A history of modern Ethiopia, 1855-1991 9780852557860

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Illustrations (page xii)
Maps (page xiv)
Sources of illustrations (page xv)
Acronyms (page xvi)
Preface (page xvii)
Preface to the Second Edition (page xix)
Introduction
1 The background
1. The internal scene in the first half of the nineteenth century (page 11)
2. The external challenge (page 23)
2 Unification and Independence 1855-1896
1. The first response: Kasa - Tewodros (page 27)
2. A new approach to unification (page 42)
3. Intensification of the external challenge (page 49)
4. The road to Matamma (page 55)
5. The creation of the modern Ethiopian empire-state (page 60)
6. Resolution of the external challenge (page 72)
3 From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935
1. The historical significance of Adwa (page 81)
2. The socio-economic order (page 85)
3. Political developments (page 111)
4 The Italian Occupation 1936-1941
1. The Italo-Ethiopian war (page 150)
2. Italian rule (page 160)
3. The Resistance (page 166)
5 From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974
1. The international setting (page 179)
2. The socio-economic scene (page 189)
3. Consolidation of absolutism (page 201)
4. Opposition (page 209)
6 Revolution and its Sequel
1. Typology (page 228)
2. The popular upsurge (page 229)
3. The 'creeping coup' (page 233)
4. Military rule and its opponents (page 236)
5. The ideological schooling of the Darg (page 243)
6. Towards one-man rule (page 248)
7. The end (page 256)
Conclusion (page 270)
Glossary (page 275)
Notes on transliteration (page 278)
Personal names (page 280)
Index (page 281)

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EASTERN AFRICAN STUDIES Revealing Prophets Penetration S Protest Slaves, Spices & Lvory

Edited by DAVID M. in Tanzania in Kanzibar

ANDERSON & DOUGLAS ISARIA N. KIMAMBO ABDUL SHERIFF H. JOHNSON

Custodians of the Land Kanzibar Under Colonial Rule

Swahili Origins Edited by GREGORY Edited by ABDUL SHERIFF

JAMES DE VERE ALLEN MADDOX, JAMES L. & ED FERGUSON GIBLIN & ISARIA N.

Being Maasai KIMAMBO The History S Conservation Edited by THOMAS SPEAR of Kanzibar Stone Town & RICHARD WALLER Education in the Development Edited by ABDUL SHERIFF of Tanzania 1919-1990

Jjua hal kenya LENE BUCHERT East Afrwan Expressions

KENNETH KING of Christianity The Second Economy Edited by THOMAS SPEAR Control G Crisis in in Tanzania & ISARIA N. KIMAMBO Colonial henya TL. MALIYAMKONO

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Ethnicity HELGE KJEKSHUS Alice Lakwena ©& the

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& JOHN LONSDALE Sraya HEIKE BEHREND DAVID WILLIAM COHEN

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The Mau Mau War in Usanda Now Eroding the Commons*

Perspectwe Changing Uganda DAVID ANDERSON FRANK FUREDI Developing Uganda

From Chaos to Order Pastimes & Politics *

Squatters G the Roots Religion & Politics in LAURA FAIR of Mau Mau 1905-63 Fast Africa TABITHA KANOGO Edited by HOLGER BERNT — Political Power in Pre-Colonial

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& CHARLES HORNSBY Controlling Anger SUZETTE HEALD

Decolonization & Independence

in kenya 1940-93 hampala Women Getting By Edited by B.A. OGOT SANDRA WALLMAN * forthcoming

& WILLIAM R. OCHIENG’

EASTERN AFRICAN STUDIES A History of Modern Ethiopia Property Rights & Political Pioneers of Change

855 199) Development in kthiofra & in Ethiopia* Second edition hritrea BAHRU ZEWDE BAHRU ZEWDE SANDRA FULLER PON

JOIREMAN Remapping Ethiopia*

hihneity & Conflict BC Edited by in the Horn of Africa Revolution & Religion W. JAMES, D. DONHAM,

Edited by , in Ethiopia E. KURIMOTO & A. PRIULZI KATSUYOSHI FUKUL & OYVIND AT. BIDE

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a ., TEKESTE NEGASH & Eihwopia

Conflict, Age & Power KJETIL PRONVOLL, Edited by

in North East Africa } DONALD D. DONHAM & Edited by hrom Guerrillas to WENDY JAMES EISELE KURIMOPO Government

& SIMON SIMONSE DAVID POOL, * forthcomimy

A History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1991

A History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1991 SECOND EDITION

Bahru Zewde Professor of History Addis Ababa University

anne Ohio University Press

Addis Ababa University Press

James Currey Ltd 73 Botley Road Oxford OX? OBS

Ohio University Press Scott Quadrangle Athens, Ohio 45701, USA Addis Ababa University Press and Research and Publications Office Addis Ababa University PO Box 1176 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

© Bahru Zewde 1991 and 2001 First published 199] Second Impression 1993 Second edition 2001

123 45 05 04+ 03 02 O1 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Bahru Zewde A history of modern Ethiopia, 1855-1991. - 2nd ed. (Eastern African studies) l. Ethiopia. History - 19th century 2. Ethiopia - History 20th century lL. Title QOH37.05

ISBN 0-85255-786-8 (James Currey paper)

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data is available ISBN 0-82 14-1440-2 (Ohio University Press paper)

Maps by Katherine Kirkwood Typeset in 10/12pt Baskerville by Colset Pte Ltd Singapore and revisions to second edition by Longhouse Publishing Services, Cumbri Printed and bound in Britain by Woolhnough, Irthlingborough

To Kaleb

Contents

Illustrations XU Maps XIV Sources of illustrations XV Acronyms XVI Preface XVI Preface to the Second Edition X1X Introduction

century I]

1 The background

1. ‘The internal scene in the first half of the nineteenth

The northern principalities 1] States and peoples of southern Ethiopia 16

The link: long-distance trade 21 2. The external challenge 23 Renewed European interest 23

Egyptian expansion 25

2 Unification and Independence 1855-1896

1. The first response: Kasa - ‘Tewodros 27

Tewodros as modernizer 3]

Tewodros and the foreigners 35 The end of Tewodros 39 2. Anew approach to unification 42

3. Intensification of the external challenge 49

Gundat and Gura: victory without peace 52

4. The road to Matamma 55 5. The creation of the modern Ethiopian empire-state 60 The process of expansion 61 The birth of a capital 68

1888-1892 71 The campaign of Adwa 76

Crisis in the socio-economic order: the ‘Great Ethiopian Famine’,

6. Resolution of the external challenge 72

Contents

Trade 94 Concessions 100

3 From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935

|. The historical significance of Adwa 8] 2. The socio-economic order 85

Mode of surplus appropriation 85

Modern education and the birth of an intelligentsia 103

3. Political developments 111 The decade of consolidation (1896-1906) 111

Power struggle (1908-1930) 114 The problem of succession 114

The lyyasu interlude 120 Creeping autocracy (1916-1930) 128

The emergence of absolutism (1930-1935) 137 4 The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

2. Italian rule 160 3. ‘The Resistance 166 1. The Italo-Ethiopian war 150

5 From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

|. ‘The setting179 179 Theinternational British decade

The American era 184 2. The socio-economic scene 189 Agriculture and land tenure 19] Trade and industry 196 3. Consolidation of absolutism 201

The emperor 201 The governing élite 203

The Revised Constitution of 1955 206

4.Plots Opposition 209 and conspiracies 209

The apparatus of coercion 207

The attempted coup deétat of 1960 211 Peasant rebellions 215 Eritrea: federation, union and separatism 219

The Ethiopian Student Movement 220

1. Typology 228 2. The popular upsurge 229

6 Revolution and its Sequel

Contents

3. The ‘creeping coup’ 233

4. Military rule and its opponents 236

7.Ethno-nationalist The end 256 insurgency 257 Economic crisis 262

5. The ideological schooling of the Darg 243

6. Towards one-man rule 248

Global change 263 The final offensives 264

Conclusion 270)

Glossary 275 Notes on transliteration 278 Personal names 280

Index 281

XI

il |

ustrations

Cover: A traditional painting depicting the Battle of Anchem Prelims: A session of Ethiopia’s first parliament being addressed by

E-mperor Hayla-Sellase 1, 1935 XX

twentieth century 20 slopes of Magdala 29 2.2 The prisoners of Emperor Tewodros [ 39 Il The city of Harar as it appeared in the first decade of the

2.1 Emperor Tewodros IPs mortar ‘Sebastopol’ being dragged up the

Yohannes IV 43

2.3 A sketch of Dayach Kasa Mercha, the future Emperor

2.4 Negus fakla-Haymanot, hereditary ruler of Goyjam 44

century 1S Naqante 63

2.5 Ras Alula Engeda, Emperor Yohannes’s governor of the Marab Melash, and implacable opponent of Italian encroachment 47 2.6 The port town of Massawa towards the end of the nineteenth

2./ Dajjach Gabra-Egziabber (Kumsa) Moroda, ruler of Leqa

2.8 Abba fifar IH, ruler of Jumma 64

2.9 Emir Abdullahi, ruler of the Harar emirate 64

2.10 Kawa Jona, the last king of Walayta 65

2.11 Emperor Menilek LL and some of his nobles 66

2.12 Tato Gaki Sherocho, the last king of Kafa 67 2.13 Ankobar, capital of the Shawan kings until Negus Menilek

moved to Entotto and then to Addis Ababa 69

2.14 A view of Arvada, the Addis Ababa market, 1935 70) 2.15 Ras Mangasha Yohannes, son of Emperor Yohannes I, and

hereditary ruler of Tegre 70

31 A gabbar and his son in north-eastern Shawa SS 3.2 Foreign visitors recetving dergo, the provisions that peasants were compelled to supply by royal order S89 3.3 Dajjach Dames Nasibu, later Ras, governor of Wallaga 90

3.4 Ras Berru Walda-Gabr'el, Minister of War after the death of

Kitawrarl Habla-Giyorgis in 1926 9]

3.5 A street scene in down-lown Addis Ababa, 1935 95 3.6 A commemorative picture taken on the occasion of a reception in

honour of a French mission, 1929 96

3.7 A tram arriving at Dire Dawa railway station 102

83.9Bank of Abyssimia, ¢ 1910 102 An Ethiopian delegation to kurope, 1971 LO4

3.10 Hakim Wargenah Eshate (Dr Martin) 105

es 3.1] Nageadras Gabra-Heywat Baykadagn, a leading intellectual

XW of the early twentieth century 107

List of Illustrations

1925 108

3.12 Blatten Geta Heray Walda-Sellase, prolific writer, and

Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1931-1936 107

3.13 Tafart Makonnen School at about the time of its founding in

3.14 Students of an early twentieth-century school 109

3.15 Emperor Menilek I, r. 1889-1913 112 3.16 Ras Makonnen Walda-Mikael, governor of Harar, shown

with the German mission to Ethiopia in 1905 113

3.17 Lej Jyyasu and his father Ras Mikael of Wallo 116 3.18 Empress Taytu Betul, wife of Emperor Menilek I 117 3.19 Dajjach Gabra-Sellase Barya-Gabr, ruler of Adwa, and one of

1889-1926 119

the leading spokesmen against Empress Taytu in 1910 118 3.20 Abuna Mattewos, Egyptian archbishop of Ethiopia from

3.21 The quragna system, whereby plaintiff and defendant were

chained together until justice was done 122

snuff out the culprit 123

3.22 A leba shay, the traditional thief-detector, as he prepares to

3.23 Naggadras Hayla-Giyorgis Walda-Mikael, later Bitwaddad,

Minister of Foreign Affairs and of Commerce after 1907 and

de facto prime minister during the reign of Iyyasu 126

3,24 Empress Zawditu Menilek, vr. 1916-1930 130

1907-1926 132

3.25 Fitawrari Habta-Ciyorgis Dinagde, Minister of War from

3.26 Dajjach Balcha Safo, hero of the Battle of Adwa, and one of

the conservative opponents of Ras Tafari Makonnen 133 3.27 Dajjach Abba Weqaw Berru, leader of a mutiny against Ras

Tafari Makonnen in 1928 134

of Bagemder 136

3.28 Ras Gugsa Wale, husband of Empress Zawditu, and governor

3.29 A traditional painting depicting the Battle of Anchem, 1930 138

3.30 Emperor Hayla-Sellase, x. 1930-1974 142 3.31 Bajerond Tukla-Hawaryat Takla-Maryam, the Russian educated intellectual who drafted the 1931 Constitution 144 3.32 Ras Haylu Takla-Haymanot, hereditary ruler of Gojjam from

1901-1932 145

legre 146

3.33 Dayach Seyum Mangasha, later Ras, hereditary ruler of

3.34 Troops of the Imperial Bodyguard, 1935 147 4.1 Amba Aradom, where Ethiopian troops commanded by Ras

February 1936 155 Mulugeta Yeggazu were heavily defeated by the Italians in

4.2 Ras Mulugeta Yeggazu, holder of various ministerial posts

and provincial governorships, one of the commanders on the

northern front in 1935-1936 156

Shawa 163

4.3 An Ethiopian soldier leaving for the Ogaden front bids farewell

to his relatives, November 1935 158

4.4 Ras Abbaba Aragay, most renowned leader of the Reststance in

4.5 Ras Emeru Hayla-Sellase, commander of the Shere front im

1935-1936, and leader of the Black Lion Resistance operations in south-western Ethiopia 168

1935-1936 169 Xi

4.6 Ras Dasta Damtaw, commander of the southern front in

List of Illustrations 4.7 and 4.8 Moments before and after the attempt on the life of the Italian viceroy, Marshal Rodolfo Graziani, in Addis Ababa, 19

February 1937 170/171

4.9 Shawaragad Gadle, an undercover patriot instrumental in the

storming of the Halian stronghold at Addis Alam 173 4.10 Dy Alamawarg Bayyana, president of the Black Lion

Resistance organization 175

51 Qagnaw, the United States base at Asmara established following

the Ethio-U'S Treaty of 1953 185

of Ethiopian Airlines 187

5.2 Pack animals competing for the runway with a DC-3 aircraft

5.3 ‘Tsahate ezaz Walda-Giyorgis Walda-Yohannes, the most powerful figure under Hayla-Sellase in the period 1941-1955 199 D4 Ras Bitwaddad Makonnen Endatkachaw, prime mimister im

the period 1943-1957 204

1961-1974 204

5.5 ‘Tsahate Vezaz Aklilu Habta-Wald, prime minister from

5.6 Major-General Mulugeta Bul, commander-in-chief of the

Imperial Bodyguard from 1941-1955 208

5.7 The leaders of the abortive coup @etat of 1960, Brigadier

General Mangestu Neway and Garmame Neway 212 o.8 A student demonstration against the Hayla-Sellase regime 224

wis born 233

6.1 The building in the Fourth Division headquarters where the Darg

6.2 Emperor Hayla-Sellase soon after his deposition and the lolkswagen ‘beetle’ that took him to his place of detention 236 6.3 Lt. General Aman Mikael Andom responding to the cheers of the

Lritvean public durmg a rally at the Asmara stadium 239 6.4 Zamach students engaged im one of their daily chores, fetching water 241 6.5 Partial view of the huge public demonstration that hailed the

rural land reform proclamation 242

6.0 Mangestu. Hayla-Mariam playing the meek subaltern 250

Atnafu and Sisay 252

6.7 Three of the highest officials of the Darg: Mangestu,

6.8 fighters of the Tegray People’s Liberation Front 260

Maps

l. Relief map of Ethiopia 3 2. Linguistic map of Ethiopia, showing the distribution by the nineteenth century 6

3. Ethiopia in the nineteenth century 17

centuries 78 6. Ethiopia, 1935 86

4. Trade routes of the nineteenth century 23 5. Major battle sites of the nineteenth and twentieth

7. ‘Italian East Africa’, 1936-1941 lol

xiv 8. Ethiopia, 1974 190

Sources of Illustrations Art Gallery of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa: cover/3.29 Kurt Herzbruch. Abesstnien. Munich, 1925, Fr. Seybold Verlag: 1.1, 3.23 Hormuzd Rassam. Narrative of the British Mission to Theodore, King of Abyssimia, I.

London, 1869, John Murray: 2.1 Henry A. Stern. The Captive Missionary. London, 1868, Cassell, Petter & Galpin:

22

Photographic collection of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University: 2.4, 2.8, 2.11, 2.15, 3.4, 3.6, 3.10, 3.11, 3.17, 3.19, 3.30, 4.1, 4.4, 4.9, 5.4, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 6.1, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7 ~ (Album of the British Expedition to Maqdala, 1867-1868): 2.3 ~ (Album Charles Michel-Cote, Ethiopie-Soudan, 1919-1920): 2.7 E. Canevari and G. Comisso. I! generale Tommaso Salsa e le sue campagne coloniali.

Milan, 1935, A. Mondadori: 2.5 Achille Bizzone. Eritrea nel passate e nel presente. Milan, 1897, Societa editrice Sonzogno: 2.6 Philipp Paulitschke. Harar. Leipzig, 1888, F. A. Brockhaus: 2.9

Lincoln de Castro. Nella terra dei negus, I and I. Milan, 1915, Fratelli Treves: 2.10, 2.13, 3.9, 3.20 Otto Bieber. Gehermnisvolles Kaffa. Im Reich der Kaiser-Goetter. Vienna, 1948, Universum Verlagsgesellschaft: 2.12, 3.2 Das ist Abessinien. Berne, Leipzig, Vienna, 1935, Wilhelm Goldmann Verlag,

GmbH: 2.14, 3.5, 3.7, 3.14, 3.21, 3.34 Leopoldo Travers. Let Marefia. Milan, 1931, Edizioni ‘Alpes’: 3.1 Kabbada Tasamma. Ya Jarik Mastawasha. Addis Ababa, 1963 Ethiopian calendar, copyright YMCA Ethiopia: 3.3, 3.25, 3.27, 3.28, 3.31 Carlo Annaratone. In Abissinia. Rome, 1914, Enrico Voghera: 3.8, 3.22, 3.33 Max Gruehl. Abyssinia at Bay. London, 1935, Hurst & Blackett: 3.12 Merab. Impressions dEthiopie, U1. Paris, 1929, Editions Ernest Leroux: 3.13 Courtesy of Ato Kabbada Bogala: 3.15, 5.8 Courtesy of Hakim Warqenah family: 4.10 Courtesy of Tsahafe Tezaz Walda-Givorgis family: 5.3 Courtesy of Denis Gérard:6.2 Felix Rosen. Line deutsche Gesandtschaft in Abessinien. Leipzig, 1907, Verlag von Veit & Comp: 3.16 Arnold Holtz. fm Auto zu Kaiser Menelik. Berlin, 1908, Vita: 3 18 National Geographic Magazine: June 1925, 3.24: August 1928, 3.32: June 1931, 4.2

G.K. Rein. Abessinien Berlin, 1920, Dietrich Reimer (Ernst Vohsen) A-G: 3.26 Luigi Goghia. Storia fotografica del Impero fascista 1935-1941. Rome-Bari, 1985, Giuseppe Laterza & Figli, SpA: 4.3, 4.5, 4 6, 4 7, 4.8 John H Spencer. Ethiopia at Bay A Personal Account of the Haile Sellassie Years. Algonac, 1984, Reference Publications: 5.1 Bringing Africa Together: The Story of Ethiopian Airlines. Addis Ababa, 1988, copyright Ethiopian Airlines: 5.2 Hezbawi Wayana Harenat Tegray (Iegray People’s Liberation Front), Ya Hewahat Hezbaui Tegel (The Popular Struggle of TPLF’) (Addis Ababa, 1992 Ethiopian Calendar): 6.8

XV

Acronyms CADU Chilalo Agricultural Development Unit CELU Confederation of Ethiopian Labour Unions COPWE Commission for Organizing the Workers’ Party of Ethiopia

EAL Ethiopian Airlines EDU Ethiopian Democratic Union ELF Eritrean Liberation Front

EPLF Eritrean Popular Liberation Forces (Front) EPRDF — Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front

EPRP Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party ESUE Ethiopian Students Union in Europe

ESUNA — Ethiopian Students Union in North America

HVA Handelsvereenging Amsterdam IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction and Development IHA Imperial Highway Authority Ichat Amharic acronym of Ethiopian Oppressed Peoples’ Revolutionary Struggle Imaledeh =Ambaric acronym of Union of Ethiopian MarxistLeninist Organizations

Mason Amharic acronym of All Ethiopia Socialist Movement (AESM)

Malerid |= Amharic acronym of Marxist-Leninist Revolutionary Organization

NDR National Democratic Revolution

OLF Oromo Liberation Front

PDRE People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia PMAC Provisional Military Administrative Council POMOA © Provisional Office for Mass Organizational Affairs

PPG Provisional People’s Government TPLE ‘Tigray People’s Liberation Front WPE Workers’ Party of Ethiopia

XVI

Preface For far too long, the absence of a general history of Ethiopia has been acutely felt by specialists engaged in Ethiopian studies, by educators in institutions of higher learning, and by many readers interested in Ethiopia. Yet few historians have turned their attention to the writing

of such a general history, although Ethiopian historiography has made remarkable advances in the last two and a half decades. The dramatic changes that Ethtopia has been going through, particularly

in the last two of those decades, have made the need for a background history leading up to those events more urgent. The genesis of this present book 1s to be sought in considerations of the above nature. The book addresses itself to what historians of Ethiopia have come to regard as the modern period of the country’s history, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. No attempt has been

made to go to earlier periods, except in the brief remarks in the Introduction, nor do the events of the post-1974 period find coverage here, because the time for a dispassionate and documented historical analysis of those occurrences has not yet arrived.

The pitfalls of writing a general history are obvious. As one tremendous exercise in precis-writing, it glosses over too many intricate processes. To dispense with the detailed acknowledgements that a general history would entail leaves me with a sense of guilt. Yet no one is more aware than I myself of the great value of the lists of books, articles and theses appended to the chapters as sources for the

writing of this book. I would like to draw special attention to the sound scholarship embodied in Sven Rubenson’s The Survival of Ethiopian Independence, and to the BA and MA theses which have made possible a much fuller reconstruction of the recent Ethiopian past than could have been hoped for in previous decades. To the Department of History of Addis Ababa University, which initiated me into the basic canons of historical investigation, I owe almost everything in my training as a historian. Here I have found an ambience combining warm co-operation and academic stimulation that has sustained me through the years, some of them difficult. The Institute of Ethiopian Studies has been my second academic home, and the rich collection of Ethiopiana in its Library has provided a vast

basis of sustenance. The Research and Publications Office of the University has been an unfailing source of financial support for my research endeavours, and the preparation of this manuscript for offering for publication was made possible by a grant from that office. xvii

The Background

A number of colleagues at Addis Ababa University read the manu-

script in full or in part, and made many useful suggestions for its improvement. In this respect, | would like to thank Daniel Ayana, Daniel Gamachu, Eshetu. Chole, Hussein Ahmed, Merid Wolde Aregay, Shiferaw Bekele, Shumet Sishagn, Taddesse Tamrat, and Tekalign Wolde Mariam. | am also indebted to Donald Crummey of the University of Hlinois at Urbana-Champaign for his comments, and to Terence Ranger of St Antonv’s College, Oxford, for encouragement

in the initial stages of the manuscript’s preparation. | record with vrauitude the generous assistance of Denis Gérard, who devoted a ereat deal of his time and his financial resources to preparing some of

the illustrations. Thanks are also due to Kabbada Bogala for processing the remamuing illustrations, to Metasebia Demessie for drawmg the maps, and to Manna Zacharias for typing the manuscript. Finally, | am very grateful to the General Editor of Addis Ababa

University Press, the person next to myself who is most closely associated with this book, tor dedicated application to editing the ManUSCPIpl.

XVIII

Preface to the Second Edition Since its publication in 1991, A History of Modern Ethiopia (18551974) has had a gratifyingly favourable reception. It has managed to

capture a wide readership and its impact both inside and outside Ethiopia has far exceeded my expectations. The academic reviews

have also been generally encouraging. A recurrent source of disappointment has been, however, the fact that the story stops in 1974. This new edition, which brings the narrative to 1991, has been prepared primarily to address that concern. ‘Contemporary history’ is a treacherous ground and _ historians generally fear to tread it. In the preface to the first edition of the book,

I justified the terminal date on the ground that ‘the time for a dispassionate and documented historical analysis of those occurrences li.e. of the period 1974-1991] has not yet arrived’. Those two impediments exist now to a much lesser degree than when the book was first written. Now that Darg rule is over, a requiem of that past has become possible. Although Darg officials are still on trial, the passion of the revolutionary years has subsided considerably. Moreover, in addition

to the many secondary works that have been written on the period, we have also seen a sizeable number of testimonials by active participants of the period. Chapter 6, which 1s the major innovation of this new

edition, has now been made possible because of these developments. Yet, the chapter can not be anything but a synopsis of that complex

period. While the importance of that period certainly merits wider treatment and the wealth of data invites it, I have striven as much as possible to maintain the balance of the whole book. After all, the revolu-

tionary period lasted only seventeen years, a small fraction in a narrative that has the span of a century and a half. Revisiting the manuscript has also enabled me to rectify minor errors pointed out by the reviewers as well as to attune certain phrases to the contemporary setting.

I am grateful to my colleagues Shiferaw Bekele and Taddesse Tamrat for reading an earlier draft of the sixth chapter and making suggestions for improvement. My thanks are also due to Douglas Johnson of James Currey Publishers for the gentle pressure he has been exerting on me to expedite the writing of the revised edition. As

so often, I am indebted to my loyal friend, Denis Gérard, for preparing the photographs. The first edition was criticized by some for not having a decent photograph of Emperor Hayla-Sellase. I have now rectified that omission, which was induced not by any personal

photograph. Xix

antipathy I might have had for the sovereign but by a conscious

decision not to cloud the fate of the whole book for the sake of one

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€ po t town of Ma

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~

. }« *a€rfInstI tny1 Cecting oO O e

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en Cc e \ erween er an d , e es wer into d trouf h}t implementation of th Hewett reat had the effect { di

La e pla. eCOming a iSt 1ur OY y again tot ief of th rd nh ° * .e retire é

lan garrisons ¢ ¢ , iopia identified herself with the hated

> . IMuUITAaANCOUSLY t gyptian buffer b t h .

*» a ist Sudan was eliminated and th two t e b Q e

. a7 ~ ; ontation.

September Ethiop1 er . e t 1885. 1OpianThe troops were l dedb by Rashs Alrhe |h .

no a : pp s of the

. a After r. «OT wnicrev ulae imself iqna. * two

tnman reverses, 1n tne latt Was WOUNCdE tne thioplan p Ssidvictorious. About

«.«

cf }elives

3,000 Ansar

ost t Cyr i S.The Ethi losses were about half that nN mber t 1Oplan

* . the present-day Wallaga region. In th e] , e LLLeE includin Al | ; hi Bl g , Blatta Gabru.

10- a ist contirontation was th th 1 .

. in the s ] Ooms of Asosa B la

Shangul and Khomosha the Ansar had t d h h O WNO paramountc aracterized 2ypt c 1ans, na exercisedCc some $ yi

Unification and Independence 1855-1896 chiefly by annual tax-gathering raids. Islam and trans-frontier trade had also prepared the ground for Mahdist penetration, although this did not mean that the Ansar were universally welcomed in the region. All the same, gaining influence over even some of the Oromo rulers, they had penetrated as far as the Najjo area, deep inside Oromo territory. It was there, at the Battle of Gute Dili (14 October 1888), that Menilek’s general, Ras Gobana Dache, finally stopped them.

But the most decisive battles were undoubtedly fought on the Matamma front. Matamma, known as Gallabat to the Sudanese, had been historically the most important centre of contact, peaceful or hostile, between the two countries. It was therefore only fitting that the issue was finally resolved there. Significantly, too, trade continued

even during the period of hostility, with traders often doubling as spies.

Mahdist forces occupied Matamma following the Egyptian evacuation, and initiated a period of border raids and counter-raids. It was in response to one such Ansar raid in Dambya, in the plains south-west of Gondar, that Negus Takla-Haymanot, Yohannes’s general on this front, attacked and sacked Matamma in January 1887. One year later, the Ansar, led by another of their famous generals, Abu Anja, defeated

Takla-Haymanot’s troops at Sar Weha, in Dambya. They followed this up with the deepest incursion they had yet made in north-west Ethiopia, sacking the town of Gondar. It was in the same year, 1888, that Yohannes’s relations with his vassals entered a critical phase. Suspicious of Menilek’s intentions, Yohannes had declined his offer of assistance during the Saati campaign. Instead, he had instructed him to position himself at Amba-

chara, to the south of Gondar, and watch the movements of the Mahdists. Menilek arrived too late to save Gondar from the Ansar attack. On his way back, he met Negus ‘Takla-Haymanot of Gojjam,

and the two vassals agreed to work together against the emperor. Hearing of the conspiracy, Yohannes opened a devastating punitive campaign against Gojjam soon after hjs return from his inconclusive Saati campaign. He then prepared to wage a similar campaign in Shawa. Menilek turned to the Italians for closer collaboration, and to the people of Shawa to rise in defence of their region. Ethiopia stood on the verge of a bloody civil war. But Yohannes changed his mind and turned

to deal with the Ansar. At the root of this decision was probably Yohannes’s awareness that the Mahdist problem was the least complicated of the problems he faced. Having solved that once and for all, he could then turn his whole attention to the interrelated problem of

Menilek and the Italians. But this was not to be. At the Battle of Matamma (9 March 1889), an initial victory turned into a rout when

the emperor was fatally wounded. The following day he died. 59

Unification and Independence 1855-1896

5. The creation of the modern Ethiopian empire-state Since the middle of the nineteenth century, the unification of Ethiopia had been a matter of utmost priority, although certainly this unification was conceived of differently at different times. For Tewodros, it

meant the creation of a centralized unitary state. For Yohannes it signified the establishment of a loosely united Ethiopia, with autonomous regional rulers under an emperor exercising benevolent political suzerainty. By 1889, it had become clear that both approaches

had failed to produce the desired result. This is not to deny the potency of the ideas and the traditions bequeathed by the two personalities. But, in the final analysis, it 1s difficult to overlook the fact

that both failed in the objectives they had set out to achieve. It was to be Menilek’s main claim to historical distinction that he presided over the realization of an idea that had first been kindled in the fiery mind of Tewodros. Yet the final result bore little resemblance

to the initial dream. Tewodros’s vision of Ethiopia was limited to

the central provinces, with Shawa marking the southern limit. Yohannes’s conception, while extending further in the north, was broader in the south only by proxy, through the agency of his vassal Takla-Haymanot, who was made negus of Gojjam and Kafa. Menilek, on the other hand, pushed the frontier of the Ethiopian state to areas beyond the reach even of such renowned medieval empire-builders as Negusa Nagast Amda-Tseyon (r. 1314-1344). In the process, the Ethiopia of today was born, its shape consecrated by the boundary agreements made after the Battle of Adwa in 1896 with the adjoining colonial powers. It was as Shawan ruler that Menilek started the process of expansion that was to culminate in the creation of modern Ethiopia. In this, he was following a tradition of territorial expansion that had marked the Shawan kingdom since its inception. In other words, Menilek

completed a process begun by his ancestors, such as Asfawasan (r. 1775-1808) and Wasansaggad (r. 1808-1812), and continued by his grandfather Negus Sahla-Sellase (r. 1813-1847). But other elements lent Menilek’s expansion newer and broader dimensions. Of these, the urge to control the source of the lucrative long-distance trade was probably the most important. It was this economic factor that ultimately pitted Shawa against Gojjam in the Gibe river region.

Their competitive drives to control south-western Ethiopia, and thereby to direct as much trade as possible to their respective regions,

culminated in the Battle of Embabo (6 June 1882), in present-day north-eastern Wallaga. As the years progressed, it became clear that this process of ter60 ritorial expansion was not an exclusively internal drama. On the con-

Unification and Independence 1855-1896

trary, it came to be more and more conditioned and shaped by external developments as well. Menilek’s triumphant announcement of his Embabo victory to the outside powers was a clear demonstration of his awareness of the external implications of his internal expansion.

Before his incorporation of Harar in 1887, Menilek also spelt out clearly to King Umberto I of Italy (and through him to his European audience) the historical and economic justifications of his campaign. In April 1891, in an effort to forestall the expansion of the colonial powers from their possessions adjoining Ethiopia, he defined in a wellpublicized circular to European rulers what he considered to be the legitimate boundaries of the country. The race for territory became even more acute after the victory of the Battle of Adwa in 1896, as Menilek’s troops pushed further outwards with reinvigorated élan, and the colonial powers, particularly Britain, rushed to check them.

The process of expansion After the subjugation and incorporation by Menilek’s predecessors of the Oromo groups (formerly called Galla) surrounding the Shawan state, it was the Gurage who found themselves on the line of Shawan

expansion. he first campaigns to incorporate them were conducted in the years 1875-1876. The two poles of reaction that were to be evident in the years to come first manifested themselves here: peaceful

submission and armed resistance. The northern Gurage, more precisely known as the Kestane, represented the former: their relative geographical proximity, and their religious affinity with Christian Shawa, together with the threat of the Oromo that surrounded them, rendered resistance impolitic. The western Gurage, on the other hand, were subjugated only after some fierce fighting. The subsequent rise of a Muslim revivalist movement led by Hasan Enjamo of Qabena, to the north-east of the Gibe river, posed a serious challenge

to Shawan authority on the eastern side of the Gibe river. Inspired by Muslim refugees from Wallo, and with possible connections even with Mahdist Sudan, the movement swept across a large part of western Gurage, and was attended by a fast rate of Islamization. Hasan Enjamo’s force, which had elements of a Hadiya-Gurage coalition, inflicted a number of defeats on the Shawan forces, until Menilek’s general, Ras Gobana, took the field in 1888 and finally crushed the movement. The western side of the Gibe river became a battleground for the rival states of Gojjam and Shawa. It was the Gojjame who had first established their ascendancy in the region. The Leche Agreement of 1878 had circumscribed Menilek’s movements by the Awash river in

the west. Conversely, Negus Takla-Haymanot of Gojjam had been 61

Unification and Independence 1855-1896 recognized since 1881 also as negus of Kafa, which had the general connotation of the south-west. Thanks to the spirited drive of his general, Ras Darasso, the Oromo states south of the Abbay river had acknowledged Gojjam’s overlordship: they paid tribute, and some of their subjects were recruited into the Gojjame army. The priests had followed the soldiers and had begun to spread Christianity in the region.

The advent of Menilek’s general, Ras Gobana, in the region put this political and cultural ascendancy of the Gojjame to severe test. The Oromo states began to waver in their loyalty to Goyjam. The first armed confrontation between the rival forces, the dress-rehearsal for

the Battle of Embabo, took place in January 1882. Ras Darasso’s troops were forced to flee, leaving behind the ivory they had collected from the south-west. This was followed by an exchange of aggressive correspondence between Menilek and ‘Takla-Haymanot - a kind of psychological warfare before the decisive clash of arms at Embabo on 6 June. In spite of their impressive fire-power, the Gojjame were outmanoeuvred by the Shawans, who won the day, thanks largely to their cavalry.

The Embabo victory was Menilek’s passport to the south-west. With little or no resistance, the Oromo states submitted to Menilek one after another. In the years between 1882 and 1886, Menilek was able to obtain the submission of Kumsa Moroda (later dayjazmach, and baptized Gabra-Egziabher) of Leqa Nagqamte, Jote Tullu (also made

dayjazmach) of Leqa Qellam, Abba Jifar II of Jimma, and the rulers of the other Gibe river states, as well as of [llubabor, further to the west. The incorporation of the south-west had more than regional significance. It ensured Menilek a steady source of revenue to streng-

then his political and military position in his ultimate bid for the throne. In short, the Battle of Embabo made Menilek the only serious

candidate for the succession to Emperor Yohannes IV. Things were not so easy much nearer home. The fierce resistance Menilek encountered among the Arsi people, south-east of Shawa, sharply contrasted with the ease with which he had extended his sway

in the south-west. Attracted by his offers of autonomy in return for acknowledgement of his suzerainty, the Arsi leaders Suffa Kuso and Damu Usu had urged submission, but their idea was not acceptable to the other clan chiefs and elders. With levies from each clan, a sizeable army was organized to resist the incursion from the north. In terms of weapons, it was an unequal struggle: the Arsi matched spears and arrows against firearms. All the same, the campaign to subdue them proved a protracted one, lasting from 1882 to 1886. Meniulek personally participated in many of the battles in Arsi. In one

of them, in December 1883, he barely managed to escape with 62 his life. The final decisive assault was led by his paternal uncle, Ras

Unification and Independence 1855-1896

r co cen 1

Sevediciota C3 am. ce et ERP

Ca ae bP na ag SOa PS CePace OS 2ae> CRS ES aBYSe seoe\\ag. Gee aeeeUEC. lee os CU Stttt”t:~i‘“zéaé‘(‘aséSOCtN a OR 1) gia 7 at RA | es | 7 Sh i | é =n dj , ( : : me 4 4 Yy ‘if Vi 2 LN " fl. a ; a. & ' ae I ey ‘

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Darge Sahla-Sellase. Exploiting the internal division of the Arsi, and

employing a wily stratagem of luring the unsuspecting Arsi into a position well defended by the Shawans, he inflicted a shattering defeat

on them at the Battle of Azule, in September 1886. Arsi proved a stepping-stone to Harar, the commercial centre of eastern Ethiopia. The evacuation by the Egyptians in 1885 had been followed by the restoration of the emirate. Abdullahi, who was fated to be the last emir of Harar, ushered in a period of Islamic revival,

and of renewed efforts to subdue the surrounding Oromo. For Menilek, the Egyptian evacuation was a signal to step in before the city fell to one or other of the European powers who were hovering on the coast. The general insecurity that characterized Abdullahi’s

rule and, more specifically, the killing of members of an Italian expedition at Jildessa, to the north of Harar, in April 1886 provided Menilek with arguments for European acquiescence in the extension of his authority in that direction. The initial Shawan thrust, led by his general, Dayach Walda-Gabr’el, was vitiated by troop desertions and easily repulsed. But in the final engagement, on 6 January 1887,

at Chalanqo, to the west of Harar, the Harari were outgunned, 63

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his riches and ostentatious consumption

palace, such as baldaras and warra gannu for the upkeep of its horses

and cattle, respectively. Similarly, owners of what was known as gendabal land rendered a host of services to the state in times both of war and of peace. Large tracts of land also became the property, as ganagab or madbet (literally, kitchen), of members of the royal family and were administered by a representative (meslane). These had the lands farmed by means of compulsory labour, and sent the harvest to their patrons. The balabbat, mediating between the peasant and the state, played an important role in the evolution of the tributary relationship. The siso in effect symbolized their intermediary role in the whole exploitative system. It was the village chief, abba goro, who implemented the land measurement policy in Wallaga. The assignment of guter gabbar in Harar was also effected through the agency of officials named the damin and the garad, subordinate to the damin. On a higher level, there was also the case of the rulers of Leqa Naqamte, who developed their own mechanism for surplus extraction by imposing a number of taxes, including the tithe, on the peripheral regions. Ultimately, the Wallaga aristocracy was to prove the most successful of the southern

se.°

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élite in integrating itself into the Ethiopian ruling class. It is this reality which reinforces the point that the class basis of exploitation

and oppression was as important as the ethnic one. 91

From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935

In spite of the multiplicity of tenure described above, the basic mechanism of surplus extraction was the gabbar-malkagna or (as came to be generally the case in the south) the gabbar-naftagna relationship. This was also the focal point of class contradiction. Gabbar reaction to

exactions from his overlord was varied, including flight from his plot, petitions to the central government and armed uprisings, particularly in times of crisis at the political centre. The cause of the gabbar

was ardently championed by the progressive Ethiopian intellectuals of the early twentieth century, who began to agitate for reform. The situation even gave rise to what one may call ‘colonialist revolutionaries, Europeans who resented the frustration of capitalist penetration that the debilitation of the peasantry through the gabbar system had entailed, and who urged a fundamental overhaul of Ethiopian society. The Times of London on 18 April 1931 called the gabbar system ‘a far worse evil than slavery’. The first group, the Ethiopian intellec-

tuals, aspired to what we may call national capitalist development on the Japanese model; the Europeans aimed at dependency capitalism of the colonial type. The relatively more progressive elements of the feudal ruling class also sought to reconstitute feudalism on a new and more solid foundation. The series of measures undertaken first by Le; Iyyasu, Menilek’s grandson and successor (r. 1913-1916, officially; in fact, 1911-1916), and then by Ras Tafar1 Makonnen in the 1920s, tended not only to buttress private property but also to release the productive potential of rural society by minimizing the wastefulness of the system. Iyyasu,

for instance, forbade the confiscation of property as a penalty for embezzlement, as was hitherto the custom. He also tried to reduce the waste entailed by the prevalent system of assessment of harvest before the collection of asrat, with the attendant delays in harvesting

when the assessors failed to come on time. Tafari reinforced the measure against confiscation, and took further steps to regularize the collection of asrat. Lastly, in May 1935, after he had become Emperor Hayla-Sellase in 1930, he issued a decree abolishing corvée and the tax in honey (mar geber). A high point in feudal reform was reached with the institution in May 1935 of fixed tax (gurt geber) of 30 Birr per gasha. But the abolition of the whole gabbar system had to await the post-194]1 era, following the end of the Italian occupation.

Labour for the ruling class came not only from the gadbar but also from the slave. The difference between the two was that the former was central to the whole system of production. The latter’s role was invariably limited to providing service in the household. One of the few places where slaves were involved in the process of production was in the estates of Abba Jifar II in Jimma. Ultimately, however, the significance of both gabbar and slave for the

92 ruling class was in terms of consumption, rather than circulation

From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935

or accumulation of goods or money. Slavery and the slave-trade have been endemic in Ethiopian society

since early times. What gave them renewed currency in the early twentieth century was the opening of new and wider possibilities for the acquisition of slaves. In the absence of effective and responsible administration, Menilek’s extension of Ethiopia’s frontiers and the incorporation of new areas only tended to accentuate the predatory tendencies of the ruling class and the soldiery. South-western Ethiopia became a hunting-ground for humans as well as animals. Ivory and slaves became the two precious commodities with which traders and

adventurers returned from the region. Members of the upper nobility came to have thousands and sometimes tens of thousands of slaves at their disposal. Some of them, like Abba Jifar II, are reputed even to have paid their medical fees in slaves. The giving away of slaves as presents was also common. Possession of slaves, in short, became an index of social status. The demographic and socio-economic implications of the whole

activity were perhaps the most important ones. The process was attended by massive depopulation in the south-western provinces. In one slaving expedition alone — the rather notorious campaign of 1912 conducted by Le lyyasu himself — about 40,000 Dizi in south-western

Ethiopia were uprooted from their homes and dragged across the country to the capital. Half of them were reported to have died on the

way, from various epidemic diseases. Some of the survivors were settled to the north-west of Iyyasu’s palace at Seddest Kilo in Addis Ababa, in what came to be known as Gimira Safar. Similar tales of dislocation exist about the provinces of Kafa and Maji. The chaos and

insecurity that prevailed as a result of the slaving activity also disrupted agricultural production. Culturally, too, slavery and the slave-trade accentuated the differences between the central and the peripheral nationalities. The international implications of slavery and the slave-trade were no less serious. To the neighbouring colonial powers, the frequent boundary violations that slave-raids entailed provided a convenient excuse for putting pressure on Ethiopia. Only a century or so before, they themselves had condoned and even prospered from slavery and the slave-trade. Some of them were also aware of the inherent difficulties of eradicating the problem. One British observer commented

that to demolish the capitalist system in England would be a less radical measure. Yet Ethiopia was expected to perform a miracle and abolish the whole system overnight. Her admission to the League of

Nations was questioned mainly because a country which still harboured slaves and slave-traders was considered not up to civilized standards. More significantly, the arms blockade that was imposed on

the country for the ostensible purpose of putting a check on the 93

From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935

slave-raids eventually made Ethiopia defenceless in face of Italian ageression. That aggression itself was partly justified as a civilizing mission which would do away with such heinous customs as slavery.

International pressure as well as domestic forces succeeded in bringing about some changes in the institutions of slavery and the slave-trade. Although earlier emperors like Tewodros and Menilek had made some half-hearted gestures to check the trade in humans, it was not until the 1920s that serious measures began to be taken. In the early 1920s in particular, a vigorous campaign against Ethiopian slavery was conducted in the British press. Domestically, too, growing costs of maintaining large numbers of slaves as well as the changing life style of the ruling class had begun to render slavery both uneconomical and obsolete. As a result, a series of proclamations were

issued against slavery and the slave-trade. The first, in September 1923, put a ban on the trade. ‘Then, in March 1924, a decree was issued providing for the gradual emancipation of slaves. A bureau to implement the decree and a school for the freed slave children were established. Administration of the school was given to an ardent campaigner against slavery, Hakim Warqenah Eshate (known also as Dr Charles Martin). In 1932, the anti-slavery bureau was reorganized

and put under a British adviser, Frank de Halpert. Trade Next to land, trade provided another source of income for the Ethiopian ruling class. Control of trade routes and customs duties therefore became an important factor in the political power struggle. Compared with the situation in the nineteenth century, a major reorientation of

long-distance trade routes and outlets had taken place. A series of events had had the effect of giving the eastward route, terminating at Zeila or Berbera on the Somali coast, precedence over the northbound route. Shawan victory over Gojjam at the Battle of Embabo in 1882 was the first of such events. The decline of Gondar and Matamma as a result of the Ethio-Mahdist hostilities was another. The shift of the geopolitical focus to the south, signalled by the emperorship of Menilek, and the foundation and growth of Addis Ababa as the political centre of the empire, put the seal on the whole process. In terms of outlet, the Italo-Ethiopian conflict of the 1890s

and then the amputation of the Marab Melash (Eritrea) had given rise to the emergence of the French port of Djibouti as Ethiopia’s main

outlet to the outside world. Dyibouti’s pre-eminence was attained at the expense not only of Massawa and Assab but also of Zeila and Berbera.

94 Another feature of twentieth-century Ethiopian trade arose directly

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From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935 economic orbit of their Eritrean colony. They too set up consulates, at Adwa in Tegray, Dessie in Wallo, and in Gondar. Control of the railway, Ethiopia’s main medium of external trade, saved the French from making similar exertions. Powers with no adjoining colonies, such as the United States and Germany, were forced to concentrate all their energies on capturing the centre. In spite of the trans-frontier challenges, Djibouti’s pre-eminence as the main conduit of Ethiopia’s foreign trade was beyond dispute. On the average, some 75% of the trade passed through Dyibouti. The

Eritrean route stood second, followed by the Sudan and British Somaliland routes. The pull from British East Africa and Italian Somaliland was not of much consequence. On the other hand, the export share of the Sudan route was much higher, rising to 20% around 1930 - a result of its attraction of much of the coffee which grew in south-west Ethiopia. As a result, the Sudan route was characterized by a favourable balance of trade for Ethiopia. Conversely, the Djibouti route showed an unfavourable balance, suggesting that the

railway was more instrumental than the steamer (the means of transport used on the Gambela route) in drawing Ethiopia into a pattern of dependence.

In the items of trade, there was a significant change from the nineteenth-century pattern. Such commodities as ivory and civet musk, which had dominated the trade in the earlier century, progressively declined in importance - inevitably in view of the exhausti-

ble nature of the animals from which they were extracted. Coffee became the principal export item, a position it has maintained to this day. Coffee’s counterpart on the import side was the unbleached cotton sheeting known as abuwjedid, much valued for clothing as well as for making tents. Commercial rivalry among Ethiopia’s trade partners centred on this highly marketable commodity. It was abujedid which brought first the Americans and then the Japanese to Ethiopia. With the completion of the railway and the relative sophistication in consumption tastes, items ranging from felt hats to Scotch whisky and French brandy also began to enter the list of imports. The traders who controlled Ethiopia’s external trade were mostly

expatriates - a significant change from the pattern in the longdistance trade of the preceding century. This had largely to do with

the influx of foreigners into Ethiopia subsequent to the Battle of Adwa. At the outset, benefiting from the favours that their country enjoyed during the Adwa days because of their country’s policy of condoning the import of arms into Ethiopia, French traders had the upper hand. Léon Chefneux, winner of the railway concession and close confidant of Emperor Menilek, was one of them. A.C. Savouré was another. But it did not take long for the British, through their

Indian surrogates, to attain prominence. The frugality and low-cost 97

From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935

management of Indian traders gave them a sharp edge over their European rivals. One of them, Mohammedally, became the biggest name in Ethiopian import-export trade of the years before the ItaloEthiopian war of 1935-1936. As successful as the Indians, particularly in the south-west, were the Greeks, thanks largely to the ease with which they adapted to the Ethiopian milieu, possibly, among other things, because of their Orthodox Christian faith. The Armenians, also Orthodox Christians, like the Greeks, and welcomed to Ethiopia at a time when they were suffering persecution in their homeland, were to attain the highest level of integration into Ethiopian society. They thrived mainly as craftsmen catering to the upper classes. But one of their pioneers, Sarkis Terzian, made his fortune as an arms

trader and his fame by introducing the steamroller (aptly named ‘Sarkis Dabur’, the steam-engine of Sarkis) into the country. The Jewish merchant Benin was another successful trader, and gave his name to Benin Safar in Addis Ababa. The Syrian Hasib Ydlibi not only attained prominence and notoriety in the world of commerce and concessions but also briefly (during the reign of Iyyasu) became

politically powerful. His protégé and compatriot, Majid Abud, started as a rubber trader in western Ethiopia and ended up as the most energetic agent of central government authority in the land of the intractable Anuak people. Somewhat later, the more conventional representatives of European capital, such as Seferian and Company, and A. Besse and Company, came into the picture.

Ethiopian traders were invariably relegated to internal and local trade. On the other hand, the ruling class more and more shed its martial character of the pre-Adwa days and developed business instincts. A series of profitable partnerships were struck between its members and the expatriate merchants and concessionaires. Menilek

conducted a thriving business lending money to Indian traders. Empress Taytu, his consort, owned Addis Ababa’s first hotel, named after her title, the Etege, and later, in the 1970s and 1980s, renamed Awraris (rhinoceros) and then Taytu. She also organized one of the most ambitious ventures of the times — an Ethiopian bank involving most of the big names in Ethiopia. The business interests of Ras Tafari

Makonnen, heir to the throne from 1916, negus from 1928, and Emperor Hayla-Sellase after his coronation in 1930, ranged from a

fruit plantation at Erer in Harar province to holding shares in a road-construction company (the Ethiopian Motor Transport Company, Ltd., which was engaged in the building of the Bure-Gambela road in the 1930s). Ras Haylu Takla-Haymanot of Gojjam was his most serious rival, economically as well as politically: he owned a cinema in Addis Ababa and ran a tax! business. Ras Dasta Damtaw, son-in-law of Tafari, chose to engage in selling water in Addis Ababa.

93 But it was customs duties which aroused the rulers’ greatest

From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935

interest. The transformation of the naggadras from head merchant to financial agent of the state, begun in Gondar, was now consummated: he became one of the most important state officials. It 1s also of interest to note that some of the naggadras, like Gabra-Heywat Baykadagn and

Afawarq Gabra-lIyyasus, were the luminaries of the Ethiopian intel-

ligentsia. Menilek’s interest in customs can be gleaned from the ministerial system he introduced in 1907. One of the ministries was that of commerce and customs; the ministry itself was described as

‘the head of the customs and naggadras of Ethiopia’. Among its functions was the institution of a customs system which would increase government revenue. The ministry was further divided into five sections, two of which dealt with customs (one for Addis Ababa, the other for the rest of the country). On this foundation, Tafari built an elaborate system of customs administration. In this he was assisted by Gabra-Egziabher Francois, a product of missionary education who proved to be one of ‘Tafari's most efficient administrators, and the American financial adviser, E.A. Colson. In 1924-1925 the customs section of the Ministry of

Commerce was reconstituted as a directorate-general. It had first class directors for Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, Sayyo (later Dambi Dolo)

in south-western Wallaga, and Gore, and second-class directors for Harar, Alyu Amba and Chano in Shawa. (The division itself is an illuminating commentary on the decline of the commercial centres of

the nineteenth century.) The regulation also provided for the appointment of customs inspectors in the capital and at the administrative district (awraja) level. The corner-stone of Tafari’s fiscal policy was the centralization of

customs administration. As he stated in an often-quoted speech of 1925, delivered during his visit to the Addis Ababa Customs Office: ‘It

is a well-known fact that customs constitute the main source for the prosperity of a state ... Today is a great day of happiness, because I have had the good fortune to visit this customs office operating along modern lines’ (fere Kanafer, 15). Customs lay at the root of his conflict with some of the regional rulers. A notable example is the clash with Ras Gugsa Wale of Bagemder in 1930: control of Matamma customs was an important factor behind it. Another aspect of this policy was elimination of the ked/a (toll-posts) which proliferated in the provinces,

and their replacement by a few recognized and centrally controlled customs posts. Ras Emeru Hayla-Sellase was instrumental in implementing this policy during his governorship of Gojjam in the early 1930s. Ras Emeru was Tafari’s cousin, the son of Ras Makonnen Walda-Mikael’s niece, and the cousins were lifelong companions. Deemed equally important was the assertion of central government

authority over the customs from external trade. The division of Gambela customs became a hot issue between the Ethiopian and 99

From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935

Sudan governments in the 1920s. It was finally resolved along lines favourable to the former. Ethiopian rights to levy import duties had

been shackled by the Klobukowsky Treaty of 1908. The treaty exempted French subjects from the laws of Ethiopia and limited the customs duty to 10% ad valorem; for liquor it was to be even lower —-

8%. Thanks to the convenient provisions that other powers had earlier made in their treaties with Menilek for the extension of such

privileges to their subjects, the treaty came to cover almost all European subjects and governments. It had profound implications for Ethiopia's relations with foreigners. The extraterritorial rights granted European subjects often became a licence for racial arrogance

and irresponsible behaviour. The low import tariff encouraged the inflow of European goods into the country. The repeal or revision of the Klobukowsky Treaty became one of

the main preoccupations of Tafari, both before and after his coronation as emperor. During his tour of Europe in 1924, this was one question he broached with the French government. Lacking any positive response, he made a unilateral revision of the treaty in March 1931 by proclaiming the excise and consumption tax. This raised the import tax to up to 30% ad valorem on what were regarded as luxury items, such as alcoholic drinks, cigarettes, umbrellas, carpets and

underwear. In spite of protests from the European legations, the government stood its ground. While it was an emphatic assertion of

Ethiopian independence, the move at the same time negatively affected the Ethiopian consumer in view of the attendant rise in prices. In terms of the augmentation of central revenue, however, the new tax was not without some significance. Out of an estimated total

annual revenue of about £400,000, the income from the tax was valued at £25,000, or slightly over 6% (Perham, 194).

Concessions

If trade was one medium for European penetration of the Ethiopian economy in the post-Adwa years, concessions were another. The lat-

ter were often viewed by Europeans as a sure means of making accessible to themselves the reputedly rich resources of the country that Adwa had denied them — or at least one of them, Italy. Indeed, concessions were deemed less expensive than outright colonial domination. In the words of one of the spokesmen of European imperialist

penetration in Ethiopia, ‘In order... that the great natural riches of Abyssinia may be thrown open to European trade and industry, there is no need of a war, or of a costly establishment of sovereignty over the land’ (Bahru, ‘Fumbling Début’, 331). The quest for conces-

100 © sions coincided with the monopoly capitalist phase of imperialism,

From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935

which was characterized by the export of finance capital. As in trade, however, the reality did not always match the dream of a bonanza for merchants and investors. Although a large number of concessions were granted to expatriates by Ethiopian authorities,

few of them achieved any practical significance. Most of them remained baits for the over-credulous European investor. Ethiopian

authorities also benefited from the whole exercise through cash bribes given them for the acquisition of concessions and royalties for their duration. The whole situation gave rise to what were known as concession-hunters, who assumed the profitable role of intermediary

between the European investor and the Ethiopian ruler. The most remarkable of these concession-hunters were the German Arnold Holz, the Italian Alberto Prasso and the Syrian Ydlibi.

Two concessions, however, were translated into reality of considerable import for Ethiopian history. The first was the railway concession of 1894; the second was the banking concession of 1905. They were secured by the two major rival powers in Africa — the French and the British, respectively. Although the railway concession (which initially provided for the building of a railway from Djibouti via Entotto to the Nile) was granted in 1894, it was soon overshadowed by the Adwa campaign. Construction did not begin until 1897, and the railway reached its first major terminal in 1902 — one differing from the initial plan, which involved the town of Harar. The new site was named New Harar, later renamed Dire Dawa. Thereafter, for a

period of six years, construction was discontinued as a result of inter-power rivalry and Menilek’s resentment at the French government’s take-over of what was initially a private undertaking. The international status of the railway was regulated by the 1906 Tripartite Agreement between Britain, France and Italy. Two years later, Menilek signed with the French a new concession offering slightly

better terms for Ethiopia. Work on the railway was resumed the following year, but it did not reach Addis Ababa until 1917. The idea

of extending it to the Nile had already been abandoned in face of British opposition. The completion of the railway was an event of considerable socioeconomic significance for Ethiopia. It put the final seal on the centrality of Addis Ababa. It also gave birth along the railway-line to new towns: Dire Dawa, Nazareth and Mojo. It became the chief medium by which Ethiopia was drawn into the world economy. Although its service was impaired by the high tariffs imposed by the company, the

railway none the less became the main means of transport for both goods and passengers to and from Ethiopia. It was also through the railway that ideas and fashions percolated to the country. Politically, it

contributed to the rise of Ras Tafari to power, as it facilitated the speedy despatch of loyal troops from his base in Harar to the capital. 101

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ilek’s initia 10306 caw

nun of schools in the provinces as we 3 bab «

.. also nesse Onset phadesti e of encing yOung EtheOplan abroad )] O! OOO .Oo he

7 po | er the an oO 10n belonged his ca sory Ing to Switze

stu broad h | Eth training of 7 ve | | ation oO €aS O ia h d two m | :a -nN on m roduced functio d he gro ng ureaucracy, an he ssem : d‘ | government Or private

ma | . arlesa nte ng ducation p | ae oderne | chan n | Qe. } hewns ro,u- O hiopians rep

e read | dern e uc O in i;nN her societies, ae 1Gpers op :ome ajor _ Ooilled In

onnel to

W|!

ectua I shorts rie er : he more 1n egra ed into the State

|: Th ursults u 'exception. y ctu “ ||nai |o have ex tellectua ere me fore rictl inintelle he

a aratus and ere u variably too absorbed nN : f in] stration Walda-Sellase

From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935 generally only peripherally attached to the state apparatus. The functionaries were predominantly trained inside the country; the intellectuals tended to have lhved or studied abroad. Of the functionaries, only one or two had reached ministerial level by 1935, the upper hmit of their rise in the bureaucracy often being that of director-general of a department. In their critique of the backward state of their country, the intellectuals represented a counter-current to the smug confidence that had ensued after the Adwa victory. They advocated a series of reforms in order to give socio-economic content to the political independence that Adwa had guaranteed. The reforms they recommended included the introduction of fixed tax; religious freedom; updating of the traditional code, the Fetha Nagast (the Law of Kings); rationalization of the Amharic alphabet, which has about 300 characters based on seven forms to which diacritical marks are added; institution of centralized

and uniform customs admunistration; and military and currency reforms. But the two themes that received the widest attention were the elimination of the iniquities of the gabbar system, and the promotion of education. Many a powerful pen was employed to depict the miserable lot of the gabbar and to make suggestions for his hberation. And, if there was one word which could be described as the motto of the progressive intellectuals, 1t was ‘education’. The country which they adopted as their model was Japan, dramatically transformed in a matter of decades from a feudal country like Ethiopia into an industrial power; hence the label ‘Japanizers’ that has come to be given to them. The 1931 constitution, which was drafted by one of these intellectuals (Vakla- Hawaryat Takla-Maryam), appears to have been very strongly inspired by the Japanese Mei Constitution of 1889. A major handicap of the intellectuals was their amorphous and unorganized character. To implement their ideas of reform, the intellectuals had no other recourse but to seek the patronage of an enlightened prince. This quest brought some of them into temporary alliance with Le Iyyasu. This was the case with both ‘Vakla-Hawaryat and

Gabra-Heywat Baykadagn. Takla-Hawaryat rose to become the young ruler’s most favoured confidant until, swept by the tide of opposition, he turned against Iyyasu in 1916. Gabra-Heywat’s ‘Atse Menilek-na Ityopya’ 1s also addressed to lyyasu. After Iyyasu’s downfall in 1916, Ras Tafari became the natural ally of the progressives. Indeed, the reforms Tafari introduced during his regency and the first five years of his emperorship have a striking affinity with the ideas of Gabra-Heywat. Takla-Hawaryat, who had had a hard time getting Iyyasu to pay attention to his explanation of an administrative manual that he had prepared, was now commissioned by Tafari to draft a constitution. But the marriage of conve-

110 nience between Tafari and the intellectuals did not remain a happy

From Adwa to Maychaw 1896-1935

one. More than they were able to use Tafari, he used them for his objective of power consolidation. ‘The eventual quarrel between

Tafari as Emperor Hayla-Sellase and ‘Takla-Hawaryat is a clear illustration of this unhappy marriage.

3. Political developments The decade of consolidation (1896-1906) The decade after Adwa found Menilek at the height of his internal power and external prestige. The process of territorial expansion and the creation of the modern empire-state had been completed by 1898. The internal challenges to Menilek’s power were slight, in any case not at all comparable to the problems faced by his predecessors. Exter-

nally, his victory over the Italians had earned him great fame: one foreign observer even compared him to Bismarck. Foreigners, in private or official capacity, flocked to Addis Ababa to seek favours and promote their interests. The year 1906 symbolized the end of this

period of consolidation. Menilek suffered the first stroke from a disease which seven years later claimed his life. Combined with the death in the same year of his cousin Ras Makonnen Walda- Mikael, the man generally expected to succeed him on the throne, Menilek’s incapacitation opened the question of succession. The signing in the same year of the Tripartite Agreement by Britain, France and Italy also marked the first serious challenge to the independent status of Ethiopia. Following Adwa, recognition of Ethiopia’s independence by external powers had expressed itself in two ways. The first was diplomatic representation at the court of Menilek. The second was delimitation

of Ethiopia’s boundaries with the adjacent colonies. In 1897, the Italians, French and British successively established their legations in Addis Ababa on large estates on the slopes of Entotto. They were each represented by ministers of considerable diplomatic skill - Federico Ciccodicola for the Italians, Léonce Lagarde for the French and John

Harrington for the British. In 1903, an American mission of a decidedly commercial nature arrived, ushering in an association with the country that was to be particularly strong after 1941. Two years later, the Germans came on to the scene, generating anxiety among

the tripartite powers, and precipitating the Tripartite Agreement in 1906, which was partly intended to shut off the intruders from the riches of Ethiopia. The delimitation of the boundaries between Ethiopia and the sur-

rounding colonies was dictated mainly by the colonial powers’ 111

t ee ee re

Adwa Oo Maychaw 1896-1935

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© € - oS }} f f y poke ye 5S 4 “yy yr os tadLe y~) 3.33 Dayach tary J- /oO f /?»

. aA]Jac 1Ooeyun i & SHA, tdler as, Mereduary ructer oO C8 Te, WU a younger brother c. 1910 }

AKida-ildaryYall 5 no “OV AK Ic c \ < canc Alakim c qWarqenan c c . eseEshate. | Cc |pl VINnces

e e « ; x*~ae. 2.,7°re aTh te~CJ ~ : . ~ ~ a 7 ra v ~ ~ ar “7 ~e -° Ta ° . c} AWe¢ se wougn 1e€ (raaitlonada f . e . YY e Yashashv rarq Y lm th nperor ; Dana _ iam im) 4 . ™~ . ~ Ny TPd >

were precu rsors of the centrally CO ntrolled provinces which became the norm after 194] ~

Al egion. which b y 1935 still ] emained lay gely outside direct conti ol io im!

y tne centra govel nment was | Cel e. It was rule y two gl andsons

of Emperor Yohannes IV: Ras S nlaMang adxUSSa ¢{R‘ ra : as eyul al ges anc |as

Araya Al tho ugh it had little effect On their lo ‘alties c 5 €an€attempt was

) ade to tie them to the Shawan ruling hou S tk ° ° y

‘Nanis jarriage alliances. Ras re arriedOt mecnahnism oO Mal lage dlile . aS ugsaGugs: WaS MaVrriec c ; No ] Cc ad, e€ el pel Ors Mlece; anc ugsa S SOn, A]JAaC l

AY le asexUSSa, € ISWas JaSMaMarTl d Li abawar < hter tl Hay a-Sellase ec O LanadaAWAI q, dughi er oO f1¢e€ Cc

emperor anc Empress Manan Ihe emperor's son an 1e1r

cya cj Cc ' c c }.c.«©¢.Cc .. :.ep ‘ a . Cc . . . oye ..+ . . ,.oO C «ye

AWadaSdT, We c c dS OCyu aldtle Sva

Asfawasan, was m arried to the daugh ter of Ras Seyum, Walatta-Isrz e]

*20oN a xDIS -. x,OVSt 7» as wile.

Political and administrative control of the provinces had a direct ICaAYINE ON the militar y Yresources of the State ] he rogresslive political ascendancy of Tafari was thus paralleled by growing military a

1 46 strength al the centre While the old regional basis of military

to Maychaw 1896-1935

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°

-

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° S u C-

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

cessive postponements of the attack squandered the only possible advantage the Ethiopians had — the element of surprise. The thirteen-

hour combat which finally took place on 31 March 1936, although marked by some initial successes for the Ethiopians, ended in their rout. The disorderly retreat was to cost them more lives than the actual battle. Sull smarting from a punitive campaign sent against them by Tafari’s government in the late 1920s, for cattle-raiding, the Rayya and Azabo peoples found this an ideal opportunity to settle past scores. The fleeing soldiers were mercilessly mutilated and plundered. Another scene of the gruesome aftermath of the whole disaster was enacted on the shores of Lake Ashange, a short distance to the south of Maychaw, as Italian pilots sported with the harried Ethiopians, alternately showering them with bombs and mustard-gas. After that, the road was clear for the Italians, first to Dessie, which they reached on 4 April 1936, and then to Addis Ababa, which they entered on 5 May. Although it was the most decisive, the northern front was not the

only front: Ethiopians faced Italians in the south and south-east as well. The Italian forces were led by the man who was to symbolize the

darkest face of Italian rule in Ethiopia, General (later Marshal) Rodolfo Graziani. He was reputed to have vowed to deliver Ethiopia to at Duce Mussolini ‘with the Ethiopians or without them, just as he pleases’ (Del Boca, 113). Through his impatience for the laurels of

victory, Graziani turned a defensive assignment into a second offensive. The Ethiopian forces were commanded in the south by Ras Dasta Damtaw, governor of Sidamo, and in the south-east by Dayjach Nasibu Zamanuel, governor of Harar. Compared with the northern

front, the southern front was characterized by more youthful and energetic Ethiopian leadership and slightly better armament. Qorahe, a strategic post at the southern end of the Ogaden, proved

a nodal point of the war in the southeast. In the words of its most glorious defender, Grazmach (posthumously Dajjazmach) Afawarq Walda-Samayat, ‘If the Italians occupy Qorahe, it is as good as their having occupied the Ogaden!’ (Graziani, 185). In spite of the valiant efforts of Afawarq and his men, however, Qorahe fell to the Italians early in November 1935. Subsequently, the Italians launched a threepronged thrust into the Ogaden, prefacing it with the strategic bombing of such major towns as Jijjiga and Harar. In spite of both numerical and technical superiority, however, the Italian advance faced stiff opposition, particularly from the forces of Illubabor, led by Dayjach

Makonnen Endalkachaw. Italian losses were consequently much higher than on the northern front. Their advance was correspondingly slower, and Graziani had to live with the frustrating experience

that his counterpart Badoglio entered Addis Ababa from the north

before he himself was able to enter Harar. 157

The Itali -194 ian Occu p ati

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; ids193 farewell t I|

Ais relati aving fe } =. ) November

| . akin .

:},nhort|arust ;boldembarke ived di . | a ec , iscomfitu e€ oO e a , | thto e ntPp e so OSOD olo h ! : : .Or ) Ss troops he led hi ,diseases -.‘ :mad ah h ©) '},exhausting . : yp P o the etterb ec ec allan Che | rn R on ee | , front, Ras Dasta hadone of the mo

cre of . . :.:|,-an |le dtobea . : erita Z1 is to th as re | ste the Sa . p Ce€alns DOO d Q | , hi ! : tinued ‘ne talian arl ua| Ae .) | : , nt cert u.eathe u:nine r|reco mea O le O a : e : | : ! 2 solution ourney he ho age oO . ppne b eak O depidem! mM

attle of Ganale Do a " io 9 p : : . V e€ Massacre rae euary e on1936) Our n ver ; O r 1 | 1S vict

. aheruck Ethiopians. The O E, | a e hio e desertion 7 only ritrean plan — aby phenomenon ateo: he he hea e€

OI War ese . nN) Ora 7 c a de alte

oop and partly expla on ) allenge to the ! un his capturexecution and |ve: " 93 e Eritrea im cap

eo oene g h he g .ea lare eras dwadeath, had pefovade ve allan . e

ance | .

sn ton, ught to dence ‘ . Yet A d no !monumental | ne pians fou . an { e O u | p y factors contr . ob 7 : epeale | ntributed t ; : , ) to this | 1mMDa arma . !scent ts.InAt Adw 158 b , the gap bet | | humiliation. M| Vy fon of anoth V O ec aee‘ O a | Nn «

Ou

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941 two sides, in both quantity and quality, was inconsiderable. In 1935, the Italians came benefiting from the latest in military technology; the arms blockade imposed on Ethiopia on various pretexts had deprived

it of even a faint approximation to the Italian armoury. The total number of modern rifles on the Ethiopian side was estimated at between 50,000 and 60,000; the level of ammunition was perhaps twice what the Italians were to use in one battle alone. ‘The disparity in machine-guns and artillery was no less glaring. But the fatal advantage was in the air, where an Italian air force, numbering over 300 aircraft on the northern front and about 100 aircraft on the southern front, had the sky to itself. Ethiopia had a fleet of eleven aeroplanes, of which only eight were serviceable, and they were used mainly for transport. Air superiority assumed an even more lethal dimension with Italian use of the prohibited mustard-gas. In logistics as well, there was an all-too-evident gap. The Ethiopian army had practically no system of supplies. The wounded were able to get medical attention largely thanks to foreign voluntary organizations. The absence or inefficiency of radio communication made coordination of military action difficult. This was most acutely felt on the northern front. But probably the most anomalous of the disparities was the numerical one. At Adwa, in 1896, about five Ethiopians had

fought against one Italian. In 1935-1936, however, the Italians enjoyed numerical superiority in many of the engagements, particularly in the Ogaden. This was a result of the Italian mobilization

of their askaris from Libya, Eritrea and Italhan Somaliland. The technical as well as numerical superiority of the Italians is cogently expressed in the following quotation from Angelo del Boca: ‘Before they [the Ethiopians] meet the Europeans, they will endure five levels of hells. The bombs from the air. The shelling from the long-range

howitzers. The deadly splutter of machine guns. The tanks. The Askaris.’ Only the mustard-gas remained to complete the dismal picture. Ultimately, however, the root of the defeat lay in Ethiopian society

itself. ‘he assertion has sometimes been made that Ethiopia was defeated because she was feudal. This 1s not convincing. Ethiopia was more feudal in 1896 than in 1936; yet she won a resounding victory. Paradoxical as it may seem, Ethiopia was defeated because she was less feudal. The British writer Margery Perham probably had this in

mind when she characterized the Ethiopian army on the eve of the war as being in ‘a dangerous moment of transition between mediaeval and modern methods’ (Perham, 167). That was on the military level. Politically as well, Menilek’s Ethiopia had the blessing of feudal harmony. Hayla-Sellase’s Ethiopia was in the throes of nascent absolutism. Expressed in another way, Menilek led a more united Ethiopia

than Hayla-Sellase’s. This was partly the result of the disgruntlement 159

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

that the latter’s centralization policy had caused. It was also partly attributable to the centrifugal influence exercised by the adjacent colonial powers. The relative peace of the post-Adwa period - the only major battles

fought in the forty-year interval being those of Sagale (1916) and Anchem (1930) - had also contributed to a decline in the martial spirit. The Ethiopian commanders at Adwa were men born in war, grown up in war and dying in war. Forty years later, they had been succeeded by men who had made their mark as civillian administrators rather than as warriors. Some of them had even become keen businessmen. The epitome of this trend was Hayla-Sellase himself. War was a burden he assumed uneasily. He entrusted his fate, and that of Ethiopia, too, to the illusion of collective security. That illusion — as well as the instinct of self-preservation - was to take him to Europe after the war was lost. Owing to the relatively higher integration into the world community that Ethiopia had attained in the twentieth century, he was the first emperor in Ethiopian history who had the option of exile. And he took that option.

2. Italian rule For three days between the flight of the emperor and the entry of the Italians, Addis Ababa was caught in the grip of mass violence. There was a total breakdown of law and order. Burning, looting and random shooting became the order of the day. Arada, the commercial centre, was the focal point of the violence. It was a puzzling phenomenon, combining elements of mass psychosis and inchoate class warfare, of despair and defiance. Inasmuch as the violence had any target at all,

it was the rich and the expatriate; nor was the palace, the gebdz, spared, arms stored in it being a major attraction. The legations became refuge for many expatriates, thus at last performing the roles

for which they had prepared themselves for so long. In spite of a vaguely discernible pattern, however, the violence - like most mass violence - was blind. The casualties were mainly Ethiopians, not the foreigners whose presence had apparently aroused the rioters. Entering against such a backdrop of anarchy, the Italians might appear as the harbingers of peace and order. Some have even interpreted the Italians’ delay in entering the capital as a cynical design to give their entry the image of an act of deliverance. Indeed, there was some relief, particularly among the foreigners, when Badoglio entered Addis Ababa on 5 May 1936 at the head of the Italian army -

160 ushering in a Fascist reincarnation of pax Romana. His first act was

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

16° \ Se re

Gondare S., Sammi eet

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7. ‘Itahan East Africa’, 1936-1941 (adapted from Consociazione Turistica Italiana, Guida dell’ Africa

orientale Italiana, Milan, 1938) 161

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

to communicate to Mussolini the news of victory. Mussolini proclaimed the news to the Italian people from his favourite platform in

Rome, the Piazza Venezia. He ended his speech with the words ‘Ethiopia is Italian’, words which encapsulated the dreams of generations of Italians but whose hollowness was soon to become apparent.

The empire the Italians formed came to be called, not Italian Ethiopia, but Italian East Africa, or, in its Italian rendering, Africa Ortentale Italiana (AOI). The new entity was formed from a merger of Ethiopia with the Italian colonies of Eritrea and Somaliland. Thus the ‘territorial connection’ so ominously foreshadowed in the Tripartite Agreement of 1906 was consummated. The reconstituted Italian colonial empire had six major regional divisions: Eritrea (including legray); Amhara (including Bagemder, Wallo, Gojjam and northern Shawa); Galla and Sidama (incorporating the south-western and southern provinces); Addis Ababa (later changed to Shawa); Harar; and Somalia (including the Ogaden). The capitals were, respectively, Asmara, Gondar, Jimma, Addis Ababa, Harar and Mogadishu. Below

these governorships, in descending order of hierarchy, came the district commissionerships, the residencies and the vice-residencies. Of these, the residency was the key unit of Italian control, and the resident often exercised autocratic powers. At the very top, the chief representative of Fascist power was the viceroy. The post was first occupied by Marshal Badoghio, until he returned to Italy at the end of May 1936. He was replaced by Graziani, whose post as viceroy was terminated after the attempt on his life in February 1937. Graziani’s successor, the last of the viceroys, was

Amadeo Umberto d’Aosta, the Duke of Aosta, who adopted a relatively more pacific style of administration. He was reputed to have

had ideas of initiating the British system of colonial rule, which he had studied and which he admired. His deputy was Enrico Cerulli, an

Ethiopicist of considerable repute, and the perfect example of scholarship being put at the service of colonial administration. Incompatibility between the viceroy and the deputy viceroy, however, led to Cerulli’s transfer to Harar, as governor. He was replaced as deputy viceroy by the previous governor of Harar, General Gughelmo Nasi, who conducted what appeared to be nearly successful negotiations for the surrender of the Shawan patriots led by Ras Abbaba Aragay.

Italian administration was characterized by a top-heavy bureaucracy and corruption. According to one writer, ‘Sixty per cent of the

bureaucratic machinery was working in AOI [Africa Orientale Italiana] to administer itself’ (Sbacchi, 80). There was a mania for creating committees and commissions, largely so that the members might attempt to exonerate themselves from responsibility. A vast number of colonial officials were distinguished for their ineptitude

162 and narrow-mindedness, as well as for their corruption. The Duke

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

4.4 Ras Abbaba Aragay, most renowned leader of the Resistance in Shawa

of Aosta is reputed to have characterized 50 % of his officials as inept and 25 % as thieves. There was a veritable frenzy to get rich as quickly

as possible. Badoglio himself reportedly pocketed half of the 1,700,000 Maria Theresa thalers confiscated from the Bank of Ethiopia, in the immediate aftermath of the conquest. Because of the Patriots’ Resistance Movement during the Italian Occupation, which is discussed below, Italian rule in Ethiopia was largely confined to the towns; hence it was mainly in the urban centres that the impact of the Occupation was felt: The Italians left a lasting

imprint on the architectural landscape of the capitals of the new governorships, as evidenced by the Italian-built edifices still visible in such towns as Gondar, Jimma, Harar and Addis Ababa, not to speak

of Asmara and Mogadishu, which had longer spells of Italian rule. For the capital of their East African empire, Addis Ababa, the Italians drafted an ambitious master-plan whose implementation, however, was aborted by the collapse of their rule in 1941. Yet legacies of the enterprise remained: the birth of Markato, the open market in the

western part of the city, initially earmarked for the indigenous 163

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

population; an acceleration of the southward growth of the city; and the creation of such areas as Kazanchis (in Italian, Case INCIS: Case istuututo nazionale per case degli impiegati dello Stato, the national Institution for housing the employees of the state), in the east, and Kaza Popolare (Case popolare, housing for the working classes), in the south. Addis Ababa also received its first urban supply of electricity, run by the parastatal CONIEL (Compagnia nazionale imprese

elettriche, ancestor of the Ethiopian Electric Light and Power Authority, EELPA), and water, from the Gafarsa reservoir, in the north-western outskirts of the city. A number of factories were also set up, most notably the textile mills and cement factory in Dire Dawa, and the oil mills, four mills and sawmills dotted all over the country.

In social life, despite the Fascist policy of racial segregation, there was a great deal of interaction between Ethiopians and most of the

moderate Italians. The ban on marriage with Ethiopian women (nicknamed madamismo by Italian officialdom) remained a legal fiction. Given the enormous numerical imbalance between Italian males and females, this was inevitable; further, there was the fact that the

Italians, with their open-minded Latin temperament, were largely Impervious to the racist policy. The sizeable mixed population bequeathed to Ethiopia was a result of these marriages. On an informal plane, initially sponsored by the officials through the importation

of European practitioners of the trade, prostitution assumed a widespread character. It has often been cited as one of the legacies of Italian rule in Ethiopia. On a slightly more positive line, the acquisi-

tion by town-dwellers of European habits and manners, already begun before the war, now became even more pronounced. These ranged from dress styles to food habits (including the eating of pasta). The cash economy, which had made a faltering start before 1935, was significantly reinforced during the Italian period. Above all, Italian rule was distinguished for the achievement for

which that people has always been famous: road engineering. This has often been somewhat overemphasized. To begin with, Italian road construction was more extensive and impressive in the northern than in the southern half of the country. This is not surprising, as Italian road-building was geared towards promoting the conquest of the country rather than its development. Moreover, the war of libera-

tion was to take heavy toll of the road network, and the postLiberation government was to be faced with the extremely daunting task of maintenance. All the same, the Italian network provided a

skeleton for future expansion and betterment. Further, it gave an impetus to the development of motor transport. The defeated Italians left behind a number of cars, trucks and skilled personnel, all of value 164 ~~ to such post-Liberation enterprises as the Public ‘Transport Depart-

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

ment, ancestor of the government-controlled Anbassa (Lion) Bus Transport Company. The trentaquattro (literally ‘thirty-four’, an Italian

truck model which became the generic name for all lorries) and the awtanti (that is, aiutante, assistant to the driver) were two Italian

concepts which became salient features of goods transport in the 1940s and 1950s. To this day, Italian has remained the language of automobile mechanics in Ethiopia. In the economic sphere, Italian rule, true to the Fascist ethos that permeated it, was corporatist in character. As a prelude to complete

control of the economy, a policy of weakening or destroying nonItalian expatriate firms was adopted. Among the victims of this policy

were the Indian house of Mohammedally, which had been the leading import-export firm before 1935, and the French firm A. Besse; the latter, however, came back and dominated import-export trade after the Liberation. Concurrently, the Italians set up a number of parastatal organizations in industry, commerce and agriculture. Three such organizations were created to realize their most ambitious programme - the settlement of Italian farmers as colonists in selected fertile areas of Ethiopia. This was considered essential not only to ease

Italy's demographic pressure, particularly in the south, but also to make the colony self-sufficient, in line with the Fascist principle of

economic autarky. It was even hoped that the colony would eventually develop to a position where it would be able to feed the metropolis. Three areas which were selected for colonial settlement were Wagara in Semen, Charchar in Harar, and Jimma. In contrast to the expectations generated by the scheme, the returns were very disappointing. Far from feeding the metropolis, the colony could not even support itself. A rare occurrence in the pre-1935 period became common practice, as grain came to be imported in mass. This was particularly the case with wheat, in high demand because of the

large amount of spaghetti and other forms of pasta consumed. The main problem faced by the agrarian scheme was insecurity. The farmers lived under the constant threat of attack by the patriots’ guerilla bands. Settlers who had come with wild anticipations of fast money ended up writing to their relatives back in Italy not to fall into the same trap. Thus, by the end of the period, only 10% of the projected colonization scheme had been implemented. This contrasted sharply with the much higher level of activity in the fields of commerce and industry — areas which, because of their urban location, were less subject to the pressures of the Resistance.

165

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

3. The Resistance In spite of the lasung consequences cited above, the Occupation was denied the legiumacy of even colonial rule. Viewed in perspective, Its

brevity and precariousness have made it more in the nature of an interlude in the course of modern Ethiopian history. What contributed most to give it an episodic character was the nation-wide resistance it encountered. What finally sealed its fate was Mussolini's gamble in entering World War Two on the side of Hitler in 1940.

The quest for legitimization of his colonial efforts was a fairly serious preoccupation for Mussolini, both during and after the ItaloEthiopian war. In an effort to avert the imposition of oil sanctions by the League of Nations, the British and French governments had tried to smooth matters for him. In December 1935, two months after the opening of hostilities, they came out with what were known as the

Hoare-Laval plans, named after the British foreign secretary, Sir Samuel Hoare, and French prime minister Pierre Laval. These plans confirmed Italian military gains made up to that time, giving Italy parts of the Ogaden and most of Tegre (with the exception of the ancient capital, Aksum), as well as an economic protectorate over a large part of the rest of Ethiopia. In return, Ethiopia was to be given access to the sea at Assab. Hayla-Sellase reyected the proposals. The publicizing of the secret plans in Europe created a scandal, and both Hoare and Laval were forced to resign. Secret negouauions between Ethiopia and Italy were conducted later in the course of the war through both Ethiopian and foreign

intermediaries, such as the Ethiopians Afawarq Gabra-lyyasus, Ethiopian minister in Rome at the outbreak of the war, and Heruy Walda-Sellase, the Minister of Foreign Affairs; a Palestunian, Jacir Bey; the Italian scholar, later deputy viceroy, Enrico Cerulli; and the Greek

consul-general in| Addis Ababa, who had been’ Hayla-Sellase’s personal physician, Adrien Zervos. Vhe Italian proposals amounted to an elaboration of the Hoare-Laval plans, restricting the emperor even further, to the control of Shawa only. In desperation, the emperor is said even to have toyed with the idea of a British mandate, to avert Italian occupation — in somewhat the same way as Wallaga chiets established what was known as the Western Galla Confederation in mid-1936. The secret talks between the Italians and the emperor continued after his exile through the intermediary of an Egyptian prince, Muhammad Eknem Riza. The emperor was urged to abdicate, in return for financial compensation from the Italians. As his circumstances became more and more straitened, he is said to have been on the verge of accepung the terms. But the matter came to no conclu-

166 sion, and the emperor remained in the obscurity of exile in Bath, in

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941

south-west England, until Italy’s entry into World War Two brought him back to the centre of the stage. Similar attempts at negotiation with Asfawasan Hayla-Sellase, the emperor’s heir, with his father in exile, came to a dead end. Inside Ethiopia, the Italians had initially entertained the idea of

ruling the country through those of the hereditary nobility, the masafent, who had submitted. Later, however, the idea was found unacceptable, on the grounds both of racism and the Fascist praxis of

total power. The nobles were left with their titles and monthly handouts, ranging from 40,000 lire for Ras Haylu Takla~-Haymanot, ex-governor of Goyjam, to 7,000 lire for Ras Getachaw Abata, son of

Ras Abata Bwayalaw, and successively minister, ambassador and provincial governor before the Italo-Ethiopian war. But, in the wake of an attempt in early 1937 on Graziani's life, these nobles were caught in the Fascist backlash of reprisal, and many of them were

deported to Italy. They were rehabilitated under the liberal and anglophile Duke of Aosta, who made some of them advisers and judges on their return to Ethiopia in 1939. On an even higher plane, and in a belated and desperate attempt to win over Ethiopians in the international conflict, some of the northern masafent were restored to their former positions, sometimes with exalted tutles and enhanced powers. Thus, Ras Haylu was restored to Gojjam, and Dajjach HaylaSellase Gugsa to Tegre. Ras Seyum Mangasha was put in charge of the whole of northern Ethiopia, and Dajjach Ayalew Berru was promoted to ras and appointed governor-general (taglay endarase) of Amhara. This last-minute revision of policy, however, did not save the Italians from the impending disaster. Almost from the arrival in Ethiopia of their first troops, the Italians

were confronted with a nation-wide war of resistance. Their efforts

to divide and rule notwithstanding, the Resistance Movement embraced almost all regions and ethnic groups. The Resistance may

be divided into two phases, with the reprisals that followed the abortive endeavour to kill Graziani in February 1937 forming the dividing line. ‘The first phase was in essence a continuation of the war.

It was conventional in character, and largely led by members of the upper nobility. As a result, it was characterized by vacillation and compromise. The second phase was marked by guerrilla warfare, led in most cases by members of the lower nobility. Although, as we shall see below, it had a number of fundamental weaknesses, it was uncompromising on the issue of resistance. Ras Emeru Hayla-Sellase, Ras Dasta Damtaw, the emperor’s son-inlaw, and the brothers Abarra and Asfawasan Kasa exemplify the first phase. Given the circumstances, Emeru’s performance as commander

of the Shere front was commendable. But, after the collapse of the

northern front and the experience of the ruthless weaponry 167

e1

he Italian Occupation 1936-194

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or 1 ) di isbanded after ganization °

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W ide ,extent d t the hpa sistance R e proper . 1olion . ou r1lo Lands Is 1{S1s na Shaw _ triot w , Gojjam and B C ostly concentrated ~ in ule h Cc any Pp e Italians r S sca y prov without cnallien AInce IN where th : , there Wa r 1 ble n ) 113 § atural for e emsel O mpregna ge. vailin th . resses W ; S t he tItalian troops und , the units kept I e count y abounded guerrilla ith which th r rassmen They shiftedoljenslve from offensi pNn er .constant ha e ° ateeyTdisrupted Sive Strat e: Ines 3OhieSituation fOegies as the s! ,e commun! IC-, S W : VOYS . As isAs the €O Irall Slside engaged | ase1c n,with . ? in fronta assaults. their The first thing Ing to to note abou

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h . ;inICspite natoIofISp uerr nd Ss, t ere IY mM bil d assets. regrou y an the f h fhad “ INS thei g st managed of them anti-a1 ~d on the whol ti-aircraft e to den e guns, th 1e€ t eva mast talian aircr ery of the aircra | enyoye dd 8ear.11 71

The Italian Occupation 1936-1941 Shortage of supplies remained a serious problem for the patriots. Often, they had to resort to the traditional method of living off the peasant’s produce, sometimes even having recourse to the billeting system. But there were attempts to find less exacting solutions to the problem. In some areas, a distinction was made between the full-time combatants, or darag tor, and the peasants who engaged in food production, the madade tor, when the pressure subsided. Looting of collaborators was another mode of replenishing supplies. There were also cases of patriots who survived by falling back on the primordial options of hunting wild animals and gathering wild fruits. Medical supplies were practically nil, except for those secured by the ya west arbagnoch, the ‘inner’ patriots, Resistance members engaged in underground supportive work behind the enemy lines, mainly in the cities;

in most cases, the patriots had to rely on traditional doctors and medicine. Arms were primarily those captured from the enemy and those brought in by deserters. At other times, patriots misdirected enemy aircraft into dropping supphes in their midst. The guerrilla units also developed a rudimentary system for gathering intelligence. They had guards or scouts, gafir, to inform them about the approach of enemy troops. A prominent role was played in the field of intelligence by the ya west arbagnoch. From their vantage-

point inside the enemy’s organizational network, they passed on crucial information about enemy strength, troop movements and planned operations. Further, they forged passes and identity papers, and provided shelter for the hunted. ‘They furnished food and medical supplies as well as clothing. They intervened to mitigate punishment meted out to captured patriots. Sometimes they themselves engaged in sabotage operations and in urban terrorism. Women, by reason of their capacity to arouse less suspicion, played a predominant role in this respect. ‘The most notable example was Shawaragad Gadle, who laid the groundwork for the storming of the Italian garrison at Addis Alam. The ya west arbagnoch were able to attain a high level of organization, particularly in Gondar and Addis Ababa. In the capital, the leadership provided by the railway workers gave the whole affair a proletarian dimension. The ya west arbagnoch were a great source of exasperation to the Italians, who considered them more pernicious than the guerrilla fighters because the former

were so difficult to detect, a difficulty compound by their use of code-names. The use of diplomatic ploys to buy time was also not unknown. The most famous ruse was that employed by Ras Abbaba Aragay, towards the end of 1939. In negotiations he conducted with General Nasi, then

deputy viceroy and governor of Shawa, Abbaba gave intimations of his readiness to surrender. Simultaneously, he wrote to other patriotic 172 leaders explaining the actual reason for engaging in the talks: to buy

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the British were not co-operative in this regard. Inevitably, therefore, the Ethiopian government turned to the Americans for support. In January 1951, the Imperial Highway Authority (IHA) was brought into existence, and entrusted with the task of maintaining and developing the country’s road network, a task which was hitherto sub-

sumed under the multifarious responsibilities of the Ministry of Public Works and Communication. The [HA was modelled after the

US Bureau of Public Roads. Its managerial personnel were also seconded from the American organization until Ethiopians took over the management in 1962. Loans for its new construction undertakings

also came from the American-dominated International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), which continued to exercise a preponderant influence over the activities of the THA. Although telecommunications came to be a Swedish preserve, the

sumulus for setting up an independent authority came from the Americans. The beginnings of telecommunications in Ethiopia go back to the days of Menilek. In addition to the domestic network, which had played a not inconsiderable role in facilitating political control, Ethiopia was linked to the outside world via two major interna-

tional lines: one linked the capital with Djibouti via Harar, and the other with Massawa via Asmara. The opening of radio communication on the eve of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935 gave Ethiopia a measure of independence in this sphere. As in surface communications, the years immediately after 1941 confronted the Ethiopian government with almost overwhelming difficulties of maintaining its telecommunication service. ‘Transmitters secured under the lendlease agreement facilitated radio communication between the major towns. A contractual arrangement was also made with the American multinational International Telephone and Telegraph (ITT) organizauion, to repair destroyed telephone lines. Finally, in 1950, an ITT survey under the auspices of IBRD recommended the creation of the Imperial Board of Telecommunications, which was duly established in 1952. Ostensibly a share company, it was for all practical purposes a government concern, as all the shares were bought by the govern-

ment. Until the appointment of the first Ethiopian general manager in 1966, the board continued to be run by Swedes. Banking was perhaps one modern instituuion where the American or any other foreign presence was not so strongly felt. Post-Liberation

banking had its antecedents in the British-controlled Bank of Abyssinia and the state-controlled Bank of Ethiopia. During the Italian Occupation, a number of metropolitan banks (Banco di Roma,

Banco di Napoli, etc.) opened branches in Ethiopia. In 1942, the State Bank of Ethiopia was established, and continued to serve as both commercial bank and central bank of the country until 1963, 188 — when new legislation set up the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia and the

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

National Bank for the two respective functions. In the same year, a private bank named the Addis Ababa Bank was founded, and rose to become an energetic rival to the state-sponsored Commercial Bank in the subsequent decade. The Agricultural and Industrial Development Bank (formed in 1970 through the merger of the Development Bank and the Investment Corporation) and the Savings and Mortgage Corporation (founded in 1965) completed the pre-Revolution banking scene. Finally, the Americans exerted a clearly preponderant influence in the field of education. The educational system of the country was con-

ducted along more or less American lines, if we may make an exception of the few élite schools which served as the last centres of British and French educational influence. The United States became the chief destination of young Ethiopians seeking higher education.

American agencies such as Point Four, USAID, the AfricanAmerican Institute and the African Graduate Fellowship Program (AFGRAD) became the main source of scholarships. In the national university itself, the enrolment and evaluation system was indistinguishable — and still is, for that matter — from that of a standard American college. At the administrative level, the vice-presidential post appeared to have been regarded as a slot reserved for American nationals. In the high schools, the advent of the Peace Corps Volunteers in the 1960s presented a serious challenge to the dominant role that Indian teachers then enjoyed. The preponderance of Americans in almost all aspects of Ethiopian life bred resentment, especially among the students, who viewed the whole situation as being within the global framework of American imperialism. Anti-Americanism grew particularly strong in the late 1960s and early 1970s. As it happened, this was also the time when

the United States was pursuing a policy of disengagement from Ethiopia. Advances in satellite communication were rendering obsolete the Qagnaw station on which the Ethio-American alliance had been predicated. The pro-Western shift in Egyptian policy initiated by

President Anwar Sadat must also have diminished the value of Ethiopia for American strategy in the Middle East. Thus, on the eve of its demise, the Hayla-Sellase regime began to lose its most powerful and steadfast ally.

2. The socio-economic scene In spite of the growth and expansion of a number of towns and the establishment of a few industries in the post-1941 period, Ethiopia 189

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

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190 8. Ethiopia, 1974

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

remained a predominantly rural society. Agriculture engaged more than 80% of the population, and accounted for about 60% of the gross domestic product in the 1960s. Over 90% of the value of exports was derived from agricultural commodities, of which perhaps 60% came from coffee. Internally, however, grain constituted the most important agricultural product, followed by pulses and oil-seeds. The country’s livestock population was reputedly one of the largest in Africa, and the per capita consumption of meat was among the highest in the continent. Ihe dominant role that agriculture played in the national economy necessarily gave a pivotal place to land and its ownership.

Agriculture and land tenure The underlying theme in this period in the area of land tenure was an acceleration of the process of privatization of land, which had already started before 1935. Only in the northern provinces did the old communal kinship system of land tenure continue to wage a defen-

sive struggle against the pervasive influence of privatization. In the south, private tenure increasingly became the norm. The process had three facets. Firstly, northern settlers who had acquired tributary rights over southern peasants, the gabbar, ended up by owning the

land altogether, through purchase from the distressed gabbar or through forcible seizure. Secondly, madarya land given to those in government service in lieu of salary was made convertible to freehold.

Thirdly, and this appears to have been the most prevalent pattern, the government made extensive land grants from its large reserve, which came under the conveniently vague rubric of government land (ya mangest maret).

The ultimate objective of these government grants was evidently to broaden its basis of support. Begun soon after the Liberation, the policy reached its peak during the last decade of Hayla-Sellase’s life, as the regime became more and more desperate for political support in face of mounting opposition. The main beneficiaries of these grants

were patriots, exiles, soldiers and civil servants. Subsequently, the policy was given an egalitarian and developmental fagade by extend-

ing it to include ‘landless and unemployed Ethiopians’. But the overall pattern of land allotment left no doubt as to the target group of the government policy, that 1s, those who served it in war and in peace. Of the nearly 5 million hectares allocated after 1941, only a few thousands reached the landless or the unemployed. The privatization process had a number of consequences. At the conceptual level, it was attended with changes in the connotation of some important terms. Rest, in origin signifying the usufructuary

rights enjoyed under the kinship system, now denoted absolute 191

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

private “property. Likewise, the term gabbar lost its exploitative associations and assumed the more respectable connotation of taxpayer. Absolute private ownership rights to land above all entailed unrestricted freedom to dispose of it, most significantly through sale.

The post-Liberation period thus witnessed a remarkable growth in

land sales, particularly in the last decade and a half before the Revolution of 1974. Correspondingly, the price of land continued to rise In most areas. In eastern Shawa, for example, the average price

of land increased threefold between the 1950s and the 1960s. An

inevitable result of the increase in land sales was the growing concentration of land in the hands of the few. Large holdings were prevalent in the south, where the privatization process was most advanced. Holdings as big as 200,000 hectares were recorded for some areas. Conversely, in the north, where the kinship system of tenure still predominated, the main problems were litigation over land-use rights and fragmentation of holdings, as the initial plot was subdivided ad infinitum.

But undoubtedly the most important consequence of the growth of private tenure was the concomitant spread of tenancy. Some 50 %-

65% of all holdings were estimated to fall under this category. Understandably, tenancy was most widespread in the southern provinces (for example, 75% in Hararge, 67% in Shawa and 62 % in Kata), and less so in the northern provinces (15% in Bagemder, 20 % in Gojjam and 25% in Tegre). Absentee landlordism, estimated at about 25% in the 1960s, constituted the other side of the coin. Most tenancy agreements were verbal, involving sharecropping arrangements known as erbo (a quarter), szso (one-third), or ekul arash (half). As the value of land rose with commercial farming and mechanization, the arrangement tended to be weighted increasingly against the tenant, often culminating in his eviction. In addition to the agreedupon share that he paid to the landlord, the tenant often had to bear the burden of the tithe (asrat), and sometimes even that of the landtax.

Parallel with the privatization process went the efforts of the central government to increase the revenue it obtained from land. In broad terms, this involved the elimination of the intermediary tiers of revenue appropriation, and gave the government direct access to the source of revenue. Concretely, it meant the conversion of tribute to tax. Like many other developments, the process had begun before 1935, but it was after 1941 that it speeded up. Aware of the precarious nature of its hold, the government proceeded rather cautiously at first. Thus, the first land-tax decree (1942), ‘taking into account the sufferings of Our people and Our country in the past five years’, fixed the tax rate on both measured and unmeasured land at half that in force 192 ~=in 1935. For measured areas, the rate for forty hectares (gasha) was

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

$Eth.15 for cultivated land (lam), $Eth. 10 for semi-cultivated land (lam-taf), and $Eth. 5 for uncultivated land (af). The reprieve granted the tax-paying population was terminated some two and a half years later. In late 1944, a new decree was issued which raised the tax on measured land to a total of $Eth. 50, 40 and 15 per gasha of lam, lam-taf and taf respectively. The increase was represented by the tax in lieu of asrat, now commuted from kind to cash in all the three categories. The measured lands subject to this rate were located in Shawa, Harar, Arusi, Wallo, Wallaga, Sidamo, Ulubabor, Gamu Gofa and Kafa. A lower rate was fixed for Shawa rest

land, but Gojjam, Tegre and Bagemder were to pay the land-tax at the 1935 rate plus the asrat on assessment.

In theory, the decree of 1944 represented the first step in the rationalization of land revenue. The abolition of the numerous fees and labour services traditionally imposed on the tiller is a case in point. In practice, however, such labour services continued to be exacted. A proclamation in 1947 further emphasized that the church was exempted from the abolition order. With regard to the land-tax as well, a great deal of revenue that was due to the state was absorbed by holders of hereditary tribute right (vesta guilt), tribute levied by the landlord or balabbat (siso guilt), and by church lands (samon). No landtax was exacted from madarya holders unless they had become gabbar

by converting their holdings into freehold. The introduction of education and health taxes on land in 1947 and 1959, respectively, could thus be said to have provided much needed additional sources of revenue to the state.

The third decree on land-tax, issued in 1966, was apparently designed to terminate the intermediary role of the gudt-holder in the surplus-appropriation process. All owners of land under resta gult and siso gult were to pay the land-tax directly to the state, instead of to the gult-holder as was hitherto the case. In effect, this was tantamount to the abolition of both resta gult and siso gult. In practice, the holders of such rights, particularly of the resta gult, were too well entrenched and too close to the centre of power to allow the full implementation of the decree. Measures to terminate the church’s gu/t were not even considered. Despite persistent efforts to augment the revenue accruing from land, therefore, the state was unable to obtain the maximum it could possibly get. By the mid-1960s, revenue from the agricultural sector, undoubtedly the most important sector of the economy, amounted to only 7 % of the total. Such was the background of the initiation of the government’s last measure to augment agrarian revenue: the agricultural income tax of 1967, which was part of a general revision of the country’s income-tax regulations.

On the surface, the new tax schedule represented a more rational 193

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

basis for the collection of agricultural tax. The disparity between measured and unmeasured land was removed, as tax was levied on agricultural produce irrespective of the status or nature of the land. The progressive nature of the tax also promised greater social equity and more revenue yield to the government. In practice, however, the implementation depended on assessment committees which, subject as they were to various influences, could not be expected to be completely honest in their determination of income. Moreover, the new

tax met stiff opposition in the rest-holding regions of northern Ethiopia, as it was viewed as a veiled attempt to introduce the galad in the north. The Gojjam peasant uprising of 1968 was triggered by government attempts to implement the new tax law. When we come to consideration of the government’s strategy for

agricultural development, the result is disappointing. Budgetary allocation for agriculture was 2% in 1967. This was attended by a correspondingly low growth rate of the agricultural sector. When the

government did turn its attention to agriculture, in the third of its Five-Year Plans, 1968-1973, priority was given to commercial rather than to peasant agriculture. This probably reflected the government's eagerness for higher revenue as well as its own class interests, since it was the big landlords who stood to gain from commercial farming. The last decade of the regime thus saw extensive commercialization

and mechanization of agriculture. Some observers even began to speak of the birth of an agrarian bourgeoisie. ‘This agrarian transformation had three agents: private Ethiopians, expatriate concessionaires and the government. The first, landlords turned entrepreneurs or enterprising professionals leasing out land, were particularly active in southern Shawa and in Satit Humara in north-western Bagemder. Of the foreign-owned plantations, the Italian Elaberet farm in Eritrea and the Tandaho cotton plantation in the Awash river valley, run by

the British Mitchell Cotts Company, deserve particular mention. Finally, a government agency, the Awash Valley Authority, was set up in 1962, to act as an umbrella organization, sponsoring a host of agricultural, agroindustrial and hydroelectric enterprises. Rather belatedly, a not so successful attempt to promote peasant agriculture was made. A ‘package’ approach to agricultural development was introduced, mainly in the central provinces, to provide high quality seeds and fertilizers to poor peasants. The government set up a unit known as the Extension Project Implementation Department

(EPID) to co-ordinate what were termed ‘minimum package programmes’. The Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA) ran similar extension programmes, of which the most notable was

the Chilalo Agricultural Development Unit (CADU). Ostensibly designed to benefit the poor peasants, CADU ended up by enriching

194 the rich landlords, who contrived ways of circumventing the prere-

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

quisites of eligibility for the extension facilities. Further, the programme accelerated the process of mechanization of agriculture and the eviction of tenants, as landlords found it more profitable to work

the land themselves or to lease it out to commercial farmers. The Wallamo Agricultural Development Unit (WADU), financed by the United Nations World Bank, was relatively more successful in easing land congestion through its settlement scheme. The cumulative effect of the process and policies described above was to polarize rural society into landlords and tenants, particularly in the southern half of the country. The problem of tenancy became

too acute to ignore. Largely pushed by its external sponsors, the government was forced to consider what came to be known rather loosely as ‘land reform’. A committee on land reform was first set up in 1961. In 1965, this concern crystallized into the Land Reform and Development Authority, which was reconstituted as the Ministry of

Land Reform and Administration a year later. But all efforts to introduce any meaningful changes in the conditions of tenancy foundered on the inescapable reality that they impinged on the vested interests of the landlord class which dominated the state apparatus. It is also of some interest that the Amharic name for the new ministry had no element of ‘reform’ in it: a more strict English translation would be Ministry of Land Tenure (yezota) and Administration. It was Parliament, the declared spokesman of the people, which thwarted government initiatives in this regard. Given the high representation of landlords in that institution, the outcome is not surprising. A tenancy bill was first presented to Parliament in 1964. The obstruction it faced in Parliament formed the background for the student demonstration of 1965, under the banner of ‘Land to the Tiller’ - a political act that augured the radical phase of the Ethiopian Student Movement. A much more comprehensive bill to regulate the terms of tenancy

was presented to Parliament in the twilight of the Hayla-Sellase regime. There was nothing radical about the bill. It did not insist on written leases. It envisaged a rent going as high as half the tenant’s

produce. It did not promise security to the tenant, as the contract could be terminated unilaterally, and as mechanization was deemed sufficient ground for eviction of a tenant by the landlord. Perhaps the only progressive aspect of the bill was its provision for the taxation of unutilized land. All the same, the bill had scarcely any supporters. A few opposed it because it did not go far enough. Many opposed it because they felt it went too far. The net effect of the bill was to accelerate the process of eviction of tenants, as landlords rushed to pre-empt the legislation. The increasing pressures on the peasantry, combined with natural

disasters such as droughts and locust raids, made it easy prey to 195

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

famine. This is seen in the high incidence of famines in this period,

particularly in the northern parts of the country. An outbreak of famine in ‘Tegre in 1958 claimed the lives of about 100,000 peasants. In 1966, Wallo was the scene of famine affecting a number of districts. Government response to famines was characterized by bureaucratic

inertia and deliberate efforts to cover up the disaster. This became particularly evident in the course of the most devastating famine of the period, the Wallo Famine of 1973. When the human catastrophe was finally unveiled by university staff and students and the foreign media, it exposed the bankruptcy and irresponsibility of the old regime, and became one of the immediate causes for its demise.

Trade and industry The striking thing about trade and industry as aspects of economic activity 1s their insignificant role in the national economy. In the 1960s, trade constituted a mere 7% of the gross domestic product; industry’s part was even less than that. This implies a rather low rate

of circulation of goods, as well as revealing the infant stage of industrialization in Ethiopia. The trade pattern, too, reflected the predominantly agricultural character of the country. Agricultural products constituted the bulk of the country’s exports. Coffee, as indicated earher, was valued at from 50% to 65% of the total exports, followed by hides and skins; next came pulses and oil-seeds.

While the pre-eminence of coffee as an export item continued unchallenged, a significant shift was taking place on the import scene. Textiles were giving way to machinery and chemicals. This was in large measure a result of the policy of import substitution that underpinned the country’s industrialization, as local production of textiles became the most notable achievement of that policy. With regard to the nature of the country’s trade partnership, it reflected its international alignment. Forty per cent of the country’s trade was with the United States, which absorbed about 70% of the total coffee export. On the import side, however, the United States came third after Italy

and Japan. The balance of trade was generally unfavourable to Ethiopia, a situation aggravated by the steadily declining price of exports and the rising price of imports. With respect to internal trade, the commercial centrality of Addis Ababa, begun in the late nineteenth century, was further consolidated. The competition it faced from trans-frontier trading posts dwindled until it died altogether with the end of colonial rule. Inside Addis Ababa itself, the Italians left behind an enduring legacy as far as the commercial topography of the city was concerned: the pre-war

196 market of Arada, renamed the Piazza by the Italians, was eclipsed

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974 by the Mercato. Correspondingly, the expatriate domination of trade met a serious challenge from a class of national traders - a process

partly facilitated by the Italian policy of destroying the expatriate mercantile class in favour of state monopoly of trade. The Mercato became the stronghold of these national traders, most notably the Gurage traders. Their displacement of the Yemenite Arabs, who had

earlier dominated retail trade, remains a remarkable example of national enterprise. This is far from saying that a national commercial bourgeoisie had come into existence, however. Only a handful of Ethiopians were involved in the export-import trade. Apparently taking their cue from the Italians, Ethiopia’s rulers set up a series of parastatal organizations which controlled the country’s foreign trade. The first of such

organizations was the Ethiopian National Corporation (ENC). Created soon after 1941 by the Minister of Commerce and of Agriculture, Makonnen Habta-Wald, the ENC made substantial profits

from the sale of cereals to war-torn Europe in the years between the liberation of Ethiopia and the end of World War Two. In 1944,

its profits were estimated at over £1,200,000 sterling. A parallel organization, the Ethiopian Society for Commerce and Transport (popularly known as the Mahbar Bet or Self-Help Association), enjoyed

a virtual monopoly of the import of cotton goods. The latter-day National Coffee Board, Livestock and Meat Board and the Grain Corporation could be viewed as successor organizations to the ENC, designed to control the three most important export commodities: coffee, hides and skins, and grain. The government, propelled by the perennial desire to augment its revenue, also gave particular attention to the collection of customs. This was a continuation and elaboration of the pre-war policy of the government's assertion of its rights to levy import and export duties at rates it deemed appropriate, as symbolized by the 1931 Excise and

Consumption Tax Proclamation. But the pre-war efforts had the appearance of tentative steps in customs legislation as compared with the elaborate provisions of the post-1941 laws. The standard was set in the Customs and Export Duties Proclamation of 1943, a lengthy document which fixed the rates for almost all conceivable imports. The bias was clearly towards import rather than export duties. Only four commodities were singled out in the latter category: hides and skins, civet musk, wax and coffee. As a result of this, import duties constituted an important source of government revenue, rising to a quarter of the total, as opposed to the insignificant share contributed

by export duties. An idea of the importance of customs duties for government revenue, particularly in the early years, can be obtained

from the fact that in 1944, out of a total revenue of £2,843,600, £650,000 was from customs, while £590,000 was from land-tax. 197

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

In the industrial sphere, although neghgible when viewed in absolute terms, there was some progress when compared with the situation before 1935. This was partly due to the foundation laid down by the Italians; partly, too, it was the result of post-Liberation policies and efforts. In the former category, we have already cited Dire Dawa’s textile mills and cement factory, and oilmills, flour mills and sawmills throughout the countryside. In Addis Ababa, there were fibre mills and four flour mills and the capital's electricity supply from

the hydroelectric plant set up south of Addis Ababa during the

Occupation by the Italians. We may note here that the major hydroelectric plant at Qoga, in south-eastern Shawa, which later became the main source of power for a large part of the country, was built with money paid by the Italians as war reparations.

The man who presided over the administration of these plants inherited from the Italians was Makonnen Walda-Yohannes, brother of the famous power-broker of the post-1941 order, Tsahafe T’ezaz Walda-Giyorgis Walda-Yohannes, the Minister of Pen. As Custodian of

Enemy Property, Makonnen amassed a considerable fortune for himself and the emperor, until the disgrace of the brothers in 1955. The thrust of the government’s industrial policy, more particularly

in manufacturing, was towards import substitution. Textiles, the major import commodity, thus became the main focus of attention. Many textile mills were opened, of which the two most important

were the Indo-Ethiopian Textile Mills at Agaqi, on the southern outskirts of Addis Ababa, and the Bahr Dar Textile Mills in northern Gojam. Beverages constituted a second area of import substitution. The Saint George Brewery, a pre-1935 enterprise which became one of the most lucrative businesses for the emperor, was supplemented by the Metta Abbo Brewery. Soft drinks factories began to operate under patent, including the famous American brands Coca Cola and Pepsi Cola.

But the big success story of post-1941 industrialization was the

sugar-manufacturing industry monopolized by the Dutch firm, Handelsvereeninging Amsterdam (HVA). Expelled from Indonesia by President Achmed Sukarno, HVA found a propitious investment climate in Ethiopia. In 1954, it set up two major centres of sugarmanufacturing, the first at Wanji, the second at Matahara, both along the Awash river. Like many other industrial undertakings of the postLiberation era, the Wanji sugar-plant had Italian antecedents: it was established on the site of a sugar-cane plantation run by an Italian firm during the Occupation. In 1958-1959, the Dutch company was

reorganized to ensure greater Ethiopian participation, and at the same time it was renamed HVA-Ethiopia, but the Ethiopian share in

its capital rarely exceeded 20%. Assisted by the lberal investment 198 policy of the government, and through ruthless industrial exploita-

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From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

Kalo campus of the university provoked violent clashes as students tried to stop a function which they regarded as a manifestation of

cultural imperialism. In 1969, the cause of educational reform brought students all over the country into the streets. ‘The beginning of the academic year 1969-1970 saw university students addressing

themselves to perhaps the most sensitive issue, the question of nationalities. Student support of the right of nationalities to selfdetermination alarmed the government into launching its most determined offensive to date. An orchestrated press campaign against the students was followed by the assassination of the student union presi-

dent and the killing of a number of students as they gathered to honour their slain leader. Parallel with their growing radicalization, the students attained ever higher forms of organization. ‘The University College Union (UCU) had been the main student organization in the early 1960s. The transfer in 1965 of the Faculties of Arts and Education from their original location at Arat Kilo to the new premises at Seddest Kilo shifted the centre of political activities. It also necessitated the forma-

tion of a new union, known as the Main Campus Student Union (MCSU). Before a year passed, the radical wing of the student body

began to agitate for a city-wide union. A national student organi-

zation, the National Union of Ethiopian University Students (NUEUS), had been in existence since 1963, but it was too nebulous and ceremonial to play an effective role in channelling student opposi-

tion. An organization uniting all the students of the capital was deemed the best mode of giving that opposition maximum effect. After an intense debate, the University Students Union of Addis Ababa (USUAA) was formed. USUAA and its paper, Struggle, marked the organizational and ideological ascendancy of the left in Ethiopian student politics. The Ethiopian Student Movement also had an important external component. Student activity abroad was centred in North America and Europe, and was conducted by two organizations: the Ethiopian Students Union in North America (ESUNA), successor of the Ethiopian Students Association in North America (ESANA), and the Ethiopian Students Union in Europe (ESUE). Distance, and better access to revolutionary literature, uncensored, lent Ethiopian student activity abroad a theoretical advantage. As students on the home front were absorbed in the day-to-day reality of their country, ESUNA’s Challenge and ESUE’s Tatag (‘Gird yourself’) evolved as the theoretical organs of the student movement. But there was hardly any mean-

ingful symbiosis between the practical struggle at home and the theoretical discussions abroad. The last years of the old regime also saw the Ethiopian student body abroad rent in bitter and acrimonious

divisions - divisions which were to be transposed to the Ethiopian 225

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974

scene in the course of the Revolution, with disastrous consequences. For its idealism and its commitment to change, the Ethiopian Student Movement has few parallels. In a social order which banned overt political dissent, Ethiopian students assumed the burden of opposition with heroism and dignity. It was a task for which the Ethiopian

past had hardly prepared them. The absence of a democratic and critical tradition left its mark on the character of the movement. Dissenting opinions were treated with intolerance. Ideological disputes were vaguely reminiscent of the doctrinal controversies of the Zamana Masafent. Marxism—Leninism was embraced as a creed rather

than as a system of thought to help interpret the Ethiopian reality. Slogans came to be mistaken for theory. The assumption of a radical posture became a self-justifying pursuit: in other words, the further to the left, the better. Government repression left no option other than the increasingly radical movement. Beginning with the detention of student leaders in police stations in Addis Ababa, the regime had escalated its repression to mass deportations to the torrid Gibe river valley by 1972. Students meanwhile had elevated their opposition from rallies and demonstrations to the armed hijacking of a DC-3 passenger aircraft. The particularly repressive atmosphere of the early 1970s forced many activists to flee the country, swelling the student opposition abroad, particularly in North America. Yet, despite the growing intensity of the confrontation, the outbreak of the Ethiopian Revolution in 1974 caught both the regime and the students unawares. The regime had scarcely thought the end was so near. The students, their years of opposition notwithstanding, had not yet formulated a clear and viable alternative.

Sources, Chapter 5 Note. The BA and MA theses cited in the references are available in the Institute of Ethiopian Studies (IES) and/or in the Department of History, Addis Ababa University (AAU), formerly Haile Selassie I University (HSIU),. Addis Hiwet. Ethiopia: From Autocracy to Revolution. London, 1975.

Ahmed Hassan Omer. ‘Aspects of the History of Efrata-Jille Wareda (Shoa Region), with Particular Reference to the Twentieth Century.’ BA thesis (AAU, History, 1987). Assefa Bequele and Eshetu Chole. A Profile of the Ethiopian Economy. Nairobi, 1969.

Assefa ‘Tewodros. ‘History of Telecommunications in Ethiopia up to 1974.’ BA thesis (AAU, History, 1985).

Ayele ‘Varekegn. “The History of the Imperial Highway Authority (IHA): 1951-1980. BA thesis (AAU, History, 1987). Bahru Zewde. ‘Environment and Capital: Notes for the History of the Wonji-Shoa Sugar Estate, 1951-1974.’ Paper presented at the Sixth Eastern Africa History Conference. Ambo, 1984 (AAU, IES).

226

From Liberation to Revolution 1941-1974 ——., ‘Some Aspects of Post-Liberation Ethiopia 1941-1950’, Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies (Taddese Beyene, ed.), Volume I. Addis Ababa and Frankfurt-on-

Main, 1988. Balsvik, R.R. Havle Selasste’s Students: The Intellectual and Social Background to Revolution, 1952-1977. Last

Lansing, 1985. Clapham, Christopher. Haile Selassie’s Government. New York, 1969.

Cohen, J.M., and Weintraub, D. Land and Peasants in Impenal Ethiopia: The Social Background to a

Revolution. Assen, 1975. ,

Eshetu Chole. “The Mode of Production in Ethiopia and the Realities Thereof’, Challenge XII, | (1971).

——. ‘Towards a History of the Fiscal Policy of the Pre-Revolutionary Ethiopian State: 1941-1974’, Fournal of Ethiopian Studies XVII (1984).

Gebru Tareke. ‘Rural Protest in Ethiopia, 1941-1970: A Study of Three Rebellions’, PhD thesis (Syracuse, New York, 1977). Getnet Bekele. “The Peasant Rising of 1960 in Gedeo.’ BA thesis (AAU, History, 1983). Gilkes, Patrick. The Dying Lion. Feudalism and Modernization in Ethiopia. London, 1975.

Gizachew Adamu. ‘A Historical Survey of Taxation in Gojjam (1901-1969).’ BA thesis (HSIU, History, 1971). Lefever, Ernest W. Spear and Scepter. Army, Police and Politics in Tropical Afnca. Washington, DC, 1970.

Marcus, Harold. Ethiopia, Great Britain, and the United States, 1941-1974. The Politics of Empvre. Berkeley, California, 1983. Markakis, John. Ethiopia. Anatomy of a Traditional Polity. Oxford, 1974. Mesfin Wolde Mariam. Rural Vulnerability to Famine in Ethiopia: 1958-1977. New Delhi, 1984. Molla Tikuye. ‘System of Land Tenure and Peasant Protests in GubalaftoWorada c. 1875-1974.’ BA thesis (AAU, History, 1984).

Nega Ayele. ‘Centralization versus Regionalism in Ethiopia: The Case of Gojjam.’ BA thesis (HSIU, Political Science, 1970). Neganit Gazetta. [Several numbers.| Addis Ababa. Perham, Margery. The Government of Ethiopia. London, 1969.

Shumet Sishagn. ‘Power Struggle in the Eritrean Secessionist Movement.’ MA thesis (AAU, History, 1984). Spencer, John H. Ethiopia at Bay: A Personal Account of the Haile Sellassie Years. Algonac, Michigan, 1984. Stahl, Michael. Ethiopia: Political Contradictions in Agricultural Development. Stockholm, 1974.

Tafarra Degeffe. ‘Credit Institutions in Ethiopia: An Historical Outline’, Ethiopia Observer VIII, 4 (1965).

Taye Gulhilat. “The Tax in Lieu of Tithe and the New Agricultural Income Tax: A Preliminary Evaluation’, Dialogue II, 1 (1968). Tesfatsion Medhanie. Entrea: Dynamics of a National Question. Amsterdam, 1986.

Zawde Ratta. Ya Erta Guday (“The Eritrean Question’). Addis Ababa Ethiopian Calendar. Zelalem Assefa. ‘Dajazmach Balay Zalaga (1912-1945): A Tentative Biography.’ BA thesis (AAU, History, 1983).

227

evolution and Revolution an lts Sequel

1. Typology The Ethiopian Revolution of 1974 caught almost everybody by surprise. Although they had been calling and fighting for it for almost a decade, even the most radical of the students were unprepared. As for the ruling class, while it might have had a premonition

that something might go wrong, it took quite some time for it to gauge the magnitude of the crisis. Indeed, the equivalent term for ‘revolution’ (abyot) was a relatively recent one in the Amharic lexicon;

many came to learn of it only after its eruption. Hence the highly expressive characterization of the very process of that eruption: abyot

fanada (‘revolution exploded/erupted’). It certainly did explode in the faces of both the regime and its opponents. How to handle, let alone direct, that explosion became one long process of adjustment and improvisation that ultimately delivered the country into the clutches of a totalitarian dictatorship. In the suddenness of its occurrence, the Ethiopian revolution was not unique. As the American historian Crane Brinton has concluded after his survey of the classical revolutions, “Phe actual revolution is always a surprise’. But it is more than the element of surprise that the Ethiopian revolution shared with its predecessors. It fitted very well

into the standard pattern of ‘a form of massive, violent and rapid social change’ (Dunn, 12), of ‘a world turned upside down’. It conformed also to Lenin’s famous characterization of a revolutionary situation — the people refusing to be ruled in the old way and the ruling élite failing to exercise its customary political control. There 228 was also, in Ethiopia as in earlier revolutions, a revolutionary €lite

Revolution and Its Sequel

with a formula for a better future, just as there was to be a fatal gap

between initiating a revolution (the ideal) and controlling it (the reality).

Like the Chinese revolution, the Ethiopian one ushered in a radical land reform that changed the rural landscape in a decisive manner. But it is with the French and Russian revolutions that the Ethiopian experience has the closest parallels. Like its French and Russian predecessors, it did away with a dynasty (even if the French one was restored for some decades in the nineteenth century). Like both of them, too, the revolutionary spring was followed by the heavy and dark winter of terror. Popular exercise of power soon gave way

to personal dictatorship. In the immortal phraseology of George Orwell, some animals fast became more equal than others. The malig-

nancy of the dictatorship that emerged was admittedly graduated.

The French revolution produced the relatively benign imperial autocracy of Napoleon. The Russian equivalent gave birth to the fearsome reign of Stalin. And the Ethiopian edition delivered the country to the murderous regime of Mangestu Hayla-Maryam. And it is the personality of Mangestu, and the deep impression that he stamped on the Ethiopian revolution, that have continued to colour its legacy. For much of the West, the years 1974-1991 marked one long period of unqualified disaster. For many Ethiopians, too, the blood and tears born of the terror and the civil war that attended it have overshadowed any positive achievements the revolution might have registered. Even on sober reflection, one 1s hard put to single out with confidence any unequivocal benefits that could have ensued after nearly two decades of social mobilization and economic remodelling. Only the land reform — in as much as it eradicated centuries of social inequality — appears to have had enduring positive content, and even this, as we shall see below, was not an unqualified success. But all this should not detract from the popular character of the revolution when it first erupted. And it is this aspect we will now consider.

2. The popular upsurge The popular upsurge of 1974, which attained its peak in the last days of February, was essentially an urban phenomenon. Although later

there was some agitation among the peasantry, the countryside remained relatively quiescent. But in the cities and towns, different

sectors of the population rose in various acts of defiance — the students, the teachers, the unemployed youth, the civil servants, the taxi drivers, and the soldiers. It was a mutiny by soldiers of a brigade 229

Revolution and Its Sequel

of the army’s Fourth Division stationed in the southern frontier post

of Nagalle Borana, in the first half of January, that marked the prelude to the universal declaration of dissent. As was generally the case at this early stage in the unfolding of the revolutionary process, economic rather than political issues moved the Nagalle soldiers to mutiny. Their complaints centred around the shortage of water (apparently caused by the prevalent drought) and a food shortage resulting from the fact that the rations kept in the store had gone bad. An additional factor was frequent delay in the payment of salaries. Underneath these obvious hardships was resentment at

the customary master-servant relationship between officers and soldiers of subordinate ranks. And, as the mutiny gained momentum, the soldiers broadened their demands to include the provision of a hardship and pension allowance, better uniforms and the opening of a secondary school in the town. In an effort to win over the solidarity of fellow soldiers, they sent radio messages to other army divisions. When attempts by their battalion and division commanders to cool

them down failed, the commander of the Ground Forces, General Derase Dubala, appeared in person in a vain attempt to persuade the

mutinous soldiers. Instead, he ended up joining the brigade commander and other officers who had already been detained. So that he could have a first-hand experience of their lot, he was forced to eat the spoilt food and drink the water that had been the fare of the disgruntled soldiers. In the end, it was another general, Abarra WaldaMaryam, who succeeded in pacifying the mutineers and securing the release of his fellow general. What impact the Nagalle mutiny had in the rest of the country 1s difficult to tell. But the radio messages the mutineers sent could not have failed to send a ripple through the army ranks. The demands for a pay increase and improved conditions put forward by other army units (notably the Fourth Division in the capital and the Aur Force in Dabra Zayt, some fifty kilometres to the south) echoed those of the Nagalle unit. Interestingly, too, it was another frontier division, more strategically located and with bigger muscle, that took matters a stage further. This was the Second Division, based in the troubled province

of Eritrea, which called on other units not to be placated by the granting of their economic demands. Seizing the radio station in Asmara, the Eritrean capital, it called for a change of regime and thus proved mnstrumental in the resignation of the Aklilu cabinet in late February. But, at this early stage, the more visible manifestation of opposition

came from civilian elements rather than from the military. On 18 February, the nation’s teachers came out on a general strike. Their principal target was an educational reform programme known as

230 the Education Sector Review. The teachers, supported by many

Revolution and Its Sequel

secondary school students and some parents, perceived the review as

detrimental to the interests of the poor and protested against its imminent implementation. Things assumed a much more confronta-

tional character when, on the same day, taxi drivers came out on strike demanding an increase in fares commensurate to the 50% rise in the petrol price. The latter was the result of the global energy crisis following the 1973 Arab-Israeli war. The strikers had a helping hand

from students and the unemployed youth who, apparently in an effort to stop all traffic and thereby enhance the effect of the strike, attacked all moving vehicles. Buses and luxury cars were especially targeted, the former because they were government-owned and the latter in a fit of class resentment. Under this massive if uncoordinated popular pressure, the regime buckled. On 28 February, the cabinet of Prime Minister Aklilu Habtawald was forced to resign. One of the two survivors, the Incumbent Minister of Communications, Ley Endalkachaw Makonnen, was instructed by the emperor to form a new cabinet. Endalkachaw formed

a fresh team, including from the former cabinet only the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Menase Hayle. Although the profile of the new team was impressive both in its relative youth and its educational formation (including as it did three Oxford-educated ministers), it made little impression on the popular tide of protest, which con-

tinued to expand and to assume ever more radical form and orientation.

The general tenor of the popular movement was one of the low rising against the high and mighty — the soldiers and junior ranks against the high officers, the poor against the rich, employee against employer and labour against management. The coercive arm of the state, which traditionally had stifled such opposition, was unable or unwilling to exercise its customary function. The police either joined

in the popular agitation or shepherded it sympathetically. Early in March, the Confederation of Ethiopian Labour Unions (CELU), which until then had been notable for its lethargy rather than its militancy, waged a four-day general strike. The workers’ demands included wage increases, the passing of new labour legislation, and freedom of association. On 20 April, in an emphatic call for social redress, over 100,000 Muslims and their Christian symphathizers came out in a mammoth demonstration chanting slogans for religious equality, separation of church and state, and the national observance of Muslim holidays. Calls for the dismissal of high officials in government ministries and departments were common; some officials were even temporarily detained in their offices. The agitation spilled over

to the provinces. In Jimma, capital of a coffee-rich south-western province, a popularly elected committee assumed power and dismissed the governor, the highly unpopular Dajjazmach Tsahayu = 231

Revolution and Its Sequel

Enqwa-Sellase. Radicals were quick to liken this dramatic exercise of

popular power to the establishment of soviets during the Russian revolution, The Endalkachaw cabinet was unable to stem the tide. Its plea for patience (the celebrated Amharic word for this was fata) fell on deaf ears. The unsympathetic response of the radicals was that ‘changing

the stove does not make the stew any better’, alluding to Endalkachaw’s close association with the fallen government. [ts promises of reform failed to placate the popular movement. Vhus, in early March,

on instructions from the emperor, an agenda for constitutional reform was unveiled. Later in the month, a commission of enquiry was sect up to look into the misappropriation of funds by government officials. It was mandated to examine the record of former officials and bring them to justice. Early the following month, the new cabinet issued a fairly comprehensive declaration of its economic and social policy.

Although he tried to cut a relatively fresh and more progressive image, Endalkachaw was a prisoner of his past. He was stigmatized for his aristocratic origin and deeply implicated in almost all the sins of the previous regime. The students greeted his appointment with a hostile demonstration on | March. The University Teachers’ Associa-

tion came out with an uncompromising critique three days later. Then followed the general strike mentioned above, which was as much a political as an industrial act. The armed forces, notably members of the Air Force, were likewise far from quiescent.

Anxious to put an end to this apparently interminable wave of

protest, the harried cabinet tried to combine diplomacy and mtimidation. On 30 April, the government announced the setting up of the National Security Commission in order to put an end to what

it characterized as continuing lawlessness. At the same time, the prime minister clesperately sought to woo the rebellious soldiers to his side. In late February a committee had been set up to coordinate the soldiers’ demands and moves. In due course, Colonel Alamzawd ‘Tasamma, the commander of the Airborne Brigade and reputedly a relative of Endalkachaw, had assumed a leadership position within that committee. An opportunity thus appeared to present itself to the prime minister to steer the soldiers’ movement gently onto the side of

the new cabinet. It was Alamzawd, apparently on the request of Endalkachaw and with the consent of the emperor, who presided over the detention of a number of former cabinet ministers and other high government officials towards the end of April. By this move, the

emperor and prime minister probably sought to use their former loval servants/colleagues as sacrificial lambs. Little did they suspect that they would jom their ranks in a few months’ time.

232

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Revolution and Its Sequel

The term darg, like abyot (revolution), was a new addition to the Amharic political lexicon. It was a little known Ethiopic equivalent for ‘committee’. What was not new was the intervention of the military in Ethiopian politics. Historically, palace regiments had made decisive Interventions in political affairs, making and unmaking kings and, as in the case of the Yajju princes, establishing their own dynasties. In the early twentieth century, the Mahal Safari, as we have seen, had provided the mass movement for major political changes — in 1910, 1916 and 1918. Then, in 1960, there was the abortive coup détat led by the commander of the Imperial Bodyguard, Brigadier General Mangestu Neway. And it appears that it was the 1960 experience that weighed most heavily on the soldiers who found themselves stationed between

the popular movement that goaded them on towards fundamental change and the forces of law and order. They were determined not to fail like their precursors of 1960. For this reason, they proceeded with caution and method. Their ever-tightening grip on the reins of state power was punctuated by declarations of loyalty to the emperor and fervent disclaimers of any ambition to seize power. The expression ‘creeping coup’ characterizes accurately the slow but systematic erosion of imperial power culminating in the deposition of the emperor. The Darg, which first started as a movement within the capital, was

subsequently broadened with the inclusion of representatives of various units from all over the country. Each of the forty military units

was expected to send three representatives, bringing the total to the celebrated figure of 120. In actual fact, their number was less than 110. The Darg was thus a sort of military parliament, with the vital difference, however, that the units, once they had elected and sent their representatives, lost all power over them. By design, members of the Darg were privates, NCOs and junior officers up to the rank of major; senior officers were deemed to be too compromised by close association with the regime. They had not gone far, however, before they realized that they needed a senior military officer to give them some measure of respectability. For this task they chose the charismatic commander of the Third Division, Lt General Aman Mikael Andom, who became successively chief of staff of the armed forces, defence minister and chairman — or, more accurately, spokesman — of the Darg.

The Darg’s first act was a request to the emperor to declare a general amnesty for all political prisoners and exiles, the speedy completion and implementation of the new constitution, and the postponement of the parliamentary summer recess. They accompanied their request with profuse expressions of their loyalty to the

emperor and admiration for his wise leadership. Perhaps partly because of that, the emperor readily granted their request. The soldiers’ next move was to detain a number of high government 234 = officials and members of the aristocracy whom they considered a

Revolution and Its Sequel

threat to the continuation of the political change. Except for one or two incidents, this was accomplished with surprising ease. To rally

popular support, the Darg enunciated the crisp if somewhat ambiguous slogan of Ityopya Tegdam (‘Ethiopia First’) and started harang-

uing the populace with statements distinguished more by bombast than substance. Expressions of support and suggestions for what moves to take next poured in; the Darg had facilitated this by positioning suggestion boxes at various sites. In a dramatic show of force and confidence, units of the army came out in late August on a motorized parade in the capital, mounting their slogan on the vehicles.

As far as the affairs of government were concerned, dual power prevailed for something like a month —- that of the Endalkachaw cabinet and the Darg. A committee of four members had been chosen

to liaise and maintain a good relationship between the two bodies.

But this proved far from being a practical proposition; power continued to slip progressively out of the hands of the former and into those of the latter. Finally, Endalkachaw was dismissed on 22 July and subsequently joined his former colleagues in detention, much to their gratification and his chagrin. He was replaced as prime minister

by his former colleague Mika’el Emeru, son of the emperor’s relatively progressive cousin, Leul Ras Emeru Hayla-Sellase.

As his entire world was collapsing in front of him, the emperor bore everything with a nonchalance that bordered on fatalism. It is far from certain whether he was aware that he was the ultimate target of the Darg. But that fact became abundantly clear soon enough as the Darg dismantled the institutions that were most closely associated with imperial power such as the Ministry of the Pen and the Crown Council. It followed this move with the confiscation of business con-

cerns in which the emperor and other members of the royal family were deeply involved, such as the Anbassa (Lion) Bus Transport Company, the St George Brewery, and the Haile Sellassie I Welfare

Foundation. The ruler who had portrayed himself as the caring father of his people was now portrayed as a greedy tyrant. Finally, on the night of 11 September, the ultimate act of vilification was perpetrated as the public was treated to a doctored edition of a famous film

on the 1973 famine produced by Jonathan Dimbleby of Thames Televison. A canny collage of royal feast and peasant famine drove home the emperor’s alleged callousness to the suffering of his people.

The following morning, representatives of the Darg went to the Jubilee palace and read a statement proclaiming his deposition. He was bundled off in a Volkswagen ‘beetle’ to his place of detention at the Fourth Division headquarters, the very birthplace of the Darg. Thus ended not only one of the longest and most remarkable reigns in Ethiopian history but also a dynasty that traced its origins to King

Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. 235

Revol uti

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Revolution and Its Sequel

Government’, as opposed to the military regime that was rearing its head. The origin of this powerful slogan, which persisted for something like two years with remarkable tenacity, goes back to the early days of the Endalkachaw cabinet. First presented as ‘People’s Government’, it

was promoted as an alternative programme of fundamental change in place of the mere reshuffle represented by the appointment of the new cabinet. But the programme’s supporters must have realized that the establishment of a people’s government in the true sense of the phrase was not going to be easy. Hence, by the time the Darg took the political stage, the slogan had been qualified into ‘Provisional People’s

Government’ (PPG). The Forum group took the lead in articulating

the slogan and detailing the projected composition of that government in a letter to the Darg in late July. The supporters of the

slogan were far from unanimous on the actual composition of the PPG. Sometimes, it was to be constituted by bringing together representatives of workers, students, teachers, and peasants. At other

times, it was to be based on the committees and other organized groups in the forefront of the popular movement since February 1974.

It is of interest that the two main leftist groups — the Democracia group which subsequently crystallized into the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) and the YaSafitw Hezb Demts group which

was the organ of Mason (the Amharic acronym of the rival All Ethiopia Socialist Movement) both espoused the PPG. Indeed an issue of YaSafiw Hezb Demts that came out two days before the deposition of the emperor predicted rather prophetically that a military-led government, however well-intentioned it might be, would in the end deliver the country to one-man dictatorship. This view, which was that of the home-based Mason members, diverged significantly from that of the members abroad, which argued that the slogan would only have the effect of diverting the left from the vital task of organizing the masses. After the external wing of Maison returned to the country, it prevailed on the internal wing to abandon the slogan. Thereafter, the PPG became one of the fundamental points of difference between EPRP and Maison. The debate on the PPG, though couched in lofty Marxist phraseology, appeared in essence to be a struggle for power. EPRP, which had managed to make significant inroads into the mass organizations, was confident that it would be in a position to direct the course of the PPG. Mason, on the other hand, which lagged behind in organizational matters, was prepared to let the Darg hang on to power until it itself was sufficiently organized to wrest it away from the Darg. Thus, by early 1975, Mason had made a strategic shift from a position of opposition

to the Darg to one of critical support. 237

Revolution and Its Sequel

As for the Darg, it showed no sign of heeding the popular clamour and relinquishing power. As the months and years accreted, it came

to regard itself as the guardian of the revolution. To return to the barracks was therefore tantamount to betraying it. Once it started shedding blood, it became downright homicidal. It met the popular demand head on with a combination of force and subterfuge. Stealing

a feather for its new headdress from popular demand, on 12 September it christened itself the Provisional Military Administrative

Council. To take the steam out of the idea of popular representation, it also set up a National Advisory Commission whose members

represented various government and religious institutions, the fourteen governorates-general, mass organizations and professional

associations. To demonstrate unequivocally that it brooked no opposition, it arrested the leaders of dissenting mass organizations and professional associations. Worker protest at the arrest of their

leaders was crushed brutally. The confrontation with rebellious military units — the Engineers, the Bodyguard and the Army Aviation

— turned equally bloody. While the last two were intimidated into

handing over their dissident elements, the Engineers were not prepared to surrender without a fight. On 7 October, troops loyal to

the Darg stormed the Engineers’ camp, killing five of them, wounding a number of others and detaining hundreds. With that,

the illusion that the revolution would remain bloodless was exploded.

The bloody October confrontation augured darker days. On 24

November the Darg announced to a_ shocked national and international audience that it had shot its chairman, Aman Andom, and executed some sixty people it had held in detention, most of them dignitaries and high functionaries of the imperial regime. The general had died (either killed or committing suicide) after a tank

assault on his residence. His crimes, according to the official announcement, included exhibiting dictatorial tendencies, sowing dissension within the Darg and between it and the armed forces, and absenting himself from his post. Unofficially, the general’s elimination

has been attributed to disagreements between him and prominent Darg members, notably the first vice-chairman Mangestu, over the handling of the Eritrean question, the former urging a more cauuious approach as opposed to the latter’s hard-line position. In the weeks

preceding the incident, both Aman and Mangestu had been canvassing support for their respective positions among various units of the armed forces. In essence, however, it appears that the general had outlived his usefulness and was in fact becoming an obstacle to the

Darg’s exercise of power. While it needed the popular and charismatic general in the early days of uncertainty, he had become a

238 dangerous rival for power and glory.

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pases Sonica aaa cs ember ae ce aan aes Sea Se ee SA mae: is er a. DR Deg 2S eA a Rene ia ae emer es Rae ie ape AO UNIS BRN JC Ne es SOS) PROSE Henican: age Saree Nes aN

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m vate |i ssued. 1 crorm Gage ofr wnerst . rock at a° rural SHIp a amatio over | al land. PSw and pre hibi tn1D] abolis€ and hold . Peasant , ( Sse rited |. yldings S were . e Sale aADOUS Os WwhOSs oe Sale shec se CenHlr Ponty . usufr se Ss, WHOS cai]j :ructory HOV ¢vec ? OY as ‘dd. Lan ng was aa y | sali 2 WaS SCL « rr ‘OU 1gatlo at ten hec ylg won ‘thie £,1a . C.. .tern .ania aul ects r7 . )ad, ;. Cc .ares , *+enc: he 1esetting sett Was Was ;-(O OMMINO OO-CO ancy ; » Was .~oO () ye; - ALUTE ONSIE : SC ASS .ation . - oOck a>Vr y Tor tCO ations prov! C wtration . p.emente . VOuUICd aSS tas ot;the ation of ASSUME . he per ; the : primar cl * . C ] > . . ) ( « ; . :, lVIS ;On storical al, tn itoan :§ ignit se‘lamat :ation of. lar , Cal distr asiaestrib C€ ANC

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Revolution and Its Sequel

tenants and the landless. The latter came to constitute a solid rural mass base for the Darg, particularly in the southern parts of the country. In return for land, the Darg could draw on the vast pool of human

resources for the interminable wars that chequered its career. But when it came to improving the lot of the peasant, the proclamation could hardly be judged to have been an unqualified success. Not only did it fall short of making him the absolute master of his plot, but it was also accompanied by a series of unpopular measures that sought

to regiment rural life. These measures ranged from state control of agricultural marketing — with the peasant required to supply produce at fixed government price — to forcible resettlement, collectivization and villagization or the relocation of peasant neighbourhoods to new sites selected by government cadres. Rural dissatisfaction with these measures was to be one of the factors for the rallying of the northern peasantry behind the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in its campaign to bring Darg rule to an end. Similarly, the nationalization of urban land and extra houses had

more than economic significance. To a certain extent, it dealt an additional blow to the economic power of the ruling élite, for that power had been based on real estate as well as rural property. But

alongside the big villas and apartment blocks of the rich were confiscated the hovels of the poor. And that was not only unjust to the expropriated but also uneconomical to the urban dwellers’ associa-

tions entrusted with the task of administering them. The establishment of those associations — along with the assignment of permanent urban residential addresses — was one of the notable and enduring features of the proclamation. Just as the peasant associations helped the Darg to control the countryside, the urban dwellers’ associations helped it to control the towns. In the months of bloody confrontation

between the Darg and the EPRP, they became a veritable battleground as EPRP militants targeted their leaders for assassination and

the latter, and particularly members of what were known as the committees for the defence of the revolution, orchestrated the socalled Red Terror against the EPRP.

5. The ideological schooling of the Darg The Darg has passed into history — not without reason — as one of the

most doctrinaire Marxist regimes that has appeared in the twentieth century. Well nigh until its demise, it came to pride itself on what it considered impeccable Marxist credentials. And yet, when the one

hundred or so Darg members started deliberating furtively in the 243

Revolution and Its Sequel

Fourth Division headquarters in the summer of 1974, nothing could have been further from their minds than the introduction of scientific socialism into Ethiopia. Their motto of /tyopya Tegdam could at best be

described as patriotic. Even when it graduated in December into hebratasabawinat or “Ethiopian socialism’, this marked only a grudging concession to the socialist creed.

But that concession, grudging as it was, set the pattern for the

Darg’s ideological orientation. A fundamental feature of the Ethiopian revolution — as regards both its antecedents and its course — was that its tone and parameters were set by the students. Indeed,

the soldiers had _ first entered the February upsurge with strictly economic demands. It was the taunts and derisive comments of the students that pushed them into the political arena. The Darg, too, realized that, if it wished to hold on to power, it had to engage in the prevalent intellectual discourse. For something like two years, the Darg was engaged in a desperate struggle to catch up with the left, which was always a step ahead. It was only when the Darg took the supreme ideological leap and proclaimed the National Democratic Revolution in April 1976 that it could be said to have come level.

Krom then on, it began to see itself through Marxist lenses, appropriating the role of historic vanguard of the struggle of the oppressed and exploited masses.

But, as suggested in the previous chapter, the left entered the revolutionary period in a divided spirit. In particular, the external wing of the student movement had been split into what in retrospect

were pro-EPRP and pro-Maison camps. Their attempt to forge a common organization having failed, the leaders of the two factions

had been busy strengthening their camps behind the fagade of student organizations. On the eve of the revolution an acrimonious

debate had been raging over the seemingly innocuous issue of whether to form a World Wide federation of Ethiopian Students (WWEES) or not — the pro-EPRP wing advocating and the proMaison wing opposing the idea. The new structure threatened to

make redundant the existing World Wide Union of Ethiopian Students (WWUES), which had been controlled by the pro-Ma ‘ison group. The Ethiopian Students Union in North America (ESUNA)

had turned out to be solidly pro-EPRP while its European counterpart (ESUE) was divided into two antagonistic camps. Before the outbreak of the revolution, and while they remained confined to the student groups outside the country, these divisions were of little more than academic significance. After February 1974, they became metertwined with divergent interpretations of the nature and course

of the revolution. Subsequently, they were transposed onto the national stage with lethal consequences as the ideological debate 244 almost inexorably drifted into a campaign of mutual extermination.

Revolution and Its Sequel

At home, Marxist-Leninist study groups had started to grow clandestinely in the early 1970s. When the revolution broke out, they reared their head and began to reach out to the public through their papers. Of these papers, two soon attained prominence — Democracia

(the organ of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Liberation Organization, as EPRP was then known) and YaSafiw Hezb Demis (organ of the still

undeclared Maison). But these were not the only two clandestine leftist organizations. One group claiming to represent the oppressed peoples of the south was (to give it its English name) the Ethiopian Oppressed Peoples’ Revolutionary Struggle. Like Mason, with which it had a common stand on a number of issues, it was more commonly referred to by its Amharic acronym, /ch’at. An organization that was able to penetrate sections of the armed forces, particularly the Air Force, was Wazlig (the Labour League), founded by Dr Sanay Lekke, one-time president of ESUNA and an accomplished master of martial

arts. He had returned after he lost the big debate on the national question that was held at the 19th Congress of ESUNA in the summer

of 1971. Finally, there was the Marxist-Leninist Revolutionary Organization (Malerid), a smaller entity formed through the merger of a home-based group and defectors from EPRP. At the outset, such a plethora of leftist organizations must have put

the Darg slightly off balance. But it did not take long before it

managed to steer its way into the middle of the debate. An encouraging factor was that not all of the organizations were hostile to it. As a matter of fact, two of them, Ma’ison and Wazlig, were vying for favour and attention. Leading members of the two organizations were reportedly giving lessons to some members of the Darg on the ABC of Marxism-Leninism. After such early coaching, the Darg, or

more accurately its highly power-conscious first vice-chairman, Mangestu, charted his own path on the Marxist-Leninist trajectory by

setung up an organization dubbed Revolutionary Fire (Abyotawi Saddad) in the summer of 1976. Saddad, as it came to be known for short, was born through the midwifery of Wazlig, or more specifically its chairman, Sanay Lekke. But much of the subsequent organizational work came to be entrusted to a trusted lieutenant of Mangestu, Corporal (subsequently Captain) Laggassa Asfaw, who like Mangestu

had joined the Darg representing the Third Division, based in the eastern province of Harar. Close interaction between Saddad and Wazhg resulted in recriminations of infiltration and was to prove the latter's undoing. The first months of 1976 proved of considerable significance for

the ideological struggle within the Left as well as in the Darg’s graduation into the leftist camp. The Amharic daily, Addis Zaman, began devoting a section of its second page to a debate among the leftist groups, primarily EPRP and Ma’son, on the burning issues of — 245

Revolution and Its Sequel

the day, notably the contentious slogan of ‘provisional people’s government’. Known as ‘Revolutionary Forum’, the debate featured

a series of long pieces by some of the leading members of the organizations, invariably writing under a pseudonym, combining liberal citations from the Marxist classics and polemical jabs at opponents. They made for entertaining reading but did not resolve the ideological and strategic differences. If anything, they made them even more irreconcilable. By 20 April 1976, when the Darg came fully on board the leftist bandwagon with its declaration of the National Democratic Revolution Programme, the debate appears to have petered out. The NDR, as it was known in its celebrated acronym, was the Chinese recipe for socialist transformation in the Third World. It relied on the revolutionary alliance of the proletariat, the peasantry and the progressive petit-bourgeoisie and targeted the trinity of feudalism, imperialism

and bureaucratic capitalism as the enemies of the people. The ultimate objective of the programme was envisioned as the establishment of the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, which indeed

was what came to be in 1987. The Darg had indeed come very far from its fumbling debut into the arena of revolutionary rhetoric with the slogan ‘Ethiopia First’. To assist in the implementation of the NDR programme, the Darg

set up the Provisional Office for Mass Organizational Affairs (POMOA). The move could be considered a victory for those leftist forces like Maison who had campaigned all along for just such an office to facilitate what they considered to be essential tasks of conscientization and organization of the masses. And they were to use the office to achieve a degree of influence that their own earlier organizational work had not earned them. Maison enjoyed a clear ascendancy in the fifteen-person commission that led the office. This ascendancy was reflected even more dramatically as the POMOA network was exploited to the full to swell its membership. With control of the towns assured by the end of 1976 through the Ma’ison-controlled Ministry of Urban Development and Housing, the organization must have felt an understandable sense of complacency. Ultimate state power, it was confidently argued, would be attained not through the strategy of uncompromising opposition adopted by EPRP but by operating within the Darg structure, as Maison was doing. But the Darg was not entirely oblivious to these calculations. If there was one thing it was adept at, it was the mechanics of political power. Moreover, by 1976, its leaders had also mastered the Marxist rhetoric

and organizational techniques of the left. So the stage was set for the ultimate trial of strength, which was played out in the second half of 1976 and the first half of 1977. First the Darg allied itself with the

246 malleable left to destroy the EPRP, which had come to be a threat to

Revolution and Its Sequel

all through its unstoppable growth and unsparing stridency. The May Day celebrations of 1976, when many labour unions and mass organizations joined the Revolution Square rally bearing banners declaring their allegiance to the EPRP, could be regarded as a watershed in this respect. The Darg and its leftist allies must have concluded then that

their survival depended on the elimination of EPRP. The summer months appeared like the lull before the storm; but they were months of preparation in both camps for the inevitable showdown.

The storm broke out in September 1976 and raged unabated for nearly a year. Government execution of EPRP militants went in tandem with the latter’s campaign of urban terrorism that claimed many ideologues and functionaries of the regime. Recriminations as to who fired the first shot are futile, as the showdown was manifestly

in the making one way or another. What ts indisputable is the fact

that, once started, the bloodbath escalated in spiral fashion. An unsuccessful attempt on 23 September on the life of the first vicechairman, Mangestu, was attributed to EPRP. But the first major victim of the EPRP offensive was Dr Feqre Mar’ed, a Maison member of the POMOA, who was assassinated later in the month. Vowing to

avenge the life of one revolutionary with the lives of a thousand anarchists, as members of the EPRP had now _ been designated, the Darg hit back by executing already detained members of EPRP and rounding up suspected EPRP members and sympathizers. With the help of a series of search and destroy campaigns, the government was able to sniff out and eliminate or incarcerate EPRP militants who had gone underground as well as to disarm the civilian population. These exercises formed a dress rehearsal for the full-blown Red Terror, in which thousands of the regime’s opponents were brutally murdered on the streets. Directed primarily against the EPRP, this licence to kill subsequently engulfed other opponents of the regime like the EPLF and ‘T'PLF — as well as, ironically, Ma‘ison, once a rift was created between that organization and the Darg. Part of the resentment engendered by the EPRP revolved around its claim to be the proletarian party. In the Marxist-Leninist discourse that had prevailed, every organized leftist group was aspiring to be

the vanguard party of the working class postulated in Lenin’s writings. Partly out of resentment at the speed with which EPRP had managed to penetrate the labour unions and mass organizations, the

groups opposed to EPRP began to argue that, in an Ethiopian context, which had been characterized by the total absence of political

parties, the proletarian party could not be created overnight. It is indicative of this cautious approach that none of the five organizations that ultimately formed the Union of Ethiopian Marxist-Leninist Organizations (/maledeh in its Amharic acronym) called itself a party;

the preferred designation was ‘movement’, ‘struggle’, ‘league’, 247

Revolution and Its Sequel

‘organization’, or ‘fire’. Such a party, they argued, could only come

about after a protracted period of organizing the masses and progressive forces. It was purportedly with a view to achieving this objective that they formed /maledeh in February 1977. But /maledeh, far from smoothing the process of establishing the

vanguard party, became a battleground where each constituent member vied for ascendancy. Ma’ison in particular was readily accused of such tendencies towards self-aggrandizement. While the power struggle was going on behind the scenes, an ideological debate faintly reminiscent of the EPRP vs Mason debate of early 1976 raged

in the columns of Addis Zaman between Ma’ison and the other members of /imaledeh. A recurrent theme of the new debate was the issue Of democratic rights, with Maison, which felt relatively more confident of its mass base, arguing for the immediate guaranteeing of unrestricted democratic rights. But the logic of the situation worked

against it. Just as EPRP was considered a menace because it had grown too powerful, Maison had to go because it had become too ‘inflated’. Sensing danger, the leaders of the organization hastily tried

to go underground. But almost all of them were either captured or killed in August 1977 as they tried to retreat into the countryside in several detachments. That spelt the end of the organization as a viable political force inside the country.

The turn of most of the other members of the union (with the exception of Saddad, now more and more steering the course) was not long in coming. Ichat, which was closely affilated with Maison, was crushed almost simultaneously. Then, in late 1978, it was the turn of Wazhe, which was accused of infiltrating its members into Saddad in order to control that organization from within. Thereafter, the small

and not so influential Malerid, which itself soon slid into oblivion, could scarcely check the rise of Saddad to uncontested supremacy. The soldiers had finally become the sole legitimate custodians of Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy. The Darg had graduated to the status of the vanguard party.

6. Towards one-man rule The history of the Ethiopian revolution had been linked almost inextricably with the personality of Mangestu Hayla-Maryam. More

than any of the soldiers with whom he started the long march to absolute power, or the civilian ideologues who assisted the process, he

left his stamp on the revolutionary process. By 1987, when the 248 ~~ People’s Democratic Republic was inaugurated, he had reached a

Revolution and Its Sequel

pinnacle of power that hardly any Ethiopian ruler had enjoyed before. What is more, there was something inexorable about the rise of the obscure major to absolute, not to say ¢otal, power. Partly, it had

to do with the deep-seated authoritarian traditions of the country, which was more conducive to the emergence of a strong man than the collective leadership the Darg aspired to give at the beginning. In the absence of any liberal democratic legacy, it is not surprising that the autocratic emperor was replaced by the totalitarian dictator. MarxistLeninist orthodoxy, sown on the fertile bed of Christian Orthodoxy, provided the requisite ideological recipe. The parallels with Russia

are very striking in this respect. Both countries had a strong Orthodox as well as imperial tradition. And in both instances, revolutions sprouted dictators. Nor should one underestimate the personal capacity of the man. Unlike his namesake who, in 1960, went about the task of changing the regime in rather cavalier fashion, Mangestu brought ruthlessness to the enterprise. The prevarication of the former contrasted with the dour determination of the latter. While a full biography of Mangestu remains to be written, most observers concur in one thing: his special

ability to size up situations and persons. Like his imperial predecessor, he also exhibited an uncanny ability to dissimulate his true intentions, thereby lulling his unsuspecting opponents to their doom. Rather charitably, this quality has been equated with intelligence. But it is perhaps nearer the mark to see it as inner-city smartness (or what in local parlance would be called aradanat). His passionate nationalist

rhetoric, expressed with more than ordinary oratorical skill, also appears to have won him many followers, both among the lower ranks of the Darg (the privates and NCOs) and in the country at large. The Holata alma mater (to which most of the officers in the Darg

belonged) was an additional asset. His early popularity within the Darg apparently stemmed from the fact that he was one of the very few members who had some sense of direction at a time when the inexperienced appeared overwhelmed by the tide of events that were unfolding in rapid succession. Moreover, Mangestu hardly forgot the thing that really mattered — military sinew. At first, he relied on troops from his home base, the Third Division, to quell opposition, as was indeed the case with the crushing of the Engineers in September 1974. Then, he set up a force known as Nabalbal (‘Flame’), which also doubled as a special counterinsurgency force. As he began to concentrate more and more power in his hands, he created the special force that jealously guarded him in his fortress of a palace and played a pivotal role in the suppression of the May 1989 coup. Mangestu also held a tight grip on the security

apparatus, both within the Darg and outside. In this respect, two

persons (both colonels) were instrumental in his conquest and 249

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Revolution and Its Sequel

headed by Colonel Daniel Asfaw, Mangestu’s Holata classmate and now his hatchet-man. On 3 February, Mangestu and Daniel finally struck. A meeting of the Standing Committee of the Darg found all the wanted persons assembled in one room. They were readily picked up and summarily shot. Among the victims were Lt General Tafari

Bante, the chairman, Captain Almayahu, Captain Mogas, and Lt Colonel Asrat Dasta, chairman of the Darg’s Information and Public Relations Committee. Mangestu and his leftist allies had won a clear

and unequivocal victory. The revolution was proclaimed to have passed from the defensive to the offensive stage. Marring the sense of

complete triumph for Mangestu was the death of the executioner, Daniel Asfaw, and the ideologue, Sanay Likke, both of whom were shot dead by Daniel’s deputy, Captain Yohannes Meseker, a partisan of the Alamayahu group. The coup, for it was nothing less than that, gave Mangestu and his

leftist allies the complete freedom to launch a full-scale offensive against the EPRP — the Red Terror. At the same time, it smoothed the way for the consummation of Mangestu’s dictatorship. Mangestu now abandoned all pretence of remaining behind the scenes and assumed

the post of chairman of the Darg, with the enhanced powers Gncluding commander-in-chief of the armed forces) that his opponents had unwittingly tailored for him. The standing committee of the Darg, which had been designed to act as the chief executive organ, was filled with his supporters or members who did not dare to

challenge him. Only one thing remained to make Mangestu’s domination of the Darg absolute. That was the removal of the vicechairman, Atnafu. More of an encumbrance than a challenge, he nonetheless was a source of some discomfort for Mangestu, the more

so as he had expressed his displeasure at the way Mangestu had disposed of his opponents in February 1977. Atnafu’s political naiveté

soon delivered him into the hands of Mangestu and his clique. In November 1977 he was executed following a session of the Darg congress in which he had been provoked by Mangestu’s cronies into a rash (if in retrospect somewhat redeeming) challenge to a number of their actions and basic assumptions. The execution of Atnafu, who

more than anybody else had symbolized the Darg from its early origins in February 1974, effectively marked the eclipse of that institution. Only occasionally was the atmosphere of total sycophancy

dispelled by the fractionally independent disposition of the second man, Captain Feqra-Sellase Wagdaras, whom the coup of February 1977 had elevated from relative obscurity (according to some sources from near execution by reason of mistaken identity!) to the post first

of secretary-general of the Darg and then prime minister of the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.

The events of February 1977 were also followed closely by the 253

Revolution and Its Sequel

country’s closer alignment with the communist bloc and corresponding rupture with the West, particularly the United States. The communist countries had been quick to express their gratification at

the turn of those events, representing Mangestu’s triumph as a victory for the progressive forces. Fidel Castro of Cuba paid a personal visit in April, when he mooted the idea of a confederation of

Ethiopia, Somalia, and the Yemen Democratic Republic (South Yemen). By this time, relations with the United States had been completely severed; the 1953 mutual defence agreement had been terminated; and American military and cultural institutions had been

closed. In May, Mangestu paid a state visit to Moscow, where he concluded with his new patron agreements for cooperation in the economic, cultural and military spheres. These developments coincided with a shift in international alignments in the region. As America was being estranged from Ethiopia,

it was getting closer to the Siad Barre regime in Somalia. Correspondingly, having failed to restrain Barre from his expansionist aims towards Ethiopia, the Soviets found it prudent to back the Ethiopian horse. By the summer of 1977, Castro’s rather fantastic idea of a regional confederation had evaporated into thin air under the barrage of a full-scale war between Ethiopia and Somalia. The

inter-state war had been preceded by a period of infiltration by guerrillas of the so-called Western Somalia Liberation Front into the Somali-inhabited areas of Ethiopia. Initially, the Somali forces made a

quick advance into the Ethiopian highlands, controlling strategic passes and major towns. Soon, however, the attack was repulsed through a combination of impressive mass mobilization on the Ethiopian side (with the raising of a militia force estimated to be 300,000 strong in a matter of months) and the intervention of Soviet command officers as well as Cuban and Yemeni troops. As Somali irredentism was dealt a decisive blow, two more names were inscribed in Ethiopian battle folklore: ‘Tatag, the camp on the western outskirts of Addis Ababa where the militia force was trained, and Kara Mara,

the strategic pass in the Ogaden where one of the most decisive battles was fought. On the other hand, the rather equivocal stand that EPRP adopted on the issue of Somali aggression became one of the

factors that contributed to the demise of that organization. Conversely, Mangestu came out of the encounter with enhanced stature and the necessary ingredients of the personality cult that was

to mark much of his career. The chant of ‘Viva Mengistu’ reverberated loud on the morrow of the Ethiopian victory.

Thus, by the beginning of 1978, Mangestu had eliminated all challengers, potential or actual, within the Darg. He has silenced all his civilian critics and opponents. External aggression had been dealt

254 a severe blow. Only the Ertirean challenge in the north remained.

Revolution and Its Sequel

Even that appeared to have a short lease of life as the troops victorious in the south-east turned their face northwards with the slogan “The victory in the east shall be repeated in the north’. What

remained for Mangestu was to institutionalize the power that a combination of cunning and good luck had thrown into his lap. The process proved to be a fairly laborious one. Nearly a decade elapsed before the new state structure assumed its final form in 1987 under the name of the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE). It started with the vital task of establishing the professedly genuine vanguard party. As we have seen, /maledeh had disintegrated amid mutual recriminations of greed and ambition. The idea of forming the party through a merger of Marxist-Leninist organizations was declared not to be feasible. Instead, it was recommended to assemble

genuine and tested revolutionaries around the personality (the ma’ekal or nucleus) of the supreme revolutionary, Mangestu HaylaMaryam. The move culminated in the setting up of the Commission for Organizing the Workers’ Party of Ethiopia (COPWE) in December

1979. The commission was endowed with generous government funding and an elaborate organizational structure foreshadowing the party that was eventually formed. For all practical purposes, COPWE

evolved almost imperceptibly into WPE (the Workers’ Party of Ethiopia, as the party that finally saw the light of day in September 1984 was christened). Chaired by Mangestu himself, the commission had a general assembly, a central committee, an executive committee,

committees at various admunistrative levels, and the primary organization (at the level of gabale, association or workplace). All members were carefully selected by Mangestu himself, loyalty being the single most important criterion.

Finally, the big day of the proclamation of the party came. Conveniently, it comncided with the tenth anniversary of the coming of

the Darg to power. Rather disconcertingly, it took place against a background of the worst drought in the country’s recent history. By one of the many ironical twists of history, a regime that came to power

castigating its predecessor for covering up the 1973 famine was celebrating its ultimate triumph on the threshold of an even more disastrous one. Months before the festivities began, reports of people

dying from starvation had reached the capital and the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission, set up after 1974 to avert a catastrophe of the magnitude of 1973, had been warning of the impending disaster. But the matter was discreetly ignored by the government, which did not wish its big party to be spoilt. And the party went on, attended by a big international audience of supporters and sympathizers. In the ritual elections that took place, Mangestu inevitably assumed the key

post of secretary-general of the party, which was to have a central committee of two hundred members and a politburo of eighteen. The 255

Revolution and Its Sequel

latter body was an interesting amalgam of Mangestu’'s loyal followers within the PMAC, technocrats and Marxist-Leninist ideologues. The

reigning slogan now became: ‘Forward with the revolutionary leadership of Comrade Mengistu Haile Mariam!’.

One more significant step remained to complete the institutionalization of power: the promulgation of the constitution and the proclamation of the republic. The task of drafting that constitution was given to a panel of experts assembled under the auspices of the Institute for the Study of Nationalities that had been set up in 1983. The end product was delivered to a formal 347-member Constitution Drafting Commission headed by Mangestu himself. But the real work of finalizing the draft was done in the smaller circle of Mangestu and his close confidants. Completed in early 1986, the draft was formally submitted to public ‘debate’ both inside the country and among the Ethiopian community abroad. Then, it was ratified by a ‘referendum’

on | February 1987. Pursuant to the provisions of the constitution,

elections were held for the supreme body, the National Shango (Assembly). In a ‘race’ that was entirely a family affair, favoured WPE

candidates, who were appropriately given the emblem of the invincible elephant, were elected to the Shango. In yet another September (1987), that body proclaimed the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. A dramatic act of the transfer of power from the Darg to the PDRE was performed to accentuate the withering away of the Darg and the emergence of the new republic. But the high point of the proceedings was the ‘election’ of Mangestu Hayla-Maryam as

president of PDRE. The obscure major from Harar has finally become Ethiopia’s most accomplished dictator.

7. The end But the fanfare that accompanied the inauguration of PDRE concealed a fundamental internal malaise. Before four years were out, the edifice that had been built with such consummate skill — and so much blood and tears — had collapsed like a pack of cards. The dictator who had outsmarted his rivals within the Darg as well as the urban left fell under the relentless barrage of the rural guerrillas. For over a decade, the regime had launched campaign after campaign to

stifle the nationalist insurgencies in the north. Undeterred, the guerrillas surged on to final victory. Mangestu was forced to flee for

his life. And EPLF and TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front) forces entered, respectively, Asmara and Addis Ababa in May 1991, shifting decisively the regional balance of power and initiating a new 256 _ political discourse. Having eliminated the multi-national opposition

Revolution and Its Sequel

early on in the political game, the Darg was removed by a political dispensation that was determined to revamp its basically centrist political culture.

Ethno-nationalist insurgency At the outbreak of the 1974 revolution, there was a glimmer of hope among some of the Darg members that the Eritrean dissidents would lay down their arms once the hated old regime had passed away. The Darg chairman, Lt-General Aman Andom (himself an Eritrean) had toured the region in August and September 1974 and presented to the Darg a comprehensive package of recommendations for administrative reform, economic development, and political reconciliation. A possible resuscitation of the federal arrangement might have been mooted as well. But the spirited quest of the general for a peaceful

resolution of the problem came to an abrupt end when he was silenced on that fatal November evening.

Nor had the Eritrean fronts shown any enthusiasm for his over-

tures. On the contrary, they appeared to consider him as more injurious to their ultimate objective precisely because of those overtures. His death was followed by a noticeable escalation of hostilities

as the hard-liners within the Darg led by Mangestu got the upper hand. The fronts opened an offensive targeting the Eritrean capital, Asmara. On the other side, a virulent anti-Eritrean propaganda campaign went hand in hand with atrocious executions of suspected infiltrators of the front in Asmara in January 1975. A veritable exodus

of urban Eritreans, including some highly placed officials and officers, swelled the ranks of the fledgling EPLF, whose size reportedly increased tenfold. Thereafter, the favoured option on both

sides remained total war. Yet another round of negotiations for peaceful resolution, spearheaded by the Darg’s Foreign Relations Committee chairman, Major Sisay Habte, was terminated with the execution of that officer in July 1976. These negotiations had taken place in the wake of the Darg’s declaration of a nine-point policy to bring peace in the region within the framework of regional autonomy.

But regional autonomy had long ceased to attract the liberation fronts. Although the Eritrean liberation movement initially had the limited scope of restoration of the federal arrangement that had been terminated in 1962, the escalation of hostilities had pushed them into the agenda of independence. The Eritrean problem came to be posed

not as a constitutional issue but as a colonial question, with the Ethiopian state cast in the role of heir to a colonial occupation that should have been terminated in 1941 or, at the latest, in 1950 when the UN resolved to federate Eritrea with Ethiopia. A new history was 257

Revolution and Its Sequel

written to emphasize the fact that Eritrea has had nothing to do with Ethiopia. In fact, EPLF and pro-EPLF historiography perceived both entities as having been created in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, in the wake of the famous Scramble for Africa. ‘The struggle of so many Eritreans in the 1940s and 1950s to unite with Ethiopia at all costs was conveniently glossed over. Oblivious to the pivotal role

that the Eritrean Unionists played in wrecking the federation, its dissolution was portrayed as outright annexation by the Ethiopian state. What is more, the world came to believe this new story, partly because it was easier to lend an ear to the ‘underdog’ rather than to the ‘bully’.

But before the dreamed-for independence could be achieved, the fronts had to put their own house in order. Throughout the 1970s a bitter struggle for supremacy was waged between the two fronts, ELF and EPLF. The early years of the revolution had found the Eritrean liberation movement internally divided, as the newly emerged EPLF engaged in bloody confrontation with the veteran ELF. At the same time, the two liberation fronts were involved in various Manoeuvres aimed at reconciling their differences. General Aman’s intervention, by drawing representatives of the civilian population into the peace effort, had the effect of intensifying popular pressure on the fronts to find some form of accord. But the two fronts had clearly divergent

approaches to the envisaged unity, the ELF favouring a unity of organization and command while the EPLF preferred a united front of two independent organizations. Far from bringing the two fronts

together, the initiatives had the effect of splitting the EPLF even further, as the head of its foreign mission, Osman Saleh Sabby, broke

away to form his own organization (the Eritrean’ Liberation Front/Popular Liberation Forces, ELF/PLF). He took this step after

being disowned by the EPLF field commanders for concluding without their consultation an agreement with the ELF leadership in September 1975. Whatever formal agreements the two fronts could be persuaded to conclude by their Arab sponsors foundered on the

bedrock of mutual suspicion and rivalry that characterized their relationship. Not even the massive government offensive launched in

mid-1978 could bring them together. Finally, in August 1980, the EPLF felt suffciently strong to launch a campaign to liquidate its rival — an objective that it was able to accomplish fully by August 1981. No sooner had the EPLF established its hegemony in the liberation struggle than it was subjected to the most comprehensive government offensive to date. This was qualitatively of a higher order than the two major offensives that had been launched since 1975. The first was what came to be known as the razza campaign of May 1976 when the Darg hoped to drown the rebels under a sea of peasant humanity.

258 lo begin with, the government failed to mobilize all the peasant

Revolution and Its Sequel

militia from northern Ethiopia that it had intended to deploy. In the

end, only some 10,000 militia from Wallo were deployed. Disheartened and disoriented by the military and propaganda offensives of the forces of TPLF and EPRA (the Ethiopian People’s Revolu-

tionary Army, the military wing of EPRP), who controlled the approaches to Eritrea in northern Tegray, the ill-fated peasant force was dissipated before it reached its main target. In the summer of 1978, flushed with its victory over the Somali forces and vowing to repeat it in the north, the Darg regime launched a massive offensive that drove ELF and EPLF forces from the areas, including some of the major towns, that they had occupied. EPLF was forced to retreat to its stronghold in northern Eritrea, Naqfa. Some four years elapsed

before the government launched its much-advertised Red Star Campaign, which professedly had the double objective of rehabilitating

the war-damaged economy of the region and rooting out the forces of secession. In a massive offensive on Nagfa, government forces came very near to achieving the latter objective but ultimately failed. That failure was to cost the regime dearly; thereafter, the initiative could be said to have passed to the Eritrean insurgents.

Meanwhile, south of the Marab river, another major regional challenge to the Darg was unfolding. The TPLF, which was to play a

decisive role in the demise of the Darg, was officially launched in February 1975 at a remote and not easily accessible place called Dadabit in the Shere province in Western Tegray. The historical

origins of the movement could be traced back to the sense of marginalization that the region and its élite have felt since the death of Emperor Yohannes and the ascent of Menilek to imperial power in 1889. The economic hardships — including recurrent famines — that

the region’s population had endured over the decades had accentuated this marginalization. Such frustrations had formed the background to the Wayane rebellion of 1943 discussed in Chapter 5. And it is no accident that the university students who launched the TPLF three decades later incorporated that highly emotive term in the ‘Tegregngna rendering of their name (Hezbawi Wayane Harennat Tegray). (Indeed, the English rendering omits this crucial term and

thereby blurs the historical continuity.) But the young combatants brought into the struggle an organizational rigour and ideological armoury that their forerunners clearly lacked. They framed their struggle within the Leninist rhetoric of self-determination up to and

including secession that had become the creed of the student movement of the late 1960s and early 1970s. More than any other of the leftist organizations that sprouted from that movement, they have stuck to that recipe not only as a matter of principle but also — and perhaps more — for its proven efficacy in mobilizing and organizing

opposition. 259

Rev I ti d l

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Revolution and Its Sequel

somebody else’s territory, the EPRP was forced after a bloody battle to move its base of operations to Gondar and Wallo.

Initially, the Darg did not pay much attention to the TPLF. Oblivious to the indigenous origins of the organization, it tended to regard it as a mere creation or appendage of the EPLF. Hence, it was expected to vanish with the Eritrean challenge, to eliminate which the

Darg had committed almost all its forces. In actual fact, the relationship between TPLF and EPLF was far from smooth. Indeed, until EPRP was forced out of Tegray, EPLF tended to favour that organization rather than the TPLF. What emerged even after TPLF had established its hegemony in Tegray could be characterized more as a marriage of convenience than of romance. Over and above the

deep-rooted antipathies that the two kindred peoples felt for one another, the two organizations diverged on a number of issues. TPLF

argued for the extension of the principle of self-determination of nationalities to Eritrea, which itself was a composite of different nationalities, while the EPLF insisted that the Eritrean struggle should be seen as monolithic. Because of the full backing afforded the

Darg by the USSR, TPLF took a more virulently anti-Soviet stand while EPLF was more accommodating. Finally, TPLF, which preferred guerrilla tactics, was critical of what it considered to be EPLF’s hasty transition to conventional warfare. It was only in the second half

of the 1980s that the two organizations patched up their differences to cope with the urgent need of coordinating their operations to deal the final blow to the Darg.

Of the other ethno-nationalist organizations that emerged to challenge the Darg in the 1980s, the one that was potentially most significant was the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The origins of the organized quest for Oromo self-identity could be traced back to the setting up of the Mecha and Tulama Self-Help Association in January 1963. According to its statutes, the association had a rather modest objective of expanding educational, communication and health facilities in the Oromo-inhabited areas. Nor was its membership confined to people of Oromo origin only; it had in its ranks

some prominent personalities from a number of the southern nationalities. But to a regime that brooked no divergence from its centrist norm, the association represented a threat. It was particularly alarmed when the association managed to win over the commander of the police, Brigadier General ‘Taddassa Berru, who was elected its

president. A period of tense confrontation attained its climax in November 1966. The association’s audacious attempt to assassinate the emperor on the anniversary of his coronation was foiled by the security forces. This was followed by a bombing incident in one of the downtown cinemas in which members of the association were

implicated. The association was disbanded. The general, who had 261

Revolution and Its Sequel

retreated to the bush, was captured and sentenced to death. But the sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment, which remained in force until 1974. Set free soon after the outbreak of the revolution, the general, who had apparently been in close contact with under-

ground Oromo groups, fell foul of the military regime and was executed in early 1975 on charges of opposing the land reform proclamation.

In 1971, an Oromo underground organization had been set up, apparently by a former member of the Mecha and Tulama association, under the deceptively generic label of the Ethiopian National Liberation Front (KENLF). But, it did not seem to make much of an

impact. There were few overt expressions of Oromo nationalist sentiment in the early years of the revolution. While Ma’ison was sometimes associated with the Oromo by reason of the ethnic origin of some of its leaders as well as a considerable proportion of the rank and file, it was /ch‘at that came much closer to that kind of association.

At any rate, as we have seen, both organizations had ceased to have any political consequence by 1978. Already in 1976, the OLF, which stood quite explicitly for Oromo interests, had come into existence. Enjoying considerable technical support from the EPLF, the OLF waged some isolated guerrilla operations in south-eastern Ethiopia,

in the Hararge province, and from across the Sudan into western Ethiopia; but, racked by internal divisions and unable to achieve any meaningful mobilization among the Oromo, it could not pose any serious challenge. Economic crisis

In the end, the regime’s undoing came not only through the military challenge of the northern insurgency but also through its own poor economic record, which in turn was exacerbated by the war economy that the insurgency had imposed on the country. A government that had vowed to free the masses from the clutches of the ‘cannibalistic’

old regime left the country in a worse state than it found it. In October 1978, victorious over its internal and external forces, the PMAC launched the National Revolutionary Development Campaign. This was one of the many campaigns (zamacha in Amharic) undertaken, true to its militarist tradition, by the PMAC. It aimed at

mobilizing all available human and material resources for the economic transformation of the country under the guidance of the Central Planning Supreme Council. An outcome of this vigorous exercise was the Ten-Year Perspective Plan (1984/85-1993/94) that aimed at an accelerated economic growth based on the development

262 = of agriculture and the expansion of industry. But the anticipated

Revolution and Its Sequel

6.5% growth in GDP and 3.6% rise in per capita income never materialized; as a matter of fact, per capita income declined by about 0.8%. The ultimate indictment of the regime’s economic policy was to be the 1984/85 famine, which affected nearly eight million people and killed about one million. At the root of the problem was the government’s predilection for a command economy, which stifled private

initiative and overstretched the resources of the state. The capital

investment that planned economic growth presupposed was forthcoming neither from domestic nor from foreign sources. Moreover, the government’s failure to face up to the impending famine in the early months of 1984 exacerbated the situation. It was only after the festivities of party formation in September 1984 were over that the government turned in earnest to tackle the problem. Thanks to the impressive international response to the disaster, as well as contributions from local sources, the raging famine was finally checked. As if to compensate for its initial tardiness, the government then

embarked on an ambitious project of resettling peasants from the

drought-prone areas of northern and central Ethiopia to the relatively fertile provinces of the west and south-west. On the surface,

this appeared a logical move. In reality, the forcible nature of the resettlement, as well as the effort to combine it with the government's

cherished objective of collectivization, made it a highly unpopular

move, both at home and abroad. Over half a million people are believed to have been relocated in this manner. No sooner had the

government carried out resettlement than it embarked on yet another controversial piece of social engineering. This was what came to be known as villagization, involving the regrouping of rural households into new villages. The official explanation for the move was that it would streamline distribution of basic services by the government to the rural population. Starting in the south-eastern provinces of Bale,

Arsi and Hararge, this massive programme of relocation spread to many other regions of the country. In as much as it involved the uprooting of traditional households, with their cherished vegetable

gardens and trees, not to speak of the psychological trauma of abandoning ancestral abodes, the move proved highly unpopular. It thereby contributed to the disaffection of a significant portion of the northern peasantry and the advances that guerrillas opposed to the regime were able to make in the late 1980s. Global change

In the international arena, too, things were changing at a fast pace in

the second half of the 1980s and in a manner hardly propitious tothe 263

Revolution and Its Sequel

regime in Ethiopia. The twin policies of perestroizka and glasnost spearheaded by Mikhail Gorbachev were changing the nature of both

the Soviet Union and the global balance of power. In a bid to give

communism a human face, the Soviet leader was unwittingly surrendering to the West, effectively termmating the role of his country as a world power. To the Ethiopian ruling elite, which was just beginning to savour the institutionalization of the soctalist order, the turn of events came as a bitter pill. But, however reluctantly, 1t had to be swallowed. Already in November 1988 the regime, while reaffirming its commitment to the building of socialism, had made some concessions to private investment, raising the capital ceiling in joint venture undertakings, small-scale industries and hotel services.

But these measures clearly proved inadequate in the face of the fundamental transformations going on globally. Finally, in March 1990, the 11th Plenum of the Central Committee of the WPE resolved to introduce a policy of mixed economy, effectively renouncing its

longstanding commitment to socialist construction. In the political realm, too, it provided for a new political party embracing different shades of opinion; it was christened the Ethiopian Democratic Unity Party. But these policy shifts proved to be too little too late. By then, the military balance in the north had shifted decisively in favour of the msurgents and against the regime. a

The final offensives

In the military sphere, the turning point came in March 1988, when EPLF scored its most decisive victory to date at Afabet, an important government stronghold north of the Eritrean capital, Asmara. The

Nadaw division, which was defending the stronghold, had been

thoroughly demoralized after the summary execution of its commander, General Tariku Ayne, following a heated exchange with

Mangestu over the conduct of the war. Nearly 20,000 Ethiopian troops were incapacitated and considerable military hardware fell into EPLF hands, with a significant bearing on the future course of the war. For EPLE, Afabet opened the way to Massawa and Asmara.

About a year later, in February 1989, the government suffered another major debacle in ‘Tegray, when ‘TPLF forces scored a major victory at Endasellase in Shere. [n addition to superior military tactics and the wholehearted support of the local population that it enjoyed, TPLF benefited from the assistance it got from a mechanized EPLF

contingent. By contrast, government forces were beset by poor command and the inherent cisadvantage of operating in alien

territory. The nearly 40,000 strong 604th Corps of the Third 964 ~=Revolutionary Army, as the force set up to extinguish the revolt m

Revolution and Its Sequel

Tegray had come to be known (on a par with the Second Revolutionary Army based in Eritrea), was wiped out. About 23,000

troops were taken prisoner. The Shere debacle precipitated the withdrawal of all government forces from the region in a move that was ironically dubbed Zamacha Qetaw (Operation Punish Him’). The ‘punitive’ flight was psychologically debilitating to government forces.

Thereafter, panicky and precipitous abandonment of military positions and towns triggered by rumours of TPLF advances became the norm. Zamacha Qetaw not only delivered the entire Tegray region to the

TPLF but also paved the way for the extension of its military campaign further south. An organization which had had its genesis in

a desire to liberate a province had thus to think of an agenda that encompassed the whole country. The stresses and strains of adjusting

to this change of mission were to endure even after total victory in 1991. It was in these circumstances that the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was born. The constituent members were, beside the TPLF, the Ethiopian People’s Democratic

Movement (EPDM), a group composed mainly of former EPRP

members that had been operating in northern Wallo after the collapse of the EPRP in 1978; the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), which was meant to represent the Oromo population; and the Ethiopian Democratic Officers’ Revolutionary Movement (EDORM), composed of the government military officers

who had fallen into TPLF hands. Although presented as such, EPRDF was far from being a united front of national liberation movements waging a common struggle in equal partnership; the predominant position of the TTPLF was beyond dispute. Moreover, although EPDM was mainly active in Amhara-speaking areas, it did not at this stage present itself as an Amhara organization. The alliance

with OPDO was also an arrangement of second resort, after negotiations to forge a front with OLF had collapsed. As for the EDORM, it barely survived the attainment of victory in 1991.

Afabet and Endasellase marked the beginning of the end for the Mangestu regime. The military crisis generated a political shake-up in the Ethiopian capital. In a bid to stall the impending catastrophe, Mangestu’s own generals rose against him. On 16 May 1989, minutes

after Mangestu had left the country on a state visit to the German Democratic Republic, the generals, who represented almost the entire armed forces, staged a coup d'état. But the generals, even if they had consensus, clearly lacked a sense of direction. Presumably in the interests of secrecy, only four generals in the capital, led by the Chief

of Staff General Mar’ed Neguse and the former Air Force commander and Minister of Industry, General Fanta Balay, had been

privy to the plot; the others had only discovered the plot when they 265

Revolution and Its Sequel

reported for a meeting to which they had been summoned at the Ministry of Defence headquarters, which had been chosen as the command post. That choice itself, located as the building was in the middle of the city and far from the airport, proved another tactical blunder. More fatally, the plotters had failed to neutralize the special force that was guarding Mangestu’s palace. A contingent that had been sent from Asmara to support the coup failed to establish contact and, in the end, the general commanding it had to run for his life. The result was that, within a few hours, the coup had fizzled out and a dazed public came to know of its abortion before it had realized its occurrence. In Asmara, events assumed an even bloodier turn. Officers loyal to

Mangestu and spearheaded by the Airborne Division reasserted government authority in very gruesome fashion. Those implicated were murdered in their offices with lightning speed or rounded up and later executed. Among the victims was the Commander of the Second Revolutionary Army, General Damesse Bulto, whose severed body was paraded in the streets of Asmara. Returning triumphantly, Mangestu administered his own dose of retribution. At the outset the detained generals were brought before a military tribunal to account for their deed. But, as the process dragged on, the dictator developed

other ideas. About a year after the coup, twelve of the generals implicated were summarily executed. The net effect of the reprisals was to deprive an already demoralized and disoriented force of some of its best leadership. The new military command that Mangestu was

forced to set up was pathetically inadequate for the even greater challenges that awaited it in the military sphere. After this last desperate attempt from within the regime to avert

the impending catastrophe, events moved at a dizzying pace. In February 1990, the port town of Massawa fell to EPLF forces. With the simultaneous destruction of the Ethiopian Navy, the government lost control of the coastline as well as its important lifeline to its forces in the interior, now that the Tegray route had been effectively sealed. Elsewhere, EPRDF forces pushed into Gondar in the west and Wallo in the south. An EPRDF thrust into Gondar in late 1989 was repulsed temporarily and one of the most decisive battles was fought at Mount Guna. EPRDF victory was achieved at considerable cost. But that

opened the way to control of the strategic town of Dabra Tabor. Another EPRDF victory at Maragngna, in south Wallo, opened the road to north Shawa. After that, the EPRDF launched the final round

of operations that eventually led it to Addis Ababa. Operation Tewodros (named after the nineteenth-century Ethiopian emperor who had left such a deep impression on posterity) brought Gojjam

under EPRDF control. Operation Wallelegn (named after the 266 intrepid student revolutionary of the 1960s who was a native of Wallo)

Revolution and Its Sequel

drove government forces entirely out of that province. Operation Bilisumaf walqituma (‘freedom and equality’ in the Oromo language)

extended the Gojjam victory into Wallaga, an important Oromospeaking province. Thereafter, EPRDF was comfortably poised for its pincer attack on the national capital from the north, west and east.

After almost everything was lost, the regime began to explore earnestly the avenues for peace. By this time, the fronts not only enjoyed military superiority but also had a clear diplomatic edge. Having been more thorough and more convincing than the Darg in formally renouncing their Marxist-Leninist credentials, they had managed to win considerable sympathy in the US State Department, just as their military successes had impressed on US officials that they should be taken seriously in any future political restructuring of the region. Former President Jimmy Carter assumed the responsibility of bringing together government and EPLF delegations, first in Atlanta, Georgia (in September 1989), and then in Nairobi (in November).

But the negotiations became bogged down on procedural issues, notably the question of observers, and nothing of substance came out of the meetings. Likewise, what was described as the third round of

preliminary negotiations between the government and TPLF delegations were held in March 1990 in Rome under the good offices of a former Italian ambassador to Ethiopia. But they collapsed when TPLF insisted that the other constituent organizations of the EPRDF should also attend. Beneath these disagreements over procedural and technical issues was the more fundamental reality represented by the

military situation. The fronts were negotiating from a position of strength while the government was doing so from a position of weakness.

This reality became even more apparent in the last round of negotiations — if one could call it that — held in London in May 1991.

By this time the role of mediator had been assumed by Herman Cohen, US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. An Ethiopian delegation led by the new prime minister, Tasfaye Dinga, was expected to negotiate a peace deal with representatives of EPLF, EPRDF and OLF. But, by this time, the internal political situation had

sharply deteriorated. Mangestu had ordered his last purge of colleagues and made a futile cabinet reshuffle in April 1991. He presided over a desolate political landscape in icy solitude. Finally, on

21 May, he surprised everybody by fleeing the country first for Nairobi and then for Harare. The circumstances of his flight are still

far from clear. It now appears plausible that the US might have exerted pressure on him to depart in order to smooth the transition.

Whatever the circumstances, the manner of his departure belied popular anticipation that he would follow the example of his hero, Emperor Tewodros, by committing suicide rather than fleeing to the 267

Revolution and Its Sequel

safety of exile. The effect of the flight on the military was instantaneous. The Second Revolutionary Army collapsed, clearing the way for EPLF’s entry into Asmara on 24 May. The London negotiations

were concluded before they had even properly begun. On 28 May, EPRDF forces entered Addis Ababa. The only obstacle they met was

a brief if determined resistance from Mangestu’s special force, stll guarding the palace.

Sources, Chapter 6 Andargachaw Assaged. Ba’dcher Yataqqacha Rajem Guzo. Maison Baltyopya Hezboch

legel West CA Long Journey Cut Short. Maison in the Struggle of the Ethiopian Peoples’). Addis Ababa, 2000. Andargachew Viruneh. The Ethiopian Revolution 1974-1987. A Transformation from an Aristocratic to a Totalitarian Autocracy. Cambridge, 1993. Bahru Zewde. “Uhe Military and Militarism in Africa: The Case of Ethiopia,’ m Eboe Hutchful and Abdoulaye Bathily, eds., The Military and Militarism in Africa, Dakar, 1998. Brinton, Crane. The Anatomy of Revolution. New York, 1965. Clapham, Christopher. Transformation and Continuity in Revolutionary Ethiopia. Cambridge, 1988. Dessalegn Rahmato. 4grarian Reform in Ethiopia. Uppsala, 1984. Dunn, John. Modern Revolutions. An Introduction to the Analysis of a_ Political Phenomenon. Cambridge, 1989, Eshetu Chole and Makonnen Manyazewal. “The Macroeconomic Performance of the Ethiopian Economy 1974-90, in Mekonnen ‘laddesse, ed., The Ethiopian Economy: Structiae, Problems and Policy Issues. Proceedings of the First Annual Conference on the Ethiopian Economy. Addis Ababa, 1992. Feqre Bade. “Tararochu Bawedqatachaw Wazema’ (“The Mountains on the Eve of their Fall), in) Yararochen Yangataqata Tewled (Lwnatagngna Tarikoch) (The Generation that Moved Mountains, True Stories’), Vol. 4. Addis Ababa, 1991 Ethiopian Calendar. Hezbawi Wayana Harennat legray (ligray People’s Liberation Front). keHewahat Hezbawi Tegel (Vhe Popular Struggle of TPLF’). Addis Ababa, 1992 Ethiopian Calendar. Kiflu Tadesse. The Generation. The History of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party. Part 1. From the Early Beginnings to 1975. Silver Spring, 1993. ——. The Generation. The History of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party. Part IT. Ethiopia: Transformation and Conflict. Lanham, 1998.

Lefort, René. Ethiopia: An Heretical Revolution. London, 1983. Olana Zoga. Gezetna Gezot COath and Banishment’ — A History of the Mecha Tulama Associauon). Addis Ababa, 1985 Ethiopian Calendar. Shumet Sishagn. ‘Power Struggle in the Eritrean Secessionist Movement’. MA thesis (AAU: History, 1984). Teferra Haile-Selassie. The Ethiopian Revolution 1974-1991. From a Monarchical Autocracy toa Military Oligarchy. London, 1997.

‘Tasfaye Makonnen. }edras LaBalatariku (May It Reach the Protagonist’). Addis Ababa, 1985 Ethiopian Calendar. Warqu Farada. Edgat Belo Wedqat, YaWatadar Soshalizem (Decline in the Name of Progress; Military Socialism’). Addis Ababa, 1990 Ethiopian Calendar. Young, John. Peasant Revolution in Ethiopia: The Tigray People’s Liberation Front,

268 1975-19917, Cambridge, 1997,

Revolution and Its Sequel

In addition, I have benefited from the following papers submitted to the graduate seminar on the Ethiopian revolution that I have been conducting: Ahmed Hassen Omer. “The Endalkatchew Cabinet (28 February — 22 July, 1974’. 1993).

Belete Bizuneh. ‘Political Power and the Revolution: The Struggle for a “Provisional People’s Government”, 1974-1976’. 1997. Getachew Senishaw. “The January 1974 Mutiny in Nagale’. 1995. Medhane Taddese. ‘EPRP vs. TPLF, 1975-78’. 1994. Mekonnen Berhane. “The Zamacha Syndrome in the History of the Darg’. 1994.

Mengistu Abebe. “Which Kind of Land Reform for Ethiopia: The Debate Preceding the 1975 Land Proclamation’. 1995. Oljira Tujuba. ‘A History of the Oromo Liberation Front to Early 19917. 1993. Shimelis Bonsa. ‘From Collective Leadership to Personal Rule: The Emergence of Mangistu’s Dictatorship, 1974-1977’. 1997. Wudu Tafete. ‘“MEISON: From Opposition to Critical Support, 1974-77". 1994.

269

Conclusion

The dawn of the nineteenth century found Ethiopia in a state of political fragmentation. The medieval empire of Amda-Iseyon and Zar’aYaeqob had been superseded by a conglomeration of principalities.

In the Christian north, doctrinal controversies exacerbated the political divisions. What kept the spirit of unity alive was the imperial

throne, which all regional lords sought to control and manipulate. What linked north and south was the long-distance trade routes that traversed the country. It was in such circumstances that the country’s

second contact — more meaningful and more sustained — with Europe began (the first being the Ethio-Portuguese connection in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries). As part of the general European thrust in Africa, missionaries came to ‘save souls’, businessmen to trade, and official envoys to protect both. These two realities — political fragmentation and European presence — formed the setting for the unfolding history of modern Ethiopia.

Successive rulers responded in different styles and with varying

degrees of success to the two challenges: the internal and the external. Centralization and unification became the dominant themes of Ethiopia's political history. Tewodros II, Ethiopia’s first modern

emperor, began the task in a style marked more by vision than by method. Emperor Yohannes IV’s policy of controlled regionalism, probably induced by his predecessor’s disastrous failure, was hardly any more successful. Of the nineteenth-century rulers, 1t was Emperor

Menilek II who inherited the imperial idea of Tewodros and the tolerance of Yohannes, and whose policy in this regard was crowned with relatively greater success. Not only did he manage to forge the political unity of the core (with the single important exception of the Marab Melash), but he also extended the imperial sway to hitherto unattained limits in the south. As for the European presence, it represented both a threat and an

opportunity to Ethiopia. It was a threat to the cherished independence of the country. Conversely, it generated hopes — bitterly disappointed — of an ally against Egyptian expansionism. At the same 270 __ ‘time, it opened up new possibilities of introducing western technology,

Conclusion

particularly military technology, and of modernizing the country. Thus the attitude of Ethiopia's rulers towards Europeans was marked by ambivalence: they wanted the Europeans’ modern technology, but

were apprehensive of their ultimate designs. The Europeans themselves were not always ready to take a plunge in the country. The

British treated Tewodros’s fervent requests for assistance and friendship with what amounted to haughty contempt. The Italians sought to establish themselves in the country with desperate rashness.

The first action precipitated the Battle of Maqdala; the second culminated in the Battle of Adwa.

Adwa forms a watershed in the modern history of Ethiopia. It resolved the issue of colonial rule versus independence in favour of the latter. Simultaneously, the results of the Battle of Adwa gave momentum to the creation of the modern Ethiopian empire-state. The era of recurrent campaigns was over. Both internally and externally, post-Adwa Ethiopia enjoyed a degree of peace that contrasted sharply with the turbulence of the nineteenth century. This situation permitted the ruling class to turn its attention to more pacific — and more profitable — pursuits. The extended empire and the relative peace allowed it to enjoy a degree of economic wealth which was unprecedented, and to exhibit a taste for business interests which was not so common in the past. But the basis of wealth still remained land.

The growing appetite for land set off a process of transformation of

the land-tenure system, particularly in the southern half of the country. Land which was traditionally communal became increasingly

privatized, thereby creating the two extremes of land concentration and tenancy. The condition of the gabbar, the peasant, rarely good even in the best of times, deteriorated. Independence did not thus mean development. No one was more acutely aware of this fact than the young Ethiopians whose modern education had equipped them with the intellectual power to analyse the ills of their society. For them, the Battle of Adwa was meaningless if it was not attended by economic development and a rise in the status of the peasantry. By failing to reform, independent Ethiopia would be living only on borrowed time. Their fears were sadly confirmed forty years after Adwa. The independence that Adwa bestowed on the country was in any

case far from absolute. Deprived of the political-military option, foreign elements applied themselves to economic penetration of the country with redoubled energy. Foreign presence and influence in Ethiopia were more pronounced after Adwa than before. Foreigners enjoyed special legal and fiscal privileges. The country’s lack of access

to the sea made it dependent on the goodwill of the neighbouring colonial powers for the import of such vital items as arms. Its circumscription by colonial possessions created ample opportunities for 271

Conclusion

tension, as well as for foreign penetration. Ethiopia’s independence was regarded as an expensive luxury. Its admission to the League of Nations — although eventually of no practical benefit to the country — provoked controversy. The Italian mvasion of 1935 put an end to this precarious indepen-

dence. Their Eritrean and Somaliland possessions provided the Italians with the bases from which to launch their attack. In other words, Menilek’s failure to consummate the Adwa victory ultimately gave the Italians the chance to avenge their defeat. But the memory of Adwa loomed in both camps. Just as it propelled the Italians with a passion for revenge, it moved the Ethiopians with a spirit of defiance and an indomitable will to be free. The result of the latter was a fiveyear-long resistance which, finally assisted by British arms, brought the Italian Occupation to an end. Yet Italian rule did not pass without

leaving some traces. On the issue of national integration, the overriding problem of the twentieth century, it had mixed results. The network of roads that the Italians left behind, although in a rather woeful state, may be said to have facilitated it. On the other hand, the Italian policy of divide and rule and the redrawing of administrative boundaries emphasizing ethnic and linguistic divisions encouraged centrifugal tendencies. The British, who dominated Ethiopian politics in the decade after the Liberation, added difficulties to the problem. On the related question of the modernization of Ethiopian society,

Itahan rule might also be said to have been double-edged. The systematic liquidation of the intelligentsia deprived the country of the agents of social and political change. But urbanization on the whole

gained momentum under the Italians. Likewise, the transition to a cash economy was encouraged. Motor transport, one of the distinctive marks of the Italian presence in Ethiopia, also facilitated the circula-

tion of goods and ideas. On a more fundamental level, the undermining of the hereditary nobility, begun by Emperor Hayla-Sellase before the Italo-Ethiopian war, was continued, so that, when he regained his throne in 1941, finishing the task he had started earlier was relatively casier.

The result was the creation, at last, of the unitary state first conceived in the fiery mind of ‘Tewodros. In this and other respects, the post-1941 period marks the culmination of modern Ethiopian history. The hereditary nobility were finally stripped of their political prerogatives. At the same time, however, a parallel process of greater security in landed property and acceleration of the privatization process enhanced the nobility’s economic privileges. These two apparently contradictory processes of the political impotence and economic strength of the nobility became the hallmark of Ethiopian absolutism, of advanced

feudalism. The economic strength of the nobility and the rural gentry 272? was achieved at the expense of the peasantry, who were progressively

Conclusion

pushed from tenancy to evicuon and from impoverishment to famine. On the external scene as well, the post-1941 period witnessed the realization of earlier dreams and ambitions. Nowhere was this more evident than in the fulfilment of the long-standing quest for an outlet

to the sea. Similarly, the search for an external ally, which was so disastrous for both Tewodros and Menilek, crystallized into HaylaSellase’s partnership with the United States of America. To talk of foreign domination of the Ethiopian economy would be an exaggeration, but there is no doubt that foreign capital enjoyed relatively better opportunities in post-Liberation Ethiopia than at any earlier period. Yet advanced feudalism, precisely because it was advanced, carried the seeds of its own demise. The forces of change that it generated proved its undoing. Absolutism, because it became a self-justifying credo rather than a vehicle for social and economic development, bred opposition. That opposition was multifaceted. Enlightened members

of the ruling class conspired to dethrone the emperor and avert the catastrophe that they saw coming. Peasants rose in rebellion against the growing pressures on their land and on the fruits of their labour. Students waged a sustained struggle for radical] reform. Finally, its own soldiers rose against the regime, abortively in 1960, successfully fourteen years later. In the face of widespread opposition, the regime was inherently incapable of reform. Instead, it continued its policy of repression. Opposition and repression mutually reinforced each other until they attained their logical conclusion in the Revolution of 1974.

The Revolution erupted suddenly in February 1974, surprising both the regime and its opponents. It started with the promise and buoyancy of spring. It ended with the sombre darkness of winter. What had looked like an unassailable edifice cracked and buckled under the massive assault of a popular upsurge that involved students, factory workers, civil servants, soldiers and religious minorities. The

cabinet reshuffle that the regime initiated as a placatory measure

could hardly contain the storm. In the heady atmosphere that prevailed, the idea of smooth transition that the Endalkachaw cabinet

could be said to have represented had few supporters. Much as the

students and teachers had been the chief inspiration behind the revolution, however, they could not direct it. By fits and starts, the military, which itself was affected by the popular movement, gradually came to assume centre stage. On 12 September, it seized state power, terminating both a reign and a dynasty of remarkable longevity. That date encapsulated the ambivalent character of the revolution.

While it marked the fall of a regime that had failed to deliver meaningful political and economic reform, it also bore the seeds of an even worse dictatorship. As the years progressed, the euphoria that attended the former was smothered by the germination of the latter.

To its credit, the revolutionary regime did away with landlordism in 273

Conclusion

a swift move that surprised even its severest critics. It also addressed the question of illiteracy with unprecedented zeal and earnestness. Moreover, at no other time in the country’s history has one seen such a scale of mass mobilization, even if that mobilization was not always deployed for constructive ends. Politics, which had been the preserve of the privileged few, came down to the lower ranks of society, albeit carefully controlled and monitored from above. Nationalism has not been new to Ethiopia. But what the Darg did was to secularize and broaden it by dissociating it from the Church and extending it to the economically enfranchised south. The disaster started when the Darg tried to combine Marxism and nationalism. Desperate to hang on to power, it imbibed the dominant Marxist-Leninist intellectual discourse as the only guarantee of preserving its political ascendancy. But it appropriated the dogma rather than the spirit of Marxism. It followed in the footsteps of Stalin rather than Marx or even Lenin. The result was a reign of terror that became its hallmark and wiped out any salutary aspects of its seventeen-year tenure. The peasants, whom the historic land reform proclamation had appeared to liberate from their centuries-old subjugation, were as distressed as any other sector of society, if not more so. Not only were they denied the legitimate fruits of their labour, but they also came to serve as cannon fodder for the regime’s interminable wars. Those wars ultimately brought the regime to its demise. One of the

most nationalist (some would say ultra-nationalist) of regimes in modern Ethiopian history fell under a barrage of ethno-nationalist insurgency. [The hour of reckoning had finally arrived: the failure of successive regimes to infuse equity into the country’s heterogeneity ultimately put the country’s unity to a severe test. The collapse of the

multi-ethnic opposition to the Darg in 1976-77 brought ethnonationalist opposition to the forefront. The élites of the oppressed

and marginalized nationalities vigorously pushed the ethnonationalist agenda both as an effective recipe of mobilization and as a sure guarantee of what they considered to be their legitimate share of

scarce resources. Yet, the ethno-nationalist opposition had its own inherent tensions — tensions that were to come to the fore after victory

in 1991. The EPLF pushed vigorously the agenda of independence without apparently taking full stock of the economic implications of that independence. The TPLF adumbrated an ethnic federal formula without adequately resolving the dilemma of maintaining its political hegemony in a framework where it was bound to be a clear minority. More or less taking its cue from the EPLF, the OLF toyed with the

idea of secession in spite of the fact that the Oromo whom. it purported to represent constitute the single largest nationality in the country. [he stresses and strains of these contradictory postures were 274 ~= to form the political bedrock of post-1991 Ethiopia.

Glossary The meaning of Amharic words and phrases not listed in the Glossary is explained in the text

abba ‘father (owner) of’, the ascriptive word of an Ethiopian horse-name: the horse-name of Emperor Tewodros II was Abba Tataq, meaning ‘Gird yourself’; Abba, ‘father’, also form of title for ordinary priests

abeto a medieval title which came to be increasingly appropriated by Shawan rulers afier the sixteenth century

abun ‘bishop’, the highest ecclesiastical title of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church until the appointment of a patriarch in 1959; Abuna when used with a proper noun, as Abuna Petros

afa negus ‘mouth of the king’, the supreme judge of the land under the king

alaqa head of a church, a learned priest amba a steep flat-topped hill, often serving as a natural fortress

aqa head or chief

azazh ‘commander’, chief of the imperial court

bajerond royal treasurer balabbat originally hereditary owner of rest land; since the nineteenth century, used to denote the hereditary chief of a southern people balambaras ‘head of an amba’, a low-level administrative title

basha derivative of the Turkish ‘pasha’ for low-level government officials bitwaddad most favoured courtier, imperial counsellor, often officiating in the name of the king

blatta a title generally signifying learning, given in the twentieth century to government officials of the director-general level or equivalent

blatten geta ‘master of the Ddlatta’, an exalted version of the ttle dlaita, given to government officials of the ministerial level

dabtara cleric, with attributes of learning, astrology and intrigue dajjazmach, ‘commander of the gate’, a politico-military title below ras dajjach (contracted form)

echage the highest Ethiopian ecclesiastic until the appointment of Ethiopian bishops (abun) in 1929; abbot of the monastery of Dabra Libanos in northern Shawa

endarase ‘in my place’, viceroy or local representative of a higher authority fitawran ‘commander of the vanguard’, a title below dajjazmach, but of higher import when borne by Habta-Giyorgis Dinagde, Minister of War from 1907 to 1926

gabbar tribute-paying peasant or peasants gada an age-grade socio-political system of the Oromo gasha a unit of measurement, equivalent to 40 hectares gebhi courtyard, generally used in connection with royal and princely palace compounds

geber agrarian tribute, invariably paid in kind; tax 975

Glossary

grazmach ‘commander of the left. a politico-military title above balambaras

cull non-hereditary right to collect ibute, bestowed on members of the nobility and clergy by the king

hakim doctor

kantiba mayor, origmally restricted to the town of Gondar, but im modern times gaining wider application

hella (oll-post

le} ‘child’, honorific title generally reserved for sons of the royal family and of the upper nobility

heaba roval chamberlain liga makiwas official serving as the king’s double to divert attacks directed against the king ful (femimine ‘prince’ (princess’), tithe borne by sons and daughters of the

Pelt) royal family, and by the upper nobility who already have the title of vay, hence Pul ras

mahal safari ‘those who encamp at the centre’, a generic name for the specialized regiments of the imperial troops

makwanent nobility whose rank is earned by service (singular form makiwannen) mared azmach — Shawan title, higher than abefo and lower than negus

masafent hereditary nobility (singular form wasfen)

naflagna from naff, ‘rifle’, name given to Emperor Menilek’s warriors of northern origin, who later settled in the south

nageadras ‘head of merchants’, originally leader of a merchant caravan, later chief government official in charge of the collection of customs

NELUS king negusa nagasi “king of kings’, the official ttle of Ethiopian emperors

gagnazmach ‘commander of the right’. a politico-military title above grazmach

galad rope. a unit of land measurement, the system of land measurement, measured land

gurl geber fixed tax ras head’, the highest traditional utle next to negis ras bitwaddad a vare tle, combining the power of the ras and the imperial favour of the bitwaddad

rest a lineage system of land-ownership, giving usufruct rights to the clanmant; in the twentieth century, res¢ assumes the meanIng of absolute private property

resta gult hereditary guid

safar encampment, settlement, quarters shalaqa local representative of a higher authority, entrusted with the collection of tribute: in recent times, equivalent to the army rank of major

276

Glossary

shefta bandit, rebel shum sher periodic reshuffle of ministers or other government offictals isahafe Uezaz head of the royal scribes, keeper of the royal seal; title of the Minister of Pen after 1907

wag shum governor of the province of Wag in northern Wallo, just under ras in status, but entitled to certain royal honours because of his alleged descent from the Zagwe dynasty

Zamana ‘the time of the nobility’, the Era of the Princes, 1769-1855 Masafent

277

The usual spelling of some common geographical names has been retained, as in Abyssinia, Ethiopia (except in Amharic tutles of books or articles), Dessie, Djibouti, Massawa.

Vowel sounds ‘To simplify printing, only the five vowels in the English alphabet have

been used, without accents or other diacritical marks, to signify the seven vowel sounds in Amharic, which are contained in the seven

forms of each of the main letters of the Amharic alphabet. It 1s assumed that readers of Amharic know the correct pronunciation of

Ethiopian words. The seven vowel sounds are transliterated as follows:

Amharic forms: Ist 2nd 3rd 4th Sth 6th = 7th

English vowel: a u 1 a e e O

In spoken Tegregna, the language used in northern Ethiopia, a slight sound of y often occurs before 5th-form e, and is sometimes shown in English spelling, as in Hamasien, but is not shown in this work.

Occurrence of two vowel sounds consecutively Where two different vowel sounds occur together in an Amharic word, they have been printed as in Mikael, Yaegob, and each vowel is

pronounced separately. Where a consonant before another vowel appears in its 6th form, however, that consonant is followed by an apostrophe, as in Zara, mar’ed. Again, each vowel is pronounced, the first as a short intake of breath or glottal sound.

Consonants ‘Plosive’ or ‘glottal’ consonants have not been shown, except for glottalized k, represented by q, as in Qoga. The letters g, } and s are sounded as in English ge, jar and sun, respectively. Double consonants are pronounced approximately as follows:

278

ch en ts zh

Notes on Transliteration

as in

chair — signor rats viston (Italian)

Where it is customary to pronounce distinctly each of two of the same consonants appearing together, as in abba, lyyasu, the consonant has been repeated in print; but not all “geminations’ have been included, as there 1s a good deal of disagreement on pronunciation, especially in place-names.

279

Personal names Ethiopians do not have permanent family surnames. If an Ethiopian man named by his parents Mabratu (the light’) has a son Tasfaye (‘my hope’), Tasfaye adds his father’s name to his own personal name, as ‘Tasfaye Mabratu, but he is known as ‘Tasfaye and not by his father’s name. If Tasfaye has a twin son and daughter born in 1974, and calls

the boy Abyot Crevolution’) and the girl Maskaram (‘spring’; ‘September ), the children’s full names are, respectively, Abyot Tasfaye

and Maskaram Lasfaye, but they are known by their personal names, Abyot and Maskaram. Maskaram ‘Tasfaye will retain her personal

name and her father’s name on marriage; she will not change her patronynic to that of her husband. Instead of a secular name, the church name that a child was given at baptism in the Orthodox Christian Church may be retained as a personal name. These names are most commonly two words, hyphenated in this history: Hayla-Mikael (power of Saint Mikael’), WaldaGiyorgis (spiritual son of Saint George’), Walatta-Maryam (‘spiritual daughter of Saint Mary’). If Hayla-Mikael has a son and daughter, each will have Hayla-Mikael as second name. Muslims follow the same system of personal name and father’s name, as laid down in the Koran. [In spelling his or her personal name in English, an Ethiopian may of course choose any preferred form of transliteration. We may find

the variants Eyasu, Iyasou, Tyyasu; Shawaragad, Shewareged, Shoaregued: Webe, Wibe, Wubay, Wubie, and others.

280

Note that some place-names refer also to the inhabitants of that area Figures in bold refer to illustrations

Abarra Kasa, 167, 170 Adal ‘Tasamma, Ras, ruler of Goyam; Abarra Walda-Maryam, General, 230 from 1881 Takla-Haymanot, Negus Abate Bwayalaw, Liga Makwas, later Wag of Gojjam and Kafa, 42, 44, 45 Shum, later Ras, 64, 66, 117, 120, Addi Abun, 215

123, 167 Addigrat, 76, 77, 86 (Map), 153

Abata Haylu, Qagnazmach, 218 Addis Ababa: coronation ceremony Abba Bagibo, ruler of Limmu-Ennarya (1930) in, 137-140; customs

(r. 1825-1861), 19 administration in, 99; education 1n,

Abba Jebo (Muhammad Al), 12 108-109, 221: EPRDF enters, 268;

Abba Jerru Liban, 12 foreign influx and legations in, 71,

Abba Jifar I, ruler of Jimma (r. 1830- 111, 118, 150, 152; foundation and

1855), 18 early growth of, 68-69, 71, 94, 95,

Abba Jifar II, ruler of Jimma 117; industry and trade in, 196-198, (r. 1875-1934), 62, 64, 87, 92, 93, 199, 200; Italian Occupation (1936)

145 of, 156, 160-162, 163-164, 170, 172;

Abba Wataw (Amade Liban, later Italian prisoners-of-war (1896) in, baptized Hayla-Maryam), 45, 48 83; and liberation from Italian rule, Abba Weqaw Berru, 134-135, 144 176; railway’s arrival at, 101; Abbaba Aragay, Balambaras, later Ras (d. Resistance movement in, 170, 176; 1960), 162, 163, 170, 172, 174, 215 riots (May 1936) in, 160; (Maps) 78,

Abbadie, Antoine T. d’, Arnauld M. d’, 86, 161, 190

25 Addis Ababa, Treaty of (1896), 83-84

Abbay R. (Blue Nile), 2, 3 (Map), 13, Addis Ababa districts: Arada, 69, 70, 71,

19, 45, 62 160, 196; Arat Kilo, 225; churches

Abbaya, Lake, 3 (Map), 4 (including Entotto), 68, 69, 106,

Abd al-Rahman Khoyjale, 66, 68 119, 124; Fel Weha, 68-69; Kaza

Abdul Rassul (town), 22 Popolare, Kazanchis, 164; Mercato

Abdullah Sadeg, governor of the (markato), 163, 197; Palace, Gannata

Ogaden, 127 Lul, 214; palace (gebbi), 69, 135,

Abdullahi, emir of Harar (r. 1885-1887), 140, 160; Piazza, 196; quarters

63, 64 (safar), 69, 71, 83, 93, 98; Seddest

Abdullahi, Khalifa, Mahdist ruler of the Kilo, 93, 214, 225-226

Sudan, 66, 82 Addis Alam, 71, 172

Abiy Abbaba, Brigadier-General Addis Hiwet (author), 209 (d. 1974), 205, 211, 213 Addis Zaman (Amharic daily), 245, 248

Abraha Daboch, 170 Aden, 49

Abu Anja, Mahdist general, 59 Aola, 190 (Map), 200

abun, 30, 206; Alexandria, origin of, Adulis, 8

8, 55; as arbitrator during Adwa (town), 17 (Map), 21, 23 (Map),

political unrest, 119, 121, 128; 52,97, 152, 153

education under direction of, 109, Adwa, Battle of: boundaries affected by, 115; as supporter of tradition, 131, 61, 111: campaign, 77-79, 78 (Map),

214 101; events leading to, 56; Great

Abyata, Lake, 2, 3 (Map) Ethiopian Famine’s effect on results abyot (revolution’), 228 of, 71; heroes of, 64; significance of, Abyotawi Sadad (Revolutionary Fire’), 53, 71, 81-85, 94-96, 97, 100, 122,

see Saddad 229-230; Taytu’s role in, 117; war of

Abyssinia, Abyssinian, |, 26, 100 1935-1936 compared with, 148, 150,

Adal, 9, 19 152, 154-155, 158-159 281

Index

55 58

Adwa (Hewett) Peace ‘Treaty (1884), 54- Alula Engeda, Ras, 47, 47-48, 55, 56-57,

Afabet, 264, 265 Alyu Amba, 22, 24 (Map), 99

Afar, Afar desert, 5, 6 (Map), 9 hominid Amade Ah, 31 skeleton located in, 7; and Iyyasu, Amade Bashir, 34, 40 122, 128; raids on, 137, 215; trade Amade Liban (Abba Wataw), 45

with highlands by, 20, 24 Aman Andom, Lt. General, 233, 234, Afawarg Gabra-lyvasus, Naggadras, 99, 238, 239, 250-251, 257, 258

106, 166 Amba Alage, Battle of, 2, 77, 78 (Map),

Atawarq Walda-Samayat, Grazmach 154

(posthumously Dajjazmach), 157 Amba Aradom, Battle of, 2, 78 (Map),

Africa, 1, 9, 17 (Map), 24, 50, 73, 81, 154, 155, 156 84, 186; British East, 96, 113, 176: Amba Geshen, 2

Horn of, 1, 56 Ambachara, 45, 59

Africa Orientale Itahana (AOI), 162 Amda-Iseyon, Emperor of Ethiopia (1. African States, newly independent, 213 1314-1341), 9, 60, 228

Agame, 12, 31, 32 America: see United States of America Agaw, 5, 6 (Map), 8 American Civil War veterans 53 Agaw Neguse, 32, 38 Ambara, 6 (Map), 8, 12; Italian agriculture, agricultural, 4-5, 7-8; province of, 147, 161 (Map), 162, collectivization, 263; commodities, 167; region, later Wallo, [2 191, 196, 198; Development Units, Amhara Sayent, 86 (Map)

Chilalo (CADU) and Wallamo Amharic: alphabet, 110; language, 7, (WADU), 191-195, 242; Extension 34-35, 106, 107 Project Implementation Department Amideb, 55 (EPID), 194; fertilizers, 194; income Amin, General Idi, 250

tax, 192-194, 217; policy, amno 18

government, 194-195; policy and Anbasa Bus ‘Transport Company, 235 research station, Italian, 165, 221 Anchem, Battle of, 137, 138, 145, 160

agromndustry, 194 Andaracha, 66 12,19 Anglo-Ethiopian agreements, 179, 180-

Ahmad 1bn Ibrahim, Ahmad Gragn, 9, Anfilla, 52, 54

air force, Ethiopian, 1&6, 213 181 (1942, 1944) air traffic rights, 179 Anglo-ltalian agreements (see also arcraft, civilian, 186-187 ‘Tripartite Agreement), 85 (1925), aircraft, military, use of: British, 214; 152 (1891, 1894, 1925)

Ethiopian, 136, 159; Italian, 154, Ankobar, 17 (Map), 22, 68, 69, 74, 120,

156, 159, 171, 172: US, 186 124

Akala Guzay, 17 (Map), 32, 220 Annesley, Sir George, later Viscount Akalawarq Habta-Wald (d. 1974), 116 Valentia, 24, 25 Akhilu Habta-Wald, (sahafe Tezaz Ansar (Mahdists), 56, 58-59 (d. 1974), 116, 204, 205, 206, 231 Antalo, 12, 17 (Map) Aksum, Aksumite, 1, 8, 17 (Map), 68, Antinori, Orazio, 74

166 Antonelli, Pietro, 74-75, 152

Alamawarg Bavyana, Dr, 174, 175 Anuak, 5, 6 (Map), 20, 24, 98

Alamaya, 221 Aosta, Amadeo Umberto, Duke of, 162-

Alame, Grazmach, 31 163, 167

Alamzawd ‘lasamma, Colonel, 232, 233 Agoldi (Asosa), 17 (Map), 19, 66

Albertone, Matteo, General, 77-79 Arab-Israeli war of 1973, 231

Aletash ‘lewodros, 32 Arabia, Arabian, Arabic, 4, 8, 22, 26, Alexandria, Egypt, 8, 36, 49, 109 197, 219

Ahi Alula (Ali IT), Ras, ruler of Araya-Sellase Yohannes, Ras, 49, 129

Bagemder, 13, 24, 27, 28-30 Arba Mench, 190 (Map)

Ah Gwangul (Ali 1), Ras, 11 archaeological sites, 7

Allies, the: World War One, 127, 129, Arendrup, Colonel, 52 151; World War ‘Two, 179, 181 Argobba, 49 Almayahu Hayle, Captain, 250, 252, Arimondi, Giuseppe, General, 77-79

282 253 Aro, 88

Index

Armenia, Armenian, 98 by Ethiopia from Italy, 84 arms blockade, 93-94 Assafa Ayyana (d. 1974), 211 army, Ethiopian: Airborne Division, Assam, Battle of, 43, 49 266; Air Force, 230, 232; Army Assandabo, 21, 23 (Map) Aviation, 236, 238; in abortive coup Assaorta, 57 d’état (1960) and Revolution (1974), Atbara R., Sudan (Takkaze R. Ethiopia),

207, 208-209, 213-214, 231; billeting 2

of 15; British training of, 180; Atlanta, 267 budgetary allocations for, 208; Atnafu Abata, Major (later Colonel),

against Egyptian troops, 52-53; 233, 250, 252, 253 engineers, 236, 238, 249; Fourth Austria, Austrian, 11, 50, 153 Division, 229, 230, 233; Hayla- Austria-Hungary, 127 Sellase’s reorganization of, 207-208; Awasa, Lake, 2, 3 (Map) Imperial Bodyguard, 147, 148, 155, Awash R., 2, 3 (Map), 61, 194, 198 186, 207, 214, 236, 238; against Awash Valley Authority (AVA), 194 Italian troops, 77, 147-148, 153-159; Awsa, 17 (Map), 51, 86 (Map), 87

in Korea, 185-186, mahal safan Ayalew Berru, Dayach, later Ras, 120,

(politico-military unit), 118-119, 136, 147, 155, 167 127, 131, 148, 203, 234; Nabalbal, Ayshal, Battle of, 13, 30, 78 (Map) 249; Nadaw Division, 264; Navy, Azabo, 86 (Map), 156, 215 266; palace guards, 121, 123-124, Azule, Battle of, 63 134; Second Division, 230; Second

Revolutionary Army, 264, 268; with Badoglio, Pietro, Marshal, 154, 157,

settler militia, territorials, 160, 162, 163

volunteers, 208, 215, 216-217; Bagemder: central government’s

special force, 249, 266, 268; incorporation of, 145; land

Tewodros II’s reforms in 31-34; measurement and tax in, 89, 193, Third Division, 234, 245, 249; Third 217; missionaries in, 25; resistance

Revolutionary Army, 264; U.S. in, 171, 174; tenancy in, 192; under

assistance to, 186, 107 Tewodros II, revenue extracted Aroge, Battle of, 33, 41 from, 32; war of 1935-1936 in, 152, Arqiqo, 17 (Map), 26 154; against Yohannes IV, rebellion Arsi, Arusi, 2, 21, 49, 62-63, 86 (Map), in, 45; (Maps) 17, 86

90, 120, 190 (Map), 193 Bagemder and Semen, 190 (Map)

Asalla, 190 (Map) Bahta Hagos, Dajjach, 76 Asfawasan, Mar’ed Azmach, ruler of Bakare, 19

Shawa (r. 1775-1808), 60 Baker, Sir Samuel W., 50 Asfawasan Hayla-Sellase, Prince, 145, Bako, 86 (Map)

146, 167, 213 balabbat, 90-91, 193, 216

Asfawasan Kasa, 167, 170 Balay Hayla-Ab, Lieutenant-Colonel

Ashange, Lake, 156 174

Asia, 5, 9 Balay Zallaga, Lej, later Dayjach, 174,

Asimba, 260 210

askari, 155, 158, 159, 169, 182 Balcha Safo, Dayjach, 65, 66, 125, 132,

Asmara, 108, 188, 200, 213, during 133, 144, 170 1989 coup, 266; EPLF enters, 268; Baldissera, Antonio, governor of

as Italian capital of Eritrea and Eritrea, 75, 152

Tegre, 161 (Map), 162, 163; as U.S. Bale, 2, 72, 86 (Map), 190 (Map), 215-

communications base, 185; (Maps), 216, 217

23, 78, 86, 190 banda, 172, 210

Asosa (Agoldi), 19, 58, 65, 83, 87 Banesso, 86 (Map)

asrat, 87, 92, 121, 193 banks and banking corporations, Asrat Dasta, Lt. Colonel, 253 Ethiopian and foreign, 98, 101, 103, Asrata Kasa (d. 1974), 205 105, 163, 188-189 195 Assab, 17 (Map), 74, 94, 152; Italian Baqqala Anasimos, 210 occupation (1869) of, 54, 56. 74; Barakat, Battle of, 31 Italian offer of cession to Ethiopia Baratier1, Oreste, General, 77, 83

(1924, 1935) of, 151, 166; requested Barka lowlands, 220 983

Index

Baro R., 2,3 (Map), 5.83, 113 banking concession secured by, 101,

Barre, Siad, 254 102; boundary treaties, I T1-113;

Barta, 5, 6 (Map), 19 domination (1940s) by, 176, 179-

Barvaw Pawlos, Dajjach, 32 183, 230; educational influence Bashilo R, 3 (Map), 12, 42 from, 109, 174, 189, 221; Egyptian

Basso, 21, 22, 23 (Map), 34, 129 expansion supported by, 51. 54, and

Bath, England, 166 Hoare-Laval Plans, 166; Italian Batt, 20, 23 (Map) ambitions supported by, 56, 57, 152, Bawandwasan Kasa 145 153: Ivvasu’s threat to, 126-127; to

Bawqatu Kasa, Licutenant, 251 League of Nations, Ethiopia's entry Bayvana Mared, Dajjach, 169 opposed by, 151; in Liberation Bayyana Wandemagagnahu, Ligaba, campaign (1940-1941), 173, 176,

127, 129 211; military and police assistance Bazabeh, +0 from, 186, 207, 215; Military

Bechana, 210 Mission to Ethiopia 3 (BMME), 180, Beying (Peking), China, 187 185: and Nile waters, 73, 82: and

Beja, 5,6 (Map), 8 Tewodros [1], 36-37, 39, 40-42, 229;

Bela Shangul (Bent Shangul), 17 (Map). trans-frontier trade by, 96-97; and 19, 58. 66, 83, 86 (Map), 87, 113 Tripartite Agreement, 85, LOL, P11,

Belen (Bilen), 5 150-151, and Yohannes [V, 40-41,

Belgium, Belgian, 148 49, 50

Bell, John G., 28. 36-37, 38 Bruce, James, 2, 24

Benin, 98 P08

Bent Shangul: see Bela Shangul budgetary allocations (1944/45, 1967), Berbera, Somalia, 17 (Map), 22, 23 Bune, 86 (Map), 98

(Map), 96, 94 Burma, 1383 Berlin, 106 Cabinet, Private, 202 Berkeley, George FH... 81

Berru Goshu. Dayjach 13 Cairo, 54, 102

Berru Walda-Gabrel Dajjach, later Ras, Cameron, C.E., Captain, 36, 39

69, 90, 91, 133-134 Capuchin: see missionaries, foreign

Beshoftu, 4 Carter, Jiminy, 267

beverages, 198 Castro, Fidel, 254 Bible, 1, 104 Catholic, Catholicism: see Jesuits, see also Bilen: see Belen missionaries, foreign Bilisumaf walgqtuma, Operation, 267 cave paintings, 7

Black Lion Resistance organization 168, Cerulli, Enrico, 162, 166

170-171, 174-175. 211 Chalanqo, Battle of, 63, 78 (Map)

Black Shirts, 170 Chamber of Deputies, 141 Blue Nile (Abbay R.): see Nile R. Chamo, Lake, 3 (Map), 4+ Bogos, 17 (Map), 48, 50. 51, 54, 55 Chano, 99

Bokassa, Emperor, 250 Charchar, 86 (Map), 105, 145 Bonchamps, Marquis de. 83 Chefneux. Léon, 97 Bonga, 21, 23 (Map) Christian, Christianity: early, 1, 8, 9, 10; Borana, 20, 86 (Map), 8& controversy, 36, 124, 216, 220, 228; Boru Meda, Council of, [4,48 doctrines, 14, 35, 48

boundaries, agreed and argued: Church, Orthodox Christian: delimited by colonial powers and Armenian, 98; Coptic, of Egypt, 36, Ethiopia, 8+, 96, PL1, 113-114, 150- 108; Ethiopian, 35, 119, 124, 128, 151; Menilek IPs definition of, 61; 129, 136, 249; Greek, 98; Russian, and Organization of African Unity, 36, 249 182: Walwal incident (1934) caused church lands, 89, 91, 193

by ambiguity of, 153 Church Missionary Society (CMS): see

Brenner Pass, Austrian-Hungarian missionaries, foreign

frontier, 153 Ciccodicola, Federico, 111, 150

Britain, British: Agreements with coffee, 16. 22,97, 191, 196, 197, 218 Ethiopia (L941, 1944), 179, 180; and Cohen, Herman, 267

284 anti-slavery campaign, 93-94, Colson, kiv., 99

Index

197 Danakil desert, 20

commercial organizations, Ethiopian, Damu Usu, 62

concessions, 98, 100-103, 132, 185, 194 Dangela, 86 (Map), 96

Commission for Organizing the Daniel Asfaw, Colonel, 250, 253

Workers’ Party of Ethiopia Darasa: see Gedeo

(COPWE), 255 Darasge, Battle of, 30, 78 (Map)

commission of enquiry, 232 Darasso, Ras, 62 Confederation of Ethiopian Labour Darg, the, 203

Unions (CELU), 200; calls general Darg: becomes PMAC, 236; benefits

strike, 231; opposes Darg, 236 from land proclamation, 243; Constitution, Ethiopian (1931), 106, clashes with EPRP, 247; collapse of 110, 140-143, 206; Revised (1955), multi-ethnic opposition to, 274; and 141, 206-207, 209; of 1974, 232; of collective leadership, 249;

1987, 256 composition of, 234; and the

Constitution, Meyi (Japan) (1889), 110 Eritrean question, 257, 258-259;

Copt, Coptic, 36, 108, 119 evolution of, 234; first moves of,

Cora, Giuliano, 152 234-235; handling of TPLF by, 261;

cotton (see also textiles), 97-98, 194, 197 and Marxism, 243-244, 245;

council of ministers, 203-204 nationalization measures of, 240coup d'état, abortive (1960 and 1989), 241; opposition to, 236-237; 84, 205 211, 212, 213-215, 231, 234, replaced by PDRE, 256; repressive 241, 249, 265-266; effects of, 209, acts of, 238, 251; restructuring of, 214-215, 229: failure of, 213-214: 252; sets up POMOA, 246; united in

leaders of, 207, 210, 211-212 blood, 239; as vanguard party, 248;

Crimean War, 36 and its version of nationalism, 274 Criniti, Luigi, Major, 155 Darge Sahla-Sellase, Ras, 62-63

Crispi, Francesco, 83, 150 Darita, 21, 23 (Map)

crown council, councillor, 206, 235 Dasta Damtaw, Ras (d. 1937), 98, 134,

Cunningham, Sir Alan, Lieutenant 157, 158, 169

General, 176 Dasta Tadla, Ras, 44

Cushitic languages, peoples, 5, 16, 21 De Bono, Emilio, 154

customs: administration, 99, 103; De Jacobis, Giustino, 25, 37

Customs and Export Duties del Boca, Angelo, 159

Proclamation (1943), 197; duties, Demesse Bulto, General, 266

98-100, 197 Democracia, organ of EPRP, 236, 245 ‘Dengenash’, 7

Dabbab Araya, Dajjach, 48, 55 Derase Dubala, General, commander of Dabarqi, Sudan, Battle of, 28, 33, 78 Ground Forces, 230

(Map) Derby, Earl of (Lord Stanley), 41

Dabormida, Vittorio, General, 77-79 Deressa Amante, Fitawrar, later Blatta,

d’Aosta. Amadeo Umberto, Duke: see 107

Aosta dergo, 87, 89

Dabra Abbay, Battle of, 12, 78 (Map) Dessie, 86 (Map), 97, 125, 152, 156, 190

Dabra Libanos monastery, 124 (Map)

Dabra Margqos, 86 (Map), 152, 190 Development through Cooperation

(Map), 210 Campaign, National, 240, 251

Dabra Tabor, 11, 17 (Map), 34, 40, 86 Dida, 18

(Map), 266; Battle of, 13 Dildila (Entotto, Mount), 68

Dabra Zayt, Lake, 4 Dire Dawa, 86 (Map), 99, 108, 125;

Dadabit, 259 industries, 164, 198, 200; as railway Daga Damot, 190 (Map), 217 city. LOL, 102, 175

Dagne, | 06 Dizi, 6 (Map), 7, 93, 122

Dallo district, 216 Djibouti (pon), 71, 86 (Map), 94-97,

Dambagwina, 78 (Map), 155 101, 187; territory (see also Somalhi-

Dambi Dollo, 99 land, French), 1, 3 (Map), 5, 82, 84,

Dambya, 17 (Map), 26, 27, 59 182, 190 (Map)

Dames Nasibu, Dajjach, later Ras, 65, Dogali, Battle of, 57, 74, 78 (Map)

68, 88, 90, 117 Dolo, 78 (Map), 86 (Map), 158, 169 285

Index

Dorze, 6 (Map), 7 power with Darg, 235; and land

drought, 72, 137, 195-196 question, 241; popular opposition

Dutch (Holland, The Netherlands), 198 to, 231-232; dismissal and detention

Dye, William E., Colonel, 52, 53 of, 235

dynasties: see Mammadoch, Mowa, Endasellase, 264, 265 Solomonic, “Tegrean’ of Walayta, Endryas, Abba: see Jarosseau, André

Walayta Malla, Yajju, Zagwe Engeda, Ras, 32 English language, 108

East Africa, 71; British, 97 113, 176 ensat (Ensat ventricosum) 5, 7, 16, 21

179; Italian interest in, 150, 162 Entotto, Mount and town, 68-69, 72,

echage, 121, 127, 129, 131 101, 107, 111, 120 Edgat Bahebrat, see Development Enttuicho, 77, 153 through Cooperation Campaign erbo, 91, 192, 218

education: in general, 34, 103-111, 115, Erer, 98 189, 220-221; higher, 189, 195, 221- Eritrea, Eritrean: in Adwa campaign, 222, 2923-2295: schools, modern, 105, 77; askaris from, 158, 159, 169; as

108-109, 130, 189, 212, 221; base for Italian aggression, 230; teachers’ strike against Sector boundary delimitation, 84, 113, 114;

Review, 239 cave paintings in, 7; commercial

Efrata, 30 farming in, 194; education in, 221; Egypt, Egyptian: archbishops, bishops and federation with Ethiopia, 85, from, 8, 30, 48; banking concession 114, 182-183, 206, 219; future of, to, 102; British occupation of, 73; and issues 1941-1952, 180-183, 185; Coptic Christian teachers from, 108; impact on Ethiopia’s modernization

Ethiopia's quest for European 107: as Italian colony (1890), 71, 84; solidarity against, 73, 228; European Liberation campaign (1940-1941) in,

diplomatic support for, 51; 176; political organizations in, 182, expansion of, 25-26, 50-52; Mahdist 219, 220; separatism, 219-220;

hostility transferred to Ethiopia Second Division in, 230; separatism, from, 57-58; and Nile waters, 152; 238, 251, 254, 257; trade with occupation of Harar by, 20, 63; Italian colony of, 94, 97; in peace negotiations with 54-55; Tripartite Agreement, 151; (Maps) revolution (1952) in, and effect on 86, 161, 190 USA's Ethiopian policy, 185, 189; Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), 219,

and Tewodros I], 28, 35-36; war 220, 258, 259

with Ethiopia (1875-1876), 45, 47, Eritrean Liberation Front/Popular

50-53 Liberation Forces (ELF/PLF), 258

198 274

El Kere, 190 (Map), 216 Eritrean People’s Liberation Front

Elaberet farm, 194 (EPLF), 220, 247, 256, 257, 258, electricity, hydroelectricity, 164, 194, 259, 261, 262, 264, 266, 267, 268, Elleni, Queen Mother (early 16th Eshate Gada, Afa Negus (d. 1960), 218

century), 129 Ethiopia, background information, 1(Map), 94, 143 Ethiopian Air Lines (EAL), 186, 187,

Embabo, Battle of, 46, 60, 61, 62, 78 10, 17 (Map)

Emeru Hayla-Sellase, Ras: as governor 200 of Goyam, 99, 145; in Italo- Ethiopian Democratic Officers’ RevoluEthiopian war (1935-1936), 147, tionary Movement (EDORM), 265 154, 155-156; political positions of Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU),

140, 206; proposed as head of state 260 (1960), 213; as viceroy, designated Ethiopian Democratic Unity Party, 264 1936, and in Resistance Movement Ethiopian National Liberation Front,

167, 168, 169, 171 262

Emeru, Hayla-Sellase, Leul Ras: father Ethiopian People’s Democratic

of Mikael, 235 Movement (EPDM), 265

Enda lyyasus, 215 Ethiopian Peoples’ Liberation Endalkachaw Makonnen, Le) (d. 1974), Organization (EPLO), 245

286 205; cabinet of, 231-232, 273; dual Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary

Index

Democratic Front (EPRDF), 243, supported from, 37-38; commercial

265, 266, 267, 267, 268 pre-eminence of, 97, 165; education, Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party 108-109, 189 and Hoare-Laval (EPRP), 237, 240, 243, 244, 245, Plans, 166; Italian aggresssion 246, 247, 248, 252, 253, 254, 259, receives acquiescence from, 153,

260, 261 176; Iyyasu’s threat to, 126; and

Ethiopian Students’ Union in Europe Klobukowsky Treaty, 85, 100;

(ESUE), 225, 244 military training in, 148; mission

Ethiopian Students’ Union in North (1929) to Ethiopia from, 96; and America (ESUNA), 225, 244, 245 Nile waters, 73, 82; occupation of

Ethio-US ‘Treaty (1953), 185 Egypt (1798-1801) by, 26; railway Europe, European: cereal exports to, concession to, 101; republican 197; concessions to, 100-103, 200; effects from, 175; scientific interest, Constitution of 1931’s intended 25; and Tripartite Agreement, 85, effect on, 141; education in, 103; 101, 111, 150-151; and Yohannes Ethiopian delegation (1911) to, 104; IV’s quest for diplomatic support Hayla-Sellase’s exile in, 160; and from, 50-51 imperialism, 85; and interests in French language, 108 Ethiopia, 24-25, 228-229; medieval Funj, 19, 26 Ethiopia’s contacts with, 9;

Mussolini’s policy in, 153; reactions Gabayyahu, Fitawrari, 64, 77 to slavery and slave-trade in 50, 93; gabbar, 14, 87, 88, 89-93, 110, 191-192,

Tafar1 Makonnen’s tour (1924) of, 193, 229, 241 100, 131, 137; and Tewodros II, 36- Gabra-Egziabher, Blatta, 54 38, 72, 73; travellers from, 2 12, 21, Gabra-Egziabher, Dajjach, formerly

24-25; and Wechale Treaty, 75; and Kumsa Moroda, 19, 62, 63, 66

Yohannes IV, 50-51, 54 Gabra-Egziabher Frangois, 99

Excise and Consumption Tax Gabra-Egziabher Gila-Maryam, Blaita,

Proclamation (1931), 197 107

exports, chief, 16, 22, 96, 191, 196,197 | Gabra-Egzie, Basha, 32

Ezana, King of Aksum (r. mid-4th Gabra-Heywat Baykadagn, Naggadras,

century), 1,8 84, 99, 102-103, 106, 107, 110, 178 Gabra-Maryam, Fitawrari, 121, 124, 134

Fadogno, Battle of, 66, 68 Gabra-Maryam Gari, Dajjach, 169

Falasha, 34, 38, 104 Gabra-Sellase Barya-Gabr, Dajjach, 108,

Falle, 130, 135 117, 118 Famaka, 68 Gabra-Sellase Walda-Aragay, Tsahafe,

famine, 64, 72, 196, 231, 255, 259, 263 Tezaz, 72, 115

Fanta Balay, General, 265 Gabru, Aga, 132 Faqada-Sellase Heruy, 168 Gabru, Blaita, 58

Fascism, Fascists, 151, 153, 169-171 Gabru Dasta, Kantiba, 104

Fashoda, 83 gada system, 18

Fasilidas, Emperor of Ethiopia Gafarsa reservoir, 164

(r, 1632-1667), 10 Gafat, 34, 40, 103 Feche, 144 Gaki Sherocho, Jato, ruler of Kafa, 66, Federal Act of 1952 (Eritrea), 219 67

federation (Eritrea), 114, 182-183, 219 Galla (see also Oromo), 2, 61, 162, 166 Fellows, Perry; Fellows Mission, 184 Galla and Sidama, 161 (Map), 162 Feqra-Maryam Yennadu, Dayjach, 170 Gallabat, Sudan (Matamma), 17 (Map),

Feqra-Sellase Wagdaras, Captain, 253 59, 113

Feqre Mar’ed, Dr, 247 Gama, Christopher da, Vasco da, 9

Fetha Nagast, 110 Gambela, 86 (Map), 97, 98, 99, 113,

199 Gamma, 18

Five-Year Plan, Third (1968-1973), 194, 125

foreign loans, 201 Gamo, 21

Forum (university teachers’ group), Gamo Gofa, Gamu Gofa, 17 (Map), 21,

236, 237 190 (Map), 193

France, French: Catholicism in Ethiopia — Ganale, 216 237

Index Ganale Dorya, Battle of, 78 (Map), 158 gold, 22, 113, 119-200

Ganale R., 2, 3 (Map) Goldeya, 86 (Map) Garad, 37 Gomma, 17 (Map), 19 Garamullata, 129 Gondar (principality, town), Gondare, Garasu Duki, Dajjach, 210 117, 119, 222, decline of, 94:

Garmame Neway, 211-213, 212, 214 EPRDF thrust into, 266; as imperial

gasha, 90, 92, 193 capital, 10, 21, 68; imperial politics gebhr, 70, 135, 140. 160 of, 13, 16; Italian consulate in 97,

Gedem, 30 152; Itahan Occupation in, 161

Gedeo (Darasa), 5, 6 (Map), 218 (Map), 162, 163; naggadras of, 99;

Geez, 1, 7, 106 Resistance in, 172; sacking by

General Ethiopian [ransport (Anbassa Mahdists of, 57, 59; and Tewodros Bus Iranspon Company), 165, 200 II, 29, 30, 31, 40; and Zamana

Geneva Convention (1923), 154 Masafent, 11; (Maps) 17, 23, 78, 86,

Gera, 17 (Map), 19, 86 (Map) 190

Germany German: in Bank of Gorbachev, Mikhail, 264 Abyssinia, representation by, 102; Gordon, Charles George, General, 54 diplomatic mission (1905) from, Gone, 65, 83, 86 (Map), 96, 99,

106, 113; equipment from and 125, 168

traning of Ethiopian police by, 186, Goshu Zawde, Dajjach (d. 1852), 13, 29

207; as factor in speeding up Gragn (The Left-Handed) (see also

Tripartite Agreement, 111; and Ahmad ibn Ibrahim), 9

Ivyasu, 127; Yohannes IV’s quest Graham, Sir Ronald, 152 for diplomatic support from, 50-51 Graziani, Rodolfo, Marshal, 156-158,

Getachaw Abata, Ras, 167 162, 167, 170

25] Gsuatemala, Gezaw, 106 Gubba, 19,183 87

Getachaw Nadaw, Brigadier-General, Greece, Greek, 1, 98, 166

Gibe region states, 19 Gudagude (Gundat), 52 Gibe R. (dower course: Omo R.), 2, 3 guerrilla bands, wartare, 172, 176;

(Map), 18, 19, 60, 61-62, 226 methods of, 171-172; attacks on

Gimira Safar, 93 Italian settlers and soldiers by, 165, Gobana Dache, Ras, 59, 61, 62 167, 171: 1n Eritrean Liberation

Gobat, Samuel, 25 Front, 220; weaknesses among, 167, Gobaze, Wag Shion of Lasta, later Takla- 173-74 Giyorgis, Emperor of Ethiopia (1. Gugsa Araya, Ras, 146

1868-1871), 40, 42-43 Gugsa Marsu, Ras, 12 Gobba, 190 (Map) Gugsa Wale, Ras, ruler of Bagemder (d.

Gofa, 2] 1930), 120, 147; and Anchem, Battle Goggeti, 169 of, 137: conilict and rebellion Gojab R., 168 against Tafari Makonnen by, 99,

Goyam Gojjame: Adal ‘Tasamma, Ras, 135-137, 136, 144; his marriage rises to power in, 42; and Anchem, with Zawditu, and separation, 118,

Battle of, 137; Balay Zallaga’s 130, 135

rebellion in, 210; Christianity in, 9, Gulf of Aden, 9, 71; (Maps) 3, 6, 23, 78,

14, 124: and Embabo Battle of, 60, 16], 190

61-62, 94; Emeru Hayla-Sellase’s gult, 14-15, 193 governorship in, 99, 145; falls to Guma, 17 (Map), 19 EPRDF, 266; Haylu Takla-Haymanot Gumuz, 5, 6 (Map), 19 and his rule of, 143-145; land tax in, = Guna, Mount, 266 193; Liberation force (1941) enters, Gundat, Battle of, 45, 50, 51, 52-53, 78

176; peasant uprising (1968) in, (Map), 84 194, 216-218: Resistance in, 171, Gur Amba, Battle of, 29, 78 (Map) 174; tenancy in, 192; and Tewodros Gura, Battle of, 45, 47, 50, 53-54, 78

11, 29, 31, 34, 40; and war of 1935- (Map), 84 1936, 147, 154, 155; and Yohannes Gura Farda, 86 (Map) IV, 44-45, 47, 59; and Zamana Gurage, 7, 21, 61, 197; (Maps) 6, 17, 86

288 Masafent, 13; (Maps) 17, 86, 190 Gurageland, 49, 169

Index

Gute Dili, Battle of, 59, 78 (Map) deposition of, 235, 236; education of, 130; Emeru, Ras, designated

Habab, 37 viceroy by, 168; erosion of authority

Habasha, ‘Habashat’ tribe, 1, 26 by Darg, 235; execution of his

Habta-Giyorgis Dinagde, Fitawrari (d. functionaries, 251; exile (1936-1941) 1926), 69, 88, 135; as Minister of of, 160, 168, 209-210; fiscal reform

War, 115, 125, 128, 131, 132; as by, 92, 99; as heir to throne, 128; Shawan nobility and traditional and intellectuals, 110-111; and party leader, 118, 121, 127, 131; Iyyasu, 125; Menilek Il compared

and Tafari Makonnen, 125, 131-132 with, 159-160; and his ministers,

Hadar, 7 107, 203-206; and negotiations with

Hadiya, 5, 6 (Map), 17 (Map), 21, 61 Italians, 166-167; opposition to, 106,

Hagos Jafari, Dajjach, 76 111, 209-211, 231; personality of,

Haile Sellassie I Foundation, 235 201-203; republicanism

Halpert, Frank de, 94 unacceptable to, 176; restored to

Hamasen, 17 (Map), 32, 48, 51, 52, 53 throne, 176; his rise to throne, 101,

Handelsvereeninging Amsterdam 128-137, 201; school opened by,

(HVA), 198-199 108; tour of Europe by (1924), 131, Harar (emirate, province, town), 151; USA sought as ally by, 178, Harari, 2, 20, 72, 96, 186, 187; cave 184, 23]

paintings in, 7; Egyptian occupation Hayla-Sellase Gugsa, Dajyjach, 146, 154,

of, 51; emirate of, 19-20; as fief of 167

Ras Makonnen Walda-Mikael and Haylu Balaw, Le, later Ras, 174, 206,

family, 88, 98, 101, 129, 130; 210, 217

incorporation by Menilek II of, 61, Haylu Takla-Haymanot, Aas, ruler of

63-64, 68; in Italian Occupation, Gojjam (r 1901-1932), 98, 137, 143-

162, 163, 165; land tax in, 193; 144, 145, 167, 170

Naggadras of, 106, 125; as railway Haylu Tawalda-Madhen, Dayjach, 32

terminal, abandoned, 101; as hebratasabawinat (Ethiopian Socialism), trading centre, 22; war of 1935-1936 240, 244

190 96, 106, 107, 109

in, 157; (Maps) 17, 23, 78, 86, 161, Heruy Walda-Sellase (1879-1938), 45,

Harare, 267 Hewett, Sir William, Rear-Admiral, 55

Hararge, 190 (Map), 192 Hewett (Adwa) Peace Treaty (1884), 54-

Harari language, 6 (Map), 7 55, 58

Harrington, John, I11 Hitler, Adolf, German political leader, Harris, W. Cornwallis, Captain, 24 153, 166

Hasam Enjamo, 61 Hoare, Sir Samuel 166

Haud, the, 181 Hoare-Laval Plans 166

Hayla-Giyorgis Walda-Mikael, Holata military school, 148, 249, 253 Naggadras, later Bitwaddad, 115, 117, Holz, Arnold, 101

125, 126, 127 hominid, 7

Hayla-Malakot, Negus of Shawa honey, 15, 16, 87; tax paid in, 92

(rv. 1847-1855), 30-31 Horn of Africa, 1, 56, 151

Hayla-Maryam, formerly Abba Wataw, Horro-Gudru, 21, 88

48 Hospital, Menilek II, 106

Hayla-Maryam Gabre, Dajjach, 12 Hotel, Etege, 98 Hayla-Maryam Radda, Blatta, 215 human rights, 206

Hayla-Sellase I, Emperor of Ethiopia (r. hunting and gathering, 20

1930-1974), formerly Tafari HVA, HVA-Ethiopia, 199 Makonnen, Ras, later Negus, 92, hydroelectricity, 194, 198 142, 230; absolutism of, 137-148,

159-160, 178, 201; armed forces Ich’at, 245, 248, 262 reorganized by, 207-209; and ascent Idris Awate, 219

to throne, 137-140; and British, illiteracy, 200 179-180; business interests of, 98, Illubabor, 4, 62, 65, 86 (Map), 88, 96,

132-133, 198; and Constitution, 157, 190 (Map), 193

Revised, of 1955, 206-207; Imaledeh, 247-248, 255 289

Index Imperial Board of ‘Telecommunications, preparedness for, 147-148; progress

188 of, 153-160; reparations, partial, for,

Imperial Bodyguard, 147, 148, 155, 198

186, 207, 214 Italy, Italian: Adwa, Battle of, against,

Imperial Highway Authority (IHA), 188 53, 82, 83-85, 229; and agreement

import-export trade, 97-98, 197 with Britain (1925), 152; in Bank of

income, per capita, 200 Abyssinia, representation by, 102 income-tax (1949), 199 British collusion with, 73; colonial

India, Indian, 8, 9, 97-98, 105, 165, boundary delimitation of Eritrea by,

186, 189 113, 114; diplomatic representation

Indian Ocean, and ports, |, 2, 3 (Map), of, 96-97, 111, 152: and ex-colonies’

4,51, 161 (Map) disposal, 180-181, 182; and Indonesia, 198 and import of infected cattle into

Indo-Ethiopian Textile Mills, 198, 200 expedition attacked near Harar, 63;

Industrial Revolution, European, 24 Ethiopia, 72; and Iyyasu, 126-127;

industry (see also textiles), 164, 165 189, May Chaw Battle against, 155-157;

196-201 and Menilek II, 59, 61, 74-79;

Institute for the Study of Nationalities, negotiations with Ethiopia (1936) by,

256 166-167; prisoners-of-war (1896,

intellectuals, intelligentsia, Ethiopian, 1941) from, 83, 179; subversion in 92,99, 103-111, 168, 212, 278; and northern Ethiopia by, 137; Vaytu’s ‘Tafar1 Makonnen, 110-111, 131; objections to, 117; territorial targeted in Grazisni massacre, 170- encroachment (1880s) by, 56-57;

17] trans-frontier trade with colonies of Iraq, 219 with Ethiopia, 135, 151; in

investment policy, 199 96; and treaty of friendship (1928)

Isayyas Afawarqi, 220 Tripartite Agreement, 85, 1O1, P11, Isayyas Gabra-Sellase (d. 1974), 211 150-151; and Wechale ‘Treaty with

Isenberg, C. W., 25 Ethiopia, 74, 84, 117; Zula,

Islam, Islamic (see also Muslim) Aksum’s recommended for cession to, 54 decline caused by, 8; factor in Bale ltyopya Teqdam (Ethiopia First’), 235,

rebellion, 216; in Gibe region states, 236, 240, 244, 246

19; in Harar emirate 19, 63; ivory, 16, 22, 93, 97 lyyasu’s attitude to, 124, 128; in Iyoas, Emperor of Ethiopia (r 1755-

medieval Ethiopia, 9; in Wallaga 1769), 11 (western) sheikhdoms, 19, 58-59; in Iyyasu, Le}, ruler of Ethiopia (r. 1913-

Wallo, 12, 48-49; Yohannes IV's 1916; d. 1936): charge of apostasy

intolerence of, 48-49 against, 121, 124, 127; deposition Islamization, 19, 20, 61 of, 127-128, 129, 135; and Ismail, Khedive of Egypt (r. 1863-1879), intellectuals, 110; marriages of, 116,

50-51, 53-54, 73 117, 124; plot (1932) for escape of,

Israel, Israeli, 7, 186, 207 144; reforms attempted by, 92, 121Italian East Africa, 161 (Map), 162, 163, 122, 124, 140; reign, actual and

166 legal, of, 120-128; slaving

Italian Occupation of Ethiopia: expedition by, 93; sons of, 174; and administration and administrative succession to throne, 116, 120; and districts during, 161 (Map), 162-163, World War One powers, 127; and 181; banks established during, 188; Ydlibt, 98 brief duration of, 84, 166;

collaborators (banda), Ethiopian, Jacir Bey, 166 during and after, 172, 174, 210, Janjaro, 7, 16. 17 (Map), 18, 86 (Map) 211; colonial settlement during, Japan, Japanese, 81, 92, 97, 110, 196 165; economic policy in, 165, 230; Jarosseau, André, 130 features of, 160-165, 198; Resistance —_Jebat, 88

during, 163, 166-176: significance, Jerusalem, 28,33, 438 historical, of, 187, 197-198, 230 Jesuits, 9-10, 14, 24, 25, 223 Italo-Ethiopian War (1935-1936) Jujiga, 126, 157, 190 (Map), 213

290 background to, 150-153; Ethiopia's Jildessa, 63

Index

Jille Oromo, 122 Khomosha, 17 (Map), 19, 58, 66 Jimma, Jimma Abba Jifar (kingdom and __ King, Henry S., and Company, 49

town): emergence of, 18, 19; Kirkham, J.C., Sergeant, 49, 50-51 incorporation by central govern- Kiros Alamayahu, Major, 251 ment of, 144-145; as Italian capital Klobukowsky Treaty (1908), 74, 85, 100 of region, and settlement area, 161 Koma, 5, 6 (Map) (Map), 162, 163, 165; popular Konso, 5, 6 (Map), 17 (Map), 21 movement in, 231; as trade centre, Konta, 64, 65, 86 (Map) 21; tribute from 87; slavery in 93; Koram, 155

(Maps) 17, 86, 190 Korea, 185, 186

Jiren, 21, 22, 23 (Map) Koso Bar, Battle of, 27 Jote Tullu, later Dajjach, 19, 62, 66 Kotabe, 22]

Juba R., Somalia (Ganale R., Ethiopia), Krapf, J.L., 16, 25

2 Kufit, Battle of, Kullo, 58,64,78 (Map) 65, 86 (Map)

Kabbada Gabre, Major-General Kumsa Moroda, later baptised Gabra-

(d. 1974), 211 Egziabher, and titled Dajjach, 19, 62

Kabbada Tasamma, Dajjach, 217 Kunama, 5, 6 (Map) Kafa: Adal Tasamma (Takla-Haymanot)

designated negus of, 45, 60, 61-62; labour legislation, 200 Emeru, Ras, surrenders to Italians Laggasa Asfaw, Corporal (later

(1936) in, 168-169; ensat culture in, Captain), 245

7; incorporation by central Lagarde, Léonce, 111 government of, 65-66, 88; kingdom Lalibala, 8, 17 (Map) of, 16; land tax in, 193; rain forests lam, lam taf, 87, 89-90, 193

of, 4; slavery in, 93; Tafari land: Land Reform and Development Makonnen appointed as governor of Authority, 195; nationalization 125; tenancy in, 192; trade in, 21; proclamation, 240, 241, 243; reform Tsahayu Enqwa-Sellase transferred 213, 229; tax (in cash and in kind), as governor to, 217; (Maps) 17, 86, 14-15, 87, 192-194, 198, 216, 217-

190 218; tenure, 14-15, 87-92, 191-196, Kahin Abdi, 216 229 Kambata, 5, 21, 120, 121; (Maps) 6, 17, ‘Land to the Tiller’, 195, 223, 224, 241

86 Langano, Lake, 3 (Map), 4

Karan (Sanhit), 5, 51, 78 (Map), 176 Lasta, 40, 86 (Map)

Kara Mara, 254 Laval, Pierre, 153, 166 Kasa Haylu, Dajjach, ruler of Qwara, Lazarist Mission: seé missionaries,

later Tewodros II, Emperor of foreign

Ethiopia (r. 1855-1868), 11, 13, 14, League of Nations, Ethiopia’s admission

26, 27-30 debated by, 85, 93, 151, 230; Kasa Haylu, Ras, 96, 104, 143, 145, Ethiopia’s entry accepted (1923) by, 154-156 131, 152; Italian demands (1934)

Kasa Maru 28 (see Kasa Haylu, Dajjach) cause Ethiopia’s appeal to, 153 Kasa Mercha, Dayach, ruler of Tegre, leba shay, 121, 123 later Yohannes IV, Emperor of Lebna-Dengel, Emperor of Ethiopia (r.

Ethiopia (r. 1872-1889), 40-41, 42, 1508-1540), 9

43, 49-50, 73-74 Leche, 17 (Map), 45, 68: Agreement Kasa Subagadis, Dajjach, 32 (1878) of, 46-48, 61 Kasala, Sudan, 17 (Map), 55, 58 legations, foreign, 71, 100, 111, 119-120

Kebra Mangest, 200 Leo III, Pope 83 Kefu Qan, 72 Lega Qellam, 17 (Map), 62, 87, 91

Kebra Nagast, | Leqa Nagamte, 17 (Map), 19, 62, 87, 91 Kenfu Haylu, Dayjach, 26, 27-28 Let Marafya, 74

Kenya, 1, 2, 5, 82, 113, 168, 176, 182; Liban Amade, Dayjach, 31, 40

(Maps), 3, 86, 161, 190 Liberation (1941), British and

Kenyatta, Jomo, President of Kenya, 82 Ethiopian campaign of, 173, 176

Kestane, 61 Liberation Front of Western Somalia,

Khojale al Hasan, Sheikh, 66, 68 216 29]

Index

Libya, 122, 159 curtail powers of, 252: as chairman Limmu (town), Limmu-Ennarva, 17 of Darg, 233; confrontation with (Map), 19, 21 General Aman, 238; coup against, livestock, 5, 19] 265-266; dictatorial rule of, 229;

Livestock and Meat Board, 197 and the Eritrean question, 257; locusts, 72, 137, 1&4, 195-196 fleht of, 256; hailed by zamach, 240;

London, +9, 105, 267, 268 last days of, 267-268; as Marxist-

London Conterence of Alhed Powers Lenimist, 245; as nucleus of WPE,

Lormg, WAW., General, 53 255; personality of, 249; and Lulsaggad Atmatsaggad, Dajjach, later politicization of the military, 250; as

Ras, 120, 128 president of PORE, 256: as

symbolizing Ethiopian revolution,

madarya, 9O, LOT, 193 P48: wrests supreme power, 253-254 Mahdara-Qal Pawalda-Madhen 104-105 Mangestu: Newas, Brigadier-General Mahdist (Ansar) movement, 61, 66 0-4: POT, PIO, 211, 212, 214. 234

British expedition against, 82 Manz. 30, 46 Gondar sacked by, 57; hostility Magqale, 77, 154, 155, 215: (Maps) 78 towards Ethiopia, 55, 57-69, and Magqdala, 29, 30. 34. 40, 41, 42, 45, Mentlek IIT, 59, 82: rise of, 54. and 121: Battle of, 41, 42, 49, 78 (Map),

Yohannes IV, 47, 56, 58 105, 229

Macison, 237, 244, 245. 246, 247, 248, Marab Convention (1891), 75-76

262 Marab Melash. 12. 47. 55, 56, 94. 181,

Mayangir, 5, 6 (Map) 228

May. 6 (Map), 7, 86 (Map), 93 Marab R.. 3 (Map), 42.47. 75, 76, 84, Mayid Abud, 98 153 Makonnen Endalkachaw, Dajjach, later Maragnena, Battle of, 266 Ras Bitwaddad, 157, 204, 205 Marchand, Jean-Baptiste, 82 Makonnen Habta-Wald (cd. 1960), 107. mared azmach, 13.31

197, 205 Mared Neguse, 265

Makonnen Walda-Mikael, Dajjach. later Marevye, Ras, ruler of Bagemder

Ras of Harar (d. 1906): at Adwa, (dd. T831), 12.31 Battle of, as commander, 77: 1 Maria Pheresa thaler (dollar), P1, 90,

Harar, as governor, 64, 88; 163

negotiates with Ttallans, 75, 77; his Martin, Charles, Dr: see Wargenah

relationship to Ras Emeru and to Eshate. Makin Menilek I], 64, 99, 111: of Wallaga Maru, Dajjach (dl. 1827) 27-28

expeditionary force, as leader 66 Marxism, Marxism-Leninism, 220, 223,

Makonnen Walda-Yohannes, 198 99G, P45, P47, P48, 255, 267, 274

makwanent (see also nobility of service), masafent (see also nobility, hereditary),

140, 141 140, 141. 143, 167

Malaka-Tsahay Ivyasu, 174 Masfen Selashi, Ras (d. 1974), 206 Malaku lavye, Qagnazmach, 218 Massaja, Lorenzo G., Cardinal, 25

Matlerid, 245, 248 Massawa, 17 (Map), 23 (Map) 48, 50,

Malka Qunture, 7 72: Egyptian (earlier, Ottoman) Matkagna, 87 occupation of, 26, 36, 51-52; falls to Mamluk 26 EPLF, 266; Italian occupation of, 56Mammadoch dynasty, 12 57: political organization 182; teleManan Asfaw, Empress of Ethiopia (d. communications in, 188; as trading

1962), wife of Emperor Hayla- port, 21, 25, 58, 94; Yohannes IV's

Sellase I, 146 efforts to regam, 54-55

Manan Liban, Empress, 27-29 Mastawat, ruler of Wallo, 45

Managasha, Mount 68 Matafarva Malka-lsadeq, Azazh, 115 Mangasha Jambare Dajjach, later Matahara, 190 (Map). 198

Bitwaddad, 174, 210 Matakkal, 5

Mangasha Yohannes, Ras, ruler of Matamma (Gallabat, Sudan), 17 (Map);

Tegre, 76, 77, 117 Battle of, 47. 55, 57-59, 78 (Map): as

Mangestu Hayla-Marvam: 250, 252: border and customs trading post,

292 attempt on life of. 247: attempts to 21. 23 (Map), 94, 99, 136; boundary

Index

negotiations over 113; in Liberation Iyyasu, 125; defeated at Sagale, 128;

campaign (1940-1941), 176 relationship to lyyasu, 116; in

Mattewos, Abuna, 119, 124, 128 Walayta campaign, 64; Wallo, as

Mattu, 190 (Map) ruler of, 48-49

May Day, 247 Mikael Emeru, 205; replaces

Maychaw, Battle of, 78 (Map), 155-156 Endalkachaw as prime minister, 235

Mayer, J., 38 Mikael Sehul, Ras, 11

Mecha, 88, 217 military academies and schools,

Mecha and Tulama Self-Help Associa- Ethiopian and foreign, 106, 148,

tion, 261-262 174, 186, 207

Mega, 86 (Map), 96 Military Assistance Advisory Group Mey Constitution ( Japan), 110 (MAAG), USA, 186

Menase Hayle, Dr, 231 mulls, fibre, flour, etc., 164, 198, 199,

Menilek II, Emperor of Ethiopia 200

(r. 1889-1913), formerly Menilek mining, 185, 199-200 Hayla-Malakot, Negus of Shawa, 49, Ministries, Ethiopian (including

53, 66, 97, 112, 125 140, 259; Abba Ministers, Prime Ministers and Vice-

Weqaw’s loyalty to, 134; Adwa Ministers): Agriculture, 115, 197, campaign of, 77-79, 230; apogee of 205; Commerce, 115, 197, 205; power of, 111; business interests of Commerce and Customs, 99; 98, 99; Egyptian contacts made by Defence, 208; Education, 109, 221; 51; emperorship of, 30, 94; escape Finance, 115, 125, 184, 205; Foreign from Maqdala prison by, 42. 45; Affairs, 106, 115, 116, 166; Imperial

extra-territorial rights granted to Court, the, 115; Interior, the, 115, foreigners by, 100; Gambella leased 205, 207, 208, 211; Justice, 115, to British by, 96; in Great Ethiopian 205: Land Reform and Famine (1888-1892), measures taken Administration, 195, 242; Pen, 115,

by, 72; Italians and altering 116, 198, 204-205, 235; (also Tsahafe relationships with, 74-75, 150, 231; Tezaz); Urban Development and last years of, 108, 111, 123-124; Housing, 246; War, 115, 128, 131, ministerial system set up by, 114- 137. 148, 154, 180, 205 115, 141; post-Adwa victory, ministry, Ethiopian government, 115 diplomacy of, 82-83, 126; railway (1907), 116, 131 (1918), 140 (1931),

concession to French granted by, 203, 208

101; and regionalism, 140, 144-145, missionaries foreign (see also Jesuits):

159; succession to, 114-120; and comment on government system by, Takla-Giyorgis, Emperor, 42; Taytu’s 15-16; and education, 103, 104, 106,

role in reign of, 117; 221; resurgence of activity by 24-25,

telecommunications started in reign 228; and Tafar1 Makonnen, 130; of, 188; territorial expansion by, 19, and ‘Tewodros II, 34, 37-38; trade 21, 60-68, 87, 89, 93, 124, 228; and promoted by, 25, and Yohannes IV,

Tewodros II, 31: United States 30

mission (1903) to, 184; in Wallo Mogadishu, Somalia, 161 (Map), 162,

rebellion, intervention by, 49; and 163

Yohannes IV, 44, 45-47, 56, 59: Mogas Asgadom, 170 Zawditu’s claims to throne of, 128 Mogas Walda-Mikael, 252, 253

Menkullu, 106 Mojo, 101 Mentewab, Queen Mother (r. mid-1 8th Moroda, 19

century), 129 Mota, 190 (Map), 210, 217 Michille, 218 Motor Transport Company, Ltd.

Mesganaw Adugna, 137 Motolom1, 16-18 Middle East, 50, 127, 185, 189, 219 Ethiopia, 98

Miesso 128 Mowa dynasty, 18

Mikael Ras, later Negus of Wallo and Moyale, 86 (Map) Tegre (r, 1914-1916), formerly Muhammad Abdille Hasan, Sayyid, 127 Muhammad Ah: at Adwa, Battle of, Muhammad Ah, ‘Abba Jebo’, 12 77; conflicts with Lyyasu’s opponents Muhammad Ah, Albanian ruler in

by, 120, 121; crowned negus by Egypt, 26, 50, 207 293

Index Muhammad Ali of Wallo, from 1878 National Security Commission, 232 Ras Mikael, later Negus of Wallo and navy, Ethiopian, 186

Tegre (r. 1914-1916), 45-46, 48 Nazareth, Shawa, 101 Muhammad Eknem Riza, 166 negusa nagast, 13-14, 42, 43, 46, 135,

Muhammad Ratib Pasha, 53 140, 141

Muhammad Rauf Pasha, 20, 51 New Harar (Dire Dawa), 101

Muhammad Wad-Mahmud 68 New York, 102

Mulugeta Bulli, Major-General newspaper, Berhanena Salam, 107

(d. 1960), 207, 208, 213 Nile R.: Blue Nile (Abbay R.), 2, 3

Mulugeta Yeggazu, Bajerond later (Map), 13, 19, 73; Egyptian interests Dajjach, later Ras, 115, 137, 148, in, 50; European powers’ interests

154, 157 in, 26, 73, 82, 101, 151, 152; White

Munzinger, ].A. Werner, 50, 51 Nile, 73, 83

Muslim, Muslims (see a/so Islam): of Nilo-Saharan languages, peoples, 5, 20 Bale, 216; of Egypt, 36, 51, 73; and Nimr, Makk, 36 Eritrean question, 182-183, 219-220; Nkrumah, Kwame, political leader of

demonstrate for religious equality, Ghana, 82 231; lyyasu’s attitude to, 124, 127- nobilitv: hereditary (see also masafent),

128; in medieval Ethiopia, 9; 128-129, 201, 206, 215, 230; of

revivalism, 54, 61; in western service (see also makwanent), 206

Wallaga sheikhdoms, 19; of Wallo, Non-Aligned Movement, 203 48-49, 125: and Yohannes IV 48-49: north-east Africa, Italian ambitions for,

and Zamana Masafent 11-12 150-152

Mussolini, Benito, Italian political Norway, Norwegian, 183, 186 leader: Adwa, Battle of, recalled by Nuer, 5, 6 (Map), 20 155; and Europe, 151, 152, 166, 176; victory announcement by, 162; Occupied Enemy Territory

war with Ethiopia undertaken by Administration, 180

152-153, 154, 156 Ogaden, the, 86 (Map); British control

mustard gas, 154, 156, 159 of, 180-181: in Hoare-Laval Plans,

166; Lyyasu’s policy in, 124-125 127;

Nagash Bazabeh, Dajjach, later oil-prospecting in, 185; as war front

Bitwaddad, 174, 210 (1935-1936), 157, 158, 159, 204; in

naggadras, 22, 99, 106 1977 war, 254

Nagalle Borana, mutiny in: 229-230 Omdurman, Sudan, 8?

naib of Arqigo, 26 Omo R. (upper course: Gibe R.) and

Nairobi, 267 region, 2, 3 (Map), 7, 16

Nao, 59 Omouc languages, peoples, 5, 7, 16

Napier, Sir Robert, 33, 40, 41; Napier Onesimus Nasib, 104 expedition, 40-42, 49-50, 71, 105 Organization of African Unity (OAU) Napoleon, later Emperor of France, 26, 8?, 182, 203

229 Oromo (see also Galla), 2, 12, 261, 262:

Nagamte (see also Leqa Nagamte), 86 apprentices at Gafat, 34; Bible

(Map), 190 (Map) translation, 104; of Harar, 19-20, 63;

Naqfa, 259 incorporated by neighbouring

Nasi, Guglielmo, General, 162, 172 principalities, 13, 61-62, 69; Iyyasu’s

Nasibu Masqalo, Afa Negus, 115 protection of group of, 122; largest

Nasibu Zamanuel, Kantiba, later Dajjach, nationality composed of, 5, 6 (Map);

108, 135, 157 and Mahdists, 59; migrations of, 9;

Nasir, Sudan, 17 (Map), 83 monarchies, 18-19; obstruction of

Nasser, Gamal Abdel, political leader of Resistance patriots by, 168; as rebels

Egypt, 207 in Bale, 216; in Shawa, 21; trading

National Advisory Commission, 238 relations of, 16, 24; in Wallo, 12;

244, 246 of, 1]

National Democratic Revolution (NDR), Yayju dynasty originally composed

National Revolutionary Development Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), 261,

Campaign, 262 262, 267, 274

294 National Shango, 256 Oromo People’s Democratic

Index

Organization (OPDO), 265 telecommunications station (USA),

Orwell, George, 229 185, 189

Osman Saleh Sabby, 220, 258 galad, 88-90, 178, 194, 217

Ottoman army, empire, 26, 51 Qallu, 34

Qerilos, Patriarch, 36

Pakistan, 183 Qolla Daga Damot, 217 Paris Peace Conference (1946), 182 Qoga, 198

Parkyns, Manfield, 15 Qorahe, Battle of, 78 (Map), 157-158, Parliament, 141 (1931), 142, 195, 207, Qottu Oromo, 19-20

223 quragna, 121, 122

patriarch, 36, 214 qurt geber, 87, 88

patriots, Patriotic Resistance Movement Qwara, 17 (Map), 27-28, 40 (see also Resistance), 148, 163, 166- Owiha, 215 176, 210-211

Peace Corps Volunteers (USA), 189 racialism, racism, 164, 167 peasant rebellions, 178, 194, 209, 215- Radio Marine, 183

218 railway (Djibouti-Addis Ababa):

People’s Democratic Republic of concession (1894) to France, 97, Ethiopia (PDRE), 246, 248, 253, 101; Italy’s plans for, 151; progress

254, 256 of, 71, 101, 102; trading importance

Perham, Margery, 159 of, 97, 101, 180, 185; workers, 172,

Petros, Abuna, 125 200

Petros, Abuna, bishop of Wallo (d. Ras Dashan, Mount, 2, 3 (Map)

1936), 170 Rassam, Hormuzd, 37, 39

platinum, 200 Rayya, 86 (Map), 156, 215

Platt, Major-General, Sir William, 176 Red Cross, International Committee of

Plowden, Walter C., 24, 37, 38 the, 154

Point Four Agreement (1952), Ethio- Red Sea, 1, 47; British and USA

USA, 184, 189 interests in, 26, 185; coast and

police force, Ethiopian, 122, 216 217; in region, 3 (Map), 12, 21, 23 (Map),

abortive coup d'état (1960), 214; 26, 54, 73, 220; ports, 8, 51, 54, 57, under foreign organization, 179, 73; (Maps) 6, 78, 161, 190

186, 207 Red Terror, 239, 247, 253 Portal, Sir Gerald, 57 (1929), 96

Poncet, Charles, 24 Reffye, M. de, Minister, French mission Portugal, Portuguese, 9, 228 Relief and Rehabilitation Commission,

Prasso, Alberto, 101, 200 255

‘Prester John’, 9 ‘Reserved Area’, British, 181 principalities before 1855: northern, 11- resettlement, 263

16; southern, 16-21 Resistance, Resistance Movement (see

prostitution, 164 also patriots), 84, 163, 166-176, 210, Protestants: see missionaries, foreign 217, 230

proto-Afroasiatic languages, 5 rest, 14, 87, 191-192, 193, 217; resta gult,

Provisional Military Administrative 140, 193

Council (PMAC), 236, 238, 251, 256, Revolution of 1974, Ethiopian: Hayla-

262 Sellase’s illusion of containing, 203;

Provisional Office for Mass opposition leading to, 209, 226, 231; Organizational Affairs (POMOA), student movement as harbinger of,

246, 247, 252 178; uniqueness of, 84; United

Provisional People’s Government, 236- States’ and Ethiopian partnership

237 ends at, 183, 189; eruption of, 273;

Public Security, Department of: see influence of students on, 244;

security popular character of, 229ff; Square,

Public Transport Department, 164-165 247; typology of, 228-229; publications in Amharic, 106, 107, 110 Rhodesia, 223

Rift, Rift Valley, 2, 3 (Map); 5, 68 Qabena, 61 rinderpest, 72

Qagnaw: battalion in Korea, 186; Rochet d’Héricourt, C.F.X., 24 295

Index

Rogge, 22, 23 (Map) Semite, Semitic languages, 5, 7, 16 Roman Empire, 151] Senate, 141, 143, 205, 210

Romanawarq Mangasha, 116-117 sennar, Sudan, 19, 26 Rome, Italy, 83, 162, 166, 267 settlement schemes, rural, 195, 213, 216 Roosevelt, President D. Franklin, [84+ sevum Mangasha, Ras, ruler of Tegre

Rubattino Company, Italy 56 (d. L960), 137, 143, 146, 154-156,

Rudini, Marchese di. 83, 150 167, 206

Rudolf (lurkana), Lake, 3 (Map). + Shala, Lake, 3 (Map), 4

Rueppell, Eduard, 25 Shawa, Shawan: capital cities of, 68; Russta, Russian, 36, 50-51, 75. 81, 106, education in, 221; Embabo victory

IS), 183, 249, 254. 261. 264 lor, 62, 94: expansion of, 21, 45, 60; governors of Goyam from, 217;

St George Brewery, 235 Italian Occupation of, 162, 166, 171, Saath, 17 (Map), 56-57, 59 172: Ttaly, first contacts with, 74:

Sadat. Anwar, President of Egypt, E89 land measurement in, 89; land tax

Suddad, 245, 248 in. 193: Mentlek reasserts claim to, Sagale, Battle of. 78 (Map), 120, 128, 42. missionaries in, 25; Sagale

145, 160 victory for, 128: tenancy in, 192;

Sahara desert, 4 and Tewodros II, 30-31 40, 60: Sahla-Sellase, Negus of Shawa (rv 1813- trade m, 22: Yohannes [V's

1847). 11, 21, 24, 60. 128-129 campaiens In, 46, 59; and Zamana Sahle Tsadalu, Blatlengeta, 143 Masafent, (3; (Maps) 17. 86, 190

Saho. 5. 6 (Map), 20 Shawa-Gimira. 86 (Map)

Salale, 86 (Map), 129, 170 Shawan nobility, 116-118, 121. 124-125, Salama, dbuna. 30, 35. 36, 37.38 } 28-129, 130, 135

Salt, Henry, 12 Shawaragad Gadle, 172, 173 salt, salt-plaims, 22. 52 Shawaragea Menmilek, 116

ysamon, 89, 9O, 198 Sheba, Queen of, 1, 7

Sanay Lekke, Dr, 245, 253 shefla, A8, 216. 219; former fighters Sandford, Daniel A., Colonel, later against Italians, 208; Kasa Haylu,

Brigadier, 176 Dayach Vater Emperor Lewodros Sanhit (Karan), 51, 55 I]). as, 27. 28. 29

Sapeto, Giuseppe. 25, 56 Shere, 155. 167 Saqa, 21, 22, 23 (Map) Shembere Kure, Battle of, 9 Sar Weha, Battle of. 59. 78 (Map) Sibu, 86 (Map)

Saraye, 17 (Map). 32, 52 Sidama, Galla and, 161 (Map), 162

Sati Humara, 194 Sidamo: cave paintings in, 7; gold mine

Savoure, AC, 97 In, 200; governors in 1920s of, 125, Saviu Sahla-Sellase, 30-31, 39 129, 133-134, 157: land tax in 193:

Savyo (province). 125, 133: (town, later peasant uprising in, 218: (Maps) 86,

Dambi Dollo), 86 (Map), 99 190

sea coast, Ethiopia's need for access to: Sinclar Company, USA 185 Adwa victory fails to resolve, 84, Sisay Habte, Major, 250, 251, 252, 257 229: and Eritrea, 178, 181, 234; in siso, YO, 192, 216; seso gult, 193

Hoare-Laval Plans. 166: Italian Skinner, Robert P.: Skinner Mission,

proposals (1915) and implications 184 concerning, 151; and Menilek If. slave-raids, slavery, slave-trade, 16, 22,

D4-55 oo

73; and Tatar) Makonnen, 131; and 34, 50, 93-94

‘Tewodros Il, 36: and Yohannes TY, Sobat R.. Sudan (Baro R., Ethiopia), 2,

Sebastopol’, 28, 29, 34 Soddo, 22, 23 (Map)

Sebhat Aragawi, Ras, 76 Solomon, King of Israel (r. early 10th Security, Department of Public, 207; century B.C.), 1, 7

security measures, 202 Solomonic descent, dvnasty, 1, 7, 8, 13, Sehin Mikael, 125 $2, 209

Selashi Bavyana, Licutenant, 251 Somali in Ethiopia: and Ahmad Gragn, semen, 12. 17 (Map). 26. 31, 86 (Map), 9; under Garmame Neways

296 165 administration, 213: anc Tyvasu,

Index 126-127: and nationalism, 181-182; Development Agency (SIDA), 194,

in pastoral areas, 2, 5, 6 (Map), 20; 2? | in peasant rebellion (1965-1970), Switzerland, 108

216 Syria, Syrian, 26, 98, LOI, 125, 219

Somalia, Somali, 1, 2, 3 (Map), 5, 22,

24, 94, 162, 182, 190 (Map), 254 Taddassa Berru, Brigadier General, 261 Somaliland: British, 56, 97, 113. 114 Tadla Bayru, 219 151, 176, 180-182; French (see also Tadla Gwalu, 39, 44 Djibouti), 56, 113, 151, 181-182; Tafara Takla-Ab, Major, 233 Italian, 97, 113, 151, 153, 159, 162, Tafari Bante, Lt. General, 250, 251, 253 180, 181, 230; (Maps) 78, 86, 161 Tafari Makonnen, Dajjach, son of Ras

South Africa, 9, 183 Makonnen Walda-Mikael; later Ras,

South Arabia, 8 from 1928 Negus, see Hayla-Sellase I Southern Africa, 81 Tajura, Djibouti, 17 (Map), 51, 56

Soviet Union: see Russia Takkala Walda-Hawaryat, Blatta, 106,

Spencer, John, 206 174, 210-211 Stanley, Lord, later Earl of Derby, 41 Takkaze R. (Atbara R., Sudan), 2, 3 Stalin, Joseph, 229 (Map), 156 Starabba, Antonio, Marchese di Rudin, ‘Takla-Giyorgis, Emperor of Ethiopia (r. 83, 150 1868-1971), formerly Gobaze, Wag Stern, Henry A., 38, 39 Shum, 40, 42-43, 44, 49

students: African scholarship, 222; Takla-Haymanot, Abuna, Saint, 16 associations and unions, 212, 2292- Takla-Haymanot II, Emperor of

223, 225, 231; opposition to Ethiopia (r. 1769-1777), 11

Endalkachaw cabinet, 232; student Takla-Haymanot, Negus of Goyam and movement, 104, 178, 195, 220-226 Kafa (r. 1881-1901), formerly Adal

224 Tasamma, Ras: at Adwa, Battle of

Subagadis Waldu, Dajjach, ruler of 77; defeated at Embabo, 61-62, 143;

Tegre (d. 1831), 12, 31, 34 in Ethio-Mahdist war, 59; grandsons

succession to throne, constitutional of, 174, 210; as unsuccessful plans for, 114, 116, 141, 209 counterweight to Menilek, 43-45, 44 Sudan, Sudanese: Adwa victory’s effect Takla-Hawaryat Takla-Maryam,

on, 82; boundary delimitation of, Bayjerond, 106, 110-111, 127, 141,

113; British plans for Eritrea and, 143, 144, 146 180-181, 182, 183; Egyptian Talha, Sheikh, 49 conquest of, 26, 50; Ethiopian exiles —Taltal salt-plains, 22, 52 (1936-1941) in, 175-176; Ethiopian Tamben, 42, 215; Battles of, 78 (Map),

reformists in, 106; famine (1888- 154-155 1892) in, 71; launching of Tamrat Amanuel, Professor, 104

Liberation campaign (1940) from, Tana, Lake, 2, 3 (Map), 9, 78 (Map), 176; Mahdism in, 54, 57-59, 61; and 105, 113, 152 Nile waters, 152; sheikhdoms of Tanagnawarg Hayla-Sellase, Princess,

western Wallaga originating in, 19; 134, 206, 218

slave exports to, 22; and Tandaho, 190 (Map), 194 transfrontier trade, 21, 24, 97, 99- tank, 135

100; Tewodros II’s use of refugees Tariku Layne, General, 264 against, 36; (Maps) 3, 78, 86, 161, ‘Tasamma Gazmu, Basha, later

190 Dajjazmach, 124

Suez Canal, 51, 73 Tasamma Nadaw, Dajjach, later Ras and

Suffa Kuso, 62 Ras Bitwaddad, 65, 66, 69, 83, 88,

suffrage, universal adult, 207 116, 118-120 sugar, sugar-cane, 198-199 Tastaye Dinga, 267

Sukarno, Achmed, President of Tasfaye Walda-Sellase, Colonel, 250

Indonesia, 198 Tataq, 254

Susneyos, Emperor of Ethiopia (r. 1607- Tawabach Ah, 28

1632), 10 taxes (see also land): agricultural income,

Sweden, Swedish, 106, 148, 186, 188, 193-194, 217; customs duties, 94,

207: Swedish International 99-100; income-tax (1949), 199 297

Index

taxi drivers, strike in 1974, 231 ‘Toselli, Pietro, Major, 77 Taytu Betul, Empress of Ethiopia (d. trade, 25, 94-98, 165, 196-198; long1918), wife of Emperor Menilek II, distance, 19, 21-23 (Map); 24, 59,

72, 128: at Adwa, Battle of, 77: 97, 228

business interests of, 98, 103; as trade union: see labour legislation founder of Addis Ababa, 68 117: trading companies, foreign, 49, 97-98

opposition to, 118-120; power 165, 194

policies and ambitions of, 117-118, Transcontinental and Western Airline

117, 129, 135 (TWA), USA, 186

Tayya Gabra-Maryam, Alaga, 105-106 treaties with Italy: of Peace and

lef (Eragrostis tef), 4, 7-8 Friendship (1928), 151-152; (1883),

Tegra, 6 (Map), 7 74; (1887), 74-75; of Wechale Tegray (present-day), 7, 12, 32, 97 (1889), 74-75, 84, 116, 152 Tegray Liberation Front, 260 Treaty, Ethio-USA (1953), 185

Tegray People’s Liberation Front ‘Tripartite Agreement (1906), 85, 101, (VPLF), 247, 256, 259, 260, 261, 111, 114, 126, 150, 162

264, 265, 267, 274 Tripoli, 122

Tegre, Tegrean, 11, 22, 26; and tsahafe Cezaz, 115, 116, 198, 204, 205 Anchem, Battle of, 137; in British Tsahayu Enqwa-Sellase, 217;

plans for Eritrea, 180-181, 182; Dayjazmach, 231-232 central government’s loose control Tsegge Dibu, Brigadier-General, 214 over, 146; famine (1958) in, 196; “Turk, Turkish’ (Ottoman and Hoare-Laval Plans concerning, 166; Egyptian), 26, 27, 28, 35-36, 37 in Italian Occupation 154-155, 162 ‘Turkey, 36, 85, 127 167; and Italy's “Tegrean’ policy,

152; Kasa Mercha’s rise in, 40-41, Umberto I, King of Italy, 61 42-43; land tax in, 193, 217; Mikael, Unda Muhammad, 218 Ras, crowned (1914) Negus of Wado Union of Ethiopian Marxist-Leninist and, 125; and Mikael Sehul, Ras, 11. Organizations, see Imaledeh missionaries in, 25; nobility of, 48, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

75-76; tenancy in, 192; under (USSR): see Russia

Tewodros II, 32; wayane rebellion United Nations Organization, UN, 183,

(early 1940s) in, 215; and Zamana 185, 195, 219 Masafent 12; (Maps) 17, 86, 190 United States of America (USA, US):

“Tegrean’ dynasty of Walayta, 18 and abortive coup d’état (1960), Tegregna language, 6 (Map), 7, 182 213, 214; Adwa victory’s effect on telecommunication (see a/so Qagnaw blacks in, 81-82; communications

station), 183, 188 base (Qagnaw) used by, 185, 189; ‘Terzian, Sarkis, 98 educational influence of, 109, 184, Tesso Gobaze of Walqayt, 40, 42 189, 212, 222, 226; and Eritrean ‘Lewodros I], Emperor of Ethiopia (r. question, 183, 184-185; military and 1855-1868), formerly Kasa Haylu, air assistance from, 184-186, 207-

Dayach, ruler of Qwara: 208; State Department, 267; support, centralization policy of, 31-32, 43, general to Ethiopia from, 178, 184-

60, 140, 178, 228, 230; and 189, 231; trade with, 97, 196 foreigners, 28, 35-38, 231; as hero University Teachers’ Association,

of Mangestu, 267; last years of 39- Ethiopian, 232 42, 50, 72-73, 116; as modernizer, University, Haile Sellassie I, 189, 196

31-35, 42, 94, 103, 228; and 214, 2292

Muslims, 124; as negusa nagast, University College of Addis Ababa

emperor, 11, 13, 14, 27, 30; (UCAA), 221, 222-223

Operation, 266; quest for a sea coast —_ university students: see students

by, 73, 84; religious policy of, 14, USAID, 189

124; rise of, 11, 27-31 Uthman Digna, Mahdist General, 58

textiles, 96-97, 164, 196, 198

Times, The, of London, 92 Valentia, Viscount: see Annesley, Sir Tona, Kawa, ruler of Walayta, 64-65, 65 George

298 Tora Mask, Battle of, 128 Vanderheym, J.G., 65

Index

Vatican, The, 38 12; (Maps) 17, 86, 190 Victoria, Queen of Great Britain (r. Walwal, 86 (Map), 114, 153 1837-1901), 36, 37, 50, 53-54, 57 Wandyerad, Dajjach, 29

Vietnam, 223 Wanji Sugar Estate, Plantation, 190

villagization, 263 (Map), 198, 200

Walgayt, 17 (Map), 40, 42

Wabe district, 216 Wago Gutu, ‘General’, 216

Wabe Shabale R., 2, 3 (Map) Warqenah Eshate, Hakim, 94, 105, 145-

Wachacha, Mount (also known as 146

Entotto), 68 Warait, 31

Wad Kaltabu, Sudan, Battle of, 28, 78 Warqu Enqwa-Sellase, Fitawrari

(Map) (d. 1974), 216, 217

Wad Nimr, 36 Warra Himanu, 12

Wag, 15, 86 (Map) Warra Illu, 17 (Map), 45, 68, 137

Wagara, 165 Wasane Terfe, Qagnazmach, 118 Walayta, 7, 16-17 (Map); 18, 64-65, 86 Wasane Zamanuel, 108

(Map), 89, 213 Wasansaggad, Mar’ed Azmach, ruler of

Walayta Malla dynasty, 16-18 Shawa (r. 1808-1812), 60 Walda-Gabr’el, Dajjach, 63 Waugh, Evelyn, 140

Walda-Gabr’el Bashah, Ligaba, 125 wayane rebellion (early 1940s), 215, 259 Walda-Giyorgis, Echage, 127, 128 Wayna Daga, Battle of 9 Walda-Giyorgis Abboye, Ras, later Negus Wazlig, 245, 248 of Bagemder (r. 1916-1918), 65-66, Webe Atnafsaggad, Dayjach, 129-130

66, 88, 120 Webe Hayla-Maryam, Dajjach, ruler of

Walda-Giyorgis Walda-Yohannes, Tsahafe Semen, 12-13, 25, 26, 27, 29-30, 37 T’ezaz, 116, 198, 199, 204-205, 206 Webeshat Hayle, Bajerond, 132 Walda-Mikael Solomon, 47-48, 51, 52 Wechale, Treaty of (1889), 74-75, 83-84,

Walda-Sallase, Ras, ruler of Tegre (d. 117, 152

1816), 11, 12 Western Galla Confederation (1936),

Walda-Isadeq Goshu, Bitwaddad, 143 166

Waldmeier, Theophil, 38 Western Somalia Liberation Front, 254

Waldya, 218 Wia, 17 (Map), 56, 57

Wale Betul, Ras, governor of Yajju, 120 Wingate, Orde Charles, Major, later

Wallaga, 5, 86 (Map), 124, 190 (Map), Major-General, 176 200; aristocracy of, 91, 107, 205; Workers’ Party of Ethiopia (WPE), 255,

EPRDF moves into, 267; land 256, 264

measurement and land tax in, 89, workers’ unions: see labour legislation 91, 193; and Mahdists, 58, 66; World War One (1914-1918), 127, 151 Menilek II’s empire extends into, World War Two (1939-1945): British 66; Oromo monarchies in, 18-19; control in Ethiopia (1942, 1944) trade in, 19, 24, 58; Western Galla during, 179; Eritrean question arises Confederation (1936) established in, from Paris Peace Conference

166 concluding, 182; Ethiopia’s trade

Wallata-Israel Seyum, 146 with Europe between Liberation Wallelegn, Operation, 266 and end of, 197; Italy’s entry (1940) Wallo: Christianization enforced by into, 166, 167, 176; USA influence Yohannes IV in, 48-49; famine in Ethiopia following, 184, 186-187 (1966, 1973) in, 196; Italian World Wide Federation of Ethiopian

influence in, 97, 152; Italian Students (WWFES), 244

Occupation in, 162; Llyyasu's policy World Wide Union of Ethiopian

towards, 125; land tax in, 193; in Students (WWUES), 244 medieval period, 8; Menilek II and Yohannes IV contend over, 42, 45, Ya Maru Qammas, 27-28

46; Muslim refugees from, 61; YaSafiw Hezb Demts, organ of Ma’son,

peasant rebellions in, 218; Sagale 236, 237 Battle and its results for, 128, 145; ya west arbagnoch, 172 Tewodros II’s campaigns in, 30, 33, Yajju dynasty and region, 11-12, 13-14,

40, 124; and Zamana Masafent, 11- 27, 28-29, 30, 86 (Map), 120, 124, 299

Index

137, 234 Yubdo, 86 (Map), 200

Yayube, 22

Yam or Yama (see adso Janjaro), 18 Zagwe dynasty, 8-9

Yarar, Mount, 22 Zamana Masafent, the: beginning of, 11;

Yashashwargq Yelma, 146 Ethiopian Orthodox Church during, Ydlibi, Hasib, 98, 101. 125 14, 35, 48, 226; political Yeggazu Bahabte, Bajerond, 125, 127 fragmentation during, 10, 14, 140;

Yeha, & and Tewodros I], 27, 29-30, 31-33,

Yekunno-Amlak, Emperor of Ethiopia 42; wars during, 13, 15

(1270-1285), 8 Zanab, Dabtara, 35, 38

Yelma Deressa. 184, 205-206 camach, 240, 241

Yemen, Yemenite. 197 Zamacha Qetaw, 265 Yemen Democratic Republic (South Zanabawarq Hayla-Sellase, 146

Yemen), 25-4 Zava-Yaeqob, Emperor of Ethiopia, (1. a. 1769), 11 Zawditu Menilek, Empress of Ethiopia

Yohannes I], Emperor of Ethiopia 1434-1468), 9, 228

Yohannes IV, Emperor of Ethiopia (r. 1916-1930): designated empress,

(1872-1889), formerly Kasa 128; and husband Ras Gugsa Wale,

Mercha, Dajach: 259; and Britain, 118, 135, 137: by lyyasu, banished 49, 50, 51. 53-55, 57, 73-74; and to Falle, 130; supporters of, 132, Kevpt, 90-55; grandsons of, 146: 134-135: Tafart Makonnen and Italy, 56-57: and Mahdists, 56, compared with, 128-130, 130 597-59; Menilek IP compared with, Zeila, Somalia, 9, 17 (Map), 22, 23

54, 116; religious policy of, 14, 48- (Map), 51. 8+, 94

49, 124: son of, 49, 129: vassals of, Zervos, Adrien, 166

44-47, 59, 73-74, 140, 228 Zoli, Corrado, governor of Eritrea, 152

Yohannes Iyvasu, 174, 211 Zula, 17 (Map), 38, 52, 54 Yohannes Meseker, Captain, 253 /7wavy, Lake, 2, 3 (Map)

300