A History of Korean Science and Technology 9789971694029

Table of contents :
Cover Page
Title Page, Copyright
Contents
Author
Translators
Preface
Introduction
Chapter 1 Astronomy and Meteorology:
Th e Sciences of the Heavens
Chapter 2 Metals, Glass and Gunpowder:
Th e Sciences of Earth and Fire
Chapter 3 Korean Printing Technology:
Ink to Paper
Chapter 4 Th e Earth Sciences:
Geography and Cartography
Chapter 5 Ancient Science and Technology:
Korea and Japan
Chapter 6 Th e Scientists of the Chosŏn Period:
Th eir Accomplishments
Index

Citation preview

A History of Korean Science and Technology

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FM-Korean Science ii

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A History of Korean Science and Technology

Jeon Sang-woon Translated by Robert Carrubba and Lee Sung Kyu

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© 2011 Jeon Sang-woon Published by: NUS Press National University of Singapore AS3-01-02, 3 Arts Link Singapore 117569 Fax: (65) 6774-0652 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.nus.edu.sg/nuspress

ISBN: 978-9971-69-402-9

All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission from the Publisher.

National Library Board Singapore Cataloguing in Publication Data Chon, Sang-un. A history of Korean science and technology / Jeon Sang-woon; translated by Robert Carrubba and Lee Sung Kyu. – Singapore : NUS Press, c2011. p. cm. ISBN : 978-9971-69-402-9 (pbk.) 1. Science – Korea – History. 2. Technology – Korea – History. I. Carrubba, Robert. II. Lee, Sung Kyu, 1946 Dec. 10- III. Title. Q127 509.519 — dc22

OCN297144913

Typeset by : Scientifik Graphics Printed by : Imprint Digital

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Contents

Author

ix

Translators

xi

Preface

Introduction

Chapter 1

xiii

Shining a New Light on Korean Science and Technology Technology of the Bronze Age

1

Technology of the Iron Age

4

Traditional Technology Finds its Form

4

The Development of the Creative Sciences

11

The Science and Technology of Koryŏ

17

The King Sejong Era: The Autonomous Development of Korean Science and Technology

25

Astronomy and Meteorology: The Sciences of the Heavens The Science of Monarchs

43

Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern (Ch’ŏnsang yŏlch’a punyajido 天象列次分野之圖)

50

Should the Ch’omsŏngdae be Considered an Observatory? 64 The Kyŏngbokkung Palace Observatory

78

Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Ch’ilchŏngsan naepy’ŏn 七政算內篇): The Advent of King Sejong’s Calendrical System

91

Contents

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Sundials

Chapter 2

Chapter 3

vi

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Water Clocks and Automatically-Striking Clepsydras

105

Song I-yŏng’s Armillary Clock

118

The Invention of the Rain Gauge

133

Agricultural Meteorology in the Chosŏn Period

143

Hong Tae-yong’s Rotating Earth Theory

149

Metals, Glass and Gunpowder: The Sciences of Earth and Fire Ancient Korean Metal Technology

157

Bronze Implement Technology

168

Bronze Implements and Molds

174

Cast Iron Axes and Buddhist Statues

185

The Discoveries of Technical Archeology

193

The Mystery of Glass Beads

203

Glass or Slag?

210

The Stoneware of Kaya and Silla

217

Koryŏ Celadon: The Technology behind its Mysterious Jade Color

221

Gunpowder and Ch’oe Mu-sŏn

232

Korean Printing Technology: Ink to Paper Dharani Sutra and the Invention of Woodblock Technology

237

The History of Paper

244

The Science of the Tripitaka and its Woodblock

255

The Eighty Thousand Scriptures

256

The Invention of Bronze Movable Type

262

Contents

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Chapter 4

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

The World’s Oldest Text Printed Using Metal Movable Type

267

The World’s Most Beautiful Books

273

The Earth Sciences: Geography and Cartography The Liaodong Fortress Mural Map

280

The World Map of 1402

282

Ch’ŏnhado: Another World Map

289

Map of the Eight Provinces by Yi Hoe and Chŏng Sang-gi

295

The Geographical Monographs of the Early Chosŏn Period

306

The Impact of Matteo Ricci’s World Map

311

Kim Chŏng-ho’s Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom

318

Nineteenth-Century Maps of Seoul

330

Geomancy and the Yundo Compass

335

Ancient Science and Technology: Korea and Japan Koguryŏ Tomb Murals

341

Anapchi (雁鴨池) and Shosoin (正倉院)

348

Paekche’s Revolutionary Agricultural Technology

358

Paekche Experts’ Migration to Japan

363

The Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng and its Mystery

368

The Science and Technology of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple

373

The Scientists of the Chosŏn Period: Their Accomplishments Yi Ch’ŏn: The Scientist Extraordinaire of the Sejong Period

384

Chang Yŏng-sil: Representative Engineer of Chosŏn

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Contents

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Index

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Yi Sun-ji: The Astronomer Extraordinaire of the 15th Century

402

Sŏ Yu-gu’s Encyclopedia of Agriculture (Imwŏnsipnyukchi 林園十六志)

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Sŏng Chu-dŏk’s (成周悳) Record of the Bureau of Astronomy (書雲觀志)

414

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Contents

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Author

Jeon Sang-woon 전상운 全相運 Jeon Sang-woon has a Bachelor’s degree in Chemistry and a diploma in History from Seoul National University, Korea. He then earned a Doctor of Letters from Kyoto University, Japan. Dr. Jeon has held a succession of posts: professor at and president of Sungshin Women’s University; visiting professor at Kyoto University; Tasan professor at the Yonsei University, Center for Korean Studies; visiting scholar at Cambridge University, Needham Research Institute and the HarvardYenching Institute; member of the National Institute of Korean History; president of the Korean History of Science Society; senior member of the Korea Academy of Science and Technology; head of the committee for the Symposium on the History of International Traditional Science; head of the committee for the 8th International Conference on the History of Science in East Asia and member of the advisory committee for the Korean Ministry of Science and Technology. He is currently active as a member of the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, an international trustee of the Needham Research Institute at Cambridge and an honorary member of the International Society of the History of East Asian Science, Technology and Medicine. He has been granted the Cultural Publication Prize (1966), Science and Technology Award (1973), Oesol Award (1979), Camellia Award for Meritorious National Service, Sejong Cultural Award (2001) and Cultural Heritage Award (2005). Dr. Jeon’s numerous publications include Science and Technology in Korea: Traditional Instruments and Techniques, Cultural Treasures of Korean Science, A History of Ancient Korean Science; Time, Clock, and History, and A New Understanding of the History of Korean Science.

Author

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Translators

Robert Carrubba Robert Carrubba teaches Korean at a university in the United States. He earned a Bachelor’s degree in English Literature and then a Master’s degree in Korean Linguistics from Sogang University, which he first attended under the Jesuit university exchange program. He has translated on various topics, spanning the fields of linguistics, poetry, philosophy and art.

Lee Sung Kyu 李成奎 Lee Sung Kyu teaches the History of Science as a visiting professor at Inha University, Korea. He studied history as an undergraduate and then majored in the History of Science, both in the United States and Korea, earning both a Master’s degree and a Doctorate. He is particularly interested in the history of evolution and anti-Darwinian theories. He worked as the president of the Korean History of Science Society for three years, and has translated Japanese and English works into Korean.

Translators

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Preface

“I shall show Korea’s scientific tradition in its true form.”

T

his has been my desire for the past 35 years that I have spent researching the history of Korea’s scientific tradition. It was this wish that gave rise to the publication of Ancient Science in Korea (1972), Cultural Treasures of Korean Science (1978) and Time, Clock and History (1994). These, however, were limited in scope, each focusing on a particular theme. I still yearned to write comprehensively about the beauty and depth of our scientific tradition. Thus was born the serialized history of Korean science, which appeared in Science Donga. I have had the opportunity to discuss a range of topics with numerous young students of science and have resolved to show them our elegant scientific tradition through the use of visual aids such as pictures and diagrams. In this book, I wish to cast our traditional science in a new light and inspire in the new generation the confidence to take on infinite challenges. I hope to enable them to find the living ideas that permeate the brilliant intellectual accomplishments and creative legacy of the Korean scientists, engineers and technicians of old. Having staked my youth on the past 35 years — by no means the blink of an eye — I now wish to share in earnest what those years have imparted to me. In fact, I find myself lingering in that same field. That is my vantage point for the horizon of my life, although I have yet to reach the horizon of my research. I wish to record a little more of what I have discovered about our scientific tradition, which I have not managed to record in my breathless pursuit thus far. This is why I did not shy away from content that the professional science historian may feel unpolished. My thirst for knowledge would not allow me to confine myself to the field of the history of Korean science and technology alone, but led me on a quest that was uninhibited by the boundaries separating those fields, from archeology to art history, from metal crafts to stoneware. I have learned and gained much from that journey. While I do feel that much has been lost through all of that hard work, still, I have nonetheless gained something great — a comprehensive sense of Korea’s proud scientific tradition.

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In this book, I have raised various hypotheses concerning our cultural heritage. What inspired our old masters to produce such work? What do these artifacts symbolize? What inspired the designs, and did they possess the scientific basis that we attribute to them? My hypotheses are my interpretative answers to these questions. Of course, some of these questions have yet to be elucidated through historical evidence. In fact, at present, even the basic research has not yet been conducted, and such hypotheses might seem far-fetched. However, these views are certainly far from being a sketchy summary of the whimsical ideas that crossed my mind. They reflect considerable thought, research and cross-cultural comparison of artifacts, which is why they are rather convincing. Even if flawed, I believe that these theories remain thought-provoking and thus stand to benefit future scholars. Providing clues and provoking new research are important to me now, as is passing on some of the thoughts that have permeated my experiences during my long career in research. After all, until objectively verified, every postulate remains a hypothesis. This history of Korean science encompasses the intricacies of cultural treasures, both artifacts and archeological sites, the pursuit of which I have enjoyed. It is my earnest hope that my readers will not exhibit excessive resistance but will readily embrace my unpolished prose with these thoughts in mind. I am indebted to a number of individuals regarding the publication of this book. I am grateful to many national and international museums and the numerous people involved in the preservation of cultural treasures; scholars researching the history of science; my wife Park Oksun, who accompanied me on my field trips and organized my abundant materials and manuscripts; and the editorial staff of Science Books, especially Yi Ch’ung-mi. The First Spring of the New Millennium, Munomi Reference Room Jeon Sang-woon 전상운

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Introduction

Shining a New Light on Korean Science and Technology

K

orea is a nation with a 5,000-year history. Due to its location on the periphery of the East Asian cultural belt, Korea had been heavily influenced by Chinese civilizations since ancient times. Nevertheless, Korea has constructed its own unique cultural traditions, independent of those of China. As a cultured people, Koreans established their own original scientific and technological traditions. When viewed from the proud current of traditional Chinese technology, the history of Korean science may be regarded as merely one estuary in the history of Chinese science. In almost every instance, however, Chinese science and technology took a different turn in Korean hands. Koreans developed their own technologies, which they endeavored to adapt to the natural elements, seasons and climate indigenous to the Korean peninsula. Always enterprising when it came to the reception of advanced Chinese technology, Koreans were able to modify this technology to what best suited them and harmonize it with their natural environment. Korea boasts a Paleolithic culture dating back 500,000 years. The tools used by these Paleolithic people are specific to the Korean peninsula and seldom found in other parts of Northeast Asia. Korea’s Neolithic Age began in about 6000 BCE. Korea’s Neolithic people were of northern lineage and a different race from that of the Neolithic Chinese. Unlike the Paleolithic line, which was eventually severed, these Neolithic people continued to live on the peninsula and came to form an older Korean race. It seems that, through a long process, the Neolithic people amalgamated with new peoples during the Bronze Age, forming what we now call ‘the Korean people’.

Technology of the Bronze Age The Korean Bronze Age, which began around 1000 BCE, was rooted in a different, comparatively advanced technology that was established by a northern civilization

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distinct from Chinese scientific civilization. It was upon the foundation of this extant tradition of indigenous skills that Chinese science and technology were based. Thus Koreans have always striven to adapt and improve on things Chinese. A bronze sword and a bronze mirror are two exemplary outcomes of this effort. A preponderance of bronze products, such as a lute-shaped bronze dagger (琵琶形靑銅劍), a Korean-style bronze dagger, a wide-lined bronze mirror with two small handles and a fine-lined bronze mirror, were found on the Korean peninsula. These bronze products are very rarely unearthed in China and are thought to have represented the power of the rulers during the Bronze Age or to have been used as ceremonial utensils during religious ceremonies. These bronze products were taken to Japan together with bronze bells and treated as ‘divine’ utensils (singi 神器), enjoying the status of religious symbols. The unique design and advanced casting technology speak of Korea’s high standard of bronze technology at that time. The geometrical design and refined casting skills seen in a fine-lined bronze mirror dating from the 4th century BCE, now at the Soongsil University Museum, are striking examples. There are as many as 13,000 thin lines on the surface of this 21 cm-diameter bronze mirror, separated by a space of only 0.3 mm. The lines of the concentric circles were used as an exact measure for the divisions, from which rectangles, squares and triangles were drafted. It should be noted that a compass was used to construct these numerous lines. Various bronze mirrors of this type have been found in Korea but not in any other region, with the exception of Japan. Two other unique artifacts of the Korean Bronze Age are a lute-shaped bronze sword and a latter period Korean-style bronze dagger. The distinctly refined design and casting technology of these swords outshine those of similar bronze artifacts from other regions. These 4th-century BCE, Korean-style bronze daggers were produced in volume using stone molds. Identical bronze daggers have been found buried in stacks among artifacts excavated in Japan. These Koreanstyle bronze daggers were used ceremonially and in the slaughter of animals. The origin of Korean bronze technology clearly differs from that of China. The components of Korean bronze artifacts attest to this fact. Very early Korean bronze artifacts are an alloy of zinc and bronze. Koreans developed a technique of mixing zinc with copper, tin and lead to make both decorative and ceremonial bronze artifacts with a shiny golden hue. Bronzeware made with an alloy of zinc and bronze was not found in China until the Han dynasty. Koreans were able to develop and employ this amalgam technology in the Bronze Age, unlike the Chinese, who were impeded by the numerous technical difficulties.

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Fine-lined bronze mirror (Chanchul munŭi ch’ŏngdong gŏul) 5th–4th century BCE. Diameter 21.2 cm. A beautiful and delicate Bronze Age work etched with over 13,000 fine lines spaced at 0.3 mm and over 100 concentric circles. Soongsil University Museum.

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Korean artisans at the cutting edge of bronze technology at that time spearheaded amalgam techniques and the production of bronzeware through their creativity. Far from being overshadowed by China’s advanced bronze technology, these artisans developed their own innovative bronze technology for the Korean people. Notably, the Korean Bronze Age artisans cast bronzeware using stone as well as clay molds. These stone molds are frequently unearthed in Korea but are highly uncommon in China.

Technology of the Iron Age Korean stone mold casting technology continued with iron axes, an original Korean model developed in the 3rd century BCE. During this era, cast iron axes were produced in volume using standardized stone molds. Scholars place the advent of the Korean Iron Age in the 5th– 4th century BCE, accompanying the influx of Chinese iron culture. If this were the case, Koreans received and recreated this new metallurgic culture as their own iron casting technology, made possible by the separate and independent formation of a Korean technical tradition. The development of iron technology had an important impact on the lives of the Korean people. The large-scale production of iron farming implements brought with it a revolutionary increase in farming production. Iron weapons and iron armor provided additional military strength, which, in turn, furthered the accumulation of power and wealth. The cast iron plates frequently found in the southern portion of the Korean peninsula from the late Iron Age onward are distinctive artifacts, symbolizing the power and wealth brought about by the technology of this period. These distinct cast iron plates found their way to Japan, forming the crux of Japan’s iron culture. The use of ironware also contributed to advances in the walled-town state during the Old Chosŏn period. Iron and ironware production were directly linked to state wealth and became the base for a powerful military, while new implements, such as iron hoes, spades and sickles, dramatically improved the agricultural methods.

Traditional Technology Finds its Form Two millennia ago, a new indigenous culture developed at the mouth of the Naktong River in the southern portion of the Korean peninsula, made possible by the production of iron. High-quality metal products attest to the high standard of

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Iron armor of Kaya, 5th century, Kimhae (金海). Height 66 cm. This magnificent iron armor attests to the excellent workmanship employed in the manufacture of Kaya iron products. National Museum of Korea.

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iron technology during this period. The sharp increase in the production of iron immediately brought about the wide distribution of metal products. This widespread use of iron was accompanied by the appearance of new types of earthenware. The stoneware of the Kaya (伽倻) or Kimhae civilizations (42 BCE–532 CE) provides a good example of this. This new stoneware resulted from the application of Chinese-style, grey earthenware (huitao 灰陶) technology, which had been introduced to Kaya together with iron products, to the patternless (minmunŭi) stoneware of the Kaya people. The stoneware produced through this merging process, often simply called Kaya stoneware, is of the highest quality and noted for its exquisite aesthetic design and hard texture, producing a bell-like sound when struck. Kaya civilization is characterized by its production of both ironware and this new Kyŏngjil stoneware. A harmony between fire and earth, these technological advancements raised the Kaya civilization’s creative technological tradition to a higher plane. Kaya technology was clearly different from that of the Chinese.

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Koguryŏ tomb mural (高句麗古墳 壁畵), Ohoebun grave Number 4, 6th century, Chian (集安) region. Painted on the ceiling support stone in particularly vivid colors using a dynamic technique, these beautiful sun spirits are extremely well preserved. The male spirit holds an orb of a three-footed crow, the symbol of the sun, above his head, while the female spirit, holding the moon, faces him. Well-preserved works like this, although rare, clearly indicate that a high level of mineral refinement technology was employed to create the vivid pigments.

The technologies of gold ornamentation and glass bead manufacture continued to develop within the Kaya culture as well. Kaya artisans had already formed an advanced technology collective, and their skills subsequently spread to Japan. During this period of active technical development in Kaya, different civilizations were developing simultaneously in other regions of the Korean peninsula. The peoples of Koguryŏ (高句麗 37 BCE–668 CE), Paekche (百濟 18 BCE– 660 CE) and Silla (新羅 57 BCE–935 CE) each constructed unique tombs. In Koguryŏ, artists painted murals on the walls of these tombs. Noted for their idiosyncratic, spirited lines and color, these murals are important sources for understanding the science and technology of the Koguryŏ kingdom. The artifacts excavated from the ancient tombs of Paekche and Silla also speak to the particular technologies of each people. The various gold artifacts discovered in the royal tombs of the two kingdoms are highly regarded for their distinctive design and refined, delicate skill of manufacture. The Chiljido Seven-Pronged Sword (七支 刀) in the collection of the Isonokami-jingu Shrine (石上神宮) in Japan may be

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counted among these. This uniquely shaped iron sword, bestowed by the king of Paekche on a 4th-century Japanese monarch, hints at the high standard of Paekche metal technology. Its shape brings to mind the antlers of a deer. Notably, the metal artifacts of these three kingdoms, especially those from the Silla tombs, display the influence of northern conventions as well as the occasional Oriental convention. Here, also, we can see the continuation of Korean Bronze Age technology, one with a different lineage from that of China, once again demonstrating that even under the strong influence of ancient Chinese technology, the distinct tradition of Korean technology never faltered but continued its flow. Laying aside this technological tradition, there are several other examples confirming the systematic development of science during the Three Kingdoms period. Particularly noteworthy is the progress in astronomy and medicine. According to the records, Koguryŏ possessed astronomical charts carved in stone and an astronomical observatory from which to study the heavens. A Koguryŏ tomb mural depicting the heavens supports this fact. During the 6th century, Paekche had, in addition to its own astronomical observatory, scholars of calendrical science (曆博士). The Ch’omsŏngdae Observatory (Star Viewing Platform 瞻星臺), a symbol of Korea’s astronomical prowess during the Three Kingdoms period, is located in Kyŏngju. Built in 647, this stone construction is the oldest extant astronomical observatory. Enhanced by its refined curve, this elegant structure is a symbol of Korean beauty. The astronomical records of the Silla dynasty attest to the systematic, active planetary observations made from the Ch’omsŏngdae at that time. Although Silla astronomers learned astronomy and calendrical science in China, they were dissatisfied with mere imitative study. They had their own astronomical accomplishments, and the Ch’omsŏngdae was the precious fruit of their labors. There was no equivalent in China at the time; indeed, the Ch’omsŏngdae is a preeminent legacy of ancient Korean science. Yet another result of scientific efforts during the Three Kingdoms period was the development of Korean medicine. Although fragmentary, the assessment of extant records and medical prescriptions for preserving youth and treatments for various diseases allows conjecture regarding the systematic shape of Korean medicine during that period. Aspects of the innovative technological development in the sciences of the Three Kingdoms period are also revealed through records and relics found in

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Paekche gilt bronze incense burner (百濟金銅大香爐), 7 th century. Height 64 cm. Discovered in Puyŏ, 1996. Puyŏ National Museum.

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The Ch’omsŏngdae Observatory, 647. Height 9.1 m. The oldest extant astronomical observatory in the world. The granite brick construction lends additional grace to the structure’s elegant lines. Kyŏngju (慶州), capital of Silla (新羅).

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Japan. In some instances, these records and relics demonstrate the variety of creative technologies more vividly than those extant in Korea. Many historical links lost to Korea are now being reconstructed in Japan. Unfortunately, Korean scholars have yet to reanimate this field, the importance of which should not be underestimated.

The Development of the Creative Sciences The Unified Silla period is highlighted for its numerous revealing records and artifacts related to ancient Korean science. Koreans made significant progress in the field of creative technologies during this period. The Korean peninsula was united, allowing the integration and progress of scientific and technological traditions of the Three Kingdoms. This period also witnessed the influence of the Chinese through the advanced scientific culture of the Tang (唐) dynasty (618–907). The people of Silla were successful in both their reception of and innovation upon these technologies. The Sŏkkul-sa Temple (石窟寺), a Buddhist temple of stone, also known as the Sŏkkuram Cave Temple, bronze temple bells (靑銅梵鐘) and the Dharani Sutra (陀羅尼經) are representative artifacts of this period. Silla technicians have left us the Sŏkkul-sa Temple, the most outstanding architectural work of the 8th century, regarded as the finest example of ancient Korean architectural technology due to its outstanding geometric design and extraordinary construction. Without doubt, this temple was modeled on Chinese temples. However, while the Chinese temples were simply built into natural rock faces, this Korean temple was a complex, man-made structure, realizing a balanced unity based on a harmony of numerous circles and spheres, triangles, hexagons and octagons. It was built to a perfect geometric design. Through this highly aesthetic design, precisely planned and exquisitely constructed, we meet the Silla artisans. Sŏkkul-sa Temple, 771. Its geometric design and high degree of As creators of beauty, Silla artisans also pro- aesthetic construction make this man-made granite grotto the acme duced many splendid temple bells. Silla craftsworkers of scientific culture in the 8th-century Silla dynasty. T’ohamsan combined an ancient Chinese bell (chung 鐘) and Mountain (吐含山), Kyŏngju.

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large hand bell (to 鐸) to come up with a signature Sillan bell feature — the resonating apparatus adjoining the dragon-loop (龍紐) through which the bell was hung. Silla artisans are also known to have made yellow brass from which to cast their beautiful temple bells. This idea is supported by the prominent Chinese natural historian, Li Shi-chen (李時珍), who wrote in his Compendium of Materia Medica (Pen-ts’ao kangmu 本草綱目): “Persian copper is good for making mirrors; Sillan copper is good for making bells.” The Great Bronze Bell, known as the Divine Bell of King Sŏngdŏk (聖德大王神鐘), with a height and weight of 330 cm and some 20 tons was cast in 771 and is in the care of the Kyŏngju National Museum. A solemnity of form and elegant arrangement of patterns are salient features of Silla temples, and they move us with their forthright, beautiful form, clear sonorous sound and delicate elongated trailing reverberations. These are the products of Silla craftsworkers, who excelled at creating architectonic beauty in cast bronze through amalgam technology. Silla artisans began to print with woodblocks in the early 8th century. It has been confirmed that the Dharani Sutra, fortuitously discovered in 1966, was printed using woodblocks between 705 and 751. The Dharani Sutra is recognized as the oldest extant printed material in the world. Korean academic circles have taken the appearance of the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Radiance (Mugu chŏnggwang tae darani kyŏng 無垢淨光大陀羅泥經) as evidence that printing technology first began on the Korean peninsula and that Silla invented printing technology before China. That Silla technology had advanced to the point where woodblock printing was possible by the early 8th century is highly significant in the history of technology. Silla’s outstanding expertise in paper production was the basis for the invention of woodblock printing. A Buddhist scroll made of fine, long-lasting mulberry paper and found in 1995 in the stone pagoda of Hwaŏmsa Temple (華 嚴寺) has maintained its beautiful white color. Such Silla paper was highly praised by the Chinese of that period. This paper, which has remained in a well-preserved state from the time of its manufacture, more so than any other Silla paper that has yet been discovered, is presented as evidence to illustrate the advanced technology of Silla paper manufacture. Indeed, this was the earliest, most advanced technology of the 8th century. Without doubt, the Japanese One Million Pagoda Dharani Sutra (百萬塔陀羅尼經) was made with skills transmitted by Silla artisans. Although woodblock printing in Japan was interrupted after this period, in Korea, it developed into bronze movable type technology.

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The Great Bronze Bell (known as the Divine Bell of King Sŏngdŏk 聖德王大王神鐘), 771. Height 333 cm, circumference 227 cm, weight 24 tons. The beauty and splendor of the world’s largest bronze temple bell is the product of the bronze casting expertise and superior acoustic planning made possible by advanced technology in the 8th century. Kyŏngju National Museum.

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Stoneware oil lamp, 6th–7th century. A beautiful lamp supporting six oil cups and hanging pendants. Sungshin Women’s University Museum.

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Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Radiance (Mugu chŏnggwang tae darani kyŏng 無垢淨光大 陀羅泥經), 705. 6.5 × 624 cm. Discovered in the Sŏkka-t’ap Pagoda (釋迦塔) at Pulkuksa Temple (佛國寺) , Kyŏngju, 1966. Woodblock print on fine-quality mulberry paper, this sutra is the world’s oldest known printed material and evinces the excellence of Silla printing and paper technology. National Treasure Number 123. National Museum of Korea.

Koreans continually developed and matured their technologies. It was this technology, rather than that of China, that Koreans ceaselessly transmitted to Japan. The Korean technology and science transmitted to ancient Japan spanned several fields, notably the innovative agricultural technology first established in Paekche around the 5th century. This technology had a revolutionary impact, not only on the Japanese production economy but also on its political structure. It should be noted that the development of Silla technology was closely related not only to its exchanges with China and Japan but also to those with Islamic cultural regions. It has become necessary to shed new light on the influence of the Islamic world on Silla technology with the emergence of vestiges of direct commercial contact with Islamic countries. In understanding the span of cultures that permeated traditional Korean science, the strong influence of Islamic scientific culture should not be overlooked.

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Glass bead necklace, 5th–6th century. Soongsil University Museum.

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Celadon tile with inlay, 12th century. 20.5 × 15.9 cm. This beautiful, dexterous painting harmonizes with an elegant celadon tile to highlight the artistic skill and advanced ceramic technology developed by Koryŏ potters. Museum of Oriental Ceramics (東洋陶磁美術館), Osaka.

The Science and Technology of Koryŏ Needless to say, the science and technology of Koryŏ (918–1392) were founded on those of Silla. Externally, Koryŏ was greatly influenced by the culture and technology of both the Song (宋 960–1279) and Yuan (元 1279–1368) dynasties. Direct and indirect influences from Islamic scientific cultures appear as well. Representative technological advancements during the Koryŏ period are the continued advances in woodCeladon vase with inlay, Koryŏ, 12th century. Detail: bamboo and crane. This delicate work block printing, the invention of bronze movable type printing and the highlights the excellence of Koryŏ inlay develop-ment of Koryŏ celadon. technique. Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Woodblock printing in Koryŏ was driven by the calligraphic tastes Osaka. of the governing aristocrats, who were quite fond of the Song woodblock prints. Also, as is well known, woodblock printing owes its inspiration and development to the Buddhist faith: Buddhist sutras were printed in religious petitions

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Interior of the repository holding the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Designed to categorize and preserve them, the shelving facilitates natural air flow around the woodblocks. 1995 UNESCO World Heritage Site.

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to rescue the country from Khitan and Mongolian aggression. The Eighty Thousand Scriptures (八萬經), which is recognized worldwide as the oldest, most magnificent and largest collection of wood printing blocks, thus came into being. Reflecting perfected manufacturing expertise, the Eighty Thousand Scriptures is regarded as having arrived at the most advanced stage of woodblock printing technology. Bronze movable type printing technology, which was invented in the early th 13 century, came into being through quite a different form of demand. Due to the limited demand for books, as compared to the situation in China, Koryŏ invested neither time nor labor in making the vast numbers of woodblocks needed to produce a large variety of texts. Bronze movable type printing was developed as a means of meeting demand.

Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Haeinsa Temple (海印寺), Hapch’ŏn (陜川). Eighty thousand separate woodblocks complete the world’s largest collection of woodblock texts and demonstrate the advanced sciences of Koryŏ, with a perfected woodblock engraving technique and scientific planning and construction of a preservation repository.

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Although ceramic movable type printing was invented by Bi Sheng (畢昇 circa 990–1051) in 11th-century China, metal movable type was not in practical use even as late as the 14th century due to obstacles associated with casting and the manufacture of proper ink and paper. In Korea, Koryŏ technology came to the fore. Koryŏ artisans were familiar with the technology used to manufacture the sand molds needed to cast the bronze type. Furthermore, they already had the proper oil ink and quality paper that was necessary in order to print with bronze movable type. Through this, Koryŏ artisans were able to make the transition from woodblocks or wooden movable type to new printing with movable bronze type. This was an enormous technological innovation. Thus, Koryŏ artisans invented movable metal type technology. Koryŏ craftsworkers invented the sand casting molds that are central in the manufacture of bronze type. This casting technique constitutes the most significant contribution to the development of printing. It may also be regarded as a further development of the manufacturing skills that Silla artisans honed while making numerous bronze receptacles and great temple bells. With this technological innovation, Koryŏ brought about an enormous change in the systematic transmission of culture and scholarship. Following in the footsteps of the Chinese artisans, Koryŏ artisans developed their skills in manufacturing porcelain receptacles. They based these skills on the excellent brown-glaze pottery manufacturing skills of Silla’s ceramic industry. Often called Silla stoneware, this unique stoneware, in the final stage of its development, was less earthenware (土器) than something between pottery and porcelain. Koryŏ celadon manufacture developed in this tradition under the influence of Song (宋) porcelain technology, which was the leading technology of the period. Koryŏ celadon technology, however, is esteemed as having created an aesthetic surpassing even that of Song porcelain. Koryŏ artisans applied inlaying to their pottery, a technique previously only used for metalwork. This was a highly noteworthy event, opening a new chapter in the history of porcelain manufacturing technology. Thus, although celadon technology was introduced from China, Koryŏ artisans did not engage in simple imitation but in the process of technology reception from an advanced culture. Koryŏ celadon continues the ceramic tradition developed and furthered by Koreans and emotes a unique aesthetic that was not aptly expressed by the Chinese. The Koryŏ celadon is neither lavish nor overly intricate. Natural lines and graceful design distinguish Koryŏ celadon from the porcelain of the Song or Yuan and reflect a celadon technology that is highly mature. As with the previous Korean dynasties, astronomy and medicine were the pillars of Koryŏ science. To these, Koryŏ also succeeded in adding geography.

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Cast iron Buddha in a seated posture, 10th–11th century. Height 112.0 cm. One of the largest and most beautiful Buddha statues cast during the late Unified Silla/early Koryŏ period, this work highlights the high level of early Koryŏ iron casting technology. National Museum of Korea.

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Punch’ŏng jar, late 15th century. Height 32.6 cm. Idemitsu (出光) Museum of Arts, Tokyo, Japan.

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1402 Chosŏn World Map. Color Copy. 135 × 173 cm. Tenri University, Japan. A copy of a Chosŏn world map entitled Integrated Map of Borders Regulating States and Capitals over Successive Dynasties (Hon’il kangni yŏktae kuktojido 混一疆理歷代國都之圖), which is among the world’s best 15th-century maps. Another copy of this map is kept in the Ryukoku (龍谷) University Museum, Japan.

Koryŏ astronomy is noted for its achievements in observational astronomy as well as its efforts to systemize calendrical astronomy. The Astronomical Treatise (Ch’ŏnmunji 天文志) in History of the Koryŏ Dynasty (Koryŏsa 高麗史) integrates observations recorded over a span of 475 years. Koryŏ conducted independent astronomical observations on a state level. The astronomical officers of Koryŏ carried out observations in a meticulous and systematic manner. By the end of the Koryŏ dynasty, these officials had recorded 87 instances of comet sightings. These records include one observation spanning 72 days. Others describe 132 observations of solar eclipses, rivaling the records of the medieval Islamic astronomers. The records of sunspots are particularly noteworthy. They are described

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as “black spot[s] in the sun (日中黑子)”. For example, a record on March 2, 1151 states: “There is a black spot in the sun. Its size is that of an egg.” There were 34 incidents of sunspots recorded between the years 1024 and 1383. The establishment of Koryŏ medical science was an important outcome of this period. Korea first began to establish its system of medicine between the 6th and 7th centuries, at the height of the Three Kingdoms period. Previously, Chinese medicinal theory had been included in ancient Korean medical prescriptions; thus, Korean medicine underwent systematization using medications indigenous to Korea. Dao Hong-jing’s (陶弘景) Pharmacopoeia Variorum (Pen-ts’ao jing jizhu 本草經集注) presents 11 varieties of indigenous Korean medications, while Essential Medical Prescriptions (Ishinho 醫心方), the famous medical text from 10th-century Japan, quotes prescriptions from Paekche and Silla medical texts. By the 9th century, 22 varieties of indigenous Korean medicine have appeared in Chinese and Japanese medical texts. Koryŏ medicine was established in this tradition. During the 10th century, Koryŏ found a national school of medicine and institutionalized government examinations for physicians. Later, in the 12th and 13th centuries, Koryŏ actively imported Song medicine, and Koryŏ’s independent medical text, commonly referred to as Prescriptions with Local Medicines (Hyang’yak pang 鄕藥方), was released. The text was issued in three volumes under First-aid Measures with Local Medicine (Hyangyak kugŭp pang 鄕藥救 急方). Mainly dealing with treatments based on indigenous Koryŏ medicinal materials, this medical text is regarded as the paramount compilation of all traditional Korean medical knowledge acquired to that point. Terms for some 180 varieties of medicinal substances, indigenous to Koryŏ, are specified, along with explanations of their individual characteristics and collection methods. Finally, Koryŏ saw the publication of its own medical texts based on its own medicinal substances. Several other developments in Koryŏ technology should not pass unmentioned, including the appearance of metalwork, inlayed pearl lacquerware, gunpowder and firearms, and cotton. The metalwork technology of Koryŏ, which continued in the tradition of Silla, developed to a high level. The bronze and iron technologies that were in use during this period have yet to receive proper study and are in need of fair assessment. The Koryŏ artisans developed an excellent bronze alloy called not (Korean bronze). Beautiful brass plates were widely used as tableware, and bronze mirrors produced in volume became an important part of Koryŏ life. Bronze technology of this sort enabled Koryŏ to produce huge, cast iron statues of the Buddha. Buddhist statues created between the 9th and 11th centuries attest to Koryŏ’s outstanding casting and welding technologies,

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which were the most advanced in the world. Several extant iron statues were so exquisitely crafted that they could be mistaken for bronze statues. Firearms and gunpowder first appeared in Koryŏ in the early 14th century. At that time, China guarded its gunpowder manufacturing technology very closely, but the Koryŏ technician, Ch’oe Mu-sŏn (崔茂宣), was able to uncover this secret. One other technology that the Chinese were determined to keep to themselves was reinvented by a Koryŏ technician: cotton technology. Mun Ik-chŏm (文益漸) traveled to China in the 14th century and succeeded in smuggling back some cottonseeds, which he then cultivated in his hometown. This event radically changed the lives of the Koryŏ people, since they were then in a position to make cotton garments, padded garments, cotton blankets and cotton sails, which had a positive impact on the entire Koryŏ economy.

The King Sejong Era: The Autonomous Development of Korean Science and Technology Although overshadowed by Chinese mega-science, Koreans spearheaded their own creative development in a variety of technological fields. This creativity escalated during the Chosŏn dynasty. The creative vigor of an autonomous culture and the devotion of national energy early in the Chosŏn period strongly accelerated the development of science and technology. After moving its capital to Seoul in 1395, the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1897) carved a new astronomical chart in stone to establish the authority of the dynasty. A flawless star map depicting 290 constellations with 1,467 stars was carved into a black marble slab 122.8 cm wide by 200.9 cm high. The stele was entitled Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern (Ch’ŏnsang yŏlch’a punyajido 天象列次分野之圖) and is now a precious artifact, corroborating the development of astronomy in 14th-century Chosŏn. Another important achievement in the development of Chosŏn science was the reinvention of bronze movable type. In 1402, despite strong opposition from his state councilors (大臣), King T’aejong pushed forward with the casting of the famous Kemi (癸未) bronze movable type. Comparing extant texts, however, those texts printed during Chosŏn with Kemi type are not superior in quality to those printed by woodblock during the Koryŏ period. Neither was the Kemi method more efficient compared with printing only one text at a time. The same may be said of the requisite labor force and related expenses. In other words, the Kemi method reduced productivity. Despite these shortcomings, it promoted by the next king, Sejong, as a national enterprise. As a result, this printing technique,

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Chosŏn star chart, 16th century. 120 × 88 cm. Color copy of the 122.5 × 211 × 12 cm celestial stele entitled Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern (Ch’ŏnsang yŏlch’a punyajido 天象 列次分野之圖), on which 1,467 stars were inscribed in 1395. The carved stele is now designated National Treasure Number 228 and preserved in Tŏksugung Palace Exhibition Center. Color copy from the author’s collection.

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Map of the Eastern State (Tongguk chido 東國地圖) by Chŏng Ch’ŏk 鄭陟. 15th century. Color Copy. 152 × 91 cm. Also referred to by the title Pictorial Map of the Chosŏn Kingdom (Chosŏn’guk hoedo 朝鮮國繪圖), this map is a particularly beautiful, detailed, well-preserved color copy of Chŏng Ch’ŏk’s original, completed in 1450. Photo provided by the National Archives of Japan (Naikaku Bunko 內閣 文庫), Tokyo, Japan.

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using movable type was significantly improved until it was perfected by a technological innovation introduced during the King Sejong period and not found in other regions of East Asia. Bronze movable type printing technology began, as King T’aejong himself said in 1403, in order to “print every text under the heaven”. King T’aejong was adamant that his people should not rely merely on those books purchased from China. It was indeed a mammoth political measure, intended to see the Great One Hundred Year Plan (Paengnyŏn chi taekye 百年之大計) through to completion. This project was inherited by King Sejong and expanded upon. The result of this technological innovation during the Sejong period was that 15thcentury Chosŏn movable metal type became more advanced than that of any other region. The development of bronze movable type printing technology was another case in which Koreans appropriated a technique that was almost totally neglected in China and, through a national effort, shaped it into a technology that contributed greatly to science and culture. This is yet another example of how Koreans went far beyond mere imitation. In 1421, King Sejong, with the assistance of Yi Ch’ŏn (李蕆) and other scientists, instigated a Wŏrin ch’ŏnkang chi kok (月印千江之曲), first half of the 15th cennational project to improve upon the defects of the tury. Printed with bronze movable type on mulberry paper using 1403 Kemi movable type. The complete standardizaa combination of small Kabin (甲寅) bronze type cast in 1434 and tion of bronze movable type and the improvement large Hangŭl type cast circa 1447. of precision in casting technology resulted in beautifully cast type. Printing technology had risen sharply, as had printing efficiency and effectiveness. This technological innovation led to the casting of the Kabin metal movable type in 1434. Having made rapid progress over 14 years, metal movable type printing finally was nearing completion. Its efficiency was also up some twenty- to thirtyfold. Chosŏn’s movable metal type technology had been finalized. Such achievements were particularly conspicuous during the Sejong period, known as the golden age of traditional Korean science. One category of invention measured rainfall: rain gauges, pluviometers (ch’ŭgugi) and water marks (sup’yo

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水標). They were invented in 1441 and 1442 and allowed technicians to measure precipitation in a scientific manner. The invention of the cylinder-style pluviometer was the outcome of the effort to measure precipitation accurately. Official scientists under King Sejong discovered a scientific way of quantifying natural phenomena mechanically. Over the next 400 years, statistics on rainfall were collected across the country using these systematized techniques. Scientists of the Sejong period also worked on a meteorological measure for wind. They created the wind direction flag (風向旗) by employing a long, cylindrical section of cloth with which they were able to measure wind direction and speed. Only in Korea were statewide meteorological observations conducted using quantitative measuring devices during the early 15th century. Several factors drove the invention of the pluviometer: the Confucian political ideology of the Chosŏn dynasty, faith in the heavens to answer prayers for rain (祈雨) and systematic efforts based on the policy of improving agricultural science. The manufacture of the cylinder-style pluviometer was the independent conception of scientists in the King Sejong period. It should be noted that agricultural meteorology was established as a science in Chosŏn before any other region in the world. During the reign of King Sejong, a new, large-scale astronomical observation platform was erected. The large equatorial torquetrum observation platform (大簡儀臺) was built within Kyŏngbok Palace. It was equipped with an equatorial torquetrum (簡儀), an armillary clock (渾天時計), a celestial globe (渾象), an armillary sphere (渾儀), a gnomon with a graduated scale (圭表) and a cardinal direction-indicating square dais (正方 案). To these were added the automatically-striking clepsydra and jade clepsydra (玉漏), which were precise automatic water clocks, and the celestial clockworks, as well as various types of sundial. Also during this period, a large public sundial was installed in the center of Seoul. Both fixed and portable sundials were built to precision. The style, called the scaphe sundial, (仰釜日晷) deserves recognition as a distinctive model. It was manufactured over an extended period in large quantities as

Upper: Rain gauge and rain gauge stand (測雨器 and 測雨臺), produced in 1770. 43 × 37 × 37 cm. Below: Rain gauge and rain gauge stand. Replica of the 1837 Kŭmyŏng rain gauge on its original 1782 marble stand. Tŏksugung Royal Palace Museum. This marble stand is inscribed on all four sides with information regarding the history and manufacture of the rain gauge. Both were made according to specifications for the world’s first scientific rain gauge, invented in 1441 (Sejong 23). Rain gauges built to these specifications and installed in various locations allowed the accurate measurement of rainfall nationwide.

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Automatically-striking clepsydra (自擊漏). Three reservoirs and two inflow vessels, now under preservation, 1536. Main reservoir (播 水壺): outer diameter 93.5 cm × height 70 cm. Inflow vessels (受水 筒): outer diameter 37 cm × height 199 cm. This characteristic Chosŏn period water clock with an automatic time signal apparatus was originally constructed by Chang Yŏng-sil (蔣英實) in 1434, then revised and reconstructed in 1536. Tŏksugung Palace.

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Armillary clock (渾天時計). Constructed by Song I-yŏng (宋以穎) in 1669, this new type of clock incorporated technology from both East Asian armillary clocks and Western mechanical clocks. The armillary sphere measures 40 cm in diameter. Korea University Museum.

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the sundial standard typifying the era. A portable version of the scaphe model underwent the addition of a compass, resulting in a new style of portable sundial compass that was highly appreciated for its beautiful, unique design. The next standard clock of the Chosŏn dynasty was an automatic water clock, completed in 1434. This huge precision clock featured an automatic time signal. Its designer, Chang Yŏng-sil, devised an automatic apparatus that ran by virtue of water pouring from a jar — buoyancy was converted to movement through several levers and rolling balls ran the signal apparatus. The systems driving both the automatic time signal and percussion mechanism were dramatically different from all previous automatic water clocks. This innovative work was very different from the huge 11th-century astronomical clock of the Chinese scientist, Su Sung (蘇頌), and the 13th-century court water clock or the water clock of the Arabian Al-Jazari. In technological terms, it employed a far more advanced

Comet observation report, 18th century. A page from Report of the Heavenly Portents (星變測候單 子) recorded by the Royal Astronomical Bureau of the Chosŏn dynasty. Recording and sketch of a comet sighting created in 1759 on March 12 and signed personally by the observers. This report accurately recorded the return of Halley’s comet in that year. Yonsei University Library.

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mechanism than these clocks. A revised model of Chang Yŏng-sil’s automatically-striking clepsydra was remanufactured in 1536. The water clock relics now preserved in Tŏksugung Palace are the reservoirs and inflow vessels from this clock. Beginning in 1430, in order to complete these observational instruments over a seven-year period, King Sejong dispatched mathematicians, astronomers and technicians to China to research Chinese observational devices. King Sejong’s scientists took as their models the astronomical equipment constructed by Kuo Shou-jing (郭守敬) of the Yuan dynasty. On the whole, these were revised and adapted to the Chosŏn style. This newly made Chosŏn observatory was the largest, best-equipped facility of the 15th century. Its armillary clock and the automatic water clock were highly accurate precision machines and cutting-edge technology. The theoretical knowledge acquired from Portable scaphe sundial with compass. Ivory. 3.3 × 5.6 × 1.6 cm. An exquisite portable sundial crafted by an exacting hand. Chinese texts alone would have been inadequate to produce machines to that degree of intricacy. The Equatorial Torquetrum Observation Platform and its observational apparatuses demonstrate the level of science and technology during the reign of King Sejong. King Sejong’s astronomers established an idependent, calendrical system based on their observations and calculations. Two volumes, Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Ch’ilchŏngsan naep’yŏn 七政算內篇) and Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Ch’ilchŏngsan woep’yŏn 七政算外篇), were the result of these efforts. These two calendrical treatises attest to the fact that King Sejong’s astronomers were not only well-versed in the basic principles and theories of Chinese calendrical astronomy, but were also already well acquainted with the theories of Islamic astronomy. Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors is regarded as the preeminent text on Islamic astronomy written in classical Chinese. The Chosŏn dynasty thus had its own calendrical treatise on Korean computational methods. One important characteristic of the calendar is that it was based on observations made from Seoul and was prepared using the latitude of Seoul as its standard. The calendar adopts the same constants as the Shoushi (授時) calendar: 365.2425 days in a year and 29.530593 days in a month.

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Furthermore, it precisely evaluates the difference between the average length of a year and a month and that of an actual year and month. The constant for the precession of the equinoxes is the same as that of the present day; the majority of other values are also identical — to the sixth figure — to those used currently. Scientific achievements during the reign of King Sejong remain salient in every field of Korean science and technology. Early in the Chosŏn period, Koryŏ celadon was replaced with Punch’ŏng porcelain, which was then replaced by white porcelain (Paekcha 白磁) as the mainstream pottery of the era. Koryŏ celadon underwent a transformation of both form and character, becoming Chosŏn porcelain. Blue-flowered white porcelain was first imported from China during the Sejong period and then directly produced in Chosŏn from the mid-15th century. The Chosŏn vessels were very different from those of China in both form and theme. From the middle of the Sejong era, Chosŏn white porcelain was on a par with that of the Chinese in both quality and quantity. The distinctive Chosŏn hue was also evident in the sphere of Bronze scaphe sundial, 18 th century. military technology during this period. Inner diameter 24.1 cm. First manufacThe appearance of Chosŏn-style firearms and turtle tured and installed as a public sundial in ships are representative examples. Firearms had been Sejong 19 (1437). This model continued as the representative sundial of the manufactured using Chinese technology and were in use Chosŏn dynasty over a 500-year period. from the late Koryŏ period. It was during the reign of An elegant design with accurate diviKing Sejong that the newly developed Chosŏn firearms sions of hours and flawless functionality outgrew the Chinese style. Under the strong state regulation, a — everything required of a sundial. Sungshin Women’s University Museum. recasting of all firearms was undertaken, bringing the Chosŏn

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dynasty to possess standardized, Chosŏn-style firearms. Several types of heavy weapons were able to fire not only projectiles (bullets) but also a number of incendiary arrows simultaneously. Armored artillery vehicles based on the firearm technologies of the Sejong period appeared during the reign of the subsequent king. These armored artillery vehicles were actually mobile rocket launchers, capable of firing large numbers of rockets simultaneously. The entire firearm recasting enterprise was completed by 1455. A treatise on ordinance technology with detailed records, both written and pictorial, of every type of firearm and the use of gunpowder was compiled and published. Entitled the Complete Records on Firearms (Ch’ongt’ong tŭngnok 銃筒謄錄, 1448), it was the paramount 15th-century treatise on gunpowder ordinance. With this treatise, the firearm production of the Chosŏn dynasty began a new era. Turtle ships, the famous battleships of the early Chosŏn period, were built to withstand Japanese pirates (oegu 倭寇) and their close combat military strategies. Turtle ships were heavily armored assault ships, equipped with heavy weapons for use in coastal waters. This novel design is highly regarded for both its effective firepower and mobility in battle. There were notable achievements in the field of geography as well. The Integrated Map of Borders Regulating States and Capitals over Successive Dynasties (Honil kangni yŏktae kuktojido 混一疆理歷代國都之圖) was drawn by Chosŏn geologists in 1402. Although this map was based on several Sino-centric maps of China, it was more advanced as it dealt thoroughly with the regions of Chosŏn and Japan, which were neglected in the Chinese maps. Although unable to escape a Sino-centric worldview, it reflected the latest geographical knowledge of that time and was sufficiently extensive to include the continents of Africa and Europe, as well as the Far East. The topography of the Korean peninsula on this 1402 map is highly accurate, revealing that preceding Koryŏ maps were already well drawn. During the Sejong era, an actual survey of the land was conducted based on earlier maps and a virtually complete map of Korea was produced. This was the Map of the Eastern State (Tongguk chido 東國地圖) by Chŏng Ch’ŏk (鄭陟) and Yang Sŏng-ji (梁誠 之). As this map relied on the data yielded by actual astronomical observations undertaken during the Sejong period, it is highly accurate. Chosŏn scholars were able to pinpoint the latitudes of Mt. Paektu (白頭山), Mt. Mani (摩尼山) on Kanghwa (江華) Island and Mt. Halla (漢拏山), allowing the precise measure of the distance between the northern- and southern-most reaches and the breadth between the eastern and western edges of the peninsula. The polar altitude of Hanyang (漢陽 modern Seoul) was also determined, facilitating the accurate

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calculation of the straight distance between Seoul and Mt. Paektu, as well as Seoul and Cheju (濟州) Island. The Map of the Eastern State was a scientific map based on data from actual observations. This 15th-century map of the Korean peninsula, now preserved in Japan, is regarded as the premier map produced during that century. Along with the production of accurate maps, the official scientists under King Sejong made great efforts to produce a complete geographical record. It was a systematic record, including a map of the entire peninsula, as well as separate maps of each province, and was based on both direct field studies and research on existing texts. The Treatise on Geography (Chiriji 地理志) included in the Veritable Record of King Sejong (Sejong Sillok 世宗實錄) confirms the system and content of the geographical texts published at that time. This treatise is regarded highly, both for its precise geographical record of Chosŏn and its level of scholarship. The publication of a geographical record of this quality was a rare, extraordinary achievement in the 15th century. The creative intellect of the Chosŏn scholars of the Sejong era is explicit in both their map-making and written geographical texts. The field of medicine saw the systematization of Chosŏn medical science and the compilation of East Asian medical texts. The early Chosŏn period witnessed vigorous research on indigenous Korean medicines (hyangyak 鄕藥). Information on indigenous Korean medicinal herbs was prepared, and independent medical prescriptions were systematized. In 1433, this information was compiled under the title Great Collection of Native Korean Prescriptions (Hyangyak chipsŏngbang 鄕藥集成方). The text, presenting 703 varieties of Korean medications, marked an epochal step forward, freeing the field of Korean medicine from its reliance on Chinese medicine. Paralleling this research was the publication of the Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions (Ŭibang yuch’ŭi 醫方類聚) in 1445, an expansive medical encyclopedia and one of the most extensive medical compilations of the 15th century, which included 153 Korean and Chinese medical monographs in 266 volumes. This work also greatly influenced the fields of Chinese and Japanese medicine. The medical advances during the Sejong era contributed greatly to the foundation of Chosŏn medicine. Due to this effort, Korean medicine was no longer regarded as a branch of Chinese medicine but as independent Korean medicine or medicine of the East (tong’ŭihak 東醫學). Hŏ Chun’s (許浚) 25-volume Precious Mirror of Eastern Medicine (Tong’ŭi pogam 東醫寶鑑), published in the 16th century, is the resultant compilation, substantiating Chosŏn medical knowledge and the epitome of Chosŏn medicine.

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Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido 大東輿地圖), Kyŏnggi Province, 1861 Woodblock print by Kim Chŏng-ho (金正浩). National Treasure Number 850. Sungshin Women’s University Museum.

Agricultural technology also witnessed great advances during the reign of King Sejong. Until that time, Korean agriculture had been heavily dependent on Chinese agricultural texts, which could not provide reliable guidance on Korean farms. Thus, the Proper Explanation of Farming (Nongsa chiksŏl 農事直說) was compiled and published in 1429. This text was based on extensive surveys of every province and summarized the most applicable, advanced agricultural methods of each. This contributed greatly to the development of Chosŏn agriculture: farm

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produce became more varied, techniques for cultivating and harvesting rice and other crops increased and intensive agricultural farming methods began. After its publication, the Proper Explanation of Farming became the standard text on Chosŏn agriculture, eclipsing those of China. With its publication, King Sejong’s agricultural policy of introducing advanced agricultural techniques to farmers to increase farm productivity achieved success. The distribution of cotton textiles, increased agricultural production and the effective treatment of disease made possible by medical advances, along with the promulgation of the Korean alphabet (Hangŭl), all contributed to an improved quality of life for Koreans during the Sejong period. The science and technology of Chosŏn was no longer limited to benefiting the nobility or the Yangban classes; they had become a system of knowledge benefiting the common people. The scientific and technological progress made in Chosŏn during the first half of the 15th century led to unequaled progress, not only in the history of Korea but also in that of East Asia and the rest of the world. The history of science in the first half of the 15th century was brought to a peak by King Sejong’s scientists. Thus, to call that period “the King Sejong epoch” would not be an exaggeration.

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Plate 1. Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern (Ch’onsang yŏlch’a punyajido 天象列次分野之圖), 16th–17th century.

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Plate 2. Map of Namwon, 19th century.

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Plate 3. Glass bead necklaces and comma-shaped jade beads (5th century).

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Plate 4. Konyŏ chŏndo (坤輿全圖), 1860. It was originally drawn in 1672 by a Jesuit missionary, Ferdinand Verbiest, for Emperor Kangxi of China.

Plate 5. Map of the Heaven and the Earth (Ch’ŏnjido 天地圖), middle Chosŏn period. Plate 6. Instrument for determining time by the sun and stars (Ilsŏng chŏngsiŭi 日星定時儀), 1437 (reconstruction).

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Chapter 

Astronomy and Meteorology: The Sciences of the Heavens

The Science of Monarchs

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hen gazing at the shining stars in the clear night sky, few people realize that these stars are in constant movement. The stars only reveal this mystery to those who observe them carefully. The science of the sky began with these vast heavens, infinite stars, the sun, the moon and our planet, the Earth. Astronomy was established as the first independent branch of science thanks to those who spent long hours contemplating the beauty of these mysterious stars. Their observations yielded new facts, which were remembered, passed on orally and finally came to be recorded. These findings gradually accumulated, and from this accumulation of information, people were able to discover patterns and changes. A variety of peoples inhabit the earth, and the stars at night are visible to all. Few, however, were able to establish a science based on the phenomena they saw. Koreans were one of the few peoples who did so. In a far eastern corner of the globe, living on a narrow peninsula, Koreans established a science of the heavens, namely, astronomy. One

Koguryŏ Tomb of the Dancers (舞踊塚). Constellation Mural, 5th century, Jian (集安), China. A depiction of the sun, moon and 29 stars. The constellations feature three lines painted between each star. Reprinted from Pictorial Guide to the Ancient Artifacts of Chosŏn (Chosen koseki zuhu 朝鮮古蹟圖譜).

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Mural star chart of Kitora tomb (キトラ古墳), 7th century, Asuka Village, Nara Prefecture, Japan. Photo by Professor Miyajima Kazuhiko (宮島一彦).

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might easily attribute this event to Korea’s proximity to its highly civilized neighbor, China, but this explanation is insufficient. For almost a thousand years, from April 54 BCE throughout the Three Kingdoms period and the Unified Silla period, Koreans recorded 66 sightings of solar eclipses. Over the next 475 years, during the Koryŏ period, 132 solar eclipses were recorded, and then, during the 500-year Chosŏn period, 190 observations were recorded. Comet observations were recorded as well: 57 in History of the Three Kingdoms (Samguksagi 三國史記), 87 in History of the Koryŏ Dynasty (Koryŏsa 高麗史) and 103 in various historical documents published during the Chosŏn dynasty. Well known among these is the record of a great comet observed in October 1664. Regarded as an unparalleled, invaluable treasure by astronomers worldwide, this record meticulously followed the comet for some 80 days until it disappeared in the beginning of January. Of course, observations recorded during the Koryŏ period and in previous periods are more highly regarded than any other worldwide, except for those of China.

Koryŏ bronze mirror symbolizing the universe, circa 11th century, overall diameter 17 cm. The central figure is the sun, with the four cardinal points represented by a blue dragon, black tortoise, white tiger and red phoenix. Also depicted are the 8 cardinal points, 8 trigrams, 12 double hours, 28 constellations and 24 nightly periods. From the author’s collection. Report of a comet, night of October 28, 1664. The oldest extant report of a comet sighting in the world and the only surviving 17th-century report of a comet. Discovered in the storage facility of the Bureau of Astronomy (Kwansanggam 觀象監) in Kyŏngbokkung Palace, 1908. The present whereabouts of this report is unknown. From Reports of the Korean Meteorological Observatory to 1910 (Kankoku Kanshokusho Gakujutsu Hobun 韓國觀測所學 術報文) by Wada Yuji (和田雄治).

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Armillary sphere. A very fine armillary sphere made of wood for astronomical educational use during the middle Chosŏn period. Collection of the Sun Gallery.

Brass portable armillary sphere Chosŏn period. This armillary sphere was photographed by the author in the Changsŏgak Pavilion (藏書閣) archive in Ch’anggyŏnggung (昌慶宮) during the early 1960s.

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Koreans observed sunspots from an early stage. History of the Koryŏ Dynasty includes records of 34 sunspot observations, dating from between 1024 and 1383. According to the book, a sunspot was observed on a regular basis every eight to twenty years, which is very close to the average periodicity of 7.3–17.1 years that is recognized by present-day scientists. Successive Korean dynasties further contributed astronomical observations. The observational records outlined in Astronomical Monograph (Ch’ŏnmunchi 天文志) included in History of the Koryŏ Dynasty are regarded as the most advanced of their period, along with those made in Arabia. Using the observation system they had implemented, Koryŏ scientists searched the skies industriously day and night. Thus, as early as the beginning of the 15th century, during the reign of King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418–1450), Koreans were able to accurately calculate solar eclipses, lunar eclipses and the movement of the planets. Furthermore, they were able to calculate the length of a year with near precision at 365.2425 days and a month at 29.530593 days, and integrate these measurements into their calendars. The enormous observatory platform that was erected northwest of the Kyŏnhoeru Pavilion (慶會樓) in Kyŏngbokkung Palace (景福宮) was the center of observational astronomy during the era of King Sejong. Begun in 1432 and completed in only seven years, the promotion of this historic national project provided the Chosŏn dynasty with all types of observational equipment, from a Grand Simplified Armillary Sphere (Taeganŭi 大簡儀), a gnomon (Kyup’yo 圭表) with a graduated scale, to sundials and water clocks. The completion of this project signaled the construction of the largest observatory of the 15th century. Veritable Record of King Sejong (Sejong Sillok 世宗實錄) records this event in vivid detail over some seven pages. The official historiographers (sagwan 史官) documented the success of this achievement with pride — the observatory was immense in both scale and function. Official astronomers employed in the Bureau of Astronomy (Sŏun’gwan 書雲觀), a governmental administrative unit charged with observation and the calculation of calendars, observed the heavens on a daily basis. When a solar eclipse or comet appeared,

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a report detailing the extraordinary phenomenon was written and immediately dispatched to the Office of the Royal Secretariat (Sŭngjŏngwŏn 承政院) and then to other major government offices. Observatory regulations such as this are explicated in Seong Chu-dŏk’s (成周悳, 1759–?) Treatise on the Bureau of Astronomy (Sŏun’gwanji 書雲觀志). For many centuries, Koreans have called astronomy the ‘science of monarchs’ because celestial phenomena were believed to be directly connected to the well-being of the king and the nation. This was one of the reasons why Koreans were so sensitive to the movements of the planets and other astronomical phenomena. As a result, they were able to establish an academic tradition based on careful, consistent observations and accurate calculations. The Ch’ŏmsŏngdae (瞻星臺) is one symbol of the advanced ancient study of astronomy in Korea.

Ancient Observational Records Other observatories similar to the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae were built in Koguryŏ and Paekche. Paekche scholars also visited Japan, where they built an observatory called Senseidai (占星臺) in 675. The Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is an astronomical observatory, although it differs somewhat from our modern concept of an observatory. Its observational platform should be understood in the context of ancient astronomy and astronomical ideas. The Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is believed to have been used during the appearance of extraordinary phenomena, such as solar or lunar eclipses and comets. The elegant exterior design symbolizes Silla observation-based astronomy. Reports of observations made in this type of observatory may be found in various ancient texts. These records reveal ancient Koreans’ faithful observation of the heavens. Although partial and fragmentary, the records of astronomical observations made in Koguryŏ appear in History of the Three Kingdoms and Additional Material on the Three Kingdoms (Samgukyusa 三國 遺事), which contain 11 records of solar eclipses, 10 records of comets, and 11 records of other astronomical phenomena. These data are believed to have been re-recorded from Koguryŏ sources.

Decorative plate depicting an armillary sphere and astronomical instruments of the Qing period. The large decorative plate depicting an armillary sphere bears a remarkable resemblance to that of the Nanjing (南京) Astronomical Observatory, China. Photographed by the author, 1981, Bangkok National Museum, Thailand.

Halo, 1650–1659, as diagramed in Observations of Natural Disasters and Strange Events (Chaeigo 災 異考).

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No known record of the celestial observation institution, system or policy of Koguryŏ survives today. However, records concerning exclusively the observational activity of Koguryŏ have survived. One made in September 640, in the 23rd year of the reign of King Yŏngnyu (榮留王, r. 618–642), mentions an extraordinary phenomenon on the surface of the sun, which was thought to be a sunspot: “The sun’s rays were absent, then after three days shone again.” Another, written on November 30, 555, in the 11th year of King Yangwŏn’s reign (陽原王, r. 545–559), reads as follows: “Venus was seen during the day.” The existence of these and other records of astronomical observations testify to the fact that Koguryŏ had national astronomical government offices and persons actively made use of observatories and equipment in an official capacity. “Ilcha” (日者) may have been a government rank given to officials working in some capacity of celestial observation. The list of astronomical and meteorological observational activity during Paekche is revealed by records in History of the Three Kingdoms. Of course, these records fall short of the number of observations that would actually have been made in Paekche. The records on which those compiled in the History of the Three Kingdoms and Additional Material on the Three Lunar eclipse as diagramed in Observations of Natural Kingdoms were based would have been more numerous and Disasters and Strange Events (Chaeigo 災異考). detailed. The fact that the Chŏmsŏngdae was built in Japan in 675 under the direct influence of Paekche astronomers supports the existence of Paekche observatories, which would have been the center of Paekche’s astronomical and meteorological observations that were systematically conducted during the 7th century. The extant records also support this possibility. Twenty-six records of solar eclipses sighted in Paekche from July of 14 BCE to July 606 CE, appear in History of the Three Kingdoms. Paekche scientists also recorded 16 comet sightings and another 16 heavenly phenomena, according to this text. Many of these records have been confirmed as independent sightings made by Paekche scientists. The view of certain Japanese scholars, that many records taken from Chinese sources were added to this text as it was compiled and edited, deserves more careful verification. Rather, the reports of astronomical phenomena included in both History of the Three Kingdoms and Additional Material on the Three Kingdoms are thought to number fewer than what actually existed at the time.

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Bureaucrat scientists in charge of official astronomical observation would have been assigned to the Department of Astronomy (Ilgwanbu 日官部). Essential observational instrumentation, a sundial and a water clock for measuring time, would have been installed in their observatory. Such a system would have been similar to that of China. As in Paekche and Koguryŏ, in Silla, unusual occurrences in the heavens were especially noted, and as in the other two states, Silla left more records of solar and lunar eclipses than of other astronomical events. Mysteriously, History of the Three Kingdoms includes only 19 reports of solar eclipses between April of 54 BCE and October 256 CE, and absolutely no record of a solar eclipse appears for another 530 years. We can only surmise that the omission of solar eclipse records, even after the completion of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae, was due to certain exclusions made when History of the Three Kingdoms was being compiled. There are, however, 19 recorded comet sightings from March of 49 BCE to April 668 CE. Other celestial changes were also observed. These reports reveal that the observations must have been arrived at independently in Silla, as were those in Paekche and Koguryŏ.

Constellation Mural in the Kitora Tomb Surprisingly, a mural including numerous stars was discovered on the ceiling of the Kitora tomb (キトラ古墳) Diagram of eclipse for educational purposes, 19th century, in Japan in March 1998. This constellation mural, painted woodblock print. Detail of Complete Map of the Celestial in an ancient tomb between the late 7th and early 8th Sphere (Honch’ŏnjŏndo 渾天全圖). centuries, provides invaluable information about the night sky as seen some 1,600 years ago and continues to captivate scholars. However, even more surprising is its striking affinity to Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern (Ch’ŏnsang yŏlch’a punyajido 天象列 次分野之圖), the Chosŏn constellation chart produced in 1396 on the basis of Koguryŏ’s constellation chart. Upon seeing the photos taken by NHK of Japan and his long-time research colleague, Professor Miyajima Kazuhiko from Doshisha University in Kyoto, I became convinced that the mural was based on the Koguryŏ constellation chart

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and asserted so in an article that appeared in the June 2, 1998 “Culture” section of Chosŏn Ilbo newspaper. Through meticulous inspection by computer, Professor Miyajima concluded that this Japanese constellation mural is, in fact, an astrological observation made from P’yŏngyang (平壤), which was the capital of Koguryŏ. The results of his work shook the Japanese academic community. Professor Miyajima commented: “The internal structure and the equatorial radius place the observation point from which the mural was drawn at NL 38.4. This is almost identical to that of P’yŏngyang, the capital of Koguryŏ 427 years ago.” Accounting for the changes in the stars’ locations due to the precession of the equinoxes, this observation is estimated to have been made between the 3rd century BCE and the 3rd century CE. Thus far, 550 stars in the Kitora tomb mural have been identified. The Japanese media has called these stars the starry night of Koguryŏ, sleeping in an ancient tomb in Kyoto, the capital of 7th-century Japan. Depicting some 30 constellations and 550 stars, this astronomical chart is undoubtedly the most magnificent chart of the 7th century.

Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern (Ch’ŏnsang yŏlch’a punyajido 天象列次分野 之圖) 之圖

Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern, 1687, 211.0 × 108.5 × 30 cm stele, National Treasure Number 837. This photograph was taken by the author in the spring of 1960, when the stele was sitting behind Myŏngjŏngjŏn Hall in Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace. The stele is now preserved in the King Sejong Memorial Hall.

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Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern was completed in December 1495, the 4th year of the reign of King T’aejo (太祖, r. 1392–1398). He had long desired this chart as a symbol of the authority of the new dynasty. All of the stars in the sky were portrayed in this representation of the constellations. This was also the beginning of Chosŏn astronomy, which encompassed the compilation and systematization of 14th-century East Asian constellational studies. The new dynasty had been established by the will of the heavens; as such, knowing and describing heavenly phenomena was necessary in order to establish the legitimacy and authority of the dynasty. Previous Korean dynasties had keenly observed movements and changes in the heavens in order to predict the future and their

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destiny. It was believed that events in the sky bore a direct relation to the fate of the dynasty and its rulers. In this sense, astronomy became the most important science and the heavens were regarded as the most important subject of study. This began with a careful observation of the celestial movements and the keeping of detailed records. An astronomical chart comprised a standardized representation of the knowledge accumulated from these records of the stars and drawings of the constellations. Astronomical charts were regarded as the symbols of heaven; thus it would have been quite natural for the Korean dynasties to create astronomical charts and regard them as symbols of their authority. Strangely, however, this monumental historical event is not found in Veritable Record of King T’aejo (T’aejo Sillok 太祖實錄). It is reported only in Collected Works of Yangch’on (Yangch’onjip 陽村集, 1467) by Kwŏn Kŭn (權近, 1352–1409), a great scholar during the late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn periods. He famously wrote of this celestial chart: In early Chosŏn, it was said that the Koguryŏ astronomical stele had fallen into the Taedong River [which ran through P’yŏngyang, the capital of Koguryŏ] during the hostilities at the end of the Koguryŏ dynasty. However, a rubbing made from the Koguryŏ astronomical stele survived. This was inherited by Koryŏ. The founder of the Chosŏn dynasty, King T’aejo, had wanted to have a new astronomical chart from the moment he ascended the throne. Not long after his ascension, someone submitted the print [of the Koguryŏ astronomical stele], and King T’aejo ordered a new chart to be carved accordingly. However, as there were errors in the distance between the stars due to the lapse of time, it was decided by the Bureau of Astronomy that a new astronomical chart would be prepared based on revisions made according to their new astronomical observations.

Collected Works of Yangch’on contains a significant historical implication. It provides the important connection that is missing from other texts and which is essential for bridging the 1,000-year history of Korean science. It reveals the intellectual achievement of Koguryŏ astronomers and, even if only partially, preserves the contours of Unified Silla and Koryŏ astronomy. This constellation drawing reveals that by the 4th century, Koguryŏ astronomers were able to observe some 1,450 stars and accurately portray their relative positions. Of course, the new drawing would have been based on observational information from the Chinese Star Chart of the Three Masters (Sanjia xingtu 三家 星圖) as well as the results of independent observations by Koguryŏ astronomers.

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The Koguryŏ dynasty carved the result of their observations into stone, a painstaking endeavor in itself. At that time, Koguryŏ would have been practically the only state in the world with an astronomical chart carved in stone. This precious monument symbolized the authority of the Koguryŏ dynasty. Thus, when it fell to the combined forces of Silla and the Tang (唐), the monument would certainly have been plunged into the Taedong River by these combined forces. Luckily, however, this tremendous achievement by Koguryŏ astronomers survived in the form of a rubbing. The paper on which the rubbing was made survived the next 1,000 years through Unified Silla and Koryŏ, before being finally passed on to the early Chosŏn period astronomers. The astronomers of the T’aejo period accurately measured 1,000 years of movement by the constellations depicted in this chart down to the minute (ch’o 秒) and drew a new astronomical chart based on their own measurements. This was Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern, the 14th-century Korean astronomical chart now widely renowned as a world treasure. The first astronomical accomplishment in Chosŏn, this chart was the work of the Bureau of Astronomy. It was completed after many years of sustained effort by Kwŏn Kŭn, Yu Pang-t’aek (柳方澤) and Kwŏn Cung-hwa (權仲和, 1322–1408), along with eight official astronomers of the Bureau of Astronomy. Kwŏn Kŭn described the process through which the chart was made in his Collected Works of Yangch’on; this description is the same inscription carved into the stele of Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern in the 4th year of King T’aejo (1395). The term “Heavenly image” (天象) refers to the depiction of astronomical phenomena, divided into 12 regions and drawn up in sequence. While it is uncertain whether the title is rooted in Koguryŏ tradition, clearly this particular title was not used in China. The piece of obsidian into which the chart is carved measures 122.8 cm across by 200.9 cm high. Sŏl Kyŏng-su (楔慶壽) engraved Kwŏn Kŭn’s writings into the stone, and Yu Pang-t’aek made the astronomical calculations. The other eight scientists were authorities of the period. The astronomical chart is arranged as follows. Firstly, a circle with a diameter of 76 cm was inscribed on a line that horizontally bisects the chart into roughly equal halves. The stars were then inscribed inside the circle. Centered in the circle is the North Pole, around which are small circles originating from the degree of observation (chudidu 出地度). On a larger scale, the equator and regions of the ecliptic zones are drawn. The number of stars totals 1,467 and the 28 lunar lodges (constellations) with their equatorial extents are inscribed around the circumference of the circle. Graduations allow one to accurately read, even with the naked eye,

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the degree to the determinative star of each constellation by the radiating lines connecting the westernmost star of each constellation and the North Pole. Observational records note the stars passing the culmination at the dusk and dawn of each of the 24th-fortnight period (jieqi 節氣), the 12 zodiacal divisions and corresponding states and general descriptions of the sun and moon. The lower central portion of the stele bears the title Ch’ŏnsang yŏlch’a punyajido. Below this is an account of Chinese traditional cosmological theories, followed by a description of the polar distances of the 28 lunar lodges, which, in turn, is followed by an explanation of the motivation for creating the stele praising King T’aejo and explicating the historic and astronomical significance of its construction. The inscription concludes with the names and titles of the scientists who made the stele and the date of its completion. Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern is a compilation and systemization of the totality of Chosŏn astronomical knowledge in the late 14th century. Furthermore, as it is based on the constellation chart created during Koguryŏ, it provides an invaluable source of information about ancient Korean astronomy. Several theories estimate the Koguryŏ astronomical Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern, 1995. chart to have been completed between the early 4th and Reconstructed by Professor Na Il-sŏng (羅逸星) in commemoearly 6th centuries. The 1,467 stars in this chart are close ration of the 600th anniversary of King T’aejo’s astronomical in number to that of the early 3rd-century Chinese Star chart. Inscribed with 290 constellations, including 1,467 stars Chart of Three Masters, which contains 283 constellations and 2,932 characters, this stele is a magnificent reproduction of the 14th-century original. Silla Art and Science Museum and and 1,464 individual stars. However, scientist Yi Sun-ji Yonsei University. (李純之, ?–1465) of the King Sejong period writes in his Collected Discourses on the Astronomy and Calendrical Science of the Chinese Masters (Chegayŏksangjip 諸家曆象集, 1445) that the first astrological chart was Star Chart of Three Masters created by Chen Zhuo (陳卓) in 310. This is why the Koguryŏ astronomical chart, which was to become the basis of Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern, is believed to have been completed in the late 4th century. Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern has attracted the attention of scholars since its discovery. Scholarly reports were written in the 1930s

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Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern. Detail of woodblock print. Believed to have been printed by the Bureau of Astronomy and Office of Painting (Tohwasŏ 圖畵署), this print is regarded as the finest extant astrological chart of the early Chosŏn period. Tenri University, Japan.

by W. C. Rufus and in the 1950s and 1960s by J. Needham. Korean astronomers Yi Ŭn-sŏng (李殷晟) and Yu Kyŏng-no (兪景老) began their research in the 1970s, while Na Il-sŏng synthesized the work of his two predecessors, breaking new ground. On the 600th anniversary of this astronomical chart, Dr. Na carried out an analysis of the constellation drawing, successfully reconstructing it with computer technology. Furthermore, several young astronomers set out to research the date of the completion of the original Koguryŏ chart. The contribution of North Korean scientists should not be ignored either, since they have taken a particular interest in the Koguryŏ constellation chart. Professor Na Il-sŏng’s reconstruction of Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern is both powerful and moving. He single-handedly accomplished this weighty project in 1996, in time to mark the 600th anniversary of the chart’s completion. The following summarizes Professor Na’s exposé of this amazing astronomical chart.

Enduring 600 Turbulent Years In the fall of 1996, two small-scale yet highly significant symposia were organized, one by the Institute of Korean Studies of Yonsei University, and the other by the

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Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern, 16th–17th century woodblock print, 141 × 88 cm, Sungshin Women’s University Museum.

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Department of Astronomy of Seoul National University. They commemorated the 600th anniversary of the completion of Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern. The proceedings of the scientific symposia were later published in a report. Conducted in a calm yet profound manner, these proceedings were unprecedented. Koreans had not previously held symposia to commemorate major scientific achievements in the history of Korean science. Regrettably, this event attracted little attention from the Korean mass media. Nonetheless, thanks to the keen interest and support of many scholars, these two significant meetings were carried out with success. During both meetings, I took the opportunity to reflect on the lengthy journey of this astronomical chart and its extensive history marked by turbulent times, ignorance, and negligence. It was during those meetings that I detected a change The King Sejong astronomical chart. Color copy produced by Pak Yŏn (朴堧, 1378– 1458). This chart is identical to the star map of Chart of the Constellations and the in the attitude of Korean scholars. WitRegions They Govern. The writing in each corner details its manufacture. Photograph nessing a scene in which scholars edutaken in 1986 and sent to the author by a Korean resident of Japan, Yŏm Ŭnnhyŏn. cated in the field of Western astronomy National Diet Library of Japan. were engaged in serious discourse on ancient Korean astronomy, one could not help but be amazed by the changes brought about by time. Above all, such discussions greatly raised awareness of topics within Korean sciences. It was heartening to realize that Korean academia had at last come to recognize the world-class treasures of its own country. Although one cannot help but regret that Korean academics have come to pay respect to the world-class astronomical stele nearly half a century after Western scholars began to praise it in the 1930s and 1950s, this sorrow does not diminish the happiness felt at the new recognition the stele was received. The 600th anniversary heralded a new era.

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The ordeals of the original Chosŏn period stele began with Hideyoshi’s invasion of Chosŏn in 1592. The chart was located in Kyŏngbokkung Palace. The observatory in Kyŏngbokkung Palace (景福宮) was burned, its equipment scattered and the stele left unattended in the turmoil of the war. After hostilities ceased, some of the observatory equipment was restored, but the celestial stele appears to have been neglected. By the 17th century, when King Sukchong (肅宗, r. 1674–1720) ordered his servants to carve a new stone astronomical chart based on the woodblock version of that created in the 4th year of King Sŏnjo’s reign (宣祖, r. 1567–1608), the carved stone had suffered severe abrasion and was too worn. As the imposing, newly carved Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern was completed, the previous stele, carved during the reign of King T’aejo, was neglected, and faded from memory. King Yŏngjo (英祖, 1724–1776), however, recognized its true value. In 1770, he learned about the existence of the King T’aejo stele while taking a stroll around Kyŏngbokkung Palace. Moved, King Yŏngjo immediately ordered his servants to preserve it. This incident is related in Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition (Chŭngbo munhŏnbigo 增補文獻備考, 1908, 1959): In 1770, they built a pavilion in the Bureau of Astronomy and there the celestial stele dating from the beginning of the state was preserved. The King put lettering on the plaque, naming the place the Pavilion of Respectful Veneration (Hŭmkyŏnggak 欽敬閣). The King recorded on the plaque: “…. Yet, only upon hearing from the editor of the astronomical section of Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition did I come to know of the stone tablet of the star chart in the old royal palace. Immediately, I ordered [it to be] examined with great care. Realizing that it was in the vicinity of the guard post and that, even though it was so close, I had come to hear of its existence so late, I could not help but be overwhelmed. I ordered the officer at the Office of Weights and Measurements to move [the stele] to the Bureau of Astronomy outside Ch’angdŏnkgung Palace (昌德宮), where

Diagram of the constellations depicted on the ceiling of the Tomb of the Dancers (Muyongch’ong 舞踊塚), 5th-century Koguryŏ. Jian, China.

Diagram of the constellations depicted on the ceiling of the Tomb of the Wrestlers (Kakchŏch’ong 角低 塚), 6th-century Koguryŏ. These diagrams of constellations depicted on the ceiling of two Koguryŏ tombs faithfully represent 7 of the 28 lunar lodges and allow conjecture regarding the nature of the Koguryŏ astronomical stele. Jian, China.

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A new style astronomical chart (Xinfa tianwentu 新法天文圖), 1742, color transcription, 8-section folding screen, 451 × 183 cm. A large star chart produced by the Bureau of Astronomy based on that created by Ignatius Kögler (1680–1746), Bŏpchusa Temple (法住寺), Sŏngni Mountain (俗離山). Almost identical folding screens are preserved in the Cambridge Museum of Science and the Osaka Museum of Ethnology.

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stone carvings are preserved. And, without hesitation, I made it a special occasion to apply the old name, the Pavilion of Respectful Veneration, and have it hung. After that, I ordered the facts surrounding the stele to be recorded and directed the officer in charge of the Office of Weights and Measurements to carve this information onto a plaque and hang it to the left for future generations to see.”

Sadly, however, the Chosŏn dynasty collapsed in 1910 and Kyŏngbokkung Palace, Ch’angdŏnkgung Palace and Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace (昌慶宮) were seriously damaged. Countless royal buildings were ransacked and many major institutions scattered. The Pavilion of Respectful Veneration, which housed the two stone carvings, met a similar end and the astronomical steles were moved from place to place. Later, in 1907, Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace was demoted to Ch’anggyŏngwŏn Garden, and a museum was built in one corner. The carved stones were placed under the protruding eaves of Myŏngjŏngjŏn Hall, along with several other relics. Placed barely out of the way of rain, the steles were situated on soil and covered in a film of dust. In 1960, when I first encountered these precious carved stones, they were in this very dust-covered state. One drizzling day during the picnic season, I even saw a primary schoolchild and his family, who had come to Ch’anggyŏngwŏn Garden on an outing, picnicing on these wide, flat stones. When I told this story to Hong I-sŏp (洪以燮, 1914–1974), he mentioned

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Complete Map of the Celestial Sphere (Honch’ŏnjŏndo 渾天全圖), late Chosŏn period, woodblock print, 60.5 × 86.0 cm. Thought to have been produced in the late 18th century, this astrological chart brings together elements of Chosŏn’s Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern and Ignatius Kögler’s Western-style star chart. Sungshin Women’s University Museum.

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Chart of the southern ecliptic, 1834, woodblock print, 36.5 × 54.4 cm. Kim Chŏng-ho’s (金正浩) representation of Kögler’s star chart centers around the polar axes depicted within a circle 31 cm in diameter. He inscribed his celestial chart on a woodblock. Sungshin Women’s University Museum.

seeing mischievous children sprinkle sand on the stones and rub bricks across the surface. Although complaints were registered with the administration office, several years passed with no substantial measure being taken to protect the steles. The celestial steles endured another ten years in the soil before finally being moved into a scientific exhibition case in the King Sejong Memorial Hall in the 1970s. By that time, they had suffered 60 years of negligence. Finally, in 1985, the steles were officially recognized as National Treasure Number 228. The stone monuments of Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern, abandoned and suffering, much like the Korean people themselves, had finally regained their former dignity. As a committee member of the Korean Institute of Cultural Heritage, I could only rejoice at this new understanding of our own treasures while witnessing the process in which a number of artifacts were recognized and proclaimed as national treasures. With the opening of a public display room for artifacts in Tŏksugung Palace (德壽宮), the curator, Yi Myŏnghŭi, finally brought an end to this humiliating part of recent Korean history by standing the steles in a customdesigned glass exhibition case in the first display room of the museum. This special occasion enabled the Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern to regain its proud place as the world’s oldest astronomical chart, along with Song (宋) China’s extant Chunyou Astronomical Chart (淳祐天文圖).

The Tradition of Astronomical Charts in Chosŏn

The tradition of Koguryŏ’s 4th-century astronomical chart was a handsome legacy for 14th-century astronomers during the early Chosŏn period. Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern is of significant academic importance in that it brings the astronomy of Koguryŏ to life. It is surprising that the printed version of the chart survived such a difficult thousand years, surviving a succession of destructive wars. Even though Koguryŏ’s astronomical stele disappeared

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into the Taedong River, Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern was re-carved with a new look and lived on for another 500 years as Chosŏn’s astronomical stele. Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern became the established astronomical chart of Chosŏn. This astronomical stele was also recarved during the reign of King Sejong. Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition supports this fact. According to Professor Park Seong-rae (朴星來), the other preserved stele carved with the same content may be the stone that was re-carved during the King Sejong period. This is quite possible. The two astronomical charts have the same content, only differing in the placement of the title and text. The constellation chart appears to have undergone revision in several places. The 17th-century stele carved during the reign of King Sukchong seems to have been based on the revised version. The revised chart of the King Sejong period was used to cut a woodblock from which 120 charts were printed. The woodblock Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern, preserved in Japan at Tenri University, was previously only known through its mention in Veritable Record of Chunyou Astronomical Chart (淳祐天文圖), 1247, 106 × 242 cm. The oldest extant astronomical stele of the Northern Song period, this chart differs from the Korean Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern in that it depicts constellations as solid lines rather than as a series of interconnected dots. The polar altitude of the observation site is 34° and the shape and location of the galaxy are also different.

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Chart of Astronomical Regions They Govern (天文分野之 圖), 1677, woodblock print, 55.1 × 108.2 cm. Produced by Sibugaya Harumi (澁川春海, 1639–1715) based on the Korean Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern, this chart is the representative astrological chart of the Edo era. Influence from the Chosŏn astrological chart may be seen in both the title and depiction of the constellations.

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King Sŏnjo (Sŏnjo Sillok 宣祖實錄). This celestial woodblock chart was first presented and specially exhibited for Korean and Japanese scholars by Tenri University at the second Korea-Japan History of Science Seminar, held in Japan in 1983. When I saw the woodblock chart, I intuitively felt that it was one of the 120 copies of Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern, which were printed in the period of King Sŏnjo. Although it is unclear whether the copy was brought to Japan by Chosŏn envoys or taken during the 1592 Japanese invasion of Chosŏn, this copy is said to be among the cultural items brought over to Japan during this period. After 20 years of researching the history of science in Korea, I was overwhelmed when I first laid eyes on the woodblock that I had sought for so long. The woodblock print of Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern in the collection of Tenri University is magnificent. Both its print quality and state of preservation are good. The character style and size of the woodblock are the same as those of the stele engraved during the King Sukchong period. Clearly, the Sukchong period stone chart was based on this woodblock print. The astronomical chart was intricately engraved into a slab of white marble measuring 109 × 208 cm and 30 cm thick. Engraving 1,467 stars and 2,933 characters into the stone without a single error must have been highly challenging work. The characters are believed to have been modeled on the calligraphy of Sŏl Kŏng-su, the famous T’aejo period calligrapher. The powerful beauty of this celestial carving reveals the high academic level and aesthetic discernment of the Chosŏn scholars. The Bureau of Astronomy issued numerous rubbings after the inscription of the stone was completed. This astronomical chart, now exhibited in the King Sejong Memorial Hall, is in very good condition. This T’aejo period astronomical chart now bears the designation of National Treasure Number 837. Many printings and transcriptions were made of Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern. These

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were used for the study of astronomy. There were numerous transcriptions, from meticulous and beautiful ones thought to have been done by the painters of the Chosŏn Office of Painting to those focusing on representations of the constellations, which were used in textbooks for the official astronomers of the Bureau of Astronomy, as well as by the local academy (sŏwŏn 書院). Although not of the highest quality, they still bear witness to the enthusiasm for and devotion to learning and astronomical research in Chosŏn. Chart of Astronomical Regions They Govern (天文分野之圖) by representative astronomer Sibugaya Harumi, and bearing a name similar to that of the Korean chart, was introduced to Japan in the 17th century, becoming the basis for the production of Japanese astronomical charts during the Edo era. Printed copies of many Japanese astronomical charts were all derived from Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern (Ch’ŏnsang punyajido 天像分野之圖). Western astronomical charts were introduced to Chosŏn in the 18th century. As a result, Chosŏn scholars produced a reproduction of Adam Schall von Bell’s (1591–1666) General Map of the Stars in both the northern and southern hemispheres on ecliptic coordinates (Chidao nanbei zongxingtu 赤道南北總星圖) in 1708. This chart depicts 1,812 stars. Among the astronomical charts produced in Chosŏn influenced by Western astronomy was the Korean version of the star catalogue. The Grand Star Catalogue (Daxingbiao 大星表), made in 1723 by Ignatius Kögler in China, was a masterpiece portraying 3,083 stars. Several color copies of his astronomical chart were magnificently reproduced by the Chosŏn Bureau of Astronomy. With the exception of one chart remaining at Pŏpchusa Temple, all of these works have made their way out of Korea. One Chosŏn astronomical chart prepared according to Western astronomical charts was Complete Map of the Celestial Sphere (渾天全圖), which was printed by woodblock in the 18th century. This distinctive star chart depicts 336 constellations and 1,449 stars, depicting a telescopic observation of the sun, moon and 5 other planets. Saturn is shown with five satellites and Jupiter with four. Also, the size of each planet is compared, and the distance of each planet from the earth is recorded. Furthermore, the chart accurately diagrams the principles of both solar and lunar eclipses, and depicts the cosmic systems of Ptolemy and Tycho Brahe. This astronomical chart shows that Chosŏn scholars capably assimilated Western astronomy into the Chosŏn tradition of astronomical knowledge. A woodblock was carved and prints of this map were made for educational purposes.

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Should the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae be Considered an Observatory? Elegant and stable, a bottle-shaped stone structure stands northeast of Half-moon Fortress (Banwolseung 半月城) in Kyŏngju (慶州). Widely known as the oldest extant observatory in East Asia, the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was reportedly built by the Paekche mason, Abiji (阿非知), in 647, the 16th year of the reign of Queen Sŏndŏk (善德 女王, r. 632–647) of Silla. After a wave of Han (漢) dynasty culture swept into the Korean peninsula, Chinese astronomy was continually transplanted into Koguryŏ, Paekche and Silla. As these three polities were agrarian-based, they had an extraordinary interest in astronomical and meteorological change and made constant efforts to conduct accurate observations. Furthermore, the study of astronomy was directly linked to Chinese political ideology, which advocated ‘the politics of heaven’, thus it held significant astrological meaning as well. An accurate calendar was essential for farming. The heavens were believed to reveal their providence to kings and kingdoms through astronomical phenomena — astronomy was thus regarded as the science of monarchs. Ch’ŏmsŏngdae, 632–646, overall height 9.5 m, Kyŏngju City. Astronomy developed as the most important of the sciences from very early in Korean history. Korean astronomy took root first in Koguryŏ and Paekche, and later in Silla, as a type of Chinese astronomy. Korean scientists first succeeded in inventing a sundial for measuring time during the day, then, shortly afterwards, a water clock for measuring time during the night. A fragment of a disk-shaped granite sundial, now in the collection of the Kyŏngju Museum, is estimated to have belonged to a Silla period sundial, but the exact year in which such instruments began to be produced remains unknown. History of the Three Kingdoms relates that work started on a water clock in the Silla period, specifically in June 718, but this view is generally dismissed as unreliable. The sundial was probably invented around the first century in Koguryŏ and was soon followed by that of the water clock. Astrological observatories would have followed shortly after. A group of Paekche astronomers went to Japan in 675, built an observatory named the Senseidai (占星臺) and assisted with

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astrological observation. Thus it clearly follows that, prior to this date, Paekche would already have built its own observatory and made its own observations. Paekche also influenced the astronomy of Silla, which resulted in the erection of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. The Ch’ŏmsŏngdae has long been regarded as an intellectual legacy representing the Korean people. It is the oldest observatory in East Asia. However, it was only through a report written in 1910 by Japanese astronomer Wada Yuji, who had been residing in Korea since the end of the Chosŏn dynasty, that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae came to be known to the public. Wada assessed the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae as the oldest extant observatory in East Asia. Later, in 1944, the Korean scholar, Hong I-sŏp (洪以燮, 1914–1974), assimilated most of Wada’s views and demonstrated a high regard for the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae as an observatory in his book History of Korean Science (朝鮮科學史). Like Wada, Hong also conjectured that some sort of observational equipment had been installed on top of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. However, most of the Korean scholars who followed merely cited and repeated his praise of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae without actually conducting any additional scholarly research or fieldwork — that is, until December 1962, when Hong Sa-jun (洪思俊), Director of the Kyŏngju Museum at the time, carried out an actual survey of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. Hong’s crew persevered in severe cold weather and produced a published report that included a layout diagram, an elevational diagram, a crosssectional diagram, two diagrams of the base, seven diagrams covering each level typology, various types of detailed drawings, one specific diagram of the middle levels and a development diagram. Their report reads as follows: The number of stones from the lower floor to the 27th tier totals 362 stones. There are 8 foundation stones, 12 base stones, 2 upper well-shaped (jing 井) stones in 2 tiers, 8 mid-level, well-shaped stones (rows 25, 26; and 19, 20), 2 side post stones in the opening facing south, 1 slab stone in the 27 th tier. Standing 30.06 Korean feet (chŏk 尺) or 9.108 m high, the bottle-shaped structure is wide at the base and narrows toward the top. The diameter at the bottom is 16.3 chŏk or 4.98 m and the diameter of the top, 9.4 chŏk or 2.85 m. About 13.7 chŏk vertically away from the foundation stones is an opening, which faces due south. Looking into the interior, the first 12 levels, that is, up to the level where there is an opening, are filled in with dirt. Above that level, the column is hollow. The 19th level has 2 parallel long, large stones. The 20th level also has 2 parallel pairs of long, large stones, but the stone ends do not protrude through to the outside. Two pairs of well-shaped stones on the 25th and 26th levels are laid out perpendicular to be mutually supported. A semi-circle shelf stone measuring 1.56 m long by 0.6 m wide by about 24 cm thick is located at the center within the 27th level. Across from this semi-circle shelf stone is the spot said to have

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held the semi-circle plank. The well-shaped stones on top comprised 2 pairs of parallel stones laid out in a square with the corners fitted and crossed.

An experimental exhibit displaying possible ladder locations and recreating scenes of observers ascending the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. Silla Arts and Science Museum.

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Then the academic circles fell silent once again. In October 1964, I endeavored to conduct a new investigation into the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae with the paper “Astronomical Implements of the Three Kingdoms and United Silla Period”, which was submitted to Journal of the Ancient Civilization (Komunhwa 古文化), issued by the Collegiate Museum Association. This paper differed from the generally accepted views at that time, such as those of Professor Wada Yuji, which maintained that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was a wooden framed structure that functioned as an opendome type observatory supporting an armillary sphere. I first questioned the widely accepted view on the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae due to the contrast between its sleek exterior and its extremely coarse interior. According to commentary on the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae in ancient literature, in the 16th year of Queen Sŏndŏk, masons trimmed the stones and raised the column, which stood 19 chŏk high with a square top and a round base. People climbed to the top through the hollow and observed the heavens. The record is problematic because although the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is stable and elegant and exhibits a well-cut, smooth stone exterior, its interior reveals coarse natural stones left un-faced, which would have made it extremely inconvenient to climb up and down and also too rough for observers to conduct observational activities from the interior. Some assert that a ladder was hung under the southward-facing window and that Silla astronomers would have reached this window by the ladder and climbed up from there. However, observers would have had to make this ascent and descent several times a day, which begs the question: would they have left the interior in such an inconvenient state for daily observations? Accordingly, there arises the possibility that the Silla astronomers did not engage in observational activities inside the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae or that, as Wada Yuji asserts, a wooden structure was built on top. To date, no vestige indicating that a wooden structure might have been installed on top of the well-shaped stones has been discovered, nor has a clear, convincing reason why a wooden structure would have had to be fitted there been furnished. In addition, how was the armillary sphere installed? Perhaps a careful inspection of the well-shaped stones may yield a clue. The square area of the well-shaped stones (across which a plank would be placed for observers to stand) measures about 3.03 m2, which is spacious enough for one or two

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The interior of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. The interior from the point of view of the southward-facing window, revealing well-shaped stones and, at the top, the flat semi-circle shelf stone. Photograph by Kim Sŏng-su, October 22, 1980.

people to make observations. The problem arises with the assumption that a large wooden plank was placed across the well-shaped stones and an armillary sphere was fixed to the plank. This hypothesis would include an exterior ladder by which the observers could reach the platform, making it highly unlikely that an armillary sphere was permanently fixed to the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae for everyday use. Thus it becomes clear that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae must have served not only as an observatory for an armillary sphere but also as something else, such as an open-dome-type observatory. The stone tower yields evidence that the central portion was empty, open to the sky. The markings indicate that a plank would have been placed across the area next to the crescent-shaped stone slab located on the 27th level. An observer probably entered through the southward-facing window, ascended through the interior, flung the board open and lay down on the board to observe the heavens, measure the time and angles of the stars passing the meridian and predict the time of the vernal and autumnal equinoxes as well as the summer and winter solstices. The well-shaped stones on the top level must have been used to fix the observer’s field of vision within a square boundary. Pak Tong-hyŏn relates the above idea as follows: This stone observatory rises high, with a hollow center opening squarely toward the sky. In this manner, it does not differ from any open-dome style

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The view from the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae’s interior through the southwardfacing window. Photograph by Kim Sŏng-su, October 22, 1980.

observatory of the present day. Throughout the dynasties, numerous observers would have put a ladder to the astronomical tower, entered the central stone room just large enough for one person and gazed at the sky through the square open-dome in all four directions. They would have measured the transit time and angles of the stars that predicted the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, summer and winter solstices, and lunar and solar eclipses according to the yearly calendar they had made; and recorded the movements of the sun, moon, and five planets, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, as well as comets and meteors.

This theory, as well, is not entirely unproblematic. Although, at present, the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is packed with earth up to the southward-facing window, this was probably not the case when it was first built. With its top open to the sky for some 1,300 years, earth may have naturally accumulated and filled the structure. If the phrase “The top was square, the bottom round, the height 19 chŏk, and [one could] see through the middle” from Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition is accurate, there would have been no earth in the column. Due to the window, earth could not have accumulated in the upper levels and so only the lower portion of the structure would have been filled in. Does this then mean that the southward opening was installed solely as an entrance for observers?

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Looking down into the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae at the southward-facing window. Photograph by Kim Sŏng-su.

Whether or not the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae included a wooden structure installed internally, one can surmise that the exterior rather than the interior was primary. The Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is situated outside the castle walls in a distant field. It has long been said that observational activities were carried out inside the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. However, as has been noted, its interior was quite coarse and one cannot conclude that it would have been a convenient structure from which to conduct scientific activities, even if the elegant structure and exquisite architectural skill are laudable. Even for an open-dome type observatory, the inconvenience of Ch’ŏmsŏngdae’s interior structure unparalled. Furthermore, Silla technicians capable of constructing elegant buildings out of granite would not have left the interior of an observatory so coarse and inconvenient, unless, that is, it was used only four times a year; namely, at the summer and winter equinoxes and vernal and autumnal solstices. Considering all these points, the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae seems to be inadequate as an observatory from which mainly indoor observations would have been conducted, leading to the conjecture that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae may have served as a gnomon. In other words, Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was a shadow-measuring platform (cejingtai 測景臺), a particular type of observatory by which the astronomer could accurately

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determine the vernal and autumnal solstice points and summer and winter equinox points by measuring the sun’s shadow and calculating the solar altitude. If this were the case, astronomers would have made quarterly observations at night of stars crossing the meridian and then predicted the future solstices and equinox points. In this respect, one must not overlook the fact that the Kyŏngju Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is structurally similar to the Duke of Zhou’s (周公) shadowmeasuring platform (Zhougong cejingtai 周公側景臺), built during the Tang (唐) dynasty in Gaochengzhen (告成鎭, formerly Yangcheng 陽城), southeast of Louyang (洛陽) in China’s Henan (河南) Province. Zhougong’s shadow-measuring platform is a 3.86 m-high observation tower, modeled in the tradition of the Duke of Zhou’s shadow-measuring platform built during the Zhou (周) dynasty. The Duke of Zhou, who served King Wu’s (武王) brother, King Cheng (成王), and was widely respected as a sage, wanted to build an observatory in order to measure the shadow of the sun. His shadow-measuring platform is a tower with square pillars on a trapezoid-shaped stone platform. What draws our attention here is that, were the curved line of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae replaced by a straight line, both towers would be of the same general shape. The Chinese shadow-measuring platform was erected 76 years after the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae, but clearly they were both built during the same time period and for the same purpose. As seen above, for a gnomon, the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae has an interesting shape. Another aspect worthy of attention is the function of the window facing due south. It does not seem likely that this window was only used as a passage for astronomers to enter the tower, as many scholars insist. When the sun crosses the meridian at both the vernal and autumnal solstices, the sun’s rays passing through the window hit the floor at the bottom of the structure. Accordingly, the solstices and equinoxes could easily be established by the angle of incidence of the sunrays passing through the window. All of this evidence seems to be sufficiently compelling to suggest that the earth, which now fills the structure to window height, was absent during the Silla period. A similar example can be found in an ancient temple in Karnak, Egypt, which was built in such a way that the sunlight at sunset during the summer solstice hit each corner of the temple floor. This leads us to believe that it was built to function as an observatory. The Ch’ŏmsŏngdae could also have been a standard from which direction was accurately determined. At a time when the compass had not yet been invented, astronomical methods were the only way to determine direction. In this respect, the well-shaped stones on the observatory’s top tier, the sides of which each pointed to the four main points of the compass, north, east, south and west,

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would have been extremely helpful, and this characteristic would have made it the standard for determining the meridian during the Silla period. According to the aforementioned survey, building stones are still found in the vicinity of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. Some appear to be distributed in a comparatively ordered manner, leading us to conjecture that originally, a considerable number of broad and narrow stones may have been distributed very widely around the observatory, in order to aid astronomers in their measurement of the sun’s shadow. Although the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is thought to have served as a gnomon with a graduated scale and as the standard for determining the meridian for Silla astronomical observations, its role as an observatory cannot be excluded from its main functions. Thus the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae may be considered to be a multipurpose observatory, where activities could be conducted either inside or on top, depending on the nature and purpose of the observation. Its 2.2-m2 top portion seems to have been spacious enough to accommodate several people, and the well-shaped stones, with sides facing north, south, east and west, would have effectively aided the astronomer in determining direction and location. Yu Kyŏng-no (兪景老, 1917–1997) expressed it as such: Considering its structure and that ancient astronomy was very different from modern astronomy, there is no doubt that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was a simple observatory. That is, Silla astronomers would have climbed up from the ground to its central opening by a ladder, and from there up into the well-shaped top portion with the aid of the two ladders, one at each well-shaped, parallel long and large stone. They then would have stepped on the wooden board, which acted as the entry door and floor for the semi-circular shaped western half of the upper level that separated the upper and lower portions of the observatory. In that substantial space, cut off from the lower level, the observer would finally have engaged himself in observational activities of divining the destiny of the kingdom.

A view of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae’s uppermost structure. Photograph by Kim Sŏng-su, October 1980.

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Yu also opines that, as ancient astronomy played the double role of scientific calendrical study and superstitious astrological study, the Kyŏngju Ch’ŏmsŏngdae must have been used for both purposes. Furthermore, he states that the observatories, such as the Star Viewing Platform at Kaesŏng (開城), the Star Gazing Platform (塹星壇) on Mani Mountain and the Celestial Observation Platform (觀天臺) at Seoul, descended from a common form and served the same purpose as the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae: to observe the sky. Thus the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae would have been an observatory. Although Professor Yu’s comments are rather brief, they remain striking as they are issued by a senior professor with an expertise in modern astronomy. Moreover, his background and profound expertise in the philology of ancient Chinese science is uncommon. As such, although his views were never published in the form of a paper, they are nevertheless quite significant.

Structure and Size

Survey ichnography of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. Team leader Hong Sa-jun, working under the auspices of the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, along with Professor Chŏng Myŏng-ho and others, directly surveyed the site in 1962. This overhead view provides a diagram reflecting the ‘round heaven square earth’ (tianyuandifang 天圓地方) theory.

• • •

Let us now consider the structure of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. It is composed of three sections: the foundation, the column and the top portion, which is well-shaped, like the character 井 (jing). The foundation is square and consists of two levels: lower and upper. •

The upper level is 5.18 m wide and 39.5 cm high, constructed of 12 building stones. The lower level is 5.36 m wide and 39.5 cm high, constructed of 8 building stones. Therefore, the foundation as a whole is 79.0 cm high and built using 20 stones. The south side of the rectangular foundation faces 19° east of due south.

The column itself has 27 tiers, is bottle-shaped and 8.05 m in height. •

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The circumferences of the very bottom level, the 14th level and the very top level are 16.0 m, 11.7 m and 9.2 m respectively.

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• •

•

• •

•

Levels 1–12 are each 30 cm high. Each tier consists of 15, 16, 17 or 18 building stones. The interior of these levels is filled with rubble. The window in the center extends through the 13th, 14th and 15th levels, and each side measures about 95 cm. It faces 16° east of due south. The stones below the 12th level are large flagstones and all the levels above the 13th are empty. On both sides of the flagstone on the level below the window, a groove is found, which is thought to have resulted from contact with a ladder. Two pairs of long and large stones, one pair extending to the north and south and the other to the east and west, form a square on the 19th and 20th levels. The ends of both pairs extend through the outer wall. Long, large stones extend in the same fashion on both the 25th and 26th levels. A 179 × 57 × 20 cm flagstone extends to about the middle of the east side of the interior wall of the 27th level, leaving only the west side of the wall open. The flagstone differs in thickness from the outer wall by about 6 cm. In three of the wall stones on the western half of the wall, a groove is found, which, along with the flat stone on the east half, allows a flat board to be situated. The Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is empty from the 13th level through to the 27th, and two ladders could have easily been placed on the long, large stones to ascend and decend the interior of the column. Once through to the 27th level, on the well-shaped upper portion of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae, an observer could shut himself off from the lower levels by blocking the western [half] side of the wall with the wooden board.

The well-shaped upper portion of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is a pavilion-style structure, composed of two tiers. • •

•

The four 306 × 32 × 32 cm stones which cross over each other form the character 井 (jing) on both the upper and lower tiers. The upper portion is turned about 8° to the west from the southern side of the foundation, which seems to have been caused by a mistake made during two recent renovations in the 1980s. A 220 × 220 × 64 cm room is thought to have been created between the well-shaped stones. A wooden plank placed over the western half would have comprised both the floor and the door, which could have been left either open or closed. This space is such that the observer would have had ample room to make observations, whether standing, sitting or lying down.

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The Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was constructed using 365 granite stones. All the exterior surfaces of the foundation, column and well-shaped portion were cut smoothly and fitted together well. The survey report indicates that although the interior surface of the column wall was not cut smoothly, it also reveals areas of frictional wear. Sŏk U-il, Director of the Silla Arts and Science Museum in Kyŏngju, has long been engaged in experimental projects for reconstructing and exhibiting artifacts based on the various theories regarding the structures and principles of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae, as well as a grotto temple. His exhibits are marvelous experiments and have answered many of our questions. Sŏk U-il’s exhibits are fairly self-explanatory. Some are sufficiently clear to allow viewers to arrive at their own judgments. They let us spread our imaginary wings and travel back through time some 1,500 years to consider what kind of observatory the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae might have been.

Conclusion of the Controversy

Map of Heaven and Earth (天地圖), Map Album, five-color transcription. Based on the ‘round heaven square earth’ theory, this map depicting both the heavens and the world is strikingly similar to the survey ground plan of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae.

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Was the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae an observatory? This was one of the most memorable debates in the field of Korean Studies during the 1970s and 1980s. Questioning whether the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae, the brilliant legacy of traditional Korean science and a rare world treasure, should be considered an observatory was shocking. Statements such as “It was a religious altar” or “It was some sort of symbol” appeared as bold claims to many. Unsurprisingly, these statements have elicited some controversy. Never before had an important question relating to the history of science in Korea attracted such widespread attention, especially from the media. Numerous incredible claims, theories and hypotheses appeared in

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rapid succession. Fortunately, although it brought about confusion, this speculation also took a constructive turn. One objective and neat summary of these debates was Professor Song Sangyong’s critique. Dr. Song is a historian of science who made an enormous effort and sacrifice to pave the way for the history of science to take root as a proper subject of study in Korea. His paper is notable for its broad, analytical assessment of the issues related to the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. His views are refreshing since his expertise falls outside the sphere of traditional Korean science. The following is an excerpt from his assessment of the debates on the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae: The Ch’ŏmsŏngdae symposium, organized by the Korean History of Science Society and held at the end of 1973 at Seoul National University, was a turning point in the research on the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. This discussion triggered all of the subsequent hypotheses and heated debates on the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae.

At the society’s monthly meeting in September 1974, Yi Yong-bŏm, working on the history of East Asia, presented his view and engaged in a heated debate with Kim Yong-un. Both Yi and Kim propounded their views with rather aggressive language in their respective papers, Some Doubts about the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae (瞻星臺存疑) and A Short Treatise on the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae (瞻星臺小考). The melee could not be held in check as physicist Nam Ch’ŏn-u belatedly joined the discussion with severe criticism of both Yi and Kim. Kim insisted that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae could not be considered an observatory, as no similar observatory had been found in Paekche, Koguryŏ, China or Japan, nor in the observational records of the Queen Sŏndŏk era in History of the Three Kingdoms. According to him, the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae is a monumental symbol of Silla science and its structure reflects the astronomical knowledge found in Zhoubi suanjing (周脾算經). He asserts that the square top and circular base are related to the philosophy of the principles of yin and yang (陰暘) and that the 366 stones and the 28 levels reflect the number of days in a

Star Observation Platform, circa 1276. This enormous observational platform and gnomon was erected in Yangcheng (陽 城) (present-day Henan 河南) during the Yuan dynasty by the astronomer Kuo Shou-jing (郭守敬, 1231–1316).

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The Koryŏ Ch’ŏmsŏngdae, 13th–14th centuries, granite, 3 × 3 m. An astronomical observation platform of refined yet unassuming beauty. Photograph of the Full Moon Platform (Manwŏltae 滿月臺) provided by the Donga Ilbo newspaper, 1997, Kaesŏng (開城).

year and the 28 constellations respectively. This is, of course, a refinement of Hong Sa-jun’s thoughts. After criticizing Hong Sa-jun, Chŏn Sang-un and Kim Yong-un in turn, Yi Yong-bŏm suggested another way of looking at the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. He felt that it would be more rational to look at the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae from a religious rather than scientific perspective. He likened the shape of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae to that of the Mt. Xumi (Xumishan 須彌山) Observatory, which captures the cosmological view of Buddhism. Both the Star Viewing Platform in P’yŏngyang and the Star Gazing Platform on Ganghwa Island’s Mt Mani, he continues, served as ritual altars (ch’osŏngdae 醮星臺); it is thus possible to conjecture that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was also used for religious services, such as sacrificial rites to the stars, and that some sort of religious symbol would have been placed on the top. Although both Yi and Kim shared the view that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was inappropriate for making actual observations, Nam Ch’ŏn-u rejected Yi’s religious interpretation outright. Nam pointed out the difficulty of clarifying the spiritual

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background of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae, about which essential record is lacking, stating that a scientific investigation of the structure and function of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was necessary. Scientific investigation, he emphasized, verified that there was once an excellent observatory workshop on the top of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. According to Nam, the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae would have been inconvenient and unsuitable as an altar, since its construction style bears no relation to Zhoubi suanjing, and the arbitrary geometric and numeric analysis had been extremely dangerous. Finally, Nam Ch’ŏn-u concluded that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was erected for the purpose of actual astronomical observation and so served a practical purpose as a permanent observatory. He attacked the views of not only Kim Yong-un and Yi Yong-bŏm, but also Wada Yuji, Chŏn Sang-un, Hong Sa-jun, and Pak Hŭng-su and others, without exception. After this polemic swept over and passed on, a symposium reexamining the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was held at the Mt. Sobaek Astronomical Observatory in 1979. In Yi Yong-bŏm’s absence, the participants literally burned the midnight oil arguing about the pros and cons. Among the views expressed, the rejection of the view of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae as a religious altar by Kim Sŏng-gi, Pak Hŭng-su, and Yi Tong-sik was particularly notable. The sympathetic view of a young scholar, Pak Sŏng-rae, toward Yi Yong-bŏm attracted the participants’ attention as well. Pak’s view was that since the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was erected before Chinese astronomy was introduced into the Korean peninsula, it should be considered as a symbolic or monumental structure rather than a practical one, that is, the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was an observatory modeled on that of Mt. Xumi and was, in fact, used as a religious altar where ancient people worshipped the divine star (lingxing 靈星) in accordance with their indigenous beliefs. The third symposium on the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was held over two days following a field investigation of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. A Japanese scholar of the history of astronomy, Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, who happened to be sojourning in the area in which this marathon symposium was being held, participated in the symposium and carefully voiced his support for the view that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was an observatory. The architect, Song Min’-gu, came up with a fairly synthesized view that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae not only functioned as an observatory but also held various other complex meanings. The astronomer Na Il-sŏng tried to establish that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae’s function was sufficient as an observatory. The astronomical historian, Yi Ŭn-sŏng, stated that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae would have been used for the dual purpose of astrological and simple astronomical observation, while the architectural historian, Sin Yŏng-hun, conjectured that the facility was used both

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for astrology and for measuring the passage of time (The Story of the History of Korean Science [Iyagi han’guk kwahaksa], 1984, pp. 76–77). Professor Park Seong-rae sums up his thoughts in Scientific Spirit of Koreans (Han’guginŭi kwahak chŏngsin), written in 1993: It is clear that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was an observatory in a broad sense. There is no need to define it as strictly as we do a modern observatory, which holds observational instruments and is ascended by astronomers to observe the sky. If we grant that, unlike modern astronomy, astronomy of the Three Kingdoms period was intermixed with astrology, there is no reason why the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae cannot be understood as an observatory in this broad sense.

In September 1996, the 9th International Conference on the History of Science in the East was held at Seoul National University. It was a large-scale academic event, in which historians of East Asian science from all over the world participated. The forum was followed by a field survey of the remains in Kongju, Puyŏ and Kyŏngju. Especially impressive was the lively exchange of ideas that occurred in Kyŏngju among the group standing around the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae. Chinese and Japanese experts in the history of astronomy generally agreed that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was an excellent ancient observatory. The model of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae exhibited in the Silla Arts and Science Museum was also praised as impressive. This experimental exhibit made a great contribution to the understanding of the structure and function of the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae, supporting the view presented by a number of scholars that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was wellexecuted to fulfil the function of an ancient observatory. I believe that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae should be considered as an observatory. No determinative data proving that the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae was not an astronomical observatory has appeared, and to claim otherwise would require much further research. Celestial observation platform (kwanch’ŏndae 觀天臺), 15th century, granite, 3.8 × 2.9 × 2.3 m. Located in front of the Hyundai Group building in Seoul, the former location of the Bureau of Astronomy.

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The Kyŏngbokkung Palace Observatory In 1434, the large Equatorial Torquetrum Observation Platform (Taeganŭidae 大簡儀臺) was completed north-

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Celestial observation platform, 17th century, granite, 2.2 × 2.4 × 2.3 m, Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace.

west of the Kyŏnhoeru Pavilion in Kyŏngbokkung Palace. The project had begun two years earlier, with the king’s royal lecture on astronomy. He ordered a great scholar at the time, the deputy director of the Office of Royal Decrees (Yemun’gwan 藝文館), Chŏng In-ji (鄭麟趾, 1396–1478), along with Director Chŏng Ch’o (鄭招, ?–1434), to “research the ancient texts and manufacture observational instruments in order that observations may be conducted.” This large-scale, national project was immediately set in motion. A special committee for executing the project was organized. The collection of data was mainly carried out by Chŏng In-ji and Chŏng Ch’o, while the technical problems regarding the instrument manufacture were mainly dealt with by two great engineers of that time, Yi Ch’ŏn (李蕆, 1376–1451) and Chang Yŏng-sil (蔣英實). It was a large-scale observatory with a stone platform measuring 9.5 m high, 14.4 m long and 9.8 m wide, surrounded by stone railings. The main observational instrument installed on the platform was a large armillary sphere. To the west of the platform was erected a great bronze gnomon, approximately 9.7 m high. Veritable Record of King Sejong describes the historic completion of this praiseworthy and commemorable structure in great detail. An assembly of cutting-edge

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Map of Seoul, color woodblock print, 24.5 × 35 cm, private collection. Kŭnjŏngjŏn Hall, Kyŏnghoeru Pavilion and the Equatorial Torquetrum Observation Platform (簡 儀 臺 ) are depicted inside Kyŏngbokkung Palace. The inclusion of these three structures indicates their importance. The Equatorial Torquetrum Observation Platform, in particular, must have been magnificent.

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technology of the period, it was the 15th century’s largest astronomical observation facility. In order to build the observatory, King Sejong’s scientists first built a wooden armillary sphere and set about exactly measuring the polar altitude of Hanyang (present-day Seoul). They did not employ the observational instruments available at this time, but rather manufactured new instruments for the construction. The results of their measurements, as recorded in Veritable Record of King Sejong, put the altitude at “38° minor”, or 38¼°. Scientists of the King Sejong era used this polar altitude as the standard when constructing all of their astronomical instruments. They first made a bronze

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armillary sphere. This was the central observational apparatus of the Kyŏngbokkung Palace Observational Platform and the standard instrument for astronomical observation during the King Sejong era. According to Veritable Record of King Sejong, it was a magnificent, precise instrument, supported by legs cast in the shape of a dragon. It is said to have been made according to the armillary sphere principles of Guo Shoujing of the Yuan dynasty. However, a close analysis of Veritable Record of King Sejong yields quite different information. It was not a mere imitation of the Chinese armillary sphere but was manufactured using a revised structure, based on the Chinese principles. Explanations regarding the structure of the armillary sphere in Veritable Record of King Sejong and most Chosŏn astronomical texts are virtually identical, to the sentence. Kim Ton (金墩, 1385–1440) describes the small equatorial totquetrum (小簡儀) as follows: By making a supporting base of copper (bronze) and running a groove in it, [the engineers] were able to level the apparatus [using the water in the groove] and set south and north. Three hundred and sixty-five and a quarter graduations are indicated on the side of the equatorial ring and, moving east to west, measure the seven governors (sun, moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, Saturn) and the location in degrees to each constellation. The decimal ring (百刻環) is located within the equatorial ring; 12 hours are graduated into 100°. This is used as a sundial during the day and to establish the culminating star at night. The quaddirectional ring (四遊環) is equipped with a sighting tube (窺衡). By rotating it east to west [by latitude] as well as moving it south to north [by longitude], one may observe the stars. A post is fixed [in the base]. If the three rings are skewered at an incline [by an axis rod], the quad-directional ring is set to the North Pole, the equatorial ring to the middle point being between the two poles. Should the [axis rod] be set upright, the quad-directional ring becomes the vertical and the decimal ring becomes the horizontal (Veritable Record of King Sejong, Volume 77, April 15, the 19th year of King Sejong).

It is uncertain that the armillary sphere manufactured during the reign of King Sejong was Korea’s first. Although the Chosŏn period documents suggest that this may be the case, it is possible that the Koryŏ observational facilities also included an armillary sphere or very similar observational instrumentation. With the exception of the account found in Veritable Record of King Sejong, no other documents or remnants related to Korean armillary spheres remain. However, a Ming period armillary sphere has survived in China. It is believed to have been modeled on Guo Shoujing’s armillary sphere made during the Yuan dynasty. Any reconstruction of a Korean armillary sphere can only be based on

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Painting of the East Palace (東闕圖), 1830, color transcription, overall size 584 × 273 cm and each album leaf 36.5 × 27.3 cm. The observational platform in the center of the illustration is the Ch’anggyŏnggung Observational Platform. This is the sole extant painting of an observational platform. Korea University Museum.

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Detail of the Painting of the East Palace. Three observational instruments are visible in front of the large pavilion. From left to right: sundial dais, armillary sphere, rain gauge and stand. On the far left, the tail of a wind measuring flag can be seen. This Chosŏn period documentary painting is a valuable resource, depicting the installation of observational instruments.

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those of the Ming dynasty. As the Veritable Record only explains the sphere’s basic structure, relying on this written record alone for the actual reconstruction of an armillary sphere presents many difficulties. The first obstacle encountered is with the basic technology. No diagram or partial artifact of the armillary sphere remains, so it is difficult to establish the shape of the connecting parts or bolts linking the many rings. As Chosŏn artisans took the skills used in making those parts for granted, they did not feel the need to explain them, and these parts would have been made according to the technical traditions passed on from artisan to artisan. The method for making rings and bolts would have been passed from Silla artisans to Chosŏn artisans intact, unless there was a special need for something new. Several on-site surveys were conducted in China by the Korean reconstruction team. Detailed photographs were taken and sketches made. Through this process, any problems related to the structure of the armillary sphere, including specific technical issues, were solved. The basic blueprint necessary for the reconstruction was complete. This behind-the-scenes story was not widely known. The point is emphatically included here because even after translating and annotating the Sino-Korean explanation of the structure of the armillary sphere as it appears in Veritable Record of King Sejong, I could not produce a proper reconstruction sketch. Various types of knowledge and translation skills are required: the translation of Sino-Korean explications and an analysis of these terms in the technical and historical context of Eastern astronomy, the engineering knowledge required to solve the detailed technical problems of particular observational instruments and lastly, other technical problems relating to the recognition of the instrument as a scientific treasure. Also, the experiential technical skills of an expert modelmaker are needed in the final stage of the reconstruction. The reconstruction of a scientific treasure is possible only when these difficulties are resolved. This kind of inter-disciplinary project, which involves joint field research and the analysis of the exhibits in various science museums, requires both time and patience. Finally, the structure of the large Equatorial Torquetrum (大簡儀) and the gnomon installed on the large Equatorial Torquetrum Observation Platform in Kyŏngbokkung Palace during the King Sejong era were made apparent to academic communities in the fields of astronomy, astronomy history and national treasures, and the structures of practically all the various astronomical instruments installed there were also revealed. Some examples of these instruments include: a scaphe sundial (仰釜日晷), a horizontal plumb sundial (懸珠日晷), a portable horizontal water-level sundial (天平日晷), an instrument for determining

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time by the sun and stars (日星定時儀), an armillary clock, an automaticallystriking clepsydra (自擊漏) and a jade clepsydra (玉漏). These observations encapsulate the splendor of the Sejong era. On this basis, the Kyŏngbokkung Palace Observatory is now being seen in a new light. The conclusion by science historians that it was the largest observational facility in the 15th century is an objective assessment. Long asserted by post-1930s nationalist historians, the excellence of King Sejong-era science in the context of world history is being reasserted today by contemporary science historians. What draws our attention about this Koryŏ Observatory is the fact that while differing greatly in shape from the Silla Ch’ŏmsŏngdae located in Kyŏngju, it shares the same basic structure with Chosŏn period astronomical observatories. The Celestial Observation Platform of the old Bureau of Astronomy, which still stands in front of the Hyundai Group headquarters, the Celestial Observation Platform in Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace and the Kyŏnghŭigung Celestial Observation Platform (慶熙宮), which was leveled by the Japanese to build Keijo Middle School in the 1920s, are all constructed of stone blocks in the shape of regular hexahedrons. Although the Kyŏngbokkung Equatorial Torquetrum Observation Platform described in Veritable Record of King Sejong is far larger, the platform is encircled by stone railings and is of the same shape. In size as well, the Koryŏ Observatory is similar to Chosŏn period observatories. Just as the Koryŏ Bureau of Astronomy was retained under the same name during the Chosŏn dynasty, observatories may have continued to be constructed in the same style. In the spring of 1997, an exact granite replica of the Koryŏ Celestial Observation Platform was erected in the garden of the Taedŏk National Science Museum. The elegance of this structure exceeded expectations and surprised all. The elegant aesthetic of the Koryŏ people, brought forward some 800 years in time and space, made for a beautiful observatory. Koryŏ astronomers observed numerous astronomical phenomena from this observatory. The intensive observational records found in Astronomical Monograph (Tianwenzhi 天 文志) in History of the Koryŏ Dynasty are impressive. These reveal just how diligent Koryŏ bureaucrat scientists were Painting of the large equatorial torquetrum on the — in both the faithful observation and consistent detailed Equatorial Torquetrum Observation Platform.

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Beijing’s Observatory (觀象臺), 17th century. This enormous astronomical observational platform was erected in the early Qing period to enhance Chinese astrology. It was here that the Christian missionaries cooperated with the Chinese astronomers to install various bronze instruments on the platform, beginning with the creation of an armillary sphere. It is now called the Ancient Observatory (古 觀象臺), Beijing, China. Photograph by Professor Nam Mun-hyŏn.

recording of so many phenomena. Various extraordinary planetary phenomena arising from the advent of solar eclipses and comets were noted; these observational records of celestial changes, especially of sun spots, are highly valued along with those made by Islamic scholars as world-class astronomical observation records. Thirty-four incidents of the observation of sun spots recorded between 1024 and 1383 appear in the “Astronomical Monograph” portion of History of the Koryŏ Dynasty. These are usually described as “black spot[s] in the sun.” One exemplary record is impressively laconic: “There is a black spot in the sun. Its size is that of an egg.” Records made between 1151 and 1278 are the result of commendable observational activities. The observational periodicity of 8 to 20 years is noteworthy, being almost exactly congruent with the modern astronomical 7.3 to 17.1 year average periodicity of the largest sunspot cycles. How did Koryŏ astronomers observe the sun? This long-held question of mine was answered by chance one day in 1960 while I was reading Collected Works of Oju (Ojuyŏnmunjangjŏnsan’go 五洲衍 文長箋散稿), the writings of the late Chosŏn period practical-learning scholar (sirhak) Yi Kyu-gyŏng (李圭景, 1788–?). I discovered that the sun was observed

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Gnomon. A one-tenth scale reproduction of the 8.3 m-high gnomon installed atop the Kyŏngbokkung Palace Equatorial Torquetrum Observational Platform in 1437. Reconstructed by Na Il-sŏng, Yi Yong-sam and others. King Sejong’s tomb in Yŏju.

using a piece of dark cairngorm (morion), or smoky quartz. The reader could well imagine my pleasure at this unexpected find. It would not be an exaggeration to say that such a fortuitous discovery is one of the most pleasant moments for a scholar. We should remember that what remains unknown about the history of Korean science exceeds by far what is known. So much has been lost, and so much remains to be rediscovered. The astronomy of Koryŏ remains, for the most part, unknown, and thus continues to be underestimated. The Astronomical Monograph portion deserves to be reexamined for the valuable document that it is. Astronomical scholars and government officials working in the Koryŏ Observatory continued their work into the Chosŏn dynasty. The Bureau of Astronomy, the astronomical and meteorological government office of Koryŏ, was inherited intact by the Chosŏn dynasty astronomical administrative organ. When moving the capital from Kaesŏng to Seoul, a departmental office for the Bureau of Astronomy was established in the Kwanghwabang (廣化坊) district of northern Seoul. The road stretching from Ch’angdŏkkung Palace to An’guktong, on which Yi Ha-ŭng’s (李昰應, 1820–1898) Unhyŏn’gung Palace (雲峴宮) was located, was

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Large Equatorial Torquetrum, 16th century, built in the 13th century by Yuan scientist, Guo Shou-jing, and reconstructed and installed in its present location during the early Ming period. Photographed by the author, 1994. Purple Mountain Observatory, Nanjing, China.

actually a relatively low ridge, called the Unhyŏn Ridge, or Cloud Ridge, because the Bureau of Astronomy was situated there. In this sense, its name meant “Bureau of Astronomy Ridge.” The Celestial Observation Platform in front of the Hyundai Group Building survives as a reminder of the old Bureau of Astronomy. The area was still a hill as recently as the time when Whimoon Middle and High School was located there. Early in the Chosŏn period, the Bureau of Astronomy at Kwanghwabang erected its Celestial Observation Platform from which astronomical observations could be carried out. Like the Koryŏ Star Viewing Platform, located in Kaesŏng, the Chosŏn Celestial Observation Platform was a cube-shaped stone observatory, yet constructed in a different and distinctive style. Rising rather slender and trim, it is constructed of stone blocks, with railings enclosing the platform. Situated in the most propitious spot on a low hill near Kyŏngbokkung Palace, it commanded a clear view on every side. In this regard as well, the Celestial Observation Platform near Kyŏngbokkung Palace is similar to the Full Moon Platform in Kaesŏng. It was in this observatory where, as part of the important government organ, the Bureau of Astronomy, astronomers and astronomical government officials of

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the Chosŏn dynasty worked around the clock in day and night shifts, assuming responsibility for the celestial observations. They assiduously recorded the results of their observations in detail, according to the observational regulations. When extraordinary phenomena were sighted, these astronomical officials immediately composed and dispatched reports to the Office of the Royal Secretariat, Office of the Special Counselors and Office of the Royal Lectures (Sigangwon 侍講院). Register of Heavenly Portents (Ch’ŏnbyŏndŭngnok 天變謄錄) is a collection of those original observational journals and reports, and was preserved until the end of Chosŏn dynasty in the archives of the Bureau of Astronomy. The circumstances in which these records were scattered and vanished are remembered as sad episodes. They are now known only through very few photographs and a small surviving fragment of the original documents. In 1910 the Japanese astronomer, Wada Yuji, retrieved a portion of the remaining observational records, which had been piled up like a heap of refuse in the storage room of the Bureau of Astronomy located in Kyŏngbokkung Palace. There, he discovered a report, which he delineated as “a peerless treasure in the history of world astronomy” describing over almost 100 pages a large comet that appeared over a three-month period in 1669. The report included sketches of the comet’s movement relative to the constellations and the name and responsibility of each observer. It recorded events over a threemonth period without missing a single day, forming an observational record of a comet found only in Korea. Swept away during the Korean War, which began on June 25, 1950, only a few pages of this report now remain in the form of photographs in books. Some years ago, when the BBC broadcast a television program about astronomy, this observational report was treated as a world-class document. Celestial observational platforms were Armillary sphere, 17th century, built in the 13th century by the Yuan scientist, constructed in both Ch’anggyŏnggung and Guo Shou-jing, and reconstructed and installed in its present location during Kyŏnghŭigung Palaces. The Ch’anggyŏngthe early Qing period. Photographed by the author, 1994. Beijing Ancient gung Palace Observatory has survived, Observatory.

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but the Kyŏnghŭigung Palace Observatory fell to Japanese imperialism. The Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace Celestial Observation Platform is depicted in the Painting of the East Palace, which provides a three-dimensional, aerial view of both Ch’angdŏkkung and Ch’anggyŏnggung Palaces. This work by a contemporaneous Chosŏn artist is the sole extant painting that documents ancient Korean observatories. The aforementioned observational instruments that appear in the photographs of this text appear almost comical when depicted artistically. At first glance, the inclined instrument could be an Instrument for Determining Time by the Sun and Stars. However, that celestial observation platform is called an Equatorial Torquetrum Observational Platform in Treatise on the Bureau of Astronomy by the Chosŏn-period astronomer, Sŏng Chu-dŏk (成周悳, 1759–?), thus it seems that an equatorial torquetrum was installed there. As the observational platform in Kyŏngbokkung Palace held a large equatorial torquetrum, it is highly plausible that the smaller astronomical observation platforms erected in royal palaces each held small equatorial torquetrums. These celestial observational platforms continued to function actively as astronomical observatories under the Bureau of Astronomy until the end of the Chosŏn period. Unfortunately, both the originals and copies of the observational data stored in these observatories have disappeared; however, this information remains faithfully organized in Chosŏn dynasty official documents such as Veritable Records of the Chosŏn Observational report from the Bureau of Astronomy of Dynasty (Chosŏnwangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄), Diary of the a variation of the stars (Sŏngbyŏnchŭkhudanja 星變測候 Royal Secretariat (Sŭngjŏngwŏn ilgi 承政院日記) and Com單子), Chosŏn period. One of the pages preserved from prehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition. the Register of Heavenly Portents, this report records a These documents not only have high historiographical value large comet on the night of March 13, 1759 (Yŏngjo 35), as continuous 500-year observational records of a state agency, a world-class record of Halley’s Comet. but also as observational data relating to the history of world astronomy. Should these documents be closely analyzed and then comprehensively synthesized with those of modern astronomy, a variety of new discoveries could be made. We should appreciate the assiduous research of astronomers such as Professors Na Il-sŏng, Yi Yong-sam and Pak Ch’ang-bŏm. Their research requires our active support.

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Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Ch’ilchŏngsan naepy’ŏn 七政算內篇 七政算內篇): The Advent of King Sejong’s Calendrical System From ancient times, in East Asian states, calendrical methodology (lifa 曆法) has been closely connected to political ideology. Accordingly, calendrical systems became a type of state code or canon. In an age where the meaning of the heavens was thought to be expressed through celestial conditions, a central task for the most powerful state authorities was the proper understanding of heavenly phenomena. Among the numerous celestial phenomena, known regularities were systematized into calendars in which all other phenomena would then be included. This is why calendrical methodology was so important. Possessing an accurate, or admirable, calendrical methodology was to possess a precise understanding of the regularity of the celestial phenomena. A state was required to understand and direct its calendrical methodology in order to display its understanding of the heavens and so demonstrate that it was a polity of power. Thus the newly founded Chosŏn dynasty could not help but consider exercising dynastic control over its calendrical methodology. This was a formidable task. Celestial observation and accurate calculation methods needed to be brought up to date, so standard observational instrumentation had to be secured and highly trained astronomers found. In December 1422, an entry in Veritable Record of King Sejong states that the astronomical officials in charge of astronomical calendrical calculation at the Bureau of Astronomy “were not experts in the method of calculation, thus Second Deputy Director of the Office of Royal Decrees (Yemun’gwan 藝文館), Chŏng Hŭm-ji (鄭欽之, 1378–1439), was promoted to Deputy Director” and placed in charge of the project. These government officials, appointed through the national selection exam for bureaucrats specializing in astrological calculation, were lacking in ability and thus officers from the Office of Royal Decrees were put under special employ. An enterprise to foster and educate astronomical officials proficient in the field of calendrical computation was enacted, and the Bureau of Astronomy was able to cultivate an expert in astronomical calendrical calculation who was completely familiar with the Works and Days Calendar (Shoushili 授 時曆), China’s supreme calendrical effort over the dynasties, and who could perform its calculations accurately. An entry in Veritable Record of King Sejong in 1430 (Sejong 12) describes King Sejong’s satisfaction with Chŏng Ch’o and the compilation of a calendar was embarked upon. A highly skilled scholar in the science of calendrical computation had emerged. However, the endeavor to

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cultivate scholars was deeply challenging. Finding a candidate of superior ability among the astronomical officials did not prove an easy task. Those of sufficient ability had been sent abroad to study in China, but results could not be so quickly harvested. In the end, in accord with Chŏng Ch’o’s strong wishes, Chŏng In-ji, one of the best scientists of the period, was assigned the difficult portions of the calendrical calculations and corrections. Their collaborative research advanced smoothly and efficiently, producing tremendous results. In little over a year, the calendrical corrections had made fruitful progression. Veritable Record of King Sejong describes King Sejong’s happiness at the establishment of a precise and complex calendrical system, mastering the Works and Days Calendar. At last the day arrived when the Chosŏn dynasty would finally have its own calendrical system. The intention to establish a calendrical system as an autonomous dynastic state had been befittingly instituted in the process of manifesting state authority. Astronomy and mathematics had finally attained a level in the King Sejong era that made this possible. It is worth noting that the Chosŏn dynasty’s possession of an autonomous calendrical system was a development that was also directly A page from Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions related to its intention toward state autonomy. The calenof the Seven Governors, compiled in 1442 and published in drical system resulting from these efforts was Inner 1444. Kyujanggak Archives, Seoul National University. Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors, a Chosŏn text calculating the movements of the sun, moon and five planets. It may not have been given the sort of name traditionally associated with formal calendrical systems in order to avoid creating unnecessary diplomatic friction, as it otherwise might have been perceived as a challenge to the calendar made under Chinese authority.

What Type of Calendrical System is Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors? Works and Days Calendar was a calendrical system calculated during the Yuan period and was the most accurate of all the traditional Chinese calendars. Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors, based on the

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Sushi calendar, implements the calculations of Work and Days Calendar but was prepared using observational data collected in Seoul, congruent with the latitude of Seoul. According to Sejong Sillok, the polar altitude of Seoul was measured from Samgaksan Mountain (present-day Bukhansan). Its polar altitude, or latitude, was recorded as 38¼°. The measurement becomes 37° 47 minutes 76 seconds when converted to present-day incidence. This was a very precise measurement. Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors includes entries calculating the local times for sunrise and sunset from this polar altitude and the length of the days and nights throughout the year. Hour angles differ according to the latitude from which the calendrical system is produced; thus the latitudes of the Sushi calendar of the Yuan or the calendar of the Ming (Tatongli 大統曆), which were calculated using Beijing as the standard, are not correct from Seoul. This was remedied by Inner Chapters. It adopts the same values as Works and Days Calendar, defining the length of a year as 365.2425 days and a month as 29.530593 days. After mastering the Works and Days Calendar system and performing its calculations perfectly, observational instruments were manufactured, and the measurements made from Seoul were closely compared with those of Works and Days Calendar. The production of such precise observational measurement values made possible the accurate prediction of solar and lunar eclipses. The prediction of days on which solar and lunar eclipses would occur, as well as the accurate calculation of local time, was an absolute necessity for the dynastic authority. Inner Chapters also included a correct grasp of the calculations of the apparent movement of the planets. And yet it was not just a recompilation of Works and Days Calendar to the standard of local Korean measurements. Sejong-period astronomers had developed a complete, accurate knowledge of the underlying theory and principles of Chinese calendrical computational systems. They were capable of accurately calculating the complex movements of the seven governors (sun, moon and five traditional planets), the basis of the local calendars. Employing these calculations as the fundamentals of the Korean calendrical system, they compiled the theories and computational values of the seven governors into the calculations of their motions. Completed in the 24th year of the reign of King Sejong (1442), this calendrical system was compiled by Chŏng Hŭm-ji, Chŏng Ch’o and Chŏng In-ji and edited by Yi Sun-ji and Kim Tam (金淡, 1416–1464) over only a ten-year period. Comprising three volumes, the numerical values used to calculate the celestial movement, along with a brief description of the history of compiling the calculations,

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are inscribed on the cover of the first volume. The length of the sidereal year is converted to 3,652,574 minutes, based on a day unit of 10,000 minutes, which equals to 365° 25 minutes 75 seconds. The tropical year (sesil 歲實) is 3,652,425 minutes, which is converted in time to 365 days 2,425 minutes (seju 歲周). A Synodic month (saksil 朔實) is 295,305 minutes 93 seconds, which is converted in time to 29 days 5,305 minutes 93 seconds (saksil 朔實). The chapters are distributed as follows: Chapter 1: The Calendrical Days; Chapter 2: The Sun; Chapter 3: The Moon; Chapter 4: The Culminating Stars; Chapter 5: Eclipses; Chapter 6: The Five Planets; and Chapter 7: Four Extra Objects. An appendix contains the daily times for sunrise and sunset as well as a table showing the lengths of the days and nights, all standardized at Seoul. In addition, each chapter is annotated with various types of numeration tables as necessary. Much of the calendrical treatise includes detailed information about the computations of the movement of the five traditional planets. Thus, Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors may be regarded as a type of ephemeris. Along with Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors, astronomers of the King Sejong period also compiled Outer Chapters of A page from Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors Seven Governors showing the sidereal and tropical year. (Ch’ilchŏngsan Woepy’ŏn 七政算外篇), which was intended to be the Chosŏn edition of the Islamic calendrical system assembled by Yuan astronomers in the Islamic Calendar (Huihuili 回回曆). Even during the Yuan period, traditional Chinese calendrical methodology was undergoing considerable revision: concurrent with the compilation of Works and Days Calendar, the Islamic calendar, compiled using Almagest (the Arabic translation of Ptolemy’s Syntaxis), had been introduced and edited into the Huihuili. Yet, compared to the Huihuili, Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors is a far more competent work, in terms of both its content and system. It is regarded as the paramount work on Islamic astronomical calendrical methodology written in classical Chinese. King Sejong’s astronomers did not make reference

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to the Huihuili when naming Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors; they named the book based on what it did, that is, calculate the movements of the sun, moon and five planets. Inner and Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governor are also included in Veritable Record of King Sejong. However, there has been almost no research on these texts since fundamental research was completed by 1973. The annotated translation from classical Chinese to Korean came to fruition through the efforts of the collaborative research team of Yi Ŭn-sŏng and Hyŏn Chŏng-jun, led by Professor Yu Kyŏng-no. This research is highly valued as the greatest contribution to the history of Korean astronomy and philology of Korean science to date. Yi Ŭn-hŭi’s 1996 Yonsei University doctoral dissertation also addressed Inner and Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors, the importance of which continues to be verified by both scientists and academics.

Sundials The Kyŏngju National Museum holds a semi-circular A page from Handbook of Eclipses (Kyosikt’onggwe 交食通軌), relic with a 33.4 cm radius, measuring 16.8 cm at its 15th century, metal movable type print. An astronomical treatise widest point. Said to have been found in 1930 beneath calculating solar and lunar eclipses written by Yi Sun-ji. a wall of the Kyŏngju Wŏlsŏng fortress, it is thought to be part of a sundial made during the 6th or 7th century, during the Silla period. The remaining portion spans the hours between midnight and around 5 a.m. We can reconstruct the following. The circle was divided into 24 equal parts, so there are 24 hourly divisions corresponding to the 24 directions. Surrounding these are eight trigrams (from the Book of Changes), representing the eight cardinal directions. A rod acting as a time indicator was fixed in the center, mounted perpendicular to the surface, indicating the hour divisions in order to cast a shadow from the center, which would have indicated the time angle. The indicating surface would not have been leveled horizontally but set parallel to the equatorial plane. Thus, the time indicator, fixed perpendicularly to the indicating surface, the gnomon, would have pointed toward the North Pole.

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Its manufacture may have been influenced by traditional Chinese sundials appearing between the Han and Yuan periods, to which it is similar. Governmental posts with official titles such as Ilcha (日者) and Ilgwan (日官), from Koguryŏ and Paekche historical documents respectively, are thought to have been given to the officials charged with time measurement; these officials would have dealt with both gnomons and sundials. Sundials came into use on the Korean peninsula from about two millennia ago. This same style of sundial was inherited by successive Korean polities, passing from Unified Silla to Koryŏ and then to Chosŏn.

Sundials of the King Sejong Era Sundials were widely employed in Korea, possibly more so than in other countries, due to the abundance of clear weather and fine sunshine. Numerous sundials would have been manufactured starting from the Three Kingdoms period; unfortunately, the only extant pre-Chosŏn sundial relic is the fragment held by the Kyŏngju Silla Arts and Science Remnant of a Silla sundial, (6th–7th century), granite, radius 33.4 cm. The extant portion of Museum. No record of sundial manufacture predating the Chosŏn pethis flat, circular sundial spans the hours of riod survives. midnight to about 5 a.m. Kyŏngju National Sundials are first mentioned in Veritable Record of King Sejong, Museum. where the names of several new styles of sundial appear. These include: the scaphe sundial, the portable horizontal water-leveling sundial, the gnomon with a graduated scale and the instrument for determining time by the sun and stars. These very precise sundials were distinctive creative instruments produced by scientists of the King Sejong era. Remaining examples made in later years of the scaphe sundial and the instrument for determining time by the sun and reveal exquisitely dexterous workmanship. These Sejong-era sundials display a high degree of scientific creativity. The entries on sundials in Veritable Record of King Sejong are quite detailed, allowing their precise reconstruction even today. Bearing some 500 years of tradition, the scaphe sundial is especially noteworthy as the representative sundial of the Chosŏn period. It enjoyed wide usage in palaces, government offices and private gentry (Yangban) residences. The Chosŏn literati appreciated this model for its pleasing shape, easy-to-see graduations and accuracy. Sundials can be divided into two main types: those with a base, allowing their fixed installation in a garden or elsewhere, and those that were portable,

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allowing one to check the time at will. The bases were often carved of stone or poured in bronze, although a fair number were made of porcelain. Scaphe sundials, as the name ‘cauldron’ (angbu 仰釜) suggests, are hemispherical in shape, like a kettle looking up to the sky. This sundial is also sometimes known by a nickname given to it by professors Yi Ŭn-sŏng and Yu Kyŏng-no: the concave sundial. The concave sundial has some interesting features, beginning with its shape and style. Normally, sundials merely display indications of the time, onto which the gnomon casts a shadow. The indicating surface is flat and Restoration of a Silla sundial, diameter 67 cm. Restored and on display at the Silla Arts and Science Museum. oriented toward the reception of one line radiating out from the center. The concave sundial, however, has a rather complicated surface; it bears inscriptions marking not only the time but the seasons. The bowl is inscribed with 13 parallel lines of latitude, distributed in such a way as to section off the 24 fortnightly periods occurring between the winter and summer solstices. When the altitude of the sun is at its lowest during the winter solstice, the sun’s shadow is at its longest. Accordingly, when the sun is at its highest altitude during the summer solstice, the shadow is at its shortest. Thus, the tip of the shadow cast by the gnomon functions as the season indicator. Perpendicular to these latitudinal lines indicating the seasons run meridian lines marking the time. With the meridians and latitudes distributed evenly, the indicating surface looks like a partitioned board of the game Go. The time markers span from morning sunrise to evening sunset, equivalent approximately to 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., from the hare (卯) to the cock (酉). Each The decimal ring, indicating time, from an instrument for determining time ‘double-hour’ is bisected into ‘early’ (初) and by the sun and stars, bronze. Private Collection. This relic and another similar one are preserved along with their stands at King Sejong Memorial Hall. ‘middle’ (正), each of which is quartered,

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resulting in a total of 8 divisions for each double-hour, the equivalent of quarter hours (15 minutes) in contemporary time units. Let us take, for example, the hour of the horse (午 時), corresponding to the middle of the day. As the shadow cast by the gnomon passes from the snake (巳 時) to the horse, the time becomes ‘early horse’ (午初). Then, progressing through the four quarters, we arrive at 午初 1 kak (刻), then 2 kak · 3 kak · 4 kak, before coming to ‘middle horse’ (午正) and progressing through its four divisions, beginning with middle horse 1 kak (午 正 1 刻). This brings us to the first kak of the hour of the sheep (未). Thus, we can say that the people of Chosŏn measured time in their daily lives by the equivalent of 15-minute time intervals. Of course, astronomical observation would have involved a far more precise time measurement, down to minutes and seconds. Some original sundials produced during the Sejong era remain. There are extant examples of both the instrument for determining time by the sun and stars and the horizontal plumb sundial. A small portable version of an instrument for determining is preserved in the King Sejong Memorial Hall. An extremely precise instrument, it may be employed as a sundial during the day and a star clock by night. For simplicity, Professor Na Il-sŏng has named this instrument a star clock. The Instrument for determining time by the sun and stars. Profesteam of Professor Na and Yi Yong-sam succeeded in sors Nam Mun-hyŏn and Yi Yong-sam reconstructed this reconstructing a star clock based on descriptions of them instrument, which was first manufactured in 1437. The 100in Veritable Record of King Sejong. division ring indicating the hours is 42 cm in diameter. Refer to Color Plate Number 6. Photograph Nam Mun-hyŏn. A team at the Needham Research Institute also completed a sketch of the instrument for determining time by the sun and stars based on Veritable Record of King Sejong, which was highly regarded for its accurate textual exposition. Sejong era scholars must have thought very highly of this magnificent observational instrument to include its description for posterity in Veritable Record of King Sejong. The instrument for determining time by the sun and stars comprised three indicating rings: one ring installed parallel to the equatorial plane and measuring 2 ch’ŏk (尺, 1 ch’ŏk = 303 mm) in diameter, on which the sidereal year is expressed

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in degrees, another engraved with decimal time divisions for the sundial, and another engraved with decimal time divisions for the star clock. Accordingly, it was called an “instrument for determining the time by night and day.” Kuo Shou-ching’s instrument for determining the time by night and day (xinggui dingshiyi 星晷定時儀) had been metamorphosed into a new instrument that is capable of measuring the time during both day and night. In order to level the apparatus, the base included a water groove and reservoir, while, in order to confirm that the main post of the apparatus was vertically aligned, it was fitted with a beaded plumb line so that the indicating rings could be accurately set. Ornamented with dragons and clouds, the instrument for determining time by the sun and stars, installed in Kyŏngbokkung Palace for usage by the Royal Court, was extremely grand. Instruments ornamented with dragons symbolized the majesty of the king. Four were made in all: one was installed in the Gyeonbokgung Palace courtyard and another was used in the Bureau of Astronomy, while the remaining two were “to be employed by for use in military facilities in Py’ŏngan and Hamgil Provence.” A horizontal plumb sundial was discovered by coincidence. It was misidentified in Korean Cultural Encyclopedic Dictionary (Minjok munhwa taebakkwasajŏn 民族文化大百科事典) as a Koryŏ period sundial. However, it is actually a Sejongera horizontal plumb sundial. Professor Nam Mun-hyŏn came across the entry by chance and, unable to contain our glee, we ran straight to Haeinsa Temple without drawing a breath. There was no doubt — it was a portable horizontal plumb sundial. Made of bronze, this portable instrument was exquisite and in an excellent state of preservation. We regard this unit as one of a few produced during the Sejong era. To find a 15th-century portable sundial in such excellent condition is unprecedented. Exquisitely crafted with a silver inlay, it is a graceful, refined work. It appears just as described in Chapter 77 of Veritable Record of King Sejong:

Hor izont al plumb sundial (Hyŏnjuilgu 懸 珠 日 晷 ). Time face diameter 7.1 cm, silver inlay on bronze. This might be a copy of the sundial made in 1437. The time plate is the equatorial plane, on which the decimal time scale is inlaid in silver. A well-preserved, high-quality sundial made in the early Chosŏn period. Heinsa Temple (海印寺).

[We] made another portable horizontal plumb sundial. Its base is fourcornered, measuring 6 ch’on (寸) and 3 pun (分) in length. The northern end of the base holds the post and, in the southern end, we bore a water

Scaphe sundial, late Chosŏn period, bronze, indicating surface 24.1cm diameter. A representative scaphe sundial relic of the Chosŏn period. Perfectly preserved, its beautiful design and dexterous workmanship are evident. Royal Palace Museum.

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reservoir. On the north portion of the base, we inscribed a cross and then hung a plumb line from the head of the post in order to facilitate spontaneous leveling even without looking at the water level. We inscribed the 100-degree units on a small disc measuring 3 ch’o (秒) 2 pun. We installed the post [for the disc] at an angle. We ran a single thin thread through a hole in the center of the circle, tying it to the top of the post. By looking at the shadow cast by the string, one can tell the time.

This is the extent of the description for the portable horizontal plumb sundial. Anyone reading this plain description could draft the basic structure and shape of a portable horizontal plumb sundial. Let us outline its structure. The face of the sundial sits atop a rectangular base. The base is about 13.2 cm, and the face of the dial about 6.7 cm. As there are 100 kak in a day, 100 divisions for the 12 hours are carved into the face of the Scaphe sundial, late Chosŏn period, indicating surface sundial. There is also an explanation of the time indicator. A 22.4 cm diameter. This magnificent celadon sundial post is fixed at the northern end of the base of the instrument looks as it must have been created during the Chosŏn and a thin thread runs through it and is tied off on the underperiod. Supported by the tortoise base, the indicating side of the face of the sundial, toward the south. The vertical surface and gnomon remain intact. The meridians and latitudes, marking the time and seasons, as well as the post, the thread and the face of the sundial form the outline of inscribed characters, are identical to the sundial above. a triangular gnomon. The plumb line runs from atop the post Koryŏ Art Museum of Japan. and is aligned directly over the cross when the base is leveled. This method allows for the simple alignment of the gnomon on a portable sundial. This is why it was named a horizontal plumb sundial. Without doubt, it is the plainest, most accurate design for a portable sundial. The instrument would have been pointed northward with the aid of a compass.

Making Seoul Latitude the Standard King Sejong encouraged the use of scaphe sundials by the common people, those who did not know how to read or write. Thus, two scaphe sundials substituting pictures of animals traditionally correlated with each of the 12 hours for Sino-Korean characters were produced. One was installed on Hyejŏnggyo (惠政橋) bridge; the other in the commercial district north of the Royal Shrine (Chongmyo 宗廟). When these concave sundials were destroyed during the Hideyoshi invasion of Korea in 1592, it seemed that the concave sundial had met its demise. However,

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scaphe sundials were produced once again as new astronomical development commenced at the end of the 17th century, during the reigns of King Hyŏngjong (r. 1659–1674) and King Sukchong (肅宗, r. 1674– 1720). The usage of these sundials differed from those during the King Sejong era. Installed in royal palaces and the houses of the nobility, they were magnificently crafted in bronze, with the characters and indicating lines inlayed in silver, and, to add additional flair, with gnomons shaped like flames. Perched on four legs cut in the shape of dragons, these were elegant, refined works of art. The concave sundial had now become the representative sundial of Chosŏn, unifying the flow of Chosŏn-style sundials. These sundials were installed on stone daises, which were handsomely engraved and provided balance. It was rare for sundials to be installed on public streets or in the gardens of private houses in Japan or China. This is yet another trend delineating the creativity of the Chosŏn people and their scientific culture from that of other countries. Sundials that employed the Seoul (Hanyang 漢陽) latitude as the standard were then manufactured. Prior to the King Sukchong era, the polar altitude of Seoul, 37° 20 minutes, had been used, and from that era on, that of Seoul, 37° 39 minutes 15 seconds, was inscribed as the standard. Portable versions of the scaphe sundial were produced as well. About the size of a matchbox, these were quite beautiful. A compass was installed in the unit, allowing for convenient alignment. Now, a person could know both the time and direction at their convenience while traveling. The portable sundials made by Kang Yun (姜潤) and Kang Kŏn (姜健) in the late 19th century are exceedingly handsome. Delicately crafted of stone or ivory, these sundials are highly regarded for their artistic value. These portable scaphe sundials were often carried in the sleeves of scholars who would stop while on a stroll to appreciate the passage of time.

Portable jade scaphe sundial, 1871, made by Kang Kŏn (姜健), 3.3 × 5.6 × 1.6 cm, National Treasure Number 852. An exquisitely made and beautifully carved work. The underside is inscribed with the date of manufacture and the craftsman’s name and seal.

The Reception of Western Sundials After the 16th century, as contact with the Jesuit missionaries who had been active in China increased, the influence of

Portable ivory scaphe sundial, late Chosŏn period. A handsome, delicately crafted portable sundial, small enough to fit into one’s palm.

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Scaphe sundial, 17th century, diameter 35.2 cm, bronze with silver inlay, National Treasure Number 845. The representative Chosŏn period scaphe sundial relic. Royal Palace Museum.

New-model horizontal black marble sundial (Sinbŏp chip’yŏngilgu 新法地平日晷), 1713–1730. A horizontal sundial based on Western astronomy, modeled after that made by Li Tianjing (李天經, 1579– 1659) in 1636. Tŏksugung Royal Palace Museum.

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Western sundial designs extended into Chosŏn. In this sense, the new-model horizontal sundial, which was introduced into Chosŏn in 1636, is a particularly important relic. It was made by Li Tianjing of the Ming dynasty in accord with Adam Schall von Bell’s (1591–1666) Western Calendar (Shixianli 時憲曆). Structurally, the new-model horizontal sundial is essentially a flat version of the scaphe sundial with its meridians and latitudes spread out onto the flat surface. In the 18th century, the Bureau of Astronomy made a new-model horizontal sundial measuring 58.9 × 38.2 cm and put it to practical use. Another remaining portable horizontal sundial measuring 16.8 × 12.4 cm and made of brass reveals that western sundials had taken root in Chosŏn. The sundial made by Kang Yun in 1881 is a Chosŏn edition of a western sundial. Even a brief glance shows this Chosŏn sundial to be of western heritage. This model is particularly interesting as it illustrates the amalgamation of two sundials from different cultures. The particularities begin with the design of its time markings. The hours of the day are distributed in a semi-circle, with indications for the early and middle inscribed at every division and a triangular gnomon. A circle showing the 24 directions appears at the southern end of the gnomon, while the polar altitude of Seoul, 37° 39 minutes 15 seconds, is inscribed in seal characters (北極三十七度三十九分一十五秒) across the northern end of the base. Kang Yun’s sundial demonstrates a percolation of western ancient and medieval traditional sundials into the Chosŏn sundial tradition. The Chosŏn practice of placing sundials on daises continued with this model, and many portable versions were manufactured as well. Chosŏn and western sundials coexisted during the latter Chosŏn period.

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Recently, a sundial from the late Chosŏn period surfaced, bearing the Arabic numerals used by Western sundials. This is one of the sundials in front of the Sŏkchojŏn building in Tŏksugung Palace. A similar portable model was also found. While the quality is clearly inferior, the fact that it was a mass-produced model, distributed inexpensively to the public, is quite encouraging.

Sundials Today Koreans have been producing sundials in great variety and number since antiquity. Until the end of the Chosŏn dynasty, this remained an unbroken tradition. Few other cultures have made sundials and used them to measure time over such a long period. Yet today it is hard to find manifestations of this long-held tradition in Korea, while in the West, sundials remain cherished, as demonstrated by their installation in various public places. Efforts to revive this excellent Korean tradition are now quietly underway, driven by scholars with an interest in the Korea Research Institute of Standards and Science, who are involved in the preservation of cultural assets, and by individuals who value the scientific tradition. There has been a movement to install sundials at the entrances of selected parks and educational facilities. Additionally, the first restoration of a south-directed sundial (Chŏngnam ilgu 定南日晷) of the Sejong era, made by the Korea Research Institute of Standards and Science, is also welcomed and laudable. The endeavor to restore sundials from the Sejong period is now well under way. The project was launched in 1994 by a team of researchers interested in re-illuminating and reconstructing scientific cultural assets. Professors Chŏn Sang-un, Na Il-sŏng, Pak Sŏng-rae, Nam Mun-hyŏn and Yi Yong-sam scoured Veritable Record of King Sejong once again — no easy task at the time, although it has since been transferred to CD-rom, making this sort of research much easier. They submitted two intermediary reports, including

Scaphe sundial installed in the Tŏksugung Royal Palace Museum. A reconstructed scaphe sundial set on an original, late Chosŏn period granite sundial dais. Young couples often have their photographs taken in front of this sundial on weekends.

New model horizontal sundial, 1881, made by Kang Yun, 41 × 33.7 cm. Influenced by Arab and western sundial designs, this Chosŏn sundial features a triangular gnomon on a flat indicating surface. Royal Palace Museum and the Korea University Museum.

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Flat sundial, dial diameter 10 cm. Left: A modest Koryŏ-period sundial in the tradition of the Silla sundial at the Kyŏngju Museum. Right: Portable sundial of the Chosŏn period. A simple sundial for the public with a gnomon that marks time within a half-hour margin of error. Such sundials were widely used from the Three Kingdoms period through to the Chosŏn period.

a series of complete reconstruction diagrams, even completing the reconstruction of a number of instruments such as a gnomon with a graduated scale and an instrument for determining time by the sun and stars. The gnomon with a graduated scale, supervised by Professor Na Il-sŏng, is installed in King Sejong’s tomb at Yŏju. The instrument for determining time by the sun and stars, supervised by Professor Yi Yong-sam, spawned a symposium to inspect and assess that experimental unit. An equatorial torquetrum was also produced. This ambitious research enterprise was aimed at the reconstruction of the Kyŏngbokkung Palace equatorial torquetrum platform. There is no telling how long these projects will continue to find funding from the government agencies. However, even if these projects take some ten or twenty years to complete, they are nonetheless valuable national projects worth seeing through to completion. Fan ornament sundial (Chosŏn period). Inner diameter roughly 3 cm. Usually attached to the fan of private gentry (Yangban). Simply equipped with compass, magnetic needle and gnomon. On the surface of the case, ten traditional symbols of longevity are sculptured, adding charm to the fan.

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Water Clocks and AutomaticallyStriking Clepsydras In 1434, the Chosŏn Dynasty had just begun to formally employ a new standard state clock. The water clock, called the automaticallystriking clepsydra (chagyŏknu 自擊漏), was installed in the Chiming Clepsydra Pavilion (Porugak 報漏閣) in Ch’angdŏkkung Palace. Quoting from the pavilion inscription, Kim Ton entered this historical fact in Volume 65 of Veritable Record of King Sejong on July 1, 1434. The introductory remarks roughly translate as follows: A new water clock was set in motion today. Western-style flat sundial (late 19th-early 20th century). Bronze. Dial diaAs the old water clock could not accurately meter 49 cm. Installed in front of the fountain in Tŏksugung Palace. Western keep time, the king ordered that a new water 24-hour system and the Arabic numbers inscribed on the surface are rather clock should be made. conspicuous. There are four vessels providing water, both large and small in size. There are two vessels receiving water, which do so in turn. They measure 11 ch’ŏk 2 ch’on in height and 1 ch’ŏk 8 ch’on in diameter. There are two measuring rods in the water. They are scored with graduations for the 12 double hours; in total, there are 100 kak including the markings for 8 quarter hours, the early and middle, and the remainder, in 12 equal divisions. [The clock] checked against an equatorial torquetrum produces not a hair’s breadth of difference. His Majesty ordered Protect-General Chang Yŏng-sil (蔣英實) to fashion a wooden figure that would strike out the time without human assistance. This device was structured into a specially built threeroomed pavilion. The east room was two stories high, allowing for three figures to be installed on the second storey: one struck a bell at every double hour; another struck a drum at every Portable Western-style flat sundial (early 20th century). nighttime hour; another struck a gong at every one of the five Dial diameter 6.1 cm. Private collection. Surface of the nighttime hours. wooden body is made of paper and gnomon is of brass.

Kim Ton’s account of the Chiming Clepsydra Pavilion continues, introducing in detail the arrangement and size of the water vessels, the structure and size of the apparatus, the

Succeeding the manufacturing technique of Chosŏn period portable compass, it is the so-called new-style sundial. Similar to the Western-style sundial in Tŏksugung Palace.

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structure and principle of the automatically-striking devices and a description of the clock as it ran. An inquiry into the technological background and the structural and theoretical particularities of this automatically-striking clepsydra was recently completed by the control engineer, Professor Nam Mun-hyŏn. A welcomed accomplishment, his research has shed new light on the many portions of this author’s work on the history of science that had previously felt incomplete. It has also received praise for crediting the creativity of Chang Yŏng-sil. Professor Nam brought his ten-year research effort to a close with an experimental reproduction of the clepsydra’s automatic time signal apparatus. Professor Nam successfully reconstructed Chang Yŏng-sil’s 15th-century high technology as described in Veritable Record of King Sejong. If the enterprise currently in progress to reconstruct the automatically-striking clepsydra comes to fruition, Koreans will once again be able to witness the movements of the clepsydra. As implied by its name, the automatically-striking clepsydra signaled the time automatically. It was a water clock with a time signaling device; at the appropriate time, each signaling figure would step forward to sound a bell, drum or gong. The mechanism was quite complex but very precise; thus the technology was not easily applied when the clock was manufactured. The technology required for this water clock was very advanced for its time; few countries were in possession of such technology. The government organ charged with measuring the time with water clocks employed all of the required official personnel. These official personnel worked day and night, managing the clock and its records. The English word for a timepiece, ‘watch’, is not inappropriate in this case, as, in the West and East alike, on a humid summer night or freezing winter evening, it was not uncommon for the personnel on watch to fall asleep and lose track of time. Veritable Records of the Chosŏn Dynasty includes accounts of how timekeepers who fell asleep at night faced punishment or dismissal. This is how we know that these incidents actually occurred during the Chosŏn period. Building this clock, with its automatically-striking device, was a dream come true for clock technicians. Without doubt, this wondrous technological product was a good subject for the government administrators in demonstrating their dynastic authority and state power to the populace. Chang Yŏng-sil had made this possible. Chang Yŏng-sil, the man who had once been a servant in the county office of Tongrae, was released from slavery and sent to China to study. He repaid the good graces of King Sejong in a magnificent manner.

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The automatically-striking clepsydra measured water supplied from its main reservoir, which dripped into its inflow vessels and collected and measured as time by the measuring rods in the inflow vessel; it is classified as an inflow type with a floating indicator. At the designated time, the clock automatically delivered both visual and aural reports. Strictly speaking, the apparatus operates through two mechanisms: a clock and an automatic alarm.

The Automatically-Striking Principle The portion of Sejong Sillok detailing the automatically-striking device states: The dripping water flows into the inflow vessels where it collects, lifting the floating measuring rod slowly. At the proper interval, the rod [that runs up into a tube to which copper plates holding small balls are hinged] flips the left copper plate mechanism open, dropping a small ball which then rolls into a copper receptacle. The small ball drops, impacting a scoop and activating and opening the mechanism, allowing a large ball to drop into a short tube hung below through which the ball rolls. This activates a scoop which jogs the arm of the time figure, rising up from one end of an enclosure, causing the bell to be rung.

Depiction of a Silla water clock as recreated in an illustration. Photo provided by Director Sŏk U-il.

Certainly, this translation of the original entry remains quite obscure. Yet, contemporary Chosŏn scholars seemed to have understood the apparatus. This illustrates the necessity for research into and analysis of ancient scientific texts for Koreans. In the West, doctoral students may write dissertations on a specific ancient text, but we would do well to remember that understanding these scientific documents is not a simple exercise in classical Chinese proficiency.

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Let us quote from Dr. Nam’s explanation regarding the mechanical engineering of the automatically-striking apparatus: The time reporting signal was initially activated by energy generated by the hydraulic power of the water (buoyancy) in the water clock. Through this initial energy, a secondary mechanical driving force was generated, which in turn activated the time signal mechanism for the 12 double hours and night clock. A signal-generating device was located at the junction of the water clock and the timesignal apparatus: this device served to transform the level of the liquid, that is, the measured time intervals, into time signals for report. This was a type of analog-digital converter that converted sequentially increasing water levels into digital time indices at specified time intervals. The manner in which the timekeeping implements inside the time-signal apparatus was arranged can almost be called logical; this arrangement was to allow for expedient and accurate time reports. The ingenious use of Reconstructed model of the Asuka water clock. The historian of Chinese the potential energy of levers and iron beads science, Professor Yamada, and his team reconstructed the water clock of the Japanese Asuka period (late 7th century) based on data excavated from generates the mechanical force that drives a site verified as dating from the period. The historical data have confirmed these timekeeping implements. Figures conthat this water clock was supplied with 72 liters of water every four hours. nected to the percussion mechanisms activate Asuka Historical Museum. the end mechanisms (the bell, drum, or gong), which gives rise to an aural time signal. Such time-signal apparatus is a typical clock automata, building on the principles of dynamics and utilizing basic control devices and digital technology.

The propulsion and percussion method of this automatic time-signaling mechanism was significantly different from that of any preceding automatic water clock. Appearing quite different from the enormous 11th-century Chinese astronomical clock built by Su Sung (蘇頌) of the Song dynasty, or the 13th-century water clock built in the time of Emperor Shundi (順帝, r. 1333–1367), Yuan

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dynasty, or the water clocks of the Arabian Al-Jazari, this was a creative work. Technologically, it was an extremely advanced system. In other words, Chang Yŏng-sil and Kim Pin (金 鑌, 1416–?) had succeeded in melding the high technology of all preceding automatic water clocks into one, creating an original automatic water clock with a new mechanism.

The Tŏksugung Palace Clepsydra Chang Yŏng-sil’s automatically-striking clepsydra no longer remains. Neither do any diagrams or sketches of its structure. The sole explanation of the clepsydra mechanism appears in Veritable Record of King Sejong. This automatically-striking clepsydra ran until 1455, when a mechanical difficulty put it out of order. It then went unused for some time, until it was restarted in 1469. In 1505, the clepsydra was moved to Ch’angdŏkkung Palace. Then in September 1534, the Chosŏn dynasty commenced construction of a new clepsydra. The new clepsydra was completed in only two years, by June of 1536. Shortly afterwards, the Chiming Clepsydra Pavilion was built in Ch’angdŏkkung Palace, where the clepsydra was installed and put to use from August 20 of that same year. The water clock apparatus of that automatic clepsydra remains in Tŏksugung Palace. This is the water clock on the face of the 10,000 won note. The clepsydra was designated National Treasure Number 229 in March 1985. One of a handful of old water clocks in the world, it is a marvelous relic. What misfortune befell the clepsydra for it to be moved to Tŏksugung Palace and why do only five of its vessels remain? This is a painful story. It was the wretched turmoil of the Japanese Occupation, the Korean War and Korea’s ignorance of its own cultural assets that brought about this tragedy. I consider the

Drawings of an ancient Japanese water clock. Reported to be the first made in 7th-century Japan. Paekche astronomers went to Japan and directly participated in its manufacture.

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Clepsydra supply and receiving vessels and the pipes through which the water flowed. Close inspection reveals the measuring rods still protruding from the receiving vessels. Photograph on display at Changgyeongwon Garden, 1920. From Takabayashi’s History of the Clock.

clepsydra’s continued survival, even in its present condition, to be quite fortunate. Even more welcome is the fact that the measuring rods and bronze turtle-shaped vessels that floated the rods, all of which were thought to be lost, were rediscovered recently. It is painful to look at the photograph of the clepsydra as preserved at Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace — the relic seems to enshrine both the sorrows and joys of the Korean people. The regal receiving vessels, writhing with dragons seemingly ready to rise up at any moment, inspire an elation not found in the water clock relics of other nations. According to accounts in Veritable Record of King Chungjong (Chungjong Sillok 中宗實錄), the automatically-striking clepsydra pictured in Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace maintained the same structure and automatic time signaling system as that of Chang Yŏng-sil. Additionally, it was revised to strike the curfew and release times automatically. The apparatus consists of a series of three main reservoirs and two inflow vessels. The large bronze main reservoirs measure 93.5 cm in diameter and 70 cm high. The thinner bronze vessels, small reservoirs functioning as regulators, have a maximum diameter of 46 cm and a height of 40.5 cm.

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The bronze inflow vessels, in which the water is measured by the measuring rods, have an outer diameter of 37 cm and a height of 196 cm. Water flows between the vessels in pipes of approximately 2.5 cm in diameter. Chungjong Sillok cites the names of two individuals exclusively charged with the construction of this water clock, both of whom greatly contributed to its manufacture: Kim Su-sŏng and Pak Se-ryong. They would have been the two technicians responsible for actually building the clock. Pak Se-ryong’s duties are recorded as being of an “automatically-striking clepsydra artisan.” He was probably a technician skilled at manufacturing the automatically-striking apparatus. Yu Pu and Ch’oe Se-jŏl were responsible for the advanced technology employed in the production of the new water clock. Their names are no longer prominent on the bronze receiving vessels with the rising dragon patterns but were revealed in the collected works of Ch’oe Se-jŏl, once owned by former president Ch’oe Kyu-ha.

Painting of the automaticallystriking clepsydra as installed in the Chiming Clepsydra Pavilion.

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Working Model of the automatically-striking clepsydra, 1996. This experimental model of the automatically-striking clepsydra’s mechanism was the result of research by Dr. Nam Mun-hyŏn and his team. Photograph provided by Dr. Nam.

We can glimpse the structure of the automatic time signaling mechanism through entries in Sejong Sillok. Briefly, this system connects two principles: the measuring rods, which rise in accord with the buoyancy of the water flowing into the inflow vessels, and the repeated action of balls rolling and dropping. These principles may be summarized as follows: The single upper and double lower, two-stage reservoirs control the pressure and volume of the water as it flows downward. The water flows into the inflow vessels, accumulating and causing a turtle made of thin bronze plate to float. Ascending from the back of the turtle is a vertical measuring rod, which releases large and small brass balls, set at intervals. The balls roll out, falling onto the bronze plate installed below. The balls strike one end of the plate, causing the other end to rise up and strike the arm of the figure situated by the double hour bell. The arm then rings the bell, indicating the time. The system for striking the nighttime intervals, curfew and release bells operates on the same principle.

In accordance with the reception of a new calendar, a system with 96 rather than 100 kak in a day, the automatic time-signaling apparatus was rendered useless

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Diagram of the operating system by Dr. Nam. The principle of analogue to digital conversion employed in the automatic time signal is represented clearly.

and removed in 1653. However, the clepsydra portion of the unit remained in use, unmodified. There was a return to the old manual method of a person physically ringing a bell at a prescribed time. This practice continued until the end of the Chosŏn period. Recently, the Seiko Corporation, the oldest clock-maker in Japan, built a marvelous clock museum in Nagano, the hometown of its founder. For the main exhibit, they have reconstructed the Chinese astronomical clock built in the 11th century by Su Sung (蘇頌, 1020–1101) of the Song dynasty. After research spanning several years, Kyoto’s leading historians of Chinese science came up with a near-perfect reconstruction of the automatic clock. Koreans should now earnestly await the reconstruction of the automaticallystriking clepsydra in all its magnificence as a new symbol of 21st-century Korean industrial precision. This and other scientific cultural treasures should be displayed in a Korean museum of industrial technology. The planning and construction of such a cultural facility would become the source of inspiration for various new high technologies. For incorporating the traditions of Arabian water clocks and continuing the principles employed in the 11th-century astrological clock of Su Song and the water clock built by Emperor Shundi of the Yuan dynasty, while creating a very new and different modulating method and for his invention of an analogue to

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digital converting mechanism, Chang Yŏng-sil’s scientific creativity should live on in high esteem. Chang Yŏngsil also deserves praise for his engineering ability, and should be recognized for his connection to the positive advancement of King Sejong’s scientific policies.

His Majesty’s Water Clock, the Jade Clepsydra Yet another of the 15th century’s high technology water clocks was built by Chang Yŏng-sil. This was the jade clepsydra (oknu 玉漏), completed in January 1438. Its name (royal 玉, clepsydra 漏) implies that it was built as an offering to the monarch. Having risen from the low birth of a slave to becoming Grand Protect-General (taehogun 大護軍), third rank, Chang Yŏng-sil put his lifeblood into the manufacture of this water clock apparatus in requital for the grace bestowed on him by King Sejong. The January 7, 1438 entry in Veritable Record of King Sejong reads as follows:

Diagram of a receiving vessel and measuring rod in operation: converting dynamic force.

The Pavilion of Respectful Veneration (Hŭmkyŏnggak 欽敬閣) has been completed. It was constructed by Second Deputy Commander, Chang Yŏng-sil. The exquisiteness of its scale and system was that of His Majesty. The pavilion sits beside the King’s sleeping quarters in Kyŏngbokkung Palace.

In sum, the jade clepsydra may be described as a combination of an armillary clock and a water clock with an attached automatic time signal apparatus. Employing the kinetic energy of water, this clock rotated a wheel, which in turn motivated several geared wheels. Thus, the clock is referred to as a mechanical wheel in Sejong Sillok. King Sejong had this celestial clock installed on the western side of Ch’ŏnch’ujŏn Hall, the royal living quarters, so that he could have it in sight at all times. Thus, the automatically-striking clepsydra is referred to as the standard, representational automatic water clock of the Chosŏn Period, while the jade clepsydra is regarded as the king’s water clock, installed in the royal palace as the royal water clock.

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Like all of the contemporaneous Chosŏn astronomical instruments of which it was a synthesis, the royal clock was a precision apparatus. Sejong Sillok describes the naming of the Pavilion of Respectful Veneration, the facility where the jade clepsydra would be installed: “to inform the common people of the coming of the seasons (24 fortnightly periods) in reverence of the heavens.” “Respectful veneration” means to honor; this mechanical clock was a spiritual product, one which was deeply Confucian and philosophical in meaning. What type of clock is the royal clepsydra? Just as the automatically-striking clepsydra was larger, more accurate and of higher precision than the 15th-century automatic water clocks of other countries, the royal clepsydra was the most magnificent automatic celestial clock installed in a royal palace during that period. The express creativity employed in the royal clepsydra’s design may be found in its synthesis of a celestial clock and a figure clock into a mechanical automatic water clock. As this was to be the court clock of the king, Chang Yŏng-sil added connecting apparatuses, running an inclining advisory vessel to indicate the teaching of the ancient sage. This description appears at the end of Kim Ton’s entry regarding the Pavilion of Respectful Veneration: “additionally, the four seasons for farming are portrayed as scenes, one on each of the four sides of the mountain, while human figures, birds and beasts, and also vegetation, are carved in wood and arranged according to the seasons, in recognition of the hardships encountered by the people in their livelihood.” The background of the celestial clock displayed the natural environment of Korea as it changed with the seasons and scenes of farming villages arranged in a three dimensional panoramic effect. This addition of splendid, lively apparatuses greatly enhanced the royal clock and would have evoked excitement and wonder in the viewer. We can sense from the detailed description in Picture of Al-jajira’s automatic clepsydra. Appearing in the book Sejong Sillok that Kim Ton wanted to communicate written by Al-jajira in 1206, it expresses well the form of Arabic his feeling of pride in the fact that this royal clock automatic time-announcing apparatus.

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Chinese water clock. Museum of Chinese History, Beijing. Threelevel inflow-type water clock created in 1316. This water clock, consisting of four bronze jars, is among the typical ancient water clocks of China. Photo by the author, 1992.

was crafted and put to service in early 15th-century Chosŏn. His entry is also a valuable resource, as it provides an insight into how a Korean of that period would explain this unique automatic clock. This is not merely due to the fact that it is written in classical Chinese; it gives the impression that the descriptive method itself differs somewhat from the explanations we find in 15th-century texts written by those in the Islamic world or Western Europe. It renders vivid the way in which 15th-century Chosŏn technology and engineering theory were developing. The explanation of the royal clock’s mechanical devices and mechanisms is relatively detailed, concrete and precise. However, to read the entries and rebuild the instrument today is by no means an easy task for Korean scholars despite the heavy influence of the cultural tradition and thought processes established by the authors of the explanation. This is yet another barrier that we encounter when attempting to understand the traditional technology, and another limiting factor. The body of common technical

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Depiction of the Chiming Clepsydra Pavilion (Porugak Pavilion 報漏閣) in Changdŏkgung Palace from the Painting of the Eastern Palace, 1830. Walls enclose the platform of the clepsydra (kŭmnugan’gi 禁 漏間基), duty post (kŭmnukwan chikso 禁漏官直所), staff ’s quarters (kŭmrusŏwŏnbang 禁漏書員房), water storage (nusukan 漏水間) and the like. Outside the walls lies a well. A very valuable resource and the only extant painting of the Chiming Clepsydra Pavilion. Illustration provided by the Office of Cultural Heritage. Korea University Museum.

knowledge held by 15th-century scientists can pose problems during these investigations. The apparatuses of the royal clock explained in Sejong Sillok are all related to the figures employed in the automatic time signal. This seems to be the part of the clock which was most novel and of interest to people at the time. However, this portion of the clock is of little interest to modern-day Korean scientists. We are far more interested in how the precise automatic time signal operated as a machine, its functions as a precision moving mechanism and the structure of that mechanism. Unfortunately, in Sejong Sillok, Kim Ton did not explain the clock mechanism itself. All he wrote was: “The mechanical wheel of the clock is installed so as to be struck by falling water, causing it to revolve.” How large was the water wheel? How was it structured? At what speed did it revolve? How was the wheel speed controlled? With what and how did the geared wheels interact in the system? No explanation was furnished for questions

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like these. Would this information have been simply common sense to the person writing the entry, making its explanation superfluous to the record? Just as we would feel it unnecessary to explain the specific workings of a digital or analogue watch, this mechanism may have required no additional explanation. From this perspective, one can conclude that the most creative aspect of the royal clock was indeed the automatic time signaling apparatus, which was built to a unique design plan by Chang Yŏng-sil. This point could also be made regarding the automatically-striking clepsydra. The fact that no design plan or sketch of the mechanisms employed in these clocks remains is highly unfortunate. Several plans of Chinese clocks remain. In Chosŏn as well, clearly there would have been design plans and sketches when the instruments were built, and somewhere there is a record of these design plans. Yet, the existence of a document containing these plans remains unconfirmed.

Song I-yŏng’s Armillary Clock In the spring of 1960, a letter arrived from the division of the History of Science of Yale University’s History Department, from Eri Yagi, who was studying for her doctorate under Professor D.J. Price. The letter concerned an astronomical clock that featured in W.C. Rufus’ Astronomy in Korea (1936). Had this precious treasure survived the ravages of the Korean War? What sort of historical materials regarding the clock might be available? This was the gist of the request. The end of the letter included important information: in the book, Rufus had included a photograph of the clock, which was taken at the residence of Kim Sŏng-su (金性洙, 1891–1955). Upon reading the letter, I immediately telephoned Kim’s residence. His wife received the call; after searching her memory for a moment, she recalled that the clock had been donated to the Korea University Museum and suggested that I should make enquiries there. I called. It was there. I ran straight to the museum to confirm it; indeed there it was; a 120 × 98 × 52.3 cm armillary clock. What a surprising event. At first, I did not believe that the clock had been made in Chosŏn. It had geared wheels cut from brass, a bell sounding clearly and a still-moving mechanism, with a proper terrestrial globe centered in a celestial globe (so it appeared then). What a tremendous discovery. Kim found it in the early 1930s. In Insadong, where antiques are sold, a peculiar clock was loaded onto a bicycle cart, making the rounds in search of a buyer. Not Koryŏ celadon, Chosŏn white porcelain or a magnificent folding screen, this bulky instrument was said to have been used in the royal palace, and

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Song I-yŏng’s (宋以穎) armillary clock, 1669. 120 × 98 × 52.3 cm. The armillary sphere measures 40 cm in diameter. Korea University Museum.

the asking price was exorbitant. Nobody was interested in buying the clock. Then in the evening, around dinner-time, just when all had firmly concluded that the clock would be difficult to sell, it caught the eye of Kim Sŏng-su. The clock fetched the price of a tiled roof house. Yi Sŏng-ŭi, who has since passed away but who once ran the Hwasansŏrim bookshop, recounted the events of that day to this author in the 1960s. Who but a somewhat naive Kim Sŏngsu would have purchased such an antique, so unpopular at that time, Yi asked, as we lamented the sad history of Korean scientific cultural treasures. So many Korean scientific cultural assets have been lost and, in our apathy, swept abroad. The fact that Kim had, at that time, purchased the clock at such a high price and protected it in his own home before presenting it to the Korea University Museum was a deed exemplifying his great love for this country, for which he will be long remembered.

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There is no other astronomical clock like it in the world. The history of both Eastern and Western astronomical clocks, harmonized as one, continue to live on in this instrument. The characteristics of Chosŏn as well, not found in any other nation, are hidden in this clock; these traditions were linked in this relic. In his Science and Civilization in China (Volume 4), Joseph Needham put it this way: An apparatus so rich in content should be entirely reconstructed and displayed with expository comments in an important museum of scientific and technological history.

In fact, the Smithsonian Institute Science and Technology Museum planned a special exhibit of armillary clocks in the late 1960s and there was a proposal suggesting a close study followed by the reconstruction of a replica. In England, with the cooperation of this author, Joseph Needham and John H. Combridge performed a study of the mechanical engineering of the apparatus in 1962. That research attracted much interest among scholars of the history of technology. My first publication regarding the history of science and technology in Korea constituted a study on this astronomical clock, growing from that academic affinity. The result of several months of research revealed that the armillary clock had been built by Song I-yŏng. What a yield. The primary sources, historical records from the Chosŏn period such as Veritable Record of the Chosŏn Dynasty and Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition, had revealed new truths. We know so little about our own history. Academic research must take proper precedence over nationalism or patriotism in the effort to fully grasp and correctly value the substance of traditional Korean science. The erroneous perceptions stemming from the actions of Japanese individuals who have shown intentional disregard, making farcical assessments and negative analyses in the past, should now be set straight. Koreans cannot help but be embarrassed that we are unaware that our own scientific relics are so highly valued abroad. Some 20 years after this all transpired, in 1985, Song I-yŏng’s armillary clock was recognized as National Treasure Number 230. Recognition came half a century after Kim paid so much for this strange ‘antique’ that nobody thought much of and preserved it in his own home. The story of this astronomical clock took place before the establishment of academic names now commonly applied to the astronomical clock by international academic circles discussing the history of science and technology. It also seems to epitomize the path that Korean traditional science has followed. It has been quite a difficult road.

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Armillary Clocks in the Chosŏn Period In the 15th year of King Sejong (1433), on June 9, in Volume 60 of Sejong Sillok, this entry appears: “Chŏng Ch’o, Pak Yŏn, Kim Chin (金鎭) and others put up a new armillary sphere.” This brief entry does not explain the instrument but merely records the facts: who made what and when. Interestingly, Chosŏn historians (sagwan 史官) may have deemed no additional explanation other than “armillary sphere” to have been required. In other words, the omission of further exposition reveals that the astronomers of the Sejong era regarded the structure, workings and production of the instrument as common knowledge. The armillary clock built during the Sejong era was in use for some hundred years and was repaired a number of times during this period. Spare components were prepared in advance for the maintanence of the clock. Of course, there would also have been instances in which new parts were manufactured to replace the old ones. Scientists at the Bureau of Astronomy and in the Office of the Special Counselors operated the clocks. However, all astronomical instruments were burned and destroyed during Hideyoshi’s invasion and astronomical clocks could not be manufactured again for many years. Not until 1659 did the production of astronomical clocks resume. Unfortunately, these clocks were less than accurate. Astronomers Yi Min-ch’ŏl (李敏哲) and Song I-yŏng would solve this problem in 1664. After nearly a century of interruption, the tradition of Sejong era astronomical clocks recommenced. In 1669, the order to build new astronomical clocks was given to Yi Minch’ŏl and Song I-yŏng. They succeeded in the production of two different models. Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s was a traditional clock driven by a waterwheel, while Song I-yŏng’s was a so-called striking clock, a lead plumb driven model of an entirely new design. Each included a revised armillary sphere with a terrestrial globe installed at its center. Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition records a relatively detailed explanation of the new model. The mechanism of these clocks was explained to the king, in part, as follows: A water vessel is installed above a hole in a wooden board; water runs through the hole, alternately filling small vessels located in the tub. As the small vessels overflow, water falls, hitting the water wheel and causing it to spin. Geared wheels are installed next to the waterwheel; making a channel for small balls to roll down, reporting the time and becoming the means by which a bell is

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Detailed black-and-white photographs were taken at the request of Joseph Needham in the 1960s and drafted by John H. Combridge (J. Needham, et al. Hall of Heavenly Records, Cambridge, 1986). Left to right: the bell tolling mechanism driven by connected iron balls receiving the paddle wheel; clock movement; gears motivating the bell-striking apparatus; time tabs and motivating gear set.

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struck. Although Song I-yŏng’s armillary sphere is the same shape, it does not use water vessels. Western striking clock gears mesh and through the augmentation of a rotating mechanism, no disparity occurs between the movements of the sun, moon and the time.

Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s armillary clock was completed based on the production technology that accumulated during the King Sejong era. He made several special revisions to the design. These revisions entailed a waterwheel-driven, timeindicating apparatus and a bell-tolling mechanism.

The Mechanism of Song I-yŏng’s Clock Song I-yŏng’s armillary clock, as recorded in Veritable Record of King Hyŏngjong (Hyŏnjong Sillok 顯宗實錄), was a metal mechanical clock mechanism employing a “western-style striking system.” Historians of technology have praised Song I-yŏng’s armillary clock. They have called the clock a “melting pot”, amalgamating the clock traditions of the East, West and Korea, and have also commented that the clock was an original, “one-of-a-kind” model. Completed in 1669, Song I-yŏng’s astronomical clock appears in Chosŏn period documents under the name Armillary Sphere (Huntianyi 渾天儀), Sŏn’gioknyŏng (璇璣玉衡), and others. In Korea, the clock is frequently called by the eclecticism: the armillary clock. As previously mentioned, this clock is now expertly preserved in the collection of the Korea University Museum. It is in magnificent condition and, with a little adjustment, would run. The clock is housed in a wooden chest, measuring as follows: length 120 cm; height of the main unit approximately 98 cm; width about 52.3 cm. The armillary sphere and the terrestrial globe located in its center are approximately 40 cm and 8.9 cm in diameter respectively. The apparatus combines two mechanisms: the clock and the armillary. The clock mechanisms were driven by the movement of two lead plumbs. One lead plumb rotated the wheel and gears for indicating the time. The time was indicated on a wheel attached to a gear rotating on a vertical axel. The rotation of the wheel could be seen through a window in the clock. To the wheel were attached 12 time tabs. These tabs appeared in the window at every hour. The other lead plumb motivated the bell tolling mechanism, which was governed by a number of small iron balls. Exactly 24 balls (going by the record of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s clock in Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition, there were 24, about the size of pigeon eggs) tripped an iron hammer, causing it to strike a bell as they rolled downward into a collection container.

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The iron balls were repeatedly carried up to the top of their circuit by a paddle wheel that was driven by the rotation of the apparatus. The gears and wheels in the apparatus were cut from brass. Brass gears were the most advanced in clocks of that period. Although it is said to employ a Western-style striking principle, the clock contains several types of wheel and governing device that are not found in Western clocks. These assemblies highlight the unique topology of the clock. The armillary sphere comprised three main components: the outer nest (六 合儀 dimensional component), middle nest (三辰儀 celestial component) and the terrestrial globe. The outer nest defines six parameters: the four cardinal directions and the zenith and nadir. Situated within the outer nest is the middle nest, on which is inscribed the 12 houses (宮) of the zodiac, the 24 fortnightly periods and the 28 lunar lodges. Also, there are a 360° single solar ecliptic ring and the single lunar ecliptic ring, on which appear the 28 lunar lodges demarcated by 27 small pegs. The earth is held in place, tilted on its axis along the north and south poles. It was the newest model, incorporating all the fruits of 17th-century Western geography. Song I-yŏng’s armillary clock was installed in the Office of the Special Counselors, where it was employed by scholars for the accurate measurement of the time and movement of the heavens. Korean scholars’ level of knowledge regarding astronomy was quite high during the Chosŏn period. Thus, the astronomical clock was used when educating gentleman scholars. They also were apt to gain some empirical knowledge regarding the precision workings of this clock. At any rate, this clock was the most advanced precision mechanical apparatus of the 17th century.

Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s Armillary Clock Song I-yŏng’s armillary clock. Detail of the armillary sphere and connected drive gears.

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Song I-yŏng’s armillary clock, the astronomical clock built around the automatically-striking mechanism, was a separate, revised model

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Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s armillary clock. Mechanism reconstruction display. Reconstruction by the author in 1961.

produced while Song was working with astronomy professor, Yi Min-ch’ŏl, on a waterwheel-driven armillary clock. Both were armillary clocks; yet in place of the water-powered mechanism of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s updated clock, Song substituted a plumb-driven system, which ran on gears and lead weights. As an astronomer senior to Song, Yi Min-ch’ŏl was an able, technically skilled scientist in his own right. Song received a great amount of instruction regarding armillary clock theory from Yi Min-ch’ŏl and benefited from his guidance. Yi Min-ch’ŏl achieved a great innovation in armillary clock technology with the production of the revised version of the armillary clock installed for use in his workroom. It became the new model for Chosŏn-style armillary clocks. Seventeenth-century Chosŏn official scholars and the astronomers working in the Bureau of Astronomy knew this and held Yi Min-ch’ŏl in high regard. This is clearly stated in the supplementary explanation in Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition, about part of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s armillary clock. His clock had a particularly impressive terrestrial globe installed

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within its armillary sphere. The removal of unnecessary portions from the clock installed in his workroom, the updating of the rings and the installation of a moving terrestrial globe resulted in a huge progression. Yi Min-ch’ŏl applied the theory of the earth’s rotation — a belief firmly adhered to by Chosŏn practicallearning scholars (sirhak 實學) of that period, to his armillary sphere. Then in July 1687 Yi Min-ch’ŏl conducted extensive repairs to the armillary clock that he had built during the reign of King Hyŏnjong (顯宗, r. 1659–1674). After being put to use for nearly 20 years, the clock was old and would have required maintenance. The dynasty erected the Chejŏnggak Pavilion (齊政閣) in Ch’angdŏkkung Palace, where this armillary clock was then installed. Building a separate structure for the installation of an armillary clock was unprecedented. This event emphasizes the clock’s importance. An admirable scientist of the mid-Chosŏn period, Yi Min-ch’ŏl was born the child of a concubine. This may have placed a limit on his contributions. In the 1960s, I had a chance meeting in Puyŏ with Yi Yang-su, who was in tenure as principal of the local middle school. That he is both a direct descendant of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s father, Yi Kyŏng-yŏ (李敬與), and a local historian is a fateful connection for both of us. With the help of his wife, I found Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s grave and also the public record of the achievements of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s life. The life of one scholar came to shine so brightly and taught us so much. I arraigned the information in that public record, so difficult to come by, and wrote in 1966 a series of columns, The Lost Chapters (Irŏbŏrin chang) in a Seoul daily newspaper. Written under the subtitle “Retracing the Legacy of Korean Science” (Han’guk kwahagŭi yusanŭl tŏdŭmŏ), this became a series of 100 articles and was later published as a separate small volume in 1974. A short section of that writing follows.

Yi Min-ch’ŏl, the Scientist In the autumn of 1631, the people of Chosŏn were astonished by the enormous changes taking place on a side of the world they had long forgotten. Western books on astronomical geography, Western astronomical charts, geographical maps, and a Western telescope brought back from China by the envoy Chŏng Tu-wŏn (鄭斗源, 1581–?) taught Koreans western knowledge which had been only vaguely known in Korea during the late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn periods. The sense of superiority held by those in Chosŏn who had regarded Westerners as inconsiderable gradually began to be shaken, and the Sino-centric idea that China was the central splendor of the world (zhonghwa 中華) began to fade with each passing day. They were also surprised by some amazing machines,

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Su Sung’s Water-driven Astronomical Clock.

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which they had not previously seen. The Western telescope and automatically ringing clock (自鳴鐘 self-ringing bell), bought in from China, had been controversial in Chosŏn. Upon hearing Chŏng Tu-wŏn’s explanation, the King and his State Councilors were full of admiration, and scientists in the Bureau of Astronomy panicked as they tried to come to terms with these new devices. This was the year in which Yi Min-ch’ŏl came into the world, during the hour of the Ox (丑), on the first day of the last month of the lunar calendar. He was born in Ch’ungch’ŏngdo Province on a patch of land in Puyŏ next to the quietly flowing Paekma River (White Horse River 白馬江). His father, Yi Kyŏng-yŏ (李敬輿, 1585–1657), was a First Counselor (副提 學) and later Chief State Councilor (領議政). His mother was the daughter of Defense Inspector (察訪) Kim Ŭi-il, of the Ch’ŏngpung Kim family (淸風金氏). Clocks would be Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s destiny from the year he was born. Some years later, in 1646, Yi Min-ch’ŏl followed his father into exile on Chindo Island (珍島). Life in exile on an island distant from one’s home is unbearably wearisome and oppressive, and to those who have entrusted their subsistence to the flow of time, living in ignorance of the time creates even more anguish. The devoted Yi Min-ch’ŏl could only have been hurt by the sight of his father who was unable to sleep on the heavy summer nights, knowing only that daybreak ends the 5th hour of the nighttime and dusk brings the first. Yi Min-ch’ŏl thought that he should build a device, even if it were only roughly accurate, so that his father might know the time. He carved a channel for water into the top of his desk. Water dripped through the channel into a bowl placed below, where it accumulated and could be measured as time. Yi Min-ch’ŏl demarcated the volume accumulating between the start of the first and end of the last hour into even fifths, allowing his father to know the hours of the night. Yi Kyŏng-yŏ was very pleased and from that day, he concentrated all of his energy on teaching his son the Commentary of the Book of Documents (Shuchuan 書傳) and a thorough understanding of Chinese armillary spheres. It might be that this made his life in exile worth living. Yi Min-ch’ŏl had a brilliant capacity for fully absorbing these difficult astronomical principles, occasionally even stirring admiration in his father by holding his own when they discussed more complex, higher order theories. But Yi Minch’ŏl, who apprehended Commentary of the Book of Documents, would find it difficult to limit his thirst for knowledge to the mechanical escapements of Chinese astronomical clocks and clepsydra.

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These events took place just as Chŏng Tu-wŏn first returned to Chosŏn with news of Western scientific developments. Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s mind was ablaze. Ruminating over principles and theories learned from his father, Yi Min-ch’ŏl resolved to build a more accurate water clock. He made considerable efforts to sketch the structure of the armillary clock glimmering in his head as it spun. In an effort to build a rough model, he scoured the entire island, searching for copper and bamboo. Carving a small waterwheel, he used the wheel to convert waterpower into the rotational force needed to drive the clock’s mechanical apparatuses. This reproduced the character of traditional Sejong era astronomical instruments while following the distant model of Song scientist, Su Song’s, enormous water-driven armillary clock. His biography reads as follows: After finally collecting the copper and bamboo, I have made the clepsydra. I made eleven wooden figures and in accordance with each of the day’s 12 double hours, a wooden figure appears holding a time tab. When the hour is past, that figure goes back in and the figure carrying the next hour’s tab comes out, striking the bell. The system is driven by water, causing it to go round.

His biography also includes the following entry: However, even though the water force was insufficient to fully accommodate these functions, his father regarded this self-ringing clepsydra as laudable and wrote an introduction and a poem to record and extol the course of events. This anxious body always short of sleep greets the dawn with eyes that stayed open all night. A cup of water is poured into a large vessel This late night leaker made from a calabash Drips water drops through the cold night As the short hours slowly flow away. Will this body once again hear The dawn bell ring in the Capital? Little waterclock with water from the well and a calabash Wakes the wayfarer from his bed. Desperate are his thoughts of home. Drip, drip, sound the water drops, And the wayfarer’s doleful heart broken into pieces,

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Clears with the night air. Sweet sleep of dawn, hasten to me, And take this free-roaming heart to the Capital.

Yi Min-ch’ŏl had grown into a young man of 18 by 1648 and was finally on the road to government rank. His rank was the 9th and lowest military rank. Then, some years later, he was selected for promotion by Chŏng Yun, the Chief Magistrate of Ŭiju province, whom he accompanied to Ŭiju, where he stayed for a time. Chŏng had heard of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s previous research and production of an armillary clock on Chin Island and instructed him to try again. With the implementation of the Western calendar (shixianli 時憲曆) in 1653 also came the opportunity for the revision of Korean astronomy that had lapsed during Hideyoshi’s invasion in 1592. During this period, Yi Min-ch’ŏl completed the construction of another armillary clock with Chŏng’s support. From the distant capital, word from King Hyŏnjong came to Yi Min-ch’ŏl in Ŭiju: Hong Ch’ŏ-yun (洪處尹, 1607–1663) had already completed an astronomical clock. His effort had failed, however, and they were now searching for an able man for the job. This time, Ch’oe Yu-ji (崔攸之, 1603–1673), the Magistrate of Kimje County, was charged with the construction of the astronomical clock. It was successfully completed in 1657 and dubbed the Sŏngiokhyŏng (璇璣玉衡). Also referred to as an armillary sphere, this clock was a so-called water-driven apparatus; in other words, it harnessed the force of a wheel rotated by the energy of falling water, as did traditional Chinese clocks. This clock was very accurate. Thus the Bureau of Astronomy replicated the device for use in the clepsydra department. Unable to shine, Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s talents and techniques for astronomical clock production became overshadowed. This was because, according to the astronomical documents, Ch’oe Yu-ji’s clock ran well for some six years. Then, unbelievably, after seven years, the clock began to err. Minute inaccuracies, previously unseen, had accumulated to the point where the clock needed to be disassembled for repair. The National Academy (Sŏnggyun’gwan 成均館) informed the king that the clocks required a complete revision. On March 4, 1664, Yi Min-ch’ŏl finally advanced onto the path to the summit of astronomers in those days. With the assistance of Song I-yŏng, he devoted himself to the reconstruction of the clepsydras in several pavilions. In 1666, Yi Min-ch’ŏl finally secured considerable promotion to 3rd rank, and from then on, his status as a physicist became unequivocal. This led him to embark on the manufacture of a new armillary clock in 1669. Based on Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s expertise, special instruments were installed in the Bureau of Astronomy. With Song I-yŏng, he strove to bring distinction to the

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Su Sung’s astronomical clock. 1997 reproduction by Suwako City Science Museum in Nagano Prefecture, Japan. Immense astronomical clock tower measuring 12 m in height. The first complete reproduction in the world, based on research by Professor Yamada and a blueprint by Dr. Toya.

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structure of the armillary clock. Central is the fact that they regarded the Korean armillary clock as dissimilar to Chinese armillary clocks, which were used for astronomical observation, and instead constructed the Korean clock as a precision time measurement device. Thus, the observation tube and the revolving ring set inside the outer nest of an observational armillary sphere were rendered firmly irrelevant; instead, they decided to install a globe that completed one rotation per day in connection with the movement of the clock, the armillary clock’s central terrestrial globe. Yi Minch’ŏl’s efforts in bringing to completion the masterpiece of his life were indeed poignant. The production of the astronomical clock proceeded smoothly. King Hyŏngjong had already, on several occasions, sent gifts of food and drink in appreciation of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s toils. Summer went and autumn arrived. Yi Min-ch’ŏl and Song I-yŏng’s clocks were now undergoing their final ornamentation, and both clocks had taken only about eight months from start to completion. On October 14, 1669, Yi Min-ch’ŏl and Kim Sŏk-chu (金錫胄, 1634–1684), th the 5 Counselor in the Office of the Special Counselors, appeared before the king and reported the completion of the armillary clock. King Hyŏngjong was overjoyed as he received the report from Kim Sŏk-chu. The report read as follows: This person has mastered the principles of the armillary sphere and expertly constructed a new machine that precisely tells the months, days, and times. His talent and extraordinary design are truly commendable. Notify the Yangjŏnzo that this person is to be appointed to an official position worthy of his person where his talent will be put to the test, and generously remunerate the artisans with such means as rice.

Afterwards, Yi Min-ch’ŏl would also make a number of repairs to the units. For this meritorious service, he would be awarded a succession of higher ranks. He also held subsequent posts such as the Magistrate of Yŏngwŏn and Isŏng County, and the like. He then returned to Seoul in 1686 to repair the astronomical clock manufactured during King Hyŏnjong’s reign. Despite his old age and weakened health, he expertly completed the repairs, an extensive project spanning almost a year, starting in July 1687 and ending in May of the following year. For the installation of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s astronomical clock, King Sukchong built Chejŏnggak Pavilion (齊政閣) to the south of Hŭijongdang Hall (熙政堂) at Ch’angdŏkkung Palace and ordered Oh To-il to compose an epigraph of the armillary clock for Yi Min-ch’ŏl in recognition of his contribution.

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That marked the last project by Yi Min-ch’ŏl. In addition to being an accomplished scientist, he was also a magistrate who earned the love and respect of the populace through his interest in their well-being. April 23 1715 was to be the last day of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s life. The clear water of Paekma River reflects the beautiful shadow of Pusan, Puyŏgun Kyuammyŏn Tumujŏl. There Yi Min-ch’ŏl rests in peace to this day. Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s gear-activated armillary clock and its style continued to be used in the Bureau of Astronomy and Hongmungwan. According to the records, Kyŏnghŭigung Palace also had a Yi Min-ch’ŏl-style armillary clock. However, when the Chosŏn dynasty fell, Kyŏnghŭigung Palace was destroyed to make way for Kyŏngsŏng Middle School, a public school for Japanese students. The sky-viewing platform at Kyŏnghŭigung Palace was demolished and the armillary clock vanished, its whereabouts unknown. Had it been preserved, it would have remained as a valuable part of our scientific and cultural heritage alongside Song I-yong’s armillary clock.

The Invention of the Rain Gauge The tenth day of the fifth month of the lunar calendar always brings rain, according to Chosŏn folklore. This belief is Celestial sphere (honsang 渾象). 17th century. Beijing Ancient Observatory, China. not rooted in science — it does not necessarily rain every year on this day. Yet rain often does seem to fall on the 7th evening of the 7th month of the lunar calendar. In the year 2000, there were indeed some sprinkles on May 10 of the lunar calendar, which corresponded to June 11 of the solar calendar. People call this King T’aejong’s (太宗, r. 1400–1418) rain. King T’aejong was a third-generation monarch who worried about drought and offered a supplication for rain from his deathbed. King T’aejong willed that, once in the next world, he would bring rain on every anniversary of his death. Indeed it rained on the day he died, and more often than not, it does rain on May 10, his death anniversary. People once used the expression piga osinda, a phrase literally meaning “rain comes” but in which the verb “to come” had an honorific inflection, expressing respect for the rain or perhaps nature in general. How glad they must

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have been to receive such an honored guest. The natural phenomenon of spring drought has long filled Korean farmers with suspense. Worry over drought confronts Korean farmers today, just as it did long ago. Each year’s harvest hinges on the right amount of rainfall. King T’aejong was exceptionally concerned about drought. During times of drought, he would limit himself to only one meal per day and spent days at a time in introspection under the scorching summer sun in the palace garden. In an age when meteorological phenomena were believed to be portents sent down from the heavens, the monarch thought that he must show the heavens remorse for some sin he had committed. Sejong Sillok presents a transposition of the entries regarding either unease during spring droughts or damage caused by heavy rains. Several entries suggest that the main concern is not too little rain, but too much. Thus the people of Chosŏn were especially interested in the natural phenomenon of rainfall. The simple, earnest disposition of the Chosŏn people is infused in this tale of King T’aejong’s spirit ascending to heaven and making it rain after entreating for rain while on his deathbed. Cruel droughts repeatedly afflicted the Korean peninsula every year during the early Chosŏn period, so, in preparation for the farming season, the government instructed the administrative office of each province and county to measure and report the amount of moisture in the ground. This was in an effort to make sense of the amount of rainfall. The method of rainfall measurement effected by the Chosŏn dynasty until that time was the rough measurement of the depth of moisture in the ground using a ruler. This was mainly carried out during the spring and early summer farming seasons. However, this was an imperfect method, as it did not take into account the difference due to the dryness or moistness of the ground before the rainfall. To make matters worse, in the spring of 1441, a long drought alternated with heavy rains, exposing the inadequacy of this method of measurement which had been so stubbornly adhered to. This led to the budding of a scientific idea to measure the amount of rain by the size of various Early Chosŏn period rain gauge stand, 15th century, granite, vessels into which it fell. This stunning idea, proposed by 61 × 92 × 58 cm, National Treasure Number 843. Bureau of King Sejong’s son, King Munjong (文宗, r. 1450–1452), Meteorology.

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was derived from reflections on everyday life. Perhaps one rainy day, Munjong observed the water collecting in a crockery jar sitting on a stand. Crocks for kimch’i and soy sauce, large jars and their accompanying stands are found in every Korean house. The meeting of the rain and one of these vessels resulted in the birth of an epic measurement device. The invention of the rain gauge is verified in public record by an entry made in Sejong Sillok for August 1441. Page 22 of Chapter 93 includes the following: The Board of Taxation directed each Provincial Photo taken at the discovery of an early Chosŏn period rain gauge Governor to measure the quantity of rainfall; stand. Photographed by the author at Maendong Elementary School, however, as the depth of moisture in the ground Seoul. Authenticated and presented by the author in the Japanese differs according to whether the ground is dry or Journal of the History of Science, 1963. moist, it [the amount of rainfall] has been difficult to reckon. Without formal request, the Bureau of Astronomy has made a stand, on to which a cast iron receptacle measuring 2 ch’ŏk deep and 8 ch’on in diameter is placed, and has entreated that [the receptacle] be used to catch the rain, the depth of which should be reported to the main office. Additionally, in the outer provinces, rainfall should be collected and measured using a porcelain or earthenware vessel made according to the dimensions of the cast iron receptacle in the capital government station office and then reported to the Provincial Governor, so that he may dispatch the report. His majesty has been informed of and has concurred with this request.

Entries in Sejong Sillok provide excellent explanations of why and how the rain gauge was produced, as well as where the rain gauges were implemented. These are actual historical records. In order to improve the imperfect method of measurement used until that time, a cylinder-shaped rain measuring system, measuring 2 ch’ŏk (about 41.5 cm) deep by 8 ch’on in diameter (about 17 cm), was developed as a scientific solution. The advent of a natural phenomenon being quantified by the use of instruments in Korea is significant, especially as this invention marks the beginning of scientific agricultural meteorology in early 15th-century Chosŏn, opening a new chapter in world history.

Rain gauge and stand, 1770, 46 × 37 × 37cm. Photographed in Taegu by Wada Yuji while in residence at the Korean Astronomical Observatory.

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However, this entry merely informs us of the depth and diameter of the cylinder and provides the basic method for measuring the depth of the collected rain. No concrete information is furnished regarding which rule (尺) was used or how and when the water was measured. A more specific method was put into effect the next spring. This occurred on May 8, 1442 and is recorded in Sejong Sillok as follows: The Board of Taxation informs: although the previous direction has been fulfilled regarding the measurement of rain volume, due to an omission, however, we beg correction and guideline. In the capital, a vessel has been poured from iron and named the rain measurement vessel (Ch’ŭgugi 測雨器). The rain measurement vessel is 1 ch’ŏk 5 ch’on in height and 7 ch’on in diameter, employing the standard rule (chuch’ŏk 周尺, a rule measuring 23.1 cm). The Bureau of Astronomy has made a stand on which the rain gauge is placed and an official from the main office is required directly to observe and report the [amount of] precipitation after every rainfall. The water depth should be checked with the standard rule, the precipitation immediately measured and accurate data reported regarding the date and time at which the rain ceased, so that a record can be made. In the provinces, measurement should be made from the garden of the government station office in each province and county and the precipitation measured and reported in ja, chi, and pun.

Picture of rain gauge stand took by the author in 1961 at the front yard of National Central Meterological Observatory. The face with characters is actually the back side of the stand, though widely known as the front side.

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Rain gauges were first named Ch’ŭgugi (rainmeasuring devices). The unit was built in light of the flaws found in the vessel-and-measurement system implemented the previous year; it was improved in both areas. Thus the invention of the rain measurement vessel is usually dated to May 8, 1442. Yet, in the strictest sense, it was first referenced on August 18, 1441. Several important revisions were made to the rain gauge between the previous year and the early summer of the next. Most notable is the fact that it was named the “rain measurement vessel”. Also, its size was somewhat reduced compared to the original. In particular, its depth was greatly reduced in comparison to its diameter.

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A cylinder with respective depth and diameter of 32 × 15 cm was considered adequate in dimension when collecting from a single rainfall. There followed a lucid presentation of the revisions to the measurement method. Firstly, the measurements were made after precipitation ceased. Secondly, the scale of the measure was defined as a standard rule (20.7 cm). Thirdly, the date and time at which the rainfall began and ended were recorded. Fourthly, the rainwater depth was to be accurately recorded down to the minute (pun 分, one tenth of a ch’on). This is a nearly complete system. The pun equates to roughly 2 mm in contemporary units. Any measurement errors would then have been due to the difference in the volume of the various rulers submerged in the rainwater during measurement. That a scientific rainfall measurement method was fully established on a small eastern peninsula in the Chosŏn dynasty, prior to sprouting up in other regions of the globe, is notable. That this invention found fruition from a concern over drought and an earnest desire to understand the volume of rainfall required for farming deserves positive appraisal as well. From this time onwards, the measurement of rainfall with the rain gauge was implemented in every region of Chosŏn. The measurements were accurately aggregated, and statistics from each region were documented and reported at scheduled intervals. As a result, statewide statistics on rainfall were correctly recorded and archived. Rainfall has an immense impact on farming. Particularly in Korea, where rice farming is prevalent, this impact is absolute. Additionally, as half of the annual rainfall occurs during the three summer months, accurate statistics on rainfall are an acute necessity for farming under the peninsula’s natural ecological conditions. The rain gauge continued to be employed in scientific rainfall measurements for some hundred years after the reign of King Sejong. Then, at some point, the system began to fail. Particularly, with the onslaught of Hideyoshi’s invasion of

Rain measurement vessel from the headquarters of the provincial governor (Kamyŏng 監營), 1837, bronze, 32.0 × 15.0 cm, National Treasure Number 561. Returned in 1971 by the Japanese Bureau of Meteorology to Dr. Yang In-gi, director of the Central Meteorological Observatory of Korea. The sole extant rain measurement vessel. Bureau of Meteorology.

Rain gauge and stand, 1811, 44 × 43.8 × 43.8 cm. National Science Museum.

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Chosŏn in 1592, the tradition of measurement and collection using the rain gauge ceased.

Reinstating the System However, fed by the astronomy of the King Sukchong (肅宗, r. 1675–1720) era, new scientific energies began to emerge, resulting in the beautiful flower that bloomed during the reign of King Yŏngjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776). The need for scientific principles for rain measurement employing the rain gauge again came to the fore. Life was infused into proposals by those entries in Sejong Sillok. Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition records this event as follows: An order was issued to construct a rain measurement vessel according to the specifications of the King Sejong era. His Majesty states: We are jolted to attention upon reading the entries on the Rain Measurement Vessel from Veritable Record. While we no longer pray for rain in these times, we still wish to know the depth of rainwater, and have someone report on the status of the watermarks. This instrument is based on a remarkable principle and is not difficult to use. The Bureau of Astronomy should make rain gauges according to those specifications [in Veritable Record] and have them installed in all provinces. The Sejong-era example should be followed and rain gauges installed in Kyŏnghŭigung and Ch’angdŏkkung Palaces. Reflecting upon the designs of our wise ancestors who ordered observation to be conducted whenever the wind blew and the rain fell, how could we overlook such events? As the calm of the wind and rain are what we hold dearest, the present order expresses our strongest sentiment.

This is how, on May 1, 1770, a new rain gauge finally made its entrance. Although it was made of bronze, all other standards from the Sejong period vessel were maintained. The stand was engraved with the name “rain measurement stand” and the date of manufacture was inscribed. This stand is among those preserved at the Bureau of Meteorology. The revived rain measurement vessel system was again installed nationwide. Rainfall statistics spanning eight years, beginning in 1792, appear in Veritable Record of King Chŏngjo (Chŏngjo Sillok 正祖實錄). In 1799, an entry made in May compares the rainfall from May of the previous year to May of the current year. This reveals a correct understanding of the statistical data regarding monthly rainfall. A rain gauge was also made in 1782. The commemorative granite stand made at that time is now preserved and exhibited at the King Sejong’s tomb

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in Yŏju. This stand bears an inscription attesting to the significance of the rain gauge made during the reign of King Sejong. It offers insight into the earnest heart of a monarch concerned about drought while illuminating the admission and re-institutionalization of the system as it was passed on from the Sejong era. All four sides of the rain gauge stand are inscribed in commemoration of King Chŏngjo’s building of the rain gauge in his anxiety over drought and supplication for rain. The rain gauge stand, dating to 1811, now in the National Science Museum, also reveals the production of a rain gauge during the reign of King Sunjo (純祖, r. 1800–1834). Records show that the spring drought was quite severe that year. These records allow us to surmise that the rain gauge was also an instrument that was symbolic of the petition to the heavens for a resolution to the drought. The production and placement of the rain gauge on its rain measurement stand carried with it the earnest hopes of statesmen waiting for rain. Although numerous rain gauges were produced from the Sejong era onward, regrettably only one remains today. This is the bronze unit made in 1837, now preserved at the Korean Meteorological Administration. In March 1971, the director of the Central Meteorological Observatory of Korea at that time, Dr. Yang In’-gi, retrieved the vessel, which was manufactured at the county office of Kongju, from the Japanese Bureau of Meteorology. Records from the early 1920s indicate that, up until that time, a variety of vessels and stands were extant: three Yŏngjo-era rain gauges with stands, the vessel and stand made at Kongju and the Chŏngjo-era vessel and stand. Yet, these precious scientific cultural treasures were contemptuously abandoned, disappearing without trace into the schism left by a Korean people that was unable to regard “their own” as valuable in the turbulence of Western scientific technological civilization. I cannot forget being deeply moved by a meteorological exhibit in the Science Museum in London in the early 1980s. I gazed with proud joy upon reproductions of a Korean rain gauge and stand, which were prominently displayed in the centre of the room. At that time (and regrettably now as well), nowhere in Korea have the rain gauge and stand received the prominent placement they deserve. One last rain measurement stand relic dating to the early Chosŏn period may be found in the Bureau of Meteorology. This author discovered it in a corner of the grounds of Maedong Elementary School in Seoul in the early 1960s. The granite stand measured 61 cm in height by 92 cm in length by 58 cm in width, and its upper surface included a cylindrical-shaped cavity 16.5 cm in diameter by

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Chart 2

Statistical chart of rainfall in the capital. Rainfall statistics for Seoul from 1815 to 1894. Compiled by Wada Yuji, based on the measurements taken using the rain gauge and observational records of the Bureau of Astronomy. The statistics are for monthly rainfall, annual total rainfall and number of precipitations per year. Years with little precipitation recorded 1100–1300 mm, and years with much, approximately 2500 mm, with the two years of 1821 and 1839 recording over 3100 mm.

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Rainfall

Year

Jan

Feb

Mar

Apr

May

June

Jul

Aug

Sep

Oct

Nov

Dec

Total

1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

0 0 0 0 0 0

0 152 0 26 0 442

180 57 205 25 238 0

53 115 146 64 56 112

34 157 73 210 42 132

167 73 95 44 92 189

387 880 607 471 279 541

319 626 682 420 238 65

384 111 219 231 576 237

55 37 37 112 13 35

17 116 78 116 75 65

0 0 77 38 83 0

1569 2324 2219 1757 1692 1821

1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830

0 0 29 0 0 0 0 547 43 0

125 0 99 66 0 59 0 0 0 0

41 377 312 156 0 25 139 148 238 49

137 64 22 62 67 53 154 56 98 148

134 118 123 151 73 174 140 45 154 28

73 1410 165 106 161 361 156 508 42 180 275 394 262 266 112 429 84 317 62 455

782 175 137 338 374 322 487 629 38 487

300 135 201 63 141 69 879 408 303 84

117 29 26 134 101 7 46 7 117 10

48 71 85 136 41 14 41 82 14 17

19 38 38 64 26 0 102 109 26 26

3186 1278 1594 1834 1045 1392 2516 2572 1432 1500

1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840

0 91 0 0 0 0 0 115 86 0

73 33 0 0 0 0 0 0 26 0

205 0 49 25 25 148 49 312 1033 115

75 132 36 17 84 185 76 28 87 73

188 39 160 140 78 39 39 78 420 101

185 271 216 37 1426 394 90 495 1058 112 216 101 158 519 722 196 337 74 513 394 420 35 233 204 284 499 578 229 220 113

186 345 48 369 72 9 36 66 42 123

2 9 20 103 18 7 20 42 11 68

51 129 82 14 37 31 27 82 116 224

0 109 134 32 32 0 160 134 38 70

1525 2744 2172 1129 1129 1026 1272 1329 3220 1336

1841 1842 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847 1848 1849 1850

0 14 0 0 43 0 14 0 216 14

0 66 0 0 0 20 20 224 112 0

139 115 90 90 484 25 492 8 82 16

185 118 59 129 104 90 129 76 269 53

115 28 179 227 106 288 202 56 143 140

143 57 150 216 152 277 90 101 81 216

235 389 367 317 471 785 385 370 65 647

293 72 391 126 402 183 216 30 358 99 478 306 82 1236 382 75 300 132 413 93

156 20 180 44 33 4 0 35 29 35

17 95 85 133 31 34 7 68 14 109

0 186 19 51 0 19 13 6 230 64

1355 1605 1804 1453 1881 2320 2670 1401 1683 1800

1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 1857 1858 1859

0 130 14 202 130 14 0 91 0

0 0 0 2 26 26 145 0 0

172 16 164 25 139 320 180 25 25

73 20 179 50 255 78 165 84 227

78 162 118 95 280 112 241 81 90

110 264 24 156 372 79 282 136 207

224 607 295 594 73 240 330 348 460

756 108 110 511 190 262 286 209 302

198 7 31 62 57 35 147 31 13

24 10 92 14 82 44 0 102 85

0 0 0 19 6 38 96 51 19

2226 1582 1144 1875 1754 1740 2415 1368 1578

591 15 117 147 144 501 543 210 150

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Chart 3

Number of precipitations

Year

Jan

Feb

Mar

Apr

May

June

Jul

Aug

Sep

Oct

Nov

Dec

Total

1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 1857 1858 1859 1860

0(2) 2(0) 2(0) 3(4) 2(0) 1(0) 1(7) 1(2) 1(13) 0(0)

0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1(0) 1(0) 1(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0)

7(0) 2(2) 5(0) 1(0) 2(0) 3(0) 6(0) 3(0) 1(0) 4(1)

7(0) 6(0) 8(0) 3(0) 6(0) 8(0) 6(0) 7(0) 9(0) 6

6 9 9 6 11 6 11 5 4 7

4 13 14 8 12 5 11 6 14 5

15 20 9 16 6 6 12 10 18 19

19 5 10 12 7 14 6 9 9 22

10 5 6 7 7 11 8 10 3 3

3 1 4 5 4 4 7 6 2 9

2(1) 9(0) 8(0) 4(0) 4(0) 8(3) 0(0) 9(3) 4(1) 3(1)

0(0) 0(0) 2(6) 1(0) 1(0) 3(3) 3(0) 5(7) 1(1) 2(0)

73(3) 72(3) 67(6) 63(4) 63(0) 70(4) 72(7) 71(12) 67(15) 80(2)

1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870

0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 3(0) 2(0) 0(0) 3(0) 0(0) 3(0)

3(0) 2(0) 2(0) 2(1) 2(0) 1(1) 3(0) 3(0) 2(0) 1(4)

0(0) 1(0) 6(0) 2(1) 2(0) 2(0) 2(0) 3(0) 2(0) 0(1)

7 7 2 5 11 5 4 4 9 7

4 11 4 5 8 3 3 6 8 2

9 3 10 6 2 8 4 11 10 9

10 18 19 12 8 12 12 18 15 4

6 13 13 12 23 9 9 12 9 6

7 9 3 6 11 2 5 3 6 9

3 2 2 8 4 2 7 5 2 2

6(0) 1(0) 4(0) 5(0) 5(0) 2(0) 8(0) 4(0) 3(0) 2(0)

5(0) 2(0) 4(0) 5(0) 1(0) 0(0) 3(0) 4(0) 1(0) 3(0)

60(0) 69(0) 69(0) 68(2) 80(0) 48(1) 60(0) 76(0) 67(0) 48(5)

1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880

0(0) 1(0) 0(3) 0(4) 0(0) 0(0) 1(0) 0(0) 1(0) 0(0)

0(1) 0(0) 0(1) 0(1) 0(0) 0(0) 2(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0)

1(0) 7(0) 2(0) 2(0) 4(0) 2(0) 3(0) 3(0) 4(0) 5(0)

4 9 9 3 8 1 8 10 5 8

7 4 4 12 10 4 7 9 10 5

8 4 10 11 10 6 8 6 10 8

10 12 12 13 14 4 20 13 25 9

17 7 8 16 13 11 11 3 16 11

8 3 10 8 3 6 6 7 4 9

3 6 6 4 1 0 6 8 6 4

7(0) 8(0) 7(1) 4(0) 4(1) 3(0) 6(1) 2(0) 3(0) 7(0)

2(0) 6(0) 6(2) 4(0) 1(0) 2(0) 0(0) 3(0) 7(0) 0(0)

67(1) 67(0) 74(7) 77(5) 68(1) 39(0) 78(1) 64(0) 91(0) 66(0)

1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890

0(0) 3(0) 0(0) 1(1) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1(2) 0(0)

2(0) 0(0) 4(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 4(0)

0(0) 2(0) 2(0) 1(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1(0) 1(0) 1(2) 4(0)

9 7 3 8 5 6 3 4 3 8(0)

8 2 7 8 5 5 2 3 2 3

4 4 7 8 2 11 2 6 9 8

13 7 10 11 18 12 7 7 21 7

14 10 6 8 14 9 13 6 5 12

8 1 6 10 8 7 4 5 5 3

4 5 8 2 1 6 1 5 5 5(0)

4(0) 4(1) 5(0) 3(1) 2(1) 3(1) 4(0) 2(1) 2(0) 4(0)

1(0) 2(0) 0(0) 0(0) 2(0) 2(0) 2(0) 3(0) 0(0) 3(2)

67(0) 47(1) 58(0) 60(2) 57(1) 61(1) 39(0) 41(1) 54(4) 61(2)

1891 1892 1893 1894

1(0) 0(0) 0(0)

2(0) 0(0) 0(0)

3(0) 1(0) 0(0)

1(0) 4(0) 3(0)

3 2 8

8 3 8

9 7 9

10 12 9

7 5 11

3(0) 2(0) 6(0)

2(0) 5(0) 4(1)

5(0) 0(0) 2(0)

54(0) 41(0) 60(1)

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Watermark (sup’yo 水標), 15th–16th century, granite, height approximately 3 m, width approximately 20 cm, National Treasure Number 838. Moved from Ch’ŏnggyech’ŏn Stream to Changch’ungdan Park with the Watermark bridge (水 標橋) in the late 1950s, now preserved in the King Sejong Memorial Hall. Photographed by the author in 1995.

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4.7 cm deep. The gauge would have been placed in this cavity. I authenticated this stand as being an early Chosŏn model. The possibility that this rain measurement stand may date to the Sejong era is well acknowledged. In 1986, it was recognized as National Treasure Number 843.

Agricultural Meteorology in the Chosŏn Period Rivers rise through rainfall, this is a natural law. Sejong-era scientists must have known this. However, they expressed it in very unscientific language such as: “The waters are quite swollen” or “Waters are running dry, leaving the riverbed exposed.” Very general language is not the way one would scientifically describe natural phenomena. There is no mention of a measurement process nor a volumetric expression of exactly how high or low the water was. During the early 15th century, all peoples in every region of the world were equally unscientific in their expression of rainfall. Yet, with the invention of the rain gauge, Sejong-era scientists began using a different method to measure rain volume and the water level of rivers. They measured the depth of the water from the riverbed with measuring sticks. This idea developed with minor modifications. Posts were made for use as river depth or water level gauges. These posts were named Sup’yo (水標 watermark) and were the first of their type in the world. In Seoul, watermarks were installed in both the Ch’ŏnggyech’ŏn Stream and the Han River. The watermark installed in the Ch’ŏnggyech’ŏn Stream running through central Seoul was a wooden post approximately 2.5 m in height, inscribed with graduations and tied between a pair of flanking stone pillars. The watermark in the Han River was cut from a boulder on the riverbank. Before being covered by city roadways, Ch’ŏnggyech’ŏn Stream, centered between Seoul’s four gates, was a clean, flowing and clear rivulet. Its name means ‘clear stream’. East of the Kwanggyo Bridge (廣橋) was the Majŏn’gyo Bridge (馬廛 橋). The watermark was installed west of the Majŏn’gyo Bridge. Due to its proximity to the watermark, the Majŏn’gyo Bridge also became known as Watermark Bridge. This area was covered with a roadway until the recent Ch’ŏnggyech’ŏn Stream renovation. The area retained the name Sup’yodong and included the Sup’yodong Church situated directly across from what had been the entrance to the bridge. No trace remains of the rock face into which the Han River watermark was engraved. In the absence of information from older Koreans, I assume that the

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Han River watermark had already disappeared before the late Chosŏn period. It is only a guess, but the watermark may have been located in the Noryangjin area, which was once an important ferry-landing place. I have yet to find any record of the Han River watermark from the late 19th century, when railway and footbridges were built across the Han, or in the anteceding records of the late Chosŏn period. Sejong Sillok includes the following entry about the watermark. Written in the early 15th century, this first record of the watermark describes its invention, structure, installation and measurement method: A shallow, wide-based stone was laid down to the west and the top cut for a stand stone to be placed on it. In the center, a square-edged wooden pillar was inserted, after being fixed to the stand stone with iron rings. Its upper portion was engraved with graduations for ch’ŏk, ch’on and pun. The Deputy Officer was instructed to keep track of the difference in water depth due to rainfall. Also, on the bank of the Han River, an index was inscribed on the upper portion of a rock face where the Boatman Supervisors were instructed to measure and report the depth to the office…

The graduated wooden column installed as a watermark in the Ch’ŏnggyech’ŏn Stream during the reign of King Sejong later underwent revision, with the addition of stone columns. The expression “watermark stone” appearing in Augmented Survey of Geography of Korea (Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam), which was being compiled during the reign of King Sŏngjong (成宗, r. 1469–1494), provides the foundation for this idea. The wooden watermark underwent the stone pillar revision between 1441 and 1494. Yet, whether this is the same watermark extant today remains unascertained.

Measuring the Water Depth This was the beginning of water depth measurement in the Ch’ŏnggyech’ŏn Stream and Han River, and these measurements steadily continued. Veritable Record of the Chosŏn Dynasty includes only a few records of water depth as measured with the watermark. However, it does reveal the statesmen’s enormous interest in and concern about the farming season rainfall volume. An entry in Veritable Record of King Sŏnjo reads: “The Ministry of Rites has informed us that it has rained 14 days this month and the watermark measures 6 ch’ŏk 4 ch’on.” Similar entries are found in Veritable Record of King Injo (Injo

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Sillok 仁祖實錄) and Veritable Record of King Yŏngjo. Entries regarding the depth of the Han River appear as well. Reports including the results of meteorological observations and observational records from the Chosŏn period reveal that bathymetric measurements were made continuously. Lamentably, the original reports are not preserved; they were discarded as refuse with the collapse of the Chosŏn dynasty. The portion that did survive disappeared in the chaos following the liberation and the tragedies of the Korean War. How are we to explain the fact that a deposit of meteorological observational records, accurately spanning 500 years without a gap and unparalleled worldwide, merely vanished during our generation? The watermark preserved in the King Sejong Memorial Hall and Watermark Bridge in Changch’ungdan Park are relics evincing Korea’s long, tenacious history of observation. This granite watermark stands approximately 3 m high and measures 20 cm across; its hexagonal column supports a foursided, pointed top. The top stone is inscribed with a budding lotus flower pattern; the cube-shaped foundation stone at the base is embedded in the ground. The shape of the pillar is exceedingly natural. Wind flag appearing in the painting of the East Palace, 1830, providing valuable The side that had faced the oncoming historical verification of the type of wind flag installed in the granite stands remaining in the Ch’anggyŏnggung and Kyŏngbokkung Palaces. current is persistently polished into a streamlined shape. The stone column is divided into the standard rule (measuring 23.1 cm) on each side and inscribed with graduations every ch’ŏk, numbering from 1 to 10, with a small circular mark

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added at the numbers 3, 6 and 9, thought to represent respectively a shortage of water, the average water level and an abundance of water. Thus, water normally flowed at a level of approximately 6 ch’ŏk, and, if it went as high as 9 ch’ŏk, that would have been a warning that the rivulet was about to overflow. The watermarks remaining today are very valuable instruments as they connect us to the old traditions. Moreover, records of measurements made with these do remain in various documents: Record of Wind and Clouds (P’ungungi 風 雲記); Collected Records of Services in Supplication for Rain (Kiugich’ŏngje dŭngnok 祈雨祈晴祭謄錄); Collected Records of Celestial Changes (Ch’ŏnbyŏn ch’och’ul dŭngnok 天變抄出謄錄); Veritable Record of the Chosŏn Dynasty; Daily Records of the Royal Secretariat; and the Records of Daily Reflection (Ilsŏngnok 日省錄). Record of Wind and Clouds is the original ledger of the observational records made by the Bureau of Astronomy, that is, the records made according to the regulations by every official on watch for every phenomenon observed during the time period when they were responsible for the observation. Observations were made 24 hours a day in three shifts, and all records were signed by the observer. Observational records in Veritable Record of the Chosŏn Dynasty, Daily Records of the Royal Secretariat, Records of Daily Reflection and other documents were all sourced from Record of Wind and Clouds. It is the daily aggregate on which the reports submitted to the Office of the Royal Secretariat, Office of Royal Lectures, Royal Library (Kyujanggak 奎章閣) and others were based. Putting these records together for analysis and recompilation allows for the statistical understanding of Chosŏn period water levels in Seoul’s Han River and Ch’ŏnggyech’ŏn Stream as they relate to rainfall volume. A paper by the Japanese astronomer Wada Yuji, who was in residence at the Korean Observatory some years before the Japanese annexation of Korea compiling and analyzing all extant data at that time and reworking Seoul’s rainfall volume and waterway levels to modern standards, received high praise for his first endeavor. Measurements of the rainfall volumes and river water levels spanning 500 years reveal the point of departure for modern Korean agricultural meteorology. These records were also the result of the magnificent efforts made by Koreans and an indication of their faithful observational activities. They reveal incidents of flooding or when the watermarks showed an abundance of water over a span of 460 years, from 1400 to 1859. The monthly distribution according to the lunar calendar follows: 6 in May; 15 in June; 15 in July; 47 in August; and 19 in September. As expected, most of the flooding occurs in July and August.

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Observing the Wind The 15th-century scientist, Kang Hŭi-maeng (姜希孟, 1424–1483), develops his experiential theory regarding the influence of wind on farm crops in Comprehensive Compilation of Agricultural Practice (Kŭmyang chamnok 衿陽雜錄): The land of Chosŏn is bordered by the sea to the east and south, while the west is expansive. To the north, there are rugged mountains as well; these cover the east turn and come to an end as they reach the south. Accordingly, the topography comprised mountains to the east and north, and plains to the west and south. The wind blowing over the sea is warm, with clouds and rain easily formed, enabling plant growth. The wind coming over the mountains is cold, thus causing damage to plants. The people of Yŏngdong, east of the mountain range, desire wind from the east during the farming season, while those in the regions of Hosŏ, Kyŏnggi and Honam dislike the easterly wind and want the wind to blow from the west. The likes and dislikes of these regions with regard to wind direction differ on account of the wind coming over the mountains.

He wrote that the Kyŏnggi region, west of the mountain ranges, receives heavy crop damage due to winds from the east, which can be severe enough to dry out all of the furrows and completely parch the vegetation. The ears and leaves of the rice plant can dry out very quickly when they are sprouting, withering instead of growing. Although brief, this entry indicates Kang’s grasp of what Europeans call “Foehn”, a warm dry wind descending the lee side of a mountain range, which he theorizes on paper. The development of this sort of agricultural meteorological theory is connected to wind observations based on the wind streamer, which began to be employed during the reign of King Sejong. Wind streamers were called “wind-flag poles” (p’ungijuk 風旗竹). In 1770, two granite pedestals were produced for these wind-flag poles, one each installed in the Kyŏngbokkung and Ch’anggyŏnggung Palaces. In the early 1960s, I sought out these relics, one next to a stone wall in Kyŏngbokkung Palace and the other in front of the Changsŏgak Pavilion (since demolished during renovation) in the garden of Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace. The stone bases were beautifully cut from granite. Yet I had no way of knowing what sort of wind-flag pole might have been inserted into these wind flag stands. Then one day in the Korea University Library, there it was: the painting of the East Palace. The painting includes the depiction of a long wind-flag fastened to a bamboo pole. For many years the people of Chosŏn observed wind direction and speed using these flags. Years of old observational records regarding the wind, along

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with those of the rain, established yet another tradition on which Korean agricultural meteorology is based.

Earthquakes, Sun Halos and Auroras Although halos of the sun and moon can be seen even with the naked eye, earthquakes and auroras are regarded as uncommon in Korea these days. Yet Chosŏn period documents reveal that these events were not infrequent from before the Three Kingdoms period. Earthquakes had already been categorized by severity into strong or great earthquakes and tremors. The time, date and degree of severity, along with the epicenter and range of the quake, were accurately recorded. During the Chosŏn period, immediately following an event, briefs called tanja (單子) were prepared day and night and were dispatched to each government office. The number of earthquakes recorded over some two thousand years from the Three Kingdoms period to the late Chosŏn period totals 1,661, revealing the fact that earthquakes were not uncommon in Korea. There were violent quakes up to the end of the Unified Silla period, 11 during the Koryŏ period and 26 during the Chosŏn period — a total of 48 incidents in all. If some 50 strong earthquakes occurred over a period of 2,000 years, this gives an average of 1 or 2 quakes every forty to eighty years. These records suggest the possibility of a strong earthquake occurring in Korea. Solar and lunar halos were observed in detail. The usual circular halos arising near the perimeter of the sun and moon were regarded as commonplace. However, Pakhonggwanil (白虹貫日) and Pakhonggwanwŏl (白虹貫月), appearing as a white rainbow across the sun or moon, were considered omens. Thus, these phenomena drew attention as warning phenomena. The observation of solar and lunar halos covered a wide spectrum: color, shape, time of appearance, the names of whichever of the five traditional planets were seen inside the halo, the number of folds in the halo, etc. According to the records, there were 6 sun halo appearances during the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods, 99 during the Koryŏ period and 250 during the Chosŏn period, giving a total of 355 sightings. There were 23 lunar halos during the Koryŏ period and 46 during the Chosŏn period, giving a total of 69 sightings. The observational records of auroras also draw our interest. Chosŏn-period documents show over 200 incidents of aurora observations, dating from 35 BCE to the end of the 19th century. Auroras were described as either blue or red clouds or vapor — red snake-like vapor; white vapor like a waterfall; and vapor akin to a

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procession of spears and knives. They also appeared as red flames; sunlight shining at night; snake-like arrows; and towering, bluish-purple clouds. One quite interesting description of an aurora was recorded in Veritable Record of King Chungjong (Chungjong Sillok 中宗實錄) in 1519. An excerpt from my translation of that entry follows. This may have been one of the world’s most detailed records of an aurora observation at the time: Tonight, a change in the heavens occurred over Kyŏngju. In the early evening, the moons rays were very bright, and it seemed as if there was some vapor to the west, when, from out of the vapor, comes a light. It was like lightning but not accompanied by fire: appearing as a floating arrow, at times seeming to move slowly across the heavens, at times shooting like a meteor shower, or a wild red snake, or shooting flames. At times, like a bow bent back sharply by a strong pull on its string, at times spread apart like a pair of scissors; its shape took on infinite forms. Slowly beginning to proceed out of the west toward the north-east, it disappeared at midnight.

The Advent of Agricultural Meteorology The fact that instruments began to be employed for the scientific measurement of rainfall volume and wind direction during the early 15th century in Chosŏn is quite surprising. Even allowing that the background and motivation for these measurements differ from those of science in its modern sense, from the quantitative measurement of natural phenomena, its statistical analysis, archiving of records etc., it is nevertheless clear that these important events were the realization of agricultural meteorology. Chosŏn dynasty officials employed a very modern methodology in their observational activities and regulations, as well observational records and reports. They set about pioneering an observation movement in meteorology and established a magnificent tradition. This 500-year-long observational history is clearly both precious and something to be proud of.

Hong Tae-yong’s Rotating Earth Theory Facing death at the hands of the Inquisition in 1633, Galileo muttered to himself: “Even so, the earth rotates.” Historians of science consider this story fiction, although the dramatic description of Galileo maintaining confidence in his heliocentric theory that the earth revolves around the sun makes its point.

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The truth of this surprising theory overturned the whole world and, despite frightful pressure from the Catholic Church, spread firmly and tenaciously. It was 1992 before the Catholic Church publicly admitted its error with a dramatic statement restoring Galileo’s honor. This was a fitting resolution, although one reached only after the earth had made some 360 rotations around the sun. Although Galileo’s theory was banned by the Church, it was introduced in China by Jesuit missionaries writing in Chinese. Yet they introduced the theory with a provisional clause stating that it was incorrect, so we are uncertain what these Jesuits believed. Possibly due to the clause stating that the theory was erroneous, not one Chinese astronomer who read the theory issued a response to it. Although the notion was at odds with Christian doctrine regarding the creation of heaven and earth, as an astronomical principle it did not clash with the Confucian view of the world. The theory was not well matched with China’s traditional cosmology, of course, and Chinese scholars may have merely considered it as one of many hypotheses asserted by Western astronomers: the diurnal rotation of the earth and heliocentric solar system. Placing the sun at the center of the universe instead of the earth did not conflict with the authority of the Emperor. Nonetheless, Chinese scholars commented little on the issue of the earth’s rotation. Chosŏn scholars, on the other hand, were relatively receptive and probed the matter progressively. Astronomy professors Yi Min-ch’ŏl and Song I-yŏng installed rotating terrestrial spheres on their astronomical clocks proWind flag stand in Kyŏngbokkung Palace, 18th cenduced between 1664 and 1669; additionally, Kim Sŏng-mun (金 tury, granite, overall height 225 cm, National Treasure 錫文, 1658–1735) discussed the theory of diurnal rotation in Number 846. An identical wind flag stand is preserved his writings. Later, the practical-learning scholar, Yi Ik (李瀷, in Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace. 1682–1764), established his own theory, and Hong Tae-yong developed the most distinguished theory by a Chosŏn scholar. Then Pak Chi-wŏn (朴趾源, 1737–1805) progressively introduced the theories of the earth’s rotation put forth by Chosŏn scholars. The world turns. Chosŏn scholars took a stand despite the fact that the Jesuit missionaries in China, who were first-rate Western astronomers, stated that the hypothesis was faulty, and no Chinese or Japanese scholar supported the rotating

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Hong Tae-yong’s armillary sphere, 18th century, 50.2 × 35 × 35 cm. This armillary sphere may have been connected to Hong Tae-yong’s armillary clock. Soongsil University Museum.

earth theory. Surprisingly, in 1660, an astronomer in the Bureau of Astronomy installed a rotating terrestrial sphere within the outer rings of an armillary sphere. The progressive attitude and creativity required in order to be certain of the earth’s rotation and to directly apply that information to an astronomical instrument is praiseworthy. As no writings by Yi Min-ch’ŏl and Song I-yŏng regarding their rotating earth theory have survived, we cannot speculate as to its substance. It may be similar to that of Kim Sŏng-mun, as presented in Explanatory Diagrams of the Art of Divination (Yŏkhaktohae 易學圖解, 1697). Early 17th-century astronomers in the Bureau of Astronomy had already come to accept theories of the earth’s movement such as the heliocentric solar system suggested by Copernicus, a theory introduced by Jacques Rho (1593–1638), as an erroneous hypothesis at the beginning of his writings in 1634 and previously as well in Calendrical Explanation of Planets (Wuweilizhi 五緯曆指, 1635). The theory of a rotating earth, developed by Kim Sŏng-mun in his book Explanatory Diagrams of the Art of Divination, was first introduced by Min Yŏnggyu in 1973. Min’s paper was tantalizing because until then, it was Hong Tae-yong who had been widely credited with establishing the main opinion by a Chosŏn

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scholar on diurnal rotation. The fact that another scholar in Chosŏn had developed a rotating earth theory some 70 years before that of Hong Tae-yong was surprising to all. In Explanatory Diagrams of the Art of Divination, Kim Sŏng-mun lends this depiction: “The heavens do not rotate around the earth; the days, day and night, are brought about by the rotation of the earth. To be unaware of this is tantamount to a person aboard a boat watching the hills and mountains pass and thinking that not the boat, but the hills and mountains, are in motion.” This example, however, is identical to one appearing in the writings of Jacques Rho and the logical development is far too similar for coincidence. Kim Sŏng-mun must have read and adduced Rho’s writings. He continues: Exactly the same reasoning applies to a person standing on the earth’s surface thinking the stars are moving. If one thinks about it this way [admitting the earth’s diurnal rotation], then only the earth need rotate, not all the stars in the heavens; with such a small thing as the earth’s rotation one can refrain from the difficulty in claiming that the heavens themselves incur such massive rotation.

A professor of Tokyo University, Okawa Haruhisa (小川晴久), in his paper “Theory of rotating Earth and infinite Cosmos” extols this theory, calling it a splendid, persuasive view. Of course, Kim Sŏng-mun did not conceive the idea of diurnal rotation. He was influenced by Jacques Rho’s treatise on Western astronomy, Calendrical Explanation of Planets. This also emerges in his writings. However, for a 17thcentury Chosŏn scholar to research, speculate and then develop a cosmology based on his own theory of the earth’s diurnal rotation was not just a simple shift from geocentric to heliocentric theory but also constituted a Copernican revolution in East Asia. Yet, the earth did not rotate, Jacques Rho forced his point home: “However, contemporary scholars and those of old consider this explanation incorrect. This is because the earth is the center of the heavens. Like an axel it must remain fixed; it cannot rotate. Further, if the passengers on a boat can see the riverbank move, cannot those on the riverbank see the movement of the boat? Nothing is corroborated by this example.” No one in China accepted Copernicus’ theory, from Jacques Rho to the Jesuit missionaries and the Chinese astronomers; yet Kim Sŏng-mun firmly concluded that both Rho and the Jesuits were wrong. The crux of Kim Sŏng-mun’s theory of the earth’s diurnal rotation does not seem to have been transmitted to his contemporaries in any depth. We think

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so because of what Pak Chi-wŏn tells us about Kim’s theory of Three Spherical Bodies Floating in Space (Samdaehwan kgongbusŏl 三大丸空浮說). This theory is explained in a portion of Pak Chi-wŏn’s Collected Writings of Yŏnam (Yŏnamjip 燕巖集), entitled Diary of my Trip to Rehe (Yŏrhailgi 熱河日記). As the sun, earth, and moon are all spherical and floating in space, the earth, like the sun and moon, should be in rotation. Thus, Kim Sŏng-mun’s assertion that since the earth is spherical, it rotates.

Judging from what Pak Chi-wŏn says, it is unclear whether he had read and fully understood the structure of Kim Sŏng-mun’s cosmology and diurnal rotation. He merely seems to have had some degree of familiarity with the rotational cosmology comprising one central portion of Kim Sŏng-mun’s natural philosophy. However, Pak Chi-wŏn’s further development of Hong Taeyong’s rotating earth theory in the mid-18th century is more highly regarded. Pak Chi-wŏn’s cosmology exhibits far more depth and structure than Kim Sŏng-mun’s theories. Pak Chi-wŏn’s formulations are not based on the study of divination (易學) or natural philosophy, as were Kim Sŏng-mun’s, but on astronomical thought. This is why he held Hong Tae-yong’s rotating earth theory in high regard as an original hypothesis, while simply introducing Kim Sŏng-mun’s theory of diurnal rotation as the theory of three spherical bodies floating in space.

Iconographic explication of Copernicus and Tycho Brahe world systems from Rho’s Calendrical Explanation of Planets.

The Rotating Earth Theory developed by Hong Tae-yong Diary of my Trip to Rehe by Pak Chi-wŏn is a famous travelogue. This important historical document contains records of his journey to Peking/Beijing in 1780, including information on Qing civil and academic systems, as well as vivid accounts of cultural exchanges with Qing scholars. This diary also records an introduction to his friend Hong Tae-yong’s rotating earth theory and a proud discussion of its originality. While mention is made of Western scholars’ claims that the earth is round, they are not attributed with stating that the earth rotates, and Hong Tae-yong is introduced as having said the earth makes one rotation per day. In fact, Hong Tae-yong’s theory of diurnal rotation was developed as one part of his immense cosmology. For this reason, Pak Chi-wŏn only introduced the diurnal rotation theory to Chinese scholars as the most realistic, pertinent

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portion. Hong Tae-yong unfolds his full cosmology in Dialogue on Mount Iwulü (Ŭisanmundap 毉山問答), where he writes: Broadly speaking, this mass of earth makes one turn a day. The circumference of the globe is 90 thousand ri (里, 1 ri = 0.4 km); a day is 12 double hours. For this large mass to revolve once in 12 double hours, it must be traveling faster than a cannon ball.

In these short lines, Hong Tae-yong’s theory of the earth’s rotation is dramatically expressed. He reasons that, with a girth of 90,000 ri, for the earth to make 1 rotation per 12 double hours, or to move 90,000 ri in 12 double hours, it must be traveling faster than a cannon ball. He presents a numerical value for the earth’s velocity authentically, in a way that the rotation can be appreciated. Of course, he was expressing the diurnal rotation of the earth on its axis. Yet the earth rotates both on its axis and around the sun, and Hong Tae-yong only mentions the earth’s axial rotation, that is, he does not say that the earth revolves around the sun at a rate of 365.25 days per revolution. His theory differs in this respect from the heliocentric theory of Copernicus. Hong Tae-yong did write that it was due to the earth’s axial rotation that people and matter situated on various surfaces of globe did not simply fall off, a view that was sympathetic to the old round heaven, square earth theory, the notion of above-and-below, or that a person cannot stand inverted on the earth’s surface. When stating that the earth is round, the first question many ask is how do people in the southern hemisphere stand up, hanging upside down. Before Newton’s theory of universal gravity became known in Chosŏn, Hong Tae-yong explained this by stating that a force in the sky acted to press down on the ground below it. Thus falling becomes the phenomenon of falling from the sky above the earth to the earth, as opposed to off the globe. Hong Tae-yong also reasoned that if the earth is a sphere, it cannot but rotate on its axis. This is a very lucid, logical development. The peak of Hong Tae-yong’s cosmology was the infiniteness of the universe, which was an original thought. In the end, the crux of his cosmology is the limitlessness of the cosmos. Professor Okawa stated that, without the notion that the universe is a limitless system, the theory of diurnal rotation cannot be established. Hong Tae-yong’s hypotheses and efforts were praiseworthy, not merely as those of a practical-learning scholar but also of an excellent scientist. These theories should be regarded as those of a world-class, 18th-century natural scientist. Pak Chi-wŏn thought highly of his friend’s hypothesis and proudly furnished it to the scholars he met in China. These were 35-year-old Jesuit

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missionaries on an exchange visit to Beijing and first-rate Chinese scholars of the period. Pak Chi-wŏn engaged in open debate with these scholars while unfolding his cosmology, confident even then in a new culture before those hailing from another civilization. Hong Tae-yong compressed his thoughts on the limitlessness of the cosmos into a succinct expression: “Space has no end and the stars are countless.” He continued: “Endlessly vast, this tremendously large universe cannot be demarcated by such terms as east or west or south or north, nor upper or lower.” He is dispensing with the thought that the earth is the center of the universe. There are countless stars glimmering in the heavens at night, spanning hundreds of millions of ri, incalculably distant from the earth, beyond which we know that there are even more stars, not visible to us. Hong Tae-yong was arriving at the thought that for the infinitely extensive cosmos to make a revolution around the earth each day, this is far too much to imagine. When it came to the five traditional planets and the sun and moon, Hong Tae-yong accepted the Western astronomical system transmitted by the Jesuit missionaries, the system of Tycho Brahe — the same system as the Chosŏn astronomers had depicted in the new Diagram of the Seven Governors (Ch’ilchŏngsindo 七政新圖). His thoughts included the views that each of the stars filling the sky rotates on its own axis in its own world. This world may seem nearly the same as that of the earth. Each star regards itself as the center of that world. From one of those stars, the earth appears as merely another star. His thoughts on the unending shape of the vast, great universe and the relative positions of the celestial bodies within were on an unbelievably grand scale for an 18th century Chosŏn astronomer. His thoughts reached past the innumerable stars amassed in the Milky Way and to the innumerable stars further beyond this galaxy. While it was well-known at that time that the galaxy was a collection of innumerable stars, his perception that the earth and sun are merely a part of a greater whole was accurate. He looked past the solar system of our sun to those of other stars. Hong Tae-yong’s theory of the earth’s rotation developed based on his progressive, deep speculation about and insight into the limitless cosmos. In the same vein as the cosmology of Kim Sŏk-mun

A depiction of Tycho Brahe’s world system from Jacques Rho’s Calendrical Explanation of Planets.

Ch’oe Han-gi’s (崔漢綺) terrestrial sphere, 27.7 × 26.8 × 26.8 cm. A precious specimen of the globes that have been preserved intact, another of which is Song Yi-yŏng’s armillary sphere.

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Telescope, 18 th century, length 93.6 cm (above), 88.2 cm (below). Said to have been brought over from China by Hong Tae-yong. Soongsil University Museum.

but of a larger scale, Hong Tae-yong approached the Western cosmological systems of the Jesuit missionaries and extended what certainly may be called his own original astronomically imaginative theory. This theory, developed in the Chosŏn style, was founded on the traditional thoughts of both Korea and China. In addition to assimilating the natural philosophy of Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130–1200) and the Western astronomical theories of Copernicus, he built his own astronomical observatory and made experimental approaches to the stars, while attempting a mathematical analysis of his observations. Confident in the theory of the earth’s diurnal rotation, which was rejected by his Jesuit and Chinese contemporaries in China, he incorporated it into his own cosmology. He accomplished this by following his own systematic logical development, carried forth by a critical mentality and progressive scientific thought. Based on this, he made a Copernican transition, which the Chinese scholars did not, and through this ideal came an ecdysis from the ideology that all knowledge was centered in China. The scientific historian Professor Park Seongrae commented: “Hong Tae-yong’s rotating earth theory occupies a very special place [in the history of science].” This is an accurate assessment.

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Chapter 

Metals, Glass and Gunpowder: The Sciences of Earth and Fire

Ancient Korean Metal Technology

C

hemistry began with the human manipulation of fire. Through this event, humans wrought a change in nature with their own hands for the first time. Fire was then used to bake vessels from clay, and later to smelt copper to make metal ware. This harmony of fire and earth brought about a transformation that marked the inception of metallurgy. The Bronze Age culture of the East developed in what is now the Yellow River Basin (黃河) in China. Humans had developed the science of earth and fire, or metallurgy, by about the 15th century BCE. The development of this technology was followed by the expansion of city communities and the power of the state, as well as the creative activity of technological collectives. Chemistry and its accompanying technologies had a tremendous and unprecedented influence on humankind and human society. On the Korean peninsula, civilizations founded on Bronze Age technology emerged around the 10th century BCE or a little earlier. Far more pronounced than the influence of China was the influence of the comparatively technologically advanced lineages to the north, the metal technologies developed in the northern Ural-Altaic region. This indigenous Korean technology was the foundation upon which Chinese technology was received. When discussing traditional Korean technology and its origins, there is one issue that should never be overlooked. It concerns the formation, roots, development and expansion of the culture and technology of the people who would live together and become the ancestors of modern Koreans after the Neolithic era. We must establish precisely where these people lived and the historical sphere from which this culture and technology unfurled and spread. It surely is a natural question. However, at times, it seems that we Koreans limit the origin of our history to the peninsula that we now inhabit. This may be the result of

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Lute-shaped bronze dagger (琵琶 形靑銅劍), 7th century BCE, length 42 cm (far left). Unearthed in Chŏg’yangdong Songgugri Sangju. National Museum of Korea.

forgetting about those vast lands lost by Koguryŏ and Palhae so very long ago. It is also the shrunken stage of our history planted in a corner of our minds, like a preconception by Japanese colonialist policy. Before the Three Kingdoms period, the Korean historical sphere was extraordinarily large. North of the Korean peninsula, in the vast region on the northeastern side of the Chinese continent, lie sites once inhabited by the Korean race. They have now been intentionally fused by Japanese royal historians into the flow of Chinese technological civilizations. This is especially clear with respect to ancient science and technology, and is a particularly sensitive issue because metallurgy, that is bronze and iron technology, is closely related to the formation of history. Despite the facts, one cannot shake off the thought that the historical Korean analyses remain fundamentally unable to escape the frame constructed by Japanese royal historians. The traditionally

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Korean-style bronze dagger, 2nd century BCE, length 37.2 cm (left). Asan Namsŏng’ri. National Museum of Korea.

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markedly superior, ancient Koran metallurgy is commensurate with the first-class, cutting-edge technology of the period; with this in mind, it could not be clearer what it is that we should do. Thus, knowing how Korean metal technology began is imperative. Metallurgy is of tremendous importance in the history of technology. The fact that Korean bronze and iron technologies were always advanced is directly connected to the question of how the histories of the Bronze and Iron Ages should be viewed. Herein lies the rationale for re-illuminating and emphasizing the fact that ancient Korean metallurgy was always the leading, cutting-edge technology of the period. The representative bronze implements produced by the Koreans of the Bronze Age are swords and mirrors. Bronze products, such as the lute-shaped bronze sword, the Korean-style bronze sword, the wide-lined bronze mirror with two small handles and the fine-lined bronze mirror, are unique to Korea. We have yet to discover the course of development that brought Korean bronze artisans to craft such particular artifacts. A special note must be added in relation to this. The lute-shaped bronze sword is known to be a distinctive type of bronze sword made by Korean Bronze Age artisans. During the Japanese Occupation, this sword was referred to as a Liaoning-style bronze dagger (遼寧式銅劍) by Japanese anthropologists. That is, they called it by the name of the Chinese region, Liaoning, where many relics of these swords were unearthed. However, this name inevitably gives the impression that these swords were produced with Chinese rather than Korean technology. At the time these swords were made, Liaoning was part of the historical sphere in which the Korean people lived and worked. Unless one pays special attention to the fact that these swords were designed, amalgamated and poured into stone molds by Korean artisans, the name given by the Japanese could be misleading. We know that the metal arts of ancient Korea had arrived at the highest level, thanks to the refined and unique design of these bronze implements. The bronze mirror preserved in the Soongsil University Museum can be considered a prime example in this sense. Made in approximately the 4th century BCE, this fine-lined bronze mirror chanjulmunŭi ch’ŏngdong gŏul, also called tanyu chŏngmun gyŏng (多紐精文鏡; National Treasure Number 141), is a notable bronze implement displaying the fascinating geometric design and surprisingly delicate casting technique of a dexterous hand. Bronze alloy technology was at the time undergoing development at an advanced level as well. The technique of alloying zinc to bronze had been developed in order to add a beautiful gold shine to the color of jewelry, accessories and ceremonial bronze implements. Where this zinc-bronze alloy technology was not

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in actual employ in East Asia prior to the 1st century BCE, even in the metallurgically advanced China, Korean metal artisans were already accomplished in the production of zinc-bronze alloys by the 7th to 5th centuries BCE.

Iron Technology Ancient Korean artisans were effective in pouring bronze implements into clay or stone molds, depending on the purpose. Stone molds made possible the standardized mass production of iron axes. The development of this sort of cast-iron technology continued with the mass production and diffusion of iron farming tools and brought about a revolutionary increase in agricultural production. The development of cast iron technology was also connected to the production of splendid iron weapons and armor that led to an expansion of the military might, which furthered the accumulation of power and wealth. Iron plates (鐵鋌), frequently found in the southern portion of the Korean peninsula dating from the late Iron Age onward, are distinctive artifacts symbolizing the power and wealth generated by the technology of this period. These distinct cast-iron plates made by Koreans were exported in volume as raw materials to Japan, forming the base upon which Japan’s iron culture developed. By this time, iron technology on the Korean peninsula had been developed to the point that pig-iron, cast-iron and steel were freely produced and utilized, depending on the application. Two millennia ago, a new indigenous culture evolved in the southern portion of the Korean peninsula. This was the Kaya culture, founded on the production of iron. Kaya civilization (42–532) is characterized by its production of iron implements and the new stoneware. A harmony of fire and earth, these technological advancements raised the Kaya civilization’s creative technological tradition onto a higher plane. Kaya civilization employed technologies distinct from Detail of the Paekche gold-gilt bronze incense burner, 7th those of China; traditional Korean technology had come century, overall height 64 cm. Unearthed in Puyŏ. Puyŏ National into its own. Museum.

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Kaya gold crown, 5th–6th centuries, said to have been unearthed in Koryŏng, diameter 17.4 cm. National Treasure Number 138. Ho-Am Art Museum.

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The technology of fire and earth gave birth to remarkable gold and glass technologies. Kaya’s gold jewelry exhibits a rich aesthetic sense — the fine design and detailed workmanship of these works are especially striking. The high technical level attained by Kaya culture is evident in the patterns and characters on large knives (大刀) made with inlaid gold and silver thread, the metallurgic technique used in the production of horse bells (malbang’ul) and the gold crown, which is modest and simple yet elegant. Recent excavation reports indicate that Kaya had professional technological collectives producing these works and a wide consumer base for these products. Splendid cast iron armor and helmets (t’ugu) and gilded horse harnesses, as well as decorative beads of commashaped jade (kobŭnok 曲玉) and glass, speak of the accumulation of wealth and power in the consumer class that was capable of supporting the creative activities of the collectives making these artifacts. This fact is also symbolized by the numerous iron plates excavated from the sites of various Kaya ruins. The quality manufacture of cast iron tools and hard stoneware increased farming production and food provision, while occasioning a revolution in architectural technology. The smelting and forging technology employed in making various sturdy, useful farming implements, from short-handled hoes, sickles and rakes to plough blades, was extremely important and was the leading technology at the time. The same may be said of the production of axes, knives, chisels planes, and particularly, saws, which were essential in preparing the construction material. Saws and planes played a decisive role in making clean, precise cuts in the lumber, polishing wooden pieces and bringing about possible revolutionary improvements in the carpentry of innovative, elaborate wooden buildings. Axes and hammers were indispensable when it came to shaping handsome masonry. All of these improvements are founded upon the technology for producing steel and high quality pig-iron. The Kaya Kingdom boasted the Large Kaya (加耶) sword, 5th–6th centuries, length 131.1 cm. leading iron production technology of the Iron Age, the Okchŏn (玉泉) Grave Number 3. Hapch’ŏn (陜川), Kyŏngsang namdo province. Kyŏngsang University Museum. core technology of a period that left an indelible mark

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on human history. Its iron was exported to Japan and China and greatly contributed to the production infrastructure in the East Asian cultural sphere.

The Metallurgy of the Three Kingdoms While Kaya’s technological civilization, founded on iron technology and ample supplies, was unfolding with vivacity on the southern portion of the Korean peninsula, other regions of the peninsula saw the civilizations of Koguryŏ, Paekche and Silla developing as well. The nobility of Koguryŏ, Paekche and Silla each built their own particular form of grave mounds (mudŏm) and held ceremonies for their dead. They each had separate cultural traditions. Relics excavated from ancient tombs in the three kingdoms were the products of the technological tradition of each state. The strong individuality of each kingdom is especially apparent in their metal crafts. The metal crafts produced in the kingdoms of Paekche and Silla remain very highly regarded; their design is so distinctive and the refining and detailing techniques so dexterous that it is difficult to Seven-Pronged Sword (Ch’iljido 七支 consider these metal crafts as the products 刀), 4 th century, length 74.5 cm, of ancient technology. As for Koguryŏ, its replica. Paekche. Collection of the metallurgic technology is best verified by Isonokami-jingu Shrine (石上神宮), Japan. the mineral paints applied to the walls of its tombs. Koguryŏ artists painted numerous works overflowing with striking individuality and spirit in bold lines and colors. The color of these tomb murals remains vivid even now, over 1,500 years later. According to ancient Chinese texts, Koguryŏ gold was so well refined that it could be consumed medicinally. Powdered gold was considered one of the elixirs of life in ancient pharmacology. This speaks of the excellence of Koguryŏ

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refining techniques. While the relics are not numerous, Koguryŏ’s bronze Buddhas, vessels and jewelry reveal its bronze-casting technology to have been a benchmark. Here as well, exposing the distinct individuality of Koguryŏ remains a significant task. The metal arts of Paekche have long been noted, but there had been few extant relics. Then, a 6th-century Paekche censer was excavated in 1993, which is now widely regarded as the representative masterpiece of Paekche’s metal arts. Bowl-shaped crucible predating the Three Kingdoms period, diameter 16.0 cm. This It is said that the excellent technique important relic once held liquid iron used to produce ironware. Kyŏngju National used in this work far surpasses that of Museum. China, and it is certainly an extension of the tradition of production employed in the 4th-century Seven-Pronged Sword (Ch’iljido 七支刀) crafted in Paekche and now preserved in the Isonokamijingu Shrine (石上神宮) in Japan. The 64 cm high, 11.8 kg Paekche gilt-bronze incense burner discovered in the Puyŏ (扶餘) sets the standard for the quality of Paekche metal arts (its photo appears in the introduction to this book). Looking toward the heavens and about to take flight, a large dragon holds in its mouth a lotus flower wrapped in a leaf. Above the flower appear the 74 ridges of Penglai Mountain (蓬萊山), on the apex of which is perched a phoenix Crucible excavated in Ssangbug’ri, Puyŏ, Paekche period. Puyŏ National Museum. fluttering its wings. The work is poured in bronze and gilded with gold. This censer was poured into a beeswax mold and consists of three pieces. The bronze has been chemically analyzed as having a ratio of 7.8% copper, 1.6% tin and 0.3% zinc, and is considered a zinc-bronze alloy. The gilding with gold was evenly applied at a thickness of 10–20 microns, using a mercury amalgam

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Koguryŏ tomb mural, Ohoebun Grave Number 4 (五盔墳 4號墓), 6th century. This mural depicts a spirit hammering ironware. An iron artisan is vividly depicted as a spirit working in a 6th century Koguryŏ blacksmith’s shop. Chian region (集安).

technique. While some say that the dexterity of the carving, the beauty of the casting technique and the grace of the form were influenced by the Chinese Boshanlu censer (博山爐), others consider this aesthetic to be that of Paekche, not found anywhere else in East Asia. According to the latter view, this censer can be said to be a product of the metallurgical arts in the same vein as the seated Bodhisatva Msaiteria (半跏思惟像) of Paekche. This sort of original, creative casting was produced by the professional metal artisans of Paekche, who were prominent members of the official collectives of technicians. ‘Professor of tile-making’ (瓦博士) and ‘Professor of support plate creation’ (Nobanbaksa 露盤博士) were the titles of the highest-level professional technicians, who are recorded as having been dispatched to Japan to perform instructive duties. During the Silla period, the names of the bell casting professors (鑄鐘博士) were inscribed on the bells that they made. Thus, we can confirm that an institution of experts in metal arts existed, and that they held mid-level official positions in the social hierarchy. This was a relatively high rank compared to that of artisans (工匠) in the Chosŏn dynasty, who belonged to one of the lowest ranks. The Silla artisans appear to have been more similar in status to the midlevel ranking official scholars in Chosŏn.

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In Paekche, the collectives of professional technicians took pride in their creative roles and gave undivided attention to their work, thanks to the special consideration shown to expert technicians as part of the national policy, the increase in farming production and the splendid tradition of metal arts. Their technological proficiency was sufficient to allow the assimilation and acceptance of advanced Chinese technology. They engaged in metal arts at a higher level, devising manufacturing techniques for innovative products. Such efforts led to the creation of the Paekche aesthetic and technological tradition by its artisans. In ancient Korean metal arts, especially those excavated from Silla tombs, it is impossible to overlook the influence of the Orient and the northern lineage, alongside that of China. That is, one detects a current of Korean Bronze Age culture distinct from that of the Chinese. The pulse of traditional indigenous Korean technology continued its vigorous beat, even under the strong influence of Chinese traditional metallurgy. The artistic metallurgy of Silla is best represented by its bronze bell. A Silla-style bell became the model for the Korean bell. Silla artisans amassed, practiced and advanced Silla’s vibrant artistic technology and techniques. They created a world rich in artistic flavor, with artifacts of gold, silver, bronze, glass or fine jade, Silla stoneware, woodblock printing technology, paper production and construction technology. Silla’s formative arts and technology created a harmony. Silla’s bronze bells were determinative products of the aesthetic creativity applied by Silla artisans to their technology. Silla craftsmen combined an ancient Chinese bell (chung 鐘) and large hand bell (to 鐸) to produce the bronze bell, which had a distinctive Silla style. A particularly notable part is the resonating apparatus. This sonorous tube is attached to the bell by a dragon-loop, from which the bell was hung. It is especially noteworthy for its harmonious beauty. Silla craftsmen produced Korean bronze (not) from a copper-tin bronze alloy to make their fine bronze implements. This is confirmed not only by the extant documents of the period but also by the modern chemical analysis of Silla’s brass Smithy, late Chosŏn period, Tanwon (檀園) Kim plates as well. The notion seems to be further supported by the Hong-do (金弘道). This vivid depiction of a Chosŏn renowned Chinese text on natural history, Li Shichen’s (李時 period blacksmith’s shop is a valuable resource, giving 珍) Compendium of Materia Medica (Pen-ts’ao kangmu 本草綱 an insight into the tools and equipment employed by 目): “Persian copper is good for making mirrors; Sillan copper craftsmen working with cast-iron at that time.

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is good for making bells.” A bronze bell dedicated to King Sŏngdŏk (Sŏngdŏk taewang sinjong 聖德大王神鐘), with a height and weight of 3.6 m and some 20 tons respectively, cast in 771, is in the care of the Kyŏngju National Museum. The solemnity of form and elegant arrangement of patterns, achieved through a rare technological aesthetic of amalgam, carving and casting, are typified in this representative bell of Silla. This bell moves us with its elegant and beautiful form, clear sonorous sound and elongated, delicate, trailing reverberations. It is a product of Silla artisans, who excelled at creating architectonic beauty in bronze with their amalgam casting technology. One other Silla technology that should be mentioned is the metal art of brassware. Recently, this bronze ware was excavated in volume during a survey of Kyŏngju Anapji (雁鴨池). This Silla ware is of the same sort as the Silla Sahari (佐波理) that is included among the Shosoin Repository (正倉院) treasures in Japan. Silla brasswares are bronze implements realized by an amalgam of copper and tin with expert casting technology. These are identical to the bronze ware which was discovered in storage in a 9th century Silla pagoda in 1995. The golden color of the brass implements is as vivid and bright as it must have been when they were first cast. An analysis reveals the brass plates to be a copper-tin bronze amalgam, nearly devoid of impurities. This is clearly distinguishable from the bronze implements from other East Asian regions, which contain lead. After the 10th century, this brassware-casting technology was superbly adapted by the metal artisans of Koryŏ. When Buddhism became the state religion, brass plates were produced in volume as Buddhist religious ware or collection bowls. During the Chosŏn dynasty, brass bowls spread quickly to Korean households, along with Chosŏn white porcelain, as the tableware of the Korean people. In the Unified Silla and Koryŏ periods, iron-casting technology was also highly developed. This fact is confirmed by the cast iron statues of the Buddha and the iron cauldrons (musoesot) from those periods.

Bronze Implement Technology Soongsil University’s Korean Christian Museum includes in its collection a finelined bronze mirror (kounmunŭi ch’ŏngdong kŏul) produced in the 4th century BCE. Measuring 21.2 cm in diameter, this bronze mirror is commonly known as the Tanyuse-mungyŏng (多紐細紋鏡). Reportedly discovered in Ch’ungch’ŏngnamdo province in the 1960s, the innovation and detail of its geometric patterns and refined casting technology are breathtaking. This work is the height of bronze period casting technology and cannot be found in any other region of that period.

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Even today, I marvel at the dexterity of its mysteriously drafted lines and patterns, which, with every look, become more and more unfathomable. It looks as if it would take an able, present-day draftsperson with the proper modern drafting tools some twenty days to complete such a complex pattern, even if working on tracing paper. Imagine inscribing some 13,000 concentric circles and lines on a circular area merely 20 cm in diameter without the benefit of a magnifying glass. How much time and what sort of effort would this have taken a person in the 4th century BCE? Previously, although scholars had praised this mirror, no concrete attempt had been made to discover how this bronze work was actually produced. Recently, however, a group did conduct an experiment to determine if the patterns of this mirror could be reproduced. This process revealed a succession of surprises. The patterns on this mirror are drawn in three Fine-lined bronze mirror concentric circles whose diameters equally divide its diameter from the center (kounmunŭi ch’ŏngdong kŏul), 4th point. The innermost area is demarcated by five thick-lined concentric circles. century BCE, diameter 21.2 cm. These circles enclose some 3,340 lines, which form the rectangles, the diagonals Soongsil University Museum. of those rectangles and the numerous parallels and slanted lines inside. The middle area consists of ten fine-lined concentric circles spaced at 0.5 mm intervals. Outside these circles are neatly placed both fine- and thick-lined concentric circles in rows of three to five, spaced at approximately 1 cm apart. This area is engraved with 48 rectangular shapes and their diagonals, and further filled by some 4,230 lines spaced at 0.35 mm apart. The outermost area consists of eight groupings of some 30 smaller concentric circles. These eight shapes are placed in pairs at the four vertexes of the square inscribed by touching the circular border of the mirror. Some 5,730 parallel lines and slanted lines adorn the area outside these concentric circles in crosshatch patterns. This means that approximately 13,300 lines decorate the face of the fine-lined bronze mirror. Even by using a compass and drawing only on paper, the spacing of such fine lines at close to 0.3 mm is no Burnished red pottery, 7th–3rd centuries BCE, height 15 cm. Kyŏngbuk University Museum. mean feat; how this ornamentation was applied to

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the mold employed to cast the mirror remains a mystery. Even after the mold was made, it is beyond comprehension how the bronze could have been so exquisitely cleanly cast and removed. This is clearly a mystery of the Korean Bronze Age. In a period when there was no proper ruler or compass, the artisan who made the mirror would have had to fashion his own tools for the work. Without doubt, this could only have been the lifetime accomplishment of a master artisan. A number of other fine-lined bronze mirrors have been discovered in the South Korean region. This fact indicates that Korean Bronze Age technology at that time was of the highest standard. We do not yet know if a stone, clay or beeswax mold was used to cast these mirrors. According to the research of one experimental archeologist, whose experiment seems convincing, using a clay mold results in the best replica. It is most encouraging that a research project regarding the production technology of these bronze mirrors is currently underway at the Research Center for Traditional Technology at the Korean Institute of Science and Technology. This project is being carried out by the team led by Dr. Ch’oe Chu (崔炷). We can only rejoice in the fact that this think-tank of leading scientists is taking an active interest in innovative works of traditional technology. This brings back the excitement that I felt some 30 years ago when conducting research in the United States and was approached by two engineers from the General Electric Research Center with a proposal for undertaking cooperative research on the superiority of Korean bronze implements. At any rate, this fine-lined bronze mirror is considered a monument to Korean bronze mirror production technology with its entirely new design, exceptionally detailed patterns, flawless precision casting technology and rare aesthetic sense.

Silla Bronze and Koryŏ Bronze Geographical Conspectus of the Eastern Kingdom (Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam 東國輿地 勝覽) was compiled in 1481 and revised, appended and finalized in 1530 as the splendid Korean geographical treatise, Newly Augmented Geographical Conspectus of the Eastern Kingdom (Sinchŭng Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam 新增東國輿地勝覽). The following passage appears there: Of the five elements (gold, silver, copper, iron, lead), copper has the highest production rate. The copper [in this context, copper indicates not the element Cu but also bronze (銅)] produced in this land is the firmest and is red in hue. All tableware and utensils are made from it; in China, it is referred to as Koryŏ

bronze (kaolit’ung 高麗銅).

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The 16th-century Ming scholar, Li Shi-chen (李時珍), wrote a book called Compendium of Materia Medica (Pen-ts’ao kangmu 本草綱目). Although entitled a pharmacopoeia, it is closer to a natural history. A complete survey of all related previous texts, this voluminous book is a science classic, ranking among the world’s masterpieces. The following reference appears in the section about metals: “Persian copper (波欺銅) is good for making mirrors; Sillan copper (新羅銅) is good for making bells.” While reckoning the highest quality bronze alloys of the period, the yellow bronze of Persia, which radiated a golden sheen, and the zinc-bronze produced in Silla are appraised as the best. This was the opinion of Li Shichen. Thus, in the introduction of the text, Li Shichen wrote “In the words of Li Shichen …”, to show that he intended to express his views objectively. Then, in 1488 (Sŏngjong 19), Tung Yueh (董越), who came to Chosŏn as a Ming envoy and later wrote of Chosŏn’s natural features in Ch’ao-hsien fu (朝鮮賦), recorded that Koryŏ bronze (kao-li t’ung) was of superior quality. In History of the Koryŏ Dynasty, several entries record China’s purchase of Koryŏ bronze. This import was not due to a deficit of copper in China but to the quality of Koryŏ bronze. Then, what were the special Silla bronze and Koryŏ bronze that were so widely praised in China? China had already poured the world’s best bronze implements in the 15th century BCE. China’s bronze technology was that considerable. It is surprising that China, a state with a long tradition of producing bronze implements, counted Silla bronze and Koryŏ bronze among the highest quality bronze in the world. What type of bronze alloy was made by the Silla and Koryŏ artisans in order to cast the best bells and most splendid tableware? Needless to say, this tradition owed its origin to the technology of the Bronze Age. I have named the Korean-made bronze alloy with this long tradition “Korean Bronze”, but I am not the first to use the term: Yi Sang-baek (李相佰) used it in his writings to refer to the bronze used in the making of the Chosŏn period movable type. The term, as I use it in this context, Silla bronze vessel rice bowl (Hap), 5th–6th centuries, diameter is a proper noun, a technical term meaning “bronze 18 cm. Several specimens of this brass rice bowl were unearthed in the Kyŏngju area. Kyŏngbuk University Museum. produced in Korea.”

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Although, so far, this is merely a hypothesis, I have always believed the concept of Korean Bronze to apply to both the ancient zinc-bronze and to the bronze alloys of the Chosŏn period, then commonly referred to as not or notsoe. The history of Korean bronze is very long. Long before the artisans of Silla developed Silla bronze, the technology began in approximately 10th century BCE during the Bronze Age by the patternless-earthenware people living on the Korean peninsula. This was an alloy that the advanced Chinese civilization did not manage to develop. It is highly plausible that this bronze alloy technology is an original product of Korea, developed through the accumulation of technology. Of course, this does not exclude the influence of Chinese or northern lineages; exchange is, after all, both natural and necessary. That being said, one need not think that the technology flowed in from elsewhere or that the Koreans merely received it. There is no reason to exclude the possibility that Koreans developed this technology independently in the 10th century BCE, while admitting that an advanced technology abruptly appeared around the 15th century BCE in China. However, judging from various archeological facts, the problem remains that the Korean zinc-bronze alloy can indeed be connected to northern lineages and other cultures. There is a field of study called archeological chemistry; Silla brass vessels. Soup bowl (taechŏp) and rice bowl (hap), th it is the hybrid of archeology and chemistry. Other fields 8 century, diameter 17.2 cm. From the catalogue of the Shosoin Exhibition (1988). of study, such as science, technology and industry, combine with archeology to become the interdisciplinary fields of industrial archeology and technological archeology, which are presently expanding. It now seems that archeologists cannot properly carry out research without basing it on scientific or technological experiments.

Different Roots from the Technologies of China Although meager in comparison to those of China and Japan, experimental data on Korean relics are now beginning to accumulate little by little. Let us analyze some

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of this data. According to one analytical report, the alloy used to make a “hanging adornment”, excavated at an early Bronze Age archeological site in Ch’odo Island (草島), Najin (羅津), was constituted as follows: copper 53.93%, tin 22.30%, lead 5.11%, zinc 13.70%, iron 1.29%, and other 3.69%. I was taken aback upon reading this report from North Korea in the summer of 1969 at the Harvard University Yenching Institute. This was no small issue. It was not easy to believe a report stating that there was zinc-bronze alloy on the Korean peninsula dating to circa the 10th century BCE. However, the same report stated that the bronze alloy used in a fine-lined mirror excavated at a site in Songsanri, Pongsan’gun Hwanghaedo was made up of 42.19% copper, 26.70% tin, 5.56% lead, 7.36% zinc and 1.05% iron. A pocket axe (a bronze axe used during religious ceremonies) unearthed at the same site also had the following composition: copper 40.55%, tin 18.30%, lead 7.50%, zinc 24.50%, and iron 1.05%. Thus, these two alloys contain 7.36% and 24.50% zinc, respectively, and may be reasonably called zinc-bronze alloys. The sites where these relics were discovered were well-known in archeological circles. There was also no reason to disbelieve the results of the chemical analyses. Therefore, while no more than a few of these chemical analyses had been performed, they seemed to be of great import to our technological history. However, these results apply meaningfully to one particular genre of bronze implements produced during the Korean Bronze Age; not all the bronze implements produced in Korea were of this composition. Of course, the region referred to as Korea was, in fact, far more expansive than the peninsula we now call Korea; prior to the formation of the territory of Old Koguryŏ, the lands inhabited by the Koreans of the Bronze Age included what is present-day northeastern China. Another clear fact is that this technology was not connected to that of China, so, even if we suppose that this technology flowed in from elsewhere, it is almost certain that it came from some place other than China. This is because “Chinese Bronze” and “Korean Bronze”, judging from their alloy constituents, cannot be said to have the same technological origin, although this is not to say that every piece of Chinese bronze is different from that of Korea. Bronze is an alloy of copper and tin. The bronze found in East Asia usually contains lead as well. Much of the bronze found in Korea consists of these three elements also. However, the bronze alloy we have named “Korean Bronze” consists

Shosoin Repositor y (正 倉 院 ) Dragon-Patterned Bronze Mirror, 7th–8th centuries, diameter 31.7 cm. This Silla mirror has been confirmed by a nondestructive analysis to consist of 71% copper, 25% tin and 5% lead. From Collection of the Shosoin Repository (1994).

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of tin and lead, with the addition of zinc. This zinc-bronze alloy cannot be found in China prior to the Han (漢) dynasty and is quite rare up until the Song (宋) dynasty. It is a well-known fact that Korean bronze implements have several formal characteristics that cannot be found in Chinese bronze implements. These are exemplified by the lute-shaped bronze dagger, the Korean narrow bronze dagger, the coarse-lined bronze mirror (多紐粗紋鏡) and the fine-lined bronze mirror. In any case, the differences in both the characteristic form and zinc content convince us that Korean Bronze was descended from a technological line that was different from the bronze of China. Archeological research regarding Korean bronze implements has yet to enter even its starting phase, whereas both China and Japan have been carrying out research on bronze implements since 1910. This fact provides food for thought for Koreans regarding what must be done. It is fortunate that, in recent years, the Korean Society for Traditional Science and Technology has been formed, and that continuous research has been conducted in the field of archeological chemistry at Taedŏk Science Park by researchers, such as Dr. Ch’oe Chu, Professor No T’ae-chŏn (盧泰天) and others.

Bronze Implements and Molds Bronze is an alloy of copper and tin. Tin is added to copper in order to strengthen it for the production of tools. Zinc is added in small amounts to increase the liquidity of the metal when melted, allowing easier casting. The addition of lead is useful in facilitating the final finishing of the surface Phoenix patterned square bronze mirror (below) and fishpatterned square bronze mirror (above), 12th–13th centuries. after casting. National Museum of Korea. Let us examine the ratio of copper and tin as they relate to firmness. When a ratio of 10% tin is added, the metal takes on a reddish yellow tint; at 20%, it becomes reddish gray; and, at 28%, the hardness of the metal reaches its maximum. When adding zinc to yellow bronze, if the ratio is 15–25%, the metal becomes golden with a reddish sheen, and, at 30–40%, it turns golden. Thus, the addition of zinc to bronze allows the manipulation of the alloy’s liquidity and color.

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Yet, yellow bronze or brass was first made in the Asia Minor region sometime around the 10th century BCE. Then, according to the technological historian, Forbes, this technology slowly spread to the Near East and was transmitted to Persia by approximately the 5th century BCE. From there, it spread westward in the early Roman period, and first gained wide renown. The oldest yellow brass relic from the Roman period is a coin minted in 20 BCE containing a ratio of 17.3% zinc. However, the period in which yellow brass was heavily produced in Persia goes no further back than the 6th century. After that, it was transmitted to India and then, some two centuries later, to China. According to Forbes, yellow brass was made in China beginning in the 8th century and its manufacture was based on technology transmitted Spectrochemical analysis of bronze alloy (circa 2nd century BCE), magnified 100 times. Analyzed, photographed and sent to the author from Persia or India. by the U.S. Army Exploration Research Center. However, the validity of some of the general views held by Western technological historians has been questioned in recent years. Their inaccuracy has been proven through in-depth research by two groups; that of Needham in England and Yabuuchi (藪 內淸) in Japan. These researchers claim that yellow brass appeared in Chinese documents during the 4th and 5th centuries and that this is borne out by analyses of Han dynasty relics. They assert that, based on the analyses of Han-period relics, the period in which yellow brass was transmitted to China proves to be far earlier than Forbes claims. It is possible that this technology came to China from Korea. Zinc-bronze ornaments dating back to the 7th century BCE have been excavated at Korean archeological sites bordering China. Zinc-bronze axes and mirrors have been excavated at Songsan-ri, Pongsan-kun in Hwanghae-do province, a late Bronze-Age archeological site. In particular, Pongsan’gun district is recorded as a production location for the zinc ore (nogamsŏk 爐甘石) in the “Geographical Monograph” portion of Veritable Record of King Sejong. Perhaps the technicians living in that region during the Bronze Age discovered that mixing zinc with copper or bronze changed the character of the alloy. Since zinc melts and evaporates as steam at a temperature of 907°C, zincbronze alloy, which must be heated to 1,000°C to liquefy and be cast, is not easy to make. Hence, yellow brass was considered more precious than bronze.

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Fine-lined bronze mirrors (chanjulmunŭi ch’ŏngdong kŏul), 4 th–3 rd centuries BCE. National Museum of Korea.

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Korean artisans of the Bronze Age had resolved this technical difficulty, but there is no record of the method by which they accomplished this feat. A book on natural history written in the late Chosŏn period by Yi Kyugyŏng (李圭景) does offer a hint regarding this matter. Yi Kyu-gyŏng wrote that the best yellow brass is obtained by smelting zinc and red copper (cuprite; chŏktong 赤銅) at a ratio of 4 : 6 kun (斤, 600 g or 1.323 lbs) in a vessel and cooling the mixture completely until it solidifies before removing it from the vessel. Also, when working with zinc ore, 1.5 kun of yellow brass will be produced by smelting together one kun each of zinc ore and copper in a 1 : 1 ratio. It seems likely that these were the traditional methods of making yellow brass inherited from the Bronze Age. This method is similar to the smelting method recorded in Sung Ying-hsing’s (宋應星) famous technological encyclopedia of 17th-century China, Exploration of the Works of Nature (T’ienkung kaiwu 天工開物, 1637). However, this text goes on to state: “This method changed somewhat in later generations. Because much of the zinc ore was lost as steam, they returned to the use of zinc.” Reference is also made to ore lost as steam even when layers of copper and zinc ore were stacked alternately in the crucible. The Exploration of the Works of Nature further notes that the zinc as well must be added to the copper, since much of it goes up in smoke Molds for coarse-lined bronze, Maengsan, replicas, 7th century if zinc is put to the flame first. The difficulty of producing BCE. National Museum of Korea. zinc-bronze is implicit in these passages. For a time, yellow brass (hwangdong) was incorrectly known as brass (not). From the Unified Silla period, when it became the material for tableware, extending into the Koryŏ and Chosŏn periods, during which it was long cherished as traditional Korean tableware called brassware (notgŭrŭt), it was composed of copper and tin at a ratio of 75 : 25 or 80 : 20, a resonant bronze (hyangdong 響銅). In Chosŏn-period documents, brass (not or notsoe) was denoted by the SinoKorean characters yu (鍮) or yuch’ŏl (鍮鐵), while the vessels themselves (notgŭrŭt) were expressed by the characters yuki (鍮器).

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Molds for pouring bronze daggers, 2nd–1st centuries BCE, length 22.5 cm (center). Excavated at Changch’ŏnri and Ch’oburi. National Museum of Korea.

The excavation of buried artifacts plays a decisive role in the proper writing of history. Japanese scholars have asserted that: “Before the liberation, there had been no Bronze Age in Korea.” After 1945, however, many Bronze Age sites were discovered, and the relics virtually poured out from the ground. It was only in a liberated Korea that the existence of the Korean Bronze Age was confirmed by Korean scholars. This was truly a surprising and moving historical development. Furthermore, from the perspective of Korean technological history, this point in time when a new revolutionary technology appeared will probably be remembered as an epic event. The Korean Bronze Age was further confirmed by the discovery of casting molds (kop’ujip). Such molds, which were first excavated in areas of North Korea, were later unearthed in the south as well. This wide distribution indicates that the practice of casting bronze was taking place across the entire region. Twenty-eight molds have been excavated to date; these include molds for a wide variety of implements, such as bronze daggers, bronze axes, bronze chisels, arrowheads, fishing hooks and buttons. Axe molds have been unearthed in Puyŏ at the Songguk-ri site as well, which is also notable as the excavation site for the lute-shaped bronze swords, thought to date to the 8th or 9th century BCE, and as a confirmed dwelling site. The discovery of axe molds corroborates the fact that the Bronze Age people who lived there were pouring and using bronze implements in their daily lives.

Archeological Surveys and Disputes

Two important technologies must accompany the production of bronze implements. One is the smelting technology necessary for making alloy. The other is the casting technology needed to pour the liquid bronze. There were two primary smelting methods for making bronze alloy. One puts the copper ore and tin ore

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Molds for bronze axes and fishing hooks, 4 th –2 nd centuries BCE, 2.2 × 11.9 × 7.1 cm. Yŏngam, Chŏllanamdo province. Soongsil University Museum.

together in a vessel and liquefies them as is. The other smelts the copper and tin separately and mixes the pre-smelted elements in the appropriate ratios to make bronze. The latter, of course, is the more advanced technology and produces superior results. In 15th-century BCE China, this advanced technique was already the general practice of the Yin dynasty (殷 18th–12th centuries BCE). Among the artifacts excavated there, a number of porcelain crucibles and large slag deposits made of copper allow conjecture as to the stage of that technology. As yet, the excavation of such artifacts has not occurred in Korea. Thus, conjecture is made about the level of smelting technology in ancient Korea based on chemical analyses of artifacts and metallurgical investigation. For example, chemical analysis allows the supposition about the level of technology employed when the Korean-style bronze dagger was made. Copper, tin and lead appear in an average ratio of 75 : 15 : 10, and the fact that these figures are very uniform across the various daggers is quite surprising.

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Dragon-shaped knob on the Divine Bell of King Sŏngdŏk (聖德大王 神鐘). The dexterous casting technology employed by Silla artisans is highlighted in this exquisitely cast bell.

Another determinative microscopic study was made of the alloy construction of a bronze implement. It revealed that the compositional elements have been crystallized in a very regular fashion. This study also conveys the superiority of the casting technology employed. In 1969, when I was conducting research at the State University of New York, the American metallurgy lab that analyzed the Korean Bronze was so surprised at the superiority of the alloy technology that they called long-distance to say: “We spare no praise for ancient Korean bronze technology.” The results of the chemical analyses performed on a few Korean-style bronze daggers appear below. These are analyses by North Korean scholars. In the summer of 1969, when I was in residence at the Harvard Yenching Institute, I tracked down the data published in a report by Ch’oe Sang-jun, who was working at the North Korean Academy of Science. My search was motivated by the fact that Chinese and Japanese scholars had analyzed many East Asian bronze relics at that point, producing hundreds of reports with data, but there had been no reports on Korean bronze relics, except the few by Japanese scientists. In 1966, Ch’oe Sang-jun’s (崔相俊) report in Archeology and Folklore (Kogo minsok) revealed the

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surprising fact that zinc-bronze alloy was found in the bronze implements unearthed at a Bronze Age site dating to between the 10th and 7th centuries BCE. This was data proving the possibility that Korean bronze technologies were formed on a technological base distinct from that of China. Confronted with this new fact, previously unreported in East Asian bronze implement research, I was excited to the point of losing sleep. Ch’oe Sang-jun’s report had not included any information about this surprising hypothesis. As a young analytical researcher, he may have overlooked what the results of his research suggested; that they related to an emerging important topic in the history of East Asian technology. I next came across the name Ch’oe Sang-jun in A History of the Technological Development in Korea (Chosŏn kisul palchŏn sa 조선기술발전사) in 1994. His name was listed among the sixteen professors who authored the book. Although the analytical report published under the name Ch’oe Sang-jun was limited to bronze implements excavated in North Korea, it is an important document, as these relics date from the early Korean Bronze period. However, Ch’oe Chu, who had mostly performed analyses on bronze relics excavated in South Korea, strongly questions the research results, which clamed that Korean bronze artifacts contained zinc. Yet his research, based on the analyses of about fifteen artifacts collected in South Korea dating from the 1st century BCE to the Koryŏ period, is problematic due to the limited sample. To date, the analytical research of neither North nor South Korean scientists has resulted in a decisive clue as to whether or not Korean and Chinese Bronze Age technologies were technologies of related or unrelated lineages. Chemical Analysis of Korean Bronze Daggers (Analysis by Ch’oe Sang-jun) Excavation Site Unknown Sunch’ŏn’gun Sunch’ŏn’gun P’yŏngyang P’yŏngyang

Copper (Cu)

Tin (Sn)

Lead (Pb)

78.20% 73.13 70.30 70.09 75.94

17.12% 19.17 14.84 14.39 15.08

4.32% 6.39 14.22 8.39 9.45

Much more research will be required in order to determine whether or not my hypothesis that Korean Bronze Age technology and Chinese Bronze Age technology were of different lineages can become an established theory. A fact we must heed, as mentioned earlier, is that the analysis of Chinese bronze relics is based on hundreds of reports. Korea has only some 50 such documents at

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Rising heavenly figure on the Divine Bell of King Sŏngdŏk (聖德 大王神鐘).

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this point. We do need to abandon the idea that ancient Korean technology was always based on ancient Chinese technology. However, Koreans should not be limited by the long established theory held by the Japanese, and the present reality of Chinese scholars relying on the fixed notion that the ancient Chinese technology was superior as an answer to all questions, while simultaneously being wary of excessively nationalistic historical analyses, which can lead to the loss of scholarly objectivity.

The Development of Mold Technology In addition to the alloy, another important aspect of casting technology is the mold. Once called chuhyŏng (鑄型) or yongbŏm Dragon-shaped knob of the Ch’ŏnhongsa (天興寺) temple bell, 1010, overall (鎔范), mold technology has a determinabell height 1.7 m. Faithfully inheriting its form from the bells of Silla, this is the tive effect on the final quality of the bronze most beautiful and largest temple bell of Koryŏ. National Museum of Korea. implement being poured. The beauty and detail of a bronze implement is the product of how it was poured and the mold into which it was poured. The first molds were carved from stone or clay and poured horizontally. Then, with two halves carved and matched, any shape of bronze implement could be poured. This is referred to as the direct method. There were few implements that could not be created by this method, which could be applied to all kinds of weapons that are relatively simple in shape, as well as to bronze implements that are exquisite in form and complex in pattern. Technicians developed better molds with which to cast more detailed and artistically expressive bronze ware. These beeswax molds were called naphyŏng (蠟型). The method for making beeswax molds is simple: resin is melted and mixed with wax from honey dregs. Once the desired shape has been carved to make the original form, a finely pulverized powder of casting-earth is sprinkled onto the mold surface. Then, clay water is applied over the surface to form the outer-mold, and, after the clay dries, the mold is baked. The wax melts away, leaving only the hollow outer-mold.

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The liquid bronze poured into this outer-mold takes on the same shape as the original wax form. This is called the indirect method of mold making. While making this type of mold is a far more complicated process, requiring more stringent steps than the direct method, the patterns and surface of the cast bronze implement are far more detailed, since the desired form was carved from wax, and the implement itself is more easily removed from the mold. Ancient technicians in Korea applied this method as the need arose to make some splendid bronze implements. Koreans also made frequent use of stone molds. This is quite different from China: the Chinese mainly used clay molds. Of the countless molds discovered in China, only five are made of stone. Koreans often employed stone molds to produce the same types of implements that the Chinese poured in clay molds. Korean talc molds were especially superb. Koreans developed talc molds that are regarded as first rate; these molds could be used almost indefinitely and resulted in bronze implements with superior surfaces. In terms Pensive Bodhisattva, Three Kingdoms Period. of function, they were very close to the molds made of metal in use National Museum of Korea. today. Even today, talc powder is applied to mold surfaces by factories to improve the finish on the surface of cast products. This fact lends insight into the high level of technology employed during the Korean Bronze Age. Koreans also developed sand molds for brass implements, a fact evinced by the bronze movable printing type made in Koryŏ during the early 13th century. A technological description regarding sand molds was written by the 15th-century Chosŏn scholar, Sŏng Hyŏn (成俔), appearing in his Assorted Writings of Yongjae (Yongjae ch’onghwa 慵齋叢話). His explanation is notable for being the oldest and most precise description of sand molds. The Chinese Exploration of the Works of Nature (1637) contains records of sand molds being used to mint coins. In the West, sand molds were unknown prior to the 14th–15th centuries. The first Western description of sand molds may be found in Biringuccio’s Pirotechnica (1540). As yet, there is no evidence to suggest that sand molds had been used much earlier. Koreans developed sand molds prior to the 12th century, and the use of these molds greatly contributed to the evolution of Chosŏn period printing technology. The technology for casting movable bronze printing type in sand molds, introduced by Sŏng Hyŏn, was that century’s most Gilt-bronze pensive Bodhisattva, cobaltadvanced technology for casting metal moveable type and other small 60 radiography. The casting technique of this piece is outstanding. metal products.

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In Western Europe, there are clear traces that suggest that the metal type used for early printing was poured in sand molds. It is an interesting fact that in Korea, as in the West, sand molds prompted the development of metal movable type. The development of sand molds, and thus the ability to cast metal type, formed the basis of the technology that revolutionized printing.

Cast Iron Axes and Buddhist Statues The National Museum of Korea has in its collection a number of enormous cast iron sculptures of the Buddha in a seated posture. These cast iron Buddhas were crafted during the Unified Silla and Koryŏ periods. All exceed 1.5 m in height, with a few reaching to an overwhelming 2.5 m; it is difficult to believe at first sight that they are cast from iron. How could such huge iron Buddhas have been cast with such dexterity in the 8th and 10th centuries? Further knowledge of the technological history of iron only serves to heighten our admiration of these works. Approximately 50 of these iron Buddhas are extant on the Korean peninsula. This fact, in itself, is surprising. The iron Buddhas of China and Japan do not fare well by comparison, either quantitatively or qualitatively. Some art historians have stated that iron Buddhas were produced in China and Korea merely due to a shortage of copper. Indeed, if copper was in short supply, statues of the Buddha could only have been crafted from iron. However, from a technological perspective, the casting of a Buddhist statue in bronze (working with copper) and the casting of a Buddhist statue in iron entail a vast disparity in terms of difficulty. Therefore, the production of Buddha statues in iron signals the arrival of a level of technological capability befitting such a challenge. It is significant that the iron technology of Unified Silla had matured to such an extent in the 8th century. Extant works from the period evince Silla’s technological excellence. The recently published research of Professor Kang U-bang (姜友邦) at the National Museum of Korea, regarding the chronicling and casting technology of cast iron statues of the Buddha, provides a theoretical foundation for this topic. Without doubt, the casting of these splendid iron Cast-iron axes and farm implements (Musoe Tokki and Buddhas was viable due to the tradition and technical Nonggigu), 1st century BCE–3rd century CE, sickle length 25 cm. National Museum of Korea. knowledge gained by the casting of splendid bronze

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Cast-iron weapons, 1st century BCE–3rd century CE, length 41 cm (far left). National Museum of Korea.

Buddhas. It is also important that the casting technologies employed for bronze and iron Buddhas respectively were descended from the same tradition. Additionally, the molds used for these castings are known to have been clay molds. The casting of iron Buddhas was made possible by the fusion and augmentation of these many extant technologies. Central to this point is the fact that the casting technology for iron Buddhas was made possible by the accumulation of knowledge developed and transmitted by Koreans. The technology continued into the 8th century, when it was sublimated for use in the production of symbols relating to the Buddhist faith. The creation of the Buddha’s softest smile from the finest ironware would have been impossible without an ardor as hot as the melted iron itself. Let us now examine historically the technology of that iron.

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The Emergence of Iron Around the 5th–4th centuries BCE, when Bronze culture was thriving, another breed of implements — iron implements — emerged. The iron technology that appeared in China around the 7th–6th centuries BCE is thought to have spread across the Liaodong peninsula and arrived on the western portion of the Korean peninsula before gradually spreading to the central and southern regions. Investigation regarding iron implements and the geographical route and periods of the development of iron technology in China follows the path of excavation sites, where iron implements and knife money (明刀錢, knife-shaped coins inscribed with the character 明) have been unearthed. Many such sites containing knife money have been discovered in Liaodong and on the Korean peninsula; such sites are concentrated in the P’yŏng’ando province. This fact provides a strong confirmation of the close relationship between knife money and the beginning of the Iron Age. Also, the examples of knife money discovered on Chinese soil date back to the Warring States period (403–221 BCE). Thus, the Chinese Iron Age is thought to have begun before the 3rd century BCE. In Korea, approximately ten sites where iron was stockpiled have been discovered in the Pyeongando provinces to date. Widely known excavation sites in Pyŏng’ando province include Yongyŏndong (龍淵洞), Sungjŏng-myŏn (崇正面) in Wiwon-kun (渭原郡) and Sechuk-ri (細竹里), Ori-myŏn (梧里面) in Yŏngbyŏn-kun (寧邊郡). Various artifacts excavated from the Yongyŏndong site include: 400 pieces of knife money, two iron window frames, one iron arrowhead, four iron farming implements and three iron tools. Iron relics excavated at the Yŏngbyŏngun site include 2,000 pieces of knife money, short-handled hoe heads, plough blades, sickles, axe heads, chisels, small knife blades, arrowheads and knives. However, some scholars view all of these artifacts as merely having been brought to Korea from mainland China rather than being the work of the Korean people. For them, these sites are important insofar as they provide physical proof that can be examined with regard to the path of the import, or lineage, of early Korean iron culture. There are many opposing opinions on this matter, however. One view suggests that, although some of the relics discovered at these sites were brought into Korea from China as a result of trade and cultural exchange, others were the technological products of the people who were indigenous to the region of the particular excavation site.

Cast-iron axes, 3rd century BCE, North Korea. Excavated with fine-lined bronze mirrors and Korean-style bronze daggers and axes. From Shiomi’s (潮見) Early Iron Culture of East Asia (1982).

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Cast iron relics from Pŏmŭikusŏk (虎谷洞), Musan, Hamkyŏngbukdo province, 4th–3rd centuries BCE. Axes, kitchen knives, plough blades, short-handled hoe blades, sickle blades.

Interestingly, three different types of iron implements were discovered at many of these sites: cast-iron, pig-iron and steel. This has been especially true of the Sechuk-ri site, according to a recent academic report. These were arrowheads remaining as traces of silicon pig-iron constituted of pure iron with a manganese content of 0.02%; and a cast-iron axe head (fragment), composed of constituents including 4.2% carbon, 0.19% silicon, 0.10% lead and 0.016% sulfur. Additionally, a cast-iron axe head (fragment) with 2.98% carbon content was also discovered. Another steel axe head was analyzed to have a content of 1.43% carbon, 0.1% silicon, 0.18% manganese, 0.009% phosphorus and 0.011% sulfur. One other steel axe head was found to have a carbon content of 0.7%. The results of this report leave the possibility open for new analyses. As is widely known, the iron technology appearing in China employed pig-iron during the 7th–6th centuries BCE, then moved to cast iron in the 5th–4th centuries BCE. However, the developmental process of iron technology in Korea differed from

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that of China, making possible the conjecture that all three types of iron technology were employed during practically the same period. This may also be inferred from the analysis of iron axe heads excavated at the Musan Pŏmŭigusŏk site, a site which, although of nearly the same period as the Hamgyŏngbukdo Hoeryŏngsi Odong (會寧市五洞) site, is far from the trade route through which the iron technology presumably traveled from China’s Liaodong peninsula and spread to the Korean peninsula. Among the relics excavated at the Pŏmŭigusŏk site, two iron axe heads are made of pig-iron: one contains 0.02% silicon and 0.02% manganese, while the other contains only traces of silicon and 0.01% manganese. Three other axe heads are made of cast iron, containing 4.2%, 4.05%, and 4.45% carbon. There is also a steel axe head showing a carbon content of 1.55%. These are compared in the chart below. Especially noteworthy is the fact that a steel axe head with a carbon content of 0.7%, qualifying as tool steel, was excavated from the Sechuk-ri site, which dates to the 3rd– 2nd centuries BCE, as well as the steel axe heads excavated from the anteceding Bŏmŭigusŏk site. The fact that the advent of steel in Korea occurred contemporaneously with or previous to the advent of steel in China suggests not a simple transfer of technology but a reciprocal exchange.

Iron implements from the Chagang Yongyŏndong site, 4th–3rd centuries BCE. Sickle, axe, plough, short-handled hoe, rake, kitchen knife. Shiomi’s Early Iron Culture of East Asia (1982).

The Continuation of the Technological Tradition of Bronze Implements With the appearance of iron implements, the axe was the first tool to emerge and among the most commonly employed in Korea. Yet these iron axes were of the Chemical analysis of the iron axes from the Pŏmŭigusŏk site Number Carbon (C) 1 2 3 4 5

4.2 4.05 1.55

Silicon (Si)

Manganese (Mg)

0.02 Trace amount 0.2 0.04 0.1

0.02 0.01 0.006 0.02 0.12

Phosphorus (P)

0.196 0.415 0.007

Sulfur (S)

Notes

0.035 0.033 0.008

Pig-iron Pig-iron Cast-iron Cast-iron Steel

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same style as those used in China from the Warring States period to the Han dynasty. Also intriguing is the fact that the axes excavated at Yongyŏndong in Wiwŏn and those discovered in Hoeryŏng at the Odong dwelling site Number 6 are of the same lineage. This fact permits the illation that, although these two sites were geographically distant, perhaps they were somehow connected. Perhaps China was late to employ iron technology compared to its neighbors. The Chinese of the period may actually have imported iron technology developed outside their territory. One possible supposition is that the iron relics excavated at Hoeryŏng Odong and Musan Pŏmŭigusŏk were of the same lineage as those found in China, not because they were based on technology from China, but because they were direct imports of technology, sharing the same lineage as the technology imported by the Chinese. The Hoeryŏng Odong and Musan Pŏmŭigusŏk have long been known as centers of iron production. The Chosŏn period geological treatise, Geographical Conspectus of the Eastern Kingdom (Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam 東國輿地勝覽), records the copious iron production from these areas. Musan is famous even today as the largest iron production site in Korea. At present, no clear proof exists of the

Molds for iron implements and inner frames, Three Kingdoms Period (3rd–4th centuries), Hwasŏngdong, Kyŏngju, mold length 21.2 cm. Kyŏngju National Museum.

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iron implements excavated at either the Hoeryŏng and Musan site receiving any direct influence from Chinese iron implements. At other sites as well, it is difficult to find any solid evidence that Korean iron technology originated from Chinese iron technology. In addition, the process of iron technology developing from a highly advanced bronze implement technology has been noted in other regions as well. From the perspective of technological history, the fact that Korea had a well-developed bronze casting technology from the early Bronze Age onward serves as a technological basis for a smooth transition into iron casting technology. That is, iron casting technology could only have been based on the accumulated technologies of the extant bronze casting technology. In fact, Koreans employed the same methods used during the Unified Silla period to pour Buddhist statues in bronze when they (later) poured enormous Buddhist statues in iron. The advent of iron implements brought about many changes for humankind. New weapons revolutionized military technology, while farming implements and tools initiated a revolution in agricultural technology. Thus, for ancient peoples, iron products symbolized wealth and power. It is for this reason that a historical analysis of the advent of iron implements and technology on the Korean peninsula has a significant meaning. Archeological research to date regarding the Korean Iron Age has been steady, yet little technologically significant historical or archeological light has been shed. With this in mind, research on Korean ironware civilization is now experiencing a fresh start, which is quite a fortunate development. Research of this sort is important, as it will extend the breadth of our new assessments regarding Korean ironware. Archeologist Professor Kim Chŏngbae (金貞培) writes in regard to the advent of Korean ironware civilization: “In later years, the influence lent by Chinese ironware cannot be underestimated, yet it is not easy to ascertain whether Korean and Chinese ironware civilizations were connected from the start.” He offers the view that the separate advent of these ironware civilizations cannot be dismissed, while pointing out the error of viewing the appearance of knife money or pit tombs as the criterion

Wind tube, Hwasŏngdong, Kyŏngju, Three Kingdoms Period (3rd–4th centuries), length 44 cm. Kyŏngju National Museum.

Cast-iron Buddha, circa 10th century, total height 288 cm. The warm expression in the Silla Buddha’s smile is so natural as to make one doubt that this was cast in iron. National Museum.

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Cast-iron cauldron, 8th century, diameter approximately 2 m. The technology that went into casting this immense cauldron and releasing it intact from the mold was cutting-edge. Pobchusa Temple.

marking the advent of Iron Age civilization in Korea. In fact, implements recovered from the Hoeryŏng and Musan sites, when seen as excavated together with the axe heads, are not “younger” relics than those of T’ogwangmyo. In short, the old presumption that Korean iron culture found its beginnings in Chinese technology imported with knife money seems to have met its match when faced with this dissenting new theory. This new theory is further divided into two positions. The first of these now asserts that the iron implements entered Korea from the north before knife money, or contemporaneously with it, and then took root separately in the west and northeast. The second suggests that iron technology was an independent, transformational technology that developed directly from bronze ware technologies. Leading into the 3rd century BCE, ironware spread widely and grew in variety. Many short-handled hoe heads, picks, sickles, axes, chisels, knives and arrowheads made of iron have been unearthed from the numerous dwelling areas of that period. The production of iron farming tools in such variety and on such a scale effected a revolution in the sphere of production technology. It made possible the building of houses surpassing those of the Bronze Age, and the plowing of

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fields, and cultivation and harvesting of crops increased several fold in terms of speed and ease. However, almost all of the implements of this period were cast-iron products. These implements were not heated and shaped, but were the product of liquid iron poured into molds; they were not forged but cast. Ironware was made using the same melting and molding methods as the bronze ware of the Bronze Age. As a result, consistent shapes and regular sizes were produced. According to excavation reports from North Korea, the majority of these molds were stone molds. One side was carved to allow in the liquid metal, while the other was a flat stone pressed on top to facilitate the casting of the liquid metal. The metallurgic examination of these iron products revealed that few could be considered as superior in quality, although some are of high quality; these were white iron and grey iron. However, the majority of the iron contains very high quantities of carbon and is said to be easily breakable. At any rate, few people in the world had the technology to cast their own iron products during that period. Furthermore, it is a laudable fact that standardsized molds were employed for the mass-production of cast iron axes, which fundamentally differed in form from those of China or Siberia.

The Discoveries of Technical Archeology Archeology deals with artifacts buried in the land and at sea. Previously, archeological investigation often began with the excavation and rescue of certain artifacts, followed by historical investigation and reconstruction, after which a system was established to reconnect the missing links in history. That is, in both practice and methodology, archeology was mainly conducted within the sphere of the humanities. However, all of the relics studied in archeology are the product of human technologies. Any action that involves the making of some object necessarily implies a production process. Thus, archeology is the study of the products of production technology that existed at some point in some field, however primitive that artifact may seem. For this reason, the survey, categorization and investigation of artifacts are all conducted in a manner emphasizing the experimental methodologies of the natural sciences. Archeology investigates the long history of humankind based on the many types of relic and artifact left behind. The endeavor to find the missing links involves the use of both recorded and unrecorded data and is realized by undertaking thorough research. The sub-discipline that conducts research on artifacts

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according to the methodologies of the natural sciences is called experimental archeology. If we classify archeology as one of the humanities, we must classify experimental archeology as being much closer to the natural sciences. The various questions regarding artifacts that cannot be answered by the investigative methodologies of the humanities become the territory of experimental archeology. These questions may encompass the date on which an artifact was produced, its region of production and its method of production as well, and this is where experimental archeology makes an undeniable contribution. In the 1960s, when I was in residence at the State University of New York, at the Research Center for the History of Science and Scientific Systems, the head of the department, Martin Levey, was a scholar in the history of Islamic sciences. Yet he introduced himself as an archeological chemist. In fact, Professor Levey was an influential figure in the field of Arab scientific philology; he also held a post as the president of the Division of the Archeological Chemistry at the American Chemical Society. Many articles on the topic of archeological chemistry had already been printed at that time in American chemistry periodicals. Dr. Levey also edited a collection of presentations from many of the symposia that he organized and published then in his book, Archeological Chemistry. Two other important publications in the field are Science and Archeology (R. H. Brill et al., 1971), published by MIT Press, and Art and Technology (1970). These two works are the important classics in the field. In the past, science and archeology, art and technology bore no relation as fields of study. However, in my view, they were intertwined and co-existed. This may be because I am a historian of science and technology who originally majored in chemistry. At present, most people entering the field of experimental archeology are coming from the natural sciences. These individuals know that they will neither earn much money nor gain fame or glory. However, they sacrifice all because they are burning with passion for a life of scholarly pursuit. They are willing to make sacrifices for their passion and the purely intellectual desire to uncover the missing links in human history. Experimental archeology has a sister field of study: technological archeology. This field of study deals with a far more distant Bronze spear mold, 4th–2nd centuries BCE, 4.1 × period than that treated by either the field of technological history 35.5 × 8.8 cm, Yŏng-am (靈巖), Chŏllanamdo province. Soongsil University Museum. or industrial technological history. In this manner, technological

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history and technological archeology seem to have a similar relationship as do history and archeology. Korean scholars have now begun to adopt a more experimental archeological approach to ancient artifacts. The scholars from Taedŏk Science Park have already been mentioned. Professor Ko Kyŏng-sin (高敬信) is a female chemist who has been tenacious in her research over the last ten years, and Yi Nam-gyu (李南珪) has devoted his energies to the archeological study of steel over the last 15 years. More recently, the archeologist Professor Ch’oe Mong-ryong (崔夢龍), along with Dr. Sin Suk-chŏng (申叔靜) and Dr. Yi Tong-yŏng (李東瑛), published Archeology and Natural Science: Earthen Wares (Kogohak kwa chayŏn kwahak: t’oki p’yŏn) in 1996. Scientists and engineers have been broadening their interests to include archeology. This has been a quiet but epochal academic development. This field ought already to have been in place in a country like Korea, given its long technological history, numerous cultural products and ancient archeological and artistic artifacts. I am suddenly reminded of the researchers at the General Electric research facility, who, during the 1960s, decided to analyze both ancient Korean bronze and pottery in an effort to discover new materials for the 21st century. In this sense, the fields of experimental archeology and technological archeology are not clinging to the past, but looking toward the future. Technical archeology is also called industrial archeology. This is because the origins of our most advanced technologies today are found there. In fact, industrial archeological research is conducted in parallel with modern material research in many facilities in industrially advanced nations. These disparate endeavors share something in common, in that they are too advanced for their times.

Brass vessels and spoons in the collection of the Shosoin Repository, 7th–9th centuries. Shosoin Repository (正倉院), 1994.

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Experimental archeology and technical archeology share the important achievement of carbon dating, a method used reliably to determine the age of artifacts that are organic in origin. This method, called the “yardstick of the cosmos” and invented by Dr. Willard Libby at the University of Chicago in 1949, is based on the fact that radioactive carbon-14 has a 5,700-year half-life. Since then, this method, known as Carbon-14 dating, has become the most reliable scientific basis for determining the dates of artifacts. Ancient scientific technology of a long-gone age and cutting-edge scientific technology have thus come together in the field of experimental archeology.

Lead Isotope Ratio Experimental archeology and technical archeology have found a way to determine the place where a bronze artifact was made. It involves the measuring of an artifact’s lead isotope ratio. Bronze consists of copper, tin and lead, which have two, ten and four stable isotopes respectively, according to the Table of Isotopes. After the invention of the mass spectrometer, numerous measurements of isotope ratios have been performed repeatedly, proving that, regardless of where in the world they were mined, the isotope ratios of copper and tin remain fixed. Lead, however, is very different in this respect. Lead mined from different regions of the globe present very different isotope ratios, while lead mined from the same region maintain the same ratio. This fact allows us to determine the region in which a sample of lead was mined, through the measurement and comparison of isotope ratios. There are four types of lead: lead-204, lead-206, lead-207, and lead-208 204 ( Pb, 206Pb, 207Pb, 208Pb). In East Asia, it has been ascertained that the isotope ratios of lead mined in Korea, Japan and China are all different. This put to rest what had been an enduring concern for Japanese researchers since the 1930s. The results of the spectro-chemical analysis of East Asian bronze ware proved the decisive clue in determining the long-running debate on whether the raw material used to make Japanese bronze ware was Korean or Chinese in origin. Had this method been known earlier, it would indeed have spared scholars several years of effort and debate, but such is the nature of scholarship. This milepost for metals research in experimental archeology was to appear only in the mid-1960s, when the chemist R.H. Brill of the Corning Glass Museum in New York first applied it to classify the production sites of ancient glass. I had the opportunity to hear Dr. Brill’s presentation on the topic on the very evening of his arrival at the State University of New York in the spring of 1969.

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Dragon head jewel mast, 11th century, full length 73.8 cm, National Treasure Number 136. The lively mien of the dragon reveals the excellent casting technique. Ho-am Art Museum.

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Gilded bronze tower, 10th–11th centuries, height 155 cm, National Treasure Number 213. Proof that bronze casting can well express the beauty and graceful architecture of a tower. Ho-am Art Museum.

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I had received an invitation to Dr. Brill’s lecture, sponsored by the Department of the History of Science. This was truly serendipity, as I had become greatly interested in technical archeology. I was excited to meet both Professor Levey and his friend Dr. Brill, and was highly encouraged at the prospect of approaching the unsolved problems of ancient Korean technological history through the methods of experimental archeology. I hoped to solve the problem regarding the production regions of Korean bronze ware and Japanese bronze ware. Where had Japanese bronze ware technology originated? Many Japanese scholars claim that it came over from the continent, while many Korean scholars maintain that it crossed to Japan from the Korean peninsula. Still, other scholars believe that it passed to Japan from the continent by way of the Korean peninsula. At any rate, the majority of Japanese scholars want to believe that Japanese bronze technology crossed over from China, while Korean scholars assert that Korean bronze ware technology was transmitted to Japan. Both claims leave a sour taste in the mouth, as neither seems devoid of nationalist sentiment. This question attracted great interest, with many scholars developing fairly convincing theories over the years, but, without the assistance of the natural sciences, research by these archeologists soon reached its limit. This has begun to be made plain today. The results of lead isotope analysis revealing the production sites of various artifacts provided a strong basis on which to put an end to these arguments. It can now be ascertained whether the lead contained in bronze ware artifacts excavated in Japan was produced in China or Korea. Only a few analyses have been completed at this time, but efforts are expected to increase in the near future. The results of analyses performed by the Tokyo National Treasure Research Center are of significance in this context. This facility has analyzed some 53 bronze hand bells (銅鐸) unearthed in various locations in Japan and reported with regard to the two oldest: “It can be inferred that these high-quality bronze products were transmitted after being smelted and cast in Korea.” Let us now retrace the beginnings of Japanese bronze ware as a technological history. Bronze ware casting and molding technology found its way to Japan along with alloy ingots. This occurred in approximately the 3rd century BCE. Initially, the completed products were transmitted to the Kyushu (九州) region by way of Tsushima Island. Among the Korean-style bronze daggers excavated on Tsushima Island and the Kyushu region, some fit exactly into the molds preserved in the

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Iron plates, Pokchŏndong, Pusan, length 43–49 cm. Iron plates nearly identical to these have also been excavated at the Yamado Tomb Number 6 in Nara, Japan. Pusan University Museum.

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Soongsil University Museum. Then, later, bringing along their technology and raw materials, technicians from the Korean peninsula went to Japan and created bronze ware. This would have been the first stage of technology transmission. In the next stage, these technicians from the Korean peninsula began to look for local raw materials, which they utilized on site to produce their wares. This second stage marks the transplant of bronze ware technology in Japan. Extant bronze ware artifacts excavated in Japan provide vivid proof of these facts. Various artifacts unearthed in Japan dating to this early period are, as expressed by Japanese scholars: “[of] Korean lineage.” Indeed, many leading Japanese scholars now admit the fact that Japanese bronze ware technology was brought from Korea by Korean technicians and began with Korean raw materials. An analysis of the unique bronze hand bells produced in Japan confirms that 30 bells out of the 47 contain zinc. This is another fact revealing the depth to which Japanese bronze ware technology is related Axe head shaped iron plates, Sara-ri, Kyŏngju, Sarari. Photo to that of Korea. The results indicate that this is the (top) and sketch of the excavation (bottom). Another important same type of bronze from which hand bells dating to iron artifact, an iron vessel or crucible, is visible in the upper left st the 1 century BCE, excavated in Ipsilli (入室里), and corner of both the photo and sketch. Excavated at Ancient Tomb Silla period Sŏllimsa temple bells (禪林寺鐘) were Number 130. poured in Korea. Korean bronze ware technology crossed over to Japan at later points as well. Currently, 436 bronze/brass lidded bowls in 86 sets are preserved at the Shosoin Repository. These are said to have been made in Korea during the 8th century. As many as ten bronze/brass bowls can be nested inside one another, attesting to the very high level of craftsmanship that went into the manufacturing process. Also, this “use on a large scale, but store small” compact design has special appeal for the Japanese and draws their admiration. That these marvelous bowls could have been crafted in the 8th century reflects the very high level of bronze ware casting craftsmanship in Korea at that time. They also show that the Japanese were still importing high quality bronze ware from Korea during this period.

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The Export of Iron Plates to Japan This high-level bronze ware technology continued into the Koryŏ period. The Koryŏ bronze ware artifacts extant today exhibit magnificent casting technology, workmanship and great artistic quality. According to the Chronicle of Japan (Nihon shoki 日本書紀), King Kŭnch’ogo (近肖古王) of Paekche gave the Japanese envoys 40 iron plates. Iron plates (ch’ŏlchŏng 鐵鋌), the material from which ironware was produced in the Three Kingdoms, were shaped in order to facilitate transportation and storage. These also held monetary value, just as gold bullion does today. The possession of iron meant wealth and power. Thus, these iron plates were valued sufficiently highly to be used as burial goods in Japan, where many now remain preserved in graves of that era. The iron plates of different sizes were selected according to the tomb into which they were placed. Iron plates have been excavated in two sizes, large and small, differing from tomb to tomb. Large iron plates measure roughly 40 × 10 cm and weigh approximately 450 g, while iron plates approximately 9 mm thin have also been found. Similar iron plates have also been discovered at Old Silla, Kaya and Paekche relic sites. These ingots seem to have been exported in volume from Korea to Japan during this period. Record remains in Japanese historical documents of Paekche promising to send iron plates to Japan. The technological history of iron reveals that vast quantities of iron were exported to Japan during the Three Kingdoms period, hinting at the power and wealth dynamics between the Koreans and Japanese of that period. An analysis of the iron plates of the period excavated in Changnyŏng (昌寧) in Kyŏngsangnamdo province confirms that these are very high quality materials. A qualitative analysis reveals the nickel and cobalt content as slightly larger, while the quantities of the four elements aluminum, calcium, magnesium and silicone are small, indicating that this was high quality iron with few impurities. The results of the quantitative analysis reveal a content of 0.104% phosphorus, 0.90% sulfur, 0% copper, and 0.61% titanium. The prominence of titanium leads us to Wheel for cutting and polishing bronze ware, early believe that magnetic sand or loadstone ore with titanium con18th century, Yun Tu-sŏ. A Chosŏn period bronze ware tent may have been among the raw materials used in the artisan is shown at work, along with bronze ware undergoing the polishing process. production of this iron.

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Professor Yun Tong-sŏk (尹東錫) published a report on the Three Kingdoms period iron technology, entitled A Chemical Metallurgic Study of Iron Artifacts in the Three Kingdoms Period (Samkuk sidae ch’ŏlki yumurŭi kŭmsokhakchŏk yŏnku). The report is noted for establishing the high level of ancient Korean iron production technology using a chemical metallurgic analysis. This research is now being continued by Professor Yi Nam-gyu. The eminent Japanese scholar of East Asian scientific history, Professor Yoshida (吉田光邦), often told me that research on the history of Korean iron technology would need to progress greatly before a proper history of Japanese iron technology could be written. He took a keen interest in the history of Kaya’s superior ironware technology. His hope was to sort out the topic from the perspective of Korean-Japanese history of civilization, but he passed away from a brain tumor some years ago, before his hope was realized; his passing is a huge loss to the study of Korean and Japanese technological history. Questions surrounding Korean bronze ware and ironware technology are topics central to ancient technology in Korea. These were cutting-edge technologies of the period in which Korea surpassed any other East Asian nation-state. The wealth and power of Kaya, Silla and Unified Silla were founded on the technology of iron, which, in turn, arose from the superiority of the preceding metal technologies. That is, the excellent technological tradition of Korean bronze ware was maintained and continued to live on in the production of iron.

Glass bead necklace, 5th–6th centuries. Soongsil University Museum.

The Mystery of Glass Beads Nearly all of the daily implements used by the ancients were comprised of wood, stone, bronze or iron, and their dishes and bowls were stoneware. The golden glow of bronze and dazzle of silver and gold did lend their splendor, but the implements were monotonous, much like black and white photographs.

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For this reason, natural stones in various beautiful colors were quite seductive to the ancients. Yet, these stones were both rare and difficult to polish in order to bring out their shine. The present-day person can hardly appreciate how highly the people of that period valued ornaments crafted of gold or silver and natural stone. Then came the advent of glass, which can be counted among the most splendid products ever made by humans. The beauty of its transparency must have imbued people’s everyday lives with a refreshing pleasure. These products, which call forth the harmony of earth and fire, have a mysterious beauty. Bronze, iron and stoneware were also made with fire and earth, yet glass brought with it an entirely new technological dimension. Its transparency must have been shocking to the ancients, and its value actually exceeded that of silver and gold for some time. The origin of glass production technology is related to pottery culture. The natural glaze that sometimes appears on the surface when pottery is baked is a type of glass. In general, glaze is known as a glass consisting of the bases natrium, gallium, calcium oxide, magnesium oxide, lead oxide, and the neutrals aluminum oxide, silicic and boric acids. The green glaze frequently seen on Korean stoneware is produced when the base of the glaze is metathesized into lead lye by the lead component mixed in with the clay. In other words, this is the simplest lower-temperature (低火度) glass. It contains approximately 30% silicic acid and possibly 70% lead oxide, with 2–3% verdigris, but almost no aluminum. Rather than glass proper, it is closer to a siliceous lead glass or a type of lead glass. It may be premature to claim that lead glass, which is not natural glaze, was being made at this time. However, the glass wall found in the Migumo (三雲) ruins of the Yayoi era in Japan is lead glass, and the many glass walls discovered in China are recognized as having the same constituents. We might infer from this fact that the glass wall of Migumo came to Japan by way of the Korean peninsula. Thus, the possibility is substantial that lead glass was first produced between the 1st century BCE and the 3rd century CE on the Korean peninsula. According to the analysis performed by the Japanese archeologist, Yamazaki (山崎一雄), Han-period glass walls contain 24.5% lead and 19.4% barium. He claims that: “The production method for lead glass prevalent during the Han dynasty was then lost for some time.” Additionally, the Sŏyŏkjŏn (xiyi zhuan 西域傳) portion of Treatise of the Wei Dynasty (Weizhi 魏志) records that, during the Shizu (世祖) era of the Wi (early 5th century), a tradesman of Dayueshi (大月氏) removed stones from the

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mountains to make glass. If true, then there is a strong likelihood that the glass of that period was made by technicians in regions to the west of China. Alternatively, it is possible that glass was a product imported from that region. In any case, it is believed that this glass technology began in Egypt as a type of soda glass. The tradition of lead glass technology interrupted in China reappeared during the Kaihuang (開皇) period (581–600) of the Sui (隨) dynasty. According to the surveys conducted to date, all of the glass tableware and beads excavated from tombs dating from the 4th and 5th centuries in Korea are soda glass (alkali lime glass). This fact was ascertained through the analysis of the five glass vessels excavated from the Sŏbongch’ong tomb (瑞鳳塚), Kŭmryŏngch’ong tomb (金鈴塚) and Kŭmgwangch’ong tomb (金冠塚), all located in Kyŏngju city in Kyŏngsangbukto province. All of these vessels were shown by qualitative analysis to be soda glass with a specific gravity of about 2.4, and without any detectable lead. Some 30,000 glass beads have been excavated from the Kŭmgwangch’ong Tomb alone. More recently, over 10,000 similar beads have been unearthed in such locations as the Kongju Muryŏngwangnŭng, Kyŏngju ancient tomb (98 tombs including the Tomb of the Heavenly Horse), the Sangju (尙州) region in Kyŏngsangbukto province and Kaya ruins in the Kyŏngsangdo provinces. These included comma-shaped jade glass beads, which are a type of personal ornament only found in Korea and Japan. The appearance of comma-shaped jade glass beads at the Sugu (須玖) relic site (2nd century BCE–3rd century CE) in Kyushu, which included a multitude of Korean influenced artifacts, is especially significant. An important question arises here concerning whether it was Korea or China that first produced soda glass. The Chinese have set the date at which soda glass was first manufactured as the early 5th century. If this is the case, how are the tens of thousands of soda glass beads excavated from 4th–6th-century Korean burial tombs to be explained? Prior to Korea’s liberation, Japanese scholars discovered that the glass artifacts from the Korean peninsula were, in fact, soda glass. They concluded that, based on the shape and style of some of the glass vessels, these had been imported from the regions west of China. Had the vessels been lead glass, this group of Japanese scholars probably would have concluded that they had been imported from China. Regardless, they were incredulous at the discovery of such an advanced technological product on the Korean peninsula. Their standard assumption was that Korean technology had always lagged behind that of China and the regions to the west.

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Glass Beads and Comma-Shaped Jade Glass Beads I have always believed that such an outlook is misinformed. The hypothesis that glass beads found with Iron Age relics were imported from the regions west of China seems excessive, given that it is difficult to find even a trace of archeological information proving that there was such an exchange with the regions west of China. Fortunately, the findings from recent archeological excavations furnish a definite answer to this question: molds for glass beads and comma-shaped jade glass beads have been unearthed from Iron Age relic sites dating to the 1st–3rd centuries. The excavation of these molds has straightforwardly showed where they were produced. That molds have been excavated from not only one but various sites on the Korean peninsula, all similar in period, provides steadfast proof of this fact. The South Korean excavation sites include: Misa-ri of Hanam, 1st–3rd centuries, in Kyŏnggido province; Chungdo of Ch’unchŏn and Sŏkchang-ri of Chinch’ŏn, 1st–2nd centuries, in western Kangwŏndo province and Ch’ungch’ŏngbukdo province, respectively; Kungok of Haenam in Chŏllanamdo province; and Hwangsŏngdong of Kyŏngju in Kyŏngsangbukdo province. The molds excavated there are made of clay; they are flat clay plates, each with a series of depressions or holes into which to pour the beads. At the Sŏkchang-ri site of Chinch’ŏn, glass beads were excavated along with a clay mold measuring 3.5 × 2.7 × 0.8 cm. These were received as epochal artifacts by Korean scholars, who, even up until the 1980s, had no means to prove that ancient Koreans had indeed poured the glass beads discovered in ruins dating to the 2nd century BCE. It is now almost certain that glass beads were developed between the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE by technicians who were working with iron. It is yet unknown whether this technology flowed in from China or from farther away. However, we should keep in mind that there has been no discovery of any evidence negating the possibility that ancient Korean technicians did not develop this technology autonomously. In the research into ancient glass in Korea, the efforts of Dr. Yi In-suk of the Kyŏnggi Provincial Museum have been admirable. She has faithfully analyzed and catalogued ancient Korean glass while developing her own theories. Dr. Yi In-suk’s theories do not seem to exclude the possibility that glass was an autonomous discovery. The advent of molds for comma-shaped jade glass beads seems an especially important first clue with regard to the formation and development of Korean glass technology. Some 10,000 glass beads have poured forth from the ancient tombs of Old Silla. Of course, during that period, there was trade with the countries to the west

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of China. Yet, it is difficult to imagine that all 10,000 glass beads were imported. Had these been imported, comma-shaped jade glass beads should have accompanied them as well. However, the comma-shaped jade glass bead is a unique personal adornment only unearthed in Korea and Japan. The hypothesis that the Japanese comma-shaped jade glass beads found their origin in Korea is now becoming an established theory. Various pieces of evidence lead to the conclusion that Silla’s comma-shaped jade glass beads were undoubtedly made in Korea. Thus, the notion that they were imported from regions to the west of China is erroneous. What would be the reason for doubting that glass technology developed autonomously in Korea? Why would it be difficult to accept the view that, after glass production was established in Korea, other refined technologies from other regions were then added, prompting glass technology to attain an even higher plane? It is surmised that the metal arts of the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla would have been very highly developed. The glass products produced in Korea were certainly not lacking in comparison to similar products made in Iran or Persia during this same period. Among the glass vessels found in Silla’s ancient tombs, some do resemble those produced in the regions to the west of China. These eye-catching vessels were probably imported as exchange with these regions became brisk. These glass vessels, excavated from ancient tombs believed to be those of kings, are thought to have been submitted by the many envoys visiting during that monarch’s reign. These splendid vessels would have provided stimulus for Korean glass craftsmanship to develop further by encouraging efforts to produce even better works. Compared with the Korean style glass artifacts from the Paekche relic sites, the glass works excavated from Silla tombs bear an evident influence of the regions bordering western China. This fact provides a glimpse at a history of technology resulting from Paekche’s and Silla’s exchange with the West. The problem of determining where the glass products were made can be resolved using the tools of experimental archeology, such as measuring the lead isotope ratio contained in the glass itself. Glass beads were used in necklaces and personal ornaments. The use of these beads can be determined by the arrangements in which they were discovered when excavated. Necklaces seem to have been worn in one or two, and even three or four strands. Many of these necklaces were worn with commashaped jade glass beads, or comma-shaped jade beads.

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Glass beads and comma-shaped jade glass beads, 5th century. The ornamental glass bead necklaces and the beautiful comma-shaped jade showcase the outstanding technique and eye-catching design. (Cf. 3rd color photograph in album) Kongju Muryŏngwangnŭng.

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Glass beads were precious and extremely popular accessories. Jade would have been only rarely produced and would have been difficult to craft because of its hardness. The bones of animals, clamshells, etc. could not rival the splendor of jade. The excavation some ten years ago of the Iron Age relic site in Sach’ŏn (泗川), in southwestern Kyŏngsangnamdo province, by the team from Tan’guk University Museum illustrates this. Approximately ten dark blue glass beads measuring 5–8 mm in diameter were discovered in one ancient tomb. Three tubular jade beads and two yellow bronze earrings were also excavated at that time. Some 300 green-blue glass beads measuring 5 and 10 mm and forming three necklaces were excavated from another tomb. Dangling ornaments for lapels were also found, of two types: calabash-shaped and intertwined. Directly after the Korean War, at the group of graves in the Yŏngnam region (嶺南 Kyŏngsangnamdo and Kyŏngsangbukto provinces), a stoneware vessel filled with glass beads was unearthed. Prior to the liberation, the Japanese would regularly find glass beads numbering in the tens and hundreds in nearly every Silla period tomb that they excavated. Silla glass beads even include a smaller variety, measuring approximately 1.5 mm in diameter. This small bead appears in a variety of beautiful colors, including blue, green, yellow, red and black. As for the comma-shaped jade glass beads, these are especially important in that they have only been excavated in Korea and regions of Japan, which was included in the ancient Korean technological sphere.

Exchange with the Regions Bordering Western China In Japan, many glass beads have been found in relics dating to the middle Yayoi period (1st century BCE–1st century CE). The excavation sites are confined to the southern Kyushu and Setonaikai (瀨戶內海) coastal regions. Such a limited scope suggests their connection with the technology of the Korean peninsula. The majority of glass beads that were produced in Japan have been found to be a variety of alkali lime glass and are blue in color. An analysis reveals that the glass beads found in Japan during that period are of the same lineage as those found in ancient tombs on the Korean peninsula. Regardless, Japanese scholars offer some novel opinions regarding various Yayoi period glass artifacts discovered in the northern Kyushu region. The archeologist, Kobayashi (小林行雄), wrote: Along with glass walls, other artifacts can clearly be seen as coming from China. However, it is difficult to judge all glass products as having been imported. Those artifacts not found outside of Japan, such as the CommaShaped Jade, were made of glass as well. Even in surmising that a portion of

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Yayoi-period glass artifacts were made in Japan, opinions may diverge. The senior archeologist, Nakyama (中山平次郞), raised this issue in his paper (1928) regarding the Sugu relic site. He stated that even though the Comma-Shaped Jade was said to be a Japanese product, there were various theories regarding the origin of the raw glass used [to produce the jade]. Thus, there are two theories about the matter: the glass could be Japanese or it could be Chinese. Ancient Technology Sequel, 1964, Tokyo.

Umehara (梅原末治), famous in Japan as an expert on Korean archeology, mentions this issue, yet not one of these scholars considers the possibility that the raw glass may be connected to Korea in its technological origin. Indeed, this is very strange. Even nowadays, Japanese scholars are skeptical regarding ancient glass products from nearly every corner of the Korean peninsula. They have considered Korean ancient glass as the product of Chinese or Roman lineage and held in low esteem glass made in Korea. That is, they have viewed high quality glass as having been imported from China or Roman territories and poor quality glass as having been made in Korea. It is true that some of the glass vessels, liquor glasses and water vessels with handles are quite similar in shape to those made in Syria or Iran. Some appear so similar that they could be identical. Glass experts, however, note the difference in the shape, which suggests a different technological lineage and workmanship. This is not to deny that there was no influence from Roman glass at all. Excellent products would have been imported through exchange with Central Asia, and Silla artisans would have modeled some of their own works on these fine imported works. The Shosoin Repository, which preserves ancient Japanese treasures, contains glass vessels identical to those from Silla tombs and comma-shaped jade not found in China; how is this to be explained? Additionally, how are we to construe the fact that glass beads in Japan have only been excavated from sites in regions connected with Korean bronze and iron technology? These two queries provide a sound basis from which to conclude that Korea and Japan were indeed linked in terms of their ancient glass technologies.

Glass or Slag? Mold for glass beads, 3.5 × 2.7 cm (fragment), Tŏksan, Chinch’ŏn, Ch’ungch’ŏngbukdo province. A clay mold for 7 mm glass beads. National Museum of Korea.

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It has already been 20 twenty years since these events transpired. In May of 1981, I came upon some startling news while

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Glass cups in the Shosoin Repository, diameter 9.5 cm, height 11.2 cm. Dark blue glass, used with silver coasters. Identical cups have been excavated from Silla tombs.

leafing through a newspaper on the bus ride back to Seoul after completing a survey in the Kangrŭng (江陵) region. Although only a four-paragraph article, the content was of the utmost significance. A group of glass-making kilns, which appeared to date to the Silla period, had been discovered in Tŏkch’ŏnri (德川里) on the outskirts of Kyŏngju. Moreover, the article stated that a clump of melted glass was found in one of the kilns. If this was true, one of the questions I had long been researching with regard to the history of Korean science and technology could be resolved straightaway. It was late spring when I received a fragment of the glass collected from the glass kiln. To the naked eye, it was glass without a doubt. However, academics at the Kyŏngju National Museum offered the opinion that the clump was not glass. It could be slag, they said, which rises to the surface when smelting iron ore. On the train back to Seoul, I reviewed the complicated history of glass technology in Korea. The stance of the Japanese scholars, who easily believed that the glass they excavated from various regions of Korea was produced in China or Central Asia, had always seemed unsatisfactory. On April 23, 1976, I gave a special lecture at a symposium held at Seoul National University to celebrate the 30th anniversary of the launch of the Korean Chemical Society and its 37th annual meeting. It had been 20 years since I had graduated from the Department of Physics and Chemistry of this same university. To present a lecture there was a great honor for me, especially as I had strayed

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Glass vessels, 5th–6th centuries, Silla tomb, vessel height 7–8 cm; hori gourd bottle height 15 cm. Kyŏngju National Museum.

from my former field of study. The lecture was entitled: A Number of Questions Regarding the Chemical Technology of Ancient Korea. The question of glass technology was included in this presentation. Many of the Korean scholars showed great interest in this question at the time. Lost in thought, I arrived at Seoul Station. Would the old question finally be answered? Would positive proof of Korean glass kilns finally be provided? For some time afterward, I remained captivated by this fragment from the green-blue clump of glass. I even took the fragment to an expert on glass and, pushing it forward, asked: “What is this?” “Old glass,” affirmed Hwang Kyu-sŏng, a friend from college. All that remained was the chemical analysis. Professor Yun Tong-sŏk of Korea University had been called upon to perform the analysis. As an expert on iron he would be able to determine if it was slag straightaway. The result was revealed on June 6 of that year. Both specimens were glass, he determined. I was overcome by excitement and happiness on that day. Not only was this the first analysis of a glass clump found in Korea, but it had

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also confirmed that glass was already being produced domestically during the Silla period. These were the analytic results published by the team headed by Yun Tong-sŏk. Specimen A was green and had a specific gravity of 2.31; Specimen B was grey, and, like A, its specific gravity was calculated to be 2.31. Additionally, both were found to be alkaline lime glass. Later, both fragments were reanalyzed at the Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST). The dark green piece was especially closely scrutinized, but the findings were identical. The report also included the assessment that the glass was well formed and of excellent quality. The modern contemporary scientific technology research team had verified that Silla glass technology was of the highest quality. As the researchers at KAIST knew virtually nothing of ancient Korean technology, their analysis would have been conducted without preconceptions and, thus, the results were accepted as objective. However, in the May of 1989, during the New Materials 200 Symposium held at KAIST, Dr. Ch’oe Chu, the Deputy Director of Metallurgy, offered a different opinion. He revealed that he had scientifically verified that the glass-like clump unearthed at Tŏkch’ŏnri was, in fact, slag. A portion of Dr. Ch’oe’s report was also published in a number of newspapers. Upon reading the report, I thought that it was just another slag theory, even though its scientific basis was more solid than that of any previous report, but the situation was different this time. At the end of 1989, the collaborative research of Dr. Ch’oe Chu, with an academic researcher at the Seoul National University Museum, I In-suk, a technician in the metallurgic division of KAIST, Kim Su-ch’ŏl, and the researcher To Chŏng-wŏn was published in Issue 22 of Cultural Treasures. It was entitled Research on the Slag Excavated in Tŏkch’ŏnri, Naenammyŏn, Wŏlsŏnggun, in Kyŏngju Centering on the Glass-Slag Controversy. Upon reading this report, I was shocked and surprised, as well as content and dejected, all at the same time. While I realized that it had been slag after all, I must admit that I still felt an infinite sense of sorrow. How much longer will we have to wait for evidence proving that Silla artisans crafted their own glass? I even despaired that we may never see such proof. The research paper by Dr. Ch’oe’s team was commendable. The argument it presented was beyond academic reproach. The result was very closely researched and the chemical analysis of the specimens revealed much the same composition as had the two previous reports. However, the inspection of the micro-structure produced a surprising fact. Through the microscope, ferrous silicate crystals and iron particles were visible in the samples. The iron particles were a type appropriate for casting called pearlite lime or ash cast iron, in which case the glasslike clump unearthed in Tŏkch’ŏn-ri could only be slag. This is doubtless a very

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Analysis by Yun Tong-sŏk’s Team. (Specimen A, Specimen B, Total/Aggregate.) Specimen A

Specimen B

SiO2

53.09

55.15

Al2O3

16.22

19.70

CaO

23.22

19.82

MgO

–

0.10

Fe2O3

1.13

0.83

FeO

5.09

1.21

Total

98.55

96.72

Analysis by the KAIST Team. (Specimen A, Specimen B, Total/Aggregate.) Specimen A

Specimen B

SiO2

54.1

49.37

Al2O3

12.9

9.07

CaO

22.2

25.02

Fe2O3

5.46

FeO

–

K2O

1.36

0.75

Na2O

0.64

0.24

MnO

2.39

3.22

MgO

1.06

5.23

TiO2

0.39

0.43

Total

100.54

214

7.34 –

different result from those obtained solely on the basis of inspection with the naked eye and chemical analysis of the constituents. This is yet another step that experimental archeologists need to heed.

Glass Vessels in the Shape of Stoneware Vessels If the Japanese scholars are correct in claiming that all of the glass vessels excavated from Silla tombs were imported from the Orient, does this then mean that Silla glass artisans only made glass beads? The people of Silla did indeed engage in a brisk international exchange, and quite a few of the excavated craft-artifacts do betray this influence. Accordingly, it is natural to conclude that glass from the Orient, which was fashioned into the best quality glassware products of the period, traveled to Silla. It is also conceivable that, spurred on by the excellence of these glass products, the glass craftsmen in Silla endeavored to produce glass products rivaling those of the Orient. Indeed, the glass artifacts excavated from Silla ancient tombs do resemble those from the regions of Persia and Iran. However, the glass receptacles and liquor vessels discovered at the Pulguksa Temple Pagoda in Kyŏngju look completely different. Such products were not limited to Silla but were also found in the relic sites of Paekche and Koguryŏ. Of these “Korean-style” glass vessels, many very closely resemble Korean stoneware vessels. We might conjecture that, finding their form in stoneware vessels, these glass vessels could have been made for use in royal households. That receptacles made of glass were used to hold sarira, the highest symbolic treasure for Buddhists, reflects the value of glass in that era. Vigorous research on glass has been underway recently in the field of technological archeology in Korea. This is a welcome development. The art archeologist, Dr. Yi In-suk, who holds an MFA in glass crafts, records rare findings in “An Analytical Study of Ancient Korean Glass,” published in Ancient Culture (Komunhwa) (No. 34, June 1989). Dr. Yi In-suk took great pains to establish a record of the changes in ancient Korean glass production based on the analysis and cataloguing of a variety of data. Dr. Yi divides the history of Korean glass production into three stages. Early in Stage One (1st century BCE–1st century CE), glass is mainly silica glass with a small quantity of sodium oxide (Na2O). Late in Stage One (2nd–3rd centuries CE), potash-silicate (K2O-SiO2) glass prevails; this glass is the same as that produced by Han, China. Early in Stage Two (4th–5th centuries), glass is mainly soda glass. Late in Stage Two (5th–7th centuries) was a variety of glass,

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Glass vessels excavated at Kyŏngju, 5th–6th centuries, height 7–8 cm. Kyŏngju National Museum.

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including soda glass, potash-silicate (K2O-SiO2) glass and lead glass. The last stage is Stage Three (7th–10th centuries), the Unified Silla period, when lead glass became ubiquitous. The type of glass products differs between each stage as well. In Stage One, mainly glass beads were excavated. In Stage Two, larger quantities of glass beads, personal ornaments and glass vessels begin to appear. In Stage Three, sarira bottles constitute the main find. With her experimental research, Dr. Yi In-suk confirmed a general hypothesis I had put forth in the 1970s. However, her opinion regarding the point in time from which glass production began in Korea differs from mine. In brief, Dr. Yi In-suk believes that over two millennia ago, the southern portion of Korea was already engaged in exchange with other regions and acquired glass technology through this exchange. It is unfortunate that her claim also ascribes to the foreign provenance of glass.

The Debate Continues

Glass cup, 5th–6th centuries, height 12.5 cm, National Treasure Number 193. Due to its color and shape, this precious cup is thought to have been imported from the regions west of China. Kyŏngju National Museum.

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In 1987, a few years before all of the above took place, a team of chemical researchers adopted a multilateral approach, including neutron radiation analysis, to classify ancient Korean glass products, and published the results in the academic periodical, the Journal of the Korean Chemical Society (Volume 31, No. 6, 1987). The leader of the team, Professor Yi Ch’ŏl (李徹), was also part of the research team for the research on excavation sites of ancient relics (in collaboration with the Korean ancient historical society), carried out by the compilation team of Korean ancient history. He worked with a number of experts in the fields of archeology and preservation science, including Ch’oe Mong-ryong, Kang Hyŏng-t’ae and Yi Sang-ju, to produce noteworthy research results. This paper is highly prized for its confirmation of technical archeology and archeological chemistry as academic disciplines in Korea. Their research expanded the endeavor to locate Korea’s ancient glass production centers to the field of archeological chemistry. The scientific analysis of 45 types

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of ore was especially fruitful. Also of particularly significance was the conclusion: “The large quantities of glass beads excavated from ancient tombs were domestically produced.” However, the conclusion that, “Glass receptacles in the Roman and Greek style are very heterogeneous in form and will have to be considered imports” is likely to spark another round of debate in the future. Determining whether all glass vessels or only a portion of them were imported remains a question for further investigation. Therefore, open and multi-sided discussion should be conducted on this topic in the future. Discovering the origin of ancient Korean glass is key to elucidating important parts of technical archeology, as well as Korea’s ancient history. Sarira reliquary and glass sarira bottle, 8th century, glass sarira bottle height 6.1 cm. Iksan Paekche Royal Palace Five-Level Pagoda, Cŏllabukto province.

The Stoneware of Kaya and Silla In the Korean peninsula of approximately 8th–7th centuries BCE, Neolithic peoples from the vast region of Siberia and the Liaodong peninsula (now part of eastern China) inhabited the seashore and riverbanks. They used vessels made of clay, what is commonly known as pottery. The stoneware that they made is “V”shaped, or pointed at the bottom, and grey in color. The surface of this stoneware is decorated with dots or lines that appear to have been drawn with small sticks. Since the designs have a comb-shaped appearance, this stoneware is called comb-pattern pottery. Similar stoneware has also been found in Scandinavia and the Lake Baikal region. Thus, some scholars think that the production technique of this type of stoneware is connected to the people Stoneware duck-shaped oil lamp, 5th–6th centuries, height 16 cm. Kyŏngbuk who lived in these regions. University Museum.

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However, Korean comb-pattern pottery is thought to have been an indigenous technology. Comb-pattern pottery was made by hand from a sandy clay with mica, steatite, asbestos and other materials added as strengthening agents. The clay was spun into shape and then baked in a mud hole at a relatively low temperature. Hence, the surface of these vessels is rough and brown, red-brown or dark brown in color. As the flames in the mud hole kiln were irregular, the stoneware developed dark blue spots and stained easily. Regardless of this, the stoneware produced was relatively varied in both style and size. Then, some three millennia ago, the patterns disappeared from the surface of stoneware. This was the advent of what is appropriately named plain coarse pottery. Plain coarse pottery was hand-formed from a mixture of clay and sand. At times, a very fine clay with little added sand was used, and, at others, a more technically advanced clay with added mica and steatite was used to ease the forming and prevent cracking or bursting in the kiln. The majority of plain coarse pottery had a thin coat of clay with a high content of oxidized iron painted over the surface, which was then rubbed smooth. Thus, many patternless stoneware vessels are a lighter shade of brown than the comb-patterned ones. The stoneware produced was also substantially more refined in shape and much more varied: there were large and small jars (hang’ari), an assortment of pots (tanji), bowls (taejŏp and sabal 沙鉢), cups (chan), plates (chŏpsi) and steamers (siru). This stoneware, with the iron and bronze culture, was taken to Japan and formed the template for the early Yayoi Style (彌生式). A technologically superior stoneware was produced from the 3rd century BCE. This was the red burnished pottery (紅陶), which originated with the painted pottery (彩陶) of northern China. This pottery was made of clay that contained almost no sand with walls kneaded very thin. A coat of clay containing oxidized iron was painted on and the surface and was then rubbed smooth. As a result, the surface of these receptacles was glossy and the color was bright red. This technology brought color and an improved surface to stoneware. An even coat of oxidized iron was applied after the kneaded clay had dried to some degree, and then the surface was rubbed with a smooth stone before the vessel was baked. For stoneware without any pattern, the red burnished pottery still evinces excellent craftsmanship, but most specimens of this stoneware are jars, and it does not seem that they were made in volume. Also, as potter’s wheels were not yet in use and the kilns remained primitive, this could not be considered a revolutionary transformation of stoneware technology. Epochal progress was made two millennia ago, in the Kimhae region in the southeastern portion of contemporary Kyŏngsangnamdo province. The people

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inhabiting the Kimhae region of the Korean peninsula during this period infused their patternless stoneware with the Chinese grey pottery (灰陶) technology, which had come to the peninsula with Chinese iron culture. This resulted in the development of a very new, durable stoneware called Kaya stoneware. Kaya stoneware was made with a carefully selected clay that included no sand and was evenly spun on a potter’s wheel until well finished. It was then fired at temperatures exceeding 1,000°C. The kiln size changed at this juncture. The open-air kilns used until that time were upgraded to high heat tunnel-style kilns (incline kiln; tŭng’yo 登窯). Tunnel kilns are built sloping upward on a hill or mountain ridge.

Silla Stoneware Tunnel kilns were a particular type of kiln made by Koreans. After being employed in the creation of Kimhae stoneware, tunnel kilns became the model upon which later Korean ceramic kilns were based. In order to prevent fissures or bursting and to withstand the high temperatures during the baking process, the Kimhae stoneware walls underwent production processes: internal supports were installed and the outside of the walls were pounded with mallets. Two colors of stoneware were produced in these kilns: light brown and grey, the latter of which resulted from deoxidizing baking. The people of Silla adopted this technological tradition, and Kimhae stoneware became the paradigm for a new technology: hard stoneware. The stoneware tradition was continued in the Silla grey stoneware. The people of Silla arrived at significant innovations in a number of technological realms, including stoneware. Silla potters continued the technological tradition of Kimhae. No significant change was made to the pottery firing techniques. However, the attention to detail and maturation of the skills employed in the technology itself resulted in significant progress. It was this maturation of skill and attention to detail that enabled the Silla potters to fire stoneware, a product somewhere between pottery (陶器) and porcelain (磁器) in terms of its hardness. Silla potters were extremely adept at the shaping and firing of Stoneware cart, 6th–7th centuries. A vivid rendition of a Sillaperiod cart. Kyŏngju National Museum. clay to produce stoneware. Their harmonious use of earth

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and fire and superb aesthetic sense may be regarded as breaking new technological ground. Silla stoneware, like Kimhae stoneware, relies on very select, high quality raw clay. Like the process applied to its antecedent, stoneware was beautifully spun on a wheel and the exterior walls were treated with a mallet for increased strength. The kilns were tunnel kilns and had reached technological perfection. This allowed Silla stoneware to be fired at higher temperatures with a deoxidizing flame; hence the brown shades of their predecessors disappeared and a monotone yet refined grey hue was achieved. The Silla potters built their tunnel kilns on the sides of mountains, following the natural inclines of the terrain. About ten years ago, a tunnel kiln measuring some 7.2 m long by 1.5 m wide and built on an incline of about 35° was discovered in the Puyŏ (扶餘) district of Ch’ungch’ŏngnamdo province. The upper third of this tunnel kiln was built on the cut rock floor with a vent for smoke at the top. The layers for loading the stoneware to be fired were located two thirds of the way down the kiln. The fire was maintained close to the opening at the base of the kiln in a wide space, from which the flames ascended due to the natural incline. These Silla kilns can be said to have reached a th level of structural perfection. They directly influenced Decorative roof edge tile (Mangsae), 7 century, height 182 cm. Site of Hwangyongsa Temple (皇龍寺), Kyŏngju. This gigantic the kilns used to fire Sue (須惠) stoneware in Japan. stoneware roof edge tile reveals the excellence of Silla-period stoneThis style of kiln continued to be built during the ware production technology. Kyŏngju National Museum. Koryŏ and Chosŏn periods and remains in use today as the most common and characteristic kiln employed by the traditional Korean ceramic industry. The structural and institutional development of the kilns, as well as their related tools and facilities, would also have been stimulated by the need for the mass production of the roof tiles and bricks (塼) which were required for the architecture of that period. These raw tiles and bricks were formed in molds and then decorated with wood stamps. Their ornamentation and standardization would certainly have been linked to the decoration and finishing techniques

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applied to stoneware and pottery. In fact, the stoneware of Unified Silla was inscribed with stamps in exactly the same manner. Coming into the 8th century, a new technique began to be employed: the application of glaze. A light-green natural glaze had been seen in some on the works from the Three Kingdoms period, appearing when ash from the fire would float onto the surface of the pots being fired. Now, an artificial glaze that was yellow-brown or yellow-green came into use. This glaze consisted of oxidized lead and quartz mixed in a 3 : 1 ratio and melted at a low temperature to produce either hue. This technology, acquired during the making of lead glass, was now being applied to stoneware.

Koryŏ Celadon: The Technology behind its Mysterious Jade Color When I visited the Ho-am Art Museum in Yong’in, a painting entitled “Library Painting” caught my eye during my perusal of the masterpieces on display. I remained frozen for a while. The painting depicted a fish swimming inside a glass bowl. As far as I know, there is no relic of a glass bowl from the Chosŏn era. There is not even a single glass vessel on display at museums labeled as Stoneware vessel, 7th–8th centuries, height 16 cm. an artifact from the Koryŏ or Chosŏn period. For that Kyŏngju National Museum. reason, I had once thought that glassware was not in use during the Chosŏn period, but that cannot be the case. To my surprise, there was a glass fish bowl in the room of a late 18th-century Chosŏn scholar. The painter had expertly indicated that the fish bowl was made of glass. This one painting resolved another of my enduring questions: it had proven that glass vessels were indeed in use during the Chosŏn period. In Korea, glassware has been produced since before the Three Kingdoms period. Glass beads are being found in Iron Age sites, and in enormous quantities, from tombs from the Three Kingdoms period. Many glass vessels have been unearthed from Silla tombs as well.

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Painting of a kiln for unglazed stoneware. A late-Chosŏn period depiction of workers firing a tunnel kiln, with the craftsman to the left turning a pot.

I had also seen a glass vase indirectly in a painting. How elated I was at the sight of a Kamakura period (circa 13th century) painting at Kosansa in Kyoto, Japan: the painting depicted a scene of Ŭisang giving a lecture at a Silla mountain temple, and, in that scene, sat a pale blue glass vessel. There was also a dark blue glass vase in a scene of Wŏnhyo giving a lecture on diamond sutras, but it has not yet been clarified whether glassware was in use in the late Chosŏn period, as there are little reliable data. It was then that I chanced upon that unmistakable large glass fish bowl in this “library painting”. Where could the glassware, which was popularized to such an extent as to be used as a fish bowl, have vanished? Could it have reached near extinction in the past century because it was less valued than the crockery? That seems very likely. Glassware appears relatively often in the writings of practical-learning scholars, who express their interest in glass whenever they mention metals, mineral products, ceramic ware and the like. Yi Kyu-kyŏng, who was well known for his Random Expatiations of Oju (Oju yŏnmunchangjŏnsan’go 五洲衍文長箋 散稿), relates a scientific discussion on glass in his Oju’s Book on the Investigation of Phenomena (Oju sŏjong pangmul kobyŏn 五洲書種博物考辨). He explains that glass was used for making spectacles, by which he means all kinds of lenses: telescopes, magnifying lenses and the like. What he refers to as glass is what we call glass. Yi Kyu-kyŏng talks mainly about lenses. He records in his entry on lenses

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that Dutch telescopes and Western microscopes were the best products, and that lenses made of pure crystal, amethyst and smoky quartz were inferior. He also explains the principles of concave and convex lenses, how they could be employed in the production of noan’gyŏng (literally, old men’s spectacles, to correct presbyopia), changan’gyŏng (literally, spectacles for those in their prime) and kŭnan’gyŏng (literally, spectacles to correct myopia), and the lenses appropriate for each type of spectacles. Furthermore, he called the magnifying glass “the insect lens” and explicated the structure and manufacturing method for telescopes and microscopes. While thus stressing the importance of optical lenses, he did not mention glass vessels or ornaments, however. This may have been due to the fact that, despite their value as artifacts, they were too commonly known for academic treatment. All things considered, the people of the Chosŏn period do not seem to have regarded glass as anything special or curious. That may explain why they did not consider glassware products as craftwork. In addition, they seem to have preferred ceramic ware to glassware, and jade or natural stones to glass beads. This latter penchant may be connected to the fact that Chosŏn women rarely wore necklaces: with the production of glass beads slowing down, it is only natural that the supply of glass necklaces decreased. The Japanese, who had acquired the European glass technology through the Dutch, diligently developed glass vessels from the 17th century onward and created glassware so beautiful as to rival that of Europe in the late 18th century. The fact that Korea and China, who had produced high-quality glass from ancient times, fell behind is very suggestive. It may be that the demand for glassware was relatively low because the ceramic and metal vessels were of such high quality. After all, one motivation for the development of glass in Western Europe was the poor quality of their ceramic ware, and hence the appeal of glass would have been even stronger. Among the wares forged by earth and fire is porcelain ware, and among porcelain ware, celadon ware is the crowning achievement. No other ware has the profound, delicate charm of celadon. Is this due to its classic quality as a direct descendant of the stoneware, or is it its hue? The celadon, born from the marriage of earth and fire, and of glassware and stoneware, was a mysterious creature to the people of old. At the same time, the celadon was the outcome of a revolutionary technological development. One museum that spotlights the celadon is the Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, which opened in November 1982. In the second floor lobby of this museum, on the upper part of one wall, sits a stoneware duck. Its peaceful pose

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Library paintings, late Chosŏn period. These paintings, which depict objects adorning the libraries of Chosŏn-era scholars, stand out because of their subject matter. Especially interesting is the glass bowl with a huge fish inside. Ho-am Art Museum.

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Glass bowl, 5 th–6 th centuries, diameter at the mouth 12.8 cm. National Treasure Number 193. Kyŏngju National Museum

is familiar from the stoneware of Silla and Kaya. Why would a lone, duck-shaped piece of stoneware have been juxtaposed in such an ample space? This duckshaped piece of stoneware captivated my attention, even though the 136 pieces on display were all outstanding specimens of porcelain ware. After scrutinizing it, I realized that it might be symbolizing the beginning of porcelain technology. That one piece of stoneware left a profound impression, just as would a cleanly drawn dot on a white sheet of paper. In a sense, it filled the entire space. The 33 pieces of Koryŏ porcelain, 55 pieces of Chosŏn porcelain and 48 pieces of Chinese porcelain, in the museum all seemed to owe their birth to this one stoneware duck. The stoneware of Silla or Kaya can be said to have reached its zenith in manufacturing technology. A refined aesthetic and outstanding craftsmanship is evident in the shape of the products, the quality of the stoneware and the surface finishing technique. In the light of that technology, the transition from stoneware to porcelain appears to have followed a very natural progression. The immediate precursor to porcelain is glazing technology, which began to appear early in the Unified Silla period. Stoneware glazed with nogyu (green glaze) came to emit a very beautiful hue through the evolution of technology. What is commonly known as nokch’ŏngja (green/blue porcelain) is based on this technology.

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This technology also gave birth to celadon in the 10th century, after a thousand years had passed. The Koryŏ period saw the further development of the technology that went into manufacturing the beautiful celadon with its fathomless blue hue. We can retrace these steps as follows: with Silla stoneware, the technology for fashioning and firing vessels, which had started with stoneware, developed into stoneware technology. Then, the revolutionary transformation into porcelain took place with the birth of the celadon. This technological revolution took place via several basic procedures. In the manufacture of porcelain, the first procedure is the collection, the second is the shaping and the third is the firing of the clay. When the technology improves in these three basic procedures, so does the quality of the porcelain produced. There are two sorts of clay that serve as raw materials for porcelain. One is clay (commonly referred to as kaolin) from decomposed feldspar, and, the other, fine mud that is red in color due to its iron content. How this clay is shaped affects the quality of the porcelain. The choice of clay and the relative proportions of clays in the mix also determine the quality of the fired ware. Stoneware and celadon and white porcelain ware part ways with clay at this stage. Next comes the shaping stage. It goes without saying that the potter’s wheel is of the utmost importance in this stage. In fact, the use of the potter’s wheel was a breakthrough in porcelain manufacturing technology, as it cleared the way for an even shaping of the vessels into the desired form and mass production of porcelain ware. Korean potters favored the foot-propelled wheel, which offered more convenience than the hand-propelled wheel, as it freed up both hands. The shaped porcelain was then fired in kilns, which also exemplify Korean originality. The cave kiln, also known as the tunnel kiln, is an outstanding kiln model, time-tested by Korean Duck-shaped oil lamp 5th–6th centuries, height 14.0 cm. Duck craning pottery workers. Depending on how the fire is its neck. Its back and tail are shaped to fit its use as a lamp-oil vessel. controlled, the flames in the kiln become oxidizing Ho-am Art Museum.

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or deoxidizing flames. Managing the attributes of these two types of flames finally enabled a change in the color of porcelain. The above two changes were brought about by glazing technology. Lead glaze (yŏnyu), which melts at a low temperature, was replaced by ash glaze (hoeyu), which melts at a high temperature. This juncture marks the advent of celadon glaze.

An Imitation of the Song Celadon? Celadon is a porcelain made with a clay and glaze that both contain a small amount of oxidized iron. The iron is deoxidized when the vessel is fired, producing the characteristic blue-green hue of this ware. The 10th-century potters of Koryŏ succeeded in recreating in porcelain the mysterious color of jade to which they had so long aspired. This opened a new chapter in the history of Korean technology, and was a technological revolution that broke new ground in porcelain manufacturing technique. The creation of Koryŏ celadon is, without doubt, the product of sublime technology. Unfortunately, it remains unclear when and how the Koryŏ celadon began. A fair amount of research will be required in this regard. We should take note of the celadon kiln sites that are continuously being discovered, concentrated in places like Chŏllanamdo province, which known as the “home of the celadon”. In particular, there is a a strong possibility that the excavation and research of Kangjin and similar sites may provide the determinative clue in answering this question. Art historians, historians of technology, scientists and historians must collaborate while they systematically delve into this region. Koryŏ celadon holds many secrets. The fusion of earth and fire remains a mystery of which much is still unknown. Above all, if we are to solve this mystery of clay and glaze we must know precisely how the kilns were used and how the flames were regulated. The potters of Koryŏ did not create Koryŏ celadon by imitating Song celadon. After all, is this not the technology that the Japanese failed to mimic? The people of the Koryŏ period naturally developed this technology from their own Celadon vase with inlay, 12th century, height 29.2 cm. The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka. technological base. The way had been paved for this by the

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accumulation of technology and tradition from the Prehistoric Age through the Kyŏngjil stoneware of Silla. Judging from the kiln technology, glaze and clay, the beautiful lines and exquisite aesthetics, Koryŏ celadon appears to be the product of an old tradition. The opinion that the technology behind Koryŏ celadon had already started to quicken in late Unified Silla is quite convincing. At first, pure celadon was fired. The vessels were placed in a kiln sloping upward along the mountain ridge; the kiln was heated until its temperature was brought up to a certain level, then the fire hole was plugged so as to produce deoxidizing flames. Let us briefly run through this manufacturing process in two stages. First, to the highly select clay, glaze is applied, made by mixing the silicic acid from feldspar or quartz into ash from burnt wood or weeds. This is then heated at a high temperature of 1,300°C (or at times approximately 1,200°C), at which point the glaze and the surface of the clay meld together to form the smooth, fathomless celadon green (bise). Koryŏ’s pure celadon technology reached its peak in the early 12th century. Unlike its Chinese counterpart, the decorative patterns were uncluttered and simple, making a clean, modest impression. The shapes and lines of these vessels were so natural that they seemed to flow, and the beauty of the patterns laid out with a delicate hand is peerless. The thin, even application of the glaze, which preserves the streamlined figure of the celadon, is also very advanced. According to experimental research, the thickness of the glaze is surprisingly consistent in comparison to Chinese celadon, which appears coarse with its thickly layered glaze. In the mid-12th century, when their pure celadon technology reached perfection, the potters of Koryŏ created a new technology, a different dimension in ceramic craft. They developed their celadon with an inlay. The surface of the vessel was carved out and filled in with white or black clay to enhance the blue canvas of the celadon with black and white patterns. Thanks to the invention of this technique, the beautiful blue color was adorned with strikingly vivid black and white designs. The inlay technique had, up to that point, been used only for metal or wood craft. At the time, damascening (with silver threads) and marquetry (with Maebyŏng celadon with an iron-brown vine pattern, th mother-of-pearl or oxhorn) were quite commonly applied 12 century, height 27.2 cm. The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka. techniques. However, the potters of Koryŏ were the first to

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apply such adornment techniques to porcelain. They employed this extraordinary technology to depict in their patterns a crane in free flight, spruce chrysanthemums and landscapes with streams. This marked yet another technological innovation in the field of porcelain art. The potters of Koryŏ created a beauty that surpassed the world-class manufacturing technology of Song celadon. The works of Koryŏ’s potters and the traditional technologies applied to create these works make Koreans proud.

The Celadon Tile Craftsmen: The Next Generation The new celadon technique of the Koryŏ potters was doubtless an invention that left its mark on the history of ceramic technology. Let us now review the creative achievements of the potters of Koryŏ, who developed the technology close on the heels of the Chinese. Celadon is blue porcelain that owes its color to the deoxidization of oxidized iron, which is contained in small quantities in the glaze and the clay of this ware. It was in the 10th century that the potters of Koryŏ developed such porcelain. Then, in the early 12th century, Koryŏ’s celadon technology came to produce the most elegant, pure celadon. According to History of the Koryŏ Dynasty (Koryŏsa), the potters of Koryŏ also produced celadon tiles. The ceramic technology of Koryŏ had reached a higher plane. Between the early and mid-12th century, the potters of Koryŏ created a technology that broke new ground in porcelain craft. They created celadon with inlay. Their porcelain adornment technology grew in scope. According to a recent technological analysis by archeologists, Koryŏ’s celadon was technically distinct from the celadon of Song and Won in the composition of its glaze and clay, firing temperature, time and environment, etc. In addition to its distinct shape and design, Koryŏ celadon differs from Chinese celadon in its fine structure and color; these differences are due to clearly distinct process variables. The potters of Koryŏ had developed a unique technological procedure and production technique to produce their own celadon. They were also the first in the world to produce a red color on porcelain by creating a technique employing copper. The mystery of Koryŏ celadon is being unveiled slowly, thanks to the dedicated efforts of archeological art historians. Their research into the history of ceramics has intensified since the 1960s. The relentless efforts of the renowned potters in the Ich’ŏn and Kwangju area also contributed to this process. These potters have put an incredible amount of effort into recreating the beauty of Koryŏ celadon, and that effort is now bearing

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fruit in a substantial way. Archeological research into the technology of Koryŏ celadon is beginning as well. Professor Ko Kyŏng-sin’s lonely analytic experiments are continuing, albeit fitfully, fueled entirely by her passion. Research by North Korean scholars also deserves attention. They are accumulating relatively sizable analytic results. The archeological research of the technology behind Koryŏ celadon is a critical matter. Unfortunately, a continuous research subsidy to facilitate systematic research is nearly absent. While it is important to praise the celadon itself as “beautiful,” “remarkable” and “the world’s best,” it is no less important to ascertain scientifically the ceramic technology and analyze the core of the technological innovation accomplished by the potters of Koryŏ. It is also a valuable endeavor to correct the misapprehension of many people who wholly believe the “celadon tile craftman’s disposition” story fabricated by the Japanese scholars of the past. That is, we need to see through the scheme to belittle Korean traditional technology by imputing its discontinuation to the narrow-mindedness of Korean artisans of old. It is doubtless false that one could find in the artisans of Korea’s past a father who refused to pass on the technology to his own son. There should be no more such fabrications spread with the insidious aim of denigrating the Korean people. Why was Koryŏ celadon technology interrupted? Was it due to some technological setback, or due to a disjoint in its proper transmission? First-rate porcelain, reflecting the taste of the aristocracy, is not the sum of Korean ware. The everyday ware of the masses was an essential part of daily life. Mass-produced Bronze rice bowl with lid, decorated with silver-thread vine porcelain is just as important as high-quality porcelain. patterns, 11th–12th centuries, diameter 18.3 cm, National Its formation should be explicated from the perspective Treasure Number 171. Ho-am Art Museum. of the history of technology. The further development of ceramic technology, which changed hands from Koryŏ celadon to punch’ŏng sagi (ceramic ware made of a gray or grayish black clay body covered with finely grained white clay) in the 14th century also needs to be re-illuminated and properly understood. I wish to stress that it is mistaken to view this technology merely as a discontinued technology or believe fabrications such as the “celadon tile

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craftsmen’s disposition.” Such mistakes arise from a misunderstanding of the history of technology. Yet another innovative technique contributed by the potters of Koryŏ to celadon technology in addition to the inlay method was their “secret recipe” for glaze. This glaze technology produced a color with a beauty quite distinct from that of the Song celadon. In China, the blue hue of Koryŏ celadon was called bisaek (翡 色), referring to the color of jade, and bisaek (秘色), referring to the secret recipe that produced the color. The glaze technology is thought to be the secret behind that infinitely beautiful, soft blue of Koryŏ celadon. Thus, discovering how this Koryŏ technology differed from the technology of the Chinese is important. However, with art history research occupying the mainstream, such technological research has not shown much progress for some time. Pottery artists were interested in recreating the beauty of Koryŏ celadon, but no archeological chemistry research required to achieve this end was carried out. While North Korean scholars have conducted research in this vein, I believe it to be limited in scope. Nevertheless, the results from that research reveal important facts that should not be underestimated. “The Koryŏ Volume,” the third portion of Korean History of Technological Development published in 1994, provides a nice summation of the archeological chemistry research findings conducted in North Korea to date. The North Korean scholars found the refining technology of Koryŏ celadon clay to be responsible for its excellence. The analysis results state, “the particles were very smooth and well-selected.” This coincides Bronze ritual ewer with silver-thread patterns, height with what South Korean scholars have known from experience. 37.5 cm. A Koryŏ ritual ewer. The surface of this beeswax-cast vessel is adorned with silver inlay, the North Korean scholars also report that: “the clay is a mixture of archetype of celadon ritual ewers. National Museum less than 10% feldspar and approximately 80% white clay, and of Korea. only a few percent of alkaline elements, with a prominent compound of silicon and aluminum.” The analysis yields the following values: 55–75% SiO2, 15–30% Al2O3, and 0.2–2.7% Fe2O3. The value obtained by Professor Ko Kyŏng-sin in the early 1990s is 16–21% Al2O3. These values illustrate the fact that the Fe2O3 content is substantially lower than that of Song celadon. The iron oxide content in Koryŏ celadon clay averages 1.8%, while Song celadon clay contains as much as 3.0%.

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Additionally, the raw material for Koryŏ celadon is a clay that is very high in purity, containing Al2O3, 2SiO2, 2H2O, and kaolinite. As is well known, the Chinese celadon glaze is a mixture of lye and feldspar powder. By contrast, the Koryŏ celadon glaze is a mixture consisting mainly of clay and feldspar powder, and has a much lower Al2O3 and iron oxide content. The other important content variables are calcium, potassium, sodium, and lime, which has a higher alkali ratio than that in Song celadon. That is, the Koryŏ celadon glaze has a much lower content of Al2O3 and CaO than that of Song celadon. Also, according to Ko Kyŏng-sin’s report, the reason why the Koryŏ celadon has a greyer tint than Chinese celadon is because of its higher 0.1–0.8% manganese content. This can be regarded as an important factor, along with the very low iron oxide content, that is responsible for the softer blue of the Koryŏ celadon. The North Korean scholars’ report on the experimental analysis of the celadon glaze color clarifies the beautiful hue of blue that the Koryŏ potters strove to create. Through a tradition of experience and accumulated technology, the Koryŏ potters created a feldspar-lime glaze with the right amount of iron oxide as a result of their experimental endeavors. This was an innovation in celadon technology, yet this technology awaits more extensive and in-depth scholarly research from the perspective of the history of technology. Such research is imperative.

Gunpowder and Ch’oe Mu-sŏn

The three arrow firing tube (三銃筒) and the eight arrow firing tube (八箭銃筒), as depicted in the 1474 Introductory Remarks on National Rituals (Kukcho ore sŏrye 國朝五禮序例).

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Gunpowder and fire cannons (火砲) were transmitted from China to Koryŏ in the first half of the 14th century. A record of the arrows (箭) being fired from tubed firearms (銃筒) in 1356 appears in Monograph on Firearms (Pyŏngji 兵志) in A History of Koryŏ. This indicates that the people of Koryŏ already knew how to use tubed-style firearms (有筒式火器). These tubed firearms are thought to have been brought into Koryŏ from Yuan China. Arrows shot from these tubes were quite powerful and covered an extended range. Koryŏ had made efforts to uncover the secret behind gunpowder manufacture and the mass production of fire cannons. This, however, was the cutting-edge technology of China, and its guarded secret. China supplied Koryŏ with small amounts of both gunpowder and firearms, yet did so without disclosing the technology for manufacturing them locally.

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Firearms became all the more vital as Japanese pirates began inflicting losses across the entire region of Koryŏ. Yet the secret method of producing gunpowder remained out of reach. Then, in November 1373, an envoy was dispatched to the Ming to formally request gunpowder. The Ming did not accommodate this request at first, but Ming as well were suffering severe damages because of the Japanese pirates, so, in the following year, that is May 1374, Taizu (太祖) issued special permission. The result was a supply of 500,000 kŭn (斤 600 g) of saltpeter (yŏmch’o 焰硝), 100,000 kŭn of sulfur (hwang 黃) and other requisite chemicals. China nevertheless refused to reveal the secret of gunpowder manufacture. It is at this juncture that Ch’oe Mu-sŏn (崔茂宣) appeared. Ch’oe Mu-sŏn devoted his efforts to gunpowder production in the context of these societal and military affairs, convinced that only gunpowder firearms would bring protection against the Japanese pirates, but even his extended efforts were unsuccessful in the face of the unyielding secret of gunpowder manufacture. Ultimately, however, Ch’oe Mu-sŏn learned the technique for extracting saltpeter with the help of Li Yuan (李元) from China. Thus, he mastered China’s most precious state secret. After successive experimentation, he arrived at his own method for extracting from the soil an important element in gunpowder: saltpeter, or potassium nitrate. Even so, Koryŏ was slow to produce gunpowder and cannons. Ch’oe Mu-sŏn had formally proposed the project to the Koryŏ officials several times. He even put in tremendous effort to establish the Office of Explosives Handling (Hwat’ongdogam 火筒都監), which was a government production facility for gunpowder and cannons, formally established in October 1377. With the inauguration of the Bureau of Firearms, the production of gunpowder and various types of firearms underwent a lively, rapid development. It was not long before some 20 types of firearms, including such heavy weapons as the general’s cannon (taejanggunp’o 大將軍砲) and the second commander’s cannon (ijanggunp’o 二將 軍砲), were being manufactured, and the hwat’ongbangsagun (火筒 放射軍) were organized into military firearms units. In an epochal experiment, cannons were also installed on warships. These armed Koryŏ warships were the forerunners of modern battleships carrying heavy weapons. Needless to say, these ships played

The vessel mortar (Ch’ongt’ongwan’gu 銃筒碗 口) and commander’s fire barrel (changgunhwat’ong 將軍火筒) as diagrammed in the Kukcho oresŏrye, 1474.

The artillery vehicle (火車) as diagramed in the Kukcho oresŏrye, 1474.

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Earth-letter mortar (Chijach’ongt’ong 地字銃筒), 1557, length 89 cm, diameter 10.5 cm (mouth), National Treasure Number 863. Korean bronze. Dong-a University Museum.

a powerful role when it came to the extermination of the Japanese pirates. Record has it that the pirates shook with fear and fled when confronted with the cannon fire from these warships. A comprehensive view of various records regarding Ch’oe Mu-sŏn reveals that he traveled to Yuan China to learn about cannon technology. China was the only state in possession of gunpowder and cannon technology in the first half of the 14th century, and Ch’oe Mu-sŏn traveled there to learn that technology first-hand. The projectiles fired from the early cannons produced at the end of the Koryŏ period were not designed to cause carnage or carry explosives to destroy particular enemy targets. These weapons were designed to shoot flaming arrows that would set fire to the enemy targets. This type of attack by fire preceded the use of iron projectiles (鐵彈子), which were less effective due to range limitations and rarely employed at first. That said, the range of these gunpowder weapons was surprising. Veritable Record of King T’aejo records that “onlookers were overwhelmed.” In April, 1359, an entry in Veritable Record of King T’aejo records the death of Ch’oe Mu-sŏn and reviews his life. It praises Ch’oe Mu-sŏn’s accomplishments

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and the contribution he made to his country through the production of gunpowder and firearms.

Gunpowder Production Methods Ch’oe Mu-sŏn wrote a book on gunpowder production, when after many years he succeeded in manufacturing gunpowder with his knowledge of gunpowder and the help of a Chinese individual. It is unfortunate that this book has been lost. His son, Ch’oe Hae-san (崔海山), however, continued the tradition, and made repeated improvements to production technology during the 15th and 16th centuries to promote mass production across the nation. Nonetheless, it seems that the chemistry involved in this manufacturing process did not change. The late 16th and early 17th centuries brought significant changes in Chosŏn gunpowder production methodology. New Preparation of Saltpeter (Sinjŏn jach’uiyŏmch’obang 新傳煮取焰硝方), written by Yi Sŏ (李曙) in 1635 (Injo 13), records that production methodology. This new method was the result of research and experimentation by the army officer, Sŏng Gŭn (成根). The Minister of War

Yellow-letter mortar (Hwangjach’ongt’ong 黃字銃筒), 1587, length 50.4 cm, diameter 4 cm (mouth), Korean bronze, National Treasure Number 886. National Museum of Korea.

Top: Sŭngjach’ont’ong (勝字銃筒), 1579, length 56.8 cm, diameter 4 cm (mouth), Korean bronze, National Treasure Number 648. National Museum of Korea. Middle: Soch’ongt’ong (小銃筒), 1591, length 75.5 cm, diameter 1.6 cm (mouth), Korean bronze, National Treasure Number 856. Kyŏngbuk University Museum. Bottom: Sech’ont’ong (細銃筒), early Chosŏn period, length 13.9 cm, diameter 0.9 cm (mouth), Korean bronze, National Treasure Number 854. Korea Army Museum (陸軍 博物館).

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(兵曹判書), Yi Sŏ, described it according to each of the fifteen manufacturing processes. As expected, earth is the main raw material from which Sŏng Gŭn’s sodium nitrate production begins. Earth is collected from beneath kilns and raked from under the kitchen and heated ondol flooring; earth with a salty, sour, sweet or bitter taste is said to be the best. The earth is then mixed with ash and urine, which are prepared separately. This mixture is then covered with horse dung. After allowing the horse dung to dry, it is set alight. The earth is then again mixed thoroughly and scooped into a wooden vessel, with water poured on top. The procedure above is thought to differ from that employed by Ch’oe Musŏn in his gunpowder production method. This was a new method of treating the collected earth.

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Chapter 

Korean Printing Technology: Ink to Paper

Dharani Sutra and the Invention of Woodblock Technology

I

n early August 1989, after attending the symposium of the International Society for the History of East Asian Science at Cambridge University, I paid a visit to the British Museum. It had been a few years since I had been there last. Despite the extreme heat on that summer day, the museum was swarming with people. People from all regions of the world, speaking various languages, crowded into the museum, adding to the heated atmosphere. Many of these people were Korean or Japanese. They all seemed young and full of life. However, I did not feel light-hearted. Compared with the Chinese and Japanese artifacts on exhibit, the Korean artifacts were quite poorly represented. My sense of disappointment was accentuated when I entered the exhibition room for printing and printed materials. Although Chinese and Japanese printed materials were on display, no Korean printed materials were exhibited. As a Korean who takes great pride in splendid ancient texts, I felt bitterly disappointed. Although I had built up an immunity to experiences of this sort, my heart was heavy that day. It may also have been exacerbated at the sight of the young Korean men and women visiting the museum. This state of omission was the same as it had been a few years earlier. There was not even the slightest improvement in the Korean book exhibition. Throughout the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, Korea had changed drastically, yet the British Museum seemed not to recognize the brilliant research results in the field of Korean studies. I recalled the musings of Professor Park Seong-rae, who had been at the London Science Museum the previous day. The rain gauges had disappeared from the exhibition, and any Korea-related artifacts that used to be in the printing technology corner had become even more sparse.

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Great Dharani Sutra of Undef iled Pure Radiance (無垢淨光 大 陀 羅 泥 經 ), circa 705, National Treasure Number 126. Discovered in the Sŏkkat’ap Pagoda at Pulguksa Temple, Kyŏngju (慶 州 佛國寺 釋迦塔) in 1966.

The world had recognized Korea’s rapid growth and the success of the 1988 Olympics. Young Koreans can now be spotted sightseeing at any number of locations in London. Yet, despite all of this growth and improvement, Korea-related exhibits in the London museums seemed to have shrunk. I will never understand this. Few world-class museums include sufficient exhibitions properly to promote Korean traditional culture. The Japanese have been very successful in making inroads in this regard. The newly prepared gallery of Japanese artifacts in the British Museum is an excellent example of this. Even the placard acknowledging the investment of the Japanese conglomerates, Fujitsu and Konica, looks stately. When would such things be possible for Korea? Korea was the first in the world to make printed materials, although China and Japan have yet completely to acknowledge this fact. Chinese scholars, especially, still have faith in the old theory that printing began under the Tang dynasty. I was disturbed to see this reflected in the exhibition at the British Museum that day. When I returned to the British Museum in the summer of 1997, the museum was still filled to capacity. As I had long hoped, a temporary Korean exhibition was opening, which was the reason for my first visit in a long while. The Korean exhibition room was elegant. Westerners could not contain their admiration at the Silla King’s Gold Crown that was proudly displayed. Since the exhibition mainly concerned Korean art, it fell a bit short of my expectations as a historian of science. My wife, who accompanied me that day, concurred. Yet, even so, we were pleased that a special Korean exhibition had been arranged. This was because we felt that it would not be long before Korea’s splendid ancient printing culture would also be on display and attracting similar attention. Korean cultural diplomacy would need an upgrade, a fact which was driven home on visits to museums around the world. Ancient Korean printing technology and printing culture is a

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First manual reproduction. Paper fragment clearly showing sutra characters.

Detail of the pagoda design applied to the second sheet of paper by woodblock printing.

Artifacts of Silla period paper, circa 8th century. Discovered on August 18, 1995, the Buddhist scroll now shows clearly the woodblock printed pagodas and the letters of the scriptures transcribed in ink on mulberry paper. This was made possible by preservation treatment. The five-story West Pagoda in Hwaŏmsa Temple (華嚴寺) in Kurye in Chŏllanamdo province.

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great legacy and a platform to promote Korean tradition and culture to the rest of the world. The Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Radiance (無垢淨光大 陀羅泥經) is one result of ancient Korean printing culture and technology. It is a world-class cultural legacy.

A Surprising Discovery The printing of the Dharani Sutra was discovered on October 13, 1966, more than 40 years ago. Although it has been a quarter of a century since the Dharani Sutra was confirmed to be the oldest printed material in the world, the world has yet to change. Many people would be displeased if I asserted that the lack of Korean effort is to blame for this state of affairs. This is a fact. I still remember the shock I experienced upon hearing of the Sutra’s discovery. What a dramatic event it was. Let us revisit the historic site of that discovery. Autumn 1966: a grievous accident had occurred during the renovation of the Sŏkka-t’ap Pagoda at Pulguksa Temple in Kyŏngju. The covering stone fell to the ground and cracked as it was being lifted to be cleaned. This tragedy was sensationally featured in many newspapers. Those who read the article were angry and even abusive. All the while, the pagoda, simply covered with a straw mat, was stable. It was indeed a grievous and unfortunate mistake. Those involved in the care and preservation of cultural treasures were dumbfounded. No one had imagined that the thick wooden post used to support the stone might break and collapse. Then, the next day, the world was again shocked. The headline “Discovery of the World’s Oldest Woodblock Printing” received prominent front-page coverage in the newspapers. While cultural discoveries garner considerable attention, it is unusual for an intellectual discovery to receive such prominent coverage. Sadness and anger had turned into surprise and excitement. Although the pagoda still bears a scar that will never heal, it has brought Koreans great honor and pride. The discovery turned out to be a revival. The Sarira Reliquary had revealed, upon its opening, an incredible discovery that changed the history of printing, a treasure among treasures: Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Radiance. It was printed on scroll paper using 12 wooden printing blocks engraved with 62 rows per block at an average of eight characters per row. Who would have guessed that this fortunate and simple discovery of the Dharani Sutra printed in Silla would so completely overturn the existing theories about the history of printing technology?

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End-roof tiles of Silla, 7th–8th centuries, Kyŏngju, diameter about 15 cm. Kyŏngju National Museum.

The question of when and where printing technology began had long been debated by scholars. Most scholars were convinced that printing began in China. The Chinese had invented paper and produced ink suitable for writing. It seemed a natural explanation to attribute the development of printing technology also to the Chinese, who intended to produce volumes of Buddhist sutras or historical books and transmit their culture during the Tang period. Thus most scholars ascribed to the L.C. Godrich theory, that claimed that woodblock printing technology had begun and been transmitted from China sometime between 712 and 756, the golden era of Chinese culture. It was then that the printed scroll of the Dharani Sutra was found in Kyŏngju. The scroll was printed with woodblocks measuring approximately 6.5 cm high by 52 cm long and 6.5 cm from top to bottom, extending some 7 m across. The appearance of this scroll engendered new theories concerning the history of Korean printing technology as well as the history of printing technology across the globe. Even in the face of these facts, however, scholars were not easily convinced that printing technology began not in China but in Silla. Even the Koreans themselves

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raised questions. How was it possible that printing technology had not been discovered in Koguryŏ or Paekche, both of which were, in every respect, more culturally advanced than Silla? How could this technology have begun in Silla? Silla was on its way establishing itself as a Buddhist state and as a land of Buddha. Intent on displaying its fervor as such, it erected both Hwangyongsa Temple (皇龍寺) and Pulguksa Temple in Kyŏngju during this period. Silla expressed an ardor for Buddhism exceeding that of China or Koguryŏ and Paekche. That ardor may also have found expression through the production of several Buddhist scriptures. In Japan also, One Million Pagoda Dharani Sutra (百萬塔陀 羅尼經) was printed in 770. At that time Japan’s enthusiasm for Buddhism was as fervent as that of Silla. The motivation of both states to compile sutras may be analyzed in the same context. The fervor held by the people of Silla for their new religion was vividly expressed in the production of these scriptures; that is, their ardor motivated a technological revolution. For the Silla people, who had produced books one volume at a time by putting brush to paper for each and every character, a new method of transmitting information was now available. With Silla paper as the medium, it became possible to produce and distribute standardized information in volume through woodblock printing. Although the printed scroll of the Dharani Sutra found in the Sŏkka-t’ap Pagoda at Pulguksa Temple was not as ornate and elegant as those produced by brush, it was expedient in ways that its predecessors could not match. Not only was page-by-page printing far more rapid and productive, the possibility of human error during transcription had been eliminated. Clean and unmarked prayer material could now be exactly reproduced and placed in each new pagoda built in Silla. The printed product of this new technology was enshrined in a pagoda as a symbol of faith.

A New Invention The people of Silla, especially technicians, tried hard to contribute to the Silla dynasty’s development as an ideal Buddhist state. They combined all of their accumulated technology to produce a woodblock version of their pure, sincere scriptures. The technological standard in Silla was sufficiently high to meet the wishes of the Silla people. While much had been learned from China, Silla’s traditional indigenous technology was certainly ample. The Silla technicians had made seals from bronze, and the potters had produced an abundance of beautifully patterned roof tiles by means of carved wooden stamps. It was inevitable that they would

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expand this extant technological base to include the woodblock ink printing of characters on paper. The Silla technicians had the acute need for woodblock printing, technological base and creativity to accomplish this goal. They also received active assistance from the state. Their efforts gave rise to a technological revolution, the result of which can be seen in the production of the Dharani Sutra. It is no overstatement to claim this was the result of a very natural progression. The Korean scholars presented divergent views regarding their acceptance of the new theory that the Dharani Sutra marked the beginning of woodblock printing technology. However, it is now becoming the accepted view that the Dharani Sutra was woodblock printed at some point between 705 and 756. This opinion, widely held by Korean scholars, is now gaining acceptance among foreign scholars too. The world now generally recognizes the fact that the Dharani Sutra scroll is the oldest extant printed material. In the meantime, a new research result on the age of the scroll has recently been reported. By studying the character style in which the sutra was printed, the woodblock has been dated to 705. This opinion is quite persuasive, given that the same character style has been found inscribed on a sari vessel from the same period. Upon hearing the Buddhist scholar Kim Sŏng-su report on his findings, I felt that his assertion was sufficiently convincing. Professor Kim’s research further encouraged my conviction that Silla’s scientific culture and technology had easily reached a level where woodblock printing could have independently developed. It would still be hasty to conclude that the theories stating that woodblock printing also was invented [autonomously] in China during the same general period are incorrect, but it would also be simplistic and indolent historical scholarship to rely on precedent and to claim that printing was learned from the Tang dynasty of China. Previously, the oldest extant material printed by woodblock was thought to be One Million Pagoda Dharani Sutra (百萬塔陀羅尼經), printed around 770 and discovered in Japan. This piece, found scattered in thousands of very small wooden pagodas, shares its title, the Dharani Sutra, with that found in Silla. One quick impression is that the Japanese sutra may be an abridged version of the Dharani Sutra discovered in the Sŏkka Pagoda at Pulguksa Temple. The people of Silla enshrined the large scroll of the Dharani Sutra in a large stone pagoda, while the Japanese enshrined one-sheet abridgments of the Dharani Sutra in small wooden pagodas. There is no doubt that the technology that produced One Million Pagoda Dharani Sutra in Japan was imported from Silla. Thus, it is widely recognized that

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woodblock printing technology that had begun in Silla made its way to Japan and was used in the making of the sutra there. An important international conference was held in Seoul and Ch’ŏngju in September 1997. This was the International Symposium on Ancient Printing in the East and West. Koreans, Japanese, Chinese and Europeans were present, engaging in lively debate. Pan Ji-shing (潘吉星), the distinguished scholar from the Institute for History of Natural Science, Chinese Academy of Sciences, firmly reiterated the assertion of Chinese scholars that the Dharani Sutra had been printed in Luoyang (洛陽), the ancient capital of China, in 702 and then transmitted to Silla. Of course, this assertion was met with strong criticism from Korean scholars. All of the current published Chinese research regarding the history of printing uniformly claims that the Dharani Sutra, discovered in the Sŏkka Pagoda, was printed in Tang China. Chinese scholars believe it impossible for such printing to have been done anywhere other than China during this period. The Chinese scholars, who refuse even to consider the possibility that the Sŏkka Pagoda Dharani Sutra could have been printed in Silla, can only be considered haughty. This debate will rage on until it is proven that the ink and paper on which the Sŏkka Pagoda Dharani Sutra was printed are from Silla. It is regrettable that Korean scholarship has yet to reach this level. Recently, the Department of Cultural Treasure completed repair and preservation work on the Sŏkka Pagoda Dharani Sutra. The document, which had been left for some 20 years in the same condition in which it was discovered, is now well-protected and preserved. The Japanese research team involved in the project submitted a report stating that the paper on which the Dharani Sutra was printed is superior and of world-class quality. When this fact was reported to the Committee for the Preservation of Cultural Treasures, disappointment preceded pleasure. When will Korea be able to assemble a professional team of its own scholars and researchers in order scientifically to assess its own cultural treasures? If traditional Korean paper technology could be precisely recreated, contemporary Koreans might then enjoy the use of this high-quality paper for their own writing. In reconsidering this, I am reminded of a proposal I made some 30 years ago for a “national industry” to research and recreate traditional Korean technologies.

The History of Paper Paper was invented in the former-Han era China in approximately 50–40 BCE. By about 105 BCE, high-quality paper, made in accordance with the methods

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advanced by Cai Lun (蔡倫, circa 50–121), was being produced in volume and was widely available. Thus, paper was not invented in 105, as was once commonly thought, but in fact quite a bit earlier. That is to say, according to the most recent research, Cai Lun did not invent paper himself, but merely developed a 150-yearold invention to allow for easy mass production. The early paper was made of hemp and is called hemp paper. Paper made from hemp was the easiest type to produce. In fact, nearly all paper made during the former-Han period and all of the paper excavated from Han sites has been confirmed to be hemp paper. It is not difficult to conceive that this paper would have been imported from the Han into the geographically adjacent Korea via the active cultural exchange at that time. Yet, precisely when and how paper made its way into Korea remains uncertain. All we know so far is due to an excavation in 1931 of an ancient tomb in Nangrang (樂浪). A scroll sleeve called Ch’aemunch’il gwont’ong (彩文漆卷筒) and an ink stone case was discovered, still stained with ink powder. This finding allowed the inference that Chinese paper had already spread to the Nangrang region, which was part of the Han cultural sphere at that time, and that paper was in use in Korea even at this date. Although various opinions have been presented regarding the year in which paper technology was transmitted to Korea, this question has yet to be answered conclusively. It is thought that paper would have been made in Paekche by the late 4th century, when a number of historical texts were compiled. We can then say that paper technology had been introduced to Korea from China by the 4th- or 5th-century. Although paper artifacts from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods are quite rare, the few that remain lend insight into the paper technology of the period. The Kyŏngju National Museum holds a one-page phonetic transcription of Sanskrit into Chinese characters (梵漢陀羅尼); this has been ascertained to be from the Silla period. Also, a fragment of paper discovered at the Kamŭnsa Temple site (感恩寺址) has been estimated to date to the Unified Silla period. Additionally, an analysis of paper discovered at a Koguryŏ period site in P’yŏngyang revealed it to be made from hemp fiber. This paper still retains its bright white color, and the fiber remains quite uniformly interwoven, affirming that the decolorization and fiber-merging techniques were superb for hand-made paper, even by today’s standards. Mulberry paper was also produced during the Three Kingdoms period. We can ascertain the quality of Korean paper by the Sŏkka Pagoda Dharani Sutra and various documents from Silla, now preserved in the Shosoin Repository in

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Japan. However, Avatamsaka Sutra (Taebanggwangbul hwaŏmkyŏng 大方廣佛 華嚴經) in the Ho-am Art Museum collection provides a more reliable record. This document from the year 755 includes an interesting record regarding the technique for making paper from mulberry bark: “Perfumed water is sprinkled on the growing mulberry shrub and, when [the shrub is] grown, the bark is removed. The bark is then ground on a millstone in order for it to be made into paper.” The production of mulberry paper seems to have been greatly developed in Silla. The high quality of Silla paper was widely known in China, where it was called “white hammered paper” (Paekch’uji 白錐紙), due to its consistently smooth white surface and durability. Hemp fiber and mulberry shrub pith were the two main types of raw materials used for making paper during the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods. White hammered paper was famous for its quality and the skilled technique with which it was made. Silla paper was also figuratively called “cocoon paper” (kyŏnji 繭紙), as it was as smooth and clean as cocoon silk.

Koryŏ Paper

Papermaking in the Chosŏn period.

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The raw material used for making paper in the Koryŏ period was mulberry shrub pith. After the paper technology developed in China made its way to Korea, it underwent further development in Silla and Koryŏ, to the extent that Korean paper was exported to China in large quantities from the late 11th century onward. Two thousand large pieces of paper and 400 sticks of ink, sent as gifts for credit (國信物) in 1080 during the reign of King Munjong (文宗 34, 1019–1083), formed part of the governmental trade between the Silla and the Song dynasties. Pine sap ink (松煙墨) and white paper were also heavily exported by merchants. Later, the Yuan (元) dynasty also imported Koryŏ paper for the inscription of the Buddhist sutras. Vast quantities of paper, amounting, on occasion, to 10,000 sheets per order, were exported to China. Domestic demand for paper increased as well, as the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks (高麗 大藏經 版殿) were completed, and the printing of the Tripitaka and various other types of historical text began. Due to this demand, the cultivation of mulberry shrubs and paper production were promoted as a national project from 1145 (Injong 仁宗 23)

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to 1188 (Myeongjong 明宗 18). The Koryŏ dynasty also sponsored an incentive drive among farmers to grow mulberry shrubs. The Paper Manufactory (Chiso 紙所), a state-run paper production facility, was established and further developed the production of paper from hemp. The dynasty also encouraged private paper-making businesses. Koryŏ began to produce paper that was durable and smooth on both sides, and optimized for both transcription and woodblock printing. The white hammered paper in particular underwent an improvement during this period and came to be widely known for its high quality in China, the birthplace of paper. Cocoon paper, as it was called, was also produced during this period and highly praised for its quality in China; however, it is uncertain how this differed from white hammered paper. The collected works of Ojuyŏnmun changjŏn sango (五洲衍文長箋散稿) records that white hammered paper and cocoon paper were both mulberry paper. The quality of our country’s paper has long been known everywhere under the heavens thanks to the Cocoon Paper of old. From long ago, only mulberry bark was used to make paper. This paper was named cocoon (繭) paper because it is both durable (堅厚) and somewhat oily, like the cocoon of a silkworm. Other Koryŏ papers were also of such high quality as to be imported by the Chinese: one is Pulgyŏngji, the paper used for the inscription of Buddhist sutras made in order to print the widely celebrated Buddhist Canon, Tripitaka (藏經), and other Buddhist documents, and another is Koryŏ blue paper (靑紙), used for making book covers.

As mentioned above, Koryŏ paper was known as white hammered paper, or cocoon paper, and was well-known. China imported it in large quantities for its high quality to publish the history books of successive emperors and Buddhist scriptures. However, according to Yŏnam Pak Chi-wŏn’s Yŏlha ilgi (熱河日記), while Koryŏ paper had the advantage of being thick, strong and not easily torn, it also had some weaknesses. Its surface was too coarse for hand-writing, but with hammering, the surface became so stiff and slippery that it made for difficult brushwork and ink absorption. Nevertheless, the Song dynasty of China regarded Koryŏ paper as a product of the highest quality. Some think that this was because the paper sent to Song as national gifts for credit was specially made and of much more superior quality than that used domestically. The Koryŏ paper intended for export was manufactured in the Chiso by expert artisans and, therefore, it is natural that Song rated it as the best. The fact

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that the successive Chinese emperors, poets and calligraphers readily used Koryŏ paper despite its minor faults testifies to the fact that it was superior to any other country’s product. We can see the superiority of Koryŏ paper from the extant specimens: National Treasures Number 90, 204, 205, 206 and 207, now kept in the Songgwangsa Temple in Sunchŏn, are parts of Continued Tripitaka Koreana written by the Grand Buddhist Master Ŭich’ŏn (義天). There is also King Kojong’s letter, written in his third year (National Treasure Number 35). Their beauty is such that it is difficult to believe the artifacts were made a thousand years ago.

Chosŏn Paper In 1415, the fifteenth year of King T’aejong, the Paper Manufactory (Chojiso) was established as a government-run organization responsible for papermaking technology and rational production management. Although Koryŏ had also had a similar organization called Chiso, Chosŏn’s Chojiso draws attention as a papermanufacturing plant founded as part of a new printing enterprise with its movable metal type printers. Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam (東國與地勝覽) describes the new paper factory as follows: “The Chojiso is located at the outside of Ch’angŭimun Gate of Seoul, where various kinds of paper, like P’yojŏnji and Chamunji, etc, are produced.” The central paper mill was to be run by a secretary-general, two directors in charge of the technical and administrative affairs, four assistant directors, 85 papermaking craftsmen and 95 laborers. All told, nearly 200 men were employed in the large-scale factory. Furthermore, a total of 698 papermaking craftsmen were assigned to paper factories in every province, constituting a considerable workforce. The fact that almost 1,000 individuals worked in paper manufacture in 15th-century Chosŏn reveals that Chosŏn was a world-class paper manufacturing center. Given that the production and consumption of paper is, in itself, a measure of culture, the Chojiso in the early Chosŏn period and the scale of the paper factories show an era that formed the foundation of Chosŏn’s cultural development. The Chosŏn government offered all paper technicians privileged legal and economic treatment. Once more, considerable efforts went into improving the quality of the paper and reducing the production costs. In addition, the Chosŏn dynasty continually strived to improve the technology. It diligently adopted the strengths of the foreign papermaking methods, directly or indirectly gathering technological information from China and Japan. It also educated Korean craftsmen about the characteristics of the Chinese and Japanese papermaking techniques,

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either by sending them as envoys or by teaching them the results of its analysis and evaluation of Chinese and Japanese paper. The government also tried to improve the material production and product quality. It dispatched papermaking experts to China and had them study techniques for producing hemp paper. All of these endeavors were recorded in faithful detail in the Veritable Record of the Chosŏn Dynasty. Yet, the main raw material for paper used in Korea remained the mulberry shrub. The paper of the mulberry shrub, known to the Chinese as “Silla paper” or “Koryŏ paper,” succeeded the tradition of Korean paper under the name of Chosŏn paper. This tradition is alive even today in 21st century Korea. This thousand-yearold process of traditional papermaking can be seen in some provinces of Korea, although it is rapidly dying out because of insufficient knowledge of the merits of Chosŏn, or more broadly Korean, paper in contemporary Korea. Many Koreans mistake Chinese paper or Japanese paper, washi (和紙), for traditional paper. Interestingly, quite a few scholars from those countries with a discriminating taste in paper rate Korean traditional paper as superior. They know that, from ancient times, Korean paper has been valued as a first-rate product in China and Japan. In contrast, many of today’s Koreans think that the paper made by the Chinese traditional method is superior, and many Korean artists and calligraphers actually use Chinese paper for their work. It is said that, at present, Chinese traditional paper is better than its Korean counterpart. The reason for this is simple. We lack the persistent succession and accumulation of traditional technology. Furthermore, the high production cost and imbalance between supply and demand prohibit the manufacture of high-quality paper. Certainly, the tradition of Chosŏn paper is still alive. In Taiwan, Chosŏn paper counts as one of the best gifts, and Japanese intellectuals value Korean paper highly. As the Japanese do with their paper, we Koreans need to make an effort to produce and use Korean traditional paper as a high-quality product. Korean traditional paper has enjoyed reputation as the premium paper in the world for more than a thousand years. If we embrace this tradition and advance it further, we can revive it in the present, so that Korean paper will once more shine as the beloved paper of the world.

The Papermaking Process There is no written material explaining in detail the papermaking tradition that continued throughout the Chosŏn era. The little that we know comes from observing the manufacturing process of today’s papermaking technicians and our subsequent reconstruction of the process based on such observation.

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This is the manufacturing method using mulberry bark that could still be seen prior to 1945 (the year of Korea’s liberation from Japan) in Chosŏn paper factories. The process can be summarized as follows. Bark from the mulberry tree is put into a large cauldron and steamed until it can be removed. The bark, called “black bark,” is then dried. It is then soaked in flowing water or in a tub of water for 24 hours until softened. Then, the outer layer of the bark is removed from the bark by stomping (hands or knives may sometimes be used as well to scrape off this outer layer). Next, the pith is bleached in the sun for several days, yielding “white bark.” The white bark is again submerged in water until it is completely swollen. Then, the white bark is mixed with water and lime at the ratio of 10 kwan (circa 83 lb.) to 7 mal (circa 2.6 lb.) to 1.2 mal respectively. After that, it is boiled for 3 to 4 hours. It is then put into a bag and placed in a stream for about a week until the extra elements of lime and impurities are eliminated. The resulting pulp is sun-bleached, a process that usually takes two days in the winter or one day in the summer. Care is needed at this point to keep the pulp free from any dust or nodes of cellulose. Then, the bleached pulp is pounded to very fine fibers on a flat stone or wooden board. This pulverizing process is peculiar to the Korean method. Unlike the Chinese method of milling the pulp, the Korean and Japanese pound leaves long fibers and tiny pieces of stalk, which are often visible in the paper, but these remnants are useful in ensuring the durability of the paper. The hammered pulp is poured into a wooden pulp tank. Water is added to dissolve the pulp, along with mucilage liquid, all accompanied by vigorous stirring. The mucilage liquid is usually taken from the root of a kind of yam or from the pith of a makino. Now the Ttŭmt’ŭlbal, the papermaking screen (or “laid mold”) is lowered into the liquid pulp tank. The scooped-up liquid pulp is shaken in all directions into a thin, even layer. This process of laying pulp on the screen is technically one of the most difficult and important phases in making paper. The thin layers of pulp are placed on a heated floor (ondol ) for drying. A day’s production is piled up one at a time and pressed. After that, each of the still damp paper sheets is separated and placed on a drying board to be dried by the sun. The paper is then pounded in order to smooth off the rough surface. A pile of 100 sheets is prepared, with alternating sheets of dry and wet paper. The bundle is laid out on a flat board, under another board, upon which a big stone is laid. After a while, the dried and wet paper become even in their degree of moisture. Then, the big stone on the bundle of paper is hammered 200–300 times.

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The traditional Korean papermaking process. The Buddhist priest Yŏngdam’s white mulberry paper and five-color paper received the special prize at the 11th Traditional Industrial Art Exhibition in 1986: (1) Mulberry tree bark, the material of the paper. Shown to the left is the white bark and to the right, the black bark. (2) Boiling of white bark in caustic soda water. (3) Washing of the boiled mulberry fiber in three stages in flowing water to remove the lye. This is then followed up with more washing in flowing water so that any grit and motes are removed from the white bark. The cleaned strips are then bundled into a watermelon shape. (4) The bundle of dried mulberry pith is put on a stone board or in a mortar and pounded to dissolve the fibrous material. This process is called kohae (叩解). (5) Sifting process to make fine flour. (6) The dyed color papers. (7) The thinly scooped-up wet paper is piled up one by one on a board. The mulberry fibers stay together, thanks to the resin from the yam root, which acts as a binding agent.

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Now, of the 100 sheets, 50 are taken out to be dried, and the remaining wet sheets are mixed with the dried 50 sheets one by one and hammered again 200–300 times. This process keeps the separate sheets from sticking to each other. Finally, a flat stone is laid on the paper and hammered three or four times to make the paper smooth and shiny. The above method of making paper is still extant today in the factories of Chŏnju in Chŏllado province, Korea. The laid mold characteristic of the Korean tradition is still in use. This screen, along with the pounding, is peculiar to Korean papermaking. Although Koreans learned papermaking technology from China, they advanced the method to produce high quality Korean paper. Now, let us see how China, the birthplace of papermaking, made paper, from the narration provided in the renowned technology book of the 17th century, T’ien kun k’ai wu (天工開物 1637). In its middle volume, Chapter 13, entitled “Papermaking,” the method of making cover-paper (皮紙) is described as follows: To make cover-paper, 60 jin of mulberry tree bark and 40 jin of bamboo hemp are soaked in still water. The mix is then spread with lime water and boiled in a cauldron. As part of a recent saving measure, newly cut rice straw makes up 30–70% of mulberry bark and bamboo hemp. This mixture, along with paper-medicine (紙藥), also yields very white paper. Mulberry bark paper, scooped up lengthwise, is like cotton thread, and is called cotton-paper. We do not know how the Chosŏn’s “white hammered paper” is made.

The making of Chinese bamboo hemp paper from T’ien kun k’ai wu (天工開物), 17th century.

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While T’ien kun k’a iwu explains other details about papermaking, it never mentions the process of hammering in the Korean method, possibly because hammering is a method characteristic of the Korean method. Japan, which learned the technique of papermaking from Koguryŏ, used a similar process. As is shown in its manufacturing process, the Korean papermaking technique is unique, and developed over a long time through its own creative process.

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The Science and Technology of the Tripitaka Koreana

A woodblock of Tripitaka Koreana, National Treasure Number 32. Haeinsa Temple.

Along with celadon inlay, printing technology is the product of the creative tradition, representing Koryŏ’s developed technology. Koryŏ’s woodblock printing technology is characterized by the large-scale manufacture of Buddhist scriptures. The product of handiwork by Koryŏ artisans and the determination of deeply religious Koryŏ aristocrats, this printing technology was highly developed and its projects were carried out on a large scale. It is hard to imagine that this kind of undertaking, albeit a national enterprise, was carried out several times and culminated in success every time. With each project, the Koryŏ people engraved tens of thousands of woodblocks and printed vast quantities of Buddhist scriptures. Thousands of hours of manpower and many years went into this immense undertaking, propelled by the desire of the people to guard their nation from barbarian invasion by appealing to the Buddha to protect their nation through publishing Buddhist scriptures. The woodblocks of Eighty Thousand Scriptures presently kept in Haeinsa Temple provide a dramatic testament to this fact. It is truly surprising that more than 80,000 woodblocks were manufactured and survived 750 long years. I visited the Haeinsa Temple in Hapch’ŏn and went into the Repository House. Inside the repository, I found myself transported back in time 800 years, as if I had been taken there by a fantastic time machine. Even from the vantage point of the cutting-edge 21st century, the woodblock of Tripitaka Koreana is an amazing achievement. It is a work of the early 13th century. This technological endeavor surpasses the imagination. Had it not been

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Elevation view of the Sutra Repository (south side).

Elevation view of the Sutra Repository (north side).

Elevation views of the south and north sides of the Sutra Repository of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks from Professor Yi T’aenyŏng’s report.

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for the Buddhist faith and the desire to save the country from barbarian invasion, this enterprise may never have been realized. Second Tripitaka (再雕大藏經), now known to us as Eighty Thousand Scriptures of Haeinsa Temple, consists of 86,688 woodblocks. Each block averages 26.4 cm × 72.6 cm in size, 2.8–3.7 cm in thickness and 2.4–3.75 kg in weight. Wild cherry tree wood (prunus sp.) and pear tree wood were the main materials. The total weight is 260,000 kg, which amounts to 65 loads of 4-ton trucks. Ships and ox carts were the only transportation devices in the Koryŏ period. Many people would imagine that this vast quantity of woodblocks was carried by more than 500 ox carts. However, given that this was no ordinary article but a holy scripture, it was probably carried by men one block at a time. It must have been a truly grand sight to see the holy scripture carried all the way across the sea and over mountain paths from Kanghwado Island to Haeinsa Temple in Hapchŏn and the holy ceremony marking its arrival at its resting place. There is a reason for opening my introduction to the Tripitaka in this manner. Historians, folklorists and modern scientists would never try to conceive the situation in terms of quantity, but the quantitative analysis and reconstruction of the historical process is no less important than the results of our research. The history of science and technology is history, and history starts from the record of

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the process. Therefore, scientific analysis and an experimental approach remain essential.

The repository holding Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks was designated as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1995.

The Science of the Tripitaka and its Woodblock Let us return to the manufacture of the woodblock of the Tripitaka. Each block is capped by 99.6% pure copper plates on its four corners and flanked by two wooden sticks on both sides to keep the woodblock straight and prevent warping. This kind of manufacturing method is not found in any other woodblock. In other words, much effort was expended to ensure its safe and durable storage. The blocks were made from wild cherry tree wood out of that same consideration. It is said that the wild cherry tree wood used in the blocks is soaked and boiled in saltwater to extract the resin and then dried for several years in the shade. This process, used in the manufacture of wooden furniture even to this day, prevents the blocks from developing cracks and warps. These boards are cut to measure 24 × 65 × 4 cm. Their surface is engraved with characters painted

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with lacquer. This kind of treatment prevented the blocks from warping or cracking and allowed them to be preserved in very good condition to this day, after almost 800 years have elapsed. The surface of the block is framed by a band measuring 24.5 cm wide and 52 cm long but is free from any rule marks. Each block surface contains 23 columns of characters, with each column consisting of 14 characters. Each character measures 1.5 cm2. Scriptures were engraved on both side of the block. At the end of each block, the title of the scripture, volume number, page number and functional numbers in the order of One Thousand Characters are engraved in small letters. However, some blocks show a small difference in terms of their length and breath, number of columns, the number of characters comprising each column and character size. Some blocks have outlines while others do not. Some blocks have ruled lines. Some are engraved on only one side. It is conceivable that change inevitably occurred in the style during the long manufacturing process spanning 16 years. The discrepancy in the size of the blocks may be attributed to the length of the process as well.

The Eighty Thousand Scriptures Scholars call it Tripitaka Koreana or Second Tripitaka. The 10,000-volume scriptures manufactured in the early 11th century had been burned during the Mongol invasion. The Koryŏ government, which fled to Kanghwa Island, increasingly relied on its faith in Buddha, as their chance to repel the enemy diminished. It again launched the great project of engraving the 80,000 blocks, a task that took sixteen years, beginning in 1236, as it had in the early 11th century during the reign of King Hyŏnjong, when the Kithan invaded Koryŏ. Hence, the product is called Second Tripitaka. Now enshrined at Haeinsa Temple, these constitute Eighty Thousand Scriptures, the largest ancient relic of block printing in the world. The burned Scripture of King Hyŏnjong is called First Scripture (or First Tripitaka). After the Koryŏ government moved to Kanghwado Island, it established a special organization called the Bureau of Tripitaka (Taejangdogam 大藏都監). Soon, the national enterprise for woodblock manufacturing started. According to a record in the year 1236 (King Kojong 23), the headquarters of the bureau were founded on the island, and its branch location was on Namhaedo Island, near Chinhae. Taejanggakp’an kunshin kigomun (大藏刻板君臣祈告文), included in Collected Works of Minister Lee of the Eastern Kingdom (Tonggukisanggukchip

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東國李相國集 1237) by Yi Kyu-bo, is the most comprehensive record of Tripitaka. The 86,000-block Tripitaka was originally kept in the House of the Tripitaka (大藏經板堂), located just outside the west gate of Kanghwado Castle. We do not have any record about the structure of the house or how the woodblocks were kept. Kim Du-jong discusses this matter in his work, Korean Cultural History of Ancient Printing (1980, Seoul). According to his research, the woodblocks of Second Tripitaka were deposited on Kanghwado Island until the end of the Koryŏ dynasty. After the beginning of the Chosŏn dynasty, in May, 1398 (King Taejo 7), the woodblocks were moved from Sŏnwŏnsa Temple, Kanghwado Island to the Chich’ŏnsa Temple outside the west gate in Seoul, near Taep’yŏnggwan (太平館). There the blocks were kept for the summer, and were then finally moved to Haeinsa Temple during the autumn/winter season. It is difficult to establish the structure of the Koryŏ-era repository house on Kanghwado Island, and whether it had common functional characteristics with the current repository house at Haeinsa Temple. The Chosŏn-style repository possessed the best location and conditions for preserving the immense collection of over 86,000 woodblocks. Also, it was designed and constructed to fit in with the surrounding natural environment. The warehouse for woodblock storage, Haeinsa Temple, also known as the Repository of Tripitaka Woodblocks (大藏經版殿), consists of two separate buildings. The repository was designed and located to ensure good ventilation and low humidity, which are essential for the ideal preservation of the blocks. The rectangular buildings thus have numerous ventilation windows at the front and back. The front window is located at the lower part of the wall and the back one at the upper part of the wall. Each block stands on its end on wooden shelves. A scientific design is evident in the structure of the repository, the arrangement of the shelves and the way in which the blocks are stacked. It was a well-thought-out design, allowing for efficient ventilation and the minimum change in moisture, which was not lost upon Park Iksu, the renowned historian of science and science critic. He methodically spelled out his hypothesis to me on many occasions, and his analytical ideas motivated me repeatedly to visit the location. On every such visit, I came to the conclusion that his theory was scientifically sound. Let us experimentally sum up that idea. Ventilation windows are installed on the south and north sides of the repository. Widely observed in the traditional architecture of Korean houses, this method has been empirically proven to provide good ventilation. The air comes in from the low windows on the south wall and passes through the blocks standing on the shelves. The two thick wooden handles

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attached to both sides of each block provide numerous narrow gaps for the air to pass through, and this “alley wind” rises like smoke, exiting through the other set of windows on the upper part of the north walls. There is no doubt that the repository of Haeinsa Temple was designed and built as the ideal warehouse to preserve the woodblocks. Once inside the repository, one can feel the freshness of the air. This pleasant feeling has been confirmed by scientific data from Professor Yi T’ae-nyŏng’s instrumental measurements. It has been experimentally confirmed that the temperature and degree of moisture were kept almost even, despite the seasonal changes. This is another example of the triumph of technological archaeology. With its precise content, beautiful lettering and the excellent woodblock manufacturing technology, Second Tripitaka, or Tripitaka Koreana, could be said the most beautiful woodblock text in the world. In the East Asian world, 200 Buddhist scriptures have been published. Among them, Tripitaka Koreana is estimated to be the best. It was through the manufacture of Tripitaka Koreana that woodblock printing technology reached its climax, and its publication also has a deep religious meaning as a compilation of the Buddhist theories of Koryŏ. Woodblock printing technology thus developed, encouraged mainly by the publication of the Buddhist scriptures. The printing task, which was originally carried out by various individual temples, evolved into a national project, with the making of the woodblocks for First Tripitaka in the year 1011 (King Hyŏngjong 2). This was an opportunity for a technological leap. First Tripitaka was manufactured at a time when the existence of Koryŏ was in danger, and the capital, Songdo, had fallen into the hands of the enemy during the invasion by the northern barbarians of Khitan. It was the last resort to save the country: to commit to a national effort to publish the Buddhist scriptures. It was a technological innovation resulting from a religious sublimation of loyalty to the crown and patriotism. However, the “centralization of technology” had not yet been completed. There is no evidence of any special bureau, such as the Taejangtogam (大藏都監). It is thought that, while the project was funded by the central government, the manufacture of the scripture woodblocks was carried out by the individual temples in each district. The task of publishing First Tripitaka took approxiInside of the repository of the artifact of First Tripitaka in Nanzenji Temple, Kyoto, Japan. mately 70 years. It was truly the product of determined

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effort. Its content is said to amount to 5,000 scrolls (軸). The accumulation of technological development during the long years of woodblock manufacturing would have been anything but small. First Tripitaka is thought to have included all of the Buddhist scriptures of the Chinese Tang and Song dynasties that were transcribed in Chinese characters. It is unfortunate that First Tripitaka woodblocks all burned to ashes during the disastrous Mongolian invasion in 1232.

Overcoming the Tragedy of First Tripitaka It is said that 310 books of the printed content of First Tripitaka are being kept secretly in the Nazenji Temple in Kyoto, Japan. In Korea, where it was long thought that there were no artifacts of First Tripitaka, about ten albums were recently discovered. I have visited the elegant temple of Nazenji several times. However, it is not easy to obtain permission to see the artifacts. Although I have long since grown accustomed to such disappointments over the last 35 years of studying the Korean history of science and technology, my heart ached when I saw the texts of the First Tripitaka in photographs. It was such an inspirational achievement. After First Tripitaka was burned, the block-engraving work of Ŭich’ŏn, the so-called Continued Tripitaka, was again carried out over 11 years in Koryŏ. Between 1091 (Sŏnjong 8) and 1101 (Sukchong 6), 4,857 volumes were printed and published. Forty volumes of these texts are presently kept in the Todaiji Temple in Nara, Japan. This Tripitaka is by no means an imitation engraving of the Song dynasty woodblock. According to Dr. Kim Du-jong’s assessment, Continued Tripitaka showed a more refined, orderly style of characters than its counterpart Song texts. Fascinated by the Song texts, the Koryŏ aristocrats wished to possess the same texts and eventually created better work. Woodblock printing technology finally evolved to the highest level in the world. Tripitaka Koreana was the completion of woodblock printing technology after long years of technological accumulation. Unfortunately, we have no texts of Tripitaka Koreana. We have very few books and Buddhist paintings. In contrast, scores of Koryŏ artifacts of books and pictures are preserved in Japan. Much of our precious historical and cultural artifacts and treasures were lost due to numerous disasters of war and plunder and found their way to other countries. Although their preservation alone is, in a sense, fortunate, we still suffer from the loss. There is no telling how many

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A page of Hyŏnyangsŏngkyoron (顯揚聖敎論), woodblock print, 11th century, 29 × 156 cm, National Treasure Number 234. Hoam Art Museum.

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precious books were lost to fire or wound up as wallpaper during the Korean War in the early 1950s. It is indeed a miracle that Tripitaka Koreana, totaling 80,000 blocks, survives in the Haeinsa Temple. Nevertheless, we did not accomplish even the basic academic research necessary for the scientific preservation of this world-class cultural asset in the 50 years following the Korean War. Although some have hypothesized that the manufacturing of Tripitaka woodblocks and the architecture of its repository were scientific in the extreme, a long time has passed without any proof based on experimental research. It was Dr. Yi T’ae-nyŏng who instigated the first fully-fledged scientific research on the subject. Between 1993 and 1995, the chief priest of the Haeinsa Temple, Yi Chi-kwan, and the student monks of the Tripitaka Research Center were also active. The appointment of the chief priest, Yi, a former president of Tongguk University, has thus proven to be a fortuitous move. With the financial aid of the Bureau of Cultural Asset Preservation and the government of Hapch’ŏngun, Professor Yi T’ae-nyŏng has poured his devotional endeavors into the new project. I participated in the undertaking as a member

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of the project evaluation committee. More than ten professionals formed a joint research team and produced considerable findings. Thorough investigation and precise measurements continued for three years. The comprehensive report presented at the evaluation meeting in the spring of 1996 by the veteran scholar, Professor Yi T’ae-nyŏng, was inspirational. Several new important facts came to light, and a new direction was suggested for the scientific preservation of the artifact in the future. Another significant accomplishment was the publication of an excellent, 300-page report entitled “Basic academic research for the preservation of Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks.” The report can be summarized as follows: • •

• •

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The main material for Tripitaka Koreana woodblock was found to be mostly wild cherry tree wood, instead of pear tree wood, as previously thought. The surface of the block was first covered with black ink and then painted with pure lacquer. The lacquer is of very high quality and had been very effective in the preservation of the block. The four corners were capped (decorated) with copper. This copper had a purity of 99.60%. The nails used to fasten the copper pieces had a purity of 94.5–96.8% and were made by forging. The material of these nails was low dioxide steel and contained much manganese, which seems to have been added to facilitate the shaping of the steel. The average temperature distribution in the repository was approximately 2°C and showed a surprising evenness. The daily temperature range never exceeded 5°C. The relative humidity of the surface of the block was lower than the air in the repository, which had a constant humidity level exceeding 70–80% throughout most of the day. Dry periods of sub-40% humidity were very rare throughout the year.

In a word, experimental archaeological investigation had shown that the manufacturing technique of Tripitaka Koreana had reached the highest level that woodblock manufacturing technique could reach, and how scientific the design was for the repository for the blocks. The technique of painting the block surface with ink and lacquer was a new technical advancement by Koryŏ technicians. Also astounding was the fact that the copper plates used to fix the four corners of each block had a purity of 99.60%. The smelting technique required for such high-purity copper in the 13th century was unheard of in the history of science. The technique for making the iron nails was also remarkable. The production of millions of such good quality

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nails is notable as factual evidence for the advanced iron technique of Koryŏ. Hardly any of those nails developed any rust. The quantity of lacquer produced was also enormous. These technological considerations alone tell us that Tripitaka Koreana manufacture was a national undertaking. It may be worthwhile to attempt a quantitative estimation of the scale of this process, from securing of the materials to the amount of work leading to the manufacture of the goods. This would give us an estimation of the level of Koryŏ’s technology. The science and technology of Koryŏ has not received due research and thus deserves to be revisited.

The Invention of Bronze Movable Type Kwŏn Kŭn (權近), a scholar of the early Chosŏn period, writes as follows in his Colophon on Metallic-type Casting (Chujabal 鑄字跋): February 13, 1403. Early Spring of King T’aejong of Chosŏn. T’aejong told his ministers: Leaders should read widely for enlightenment and composure of mind to govern properly, and thus literally achieve self-development and govern one’s home to govern one’s country and the world (修身齊家 治國平天下). As our country is separated from China by the sea, it is very difficult to bring in books from China. Furthermore, woodblock is hard to manufacture and cracks easily; therefore, we cannot print all the books we need with woodblocks. Now, if we make movable type with copper, we can print any text we obtain and disseminate it widely. The benefit would be infinite.

However, it is said that the cabinet ministers (state councilors) objected to this. Although they were well aware that the King’s idea sprang from the National Great One Hundred Year Plan (百年之大計), they were worried about overcoming the technical difficulties. In a word, the majority thought that the idea was sound but its realization impossible, but King T’aejong never capitulated. Instead of raising the finance necessary for the manufacture of bronze movable type, he donated all of the bronze ware not immediately in use in the royal palace and urged the willing ministers to collect some as well. No comment was made about the technical problems. According to record, he issued a “firm order.” He must have thought that there would be no serious technical problem, given the technological tradition of printing with bronze movable type that had been in use since the Koryŏ period. From Kwŏn Kŭn’s account, the king’s enthusiasm and far-sighted perspective in creating an independent Chosŏn culture are palpable. The first manufacture of

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metal movable type is never an easy task because of the technical considerations as well as the huge cost and effort involved. However, considering the Chosŏn society’s demand for books, which asked for a wide variety of books in relatively small quantities of several hundreds, printing with movable metal type was much more economical than woodblock printing. Finally, the Bureau of Type Casting and Printing (Chujaso 鑄字所) was established, and officials were designated to join the national enterprise. Yi Jik, Min Mu-jil, Pak Sŏng-myŏng and Yi Yong were appointed as directors, and Kang Chŏn-ŭm, Kim Chang-kan, Yu Yi, Kim Wi-min and Pak Yun-yŏng were supervisors. The division of labor was strictly adhered to throughout the process. Engravers carved letters on woodblocks made of the Korean box tree following the type punch. The casters used the engraved letters to fashion the sea sand molds, into which they then poured bronze to create the movable type. The cast movable type pieces were then individually trimmed with a file. The movable type produced through this process amounted to hundreds of thousands of pieces within a few months. This is the Kyemija bronze type, so named as it was created in the third year of King T’aejong, the Keymi year. The tradition of bronze movable type, started in the Koryŏ era and which merely had a weak presence in subsequent years, was thus brought back to life by King T’aejong. It was a great reinvention and technological innovation. The newly established Chosŏn dynasty that succeeded the Koryŏ dynasty reconstructed the revolutionary printing culture, paving the way for scientific and cultural creation during King Sejong’s reign. In other words, the appearance of the Keymija type made a sizable contribution to cultural development of the early Chosŏn period. The tradition of this technological innovation, resurrected during T’aejong’s reign, was established by Koryŏ’s technicians in the 12th and 13th centuries. Facing the urgent and real problem of producing printed material, the technicians of that era dealt with the situation by introducing new technology. Let us now examine that historical and technological backdrop. The book-printing technology using woodblocks was started by Silla artisans in the early 8th century. It was a great invention in the sense that it enabled a simple, fast mechanical working process to replace the work of copying books by hand one character at a time. Yet woodblock printing had several shortcomings: the woodblocks, once used to print the necessary number of copies, were no longer useful for printing other material. They were inconvenient to store because of their bulk. Furthermore, once coated with ink for printing, the woodblocks easily

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cracked while drying, thus requiring much care for their preservation. A solution to this problem was the invention of the movable type. Movable type was first invented by the Chinese in the 11th century. It started out as wooden movable type, engraved and cut from wood, much in the same way as woodblocks. Clay movable type followed: clay and glue were mixed together and shaped, the surface being engraved with characters and baked. Clay movable type was first invented by Bi Sheng (畢昇, circa 990–1051) of Song China. Bi Sheng lined the metal form tray with a mixture of pine tree wax, ashes of burned paper and the like. Once the material had softened from the heat of the fire, he put in each character. Then the characters were evenly pressed to prevent shifting, and left to cool. Finally, he coated the type with ink, placed paper on top and rubbed it to print the texts. However, clay movable type was not widely used because it was fragile. Wooden movable type, on the other hand, was used to some extent even though it cracked and splintered easily. One huge advantage of movable type is that it is possible to separate the characters after printing and assemble new forms as needed. In particular, wooden movable type is far more economical than woodblocks for printing a wide variety of books in small quantities. In fact, wooden movable type was in wide use in the late Chosŏn dynasty among the nobility, who used it to publish individual collections of works (文集) or genealogies. The wooden movable type was nonetheless unsuitable for repeated use over a long period. The best solution was metal movable type. However, the metal casting of such small characters was a difficult task that required consideration. The people of Silla had used bronze-cast stamps, but stamps would have been inconceivable since they were only produced in limited quantities and in larger sizes. Bronze stamps and metal movable type thus involve different dimensions. Movable type, beside its small size, requires many glyphs of the same size, the production of which is no mean feat. In addition, since the publication of one book requires more than 100,000 characters, using metal movable type was Two stamps commemorating Koryŏ bronze movable type and inconceivable. Furthermore, as metal does not take Dharani Sutra.

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on ink, the letters would not even appear clearly on the paper which was pressed onto the type. Paper was a problem as well: thin paper, pressed onto an inked metal surface, would often tear, unlike paper pressed onto woodblocks or wooden movable type.

Koryŏ’s Outstanding Technology The Koryŏ people nonetheless had to manufacture and use bronze movable type at any cost. Social and cultural demands of the time made this extremely urgent. Most of all, since the demand for a given book was much lower than in China, but hundreds or thousands of varieties of books were needed, it was next to impossible to print them using woodblocks or wooden movable type. On the other hand, the Koryŏ people were particularly skilled in metal casting. The creative tradition, which started in the early Bronze Age, had been succeeded by the people of the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods, finally reaching Koryŏ’s metal artisans. The invention of metal movable type, which enabled reliable and perfect printing, was founded on this technological tradition. Needless to say, such technology does not immediately translate into the production of metal movable type. A higher level of technology is required to cast countless uniform metal movable type characters with tiny, delicate lettering. At least, it was an unthinkable task with the several molds in use during that period. Koryŏ artisans devised a new way to cast the metal type by using sea sand molds. Historians of technology have reached the same conclusion through numerous modern scientific experiments to date. The only mold for metal type before the advent of the modern metal mold was the sea sand mold. Considering the general tendency leading up to the early Chosŏn period, which had very little documentation on technology, the invention of the sea sand mold was an innovative technological development to be commemorated forever in the history of technology. Had it not been for one scholar who left a record of this achievement, we would never have learned how Koryŏ technicians cast the bronze movable type. The record of Assorted Writings of Yongjae (Yongjae ch’onghwa 傭齋叢話) by the Chosŏn scholar, Sŏng Hyŏn (成俔 1439–1504), is a rare historical document in Korea’s history of technology. It is a truly exceptional event that a 15th century Chosŏn scholar should have recorded the process of bronze type casting so vividly. This dramatic record reads as follows: I will explain the process of casting type. Each character is carved onto a board of Korean box tree wood. Sea sand is spread evenly onto a trough. Then

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the wooden type is pressed against the matrix of sea sand board to make indented characters on the sand’s surface. Two such troughs are put together, and liquid bronze is poured inbetween through a hole, filling every indented space to form the individual types. Irregularities are then filed down and scraped to produce the final product.

At any rate, the Koryŏ artisans thus solved the most basic, difficult technical problem related to metal movable type printing. They manufactured the casting molds using sea sand. Furthermore, they succeeded in producing oily ink; that is, printing ink suitable for metal type printing. In addition, the Koryŏ people could produce thin, strong, white paper in large quantities. Now, every condition for bronze type printing was met. Finally, the technology that the Chinese had failed to develop was completed by Koryŏ technicians. There is no denying that the invention of wooden type was an important technological development. It is clearly a technological innovation that the fixed method of woodblock printing was replaced by wooden movable type that made possible typesetting with movable type for new printing. One need not stress again the extensive influence on ancient and medieval society exerted by the dissemination of new information and the transmission of academic accomplishments, which were made possible by movable type printing. The accomplishment of the Koryŏ artisans, who made the most of the wooden type printing concept, is worthy of commemoration and high esteem.

The Tradition on Hiatus

A piece of bronze movable type, 12th century, height 0.8 cm. Found in Manwŏltae, Kaesŏng. From A History of Chosŏn Technology.

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The Koryŏ artisans applied innovative ideas based on traditional technology and beautifully overcame the severe, difficult reality that woodblocks or wooden movable type could never solve. Let us delve a little further into the social background of the time. In 1126 and 1170, Koryŏ suffered the tragic loss of tens of thousands of books to fires in the palace. In addition, conditions under the Song dynasty were also unstable. Due to the continued war between the Chin Tartars and Song, it was extremely difficult for Koryŏ to import books from Song. Consequently, Koryŏ had no choice but to print the books it needed using its own technology. Woodblock printing actually took more time and expense to produce a limited number of copies of a variety

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of books, and the firm wood suitable for woodblock printing was in short supply as well. In contrast, Koryŏ had an abundance of bronze. If its copious bronze could be used for making movable type, the problem would be solved. This socioeconomic situation provided a great stimulus for Koryŏ artisans, prompting them to manufacture bronze movable type by applying their advanced metal craftsmanship. With the successful creation of the sea sand mold, the road to metal type manufacture was wide open. At last, the artisans of Koryŏ started to print with metal type. It was a historical triumph, the first of its kind in the world. Part of that achievement were the twenty-eight copies of Detailed and Authentic Code of Ritual (Sangjeong yemun 詳定禮文), printed on Kanghwa Island around 1234. According to the publishing account of the text, the book was printed “cast type” (chuja 鑄字). Chuja means “metal type made by casting” and the metal refers to bronze. Recently, a text printed with the bronze type of the early Koryŏ period was discovered in the Paris National Library, surprising scholars all over the world. It was the Chikchi Simgyŏng (直指心經), a Buddhist scripture printed in the 14th century. Koryŏ’s metal movable printing technology showed no notable improvement for almost two hundred years after the 13th century. Although the Koryŏ people used bronze movable type as a means of solving specific practical difficulties, the printed texts failed to attain the beauty of Song texts or Koryŏ’s own woodblock prints. Furthermore, printing efficiency was poor. While they had devised this technology as a measure against a desperate situation, Koryŏ’s people seem to have been unable to shed their attachment to woodblock printing. To make matters worse, Koryŏ’s national force had been weakened considerably because of the constant invasions of the Mongols. It was practically impossible to rally metal craftsmen in such a situation to cast new metal movable type. The creative tradition thus came to an end.

The World’s Oldest Text Printed Using Metal Movable Type Maurice Courant is a French scholar of Oriental Studies who is well-known in Korea thanks to his Bibliographie Coréenne (three volumes 1894–96, Paris). This work contains comprehensive information about the Korean books published up until the end of the Chosŏn dynasty. He accomplished for Koreans something that they themselves did not manage to do, and his endeavor deserves our gratitude and respect.

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Copy of Chikchi simch’eyojŏl, 1377, printed using bronze movable type at Hŭngdŏksa Temple.

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Immortalized in this book are the written materials that existed before tragedy befell Korea during the 50 years of Imperial Japan’s colonization of Korea (1910–1945) and the Korean War of the early 1950s. The book was expanded in 1901 and the supplement was published as a separate volume. There was a Buddhist book entitled Chikchi simch’eyojŏl (直指心體要節) in the new publication. Nothing was known about the location of the latter and its bibliographical reality, until 1972, when the fantastic book, long known only by name, revealed itself at last. It was presented at a book exhibition celebrating the “World’s Year of Books” held from May to October in that year. Chikchi simch’eyojŏl has been confirmed by experts to be a text printed using metal movable type in the 14th century. It is not difficult to imagine how excited the Korean academic circle was to hear this news. The media shared the excitement. I still remember vividly that the Korean media overflowed with articles about metal movable type texts and the books of Koryŏ. The appearance of the oldest artifact among the existing metal movable type texts in the world was stupefying. Many Koreans, including myself, consider it unfortunate that this should be kept in the French National Library. This book sums up the tragedy that the Koreans experienced. Korean scholars had an opportunity to access the book, albeit indirectly, with the assistance of Dr. Park Byŏng-sŏn, who was working in the Far Eastern books section of the French National Library: she had brought us an actual size, black-and-white picture version of the text. Scholars have confirmed the passage written in the publishing notes to the book: “Published one day in July of the seventh year of Sŏngwang by the mayor of Ch’ŏngju and others at Hŭngdŏksa temple with cast metal type.” Everyone concerned agreed that the book was published in the year 1377. There was also little controversy that the book had been printed using metal movable type. The investigation of the book carried out by the famous Korean bibliographer, Professor Ch’ŏn Hye-bong, was solid enough to earn other scholars’ approval. Another important contributing factor was the discovery of the relics of Hŭngdŏksa Temple, which were mentioned in the publishing notes as the printing site of this book. Let us examine the bibliographic characteristics of Chikchi simch’eyojŏl as a metal type print, as proven by Professor Ch’ŏn’s research.

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Firstly, the lines of characters in the text are not straight, but alternately protruding and receding either to the left or right. Some of the letters are badly slanted and others are even inverted. Also, the amount of ink on each printed letter is uneven, with a great variation between the distinct letters and the faint ones. Some of the letters are very dark, and quite a few strokes are missing ink. These phenomena rarely happen in a woodblock text but are a common occurrence with movable type text. In fact, the neatness of a text is key in distinguishing between woodblock texts and movable type texts, since crooked lines or inverted letters rarely appear in woodblock texts. In contrast, with movable type texts, the earlier the batch, the worse they are. As letters of different shapes and sizes are placed on the galley, the lines and characters may be placed askew or even upside down. A woodblock text, on the other hand, is printed from a very even surface coated with ink, yielding an even, clear print. With movable type texts, the surface is never as smooth, since characters of uneven sizes are put together. In addition, the density of the ink can vary between letters or even between the strokes of an individual letter. Based on these distinctions between the two techniques, Chikchi simch’eyojŏl has been confirmed to be an impression made with movable type. Secondly, the four sides that frame the four corners of the galley form one fixed line. The border line (the horizontal line or cross line that marks the border) and the vertical lines are also stuck together. The number of letters per line is not uniform either. There appears to be a difference of one or two letters from line to line. It is only natural that the letters do not align horizontally. In some cases, the bottom stroke of a letter and the top stroke of the letter beneath may even touch or overlap. This is another problem for which the techniques of casting and typesetting are responsible. Similar technical problems are also found in the Chosŏn dynasty, in the Kyemija type, manufactured in 1403 (T’aejong 3). It is thanks to these technical problems, or to put it even more bluntly, the immaturity of technology involved in the casting of metal types and typesetting in those early years, that we can easily identify Chikchi simch’eyojŏl as a movable type text rather than a woodblock one. Furthermore, some portions show that certain characters that were in short supply were partially replaced by other characters of a different size, and, in some cases, wooden Copy printed from the Kyemija bronze type, 1403, Sipch’ilsach’an kogŭmt’ongyo. characters were substituted for the missing letters.

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A Model of Technological Transition The key to the manufacture of Kyemija bronze cast movable type is the use of sea sand molds. In short, the punch is made by carving letters into Korean box tree wood. Then, these base characters (母字) are pressed onto the sea sand surface to form the letter grooves. Molten bronze is poured into this sea sand mold. This method, which could produce uniformly sized characters in large quantities, was employed in the mass production of bronze movable type as part of a national project. In other words, this was a method of standardized mass production. The casting method used by individuals until the later Chosŏn period was slightly different. As individual families did not need to engage in large-scale production, they developed an easier method to fit their need. The method employed by individuals can be described as follows: firstly, clay, which is usually used for making earthenware, is pounded finely and kneaded well with water, then spread evenly on a framed board and dried halfway. Meanwhile, characters large and small are written on paper, evenly spaced from one another. Melted beeswax is spread onto the (clay-coated) board, which is further covered with the inverted sheet of paper, and the characters are then traced. Onto this liquid iron is poured. Once the iron cools, the plate is lifted, and the characters cut out one by one and filed down to form the individual glyphs. While shapes of the letters vary depending on the model used, the type consisted of letters in roughly the same style. This method of metal type casting, which was transmitted between individuals, is connected to the casting method of metal crafts and metal types practiced in Buddhist temples. According to Professor Ch’ŏn’s investigation, the use of beeswax molds in making movable type was handed down for many years in Buddhist temples. The following is a brief description of this method: firstly, characters are engraved onto type-shaped blocks of refined beeswax. These blocks are then wrapped in a mixture of clay and “raven clay” (烏土) (which is used in the manufacture of crucibles), shaped into type molds and baked. Liquid iron is then poured into the gathered molds. Once the iron has cooled, the glyphs are trimmed and completed. The glyphs manufactured using this method were not The Kabinja bronze type, 1434. Impression on a page from Collected Writings of Tangryu (唐柳). identical in their lettering, as this was a direct transfer of the

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wooden movable type manufacturing method to the manufacture of metal type. The metal movable type of the temples is a good representation of the technological transition from wooden to metal type. In fact, Chikchi simch’eyojŏl has numerous instances of differently shaped glyphs on the same page. From this, we can infer that characters of the book were cast either by the traditional technology employed by the temples or by the method practiced by civilians. This fact was confirmed by the Bureau of Cultural Asset Preservation through an experiment that it conducted: a copy of the Chikchi simch’eyojŏl was produced with a reconstruction of the missing first page in the second volume. This was first attempted by Oh Kuk-chin, a Ch’ŏngju calligrapher and engraver, who re-enacted the traditional technology for bronze type casting practiced by the temples, but he replaced the beeswax molds with paraffin ones. He first made the letter models by imitating impressions from the temple cast type and engraved them onto the paraffin blocks. Then, substituting plaster for the clay and raven clay mixture, he wrapped the characters and heated them to melt away the paraffin. He then poured liquid bronze into the molds and produced bronze type. Through this experiment, it became very clear that no letter model served as the sole model for several molds. The casting method of Kyemija type in T’aejong 3 (1403) was revolutionary. It is proven to be a technological advance in the findings from numerous experimental reconstructions. At the same time, we can see that the mass bronze type production system of the Koryŏ dynasty as a national project is different from the bronze type casting method employed by temples for small-scale publications. Recently, the Museum of Ancient Printing was erected in Ch’ŏngju on the site of the old Hŭngdŏksa Temple. This project inspires hope in many respects, as it is the first time a museum specializing in printing technology has been founded in Korea.

Kabin Type: The Culmination of Chosŏn-style Printing Technology The history of bronze movable type printing technology since 1377 provides a good depiction of the continuation of Koryŏ’s technological tradition in metal type since its birth in the early 13th century. The tradition, which had barely subsisted during the long, cruel wars, came back to life with the birth of Kyemija type in 1403, making a huge leap toward a new development. This was the renaissance of Korea’s tradition in bronze movable type printing technology. Koryŏ’s invention of the metal type printing technology and its subsequent

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development, confirmed by the text from 1377, nicely filled the gap before the advent of Kyemija type. The bronze movable type printing technology of Chosŏn, which heralded a new era by enabling mass production using Kyemija type, flourished even more afterward. Additional technological improvement was made in the manufacture of Kyŏngchaja type during King Sejong’s reign, and, with the birth of Kabinja type, the independent Chosŏn-style tradition of bronze type was firmly established. The sixteenth year of King Sejong (1434) was the Kabin year. On July 2, the king summoned Yi Ch’ŏn and conferred with him about making a new bronze movable type and improving the printing instruments: I am aware that copper is in short supply, as much of it went into the manufacture of weapons for our recent conquests. Also, the artisans must be very busy. However, since the making of movable type cannot be neglected, plan the process well and execute it.

Copy of Sŏkposangjŏl, 1455. Korean alphabet (Hangŭl) edition printed with bronze movable type.

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This was the King’s order recorded in Sejong Sillok. Sejong Sillok also notes that it was a difficult time because an ongoing drought forced all construction projects to be put on hold and the recruited commoners to be sent home. The king nonetheless believed firmly that the printing project should be accomplished at all costs. He wanted excellent texts printed with beautiful movable type. Various instruments for astronomical observation had been made and active research was being carried out on calendrical systems. Furthermore, printing technology had matured. It is also thought that academic accomplishment and cultural maturity realized in various fields up to that point had given rise to a desire for new creations. A lofty cultural desire had arisen for beautifully printed books with better type. Another mammoth national enterprise had thus been launched. Thirteen years had passed since the manufacture of Kyeongjaja type in 1421. A mere glimpse at the names of officials in charge of each department executing the project gives a good idea of the scale of this national project. Yi Ch’ŏn was the obvious choice for chief director. Kim Ton, Kim Pin, Chang Yŏng-sil, Yi Se-yŏng, Chŏng Ch’ŏk, Yi Sun-ji and the like served as directors. All were preeminent scientists of the period.

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Chujaso (鑄字所), the printing company founded by the court, produced within two months some 200,000 pieces of new bronze glyphs, known as Kabinja type. The size of the glyphs was large, at 1.4 cm2, like Kyemija type. A galley, consisting of ten vertical lines each accommodating exactly 17 glyphs in half a board, was also made. Sejong Sillok states that the style of the character was clean and clear, designed to make printing easy. About 40 pages per day could be printed. The technical advancement was such that the yield was double that of Kyŏngjaja type. Full-fledged printing by the Chujaso began in midSeptember 1434. Since that time, countless kinds of books Galley of Kabin type, 1777, arranged by the Chujaso. Korea have been published. The hundred and some varieties of University Museum. books remaining today are of Kabin type; it does not take long to assess how excellent the printing technology was. Kabin-type texts are the most beautiful, neatly-printed books in the world and are, in effect, the culmination of Chosŏn-style bronze movable printing technology.

The World’s Most Beautiful Books A variety of books on astronomy and calendrical systems printed using Kabin type can be found in the Kyujanggak (former Royal Library of the Chosŏn dynasty) at Seoul National University. The world-famous books on calendrical systems from the Sejong era, Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Chilchŏngsan naepyŏn 七政算內篇) and Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Chilchŏngsan woepyŏn 七政算外篇) were also printed using Kabin type. More than ten of the other books were printed with Kabin type, including Susiryŏk Chŏppŏbipsŏcng (授時 曆捷法立成), a numerical table for the calculation of the Shou-shih Calendar, which is highly valued for its originality, and Kyosik ch’ubopŏb, which discusses the calculation method of solar and lunar eclipses. These books were printed using Kabin bronze type between 1434 and 1450 and distributed to scholars and officials concerned with astronomy and calendrical systems. When I first saw these books in the early 1960s at the Kyujanggak, my honest feeling was surprise. They were so beautiful I could not convince myself that the books were texts printed using bronze type in the earlier half of the 15th century. As the books had been kept in the royal palace library, they were in nearly perfect condition. What was more surprising was the appearance of the

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books. Little as I knew about printing and old books at that time, the books could not have been more beautiful. It was truly a shock. Was it possible that such elegant, wonderfully-printed books existed in the early 15th century? To those of us who have studied history and discussed and mused on matters, especially those who have studied the natural sciences, the heritage left by the printing artisans of the Sejong era is tantalizing. Among the books printed in the 15th century, we cannot find more beautiful books than those printed using Kabin bronze type anywhere in the world. In addition, it is more surprising in the sense that those books were published with bronze movable type printing. Without doubt, the technology was reaching its high point. The materials for clean printing and manufacturing good books were all present in the Sejong era. Thin, strong white paper, good oily ink and efficient galleys that enabled snug typesetting were available. It has been suggested that a technological comparison is impossible between Western Europe’s Johannes Scene of a printing factory of the Chosŏn period. Ch’ŏngju Gutenberg, who used a printing press, that is, a mechaAncient Printing Museum. nical device, for printing, and Chosŏn, where printing was carried out manually. One should note, however, that Gutenberg used a press (originally for pressing olive oil) because he could not otherwise produce good output. In Chosŏn, manual pressing alone was sufficient for clean, rapid printing, and therefore there was little need for a press. The difference arises with the paper and ink. The paper of Western Europe at the time of Gutenberg was thick and stiff, and could not even be compared with the fine mulberry paper of Chosŏn. Thus, manual pressing when making a rubbing could not produce clean results. Inevitably one had to push firmly with a press. Comparing the paper and printed books of that era, one notices a great difference. The books from Chosŏn are not bulky but very light and fittingly elegant. The Chosŏn paper printed well, with only a light pressure. There was no need for a techanical instrument. It is incorrect to regard this as a failure to move past pre-modern technology. In fact, because printing was so effortless, its mechanization did not take place in the Chosŏn period.

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From Koryŏ to Europe The English historian of science, B. D. Bernal, wrote as follows in Science in History (1954): “Moving metallic type was used first in Korea in the 14th century. It was introduced to Europe in the mid-15th century. Printing started with prayer books, and spread later to books at an astonishing speed.” Bernal’s understanding is that the metallic type printing technology was invented by the Koryŏ dynasty and then introduced to Europe, where the technology was first used by Gutenberg in 1450. The basis for his idea that metallic type was first used in the 14th century must come from the Korean record that the Koryŏ dynasty had established the Bureau of Books in 1372 to oversee movable type printing. Bernal’s view must have been strongly influenced by Joseph Needham, the world-renowned historian of Chinese science at Cambridge University, with whom Bernal was close friends. Nonetheless, it is exceptional that such a view was described in a general introduction to the history of science. It is even more surprising that the book was written by a Westerner. However, this view is not broadly accepted as an established theory. A few foreign scholars have discussed it strictly as a hypothesis. It is widely accepted nowadays that woodblock printing technology was transmitted from China to Europe, but the assumption that movable type printing must have been influenced by China still remains a hypothesis. Therefore, Bernal’s opinion, which contradicts those ideas, must be regarded as a step forward. Bronze movable type printing began in Koryŏ in the early 13th century or earlier. Therefore, it is very likely that the technology and idea were transmitted to Europe at the time when the Mongols ruled China. A lot of Europeans came to China during that time. The number of European merchants visiting China reached its peak in the 13th and early 14th centuries in particular. More than anything else, the Europeans’ use of the Roman alphabet proved extremely convenient for movable type printing, which makes the possibility even higher that the idea was transmitted to Europe. It is thought that bronze movable type printing technology reached the area of Italy or Germany via the vast area ruled by the Mongols in the mid-15th century.

Transmission to Japan Woodblock printing remained the main trend in China because of the inherent nature of Chinese characters and the problem of ink and paper. Woodblock printing in China was quite economical, for the demand for books was large enough in terms of numbers of copies. The Chinese generally did not endeavor

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Typesetting work at Chujaso.

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to produce high-quality books, so could print them at a comparatively low cost, which was another reason for the good economy of woodblock printing. The Japanese had many opportunities to obtain Tripitaka Koreana and other texts printed with bronze movable type from Korea. Nevertheless, they were unaware that Chosŏn was printing such beautiful books of high quality using metal type. They were astounded to see Chosŏn’s bronze type and printing instruments for the first time upon their 1592 invasion of Korea. In Japan, printing with bronze movable type first began at the end of the 16th century, with the book entitled Kobun kokyo (古文孝經), which was printed with movable type and printing instruments that Japan plundered from Korea. The following is recorded in the introduction of the book, Recommendation of Learning (Kangakubun 勸學文,), printed with wooden type by the Japanese: “Artisans were ordered to engrave each character separately and typeset them on the galley for printing. This is the method introduced from Chosŏn and not in the least bit inconvenient.” Japan was so completely fascinated by the printing technology as to imitate the Chosŏn-style form of characters in practicing movable type printing. The high level of Chosŏn movable type printing was also duly recognized in China. The Imperial Printing Bureau of China was established in 1773, and Kim Kan, a descendant of a Korean family, was designated as the head of it. He produced a “formula for movable type” of Wuyongdian juzhenban (武永殿 聚珍版), which is regarded as a significant contribution to the development of printing technology in the Ching dynasty. The impact of Chosŏn’s metallic movable type printing technology was felt not only in the neighboring countries of East Asia but also in far away Europe, as mentioned above. This was no usual contribution to the history of culture and technology. However, the contribution of Korea to the development of printing technology advancement, I believe, is underestimated. One reason for this is that Koreans did not value it properly. Little is known about Korean printing technology; only Gutenberg is internationally famous. We Koreans need to exert our

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cultural and academic efforts and activities much more to inform the world about the Korean history of printing technology. Another reason for this underestimation is the fact that the practice of movable type printing did not have any dramatic effect on or bring about great change in Korean society.

New Technology and Indigenous Technology With the manufacture of Kabin type and the technical improvement in galleys, Chosŏn-style bronze movable type printing technology was complete. Kabin type represents the traditional metallic printing technology of the Chosŏn era. During Sejong’s reign and onward, numerous books were printed with Kabin type. The books are flawless as printed material. Considering that the printing was done according to the traditional manual method, its efficiency was also remarkable. The printing process was specialized and organized. Every process, from the casting, sorting and keeping of the movable type, character selection and type-setting to the book-binding and the like, was efficiently Pieces of bronze movable type from the late Chosŏn period. delegated and systematically managed. The printing company, Chujaso, was run as a national organization under the direct supervision of the government. According to Sejong Sillok, the king praised and generously rewarded the artisans of the Chujaso for their labor. He ordered that the artisans should receive a pay rise and special treatment so that they would not have to worry about their subsistence. Kabin type was manufactured five more times after its birth at the time of Sejong. This means a fifth of the total 25 times when metallic type was manufactured during the Chosŏn period. To put it simply, the shape of Kabin type occupies at least 20% of the total number of texts printed with metallic type during the Chosŏn period. Consequently, scholars who read the books naturally became used to Kabin type. The scientists and artisans of Chosŏn strove to obtain the best-shaped characters and the ideal solidity of metal type. They also continued their endeavors to produce the most suitable bronze alloy, as analyses of the bronze type reveal. For example, the Ŭlhaeja type of 1455 consists of 79.45% copper, 2.30% zinc, 13.20% tin, 1.66% lead and 1.88% iron. In comparison, the Hyŏnjongsillokja

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(顯宗實錄字) type of 1677 shows a different composition ratio, with 64.7% copper, 3.1% zinc, 18.4% tin, 4.4% lead and 2.0% iron. If we study the Hanguja (韓構字) type, the ratio changes again, with 79.8% copper, 1.4% zinc, 10.6% tin, 2.1% lead and 2.0% iron. Presently, more than ten kinds of type have been analyzed. Putting together the results, we can conclude that the bronze movable type of the Chosŏn period has roughly a 75 : 25 or 80 : 20 ratio of copper to tin, which is the typical ratio for Korean bronze. Some quantity of zinc and lead was added to it. The technicians of the early Chosŏn era were well aware that Korean bronze was the right metal to use for movable type. Armed with the traditional technology from the Koryŏ period, they developed the casting of bronze movable type and improved the printing machine. This endeavor finally bore fruit with the manufacturing of Kabin type at the time of King Sejong. Kabin type also followed the traditional method of using beeswax to affix the letters to the galleys. Such bronze movable type printing is representative of the publishing culture of the Chosŏn period. This is a technological trait, which cannot be found in any other country in the Chinese cultural circle that uses Chinese characters. This is a new technology invented by the Koreans of the Chosŏn era, and an indigenous one. It was printing technology that took into account the situation of a country with a small population. The number of copies per text was usually 200 at most, with thousands of different kinds of books. To meet this difficult requirement, there was nothing but metallic movable type. From a long-term perspective, metallic movable type printing best suited Korea’s situation. Except in unusual situations, such as war, new bronze movable type was manufactured once every 10 to 20 years by the Bureau of Typecasting and Typesetting (Chujaso). This means that a particular movable type lasted 10 to 20 years. Woodblocks can be used to publish only one text. Furthermore, the storage of woodblocks is difficult. Wooden type can be used only a few times before it is pronounced unusable. However, bronze movable type can be used many times without problem. The bronze, once melted, can be reused, and only the lost portions need to be supplied again. Although bronze demands much labor to manuBronze movable type matrix, Chosŏn period. Copy based on facture, it is, in a way, more economical. Professor Son Po-gi’s research. Ch’ŏngju Ancient Printing Museum.

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However, no further technological development was to take place in the Chosŏn-style bronze movable printing technology, which reached its peak at the time of Sejong through a new technological revolution, because of its convenient printing method and the socio-economic atmosphere, in which the demand for copies of books was very limited. Its convenience and the limited demand for printed material acted as obstacles in the further mechanization and automation of printing instruments. The technicians of Chosŏn simply had no need for mechanization and automation, and so did not pursue further technological innovation. This heralded another tragic interruption in the technological tradition accomplished by the Korean people, who developed metallic type printing technology for the first time in the world and produced the most beautiful books. This is a course of events that asks Koreans seriously to ponder what it is that Koreans of the present day should do regarding the continuing history of technology and Korean history. Near the end of the Chosŏn period, when the Japanese and European civilizations rushed in, the modern mechanical printing machines of Western Europe, Japan and America were introduced. To the Koreans of that era, who had led the world at the beginning of the Chosŏn period, what was the value of the Chosŏn-style traditional printing technology? This is a question worth considering. Our tradition of technology in Chosŏn was hopelessly weak at the end of the 19th century. The technology of ceramic and metal handicrafts, that had once blossomed, also met its fate during that time. The endeavor to overcome the extinction of tradition in the history of technology is a definite prerequisite for the creative development of a new technological innovation.

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Chapter 

The Earth Sciences: Geography and Cartography

The Liaodong Fortress Mural Map

K

im Chŏng-ho’s Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido 大東輿 地圖) was the last geographical accomplishment in the history of Korean traditional science. Although it was an isolated achievement that did not continue into modern geography, it is without doubt a great Korean heritage. The geography summarized in Taedong yŏjido is, as Kim Chŏng-ho himself declared, synthesis of the accomplishments of Korean geography from ancient times. Now let us sketch this outline. Very few materials are available with which to judge whether scientific geography existed from the Three Kingdoms period to the time of Unified Silla. In 1953, an ancient tomb was discovered in Sunch’ŏngun of P’yŏngannamdo province. Scholars generally agree that the tomb is a Koguryŏ tomb from around the 4th century. It was named the “Fortress Tomb” (Liaodong 遼東) due to the murals of Liaodong Fortress on the walls of the tomb. The tombs of Koguryŏ have many beautiful wall paintings. The subjects of the paintings vary, too. We have already briefly studied such pictures when we dealt with the science of the daily life of the Koguryŏ people. We are fascinated by these paintings, which are time capsules of vivid images of ancient life from 1,700 years ago. We hold dear these various depictions, which written sentences do not transmit to us. The murals are all the more important from the viewpoint of science and technology. Although many ancient tombs were found with murals inside, none had provided a map of a city until the one discovered in the Liaodong Fortress tomb. The map depicts a city in Korea in the 4th century. This was no ordinary city; it was the big city of Liaodong Fortress, sketched in color and left by the Koguryŏ

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people for their descendants. Of course, the map is not like those of today, but is significant in that it is the prototype of a map and, considering the simple map drawing methods of the time, of high quality. The map in the Liaodong Fortress tomb depicts the structure and facilities of the city and surrounding terrain. The walls and major buildings of the city are included, down to the specification of different types of private dwelling: thatch-roofed, tile-roofed, pavilions, etc. Rivers, streams, mountains and roads are depicted in various colors, such as red, blue, purple and white. The style of this 4th-century map is easily found in maps of the Chosŏn dynasty, which are bird’s-eye views of towns in a beautiful picturesque method. The Liaodong Fortress mural map informs us that this style was already being practiced as early as the 4th century. Although the map is too modest to show the true form of the Liaodong Fortress city in its prime, it is still detailed enough to allow us to fully imagine the broad, straight roads, castle walls, majestic high buildings and palaces, comprising a carefully designed city. Furthermore, the map tells us that the Koguryŏ people were constructing their towns according to urban planning by the 4th century. While this is insufficient information upon which to assess geographical knowledge of the Koguryŏ people, the records show that they made maps of their territory. Chiutangshu (舊唐書) mentions a map of Koguryŏ, Pongyŏkto (封域圖), which was presented to the Tang court by a Koguryŏ envoy in 628. This map may be inferred to have the high degree of exactness of Chinese maps of the time. In addition to the Koguryŏ people, the Paekche people are also considered to have manufactured and used similar maps. Memorabilia of the Three

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Koguryŏ tomb murals of the castle walls, 4th–5th centuries. From the top: 1) Liaodong Fortress walls; 2) castle wall on a mural from Yaksuri tomb; and 3) the castle walls mural map in Yonggang tomb. From the book Koguryŏ Culture.

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Kingdoms (Samgukyusa 三國遺事), citing Paekche geography, tells us that Paekche had its own map and geographical treatise. Silla’s people would have possessed similar geographical knowledge. The renowned Silla priest, Hyech’o, wrote a record of his extensive travels in India, Wang och’ŏnch’ukkuk chŏn (往五天竺國傳), which contains much geographical knowledge of the country. It includes discussions of the political and social situations and other matters, such as the food, clothing, local products and climate of India and its vicinity. It is regarded today as one of the preeminent records of India and Central Asia of the 8th century.

The World Map of 1402 When did Koreans come to know the existence of Western Europe and the African continent? People generally thought for a long time that it was in the year 1603, when Yi Kwang-jŏng brought back from China Matteo Ricci’s 1602 world map, for the repercussions of this event were immense. The scholars of Chosŏn began to think about the new world in the midst of the tremendous shock. The world that came into their perspective was surprisingly huge. The world that appeared in the map was much bigger and varied than the world they had known before. But this was not the first time they came to know of Western Europe and the African continent. What surprised them was the fact that the continents were much bigger than they had imagined and that China was only one of the continents, not the center of the world. Furthermore, the ocean beyond the East Sea was vast beyond their imagination and the existence of the American continent was a completely novel fact. The shock stimulated the academic curiosity of the Korean scholars. In particular, contact with the Jesuit missionaries who were residing in China was a surprising experience. People with blue eyes, blond hair and large noses lived on the other side of the earth! Their language and writing taught the Koreans much new knowledge. China was clearly not the center of the world. It is untrue that Chosŏn scholars did not know about Western Europe and the African Continent before that moment. It is very probable that Koreans had known of the existence of many countries west of China since the Three Kingdoms period. Although it is uncertain which of the Arab countries west of India were subsumed in the expression, “the countries of the west area,” a map that drew the western region had already appeared during the Koryŏ period. The Silla people had visited what is today called the Middle East. During the Koryŏ period, merchant ships from that region made frequent visits. However, the Koreans did not know the exact dimensions of the area.

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1402 Chosŏn World Map (Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido), color copy, 135 × 173 cm. Ryukoku University Museum, Japan.

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It was in the year 1402 (T’aejong 2) that Western Europe, the African continent and the Arabian peninsula appeared on a world map manufactured by Koreans. In the May of that year, Kim Sa-hyŏng, Yi Mu and Yi Hoe, et al. completed the production of a world map with the long, complicated name Integrated Map of Borders Regulating States and Capitals over Successive Dynasties (Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido 混一疆理歷代國都之圖). It was quite different from other maps of the time. A large continent is drawn, comprising various countries to the west of China. The place names of some 100 European and 35 African areas are marked. India is not drawn properly, and Arabia is prominently drawn as a large peninsula. In the middle of the African continent, the two deserts, the Sahara and the Gobi, are depicted large and colored in black. Alexandria is marked as a port with a famous lighthouse. One of the conspicuous features of the map is that it shows the influence of Islamic cartographic techniques. The seas are colored green with the waves marked in black. Although the Mediterranean is drawn, it has no waves, probably because the Korean cartographers did not yet realize that it was a sea. Certainly, it was a surprising fact for Koreans that to the West lay vast land and countries with more than 130 cities. It was also a marked change from the past that such facts were depicted on a map, for the “world” as the Koreans knew it extended only to the Chinese continent, adjoining India and western areas. It may be excessive to regard this as a shift in the Korean scholars’ worldview, but the fact that the existence of the European world was clearly expressed on the map may be taken to suggest that geographers of the early Chosŏn period went beyond the boundaries of the traditional manufacture of world maps and were adhering to a progressive attitude. Still, the center of the world remained China, as ever, and China was the biggest country. To the east of China, Chosŏn was depicted as larger than the African continent. Japan is, of course, very small, shown as an island country less than a quarter the size of Chosŏn. They must have been aware that this was not so, and must have known that the African continent is much bigger than Chosŏn. Nonetheless, the geographers drew Chosŏn as the second biggest after China, reflecting their contemporaries’ views of their own country. Until the 15th century people usually thought that the land they lived in or their country was the biggest in the world. The more civilized the country, the more people held such beliefs. Chosŏn scholars had considerable pride, thinking that, if China were the biggest county and the center of the world, then Chosŏn came next. Thus, they held the belief that the land should be vast as well, or should at least be so

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represented on a map. The high priests of Silla who had gone on pilgrimages to India must have informed their people of the long days of suffering they experienced on their walk to the holy land. It is, therefore, unlikely that geographers of the early Chosŏn period were unaware that India was a spacious land. In spite of this, they did not express it so on the map. In fact, maps of any country manufactured before the 16th century are the same in that respect. More time was to elapse before modern cartography became established as a science.

The Best World Map Yangch’onjip, the collected writings of the scholar of the early Chosŏn Dynasty, Kwŏn Kŭn, provides a detailed record of the production of the world map, Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido. The account is roughly as follows. The map was manufactured based on two newly acquired Chinese maps, Shengjiao kuangbeitu (聲敎廣被圖, circa 1330) of Li Te-min of the Chinese Yuan dynasty and Lidaidiwang hunijianglitu (歷代帝王混一彊理圖 1328–29) of the priest, Ching Chun (1329–1392), which Kim Sa-hyŏng brought back from the Ming dynasty in 1399 (Jŏngjong 1). Those two maps were the newest maps at that time, but were maps of China, strictly speaking, rather than world maps. These two maps omitted a great deal of the area east of the Liaodong peninsula. Kim Sa-hyŏng, Yi Mu and Yi Hoe, et al. revised the western part using other documents and added Chosŏn and Japan; now a more complete world map was manufactured, named Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido. This map was one step forward compared with other world maps up to that time; that is, Chinese world maps based on the China-centered worldview. The scholars of the early Chosŏn dynasty strove to broaden their perspective and to manufacture a new world map, but there was a limit to this. They had too little knowledge of Western Europe to escape the China-centered worldview. Furthermore, intellectual achievement of Europe in the early 15th century was not so high as to attract the attention of Chosŏn scholars. Western Europe circa 1400 was still in a dark age of the history of civilization. This map is very highly regarded today. As the famous writer of Science and Civilization of China, Joseph Needham, and other scholars have pointed out, this Korean effort far excels all other world maps that were manufactured in Western Europe at that time. Then, what kind of materials and sources did this map rely on for its coverage of Western Europe and the African continent? Research revealed that the 1320 Yuditu (與地圖) by Zhu Si-ben (朱思本), renowned geographer of the

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Yuan dynasty, was consulted heavily, but that alone is not a sufficient explanation. There must have been the influence of Arabic cartography, which contains the most information about Europe. Geographical knowledge about the coastlines and place names in Arabia, Europe and Africa in particular seems to have been introduced from Arabic documents. The Chinese place-names on the world map coincide with those in Yuditu, which served as one of the main sources for the world map. Nevertheless the topography of western China is far more exact. This feature cannot be found in traditional Chinese maps of that time. Foreign scholars presented a terrestrial globe as evidence of the possible influence of Arabic cartography. Jamal al-Din’s globe, which was brought over from Peking in 1276, seems especially relevant here. Particularly evident are the seas colored in green and the waves in black, the missing Indian continent, and the expression of the source of the Nile. Interestingly enough, the wave patterns in black lines appear in exactly the same way in a Koryŏ bronze mirror manufactured in the 11–12th century. In the mirror, we see the scene of a Koryŏ sailing ship at sea, with the sun and the moon in the sky and a huge sea creature. The remaining space is filled with wave patterns. Consequently, one could assume that the wave patterns expressed in the 1402 world map precisely follow the depiction method handed down from the Koryŏ period. We also find the origin of the green color of the sea from the traditional Korean painting technique that frequently uses a color between blue and green. Therefore connection of the world map with Jamal al-Din’s terrestrial globe may be unnecessary.

A Precise Depiction of the Korean Peninsula It is surprising how precisely the coastline and topography of the Korean peninsula were drawn. I will never forget my elation upon first seeing Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido in the Ryukoku University Library in Kyoto, Japan, at the end of the 1960s. The surprise I had felt earlier when I saw a photograph of the map in a book on the history of geography published in Japan was amplified when I encountered the map itself. It is said to be a copy made around the 16th century. It measures 171 cm in length and 164 cm in width. Color-painted on silk paper, the map is virtually a beautiful painting. It was much bigger than I had expected, and the brush strokes were wonderful. The original work must have been a great world map indeed. I could feel the spirit of the Chosŏn scholars who created such a superior world

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map in 1402 and viewed the world with confidence. The depiction of the islands of Japan and the Korean peninsula in the map was very interesting. It was rich in information and significance. The first fact is that the 14th-century Koryŏ geographers had near-accurate knowledge of the topography and coastline of the Korean peninsula. The portion dealing with the Korean peninsula is far more accurate than Map of the Eight Provinces (P’alto ch’ongdo) of Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam (東國與地勝覽), except for the northeastern part of Hamgyŏngdo province. It also featured more islands. It was a map one level above another world map, Kuangyutu (廣輿圖), manufactured by Luo Hong-xian in 1555. Although the Chinese world map was manufactured much later than the Korean world map, its map of Japan is coarse, and the Korean coastlines are drawn in muted lines. In the 1402 world map, the depiction of Japan draws our attention for another reason. The directions of north and south are inverted, and the islands, which should be to the east of the Korean peninsula, are drawn to its south. Perhaps this phenomenon comes from the map drawing practice of the time that tried to balance available space and the drawing. Also, Japan should have been smaller than Chosŏn. To draw Japan smaller than Korea, the eastward space was extended further and the composition of the map inevitably suffered. As a result, the Kyushu area, the part nearest to Pusan, came to be drawn in the upper (northern) portion. Such an alteration of front and back eventually contributed to the inversion of all of the Japanese islands. According to records, Park Ton-ji brought back a map from Japan in 1401 (T’aejong 1), a year before the manufacture of this world map. From this fact alone, we know that it is a mistake to assume that Chosŏn scholars of the time did not know the topography of Japan well and so drew it upside down. This world map is a good reflection of the endeavor by Chosŏn geographers, who always sought to manufacture accurate maps utilizing the most up-to-date documents available at the moment. At the same time, it truthfully reveals the flaw; that is, that they could not escape the traditional framework of map production. This was the limit of the 15th century cartographic technology. Japanese scholar Aoyama Sadao (靑山定雄), an authority on the history of Chinese geography, has called the world map of the Chosŏn dynasty the first highly accurate world map in East Asia. Needless to say, its big flaw was its disproportionate depiction of the various continents, where an over-expanded China and Korea dwarf the remainder of the Asian continent, Europe and Africa. The

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problem was due to 14th- and 15th-century manufacturing methods regarding cartography and the worldview. The cartographers of the time had not yet overcome this limitation. Nevertheless, the world map demonstrates that scholars of the early Chosŏn period knew much about the geography of Western Europe and Africa. Their cartographic knowledge of Western Europe and Africa exceeded the understanding of the Far East that their Western European contemporaries possessed. This map was the only world map produced through the efforts of the Chosŏn scholars. It was the culmination of the world’s geographical knowledge of that time and remained the unsurpassed world map until the arrival of Matteo Ricci’s world map in the 17th century.

A Related Anecdote In December 1996, a two-month “National Treasure Exhibition of the earlier Chosŏn Period” was held at Hoam Art Gallery under the sponsorship of Hoam Art Museum. The excellent artifacts of the earlier Chosŏn period attracted our attention. Public reaction was unexpectedly great. The exhibition hall was crowded with countless visitors every day. Among those artifacts on exhibit, the Mongyu towŏndo (夢遊桃園圖), which was on loan from Japan’s Tenri University, and the gorgeous lacquer ware with a mother-of pearl inlay from the Tokyo National Museum were particularly fascinating. As these artifacts were designated as Japan’s “Important Cultural Assets,” they were very rare handicrafts exhibited in Korea. A map hung among them: the Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido, Chosŏn’s 1402 world map. The first Korean unveiling of this world-class treasure of science and culture, preserved at Ryukoku University, took us by surprise. It was introduced as having been manufactured between 1455 and 1466. The National Treasure Exhibition also included the Chosŏn bangyŏkchido of around the year 1557 (National Treasure Number 248), presently kept by the Korean History Compilation Committee. This struck me as a truly unique exhibition. I was very pleased to see a lot of students marveling at the 1402 world map. It was a truly exceptional event to have this precious 15th-century world map displayed in the original, when not a single copy of it remained in Korea. The map began to attract notice from the academic circle thanks to research by Professor Aoyama Sadao of Tokyo University in the 1930s. In Korea, it started receiving due attention from Korean scholars after I introduced the work with its photograph in my 1966 book, and Emeritus Professor Yi Ch’an of Seoul National

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University, the renowned senior geographer, published several excellent articles on it. He succeeded in reproducing the world map with much difficulty and continued his effort to publicize it to the world. This map is evidence of the high standard of Korean cartography at the end of the Koryŏ dynasty and during the early Chosŏn period, and is valued by the world history of geography under the name “Korean world map of 1402.” Nonetheless, Korean museums do not even exhibit a reproduction of it. It is of considerable significance that the Chosŏn dynasty manufactured a map of the whole heaven (Ch’ŏnsang yŏlch’a punyajido) and a map of the whole earth (Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido) as a national enterprise after the founding of the country. The dynasty came to possess pictures of the whole world, as a science of the heaven and the earth; that is, the universe. We should realize once more that these two works are monumental artifacts clearly representing the ambitions of early Chosŏn scholars as leaders of a new dynasty.

Ch’ŏnhado: Another World Map After a few hours’ sailing on the sea, the horizon that appears in the distance takes on a round shape. The blue sea coming into one’s perspective is clearly seen like one half of a disk. Turning to the other side, one sees another round horizon. The sea seen by the naked eye definitely has a circular shape. When I was onboard the Korea-Japan international ferry, Olympia 88, I came to think in the midst of the sea that old people were not mistaken in their visual perception. At least, seen by the naked eye, the earth is like a huge disk. I left Osaka on a ship for Pusan. The sea road was exactly the trajectory of the Chosŏn Emissary Team to Japan, which consisted of hundreds of Koreans in the 17th century. My ship was crossing the Genkainada Sea after passing through Setonaikai and the sea of Tsushima Island, when a piece of map unfolded in my mind, the map that Sin Suk-ju drew in his work Haedong chegukki (海東諸國記). Next was the map Haech’ado, which is said to have been drawn by members of the 17th century Chosŏn Emissary Team to Japan. The round circle of the world map, Ch’ŏnhado (天下圖), which includes the former two maps, was circulating in my mind. I thought then that I would someday write about Ch’ŏnhado, with its many stories. The scientific map of the ancient world manufactured by the great Greek astronomer Ptolemy (102–170) is very famous. However, the appearance of the map was followed by the so-called “long interruption” of European cartography.

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Scientific cartography was buried under the current religious cosmological records. The world was expressed as a flat disk divided into several continents by several borderlines. Rivers and mountain ranges crossing the continents were in hopeless disarray. Nevertheless, 600 kinds of maps, i.e. mappaemundi in medieval terminology, were manufactured. We usually call those maps “wheel maps” because their general shape resembles that of a wheel. They were also called “T-O” maps because several of the line figures inside the circle resemble the letter T. These maps definitely reflect a religious worldview and relentlessly survived until around the 17th century. Meanwhile, the spirit of Ptolemy’s map was evidently coming back to life from around the 15th century onward. That period marked the beginning of the age of G. Mercartor’s (1512–1594) map. Then maps took a completely modern shape with Ortelius’ map, which was manufactured between the end of the 16th century and the early 17th century. In the 17th century Chosŏn dynasty, two kinds of world map were appearing. After the world map of 1402, another world map, often known as Konyŏ chŏndo (坤與全圖), drawn by a Jesuit missionary in China, made its appearance. On the other hand, the Chosŏn-style wheel map, usually called Ch’ŏnhado (天下圖) or Ch’ŏnhach’ongdo, also appeared. These two kinds of world map, whose times, backgrounds and manufacturing methods were completely different, were in circulation during the same period. This phenomenon stimulated the curiosity of modern scholars from an early stage. It was a fascinating research topic for researchers of the history of Western European cartography as well. Still, we have yet to obtain a satisfactory interpretation of it. The world map of 1602 manufactured by Matteo Ricci is famous as a scientific map representing Western Europe’s geographical accomplishment. It was incomprehensible that the Chosŏn scholars, who promptly adopted this map, should have printed out innumerable copies of maps in the vein of the T-O maps using woodblocks. This is even more perplexing, given the grand tradition that produced the 1402 world map was still alive in Chosŏn, but it may not be so strange after all that T-O maps were produced in Chosŏn when we consider the fact that this type of map continued to be manufactured in Europe until the 17th century as well. Still, the Ch’ŏnhado-style maps are very suggestive. The fact that Chosŏn was the only country in East Asia where the map was produced in edition after edition is particularly notable. It shows us that the succession and extinction of tradition and the synchronicity of harmony and coexistence that appear in the

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history of Korean science had been developing without any substantial friction in the midst of positive reception of cutting-edge knowledge. Prior to the coexistence of Ch’ŏnhado and Konyŏ chŏndo, which, in a sense, could be called a harmonious existence, we can see the proud tradition of Korea’s history of science. This is the reason I expressly wish to discuss Ch’ŏnhado, the representative artifact among the ancient maps made in Korea, which could be aptly described as fantastic.

The Fantastic Ch’ŏnhado Almost without exception, the world map called Ch’ŏnhado is attached to the first or the last page of the woodblock atlas maps published in Chosŏn from around the 17th century. Atlases of the late Chosŏn period consist of maps of foreign countries, such as China and Japan, and maps of Korea, such as complete maps of Chosŏn or maps of the eight provinces. It was the Ch’ŏnhach’ongdo, mid-Chosŏn period, color copy. Private world map known as Ch’ŏnhado that decorated the first collection. page of atlases and had the widest distribution among the nobility of the time. Why did the fantastically drawn round-shaped world map earn a place in atlases to the exclusion of more scientific and accurate world maps? The exact provenance is unknown. In the middle of Ch’ŏnhado, a continent containing China, India, Arabia and Chosŏn is drawn, and another continent in the form of a ring encircling the central continent appears. Numerous islands are drawn in the inner sea between the two continents. In the east and west, two mountains with big trees, Yup’asan and Pangsan, are located. According to the analysis of the geographer, Professor Yi Ch’an, a total of 144 place names are recorded in one of the most widely distributed woodblock editions of Ch’ŏnhado. To be more specific, 89 countries, 39 mountains, 5 rivers, 5 swamps, 3 trees and 3 names of other items were recorded. There is another Ch’ŏnhado that contains as many as 168 country names alone. Among those countries, the names of actual countries mostly appear in the central continent. In the inner sea and the ring-shaped continent, imaginary countries are drawn: the Ilmokguk (One-eye Country), Samsinguk (Three-body

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Country), Yŏinguk (Country of Women) and Taeinguk (Country of Giants), etc. All are nations of legend and the imagination. Yet, facts are concealed in those names. It is my opinion that the names especially imply visible facts about those places as related by those who had visited them. The same may be said of the mountains. The mountains T’aesan, Sungsan (崇山), Hwasan (華 山) and the like are famous as China’s so-called ‘five mountains’. On the other hand, the mountains located in the inner sea, Kwangyasan, Yŏnongsan, Kwangsansan, etc., are all imaginary mountains. Konryunsan (崑崙山) alone is real. Why do these imaginary nations and mountains co-exist in the world map alongside the real nations and mountains? It is recorded that, in Ch’ŏnhado, the distance between heaven and earth Ch’ŏnhado World Map, late 18th century, woodblock copy, 28.5 × 34 cm. is 400,002,000 ri, and that east, west, north and Sungshin Women’s University Museum. south are 200,005,000 ri apart. These are also imaginary distances. The level of Chosŏn’s geographical science was considerable in the 17th and 18th centuries, when these maps were being published. Ch’ŏnhado possessed accumulated data from observations over a long period and adopted findings from the geographical discovery of Western Europe. Its understanding of the world’s astronomical and geographical knowledge about various countries of the globe and planets was all but accurate. Ch’ŏnhado, with its pre-11th century content, was unexpected and confounding. Japanese geographer Nakamura Hiroshi assesses the Ch’ŏnhado in relation to Shanhaijing (山海經), an ancient Chinese geographical book. He asserted that Ch’ŏnhado had its origin in Book of the Han Dynasty (Hanshu 漢書) and Book of the Tang Dynasty (Tangshu 唐書). According to him, this kind of map may first have been made in the Han dynasty period. Its origin may be found in Ch’ŏnchukkukto (天竺國圖), which depicted the Buddhist world with India as its center. Professor Nakamura furthermore asserted that the world map, after its arrival in Korea from China, was widely disseminated with the aid of developed printing technology in use around the 16th century. In fact, the style of abstract maps such as Ch’ŏnhado, i.e. maps depicting unknown imaginary worlds, is very distinct from the style of maps by scholars of

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the Koryŏ and Chosŏn periods. Nevertheless, we need to focus our attention on the fact that this imaginary map was not a production by bureaucratic scholars or cartographers of the Chosŏn government. It was created mainly by scholars who did not hold government positions. The fantastic, ideal world to which they aspired found expression in this abstract map drawing. It may have been the Chosŏn scholars, leading a life free from worldly concerns, who inserted such a map at the beginning of atlases. It is worth examining the geographical thinking and worldview contained in Geographical Monograph of the Eastern State (Tongguk chiriji 東國地理志) written by Han Paek-kyŏm at the end of the 16th century and T’aengriji (擇里志) written by Yi Chung-hwan in the early 18th century. They may give us some insight into the mind of the Chosŏn cartographer, who embraced both abstract world maps and practical maps. Professor Yi Ch’an writes: There is no doubt that the content of Ch’ŏnhado expressed the ancient Chinese worldview. Also, the possibility that maps similar to Shanhaijing existed should not be excluded outright. But the Ch’ŏnhado is, together with its unique atlas, unique to Korea, not found in China or Japan. Considering the process through which newly introduced Western knowledge was applied or added to the old Ch’ŏnhado, the Ch’ŏnhado must have evolved over a long period. It is very likely that the Ch’ŏnhado is the embodiment of a Chinese worldview that Korea adopted and expressed in the form of a map.

The continent in the center of Ch’ŏnhado is similar to the traditional Chinacentered world map produced before the 1402 world map, Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido, was manufactured. This coincides with the view that the content of Ch’ŏnhado dates back to a period earlier than the 11th century. Professor Pae U-sŏng, a historian of geography, presented a new view at the 1999 Autumn Conference of Korean Society for the History of Science, claiming that Ch’ŏnhado was made in the mid-Chosŏn period. In Ch’ŏnhado, an imaginary world is opened up far away, encircling the real world which Koreans inhabited, visited and knew. The humble worldview that the world is composed of islands, mountains and huge trees growing in the ideal land is symbolically expressed. Why is it that Ch’ŏnhado, which contains the fantastic world, still lingers in our mind? It is very interesting that the wheel-map, which had been so commonplace in the Western medieval age but had perished in the 17th–18th centuries, was widely disseminated only in Chosŏn during those years.

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World Map of Yi Madu (Imaduchŏnhado), 1770. A page f r o m Wi Pa e k - k y u’s w o r k , Hwanyŏngji. Wi drew the world map, imitating the elliptical world map of Matteo Ricci.

The abstract world in the circle may have seemed more natural to the Chosŏn scholars, who thought that the world was round. While it was the most frequently produced, in as many as 20 varieties, and the most widely available world map of that time, Ch’ŏnhado does not reflect geographical knowledge of the period.

Another World Map Another world map that was not a duplication of the Western European-style world map was published using woodblock printing in Chosŏn during the 18th to early 19th century. This was Yŏji chŏndo (輿地全圖). Printed using highly developed woodblock techniques and measuring 96 × 62 cm, Yŏji chŏndo is, so to speak, a map of the Old Continent in the 1700s. It was a world map of the Old Continent that made a self-assured entrance after almost 200 years had passed since the American continent had been discovered in the 16th century, and since Matteo Ricci’s 1602 world map including this new continent had been introduced in Chosŏn. In a sense, it is as confounding as Ch’ŏnhado. Yŏji chŏndo is rather close to the 1402 world map, which in fact seems like a revival of an old tradition.

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It is clear that Yŏji chŏndo was influenced by the modern Western world map. It is not a duplication of Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido. The topography of Europe is expressed more elaborately, such as the shapes of the Chosŏn peninsula and Japan, the Indochina peninsula and the like, which are different from those in the earlier Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido. Many islands of the South Pacific Ocean and the southern continent are featured. In a sense, this map can be regarded as the product of bringing together Matteo Ricci’s 1602 map, Verbiest’s Konyŏ chŏndo (坤與全圖), Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido and the traditional China-centered Oriental maps. The spelling of place names in the map is similar to that of Kim Chŏng-ho’s Chigu jŏnhudo (地球前後圖). The shape of the Black Sea and the fact that the Black Sea is drawn as an inner sea are also identical to Chigu jŏnhudo. Chigu jŏnhudo is a woodblock impression of the world map published in 1834, a map of the two east and west hemispheres produced by consulting Konyŏ chŏndo and many other sources. Various data are recorded in the margins of Yŏji chŏndo. The latitudes and longitudes of Seoul, of each provincial head office and of various areas of China are recorded. The record is identical to the one in Kim Chŏngho’s Taedong chiji (大東地志). Judging from the introduction in Yŏji chŏndo, it appears that Chinese cartography references, Chikpangoegi (職方外記) and Konyŏ tosŏl (坤與圖說) were consulted as well. Yŏji chŏndo was thus manufactured by referring to contemporary materials of Western Europe and East Asia. What distinguishes Yŏji chŏndo is that it was drawn in the Chosŏn style rather than the Western one. It is the result of melding together up-to-date information and cartographic knowledge in the melting pot of tradition. Such a fusion is, without doubt, a novel challenge. The duality seen in world maps of Chosŏn is another important trait of Chosŏn cartography.

Map of the Eight Provinces by Yi Hoe and Chŏng Sang-gi There are few who are not awestruck by the shape of the Korean peninsula depicted in the 1402 world map. They cannot believe that the coastline of Korean peninsula was so exactly known 500 years ago. According to T’aejong Sillok, Yi Hoe completed the map of the Chosŏn dynasty in the year 1402 (T’aejong 2). Yangch’onjip records that Yi Hoe’s Map of the Eight Provinces (P’alto ch’ongdo) was transplanted in its entirety for the Chosŏn portion of the Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido world map. This means that Yi Hoe’s

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Map of the Eight Provinces (P’alto ch’ongdo), 1530, woodblock copy. In Sinjŭng Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam (Ne w ly enlarged Tong g uk yŏjisŭngnam).

1402 map of Chosŏn is the map of the Korean peninsula featured in the 1402 world map. This map is connected to the Koryŏ map by Na Hŭng-yu, the famous mapmaker of the end of the Koryŏ period (mid-14th century). It is thought that the Koryŏ people came to know the near-exact contour of the Korean peninsula by the early Koryŏ dynasty, i.e. around the 11th century. On the maps from this time on, the length of the Korean peninsula is expressed as 3,000 ri. In the Unified Silla period at the earliest, or in the early Koryŏ period at the latest, the 3,000 ri in the Korean expression of “the 3000-ri land of embroidered rivers and mountains” was correctly known. Furthermore, in Epilogue of the Three Kingdom’s Map (Samgukto husŏ 三國 圖後序) of Selected Literature of the Eastern State (Tongmunsŏn 東文選), we find an undeniable record of early Koryŏ maps: A map of Koryŏ was manufactured for the first time after the three kingdoms were unified, but it is unknown by whom.

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Tongguk p’altotaech’ongdo (Large Complete Map of the Eastern State) of the mid-Chosŏn period, color copy. Private collection.

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The mountain ranges in the map start from Mt. Paektusan, winding down to Chŏlryŏng (鐵嶺), where it makes an abrupt rise to form Mt. Pungak (楓 岳). From there, it turns into stacks of mountains — T’aebaeksan, Sobaeksan, Chukryŏng, Kyerim, Samharyŏng, and Ch’uyangsan. Chungdae (中臺) stretches toward Unbong (雲峰). This is where the flow and axis of the land cannot cross the sea southward because of the clear, clean energy gathered there. The mountain is so high that the other mountains cannot grow this high. Westward along the back of the mountain, the rivers of Salsu, P’aegang, Pyŏngran (Yesŏnggang River), Imjin, Hangang and Ungjin, all flow into the West Sea. Among the rivers flowing eastward of that ridge, only Kayajin (Naktonggang River) flows southward.

The Koryŏ-period map by Na Hŭng-yu must have encompassed all of this knowledge. The map by Yi Hoe is the crystallization of the Koryŏ map succeeding Na Hŭng-yu and the first fruit of the Chosŏn map. The work of Chŏng Ch’ŏk starts here. It is closely related to the compilation of Geographical Monograph of the Eight Provinces (P’alto chiriji), launched in 1414 (Sejong 6). With the founding of a new nation, it was only natural that work began on the manufacture of new geographical monographs and maps as a national project. The Chosŏn dynasty had such a project, and it was then that Chŏng Ch’ŏk played his part. Veritable Record of the Chosŏn Dynasty states that “Chŏng Ch’ŏk has a good knowledge of the shape of the mountains and rivers [i.e., the natural environment].” That was why he was assigned the important task of manufacturing a map according to actual measurements, a project of the Chosŏn dynasty. An article in the February 29, 1426 (Sejong 18) record of Sejong Sillok states: “Chŏng Ch’ŏk, accompanied by surveyors and painters, visited the three provinces of Hamgil, P’yŏngan and Hwanghae and produced a map by drawing the forms and shapes of the land and by measuring the distances between the counties and towns.” The new enterprise to manufacture a map of the entire nation had started two years earlier, in 1426. It was a great national project started two and a half years after Shinc’hanp’alto chiriji was completed and regarded as the foremost complete Korean-made cultural and geographical monograph. The P’alto Ch’ongdo was completed as part of that national project. It was the first accomplishment of scientific mapmaking realized through actual measurements; a notable accomplishment that opened a new frontier for Korean cartography. A copy of it remains today. It is fortunate that it does, even if it is now kept in the Naikaku Bunko (內閣文庫) in Japan instead of in Korea. I still remember

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vividly how numb I was from the simultaneous happiness and sadness that I experienced when I saw the map in its location some 20 years ago. The map has since been duplicated as a life-size color photograph, thanks to the generosity of the person in charge at the Naikaku Bunko, and is now kept in the King Sejong Memorial Hall. However, whenever I see the imitation, I feel a biting pain.

Tongguk chido (Map of the Eastern State) In 1939, the Japanese geographer, Aoyama Sadao, proved in an article that the Color Map of Chosŏn Kingdom (Chosenkokukaizu) in the Naikaku Bunko collection must be Chŏng Ch’ŏk’s map and characterized it as follows: This map of Chosŏn draws, very thoroughly and minutely, the general shape of Chosŏn as well as the mountain ranges, rivers, islands and roads. It also records in detail cities big and small, bridges, small ports (inlets) and ferries, etc. and even the names of the palaces. The mountain ranges are so minutely drawn that the important mountain system becomes rather unclear. Many mountain names are also recorded. The locations of the islands are accurately recorded on the whole, although the record is inferior to the Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam. It marks the transportation roads between the individual Map of Chosŏn Area (Chosŏn pangyŏk chido 朝鮮方域地圖), circa 1557, color copy, 132 × 61 cm, National Treasure Number cities and the numbers of days and ri from each city to 268. The oldest artifact among the extant maps of the Korean the capital. Harbors are represented by boat drawings. peninsula. Very similar to Yi Hoe’s Map of the Eastern State Measuring about 90 cm in width and about 150 cm (Tongguk chido). Preserved by the Korean History Compilation in length, the map is like a painting, with its beautiful Committee. colors and splendid writing. It is evident at a glance that it was manufactured at the Royal Bureau of Painting. The locations of the head offices of Seoul and all other provinces, the army and navy headquarters, etc. are marked in red, and the towns are color-coded according to their provinces, thereby accentuating the important cities. The mountains and rivers are also colored so as to harmonize with the other colorings, resulting in an elegant and soft overall color scheme.

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Map of the Beacon Mountains of the Eight Provinces of the Eastern State (Haedong p’alto ponghwa sanak chido), 17th century, color copy, 218 × 149 cm. Korea University Library.

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The contour of the map is far more accurate than Yi Hoe’s 1402 map. Yet this map still has its limits: it has the same weakness of depicting the mountainous area on the northern border of the two provinces of P’yŏngan and Hamgyŏng as pressed out of shape. This is a weakness passed down as a characteristic of the early-Chosŏn maps. Together with the weakness, however, the beautiful coloring technique of this map was handed down successfully, establishing itself as a characteristic of the traditional Chosŏn cartography method.

Chŏng Ch’ŏk’s mapmaking reached its climax with the completion of the Tongguk chido. This project, in which Yang Sŏng-ji also participated, was executed in 1453 (Tanjong 1). The project involved drawing the findings of new surveys of the locations based on the documents thus far. The April 17, 1454 (Tanjong 2) article in Veritable Record of King Tanjong relates the following: “Prince Suyang Yu climbed Pohyŏn peak of Mt. Samgak together with Chŏng Ch’ŏk, Kang Hi-an and Yang Sŏng-ji. Through detailed observation of the shape of the mountains and water streams, a map of Seoul (漢城圖) was drafted. Chŏng Ch’ŏk knows the terrain well, Kang Hi-an is an accomplished painter, and Yang Sŏng-ji is well-versed in cartography.” This article provides a succinct account of how the maps of the time were sketched using the material from actual surveys. A geography expert, a cartography expert and a skilled painter formed a team. The team climbed to the top of a high mountain and looked down to draw the terrain and topography. Such a method of mapmaking, which combined actual measurement and observation on location and the research of related materials, continued for years. The endeavor finally bore fruit in the time of King Sejo. The project had been all the more accelerated because Sejo could hold his own in matters of cartography and had participated in mapmaking. Chŏng Ch’ŏk and Yang Sŏng-ji started on the final stage of mapmaking by integrating all of the sketches from May 1463 (Sejo 9) to that time. After about six months, the map was completed. That is Map of the Eastern State (東國地圖) of Chŏng and Yang. Unfortunately, the original of the map no longer remains. However, as mentioned above, Color Map of the Chosŏn Kingdom (朝鮮國繪圖), now preserved in the Naikaku Bunko, Japan, has been confirmed as a copy. Through it, we know that the contents of Map of the Eastern State are especially detailed, elaborate and of outstanding precision. Although the northern border region was pressed out of shape, the course of rivers Amnok and Tuman was depicted much more accurately, as well as other rivers, mountains and transportation roads. One noticeable detail is that the Tsushima Islands depicted herein are expressed as part of the Chosŏn territory, like all other areas and Cheju Island. It is interesting

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Map of the Entire Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏndo), end of the 18th century, color copy. One of the copies of Chŏng Sang-gi’s Map of the Eastern State (Tongguk chido) includes a scale of 1 ch’ŏk to 100 ri). Yŏngnam University Museum.

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that not only the map, but also all other maps produced in the early Chosŏn period, included and drew the Tsushima Islands on the whole maps of Chosŏn. Map of the Eastern State is a very elaborate survey map. It succeeded the tradition and heritage of all maps made until the time of Sejong and used up-todate data obtained through new, actual measurements. This map is a masterpiece that represents the Korean maps of the early Chosŏn period. It was succeeded by Kim Chŏng-ho’s Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido).

Tongguk taejido (Great Map of the Eastern State) Chŏng Ch’ŏk and Yang Sŏng-ji’s Map of the Eastern State (Tongguk chido) marked the end of Korean maps based on actual surveys, which had culminated in the early Chosŏn period. There seem to be few similar projects for some time afterward. Particularly conspicuous in early Chosŏn maps is the inaccuracy of the border areas adjoining the Hamgyŏng and P’yŏngan provinces. Another common defect of the early maps is the erroneous placement of Ullŭng Island to the east of Usan Island. However, astronomical measurements, such as the polar altitude, which was newly measured in 1713 (King Sukchong 39), must have made it easier for The Hamgyŏngbukdo area of the P’alto Chido, 1790, color copy, geographers to prepare more accurate maps. 100.5 × 66.0 cm. Version of Chŏng Sang-gi’s Tongguk chido, In 1757 (Yŏngjo 33), Hong Yang-han submitted to revised and supplemented by his descendant. Seoul National King Yŏngjo Atlas of Separate Maps of the Eight Provinces University, Kyujanggak. (P’alto bundoch’ŏp) and the Sites of Three Kingdoms (Samgukkiji 三國基趾). It so happened that King Yŏngjo had heard that the family of Chŏng Hangryŏng had an elaborate map named Great Map of the Eastern State (Tongguk taejido) and asked to see it. Yŏngjo praised the map highly upon learning that it was an excellent map of the eight provinces, using a 1-ch’ŏk-to-100-ri scale, and ordered it to be duplicated by the Offices of Special Advisers (Hongmun’gwan 弘文館). According to Veritable Record of King Yŏngjo, the P’alto bundoch’ŏp that

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Map of Namwon province of Chosŏn (19th century). Color copy 103.5 × 82.9 cm. Seoul National University, Kyujanggak. Resulted from the official enterprise of Chosŏn dynasty to manufacture each province’s map since Chŏng Sang-gi’s Tongguk chido. Produced by the painter map-manufacturer (refer to the color picture of Plate 2).

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Hong Yang-han submitted was “very detailed and elaborate.” Tongguk taejido, with its scale which had been kept by Chŏng Hang-ryŏng, came to be known for the first time as well. Taking these facts into account, it is thought that Hong Yanghan’s P’alto bundoch’ŏp was based on the Tongguk taejido. The Tongguk taejido, also known as the P’altodo (Map of the Eight Provinces), was made by Chŏng Sang-gi (1687–1752), a sirhak (practical learning scholar) of the Yŏngjo period. It is said that he turned to scholarship when poor health forced him to renounce his ambition to become a government officer. Chŏng Sang-gi was credited by Sin Kyŏng-jun in the Reference Compilation of Documents on Korea (Tongguk munhŏnbigo) as the first topographer to make a map with a scale. Sin also selected Chŏng’s map from among all those that were available in 1770, as the best from which to prepare a “perfect” map for the Tongguk munhŏnbigo. Yi Ik highly praised Chŏng’s map in the first chapter of his Collected Works of Sŏngho (Sŏngho sasŏl ) and his inscription on Chŏng’s tombstone. Separate Maps of the Eight Provinces (P’alto bundo) and Complete Map (Chŏngdo) of Chŏng Sang-gi, presently kept in the Yŏngnam University Museum, are 95 × 59 cm in size. These maps appear to have been completed by about 1757. The scale of these maps is surprisingly precise, at 3.5 cm to 50 ri. In the eighth part of the Tongguk taejido, Chŏng described his work as follows: There are quite a few maps published in our country. These maps were proportioned to fit the size of paper available, resulting in inaccurate distances on the maps. In many cases, short distances were marked as longer than the actual distance and vice versa. Incorrect locations were given and the terrain was often displaced, causing viewers great confusion. When one looks at the maps, it seems as if one is left in the dark. I prepared this map while I was suffering from illness. I made on-the-spot surveys of many areas and employed a method of marking 100 ri as 1 ch’ŏk on the map and 10 ri as 1 ch’on. Staring from the capital, measurements were taken of every province, which were drawn into one picture. The shape of the picture was set according to the topography of the 8 provinces and divided into 8 pictures, which could be folded into an album. Those who desire to know the shape of the whole country only need to put together the folded pieces. The scale for flat regions is 1 ch’ŏk to 100 ri, but some areas with complex or rugged terrain were drawn to a scale of 1 ch’ŏk to 120–130 ri. The Kyŏnggi Province was colored yellow, Hosŏ white … mountains were colored green and rivers blue …. The above is the legend of this map. Such remarks by the mapmaker require no further explanation. The characteristics of Chŏng Sang-gi’s Tongguk taejido can be summed up as follows:

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firstly, a scale was used (1 ch’ŏk to 100 ri); secondly, the provinces were drawn according to the same scale so that, once combined, they formed a map of the entire country; thirdly, the waterways were clearly marked; fourthly, the communications networks were featured; and, fifthly, the mountain ranges were clearly expressed.

Yet, as the mapmaker himself writes, he was ill, and his illness made it unlikely that he drew such a precise and large map based on on-location surveys. Considering that Chŏng Sang-gi was a descendant of Chŏng In-ji, the renowned astronomer during the reigns of Kings Sejong and Sŏngjong, it is highly probable that the map produced from actual measurements he used was a copy of Chŏng Ch’ŏk and Yang Sŏng-ji’s Tongguk chido in his family’s collection.

The Geographical Monographs of the Early Chosŏn Period Geographical monographs and maps are comprehensive records of the territory and natural resources of a nation. It is indispensable for a governing country to consider these records correctly and organize the results systematically and succinctly. Such recognition and pressing necessity faced the political leaders who founded the new dynasty of Chosŏn. In the sixth year of King Sejong, November 15, 1414, according to an article in Sejong Sillok, Sejong called on the great scholar (大提學) Pyŏn Kye-ryang and said: “We wish to compile a geographical record and history of all the provinces, counties and towns of the nation.” The king added that a history should be first compiled of each town since the Office for Annals Compilation (春秋館) must be too occupied to compile a geographical record. The reasoning was: “As old men are growing fewer in number, recording is all the more important.” Then Pyŏn, adding that “the geographical record and history of each province is not different,” replied that the project of compiling a geographical record would be started immediately if such was the order of His Majesty. Possibly, what the king and Pyŏn had in mind was a historical geography, rather than a natural or cultural geography. They might have been thinking of one similar to the “Geographical Record” in the History of the Three Kingdoms (Samguksagi). At any rate, the geographical record was completed on January 19, 1422 (Sejong 14), seven years after it began. According to Sejong Sillok, when Maeng Sa-sŏng, the chief of the Office for Annals Compilation and other high government officials, such as Kwŏn Chin, Yun Hoe and Sin Chang, submitted the newly

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compiled Geographical Monograph of the Eight Provinces (P’alto chiriji), the king responded, “I will see it soon.” Yun Hoe was the person whom Pyŏn had first recommended to collaborate with. P’alto chiriji is now extant. Considering that no literature has been found quoting the Geographical Monograph, it does not seem that it was read widely. It may have some connection to the fact that there is no record the king praised the newly completed geography despite seven long years devoted to the work. The royal court of Chosŏn ordered each province to gather material for the compilation of the geographical record by stipulating items to be investigated by each province, and to report to the Office for Annals Compilation results of the investigation following the format prepared by the court. The content to be surveyed by each province is known to us through a document on the geography of the Kyŏngsang province. The 12 items reflect the intention of compiling a geographical record mentioned in the exchange between the king and Pyŏn Kye-ryang. The twelve items listed in the preface of the Kyŏngsang Province Geography show that most of the data necessary for compiling a comprehensive geographical record are covered in the survey. These can be roughly classified as follows: 1 origin and development, 2 location and dimensions, 3 natural environment, 4 fertility of the soil, 5 climate, 6 population, 7 military forces (the capacity of the army and navy, number of ships), 8 important individuals, 9 industry (agriculture, fisheries, mining, medicinal, porcelain, etc), 10 historical sites (mountain or urban fortresses, royal tombs, shrines), 11 communications, and 12 transportation. Someone intent on finding fault with the available description would point out that what is missing was the investigation necessary for developing a geographical theory. However, considering that it was premature for such geography to be established, this was not such a great flaw. The compilation of P’alto chiriji is significant in the effort made by the king and leaders of early Chosŏn to keep track of national resources, the most important part of the dynasty. The survey of these items for Kyŏngsang province was completed by the governor, Ha Yŏn, in 1425 after a year of work and submitted with prefatory remarks to the Office for Annals Compilation. Other provinces finished the survey by 1426. The provincial survey reports and materials prepared previously by Pyŏn Kye-ryang were edited by Maeng Sa-sŏng, Kwŏn Chin, Yun Hoe and Sin Chang at the Office for Annals Compilation and became the basis for P’alto chiriji. Since no complete copy of this compendium is in existence, it is difficult to tell precisely what it was like, but some of its contents

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may be inferred from the geography of Kyŏngsang province and the Treatise on Geography in the Sejong Sillok, which was an expanded version of the P’alto chiriji. The P’alto chiriji was the first geographical monograph of the Chosŏn period and served as the basis for all later geographic compilations.

The Geographical Monograph in Sejong Sillok The geographical record of our nation was only found in a brief form in the History of the Three Kingdoms and nowhere else. Then, Sejong the Great ordered Yun Hoe, Sin Chang and others to create this geographical treatise through a careful examination of the history of the provinces, a project that took place in 1422, the year of Imja (壬子). After that, changes occurred when counties and towns were divided or merged. Herewith, information about the newly established towns was added to the end of the two provinces (兩界). This is the record appearing at the beginning of the Chijiri (geographical section) in the Sejong Sillok, volume 148. The Chijiri of the Sejong Sillok as we know it is, in essence, the P’alto chiriji, completed in 1422 by Yun Hoe and Sin Chang. The P’alto chiriji was included in the Sejong Sillok within 20 odd years of its compilation and was printed again twenty years after that, in 1472. Although only four copies were printed, it is the first printed geographical record. Thus, the Chiriji in the Sejong Sillok, as it has been commonly referred to for some time now, should be the P’alto chiriji if we use the name appearing in the Sejong Sillok articles. The Chiriji, included in volumes 148 to 155 of the Sejong Sillok, consists of eight volumes. One volume was dedicated to each province. Volume 148 is for Kyŏngdo Hansŏngbu (京都漢城府), i.e., Seoul, Kaesŏng and Kyŏnggido; 149 for Ch’ungch’ŏngdo; 150 for Kyŏngsangdo; 151 for Chŏllado; 152 for Hwanghaedo; 153 for Kangwŏndo; 154 for P’yŏngando and 155 for Hamgildo respectively. It is easily understandable that Seoul, and the old capital, Kaesŏng, and Kyŏnggido were put in the first volume, but the standard for the ordering of the remaining provinces remains unknown. This order is also followed by the Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam, which was compiled after the Chiriji. It starts from Seoul and Kyŏnggido and covers the southern provinces of Ch’ungch’ŏngdo, Kyŏngsangdo and Chŏllado and from there, the northern provinces of Hwanghaedo, Kangwŏndo, Hamgyŏngdo and P’yŏngando, which means that only the two provinces, P’yŏngando and Hamgyŏngdo, were reversed. This order in the Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam is kept intact in all the geographical

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treatises and atlases have been manufactured since, regardless of whether they were made officially or privately. It was also followed in Kim Chŏng-ho’s Taedong chiji. The Chiriji was an encyclopedic compendium of regional information, covering local history and geographical locations as well as political, social, financial, economic, industrial, military and transportation organizations. The content is dictated in the compilation guidelines of the P’alto chiriji. Let us take a look at its content. The Chiriji starts with Kyŏngdo Hansŏngbu (京都漢城府), which is directly governed by the king. It opens with an overview of the origin and development of the area, details of government posts, such as the government counselor and governor, and palaces, castles and the shrine of royal ancestors, etc. Next, it records the administrative districts and names, main buildings and facilities of Kyŏngdo Hansŏngbu. It also describes the population, dimensions, mountains, rivers, etc. Similar details are given for Kaesŏng, the old capital. For the eight provinces, including Kyŏnggido, the geography and history of the province, the names of the governor and Geographical treatise in Sejong Sillok, volumes his subordinates, a table of provincial organizations, provincial 148–155, 1454, woodblock copy. boundaries, famous mountains and rivers, ferry points, river origins and tributaries are recorded. There were also details concerning the number of households, military camps, naval forces, acreage of government-owned paddies and farming fields and their production, points of scenic interest and stations on the main roads. Similar information was given under the headings for cities, counties and villages in each province. In these sections, information was given concerning the local customs and products, fish storage points, salt warehouses, ceramics factories, urban fortresses, historical sites, post stations and beacon stations used for long-distance alarm signals. The Chiriji, the geographical treatise in Sejong Sillok, was an important landmark in the development of Chosŏn dynasty’s geographical studies, providing a foundation with its empirical approach for the development of geographical science, despite a relative weakness in the area of academic theory. All in all, one is inclined to concur with the assessment of Japanese scholar Katsuhiro Sueji that “the book should not be regarded as a mere geography book but as a pioneering effort toward modern geography, and it is most fitting to call it the pride of Chosŏn.”

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Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam The Chosŏn dynasty ordered Yang Sŏng-ji to compile a new geographical monograph in August, 1455 (King Sejo 1), one year after the compilation of Sejong Sillok. The reason was that Chiriji in Sejong Sillok did not fully reflect the new and extensive improvements in the institutions and systems that had been carried out during the reign of King Sejong. The new geographical monograph was completed under the name Geographical Monograph of the Eight Provinces (P’alto chiriji), eight volumes in 1478 (Sŏngjong 9). It possesses a complete system as a geographical monograph, containing a map of the whole of Chosŏn, the counties and towns of the eight provinces, the mountains and rivers of the eight provinces, individual maps of the eight provinces and a map of the two border provinces (兩界圖), which drew the border area around the two rivers of Amrokkang and Tuman’gang. P’alto chiriji is unfortunately lost. We do not have the original or a copy of it. There is also no record of its publication. Before its publication, the compilation of Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam started, causing P’alto chiriji to be forgotten. The compilation of a new form of geographical monograph was being promoted over that of purely geographical monographs. This trend was stimulated by the introduction of Taming itungzhi (大明一統志) from China, and was inspired by a desire to produce a geographical monograph after this new model. Thus King Sŏngjong also ordered No Sa-sin, Kang Hi-maeng, Sŏng Im and Sŏ Kŏ-jŏng to compile a geographical monograph including poetry and prose. But the result, taken as a genographical monograph, was inferior to Yang Sŏng-ji’s P’alto chiriji. The title Yŏji sŭngnam (輿地勝覽) suggests that its original purpose as a geographical book was still very much alive. While the Chosŏn scholars had been inspired by Taming itungzhi (大明一統志), they had modeled its structure after Fangyushenglan (方輿勝覽) by the Song dynasty’s Chu Mu. The title Yŏji sŭngnam (輿地勝覽) speaks of this influence. Upon opening the new Chiriji, completed in 1487, one sees the Map of the Eight Provinces, named P’alto ch’ongdo (八道總圖), on the first page. Anyone who had already seen the 1402 world map or Map of the Eastern State of Chŏng Ch’ok would feel that something is amiss. How could the very exact map of Chosŏn of the 15th century have shrunk so much lengthwise? However, although the overall shape of the Korean peninsula had become squatter, the coastline was drawn more exactly and clearly than ever before. This was even more so in the maps of individual provinces. Those eight maps, once combined, would no doubt make a much more accurate map of Chosŏn. Since P’alto ch’ongdo was manufactured to

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be one of the references for the geographical monograph, the proportions of the map were adjusted somewhat according to the size of the book. Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam (55 volumes) is structured in the order of Kyŏngdo (京都), Hansŏng(漢城) and Kaesŏng, followed by the provinces in the order of Kyŏngdo, Ch’ungch’ŏngdo, Kyŏngsangdo, Chŏllado, Hwanghaedo, Kangwŏngdo, Hamkyŏngdo and P’yŏngando. A map of the Chŏson peninsula appears at the beginning of the book; there are also maps of provinces. This format is identical to Yang Sŏng-ji’s P’alto chiriji, in that each province made up a book and a color map of the province was attached to the first page of each book. As for its content, the history of and general introduction to each province came first. Next, information was given under the headings for the cities, counties and villages in each province. These sections include the history of the establishment, officials, place names, family names, local customs and products, mountains and rivers, tall buildings and pavilions, shrines, royal tombs, fish storage points, salt warehouses, ceramics factories, urban fortresses, historical sites, important officials, post stations, beacon stations for long-distance alarm signals and renowned individuals and poets. Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam made use of all available material, sources and earlier works, including Yang Sŏng-ji’s P’alto chiriji. It may be regarded as an improvement of the existing compilations. Enlarged New Geographical Monograph (Tongguk One drawback is its excessive emphasis on literary works yŏjisŭngnam), 1530, woodblock copy. and historical geography, in contrast with the natural, cultural geography leanings of Chiriji of Sejong Sillok. Nevertheless, Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam is a very important geographical book in that it contains the most exact data among geographical records published in the 15th century and is the printed text containing the oldest extant woodblock map.

The Impact of Matteo Ricci’s World Map In 1603 a new world map was introduced in Chosŏn. Yi Kwang-jŏng and Kwŏn Hi, who had visited China as envoys, brought back the famous world map, Matteo Ricci’s 1602 Konyŏ man’gukchŏndo, or Kunyu wankuochuantu (坤與萬國全圖).

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Konyŏ chŏndo (坤與全圖), 1860, woodblock copy, 146 × 400 cm. Chosŏn’s reproduction of Verbiest’s Konyŏ chŏndo, or Kunyu chuantu (坤與全圖), published in Beijing in 1674 after Matteo Ricci’s Konyŏ man’gukchŏndo, or Kunyu wankuochuantu (坤與萬國全圖). See plate 4 (color photograph). Soongsil University Museum.

The map greatly shocked the scholars of the Chosŏn dynasty. The western portion of the elliptical map was taken up by the giant European continent. To the east were the American continents, North and South, and another continent was also depicted in the southern portion of the map. Especially striking was the large size of Europe, which was quite different from that featured in the earlier Chosŏn world map of 1402. Now we can understand why Yi Su-gwang, in his work Chibong yusŏl (芝峯 類說), characterized the map as Kurap’akuk yŏjido (歐羅巴國輿地圖). Despite its name Konyŏ man’gukchŏndo, namely ‘the map of all countries on earth’, all that Yi Su-gwang saw on the map was Europe. Matteo Ricci, the Jesuit missionary with the Chinese name Li Ma-dou (利 馬竇), was well-versed in the western astronomy, mathematics and geography of the time. He made the most of his academic background and manufactured two

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kinds of world maps, Sanhae yŏjido, or Shanhai yuditu (山海輿 地圖), and Konyŏ man’gukchŏndo in 1584 and 1602 respectively. Although these world maps were produced on the foundation of western geographical findings then, they are not mere Chinese versions of European world maps. They were revised versions that showed consideration for the map’s reception by the Chinese: for instance, they put China as much in the center as possible, and followed Chinese geographical tradition. Through these maps, the Chinese came to acknowledge for the first time that the earth is a sphere and the world is composed of five continents — Europe, Limia (Africa), Asia, the Americas and Megaranica (the continent in the southern hemisphere). The Chinese also came to know more clearly that classification of the climate could be divided into five groups according to latitude. Konyŏ man’gukchŏndo was transmitted to Chosŏn less than a year after its publication. The fact that China could not be the center of the world was the most shocking of all for the Chosŏn scholars. Their Sinocentric worldview was considerably shaken by the 1602 world map. In fact, this map in the mid-Chosŏn period inspired in the sirhak scholars an intellectual curiosity about the West and enthusiasm for introducing new cultures. It also marked a change Yŏji chŏndo, circa the 18th century, woodblock copy. Sungshin Women’s University Museum. in the Chosŏn scholars’ view of the Jesuit missionaries. This fact is unmistakable in Yi Su-gwang’s Chibong yusŏl. The Chosŏn scholars’ perspectives widened toward the world. The sirhak scholars were in the vanguard of the shift. Volume Two of the Chibong yusŏl consists of two parts, geography and foreign countries. The part on foreign countries has numerous passages describing various countries. A few such passages are cited almost verbatim below: In 1603, the year of Manryŏk Kyemyo, when I was in the position of Associate Great Scholar (Pujekak 副提學), Yi Kwang-jŏng and Kwŏn Hi, upon returning from the capital of China as envoys, sent to my office a 6-page map of Europe. It was probably a map that they had obtained in the capital. The map was very elaborate and detailed. Especially the West Region (西域) was described minutely. For example, areas of China, the eight provinces of our nation and the 60 counties of Japan, etc. and every place, far or near, big or small, were recorded without exception. The so-called Europe was located farthest from the West Region, its long distance from China being 80,000 ri. For a long time, Europe did

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not have any communication with China, but, starting with the Ming dynasty, Europeans visited China on two occasions to introduce themselves. The border of the European territory abuts the Mediterranean Sea to the south and the Ice Sea (氷海) to the north, the Taenaeha River (大乃河) to the east and the Atlantic Ocean to the west. The Mediterranean Sea, meaning the ‘central sea’, is said to have its name because it lies at the center of the world.

Yi Su-gwang writes on England as follows: The nation of Yŏnggyŏlriguk (永結利國) is located on a far-away sea to the end of the west land. The daytime is long and the nighttime short, so that dawn breaks at 2 a.m. (2更). People only eat pulverized barley, wear clothes made of leather, and use a ship as their house. The ship is made of 4 layers, armored with iron boards and pieces both inside and out. Dozens of sails stand on the ship, and a wind-making machine is installed at the stern. The anchor cable was made by intertwining hundreds of iron chains. Since the anchor cable is made of iron chains, the ship does not capsize in heavy seas.

A westerner is described as follows: The brow and the eyelashes connected and merged, and his beard resembled that of a goat. The face of his servant was pitch-dark and even uglier and stranger. This latter might be of the same descent as the sea-ghost (海鬼). I talked with them through a Japanese interpreter because I could not communicate directly. They said that their nation is in the middle of the ocean, far away from China by 80,000 ri. The Japanese traded with them by visiting their country because there were a lot of treasures there. The Japanese said it takes 8 years to reach the Western country after departing from Mainland Japan. The country must be located very far away indeed.

Konyŏ man’gukchŏndo is a big elliptical map consisting of six pieces and printed by woodblock. It was the product of a joint effort between Matteo Ricci and the Ming scholar Li Zhi-cao (李之藻), who had assisted Matteo Ricci in his Chinese translations of many western books on science and technology. The map follows the Asian projection that was practiced widely in Europe at the time. It is said that the map was manufactured by referring to Ortellius’ 1570 atlas, Mercator’s 1595 atlas and Plancius’ 1592 world map. In other words, the map was based on up-to-date data about geographical science from Europe at the end of the 16th century. However, this map had the peculiar idea of deliberately putting the Chinese continent in the center, unlike world maps

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manufactured in Europe, which never did. We can see the mapmakers’ effort to make a map acceptable to the Chinese, who were accustomed to a China-centered worldview. Also, the portion comprising China, Chosŏn and Japan was drawn far more accurately than the world maps manufactured in the western world, as Matteo Ricci used material collected in China for that portion.

The World Map of 1602 Let us summarize briefly the important contents of this map. The five continents were marked in Chinese characters: Europe (歐羅巴), Rimia (利未亞 Africa), the Americas (南北亞墨利加) and Megaranica (墨瓦蠟泥 加). If we read those Chinese characters with a Korean pronunciation, 歐羅巴 becomes “Kurap’a” and America becomes “Amukriga,” but they sound much closer to the original names when read with the Chinese pronunciation. Another interesting point is that, together with the New Continent, the unknown southern continent (referred to as Megaranica), which had been included in all western maps since the map by Ptolemy, appeared Back of the Map of Both Sides of the Earth (Chigu chŏnhudo), in this world map. In the Megaranican continent, a 19th century, color copy, 70.0 × 167.0 cm. Korea University strange animal is drawn, suggesting that the continent Museum. is a land of fantasy. In the drawing, more than 850 place names are written, and a geographical description is provided of the people and products of each district. Outside the elliptical world map are drawn: 1 the two hemispheres of south and north drawn by azimuthal projection, 2 the theory of nine-layered heavens inspired by Aristotelian cosmology, 3 the solar and lunar eclipses, and 4 the celestial-terrestrial spheres. The woodblock world map of 1602 was drawn again in 1608 by handcopying with added color drawings. Ships and strange fish were drawn in the seas and strange animals on the land. Its colors are so beautiful that the map creates the impression of being a fine painting. The world map of 1602 was followed by a supplemented version in 1604, the world map Yangŭi hyŏllamdo or Liangi hxuanlantu (兩儀玄覽圖). The map was brought to Korea soon after its publication and is said to have been introduced

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in Chosŏn in 1604 (Seonjo 37). Although several copies of world maps by Ricci were introduced in Chosŏn after that, only the Liangi hxuanlantu is extant in Korea, preserved in the Soongsil University Museum in Seoul. It is a precious artifact in that it cannot even be found in China, although, according to unconfirmed information, there may be one copy of it in Beijing. At any rate, the copy of the map in the Soongsil University Museum collection is in a good state of preservation and is a very precious historical artifact. Ricci’s map was later copied in Chosŏn as well. The folding screen of Konyŏdo (坤輿圖), manufactured by the Bureau of Astronomy (Kwansanggam) in 1708 (Sukchong 34), is one of the representative copies. It was produced through the collaboration of Yi Kuk-hwa, Yu U-ch’ang from the Kwansanggam and the artist Kim Chin-yŏ on the orders of King Sukchong. The copy referred heavily to Kunyu Front map of the Map of Both Sides of the Earth (Chigu chŏnhudo) , wankuochuantu (坤與萬國全圖), which was pre1834, woodblock copy manufactured by Ch’oe Han-gi, 42.0 × 88 cm. pared between 1608 and 1610 in China and contains Sungshin Women’s University Museum. drawings of animals and ships. According to records, Kŏnsangdo, or Qianxiangtu (乾象圖), an astronomical map, was prepared at the Kwansanggam at the same time. This means that the maps of the heavens and the earth were manufactured simultaneously in pairs. Konyŏdo is the second official world map manufactured by the government bureau in Chosŏn following Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido. At the same time, it is the first world map drawn by the Chosŏn government on the basis of a western world map. Evidently, the western world map was accepted in Chosŏn at the government level. According to reports, craftsmanship of the map was splendid, sufficiently excellent to rival the map manufactured in China. It is unknown why it was kept in the Bongsŏnsa temple in Kyŏnggi province. The temple was destroyed in a fire in 1951 during the Korean War. The astronomical map Kŏnsangdo was thought to have been destroyed also, until it surfaced in Japan. Although I have only seen a photograph of it, I am convinced that it is the Kŏnsangdo that was manufactured by the Kwansanggam together with Konyŏdo at the time of Sukchong.

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There is another Konyŏdo, or Konyŏ mankukchŏndo, officially manufactured by the Chosŏn government. Konyŏ mankukchŏndo is the one that is now in the Seoul National University Museum. The world map measuring 170 × 533 cm in the shape of an eight-fold screen contains introductory remarks by Ch’oe Sŏk-chŏng about the establishment and manufacturing process of the map on its eighth screen. Kim Yang-sŏn, who was the curator of Soongsil University Museum, wrote in 1961 a long research article on Matteo Ricci’s world map and its Korean version. He claimed that the map, once kept in the Bongsŏnsa Temple, was more beautiful than the one in Seoul National University. He also regards the map at Seoul National University as having been drafted later than that in Pongsŏnsa Temple, but these claims cannot be confirmed. Konyŏ mankukchŏndo was designated National Treasure Number 849 in 1986. It had already been drawn on a terrestrial globe before it was manufactured as a Terrestrial globe in Song I-yŏng’s astronomical clock. folding screen in 1708 by the Kwansanggam. It is the very terrestrial globe, prepared as a part of Yi Min-ch’ŏl and Song I-yŏng’s astronomical clock in 1669, and is connected to the celestial globe (渾天儀). The expert astronomers Yi Min-ch’ŏl and Song I-yŏng installed a terrestrial globe and inscribed onto it a world map based on Matteo Ricci’s 1602 map. The terrestrial globe in Song I-yŏng’s astronomical clock, measuring 8.9 cm in diameter and now kept in the Korea University Museum, attests to that. These terrestrial globes were the first and most exact terrestrial globes in East Asia, although they are small in size and were manufactured only as a component of astronomical clocks. The drafting method that lifted a world map drawn on an elliptical plane onto a sphere marked with latitudes and longitudes is excellent. Matteo Ricci’s 1602 world map was revised by Ferdinand Verbiest (Chinese name Nan Huai-ren 南懷仁) and printed by woodblock in 1674. In the new map, Matteo Ricci’s elliptical map was divided into two circles representing the eastern and western hemispheres. The so-called Old Continent, consisting of East Asia (including Korea, Japan and China), Europe and Africa, was in the left-hand circle, and the New Continent of the Americas was in the right-hand circle, together with the latitudes and longitudes. Verbiest’s eight-piece world map was given the

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name Konyŏ chŏndo. On one sheet, geographical items were described and on another sheet, astronomical items. No definite account records the time of the introduction of Verbiest’s map in Korea. The shocking effect of Matteo Ricci’s world map seems not to have been repeated with this revised map. Given that Konyŏdosŏl, which was produced two years prior to Verbiest’s map, was introduced in Chosŏn in 1722, we can infer that Verbiest’s map was transmitted to Chosŏn at around the same time. This contrasts with the introduction of the 1602 world map, which was brought to Chosŏn upon its publication. In 1860 (Chŏlchong 11), Verbiest’s map was published in Chosŏn as well. The woodblock of the map is now preserved at the Kyujanggak in Seoul National University. Although it was based on the republished map in 1856 in Kwangtung, China, the manufacturing technique of the woodblock is evaluated as surpassing that of the Chinese edition. This map, measuring 172.3 × 56.9 cm and beautifully colored, is the largest world map. The Chosŏn-version world map was printed in quite large numbers and distributed to the scholars of Chosŏn, who cherished it. The Chosŏn version of Verbiest’s map still enjoys the affection of today’s collectors around the world as the best and largest woodblock world map among its contemporaries. The woodblock of the map still remains and is valued as a precious artifact, bearing witness to the high level of wood-engraving techniques of the Chosŏn period.

Kim Chŏng-ho’s Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom In 1898, second year of Kwangmu of the Taehan Empire and thirty-first year of Meiji in Japan, the Imperial Japanese Army launched a top-secret operation to manufacture a Korean map of the Korean peninsula. Agents from the Bureau of Land Surveying worked silently in the darkness. All 50 to 60 of them were well-trained surveying engineers and were divided into 20 teams. By mobilizing a force of 200–300 local men as secret employees, the teams carried out a nationwide survey for a year. These secret employees, called gaigyosenmon’in (外業專門 員), are said to have been mostly Korean and had been trained in Japan. They had graduated from Shugisho (修技所) Technological School. The second year of Kwangmu was the year following that in which Korea changed its name to the Taehan Empire, adopted “Kwangmu” as its own name for a chronological era and declared its independence both at home and abroad, adopting the title of emperor instead of king. The nation established a new system and organization as an independent empire, and the civilians formed

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Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido 大東輿地圖), Kyŏnggi Province, 1861, woodblock print by Kim Chŏng-ho. Sungshin Women’s University Museum.

the Independence Association to fight for the independence and freedom of the people and to secure individual rights. It was at precisely that moment that the Japanese army was secretly surveying the Korean territory to manufacture an exact map of the Korean peninsula. Japan’s rationale seemed plausible enough. They were carrying out basic research. They had won the bid for installing railroads, such as Kyŏngbu (京釜線), Kyŏngŭi (京義) and other lines in Korea. The surveyed area included the entire peninsula from the northern tip to the southern end by defining the work area, 50 km in width on each side of the lines to be constructed, which traversed the peninsula from the north to the south. The Land Surveying Bureau of the Japanese army had already secured enough army officers who had been to Germany ten years earlier to study surveying technology and had worked on the manufacture of Japanese maps. In other words, the Japanese army possessed the ability to manufacture modern precision maps using up-to-date European cartography technology. However, it appears that the Japanese army failed fully to apply its

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up-to-date technology in Korea, given the short time allowed for the manufacture of the map, as well as many other restrictions. According to the expert Japanese archaeological researcher Mitsuoka (光剛 雅彦), agents of the Land Surveying Bureau practiced triangulation and bird’seye view topographical description. He writes as follows: From a technological viewpoint, it is certain that the land surveying was carried out with the naked eye. The Gaigyoin (外業員) stood on a hill 200– 300 m above sea level at the entrance of a valley and provided a bird’s-eye view description of the topography. While the locations of the inlet areas or main roads were described relatively accurately, the areas deep inside the valley were not expressed properly. Also, it was not a formal survey of the level. The sea level was calculated by fixing informal standard points, and calculating the numerical value of other points based on a comparison with the informal standard points. It was merely a simple calculation with the support of the primitive leveling instrument (斜 角儀) and naked-eye measurements of horizontal distance (水平目測距離). The survey was nevertheless quite detailed and exact overall, including some 20 indications of heights above sea level per map.

Through the above-explained practice, the Land Surveying Bureau of the Japanese army produced a map of Korea which amounted to 300 pages. This map was scaled at 1 : 50,000. Only a few would have heard about the “secret map for military use” (軍用 秘圖). This map is presently preserved in the map room of the Parliament Library in Japan. The original map and its block are long lost and only one set of 300 pages remains. The manufacture date of the original was erased, although “1898, Meiji 3” is inscribed on one sheet. About ten years ago, a Japanese publishing company published the map as a book. Certainly, this map has great value as a historical document detailing place names, historical sites, roads, harbors, etc. of the late Chosŏn period. The up-todate military map of that age became precious historical material after a hundred years had elapsed. Yet, upon confirming the existence of this map, I could not suppress a dull pain in my heart; I felt as though I was witnessing Korea’s history of suffering. Sometime after the Japanese army’s Bureau of Land Surveying completed the “secret map for military use,” they were awestruck to see Kim Chŏng-ho’s Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido 大東輿地圖). This map of Chosŏn, with a scale of 1 : 160,000, had been published 40 years earlier, in 1861. The bureau agents marveled at the precision and minuteness of the map. They

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were utterly perplexed that the map was the product of work by Kim Chŏng-ho alone. It goes without saying that the Japanese army would still have made a topographical map of Korea even if they had known of Kim Chŏng-ho’s map, but its surveying work would have been much easier and faster if the Japanese army had referred to Kim’s work, such that the topographical map would have been produced much more easily. The map that the Bureau of Land Surveying manufactured by mobilizing all of its edge-cutting technology was little better than the one-person effort of Kim Chŏng-ho. Had it not been for the 1 : 50,000-scale minuteness, the secret military project would have been a completely unnecessary exertion. The 50–60 professional technical army officers, aided by 200–300 civilian technological assistants, had taken a full year to finish work that had been accomplished by a single Korean. It is truly beyond comprehension. To go by a simple calculation, the work should have taken one individual more than a hundred years.

Cartography of the Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom There is little doubt that Kim Chŏng-ho, who completed such a tremendous undertaking unaided, was an exceptional individual. He had accomplished something impossible for someone without superhuman abilities. What kind of a map is his creation, Taedong yŏjido? It is a 22-fold woodblock-print map of Chosŏn, with each sheet measuring 20 × 30 cm. The interior of the map covers an area of 80 ri in length and 120 ri in width. Thus, the entire map measures 7 m in length and 3 m in width. It is scaled at approximately 1 : 160,000. In Taedong yŏjido, the Korean peninsula was divided into two parts by cutting it from east to west; it was a long map of 22 sheets, which could be folded like a book. It was printed on traditional Korean paper and painted in soft tones. Every sheet had its own cover and eventually made up one large book. The beginning of the book included a concise but important treatise entitled General Description of the Map (Chido yusŏl 地圖類說). While explaining the purpose of compiling the book, it also expounds on the principles of cartography. Kim laid out his ideas one by one on geography and cartography, citing old geographical classics. Firstly, he narrated the origin and history of the maps and cartography of China, stressing their importance in terms of history. He also emphasized the indispensability of geography for politics, economics, national defense and academic research. Then he discussed the six tenets to be followed without fail in cartography, quoting from the Chinese scholar, Pei Xiu (裴秀,

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224–271). He particularly emphasized the importance of accurately surveying the topography. The six principles of mapmaking are as follows. Firstly, the proportions should be set well. A proportion of graduated divisions (分率) means the exact scaling of the topography of various forms in drawing a map. Secondly, junmang (準望) should also be carefully observed, which means the correct depiction of the various shapes of different terrains. Thirdly, one should exercise caution in setting the standard for determining the numbers of ri (distance). Fourthly, the highs and the lows of the topography (koha 高下) should be measured carefully. Fifthly, the pangsa (方邪), the measurements of unruly and crooked terrain, should also be carried out meticulously. Sixthly, the ujik (迂直), the measurements of curved and straight terrains, should be carried out separately. The three principles of koha, pangsa and ujik all stress the necessity of accurately drawing the figure following the different terrains to be depicted. In other words, the topography should be measured and depicted through comparing and observing areas, both flat and rugged, far and near. Kim Chŏng-ho also quoted from the geographical Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido 大東輿 theories of Chinese works, such as the geographical books 地圖), woodblock. Korean National Museum. of the Song dynasty, Hanyuditu (漢輿地圖) and Fangyujiyao 方輿紀要. He stressed the inclusion of information concerning the dimensions of the lands, their location, the shapes of mountains and rivers and the number of households. Such information, he felt, was indispensable for a ruler who wished to defend the country and govern it well. Kim furthe noted that accurate directions and distance were indispensable elements. He gave numerical values for land acreage, lengths of coastal lines and borders and distances from the northwestern and northeastern corners to the southeastern and southwestern tips. The figures he presented are almost identical to those currently in use. Kim developed his own theory of cartography on the basis of his thorough understanding of theories described in all of the geographical books from China. He also elaborated on the Korean-style theory and mapmaking technique. For instance, he admits in his description of the mountain ranges and rivers that

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he used the unique Korean method of topographical description. In fact, the mountain ranges he drew were very similar in style to the unique style of myodo (墓圖), topographical maps drawn by the Korean geomancers. One of the clear differences between Taedong yŏjido and all other previous Korean maps is that the former used the rectangular grids (方格圖) method of mapmaking. Upon opening the book, one sees the title 大東輿地圖, the year of manufacture and the pen name of the writer. Next come the rectangular grids, with each grid measuring 10 × 10 ri. The diagonal line of one grid is marked clearly as 14 ri. As the rectangular grids figure consists of 8 grids in length and 12 pieces in width, the real distance drawn is 80 ri in length and 120 ri in width. 10 ri amounted to 4.5 km in Chosŏn; consequently, a figure of rectangular grids covers an area of 36 × 54 km. One important detail worth mentioning here is that, throughout the Chosŏn period, 10 ri corresponded to 4.5 km rather than 4 km, as we know it today. The conversion to 4 km is, in fact, a vestige of Japanese imperialism. In Japan, after the Meiji Restoration, 1 ri came to have the numerical value of 4 km. When Japan colonized Korea, 10 ri came to be coverted to 4 km. Therefore, when converting the distances appearing on the documents of the Chosŏn period into meter units, one should understand 10 ri to represent 4.5 km. The map table (地圖標) in Taedong yŏjido deserves particular mention. It is the legend for today’s maps. Using symbols, he schematized the administrative and military bases and facilities, which had been expressed with letters until his time. This is regarded as an innovation in the history of cartography. Kim devised 14 kinds of marks for the elements of a map, such as mountain ranges, rivers, roads and sea routes. By doing so, Kim took his map to a higher level than traditional Korean maps. Before Taedong yŏjido, most Chosŏn dynasty maps were designed to meet administrative and military needs; consequently, 50–70% of the data pertained to the population and administrative centers. In comparison, the illustrations and descriptions of natural and topographic features in Kim’s map occupy about 60% of the comments. In particular, about one tenth of the notes in Taedong yŏjido are devoted to rivers and roads. It is the advancement of topographic notes and descriptions in Taedong yŏjido as much as anything else that guaranteed it a special place in the history of Korean cartography. One thing is noticeable at first glance. It is the exactness of the depiction of coastal lines and topography. Mountains are illustrated by ranges, groups and individual mountains. In putting mountains on his map, Kim used a method of symbolizing shape by profile. It is immediately palpable that he is using a highly

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Complete Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjijŏndo), 1880s, woodblock print by Kim Chŏng-ho, 114.3 × 64.8 cm. Sungshin Women’s University Museum.

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original, innovative mapmaking style. In contrast, in depicting the mountain ranges, he revives a characteristic trait of traditional old Korean mapmaking. More than 2,800 mountains are drawn on the map, including exceptionally high mountains, parallel ranges, continuous ranges and overlapping mountains. The mountain ranges were expressed by representing cross-sections of the connected peaks using symbols. A variety of symbols were also used for cities of various sizes, villages or administrative centers and military bases, combined with scales and local features to make them easily recognizable. Furthermore, he used different-sized letters for more efficient expression. With these kinds of novel and original mapmaking techniques, he managed to record more than 12,000 names of places and cartographic elements clearly and plainly in his Taedong yŏjido. Now let us examine in further detail how Kim schematized the lengths of roads. As mentioned above, he expressed the lengths of roads by marking a dot every 10 ri on his map, but, instead of indicating the distance on the plane base, he measured the practical distance, which varies according to the shape of the terrain. Thus plains have gradations every 2.5 cm, which represents 10 ri, but mountains have gradations removed from one another by less than 1 cm, which represents 10 ri in this case.

Research on Kim Chŏng-ho and his Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom In 1966, I wrote an article entitled “Kim Chŏng-ho the individual” in Jungang Daily. It was a short composition on what little we know about this very famous man. The article received high praise from the senior Korean history professor, Yu Hong-ryŏl, my graduate advisor at that time. I wrote as follows: Among the scientists in the history of our country, few are as well-known as Kim Chŏng-ho. Even primary schoolchildren are well aware that he was a geographer of modern Chosŏn and the manufacturer of the Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido). However, in fact we do not know anything about who he was, even though he lived only a hundred years ago. People know that he was born in the Hwanghaedo Province, had the pen name of Kosanja (古山子), manufactured the Ch’ŏnggudo (靑丘圖) and the Taedong yŏjido, and wrote Geography of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong chiji) after as many as thirty years of labor. We have also heard the story that, during King Kojong’s reign, he submitted the woodblock-printed Taedong yŏjido to Lord Taewŏn’gun, but was arrested and died in prison, accused of disclosing national secrets. Such is the extent of what we know about him.

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Some people might respond: “Well, isn’t that enough?” However, I feel it is a shame that we should have only a few sentences’ worth of knowledge about someone who was so renowned a geographer and the Korean who completed the most elaborate map in Korean history solely through his individual endeavor. I often ponder: What kind of family did he come from and exactly when was he born? What kind of education did he receive? Why did he move to Seoul? Did he actually live in the Mallijae area? It is said that his wife peddled bamboo baskets, and, if he was that poor, how was it possible then for him to explore the entire country several times for thirty years? Then again, if he was of such low social status, how could he have been close friends with a scholar of noble descent like Ch’oe Han-gi? Also, how is it that he possessed a personal study called T’aejyŏnjae (泰然齋)? However ignorant and ruthless a ruler Lord Taewŏn’gun, how was it that he kept him in jail …?

If Kim really disclosed a national secret, how was it that the maps he manufactured were distributed widely? Was he a Roman Catholic who died a martyr for his faith as a result of religious persecution? What happened to his two daughters and was there no one to succeed him? There is no end to my questions. I really want to know. My guess is that he was born to no average family, even though he was poor. He might have been a child born to a concubine. How wonderful it would have been if we had any kind record about him, like the recently discovered A Kind of Biography (Haengjanggi 行狀記) of Yi Minch’ŏl, which told us about the latter’s life. According to Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s Haengjanggi, although he was born the son of a prime minister, he could not ascend to a high government post despite his great accomplishments and could not list his years of birth and death in official records because he was the son of a concubine. If Kim Chŏng-ho had a descendant and had a record such as that of Yi Minch’ŏl, the record would surely be a precious historical document in the history of Korean science. Was he a man who could not even get his family genealogy into the official record? I want to know about his life. So many great scientists in our history finished their lives so miserably. Twenty or so years after, academic research on Kim Chŏng-ho and his Taedong yŏjido has made great advancements. Research by geographer Professor Wŏn Kyŏng-nyŏl and the historian Dr. Yi Sang-t’ae particularly stand out. Both of them received doctoral degrees by studying Taedong yŏjido. Professors Yang Po-gyŏng and Pae U-sŏng carried out fine studies of Korean maps and geographical monographs. The senior geographer, Professor Yi Ch’an, carried out a detailed study of the history of Korean cartography and published a monumental work, which is a comprehensive discussion of ancient Korean maps.

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However, there is no map museum which has systematic exhibits of the great old maps of Korea, such as Kim Chŏng -ho’s maps. We have a lot of maps which we can flaunt to the world. Now is the time to have a map museum commemorating Kosanja (Kim Chŏng-ho’s pen name). It is a tiny but meaningful start that, in the summer of 1997, the Land Development Cooperation produced a duplicate of the original Taedong yŏjido and donated it to the Cultural Center. Taedong yŏjido is a great accomplishment; it is the culmination of Chosŏn cartography. Kim’s accomplishments have sometimes been slightly exaggerated or embellished. Fictional accounts of his greatness as an individual circulated and took precedence over academic research. During the Japanese colonial Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido days, he was a national hero as a Korean geographer and the 大東輿地圖), cover page and the 10-ri grids (方案). pride of the Koreans. As is widely recognized, his representative accomplishment is his singlehanded creation of the great Taedong yŏjido. As I wrote 30 years ago, we know too little about the person Kim Chŏng-ho. However, one thing that is very clear is that he is the one who understood the tradition of Chosŏn cartography more widely and deeply than anyone else. It is unknown how accessible were the materials of the Korean cartographic tradition to him, but his two other works, Map of the Blue Hill (Ch’ŏnggudo) and Geography of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong chiji) tell us something about it.

Ch’ŏnggudo and Taedong chiji In the beginning of the introduction of Ch’ŏnggudo, the following is written: The west area of the sea [the Korean peninsula] has its own geographical record in the History of the Three Kingdoms and Koryŏ. The geographical record is itself the basis of maps. During the mid-Koryŏ period, Yu Kong-sik kept a map in his home. At the time of King Kongmin, Na Hŭng-yu manufactured a map of the country and submitted it to the king. After coming into our dynasty, King Sejo ordered Yang Sŭng-ji to manufacture a map and a geographical monograph. Reflecting on the matter, I believe that the newer geographical work must doubtlessly have referred to the older one, and, by doing so, a gradual revision and enlargement was accomplished. The only map that has been handed down for a long time is the map of the eight provinces, included at the beginning of the Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam;

The map table (地圖標) of the Taedong yŏjido.

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however, it is very simple and primitive, and barely has the form of a map. During the reign of King Sejo, the government ordered every province to draw maps of their own province. Some of the resulting maps had latitudes and longitudes, some were composed of separate eight maps of the eight provinces, and some were divided more minutely at their own discretion. Among them, the maps by Chŏng Ch’ŏl-cho, Hwang Yŏp and Yun Yŏng stood out. Usually because of the limit on the size of the paper, it is very difficult to write all the names of the small counties, towns and borders in the allotted space. The maps of the individual provinces are drawn in the space of a given sheet, regardless of the size or length of the area. Consequently, they naturally show a different sparsity and density. It is also difficult to identify the borders in the maps. All of these difficulties are connected to the narrow focus of these maps. Now I have made a composite map by using large sheets of paper. Each unit is connected to another like fish scales, eventually forming a book, and to avoid the weakness of earlier maps. This map also contains all of the accomplishments of the earlier maps and geographical monographs.

The above passage explains the kinds of maps Kim referred to, the problems with those maps and how he solved the problems. It also proposed eight items to explain the detailed content of his map. To sum up, Kim Chŏng-ho’s maps are directly connected to Chŏng Ch’ŏk and Yang Sŏng-ji’s Tongguk chido, Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam of early Chosŏn and maps by Chŏng Ch’ŏl-cho, Hwang Yŏp and Yun Yŏng. I wonder why he did not mention the famous Chŏng Sang-gi’s Tongguk chido from the Chŏngjo period. It may have been because Chŏng Ch’ŏl-cho’s map was its successor. Kim Chŏng-ho, through his lifelong endeavor to manufacture an elaborate, perfect map of our country, completed Taedong yŏjido and compiled Taedong chiji, which means that he produced both an atlas and a geographical monograph. He states his intention to do so clearly in Item Number 3 in the introduction to Ch’ŏnggudo. In this respect, Ch’ŏnggudo could be said to be the first decisive step toward the perfect compilation of Taedong yŏjido and Taedong chiji. Taedong chiji was finished in 1864, the same year that the second edition of Taedong yŏjido was printed. This cannot be attributed to mere coincidence. Perhaps the fruits of his lifelong endeavor, the atlas and geographical monograph were, for him, one identical goal to be achieved at the same time. As it happens, titles of the two are obviously similar — Taedong yŏjido (大東輿地圖) and Taedong chiji (大東 地志). After all, Taedong chiji was produced in the process of separating out the geographical contents from Ch’ŏnggudo and creating two different pieces, a map and a geographical treatise. Kim already had that in mind when he published his Ch’ŏnggudo.

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Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido 大東輿地圖), General Description of Maps (Chido yusŏl 地 圖類說).

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In Taedong chiji, composed of 32 volumes in 15 books, we can find many new facts and information not found in the maps of government publications available from that time. After the geographical record of each province was completed by volume 24, the sections on distance and general survey start from volume 25, and are especially important documents together with the lost parts of the sections on mountains, rivers and border regions. The section on distance, which records the distances between each place in the nation, and the section on the polar altitude, which contained latitudes, are precious documents, providing all the accurate measurement values for that period in one place. All in all, Ch’ŏnggudo and Taedong chiji are, together with Taedong yŏjido, the final product of Chosŏn geography.

Nineteenth-Century Maps of Seoul April 1991 was designated as Kosan Kim Chŏng-ho Month by the Ministry of Culture. Representative geographer of the Chosŏn period Kim Chŏng-ho is wellknown even to primary schoolchildren. Few Korean scientists are as famous as Kim Chŏng-ho. That meaningful April, I wrote another story about him in the magazine Science Donga after 25 years. Let me compare it with my article in the column of Jungang Daily. He was a geographer of the late Chosŏn period and a peerless cartographer who manufactured Taedong yŏjido. Whether they have seen Taedong yŏjido or not, most Koreans will remember hearing that the map is the most elaborate and scientific map of the 19th century, and that it was made by Kim Chŏng-ho. People know that he was born in the Hwanghaedo province, his pen name was Kosanja, and that he published Ch’ŏnggudo, Taedong yŏjido and Taedong chiji after thirty years of labor. People also know that he was a close friend of the Sirhakcha (實學者 scholar of practical learning) Ch’oe Han-gi. They have also heard of a legendary account: He printed Taedong yŏjido with woodblock and submitted it to Lord Taewŏn’gun. However, the lord arrested him under the charge of disclosing a national secret and Kim died in prison. It may be safe to say that many of the stories we have read, including the story abou Lord Taewŏn’gun, are fictional. His dates of birth and death are unknown, this person who fascinates us and commands our respect through the few lines of record about him by Ch’oe Hangi and through the maps and geographical treatise he left behind. Was he really a person who could not even be entered in his family genealogy? I want to know

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more about his life. By doing so, I want to confirm in detail his greatness and the road of suffering he walked, and make him a valuable lesson for us, his compatriots. Korean history has too many scientists and engineers who could not even be entered in the official records. Kim Chŏng-ho is but one of them. “My dear friend, Kim Chŏng-ho, wanted to make geographical books from when he was a boy and collected material over a long period. By studying all the previous maps, their strengths and weaknesses, and by ruminating whenever time permitted, he finally discovered a simple and efficient method of mapmaking.” This is what Ch’oe Han-gi, Kim Chŏng-ho’s close friend, wrote in the preface of Ch’ŏnggudo in 1834 (King Sunjo 34). Yu Kyŏm-san writes in his Record of Personal Experiences (里鄕見聞錄) as follows: “Kim Chŏng-ho chose his pen name, Kosanja, himself. He was born with a talent for arts and crafts. He diligently studied geography in particular. By collecting a variety of material and ruminating, he manufactured Map of the Earth and engraved woodblock of Taedong yŏjido with his own hands and published it. The detail and precision of the map is rivaled by no other map in history. I also had the good fortune to be Map of Seoul in its Entirety (Susŏn chŏndo 首善全圖), 19th given one, and it will become a true treasure of mine.” century, woodblock copy by Kim Chŏng-ho. Sungshin These records are all we can trust about him. As for Women’s University Museum. the story that he climbed Mount Paekdu several times, it is possible but remains a story nonetheless. In 1861 (Chŏlchong 12), Kim Chŏng-ho completed Taedong yŏjido. It was 27 years after he completed Ch’ŏnggudo. It is thus said that Taedong yŏjido took 30 years to complete. This was the extent to which Kim made a lifelong effort to make a perfect map. His accomplishment culminated in Taedong yŏjido, and this is his representative work as a cartographer. Where was he born? Few would dispute the supposition that he was born in Hwanghaedo province, but there are various opinions about exactly where. A candidate widely accepted until now was Pongsan of Hwanghaedo, but recently T’osan of Hwanghaedo is gaining ground as a reliable candidate. This latter hypothesis receives support from a record in Tongyŏdoji (東輿圖志), the first

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Map of Seoul in Taedong yŏjido. Sungshin Women’s University Museum.

geographic treatise by Kim Chŏng-ho, which states ‘月城金正浩圖編’ (a geographical book by Kim Chŏng-ho of Wŏlsŏng). The place name, Wŏlsŏng (月城), is said to be an old name for T’osan. Another big question is when he was born and when he died. The historian Yi Pyŏng-do asserts that Kim Chŏng-ho lived under the reigns of four kings, Sunjo, Hŏnjong, Chŏlchong and Kojong. Kim produced Ch’ŏnggudo at the time of Sunjo, Taedong yŏjido at the time of Chŏlchong and Taedong chiji at the time of Kojong (the first year). Although it is uncertain when he moved to Seoul, he is reported to have lived in Mallijae, outside the South gate of Seoul. Another hypothesis is that he lived in Kongdŏngri outside the West gate, which seems unlikely. How could he access and read so many books on geography despite his poverty? There are a few different opinions on this matter as well. It seems certain that most of the books he read were not from his personal collection. The 65 kinds of text which Kim quoted in his Taedong chiji must have been loaned to him by his friends, Ch’oe Han-gi and Ch’oe Sŏng-hwan.

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In effect, there are few sources telling us about his social status. We can only infer it from a few documents. Two documents which show that Kim was a commoner are Yu Kyŏm-san’s Record of Personal Experiences and the introductory part of Sin Hŏn’s Map of the Great Eastern State (Taedong pangyŏdo). Since Record of Personal Experiences only includes writings of the lower classes, the fact that Kim’s passage was included implies his lowly status. Also, in the introduction to Sin Hŏn’s Taedong pangyŏdo, Kim Chŏng-ho is mentioned as “Mr. Kim” (金君) rather than “Sir Kim” (金公). The fact that the younger Sin called Kim, his senior, Mr. Kim suggests that Kim’s status was not considerable. Furthermore, Kim did not seem to have had a tangho (title of one’s own reading hall) or family register. The reported story that he climbed Mount Paekdu as many as seven times is extremely well-known. There is little doubt that the “myth” only contributed to his fame, but was that possible? Many scholars raise questions about this account. It is also difficult to believe wholly that Kim finished his life in prison. Professor Yi Pyŏng-do negated the scenario, citing as evidence the fact that none of Kim’s maps or geographical treatises was confiscated or destroyed. One opinion is that Imperial Japan fabricated the story to justify its colonial reign. We take the three geographical treatises and three maps as his best works, i.e., the three treatises of Tongyŏ chiji, Yŏdo chiji and Taedong chiji and the three maps of Ch’ŏnggudo, Tongyŏdo and Taedong yŏjido.

Susŏn chŏndo, Map of Seoul in its Entirety Kim Chŏng-ho also produced a slightly different but interesting map. It is the Map of Seoul in its Entirety (Susŏn chŏndo 首善全圖). It is a minute map made according to actual measurements, like the modern maps manufactured between the years 1824–1834. “Susŏn” means Seoul, which derives from the record Kŏnsusŏn jagyŏnghyangsi (建首善自京鄕始), established Susŏn and made it the capital from that time in the Confucian section of the Hanshu (漢書). Therefore Susŏn chŏndo means ‘the map of the entire capital of Seoul’. The map is made of a woodblock measuring 82.5 × 67.5 cm, which is presently preserved in the Korea University Museum. Susŏn chŏndo depicted Seoul such that Chongno (鐘路) Street vertically dissected Seoul from Tobong Mountain in the north to Hangang River in the south. The place names are inscribed following the north-south division by Chongno Street. It means that the northern part is drawn as if seen from Pugak Mountain and the southern part from Mongmyŏksan Mountain (i.e., Namsan Mountain). Seen from the line that bisects Chongno

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horizontally, place names on the northern part are written to the right, but place names on the southern part are written upside down. This is a map of the capital that accurately depicts the Seoul of the early 1820s. It gives thorough indications of the main roads and facilities, palaces, shrine of the royal ancestors (宗廟), the shrine of guardian deities of the state (社稷), Confucian shrines (文廟), schools, bridges, mountains, rivers, castles, castle walls, towers, pavilions, stations, beacon stations and tourist attractions of the city. In addition to the subdivisions of the city, such as pu (部), pang (坊) and tong (洞), even the towns, temples and mountains located outside the fortress city were expressed in detail. This map lists some 460 place names. On the issue of the manufacturer of Susŏn chŏndo, there is no question that it was Kim Chŏng-ho. The geography chapter in the bibliography section of Myŏngsech’onggo (名世叢考) records that the maker of Susŏn chŏndo is Kim Paeg-on (金佰溫). The book, entitled Kuksŏŭmhwi (國書音彙), notes that the twenty-one chapters of Taedong pangjŏndo (大東方全圖) were by Kim Paeg-on and that it was usually known as the “Kosanja map.” This book clearly adds that Nambuk hangsŏngdo (南北恒星圖) and Tongsŏ chigudo (東西地球圖) were maps manufactured by Kim Paeg-on. Through these records, we can conclude that Kim Paeg-on and Kosanja are one and the same person. The year in which Susŏn chŏndo was manufactured has been studied relatively closely. According to Professor Kim Jŏng-bae, the map was manufactured between the years 1824 and 1834. He eventually demonstrated that the manufacturer of the map was Kim Chŏng-ho. By pointing out the existence of the Kyŏngu palace (景祐宮) in the map, he took 1824 (Sunjo 24), the year when the palace was constructed, as the upper limit for the year of the map’s manufacture. He considered the lower limit to be 1834 (Sunjo 34), the year when the place name Jesaengdong was changed to Kyesaengdong. Professor Yi Ch’an also places the date of manufacture at around 1825 (Sunjo 25), which is quite similar to the above opinion. Susŏn chŏndo is the best among maps of the capital Seoul in terms of its exactness, minuteness and size. The woodblock is also valuable, as its technique is regarded highly alongside the map. During the Chosŏn period, a lot of woodblock maps were manufactured. The general map with all eight provinces and maps of the individual provinces in Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam, the atlas that contains the “whole world map” and the big woodblocks for each of the eight provinces, Yŏji chŏndo (輿地全圖), Haejwa chŏndo (海左全圖), Taedong yŏjŏndo, etc., are all excellent woodblock maps. I would like to see a Map Museum founded in memory of Kosanja.

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Tosŏng samgun punkyejido (都 城三軍分界之圖), 18 th century, woodblock print, 32 × 40 cm. It is a peculiar Seoul map showing the administrative and military systems together. Sungshin Women’s University Museum.

Geomancy and the Yundo Compass At the end of Silla, Tosŏn’s (道詵 826–898) theory of p’ungsuchiri (風水地理), the theory that is called p’ungsu (fengshui), p’ungsuchiri or sometimes ŭmyangp’ungsu (yin-yang fengshui), is one of the human philosophies about Nature that has exerted a great influence since its transmission to the Korean peninsula at the end of the later Han dynasty. P’ungsu (風水) means wind and water in its literal sense. In other words, it means Nature. According to a Korean dictionary, the theory of p’ungsuchiri is defined as follows: “a theory that asserts, based on the theory of yin and yang and the five elements, that the badness or goodness of the direction, location and topography, etc. of houses and tombs are directly related to fortunes or misfortunes.” The general view of p’ungsu is already in place in this form. P’ungsuchiri (風水地理) is a compound noun consisting of p’ungsu and chiri, the latter meaning “the principle of the earth.” So p’ungsuchiri must be thoughts on Nature by man, who lives on the earth. It took a long time for the theory to establish itself as a system of thought and a field of learning. Humans faced various phenomena on earth; so many

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things in Nature were very mysterious and intricate to them. In the meantime, humans began to find the regularity of the various phenomena happening on the earth. Humans’ findings accumulated successively from generation to generation. Thus took shape a natural science. When observing the dwellings and tombs of the people who lived in the Korean peninsula during the New Stone and Bronze Ages, we immediately notice that the people of the time placed much emphasis on the direction of a location. Why did they take into account the direction when deciding the location of dwellings or tombs? It was because they were destined to live and die in the environment given to them on earth. They realized through their life experiences that they could not continue their lives even for a moment if they disregarded their natural environment. It was of utmost importance to them to find a good place in which to live and settle. That was the starting point of the theory of p’ungsuchiri. In a sense, p’ungsuchiri existed among Koreans long before the theory was introduced in the Korean peninsula as a system of learning from China. There is little doubt that such systematized thought was in place, regardless of whether it was known as p’ungsu, chiri or p’ungsuchiri. Murals of the Yodong Fortress of around the 4th century suggest that p’ungsuchiri must be behind the city plan for the Liaodong Fortress city. The site of Tazaifu (大宰府) in Kyushu, Japan, which the people of Paekche established, also shows the influence of p’ungsuchiri. In essence, p’ungsuchiri is similar to natural geography. However, it was probably inevitable for the theory to be connected with superstitious folk religion in the process of its practical application by the people of ancient times. Maybe it was natural rather than inevitable for the ancient people. Once a good natural environment is claimed to be such and such, then an environment lacking in those properties is bad, and it is fully possible to assume that, in bad environments, misfortunes of various kinds could happen. After all, by the time of Tosŏn, the theory began to take the form of primitive Asian geography that drew a close connection between natural geographical conditions, such as the shape of mountains and terrains, and conditions of the human body. However, reaching the dynasties of Koryŏ and Chosŏn, so-called superstitious elements crept into the theory, eventually transforming the theory to such an extent that it was degraded in terms of being a system of learning. Tosŏn’s theory is based on two principles. One says that the energy of Nature or the earth sometimes flourishes and sometimes diminishes. When the energy of the earth (地氣) is full of vigor, the person who or the nation that has settled in that location rises and prospers; in contrast, when the energy weakens,

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Various forms of the Chosŏn-style compass (yundo). Private collection.

downfall follows. However, the principle emphasizes that, as the energy changes the earth ceaselessly, a place that was once good might bring ruin to the person or nation at some other time. The other principle is that shortcomings of the natural conditions of the earth could be amended or supplemented artificially. A place with a weak pulse could be strengthened, and mountains with ominous shapes could become auspicious and docile through human endeavors such as enriching the soil or shaving off rocks.

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The theory of p’ungsuchiri in its basic principle is not so superstitious and strange as is thought by many people today. P’ungsuchiri is itself a field of learning about Nature and is close to natural geography. It was a branch of natural science that studied the shape and form of the earth by classifying and systematizing characteristics of the earth. The peculiar way of depicting the shape and form of the earth in the system of p’ungsuchiri influenced greatly mapdrawing methods in the Korean cartographic tradition.

Yundo and the Compass Experts in sorting out good and bad sites by looking at the shape and form of the land were called p’ungsuga (geomancers) or chigwan (地官 officers of land). They used various forms of magnetic compasses when they examined sites. In Chosŏn society, these were generally called yundo, which literally means “a round map.” It had the shape of a disk. Around the magnetic needle at the center were multiple concentric circles, around which letters related to yin, yang, the five elements and directions were written. Thus the Korean compass was called the yundo (輪圖). In China, the compass was generally called luojing (羅經). The principle of the compass had already been used for the practical task of divination during the Han dynasty. By the 4th–5th centuries, the needle of the compass was magnified to turn round the compass and came to be used mainly for determining direction. The compass of this time was broadly called the “instrument pointing south” because it always pointed to the south. On the other hand, it was called the “portable iron” because it was carried on one’s person. As the theory of p’ungsu and p’ungsu geography spread widely, the Chosŏnstyle compass, yundo, which was essential for determining direction, came to be used widely as well. In China, the compass was usually called luojing (羅經) in the sense that the compass is the combination of Ijing (易經) and the direction (羅). However, in Chosŏn, the name yundo was more common. The p’ungsu compass seems to have developed greatly at the end of the Silla period, when the theory of p’ungsu had spread widely. A record in Samguksagi states that, in the late 7th century, Silla sent two boxes of magnets to China in response to a request from China, which suggests that Silla had the capacity to produce and use magnets. During the early Koryŏ period, the yundo became an indispensable tool for chigwan or p’ungsuga in close relation with the development of p’ungsu geography. During the Chosŏn period, the Bureau of Astronomy (Sŏunkwan) was the main producer of the yundo. According to the geography

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section of Sejong Sillok, the magnet was among the specialty products of the Kyŏngsangdo and Kangwŏndo provinces, which implies that the demand for magnets was increasing. Veritable Record of Chosŏn Dynasty relates the following. After the Japanese Invasion (Imjinwoeran, 1592–1598) was over, the queen from the Pak family died childless in June 1600. The royal court resounded with arguments regarding the tomb site. Opinions were divided as to where a good site would be. Finally, an expert was invited to come from China, who brought along a luojing. As it was an indispensable tool for p’ungsuga, he must have intended to use it for choosing a good site. Upon seeing it, King Sŏnjo asked what it was and his subjects explained to him that it was like the Chosŏn yundo. Thus, the yundo compass was used as a precious tool for evaluating sites in p’ungsu geography. We can see easily in museums that the gentleman-scholar of the Chosŏn period carried a small compass by hanging it at the end of his fan. It was called sŏnch’u (扇錘 fan weight) and was an indispensable item for practical use as well as an attractive accessory for the gentleman-scholar. Decorated with beautiful carvings, the sŏnchu saw huge development as the portable compass characteristic of the Chosŏn period. The portable compass had a needle that could be folded in two at the center and that worked as a sundial at the same time, making itself an indispensable item for the traveler. In his famous book Human Cultural Assets (1963, Seoul), Ye Yong-hae, a scholar of Korean studies, explains the manufacturing method of the Korean compass as related to him by Kim Chŏng-ŭi, an artisan of the Korean traditional compass. First, trim the jujube tree wood round and flat to make the shape of a disk. Then, write down the 24 directions on it. At the due north, ja (子), due south, oh (午), due east, myo (卯), and due west, yu (酉), draw concentric circles and write down various letters as needed. Next trim a piece of steel into a needle shape and attach it to a natural magnet stone for several hours. If this magnetized needle is placed on the surface of the disk, it points to the south. Finally, the mid-point of the magnet needle is set at the center of the disk. A record in Yŏngjo Sillok states that the five-layered yundo map brought over from China was duplicated in November 1848 (Yŏngjo 18). We have today a woodblock copy of the yundo map published by the Bureau of Astronomy in 1848. In the yundo map, several concentric circles are drawn round the needle at the center. With the 24 directions as the base, the yin-yang, five elements, signs of the eight trigrams (八卦), ten elements and twelve zodiac signs are inscribed. The names of the directions are composed by combining the eight trigrams, ten elements and twelve zodiac signs. For example, the twelve zodiac signs start with

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Ja (子) at due north and go around clockwise, with the 12 signs placed every 30° to complete 360°. Due north is thus ja (子), chuk (丑) is N30°E (30°), in (寅), N60°E (60°), myo (卯), due east, chin (辰), S60°E (120°), sa (巳), S30°E (150°), sul (戌), N60°W (300°) and hae (亥) is N30°W (330°), etc. For the remaining yundo, the standard structure of combination is five to seven layers. The simplest structure of the portable yundo is a single layer on which only the 12 or 24 directions are written. Next is the five- to seven-layered yundo. We also see the complicated 24-layered yundo. The woodblock of 1848 manufactured by the Bureau of Astronomy seems to be the standard woodblock of the 24-layer yundo map. Comparing this with the Ching dynasty yundo, manufactured at the end of the 18th century, it is evident that the arrangement and structure of the compasses are quite different from each other. It is safe to conclude that the Korean yundo is positive evidence that Korean p’ungsu geography had its own academic genealogy apart from the Chinese one. It is very fortunate for us that the traditional art of making yundo, which became almost extinct after Kim Chŏng-ŭi, is now promoted by yundo artisan, Kim Chŏng-dae, who was recently designated a human cultural asset.

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Chapter 

Ancient Science and Technology: Korea and Japan

Koguryŏ Tomb Murals

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here are many ancient tombs remaining in the vast plain around T’onggu, the old capital of Koguryŏ, and in the vicinity of Pyŏngyang. This is the resting place where the spirit of the Koguryŏ people who roamed the vast northeastern area of China lies buried. In these tombs, the Koguryŏ people left many murals that fully reflect what they observed and drew during their lives. In other words, they created another symbolic world after their deaths. These paintings are vivid and persuasive depictions of what we wish to know about the Koguryŏ people and beyond, such as various scenes of the heavens, their ideas about the future, the symbolic expressions of their imaginations that connected reality with eternity, their science and technology, their worldviews and their cosmological ideas. From the perspective of the history of painting, these tomb murals were heavily influenced by the arts of the northern and southern dynasties (南北朝) of China. Adding to the Chinese architecture and arts, Koguryŏ people reflected in their tombs and murals their own characteristic construction techniques and painting styles. The Koguryŏ tombs, whose technical influence was from Han China, are constructed upon a square base. The lower part is wide and narrows toward the top, with stone blocks stacked layer upon layer, like a pyramid. These so-called “stone tombs” are a very typical Koguryŏ tomb style, of which the “General’s Tomb” is a representative example. In the case of the pit tombs, the particularly conspicuous architectural design of the inner structure is one where each of the points bisecting the four sides of each square are connected to form the square of the next level, thus resulting in a structure that narrows toward the top. This is an architectural technique that is widespread in China, Central Asia and even India.

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Koguryŏ tomb mural (高句麗古墳 壁畵) of the god of the wheel in “Owhibun Number 4” tomb, 7th century. This depiction of a god manufacturing a wheel painted on the support stone of the ceiling is a precious material that symbolically expresses the importance of cartwheel-making technology.

In this respect, this form of Koguryŏ tombs was influenced by the western regions. Yet the Koguryŏ people piled huge stone blocks to form the wall and the ceiling, in contrast with the Chinese, who built the inside using bricks. Given that such a style of tomb cannot be found today in mainland China but remains in large numbers in the old Koguryŏ territory, it is thought that the style was developed by the Koguryŏ people. In many tombs, the rooms were built to face southward and some of them southwestwards. This reflects the lives of the Koguryŏ people, who settled in sites with plentiful sunshine. The scale of the tomb reflects the social status, position and financial situation of the buried person. A person who had lived in a large, wide house was buried in a large, wide tomb. This reflects their modest belief that one’s life after death is an extension of one’s life before death. As a result, they expressed their lives and decorated their living spaces after death with beautiful colored paintings.

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These remain lively murals. These murals were not drawn loosely as the mind led. The Koguryŏ people drew what was necessary and arranged everything in the paintings in the correct places. The gatekeeper is drawn at the entrance, and heaven is on the ceiling. The sun, moon and stars are all in their proper places, that is, the sun is in the east, the moon is in the west and the Great Bear is in the north. Scenes of hunting are on the west wall, and scenes of alimentary aspects, such as the kitchen, mill houses and butchers, are drawn on the east wall. In addition, the murals reflect their religion and thoughts. The murals also include the four legendary animals — the blue dragon, the white tiger, the Hyŏmmu (玄武) and the Chujak (朱雀). These are positioned accurately according to the four directions of east, west, south and north. This suggests that the Koguryŏ people measured the positions of the sun and the moon and the directions exactly. In this sense, a Koguryŏ tomb expresses a small world in itself.

The Life of the Koguryŏ People An important ancient tomb with murals was excavated and investigated in the small village of Anakkun, Hwanghaedo province, in 1949. The tomb, called either the “Number 3 Anak” or Tongsumyo (冬壽墓 winter life tomb), turned out to have been constructed in 357. Among the tombs with murals whose years of construction are clearly known, it is the oldest. In this tomb, the gorgeous painting of a parade of more than 250 people attracts our attention. Even more fascinating are the paintings in the eastern room. It is in that room that vivid scenes unfold, showcasing the daily lives of the Koguryŏ people who lived in the early 4th century. Countless people are depicted standing around, as if reflecting the dignity of the buried person. This is a stately and imposing sight. We see here a prestigious nobleman of Koguryŏ of the 4th century in a colored painting. The style of his clothes and his expressive face look as if he were alive. The tomb and its murals are all the more vivid as they reconstruct scenes from the lives of the Koguryŏ people. The tomb looks all the more familiar — as if the house of the noblemen of Koguryŏ had been miniaturized and transported. The 1,600 years that have elapsed since the construction of the tomb remain frozen in the tomb. The tomb has a stable, garage, mill-house, kitchen and a well. The scene is so familiar that it evokes the lifestyles of the Korean upper-class of only 50 years ago. It is precisely the scene that we see at the Folklore Village in Korea today. The noblemen of Koguryŏ were already leading such lives. The dipper for scooping

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the well water is installed with a weight on one end in order to minimize the effort required; it is an application of the principle of the lever. The well had a square shape, as the ancient people expressed it well in the Chinese character 井 for “well.” Beside the well, we see a woman scooping up the water, and water-jars and pots; nothing about this scene strikes us as unfamiliar. The facilities in the painting are valuable data that provide the history of Korean technology with indisputable evidence that instruments applying the principle of the lever were in use before the 4th century. Although the technological principle was theoretically not written down and developed, through paintings that depict such life scenes, we can reconstruct the intellectual level of the science and technology of the Koguryŏ people. They may have regarded it as unnatural to attach any theory to the technology because it was only a part of their normal daily life. At any rate, the painting confirms that the people of the time already knew about mechanical principles, considering that they were commonly using an apparatus involving the principle of the lever and the axis of rotation. Furthermore, in the Tomb of the Dancers (舞踊塚), so named because the mural depicted people dancing, and the Twin-post Tomb (雙楹塚), named after a pair of octagonal posts standing to the left and right of the path dividing the rooms on either side, are paintings of an ox drawing a cart. These paintings are the most complete depictions of ancient carts. The cart wheels in the Tomb of the Dancers are thinner and larger than those in the Twin-post Tomb, suggesting that they were iron-framed cart wheels. It is possible that, by the 6th century, when the tombs were constructed, two kinds of cart wheels were used. The yoke on the ox and the structure of the cart is the same as the present-day yoke and cart that is often seen in the countryside. These were identical to the beautiful earthenware cart of the Silla period, which was excavated by a bulldozer during the construction of a sightseeing road a few years ago in Kyŏngju. Nonetheless, ancient life as revealed through the murals was much more advanced than one might expect. It would be a meaningful attempt to reconstruct the domestic science of the ancient people of Koguryŏ, Paekche and Silla, even with the fragmentary materials remaining today. Such knowledge would make us reflect on the life that Koreans lead today.

The Alchemy of the Elixir and Gold In the Koguryŏ tomb that we usually call Uhyŏllidaemyo (遇賢里大墓 Great Tomb of Uhyŏnri), a fairy is depicted flying in the sky. This picture of the fairy,

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expressed in gorgeous colors and beautiful lines, is in fact one of the reasons why this tomb is famous. The colors in this picture, whose beauty seems only to have increased in the 1,300 years since it was first painted, are due to mineral pigments such as mercury and lead. The technology of making such pigments is a good example that showcases the superiority of Koguryŏ alchemy and practical chemical technology. The fairy is carrying a medicine bowl in her left hand and collecting the elixir of life, yŏngji (靈芝 Japanese touchwood), in her right hand; this scene symbolizes the ancient alchemistic philosophy of the Taoist hermit. Around the 4th century BCE, in the coastal area of the Sandongsŏng (山東省) and the Habuksŏng (河 北省) prefecture of China, lived people who studied a peculiar technology called Shinsŏnsul (神仙術 the secret system of the Taoist hermit’s elixir). The Chinese called them fangshi (方士), which means “expert in the prescription and manufacture of secret drugs”. A fangshi was said to possess the fantastic skill of remaining forever young, without growing old or dying. The fangshi believed and claimed that the best way to have an eternal life was to take an elixir called sŏnyak (仙藥). Consequently, they concentrated on researching the skills for manufacturing the essence of the elixir tan (丹), a kind of mercury compound. The fangshi believed that in the east, across the sea, stood the three holy mountains of Pongrae (蓬萊), Pangjang (方丈) and Yŏngju (瀛州), where wizards lived. They believed that these wizards possessed an elixir which, once ingested, allowed them to stay young for a long time and have a body so light as to be able to cover a distance of 1,000 ri as if in flight. Many departed eastward and crossed the sea in search of those mountains, but none returned. Would that have been because they themselves became wizards and lived there forever?

Koguryŏ tomb murals of a kitchen (above) and a well (below), Anak Grave Number 3 and Yaksuri Grave. Valuable source depicting life in the kitchen, cooking equipment and vessels. The picture of the well attracts our attention with the lever mechanism designed for the minimization of effort and the jars.

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The yŏndansul (煉丹術 elixir-concocting technique) is thus mysterious and magical, but a chemical procedure at the same time. In this respect, it is very much akin to Islamic and western alchemy. The alchemy of the west started around the 2nd–3rd centuries in Egypt as an attempt to make precious metals such as gold from inexpensive metals like lead; however, the alchemists gradually came to dream of producing gold from scratch, eventually taking the road of a magical art. The yŏndansul of China and the yŏnggŭmsul (鍊金術 gold-making technique) of the west were thus very similar in terms of the techniques employed, but very different in terms of what their adherents pursued. The western alchemists wished for gold and wealth. On the other hand, the Chinese fangshi (方士) were intent on realizing the greater ambition of an eternal life. For that reason, pharmacology and chemical knowledge in China developed in conjunction with Taoist hermit philosophy. In addition to medicines made from tan (丹), i.e. minerals such as gold and mercury, the medicines for eternal life that the fangshi sought also comprised botanical medicines. Herbs grow in the fields or mountains by themselves and exist in a natural state; in this respect, they are quite different from the medicines that are chemically treated or prepared by human hands. The herbs are said to Koguryŏ tomb murals of a treadmill (above), a meat stock section grow in the secret world of the wizards (仙境). The and garage (below), Anak Grave Number 3, Yaksuri Grave, Majŏngu fangshi wandered in search of the Sŏn’gyŏng (仙境). Grave Number 1. The fine facilities remind us of the modern Korean What they believed to be the secret world of eternal upper-class country house of the 1950s. life was located in the three holy mountains of Pongrae, Pangjang and Yŏngju. The fangshi believed that the three mountains were on the Liaodong peninsula or some area farther east. According to another report, they were the mountains in Palhae (渤海). The Liaodong peninsula, the area east of that, and the Palhae land are all situated in the territory of the old Koguryŏ and provide the setting for Koguryŏ life. Then the Shinsŏnsul (神仙術

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know-how of the Taoist hermits) and the related Sŏn’gyŏng may bear some connection to Koguryŏ. Of course, such a belief is merely an inference based on unreliable legends, and thus inadequate even as a hypothesis. However, it is doubtless an appealing conjecture that may tempt anyone at some point, as it is interspersed with historical facts that draw our attention.

The Yŏndansul (煉丹術) of the Koguryŏ People The yŏndansul of Koguryŏ was well known in China from early times. Eleven kinds of medicinal ingredients produced in Koguryŏ are introduced in Tao Hong-jing’s (陶弘經) Shen nong ben cao jing (神 農本草經), one of the representative botanical references on medicinal knowledge fused with Chinese alchemy. Of these, ginseng (人蔘) and gold dust (金 屑) are particularly notable for their connection to the yŏndansul. Tao Hong-jing compares the effects of the ginseng produced in Paekche with that from Koguryŏ—he refers to Koguryŏ as Liaodong—in his work. He also notes that while gold dust is usually poisonous, causing death if taken in unrefined form, the properly refined Koguryŏ gold is safe for consumption. This record on ginseng and gold dust in the Shen nong ben cao jing is an important document showing an aspect of Koguryŏ’s yŏndansul before the 6th century. Ginseng was highly regarded in the botanical references of China as an elixir cultivated Koguryŏ tomb murals of stables, Anak Grave Number 3 and Yaksuri by Koreans. Ginseng is deemed as having a mysGrave. They look quite vivid and familiar, revealing an aspect of the Koguryŏ nobleman’s household. terious effect in the branch of yŏndansul that relies mainly on herbs. One legend relates how, once upon a time, a man tried hard to learn the secret of eternal life by learning the Shinsŏnsul (神仙術 know-how of the Taoist hermits). One day a wizard (Shinsŏn 神仙; Taoist hermit who became a semigod) appeared and led him to the secret world (仙境) of wizards. The wizard

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told him that if he ate the food provided in the secret world, he would become a wizard. Soon, food was served on a large plate to the man who was happy beyond words. As it turns out, the food was a newborn baby, steamed whole. The man, horrified, declined. Soon, another plate of food came out. It was another, boiled newborn baby. Even more revolted, the man would not touch the food. The wizard, who was watching him with a disappointed mien, said: “Why are you not eating at all? Since you have not eaten the food of the secret world, you shall not become a wizard,” and took the food away. Surprised at these words, the man took another look at the food on the plate. The food, which had looked like a boiled human baby turned out to be 1,000-year-old sagan (射干 a kind of herbal root) and ginseng, which had exactly the form of a human baby. Jia you ben cao (嘉祐本草) of the Song dynasty, quoting On the Effectiveness of Drugs, (Yaoxinglun 藥性論) stated that ginseng has the form of a human body and grows in the Shangdangjun district of China, the Silla kingdom and Palhae. Korean ginseng is recorded as a speciality product of Korea that was sent to Tang dynasty under the name of “Silla ginseng” during the Unified Silla period, according to a record in the Samguksagi (三國史記). The kŭmsŏl (gold dust) of Koguryŏ, well known to Chinese alchemists alongside ginseng, also had a very important position. Kŭmsŏl means powdered gold, a kind of secret mineral medicine. Ge Hong’s renowned Paopuzi (抱朴子) states in its section on kŭmdan (金丹): “I have long studied and collected books on the recipe for eternal life. The thousands of books I have read to date all have as their two essences: hwandan (還丹) and gold liquid (金液).” And, in its section on secret medicine (仙藥): “Among the secret medicines the best is tansa (丹砂), next is gold and then silver…” “Hwandan” means various panaceas made mainly of mercury. Gold liquid was manufactured in an attempt to keep the human body unchanged forever by ingesting the ever-unchanging gold and transforming a person into an immortal. We are now ready to venture a hypothesis, albeit vague, on the secret world and the elixir in which the Chinese alchemists of ancient times believed: the secret world was located somewhere in Koguryŏ, and the elixirs were ginseng and gold liquid. The pharmacological knowledge about ginseng and the Koguryŏ people’s yŏndansul must be the first scientific achievement by Koreans that was transmitted to, and influenced, China.

Anapchi (雁鴨池 雁鴨池) and Shosoin (正倉院 正倉院) Kyŏngju has many historical sites and artifacts: temples, pagodas, vast clusters of ancient tombs, various stone structures and sites, and assorted Buddhist statues.

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It is an immense relief that all these have reached the present day preserved in their original locations through the current of history spanning more than 1,000 years. Korea has lost much through the repeated devastating wars. There is one historical site in Kyŏngju that compels anyone visiting the city with its beautiful view. It is none other than Anapchi (雁鴨池 pond of wild geese and ducks). The word “beautiful” does not even begin to describe its allure. It is the quintessential Korean court garden along with the Secret Garden of the Ch’angdŏkkung Palace. The splendid palace of Silla was nowhere to be found after its fall, and Anapchi was in ruins after the repeated wars. Its present name “Pond of wild geese and ducks” was reportedly given by visitors in memory of the old Silla kingdom during the early Chosŏn period, when the pond was left desolate, barely keeping its shape of old, with ducks and wild geese as its sole visitors. The pond was excavated and investigated in 1975. It took almost two years to unveil a relatively clear picture of the pond as it used to be. The stonework constructed around the pond had been kept almost intact: it formed a straight line on the south and west sides and had a curved shape on the north and east sides. Three islands of different sizes were confirmed to be located in the pond and were likewise enclosed in stonework. At the edge of the south shore, an inlet for water was found. Water flowed in through a ditch (40 cm in both width and height) made of granite, passed through two big stone tanks and then poured into the pond as a waterfall. The outlet was located at around the middle of the north shore and was equipped with a stopper to adjust the water level in the pond. Finally, the water flowed out through a wooden pipe and drained into Gilt bronze scissors for trimming candlewicks (8th–9th the sewer. century), length 25.5 cm. Anapchi. Identical scissors are preserved in the Shosoin (正倉院) of Japan. Kyŏngju Even if the irrigation of Anapchi is comparatively simple National Museum. because it was a pond created in the palace, it is important th in that it gives us an idea of the 7 -century reservoir facility, given that the pond existed in 674 (King Mummu 14), according to a record in the Samguksagi. We can partially grasp the technology behind the irrigation facility of big artificial lakes such as Pyŏkkolje in Kimje and Ŭirimji in Chech’ŏn. It was to recover the original form of Anapchi that the Bureau of Cultural Asset Management started its dredging operation. As it happens, the operation bore unexpected fruit. Artifacts poured from underneath the site of the buildings on the south shore. A total of 15,000 pieces

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were found there, which are as interesting as they are varied. The details are as follows: 5,798 pieces of roof tiles and bricks, 843 pieces of metal crafts, 434 pieces of animal bones, 1,748 pieces of vessels, 86 pieces of wooden plaques, 62 pieces of stonework, 1,132 pieces of wooden crafts, 694 pieces of ironware and 4,226 miscellaneous pieces. In addition, some 18,000 pieces of roof tile and vessel fragments were recovered. This was truly a colossal find, all the more so because it was so exceptional. Anapchi was doubtless the treasure trove of artifacts from the Unified Silla period. While a lot of artifacts above ground were lost through the repeated wars, Anapchi had preserved intact the artifacts of the Silla period for 1,300 long years. It offers us much that we could not see in the tombs of Silla, since most of its content consists of well-worn objects for everyday use. Through the long history of Korea’s suffering, Anapchi had served as an underground warehouse, keeping out of anyone’s reach those everyday implements that I coveted whenever I saw them in the Shosoin (正倉院 Repository of Ancient Artifacts) in Japan. As shown at the special exhibit at the National Museum in 1980, Anapchi is the central library of material for cultural research on Unified Silla, as well as a treasure trove of our cultural assets.

The Artifacts of Anapchi The artifacts of Anapchi are of great importance for the study of ancient Korean science and technology, as well as domestic science. It is all the more so because the artifacts are mostly domestic utensils. Most of the material on the science and technology and domestic science of the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla available today was excavated from ancient tombs. In other words, they are tomb furnishings. Tomb furnishings are placed for the purposes of ritual and tend to be items that are closely related to the buried individual. In contrast, the artifacts of the Anapchi, albeit limited to items used in the court, are not the result of purposeful selection. They are implements used in everyday life, which were accidentally dropped into the pond or buried along with the collapsed buildings. That may be why they look alive and seem as if warmed by the touch of their owners. These artifacts have a high value as historical material in that they are living and breathing material. They are appreciated because they are imperfect and show that people of old did not try to manufacture overly delicate domestic items. At the same time, not a single artifact is poorly made, which may be because

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these were objects used by the court. This latter point is a slight disappointment for those of us who study the history of science and technology. We know very little about the domestic science of commoners. Most of the splendid artifacts we have were, in fact, the belongings of the nobilty. The best we can do is to infer the everyday implements of the populace from the level of these artifacts. For this reason, the artifacts of Anapchi possess an added value despite their limited variety and level. Let us first turn to the earthenware. Until recently we did not have any definite answer as to whether the plentiful Silla earthenware was actually for daily use or was especially made as tomb furnishings. The 200-odd kinds of earthenware teach us an important fact, considering that they were put to actual use in daily life. The stoneware from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla period remaining today was, for the most part, vessels intended for everyday use. Some of them are evidently for religious worship and rituals. The stoneware dishes and bowls are excellent. Their stylish shapes, ungainly at first glance, fascinate us. The stoneware dishes are very similar to the porcelain vessels that were baked in the countryside kilns of the Chosŏn period and the stoneware bowls are identical to the soup and rice bowls in use today. These stoneware vessels were baked at a very low temperature and are consequently not as firm as the almost porcelain-like Silla stoneware we know generally. They are very close to baked clay vessels instead. The stoneware vessels were produced in large quantities to be used in individual homes and are different from the baked stoneware of the highest quality. This may have been the quality that could be attained with the technology of that period given that the vessels had to be stacked one upon another for mass production and had to be kept from sticking to one another. The dishes are about 10–18 cm in diameter, and the bowls are approximately 4–5 cm in height and 10–20 cm in diameter. The jars and bottles are so flawless as everyday implements that they do not strike one as exotic in the least. Even the furnaces for burning wood or charcoal and the slots for placing pots or cauldrons are identical, except for the fact that they lack a bottom for placing them on the ground and are thus less developed functionally. Viewing these, one can picture the kitchen range used by the Silla people. In a word, it is exactly like the Korean kitchen range from the time when firewood was used as fuel. It is both similar to and distinct from the excavated kitchenrange-shaped stoneware of Koguryŏ and the kitchen ranges of China. Silla’s kitchen ranges have a visually pleasing design, with a soft curved form. So is

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Brassware in the Shosoin collection, Japan. Identical brassware was excavated from Anapchi.

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the stoneware in general. It bears an uncanny resemblance to the stoneware of the Chosŏn period. The wisdom and stylishness of Korean domestic life, as well as its proud unbroken traditions, are found here.

The Crafts and Technology of Silla Before the excavation and the investigation of Anapchi, we had very limited knowledge of the metal craft of the Silla people. The pieces were mostly dazzling gold and silver products or Buddhist statues and bells unearthed from the sites of Buddhist temples. As mentioned earlier, the artifacts excavated from Anapchi, although they are not materials from the sites of average houses, are extremely valuable, in the sense that they are objects for everyday use. They are relatively varied and include wall-hangers, door-rings, domestic implements such as bowls, dishes, spoons, scissors and gimlets, ornamental hairpins of various kinds and practical devices such as iron knives, several farming tools and locks. Several kinds of bronze artifacts show the excellent craft of manufacturing. The metal handicraft of Silla, which was once praised solely because of its gold and silver ornaments and Buddhist statues and bells, has since been proven to have excellently manufactured practical metal implements. Outstanding metal casting is also evident in the dragon and phoenix hair ornaments, hairpins, ghost-face ornaments and door-rings, which were bronze-cast and gold-plated. While one may attribute the exquisite Buddhist statues and bells to the fact that they were produced by religiously inspired artisans, who put their all into these masterpieces, the gold-plated bronze building furnishings demonstrate that the metalworkers of Silla in general had attained the highest level of their craft. The lively, three-dimensional effect is like that of the image of the flying angel engraved on the surface of the Emile Bell, suggesting that these metal artifacts were not the product of coincidence and did not constitute a class with a few eclectic exemplars. The Silla metalworkers could handle all kinds of metal, from gold and silver to bronze and iron, with excellent skill.

Mother-of-pearl flower pattern bronze mirror (8th–10th centuries), diameter 18.6 cm, National Treasure Number 140. The flower pattern is noticeably identical to the Shosoin mirror. They were both manufactured by the same group of Silla artisans. Hoam Art Museum.

Mother-of-pearl flower pattern bronze mirror (8th–9th centuries), diameter 27.4 cm. A unique mirror luxuriously adorned with beautiful luminous shell and red amber. Shosoin of Japan.

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Still another category from the Anapchi artifacts of particular interest is that of wooden artifacts. For geological reasons, wooden goods are rare occurrences among ancient Korean artifacts, although several kinds were excavated from Anapchi. Although most of the wooden artifacts are fragments of buildings, a few items made of wood, such as the 14-sided wooden dice, wooden statues and phalli, are interesting. Even more fascinating are the wooden plaques inscribed with work logs of the day and night shifts, poetry and the like in ink. These were the first finds of their kind in Korea and are an important historical source for the study of ancient history. Also, lacquer work with beautifully designed patterns and wooden combs provide high quality data about domestic science. Among all of these wooden goods, the most important item for the history of science is the wood stamp. The wood stamp, measuring 6.2 × 6.3 cm and 3 cm thick, is a particularly important artifact in that it is related to the invention of woodblock printing in Silla. Its date of manufacture is uncertain; however, it would be close to the manufacture date of other Anapchi artifacts, considering that these were manufactured during a similar period. Given that the scroll of the Dharani Sutra (6.5 × 700 cm), discovered in 1966 inside the Sŏkka-t’ap Pagoda of Pulguksa Temple, is estimated to have been printed by woodblock around 706, the wood stamp dating to the same period becomes the most certain material that reveals something about the woodblock of the Dharani Sutra. It can easily be inferred that people who could make a wood stamp measuring 6.2 × 6.3 cm could surely make woodblocks measuring 6.5 × 52 cm and engrave them with characters for printing. Only historical records tell us about the bronze stamp used in Silla. Similarly, the existence of the wood stamp was only a matter of conjecture until it revealed itself. In the sense that this one piece of small wood stamp is living evidence of the beginning of a colossal printing culture, its discovery is a truly welcome event, all the more so because any great invention of science and technology starts from a tiny idea.

The Treasures of Shosoin The national museum in Nara, Japan holds a special Shosoin (正倉院 Repository of Ancient Artifacts) exhibition from the end of October to early November every autumn. Basking in the ambience of the old capital, beautiful with its red foliage, I would visit the park in front of the museum, where deer roamed. The treasures of the Shosoin can only be seen at this time of year. Already repeated nearly 50 times, the planned exhibition with its half-century history continues.

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Since each exhibition displays about 70 of the treasures, it would take more than 50 years for all 8,000 items of the Shosoin treasures to be exhibited. The reason why this author is particularly interested in the special exhibition is that, among the treasures of the Repository, there are quite a few artifacts from Silla. Before the excavation of the Anapchi, they were seldom seen in Korea. The treasures of Shosoin became more precious after the discovery of the Anapchi artifacts. Our curiosity was amplified when many perfectly identical goods were found among the artifacts from both sources. The scholars of Korea and Japan were very surprised. The wheel of history seems to have turned backward, and the excellent products made by the same artisans 1,200 years ago have been arranged side by side before our eyes. It surprised many that the masterpieces of the Shosoin manufactured in the 8th century were the work of the Silla artisans. Some of the articles remain in their unwrapped condition, just as when they were taken from Silla as goods of commercial exchange. The Shosoin is a time capsule of ancient Silla’s technology that transcends space and 1,200 years. Several items among the treasures of the Shosoin are publicly acknowledged as the products of Silla. Among them, the brass vessels have long been the object of scholarly attention. The golden brass bowls were made in such a way that they could be nested one inside another, showcasing the excellent workmanship. They were rated as the best tableware for their beautiful form and golden sheen. There are also brass dishes, spoons and chopsticks in several sets and pairs. In Japanese, they are called sahari (佐波理), which came from the Korean terms, sabal or bari. Among the sacks that packed the vessels, some have a sheet of hemp cloth inscribed with a record in ink testifying that the goods were made in Silla. Also, some of the mulberry paper that wrapped the goods is inscribed with writing signifying “five-deep bowls.” Brass vessels like these were also excavated in Anapchi. The Shosoin currently holds a total of 86 sets, consisting of 436 pieces of brass vessels. Another stylish artifact is the pair of scissors used for cutting candlewicks. Approximately 25 cm long, the gold-plated bronze scissors have elaborate patterns etched into the handle. Japanese scholars all agree that the patterns and technique of this product are not that of Tang (China) or Japan. Then, in 1975, a pair of identical scissors was excavated from Anapchi. The emergence of the 25.5 cmlong gold-plated bronze scissors provided an irrefutable answer to the question of from where the Shosoin scissors had come. The Japanese scholars were reluctant to admit that the scissors came from Silla, though they should have, even as they admitted that the scissors were neither from Tang (China) nor Japan.

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Shosoin, Nara, Japan.

The Japanese scholar, Professor Tohno Haruyuki (東野治之), compared the two pairs of scissors in his book Shosoin and asserted that they were manufactured in a style that was quite distinct from that of Tang (China). He also mentions the Shosoin bronze mirror (diameter 27.4 cm, weight 215 g), shaped like an octagon and decorated with mother-of-pearl. It is very similar in terms of the layout of its patterns to the Korean bronze mirror with mother-of-pearl decoration (diameter 18.6 cm) that was excavated in Kyŏngsangdo province, southern Korea, which is now preserved in the Hoam Art Museum. He noted that such patterns are not found in Chinese mirrors of the same period, and the mirror closest to the Shosoin mirror is Korean. He cautiously adds: “Though I cannot say with confidence that the Shosoin mirror is a product of Silla, the Korean mirror is very interesting and useful material in the search for the source of the Shosoin mirror with mother-of-pearl decoration. We are just beginning the investigation to sort out Silla products among the Shosoin treasures by comparing these latter with the increasing number of excavated findings from Korea.” In this author’s opinion, the Shosoin mirror was manufactured in Silla and then sent to Japan.

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The Kaya harp (伽倻琴) of the Shosoin is another treasure that attracts our attention. This is the one artifact that the Japanese scholars openly admit as being from Silla; they call it Shiraginokoto (新羅琴). I was very impressed by the excellent craftsmanship of this harp when I saw it at the 1998 special exhibition. It was also perfectly preserved. It was an overwhelming experience to be in the presence of this 8th-century Korean musical instrument. It felt as if a gracious melody still lived in the harp. Two other artifacts exhibited at the 1998 event, the five-string mandolin (琵琶) made of red sandalwood and decorated with motherof-pearl, and the red and dark blue ruler measuring 29.8 cm in length and made of ivory, seemed like the products of Silla. The reason I came to take such a special interest in the treasures of the Shosoin is that the really precious artifacts of Silla that we do not possess are being kept there in their original states of manufacture, which further adds to their value and academic importance. In December 1999, when this book was in its proofreading stage, the excavation team of the Hanyang University Museum led by Professor Kim Pyŏng-mo excavated a ruler from a reservoir site in a mountain fortress in Hanam city of Kyŏnggido province. The ruler appeared to have been used by the Silla people during the 7th century. Surprisingly enough, the length of this ruler was 29.8 cm. The importance of the research into the Shosoin artifacts is beyond exaggeration. However, research on the subject has been poor in Korean academic circles. The esteemed 645-page Artifacts of Shosoin Collection and the Unified Silla by Emeritus Professor Ch’oe Jae-seŏk of Korea University, published in 1996, is a singular study in that respect. Professor Ch’oe asserts that many of the Shosoin treasures were the products of Silla. He examined in detail various artifacts, including metal handicrafts, glassware, wooden handicrafts, musical instruments, writing implements, paper, ceramics, paints and pigments. His assertions are both academically sound and convincing. Professor Ch’oe’s investigation is notable, considering that thorough research into the Shosoin treasures is an important mission for the study of the history of ancient Korean technology. Among the Shosoin treasures, any item that is clearly not a Chinese product may be Japanese, as the Japanese scholars assert. Now, the experts who taught the art of the handicrafts are the artisans who went to Japan from Paekche and Silla. If such is the case, it is plausible that many such outstanding craftwork objects could be found among the craftwork of Paekche and Silla, even though they no longer exist. The craftsmanship of Paekche and Silla may have even surpassed our current assessment. The Shosoin and Anapchi are above-ground and underground time capsules, respectively. They are also the repositories of a living history that supplies the missing link in Silla’s lost technology.

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Paekche’s Revolutionary Agricultural Technology With the excavation of the Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng, we encountered the resplendent culture and cutting-edge science and technology of Paekche. The excellent manufacturing techniques of the breathtakingly beautiful bricks and metal ornaments had reached the highest level that 6th-century craftsmanship could attain. The refined design and the science and technology that produced them by bringing together fire and earth sufficed to shed new light on Paekche. We have recently made the acquaintance of yet another surprising product of Paekche technology. It is the Paekche gilt bronze incense burner (百濟金鍍金 靑銅香爐), discovered in 1995 in the Puyŏ Nŭngsanri district, named by cultural asset experts the “Paekche large incense burner.” Archaeologists and art historians have extolled it as the best masterpiece among the 6th-century handicrafts. The craft and technology that cast the bronze beautiful designs and vivid engravings fully deserve such praise. Through the glorious gold gilt and shining figure, we see yet another aspect of Paekche handicrafts. Paekche has generally been recognized as the most culturally-advanced country among the three kingdoms. However, there are only a few references to the science and technology of Paekche in Samguksagi and Samgukyusa (三國遺 事). In addition, few artifacts and sites of Paekche remain. Rather, more material on Paekche is found in Japan and China. Particularly in Nihonshoki (日本書紀 History of Japan), we find plentiful and numerous references to Paekche’s science and technology. The book describes in vivid detail how the scientists and technologists of Paekche went to Japan and how much they taught there in ancient times. Paekche had a definitive impact on the growth of ancient Japanese culture. The ancient sciences of astronomy, calendrical systems, geography, astrology, medicine and pharmacology had been transmitted to Japan and were also taught there by Paekche scholars. The records state that scholars with the titles of Professor (博士) of Calendrical Systems, Iching (易經) and medicine were sent to Japan. Also, professional technological experts on roof tile casting and other construction skills went to Japan to direct and supervise the building of large temples and pagodas. The fact that Paekche also held the official position of Professor (博士), which appears only in the record on Silla in Samguksaki, is supported by historical records from Japan. Japanese historical records and artifacts also attest to the fact that Paekche was superior in the technology of refining metal and it metallurgy. The iron sword, called the “Seven-Pronged Sword” (Ch’iljido 七支刀), of the 4th century is a good example. The sword has three branch-shaped blades on each side of

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the main blade, which measures 75 cm. Sixty-one characters inlaid with gold are inscribed on each side of the blade; the inscription states that this excellent sword was manufactured in Paekche as a royal gift to be bestowed on the Japanese king (倭王), to be kept and handed down for posterity. Paekche was thus a leading country in the field of science and technology. Many scholars believe that the reason for Paekche’s advanced cultural development was its highly developed agricultural technology. They believe that it is only natural that culture should flourish in a community situated in a good natural environment, where people are affluent and eat well, rather than one situated on arid soil and plagued by poverty and hunger. Scholars suggest that the development of agricultural technology during the th th 4 –5 centuries in Paekche was innovative enough to be named the agricultural revolution of the ancient period. The Paekche people developed their own technology for cultivating rice. At that time, China had the most advanced rice agriculture. All of the countries that were geographically connected to the Chinese continent practiced the rice cultivation method of Hwanan (華南 southern district) of China, except the people of Paekche. By adopting the advanced dry field technology of the Hwabei (華北 northern district) and integrating it with the Hwanan method of rice cultivation, Paekche improved the paddy agriculture of the southwestern area of the Korean peninsula. Paekche was a country with wide fields and fertile soil. Furthermore, it had many rivers and abundant water. Unfortunately, the conditions were treacherous since the Korean peninsula had most of its annual precipitation concentrated in the summer and was very often dry during the spring, a critical period for rice farming. The technologists of Paekche solved this problem by developing irrigation facilities. These involved building banks to trap the water and digging ditches to supply water to the paddy fields when necessary. The Pyŏkkolji reservoir of Kimje district is famous as the representative facility. According to Samguksagi, the Pyŏkkolji reservoir was built in 330 and had a circumference of 1,800 po (步 step). In other words, Paekche created a huge artificial lake with a bank whose circumference was 2.2 km. At that time, Kimje was called Pyŏkkol, an artificial lake (ji 池) encircled by a bank, hence, it was named Pyŏkkolji. To the south of the lake lies Chŏlla province and to its west, Ch’ungch’ŏng province. As the largest inland lake in Korea, the Pyŏkkolji reservoir continues to serve as the main reservoir that enables the all-weather farming of Honam fields (Chŏlla fields). The creation of the lake in Paekche in the 4th century must have been a nation-wide construction project. According to a record, the plan to

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construct such a reservoir and irrigation facility was born in the year 33 (King Taru 6), when rice farming started in the south of the Korean peninsula. The technology behind such an irrigation facility developed hand in hand with Paekche’s civil engineering endeavor. Positive advancement in the construction of the irrigation facility resulted in the enlargement of the arable land for rice fields. The construction of an artificial lake at the time of Paekche’s King Mu (early 7th-century), recorded in Samguksagi, was recently confirmed by the excavation and investigation of the site of the Puyŏ Kungnamji area, which uncovered many new facts. The technological level of the construction method is highly rated. It also has a close connection with Japanese historical records, which show that the civil engineers of Paekche went to Japan and offered technological guidance for numerous large-scale irrigation works during the 6th–8th centuries. The water drain of the rice paddy unearthed during the excavation of the Kungnamji site has been evaluated as very important material, confirming and illuminating the level of Paekche’s agricultural technology in the field of watersupply irrigation technology. The Paekche people are credited with another innovative agricultural technology. They manufactured iron farming implements using their excellent metal technology. It signified the transition from farming using mainly hoes and sickles to farming with plows drawn by cattle. This was a revolutionary technological improvement. The artisans of Paekche reformed the style of the iron plow, producing a more efficient plow that was better suited to the land of Paekche. They also produced their own versions of hoes, sickles and rakes. Thanks to such technological improvements in the manufacture of farming implements, agricultural production of Paekche greatly increased. Paekche’s superior agricultural technology and civil engineering went over to the Japanese islands and revolutionized ancient Japanese agriculture, which influenced Japan’s industry and economy, as well as its political reforms.

The Production of Provisions and the Processing of Food In addition to its agriculture, the Korean peninsula saw a great development in the production of provisions and food processing around the 5th century. The murals painted in the Koguryŏ tombs shed some light on the alimentary aspect of the ancient life, and the related technology transmitted to Japan also provides helpful data on the Korean technology of that period. We saw some aspects of the diet of Koguryŏ people through the wall paintings in the Koguryŏ tombs. However, the technology related to the food

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Various forms of Korean plows of the Chosŏn period according to each province. From Yi Ch’un-nyŏng’s A History of Chosŏn Agricultural Technology.

customs of Japan transmitted from Korea to Japan is also good material for understanding the technology of Korean food of the time. In Japan, the 5th century is regarded as the period when iron farming implements appeared. Needless to say, the technology was transmitted to Japan from the southern area of the Korean peninsula. In addition, the advanced technologies of the time for earthenware manufacture, textiles and iron production were transplanted into Japan, which welcomed an age of technological innovation. New technologies poured into Japan during this period. In other words, this means that the three kingdoms of Koguryŏ, Paekche and Silla had accumulated such technologies. In Japan, the transmitters of such new technology were called talented people who came to Japan with new technology. Ancient historical books from Japan, such as Kojiki (古事記) and Nihonshoki (日本書紀), record many accounts of such artisans and technicians from the Korean peninsula. In the 5th century, Japan imported from Korea most of the iron used for manufacturing farming implements. At first, Japan imported the finished goods. Then, they invited over the Korean artisans who made the iron implements,

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Picture of a farming village of the late Chosŏn period.

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and thus Japan began to produce iron. This happened after the late 5th century. In one of the ancient Japanese history books, Record of Emperor Ohjin (應神天皇記), there is a record about a tailor, Saiso (西素) of Kurehattori (吳服), and a metal technician, Takuso (卓素) of Tehito (手人), Karanuchi (韓鍛). This means that Korean tailors and blacksmiths also contributed to the technological innovation of ancient Japan. Even now, among Japanese family names, there is a Korean family name, Hattori (服部). One of the Japanese scholars of my acquaintance is called Hattori, and introduced himself when we first met as being a descendant of the tailors of Paekche. The Japanese, who began rice farming using the iron implements manufactured by the Korean metal craftsmen, also learned irrigation technology. They kept water in an artificial reservoir that the technicians from Paekche had installed for them and supplied water to the paddies whenever necessary. According to a record in the Kojiki (古事記), people made reservoirs by constructing banks and called them Kudaranoike (百濟池 the Paekche reservoirs). A record in Nihonshoki states that a reservoir was constructed in the area where the people from Paekche lived, and that it came to be called the Karabitonoike (韓人池 the Korean reservoir) as a consequence. The technicians and artisans who went to the Japanese islands from either Paekche or Silla must have led the same lifestyle and eaten the same food as they used to in Korea. The Japanese word “miso”, the Japanese counterpart of toenjang (Korean soybean paste), comes from the Korean language. As miso went to Japan from Korea, the fermentation technique must have been imparted by Koreans. It is very likely that the method was transmitted to Japan by the Paekche people before the mid-Three Kingdoms period. Japanese pickled vegetables are actually very similar to Korean kimch’i (pickles) before the introduction of hot pepper, cucumber pickles, dried cucumber pickles and dried radish pickles. More than 20 years ago, I visited Nara and Kyoto, which are famous for traditional Japanese miso and pickled vegetables. I drank amazake (甘酒), a specialty of the area, which is exactly like the Korean kamju (甘酒), and I basked in the nostalgia of seeing fragments of ancient Korean food processing technology in the amazake. I was lost in thought, ruminating on Paekche’s uninterrupted cultural heritage living on through the tradition of ancient Japanese culture.

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Paekche Experts’ Migration to Japan Tazaifu city in Fukuoka prefecture, Kyushu, Japan is a small, quiet city with a population of several tens of thousands, about 30 minutes from Fukuoka by subway. There, we find a few historical sites that were established by the Paekche people: Tazaifu and the fortress built to protect it. Tazaifu was the local center presiding over the Kyushu area under the ordinance system (律令制) and the administrative headquarters of the 11 states of West Japan in matters of politics, diplomacy and border patrol. The name Tazaifu first appears in historical records in 691, but its origin is said to be earlier, around the 6th century. Tazaifu is also said to have controlled the politics of Kyushu and managed relations with the Korean peninsula. The chief of the art and science section at the Museum of Historical Materials in Tazaifu, who served as my guide, explained to me that it was the people of Paekche who chose the site of Tazaifu and erected the government office. The Paekche people also constituted the nucleus of political power there, as well as in the fields of technology and culture. During the 5th–6th centuries, the Paekche people’s contribution to Japan was significant in the realm of astronomy and calendrical science. During these days, Paekche dispatched experts on astronomy and calendrical science, as well as experts on medicine and pharmacology, to Japan in regular shifts. They resided in Japan and served as educators to the Japanese. They are the so-called toraijin (渡來 人 the migrants), thus named by the Japanese scholars of today. Before that, they were called the “naturalized people.” Most scholars are convinced that it is unjust to give such names to the professional scholars and artisans who went to Japan by invitation. These expressions are extremely insulting to Koreans. It is outrageous to give the name “arrived people” to those who were invited to go to Japan and teach. It goes without saying that these expressions were not used then. These men were professionals who were leaders in ancient Japanese science and technology and who gave rise to a Paekche cultural centre.

The Group of Scholars and Technicians According to Nihonshoki, the Professor (博士) of Divination, Sidŭk Wang Toryang (施德王道良), and the Professor of Calendrical study, Kodŏk Wang Po-son (固德王保孫), a doctor of medicine, a professional gatherer of medical herbs and others went to Japan in February 554. The professionals were dispatched at Japan’s request. Among the professors in other fields who went to Japan in

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513 and 516, an expert on the Five Classics, who taught Confucian classics, is worth mentioning. In 602, the Paekche priest, Kwanrŭk (觀勒), went to Japan with books on astronomy, geography, and the art of transformation (遁甲) and necromancy, and taught those subjects to four selected persons. Consequently, Japan began to use calendars, which is thought to be the system of Yuanjiali (元嘉曆) created by the Song dynasty’s He Cheng-tian in 443. Furthermore, the water clock, manufactured in 671 for the first time, and the astrological tower erected in 675 were both realized under the influence and guidance of the Paekche astronomers. In 650, a Paekche shipbuilding technician went to Japan to direct ship construction. The ships were Chinese junks that could accommodate 150 persons and were later used for the envoy mission to China. Prior to this, shipwrights had also been dispatched to Japan for shipbuilding, but the construction of large ships with two sailing masts was first realized by Paekche technicians. Nonetheless, the Japanese are said to have relied upon large ships built in either Paekche or Silla for traveling to and from China for a long time after that, because of the big difference in the safety levels on the high seas. It is reported that, after the 5th–6th centuries, the higher-class Japanese were very proud to wear Paekche-style clothes and use Paekche-style implements as status symbols. This means that Japan had already learned various new techniques and crafts from Paekche in many fields, such as weaving cloth, metallurgy, drugs and brewing, by inviting the Paekche experts and technicians. Goods produced in Paekche were the object of envy at that time. Even today, there is a big grinding stone in Tazaifu, Kyushu, which is said to be from Paekche. This indicates that the Paekche people taught the th th Japanese to use the millstone to pound cereals or to Paekche bricks with patterns, 6 –7 centuries, Puyŏ, height 29 cm. Korean National Museum. grind wheat.

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Silla rulers made of ivory, 8th–9th centuries, length 29.8 cm. It has been confirmed that numerous structures, including the Sŏkkuram Grotto and the Pulguksa Temple, were constructed using the same measurement units as these rulers. Shosoin.

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The Professors in Nara The railroad that connects Kyoto and Nara, the two old capitals of Japan, has a special meaning for me. It is not because the railway goes by the Keihanna, the new complex of science and technology that points toward the 21st century, nor because the name of Keihanna (京阪奈) was made by taking one character each from the three cities, kei (京) from Kyoto (京都), han (阪) from Osaka (大阪) and na (奈) from Nara (奈良). It is because I traveled on this railway numerous times to visit the historical sites of Kyoto and Nara with my wife. In 1998, when the International Conference of the East Asian History of Science was held there, I delivered a special public lecture entitled “Science and Technology in the Experience of East Asia.” At one of the stations where the express train stops, there is a vaguely familiar county called Kouriyama. In Chinese characters, it is written 群山. Usually, in Japanese pronunciation, “群” is read as gun. However, around Kyoto and Nara, it is read as kouri. In Korean, it means koul (county). It is reported that, in ancient times, many groups of Korean experts went to Japan from the Korean peninsula and settled in various areas, so the counties of the Korean people came to be called kouri. This is what my teacher and first guide to the area, Professor Yabuuti Kiyoshi (藪內淸), explained to me. Kouriyma was one of the historical sites established by a group of immigrants from the Korean peninsula who spread advanced science, technology and learning throughout ancient Japan. Visitors to Nara encounter the beautiful and grand Buddhist temples, pagodas and statues that succeeded the traditional Japanese culture of the 6th–8th centuries. Viewing these Japanese artifacts, which are descended from the same branch as ancient Korean technology, I am often surprised to see that even the landscape of the area is very similar to that of Korea. I imagine that the scholars and craftsmen of Paekche decided to settle in an area that had a familiar, friendly natural environment. It is reported that the structures in the area were constructed by Paekche The Great Buddha of Todaiji Temple, 8th century, height technicians. The names of Paekche roof-tile artisans, 16.2 cm, weight 452 tons. This Buddha statue, the biggest which are nowhere to be found in Korean documents, bronze-cast artifact in the world, was manufactured by Paekche artisans. Nara, Japan. attest to that fact.

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The four Paekche roof tile experts featured in a 588 article in Nihonshoki were first-class artisans dispatched to Japan to teach the cutting-edge technology of manufacturing roof tiles. The names of Noban (鑪 盤) experts are also found in that record. The beautiful top part of a pagoda, sangryun (上輪) was made by casting bronze and required advanced technology. Thus, a Noban expert from Paekche was dispatched to Japan to transmit the metal casting art. Japanese archaeologists and historians of technology generally concur that the Japanese technology of building Buddhist temples underwent a revolutionary Statue of the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy (left). One development from that time conjecture is that the statue was manufactured in Paekche and taken to Japan by Paekche experts. The onward. statue was recently found to have been made of Paekche In the Todaiji Temple (東 red pine tree by a technological archeology analysis. 大寺), which I visited whenever The picture (right) is a recreation of its beautiful I was in Nara, a huge statue of colors using a computer analysis in 1997. The picture the Buddha, the largest bronze appeared in Japan’s Asahi Daily. Buddha in the world, sits as a grand, heroic figure. The reason why I am so attracted to the stately Buddha sculpture is that the excellent technology of Paekche can be discerned in this bronze statue. The best artisan of Japan, Kuninakanomurajikimimaro (國中連公麻呂), who cast the great Buddha, was from Paekche. An article from October 774 in the history book of Japan, Continued Nihonki (續日本紀), records his death. His grandfather, Doksol Kukkolbu (德率 國骨部), is said to have been a great artisan who came from Paekche around 663. He was the minister in charge of manufacturing Buddha statues (造佛長官) and was the senior minister (長官大夫) from 748–749, by which time he had completed the great Buddha statue.

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The Great Buddha of Nara is a 15 m-high gilt bronze statue of the Buddha, completed in 749. It took over 450 tons of bronze, 440 kg of gold for the gilding and 2.5 tons of mercury. Its construction took three years, and the whole body was separated into eight stories and cast. The manpower mobilized for the enterprise was also enormous. According to records, the wood workers numbered about 50,000, the laborers 1,666,000 and the metal workers 370,000. The number of melting furnaces reached 130. We can imagine the scale of the project. As mentioned already, the height of the statue is 15 m, but the other measurements are also amazing: the face is 4.8 m, the length of the eyebrows 1.6 m, the eyes 1.2 m, the mouth 1.1 m, the ears 2.6 m and the middle finger 1.5 m. When I was in Japan, I saw a newspaper article about the dusting of this Buddha statue. The photograph of a priest sweeping up the dust while standing on the huge palm of the bronze Buddha was very impressive. This scene drove home the point that it was safe for a man to stand on the palm of the Buddha, since the cast bronze is 6 cm thick. Together with the famous gilt bronze Thinking Buddha in a half-sitting stance, and the recently discovered gold-bronze great incense burner, the Great Buddha is a world-class artifact that proves that the metal casting technology of Paekche had reached the highest level.

The Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng and its Mystery In July 1971, while installing drain pipes to prevent humidity from creeping into Tomb Number 6 in Songsanri, Kongju (公州), a new ancient tomb was unexpectedly discovered. This is the famous Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng. Although it is not the first Paekche tomb made of brick, the royal tomb is remarkable in several respects. Firstly, the host of the tomb and the date of his death were clearly known, making it possible to establish the exact date of the tomb’s construction. Next, the tomb provides a concise picture of the crafts and technology of Paekche. From early on, it had been widely known, thanks to art historians, that Paekche craftsmanship was highly accomplished. However, not many products of that superior technology of Paekche craftsmen have survived. Instead, we can see the excellent crafts of Paekche from Silla’s architecture and the technological artifacts of Paekche left in Japan. Now the Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng has bequeathed them to Korea. This royal tomb was made with stacked bricks. The bricks, with their beautiful patterns, form a perfect harmony with the arch-shaped construction, which

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Bricks of the Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng.

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accentuates the artistic design of the decorated bricks. The wall is constructed like a tunnel with solid bricks embossed with lotus patterns. The floor is paved with floor tiles without any pattern; these tiles are laid out in the form of a reed mat. The Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng thus highlights the Paekche crafts even in its construction. Various artifacts were buried with the body: a tombstone, brass cup, wooden pillow and shoes, a crown decorated with golden flowers and several pure gold ornaments, various forms of jade, numerous, different kinds of glass bead and small and big swords. All of these, together with the wooden coffin and its adornment, represent the excellent craftsmanship of the time. From the tombstone, called the “ticket to the lost,” we find the lost form of Paekche’s calendar in part. The date on the inscription on the tombstone coincides with that in the Yuanjiali calendar system (元嘉曆). The bricks, various metal handicrafts and glass products are direct, vivid proof of Paekche technology that we had only previously confirmed through products transmitted to or produced in Japan by Paekche technology. We are aware that the first Buddhist temple in Japan, Hokoji temple (法興寺) and its pagoda were built by Paekche craftsmen who were invited to Japan in 588. Among the craftsmen were firstclass professors (博士) of Noban and experts on roof tiles, who taught their specialized arts. The expert of Noban is the highest authority in metalcraft for manufacturing the Noban, i.e., the sangryun (上輪), the top part of the pagoda, using the casting method. The expert of wa (瓦) is also the artisan who best manufactures roof tiles. These professors (博士), who taught other artisans and technicians new and advanced crafts and technology, are the equivalent of today’s professors in the field of technology. Since producing the sangryun with its complicated structure by bronze Tombstone of the Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng. casting was no easy task, a Noban

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expert must have been invited from Paekche to teach the specialized art of casting. Baking roof tiles for temples was also a novel, advanced technology. The beauty of the bricks of the Songsanri Number 6 Tomb and the Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng attest to the high level of Paekche’s ceramic technology. We also learn that the manufacturing technology of Paekche’s iron sword, called the Seven-Pronged Sword, now preserved in the Isonogami-jingu Shrine in Nara, Japan, was not a product of chance. On the sword is an inscription of 61 characters, inlaid with gold, that states the sword was manufactured to be bestowed upon the Japanese king. The sword allows us to assess the technology of iron refining and casting in 4th-century Paekche. These various technologies are preserved in the Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng; it seems as if this tomb is the epitome of these technologies. Thanks to this tomb, we have been able to confirm once more the reality of Paekche’s crafts and technology that were transferred to Japan.

The Water Pipes of Paekche Around 1965, more than ten pieces of earthenware pipes were excavated at Sanjigol in the valley of Mount Ogŭmsan, Iksan’gun, Chŏlla province. It is said that the children of Sanjigol discovered them by chance. They are hard earthenware, baked in the Paekche period, and the first find of their kind in Korea. It was the summer of 1966. I was visiting the Ch’ungch’ŏngnamdo province to investigate materials related to the history of Korean science and technology. When I dropped by the newly opened Puyŏ Museum, I ran into the late Professor Hong Sa-jun. He told me that he saw a sundial at the Iksan middle school and encouraged me to go see it for myself. It was a very hot day, but the dusty road from Puyŏ to Iri via Nonsan was not at all boring. The sundial that I had rushed to see proved no disappointment. Yet something even more exciting was waiting for me: the bronze mirror with rough thread pattern and brick-colored earthenware pipes, uncovered for the first time in that area. I could hardly contain my excitement. The earthenware pipe was 65.8 cm in length, 13 cm in diameter at the top, 8.5 cm in diameter at the bottom and 1.5 cm thick. It thus had a cylindrical shape, tapering at one end. On the inner wall of the earthenware pipe, there was a clear mark left by hemp cloth. A bat wrapped with hemp cloth was stuck inside the pipe, and the pipe was pounded from the outside, in order to keep the pipe from breaking during the baking process.

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Earthenware water pipes, Unified Silla, length 52 cm (left), diameters of ends 11.8 cm and 9.9 cm. Similar earthenware pipes were excavated from the Iksan and Puyŏ districts of Chŏlla province. Site of Sach’ŏnwangsa Temple (四天王寺), Kyŏngju.

What were the earthenware pipes for? While pondering the question at the site where the pipes had been found, I gradually arranged my thoughts and reached a clear conclusion. At the village of Sanjigol, a few houses were using those pipes as chimneys. According to the village residents, those earthenware pipes were buried some 30–50 cm below ground, with one placed inside another, from top to bottom. There was also a well not far from the pipeline. After investigating and researching various sources, the following conclusion was reached: The pipes were specially made for the purpose of obtaining drinking water as a conduit connecting the well and the stone water tank. It was the water pipe for the people of Paekche. In the old days, people living in temples located deep in the mountain used to cut a groove on a wooden stick or cut a bamboo stalk in half lengthwise to make a pipeline and connected it from a well or stream to a water tank. We often saw such installations until recently. The earthenware water pipes were the result of improving such methods for obtaining clear drinking water and were developed into a permanent installation by burying the pipes underground. In China, earthenware water pipes were discovered from sites dating back to the Han dynasty. The diameter of these pipes was identical at both ends, which made it very likely that the connection between the pipes was less than perfect.

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In contrast, the earthenware water pipes of Paekche had a tapered end so that the end with the smaller diameter could be fitted into the larger end, which made it very convenient to install them in the direction of the flowing water. They may seem primitive but at the same time, they are extremely simple, requiring no adhesive for perfect installation. At a time when technology was not fully developed, this was a brilliant idea. At the moment, the site has not yet been investigated sufficiently to ascertain the scale of the Mount Ogŭmsan water supply facility. Yet, even if we suppose that it was a small and simple facility, it is the most organized, easy-to-construct and hygienic of the systems discovered in the East. The creative endeavor of the Paekche water supply system deserves to be acknowledged. After the discovery of the Sanjigol pipes, similar earthenware water pipes were discovered in several other locations. The pipes discovered in the area of Kongju and Puyŏ are almost identical to the first ones, while similar pipes were found in the Kyŏngju area as well.

The Science and Technology of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple T’ohmasan Mountain gazes far away into the sky-blue eastern sea. Sitting near the top of that mountain, the Sŏkkul-sa Temple (石窟寺 or 石窟庵 stone cavern hermitage) contains many mysteries of Silla’s science and technology. When one stands facing the majestic beauty of the stone cavern temple, one’s inspiration is expressed in a few ways. One is the world of the loving heart of the Buddha, people worshipping with joined hands looking up at the merciful smile of the Buddha statue. Another is the world of beauty, with the graceful white granite sculptures, and still another is the thrill of soaking in the science of the prodigious architectural design. The stone cavern temple is beautiful and sublime. The infinite world has been recreated in a small space. How can we discover the science of the Silla people who designed this mysterious harmony? During the early 1960s, I visited the Kyŏngju area to investigate the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae and other sites of Silla’s science and technology with a wild enthusiasm for the creativity of traditional Korean science. Until that time, the Sŏkkulsa Temple had been the subject of research only for archaeologists and art historians, and I had not realized the profundity of its underlying scientific design. The Sŏkkul-sa Temple was merely a great Silla artifact with a beautiful and majestic presence. Then, one day, I happened to read Hong I-sŏp’s History of Korean Science, which completely changed my perspective of the stone cavern hermitage.

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I was greatly moved by a passage describing research on the construction plan of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple by Yoneda Miyoji (米田美代治), a Japanese scholar who died at a tender age in his 30s. This was an epiphany. It painted a vivid picture of the brilliant idea behind the construction plan and geometric design by the Silla people. Hong I-sŏp writes as follows:

The ceiling structure of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple. The dome shape symbolizes the impressive universe. Photo by the History and Science Museum of Silla.

We can see that, in the construction of the Sŏkkulsa Temple, the geometrical plan was put to practical use when we examine the geometrical relations applied in its structure; one side of a right hexagon and the circle circumscribing it, a right octagon and its inscribed circle, circles and spheres, the vault of the entrance and the oval figure used for making it, the round shape of the main hall and the dome-shape vault, etc. This is certainly the practical application by the Silla people of their mathematical knowledge; the squares, the extension of the hypotenuse of a triangle, the problem of the vertical line, and the practical use of the mean proportional (比例中項) of √2․2․2․√2 in the structure of the pagoda in the grotto. Especially considering that the dome is the hemisphere’s materialization in the real construction, it is clear that the dome vault was meant to be calculated from the circular constant (圓周率) by dividing the sphere-shape circumference of over 10 ch’ŏk by ten. This is an ingenious application of solid geometry to plain geometry.

To this day, western historians of mathematics have claimed that, although many East Asian countries in the China cultural circle had advanced mathematics, they accomplished little in terms of geometry. Some even went so far as to claim that a characteristic of East Asian mathematics is its lack of geometry. The readers can easily imagine the powerful message that this passage by Hong I-sŏp sent to this author, who was accustomed to such common sense. I immediately went to Insadong to the famous bookstore dealing in rare books, T’ongmun’ggwan (通文館), to purchase Yoneda’s book, A Research on The Architecture of Early Chosŏn (Kyoto, 1944). The bookstore owner, Yi Kyŏm-no, soon found the book for me. On the last page of the book, the number “500”, written in pencil, is clearly visible even now. Yoneda’s book thrilled me. From the Sŏkkul-sa Temple and the Pulguksa Temple, the Tabot’ap Pagoda and the Sŏkka-t’ap Pagoda, to the other stone pagodas

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Cross-section figure of the Sŏkkulsa Temple. Model manufactured and exhibited by the History and Science Museum of Silla.

of Paekche kingdom, the collection of Yoneda’s excellent research papers dealt with the mathematical construction and decorative plan realized in those artifacts. His work is definitely a masterpiece that pioneered a new area in the history of Korean architecture. Therefore, I think that it is highly significant that a Korean version of the book was published and translated by Shin Yŏng-hun, an authority on Korean architecture, in 1976. When I wrote A History of Korean Science and Technology in 1966, it was only possible for me to deal with the science of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple and the Pulguksa Temple with the aid of Yoneda’s research. My attempt to re-illustrate and reassess Yoneda’s research was generally received with sympathy by many scholars. Consequently, a new conception of the surprising construction technology used for the stone temple, the great heritage of Korea, spread broadly. People came to pay attention to the scientific creativity of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple, where the man-made granite temple is the flower of Silla science and demonstrates the practical development of geometry and the crystallization of Silla construction technology. In addition, we came to appreciate the wisdom of the Silla people in the field of atmospheric science and technology hidden in the various problems which appeared in connection with the cultural asset preservation. The stone

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Cross-section figure of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple showing the outer wall structure. The outer wall is one of the main issues of preservation. Model manufactured and exhibited by the History and Science Museum of Silla.

cavern hermitage is a formal work created by an exquisite harmony between art and science and technology. The depth and creativity in the Sŏkkul-sa Temple is beyond our knowledge. For example, one of the issues is how the Silla people solved the problem of humidity inside the temple. The fierce debate between the physicist, Dr. Nam Ch’ŏn-u, and the elder scholar of the history of Korean archaeological arts, Hwang Su-yŏng, which took place in 1969, was an opportunity to awaken Korean appreciation of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple. Started in the May issue of the monthly magazine, Shindonga, the famous controversy on the stone temple raged on for several months. It was an event that aroused the interest of many Korean intellectuals. In 1994, 20 years later, the Korean intellectuals’ interest in the Sŏkkul-sa Temple exploded with the publication of Professor Yu Hong-jun’s famous work, Record of My Exploration of Our Cultural Heritage (two volumes). Professor Yu, after his success in Korean publishing with his first volume, wrote with great detail in his second volume about the Sŏkkul-sa Temple: The contents of the two articles, T’ohamsan Mountain Sŏkkul-sa Temple (1) ― its curriculum vitae of glory and shame and T’ohamsan Mountain Sŏkkul-sa Temple (2) ― Inanimate objects

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have a life as well, yet …, spanning close to 80 pages, from page 157 to page 235, went beyond an exploration record of cultural heritage. As an art historian, he successfully arranged and summarized the relevant academic material. Many of the readers of this book may have also read these articles, which offer comprehensive knowledge about the Sŏkkul-sa Temple. The reader who desires to read a more specialized account is referred to Dr. Nam Ch’ŏn-u’s Rediscovery of Artifacts (1987), pp. 109–184, the part on the T’ohamsan Mountain Sŏkkul-sa Temple. You will encounter Professor Nam’s excellent view as a physicist who attracted the attention of the academic world with his research on Korea’s scientific cultural assets. There follows an excerpt from one of his contributions to a daily newspaper, confirming his opinion about the preservation of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple: In the article, “Exaggeration of the crisis of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple,” the dew phenomenon worsened following the repair construction work on the crack of the pedestal of the Buddha. After having read Dr. Hwang Su-yŏng’s article on the 6th, “Exaggeration of the crisis of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple,” I would like to explain the point at issue. Although Dr. Hwang claims that the repair construction was successful after the work was completed in 1964, the devastating new phenomenon happened and the floor inside the temple was flooded. As a result, an air-drying apparatus was installed two years later, but reports of growing moss continued year by year. The cracking of the pedestal of the principal Buddha was also an anticipated accident, because the bedrock below the pedestal was forcibly struck during the repair work. The crisis in the preservation of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple is the result of the “change for the worse” repair work. It is for that reason that expedients were devised to cover up the source of the trouble, such as prohibiting public access, citing research reports as the excuse. Yet it is possible to solve the humidity problem without touching the repaired structure, by maintaining the temperature of the space between the two domes at the rear of the temple at 4–5 degrees centigrade higher than the night atmospheric temperature and leaving the entrance door open. The dew phenomenon will never happen. Then the temple will once again be able to accommodate visitors inside the hall and the air-drying contrivance will be unnecessary. Also, the shaking and the noise will automatically disappear. There is no need to move the machinery room out at the cost of several billions of wons. ― Nam Chŏn-u (former professor of Seoul National University, Physics Department)

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Another scholar, the chemist and preservation scientist Yi Ch’un-nyŏng, who served for a long time as a member of Cultural Asset Committee, a senior Korean academic and Emeritus Professor of Seoul National University, also provided a meaningful opinion. I would like to recommend that readers learn about his ideas in Professor Yu Hong-jun’s book. You will see how scientists approach the mystery of the stone temple from a different perspective than that of art historians and archaeologists. It is a good example demonstrating how scholars trained in different areas are attracted to different aspects, even when they are facing the same object. Lastly, there is an exhibition hall in the History and Science Museum of Silla located in the Folklore Handicrafts area (民俗工藝團地) not far from the Kyŏngju Pomun Housing area. The museum has several structure models of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple manufactured by the curator, Sŏk Wu-il, after a long experimental investigation. Although those models are introduced in the book, Record of My Exploration of Our Cultural Heritage (volume 2), if one sees the splendid models directly, one will understand the structure of the stone temple far more effectively. The various theories of different scholars are well realized in those models.

The Mathematics of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple The Sŏkkul-sa Temple is an artificially-built edifice according to a geometrically perfect design, plan and construction. It could thus be rightly called the crystallization of Silla’s practical mathematics. The main hall of the temple had a circle with a radius of 12 ch’ŏk as the base of its structure in terms of its plane figure (平面圖). One year is 365¼ days. Since a circle was calculated as 365¼° and a day was divided into 12 hours in the old days, the 12-ch’ŏk radius of the grotto floor corresponds to the 12 hours of the day, and the circumference of the plane circle with its traditional 365¼° symbolizes the days of a year. As a day in the human world is composed of 12 hours, the width of the entrance to the main hall is also 12 ch’ŏk. It symbolizes the human belief that eternity starts with one hour and one day. The dome-shaped vault has a radius of 12 ch’ŏk, as if symbolizing eternity. At the center of the ceiling, a big, round stone inscribed with a lotus seems to symbolize the sun. It is encircled by several layers of heavens. The wedge stones stuck to the upper three round lines of stone blocks that form the dome are thought to symbolize the countless stars. The astronomical thought of India and China, as well as the worldview of the Silla people, is expressed on the vault of the stone temple. Given this fact, the basic principle of the formal structure of

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the stone temple seems to be related to the principle of the old Koguryŏ tombs. While the ceiling of the old Koguryŏ tomb is decorated with the paintings of the sun, moon and stars, in the case of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple, the ceiling is more symbolically formalized and developed as an artistic expression with a threedimensional effect. Ancient mathematics was directly connected to astronomy and, in many cases, these were integrated to form one field. The geometry, that is, the mathematics of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple, may have had the same starting point. The old Koguryŏ tomb, using a structural technology that relied on a square foundation, was built in the shape of a pyramid: the plane figure tapered gradually with each stack of stone. Paekche also did the same, which means that the Three Kingdoms shared the same geometrically-based structural method. The Three Kingdoms’ square-based architecture later developed to include a repertory of forms: circles, spheres, hexagons and octagons. A good example is the C’hŏmsŏngdae of Kyŏngju. Straight lines became curved lines, enhancing a natural feel, and the base square was replaced with a circle. The creation of beauty that aspires to perfection in nature was realized by the construction of the Mathematical analysis figure of the construction plan of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple after Silla unified the kingdoms. Sŏkkul-sa Temple, from Yoneda’s A Research on the Architecture of Silla’s people inherited Paekche’s architectural techthe Early Chosŏn (Kyoto, 1944). nology and harmonized all the construction methods freely and naturally, eventually succeeding in creating a beautifully unified body. The refined constructional technology of the Three Kingdoms period thus reached perfection with the Sŏkkul-sa Temple by the time of Unified Silla. Using the harmony and unification of squares, rectangles, circles, spheres, triangles, hexagons and octagons, such geometrical figures were beautifully sublimated in the temple with help from the Buddhist faith. As a result, Sŏkkul-sa Temple shows us the ideal beauty that humans can create through mathematical harmony. Furthermore, the Silla architects carved the creative architecture from the most beautiful, warm white stone found in nature — granite.

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Let us analyze the formal design underlying the beautiful figure of the stone temple more mathematically. As mentioned above, the floor of the main hall of the stone cave is a perfect circle in its plane figure, with a diameter of 24 ch’ŏk (7.13 m), and the width of the entrance to the main hall is 12 ch’ŏk, which is the radius of the plane circle and the side of the hexagon that is inscribed by the ground circle. The center of the round hall is a vertex of the regular triangle that is made by the three sides of the width of the entrance and one side of the hexagon that is inscribed by the ground circle. The center of the round hall coincides with the center of the front part of the octagonshaped pedestal for the principal Buddha statue. The vertical figure of the main hall is also based on 12 ch’ŏk. The height from the bottom to the elevenfaced Avalokitesvara and other Bodhisattvas is equal and corresponds to the distance from the top of the Buddha’s head to the center of the dome, i.e., the radius of the floor (ground). Let me synthesize this in another way: Firstly, vertically erect the length of the diagonal line of an equilateral square with sides of Geometrical analysis of the plain figure of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple from Nam Ch’ŏn-u’s Rediscovery of Artifacts (1987). The front of 12-ch’ŏk that corresponds to the length of the radius the grotto faces 30° southeast. of the plane ground on the circumference. Next, from that height and taking the center of the plane circle as the starting point, draw a hemisphere with the same radius. This determines the structural form of the dome. Change and unification was thus realized through various harmonies based on the radius (12 ch’ŏk) of the plane circle of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple. The lines and circles cross delicately. The basic number and several other numbers mingled eventually to create a geometrical formal art. The elaborate beauty of harmony gives rise to another structure. It is the excellent structure of the dome. The dome consists of five stone layers connected in the form of various bands of circumferences. A large disk-shaped stone decorated with a lotus pattern was fitted at the top center, symbolizing the Buddha screen (chŏn’gae 天蓋). With the screen stone at the center, the circumference bands of five layers constitute the strata. Each circular layer consists of ten pieces of stone blocks of even size, which become smaller going up toward the top. In other words, the circumference of the bands

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An hypothetical drawing of the construction of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple. Picture courtesy of the History and Science Museum of Silla.

of the stone blocks becomes bigger, and the circumference of the lowest band is the largest. The connecting lines of the stone blocks, when extended, converge in the center of the dome. The longish wedge stones are fitted horizontally into the joints of the stone blocks in the upper three layers. The wedge stones protruding out of the dome were trimmed neatly. The wedge stones serve two functions: technically, they prevent the stone blocks from falling down inside the main hall, and artistically, they provide a sense of harmonious three-dimensionality, and also seem to symbolize the stars in a layered heaven. The formal beauty of the principal Buddha statue was realized by using the method of successive diminution in geometrical ratios. The arch-shaped ceiling that bridges the two pillars in front of the entrance to the main hall shows the ability to carry out elliptical construction freely. Various opinions were offered as to what kind of measure was used for the Sŏkkul-sa Temple. At first, tangch’ŏk (唐尺 Chinese ch’ŏk) was suggested, and the length was calculated at 19.7 cm. However, surprisingly enough, the Silla measures preserved in the Shosoin (正倉院 Repository of Ancient Artifacts) of Nara are

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29.6 cm or 29.8 cm in length. The luxurious Silla measures are notable for their length of 19.6 cm, 29.8 cm, 30.2 cm and 30.7 cm. There has been recent research on the subject. The Japanese metallurgist, Dr. Arai (新井宏), measured the historical remnants, temples, palaces and sites of ancient Korea and Japan widely and precisely, and analyzed the data by computer. His conclusion was that two measurements were used: 26.8 cm and 29.6 cm. In The Fantastic Ancient Ruler 幻の古代尺 (東京, 1992), which he wrote to make it clear that the komach’ŏk (高麗尺) did not exist, he asserts that the kokanshaku (古韓尺 the ancient Korean ruler) existed. In summary, he concluded that the kokanshaku (古韓尺) was 26.8 cm, the tangch’ŏk (唐尺) 29.7 cm and the komach’ŏk (高麗尺 Koguryŏ ruler) 35.5 cm. Incidentally, among the Silla rulers from the Shosoin, four are 29.6 cm long, and one is 29.5 cm long. These ancient Korean rulers remain important subjects for further research, together with the issue of the science and technology of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple. These rulers call for further research: the rulers mentioned by Dr. Arai, the ancient Korean ruler of 26.8 cm, the Silla rulers of 29.7 cm that had been converted into tangch’ŏk until now and the komach’ŏk of 35.5 cm, known to us only by its length.

The Assessment by North Korean Scholars “The Sŏkkuram Grotto in the Mountain T’ohamsan, Kyŏngju is an artificially made, distinctively Korean grotto, constructed around the mid-8th century. It was at this time that Korea first created a unique stone grotto architecture.”

This is a passage included in general remarks concerning the period of the Three Kingdoms, Palhae (渤海) and Later Silla from A History of Korean Technology (two volumes) published in 1994. The architectural technology of the Sŏkkul-sa Temple is described in two sections on two pages: the construction technology and the design technology. After assessing the mathematical design plan and remarking that “knowledge of mathematical ratio, i.e., of plane and solid geometry, was efficiently applied to the interior space,” the construction technique was described relatively briefly. Let me quote the entire passage: The Sŏkkul-sa Temple is well-calculated in terms of its structural mechanics to suit its character as an underground architectural structure. As the main hall in particular is buried deepest, it is greatly influenced by the pressure of the earth. Therefore, the ceiling was constructed as a dome by piling up 5 layers of

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bands of stone blocks, each stone band consisting of 10 pieces of double curveshaped stone blocks (二重曲面部材). Every single stone block was piled without straight connecting lines and the direction of the connection line coincides with the center of the vault. The stone blocks become smaller following the shape of the tapering dome. Between the zigzag-shaped connecting lines of the upper three layers of bands, the wedge stones were fitted in. The inserted wedge stones produce a counter-moment, and the spherical wall was constructed solely by fitting perfectly sized pieces without using any adhesive. This fact, in particular, showcases our ancestors’ original architectural technology. This kind of contrivance is a very rational structure that allows the stone material to exercise only pressure to the central axis and lessens the weight of the stone material in accordance with its position in the layers. It demonstrates the ingenious use of the mechanical character of stone that sustains pressure well. The wedge stones, which were fitted deep horizontally, were devised not only to prevent the stone blocks from falling down inside the hall, but also to converge them toward the center of the dome in its longitudinal cross-section (縱斷面) and to coincide with the meridian on the outside of the dome.

This passage gave me the impression that North Korean scholars dealt with the stone temple too briefly. They devoted only two pages to its discussion in a work of 287 pages.

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Chapter 

The Scientists of the Chosŏn Period: Their Accomplishments

Yi Ch’ŏn: The Scientist Extraordinaire of the Sejong Period

Y

i Ch’ŏn (李蕆, 1376–1451) was a scientist during King Sejong’s reign in the Chosŏn dynasty. He was born in 1376 (Koryŏ King Wu 2), the eldest son of the minister of the Ministry of War, Yi Song. After passing the military examinations in 1402 (Chosŏn King T’aejong 2), Yi Ch’ŏn began government service as a military officer. Displaying innate talent as an officer, he successively occupied various important military positions. He was designated the vice minister of Technology and Crafts on May 7, 1420 (King Sejong 2). At the time, he held the position of general commander of the Ch’ungch’ŏngdo province army. It was an exception that a military general was designated as vice minister of the government Bureau of Science, Technology and Administration. It was probably because his excellent abilities as a scientist and engineer as well as an administrator were acknowledged. The first big task that Yi Ch’ŏn completed as vice minister of technology and crafts was to renovate the bronze movable type printing technology. This involved the manufacture of a new bronze movable type, Kyŏngjaja, and a printing machine. The project started in 1420 (King Sejong 2, year of Kyŏngja) and was completed in May 1421 (Sejong 3). He promoted the standardization of the movable printing machine, which more than doubled the existing printing efficiency. Yi Ch’ŏn’s second accomplishment was the standardization of weights and measures. The article dated June 20 of Sejong’s 4th year in Sejong Sillok, Chapter 16 reads as follows: Earlier, the king ordered the vice minister of technology and crafts, Yi Ch’ŏn, to remodel the scale, as the scales used either by the government offices or private houses are not exact. That day, 1,500 new scales were manufactured

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and submitted to the royal court. As they were quite accurate, the scales were distributed to the whole country. Later, more were made so that people could use them freely.

The standardization of weights and measures continued with the reform of the measures ch’ŏk (尺), toe and mal, which became the foundation of the system of weights and measures in the Chosŏn dynasty. This was important in the sense that it was connected to the establishment of the royal authority as well as the economy and politics. Yi Ch’ŏn was dispatched to China as an envoy in 1424 (Sejong 6). He experienced much on his travels in China over four months. In December 1425 (Sejong 7), Yi Ch’ŏn was designated vice minister of the Ministry of War. In September of the next year, he was promoted to vice chief of the general staff of the army and in December 1431 (Sejong 13), he became chief of the general staff of the army. During the years when he successively occupied important positions in the army, he contributed greatly to the improvement of various weapons and shipbuilding technology.

The Manufacture of the Equatorial Torquetum (簡儀) Yi Ch’ŏn’s activity as a scientist reached new heights when he was appointed to the position of chijungch’uwŏnsa (知中樞院使) in May 1432 (Sejong 14). He was put in charge of the great enterprise of making astronomical instruments. The mission given to Yi Ch’ŏn was critical, as it was a national project that constituted a new landmark in the development of astronomy in the Chosŏn dynasty. Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition (Chŭngbo munhŏnbigo 增補文獻備考) writes as follows on the matter: In 1432 (Sejong 14), the King presided over the King’s royal lecture (kyŏngyŏn 經筵) to discuss the principles of calendrical systems and observational instruments. Chŏng In-ji (鄭麟趾), the Deputy Director of the Office of Royal Decrees (禮文館 提學), was told: “Our country, being far away over the sea, practices everything according to the systems of China, but we do not do that solely with observational instruments of astronomy. Their manufacture is closely related with the calendrical system. Now, study the Classics together with Director (大提學) Chŏng Ch’o (鄭招), manufacture the observational instruments, and be prepared to make practical observation possible. However, as the main purpose is to decide the degree of observation from the North Pole (北極出地), it would be best to make an equatorial torquetum first and show it to me.”

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Chŏng Ch’o and Chŏng In-ji took up the challenge to study the Classics. Chungch’uwŏnsa (中樞院使) Yi Ch’ŏn and Hogun (護軍) Chang Yŏng-sil supervised the actual construction of the wooden equatorial torquetum and measured the distance of Seoul from the north pole — 38¼° — which was almost the same as the value in the History of Yuan of China. Finally, various instruments were produced in 1438 using bronze casting seven years later (Sejong 20, year of Muo): firstly, the big and small equatorial torqueta; secondly, the celestial sphere and armillary sphere (渾象, 渾儀); thirdly, various sundials such as the portable horizontal plumb sundial (懸珠日晷), water-level sundial (天平日晷), south-pointing sundial (定南日晷) and scaphe sundial (仰釜日晷); fourthly, the clock for determining time by the sun and stars (日星定時儀); and fifthly, the automaticallystriking clepsydra (自擊漏). To set up the large astronomical instruments, a new, large-scale astronomical observation platform was erected. The large equatorial torquetum observation platform (大簡儀臺) was built in Kyŏngbokkung Palace, northwest of the Kyŏnghoeru pavilion, in 1433 (Sejong 15). Thus a large-scale astronomical observatory equipped with instruments for sidereal observation was erected. According to Veritable Record of King Sejong, the stone platform measured 9.5 m (31 ch’ŏk) high × 14.4 m (47 ch’ŏk) long × 9.8 m (32 ch’ŏk) wide and was surrounded by stone railings. The reason why the observatory was called the Large Equatorial Torquetum Observation Platform is that it set up the large equatorial torquetum as its basic observational instrument. At the center of the platform, a large equatorial torquetum was set up and at the south end of the platform, a square dais indicating the cardinal directions (正方案) was installed to help adjust the direction of the equatorial torquetum. To the west of the platform was erected a great 40-ch’ŏk (about 12.25 m) high bronze gnomon. To its west were installed the armillary sphere (渾儀) and the celestial sphere (渾象) in a small house. The observatory was the center of astronomical observation activity and was equipped with the best instruments and the largest scale in the world of the 15th century. The large equatorial torquetum, made of bronze, was used for measuring the position of the stars, and the 40-ch’ŏk-high gnomon (圭表) was used for measuring and comparing the length of the sun’s shadow on the winter solstice to determine the four seasons and the length of a year. While its Chinese counterpart was 8 ch’ŏk tall, the gnomon erected by Yi Ch’ŏn was five times the height of the former and was thus highly precise. The Chosŏn gnomon was the tallest astronomical instrument of the 15th century.

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Yi Ch’ŏn was in charge of the construction of the large equatorial torquetum observation platform, along with the Minister of Finance, An Sun, and supervised the manufacture of the instruments to be set up on the platform with Chang Yŏng-sil.

The Manufacture of the Armillary Clock Chŏng Ch’o (Director of the Office of Royal Decrees), Yi Ch’ŏn (Head of the National Council), Chŏng In-ji, Kim Pin, etc. submitted an armillary sphere (渾天 儀) to the king. The king called on the crown prince and told him to learn about its design. The crown prince visited the large equatorial torquetum observation platform, and asked Chŏng Ch’o, Yi Ch’ŏn, Chŏng In-ji, Kim Pin, etc. thorough questions regarding the design of various astronomical instruments, including the equatorial torquetum and armillary sphere. The king ordered Kim Pin and the eunuch, Ch’oe Sŭp, to stay on the platform at night to observe the stars and thereby determine the strengths and the weaknesses of the instruments. The king bestowed some clothes upon Kim Pin because Kim worked the night shift. Since that time, the king and the crown prince went to the observatory almost every day and established a better design through their discussions. The historiographer who wrote Sejong Sillok states that the armillary sphere that was completed in August 1433 (Sejong 15) was manufactured with the collaboration of four scientists, including Yi Ch’ŏn. The other three persons were scholars of literature. It is recorded that King Sejong ordered the crown prince to discuss the design of the armillary sphere with Yi Ch’ŏn. The “armillary sphere” manufactured at this time was an armillary clock driven by a water-powered mechanical apparatus. The April 15 (Sejong 19) article in Veritable Record of King Sejong records: “A small house was built to the west of the gnomon to install the armillary sphere and the celestial sphere. The former was placed on the east side, the latter on the west. While armillary spheres had a different design through the years, the one made on this occasion, according to Compilations of Mr. Oh (Ohssisŏch’an 吳氏書纂), was made of wood coated with lacquer.” As for the armillary sphere, the article explains that “the elaborate water-powered mechanism is hidden from sight.” Yi Ch’ŏn was the science engineer who oversaw the technical aspects of the manufacturing process for the armillary sphere, a clock apparatus driven by a water mill. The other three scholars are thought to have been in charge of other related documents and theoretical materials. As Yi Ch’ŏn was well-versed in the

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system and principles of the mechanical apparatus for the armillary clock, he taught the crown prince its operation. The armillary clock succeeded the tradition of the astronomical clocks of the Chinese Song and Yuan periods, and was composed of two parts: the theodolite, the basic instrument for observing the position of the stars, and the clock apparatus that operated it. While Su Song (蘇頌) of the Song period had constructed a huge armillary clock for practical observation, the scientists of the Sejong period, Yi Ch’ŏn and others, transformed it into an indoor astronomical clock. The fact that they were able to produce such a precise astronomical clock only after a year or so of research into the recorded material is a scientific and technological accomplishment worthy of attention. It attests to the superlative scientific and technological level of the Sejong era in the 15th century. The fact that Yi Ch’ŏn was the main actor in the manufacture of the armillary clock may be enough to characterize this project as his major accomplishment. The astronomical clock that integrated the armillary and the celestial spheres became the basic astronomical instrument of Chosŏn astronomy since the time of Sejong. The water-powered model devised by Yi Ch’ŏn was inherited as the standard clock for the instruction of astronomical observation during the Chosŏn period. Sejong Sillok does not provide any further detail of the structure and mechanism of the armillary clock. On the other hand, Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revised and Expanded Edition (Chŭngbo munhŏnbigo 增補文獻備考) provides a brief explanation of the mechanical apparatus of Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s armillary clock of 1669 (Hyŏnjong 10). As Yi Min-ch’ŏl’s model succeeded Yi Ch’ŏn’s watermill-powered model, we can infer the rough structure of Yi Ch’ŏn’s clock through the explanation in Chŭngbo munhŏnbigo, which is cited below:

Memorial poster of Yi Ch’ŏn’s month, April 1993.

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Make first a big box and install a big water vessel atop the box; water runs down through the hole of the vessel, alternately filling small

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vessels located inside the box. As the small vessels fill up, the flowing water hits the watermill, causing it to spin. By filling it with water over several days, and testing it according to the formula, one will see that all the rings of the armillary clock move in synchrony. If geared wheels are added next to the watermill, with a path along which small balls can roll down, this turns into an apparatus signaling the time by the ringing of bells.

The Chŭngbo munhŏnbigo contains another passage that explains another mechanism: a wooden figure hits the bell, and other figures with a plaque marking the time take turns to appear to signal the time. The passage concludes by stating that “every movement of the various functions is designed to use the power of water.” Song I-yŏng’s armillary clock, manufactured during the years 1664–69 and now preserved in the Korea University Museum, is a precious artifact representing the tradition of the Chosŏn-style armillary clock model that was established by Yi Ch’ŏn’s armillary clock. It is lauded as a novel mechanical armillary clock in the sense that it added the principle of the western alarm clock to Yi Ch’ŏn’s model. On August 26, 1433 (Sejong 15), King Sejong held a banquet to entertain those responsible for the manufacture of the observatory and astronomical instruments, such as Chŏng Ch’o, Yi Ch’ŏn, Hong Ri and Chŏng In-ji. It is reported that the crown prince, many members of the royal family and the top six officials of the Sŭngjŏngwon (承政院 Office of the Royal Secretariat) were in attendance. It was an occasion to welcome and celebrate the smooth progress of the project concerning the manufacture of the observatory and astronomical instruments. Given that this took place the month following the completion of the armillary clock, it appears that King Sejong was very pleased with the outcome. Thus, the observatory of the King Sejong era took shape, unhindered, as the best observatory of the 15th century under Yi Ch’ŏn’s leadership and direction in the areas of astronomy and technology. The degree of importance that the Chosŏn dynasty as a nation attached to the observatory is evident from many articles in Sejong Sillok. The national endeavor to firmly establish a calendrical system and astronomical observation had finally been realized through Yi Ch’ŏn’s contributions. The great observatory (Taeganŭidae) was equipped with a variety of sundials besides the astronomical instruments: a clock for determining time by the sun and stars (日星定時儀), a portable horizontal plumb sundial (懸珠日晷), a water-level sundial (天平日晷) and a south-pointing sundial (定南日晷) were manufactured to be used by the Bureau of Astronomy and a few other organizations. Even a portable water-clock, a haengru (行漏), was produced.

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Yi Ch’ŏn and other scientists of the Sejong era manufactured a sundial with the peculiar name of the “scaphe sundial” (仰釜日晷) and installed it for public use. The sundials installed in central areas of Seoul, such as at the Hyejŏnggyo Bridge and the south street of the Royal Shrine (宗廟), are notable clocks for the populace. The great national project for establishing the Large Equatorial Torquetum Observation Platform (簡儀臺) as the royal observatory was officially completed on April 15, 1437 (Sejong 19). The April 15 (Sejong 19) article of Sejong Sillok (volume 77) devotes several pages to recording all the astronomical instruments and other instruments manufactured until that time. The passage is rather long to quote here, but I consider it to be very important material for understanding how the scholars and historiographers of the Sejong period described the astronomical instruments. With the official inauguration of the great observatory in 1437 (Sejong 19), the astronomical observation activity welcomed a new landmark. The March 4 (Sejong 20) article of Sejong Sillok (volume 80) relates this fact vividly. The observation activity was systematized with the stipulation that observation would be carried out by the Bureau of Astronomy (書雲觀), which assigned five men to observation duty every night. The observatory thus firmly established itself as an astronomical observation center and the main systematized astronomical facility of the Chosŏn dynasty. The article adds that the observatory was founded to “inform people of the seasons through observation of astronomical phenomena,” thus emphasizing that the ultimate objective was the establishment of a calendrical system. With the establishment of the observatory, the Chosŏn dynasty was able to institute an independent calendrical system. The compilation of the Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors in 1442 (Sejong 24) is a Chosŏn calendrical system based on proprietary observation data. The Chosŏn dynasty came to possess “its own” calendrical system, which has great significance as a remarkable event in the realm of science and technology as well as politics and culture.

Science in the 15th Century and Yi Ch’ŏn’s Accomplishments The Sejong era began in 1419 and ended in 1450, occurring in the earlier half of the 15th century. During the period, Chosŏn creatively developed every single field of science, technology and culture. The rapid accomplishment of such uniformly high levels of scholarship, culture and art was unprecedented in Korean

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history. These accomplishments then helped to build a Chosŏn-style tradition of innovation in science and technology. In the history of 15th-century science and technology, the type of development achieved during the Sejong era is unmatched in any area of the world and is thus a remarkable feat. The 15th century in the history of science is when the so-called Middle Ages were on the brink of ending and the dawn of modern science was on the verge of breaking. The light of western Latin culture was still dim, and the blinding light of the Oriental Arab was slowly dying out, nearing extinction. The colossal Chinese tradition of science and technology, that had stretched for thousands of years, was in a chaotic state by the early half of the 15th century of the Ming dynasty, after the climax of China’s creative development in the Song and the Yuan periods. During this time, the science of Chosŏn was experiencing its greatest creative development in the history of Korean science. The level of this development exceeded not only that of western science but also that of Chinese and Arabic science and technology. Yi Ch’ŏn was working at precisely this time. Although his stage was the small peninsula of Chosŏn attached to the east of China, his exploits were global. As the best engineer-scientist of the Sejong era, his accomplishments were numerous. Working as the general director overseeing the production of the astronomical instruments of the Large Equatorial Torquetum Observation Platform, the world’s best astronomical observatory of the 15th century, his contribution to the astronomical development of the early Chosŏn period was vast. In particular, the armillary sphere (Kanŭi), gnomon and various sundials were excellent. Judging from the artifacts of the clock for determining time by the sun and stars (日星定時儀) and the portable horizontal plumb sundial (懸珠 日晷) that are extant today, it is believed that the astronomical instruments that Yi Ch’ŏn manufactured were highly precise and accurate. Although we have mainly focused on Yi Ch’ŏn’s accomplishments in the field of astronomy, his contributions in other areas may well be considered to be even more noteworthy. The following is a summary of my examination and consideration of the latter from a new perspective. Firstly, Yi Ch’ŏn was the standard-bearer of the technological revolution in the early 15th century. The completion of Chosŏn-style bronze movable type printing technology, i.e., the production of Kyŏngjaja type (庚子字) in 1421 (Sejong 3) and Kabinja type (甲寅字) in 1434 (Sejong 16), heralded a printing technology revolution in the 15th century. The rapid improvement of printing efficiency and the beauty of the printed text brought about by improving the technology of

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typecasting and the typesetting of movable type is enough to consider the Chosŏn metallic movable type printing technology of the 15th century as the technology that mass-produced the best text of the 15th century. The technological renovation in printing is closely related to the improvement of metal casting technology. The Sejong Sillok tells us of Yi Ch’ŏn’s contribution as a technician and scholar in the advancement of technology. Yi Ch’ŏn’s grasp of metallurgy made it possible to solve the exactitude and precision that had to be adhered to in casting astronomical instruments with bronze. Secondly, Yi Ch’ŏn was a pioneer of standardization. He made an invaluable contribution to the standardization of weights and measures and to the establishment of the weights and measures system in use during the Sejong period. The aforementioned standardization of the bronze movable type and galley is the product of the technological development of standardization that he executed. Then, in 1445 (Sejong 27), the production of standardized Chosŏn-style firearms through the complete recasting of the existing firearms is also related to the technological revolution and development of standardization during this era. At this time, Yi Ch’ŏn participated in the casting enterprise of firearms as the second-incommand of the National Council (中樞院使). Yi Ch’ŏn passed away on November 8, 1451 (Munjong 1). His government position at the time was that of head of the National Council (判中樞院使). The Munjong Sillok (Chapter 10) describes his life as a military officer, scientist and engineer in a 14-line passage: “He was very exact by nature, and thus oversaw and managed all work relating to the manufacture of firearms, temple bells, bronze gnomons, armillary spheres (簡儀) and type casting, etc.”

Chang Yŏng-sil: Representative Engineer of Chosŏn Chang Yŏng-sil is widely known as an engineer of the Sejong period. He is sometimes mentioned as the representative engineer of Chosŏn. It is certain that he was one of the leading figures who contributed greatly to the development of science and technology during the Sejong period. Yet, as dramatic as his career was, very little is known about his life. We do not know when he was born, who his father was or what kind of schooling he received. It is very possible that his father was a naturalized technician from Yuan of China. On his birth and appointment, the Sejong Sillok, Chapter 61 writes as follows: I, the King, ordered An Sŭngsŏn to discuss the matter of Chang Yŏng-sil with the Prime Minister, Hwang Hŭi, and the second prime minister, Maeng Sasŏng. The father of the haengsajik (行司直), Chang Yŏng-sil, was originally

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from the Chinese Yuan dynasty and his mother was a kisaeng (Korean geisha). As he was exceptionally gifted in handicrafts and intelligence, King T’aejong appointed him to a good position, and I also trust him. Around the years of imin (壬寅) and kyemyo (癸卯), I had the intention to appoint him to the post of sangŭiwŏn byŏljwa (尙衣院別座), and discussed the matter with the Minister of Civil Affairs (吏曹), Hŏ Cho, and the minister of the War Ministry, Cho Mal-saeng. Hŏ Jo asserted that the son of a kisaeng did not deserve such a high position, while Cho Mal-saeng said he was a perfect fit for the position. As the two opinions were not in harmony, I could not take any action at that time. Later, I discussed the matter with the ministers again. Since Yu Chŏng-hyŏn, etc. said that Yŏng-sil deserved the position of sangŭiwŏn byŏljwa, I followed the opinion and appointed him to the position. He is exceedingly astute as well as very skillful in crafts. Whenever I watch the military training, I let him sit beside me and have him convey my orders instead of the eunuch. But I dare not say this is his main contribution, for he is the person who manufactured the automatic clepsydra. Though he completed the water clock with the aid of my instruction, such a masterpiece could not have been produced had it not been for him. It is my understanding that there was an automatic clepsydra during the time of Emperor Xundi (順帝) of the Yuan dynasty, but I doubt that that clepsydra could match the precision and accuracy of Yŏng-sil’s work. His contribution is anything but small, given that he manufactured a masterpiece to be inherited by thousands of generations, and I hereby appoint him to the official position of hogun (護軍 Third Deputy Commander of the Five Military Commands).

Before he was appointed to the position of sangŭiwŏn byŏljwa, Chang was a slave in government employ in the Tongnae prefecture. Veritable Record of King Sejong relates as follows about him: Yŏng-sil was primarily a slave in the government employ of Tongnae (東 萊) prefecture. As he was very talented and clever, he always took charge of the handicrafts in the palace. Later, by special order of King Sejong, he was dispatched to China to study astronomical instruments and returned.

On the same matter, Narratives of Yŏllyŏsil (Yŏllyŏsilkisul 練藜室記述) contains the following: In the year of sinch’uk (辛丑) 3, the governor of Namyangbu (南洋府) county, Yun Sa-ung, the governor of Tangp’yŏngbu (當平府) county, Ch’oe Chŏn-gu, and the slave of Tongnae prefecture, Chang Yŏng-sil, were summoned to the Bureau of the Interior (內監) to discuss and study the mechanism of Sŏn’giokhyŏng

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(璇璣玉衡). The king was greatly pleased and said that, although Yŏng-sil is of a low class, his talent is so excellent as to know no rival. The king ordered the three men to go to China to study the forms of various astronomical instruments and duplicate them as soon as possible. The king further ordered the Ministry of Rites (禮部) to consult with the three and ask them to purchase books on calendrical systems and astronomy. The king also ordered them to measure the plans for the armillary spheres in Porugak (報漏閣) and Hŭmgyŏnggak (欽 敬閣) and provided them with many awards and travel expenses. In October of the year of ŭlsa (乙巳), when two repositories had been completed, the King visited the Bureau of the Interior (內監) and looked around. He praised Yŏng-sil: it was really wonderful. As Yŏng-sil has accomplished the precious task, the contribution is great. Soon Yŏng-sil was a free man and was given an estate and the position of silhŏmji (實僉知). He was also assigned the task of handling the water clock and stayed in Seoul thereafter.

This description agrees roughly with the record in Sejong Sillok, in that King Sejong tried to appoint Chang Yŏng-sil to the position of sangŭiwŏn byŏljwa in the year of Sejong 4–5 but failed because of the objection of his ministers, and later appointed him to the position after discussing the matter again. In summary, Chang Yŏng-sil went to China in 1421 (Sejong 3) to study, and assimilated a wide range of materials on astronomical instruments. He was freed and appointed to the position of the sangŭiwŏn byŏljwa on his return and began his new life as a court scientist.

The Perfection of Chosŏn-style Bronze Movable Type Printing Technology Before Chang Yŏng-sil was appointed to the official position, Yi Ch’ŏn, the then vice minister of Technology and Crafts, had already aided King Sejong in the completion of an undeniably important enterprise. It was none other than the reorganization of metal movable type. Korea’s tradition of printing technology, which, during the Koryŏ period, invented the world’s first metal movable type and used it in the publication of Detailed and authentic codes of ritual and etiquette (Sanjŏngyemun 詳定禮文) in 1234 (King Kojong 21), also achieved a splendid development during the Chosŏn period. The Kyemija type manufactured in 1403 (T’aejong 3), although it is not the first metal movable type in Korean history, meant the creative resurrection of the long forgotten movable type. In this respect alone, Korean metal movable

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printing anticipated the western world by 50 years. In movable type printing, melted beeswax was first poured into a bronze galley, onto which the characters were placed. The printing began once the beeswax was completely dry. These steps were necessary because the sizes of the individual types were uneven. Because of the usual softness of beeswax, the characters shifted easily, allowing only a few sheets to be printed per day. This was not a very efficient printing method. To complement this deficiency, a new movable type was produced in the year of Sejong 2 under the guidance of Yi Ch’ŏn; this was none other than Kyŏngjaja type. The new type was smaller than Kyemija type but more refined and had the form of an exact hexahedron, which reduced the inconvenience of printing greatly. Kyŏngjaja type also did not need beeswax to prevent the shifting of the characters on the galley and improved the efficiency to over 20 sheets a day. In an age when people transcribed one character at a time with a brush to produce a copy of a text, the reality that identical multiple copies of a text could be produced at the same time in beautiful and elegant strokes must have been a convenience for innumerable people. Also, the fact that a set of movable type, once prepared, could be used for as many kinds of books as one wished must have been a delight. At a time when even woodblock printing, where limited numbers of copies of a text could be printed by engraving woodblocks with one character at a time, was regarded as enormously efficient, the invention of movable type printing that used metal type must have appeared as an astounding triumph. This project brought together the wise king and two wise subjects. One was an authentic nobleman and the other was formerly a slave, but their collaboration ultimately realized the Golden Age of Science in the Sejong era. The movable type was to be improved again in 1434 (Sejong 16), with the appearance of Kabinja type. This movable type was also manufactured under the direction of Yi Ch’ŏn, the general director, with the technical guidance of six members, including Kim Ton and Kim Pin of the Hall of Worthies (集賢殿) and the hogun (護軍 Third Deputy Commander of the Five Military Commands), Chang Yŏng-sil. The characters, produced in two kinds, large and small, amounted to 200,000-odd pieces. The styling of the characters was elegant and clear. The efficiency was twice that of Kyŏngjaja type, allowing the printing of more than 40 sheets a day. Chang and Yi’s tireless research made it possible to freely mix the large and small characters as necessary, elevating printing technology to an almost perfect state. The Chosŏn-style bronze movable type printing technology reached completion with Kabinja type under the technical guidance of Chang Yŏng-sil et al.

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The Production of Astronomical Instruments For an agricultural nation, astronomical and meteorological observation was an urgent matter and a priority for increasing agricultural production. Once the nation had entered a phase of political stability, King Sejong enlarged and consolidated the Bureau of Astronomy and launched the building project of the royal observatory. It was in 1432 (Sejong 14) that the plan for manufacturing astronomical instruments to be installed in both the Bureau of Astronomy and the Kyŏngbokkung Palace began in earnest. Chŏng In-ji and Chŏng Ch’o studied the classics and prepared the theoretical materials. Based on the data, Chang Yŏng-sil and Yi Ch’ŏn carried out the practical task of manufacturing the instruments, designing the machinery and orchestrating the process. It was a task as difficult as a new invention to manufacture accurate mechanical apparatuses in reality based upon superficial and fragmentary descriptions. The theoretical aspects of Islamic science and technology had been introduced into Chosŏn via the Yuan dynasty, but this was only a general introduction at best. Therefore, Chosŏn had to carry out the most elementary observations anew and go through an experimental stage. As astronomical instruments were classified as national secrets at the time, one could not go to China in the hope of learning the technical aspects by observing the Chinese instruments in person and replicating them. Consequently, the only way was to rely solely upon the science and technology of the Sejong period. The great enterprise was launched in the face of such difficulties, which hints at the high level of Sejong-era science and technology. Korean astronomers first manufactured a wooden equatorial torquetum (簡 儀) and measured Seoul’s polar altitude, i.e. its latitude, obtaining the numerical value of 38¼°. Using this value as the standard, they created various astronomical spheres with bronze. A year after the outset, the armillary sphere was produced on June 9, 1433 (Sejong 15). Chŏng Ch’o, Pak Yŏn, Kim Chin, et al. submitted it to the king. The armillary sphere (渾天儀) is a kind of astronomical clock and consisted of three parts: a clock apparatus driven by a water mill, a celestial sphere called honsang (渾象), and an armillary sphere. When the water mill inside the clock part started to rotate, it triggered the movement of the two celestial globes (the celestial sphere and the armillary sphere), and, at the same time, the hour god (時神) figure in the time-signaling mechanism announced the time. This complex, elaborate machine represented the astronomical instruments of the Chosŏn

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Chang Yŏng-sil’s jade clepsydra of Hŭmgyŏnggak (欽敬閣). North Korean scholars reproduced and drew this diagram of the mechanism of this jade clepsydra. History of Chosŏn Technology (4 Earlier Chosŏn, 1996).

dynasty. King Sejong ordered the crown prince to thoroughly learn about the mechanism of the armillary sphere and the techniques of practical observation from Yi Ch’ŏn and to compare them with equatorial torquetum to assess the strengths and weaknesses of each. It is uncertain for how much longer the astronomical clock was used. The elaborate machine was burned to ashes during the Japanese invasion (1592–1598) at the time of King Sŏnjo. It was only in 1657 (Hyojong 8) that Chosŏn managed to manufacture an accurate astronomical clock again. This suggests the level of difficulty involved in making this highly precise machine. Another armillary sphere was manufactured in the year of Sejong 15. It was completed on August 11 by Chŏng Ch’o, Yi Ch’ŏn, Chŏng In-ji, Kim Pin, et al. King Sejong was reported to have been very pleased with it. The astronomical instruments that were completed in 1437 (Sejong 19) after years of effort under the supervision and guidance of Chang Yŏng-sil and Yi Ch’ŏn, include the following: the large equatorial torquetum and the small equatorial torquetum, the portable horizontal plumb sundial and the water-level sundial, portable sundials, the south-pointing sundial, which is marked with the directions of north and south and thus allows one to measure the sun’s shadow without a compass, the scaphe sundial, which is the first Korean public clock installed at Hyejŏnggyo Bridge and the south street of the Royal Shrine (宗廟), the clock for determining time by the sun and stars, which can be used both day and night to observe the stars, and the 8 m-high gnomon, which was used for determining the

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cardinal points based on the observation of sunrise and sunset and the various times of the year by measuring the length of the sun’s shadow during the day. The observation platform in Kyŏngbokkung Palace, equipped with these elaborate observational instruments, was the world’s largest-scale astronomical observatory in the 15th century. The literature of the Chosŏn period extolled it as the finishing touch on the Pongch’ŏn kwŏnmin (奉天勸民 To serve Heaven and lead the people) career of King Sejong the Great, who was respected as much as Korea’s (海東 Haedong) Emperors, Yao and Shun (堯舜).

The Contribution to Agricultural Meteorology Koreans have relied on agriculture for their subsistence from antiquity and have consequently heeded the fact that agricultural production is heavily influenced by natural phenomena. They knew that timely precipitation or continuous drought meant a bumper crop or a lean year. Furthermore, in the natural environment of the Korean peninsula, with its insufficient rainfall and concentrated rainy season, the influence of rainfall on water-field cultivation was a serious problem at a time when there was no mechanized irrigation. As a result, the question of how this problem could be solved, that is, how the natural environment could be controlled, was of the highest urgency to the successive kings and governments. Assessing the amount of rainfall was thus important. It was from the early days of King Sejong’s reign that the yearly distribution of rainfall by season and region began to be investigated quantitatively. Snowfall can be measured by determining the amount of snow accumulated on the ground. Extrapolating from that fact, the water that seeped into the ground after a rainfall was measured. The governors of each province reported the data thus obtained to the central administration, and the Ministry of Finance used the data to produce the statistics. However, this method was found to be inaccurate, since the amount of water that seeps into the ground depends on the dryness of the soil. This fact was not evident until around 1436 (Sejong 18), when almost every subsequent year was plagued by drought or heavy rainfall, and its inaccuracy was highlighted. With various provinces reporting the problem, the Ministry of Finance entrusted the Bureau of Astronomy with the search for a new method. Chang Yŏng-sil thought of collecting rainwater and measuring its depth. This was a truly simple method that produced accurate results. The crown prince (who later became King Munjong) and the officers of the Bureau of Astronomy

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produced a cylindrical-style pluviometer made of bronze, measuring 41.2 cm in height and 16.5 cm in diameter. The vessel collected the rainwater, which could then be measured. It was a remarkable invention. A better scientific method for measuring precipitation eludes us even to this day, some 500 years later. This great invention, which marked the beginning of meteorology as a science, was realized in Korea on August 18, 1441 (Sejong 23). The rain-measuring system was finally established on May 8 of the following year (Sejong 24), at the start of the verdant summer. The cylindrical-shaped vessel invented the previous year was named chŭgugi (測雨器 rain gauge) and was developed into a more complete form: the size was standardized to 30.9 cm (height) × 14.4 cm (diameter), and the chuch’ŏk (尺), a 20.7 cm-long ruler, was selected as the standard ruler for measuring rainfall. The following order was delivered together with the standardized pluviometer to every province and county: “Report the duration of the rainfall from start to finish in terms of times and dates and the precipitation in terms of ch’ŏk (尺), ch’on (寸) and pun (分).” In the capital, the Bureau of Astronomy itself made the observations and took the measurements. The scientific observational instruments and the modern system of observation and measurements thus started through the collaborative research between Chang Yŏng-sil and Munjong. This was the beginning of agricultural meteorology.

The Invention of the Automatic (Time-signaling and Operating) Clepsydra In earlier times, people measured the length of the shadow cast by sunshine and watched the twinkling stars in the night sky to determine the time. However, this method could not be used on cloudy or rainy days. The water clock was invented for that reason. A small hole was made in a jar filled with water, and another jar collected the water as it fell, drop by drop, from the first jar. The volume of the collected water increased as time passed. By measuring the depth of the water in the collection jar and dividing it by 12, the value corresponds to one hour. This is the principle of the water clock. The water clock had been already invented in China by the 7th century BCE and was called nugak (漏刻) or kyŏngru (更漏). However, the primitive water clock required that the water be changed twice a day, and for someone to keep track of the elapsed time and announce the time every hour to the public by hitting a bell. This method was quite inconvenient. When the watcher was negligent or made incorrect announcements, chaos ensued.

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The desire to manufacture a self-operating water clock that did not rely upon people at every step had been germinating since the time of its invention. However, the level of science and technology had not matured to the point of realizing that desire and was merely taking baby steps. Finally, the great scientist of the Song dynasty, Su Song (蘇頌), succeeded in inventing a huge automatically-operated clepsydra around 1091, which was propelled by a water mill and equipped with an apparatus for automated time reports and celestial spheres. However, its mechanism was so complicated and elaborate that no one could reproduce it after he died. After that, in the 12th–13th centuries, the Arabs created a fairly accurate automatic clepsydra with a timesignal apparatus, whereby an iron ball rolled down and hit a bell or drum. King Sejong was determined to manufacture such an automatic clepsydra at all costs and to install it in the palace, but was not successful in this. Enter Chang Yŏng-sil. Chang spent several years comparing and studying the automatic clepsydras of China and Arabia, using all of the documents that Chŏng In-ji and Chŏng Ch’o, the great scholars of the time, had collected in the course of their thorough investigations. Through his study, Chang came up with an outline for a new automatic clepsydra, which was called chagyŏngru (自擊漏 automaticallystriking clepsydra). Chang started with the basic design and created a model. The same process of testing and repairing the model was repeated many times. When the design was complete, Chang recruited technicians to start the actual manufacture of the clock according to the design. Two years passed before one part after another was completed. In the summer of Sejong 16, the assembled product was tested and finalized. Many scientists and technicians assisted Chang with the project, but one renowned scientist was always by Chang’s side, working with him. This was Kim Pin, who had also collaborated with Chang on the printing machine. The king ordered a house named Porugak (報漏閣) to be built for the automatically-striking clepsydra. The king hosted an unforgettable lavish banquet to celebrate its completion and to compliment the persons involved in the project. July 1, Sejong 16 was the historic day when the Chagyŏngru of Porugak began operation. The 12 hour gods (時神) took turns to announce the time with numbered plaques each hour; the bell rang automatically during the day; the drum sounded at night from one to five kyŏng (更); and the gong sounded at intervals of one kyŏng. A record states that “the mechanism of the water clock is clever like a ghost (鬼神), and astounds everyone …. Every part and apparatus is contained inside the clock and the only parts that are outside are the wood figures in formal clothes who indicate the time.”

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The water jars of the Chagyŏngru were almost the same as the water jars of the Chagyŏngru of the Chungjong period, which are presently on exhibit in the Tŏksugung Palace. After the manufacture of the Chagyŏngru was successfully completed, Chang concentrated on making yet another distinctive automatic water clock. The Chagyŏngru only played the role of announcing time, and the armillary sphere was an astronomical clock merely showing the movements of the heavenly bodies. Chang wanted to combine these two and produce an automatic court water clock for the king, who had shown him so much consideration. The new product would show not only the time, but also the changes of season, the corresponding changes in the position of the sun and moon and the various farming work according to the changing seasons. The king welcomed Chang’s idea and gave his permission for work to commence. Four years after the Chagyŏngru was completed (January 7, 1434; Sejong 20), another automatic clepsydra, named the Ongru (玉漏 jade water clock), was produced and installed in the Hŭmgyŏnggak. The house for the clock was erected under the direct supervision of Chang to the west of the Ch’ŏnch’ujŏn (千秋殿) in Kyŏngbokgung Palace. Inside the Hŭmgyŏnggak, a mountain was fashioned out of glued paper piled 7-ch’ŏk high, its waist dotted with clouds. The sun rose and set every day and changed its position gradually following the change of seasons. The heavenly maids (玉女) on the clouds shook small golden bells every hour and showed one of the hour plaques (時牌). At that time, one of the 12 hour gods (時神) appeared from a hole on the plane ground at its designated hour: for example, the god with the face of a rat appeared at 子時 (hour of the rat, 1–2 o’clock) and the god with the face of an ox at 丑時 (hour of the ox; 3–4 o’clock). The gods of the cardinal directions near the crest of the mountain rotated every hour in the order of east, west, south and north. Atop a platform erected near the southern crest stood four figures: one watcher wore an official’s clothes and the other three warriors wore armor. The watcher signalled every hour, [kyŏng (更 night hour) and chŏm (點)] to the warriors, who then rang the bell, drum or gong, respectively. The building also housed an instrument called hŭmgi (欽器), a vessel that stood upright when half-full, tilted when empty, and flipped upside down when filled with water. This apparatus was thought to be a reflection of the sages’ lesson and thus a wordless reminder to govern rightly and justly. All of these parts were powered by the water mill of the Ongru, and thus it “struck and moved on its own without any help from the human hand.” After thoroughly investigating the literature of China and Arabia on automatic clepsydras, Chang Yŏng-sil had finally produced an original celestial clock machine.

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The Hero’s Latter Years The historical record of Chang Yŏng-sil is entirely limited to his official activities over the course of 20 years. Nobody knows when, where or how he was born and died. He started his official career as the sangŭiwŏn byŏljwa (尙衣院 別座) in 1423 (Sejong 5) and was dismissed from the position of sanghogun (上護軍 Deputy Commander of the Five Military Commands) in Sejong 24. Although he contributed greatly to the nation as an engineer, the last phase of his life is obscured. One day, in Sejong 24, the king’s palanquin, which had been manufactured under the direction of Chang Yŏng-sil, broke down. Chang was charged with this crime and questioned in the prison of the Bureau of Crime (ŭigŭmbu 義禁府). On April 27, he was sentenced to 100 lashes, which were later reduced to 80 by the king’s order. He was dismissed from his position for lese majesty on May 3. Nothing is known about his life after he was dismissed from his government position. It is unknown whether he had any descendants. However, as he is listed as one of the illustrious retainers (名臣) of Asan county of the Ch’ungch’ŏngnamdo province in Augmented Survey Geography of Korea (Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam 東國與 地勝覽), we need to further investigate his specific relation with Asan. Chang Yŏng-sil’s life is mainly known from records in Sejong Sillok: his dramatic appointment, activities and the accident that caused his final removal from civil service. Still, many facts await elucidation. Chang Yŏng-sil was primarily a tongnae (東萊), a county slave in government employ. Where and what kind of education did he receive that allowed him to rise to the rank of the best engineer of the 15th century? This was one of the big questions that had haunted me for nearly 40 years. A clue to the answer was provided by Professor Nam Mun-hyŏn in April 2000, when this book was being proofread. Professor Nam’s investigation revealed that the older brother of Chang Yŏng-sil’s wife was Kim Tam, the great astronomer of the Sejong period. This fact helpful in unveiling Chang Yŏng-sil’s life.

Yi Sun-ji: The Astronomer Extraordinaire of the 15th Century There is a scientist who can never be omitted when we discuss the creative development of astronomy in the Sejong period — Yi Sun-ji (?–1465). He was the main figure who elevated Sejong-era astronomy to the highest level of the 15th century. He passed the civil service examination in 1427 (Sejong 9) and had a promising future. After passing the High National Examination (科擧), he worked for four

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years at the Office of Literature (承文院). What exactly he did in the office, where mainly diplomatic literature was handled, is not known. In the meantime, he began to attract people’s attention as an official scholar of the Chosŏn dynasty who excelled in mathematics and astronomy. Soon, he was selected as a young fellow of the Hall of the Worthies (集賢殿) and established a scholarly relationship with King Sejong via learning. When his genius as a scientist caught the eye of the king, a new life started for him. Around 1431, King Sejong had a deep interest in manufacturing astronomical instruments and establishing a calendrical system for the Chosŏn dynasty. He studied mathematics and astronomy with the great scholar Chŏng In-ji in the Kyŏngyŏn (經筵). Sejong firmly believed that astronomy and calendrical systems, the sciences of the monarch, must be promoted to establish the authority of the Chosŏn dynasty. To realize the grand plan, a national project was drawn up and Yi Sun-ji was one of the first persons selected by Sejong. He participated from the beginning in the project on astronomical research and concentrated on producing an accurate calendrical system. Articles in Sejong Sillok discuss the circumstances at the time relating to the revision of the calendrical system. In July 1431 (Sejong 13), the Great Scholar, Chŏng Ch’o, informed the king that, after several years of endeavor to revise the calendrical system, no satisfactory result had been obtained, which worried him day and night. He confessed that his current collaborators on the project were incompetent and indolent, without any sense of purpose, and that they stood no chance of carrying out the revision of the calendrical system. He requested that he be allowed to work with Chŏng In-ji instead. The king ordered Chŏng In-ji to work with Chŏng Ch’o on revising the calendrical system. At the Kyŏngyŏn in the October of the following year, 1432 (Sejong 14), the king said: “The calendrical system of our country was accustomed to the calculating method (ch’ubobŏb 推步法). However, after the revision and the establishment of the new system for calculating the eclipses and the 24 seasons, our system never falls behind the calendrical system brought from the Chinese royal court. I am extremely happy with it. Were we to abandon the project now, the endeavor of 20 years’ research would vanish halfway. I want you to exert more energy and complete the project, so that we may bequeath it to posterity. Today, in Chosŏn, we are realizing an unprecedented feat. I will reward with fortunes and promotions the experts in calendrical computation who are exceptionally skilled.” Yet it seems that the difficulties were not fully overcome, given that in November, King Sejong proposed further improvements after discovering that the

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Yi Sun-ji’s Collected Discourses on Astronomy and the Calendrical Science of the Chinese Masters (Chegatŏksangjip 諸家曆象集).

officials responsible for the calendrical computation were not working diligently and that his civil officials were reluctant to do the work of the Bureau of Astronomy (書雲觀). Nevertheless, King Sejong’s resolve was firm, and the project was well on its way to realization, thanks to his excellent official scholars. It was at this point that Yi Sun-ji joined the project. Yi Sun-ji received special instructions from the king to study mathematics. Such an order was highly irregular for someone from Yi Sun-ji’s background: he was an official scholar with a guaranteed future, a man of talent and of noble birth who had passed the Erudite Examination (文科). Nonetheless, Yi Sun-ji respected the king’s will and willingly devoted himself to the study of mathematics. He understood very well the king’s intention to entrust him with the work of astronomy and calendrical systems. For the following three years, Yi Sun-ji worked on revising the calendrical system. He also played a crucial role in the construction of the great observatory of Kyŏngbokkung Palace and other astronomical instruments by investigating

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all of the Chinese and Arabic astronomical instruments. The national project to manufacture the great observatory and astronomical instruments started in 1432 (Sejong 14) and continued for five years until its completion in 1437 (Sejong 19).

The Compilation of the Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors and Chegayŏksangjip As the construction of the observatory and its instruments progressed, the necessity of systematically arranging and compiling the old astronomical and calendrical classics into a scholarly work inevitably presented itself. Yi Sun-ji was designated as the ideal candidate for the task. In 1433 (Sejong 15), King Sejong ordered: “Compile the books on astronomical spheres (儀象), sundials and water clocks (晷漏), astronomy and calendrical systems by collecting ancient scholars’ works and designs.” To put the king’s idea in modern terms, he wanted a history of East Asian astronomy and calendrical systems. The opportunity had finally come for Yi Sun-ji’s academic status in astronomy to attain a level that no one else could attain. In 1445 (Sejong 27), Yi Sun-ji’s work appeared as Collected Discourses on the Astronomy and Calendrical Science of the Chinese Masters, (Chegayŏksangjip 諸家曆象集) in four volumes in three books. It had taken him more than ten years and consisted of one volume on astronomy, one on calendrical science, one on astronomical spheres and one on sundials and water clocks. The work systematically collected and arranged the astronomical and calendrical sections (志) of the successive Chinese official histories and all the books on astronomy and calendrical science from the Han dynasty to the periods of Song and Yuan. Chegayŏksangjip is thus a history of astronomy that collected and arranged a variety of Chinese literature, divided the vast content into four major fields, and described the historical transition in each field. The book shows quite a different organization and description style from any Chinese astronomy books up to that time. No other work described the history of Chinese astronomy in this manner. Chegayŏksangjip is appraised as the representative work of the early Chosŏn astronomy and provides valuable material that is indispensable to research into East Asian astronomy. Chegayŏksangjip was published several times with various woodblock editions and was read broadly by astronomers, astronomy officials and other interested scholars. Manuscript versions were also copied and distributed widely. Two other important books by Yi Sun-ji, Ch’ŏnmunyuch’o (天文類抄) and Kyosikch’ubobŏb (交食推步法), were published as the projects to manufacture astronomical instruments and research calendrical systems unfolded.

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Ch’ŏnmunyuch’o dealt with theories about the constellations, astronomical theory about the sun, moon and stars and astrological divination. The discussion of constellations mainly follows Poch’ŏn’ga (步天歌). The book compiled facts and theories based on the ideas and theories of the constellations and stars transmitted from ancient times in an easy-to-memorize format. As the title of the book indicates, it is a kind of astronomy textbook summarizing materials from many other astronomical works and concisely describing the facts and theories of divination astronomy that we call today astrology. The Kyosikch’ubobŏb was written in 1457 (Sejo 3) and published in the next year with two volumes in one book. Written with Kim Sŏk-chi as co-author, the book explained a simple method of calculating solar and lunar eclipses with Seoul’s latitude as the standard. The method of calculation is also provided in the form of lyrics to facilitate memorization by government astronomers. This astronomy book was a required subject as the basic text for officials employed by the Bureau of Astronomy. Yi Sun-ji became the chief of the great royal observatory with the king’s full confidence when the large equatorial torquetum was completed and installed on the observation platform, allowing the great observatory to be fully functional. In July 1436 (Sejong 16), his name was listed on the special committee that monitored the manufacture of the new bronze movable type (Kabinja type), another national project. Considering that the list included all of the leading scientists of the time, Yi Sun-ji must have been a very versatile scientist who did not confine himself to astronomy and calendrical science. When Yi could not work because he was observing the mourning period after his mother’s death in 1436, Sejong was gravely concerned. The search for a competent person who could substitute for Yi was launched. Kim Tam, a young scholar of the Hall of the Worthies, won the recommendation of the Sŭngjŏngwŏn (承政院 Office of the Royal Secretariat). Discovered at the age of 20, Kim contributed greatly to the development of astronomy and calendrical science of the Sejong era as Yi Sun-ji’s competent assistant and co-researcher. Nonetheless the king’s confidence in Yi Sun-ji was unshaken. King Sejong would not consent to Yi Sun-ji’s earnest pleadings to spend the customary three-year mourning period in his hometown. As a consequence, Yi Sun-ji returned in the spring of the following year, 1437, in the post of hogun (護軍, 正三品, full third degree rank) and continued his research on astronomical observation and calendrical science. It is reported that King Sejong showed special attention by selecting Yi Sun-ji’s office attire during the mourning period.

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The construction of the Kyŏngbokkung Palace observatory was completed in April 1437 (Sejong 19). Seeing the successful completion of the great national project as an opportunity, Yi submitted his letter of resignation to the king. He wished for a respite after being engaged in calendrical revision, the manufacture of astronomical instruments and astronomical observation for a long period. Although it is uncertain whether his petition was accepted, Yi Sun-ji’s name does not appear in Sejong Sillok for several years after that. There is yet another huge contribution by Yi Sun-ji. It is the publication of two volumes, Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Chiljŏngsan naep’yŏn 七政算內篇) and Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Chiljŏngsan woep’yŏn 七政算外篇) in 1442 (Sejong 24). When the project to construct the observatory and manufacture the astronomical instruments began in 1432 (Sejong 14), the endeavor to produce an independent national calendrical system also started. The latter was finally completed after ten years of collaborative effort with Chŏng Hŭm-ji, Chŏng Ch’o, Chŏng In-ji, Kim Tam, et al. As I have written about this great accomplishment in Chapter 1, Astronomy and Meteorology, I will not discuss it further here. I feel a great sense of pride whenever I think of the calendrical system because I feel as if I am seeing the refined, advanced diplomatic maneuvers of the gentleman scholars of the Sejong era. Although the successive Korean dynasties had always craved their own yŏkpŏb (曆法 calendrical system), they had not been successful. The Chosŏn dynasty finally realized this dream. The ambitious plan that had fomented from the time of T’aejong was only realized during Sejong’s reign. This was no mean feat. For a nation, using its own yŏkpŏb (曆法) was the most practical and reliable way to declare itself an independent nation. The yŏkpŏb (曆法), bestowed by the Chinese emperor, symbolized that the nation was under the control of the Chinese emperor’s sovereignty, which monitored changes in heaven and the subsequent flow of time. The Chosŏn dynasty was going forward with the will to free itself from the sovereignty of China. At the same time, Chosŏn’s scholars and bureaucrats were silently searching for a way to avoid engaging in a diplomatic conflict with China and its subsequent disadvantages. They opted for practical value and did not choose a name for their calendrical system that challenged the Chinese names, such as Susiryŏk (授時曆) and Taemyŏngryŏk (大明曆). Chilchŏngsan (七政算) is the name of the Chosŏn calendrical system. It means the book that compiles the method for calculating the movement of the sun, moon and the five planets. This is the name that is most faithful to the

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academic principles. There is no record about to whom the name was credited. However, given that Yi Sun-ji played the most important and leading role among the scholars, it would be reasonable to assume that his ideas exerted a decisive influence. The compilation of the two volumes, Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors and Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors, was Yi Sun-ji’s chief accomplishment as the leading astronomer of the 15th century. In May 1449 (Sejong 31), in articles in the Sejong Sillok related to Kim Tam, the historiographers record that “nowadays there are only the two of Yi Sun-ji and Kim Tam who know astronomy.” This permits us to ascertain Yi Sun-ji’s position as well as his contributions to astronomy. Yi continued to make astronomical observations after that period. Yi died in June (day of Chŏnghae 丁亥) 1465 (Sejo 11). His father, Yi Maeng-sang (李孟常), born into the Yi family from Yangsŏng (陽城 李氏), was a high-ranking government official who successively served in the following positions: second vice-minister of Technology and Crafts, second vice-minister of Finance, mayor of Wŏnju County, governor of Kwangwŏndo Province and deputy of the National Council (中樞院). Yi Sun-ji had one older brother. Yi suffered from weak health from childhood. He could not speak well even when he was five years old and used to lie sick in bed. But he grew up to be a healthy young man with a promising future, thanks to extreme care from his mother. His mother’s affection and good family education were essential to his great success as the best astronomer of the Chosŏn period. During the last few years of his life, he was promoted to the high government positions of vice-minister of finance and governor-general of the Hansŏng (漢城) district. His tomb can be found in his hometown (Ch’asanri, Hwadomyŏn, Namyangjugun county, Kyŏnggido province) together with Chŏngp’yŏnggong (靖平公), Yi Sun-ji’s memorial stone monument (神道碑), designated as district cultural asset number 54.

Sŏ Yu-gu’s Encyclopedia of Agriculture (Imwŏnsipnyukchi 林園十六志) 林園十六志 Science and technology in the Chosŏn dynasty reached its golden age during the King Sejong period through a combination of craftsmen’s skills and the science (學問) of the middle classes (中人). However, it was through the endeavor of the practical learning (實學) scholars that science and technology established its theoretical base and gained a more comprehensive system as a practical tool after the mid-Chosŏn period. Those scholars looked for a rational plan to

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reform Chosŏn’s socio-economic system, pointed out that technological endeavor was necessary for the betterment of practical life and wrote many books that awakened academic and ideological self-consciousness. Their endeavor was concentrated on the national issue of how to improve the agricultural economy that had been devastated by two wretched military events — the Japanese invasion in the year of Imjin (壬辰倭亂) and the northern barbarian invasion in the year of Pyŏngja (丙子胡亂). These scholars were Yi Su-gwang, Yu Hyŏng-wŏn, Yi Ik, Pak Chi-wŏn and Chŏng Yag-yong. Sŏ Yu-gu (徐有榘), author of Encyclopedia of Agriculture (Imwŏnsipnyukchi 林園十六志), had the academic tradition of such practical learning scholars and the ideological trend of the times of King Yŏngjo and Chŏngjo as the backdrop for his work. His grandfather was Sŏ Myŏng-ŭng, who is generally known as one of the founders of the Northern School of Practical Learning (北學派), and his father was Sŏ Ho-su, who wrote Haedongnongsŏ (海東農書) and was well versed in the science of astronomical instruments. Sŏ Yu-gu was born in 1764 (Yŏngjo 40) and passed the Erudite Examination (文科) at the young age of 12. When he was about 39, he held local government posts such as mayor of Ŭiju (義州) and governor of Yangju. In his later years, he worked at the highest central government posts such as Minister of Justice, Minister of the Interior, Minister of the Ministry of Rites, Chief of the Bureau of Rites (禮文館提學) and Chief of the Bureau of Judicature (大司憲). He died at the age of 82 in 1845 (Heonjong 11). He left numerous scholarly works including Imwŏnsipyukji (林園十六志), Chongjŏbo (種藷譜), P’ungsŏkjip (楓石集), Sipsamgyŏngdae (十三經對), Haengboji (杏浦志), Nanhoeŏmokchi (蘭湖魚牧志) and Kŭmhwakyŏngdokki (金華耕讀記), among others.

Contents of Imwŏnsipnyukchi (林園十六志 林園十六志) Imwŏnsipnyukchi (林園十六志) is Sŏ Yu-gu’s representative work and the best natural history encyclopedia from pre-modern Korea. This work was written for scholars who lived in the country. It is an encyclopedia that offered all the practical knowledge and technology needed for the rural scholar and helped the scholar to cultivate the arts and hobbies. It was thus not only an encyclopedia but a handbook for the scholar in the country as well. At the same time, it has the full-fledged academic structure of an encyclopedia and contains the author’s philosophy and ideas about agricultural technology and economic policies. It was thus a book of agricultural politics and economics as well as home management.

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Imwŏnsipnyukchi (林園十六志) is a colossal 113-volume work. As its title suggests, it is structured by themes into 16 parts as follows: (1) Principal and Interest (Ponriji 本利志), volumes 1–13 As the part that the author took the most care to write, this deals with agriculture in general, from plowing fields and sowing seeds to harvesting. The author tried to solve the agricultural problems of early 19th-century Chosŏn. The descriptions include: agricultural technology, irrigation problems, the theory of agricultural economy, field systems (田制), irrigation, soil (土壤), soil quality, agricultural geography, agricultural meteorology, the reclamation and cultivation of farmland, fertilizers, the selection, storage and sowing of seeds, research on the cultivation and names of various cereals, prevention of disasters to cereals and annual functions organized by the month. Chinese farming books, especially Wang Zhen’s Farming Manual (農書) and his father, Sŏ Ho-su’s Haedongnongsŏ (海東農書) are cited. However, the agricultural system that is introduced in this part was based on his own work, Forest Economy (山林經濟), and his own basic research on agriculture. In the pictorial illustration (圖譜) of farming implements and machines at the end of the section, plowing implements, implements that hull rice by pounding, and irrigation facilities are explained. The author refers for the most part to the famous Chinese farming book, Nongzhengchuanshu (農政全書) and western technology books, such as T’aesŏsupŏb (泰西水法) and Kigidosŏl (奇器圖說,). He most probably believed and recommended, as other scholars of practical learning (實學) did, that machines should be largely used in agriculture. (2) Kwanhyuji (灌畦志), volumes 14–17 This part deals with edible and medical plants. From curled mallow and green onion to wild edible greens and seaweed, 33 kinds of vegetable, 8 kinds of vine and 20 kinds of medicinal herb are explained, along with an investigation of their names, species, sowing times, growing methods, etc. (3) Horticulture (藝苑志), volumes 18–22 The general growing method of flowering plants is described, along with an investigation into their names, growing method, species, etc. (4) Late Learning (晩學志), volumes 23–27 This part deals with the growing methods of fruits and other useful plants.

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Thirty-one kinds of fruit, twenty-six kinds of vine, including grape, omija (五味子 Maximowiczia chinensis), and peanuts, and thirteen kinds of other trees and herbs, including tea, bamboo and tobacco, are studied by species and growing method. In addition, it deals with the cutting and storing of logs, as well as wild fruits. (5) Chŏngongji (展功志), volumes 28–32 This part deals with the science of fabric, including cloth, weaving and dyeing. Cloth is divided into silk, hemp cloth and cotton. Fabrication of the materials, textile manufacture, washing and dyeing techniques are explained. Silkworms and the mulberry tree, the spinning process and related implements are also discussed, with illustrations. These pictures are from the Chinese technology books, T’ien kun k’a wu (天工開物), Jinggengtu (耕職圖), etc. Furthermore, the weaving technology and textiles of Chosŏn are described in detail. (6) Wisŏnji (魏鮮志), volumes 33–36 The author discusses agricultural meteorology with its element of fortunetelling and related astrological-astronomical observations. From reading and assimilating various astronomical books, the author readjusts and systemizes weather forecasting based on astronomical and meteorological phenomena. A theory of both long- and short-term weather forecasting is developed as well. (7) Chŏnŏji (佃魚志), volumes 37–40 Domestic animals, wild animals and fish are treated here. Methods of breeding domestic animals, disease treatment and various hunting skills and fishing methods are explained. This section (志) is particularly notable for its research on fish species. The article discusses the names, origins, forms, habits and uses of more than 100 kinds of fish by referring to two of his own works, Nanhoeomokji and Hwahansamjaedohoe (和漢三才圖會), and other literature. Along with Chasanŏbo (玆産魚譜), this section constitutes a classic of pre-modern Korean ichthyology. (8) Chŏngjoji (鼎俎志), volumes 41–47 This section discusses Sikkamch’walyo (食鑑撮要), a noteworthy medicalpharmacological work on various foods. The author also classifies various nourishing foods, condiments, alcohol, etc. into seven kinds of foods and scientifically explains the various methods of manufacturing them.

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(9) Sŏmyongji (贍用志), volumes 48–51 This section discusses the general domestic science of the Korean household by comparing Korean and Chinese construction styles, architecture, weights and measures implements, various tools and mechanical equipment for handicrafts, clothing, home furnishings, everyday implements and transportation vehicles. (10) Poyangji (葆養志), volumes 52–59 This section lays out the Taoist regimen and discusses the dietary treatment and mental training that is closely connected to the Shinsŏnsul (神仙術) for eternal life (不老長生). The section also discusses child-rearing and the rules of health (攝生法) according to the seasons through a monthly table of regimens. (11) Injeji (仁濟志), volumes 60–87 This is a handbook of medicine and pharmacology with a novel organization. The author classifies the diseases of the human body according to internal and external causes. He then suggests a remedy for each and discusses the symptoms and prescriptions by specialty: for example, women’s diseases are classified as Pukwa (婦科), childhood diseases as Yukwa (幼科) and external injuries as Oekwa (外科). (12) Hyangryeji (鄕禮志), volumes 88–90 The four ceremonies of coming-of-age, marriage, death and ancestor worship, as well as general rites practiced in the provinces are the themes of this section. (13) Yuyeji (遊藝志), volumes 91–98 In this section the author describes various arts that cultivate the gentleman scholar’s taste and hobbies, such as reading, calculation, calligraphy, painting and music. (14) Iunji (怡雲志), volumes 99–106 This section again deals with matters relating to the gentleman scholar’s daily life and hobbies: the scholar’s daily implements and stationary, tea, incense, pets, antiques, book printing and binding, sightseeing and table-setting for banquets. (15) Sangt’aekchi (相宅志), volume 107–108 The section deals with the geography of Chosŏn in general. The author discusses the arts and the know-how for selecting a good living environment.

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He also surveys the outline of the customs and geography of the eight provinces of Chosŏn. (16) Yegyuji (倪圭志), volumes 109–113 The author deals with the practical socio-economic situation of Chosŏn. He provides practical policies for the improvement of the nation’s wealth and power and of the common people’s economic life. He also presents the well-known products and markets of each province and county and the distances between the important cities and towns as reference material.

Assessment Imwŏnsipnyukchi (林園十六志) is a novel work that synthesized almost all of the life sciences of China and Chosŏn. It succeeded the tradition of Chosŏn’s science of agriculture and natural history that is connected to the Nongsajiksŏl (農事直說), Tongŭibogam (東醫寶鑑), Sallimkyŏngje (山林 經濟), Taengriji (擇里志), Kosach’walyo (故事撮要), Kosasinsŏ (故事新書), and Kwanongsoch’o (課農小抄). Basing his work on the traditional system and referring to more than Picture of water wheel in Sŏ Yu-gu’s Encyclopedia of 800 works of literature, the author enlarged, developed and Agriculture. completed his work as the near-perfect work of natural history that early 19th-century Chosŏn society demanded. Imwŏnsipnyukchi is thus the product of the scholarship and spirit of the period from the time of King Yŏngjo and Chŏngjo to King Sunjo and the crystallization of the academic enthusiasm of three generations of a family that culminated with Sŏ Yu-gu’s generation. Sŏ Yu-gu’s natural history epitomized in Imwŏnsipnyukchi is significant for its integration of numerous works of literature into his academic system, which eventually evolved into a theory in its own right. His natural history has a special position as a living system of learning, which sought and preserved Korean tradition and admirably assimilated Chinese tradition to present a new, practical plan for solving the socio-economic problems of Chosŏn. The abundant references that he collected and quoted in his research are truly precious materials that will contribute greatly to the study of the history of Korean science and technology.

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Three copies or transcribed texts of Imwŏnsipnyukchi remain. One text, written on ruled paper (罫紙) of Chayŏndanggyŏngsil (自然堂經室), which is acknowledged to be the author’s copy, is reportedly preserved in the Osaka Prefecture Library, Japan. In Korea, one copy is in the collection of the Seoul National Library [originally the collection of Kyujanggak (奎章閣)], and another text, which seems to be a transcribed copy produced before 1945, is now in the Korea University Library. A photographic edition, a small six-volume octavo (菊版) bound in the western style, has been published since 1966 as part of the Seoul National University Classics series.

Sŏng Chu-dŏk’s (成周悳 成周悳) Record of the Bureau of Astronomy (書雲觀志 書雲觀志) Korean astronomy has a long history of observation. According to History of Three Kingdoms, solar eclipses and 51 comet sightings were recorded as early as 54 BCE. The records are a good representation of Korean sensitivity to and seriousness about the happenings in heaven. The reason they paid so much attention to the various heavenly phenomena was mostly due to the fact that the fates of the nation and the ruler were thought to be closely tied to these phenomena. Therefore, for the rulers of successive dynasties, who were heavily influenced by Chinese political ideology, which advocated the politics of the heaven, such heavenly movements and changes had to be regarded as the equivalent of important political events. However, the main reason why Korean astronomy has such a long history was because Korea has, from antiquity, been an agricultural country. To increase the agricultural production, timing of the farm work schedule was essential, and this, in turn, relied on an accurate calendar. As a consequence, the organization responsible for the astronomical observation and making of an exact calendrical system held a very important position in successive Korean dynasties from the time of Three Kingdoms period. During the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods, experts (博士) in astronomy and calendars took charge of the task, and astronomical observatories, such as the Ch’ŏmsŏngdae in Kyŏngju, were erected. During the Koryŏ dynasty, the organization was also left to one of the most important government bureaus, which was called T’aesaguk (太史局) in the early days and Sach’ŏndae (司天臺) later. After that, Koryŏ further consolidated the organization of observation and calendars and changed its name to Sŏun’gwan (書雲觀) in 1308 (King Chungryŏl 34 忠 烈王). From that time onward, the Sŏun’gwan (Bureau of Astronomy) became

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the head temple of Korean astronomical activity and a government organization that became very familiar to scholars and the general public alike. It continued into the Chosŏn dynasty as it was. It accomplished unprecedented development in the science of heaven in Korean history, during the Sejong period in particular, and left a deep impression on the Korean mind as a respected organization. Upon Sejong’s order, a large-scale astronomical observatory was constructed, in which various astronomical instruments were installed. Following the systematization and modernization of its activity, the Bureau of Astronomy evolved as an authoritative, functional organization. The Bureau of Astronomy observed the movements of the stars and investigated the calendrical calculation to establish Chosŏn’s independent calendrical system. In addition, it measured and announced the standard time, observed meteorological phenomena and researched and published geography and cartography. Under King Sejo, the Sŏun’gwan changed its name to Kwansanggam (觀象 監), and oversaw the modernization of its activities. Nonetheless, it continued to be known as the Sŏun’gwan by the public, who longed for the Golden Age of the Sejong period. In fact, during the reigns of Yŏngjo-Chŏngjo, which marked a cultural renaissance, during which the astronomical and meteorological accomplishments of the Sejong era were reassessed and valued, the astronomers of the Yŏngjo-Chŏngjo period came to appreciate the more familiar and proud name of Sŏun’gwan rather than the name Kwansanggam. Astronomy as a science built on the skills of the craftsmen, and the learning of the middle classes thus reached a development turning point during the period of academic renaissance and flourishing practical learning (實學). Following Yi Sun-ji’s Collected Discourses on the Astronomy and Calendrical Science of the Chinese Masters (Chegayŏksangjip 諸家曆象集) of Sejong’s time and Ch’oe Chŏnbyŏk’s Ch’ŏndongsanguigo (天東象緯考) of Sukjong’s time, the Astronomical Section (Sangwigo 象緯考) of Tonggukmunhŏnbigo (東國文獻備考) was published during Yŏngjo’s reign, even further clarifying astronomy’s status as a science. Korean astronomy in general has developed under the absolute influence of Chinese astronomy, with Chinese astronomy as its starting point. As a result, it is very similar to the latter. Nevertheless, Korean traditional astronomy is remarkable for its independent, continued tradition of observation. Whereas Chinese astronomy since the Han dynasty concentrated its research efforts on calendrical systems, Korean astronomy tended more towards accurate observation in the course of its reception and assimilation of Chinese astronomy. This inclination may have arisen from the Korean disposition of the Chosŏn-dynasty astronomers, who had little reformative ambition.

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Consequently, Korean astronomers most probably devoted themselves to their assigned tasks of observing and minutely recording the heavens according to the established observation system, without the least bit of perturbation at any of the political and social turmoil. What is left to us are their observation data, and, although they have yet to contribute to the development of modern astronomy, we crave to know the context and details that produced the excellent observation record. In this sense, Sŏng Chu-dŏk’s Record of the Bureau of Astronomy may be the book written to satisfy our intellectual curiosity.

The Contents of the Record of the Bureau of Astronomy The Record of the Bureau of Astronomy was compiled in 1818 (Sunjo 18) by Sŏng Chu-dŏk (成周悳), the famous astronomer of the late Chosŏn period. It was complied as the official book of the government’s Bureau of Astronomy. Prior to this, Sŏng had published the Kukchoyŏksanggo (國朝曆象考) in 1795 (Chŏngjo 19), which discussed five topics, including the history of Korea’s successive calendrical systems, the measurement of the polar altitude (北極高度) and the east-west inclination (東西偏道), Sŏng Chu-dŏk’s (成周悳) Record of the Bureau of i.e. latitude and longitude, and water clocks. It also outlined the Astronomy (書雲觀志). observational instruments and system. Record of the Bureau of Astronomy is thus one of the various official publications compiled during the Chosŏn period and shares a similar format to the others. However, the work is distinct in the sense that it is about the organization in charge of astronomical research and education, as well as meteorology and geography, important fields of natural science. Furthermore, the author not only deals with the Bureau of Astronomy mechanically as a government bureau; he also uses the valuable materials he collected over almost ten years, reflecting his personal experience as an interpreter of the Chinese language. We also see that he compiled the development process and changes of astronomical systems, geography, calendrical systems, clocks, meteorological observation and observational instruments from a broad historical perspective. The work consists of four volumes. In volume 1, the author writes about the regulations concerning the appointment of the Bureau of Astronomy officials and their duties. Firstly, the selection of personnel for the official posts is discussed; secondly, the examinations and examination subjects for the selection of officials;

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thirdly, education; fourthly, the awards and disciplinary actions; and, fifthly, the on-duty personnel and regulations. The officers of the Sŏun’gwan were appointed through the national examination (科擧試驗), as was the case with other bureaus. However, it is well-known that the position was in the miscellaneous class (雜科) and which mainly the middle class applied. One point of particular interest is the item concerning the regulations on Chwawi (坐衛) and Pŏn’gyu (番規), i.e., the regulations concerning observation and the assignment of observers. According to this item, the Chosŏn dynasty classified heavenly phenomena into 23 kinds and stipulated observation regulations for each one. The celestial phenomena again were divided into two phenomena: normal and abnormal. The simultaneous appearance of the sun and the moon, white aura (Paekhun 白暈), earthquake, comet and nova were abnormal phenomena to be reported in detail by drawing up Sŏngbyŏnchŭkhudanja (星變測候 單子 Case Record of Abnormal Heavenly Phenomena) stating the appearance time, form and degree, position and change, etc. following strict regulations. Four sets of reports were to be prepared and presented to the Office of the Royal Secretariat (承政院), Tanghu (堂後), Sigangwŏn (侍講院) and the Office of the Special Counselors (弘文館). The Kwansanggam also recorded these phenomena in Kwansanggam Diary and Record of Extraordinary Heavenly Phenomena (天變謄 錄), which were preserved as original copies. Of particular interest is the regulation which states that the observation record should be accompanied by illustrations. This regulation also applied to normal phenomena, which included solar and lunar eclipses, sunspots, halos of the sun and the moon, shooting stars, snow, rain and storms. For example, the regulation stipulates that the phenomena of rainfall should be divided into eight stages and recorded clearly according to the depth of the rainwater accumulated in the rain gauge and the intensity of the rainfall. Record of the Bureau of Astronomy states that: “rain … x o’clock x minutes, the shower fell. The depth of the water in the rain gauge is x ch’on x pun.” Also, the extent of the meteorological observation can be gauged from regulations on clouds and hail. In the case of clouds, the form, color, size, appearance time, direction, disappearance time and movement had to be recorded. In the case of hail, the size had to be classified according to four units: small bean (小豆), big bean (大豆), pongja (棒子) and choran (鳥卵 bird’s egg), along with the time of their fall. Observation of the various phenomena was carried out in five shifts per day for 24 hours. Volume 2 discusses all the fields that the Bureau of Astronomy supervised, such as astronomy, geography and the calendrical system, according to the items

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of Ch’iryŏk (治曆), Ch’ŭngnyŏk (測曆), Kyosik (交食), Kamyŏ (堪輿), Sŏnt’aek (選 擇), Sokkwan (屬官), Iye (吏隸), Chinhŏn (進獻), Pansa (頒賜), Singrye (式例) and Kongmul (貢物), etc. It also mentions the manufacture of calendars and the yearly events in particular. Volume 3 records the events of earlier days: the major events and their origins related to astronomy and meteorology from ancient times to the late Chosŏn era were surveyed and summarized in order to enable one to see the history of the Bureau of Astronomy at a glance. Finally, volume 4 explains in detail the method and regulations of recording. In short, Record of the Bureau of Astronomy lets the readers understand the Bureau of Astronomy, i.e. the royal astronomical and meteorological observatory, in a very effective, considerate and academic manner. It tells us what the Sŏun’gwan did, how it observed the heavens and how it evolved historically. Although the organization has now disappeared completely, the record that it left is still very much alive.

Assessment In 1910, the head of the Korean Observatory at that time, the Japanese meteorologist Wada Yuji (和田雄治), published a collection of articles entitled Academic Report of the Korean Observatory (韓國觀測所學術報文). Through this work, the western academic world came to know for the first time of the superiority of traditional Korean astronomy and meteorology and came to pay attention to the academic importance of Sŏng Chu-dŏk’s Record of the Bureau of Astronomy. Record of Wind and Cloud (風雲記), Case Record of Abnormal Heavenly Phenomena (Sŏngbyŏnch’ŭkhudanja 星變測候單子), Ch’ŏnbyŏnch’och’uldŭngn ok (天變抄 出謄錄) and Dŭngnok (出謄錄), the observation and reports of Kwansanggam Diary (觀象監) that were detailed by Wada, vividly depicted how faithfully the officials of the Kwansanggam followed the regulations and rules stipulated in Record of the Bureau of Astronomy and carried out observations. Wada wrote: “Such record in Chosŏn would surely make a more precious contribution for research than the already known material of Western Europe.” Wada added that: “[the Bureau] measured the distance from the pole, showed the change of the position of stars among the constellations using illustrations, and even depicted changes in the tail part of the moving stars. The record is truly a precious jewel for both the Eastern and Western academic world as an observation record of that time.”

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However, most of the records of the Kwansanggam were thrown away and had perished. What remain are merely Record of the Bureau of Astronomy and the papers collected by Wada. Record of the Bureau of Astronomy (書雲觀志) is a living witness to the abandoned child who died a lonely death in the shadow of modern science and offers us a new lesson. It is therefore most precious material for the study of traditional Korean astronomy and meteorology. While another work by its author, Kukchoyŏksanggo (國朝曆象考), attempted instead a theoretical explanation, Record of the Bureau of Astronomy vividly shows the various aspects of the very earnest endeavors by the Korean astronomers of the past, who placed much more emphasis on the pursuit of phenomena. Furthermore, Record of the Bureau of Astronomy recorded and preserved the strict kyurye (規例 rules and regulations) of the observers that was almost lost forever, while successfully placing it on firm scholarly ground. This is yet another reason why the work is of academic significance. Any scholar today who knows Record of the Bureau of Astronomy highly values the modern implications of its contents. This is because the rules and regulations (觀測規例) of that time, as seen in this book, are fully compatible with the established scientific system adopted by the most modern observatories. Unfortunately, Record of the Bureau of Astronomy has not contributed to the development of Chosŏn astronomy and meteorology since its time. Furthermore, it did not exercise any academic influence on our modern astronomical development because of environmental restrictions, both realistic and academic, of modern Korea. Nonetheless, this cannot be the continuing weakness of Record of the Bureau of Astronomy. The responsibility to succeed and contribute to new modern astronomical and meteorological development lies with our present generation. Record of the Bureau of Astronomy is definitely one of the most important classics in traditional Korean science as it provides very important material. For that reason, this author has long thought that there should be a scholarly translation of the work. Although the Korean Society for the History of Science began the research, the collaborative research, translation and annotation was interrupted at an early stage under difficult circumstances. Approximately ten years ago, Yu Kyŏng-no, Park Seong-rae, Kim Ki-hyŏp and myself each took charge of one volume and completed the first stage of the research, which dealt with the general outline. At that time, we earnestly pleaded with Professor Yu Kyŏng-no to continue the task, and he accepted our request because of his strong sense of duty despite his advanced age. Professor Yu had earned our high regard as a modern astronomer who was also highly accomplished in Chinese classics. After a while,

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he successfully finished the translation and annotation of the first volume and published the results in the Journal of the Korean History of Science Society from 1989 to 1994. Upon finishing work on the first volume, Professor Yu said that the translation and research of the remaining three volumes would progress much faster, but he passed away on November 5, 1997 after a life of eighty years without being able to fulfill his promise. I am pained to think of who could succeed him in this very difficult, yet far from showy, research project in the future. I can only wait for a scholar to take up the research on Sŏng Chu-dŏk’s Record of the Bureau of Astronomy (書雲觀志) with as much affection as Professor Yu Kyŏng-no.

Yi Kyu-gyŏng and his Natural History Yi Kyu-gyŏng (李圭景) was born in Seoul in 1788 (Chŏngjo 12). His other name (子) is Paekkyu (伯揆), and his pen name (號) is Oju (五洲) or Poun (哺雲). His father, Yi Kwang-gyu, although not as famous a figure, was appointed the government official of letters (檢書官) and worked for a long time in the Royal Library (Kyujanggak 奎章閣) in charge of the compilation of books. His grandfather, Yi Tŏng-mu (李德懋), was a man of great learning and many talents, and a practical learning scholar of considerable literary renown. The practical learning of Chosŏn reached its peak at the end of the 18th century when Yi Kyu-gyŏng was a boy. Kings Yŏngjo and Chŏngjo adopted a Policy of Impartiality (蕩平策) to appoint as many men of ability as possible from all political parties. Furthermore, scholars of practical learning as well as scholars born of concubines were appointed in the Kyujanggak established by Chŏngjo, and books were published in many fields. Among the officials of letters appointed at this time was Yi Tŏng-mu, a scholar of practical learning and born of a concubine. Yi Tŏng-mu visited Yenjing (燕京) as an envoy to China. From that experience, he acknowledged the cultural superiority of the Qing dynasty and began to assert that Chosŏn must first learn the Qing culture in order to reform its current situation. Yi Kyu-gyŏng grew up in a familial academic tradition and acquired his learning in a very strict, traditional Confucian atmosphere. He especially liked natural history from his early days and read widely in that field, as well as books on science and technology. Among the books he liked best were the works of the natural historian of the Jin (晋) period, Zhang Mu-xian, and the scholar of the Song (宋) period, Li Shi. He was also deeply influenced by his grandfather’s learning and ideology. Consequently, his learning was practical, based on the idea of economic enrichment (利用厚生). The rise of the commonly

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called “Northern Learning School” (北學派), one lineage of practical learning developed in the metropolitan atmosphere of Seoul, was closely related to the new thriving commerce and industry of the city. Their learning focused on industrial development by asserting improvement of the system of goods transportation and production implements. Nevertheless, his learning was not completely different from the learning of kyŏngsech’iyong (經世致用), which mainly aimed at institutional reforms such as the land system and administrative organization. He tried to reform the agriculture-based Chosŏn with the aid of science and technology while aiming at the development of commerce and industry. He tried to find something new in the traditional science and technology of China and Chosŏn to improve the pragmatic technology. He believed that “his learning was sure to help even the economic life of the people who live deep in the mountains.” While most of the scholars of practical learning of Chosŏn concentrated on the science of agriculture, Yi Kyu-gyŏng’s natural history dealt with practically every science and technology that could be utilized in reality. He thought that his natural history, i.e. his learning of science and technology, contained living knowledge that could be utilized by country scholars, just like the famous Chinese technological books, including Sancaituhui (三才圖會), Gezhijingyuan (格致鏡源), Kwangbuwuzhi (廣博物志) and T’ien kun k’a wu (天工開物). After reaching adulthood, Kyu-gyŏng did not seek a position in the government. Unlike most men from learned and noble families, who studied to be in government employ, he simply led a quiet life, buried in the countryside. He absorbed himself in achieving a synthesis of the practical learning, succeeding his grandfather’s learning, and in researching his favorite subjects of natural history and technology. He studied and collected as much material as possible in a wide range of fields and endeavored to research the origin of those subjects: astronomy, calendrical systems, mathematics, technology, history, geography, politics, economy, literature, religion, art, custom, organization, food, clothing, housing, and even animals and plants. He devoted his entire youth to arranging the materials and describing them systematically. He writes in his work Ojusŏjong (五洲書種) as follows: Since I have come of age, I have liked the learning of Zhang Mu-xian and Li Shi the most and have completed quite a few collections of materials that I extracted from their works with much endeavor. I was very happy, as if I had obtained the most precious treasure in the world and kept it for dozens of years. After that, it disappeared from my concern and memory for a long time, to the extent that I even forgot that I wrote the book.

The Scientists of the Chosŏn Period

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In 1832, he fell ill and had to take to a life of recuperation. He lived a lonely life, watching gardens luxuriant with weeds and reciting the poetry of antiquity. Then, one day, he recalled the book of natural history that he had written, and wrote as follows: I decided to forget my anxiety about this, and opened an old box to find the book kept intact inside. Although there were too many revisions and deletions to read, I felt as if my eyes were opened wide when I read the title of the book I had written.

After some hesitation, he finally decided to arrange the manuscript into book form. By the autumn of 1834, he had completed two parts, “Metal and Precious Stones”, of Ojusŏjong (五洲書種), the first fruit of his research on natural history. Five years later, the parts on “Military Affairs and Technology” were completed. It is not clear when his recuperation was over. After he finished his first work, Yi Kyu-gyŏng did his best and poured all of his energy into completing his other masterpiece, Oju yŏnmunjangjŏn san’go (五洲衍文長箋散稿, 60 books). It is a kind of encyclopedic work in which 1,400 items on the past and present matters of Korea, China and other areas were set down, and demonstrative explanations for each were compiled. To complete the work, Yi Kyu-gyŏng gathered and wrote down whatever he had acquired from books or meditations over a long period, regardless of time and place. Therefore, the items included everything that he saw, heard, read, conceived and felt from his early days.

Yi Kyu-gyŏng’s Natural History The root of Chosŏn science can be found in the learning of the middle classes (中人) and technological tradition of the artisan. The craft of the artisan as a practical experience and expertise was handed down and developed from generation to generation. Koreans during the Chosŏn period only pursued practical phenomena practically and did not care about theoretical explanations. The result was that the craft and techniques could not be elevated to an applied science and were instead transmitted by word of mouth and empirical methods. Such techniques of artisans finally became academically established as a science thanks to the scholars of practical learning in the 17th–18th centuries. The scholars were deeply influenced by western modern science and technology and rebelled against the traditional trend of thought, which emphasised philosophical

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contemplation and impractical theory. They launched the practical learning movement on the basis of the scientific spirit whose ideal was Silsagusi (實事 求是 searching for truth from real facts) and launched a scientific reform by importing western learning onto the foundation of traditional Korean science and technology. However, despite their endeavors, the traditional Korean technological heritage could not be saved in its totality. Above all, there was too much empirical knowledge and secret craft which had already been completely forgotten. Consequently, they had little choice but to rely heavily on Chinese books on technology. Furthermore, there was no denying the prejudice that Chinese technology was superior and more advanced than their own was deeply rooted in their minds. After all, their main goal was to achieve more effective technological improvements rather than to arrange and systematize heritage from the past. It is also a fact that their endeavors derived from the political movement of organizational reform and, as a result, they sometimes argued for an idealized reform plan that did not fit the actual social circumstances because they were too deeply absorbed in the civilization and institutions of western Europe or the new Chinese Qing (淸) dynasty. This was an inevitable outcome of their social status. Therefore, some of the writings were weak, such as the unrealistic assertions or mere collections and enumerations of literature. They could not play the role of technological work based on practical experience and experiment. In contrast, Yi Kyu-gyŏng did not quote Chinese writings uncritically. He devoted sufficient research and examination to them, revised what was wrong and positively investigated what was not known clearly. He also assessed and supplemented the Chinese methods in his writings by comparing them with methods that were in practical use in Chosŏn. Using his own notes and wideranging knowledge freely, he wrote down only what he had completely assimilated and adapted in his own way. Yi started his Pangmulgobyŏn (博物考辨) with gold, silver and copper and progressed to dealing with jade, glass, ceramics and other subjects such as bone, horn, mercury compounds, lead compounds, arsenic compounds, sulfur and aluminum. Pangmulgobyŏn thus gives the distinct impression of being a technical treatise on practical chemistry. He seems to have displayed his academic stance as a scholar of the Northern Learning School (北學派) who had the progressive attitude of pursuing commercial and industrial development. His work was all the more unconventional in that its beginning discusses in detail the technical issues related to gold and silver, which contemporary Confucian standard would have treated as an issue of the lowest importance.

The Scientists of the Chosŏn Period

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His work can be related to the development of commercial capitalism and consequent elevation of the craftsmen class as an independent profession. From the end of the 18th century, there appeared craftsmen who accumulated capital independently from the government department. These craftsmen began to produce commercial goods to sell to the general market using their own capital. They produced bronze goods, brassware, ceramics, handiwork in gold and silver, etc. to meet the demand of the city masses. They supplied the goods to the three big markets in Seoul and other markets throughout the country. In the case of the mining industry, gold and silver were first excavated in large quantities by individual civilians for smuggling to China. The government then officially recognized the business and imposed a tax on it. Yi’s work reflects his own thoughts about the demand and trend of the time. It also reveals that metal currency, which began to be circulated on a nationwide scale in Chosŏn from the end of the 17th century, appeared as a realistic issue to scholars. In addition, there seems to have been an indirect influence from western commercial capitalism that was directly connected to the economy of money circulation, which consisted mainly of gold and silver. The influence of the western world, especially of western technology, is evident in various parts of his book on technology. In the part on military technology, he introduces the French cannon and explains its merits. In the chapter on Bip’yŏn (秘編), the western-style fire extinguisher is introduced together with an explanatory diagram. In the item on glass, the stained glass of Holland, and, in the items on spectacles, the telescope and the western microscope were cited as superior, with explanations provided on their principles and methods of manufacture. Yi placed much emphasis on military technology. He devoted almost half of his Ojusŏjong (五洲書種) to military technology related to land combat and sea battle. Various firearms and battleships, together with the accompanying equipment, are explained with illustrations. The author also deals with General Yi Sun-sin’s turtle ship and the strategy he applied successfully in sea battles as important accomplishments. This probably reflects his concern over the threat of Western influence. The book was intended, as he himself stated, for the poor country scholar instead of the expensive and Chinese technological books, which were difficult to come by, and to help the “economic life of the poor people living in the mountains.” However, the writing shows the very positive, ambitious attitude of the writer in producing a book of that kind. It is notable that the author assumes a critical tone about the contemporary intellectual class, the ruling class of the time, who were ignorant of the manufacturing techniques of the necessities

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of daily life and weapons for national defense which they encountered and benefited from on a daily basis. He also revealed his reformative attitude against a reality where the producers of the daily necessities and weapons were despised. However, his Ojusŏjong (五洲書種) is, in the strict sense, not a guidebook on technology. Seen by professionals in each of the subjects he discussed, the work might reveal quite a few unsatisfactory points, but the writer’s purpose in describing the techniques according to a scholarly system, with literary scholars as his readers rather than professional technicians, is thought to have been realized successfully. He rebelled against the various superstitious beliefs and practices that seeped into the intellectual class of the late Chosŏn period and objected to the attitude of pretending to know well what one did not know clearly. This must be due to his empirical (實證的) spirit that pursued only accurate information and observation. The value of Yi Kyu-gyŏng’s work lies precisely in such aspects. His conviction and enthusiasm for learning that could be used for practical purposes contributed greatly to the preservation of much of the Korean artisans’ traditional crafts and technology, albeit imperfectly, which were on the brink of Yi Kyu-gyŏng’s Ojusŏjong Pangmulgobyŏn (五洲書種 complete extinction. 博物考辨). His natural history and practical learning philosophy reveal modern-oriented and forward-looking inclinations in the sense that he gave natural science and technology, which were outside the Chosŏn intellectuals’ sphere of concern, an academic systematization, building on the empirical spirit of the Chosŏn period at a time when productive technology was regarded merely as a personal talent. His deployment of science and technology as a system of learning was one of the most important components of practical learning in the late Chosŏn period and contributed substantially to the rediscovery of traditional Korean science and stabilization of its distinctive status.

The Scientists of the Chosŏn Period

Chap6 (384-425) 425

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Index

426

A

B

Abiji, 64 Academic Report of the Korean Observatory, 418 Additional Material on the Three Kingdoms (Samgukyusa), 47, 282, 358 Anapchi, 348–57 Aoyama Sadao, 287–8, 299 Archeological Chemistry (Martin Levey), 194 Archeology and Natural Science: Earthen Wares, 195 armillary clock, 29, 31, 33, 85, 114, 118–26, 129–30, 132–3, 151, 387–9 Art and Technology, 194 Artifacts of Shosoin Collection and the Unified Silla, 357 Assorted Writings of Yongjae (Yongjae ch’onghwa), 184, 265 Astronomical Treatise (Ch’ŏnmunji ), 23 Atlas of Separate Maps of the Eight Provinces (P’alto bundoch’op), 303–5 Augmented Survey of Geography of Korea (Tongguk yŏjisŭngnam), 144, 170, 190, 248, 287, 296, 299, 308, 310–1, 327–8, 334, 402 automatically-striking clepsydra, 29–30, 33, 105–118, 386, 400 Avatamsaka Sutra (Taebanggwangbul hwaŏmkyŏng), 246

Bell, Adam Schall von, 63, 102 Bi Sheng, 20, 264 Bibliographie Coréenne, 267 Book of the Han Dynasty (Hanshu), 292 Book of the Tang Dynasty (Tangshu), 292 Brill, R.H., 194, 196, 199 Bronze Age, 1, 157, 160, 170–3 bronze alloy technology, 160 bronze dagger, 2, 160, 179–81 bronze implement technology, 168–85, 189–93 bronze mirror, 2, 3, 160 bronze movable type, 17, 262–79 bronze sword, 2, 160 Bureau of Astronomy, 45, 46, 51, 52, 54, 57, 62, 63, 78, 85, 87–91, 99, 102, 121, 125, 128, 130, 133, 135, 136, 138, 140, 146, 151, 316, 338, 339, 340, 389, 390, 396, 398–9, 404, 406, 414–20 Bureau of Land Surveying, Japanese, 318–21

C Cai Lun, 245 Calendrical Explanation of Planets (Wuweilizhi ), 151–2, 155 Case Record of Abnormal Heavenly Phenomena (Sŏngbyŏnchŭkhudanja), 90, 417

Index

Index (426-433) 426

9/20/11 11:12:44 AM

Celestial Observation Platform, 72, 85, 88 Chagyŏngru, 400–1 Chang Yŏng-sil, 30, 32–3, 79, 105–6, 109–10, 114–5, 118, 272, 386, 392–402 Ch’anggyŏnggung Palace, 50, 58, 79, 85, 89–90, 110, 147, 150 Chart of Astronomical Regions They Govern, 63 Chart of the Constellations and the Regions They Govern (Ch’ŏnsang yŏlch’a punyajido), 25, 39, 50–63, 289 Chibong yusŏl, 312–3 Chigu jŏnhudo, 295 Chikchi simch’eyojŏl, 267–9, 271 Chiljido Seven-Pronged Sword, 7, 164–5, 358, 371 Chiming Clepsydra Pavilion, 105, 109, 111, 117 Ch’oe Chu, 170, 174, 181, 213, 396–7, 400, 403, 407 Ch’oe Mu-sŏn, 25, 232–6 Ch’omsŏngdae Observatory, 8, 46, 64–78 Ch’ŏnchukkukto, 292 Ch’ŏndongsanguigo, 415 Chŏng Cho, 79, 91–3, 121, 385–7, 389 Chŏng Ch’ŏk, 27, 35, 272, 298–9, 301, 303, 306, 310, 328 Chŏng In-ji, 79, 92–3, 306, 385–7, 389, 396–7, 400, 403, 407 Chŏng Sang-gi, 295, 302–6, 328 Ch’ŏnggyech’ŏn Stream, 142–6 Ch’ŏnhado, 289–95 Ch’ŏnmunyuch’o, 405–6 Chosŏn World Map (Honil gangni yŏktaegukto jido), 23, 283–6, 288–9, 293, 295, 312, 316 Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions (Ŭibang yuch’ŭi ), 36 Collected Discourses on the Astronomy and Calendrical Science of the Chinese Masters (Chegayŏksangjip), 53, 404–5, 415

Collected Works of Yangch’on (Yangch’onjip), 51, 285, 295 comet sighting, 45 Compendium of Material Medica (Pen-ts’ao kangmu), 12, 167, 171 Complete Map of the Celestial Sphere (Honch’ŏnjŏndo), 49, 59, 63 Complete Records on Firearms (Ch’ongt’ong tŭngnok), 35 Comprehensive Compilation of Agricultural Practice (Kŭmyang chamnok), 147 Comprehensive Study of Civilization: Revisited and Expanded Edition (Chŭngbo munhŏnbigo), 57, 61, 68, 90, 120, 121, 123, 125, 138, 385, 388 Courant, Maurice, 267

D Dao Hongjing, 24 Detailed and Authentic Code of Ritual, The (Sangjeong yemun), 267 Dharani Sutra, 11–2, 15, 237–45, 264, 354 Divine Bell of King Sŏngdŏk, see Silla Duke of Zhou, 70

E Eighty Thousand Scriptures woodblocks, 19 Emperor Shundi, 108 Encyclopedia of Agriculture (Imwŏnsipnyukchi ), 408–10, 413–4 Epilogue of the Three Kingdom’s Map (Samgukto husŏ), 296 Equatorial Torquetrum, 29, 33, 78, 80, 84–5, 87–90, 104, 385–7, 390–1, 396–7, 406 Essential Medical Prescriptions (Ishinho), 24 Explanatory Diagrams of the Art of Divination (Yŏkhaktohae), 151–2 Exploration of the Works of Nature (T’ienkung kaiwu), 177, 184

Index

Index (426-433) 427

427

9/20/11 11:12:46 AM

F fangshi, 345–6 First Tripitaka, 256, 258–9

G General Map of the Stars, 63 Geographical Conspectus of the Eastern Kingdom (Tongguk yŏji sŭngnam), 170, 190, 287 Geographical Monograph of the Eastern State (Tongguk chiriji ), 293 Geographical Monograph of the Eight Provinces (P’alto chiriji ), 298, 307 Geography of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong chiji ), 295, 309, 327–33 glass technology, 203–17 Grand Simplified Armillary Sphere, 46 Grand Star Catalogue, 63 Great Collection of Native Korean Prescriptions (Hyangyak chipsŏngbang), 36 Great Map of the Eastern State (Tongguk taejido), 303–5 Great One Hundred Year Plan (Paengnyŏn chi taekye), 28, 262 Great Tomb of Uhyŏnri (Uhyŏllidaemyo), 344–5 gunpowder, 232–6 Gutenberg, 274–6

H Haeinsa Temple, 19, 99, 253–4, 256–8, 260 Half-moon Fortress, 64 Han Dynasty, 2, 175, 190, 204, 292, 335, 338, 373, 405, 415 Han Paekkyŏm, 293 Han River, 143–6 Hangŭl, 28, 38, 272

428

Hideyoshi, 57, 100, 121, 130, 137 History of the Koryŏ Dynasty (Koryŏsa), 23, 45, 46, 171, 229, 232 History of the Three Kingdoms (Samguksagi ), 45 47–9, 64, 75, 306, 308, 327, 338, 348, 349, 358–60 Ho-am Art Museum, 162, 197, 221, 224, 226, 230, 246 Hŏ Chun, 36 Hong I-sŏp, 58, 65, 374 Hong Sa-jun, 65, 72, 76–7, 371 Hong Tae-yong, 149–56 Hong Yang-han, 303–5 Human Cultural Assets (Ye Yong-hae), 339 Hwangyonsa Temple, 220, 242 Hwaŏmsa Temple 12, 239

I Imperial Japanese Army, 318 Inner Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Chiljŏngsan naep’yŏn), 33, 91–4, 273, 390, 407–8 Integrated Map of Borders Regulating States and Capitals over Successive Dynasties (Hon’il kangni yŏktae kuktojido), 23 35, 284 Iron Age, 4 iron Buddhas, 21, 185–6, 191 iron implements, 187–93 iron plates, 4, 161, 163, 200–2 iron technology, 161–8 Islamic Calendar, 94

J jade clepsydra, 29, 85, 114–5, 397 Japanese Occupation, 109, 160 Jesuit missionaries, 4, 101, 150, 152, 154–5, 156, 282, 290, 312–3

Index

Index (426-433) 428

9/20/11 11:12:46 AM

K Kabin metal movable type, 28, 270–4, 277–8, 391, 395, 406 Kabinja type, 273, 391, 395, 406 Kang Hŭi-maeng, 147 Kang Kŏn, 101 Kang Yun, 101–3 Kaya Civilization gold and glass technology, 163 iron products, 5, 161–3 Kyŏngjil stoneware, 6 Kemi bronze movable type, 25 Kim Chŏng-ho, 37, 60, 280, 295, 303, 318–34 Kim Pin, 109, 272, 387, 395, 397, 400 Kim Sa-hyŏng, 284–5 Kim Sŏng-mun, 150–3 Kim Su-sŏng, 111 Kim Ton, 81, 105, 115, 272, 395 Kim Yong-un, 75–7 Kimhae civilization, 6 King Hyŏngjong, 101, 123, 132 King Munjong, 134–5, 246, 392, 398–9 King Sejong, 28–38, 46 King Sukchong, 57, 61–2, 101, 132, 138, 303, 316 King T’aejong, 25, 28, 133–4, 248, 262–3, 384, 393 King Yŏngjo, 57, 138–9, 145, 303, 305, 339, 409, 413, 415, 420 King Yŏngnyu, 48 Kitora tomb, 44, 49 Kodŏk Wang Po-son, 364 Kögler, Ignatius, 63 Koguryô civilization, 6, 158 bronze technology, 165 tombs, 7, 8, 164, 341–4 Kojiki, 361–2 Konyŏdo, 316 Konyŏ mankukchŏndo, 317

Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST), 218 Korea Research Institute of Standards and Science, 103 Korean Society for the History of Science, 293, 419 Korean Society for Traditional Science and Technology, 174 Korea University Museum, 31, 82, 103, 117–9, 123, 273, 315, 333, 389 Korean War, 89, 109, 118, 145, 209, 260, 268, 316 Koryŏ astronomy, 23 bronze movable type printing, 19–20 celadon, 20, 221–32 cotton technology, 25 firearms, 25 medical science, 24 metalwork technology, 21, 24 paper, 246–8 woodblock printing, 17–9 Kukchoyŏksanggo, 416, 419 kŭmsŏl, 347–8 Kuo Shoujing, 33 Kwangmu, 318 Kwanrŭk, 364 Kwansanggam Diary, 417–8 Kwŏn Cung-hwa, 52 Kwŏn Kŭn, 51, 262, 285 Kyemija type, 263, 269–73, 394–5 Kyŏngbokkung Palace, 45, 46, 57–8, 79–90, 99, 104, 114, 145, 147, 150, 386, 396, 398, 404, 407 Kyŏngbuk University Museum, 169 Kyŏnggi Provincial Museum, 206 Kyŏngjaja type, 273, 384, 391, 395 Kyŏngju Anapji, 168 Kyŏngju National Museum, 12, 13, 95, 96, 165, 168, 190, 191, 210, 211, 215, 216, 219, 220, 221, 225, 241, 245, 349 Kyosikch’ubobŏb, 405–6

Index

Index (426-433) 429

429

9/20/11 11:12:46 AM

L lead isotrope, 196 Li Shichen, 167, 171 Li Tianjing, 102 Liaodong Fortress tomb, 280–1 Liaoning-style bronze dagger, 160

Needham, J., 53, 120, 122, 275, 285 New Preparation of Saltpeter, 235 Newly Augmented Geographical Conspectus of the Eastern Kingdom, 170 Nihonshoki, 358, 361–2, 364, 367 Northern School of Practical Learning, 409, 421, 423

M Mani Mountain, 72 Map of Seoul (in its Entirety) (Susŏn chŏndo), 331, 333–4 Map of the Blue Hill (Ch’ŏnggudo), 327–33 Map of the Eastern State (Tongguk chido) by Chŏng Ch’ŏk and Yang Sŏng-ji, 27, 35–6, 303, 306, 328 Map of the Eastern State (Tongguk chido) by Chŏng Sang-gi, 302, 304, 328 Map of the Eight Provinces (P’alto ch’ongdo), 287, 295–6, 303–5, 310, 327 Map of the Great Eastern Kingdom (Taedong yŏjido), 37, 280, 303, 318–28 Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samgukyusa), 47, 281–2, 358 mold technology, 183–6 Mt Xumi Observatory, 75, 77 Mun Ik-chŏm, 25 Musan Pŏmŭigusŏk, 189–90 Museum of Arts, Tokyo, 22 Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, 17, 223, 227, 228

N Na Hŭng-yu, 298, 327 Naikaku Bunko, 298–9, 301 Nakamura Hiroshi, 292 Nam Ch’ŏn-u, 75–7, 376, 380 National Archives of Japan, 27 National Diet Library of Japan, 56 National Museum of Korea, 5, 15, 21, 158, 159, 174, 176, 177, 178, 183, 184, 185, 231, 235, 186, 210

430

O Office of Royal Decrees, 79, 91 Office of the Royal Secretariat, 47 Ojusŏjong, 421–2, 424–5 Oju yŏnmunjangjŏn san’go, 422 Ongru, 401 One Million Pagoda Dharani Sutra, 12, 242, 243 Outer Chapters of the Calculation of the Motions of the Seven Governors (Ch’ilchŏngsan woep’yŏn), 33, 94–5, 273, 407–8

P Paekche civilization, 8 Chiljido Seven-Pronged Sword, 8 incense burner, 165 metal artisans and metal art, 166–7 Pak Se-ryong, 111 Pangmulgobyŏn, 423, 425 paper Chosŏn paper, 248–9 hemp paper, 245–7, 249, 252 mulberry paper, 12, 15, 28, 239, 245–52, 274, 355 Koryŏ paper, 246–8 papermaking process, 249–52 Pharmacopoeia Variorum (Pen-ts’ao jing jizhu), 24 Pictorial Map of the Chosŏn Kingdom (Chosŏn’guk hoedo), 27 pluviometer, 28–9

Index

Index (426-433) 430

9/20/11 11:12:47 AM

Precious Mirror of Eastern Medicine (Tong’ŭi pogam), 36 Prescriptions with Local Medicines (Hyang’yak pang), 24 Proper Explanation of Farming (Nongsa chiksŏl), 37–8 Ptolemy, 63, 94, 289–90, 315 Pulguksa Temple Pagoda, 214, 238, 240, 242, 243, 354, 365, 375 Punch’ŏng porcelain, 34 P’ungsuchiri, 335–6 Puyô National Museum, 9, 161 Pyŏkkolji reservoir, 359

Q Queen Sŏndŏk, 64, 75

R rain gauge, 28, 29, 83, 133–143, 237, 399, 417 Random Expatiations of Oju, 222 Record of the Bureau of Astronomy, 414, 416, 417–20 Record of Extraordinary Heavenly Phenomena, 417 Record of Wind and Clouds (P’ungungi ), 146 Register of Heavenly Portents (Ch’ŏnbyŏndŭngnok), 89–90 Research Center for Traditional Technology (Korean Institute of Science and Technology), 170 Rho, Jacques, 151–2, 155 Ricci, Matteo, 282, 288, 290, 294–5, 311–8 rotating earth theory, 151–3, 156 Royal Tomb of King Muryŏng, 368–71 Rufus, W.C., 53, 118 Ryukoku University Museum, Japan, 23, 283

S Sarira Reliquary, 217, 240 scaphe sundial, 29 Science and Archeology (R.H. Brill et al.), 194 Seiko Corporation, 113 Selected Literature of the Eastern State (Tongmunsŏn), 296 Sensedai Observatory, 64 Seong Chu-dŏk, 47 Shanhaijing, 292–3 Shen nong ben cao jing, 347 Shinsŏnsul, 345–7, 412 Shosoin Repository, 168, 173, 195, 201, 210, 211, 245, 348–57, 365, 382 Shoushi calendar, 33 Sibugya Harumi, 63 Sidŭk Wang To-ryang, 364 Silla Arts and Science Museum, 66, 74, 78, 96, 97 Silla civilization, 8, 11 brassware, 168 bronze bells, 167 Divine Bell of King Sŏngdŏk, 12–3, 180 Silla Sahari, 168, 355 Sŏkkul-sa Temple, 11, 373–8 stoneware, 217–1 Singi, 2 Sŏ Yu-gu, 408–9, 413 Sŏk U-il, 74, 107 Sŏkkul-sa Temple, 11, 373–83 Sŏl Kŏng-su, 62 Sŏng Chu-dŏk, 90, 414, 416, 420 Sŏng Gŭn, 235–6 Sŏng Hyŏn, 184, 265 Song I-yŏng, 31, 118–124, 130, 132–3, 150–1, 317, 389 Song Sang-yong, 75 Soongsil University Museum, 2, 16, 160, 168, 169

Index

Index (426-433) 431

431

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Sŏun’gwan, 46, 414–5, 417–8 Star Chart of Three Masters (Sanjia xingtu), 51, 53 Star Gazing Platform, Mani Mountain, 72, 76 Star Viewing Platform, Kaesŏng, 72 Su Sung, 32, 108, 113, 127, 131 sundial, 29, 32, 33–4, 46, 49, 64, 81, 83, 84, 95–105, 339, 371, 386, 389–91, 397, 405 Sung Ying-hsing, 177 Sungshin Women’s University Museum, 14, 37, 55 Sutra Repository, 254

T Taehan Empire, 318 T’aengriji, 293 Tanyuse-mungyŏng, 168 Tenri University, Japan, 23, 61 Todaiji Temple, 366–7 Tŏksugung Palace, 26, 30, 33, 60, 103, 105, 109, 401 Tokyo National Treasure Research Center, 199 Tomb of the Dancers, 43, 57, 344 Tonggukmunhŏnbigo, 415 Tosŏn, 335–6 Treatise of the Wei Dynasty (Weizhi ), 204 Treatise on the Bureau of Astronomy (Sŏun’gwanji ), 47, 90 Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks, 18, 19, 246, 248, 253–6, 258–62, 276 Tung Yueh, 171 turtle ships, 34, 35

U Unified Silla period, 45, 96, 148, 185

432

V Verbiest, Ferdinand, 42, 295, 312, 317–8 Veritable Record of King Chŏngjo (Chŏngjo Sillok), 138 Veritable Record of King Chungjong (Chungjong Sillok), 110, 111, 149 Veritable Record of King Hyŏngjong (Hyŏnjong Sillok), 123 Veritable Record of King Sejong (Sejong Sillok), 36, 46, 79, 80–1, 84–5, 91–3, 95–6, 98–9, 103, 105–7, 109, 112, 114, 115, 117, 121, 134–8, 144, 175, 272–3, 277, 298, 306, 308–11, 339, 384, 386–90, 392–4, 402–3, 407–8 Veritable Record of King Sŏnjo (Sŏnjo Sillok), 61–2, 144 Veritable Record of King Yŏngjo (Yŏngjo Sillok), 145, 303 Veritable Records of the Chosŏn Dynasty, 90, 106, 120, 144, 249, 298

W Wada Yuji, 45, 65–6, 77, 89, 135, 140, 146, 418–9 Watermark Bridge (Majŏn’gyo Bridge), 142–3, 145 Western Calendar, 102, 130 white porcelain, 34 wind direction flag, 29 woodblock technology, 237–44 Works and Days Calendar, 91–2 World Map of 1602 (Konyŏ man’gukchŏndo/ Kunyu wankuochuantu), 282, 311–8

Y Yabuuchi, 175 Yang Sŏng-ji, 35, 301, 303, 306, 310–1, 328 Yangŭi hyŏllamdo (Liangi hxuanlantu), 315–6

Index

Index (426-433) 432

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Yayoi period, 204, 209–10, 218 Ye Yong-hae, 339 Yellow River Basin, 157 Yenching Institute (Harvard University), 173, 180 Yi Ch’an, 326, 334 Yi Ch’ŏn, 28, 79, 272, 384–92, 394–7 Yi Chung-hwan, 293 Yi Hoe, 284–5, 295, 298, 301 Yi In-suk, 206, 214, 216 Yi Kwang-jŏng, 282, 311, 313 Yi Kyu-gyŏng, 86, 177, 222, 420–3, 425 Yi Min-ch’ŏl, 121–133, 150–1, 317, 326, 388 Yi Mu, 284–5 Yi Su-gwang, 312–4, 409 Yi Sun-ji, 53, 93, 95, 272, 402–8, 415

Yi Tŏng-mu, 420 Yi Yong-bŏm, 75–7 Yŏji chŏndo, 294–5, 334 Yŏndansul, 346–8 Yoneda Mijoyi, 374 Yoshida, 203 Yu Kyŏng-no, 54, 71, 95, 97, 419–20 Yu Pang-t’aek, 52 Yuditu, 285–6 yundo compass, 335–40

Z Zhougong cejingtai, 70 Zhu Si-ben, 285

Index

Index (426-433) 433

433

9/20/11 11:12:48 AM