336 C5 Stadr, Norway 109 Stadur in Reynisnes, cf. Reynistadur Stadur, Snaefellsnes 266 B5 Stafholt 186, 234, 345 D5 Stafholtsey 77 D5 Steenstrup, Chr. 18 Stefansson, Vilhjalmur.2 Steffensen, Jon 20, 21 Stefnir Thorgilsson 127, 128, 130 Steingrimr a isum 299 Steini Thorvardarson, priest 345 Steinunn, mother of Skald-Refr 129 Steinunn Thorgrimsdottir 147 Steinvor, temple-priestess 59 Steinvor Sighvatsdottir of Keldur 263, 271 Stenersen, L. B. 332 Stephen (Stephanus), bishop 143 Stephensen, Olafur, Governor of Iceland 292 Stigi (Stigahlid) 237 B2 Stiklestad 354 Stora-Gilja 125, 126, 142 E3 Storolfshvoll 263 El Story of Svadi 126 Story of the Greenlanders, cf. Einars thattr Sokkasonar Story of Thorsteinn Oxfoot 56 Strabo 1 Strandasysla 6 D3 Strandir, Dalasysla 256 C2 Strandir, cf. Hornstrandir

Straumfjordur 104 Straumfjardarthing 78 Strbmback, Dag 31 Sturla Bardarson 246 Sturla Hrafnsson 279 Sturla Sighvatsson 209, 210, 211, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 254, 258, 281 Sturla Thordarson, the Older (HvammSturla) 233 Sturla Thordarson, the Younger 8, 9, 10, 11, 12,31,46,219,242,248,253, 254, 255, 256, 258, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 272, 273, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Sturlu Saga 88 Sturlubok 11, 12, 15, 23, 41, 102, 106, 107, 108, 109 Sturlunga Saga 97, 278, 279, 280, 301, 336 Sturlungs 233, 252, 253, 261 S t u r l u n g s , the Age of the (Sturlungaold) 47, 190, 246, 305 Styrmir Karason the Learned 12, 198, 253 Stodvarfjordur.31, 53, 121 L5 Stong 289, 338' F6 Su6urnes 315 Sugandafjordur 237 B2 Sunnudalsthing 80 Sunnudalur 80 J3 Svalbard 32 G3 Svalbardi (Svalbardr) 106, 109 Svalbardsstrond 32 Svarfadardalur 201, 208, 335, 338 G3 Svavarr 10 Sveinn Alfifuson 113 Sveinn Hakonarson, earl 138 Sveinn Palsson, prior 197 Sveinn Ulfsson, King of Denmark 103, 142, 153 Sveinsson, Einar Olafur 7, 196 Sveinsstadir 142 E4 Sverrir Sigurdarson, King of Norway 182, 240, 257, 307, 321 Sverris Saga (Saga of Sverrir) 95, 316 Svertingr Runolfsson 132, 134

391

Svertingsstadir 54, 169 F7 Svignaskard 290 D5 Svinafell 132, 184, 201, 202, 207, 209, 229, 230, 265, 289 H7 Svinfellings 117, 214, 230, 231 Svold 138 Sweden 23, 116, 117, 151, 177, 192, 217, 223, 322, 332, 352 Swedes 8, 10 Sygnafylki 50 Sasbol, Dyrafjordur 119 B3 Saelingsdalur 343 D4 Saemundr Jonsson 201, 202, 229, 231, 240, 241, 243, 263, 264, 274, 319 Ssmundr Ormsson 263, 265, 289 Saemundr Sigfusson the Learned 9, 15, 23, 150, 153, 158, 161, 165, 172, 174, 180, 185, 231 Silver, Carl V. 108 Tacitus 45 Tanni Torfason 336, 337 Taranger, Absalon 35, 64, 70, 144 Teitr Bersason 208 Teitr Einarsson 219 Teitr Gizurarson 109, 117 Teitr Isleifsson, priest 13, 90, 128, 147, 151, 152, 158, 165 Teitr Ketil-Bjarnarson 128, 152 Teitr Oddsson, deacon 207, 230 Thangbrandr (Theobrand) 128, 129, 130, 131 Thangbrandshrof, Alftafjordur 129 C5 Thangbrandshrof, Myrar 129 Thangbrandshofn 129 K5 Thangbrandslaskur 129 Thangbrandspollur 129 H3 Theodricus, monk 8, 9, 124, 128, 129, 132 Thing (a district) 125 E4 Thingbrekka (the name of two different locations on Lonsheidi) 52 Thingey 80 Thingeyjarsysla 30 Thingeyjarthing(Eyjarthing) 51, 52, 80, 209, 226, 265, 268, 271, 292, 296 Thingeyrar, monastery 78, 89, 124, 193, 194, 195, 206, 207, 260 E3

Thingeyrarthing 78 Thingeyri 78 B3 Thingholl 78 Thingholt 78 E7 Thingmuli 80 K4 Thingnes, Borgarfjordur 49, 77 D5 Thingnes at Ellidavatn 76 D6 Thingskalanes (Sauranes) 78 C4 Thingskalar 74, 76, 274, 277 E7 Thingskalathing 74, 229 Thingvallavatn (Olfusvatn) 41, 46, 133 D6 Thingvellir on Thorsnes 78 Thingvollur (Thingvellir) 35, 39, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 50, 67, 68, 141, 167, 228, 229, 318, 336 D6 Thjorsa 76, 178, 250, 276, 282, 284, 320 E7 Thjorsardalur 32, 33, 128, 289, 293, 309, 337, 338, 340, 341 F6 Thomas, archbishop 202 Thor 31, 56, 118, 122 Thora Magniisdottir 231 Thorarinn Jonsson 209, 230, 249, 263 Thorarinn Oleifsson Ragabrodir 40, 45, 49 Thorarinsson, Sigurdur 32, 293, 298. Thorarinsstadir 289, 290, 337, 338, 341 E6 Thorbjorn Hornklofi 25, 26 Thordarbok 11, 22, 36, 37, 48 Thordarson, Matthias 46, 224 Thordarson, Skiili 86 Thordis Snorradottir 245, 256 Thordis Thoroddsdottir 70, 144, 245 Thordr Andresson 273, 274, 281 Thordr Bodvarsson 190, 207, 234 Thordr Gilsson 233 Thordr Hrappsson the Bearded 38 Thordr Olafsson Gellir 49 Thordr Sighvatsson Kakali 247, 249, 252, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 281 Thordr Snorrason 234 Thordr Sturluson 207, 237, 245, 246, 248, 249

392 Thordr Thorvaldsson, the Elder 229, 234 Thordr Thorvaldsson, the Younger 245 Thordr Upsi 208 Thorfinnr Thordarson Karlsefni 101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 108, 117 Thorgeirr Hallason 200 Thorgeirr Thorkelsson Temple-Priest of the Ljosvetnings 133, 134, 135, 136, 139 Thorgils Arason of Reykholar 224, 339 Thorgils Arason (son of Ari the Learned) 196, 233 Thorgils Bodvarsson Skardi 262, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 275, 276, 280, 281 Thorgils Oddason 67, 228, 229 Thorgils of Olfus 129 Thorgils Saga 264, 268, 270 Thorgils Snorrason, priest 233 Thorgils Orrabeinsstjupr 129 Thorgrimr Thorsteinsson Freysgodi 119 Thorgrimr Vigfiisson Alikarl 357 Thorhaddr the Old 53, 121 Thorhalli the White 272 Thorir, Archbishop of Nidaros 207 Thorir Arnthorsson Tottr 267 Thorir Crop-Beard 41 Thorir Skegg-Broddason 147 Thorir the Throndish (Thorir hinn thrasnzki) 210 Thorir Thorsteinsson, priest 345, 346 Thorkell Blund-Ketilsson 49 Thorkell Eyjolfsson 224 Thorkell Geirason 180, 196 Thorkell Gellisson 13, 99, 103 Thorkell Thorgnmsson Krafla 126, 139 Thorkell Thorsteinsson Moon 35, 44, 45, 121 Thorkelsson, Thorkell 159 Thorlakr Runolfsson, Bishop of Skalholt 103, 152, 160, 161, 229 Thorlakr Thorhallsson the Holy, Bishop of Skalholt 156, 166, 177, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, 196, 197, 199, 201, 230, 321, 330

Thorleifr Beiskaldi Thorlaksson 194, 195 Thorleifr the Wise 38 Thorleifr Thordarson of Gardar 96, 248, 249, 253, 254, 260, 263, 264, 265, 271 Thormodr (Thermo), priest 132 Thoroddr Eyvindarson Temple-Priest of Hjalli 70, 129, 131, 139 Thoroddr Gamlason 160 Thoroddsen, Thorvaldur 288, 296, 300 Thorolfr, monk 199 Thorolfr Tinsmith 309 Thorolfr Ornolfsson Mosterbeard 35, 78 Thorskafjardarthing 78 Thorskafjordur 78, 238 C3 Thorsmork 31, 33 F7 Thorsnes 35, 52 B4 Thorsnesings' Chieftaincy (the Chieftaincy of the Thorsnesings) 55, 233 Thorsnessthing 36, 78, 81,245, 276, 279 Thorsteinn Arnbjarnarson Torfi 54 Thorsteinn Holmunnr 70 Thorsteinn Ingolfsson 35, 36, 37, 38, 44, 45, 121 Thorsteinn Ivarsson 234, 235, 236 Thorsteinn Sidu-Hallsson 352, 353 Thorsteinn Surtr Hallsteinsson 44 Thorvaldr Tinteinn Eysteinsson 309 Thorvaldr Gizurarson 188, 190, 197, 198, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 210, 211, 232, 233, 319 Thorvaldr Gudmundarson (son of Gudmundr Dyri) 231 Thorvaldr Isleifsson 147 Thorvaldr Kodransson the FarTraveller 125, 126, 127, 130 Thorvaldr Skeggjason 132 Thorvaldr Snorrason Vatnsfirdingr 207, 234, 235, 237, 238, 245 Thorvaldr Veili 130 Thorvardr Asgrimsson the Wealthy 231 Thorvardr Spak-Bodvarsson 126 Thorvardr Thorarinsson 263, 268, 269, 271, 276, 277, 280 Thorvardr Thorgeirsson 181, 200

393 Thrymskvida (Lay of Thrymr) 187 Thraendalog 40 Thule 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 Thuridr Gizurardottir 202 Thuridr Snorradottir 13 Thuridr Sundafyllir 303 Thvera, Borgarfjordur 77 D5 Thvera, Eyjafjordur 269 Thvera, cf. Munka-Thvera Thverarleid 82 Thverarthing 77, 78, 229, 234, 238, 278 Thvotta 185 K6 Thykkvib^r 180, 196, 197, 199, 220, 233, 256 G8 Tobiasson, Brynleifur 155 Torf-Einar Rognvaldsson, Earl of Orkney 294 Tristrams Saga 316, 317 Trondheim 21, 240 Tumi Kolbeinsson 235, 259 Tumi Sighvatsson 209, 231, 233 Tungu-Oddr, cf. Oddr Onundarson Tunsberg 327 Turville-Petre, E. O. G. 118 Ulfljotr 35, 38, 39, 40, 48, 55, 58 Olfljot's Law (Olfljotslog) 35, 38, 48, 83, 89, 93, 94, 118, 161 Olfhildr Olafsdottir 144 Ulfr Uggason 130, 343 Uni (son of Gardarr Svavarsson) 10, 222 Unvan, Archbishop of Bremen 140 Utrecht 232 Vadlaheidi 264 H3 Vadlathing (V661athing) 80, 81, 238, 268 Valfell 77 Valla-buzan 95 Valla-Ljots Saga 305 Valseyrarthing 78 Valseyri 78 B3 Valthjofsstadir 230, 249, 344 K4 Vapnfirdinga Saga 59 Vardgja 271 G3 Vatnsdalsa 193 E4 Vatnsdalur 126, 139, 145 E4 Vatnsfirdings dynasty 234

Vatnsfirdings 234, 235 Vatnsfjordur at Breidafjordur 11, 237 B3 Vatnsfjordur, fsafjardardjiip 229, 245, 248, 263 C3 Vatnsnes 304 E4 Vatnsskogur 80 Vellankatla 133 Vellir 201, 208 G3 Vestfirdings 258, 263, 276, 277, 278, 279, 287 Vestfirdir 78, 122, 209, 231, 234, 237, 248, 254, 256, 257, 258, 276 A4 Vesturhop 90, 151, 153, 228, 236, 344 E4 Vetrlidi, poet 130 Videy 197, 198, 210 D6 Vididalur 126 E4 ViSines 206 F3 Vidivellir 252 F4 Vigfiiss Gunnsteinsson 276, 278 Vik, Lon 52 K6 Vikin, Norway, cf. Oslofjord Vilmundr Thorolfsson, abbot 194 Vinland 99, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107 Virgin Mary 205 Visio Godeschalci (Gottskalks leidsla) 337 Vopnafjordur 80, 147, 207, 230 K3 Vries, Jan de 118 Vodlathing, cf. Vadlathing Voluspa 121 Waldensians 213 Wendland (the land of the Wends) 142 Wends 141, 142 Western Hemisphere 27 Western Islands (the British Isles) 122, 124, 128 Western Settlement, Greenland 99, 100, 101, 107 Westman Islands (Vestmannaeyjar) 119, 132, 194, 241, 315, 323 Westphalia 144 White Sea 8 Whitlock, Dorothy 127 Widding, Ole 196 Wieselgren, Per 15

394

William of Sabina 261 William the Conqueror 144 Wilson, D. M. 68, 290, 311, 322, 342, 351 Wimmer, L. 53 Winchester 127 Yarmouth 325 Ynglings, a Swedish family of kings 23 Ytra-Skard 232 E6 Ytri-Ranga 74 El j£varr Thorgeirsson the Old 235 vCverlingagodord (the Chieftaincy of the Overlings) 234, 235 Ogmundr Helgason 265, 289 Ogmundr Kalfsson, abbot 196 Ogmundr Sneis Thorvardarson 205, 207, 233

Olfus District 70, 129, 139 D7 Olfusa 335 D7 Olfusvatn 133 Onundarfjordur 186 B2 Onundr Thorkelsson 231 Orlygr Hrappsson the Old 36, 122, 157 Orlygsstadir 252, 257 F4 Ornolfr, bishop 143 Ornolfsdalur, Borgarfjordur 49 D5 Orasfi 81 17 Oxara (Axe River) 35, 39, 41, 64, 67, 336 D6 Oxarfjordur 129 12 Oxnadalsheidi 233, 234, 235, 258, 259, 260, 266, 269 G4 Oxnadalur 80, 231 G4 Ozurr Sveinsson, archbishop 154, 160, 161

395

Objects from a grave at Kaldarhofdi.

The \aiinmil Museum »f Iwlaml

396

An ancient figurine (possibly depicting the god Thor). The National Mii.mim of Iceland

397

A bust of Christ from a crucifix from Ufsir in Svarfadardalur. The National Museum nf Iceland

398

The crook of Bishop Pall Jonsson's crozier. The National Museum of Iceland

399

Roman copper coins (antoniniani) from the time of Aurelian. Probus and Diocletian (about 300 A.D.) found in south-east Iceland. The National Museum of Iceland

Bishop Pall's stone casket. The National Museum of Iceland

Prior Sveinn's seal. The National Museum of Iceland

400

A church bell from Hals in Fnjoskadalur. The Nalimal Museum of Iceland

401

A statue of the Virgin Mary. Thr Nal/niial Museum ^Iceland

402

A crucifix from Tungufell in Hrunamannahreppur. The National Museum of Icela,

403

Blast iron. The National Museum of Iceland

404

A pair of old scales. The Nalinnal Museum of Iceland

405

A silver hoard from Sandmilli in Sudur-Thingeyjarsysla. The National Museum of Iceland

406

A carved panel from Flatatunga in Skagajjordur. The National Museum af Iceland

407

A church door from

Valthjofsstadir. The National Museum of Iceland