A history of domestic space: privacy and the Canadian home 9780774806848, 9780774852258, 9780774806855

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Acknowledgments (page ix)
1 Housing and Privacy (page 3)
2 Interiors (page 8)
3 The House in Its Setting (page 98)
4 Privacy and the Canadian Home (page 153)
Notes (page 161)
Suggested Reading (page 169)
Illustration Credits (page 172)
Index (page 177)

Citation preview

_A History of Domestic Space

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Peter Ward

A History of Domestic Space:

Privacy and the Canadian Home

NZ UBCPress - Vancouver: Toronto

: For John Ward, a brother for all seasons.

t . tort -

© UBC Press 1999 This book has been published with the All righ LN f thi bi help of a grant from the Humanities and

t tt

me ° he ve i P a ° 1 P me Social Sciences Federation of Canada,

one he © a nce ee ma using funds provided by the Social

POET NAL SYST, OF PENSE WD GAY Sciences and Humanities Research Council form or by any means, without prior writof Canada. ten permission of the publisher, or, in Canada, in the case of photocopying or UBC Press acknowledges the financial

other reprographic copying, support of the Government of Canada a licence from CANCopy (Canadian through the Book Publishing Industry Copyright Licensing Agency), goo - 6 Development Program (BPIDP) for our Adelaide Street East, Toronto, ON M5C 1H6. publishing activities.

( }ada ten Printed in Canada on acid-free paper ISBN 0-7748-0684-2 (hardcover) We also gratefully acknowledge the ongoISBN 0-7748-0685-0 (paperback) ing support to our publishing program from the Canada Council for the Arts and

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data the British Columbia Aris Council.

Ward, W. Peter (William Peter), 1943- Set in Berthold Walbaum and Futura Printed and bound in Canada by Friesens

A history of domestic space Designer: George Vaitkunas Copy editor: Camilla Jenkins Includes bibliographical references py

and0-7748-0684-2(bound). index. Ind A Lorek ndexer: ISBN - | Annette Lore Proofreader: Darlene Money

ISBN 0-7748-0685-0 (pbk.) UBC Press

University of British Columbia

1. Dwellings — Canada — History. 6 ee emorial Roay i q ‘

2. Architecture, Domestic — Canada — 544 m

; ; . Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z2 NA w 828'.0971 Fax: 1-800-668-0821 2A4l. OMI ST 1NODS a iad E-mail: [email protected]

: History. 4. Architecture and(604) society 822-5959 — Oo 63 Canada. I. Title.

a www.ubcpress.ubc.ca C99-910643-0

Individualism is a calm and considered feeling which disposes each citizen to isolate himself from the mass of his fellows and withdraw into the circle of family and friends; with this little society formed to his taste, he gladly leaves the greater society to look after ttself. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 1845

The skins of houses are shallow things that people are willing to change, but people are most conservative about the spaces they must utilize, and in which they must exist. Build the walls of anything,

deck them out with anything, but do not change the arrangement of the rooms or their proportions. In these volumes — bounded by surfaces from which a person’s senses rebound to him —- his psyche develops; disrupt them, and you disrupt him. Henry Glassie, ‘Folk Art,’ 1976

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Contents

Acknowledgments / ix

1. Housing and Privacy / 3

2 Interiors / 8 Little House, Big House / 8

The Question of Crowding / 18 , The Organization of Household Space / 24. Domestic Technology and Interior Spaces / 47 The Bathroom / 51

The Parlour / 60 | , The Kitchen / 71 The Bedroom / 81 The Apartment / 88

3. The House in Its Setting / 98 , |

The Farmhouse / 98 : The Villa / 105

~The Home in City and Suburb / 110 The Front of the House / 154, Porches, Verandahs, Patios, Decks / 139

Gardens and Yards / 145 | |

4 Privacy and the Canadian Home / 153 Notes / 161

Suggested Reading / 169

Justration Credits / 172 Index / 177

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Acknowledgments Most books about the past are collaborative efforts and this one is no exception. Over the course of its writing ’ve enjoyed the gener- _ ous help of family, friends, and colleagues, to say nothing of a small army of librarians and archivists from coast to coast. The list is too long to include here but I particularly want to thank the following. First and foremost I’m grateful to Pat, Katie, and Anna Ward. Most , of what I know about Canadian home life in the late twentieth cen-

tury I’ve learned from living with them. They’ve taken a lively interest in this project and have offered their shrewd appraisals of what I’ve written as the book proceeded. I’m equally grateful tomy _ good friend and (alas now retired) colleague James Winter. His longstanding interest in the social history of buildings prompted

my own, and his comments have made a great difference. Barry | Bragg, friend of my youth and aficionado of architectural history,

gave me thoughtful advice after reading an early draft. So did Annmarie Adams, whose insights into these matters are far deeper than mine. Eileen Mak and Louise Robert were my eyes for some of the research and Louise doubled as constructive critic at a later stage. Susan Buggey, Heather McAndrew, John O’Brian, Sandra Woolfrey, and Graeme Wynn also offered comments along the way, leaving their mark on these pages as they did. Laura Macleod and Jean Wilson have been shrewd and supportive editors; I very much

appreciate their advice and confidence. Camilla Jenkins’ sharp pencil has left its mark here too. She has saved me from myself more times than Id like to admit. Finally, ’m particularly grateful to Peter Milroy for his firm support throughout the life of this study. It's meant a great deal more to me than he knows.

ix

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A History of Domestic Space

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1 | Housing and Privacy

This is a history of domestic space in Canada. What interests me

here is how Canadians have lived in their homes over time. I’m not an historian of architecture but rather a social historian with a — longstanding interest in houses. I’ve lived in several, looked at many more, and read about them for much of my life. Yet much of what I’ve read on the history of the home has left me vaguely dis-

satisfied. To me its always seemed that the genre has viewed dwellings as aesthetic statements much more than as places where _ people have passed their lives. ’ve been particularly struck by the

lapse that the architect Thomas Markus has pointed out more clearly and succinctly than I ever could. “Those social historians or critics,’ he notes, ‘who see an intimate connection between art and society, have left architecture out in the cold. Those architectural historians and critics who treat buildings as art objects, have left

society out in the cold. What is the origin of this symmetrical silence? If these disciplines do not explain the link between buildings and society, which will do so?”! I’m not able to explain why this ‘symmetrical silence’ exists — that task I leave to others. But in writing this book I’ve tried to explore the link that Markus refers to, as

, well as to ponder some of its meanings. The relationship between the house and the lives it enfolds is complex. Now - as in the past —- we choose, build, or alter our dwellings in order to meet some of our needs beyond the basic one

of shelter. In turn, because our homes are physical spaces, they impose constraints on us just as they create opportunities for us. In

a sense the home is the theatre of our domestic experience, the stage on which we enact much of the long drama of our lives. As a bounded space it sets limits on our actions. No one in a family of 3

five can expect much time alone if they live in a two-room apartment. But it also permits a wide range of actions, depending on its ‘size, technologies, and spatial organization. In an eight-room twostorey townhouse served by fibre optic cable, the five in this family would find many possibilities before them.

While buildings shape human behaviour, human decisions shape buildings. Houses reflect a builder’s ideas about what people wish for in a home. A builder might plan to occupy the dwelling

herself and so design it with her particular needs in mind. Or he might build for the marketplace in the hope of anticipating what consumers want. Almost inevitably the result will fall short of the mark in one respect or another, and the new occupants will soon begin the task of modifying the building to suit themselves. The first improvements might be only slight, but major renovations are likely to follow in time. Changing family structures, demo-

| sraphic shifts, technological developments, and wayward fashions make old houses obsolete. The only possibilities then are to reno-

vate the building or to tear it down and begin again. Obviously the relationship between homes and home dwellers is an interactive one. If the house is the stage on which the lives of self and family are

displayed, the relations among the actors who inhabit it is one of the drama’s great themes. This book has two primary concerns: how spaces in the Canadian home have changed over time, and how family and social relationships have shaped, and been shaped by, these changing spaces. The leitmotif of the discussion is the history of domestic privacy, one of the fundamental elements of daily life for individuals and families, past and present alike.

But privacy is a slippery term and it must be used with some care. Today we talk about privacy in many ways. The law protects our privacy by forbidding others to give out information about us without our consent - private information. It respects our ownership of property - private property. We speak of having personal secrets and conceal our nakedness from strangers — personal privacy. A business owned by an individual or a small group rather than by those who hold publicly traded shares is a private company. Adolescents keep information from their parents in the name

of privacy, and families guard their secrets on the same basis. 4 A History of Domestic Space

Privacy may be personal, group, or corporate, and refer to thoughts, places, experiences, or objects.

Notions of privacy have always been contingent, ‘constructed, to use the cultural studies jargon of our universities today. Ideas about the nature of privacy have varied greatly from time to time, place to place, culture to culture. One clue to the relativity of the concept is that the English noun ‘privacy,’ with all its rich associa-

, tions, has no equivalent in other major European languages. The French intimité is perhaps best translated as it appears — intimacy - while privé indicates the individual or personal. No doubt both

are elements of privacy but they express only some of the many ideas linked with the English term. The German zuritickgezogenheit and privatleben, literally ‘secluded time’ and ‘private life,’ also have

related but limited meanings. Italians have solved the problem by :

most of its nuances. |

importing the word from English but, in this instance too, shorn of The concept of privacy involves boundaries if not barriers, lines _

separating the personal from the public, mine from yours, ours _ from theirs. Within these boundaries lies the zone of private matters, beyond them the world of general concern. These boundaries may be tangible — walls and fences for example. They may also be customary but nonetheless real, the comfy chair always kept for grandma. Still others may simply be implicit in human relationships, as in the respect we pay by not intruding into the grief of oth-

ers. Whatever the situation, private matters are invariably thought , to be separate from those of broader interest. We speak of them defensively, as being private from other things. Most Canadians also think of privacy as a virtue, something to be valued, defended, perhaps even enlarged. In this sense the concept is permissive or enabling: privacy to -to read a book, to bathe, to share the company of family members, to enjoy the ownership of a piece of property. We largely ignore the proximity of the concept of privacy to that of isolation, a form of privacy that we think of in negative terms. The line dividing the two is not always clear and, indeed, may simply express a value judgment about the case at hand. Is isolation merely privacy gone bad? _ This book explores two kinds of privacy, that of individuals and that of the family or household. It also considers the two facets of Afousing and Privacy 5

privacy just noted: privacy from and privacy to. Personal privacy sets the individual apart from the group, creating opportunities for seclusion, times and places to be alone and to pursue one’s partic-

ular interests. Family privacy draws boundaries between the household and the community. It defends the solidarity of the home

and provides a basis for familial relationships. Both forms are intimately involved with the history of the house, for privacy has always been a domestic creature at heart, bound to the homely comforts of the dwelling and to its closed circle of familiar faces. - While we’re lingering over meanings we’d do well to pause for

a moment over the terms ‘house’ and ‘home? There’s a certain looseness in the ways we commonly use these words, often treating them as synonyms. Yet popular use isn’t always so simple. After all, ‘home’ has much more resonance than ‘house,’ rich as it is with associations of family and belonging. The marketplace being the arbiter of so many meanings in our society, we shouldn’t be surprised that contractors build homes and realtors sell them while, in less market-sensitive contexts, governments provide public housing. In fact, we tacitly accept the notion that a house is simply a

building while a home is a domestic setting, filled with human meanings, whose spaces reflect the endless subtleties of everyday family life. ’ve tried to preserve these distinctions in the discussion : that follows. The forms and settings of dwellings in Canada have altered substantially over the past three centuries. So too have the size and Shape of their contents - the household. These changes were the domestic face of the making of modern Canada. From 1700 to the

present, the national community evolved from a few scattered European settlements set in a vast and thinly peopled landscape to a postindustrial society spanning the northern half of the continent. Among the most important changes to transform the dominant, European-derived society that is this book’s concern, the gradual decline in family size and the general rise of living standards have been central. Both have had profound implications for housing and family life, as well as for the many ties between them. Over time the changing size, shape, technology, and. location of the home have created widely different opportunities for fam-

ily and personal privacy. Along with major shifts in household 6 A History of Domestic Space

composition and family size, these changes have gradually altered the conditions of everyday domestic life. But the pattern of change has been far from uniform. Women have experienced it in different ways from men, children from adults, country people from city dwellers, the poor from the rich, Newfoundlanders from British Columbians, and so on. The nature, meaning, and experience of

7 privacy in Canadian history has varied enormously over the past | 300 years. In what follows I want to explore some of these experiences and meanings, and to reflect on their implications for family ~ and social life, past and present.

Housing and Privacy 7

2 | Interiors

Little House, Big House The one-room dwelling is the oldest house type in Canada. It long

predates the coming of Europeans, as the archaeological record shows. It was the first shelter built by the earliest European migrants,

and it persisted on every frontier from the early seventeenth to the late twentieth centuries. It flourishes in our cities today as the studio apartment. Over time the simple single-room home has proved

endlessly adaptable to the basic need for shelter. In most cases these have been temporary buildings, hastily built to meet immediate needs. Usually they were enlarged or replaced as soon as settler families could afford it. Still, the small dwelling probably remained the dominant form of housing in Canada from the earliest years of

settlement until the mid-nineteenth century, and well into the twentieth in some parts of the country. Despite the vast outdoor spaces surrounding them, until quite recently most Canadian families lived their domestic lives in small, confined places. Unfortunately the early history of the house in Canada is rather sketchy. The first dwellings were made of wood and have long since vanished. Archaeology and the archives have told us a bit about them, but we’ll never know very much about housing in Canada

before the eighteenth century. For this reason the story of the Canadian home is essentially that of the past three centuries. , The first homes we know at all were those of the rural St Lawrence Valley. Some were built on the Ile d’Orléans, one of the

earliest areas of European setthement in Quebec. The Maison Mourier is probably the oldest example, a one-room dwelling built in 1690 and measuring sixteen by twenty feet (five by six metres)

(Figure 1). This small space housed a fireplace, a bread oven, a cool storage space for dairy produce, and a stairway to the attic 8

presumably sleeping quarters for at least some of the residents —as _ well as an open area for whatever furnishings they may have had. The Mourier house was something of an exception because it was

built of stone. No doubt this is why we know about it today. By the end of the French regime in 1760 most farmhouses on the Tle d’Orléans — as everywhere else in New France - were small, onestorey, one- or two-room wooden dwellings put up by their occupants. They were simply built and furnished, and usually used the attic as added sleeping space. Some may even have sheltered the family’s large domestic animals in the cold months of the year.?

Mere |. 86rt lid“ es CSC“ deirystocpe—( tt~—~—~— mo j= $B 4teeon 8 8} 8 =D

_ pn =— __ interior spaces,

Quebec, 1690. , 1. Plan for the one-room Maison Mourier,

The early homes of Acadia were similar. We know almost nothing about those built before the expulsions of the 1750s, but Captain John MacDonald described the returned Acadians’ dwellings in a report to the governor of Cape Breton Island in the last years of the

century: |

The premises of every one seem to be a house from 18 to 25 feet long

& as many in breadth without porch or partition but the outer door opening immediately into the sole room. There are generally two doors, the one being that which is used. The chimney ... is in the remotest part from the door. The Beds are on both sides of the house from chimney to the doors. In the end of the house opposite to the chimney, the pots and water vessels lie on the floor and the Milk & Milk vessels are disposed of on shelves, together with their bowls,

| Interiors 9

muggs &c: As they all sleep, eat, cook, smoke, wash, &c: in this house or room, I need not say it must look black & dirty enough particularly - as the houses are now old. ... | had almost forgot to mention that their houses have a cellar under the ground for the roots &c to which they descend by a trap door in the floor.

The small homes in the first British settLements of Atlantic Canada were very little different: one- and two-room cabins, perhaps with attic sleeping lofts for children.*

The Newfoundland tilt was the simplest of all variants of the

. frontier home. It normally consisted of a single room with walls formed by a rectangle of vertical poles buried end first in a trench. One wall was slightly higher than the one facing it, and the walls connecting these two were made of successively shorter poles. The result was then covered by a sloping roof with a hole in one end to let out the smoke from the open hearth fire inside. The tilt provided basic shelter, often only seasonally, from its introduction in the sixteenth century throughout much of the nineteenth. The Anglican

| missionary Edward Wix recalled one he visited on the Isle of Valen in 1845, ‘the dimensions of which were only 12 feet by 10 feet and I

found living in it a man and his wife - the master and mistress of the house - two married daughters with their husbands and children, amounting, in all, to fifteen souls?° The British traveller John Howison noted the slightly sturdier

dwellings of frontier Upper Canada when passing through the province in 1820. The usual log and plank house, he observed, measured sixteen by eighteen feet (four by five metres) and contained only one room. Howison believed that the pioneer should have higher priorities than domestic comfort when setting up a farm: ‘The farmer ought to pay little attention to his dwellinghouse, until he has provided a safe depository for his grain, and a warm shed to shelter his cattle. In Upper Canada, a miserable hovel is often seen in the midst of fruitful fields and fine orchards, , forming a singular contrast with the handsome barn, which its owner has wisely spent his first gains in erecting’® Otto Sierich’s undated sketch of a pioneer cabin provides a glimpse of the small

| and simply furnished interiors that Howison saw on his travels (Figure 2).

10 A History of Domestic Space .

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rural Quebec itself. The woman winding the warp was involved in an ancient feminine task, one of the many longstanding contribu-

tions women made to the household economy whether their woollen goods were used at home or sold for cash. The room itself obviously served several functions: production, leisure (the chair), and food preparation (the cupboard, counter, and pots to the right).

This scene was a far cry from the urban poverty glimpsed in the previous figure but the spaces themselves are strikingly similar. In

neither case do we see the domestic amenities and spaces that growing numbers of early-twentieth-century Canadians had come to accept as their due.

The Organization of Household Space As long as homes had only a few rooms these served many functions during the daily round of family life: cooking, eating, food production, craft manufacturing, sleeping. Kitchens were a partial exception, at least where they existed as a separate space, but they too often served many additional purposes as they still do today in some parts of the country. It remains common in rural and smalltown Canada, for example, to entertain close family friends in the kitchen. The British traveller John Lambert, who passed through Canada in the early years of the nineteenth century, noticed that while some Canadian houses had only one or two rooms, most - at least those of the better sort of farmer — consisted of four. From what

he could tell, the kitchen was the room with the chimney and all the remainder were bedrooms. ‘No matter how many apartments there are in a house, they are seldom without one or two beds in each, according to the size of the family,’ he remarked.'® Probably their occupants lived more comfortably than many urban residents — the workers of Saint-Roch noted above, for example, whose homes were somewhat smaller. Throughout their work and domestic lives most families, large and small, lived in tight quarters. At

times rooms might be partitioned with curtains to create some personal space, but it was almost impossible to be alone in such circumstances. Larger dwellings offered more flexibility and so, not surpris-

ingly, the use of particular spaces for specific purposes developed | first in bigger homes. In the late eighteenth century the large 24 A History of Domestic Space

French-Canadian rural house gradually divided into three areas, one for everyday family life and domestic tasks, a second for formal occasions, and a third for sleeping. Daily life most often unfolded in

the salle commune (common room), which generally doubled as the kitchen. Bedrooms slowly made their appearance at this time, all rooms usually connecting directly with one another. The eigh-

teenth-century Paradis house of Charlesbourg, Quebec, illustrates the type, with its sleeping rooms ranged along the back wall of the dwelling, their doors leading into one another as well as into the

parlour and kitchen (Figure g). During the first half of the nineteenth century further refinements occurred: the development of a | separate summer kitchen, the emergence of the salon, or parlour (at the expense of the large kitchen, once the centre of daily life in the household but now shrunk in the face of claims for a more formal way of living), the introduction of corridors to separate rooms

from one another, and finally the removal of bedrooms to the greater seclusion of a second floor."

9. Detail of plan for Paradis House, Charlesbourg, Quebec, late eighteenth century.

Big houses in English Canada passed through much the same transition during the nineteenth century. Functionally their interior spaces became more specialized, while the lines between zones of relative privacy became more sharply inscribed. A one-and-a-halfstorey Loyalist house built on the Niagara peninsula around the beginning of the century offers an early example. The sketchy plan in Figure 10 was submitted with a claim for losses from property Interiors 25

damaged during the American invasion in 1813, and as a result it contains only a small bit of information. But it indicates the number, shape, and position of the rooms, if not their precise uses. (Some bedrooms were probably located upstairs in a half storey, though these aren’t shown in the plan.) Numbers apart, the most obvious feature of several rooms is the fact that they spanned the dwelling from front to back, on either side of a broad corridor that bisected the house. The so-called Georgian plan was another increasingly popular layout during the first half of the new century, at least among well-todo British colonists. Acacia Grove, a large early-nineteenth-century Starrs Point, Nova Scotia, house, is a fine example (Figure 11).?° The symmetrical arrangement of the rooms on each floor expressed tra-

ditional classical ideals of harmony and balance. The practice of identifying rooms with particular purposes (drawing room, library, dining room) and the separation of the private aspects of domestic life from those more widely shared (sleeping and dressing from conversing and eating) spread as the century progressed. We see one of the nineteenth-century high points of the genre in the Wilton Crescent house designed for the wealthy Toronto financier,

politician, and art patron George William Allan during the early 1850s (Figures 12 to 14). The main floor of this handsome, if ostentatious, house featured a number of rooms for specific social functions, as well as a service area set apart from the public parts of the dwelling. Sleeping, bathing, and dressing were removed to the second storey, with quarters for female servants again placed to one side. Storage, heating, and male servants were relegated to the basement. We need to read architectural plans with some caution. They’re statements of intent, not practice, so they don’t necessarily indicate

how residents lived in their homes day by day. Not only that but owners commonly renovate their homes to take account of their

evolving needs. This has been particularly true of the large dwellings of the rich, so often rendered démodé by changing tastes and shifting neighbourhood preferences, and so easily subdivided into apartments when a once fashionable district loses its cachet. Still, floor plans offer us at least a rough guide to how homes in ear- . lier times were used, and we can accept them as a somewhat flexible indication of the domestic spaces our ancestors occupied. 26 A History of Domestic Space

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After the turn of the twentieth century the rigidities of the nine-

teenth-century interior plan began to relax. In large part this was due to the growing American influence on Canadian home design. The architectural historian Vincent Scully long ago revealed that a distinctive style of domestic architecture emerged in the eastern United States during the middle decades of the nineteenth century, one marked by a freer, more open use of interior space.** Though its roots lay in the ‘high’ architecture of the period - the fruit of unions between celebrated architects and wealthy patrons —in time it exerted a powerful influence on popular housing as well. The so-called open plan, which began to evolve in middle-class American suburban housing during the 1880s, blurred distinctions formerly drawn between the various public rooms of the dwelling. Larger, more inclusive spaces replaced the older pattern of smaller rooms with precisely identified functions, creating open areas for the many activities of everyday family life. In some instances walls

were abolished, in others shrunk to archways (often with glass or sliding doors) that retained the symbolism of room functions while permitting more flexibility in their uses.” Generally, the public rooms were linked in this way while kitchens, bedrooms, and bathrooms retained their separate identities. The slow spread of central heating also encouraged acceptance. of the open plan by making it possible to heat larger interior spaces. In fact the new open plan represented a modified form of the traditional small home, with its characteristic multiple uses of a few rooms.

American open plan home designs had a major impact on English-Canadian housing from the turn of the twentieth century on. Cheap and popular house plans - widely available from newspapers, magazines, and pattern books - provided one point of entry, prefabricated housing a second, and contractors and carpenters a third. Architects often incorporated open plan principles into the

homes they designed for the well-to-do. The open plan home spread quickly during the great building boom of the decade before the First World War, when Canada’s population grew by a third. Because it encouraged more efficient use of space - by eliminating corridors for example - it trimmed construction costs. It usually also featured built-in cupboards, shelves, and benches, which avoided

the need for some large furniture pieces. These efficiencies made ,

| Interiors 37

the open plan particularly suitable for small dwellings, built in large numbers after the turn of the century. It was especially well adapted to the housing needs of western Canada, where the phenomenal population growth of the period created a heavy demand for small, inexpensive homes. The bungalow embodied the open plan interior in its simplest, most popular form. While this house type has a long international history, the Canadian version was based on California prototypes developed at the turn of the century. The Craftsman or California bungalow, as it came to be known, was the quintessential twentieth-century American suburban home. As Anthony King, one of its most persuasive historians has put it, ‘the development of the small, cheap, yet none the less attractive and individual bungalow was to extend the rustic suburban ideal to millions. It embodied a form of modern popular architecture, conferring the respectability, privacy and sense of territorial possession sought by an aspiring middle

class. For an increasing number of people it became their main symbol of home, the psychic fulfilment of the American dream:?’®

Scully has noted the links between mid-nineteenth-century innovations in American domestic architecture and the enormously popular Craftsman home of the early twentieth century. But we shouldn’t lose sight of another important influence on the bungalow style, the British Arts and Crafts movement, whose commitment to natural and organic form also left its imprint on the design of interior spaces. The California bungalow arrived in Canada by way of Vancou-

ver and Victoria and quickly spread - suitably modified for the rigours of the Canadian climate —- throughout the West during the great prewar building boom. While the single-floor version of about 1,000 square feet, or go square metres, was by far the most common, larger one-and-a-half- and two-storey adaptations were also popular. Bungalows were normally laid out on an open plan, their living

and dining areas grouped either in one room or in two rooms divided symbolically. They often lacked vestibules, parlours, and pantries, kept corridors to a minimum, and used built-in features to increase living space (Figure 20).”’ More elaborate houses often preserved those traditional features abandoned in the quest for efficiencies in smaller houses but retained the innovative elements of 38 A History of Domestic Space

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