A Grammar of Purik Tibetan 9004365486, 9789004365483

In A Grammar of Purik Tibetan, Marius Zemp offers a comprehensive description of the phonologically archaic Tibetan vari

193 83 7MB

English Pages 1000 [993] Year 2018

Report DMCA / Copyright

DOWNLOAD FILE

Polecaj historie

A Grammar of Purik Tibetan
 9004365486, 9789004365483

Table of contents :
Contents
Acknowledgments
List of Tables
List of Figures
List of Abbreviations
Abbreviations Used in the CDTD
Chapter 1 Introduction
1.1 Purik
1.2 South and East Purik
1.3 Language Contact
1.4 Genetic Affiliation
1.5 Previous Research
1.6 Data
1.7 A Note on Pragmatics
1.8 The Method of Functional Reconstruction
1.8.1 Focus Marker -pa
1.8.2 Augmentative ’-r(a)
1.8.3 (g)cig ‘one’, Indefinite -(tʃ)ik
1.8.4 Pre-, Pronominal, and Clause-Final Demonstratives
1.8.5 Contrastive -na
1.8.6 Additive -aŋ
1.8.7 Delimitative -tsa
1.8.8 Onset-alternation
1.8.9 The -s Suffix
1.8.10 Testimonial Existential duk, Inferential -suk, and Potential V-(t/n)uk
1.8.11 Quotative (-)lo
1.9 Outline
Chapter 2 Phonology
2.1 Synchronic Phonology
2.1.1 Phonemic Inventory
2.1.1.1 Consonants
2.1.1.1.1 Stops
2.1.1.1.2 Affricates
2.1.1.1.3 Fricatives
2.1.1.1.4 Nasals
2.1.1.1.5 Liquids
2.1.1.1.6 Approximants
2.1.1.2 Vowels
2.1.2 Syllable Structure
2.1.3 Morphophonemic Processes
2.1.4 Stress
2.2 Diachronic Phonology
2.2.1 Introduction
2.2.2 Consonantal Changes from WT to Purik
2.2.2.1 Preradicals
2.2.2.1.1 s-
2.2.2.1.2 l-
2.2.2.1.3 r-
2.2.2.1.4 d-
2.2.2.1.5 g-
2.2.2.1.6 b-
2.2.2.1.7 Nasal Preradicals
2.2.2.2 Radicals
2.2.2.2.1 WT Voiceless Labial (p, ph) and Dental (t, th) Plosives
Excursus: The Purik Retroflex Stops
2.2.2.2.2 WT Voiceless Velar Plosives (k and kh)
2.2.2.2.3 WT Voiced Plosives
2.2.2.2.4 Medial Labial Radicals Following Nasal
2.2.2.2.5 Prefixed and Unprefixed Affricates
2.2.2.2.6 Sibilants
2.2.2.2.7 Spirant
2.2.2.2.8 Nasals
2.2.2.2.9 Liquids
2.2.2.2.10 Approximants
2.2.2.2.11 A chung and a chen
2.2.2.3 Postradicals
2.2.2.3.1 WT r-clusters
2.2.2.3.2 WT y-clusters
2.2.2.3.3 Irregular Developments
2.2.2.3.4 Postradical w
2.2.2.3.5 WT Postradical l
2.2.2.4 Purik /ʁ/
2.2.2.5 Further Initial Clusters without a WT Source
2.2.2.6 Finals
2.2.2.6.1 Nasals
2.2.2.6.2 Velar and Uvular Stops
2.2.2.6.3 Syllable Final Plosive before Nasal
2.2.2.7 Postfinal -s
2.2.3 Vowels
2.2.3.1 WT e/a: Purik ja
2.2.3.2 Vowel Harmony
2.2.4 Contractions
2.2.5 Stress
2.2.6 Summary
Chapter 3 Noun Phrases
3.1 Derivation
3.1.1 Suffixal Derivation
3.1.1.1 Monosyllabic Simplices
3.1.1.2 -pa
3.1.1.3 -ba
3.1.1.4 -ma
3.1.1.5 Related Nominal Endings: P -wa, -ja, -a, -maq(s)
3.1.1.6 -p(ʰ)o
3.1.1.7 -mo
3.1.1.8 -bu
3.1.1.9 -kʰa
3.1.1.10 -tse
3.1.1.11 Non-syllabic Nominalizing Suffixes -s, -d (and -n?)
3.1.1.12 -tʃan
3.1.1.13 -met
3.1.1.14 -gaŋ ‘full of’
3.1.1.15 -nte/-nʈe
3.1.2 Compounding
3.1.2.1 Copulative Compounds
3.1.2.2 Determinative Compounds
3.1.2.2.1 Determinative Compounds with Nominal Heads (Endocentric)
3.1.2.2.2 Determinative Compounds with Adjectival Heads (Exocentric)
3.1.2.2.3 Determinative Compounds with Verbal Heads
3.1.2.3 Unanalyzable Polysyllabic Nouns
3.1.3 Reduplication and Assonance
3.1.3.1 Postlexical Use of Repetition
3.1.3.2 Reduplicated and Assonant Adjectivals
3.1.3.3 X-(b)a-X Adverbials: ‘Equally’ ~ ‘Continuously’
3.1.3.4 C(CC)… w… ‘N and the like’
3.1.4 Augmentative Adjectives
3.2 Definiteness and Number
3.2.1 Definite Article -po ~ -u
3.2.2 Definite Plural -(u)n
3.2.3 Indefinite Article and Other Uses of -tʃik ‘one’
3.2.4 Conditional Indefinite kato
3.3 Demonstratives, Personal, Interrogative and Other Pronouns
3.3.1 Demonstratives
3.3.1.1 di ‘this’
3.3.1.2 a(re) ‘that (there, visible)’
3.3.1.3 e ‘the other’
3.3.1.4 de ‘that (anaphoric)’
3.3.1.5 ode ‘that very’
3.3.1.6 dja ‘that same’
3.3.2 Personal Pronouns
3.3.2.1 Overview
3.3.2.2 First Person
3.3.2.3 Second Person
3.3.2.4 Third Person
3.3.2.5 Emphatic, Reflexive, and Reciprocal Pronouns
3.3.2.6 Associative Locatives and ProN-i-ru/o ‘the thing of N’
3.3.3 Interrogative Pronouns and Adverbs
3.3.3.1 su ‘who’
3.3.3.2 tʃi ‘what’
3.3.3.3 ga(ŋ) ‘which’
3.3.3.4 nam ‘when’
3.3.3.5 tsam ‘how much’
3.3.4 Distributive Pronouns
3.3.4.1 rere ‘(one) each’ and enclictic -re
3.3.4.2 raŋkʰa soso ‘each their own’
3.4 Case
3.4.1 General Remarks
3.4.2 Absolutive
3.4.3 Ergative
3.4.4 Dative
3.4.5 Terminative
3.4.6 Genitive
3.4.7 Locative
3.4.8 Inessive
3.4.9 The Evolution of -na
3.4.9.1 Ablative
3.4.9.2 Comitative, Instrumental
3.5 Discourse-structuring Morphemes
3.5.1 -na
3.5.1.1 Contrastive -na
3.5.1.2 Coordinating na ‘and’
3.5.2 Additive -aŋ ‘too, even’
3.5.3 Delimitative -tsa
3.5.4 Comparative -batsik
Chapter 4 Sentences
4.1 Verbal Stems
4.1.1 Reconstructing the Verbal Morphology of Proto-Tibetan
4.1.2 Honorific Verbs
4.1.3 Argument Structure
4.1.3.1 General Remarks
4.1.3.2 Monovalent Verbs
4.1.3.3 Dative Experiencers
4.1.3.4 The Dative of the FEARED
4.1.3.5 Locative Arguments
4.1.3.6 The Comitative
4.1.3.7 Transitive Verbs
4.1.3.8 Ambitransitive Verbs
4.1.3.9 Extensions of the Ergative
4.1.3.10 Ditransitive Verbs
4.1.4 Indirect-causative V-tʃuk
4.1.5 The -s of Roots and Past and Imperative Stems
4.2 Infinite Verbal Forms
4.2.1 The Conjunctive -(s)e Participle
Formal Properties
Bi- and Monoclausal
Reduplication of the Participle
Clause-linking
Finite Use
Relativizing with jot
Pragmatization of Verbs Following -(s)e
Right Dislocation
V-(s)e-r-ik
4.2.2 The Progressive -en Participle
General Remarks
Linking Clauses
Finite Use
Relativizing
Before the Dynamic Auxiliaries (tʃʰa and joŋ)
Emphasized Continuity: Repetition or Lengthening
Durative V-en-duk
Continuous V-en- before an Existential copula
4.2.3 The -pa Infinitive
Preliminaries
Citation Forms
Lexicalized Infinitives
V-pa + copula
Habitual V-pa-t
Finite V-pa
Arguments
Complements of Modal Verbs
Other Complements
Negated Adverbial Clauses: (V) ma V-pa ‘without V-ing’
V-pa-r-ik tʃʰa ‘become a little V-ed’
V-pa-r-ik ba ‘try to V’
Genitive Attributes of Localistic Expressions
Adverbial Clause: V-p-e-ka
V-pa-na ɲambo ‘together with V-ing, right when V-ing’
The Content of a Cognition Verb
Reported Speech and Thought with Complementizer zer-ba
Adverbial Clauses: tʃoq V-pa, V-pa tʃik ‘right when’
V-pa gaŋma
Causal V-pa-na
Remote Past -p-in
4.2.4 The -tʃa Infinitive
Non-prospective Uses
Prospective Uses
4.2.5 -kʰan
Relative Clauses
V-kʰan tʃʰa, ba, tʃo
Finite Use of -kʰan
4.2.6 -sa ‘place’
4.2.7 -tʰik ‘right amount’
4.2.8 Reduplicated Verbal Nouns
V-V-po/tʃik ‘until V’, V-V-(l)a ‘by the time V’
Lexicalized Reduplicated Adjectives
4.2.9 -tsa
4.2.10 -duru ‘until’
4.2.11 -tʰo ‘(exact) time’
4.2.12 -loŋ ‘(spare) time’
4.2.13 Emphatic Completive -tʰaq (tʃʰot)
4.2.14 -kʰi(marukpjaŋ)
4.2.15 Desiderative -sɲi
4.2.16 Desiderative -mkʰans
4.2.17 -luks
4.2.18 -zo ‘manner’
4.2.19 Zero-nominalizations
4.3 Light Verbs
4.3.1 tʃʰa ‘go, become’ and joŋ ‘come’
4.3.1.1 Introduction
4.3.1.2 V-en joŋ/tʃʰa
4.3.1.3 V-(s)e joŋ/tʃʰa
4.3.1.4 joŋ Indicating ‘likelihood’
4.3.1.5 Idiomatic Uses of joŋ
4.3.1.6 tʃʰa after Other Nominalizations
4.3.1.7 V-pa biŋ-se jot ‘be ready to V’
4.3.2 Durative duk
4.3.3 kʰjer and kʰjoŋ
4.3.4 ba ‘do, initiate, prepare’
4.3.4.1 ba after Complements
4.3.4.2 ba after Adjectives
4.3.4.3 ba after Deverbal Nominalizations
4.3.5 taŋ ‘give, put, apply’
4.3.6 Other Light Verbs
4.3.7 Quotative zer
4.3.8 Modals
4.4 Copulas and Finite Clauses
4.4.1 Introduction
4.4.1.1 The Evidential Contrast between Testimonial duk and Factual jot
4.4.1.2 The Informant
4.4.1.3 Only Factual Forms in Nominalized Clauses and before Conditional -na
4.4.1.4 Only Testimonial Forms in Indirect Questions Implying Observation
4.4.2 Finite Constructions without a Copular Component
4.4.2.1 The Simple Past: V(-s)
4.4.2.2 Questions About One’s Own Future Actions: V(-a)
4.4.2.3 Further Finite Constructions Lacking a Copular Component
4.4.3 The Copulas
4.4.3.1 After Adjectives, Locations, and Nouns
4.4.3.2 Inferential in-suk
4.4.3.3 Past Direct Testimonial jot-suk
4.4.3.4 Past Forms of the Copulas: in-m-in, jot-p-in, duk-p-in
4.4.3.5 Elided Copula
4.4.4 The Copulas after Prospective V-tʃa
4.4.4.1 V-tʃa duk/jot
4.4.4.2 V-tʃ-in
4.4.4.2.1 V-tʃ-in-suk, V-tʃa men-suk
4.4.4.2.2 V-tʃ-in-m-in, V-tʃa men-m-in
4.4.4.3 Finite V-tʃa
4.4.5 The Copulas after Conjunctive V-(s)e
4.4.5.1 V-(s)e in(-suk)
4.4.5.2 V-(s)e jot vs. duk
4.4.5.3 V-(s)e met vs. mi-nduk
4.4.6 Existential Copulas after Old Resultative *V-s
4.4.6.1 Perfect V-z-duk
4.4.6.2 V-suk (< *V-s-’dug) vs. V-set (< *V-s-yod)
4.4.6.3 Patronizing Factual V-set-in
4.4.6.4 Inferential -suk after Other Verbal Forms
4.4.7 Existential Copulas after Progressive V-en
4.4.8 Prospective V-et and V-(t/n)uk
4.4.8.1 V-et
4.4.8.2 V-(t/n)uk
4.4.8.2.1 Potential duk-tuk and its Negated Counterpart mi duk
4.4.8.2.2 V-(t/n)uk mi-naŋ
4.4.8.2.3 Negated Prospective mi V
4.4.9 Finite Constructions with the -pa Infinitive
4.4.9.1 Preliminaries
4.4.9.2 Habitual V-pa-t
4.4.9.3 V-pa met vs. mi-nduk
4.4.9.4 ma V-pa duk/jot/in
4.4.9.5 Remote Past and Past Perfective -p-in (-m-in, and -(b)-in)
4.5 Other Clause-Final Morphemes
4.5.1 Interrogative -a
4.5.2 Focus Marker -pa
4.5.3 Assumptive-inferential -tʃapo
4.5.4 Corroborative -to
4.5.5 Optative and Plural Imperative -ʃik
4.5.6 Additive -aŋ
4.5.7 Quotative (-)lo
4.5.8 Clause-Final Demonstratives: Proximate (-)de and Obviate (-)e
4.5.9 Quasi-interrogative -nii, -gii, -tʃii, -hii
4.5.9.1 Syllogizing -nii
4.5.9.2 Demanding -gii
4.5.9.3 Confirmation-seeking -tʃii
4.5.9.4 Wondering -hii
4.5.10 Irreal ta
4.5.11 hei ‘ok?’
4.5.12 Wheedling iʃ(u)
4.5.13 Hesitative (-)jaa
4.5.14 Vocative ʒu, le, wa, la, ka, no, bu
Chapter 5 Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences
5.1 Adverbs
5.2 The Intensifier mana
5.3 Dramatizers
5.3.1 Introduction
5.3.2 Ideophones
5.3.3 Synchronic Properties of the Purik Dramatizers
5.3.3.1 Phonology and Prosody
5.3.3.2 Morphology and Syntax
5.3.3.3 Semantics and Pragmatics
5.3.3.4 Synchronically Varying Functions
5.3.3.5 Dramatizers in Compounds
5.3.4 The Evolution of the Purik Dramatizers
5.3.4.1 Dramatizers from Verbs
5.3.4.2 Expressivity
5.3.4.3 Dramatizers Shared between Different Varieties of Tibetan
5.3.4.4 Adjectival Dramatizers
5.3.4.5 The Nominal Origin of Dramatizers Emphasizing Negation
5.3.5 Concluding Remarks
5.4 tʃoq ‘(at that) moment’
Chapter 6 Clause Linkage
6.1 Clause-linking -na
6.1.1 V-na
6.1.1.1 With kato
6.1.1.2 V-na-r-ik
6.1.1.3 V-na-ŋ
6.1.2 V-pa-na
6.1.2.1 V-pa-na ɲambo/tʃik, tʃoq V-pa-na ‘right when V’
6.1.3 V-(s)e-na
6.1.4 V(-s-pa)-tsa-na
6.1.4.1 V-tsa-na ‘when V-ing’
6.1.4.2 ma V-tsa-na
6.1.4.3 V-(s-)pa-tsa-na
6.1.5 V-pa-i tsʰir-na(-aŋ)
6.2 Subordinate Clauses without -na
6.2.1 V-pa
6.2.1.1 V-pa Instantiating Argument-roles
6.2.1.2 Goals of Motion Verbs and Purposive Complements
6.2.1.3 tʃoq V-pa, V-pa tʃik
6.2.1.4 V-s-pa-tsa ‘only when V-ed’
6.2.1.5 Adverbial ma V-pa ‘by not V-ing’
6.2.1.6 ma V-pa-r-ik ‘a little before V-ing’
6.2.1.7 V-p-e-ka ‘when V-ing’
6.2.2 V-(s)e
6.2.3 V-tʃa(-s)
6.2.3.1 V-tʃa-s ‘thanks to V-ing’
6.2.3.2 Topicalizing V-tʃa-o
6.2.3.3 V-tʃa tsʰaqp-ek ‘until V’
6.2.4 V-en(-tʃik) ‘while V-ing’
6.2.5 V-V-la ‘by the time V’, V-V-po, V-V-tʃik ‘until V’
6.2.6 V-duru-a, V-duru-i-ka ‘until V’
6.2.7 V-tʰig-a, V-tʰig-i-ka ‘about when V’
6.2.8 V-tʰo-e-ka ‘at the time of V-ing’
6.2.9 V-kʰimarukpjaŋ ‘while about to V’
6.3 Noun-Modifying Clauses
6.3.1 General Discussion
6.3.1.1 Introduction
6.3.1.2 The Frame-Semantic Approach of Matsumoto (1997)
6.3.1.3 Relative Clauses in Other Varieties of Tibetan
6.3.1.4 Relative Clauses in Purik
6.3.2 Relative Clause Clauses with the Nominalizer -pa
6.3.2.1 Clause-linking Relative Strategies
6.3.2.2 Clause-host Relative Clause Constructions
6.3.2.3 Internally-headed Relative Clauses
6.3.2.4 Noun-host Relative Clause Constructions
6.3.2.5 Content-taking Head Nouns and Direct Speech
6.3.3 -kʰan
6.3.3.1 Pre- and Post-head Relative Clause Constructions
6.3.3.2 Predicatively Used Relative Clause Constructions
6.3.4 -sa
6.3.5 -tʃa(s)
6.3.6 -en
6.3.7 -tʰo ‘(the right) time to V’ and -loŋ ‘(leisure) time to V’
6.3.8 -tʰik
6.4 Other Content-attributing Strategies
6.4.1 Indirect Question Complements
6.4.1.1 Indirect Questions Attributing Content to Direct Perception Verbs
6.4.1.2 Sentential Theme Arguments of sam ‘think’
6.4.2 An Idiosyncratic Content-Taking Head Noun (rzun ‘lie’)
Chapter 7 Prosody
7.1 Declination
7.2 Focus
7.3 Final Rise (or Suspension)
7.4 Antitopics
7.5 Dramatizing Prosody
7.6 Final Lengthening
7.7 Pitch Contours Tied to Pragmatic Morphemes
Appendices
Appendix A: A Story of Three Brothers
Appendix B.1: Reduplicated and Assonant Formations
Appendix B.2: Basic Vocabulary
References
Index

Citation preview

A Grammar of Purik Tibetan

Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library Edited by Henk Blezer Alex McKay Charles Ramble

Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region Edited by George L. van Driem

volume 21

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/btsl

A Grammar of Purik Tibetan By

Marius Zemp

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover illustration: Syed Abbas and goats on Rinaq (‘Black Mountain’) above Goma Kargil. Photo by author. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Zemp, Marius. Title: A grammar of Purik Tibetan / by Marius Zemp. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2018. | Series: Brill’s Tibetan studies  library ; volume 21 | Includes bibliographical references. Identifiers: LCCN 2018010093 (print) | LCCN 2018011917 (ebook) |  ISBN 9789004366312 (E-book) | ISBN 9789004365483 (hardback :  alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Purik language—Grammar. Classification: LCC PL3651.P8 (ebook) | LCC PL3651.P8 Z46 2018 (print) |  DDC 495/.4—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018010093

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1568-6183 isbn 978-90-04-36548-3 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-36631-2 (e-book) Copyright 2018 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Dedicated to the loving memory of Syed Abbas Goma Kargilopa and Prof. em. Roland Bielmeier



Contents Acknowledgments xix List of Tables xxi List of Figures xxiv List of Abbreviations xxvi Abbreviations Used in the CDTD xxviii 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Purik 1 1.2 South and East Purik 3 1.3 Language Contact 4 1.4 Genetic Affiliation 5 1.5 Previous Research 7 1.6 Data 8 1.7 A Note on Pragmatics 11 1.8 The Method of Functional Reconstruction 12 1.8.1 Focus Marker -pa 14 1.8.2 Augmentative ’-r(a) 17 1.8.3 (g)cig ‘one’, Indefinite -(tʃ)ik 18 1.8.4 Pre-, Pronominal, and Clause-Final Demonstratives 20 1.8.5 Contrastive -na 22 1.8.6 Additive -aŋ 23 1.8.7 Delimitative -tsa 25 1.8.8 Onset-alternation 25 1.8.9 The -s Suffix 26 1.8.10 Testimonial Existential duk, Inferential -suk, and Potential V-(t/n)uk 26 1.8.11 Quotative (-)lo 27 1.9 Outline 28 2 Phonology 29 2.1 Synchronic Phonology 29 2.1.1 Phonemic Inventory 29 2.1.1.1 Consonants 30 2.1.1.1.1 Stops 30 2.1.1.1.2 Affricates 31 2.1.1.1.3 Fricatives 32 2.1.1.1.4 Nasals 32

viii

contents

2.1.1.1.5 Liquids 33 2.1.1.1.6 Approximants 34 2.1.1.2 Vowels 34 2.1.2 Syllable Structure 35 2.1.3 Morphophonemic Processes 37 2.1.4 Stress 39 2.2 Diachronic Phonology 48 2.2.1 Introduction 48 2.2.2 Consonantal Changes from WT to Purik 48 2.2.2.1 Preradicals 48 2.2.2.1.1 s- 49 2.2.2.1.2 l- 49 2.2.2.1.3 r- 50 2.2.2.1.4 d- 52 2.2.2.1.5 g- 52 2.2.2.1.6 b- 54 2.2.2.1.7 Nasal Preradicals 56 2.2.2.2 Radicals 58 2.2.2.2.1 WT Voiceless Labial (p, ph) and Dental (t, th) Plosives 59  Excursus: The Purik Retroflex Stops 60 2.2.2.2.2 WT Voiceless Velar Plosives (k and kh) 66 2.2.2.2.3 WT Voiced Plosives 67 2.2.2.2.4 Medial Labial Radicals Following Nasal 69 2.2.2.2.5 Prefixed and Unprefixed Affricates 70 2.2.2.2.6 Sibilants 71 2.2.2.2.7 Spirant 72 2.2.2.2.8 Nasals 72 2.2.2.2.9 Liquids 73 2.2.2.2.10 Approximants 74 2.2.2.2.11 A chung and a chen 75 2.2.2.3 Postradicals 76 2.2.2.3.1 WT r-clusters 76 2.2.2.3.2 WT y-clusters 80 2.2.2.3.3 Irregular Developments 82 2.2.2.3.4 Postradical w 83 2.2.2.3.5 WT Postradical l 83 2.2.2.4 Purik /ʁ/ 85 2.2.2.5 Further Initial Clusters without a WT Source 88

contents

ix

2.2.2.6 Finals 89 2.2.2.6.1 Nasals 89 2.2.2.6.2 Velar and Uvular Stops 90 2.2.2.6.3 Syllable Final Plosive before Nasal 91 2.2.2.7 Postfinal -s 92 2.2.3 Vowels 93 2.2.3.1 WT e/a: Purik ja 93 2.2.3.2 Vowel Harmony 96 2.2.4 Contractions 97 2.2.5 Stress 99 2.2.6 Summary 100 3 Noun Phrases 102 3.1 Derivation 102 3.1.1 Suffixal Derivation 106 3.1.1.1 Monosyllabic Simplices 108 3.1.1.2 -pa 110 3.1.1.3 -ba 114 3.1.1.4 -ma 115 3.1.1.5 Related Nominal Endings: P -wa, -ja, -a, -maq(s) 116 3.1.1.6 -p(ʰ)o 118 3.1.1.7 -mo 120 3.1.1.8 -bu 122 3.1.1.9 -kʰa 124 3.1.1.10 -tse 124 3.1.1.11 Non-syllabic Nominalizing Suffixes -s, -d (and -n?) 126 3.1.1.12 -tʃan 130 3.1.1.13 -met 131 3.1.1.14 -gaŋ ‘full of’ 131 3.1.1.15 -nte/-nʈe 132 3.1.2 Compounding 132 3.1.2.1 Copulative Compounds 134 3.1.2.2 Determinative Compounds 135 3.1.2.2.1 Determinative Compounds with Nominal Heads (Endocentric) 135 3.1.2.2.2 Determinative Compounds with Adjectival Heads (Exocentric) 137 3.1.2.2.3 Determinative Compounds with Verbal Heads 139

x

contents

3.1.2.3 Unanalyzable Polysyllabic Nouns 143 Reduplication and Assonance 144 3.1.3.1 Postlexical Use of Repetition 144 3.1.3.2 Reduplicated and Assonant Adjectivals 146 3.1.3.3 X-(b)a-X Adverbials: ‘Equally’ ~ ‘Continuously’ 149 3.1.3.4 C(CC)… w… ‘N and the like’ 150 3.1.4 Augmentative Adjectives 151 3.2 Definiteness and Number 156 3.2.1 Definite Article -po ~ -u 156 3.2.2 Definite Plural -(u)n 171 3.2.3 Indefinite Article and Other Uses of -tʃik ‘one’ 185 3.2.4 Conditional Indefinite kato 205 3.3 Demonstratives, Personal, Interrogative and Other Pronouns 212 3.3.1 Demonstratives 212 3.3.1.1 di ‘this’ 220 3.3.1.2 a(re) ‘that (there, visible)’ 226 3.3.1.3 e ‘the other’ 228 3.3.1.4 de ‘that’ (anaphoric) 234 3.3.1.5 ode ‘that very’ 239 3.3.1.6 dja ‘that same’ 241 3.3.2 Personal Pronouns 248 3.3.2.1 Overview 248 3.3.2.2 First Person 254 3.3.2.3 Second Person 257 3.3.2.4 Third Person 258 3.3.2.5 Emphatic, Reflexive, and Reciprocal Pronouns 260 3.3.2.6 Associative Locatives and ProN-i-ru/o ‘the thing of N’ 268 3.3.3 Interrogative Pronouns and Adverbs 271 3.3.3.1 su ‘who’ 271 3.3.3.2 tʃi ‘what’ 273 3.3.3.3 ga(ŋ) ‘which’ 281 3.3.3.4 nam ‘when’ 284 3.3.3.5 tsam ‘how much’ 284 3.3.4 Distributive Pronouns 286 3.3.4.1 rere ‘(one) each’ and enclictic -re 286 3.3.4.2 raŋkʰa soso ‘each their own’ 288 3.4 Case 289 3.4.1 General Remarks 289 3.4.2 Absolutive 291 3.1.3

contents

xi

3.4.3 Ergative 293 3.4.4 Dative 299 3.4.5 Terminative 310 3.4.6 Genitive 311 3.4.7 Locative 328 3.4.8 Inessive 333 3.4.9 The Evolution of -na 338 3.4.9.1 Ablative 342 3.4.9.2 Comitative, Instrumental 346 3.5 Discourse-structuring Morphemes 350 3.5.1 -na 350 3.5.1.1 Contrastive -na 350 3.5.1.2 Coordinating na ‘and’ 356 3.5.2 Additive -aŋ ‘too, even’ 361 3.5.3 Delimitative -tsa 365 3.5.4 Comparative -batsik 371 4 Sentences 374 4.1 Verbal Stems 377 4.1.1 Reconstructing the Verbal Morphology of Proto-Tibetan 378 4.1.2 Honorific Verbs 387 4.1.3 Argument Structure 387 4.1.3.1 General Remarks 387 4.1.3.2 Monovalent Verbs 389 4.1.3.3 Dative Experiencers 393 4.1.3.4 The Dative of the feared 395 4.1.3.5 Locative Arguments 395 4.1.3.6 The Comitative 399 4.1.3.7 Transitive Verbs 399 4.1.3.8 Ambitransitive Verbs 405 4.1.3.9 Extensions of the Ergative 407 4.1.3.10 Ditransitive Verbs 409 4.1.4 Indirect-causative V-tʃuk 410 4.1.5 The -s of Roots and Past and Imperative Stems 416 4.2 Infinite Verbal Forms 417 4.2.1 The Conjunctive -(s)e Participle 418 Formal Properties 419 Bi- and Monoclausal 420 Reduplication of the Participle 423 Clause-linking 423

xii

contents

Finite Use 424 Relativizing with jot 425 Pragmatization of Verbs Following -(s)e 425 Right Dislocation 427 V-(s)e-r-ik 427 4.2.2 The Progressive -en Participle 428 General Remarks 428 Linking Clauses 429 Finite Use 429 Relativizing 430 Before the Dynamic Auxiliaries (tʃ ʰa and joŋ) 431 Emphasized Continuity: Repetition or Lengthening 432 Durative V-en-duk 433 Continuous V-en- before an Existential copula 434 4.2.3 The -pa Infinitive 435 Preliminaries 435 Citation Forms 436 Lexicalized Infinitives 436 V-pa + copula 437 Habitual V-pa-t 437 Finite V-pa 438 Arguments 439 Complements of Modal Verbs 440 Other Complements 441 Negated Adverbial Clauses: (V) ma V-pa ‘without V-ing’ 442 V-pa-r-ik tʃʰa ‘become a little V-ed’ 444 V-pa-r-ik ba ‘try to V’ 444 Genitive Attributes of Localistic Expressions 445 Adverbial Clause: V-p-e-ka 446 V-pa-na ɲambo ‘together with V-ing, right when V-ing’ 447 The Content of a Cognition Verb 448 Reported Speech and Thought with Complementizer zer-ba 448 Adverbial Clauses: tʃoq V-pa, V-pa tʃik ‘right when’ 449 V-pa gaŋma 450 Causal V-pa-na 450 Remote Past -p-in 450

contents

4.2.4 The -tʃa Infinitive 451 Non-prospective Uses 452 Prospective Uses 454 4.2.5 -kʰan 461 Relative Clauses 462 V-kʰan tʃʰa, ba, tʃo 464 Finite Use of -kʰan 465 4.2.6 -sa ‘place’ 466 4.2.7 -tʰik ‘right amount’ 467 4.2.8 Reduplicated Verbal Nouns 473 V-V-po/tʃik ‘until V’, V-V-(l)a ‘by the time V’ 474 Lexicalized Reduplicated Adjectives 479 4.2.9 -tsa 480 4.2.10 -duru ‘until’ 483 4.2.11 -tʰo ‘(exact) time’ 484 4.2.12 -loŋ ‘(spare) time’ 485 4.2.13 Emphatic Completive -tʰaq (tʃʰot) 486 4.2.14 -kʰi(marukpjaŋ) 487 4.2.15 Desiderative -sɲi 488 4.2.16 Desiderative -mkʰans 489 4.2.17 -luks 489 4.2.18 -zo ‘manner’ 490 4.2.19 Zero-nominalizations 491 4.3 Light Verbs 491 4.3.1 tʃʰa ‘go, become’ and joŋ ‘come’ 492 4.3.1.1 Introduction 492 4.3.1.2 V-en joŋ/tʃʰa 493 4.3.1.3 V-(s)e joŋ/tʃʰa 495 4.3.1.4 joŋ Indicating ‘likelihood’ 502 4.3.1.5 Idiomatic Uses of joŋ 504 4.3.1.6 tʃʰa after Other Nominalizations 506 4.3.1.7 V-pa biŋ-se jot ‘be ready to V’ 508 4.3.2 Durative duk 508 4.3.3 kʰjer and kʰjoŋ 511 4.3.4 ba ‘do, initiate, prepare’ 513 4.3.4.1 ba after Complements 514 4.3.4.2 ba after Adjectives 514 4.3.4.3 ba after Deverbal Nominalizations 515 4.3.5 taŋ ‘give, put, apply’ 518 4.3.6 Other Light Verbs 521

xiii

xiv

contents

4.3.7 Quotative zer 522 4.3.8 Modals 530 4.4 Copulas and Finite Clauses 531 4.4.1 Introduction 531 4.4.1.1 The Evidential Contrast between Testimonial duk and Factual jot 531 4.4.1.2 The Informant 535 4.4.1.3 Only Factual Forms in Nominalized Clauses and before Conditional -na 537 4.4.1.4 Only Testimonial Forms in Indirect Questions Implying Observation 539 4.4.2 Finite Constructions without a Copular Component 540 4.4.2.1 The Simple Past: V(-s) 540 4.4.2.2 Questions About One’s Own Future Actions: V(-a) 543 4.4.2.3 Further Finite Constructions Lacking a Copular Component 544 4.4.3 The Copulas 545 4.4.3.1 After Adjectives, Locations, and Nouns 545 4.4.3.2 Inferential in-suk 554 4.4.3.3 Past Direct Testimonial jot-suk 555 4.4.3.4 Past Forms of the Copulas: in-m-in, jot-p-in, duk-p-in 557 4.4.3.5 Elided Copula 560 4.4.4 The Copulas after Prospective V-tʃa 561 4.4.4.1 V-tʃa duk/jot 561 4.4.4.2 V-tʃ-in 567 4.4.4.2.1 V-tʃ-in-suk, V-tʃa men-suk 574 4.4.4.2.2 V-tʃ-in-m-in, V-tʃa men-m-in 574 4.4.4.3 Finite V-tʃa 575 4.4.5 The Copulas after Conjunctive V-(s)e 577 4.4.5.1 V-(s)e in(-suk) 577 4.4.5.2 V-(s)e jot vs. duk 580 4.4.5.3 V-(s)e met vs. mi-nduk 583 4.4.6 Existential Copulas after Old Resultative *V-s 586 4.4.6.1 Perfect V-z-duk 586 4.4.6.2 V-suk (< *V-s-’dug) vs. V-set (< *V-s-yod) 587 4.4.6.3 Patronizing Factual V-set-in 590 4.4.6.4 Inferential -suk after Other Verbal Forms 591 4.4.7 Existential Copulas after Progressive V-en 596

contents

4.4.8

Prospective V-et and V-(t/n)uk 602 4.4.8.1 V-et 602 4.4.8.2 V-(t/n)uk 617 4.4.8.2.1 Potential duk-tuk and its Negated Counterpart mi duk 622 4.4.8.2.2 V-(t/n)uk mi-naŋ 623 4.4.8.2.3 Negated Prospective mi V 625 4.4.9 Finite Constructions with the -pa Infinitive 627 4.4.9.1 Preliminaries 627 4.4.9.2 Habitual V-pa-t 628 4.4.9.3 V-pa met vs. mi-nduk 634 4.4.9.4 ma V-pa duk/jot/in 637 4.4.9.5 Remote Past and Past Perfective -p-in (-m-in, and -(b)-in) 639 4.5 Other Clause-Final Morphemes 650 4.5.1 Interrogative -a 651 4.5.2 Focus Marker -pa 660 4.5.3 Assumptive-inferential -tʃapo 669 4.5.4 Corroborative -to 671 4.5.5 Optative and Plural Imperative -ʃik 673 4.5.6 Additive -aŋ 677 4.5.7 Quotative (-)lo 682 4.5.8 Clause-Final Demonstratives: Proximate (-)de and Obviate (-)e 689 4.5.9 Quasi-interrogative -nii, -gii, -tʃii, -hii 695 4.5.9.1 Syllogizing -nii 695 4.5.9.2 Demanding -gii 697 4.5.9.3 Confirmation-seeking -tʃii 701 4.5.9.4 Wondering -hii 704 4.5.10 Irreal ta 707 4.5.11 hei ‘ok?’ 711 4.5.12 Wheedling iʃ(u) 713 4.5.13 Hesitative (-)jaa 714 4.5.14 Vocative ʒu, le, wa, la, ka, no, bu 722 5 Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences 727 5.1 Adverbs 727 5.2 The Intensifier mana 728 5.3 Dramatizers 735 5.3.1 Introduction 735

xv

xvi

contents

5.3.2 Ideophones 736 5.3.3 Synchronic Properties of the Purik Dramatizers 737 5.3.3.1 Phonology and Prosody 737 5.3.3.2 Morphology and Syntax 738 5.3.3.3 Semantics and Pragmatics 742 5.3.3.4 Synchronically Varying Functions 748 5.3.3.5 Dramatizers in Compounds 750 5.3.4 The Evolution of the Purik Dramatizers 750 5.3.4.1 Dramatizers from Verbs 751 5.3.4.2 Expressivity 755 5.3.4.3 Dramatizers Shared between Different Varieties of Tibetan 756 5.3.4.4 Adjectival Dramatizers 757 5.3.4.5 The Nominal Origin of Dramatizers Emphasizing Negation 758 5.3.5 Concluding Remarks 759 5.4 tʃoq ‘(at that) moment’ 760 6 Clause Linkage 762 6.1 Clause-linking -na 762 6.1.1 V-na 773 6.1.1.1 With kato 778 6.1.1.2 V-na-r-ik 779 6.1.1.3 V-na-ŋ 781 6.1.2 V-pa-na 781 6.1.2.1 V-pa-na ɲambo/tʃik, tʃoq V-pa-na ‘right when V’ 787 6.1.3 V-(s)e-na 789 6.1.4 V(-s-pa)-tsa-na 791 6.1.4.1 V-tsa-na ‘when V-ing’ 791 6.1.4.2 ma V-tsa-na 793 6.1.4.3 V-(s-)pa-tsa-na 794 6.1.5 V-pa-i tsʰir-na(-aŋ) 796 6.2 Subordinate Clauses without -na 797 6.2.1 V-pa 798 6.2.1.1 V-pa Instantiating Argument-roles 798 6.2.1.2 Goals of Motion Verbs and Purposive Complements 800 6.2.1.3 tʃoq V-pa, V-pa tʃik 804 6.2.1.4 V-s-pa-tsa ‘only when V-ed’ 806 6.2.1.5 Adverbial ma V-pa ‘by not V-ing’ 807

contents

xvii

6.2.1.6 ma V-pa-r-ik ‘a little before V-ing’ 810 6.2.1.7 V-p-e-ka ‘when V-ing’ 811 6.2.2 V-(s)e 813 6.2.3 V-tʃa(-s) 816 6.2.3.1 V-tʃa-s ‘thanks to V-ing’ 816 6.2.3.2 Topicalizing V-tʃa-o 817 6.2.3.3 V-tʃa tsʰaqp-ek ‘until V’ 819 6.2.4 V-en(-tʃik) ‘while V-ing’ 819 6.2.5 V-V-la ‘by the time V’, V-V-po, V-V-tʃik ‘until V’ 823 6.2.6 V-duru-a, V-duru-i-ka ‘until V’ 826 6.2.7 V-tʰig-a, V-tʰig-i-ka ‘about when V’ 827 6.2.8 V-tʰo-e-ka ‘at the time of V-ing’ 828 6.2.9 V-kʰimarukpjaŋ ‘while about to V’ 828 6.3 Noun-Modifying Clauses 828 6.3.1 General Discussion 828 6.3.1.1 Introduction 828 6.3.1.2 The Frame-Semantic Approach of Matsumoto (1997) 829 6.3.1.3 Relative Clauses in Other Varieties of Tibetan 831 6.3.1.4 Relative Clauses in Purik 835 6.3.2 Relative Clauses with the Nominalizer -pa 841 6.3.2.1 Clause-linking Relative Strategies 841 6.3.2.2 Clause-host Relative Clause Constructions 841 6.3.2.3 Internally-headed Relative Clauses 846 6.3.2.4 Noun-host Relative Clause Constructions 849 6.3.2.5 Content-taking Head Nouns and Direct Speech 849 6.3.3 -kʰan 850 6.3.3.1 Pre- and Post-head Relative Clause Constructions 850 6.3.3.2 Predicatively Used Relative Clause Constructions 856 6.3.4 -sa 857 6.3.5 -tʃa(s) 859 6.3.6 -en 859 6.3.7 -tʰo ‘(the right) time to V’ and -loŋ ‘(leisure) time to V’ 862 6.3.8 -tʰik 863 6.4 Other Content-attributing Strategies 864 6.4.1 Indirect Question Complements 864 6.4.1.1 Indirect Questions Attributing Content to Direct Perception Verbs 864

xviii

contents

6.4.2

6.4.1.2 Sentential Theme Arguments of sam ‘think’ 866 An Idiosyncratic Content-Taking Head Noun (rzun ‘lie’) 867

7 Prosody 870 7.1 Declination 872 7.2 Focus 875 7.3 Final Rise (or Suspension) 884 7.4 Antitopics 889 7.5 Dramatizing Prosody 896 7.6 Final Lengthening 903 7.7 Pitch Contours Tied to Pragmatic Morphemes 906 Appendices Appendix A: A Story of Three Brothers 918 Appendix B.1: Reduplicated and Assonant Formations 924 Appendix B.2: Basic Vocabulary 928 References 947 Index 959

Acknowledgments My deepest thanks go to Roland Bielmeier, who did not live to see the completion of my dissertation by a week. I am still sad to have lost the person to whom I owe what caused me so much joy in these last years: my work on Purik. He was the one who taught me historical linguistics and sent me off in 2005 to describe the Purik dialect spoken in Kargil, the Muslim western part of Ladakh, a district of Jammu and Kashmir in northwestern India, that had not in his opinion received the attention it deserved. This turned out to be a brilliant suggestion, as I am convinced today that Purik Tibetan indeed has a lot to offer, and as I hope this book demonstrates. Roland was always there to support me and my project to produce a comprehensive grammar of Purik. I hope that my thanks reach him somewhere. I also want to express my thanks to Manuel Widmer, who has become both a dear friend and an inspiring linguistic companion. I deeply appreciate both, and I hope that our continuing discussions and future publications will do their part to keep it this way. I would also like to thank Thomas Preiswerk for similarly inspiring debates in the initial phase of this book. I am also grateful to the people who have participated in the Comparative Dictionary of the Tibetan Dialects (CDTD) and who supported me in various ways, namely Marianne Volkart, Brigitte Huber, Felix Haller, Veronika Hein, and Katrin Häsler. I want to thank also the first advisor of my dissertation, George van Driem, for his ongoing support, and Fernando Zúñiga for stepping in as my second advisor. I owe my fervent thanks to Chris Donlay for his meticulous reading of an earlier version of this book and his countless valuable suggestions on how to improve it. A short review by an anonymous reader was also helpful in many respects. I would also like to thank Bernard Kovalski for helping me find the right English words to translate the wide variety of flowery adjectives used in Purik. Nevertheless, it is clear that I bear sole responsibility for any remaining mistakes and shortcomings. I want to express my sincerest gratitude to all the people I met in and around Kargil since my first visit there in 2004. I am deeply thankful to the late Syed Abbas and his family, who treated me like one of their own in addition to providing me with extremely valuable data. In the beginning phase, I worked countless (and long) mornings with Syed Abbas himself, mainly on vocabulary, but he also told wonderful stories that I soon began analyzing with one of his sons, Syed Mehdi, who was brilliant at this task. Syed Ali, Syed Hyeder Shah, and Syed Hussein, as well as their mother Hajira, Archo Sakin, and Archo Nargis were always there to help solve problems we might encounter during

xx

acknowledgments

our work. I also thank the other children of the same extended family, Syed Sajjad, Syed Irfan, Syed Imran, Archo Jabin, and Archo Fatima Nesa. Thanks to them I was able to learn some Purik baby talk. In the second phase of my research, I started regularly working with Kacho Shabir Jawed from Yabgo, Goma Kargil. I am extremely thankful for the numerous hours he spent with me, doing an immense amount of work and having fun at the same time. I also apologize to his family for keeping him in the bazaar and away from them, especially his daughter Nasrin and son Zahir Khan. I owe my thanks to the people of Kargil in general. They are the most hospitable people I have known, and I hope that they will appreciate this book, even though I suspect that it has become a little technical. I would like to mention the names of a few people to whom I am especially grateful: Imtiyaz Ali, Rahat, and Ibrahim (and the rest of their family) from the Dil Aram, as well as Hussein and my other acquaintances from there; Hassan the butcher; Bazgo Hassan and his family; Syed Sajjad, Mutaqi, Anwar, Ali from Kanor, Ajaz; the Munshi brothers; Khadim the Pang; and all the people from Goma Kargil, who greeted me and offered me tea whenever they saw me walk up to the Syeds’ house. Many thanks also to the people that welcomed me and kindly agreed to work with me on my trips to the villages around Kargil, namely Wazir Mhd. Ali in Aro Pharka Shiliktse; Mhd. Hassan, son of Abdul Rahman, in Tumel; Mhd. Kazim in Jonjon (Darket); Fatima Bano in Ldoq (Darket); Mhd. Ali in Aro Lotsum; Mhd. Kazim, Son of Haji Hussein, in Batalik; Syed Mubarek in Sangko; Nissar Ahmad in Bhimbat; Gholam Mhd. in Mazhapor (Goshan, Dras); Tsewang Dolma and Kundze Dolma from Bodkharbu and Diskit Dolma from Wakha; and the people from Apati, who helped me brush the moss from the inscriptions on the rock next to their village.

List of Tables 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

Morphological criteria distinguishing Purik/Balti and Ladakhi 6 Morphological criteria distinguishing Purik and Balti 7 The consonantal phonemes of Purik 29 The initial clusters attested in Purik 35 WT preradical s- in Purik 49 WT preradical l- before dental in Purik 49 WT rk- > Purik ʂk/k- in etymologically related pairs of words 50 WT preradical r- before dental, alveolar and labial in Purik 51 Metathesis of WT RDVl > Purik LDVr 51 WT d- in Purik 52 WT g- in Purik 53 Velar reflexes of WT g- in Purik compounds 53 WT b- in Purik 54 WT brgy- > Purik rgj-, bgj- compound-internally 55 Reflexes of WT b- in Purik compounds 55 WT nasal preradicals before voiced affricate in Purik 56 WT nasal preradicals in Purik compounds 58 WT labial plosive radicals in Purik 59 WT dental plosive radicals in Purik 59 OT dental plosives with retroflex reflexes in WAT 60 OT aspirated dental plosives with retroflex reflexes in WAT 61 OT aspirated dental plosives with deaspirated retroflex reflexes in WAT 62 Near minimal pairs of Purik retroflexes and dentals 65 WT unaspirated voiceless velar radicals in Purik 66 WT aspirated velar radicals in Purik 67 WT voiced labial, dental and velar radicals in Purik 68 WT medial nasal + labial plosive in Purik 69 WT dental and alveolar affricates in Purik 70 WT (dental and alveolar) sibilants in Purik 71 WT h in Purik 72 WT nasal radicals in Purik 73 WT liquid radicals in Purik 74 WT approximants in Purik 75 OT a chung and a chen in Purik 76 WT labial r-clusters in Purik 77 WT labial r-clusters in WAT 77

xxii

list of tables

37 WT velar r-clusters in Purik 78 38 WT velar r-clusters in WAT 78 39 WT dental r-clusters in Purik 79 40 WT dental r-clusters in WAT 79 41 WT labial y-clusters in Purik 81 42 WT velar y-clusters in Purik 82 43 Irregular developments of r in Purik 83 44 WT postradical -l in Purik 85 45 WT preradical + g: Purik ʁ 88 46 WT final ng, n > Purik m 90 47 WT syllable final plosive before nasal in Purik 91 48 Instances of additional postfinal -s in Purik 92 49 Instances of dropped WT postfinal -s in Purik 93 50 WT e: Purik ja (before velar) 94 51 WT a: Purik ja (after r- and sm-) 94 52 Vowel harmony in Purik 96 53 Contractions of disyllabic WT etyma in Purik 97 54 Contractions of disyllabic WT etyma with a first-syllable final a (1) 98 55 Contractions of disyllabic WT etyma with a first-syllable final a (2) 98 56 Forms of the definite article after stem-final vowels 157 57 The definite article after demonstratives 159 58 The main forms of Purik demonstratives 213 59 Adjectival and adverbial forms of demonstratives 214 60 The main forms of the singular personal pronouns 250 61 The main forms of the plural personal pronouns 250 62 ProN-i-ro/u ‘the thing of …’ and associative locatives 269 63 Absolutive case roles hosted by different types of predicate frames 292 64 Ergative case roles instantiated by different types of hosts within different types of predicate frames 295 65 Dative case roles hosted by different types of predicate frames 302 66 Adjuncts in the dative case 310 67 Locative case roles hosted by different types of predicate frames 332 68 Purik intransitive verbs: transitive WT present stems (both with -s) 379 69 Purik intransitive verbs without -s: transitive WT present stems with -d 380 70 WT imperative stems corresponding to nouns (or adjectives) in Purik 381 71 M-phasives > Purik (P) dramatizers 382

list of tables

xxiii

72 Neutral n- : causative sn- 383 73 Neutral Kʰ- : causative sK- 383 74 Neutral G- : causative sK- 384 75 Neutral G- : causative zG- 384 76 Transitive WT future stems and their Purik correspondences 385 77 Neutral l- : causative ɬts-/ldz- 386 78 The conjunctive particle after various stem-finals in WT, Ladakhi, and Purik/Balti 419

List of Figures 1 The ʈulúlu 45 2 Iambic pattern on V-tʃ-in in a question (asked by Shabir) and an affirmative answer (by Mehdi) 871 3 Steady declination on repeated men ‘no!’ (1) 873 4 Steady declination on repeated men ‘no!’ (2) 873 5 Disrupted declination: new emphasis on the fourth men (?) 874 6 Repeated joŋ-s ‘came and came and came, etc.’ 874 7 Declination with four intermediate peaks 875 8 ma(n)a ‘very’ before an adjective 876 9 mana before a verb 877 10 Rise on the focal verb to which -to is suffixed (1) 877 11 Rise on the focal verb to which -to is suffixed (2) 878 12 No rise on duk before clause-final demonstrative de 878 13 Intonation peak on taŋet ‘(he) does speak (our language)!’ 879 14 No focus on the factual verbal forms tʃʰ-et and tsʰor-et 879 15 Non-negated simple past: predicate within the decline 880 16 Negated simple past: rise-fall on predicate 880 17 Default pitch peak on negated verb: ‘didn’t (you) give (it back) afterwards?’ 881 18 High pitch on second syllable of the two predicates ( joŋ-s-p-in ‘came’ and ma ɬep ‘did not arrive’) 882 19 Focus on tʃaŋ ‘not at all’, de-accented negated verb 882 20 Contrastive ŋa ‘I (got annoyed)’ 883 21 Contrastive kʰjer-es ‘(say what) you yourself (are thinking)!’ 883 22 Pitch peak on contrastive demonstrative e ‘the other’ 884 23 Contrastive naniŋ ‘last year (it was exiting)’ 884 24 Final rise on zer-e-na ‘didn’t you say …?!’ 885 25 Final rise on jot-e-na 886 26 Final pitch suspension on jot-e-na 887 27 The utterance following the one shown in Figure 26 887 28 Suspended final intonation on zer-s-p-in-lo 888 29 Final rise on joŋ-tʃa 888 30 Antitopic kʰje-s ‘you (erg.)’ 890 31 Antitopic kʰje-s ‘you (erg.)’ 890 32 Antitopic kʰjeraŋ-a ‘you (dat.)’ 891 33 Antitopic kʰjeraŋ-a and afterthought ma kʰʂu-s zer-e 892 34 Antitopic kʰoŋ ‘they’ 893

list of figures

35 Repeated antitopic kʰoŋ ‘they’ 893 36 Antitopic ŋatʃ-i ‘our (women)’ 894 37 Antitopic do-o ‘(where did you see) that(?)’ 895 38 Antitopic naniŋ ‘last year’ 895 39 Final rise on dare-na ‘(still) now’ 896 40 Final rise on diiŋ-na ‘(still) today’ 896 41 Pitch peak on the dramatizer ɬʈep 897 42 Pitch peaks on the repeated negating dramatizer mu(-aŋ) 897 43 Dramatic intonation on maŋmo ‘a lot’ 898 44 Dramatic intonation on tʃʰoo ‘big’ 899 45 Intonation peak on ta ‘I’m telling you!’ 899 46 Dramatic intonation on rgjuma-a-n-la ‘right into the guts’ 900 47 Dramatic intonation on jaaŋ ‘again’ (1) 902 48 Dramatic intonation on jaaŋ ‘again’ (2) 902 49 Stylized intonation on ʒa-a-aχ-s ‘put’ (and pitch peak on focal kʰo-aŋ ‘him as well’) 903 50 Stylized intonation on the second syllable of in-su-u-k 904 51 Stylized intonation on the second syllable of duk-tu-u-k 904 52 Stylized intonation on the second syllable of joŋ-s-p-i-i-n 905 53 Stylized intonation on the last syllables of the members of a list (consisting of the two place names tʃiktan and baʈalik) 906 54 Unaccented final ta (after an imperative) 907 55 Unaccented final ta; a single intermediate rise on V-tʃ-in 907 56 Rise on final ta 908 57 Upstep onto -pa 908 58 Final low -pa-oo 909 59 Upstep on proximate clause-final demonstrative dee (1) 909 60 Upstep on proximate clause-final demonstrative dee (2) 910 61 Final rise-fall on de-oo 910 62 ‘on the other side!’ 911 63 Continued fall on final -ou (twice) 911 64 Polar question with final rise on -oo 912 65 Polar question with falling pitch on interrogative -a 912 66 High rise on -nii after a question (1) 913 67 High rise on -nii after a question (2) 913 68 High rise on -nii after an imperative 914 69 Final rise on tʃii ‘don’t you think?’ 914 70 Pitch fall on postverbal gii 915

xxv

List of Abbreviations abl ABS add assoc assum aug c caus cnd cnj comit comp corr crt cs dat def des dmnd drm emph eq erg euph ex(.f) excl ex.t foc gen go:adh h hes imp indef / ndf ine (g-ine) inf inf2

ablative absolutive additive associative assumptive inferential augmentative controllable causative-permissive conditional conjunctive (participle) comitative comparative corroborative certaintive confirmation-seeking dative definite article desiderative demanding dramatizer emphatic equative copula ergative euphonic (epenthetic) (factual) existential copula exclamation testimonial existential copula focus marker genitive adhortative ‘let’s go’ honorific hesitative imperative indefinite article inessive (with genitive) infinitive (-pa) prospective infinitive (-tʃa)

list of abbreviations infr instr ip irr lim loc (g-loc) nc neg neg:eq / n:eq neg:ex / n:ex nlzr od opt pd pl pol pot pst PT q quot res sim styl syl term that.xct, that that.vry, that the.oth(er), that that.vis, that this we.pe we.pi whdl wnd WT

inferential instrumental imperative plural irreal (de)limitative locative (with genitive) non-controllable negation negated equative copula negated existential copula nominalizer clause-final obviate demonstrative optative clause-final proximate demonstrative (definite) plural politeness markers potential past Proto-Tibetan question quotative resultative simultaneous, progressive participle stylized intonation syllogizing terminative demonstrative ‘that exact same’ demonstrative ‘that very’ demonstrative ‘the other’ demonstrative ‘that visible’ proximal demonstrative exclusive plural pronoun inclusive plural pronoun wheedling Wondering Written Tibetan

xxvii

xxviii

list of abbreviations

Abbreviations Used in the CDTD (Comparative Dictionary of Tibetan Dialects) Proceeding from Northwest to Northeast

WAT WIT CT NBA ST HT KT AT

Western Archaic Tibetan Western Innovative Tibetan Central Tibetan Nepalese Border Area South Tibetan Hor Tibetan Kham Tibetan Amdo Tibetan

Bal. Har. Tur. Kar. Tsha. Par. Thuw. Dar. Sod. Hanu. Chik. Sapi. Shar. Mul. Lam. Wan. Khal. Ling. Nur. Nim. Leh Nub. Trang. Trash. Tabo Nako. Nam. Thol. Ru.

Baltistan (WAT) Baltistan Hardas (WAT) Nubra Turtuk (WAT) Purik Kargil (WAT) Purik Tshangra (WAT) Purik Parkachik (WAT) Purik Thuwina (WAT) Purik Darket (WAT) Purik Sod (WAT) Purik Hanu (WAT) Purik Chiktan (WAT) Purik Sapi (WAT) Purik Shargol (WAT) Purik Mulbek (WAT) Ladakh Lamayuru (WAT) Ladakh Wanla (WAT) Ladakh Khalatse (WAT) Ladakh Lingshet (WAT) Ladakh Nurla (WAT) Ladakh Nimu (WAT) Ladakh Leh (WAT) Nubra Charasa (WAT) Ladakh Trangtse (WIT) Rangdum Trashitongde (WIT) Spiti Tabo (WIT) Kinnaur Nako (WIT) Kinnaur Namgya (WIT) Ngari Tholing (WIT) Ngari Ruthok (CT)

list of abbreviations Gar. Gerg. Pur. Nu. SMu. WDro. Tsho. Kyir. Jir. Ding. Shi. Dzo. Ger. Nak. Am. Bach. Na. De. Ka. Ba. Li. Da. The. Mkha. Rka. Chab. La. Rnga. Ser. Shan. Pad. Ndzo. Rma. Mdzo.

Ngari Gar (CT) Ngari Gergye (CT) Ngari Purang (CT) NBA Nubri (CT) NBA Southern Mustang (CT) Tsang Western Drokpas (CT) Ngari Tshochen (CT) Tsang Kyirong-Lende (CT) NBA Jirel (CT) Tsang Dingri (CT) Tsang Shigatse (CT) Bhutan Dzongkha (ST) Ngari Gertse (HT) Hor Nakchu (HT) Hor Amdo (HT) Hor Bachen (HT) Nangchen (HT) Derge (KT) Kardze (KT) Bathang (KT) Lithang (KT) Dartsedo (KT) Themchen (AT) Mkharmar (AT) Rkangtsha (AT) Chabcha (AT) Labrang (AT) Rngaba (AT) Sertha (AT) Shando (AT) Padma (AT) Ndzorge (AT) Rmastod (AT) Mdzorganrabar (AT)

xxix

Chapter 1

Introduction 1.1 Purik Purik is a phonologically archaic variety of Tibetan spoken in Kargil, a district of Jammu and Kashmir in the northwestern part of India.1 Its center, Kargil, is situated between Leh (Ladakh) in the east, Padum (Zangskar) in the southeast, Srinagar (Kashmir) in the west and Skardo (Baltistan, Pakistan) in the north, one day’s journey away from each of these four places. Still today, people travelling between the first three of them must pass through and generally stay overnight in Kargil.2 At the same time, the town of Kargil is also an important hub for the people living in the surrounding valleys. After briefly enlarging on the area in which Purik Tibetan is spoken (1.1), two subvarieties are distinguished from the main focus of this book in 1.2. Section 1.3 discusses the languages with which Purik has had contact. In 1.4 of this introduction, I propose that there was an early split of Tibetan into an Eastern and a Western branch, and that Purik along with most of Central and Western Tibetan derives from the Western branch. Section 1.5 briefly identifies previous linguistic research on Purik, and 1.6 discusses the data on which this book is based. After pointing out the importance of context in both construal and analysis of utterances in 1.7, section 1.8 sketches the method of functional reconstruction which was persistently employed in making this book. The morphemes with the most strikingly divergent functions are used to illustrate this method. Because these morphemes occur in a wide variety of syntactic contexts and are thus discussed in different sections of this book, 1.8 also serves as an overview of the Purik grammar. The content of this book is outlined in section 1.9. 1  Purik denotes the area as well as the language spoken by its population. The language may also be called purikpe skat ‘language of the Purikpas, i.e. the people living in Purik and speaking Purik’. Shafer (e.g. 1950), among others, referred to the same language as Burig (and to Balti as Sbalti), while most non-Tibetan Indians call it Purki, a term that has also come to be used sometimes by the Purikpas themselves. 2  Many natives actually call the town Kargilo, but this is not even mentioned on the official website, e.g. where the common (popular) etymologies of this name are given. Since none of them is convincing, the final -o should perhaps be taken into consideration as well. I have not tried, however, to etymologize any of the village names of that region – an interesting topic for further research.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi 10.1163/9789004366312_002

2

Chapter 1

Map 1 features the area in which modern Purik is spoken. If one follows the road leading westward from Dras, one reaches Srinagar, and if one follows the road leading eastward from Kangral, one reaches Leh. In the southeast, Rangdum Gompa is the last village before the Pensi-la, the pass leading to Zangskar, and in the northeast, the road along the Indus leads one into Baltistan in the north.

Map 1

The Purik dialect area.3

3  The map itself is from Google; the place names were added by me. Note that the dental stops are pronounced as retroflexes, including the one in Heniskot, another village in which Purik is spoken, which is situated southeast of Khangral and could not be fit into this map.

Introduction

3

In order to check how far the area in which Purik is spoken reaches, I composed a wordlist containing around 100 etyma featuring those Written Tibetan (WT) consonantal clusters for which previous research, especially the Comparative Dictionary of Tibetan Dialects (CDTD), suggests differing reflexes for Purik and the neighboring Tibetan dialects of Balti and/or Ladakhi. I elicited this wordlist in Shiliktse, Bhimbat, and Goshen in the Shingo valley leading west from Kargil, in Batalik in the Indus valley northeast of Kargil, in Lotsum, Ldoq (lower Darket), and Jonjon (upper Darket) in the Wakha valley leading to Ladakh in the east, and in Sangko in the Suru valley south of Purik. This task revealed that there are no pronunciational differences in all but the last two places mentioned. It appears that this surprisingly homogeneous Purik variety is also spoken in a few predominantly Muslim villages within the area labeled as East Purik in Map 1, such as Ciktan and Kangral as well as Heniskot further southeast, which could not be fit into this map. According to Rebecca Norman (p.c., 1.7.2005), the inhabitants of another Purik settlement beyond the Zoji-La in the west also speak the same variety of Purik. And lastly, a larger community of Purik speakers exists in Karachi, Pakistan (see Purig 2007). According to the 2011 Census, 140,802 people live in Kargil District, which comprises the three Tehsils of Kargil (86,461), Sankoo (40,548), and Zanskar (13,793).4 These three Tehsils are made up of nine Blocks. The Blocks in which Purik is spoken by the vast majority of the population are those of Kargil (with a population of 41,512), Shaker (11,233), Drass (21,988), Sankoo (17,735), Shargole (11,728), Taisuru (10,059), and G.M. Pore (12,754). In the entire district of Kargil, 77 % of the population are Muslim (around 95 % Shia, and 5 % Sunni), 14 % Buddhist, and 7 % Hindu. Extrapolating from these figures, the number of Purik speakers may be assumed to exceed 100,000, and the vast majority of these speakers are Muslim. 1.2

South and East Purik

The elicitation of the wordlist mentioned in 1.1 also confirms Bielmeier’s finding that the consonant clusters start to be simplified somewhere between Darket and Bodkharbu when travelling from Kargil towards Leh. In fact, crucial differences were found between Ldoq, a lower hamlet of Darket near Lotsum, and Jonjon, a hamlet across the river from Darket. Hence, what is called East Purik on Map 1 is distinguished from Purik by the retroflection of velar and dental r- clusters, as in Jonjon ɖamba ‘cheek’ vs. Kargil gramba (WT ’gram ba), 4  See the official website of Kargil District, www.kargil.gov.in.

4

Chapter 1

Jonjon ʈu ‘corner’ vs. Kargil kru (WT gru), Jonjon ʂi ‘wrap around’ vs. Kargil skri (WT dkri), Jonjon ʂoma ‘nits’ vs. Kargil stroma (WT sro ma), but also Jonjon gri ‘knife’ and gret ‘slip’, preserving a velar r- cluster that is reflected by a simple retroflex stop in Mulbekh and eastwards, cf. ɖi and ɖet. That, at least phonetically speaking, there is a continuum between Purik and Central Ladakhi, with East Purik representing the first changes of Purik towards Ladakhi, is also suggested by an investigation of words with an originally voiced initial stop that is not covered by a prefix – When traveling from Kargil to Leh, the numbers of words with devoiced stops continuously increases (for details, see Zemp 2006:69–74; a few examples are given in 2.2.2.2.3). The most striking grammatical feature distinguishing East Purik (along with Ladakhi) from Purik is the non-visual direct evidential marker rak (Bielmeier 2000:86ff.), which is also found in Jonjon already. The area labeled as South Purik on Map 1 differs only minimally from Purik. South of Trespon in the Suru valley, intervocalic nasals are typically nasalized, as in ɲiã ‘sun’ vs. Kargil ɲima and aã ‘mother’ vs. Kargil ama, likewise in verbal forms, such as jỹ-it ‘(I am) coming’ vs. Kargil joŋ-et and tẽ-it ‘(I am) giving’. One grammatical difference that could be asserted involves the use of V-kʰi ‘about to V’ in South Purik instead of Kargil V-tʃa (see 4.2.4). In addition, the dialect spoken in the upper Suru valley is generally characterized as containing nouns that end in an -o corresponding to an -a in Kargil. Perhaps these words contain a definite article that for some reason ceased to be analyzed as such. In any event, whenever Purikpas from Kargil imitate speakers from the Suru valley, they attach an -o wherever possible. 1.3

Language Contact

The language that most strongly influenced Purik is certainly Urdu. Purikpas use words and phrases loaned from Urdu in almost every sentence, and it is not surprising that widespread bilingualism has also led to some grammatical interference. Through Islam, Purikpas absorbed many loans also from Persian and Arabic, two languages that strongly influenced Urdu as well. Somewhat more recently, Purik acquired many loans from English. That the English influence on Purik was mainly mediated through Urdu is suggested by the fact that Purikpas pronounce voiceless stops in the deaspirated fashion that is also characteristic of Urdu and Hindi (see the excursus on retroflex stops in 2.2.2.2.1). Apart from the languages discussed in the preceding paragraph, the deepest mark on Purik appears to have been left by Burushaski (as described, e.g., by

Introduction

5

Berger 1998). In the search for etymologies of words with retroflex sounds (see again the excursus on retroflex stops in 2.2.2.2.1, and 2.2.2.2.9) and voiced uvular fricatives (2.2.4) in Purik, 17 words were identified as probable loans from Burushaski. In addition, the only neighboring language in which the Purik cluster sq- is also found is Burushaski (2.2.5). Taken together, this evidence makes it appear likely that Burushaski influenced Purik as a substrate language when the area was tibetanized in the 8th century CE. The close affinity of Purik and Balti suggests that these two dialects formed a single variety at that time. Purik must have had contact for a similarly long time with Kashmiri (see Grierson et al. 1985), even if probably less directly. The only Purik etymon that has been identified as originating from Kashmiri is ʈʰul ‘egg’. Two Dardic languages are spoken in the northern part of Kargil district. Ṣiṇā, called Shina by many western sources, is the main language of a number of villages between Kargil and Dras (for this particular variety of Shina, see Bailey 1924, Schmidt 2004). Brokskat (Ramaswami 1975, 1982, 1989) is predominant in a few villages in the Indus valley northeast of Kargil. Both these languages appear to have been more influenced by Purik than the reverse. This is not surprising, given that nearly all Dards are reasonably fluent in Purik, while only a few Purikpas care to learn Shina or Brokskat. In the bazaar of Kargil, Purikpas are regularly in contact with speakers of other Tibetan varieties, such as East and South Purik, Shamskat (Lower Ladakhi), Central Ladakhi, Zangskari, and even Central Tibetan – A large market in the bazaar is almost exclusively run by Tibetans speaking Central Tibetan. Since the partition of India, the Balti have not been able to reach Kargil from their homes in Pakistan. There are, however, a considerable number of Balti living in Kargil, and a few villages near the border to Pakistan, most notably Hardas, are home to speakers of Balti. Among the mentioned varieties of Tibetan, only Balti and Ladakhi appear to have had a noticeable impact on Purik. 1.4

Genetic Affiliation

The reconstruction of the basic properties of the Proto-Tibetan verbal system in Zemp (2016) reveals an early split of Tibetan into an eastern and a western branch which may tentatively be called Early Eastern Tibetan (EET) and Early Western Tibetan (EWT). In EET, the resultative-passive Z-phasives regularly grammaticalized into present and imperfective stems, while in EWT, this process did not take place. The varieties which may, based on that criterion, be

6

Chapter 1

assigned to EET are Classical Tibetan, most of Amdo Tibetan, Jirel and Sherpa in Northern Nepal, and Tshochen in Ngari Prefecture of Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). The remaining varieties spoken in and northwest of TAR belong to the EWT branch. Within EWT, the thorough functional reconstruction of Purik in comparison with other varieties of Tibetan allows us to further recognize that Purik and Balti on the one hand and Ladakhi on the other belong to two different subbranches. These two branches of EWT are distinguished by the morphological innovations listed in Table 1. Note that Ladakhi shares the first feature listed with Old and Classical Tibetan, which suggests that Ladakhi was influenced by the varieties closely reflected by the written language more strongly or for a longer period of time than Purik and Balti. The phonetic innovations that set Purik and Balti apart from Ladakhi include the medial assimilations of dentals before labial nasals (as in WT rgod ma ‘mare’ > Purik rgunma, but Ladakhi and East Purik rgodma, cf. 2.2.2.6.3) and the correspondence of WT lng- and ʁ- in the numeral ʁa ‘five’. Purik and Balti are distinguished from one another by the morphological criteria listed in Table 2. The phonetic innovations that took place in Purik but not in Balti or Ladakhi include the metathesis RDVl > LDVr (as in WT (b)rtol or gtol > Purik ɬtor ‘pierce’, but Balti xtol, Lower Ladakhi stol, cf. 2.2.2.1.3 and 2.2.2.1.6) and the change of initial bzh- > ʒbʒ- before front vowels (as in WT bzhi ‘four’ > Purik ʒbʒi, but Balti bʒi, East Purik and Ladakhi ʒi, cf. 2.2.2.1.6). Table 1

Morphological criteria distinguishing Purik/Balti and Ladakhi

Purik and Balti

Ladakhi

Conjunctive participle V-(s)e Resultative V-suk vs. V-set Prospective potential V-(t/n)uk Present V-et vs. habitual V-pa-t – –

Conjunctive participle V-(s)te Only V-tsʰuk (< -suk /t, n__) Present testimonial V-duk Only present V-ət Non-visual testimonial existential copula rak Narrative -kək

7

Introduction Table 2

Morphological criteria distinguishing Purik and Balti

Purik

Balti

Existential copulas: testimonial duk vs. factual jot Sentence-final -pa implies controversy Remote past V(-s)-p-in Past -s only occurs after transitive verbs

Evidentially neutral jot only

Ergative -(i)s Plural -ŋ only after personal pronouns

1.5

Indefinite imperfect -pa (Read 1934:40) Present perfect V-pʰi in (Read 1934:45) Past -s may occur after transitive or intransitive verbs (Read 1934:41; Bielmeier 1985:105, 112) Ergative -(i)si Plural -ŋ generally productive

Previous Research

A comprehensive discussion of the literature on Balti and Purik is given by Bielmeier (1985:16–22). I will only briefly mention those works that focus on the Purik dialect here. These include a short characterization by Konow (1909) in the Linguistic Survey of India, Bailey’s (1920) grammatical description in Linguistic Studies from the Himalayas including an English-Purik glossary, and Rangan’s (1975) Balti Phonetic Reader, the material of which was later used in Purik Grammar (Rangan 1979).5 A more recent grammatical description of Purik is provided by Sharma (2004). Purig (2007) compiled a dictionary with more than 2800 entries, along with a collection of approximately 70 proverbs. Lastly, Bielmeier recorded a word list in Kargil containing more than a thousand nouns and verbs and integrated it into the CDTD along with data from five other Purik villages, namely Tshangra, Chiktan, Parkachik, Darket, and Sod.

5  Bielmeier (2003:103–4) explains Rangan’s mistake by noting that the term Balti is also used to distinguish Shia from Sunni, which may be referred to as Khache, the same term used to refer to the people of Kashmir. In any event, when I first went to Kargil, I met many Purik speakers who first said that they speak Balti, but readily changed their mind when they realized that I was aware of the fact that their language was distinct from Balti and deserved its own label.

8

Chapter 1

1.6 Data The data on which this book is based was collected by me during fieldtrips in 2005, 2007, 2009, and 2010. During the first fieldtrip, I mainly worked with Syed Abbas of Doqs, Goma Kargil, who was often assisted by other members of his family. In view of the goal of my master’s thesis, Synchronic and Diachronic Phonology of the Tibetan Dialect of Kargil (2006), Roland Bielmeier provided me with a list containing more than 1000 etyma that served to verify that Purik has indeed preserved distinct reflexes of all WT consonant clusters. Because my consultant did not speak any English and I knew only very little Urdu at that time, I elicited all these etyma by trying to describe their meanings using the Purik language, which I had learned by means of Bailey (1920), Rangan (1979), as well as Norman’s (1994) Getting started in Ladakhi. Numerous long recordings exist of these daily sessions, of my often devious questions in broken Purik, of Syed Abbas’ answers, and of the explanations added by his family members. Once the sound correspondences between Purik and WT were established, I travelled to a number of villages in the different valleys around Kargil in order to see if their Purik dialect differed from the one spoken in Kargil and to verify the boundaries Bielmeier had tentatively determined for the dialect of Kargil, as discussed in 1.1. During my first field trip, Syed Abbas also told me three stories in which either three brothers or a greedy vizier were the protagonists. One of Syed Abbas’ sons, Syed Mehdi, helped me analyze the recordings of these stories. His amazing ability to provide me with further contexts for morphemes whose meanings needed to be determined made his recorded explanations along with the stories themselves a fair starting point for my grammatical description of Purik. Another large part of my Purik data was collected in and around Syed Abbas’ house in Goma Kargil. Once the sound structure of Purik was more or less clear, I started to follow Syed Abbas or one of his sons, Mehdi, Hyeder Shah, or Ali, as they went about their daily activities within the house, in the garden, the orchard, the fields, the watermill, the irrigation canals, and in the mountains when it was their turn to herd the sheep and goats of the village. Besides making recordings when there was no wind, I soon felt safe to directly transcribe what they uttered as they did their work and had them explain it to me later. I captured data from every imaginable domain and thus learned about plowing, singing to encourage the plowing animals, planting, sowing, irrigating, constructing and maintaining permanent and temporary irrigation canals and dams, determining the right moment to harvest, harvesting, collecting and transporting grass, threshing, winnowing, arranging and drying of

Introduction

9

cereals, milling, naming the parts of the mill, knowing their functions, recognizing and fixing defects, organizing the communal mill, storing, propping, pruning, cutting leaves, shearing tree bark, covering roofs, fixing dripping roofs, determining the ripening degrees of apricots, shaking apricot trees, drying apricots, eating them, getting ill from excessive consumption, treating such illnesses, cracking kernels and eating almonds, eating unripe apricots, herding small cattle, assembling them, keeping them near you, and making them go where you want by calling, tossing or tumbling rocks, preparing lunch on a stove, shearing sheep, spinning, weaving, sewing, naming mountain fauna and flora, using the latter in treating diseases, gardening, weeding, vegetables, raising cattle, keeping poultry, slaughtering, hunting, preparing and consuming these animals, preparing and consuming traditional flour dishes such as papa and kʰulaq, determining their consistency and adapting it to one’s preference, sitting according to social hierarchies, practicing religion, teaching, studying, playing cricket, playing with coins, sleeping, preparing beddings, sleeping on roofs, watching stars, making fires, and making stoves. I also carefully wrote down what locals said to me in the bazaar and when I walked up from the bazar to Syed Abbas’ home in Goma Kargil. The closer I got to their home, the more the locals greeted me, asked me where I was going, what I was doing, why I was doing it, and invited me to their homes. During my second, third, and fourth fieldtrips, I regularly worked with Kacho Shabir Jawed of Yabgo, a lower part of Goma Kargil. Most importantly, I checked with him everything I had documented with my other consultants. The grammar of the consultants from upper and lower Goma Kargil is identical in almost all respects. Wherever Shabir’s language diverges from that of the Syed’s, this is noted in this book. In all other cases, I do not specify the source of an utterance in order to respect the privacy of my consultants. What I deem much more important is to consistently indicate the context in which an utterance occurred, since the context of an utterance is often crucial for its understanding (see 1.6). Throughout this book, I almost exclusively adduce naturally occurring data. The recording of an informal talk between Mehdi and Shabir served as the main basis to identify sentence-level intonational patterns. Recordings of experimental tasks conducted with some of Syed Abbas’ children, Syed Hyeder Shah, Agha Ali, Archo Nargis, and Archo Sakin, as well as my hotel manager Syed Sajjad of Umba and his employee Sajjad of Baroo, served to verify some of these patterns. The study of sentence-level intonational patterns also served to confirm the impression that the prominence of the second syllable in disyllabic, trisyllabic, and quadrusyllabic nouns is primarily due to increased fundamental frequency, and not intensity, as assumed in earlier research on

10

Chapter 1

Purik. This finding corresponds with what Caplow’s (2009, 2016) robust statistical analyses show for the neighboring Balti dialect. During my last fieldtrip to Kargil, I went through the entire nominal lexicon with Shabir in order to check my previous stress assignment. This monotonous task verified that around 98 percent of Purik nouns are stressed on the second syllable. Most of the exceptional disyllabic nouns exhibiting first-syllable stress can be explained as containing a second syllable that used to serve or still serves a grammatical function, as discussed in 2.1.4. In 2009, Master Hussein, a resident of Tshilmo, a village on the other side of the Hambuting pass on the way from Kargil to Batalik in the Indus valley, told me several chapters from the Kesar saga, most notably the birth of Kesar, what happened in Lingyul while Kesar was playing dice in Rdudyul, and how the reunited Lingpas conquered Horyul. Even though I have transcribed and translated a large part of these wonderful, often hilarious, but sometimes also disturbing stories, none of this material has found its way into the present book. The reason for this is that the language in which Master Hussein tells these stories slightly differs from the language that is used by my consultants as well as most other Purikpas. On the one hand, it appears to be more strongly influenced by both Ladakhi and Balti than the Purik spoken in the bazaar, and on the other, it contains some words that are perhaps peculiar to narratives. These differences to the every-day Purik language emphasize its value for further research.6 Another source of Purik that was considered but will not be mentioned elsewhere in this book is a rock with a number of inscriptions that stands in Phikar in the Sod valley, at the foot of a mountain on which the ruins of a great castle can be found. The identification of a number of names mentioned on these inscriptions with those contained in the Genealogy of the chiefs of Sod documented by Francke (1999:177) suggests that they date from the second half of the 16th century. According to Schuh (2014:220), however, Francke’s genea­logy is not very reliable, “since it was written according to the memory of family members around 1900 in Urdu.” Based on other parallels between the oldest Phikar inscription and other historical sources, Schuh concludes that it was written in the second half of the 17th century.7 A few linguistic features on these inscriptions suggest that the language is influenced by Classical Tibetan. Hence, ’grub ‘came into being’ in inscription II is common in WT but not 6  Note that the language that Syed Abbas uses in his stories is less distinct from his every-day language and is thus well represented in this grammar. 7  Schuh (2014:220–226) transliterates and translates two of the four inscriptions found in Phikar.

Introduction

11

found in Purik, and ’bris ‘written’ in inscription I lacks the z- preradical typical for Purik. 1.7

A Note on Pragmatics

Before explaining the method applied in describing the grammar of Purik, we need to acknowledge the central role played by the context of an utterance in that language. For one thing, noun phrases (NPs) that are inferrable from context are generally omitted. They may be expressed for the sake of clarity in the postverbal antitopic position, however.8 Tournadre (1996) demonstrates that the omission of inferrable NPs is characteristic also of WT and, at least to some degree, of all spoken varieties of Tibetan. Accordingly, when clauses are linked, there are no syntactic constraints as to which participant in one clause may be coreferent with which participant of another clause. The establishment of coreference between overt and covert referents is entirely triggered by context and world knowledge of the interlocutors. Likewise, an investigation of the different syntactic operations in Purik does not point to the existence of grammatical relations as manifested by syntactic neutralizations (Van Valin and LaPolla 1997). Some syntactic operations may privilege certain participants over others, but these privileges are highly construction-specific, and hence, the sum of syntactic operations does not serve to identify grammatical relations that hold across the grammar. Nevertheless, we may follow DeLancey (2005:11), drawing on research by Tomlin (1997) and o­ thers, in defining subject “in terms of the psychologically unassailable category of attentional focus”. DeLancey (2005:12) holds that, even if attentional focus is a prime, “it does not receive the same kind of grammatical attention in all languages.” This attention appears to be minimal in Purik. Hence, the notion of subject is only rarely used in this book, and only when the assignment of attentional focus is beyond doubt. The central role of pragmatics is also evident in connection with verbs such as tʰaq ‘grind’, whose direct object in the absolutive case may be instantiated by the input, jos ‘roasted wheat’, the output, pʰe ‘flour’, or even the instrument, ranʈʰaq ‘mill’, of the action. Likewise, the absolutive argument of ʂmo ‘fry’ may denote either the input, nas ‘wheat’, or the output, jos ‘fried wheat’, accordingly that of ʂtsik ‘build’, compare the input paʁbu ‘brick’ and the output naŋ ‘house’.

8  I follow Gordon (2008) in analyzing antitopics as conveying exclusively given information, that is, as being entirely devoid of new and/or contrastive information.

12

Chapter 1

Context consistently determines which semantic role the mentioned nouns play in an event. In relative clause constructions, the construal of the relation between a head noun and a relative clause is likewise neither triggered nor constrained by syntactic properties of the relativized verb but rather by the semantics of the involved parts of the construction, context, and the world knowledge of the interlocutors. Hence, Keenan and Comrie’s (1977) noun phrase accessibility hierarchy is clearly unable to predict the semantic role a head noun plays in a relative clause in Purik. By contrast, the frame-semantic approach developed by Matsumoto (1997) in order to account for relative clause constructions in Japanese is perfectly suited to account for the wide variety of relations that may hold between a head noun and a relative clause in Purik and other varieties of Tibetan (see Zemp 2004). As discussed in detail in 6.3, according to Matsumoto’s approach, the head noun may instantiate any role that is made available and may thus be hosted by the frame of the predicate of the relative clause, including roles such as location, source, goal, time, cause, condition, purpose, and part-of-the-whole, besides agent, patient, theme, and instrument. In addition, relative clauses may also specify the content of certain content-taking head nouns. 1.8

The Method of Functional Reconstruction

It appears to be a general requirement of descriptive grammars to internally determine the basic form of a morpheme in cases of allomorphy, and this may sometimes involve the reconstruction of unattested forms. But it is not generally expected from descriptive grammars to reconstruct the original functions of morphemes that are used in divergent ways within a language. The exclusive focus on formal internal reconstruction is reflected by the fact that introductions to historical linguistics, such as Bynon 1977, Hock 1986, Trask 1996, Crowley 1997, Campbell 1998, as well as later editions of these books, such as Crowley and Bowern 2010 and Campbell 2013, discuss internal reconstruction without acknowledging the possibility of functional internal reconstruction. Of course, this bias towards formal reconstruction is also due to the fact that allomorphs are closely associated with one another because they serve the exact same function in syntactically equivalent contexts that differ only phonetically, while divergent functions of a single morpheme are often not associated with one another because they occur in syntactically diverse environments that do not make their functions seem related.

Introduction

13

Nevertheless, I am convinced that the most illuminative way to describe the grammar of a language is, whenever a presumed single morpheme is found in diverging functions, to internally reconstruct the function from which all attested functions of that morpheme derive and to trace the development of the diverging functions as neatly as possible. Similarly, Givón holds that “the synchronic characteristics of syntactic structures cannot be understood without some reference to the diachronic processes which gave them rise” (Givón 1979:235). The mentioned method, which we may call functional reconstruction, emanates from the straightforward and thus widely assumed position that the description of any aspect of a language should whenever possible proceed from basic to derived. As discussed in Givón (2000), functional reconstruction mainly involves abductive reasoning.9 As a consequence, it is about showing that the reconstructed diachronic processes provide the most plausible explanation of the synchronically attested forms and functions. Functional reconstruction involves inductive reasoning to a much more limited degree than formal reconstruction, because it targets highly idiosyncratic extensions and reanalyses which only rarely involve regular sound change. Likewise, typological parallels are of limited help only. Most of the extensions from one to another syntactic environment that are reconstructed for the Purik morphemes are too insignificant to be considered in typological handbooks such as Heine and Kuteva (2002). Regardless of the availability of cross-linguistic parallels, the primary goal of functional reconstruction is to make a change appear plausible within the linguistic system under investigation, not only functionally, of course, but also formally. In order to demonstrate how the method of functional reconstruction was employed in this book, I will briefly discuss here those morphemes that occur in the greatest variety of contexts in modern Purik. This discussion reveals that the presumed divergent functions of a single morpheme in each case derive from a morpheme that must have always been employed in a wide variety of contexts. For instance, (g)cig ‘one’ could always contrast an entity with a varyingly great number of tokens of the same type, or not contrast it at all, pointing to any one token of a type. Similarly, the conventionalized function of -aŋ ‘too’ after a variety of sentential hosts is most economically explained by assuming that this morpheme could always be employed in the latter contexts, 9  A method closely corresponding to what I prefer to call ‘functional reconstruction’ in order to contrast it with formal reconstruction is described by Givón (2000) as ‘internal reconstruction’, a label that does not keep him from considering evidence from related varieties of the same family.

14

Chapter 1

even if they may have been less conventional. And likewise, demonstrative de must have occurred before and instead of NPs, after other demonstratives and genitive NPs, and after full-fledged sentences and sentences lacking a predicate already in Proto-Tibetan. The task of functional reconstruction is to make it plausible that the interpretation of these morphemes always depended on the contexts in which they occurred (cf. Heine, Claudi, and Hünnemeyer 1991). Hence, context is shown to not only synchronically play a central role in Purik but, not surprisingly, to have always played a crucial role in shaping the language the way it looks today. The overview given below also suggests that the context-induced metonymical and metaphorical reinterpretations are almost always gradual. The cases which most clearly involve reanalysis, that is, a target function that is clearly discrete from a source function, are those in which a morpheme becomes associated with a new paradigm. Hence, for instance, while the Proto-Tibetan simple past *’dug ‘was (there)’ could always be used in contexts in which a state was directly witnessed by the speaker, this testimonial meaning only grammaticalized when ’dug in resultative contexts became opposed to yod conveying that the speaker simply knows the state profiled. Note that the testimonial existential copula duk is one of those morphemes whose development could only be reconstructed by considering evidence from other varieties of Tibetan. It may be added here that in this way, functional reconstruction proved fruitful in regard of all Purik morphemes which are used in more than one fashion. And due to the context dependence of any linguistic function, the functional reconstruction of Purik reveals a great deal of information not only about the few targeted morphemes but about entire antecedent systems. 1.8.1 Focus Marker -pa In reconstructing the development of the different uses of -pa in Purik, Bickel’s (1999) description of a parallel phenomenon in Kiranti languages proved crucial. Bickel shows that in some of these languages, the same morphemes that are used as nominalizers in relative clause constructions may also imply controversy when used at the end of independent utterances. These two diverging uses of the morphemes question are shown to have both derived from original focus markers. By re-instantiating a value of the preceding proposition, a focus construction signals the speaker’s hightened concern with a particular instantiation of a variable as one that competes with other possible instantiations…. As a result of this, focus constructions typically announce a strong authorial position, which in turn has an intrinsic potential for controversy. Bickel 1999:9

Introduction

15

The implication of controversy can be noticed in examples (1)–(3) from Purik. For many more utterances containing an accordingly used focus marker -pa, see 4.5.2. (1)

gii, ŋa-ʃ-i ɬt-et-pa dmnd I-erg-indef look-crt-foc Let me have a look! (lit. Give it to me! I will have a look, if you let me.)

(2)

jaŋ tʰug-et-pa again meet-crt-foc I’m sure we’ll meet again (but there’s a chance we might not).

(3)

di-ka-na lam-po tsʰaqtsek osmet jot-pa this-loc-abl way-def a.little bad ex-foc From here on, the road is not very good. (At least it was not very good when I last went through here, but the state of roads changes very quickly around here.)

It appears that -pa only implies controversy when it occurs at the end of a sentence, that is, when the re-instantiated value is not embedded into a higherlevel sentence. In all other uses of Purik -pa, this morpheme re-instantiates a value of a proposition or a simple word in order to integrate it into the current discourse, where it may either represent a tangible entity associated with the preceding proposition or word or denote an abstract conceptualization of a preceding verb. Hence, what links all uses of the focus marker -pa in Purik is that it attributes the focus of attention to a notion that is in one way or another associated with the preceding utterance. If that utterance is a full-fledged sentence that is not immediately continued after -pa, controversy is implied. If -pa only has scope over a single word or a clause that is embedded into a higherlevel sentence, no controversy arises. Let us briefly consider the latter uses of Purik -pa. i.

The focus marker -pa may denote a person from a certain place (see 3.1.1.1), as in dras-pa ‘a person from Drass’, kʰatʃul-pa ‘a person from Kashmir’, jul-pa ‘person of the same village or country’, and ga-r-pa ‘a person from where?’. ii. It may refer to people that are or were together with a person, as in (4).

16 (4)

Chapter 1

madi-pa gar soŋ Mehdi-assoc where went Where did Mehdi and the people that were with him go?

iii. When used after a simple verb stem, Purik -pa marks the infinitive, that is, an abstract idea of an event. Note that in this function, -pa has acquired the phonetically conditioned allomorphs -ma, -ba, and -a. Infinitives may be used as citation forms and purposive complements (e.g. V-pa tʃʰa-a ‘to go V-ing’), in subordinate causal adverbial clauses (V-pa-na ‘by V-ing’), and in habitual present constructions (V-pa-t ‘generally V-es’), among others. iv. Along with the variant allomorphs listed in iii., -pa is also the default nominalizer used in relative clause constructions; it occurs in the genitive case when it precedes the head noun. As discussed in 6.3, the head nouns which -p(a)-i links with the preceding relative clause may instantiate any role that may be hosted within the composite predicate frame of a relative clause, such as time in (5), cause in (6), and result in (7). Alternatively, relative clauses may also denote the content of certain nouns, as in (8). (5)

ŋj-i ldʒoŋs-la pʰoq-p-i ʒaʁ-a I-gen side-dat be.hit-nr-gen day-dat on the day I was almost hit (by a bomb)

(6)

gra joŋ-m-i las ba-na punishment come-nr-gen work do-cnd If (you) do things that entail punishment (lit. things (by doing which) punishment will come), …

(7)

kʰoŋ-is de me tuks-p-i solba de-aŋ rgjaŋ-se-na they-erg that fire light-nr-gen coal that-ine fill-cnj-cnd After they had put the coal, the remains of the torched haystack (lit. the coal of the burning) in there (i.e. in the bag), …

(8)

skjurmo z-e-e samba taŋ-na snaŋa zdam-et sour eat-nr-gen thought give-cnd mind pull.together-crt If (you) think of eating (something) sour, it pulls together (your) inside.

Hence, the consideration of the different functions of Purik -pa as well as typological parallels reveals that they all derive from an original focus marker.

Introduction

17

1.8.2 Augmentative ’-r(a) The second morpheme discussed here, augmentative ’-ra has not been identified in the previous literature on Purik. This is likely a consequence of the fact that the -a- of this morpheme only rarely surfaces because it predominantly occurs together with the indefinite article -ik in the form -r-ik, which may also be pronounced as [-r-e]. The elusive attenuative function served by -r-ik in Purik appears to have become further generalized after the clause-linker -na in Balti, where neither Read (1934:49ff.) nor Bielmeier (1985:132ff.) analyze -re as consisting of two morphemes. Let us first look at the basic form of the augmentative morpheme shown in (9). For a full discussion of this morpheme, see 3.1.4. As indicated in parentheses in the translation, it is not clear what rdemo-ora ‘nicer’ compares to. The same applies to the predicatively used augmentative containing the indefinite marker -ik in (10). When the indefinite augmentative occurs after a combination of a demonstrative and delimitative -tsa, as in (11), however, motion becomes involved – in the case of e-tsa-ar-ig, motion away from the deictic center. (9)

rdemo-ora guntʃ-ek gon nice-aug dress-indef wear Wear a nicer dress (than normally or than the one you’re wearing now)!

(10)

ʃoχsmo-r-ig joŋ quick-aug-indef come Come (a little bit) quickly (quicker than you would normally do)!

(11)

e-tsa-ar-ig nur the.other-lim-aug-indef move Move over to the side a bit!

The dynamic construal of the indefinite augmentative is also found after -pa infinitives, as shown in (12)–(14). The indefinite augmentative form (sometimes called attenuative here) of the -pa infinitive indicates that the completion of an event is approached to some degree. Hence, when it instantiates the complement of the dynamic auxiliary soŋ ‘became’, as in (12), or of the verb ba ‘do’, as in (13), it may be translated as ‘a little towards V-ing’. Likewise, its negated form used in the adverbial clause ma V-pa-r-ik in (14) means ‘a little before V-ing’.

18

Chapter 1

(12)

tʃʰuka-a dare siŋs-pa-r-ik river-def now become.clear-inf-aug-indef The river has become clearer now.

soŋ-suk went-infr

(13)

are nor-un pʰab-a-r-ik bos-hei that sheep-pl take.down-inf-aug-indef do\imp-ok? Make the sheep over there come down a bit (towards the rest of the herd), will you?

(14)

ot ma ʒuks-pa-r-ig light neg enter-inf-aug-indef Get up a little before dawn!

loŋs rise\imp

The function which the indefinite augmentative serves after infinitives reveals the basic dynamic meaning of the augmentative. Hence, while the augmentative after infinitives indicates that the completion of an event is approached, it indicates after adjectives that a property is approached. That the dynamic meaning is more basic than the static one is also confirmed by evidence from other dialects, as discussed in 3.1.4. 1.8.3 (g)cig ‘one’, Indefinite -(tʃ)ik A brief discussion of the different meanings of (g)cig ‘one’ makes evident that its polysemy is as old as the word itself. Purik tʃik may be used in four main ways (for details, see 3.2.3): i.

(non-contrastive, indefinite) any one out of a great number of tokens of the same type, also an indefinite amount ii. (contrastive) one vs. another one, or vs. several other ones iii. (contrastive) exactly one, not more, ‘right when …’ iv. (contrastive) exactly one, not less, nothing but In its indefinite function, -tʃik has acquired the phonetically conditioned allomorphs -tʃi (after consonants except -s), -ʃi (after -s), -ik ~ -i (after high vowels), and -ek ~ -e (after mid and low vowels).10 Together with the indefinite article,

10  A parallel phonetic development is perhaps reflected by Purik the progressive participial -in from OT -cing; the velar nasal likely became alveolar because the auxiliaries that regularly occur after this participial suffix are all alveolar, cf. duk ‘stay; testimonial existential copula’, jot ‘factual existential copula’, tʃ ʰa ‘go’, soŋ ‘went’, and joŋ ‘come’.

19

Introduction

count nouns reference any token of a type, as in (15), mass nouns an indefinite amount, as in (16), and adjectives a property that applies to an indefinite degree, as in (17). (15)

kʰjeraŋ-a bomw-ek ʂɲet-ʃik you-dat girl-indef find-opt I hope you will find woman!

(16)

pʰe gam-set ŋa-s, tʃʰu-ik flour put.into.mouth-res I-erg water-indef I’ve put flour in my mouth; give me some water!

(17)

kʰo ʃe-ʃe-ʃi s/he know-know-indef S/he looks kind of familiar.

toŋ give\imp

duk ex.t

Only the full form tʃik may be used contrastively. In (18), it occurs twice, referencing both the first and the second half of a month. In (19), it references one of three brothers. When it means ‘only one’, tʃik is typically reduplicated, as in (20). However, that a simple tʃik indicates temporal coincidence after subordinate infinitives, as in (21), suggests that ‘only one’ is an original meaning of tʃik. (18)

ldzot tʃoʁa tʃik-pw-e-ka tʰoŋ-tʃ-in, e tʃoʁa moon 15 one-def-g-loc be.visible-inf2-eq that 15 tʃik-pw-e-ka zat-tʃ-in, tsʰar-e tʃ ʰa-tʃ-in one-def-g-loc wear.out-inf2-eq be.finished-cnj go-inf2-eq The moon is seen during the first 15 days; during the second 15 it wanes.

(19)

de pʰono tʃik-po that brother one-def That (one) brother came.

(20)

A:

χodaa tsam jot god how.many ex How many Gods are there?

B:

tʃik-tʃik one-one (Just) one!

joŋ-s come-pst

20 (21)

Chapter 1

ŋa ɲit tsʰat-pa-tʃik kʰo I sleep be.ok-inf-one s/he Right when I woke up, s/he arrived.

joŋ-s come-pst

When used after dramatizers (see 5.3), as in (22), the indefinite article indicates that an action should be performed to a minimal degree, likewise when independently used before the predicate, as in (23). Hence, these examples bear testimony of an indefinite ‘only one’. Lastly, it appears that tʃik may not only be interpreted as ‘not more than one’ but also as ‘not less than one’, as in (24), where ʒiksmo tʃig-i-ka means ‘in one fear, i.e., in nothing but fear’. (22)

χar-tʃi brob-aŋ-gii drm-one scratch\imp-add-dmnd Please scratch (my back quickly, until it doesn’t itch any more)!

(23)

kʰa-o tʃik ʃal-e joŋ-et mouth-def one rinse-cnj come-fct I’ll rinse my mouth (quickly) (and then come back).

(24)

kʰo ʒiksmo tʃig-i-ka jot-suk, kʰir-i pene-u s/he scared one-g-loc ex-infr you-gen money-def ʂku-s-p-in-suk-pa steel-pst-inf-eq-infr-foc He was very much afraid of something; he must have stolen your money!

If we look at the different contexts and functions in which tʃik and its allomorphs are used, it becomes clear that these are all intrinsic to a word meaning ‘one’. Hence, as soon as there was a word meaning ‘one’ in Tibetan, speakers could use this word to refer to an entity as any one out of many or to contrast an entity with another entity, several other entities, or even everything else. 1.8.4 Pre-, Pronominal, and Clause-Final Demonstratives Two of the Purik demonstratives, de ‘that’ and e ‘the other’, do not only occur before and instead of nominals, as thoroughly discussed in 3.3.1, but also at the end of sentences, as in (25) and (26), and at the end of predicate-less sentences, as in (27), where e and de respectively serve as existential copulas in a question and its answer.

21

Introduction (25)

ta ɲis-po kʰaŋma-a jot-de now two-def home-dat ex-pd Now, the two were at home, right? (as told earlier)

(26)

are jul-po ɖonmo in-sug-e, that village-def warm eq-infr-od zbjarpa warpa dug-e willow and.the.like ex.t-od That village over there appears to have a warm climate; there are willows and all, look!

(27)

A:

ŋj-i ʃite-a pʰuʈw-ig jot I-gen side-dat photo-indef ex.f I have a photo with me.

B:

ga-r which-term Where is it?

A:

di-ka de this-loc pd Here it is.

e od

The clause-final demonstratives (see 4.5.8) are clearly related to the pre- and pronominal demonstratives. Both before nouns and when used instead of a predicate, de points to a topical entity; when used after the predicate, de points to a topical proposition, thus implying that it should be clear to the addressee. By contrast, e in all positions points to information that warrants a shift of attention. Zemp (in preparation) discusses broad evidence from other spoken and written varieties of Tibetan suggesting that the clause-final use of both these demonstratives was already common in Proto-Tibetan. If the pre- and pronominal as well as the pro- and postverbal uses of de are old, this makes it likely that de could originally be used in yet further positions of a sentence. Thus, are and ere, variant forms of a ‘that (visible)’ and e ‘the other’, likely derive from *a de and *e de, and ŋatʃ-i-re-r ‘at our place’ from *ŋatʃ-i de-r, etc. (see 3.3.1). In conclusion, the demonstratives of Purik have always served a pointing function that lent itself to a use in different positions of a sentence. In some of these positions, the demonstratives have remained common in modern Purik.

22

Chapter 1

In certain recurring vocalic environments, however, as after the demonstratives a and e or genitive -i, demonstrative de was changed into -re and ceased to be analyzable as a demonstrative. 1.8.5 Contrastive -na The different uses of -na can all be explained as deriving from the locative case marker, which is productive in WT but has ceased to be productive in Purik. It is retained only in a few constructions such as V-pa’i tshir-na-ang ‘even in a row of V-ing, i.e. even if V is performed repeatedly’. Apart from the original locative function, -na has acquired five distinct functions in Purik, namely: i.

clause-linker (6.1): when it follows a simple verb root, as in (28), it marks a subordinate clause denoting a condition under which the clause denoted by the main clause takes place; when it follows an infinitive, as in (29), it marks a clause that denotes a cause of the following main clause; and when it follows delimitative -tsa, as in (30), it marks a clause that denotes an event during which the event denoted by the main clause takes place ii. conveys a contrastive focus (3.5.1.1), e.g., after pronouns, as in (31) iii. comitative and instrumental case marker (3.4.9.2), often co-occurring with ɲambo ~ jambo ‘together’, as in (32) iv. conjunction ‘and’ (3.5.1.2), as used in (33) v. ablative case marker (3.4.9.1), as used in (34)

It is argued in 3.4.9 that the meaning of the spatial case marker likely shifted (from locative ‘in X’ to both comitative ‘with X’ and ablative ‘away from X’) only after -na ‘in X’ had been reanalyzed in its textual functions as ‘under the circumstances of X’ (clause-linking, see 6.1) and ‘as far as X is concerned, however’ (contrastive, see 3.5.1.1). The conjunction na (see 3.5.1.1), on the other hand, must have developed from the comitative case marker. (28)

zbraŋʂtsi rgjala jot-na honey good ex-cnd If honey is good, it is viscous.

nar-e get.stretched-cnj

joŋ-ma-t come-inf-crt

(29)

maŋgal-p-e-aŋ pʰoq-pa-na sŋunpo marpo tʰoŋ-ma cheek-def-g-ine hit-inf-cnd green red be.visible-inf rgos-de need-pd Of course he saw green and red when he was hit on the cheek.

23

Introduction (30)

tozar za-tsa-na nor gaŋma kug-et lunch eat-lim-cnd sheep all gather-fct He (a Kashmiri goat-herder) keeps all his sheep gathered while eating lunch.

(31)

A:

ŋa di-ka dug-et I this-loc stay-fct I’m staying here.

B:

ŋa-na tʃʰ-et-ni I-cntr go-fct-syl Then I’m going.

(32)

ŋa-na jambo tʃʰ-et-a, I-comit together go-fct-q Are you going with me or them?

kʰoŋ they

ɲambo together

(33)

rdwa na sa-o bar pʰe-se stone and earth-def space.between open-cnj I’m putting the stones and earth down separately.

(34)

hendaʁ-na lɖwat but-e joŋ-s roof-ABL drm fall-cnj come-pst It fell down from the roof at once.

ʒaʁ-et put-fct

1.8.6 Additive -aŋ The basic function of additive -aŋ ‘too’ is to extend a topic and focus on the extension, for instance, when it occurs after a noun in the absolutive, as in (35), a noun in the ergative, as in (36), after a conjunctive participle, as in (37), and after a simultaneous subordinate clause ending in -tsa-na, as in (38). What -aŋ implies in all these contexts is that a topic which is syntactically equivalent to the focused element is involved in an event in the same way as the focused element. For instance, (36) presupposes that another person is eating or was about to eat, and (38) presupposes that there are other situations in which one will bams ‘rave’. (35)

ŋat-i nono-aŋ tʃʰa-tʃ-in we.pi-gen little.brother-add go-inf2-eq Our little brother is going (there), too.

24

Chapter 1

(36)

kʰjer-es-aŋ z-et-a you-erg-add eat-fct-q Are you eating (some), too?

(37)

tʃi ba-se-aŋ what do-cnj-add Come by all means!

(38)

ɬa ʒuks-tsa-na-ŋ bam-ʃ-in spirit enter-lim-cnd-add rave-inf2-eq When one is entered by a spirit, too, one will rave.

joŋ come

kʰjaŋ you

As illustrated presently, with the increasing syntactic complexity of the focused element, the less likely is the syntactically equivalent topic to be identified by the interlocutors. As a consequence, after sentential hosts, the construal of -aŋ has ceased to relate to an equivalent topic. Instead, -aŋ has become conventionalized in conveying that one is not in the right position to make the focused utterance, because it is about something that is beside the topic, which is where both interlocutors have direct access to. Hence, with the optative -ʃik and the focus marker -pa in (39), -aŋ expresses a wish that nobody will be able to directly fulfill. After the potential tʰop-tug ‘might get’ in (40), -aŋ implies that an event is about equally likely to take place or not. And in sentences eliding a predicate, such as (41), -aŋ conveys that the speaker lacks direct access to the conveyed information. Similarly, after imperatives of honorific verbs, as in (42), -aŋ reflects the fact that the addressee is in a higher social position than the speaker and conveys that the speaker is not in the position to give an order. After non-honorific imperatives, it implies that the addressee seems reluctant to act according to an order, as in (43). (39)

di mi-i soŋ-ʃik-pa-ŋ this man-def go\imp-opt-inf-add I wish this man would leave!

(40)

ribj-ek tʰop-tug-aŋ wild.hen-indef find-pot-add Maybe I will get (i.e. shoot) a wild hen.

(41)

kʰintaŋ sodetʃan-aŋ you.pl lucky-add You (foreigners) are so lucky (I imagine from what I have heard about your country)!

Introduction (42)

skjot-aŋ go(h)-add Please go ahead!

(43)

ston-aŋ show-add Show (it) to me, will you!

25

Hence, it appears that -aŋ was metaphorically reanalyzed in contexts in which its focused hosts were too complex to be analyzed as relating to an equivalent topic. Instead of relating the focus, the extension of the topic, to the initial, non-extended topic, -aŋ came to imply after sentential hosts that the speaker is not in the right position to make a statement or give an order. (For further discussion, see 4.5.6.) 1.8.7 Delimitative -tsa The different uses of this morpheme are thoroughly discussed in 3.5.3. Its construal depends on context, as it serves a neutral delimitative function when referring to an amount or the size of an entity, as in dj-u-ts-ek ‘about of the size of this’, but a limitative function when referring to entities that are already clearly delimited without -tsa, as in ŋa-raŋ-tsa ‘I myself only’. Both the neutral delimitative and the limitative functions have independently evolved, and both have become employed in linking clauses. The neutral delimitative one has come to mean ‘when’ at the end of subordinate adverbial clauses, as in (30) above, whereas the limitative one has become conventionalized in relative clause constructions, as in (44). (44)

kʰo-raŋ-a za-sɲi joŋ-s-pa-tsá zos s/he-self-dat eat-des come-pst-inf-lim ate He ate only what he felt like eating.

1.8.8 Onset-alternation By comparing the meanings of verbal stems featuring different onsets in Purik with their grammaticalized functions in transitive WT verb paradigms, Zemp (2016) is able to reconstruct the productive Proto-Tibetan (PT) onset-derivational patterns, as discussed in 4.1.1 below. In short, PT must have generalized a threefold contrast between active stems (or A-phasives) with a voiceless onset, resultative-passive stems (or Z-phasives) with a voiced onset, and dynamic passive stems (or M-phasives) with a voiceless aspirated onset. In addition, the causative s- prefix that was productive in front of active verb stems with a voiceless onset regularly occurred also in a voiced form before

26

Chapter 1

passive verb stems with a voiced onset, where it described a situation that leads to the process denoted by the passive verb stem. 1.8.9 The -s Suffix The reconstruction of the derivational onset-alternation patterns is intimately connected with the identification of the original stative meaning of the -s suffix. An investigation of the resultative-passive Z-phasives with their voiced onsets, which were reanalyzed as present stems of transitive verbs in WT, revealed that the -s suffix became part of the root of only telic but not atelic Z-phasives (for details, see Zemp 2016:100–3). In fact, the -s suffix originally had a stative meaning in PT, and simple verb stems were generally used with this suffix to describe the state resulting from an event, while simple suffixless verb stems described the past event itself. These assumptions allow us to neatly account for the various Purik and WT reflexes of this suffix. To name just the two most important ones, in Purik, the -s came to indicate past tense after transitive verbs, but became part of the root of over 100 intransitive verbs, namely those that were originally telic. The -s suffix also played a role in some of the subordinator-less verb concatenations that must be reconstructed for PT (see Zemp 2016:104–7). That is, verb stems were concatenated without a subordinator when they referred to different facets of one and the same event, and with an intermediate -s when they referred to different facets of one and the same state. 1.8.10 Testimonial Existential duk, Inferential -suk, and Potential V-(t/n)uk It is not far-fetched to assume that the existential copula duk, which indicates that a state was directly witnessed, derives from the full verb duk meaning ‘stay, sit’. However, since the only finite indicative form of this verb in modern Purik is the simple past duk-s ‘stayed, sat down, stood still’, it presented a mistery to me for almost a decade why the existential copula duk lacks the -s suffix. At last, the reconstructions discussed in the two preceding subsections facilitated the analysis of ’dug as an eventive PT simple past meaning ‘was (there)’. This form must have tended to occur in contexts in which the state profiled was directly witnessed. However, comparative evidence from all other welldocumented spoken varieties of Tibetan suggests, as thoroughly discussed in Zemp (2017b) and summarized in 4.4.1 below, that ’dug only grammaticalized in a testimonial meaning when it became contrasted by yod in perfect constructions. That is, while *V-s-’dug came to indicate that the result of the event denoted by V was directly witnessed, V-s-yod came to indicate that the speaker knows it. *V-s-’dug was also used in an inferential sense, indicating that a past event is inferred from its result, as in (45) from modern Purik. Postvocalic

Introduction

27

dentalless allomorphs of the Purik potential prospective V-(t/n)uk, such as tʃ ʰo-ok ( Purik LDVr WT

rtVl rdVl

rtol rdal

ɬtVr ldVr

Purik

Meaning

ɬtor ldar

‘bastard, mixed breed’ ‘spread, scatter’

‘difficult’, but ʂkablas ‘a difficult job’ (both disyllabic and from the root dka’), and ʂkoʁma ‘throat’, but kusko ‘chin’ (both first syllables etymologically related to WT lkog°). Many more instances of cluster simplification or preservation defy an explanation in terms of the suggested tendency.

52

Chapter 2

2.2.2.1.4 dWT d- is most frequently reflected by Purik ʂ/r-. It developed into s/z- when it was followed by postradical -r- or radical -b-, and in a few causative-like verbs (in which it was perhaps reanalyzed as the causativizing s-), cf. the Table 10.18 The d- preradicals in OT dkar po ‘white’ and dmar po ‘red’ were probably added only after at least Balti and Purik had split off, since they are only reflected in a few AT-dialects, e.g. in Labrang çkaro and ɣmaro. Table 10

WT d- in Purik

WT

dk dkr dg dp dpr db dm

dkon mo dkrog dgu dgu dpe dpe dpral ba dbugs dmigs

ʂk skr rg zg ʂp sp spr zb ʂm

Purik

Meaning

ʂkonmo skroq rgu zgu ʂpe spe spralba zbuks ʂmiks

‘rare’ ‘churn’ ‘nine’ ‘bow, bend down’ ‘example’ ‘compare’ ‘forehead’ ‘air (e.g. in a tire)’ ‘plan’

2.2.2.1.5 gMuch more irregular is the development of WT g- (cf. Table 11), which split into ʂ/r- and ɬ/l-, or was lost after almost all dental radicals, or turned into an s- when it was reanalyzed as a causativizing marker (presumably in star, cf. B xtar, but not in ʂtup, cf. B xtup). Before a radical -y-, it split into P h- and zero. The velar nature of WT g- has only been preserved compound-internally, cf. Table 12.

18  A comprehensive list of the reflexes of WT oral preradicals is given in Zemp (2006:47–62).

53

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology Table 11

WT g- in Purik WT

gt

gtam gtub gtar gdong gdung gtsang ma gcin gces pa gcig gnya gnyen gnod g.ya g.yog

gd gts gc

gny gn g.y

Table 12

t ʂt st rd ld ʂts ɬtʃ ʂtʃ tʃ ɲ ʂɲ ʂn hj j

gs °gs °gzh °gz

Meaning

tam ʂtup star rdoŋ ldum ʂtsaŋma ɬtʃin ʂtʃespa tʃik ɲa ʂɲen ʂnot hja joq

‘speech, sentence’ ‘chop’ ‘draw blood’ ‘face’ ‘thigh’ ‘clean, holy’ ‘urine’ ‘dear, beloved’ ‘one’ ‘neck’ ‘relative’ ‘be harmful’ ‘rust’ ‘cover’

Velar reflexes of WT g- in Purik compounds

WT

gny °gny

Purik

gnyis bcu gnyis rtsa gnyis gsum bcu gsum sa gzhi *mgo gzer *kha gzar

ɲ °gɲ °ʁɲ s °χs °ʁʒ °ʁz

Purik

Meaning

ɲis tʃugɲis ʂtsaʁɲis sum tʃuχsum saʁʒi goʁzer kʰaʁzar-la

‘two’ ‘twelve’ ‘22’ ‘three’ ‘13’ ‘property’ ‘sudden headache’ ‘(holding a bottle) away from the mouth (when drinking)’

54

Chapter 2

2.2.2.1.6 bWT b- regularly developed into r- before a radical -d-, while it was regularly lost before a radical -ts- (where preradical r- was always preserved, cf. ʂtsa ‘vein’ < WT rtsa, ʂtsi ‘count’ < WT rtsi, etc.). Before most other radicals, the development of WT b- is rather irregular. The two verbs at the beginning of Table 13 may indicate that the b- of WT bkang (stem II) is a reanalyzed old causativizing s- (well attested in OT), and that an old b- was lost before -k- in Purik. A few more WT stem-II particular b- prefixes are initially preserved before the radicals -tʃ-, -t- and -d- in syllables that underwent metathesis after the pronunciation of b- had come to resemble the one of r/ʂ-, cf. ɬtʃar (< *ʂtʃal < *ɸ-tʃal, cf. WT ’jal, bcal, if not < OT gcal) ‘measure’, ɬtʃor ((< *ʂtʃol < *ɸ-tʃol, cf. WT ’chol, bcol) ‘worship’, and ɬtur (< *ʂtul < *ɸ-tul, cf. WT ’dul, btul), cf. Table 7 for the same metathesis with an original preradical r-.19 Apart from the compound-internal position (cf. Tables 14 and 15 below), the labiality of preradical b- is only preserved in Purik in words reflecting initial WT bzh- before front vowel, i.e. ʒbʒi ‘four’ < WT bzhi, tʃ ʰiʒbʒi ‘witness’ < WT che bzhi, and ʒbʒes ‘eat, drink (h)’ < WT bzhes. Table 13

WT b- in Purik WT

bk bg bd bts bc

’gog, bkog ’gengs, bkang bgod, bgos bdug, bdugs bde btsa’ bcu

k sk zg rd ts ʂtʃ

Purik

Meaning

koq skaŋ zgo rduk rde tsa ʂtʃu

‘snatch away’ ‘fill’ ‘distribute, divide’ ‘burn and inhale’ ‘be well’ ‘rust’ ‘ten’

19  Cf. Purik ɬtʃor ‘worship’, but unmetathesized Balti pʰtʃol and Khal tʃol, or Purik ldor ‘be pierced’, but Balti ɣdol and Leh dol, etc. (cf. the CDTD).

55

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

Compound-internally, preradical b- is preserved to the detriment of another preradical r-, as can be seen in Table 14. Table 15 contains a few compounds with an internally preserved verbal b- prefix.20 Table 14

WT brgy- > Purik rgj-, bgj- compound-internally WT

rgj °bgj

Purik

Meaning

rgjat tʃobgjat

‘eight’ ‘eighteen’

brgy °brgy

brgyad bco brgyad

Table 15

Reflexes of WT b- in Purik compounds

WT

°bc

*kha bcos

°bts °bts °bsk °bsl °bsh °bs °bzh

*kha bcad *sa btsongs *sha btsongs pa *mgo bskor *rdo ba bslangs *chu bshad *mi bsad *bya bzhon

Purik

°ptʃ

Meaning

kʰaptʃos

‘covering of things stored on the roof (to prevent things from getting wet)’ kʰaptʃat ‘cup full, full to the brim (e.g. of cereal)’ °pts saptsoŋs ‘one who sells all his belongings’ °pts ʃaptsoŋspa ‘butcher’ °psk gopskor ‘trouble’ °pɬts rdwapɬtsaŋs ‘sleep outside of proper bed’ °pʃ tʃʰupʃat ‘wash and winnow (lentils)’ °ps mipsat ‘murderer’ °bʒ bjabʒon ‘egg’

20  Zeisler (2005) has collected a wealth of such compound-internal preradicals in other WAT dialects, in which analogical extension may have played a role. An interpretation of this phenomenon in CT and a comprehensive collection of data is found in Chang and Shefts (1967). One of the first to discuss the issue was Miller (1954).

56

Chapter 2

These compounds are evidence for the fact that the b- prefix that marks perfective (and future) stems in WT was also used in the dialect out of which Purik has evolved. However, in none of these compounds does the prefix appear to express the notion of perfectivity, which is in accordance with the assumption that it originally served to derive verbs from nouns and causative from monovalent verbs and that it became productive as a perfective marker only in WT and the dialects that influenced or were influenced by it. 2.2.2.1.7 Nasal Preradicals The sequence of WT nasal preradical and voiced affricate radical corresponds to a voiced fricative in Purik, as shown for a few nouns in Table 16. Given that, e.g., mdzod ‘storeroom’ or mjug ‘hind part, tail’ are exclusively found in this spelling in OTDO (and never as †zod or †(b/g)zhug,21 cf. Purik zot and ʒuk), we will assume for all nouns that the nasal preradical was lost in the initial position in Purik (unlike compound-internally, cf. below).22 The situation is somewhat more complex with regard to verbs, where some of the nasal preradicals appear to have been added in WT (and some of the dialects closely related to it). Consider the following verbs, where all the dialects east of Purik have an affricate, the WIT, Ngari, HT, KT, and northern AT-dialects together with the preceding nasal preradial, i.e. P ʒap ‘lie in wait’ (cf. WT ’jab, ’jabs ‘lie in wait, hide’, and Khalatse (Sham) dʒap, Derge (KT) ɲdʑāʔ), ʒip ‘suck’ (cf. WT ’jib, gzhibs, B (ld)ʒip, Khal dʒip, Gertse (HT) ndʑə̠p), ʒu ‘digest’ (cf. WT ’ju, bzhu, Khal dʒu, Ruthok (Ngari) ntɕu̠ ), zdjaχs ‘climb’ (< *zjaqs, cf. 2.2.3.1, and WT ’dzeg, ’dzegs, Khal dzaks, Mdzorganrabar (AT) ndzaχ), zaq ‘leak’ (cf. WT ’dzag, zag, Table 16

WT nasal preradicals before voiced affricate in Purik

WT

mj ’j mdz ’dz

mje ’jam po mdzod ’dzum

ʒ ʒ z z

Purik

Meaning

ʒe ʒambo zot zum

‘penis’ ‘smooth’ ‘storeroom’ ‘smile (noun)’

21  The symbol ‘†’ marks forms that are nowhere attested. 22  This is in agreement with the evidence for Balti, where WT mdz- is reflected by bz-, cf. WT mdze > B bze ‘leprosy’, mdzod > bzot ‘storeroom’, or mdzo > bzo ~ zo ~ dzo ‘dzo’.

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

57

Khal dzak, Rngaba (AT) ndzaχ), zem ‘be careful, avoid’ (cf. WT ’dzem ~ gzem, ’dzems, B zem, Khal dzem, Tabo (WIT) ndze̠m), and zom ‘suit’ (cf. WT ’dzom, ’dzoms, Khal dzom, and Themchen ndzom). In contrast to these verbs, all the dialects in the CDTD have a fricative in the verbs corresponding to ʒuks ‘enter’ (cf. WT ’jug, zhugs, Khal ʒuks, Jirel ɕu̠ k, The ɕəç), zat ‘wear out’ (cf. WT ’dzad, zad, Nur zat, Jir set, The sal), and zur ‘stay away from’ (cf. WT ’dzur, bzur, B bzur, Tabo zu̠ r, Gertse (HT) sə̠r), while only Jirel has an affricate for P ʒoq ‘carve’ (cf. WT ’jog, bzhog, B bʒoq, Khal ʒok, Chabcha bʑoχ, but Jir dʑ-), and only Jirel and AT for P ʒaq ‘put’ (cf. WT ’jog, bzhag, B jaq, Lhasa ɕa̠ ʔ, Rmastod (AT) ʑaχ, but Jir dʑwa̠ , dʑa̠ k, ɕo̠ k, The ɲdʑoχ, bʑaχ, ɕoχ). The dialectal data of the CDTD thus strongly suggests that the nasal prefix was secondarily added23 in the imperfective of WT for the latter group of verbs, sometimes also in the dialects that appear to be closely related to it. This corresponds well with the assumption that the nasal prefix only became productive as an imperfective marker after a majority of the dialects had split off.24 In the initial position before all other radicals, the WT nasal preradicals were lost without a trace (except for the negative trace they left on voiced radicals in that they prevented their devoicing, cf. 2.2.2.2.3). However, they have been preserved in a number of compounds before various initials, as can be seen in Table 17. We may even still distinguish between a strictly labial mand a ’- that is assimilated to the following initial with regard to its place of articulation.

23  Cf. Li (1933:147ff.) for the sprouting of a euphonic dental stop between a nasal preradical and a sibilant. 24  Note that the prefix-less variant is also far more frequent in OT for the verb (’d)zer ‘say’ (at least 30 : 1), where the nasal prefix does not appear to have a grammatical function (cf. Jk. 467a and 489b). For ’dzugs and zug “to prick or stick into …”, which are both used as imperfective stems according to Jk. (465b), cf. the interesting spelling inconsistencies in ITJ 0734, where the scribe at first spells the verb in question (in identical enough contexts) as gzugs 13 times before he consecutively spells it as ’dzugs eleven times (while he switches between zug, gzugs, zug, and bzugs only at the end of the text). My hypothesis is that, if the scribe of ITJ 0734 was not exchanged in between, these peculiar spellings may suggest that he learned the latter spelling only in the middle of writing and that perhaps the nasal preradical was actually absent from his own dialect.

58 Table 17

Chapter 2 WT nasal preradicals in Purik compounds WT

mtsh mj ’g ’d ’br

rgya mtsho ra mjug mi ’ga mi ’dug rgya ’bras

mtsʰ mʒ ŋg nd mbr

Purik

Meaning

rgjamtsʰo ramʒuk miŋga minduk rgjambras

‘river’ ‘end of goat herd’ ‘people’ ‘there is not’ ‘buckwheat’

Beside minduk (cf. Ngari ntu̠ ʔ ‘exist, have’ or Derge (KT) ndu̠ ʔ ‘sit’), there are a few other compounds in which a nasal preradical belonging to a verbal root has been medially preserved in Purik, e.g. saŋgul ‘earthquake’ (cf. WT ’gul and Tabo (WIT) ŋgu̠ l ‘be moved, be shaken’ or Rmastod (AT) ŋgəl), ʃontʰor ‘ulcer, abscess’ (cf. WT ’thor and Nangchen (KT) ntʰo: or The (AT) nʰtʰor ‘be(come) scattered’), and perhaps ʃaŋgrums ‘sore muscles’ (cf. WT ’grum “pf. grum(?), to pinch or nip off …” (Jk. 100a25), where no dialectal reflexes can be found in the CDTD) and tʃʰumpʰjar ‘waterfall’ (cf. WT ’phyar and Kar pʰjar ‘winnow, hang up’, but The ɸɕar < phyar without the nasal preradical26). 2.2.2.2 Radicals Most WT radicals have remained unchanged in Purik. However, some of the sounds that have been preserved have also changed their articulation in the exact same environment, cf. especially the WT dentals, some of which turned into retroflexes (2.2.2.2.1), or WT kh > Purik kʰ/χ (2.2.2.2.2). A very interesting split is the devoicing of WT unprefixed voiced plosives (2.2.2.2.3), which provides evidence for the former presence and the loss of nasal preradicals in Purik 25  Cf. Jäschke (78a) grum pa “2. pf. of ’grum pa lamed, crippled … grum bu, grum nad gout, rheumatism” and especially the Western dialectal form [ʃaɖum] meaning “a feeling of lameness in the limbs”, which is obviously a Ladakhi correspondence of Purik ʃaŋgrums, except that it lacks the internal nasal (and the postfinal -s). 26  It cannot be excluded that the -m- in tʃ ʰumpʰjar is the result of an analogical extension from other compounds such as tʃʰumgo ‘source of river’ or tʃʰumʒuk ‘lower part of river’ in which the -m- may have been reanalyzed as belonging to the first part (i.e. tʃʰu ‘water’ ~ tʃ ʰum-, if in compounds). Zeisler (2005:17) has observed such “over-generalization” in other Ladakhi, Purik and Balti dialects.

59

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

and the other WAT dialects. Furthermore, two Purik initials, i.e. ʂ (2.2.2.2.9) and ʁ (2.2.2.4), cannot be traced back to a single WT source, respectively. 2.2.2.2.1 WT Voiceless Labial (p, ph) and Dental (t, th) Plosives Both WT voiceless labial plosives /p/ and /ph/ remain unchanged in the radical position of Purik. That this is the case in any environment is implied in Table 18. Table 18

WT labial plosive radicals in Purik

WT

p spy ph phr

pus moa spyang mo phag phred ~ ’phred

p spj pʰ pʰr

Purik

Meaning

puksmo spjaŋmo pʰaq pʰret

‘(lower leg up to the) knee’ ‘clever, agile’ ‘pig’ ‘slope’

a Cf., however, OT dpus mo, and for the almost complete absence of unaspirated voiceless stops in WT, cf. Bielmeier (1988:15), who claims that “the dialect(s) on which WT is based … had only two series of stops on the phonemic level: voiced and voiceless aspirated.” This is confirmed by Hill (2007). As far as the medial consonants of puksmo ‘knee’ are concerned, Matisoff (2003:436) leads the root of WT pus mo back to *put-s. While the final dental stop was “displaced” by the -s suffix in WT, it must have been dissimilated to a velar stop in Kar puksmo. Similarly, Matisoff (ibid.) reconstructs *m-kri-t-s for WT mkhris pa : Kar kʰʂikspa ‘bile, gall’.

The same applies to the dentals, cf. Table 19. Table 19

WT dental plosive radicals in Purik WT

t st brt th mth

tog tse star ga brtan po thab mthong

t st ʂt tʰ

Purik

Meaning

toqtse starga ʂtanpo tʰap tʰoŋ

‘hoe’ ‘walnut’ ‘strong, reliable’ ‘oven, hearth’ ‘see, be visible’

60

Chapter 2



Excursus: The Purik Retroflex Stops

However, there are also some instances in which WT dentals correspond to Purik retroflexes, as can be seen in Table 20. With regard to a few more words lacking a WT etymology, retroflex stops in Purik (and other dialects) correspond to dentals in other WAT dialects, cf. Purik ʈakuʃu ‘local kind of small peach’ (but Bal and Chik takuʃu) and Purik ʈaqʈaq ‘narrow, tight, difficult’ (and Leh ʈakʈak, but Tsha taqtaq, Khal, Nur taktak). That some old Purik dentals have been pushed back toward a retroflex articulation by the new devoiced dentals that evolved from unprefixed voiced dentals (cf. 2.2.2.2.3) is questionable, since the further progression of the latter sound change in Ladakhi would be expected to generate even more retroflex stops there. Another peculiar inconsistency may be observed with regard to a bunch of WAT adjectives ending in -nʈe/nte, i.e. Purik ʂanʈe ‘hard, firm’, χanʈe ‘bitter’, ɬtʃinʈe ‘heavy’ and jonʈe ‘oblique, sloping, etc.’ with the retroflex ending -ʈe, and tsʰante ‘hot’ with dental -te. Jäschke recorded all these adjectives as colloquial Western Tibetan forms but did not take note of a retroflex articulation in any one of them. As far as the dialectal evidence of the CDTD is concerned, we find a strongly varying extension of the retroflex for each of these five cases. For χanʈe, the retroflex is shared by all WAT dialects in which the word is attested, i.e. Har, Kar, Par, Tsha, Chik, Khal, Nur, Leh, and Nub. In the case of ʂanʈe, the retroflex is strongly prevailing in the WAT dialects; the dental is only attested in Shar and Nub. As far as ɬtʃinʈe and jonʈe are concerned, all the other WAT dialects have the corresponding dental endings. And finally, as for tsʰante, the retroflex is only found in Tsha. Irrespective of the question of how the retroflex ending was diffused, this development appears to have progressed the furthest in the westernmost Purik dialects of Kar and Tsha, while the Nub dialect spoken north of Ladakh appears to have been most resistent to it. Table 20

t t °t °t

OT dental plosives with retroflex reflexes in WAT

OT

Purik

Other dialects Dialects with a with a retroflex stop dental stop

ta gir (Jk. 202b) ʈ ta ku (Jk. 202a) pha tiṅ (Jk. 339a) °ʈ ro to (Jk. 536a)

ʈaki ‘flat bread’ ʈaku ‘hockey (stick)’ pʰaʈiŋ ‘dried apricot’ Leh pʰaʈiŋ roʈo ‘residue (from cooking)’ Khal roʈo

Chik taki Nub pʰatiŋ Nur roto

61

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

A similar situation is encountered in connection with the two words Kar ɬaŋʈo ‘male calf’ and beto ‘calf’.27 Perhaps, the ending was interpreted as one derivative suffix in Tsha, where both words contain a dental plosive, and Chik, which has the retroflex in both words. Furthermore, there are also some instances in which WT (un)prefixed th corresponds to Purik retroflex ʈʰ, cf. Table 21.28 The retroflex may also be limited to WAT dialects other than the Purik of Kargil, as e.g. for the reflexes of WT ’thab ’thab ‘fight’, where it is the Ladakhi dialect of Leh which has it as the only one (i.e. ʈʰapʈʰap, unlike Bal, Tsha and Chik tʰaptʰap). In two more instances lacking a WT etymology, there is diverging evidence for the WAT dialects, cf. Kar, Tsha and Chik ʈʰup ‘dark(ness)’ with variation in Bal tʰup ~ ʈʰup (CDTD) or Kar ʈʰekʈʰek ‘fit, bold’ with a dental tʰektʰek according to the CDTD. The four correspondence sets in Table 22 indicate that WT th has lost its aspiration in second syllables, leading to Purik ʈ. The fact that Purik has normally preserved the aspiration of stops in second syllables, however, suggests that these words may have been loaned from Ladakhi. Table 21

th ’th mth

OT aspirated dental plosives with retroflex reflexes in WAT

OT

Purik

Dialects with a dental stop

theṅ (mo) raṅ ’thag (Jk. 523a) mthug po ~ ’thug po

ʈʰjaŋmo Bal, Tsha tʰjaŋmo ranʈʰaq Bal, Tsha rentʰaq, Leh rantʰaq ʈʰukpo ~ tʰukpo (CDTD)a

Meaning

‘lame’ ‘water mill’ ‘dense, thick’

a And Chik ʈʰukpo, Sapi ʈʰukpo, Khal ʈʰukmo, but Tsha tʰukpo, Mul, Wan, Khal, Nim, Leh tʰukmo, Nub tʰugmo, etc.

27  Cf. Jäschke glaṅ to “the Indian bison … Lh. – glaṅ thug … a bull …” (Jk. 80a) and be to, be do “vulg. calf” (Jk. 370a), without any remarks as to a retroflex pronunciation. 28  A few less secure correspondence sets may be adduced here: ʈʰaŋʈʰaŋ ‘taught’ appears to be related to WT thang po “tense, tight, firm … śa thaṅ thaṅ to the utmost of one’s power Sch.” (Jk. 228b), the first syllable of ʈʰoŋgos ‘hoe’ to WT thong “thoṅ śol a plough” (Jk. 238a) (but cf. the dental reflex of the same etymon in Kar, Chik and Tsha tʰoŋma ‘vertical opening in the plow where the plowshare is fixed’), ʈʰau ‘pot’ to WT tha’u “Wdṅ. capsule (?), Wts. peach (?)” (Jk. 230a) (note Jäschke’s questionmarks!).

62

Chapter 2

Table 22 OT

°th °th °th °mth

OT aspirated dental plosives with deaspirated retroflex reflexes in WAT Purik

*śul thog °ʈ ʃulʈoq ba thag paʈaq mul thug “W. fist” (Jk. 417a) mulʈup *mgo mthil° goʈilik taŋ

Meaning

‘hunchback’ ‘root’ ‘fist’ ‘to dive head on (into the water)’

Thus, if we look at retroflex stops in the inherited Tibetan vocabulary, we find a considerable number of voiceless (aspirated) retroflex Purik stops that correspond to alveolar stops in Written Tibetan as attested by Jäschke (1881). With respect to all these etyma, however, the dialectal evidence of the CDTD is equivocal as to the place of articulation. Rather than to assume that these data reflect actual dialectal differences (and, as a consequence, phonetically unmotivated diverging dialectal developments) accurately, one must be skeptical about them and relate some of the divergences to the elusive nature of the distinction between these two places of articulation, due to which a considerable number of transcriptions of my own Purik data had to be corrected since the completion of my thesis. Nor is the Purik retroflex a typical retroflex, nor is the Purik dental a typical dental. The distance between the two places of articulation is diminished from both sides if it is compared to the corresponding distinction in Urdu. Accordingly, it is questionable whether the correspondence of a Purik retroflex and a Written Tibetan dental always reflects a historical retroflexion of these dentals; perhaps, Jäschke (or even native grammarians before him) already had some trouble keeping these two places of articulation apart.29 Incidentally, Tibetans themselves have not consistently kept these two sounds distinct nor graphically (e.g. in modern spelling of Tibetan names such as Dolma or Tashi, where the retroflexes are spelled like the alveolars in Dorje and Tenzing) nor orally (the distinction appears to be neutralized at least in the language of a lot of (Central) Tibetans living in exile). Before we come to a strikingly great number of more instances of Purik retroflexes that all lack an etymology, further possible origins of retroflex stops in Purik are considered. Beside those that appear to originate in WT dentals as 29  The same reservation was expressed by Manuel Widmer after he had compared a list of Ghari (exonymously called Bunan, a Tibeto-Burman language of Lahoul, Northern India) etyma compiled by Jäschke with a list he recorded himself in 2010 (personal communication).

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

63

discussed above, (unaspirated) retroflex stops are common pronunciational variants of dental r-clusters (cf. 2.1.1.1.1), as e.g. in drul ~ ɖul ‘walk’, dros ~ ɖos ‘become warm’, tra ~ ʈa ‘ford’ or triʂtsoq ~ ʈiʂtsoq ‘bad smell’, etc. In some words that clearly go back to a Written Tibetan dental r-cluster, on the other hand, the cluster-pronunciation is rejected by my consultants (e.g. in ʈilbu ‘small bell’ < WT dril bu, but Purik †trilbu, or ɖanɖa ‘equal, even’ < WT ’dra (na) ’dra, but Purik †drandra). These words were probably loaned in this shape from Ladakhi. Note that the Purik speakers therefore must be able to distinguish between two different retroflex stops: one with an underlying variant with a dental r-cluster, and one without. The pronunciation of these two types of retroflex stops, however, does not appear to be distinct. When looking at the reflexes of the dental r-clusters in all of WAT, the difference between the subdialects is not obvious, since in all of them, we find retroflex pronunciations. Yet, it is only in WP as well as in Balti that pronounced clusters, i.e. [tr] and [dr], are occasionally attested in the CDTD. For all of Ladakh (as well as for Chik), this pronunciational variant is never listed. Whether this means that it is actually not possible in these dialects – as opposed to Purik and Balti – remains to be checked. The discussed retroflex without an underlying dental r-cluster is not only found in loan words such as ʈipi ‘hat’ (from Urdu) or ʈi ‘tea’ (from English) but also in a lot of (assonant) reduplications (without an apparent origin in a neighboring language) such as ʈaŋʈaŋ ‘bald, bare’ or ʈalaʈile ‘small (children)’, etc., as well as in those retroflex stops that follow a preradical l/ɬ-. Both these groups of retroflex stops with unknown origin will be discussed after the loan words. As far as loan words with a retroflex in Purik are concerned, we may distinguish between those that contain a retroflex already in the donor language and those that have retroflected an original alveolar of the donor language. The latter group contains at least all the words of English origin, as e.g. ʈikaʈ ‘ticket’, ʈaim ‘time’, siʈil ‘steel’, baʈan ‘button’, kooʈ ‘coat’, lepʈen ‘kind of tea’, meneʈ ‘minute’, etc. According to Cruttenden (2008:174), “in Indian English and among speakers of ethnic Indian origin /t/ will generally be realized as retroflex [ʈ]”, while it is clearly alveolar or at the most, if followed by /r/, post-alveolar in the other varieties of English (Cruttenden 2008:172–3). One may only speculate as to whether speakers of Purik would identify the English alveolar with their native retroflex (and not with their dental) if the transmission had not been deeply influenced by Urdu. The idea, however, that the plosive in the English words above must be pronounced as a retroflex, is deeply rooted in the minds of Purik speakers (allowing them to laugh at my alveolar pronunciation of these English sounds). Even though English alveolar stops are pronounced as retroflex stops in Purik, the latter language has nevertheless

64

Chapter 2

developed a phonemic distinction between dental and retroflex stops, as loans from other languages indicate. Retroflex stops in loan words other than from English thus correspond to retroflex stops in the donor languages, as a few words borrowed from Urdu show, e.g. ʈopi ‘hat’, ʈʰik ‘good, alright’, moʈa ‘fat’, miʈʰa ‘sweet’, etc. That the distinction between retroflex and dental stops of Urdu is maintained in Purik is illustrated by a few representative loan words containing dental stops, as e.g. taklif ‘affliction’, tel ‘oil’, intezaar ‘with ba await’, imtehaan ‘exam’, etc. Only a few words containing retroflex stops can be traced back to other donor languages, in which they are also attested with a retroflex stop, cf. ʈuk ‘short sleep’ (Berger 1998:447b), gaʈ ‘joint of body, knot’ (150a), ʈuʈu ‘throat’ (a devoiced reflex of Bur. ɖoɖo “Kehle, Gurgel, Schlund, Sh. ɖoɖo”, Berger 1998:133b), ɖim ‘stem, stalk’ (from Bur. -ɖim “Körper, Person … auch: Halm (des Getreides)”, 132b) and ɖambu ‘bamboo’ (perhaps related to Bur. (and Sh.) ɖambu “Mundstück der Surnai”, 129b) from Burushaski (note that the dental in another loan from Burushaski is retained in Purik as well, cf. tuwaq ~ twaq ‘gun’ and Bur. tobáq, Berger 1998:556a), ʈʰul ‘egg’ and ʈʰaʈʰa ‘jest, joke’ from Kashmiri (cf. Grierson 1985:976a and 986a, respectively), as well as the inter-dialectal loan ʈaba ‘monk’ from Ladakhi (< WT grwa pa). We will now turn to the great number of Purik etyma whose origins lie completely in the dark. All the words listed below are either dramatizers or reduplicated or assonant adjectivals, all of which constitute central elements of the Purik language. That is, if they are not actually native to it, they must be considered to have been nativized. On the other hand, they may all be said to belong to somewhat ‘expressive’ vocabulary,30 while the dramatizers are clearly ideophones (cf. 5.3 and Voeltz and Kilian-Hatz 2001). Thus, at least some of them may have entered Purik through onomatopoeia or sound symbolism (perhaps only after the sound had been established by means of loan words and as a pronunciational variant of dental r-clusters, and perhaps also after the above described retroflexion of inherited dentals). Consider the wealth of retroflex stops that is found in dramatizers such as ʈek ‘dram. stop’, ʈoq ‘dram. believe’, ʈaq ~ ʈʰaq ‘dram. break, wash’, ʈʰap ‘dram. twist’, ʈʰop ‘dram. prick’, ʈʰjaŋ ‘dram. pull’ or ɖwaŋ ‘dram. fall down’, etc., in reduplicated adjectives such as ʈenʈen ~ ʈinʈin ‘lazy, apathetic’, ʈoqʈoq ‘lump(y), crammed’, ʈukʈuk ‘short’, ʈʰaqʈʰaq ‘peeled, plain’, ʈʰatʈʰat ‘lying on one’s side with the head propped up on one’s palm’, ʈʰekʈʰek ‘courageous, fit’, etc., in extended reduplicated adjectives such as rilʈaŋʈaŋ ‘round as a sphere’, munʈjaŋʈjaŋ ‘numb’, χamʈʰiŋʈʰiŋ ‘state after having eaten bitter food’, etc., and in assonant adjectivals such as ʈalaʈile ‘small 30  Its frequency in expressive vocabulary suggests that retroflex stops themselves may have assumed some expressive, onomatopoeic or sound-symbolic value.

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

65

(children)’, ʈʰabaʈʰube ‘nor bright nor dark’, kanʈakunʈe ‘wavering stagger’, or kaʈapaʈa ‘unintelligible talk’, etc. It is evident that Purik has accumulated a great amount of vocabulary containing retroflex stops after its split-off from Written Tibetan (while preserving the bulk of dental stops!) and perhaps even after its autonomization from the other WAT dialects. The latter is also suggested by the striking frequency of retroflex l-clusters (clusters with preradical l- or ɬ- and a retroflex stop, cf. below), which stand in a phonemic contrast to dentals as well. It is up to question, whether the retroflex variants have come into existence beside the inherited dental variants, or whether the formation of new dental l-clusters pushed the articulation of inherited dental l-clusters further back on the palate. None of the two scenarios can be backed up by satisfactory etymologies. Furthermore, the relative chronology of sound changes that led to l-clusters – i.e. a) preradical g-, b- > l-/_dentals, b) metathesis of zl-, sl- and gl-/kl- > LD-, and c) metathesis of RDVL > LDVR – cannot be recovered properly. Consider the newly arisen contrast between retroflex and dental l-clusters as illustrated in Table 23. Table 23

Near minimal pairs of Purik retroflexes and dentals

Retroflex

Dental

ɬʈamaɬʈume ‘mediocre’, ɬʈep ‘dram. be filled’, ɬʈet ‘dram. sit, set’ ɬʈus ‘dram. peel’, ɬʈumpa ‘short piece of wood’ ɬʈinpʰus ‘urine bladder’ ɬʈjat ‘fuck it (vulg.)’ lɖum ‘dram. be come cloudy, break’ lɖurup ‘ready to collapse’

ɬtams ‘be born (h)’, ɬtap ‘fold’ ɬterɬter ‘lethargic, ɬtereku ‘lazybones’ ɬtukɬtuk ‘perfectly ripen (of apricots)’, ɬtur ‘calm down so., pull up (snot)’ ɬtirɬtir ‘tender’ ɬtja ‘navel’ ldum ‘thigh’ lduru ‘big earthen pot’, ldur ‘with tʃʰat be exhausted’ ldiŋldiŋ ‘calm (of surface of water)’ ldemldem ‘stagger’b ldabldop ‘unintelligible talk in one’s sleep’c

lɖiblɖip ‘flaring’a lɖimlɖim ‘gloomy’ lɖoblɖop ‘cone shaped’

a Cf. ldib pa “2. adj. Cs.: not clear, not intelligible, *kʻa-díb* W. stammering, stuttering; ldib ldib = ldab ldib” (Jk. 290b). b Cf. WT ldam ldem “Ld. dubious, uncertain, used of things” (Jk. 290b), ldem ldem pa “Sch. to move up and down, striking, trembling, vibrating; … ldem ldem flexible, supple, elastic, pliant” (Jk. 292a), glem pa “to press, squeeze; to crush, squash Stg., C.” (Jk. 81b). c Cf. WT ldab ldib (skad) “Lex. silly talk, tittle-tattle” (Jk. 290a), ldab ldob “Lex. w.e., Cs. indolence, dullness, drowsiness; acc. to others, a hasty, volatile manner” (Jk. 290a).

66

Chapter 2

The only clear etymologies are those of ɬtams, ɬtap and ldum, all of which contain old dentals that have been preserved as dentals in Purik. This tentatively suggests that the retroflex l- clusters were newly added to the existing dental clusters. On the contrary, the above discussed retroflexion of old dentals without an l- preradical suggests that the modern dentals have newly entered the language and pushed the old dentals further back on the palate. This stalemate promotes the above mentioned possibility that the retroflex l- clusters were newly created in Purik by means of onomatopoeia or sound-symbolism (cf. footnote 30) (after the sound had been established otherwise). It is generally agreed upon the fact that retroflex sounds are an areal feature of Central Asia (cf. Ebert 2001:1530) and that they must therefore have spread across related and unrelated languages, that is through language contact. Unfortunately, barely ever can such linguistic interferences be proven. In our case, this has to do with the fact that no documented neighboring language of Purik appears to have such a wealth of LD-clusters that would make it a liable candidate for Purik to loan from or perhaps to emulate. Only a few such clusters are attested for Burushaski, while they are only found word-internally in Kashmiri and Shina. Furthermore, the almost complete absence of written sources from Purik (after its split-off from the other Tibetan dialects) obviously excludes an analysis of (datable) texts containing retroflexes to different extents. This is unfortunate, because it was the analysis of the non-native or nonIndo-Aryan retroflexes in the Vedas that enabled Kuiper (1967) to account for the growing Dravidian influence on Indo-Aryan. 2.2.2.2.2 WT Voiceless Velar Plosives (k and kh) The WT voiceless unaspirated velar plosive k is preserved in Purik in the radical position, irrespective of both pre- and postradical, cf. Table 24. Table 24

WT unaspirated voiceless velar radicals in Purik WT

k kr dky

ka ba krad pa dkyil

k kr ʂk

Purik

Meaning

ka kratpa ʂkil

‘pillar’ ‘half-high leather shoe’ ‘middle’

67

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology Table 25

WT aspirated velar radicals in Purik WT

kha

mkha ’kha kho

kha (ba) kha khams log cf. kha ba mkhar ’khad khom khol khol khol°

kʰ χ

kʰ χ kʰ χb

Purik

Meaning

kʰa χa χamloq χanʈe kʰar χaʈ kʰom kʰol χol χolʈo

‘mouth, opening, snow’ ‘anger’ ‘dirty, vomiting’ ‘bitter; sweet tea’ ‘castle’ ‘get stuck’ ‘have time, be free’ ‘be ill’a ‘boil’ ‘sorrow, care’c

a The CDTD has kʰol ‘boil’ for Kar as well as the rest of WAT, while χol ‘boil’ is only attested for Mulbek. Both meanings ‘boil’ and ‘be ill’ are given for Balti kʰol. I suspect that some of these unfricatized pronunciations may actually be hyperspeech forms as discussed in 3.2.4. b The remaining etyma with an initial χ- are χar ‘dram. scratch, shove’, χarχa(r)ʈu ‘ant’, and χaʃambuʈu ~ χaʃambuɽu ‘magpie’ (but cf. Chiktan karxaʈa and qaʒamburu). c But cf. the synonymous kʰoqqʰol (< *khog khol), where at least the first uvular is conditioned by the preceding back vowel.

The corresponding aspirated sound WT kh has split correspondences (kʰ or χ) before a and o. Since just these two vowels trigger a uvular pronunciation of WT velar finals (cf. 2.1.1.1.1), I suspect the uvulars in Table 25 to be secondary as well and not to reflect an old contrast that predates WT (cf., however, Sun 2003:78331). 2.2.2.2.3 WT Voiced Plosives If ‘covered’ by a prefix in Written Tibetan, voiced plosives remain voiced in Purik. In Table 26, I have listed equations for WT b, d and g > Kar b, d and g.

31  The only uvular that appears to be shared between Purik and Zhongu (northern Sichuan) is the one in qʰɐⁿde ‘bitter’ (cf. Sun 2003:783).

68 Table 26

Chapter 2 WT voiced labial, dental and velar radicals in Purik WT

db ’br gd md ld bgr mg rgy

dbugs ’brug gdong mda’ ldag bgrad mgo rgyab

zb br rd d ld zgr g rgj

Purik

Meaning

zbuks bruk rdoŋ da ldaq zgrat go rgjap

‘air (e.g. in a tire)’ ‘thunder’ ‘face’ ‘arrow’ ‘lick’ ‘stem against’ ‘head’ ‘behind’

In the ‘uncovered’ position (i.e. without a preradical), the WT voiced plosives have undergone a split that has lead to devoiced as well as voiced plosives in all of WAT.32 However, the sound change devoicing the voiced plosives has progressed considerably further in Ladakhi than it has in Purik. Of 80 etyma for which both Ladakhi and Purik data exist in the CDTD, Central Ladakhi has devoiced the WT prefixless voiced stops in 59 cases, while Kar devoiced it only in 26 (or 27) cases. This further progression of the devoicing in Ladakhi is visible in all three subgroups, i.e. WT b, where the sound change has progressed the least, devoicing 21 (of a total of 36) tokens in CLd and only 8 in Kargil, WT g, reflected by 17 (of 22) devoiced tokens in CLd and only 5 in Kar, as well as WT d – where the devoicing has progressed the furthest –, with 22 (of 22) tokens devoiced in CLd and 13 (or 14) in Kar (and three more in Tsha). Postradical r seems to have favored devoicing: in CLd, all instances of WT dr and gr are devoiced, and of the seven instances of WT br, only two have remained voiced. In Kargil, eight of the eleven instances of WT dr are devoiced (already ten in Tsha) and five of eleven instances of WT gr. However, all seven cases of WT br have remained voiced in Kar. Nevertheless, the described sound change is no longer 32  For details and a list of all concerned etyma, cf. Zemp (2006:69–74). To name a few examples, the initial of bal ‘wool’ (WT bal) has remained voiced in all of WAT while P bomo corresponds to poŋo in Nubra and pomo in Leh and P braŋ ‘chest’ (WT brang) to ɖaŋ in Nubra and ʈaŋ in Leh; the initial of WT bul ‘soda’, on the other hand, has been devoiced to pul in all of WAT, etc. The list in Zemp (2006) is still fully adequate, except that ʈozar ‘lunch’ (p. 72) should be tozar, and pʰjamalaptse ‘butterfly’ appears to be much more frequent than bjamalaptse (p. 70).

69

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

productive. It must have stopped in reaction to the loss of the nasal prefix, since, otherwise, it would have devoiced radicals protected by such a prefix as well, which it has not in either of the WAT dialect subgroups. Further strong indication for an early stagnation of the devoicing of the WT voiced plosives is the uniformity found in the West Purik dialect area. I have elicited 57 etyma with an initial going back to a WT unprefixed voiced plosive in four places spread across the West Purik dialect area that are not included in the CDTD, i.e. Goshen and Bhimbat near Dras (Hembabs), Batalik in the Indus valley, and Sangko in the Suru valley: no evidence diverging from Kar was found for any of them. In conclusion of this paragraph, it has to be noted again that the state encountered with respect to the devoicing of prefixless voiced plosives is an important piece of independent evidence for the former reality of the nasal prefix in all of WAT. That this sound change progressed further in Ladakhi than in Purik may either indicate that it spread faster or that the nasal preradical was lost later in the former dialects. 2.2.2.2.4 Medial Labial Radicals Following Nasal Of the three nasals that appear in syllable final position, the most homogeneous situation is encountered in connection with the velar nasal (cf. Table 27). After WT ng in the coda of the first (lexical) syllable of historical derivations, the WT derivatives pa and po have become Purik ma and mo, respectively. The only exceptions to this rule are those words in which pa has the function of deriving the nomen agentis (cf. 3.1.1.1, e.g. in tsʰoŋpa ‘trader’, from a stem tsʰoŋ ‘trade’) or the inhabitant of a certain place (e.g. ɬaɬuŋpa ‘person from Lhalhung’). Similarly, the definite article -po (cf. 3.2.1) and the formerly Table 27

WT medial nasal + labial plosive in Purik WT

ngpa ngpo ngba npa npo mpa mpo

rkang pa mang po gang ba skyin pa dkon po ’gram pa skam po

ŋma ŋmo ŋma nma nmo mba mbo

Purik

Meaning

kaŋma maŋmo gaŋma skinma ʂkonmo gramba skambo

‘leg, foot’ ‘much’ ‘whole’ ‘pawn’ ‘rare’ ‘cheek’ ‘dry’

70

Chapter 2

productive derivative -bu never evolve into nasals due to a preceding nasal (e.g. in ɬuŋ-po ‘the wind’ or boŋbu ‘donkey’). A few more instances of nonassimilation are found after the dental nasal, e.g. in sŋunpo ‘green’ < WT sngon po. Finally, after a labial nasal, second syllable initial labial stops (other than the ones pertaining to one of the mentioned suffixes) are never nasalized but only voiced. 2.2.2.2.5 Prefixed and Unprefixed Affricates Apart from the devoicing of uncovered WT j- (in WT ja > P tʃa ‘tea’ and WT jag pa > P tʃaqpa ‘robber’), Table 28 shows that all the WT affricates have been preserved in Purik.33 Table 28

WT dental and alveolar affricates in Purik WT

ts rtsw ’tsh rdz c lc mch brj

tsong rtswa ’tsho rdzing ci lce mcher pa brjed

ts ʂtsw tsʰ rdz tʃ ɬtʃ tʃʰ rdʒ

Purik

Meaning

tsoŋ ʂtswa tsʰo rdziŋ tʃi ɬtʃe tʃʰerpa rdʒet

‘onion’ ‘grass’ ‘graze’ ‘artificial pond, water reservoir’ ‘what’ ‘tongue’ ‘milt, spleen’ ‘forget’

The OT cluster (for WT, Jäschke only attests it in the verb stsol, i.e., without a second preradical, cf. below) appears to have left almost no traces in the dialects. That it is exceptional among the OT consonant clusters in consisting of two identical sounds separated by a plosive may account for the fact that the CDTD only documents one word in one single dialect in which a reflex of

33  Note that the affricates in WT ’chi ‘die’, ’char ‘rise’, and ’chor ‘flee’ are clearly secondary derivations of shi, shar, and shor, respectively, cf. Li (1933:147f.). Thus, the affricate is reflected only in a few AT-dialects for ’chi and ’char (and for Tabo alongside *shar), and in no dialect at all for ’chor; all the other dialects have fricatives.

71

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

sts- can be distinguished from an s-, i.e. Rmastod tsal, imp. tsol ‘give (h)’.34 In all the other dialects, OT stsal, bstsol was deaffricated and turned into s- (e.g. in Leh sal ‘give (honorific)’), and similarly OT stsag > P saq ‘accumulate, store’ (cf. even WT gsog, bsags and B pʰsaq). 2.2.2.2.6 Sibilants The WT sibilants are preserved in Purik as well (cf. Table 29). The combination of preradical g- (> r-, cf. 2.2.2.1.5) and voiced sibilant radical zh or z is sometimes inserted a euphonic dental stop and thus merges with the reflex of the WT prefixed affricate, cf. Table 28 in 2.2.2.2.5. The voiceless sibilants have all remained unchanged, while all preradicals in front of them have been lost. Table 29

WT (dental and alveolar) sibilants in Purik WT

zh gzh z gz sh gsh s bs

zhar ba gzhu gzhes la zangs gzor ba gzong shig gshol su bsil

ʒ ʒ rdʒ z z rdz ʃ ʃ s s

Purik

Meaning

ʒarba ʒu rdʒesla zaŋs zorba rdzoŋ(bu) ʃik ʃol su sil

‘blind’ ‘bow’ ‘on the third day’ ‘copper’ ‘sickle’a ‘chisel’ ‘louse’ ‘plow’ ‘who’ ‘shade, cool side’

a But cf. B ɣzorba or La (AT) çsora. Sometimes, the dialects reflect a preradical that is not attested for WT, e.g. in Tsha, Chik ldʒaqspa ‘nostril rope’, but WT zhags pa.

34  If WAT and WIT *tsogs (P tsoχs) ‘alike’ do not derive from stsogs ‘heaped up, assembled’, which was very commonly used in OT after dative la in the meaning ‘and so on’. That there is often an additional -s after the case morpheme in this construction indicates that the medial preradical s- was already subject to reanalysis in OT.

72

Chapter 2

2.2.2.2.7 Spirant WT h is preserved in Purik. In Table 30 are those words with a WT etymology that Jäschke does not appear to have reconstructed on the basis of WAT evidence only. Table 30

WT h in Purik

WT

h

han ldang (Jk. 596a) hal (Jk. 596b) hub “gulp” (Jk. 597a)

h

Purik

Meaning

hanɖaŋ hal hup

‘deaf, dumb’ ‘pant’ ‘with tʰuŋ down (a beverage)’

2.2.2.2.8 Nasals The WT nasals n and ny always remain unchanged in Purik (cf. Table 31), except for the phonetic variations and neutralizations discussed in 2.1.1.1.4. The WT labial nasal m followed by y becomes Purik ɲ. Several irregularities occur with WT ng, which merges with Purik m, ɲ or n, depending on the environment. The first merger (with m) may be conditioned by preradical ʂ- as well as by following rounded vowels o and u. (Cf. the labialization of final velar nasals after the same vowels in 2.2.2.6.1.). On the other hand, the palatalization in sɲas ‘pillow’ (and snan-la ‘before’) may be due to the preradical s. Finally, the correspondence of WT lnga ‘five’: Purik ʁa is typical for the Purik and Balti dialects; it is questionable, however, whether it reflects regular sound changes.

73

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology Table 31

WT nasal radicals in Purik

WT

m dm dmy n mn rn ny gny rny ng dng rng

sng

mar dmag dmyal ba can nor mna’ rnag nyes pa gnyid gnyen rnying ma ngu dngulb rnga rngo rngul snga thog sngas sngan

m ʂm ɲ n n ʂn ɲ ɲa ʂɲ ʂɲ ŋ ʂm ʂŋ ʂŋ (~ ʂmc) ʂm ~ ʂŋ sŋ sɲ sn, sŋ

Purik

Meaning

mar ʂmaqʂmuq ɲalbatʃan nor na ʂnaq ɲespa ɲit ʂɲen ʂɲiŋma ŋu ʂmul ʂŋa ʂŋo (~ ʂmo) ʂmultʃʰu ~ ʂŋultʃʰu sŋatʰoq sɲas snanla, pʰisŋan

‘butter’ ‘big crowd’ ‘poor’ ‘sheep and goats’ ‘oath’ ‘pus’ ‘sin, punishment’ ‘sleep’ ‘relative’ ‘old’ ‘cry’ ‘rupee, silver’ ‘harvest’ ‘fry’ ‘sweat’ ‘morning (8–9 o’clock)’ ‘pillow’ ‘before’, ‘aside’

a The reflexes of WT gny- and ny- cannot be distinguished in Purik. b For the history of this Wanderwort, see Antonov and Jacques (2011:esp.19). c This pronunciation of Syed Mehdi is rejected by my other consultants.

2.2.2.2.9 Liquids The WT voiced liquids r and l are preserved in Purik (cf. Table 32). Some instances of the voiceless lateral ɬ go back to WT lh, which may in fact be the (transliterated) WT transcription of the sound that is attested in modern dialects35 (other sources of Purik ɬ are WT gl, bl and rl, cf. 2.2.2.3.5). Initial ʂ (excluding ʂ- in the preradical position before voiceless radicals), the voiceless counterpart of r, however, cannot consistently be traced back to a WT graph.

35  “The combination of letters hr and lh are not to be regarded as representing aspiration but rather the voiceless counterparts to r and l respectively” (Hahn 1973:434).

74 Table 32

Chapter 2 WT liquid radicals in Purik WT

r l lh

rab lo ma lhung

r l ɬ

Purik

Meaning

raps loma ɬuŋ

‘ford’ ‘leaf’ ‘lose’

The three etymologies linking Purik ʂ with WT hr are rather problematic, cf. Purik ʂaŋʂaŋ ‘tasteless, useless, foolish’ < WT hrang hrang ‘alone, single’ (Jk. 598a), where the semantics diverge strongly, P ʂikʂik ‘contempt, discrimination’ (mostly used with ba ‘do’), where Jäschke (598b) has hrig-hríg as a synonym of rig-ríg in mig rig-ríg byéd-pa or dúg-pa “to look about, esp. in an anxious manner, shyly Tar., Mil” (Jk. 527b), and P ʂeg-a tʃ ʰa ‘commit suicide’ < hrig “W…. *šríg-la s̀i-c̀e* to hang one’s self” (Jk. 598b), where Jäschke’s entry is based on Ladakhi evidence only.36 In three other etyma, Purik ʂ corresponds to WT sr, namely in ʂanʈe ~ ʂante ‘hard, firm’ < sra ba “… col. *srán-te* … hard, solid …” (Jk. 580a), both ʂar ‘fast (dramatizer of verbs of motion)’ and ɲimaʂar ‘all day’, both related to WT srar “Sch.: severely, rigorously” (Jk. 581a), and finally ʂol ‘hallway’, which may reflect WT srol “usage, custom, common use, habitual practice, habit” (Jk. 585a) along with strol ‘way, behavior’ (if the former is not loaned from, e.g., Ladakhi). Two more Purik etyma with initial ʂ are of unknown origin, i.e. ʂu ‘nose’ and ʂaŋ ‘dram. graŋs become cold’.37 2.2.2.2.10 Approximants Table 33 shows that WT y is preserved in Purik before non-front vowels, i.e. a, u and o, while it is dropped before i (as in the position of the postradical, cf. 2.2.2.3.2). For the partial loss of preradical g before y (i.e. WT ), cf. 2.2.2.1.5. WT w is regularly preserved in Purik.38

36  According to Bielmeier (p.c.), ʂek ‘sling’, which is also found in the Balti of Skardo, appears to be a loan from Burushaski, cf. Berger (1998:403b), who also attests its use in the context of suicide. 37  Interestingly, there are 13 instances of a srang that immediately precedes grangs in OTDO. I still have not been able to find out what these passages mean, but if the semantics of this collocation are unrelated for OT and Purik, this may make this case even more interesting. 38  Cf., however, Hill (2006) and Jacques (2009a), who claim that OT did not have an initial w-.

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology Table 33

WT approximants in Purik

WT

y

w

75

yang po yur ba yos *yid du yin wa wa

j

ø w

Purik

Meaning

jaŋmo jurba jos itu(k) in watse wa

‘light (vs. heavy)’ ‘irrigation channel’ ‘roasted grains’ ‘recollection, memory’ ‘be’ ‘fox’ ‘steep channel leading the water through the mill’

A number of words with initial jo- in Purik and many other dialects most commonly lacks the glide in OT and a number of modern dialects. Broadly, reflexes of both ’ong ‘come’ and ’og ‘below’ can be found in Balti, Hor, and Kham, while reflexes of both yong and yog are attested for Purik, Ladakhi, WIT, and Amdo. The situation in CT is too complex with respect to the first of these etyma to be discussed here. With respect to the second one, the Ngari-dialects reflect yog, and all the other ones ’og. The distribution of these variants in the modern dialects strongly suggests that both variants (with and without the glide) existed already in the OT varieties, perhaps as the result of an even earlier sound change of Proto-Tibetan.39 2.2.2.2.11 A chung and a chen As shown in 2.2.2.1.7, WT a chung ()40 before consonants is reflected in Purik in the internal position of some compounds by a nasal. Before vowels, it is always represented by zero, merging with a chen. In Purik, nothing reflects the former distinction of the two phonetically.41 Perhaps coincidentally, the distribution of WT a chung and a chen is complementary in Purik, the former being attested only before the WT vowels o and u, and the latter only before a, cf. Table 34.

39  If the initial j- is not related to WT ya “above, up etc. (opp. to ma) …” (Jk. 504a), as others have suspected. 40  The terms a chung and a chen are used in the traditional and according to Hill (2005:5) “Western” way here, i.e. to denote the two letters འ and ཨ of Written Tibetan, respectively. 41  In Written Tibetan a chung stood for “smooth vocalic ingress” and therefore in opposition to the glottal stop denoted by a chen (cf. Beyer 1992:43).

76

Chapter 2

Table 34

OT a chung and a chen in Purik

OT

’u ’o a

’u su ’o ma al tse (Jk. 606a)

u o a

Purik

Meaning

usu oma altse

‘coriander’ ‘curd’ ‘earthen kitchen pot’

There are many kinship terms with Purik a that are also documented in Jäschke, however, only the first two of the below listed are provided with Written Tibetan sources (with an a chung), cf. atʃ ʰe ‘elder sister’ (Jk. 603b), ama ‘mother’ (Jk. 604a), while aʒaŋ ‘mother’s brother’ is labeled as colloquial (Jk. 604b), and two more as Western dialectal terms, i.e. ane ‘wife’ (Jk. 604a) and api ‘grandmother, old woman’ (Jk. 604a). Purik apo ‘grandfather, old man’, artʃo ‘sister/daugther of a Syed’ and atʃono ‘friend’ are not found in Jäschke. 2.2.2.3 Postradicals It is with respect to the postradicals WT r (2.2.2.3.1) and y (2.2.2.3.2) that the conservative nature of the Purik dialect stands out most clearly. With the exception of a few altered preradicals, all the clusters treated in this subsection are preserved in Purik, which is therefore even more archaic than Balti in this respect. (Balti, in turn, has preserved the b- and g-preradicals that mostly merged with the other oral preradicals in Purik, cf. 2.2.2.1.5–6.) The cluster simplification in the other WAT dialects is subsumed (and somewhat simplified) in tables following the respective word lists below. (The shaded area indicates those dialects that preserve the respective clusters.) In this subsection, only a minimal number of correspondence sets are listed. At the end of 2.2.2.3.1, the question is considered whether Purik str- may be older than its Written Tibetan correspondence sr-. In 2.2.2.3.3 then, some irregularities concerning the WT r and y postradicals are discussed, and finally, the development of the two remaining WT postradicals w (2.2.2.3.4) and l (2.2.2.3.5) is described. 2.2.2.3.1 WT r-clusters The labial r-clusters (phr/’phr, br/’br) are only preserved (as exemplified in Table 35) in East Balti, Purik and Lower Ladakh up to about Khalatse. In West

77

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology Table 35

WT labial r-clusters in Purik

WT

phr dpr spr br sbr ’br

phra dpral ba sprin brag bre ko sbra ’bri mo

Table 36

pʰr spr spr br zbr br

Purik

Meaning

pʰra spralba sprin braq preko zbra brimo

‘precious stone on a ring’ ‘forehead’ ‘cloud’ ‘rock, boulder’ ‘pot for washing hands’ ‘tent’ ‘female yak’

WT labial r-clusters in WAT

WT

West Balti

East Balti

West Purik

East Purik

Lower Ld

Central Ld

phr br spr sbr

pʰl br ~ bl ʂp rb

pʰr br ʂp rb

pʰr br spr zbr

pʰr br spr zbr

pʰr/ʈʰ ɖ/ʈ ʂp r(b)

ʈʰ ɖ/ʈ ʂ r

Balti, the /r/ is changed into /l/, and beginning with Central Ladakh, the clusters merge with the velar and dental r-clusters into retroflex stops (and rarely affricates), as indicated in Table 36. In analogy to the velar r-clusters, the labial clusters with a preradical s (dpr/spr, sbr) are exclusively preserved in P, while in B and Ld, they are simplified to ʂp (~ sp) and rb (~ ɣb, zb). The velar r-clusters (kr, khr, mkhr/’khr, gr, mgr/’gr) are only preserved as such (cf. Table 37) in West Purik and East Balti. In all the remaining dialects (including WB, EP and Ld), they merge into retroflex or dental stops or affricates, as indicated in Table 38. The r-clusters with a preradical s (skr/dkr, sgr/dgr) are exclusively preserved in West Purik. According to the CDTD, Balti simplified them to ʂk, rg, and EP already has ʂ and r, etc.

78 Table 37

Chapter 2 WT velar r-clusters in Purik WT

khr ’khr kr dkr skr gr bgr sgr mgr ’gr

Table 38

khrel ’khru krad pa dkrug skrangs grang mo gral bu bgrad sgrung mgron ’gram pa

kʰʂ kʰʂ kr skr skr gr kr zgr zgr gr gr

Purik

Meaning

kʰʂel kʰʂu kratpa skruk skraŋs graŋmo kralbu zgrat zgrums gron gramba

‘be ashamed’ ‘wash’ ‘half-high leather shoe’ ‘stir’ ‘swell’ ‘cold’ ‘wooden stick’ ‘stem against, push against’ ‘story’ ‘banquet, invitation’ ‘cheek’

WT velar r-clusters in WAT

WT

WB

EB

WP

EP

LLd

CLd

khr gr skr sgr

ʈʂʰ ɖʐ ~ gr/ʈʂ ~ kr ʂk rg

kʰʂ gr/kr ʂk rg

kʰʂ gr/kr skr zgr

ʈʰ ɖ/ʈ ʂ r, rg

ʈʰ ɖ/ʈ ʂ r

ʈʰ ɖ/ʈ ʂ r

The Purik reflexes of the dental r-clusters are given in Table 39. Since retroflex pronunciations are attested for all of WAT (cf. Table 40), the difference between the subdialects is not obvious in this respect. Yet, it is only in WP as well as in Balti that pronounced clusters, i.e. [tr] and [dr], are occasionally attested in the CDTD. For all of Ld (as well as for Chik), this pronunciational variant is never listed. Another phonological feature of Purik that must be assumed to have existed as a pronunciational variant already in OT times is the cluster str- corresponding to WT sr-. For a few causatives, the dental stop of Purik is etymologically anchored in corresponding monovalent verbal forms (cf. P s-tro ‘make warm’ and dro-s ‘become warm’, but WT s-ro and dro(s)) and must therefore be old,

79

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology Table 39

WT dental r-clusters in Purik

WT

dr sdr ’dr sr

dros drug *sdril ’dres sran ma

Table 40

dr tr zdr dr str

Purik

Meaning

ɖos ~ dros ʈuk ~ truk zdril ~ ʐɖil ɖes ~ dres ʂʈanma ~ stranma

‘warm, heat up’ ‘six’ ‘roll’ ‘become mixed’ ‘peas’

WT dental r-clusters in WAT

WT

WB

EB

WP

EP

LLd

CLd

dr sr

dr/tr str

dr/tr str

dr/tr ~ ɖ/ʈ str ~ ʂʈ

ɖ/ʈ ʂ

ɖ/ʈ ʂ

ɖ/ʈ ʂ

while in others it appears to have sprouted (cf. Tshangra (South Purik) s-t-riŋ ‘wait’ and riŋ-s ‘be in a hurry’ ( Leh ʂin and skr- in P skra ‘hair’ > Mulbek ʂa show), the considerable number of dialects with a stop or an affricate in different areas such as Balti, Purik, Ngari, Lhasa, Hor, and Sichuan insinuate that str- was probably a pronunicational variant already in OT times. 2.2.2.3.2 WT y-clusters The WT postradical y is generally dropped in Purik when followed by i (e.g. in skinma ‘loan’ < skyin pa, pʰit ‘freeze, etc.’ < ’phyid, etc.). Before WT e, it is sometimes perceived (and hence pronounced) after velar radicals (e.g. in skje ‘be born’ < skye, kʰjem ‘shovel’ < khyem, etc.43), but less so after labial radicals (e.g. in be ‘be opened’ < ’bye, bes ‘travel’ < byes, pʰe ‘flour’ < phye, pʰet ‘half’ < phyed, pʰen ‘fart’ < phyen, etc.). Taking this into consideration, for the dialect of Kargil, WT y is transcribed between velar but not labial radicals and stem vowel e. Before u, the development of WT y depends on the lexicon, i.e. in the majority of etyma, it has been preserved (e.g., in kʰjuk ‘ache (rheumatically)’ < ’khyug, gjur ‘become’ < ’gyur, skjur ‘abandon’ < skyur, etc.), in some others (with labial radicals), WT yu has changed into Purik i (in biŋ ‘go, come out’ < ’byung, pʰiŋ ‘put out’ < ’phyung), and in still others, WT yu is reflected by varying Purik ju and i (pʰjukpo ~ pʰikpo ‘rich’ < phyug po and skjurmo ~ skirmo ‘sour’ < skyur mo). Finally, before a and o, WT y is always preserved in Purik. It should be mentioned here that not every Kar j goes back to a WT y, but that it can also result from a contraction of two syllables, as described in 2.1.2 (synchronically) and in 2.2.4 (diachronically).44 Tables 41 and 42 illustrate the preservation of yclusters in Purik. The labial y-clusters have changed into affricates before a and o in Ladakhi (e.g. Khal tʃʰak ‘hand (h)’ < WT phyag or Leh tʃamo ‘hen’ < WT bya mo) and to fricatives or even approximants if they had a preradical in WT (e.g. ʃaŋku ‘wolf’ < WT spyang ku in all of Ladakh and as a loan word in Purik, Leh ʒar ‘attach’ < WT sbyor, sbyar, or jar ‘summer’ < WT dbyar).

43  There is occasional variation of Purik je and i, cf. zgitpu ‘fireplace’ but ɬtʃaʁzgjet ‘iron fireplace’ (WT lcags sgyid, Jk. 118a) or skjenʒuks ~ skinʒuks ‘hug’. 44  There are no dental y-clusters in WT, however, some new ones in Purik, e.g. dja ‘that same’ (an emphasized form of de ‘that’, cf. 3.3.1) and sjaχs ‘lichen, dirt in folds of skin’: WT seg ma (?), as well as a retroflex one, i.e. ʈʰjaŋ ‘limp’ : WT theng.

81

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

The palatalization of m- before front vowels in OT has left no traces in Purik. It has only been preserved in Amdo-, Kham- and Hor-dialects. This and the fact that we find a small minority of y-less spellings in OT of myi ‘man’, mying ‘name’, rmyig ‘hoof-’, smyin ‘ripen’, and myed ‘not to have’ suggest that the western and CT-dialects may derive from varieties that lacked this palatalization already in OT times. Table 41

WT labial y-clusters in Purik WT

phya phyi phyi phye phyo ’phya ’phyi ’phyi dpy spy bya byu dby sby ’byo

phyag phying pa phyug po phyed phyogs ’phyas ’phyid ’phyi ba dpyid spyod spyi bo bya byung dbyar sbyar, sbyor ’byor

pʰja pʰi pʰju ~ pʰi pʰe pʰjo pʰj pʰi pʰi ʂp spj bja bi zbj zbj bjo

Purik

Meaning

pʰjaq pʰiŋma pʰjukpo ~ pʰikpo pʰet pʰjoχs pʰjas pʰit pʰja ʂpit spjot spjo bja biŋ zbjar zbjar bjor

‘prayer’ ‘felt, felt rug’ ‘rich’ ‘half’ ‘side, friends, support’ ‘ridicule, insult’ ‘freeze, get frostbite, be too late’ ‘marmot’a ‘spring’ ‘work diligently’ ‘crown of the head’b ‘hen’ ‘go, come out’ ‘summer’ ‘fix, stick, attach’ ‘suit, fit’

a Note that the glide in Purik is secondary, i.e. WT ’phyi ba > *pʰiwa (or *pʰiʔa, cf. Hill 2011) > *pʰia > pʰja; accordingly in spjo. b Cf. the preceding footnote.

82 Table 42

Chapter 2 WT velar y-clusters in Purik WT

khyo khyi mkhye ’khyu kyo kyi dkyi rkya skyo skye gya rgya sgyi brgya mgyo ’gyu ’gye

khyor khyi mkhyen ’khyug kyog (Jk. 7b) kyir kyir dkyil rkyang skyon skye gyag rgyab sgyid bu brgyal mgyogs pa ’gyur ’gyel

kʰjo kʰi kʰje kʰju kj ki ʂki ʂkja skjo skje gja rgja zgi rgja gjo gju gje

Purik

Meaning

kʰjorba kʰi kʰjen kʰjuk kjoq kirkir ʂkil ʂkjaŋ skjon skje gjaq rgjap zgitpu rgjal gjoχspa gjur gjel

‘two handful’ ‘dog’ ‘have a presentiment’ ‘ache (rheumatically)’ ‘curve’ ‘round’ ‘middle’ ‘Asiatic wild ass (equus kiang)’ ‘cheating, fault, laziness’ ‘be born’ ‘be spent’ ‘back; hit, throw’ ‘fireplace’ ‘faint, be astonished’ ‘fast’ ‘turn, pass away’ ‘fall down, be in a lying position’

2.2.2.3.3 Irregular Developments In a number of words with such r- or y-clusters, sporadic irregular changes have occurred (cf. Table 43). Either the clash of more than one r has led to dissimilation, the presence of another l triggered some metathesis, or a -jpostradical has been fortisized to an -r-, or a combination of such developments has taken place.

83

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology Table 43

Irregular developments of r in Purik

WT

Purik

Meaning

ral gri *skra dkar ’o spris bag spyin phye ma leb tse

rargi (B ragi, Tshangra rargi, Leh rai) skjaʁar ospis (Batalik ospris) baqsprin ~ braqspin pʰjamalaptse ~ pʰramalaptsea

‘sword’ ‘white hair’ ‘cream’ ‘glue (made of flour)’ ‘butterfly’

a This -r-variant was only (but consistently) used by my consultant’s second youngest son.

2.2.2.3.4 Postradical w The WT postradical w is preserved in Purik only in the case of ʂtswa ‘grass’ from WT rtswa. Perhaps an o-reflex of it is found in ropotse ‘musk deer’, if it is related to WT rwa co ‘horn’ > Tsha rotʃo, but Kar ritʃo. Two further candidates for a change from WT wa to westernmost dialectal o (in disyllabic words) are Balti ʂtsokʰaŋ ‘grass barn’ (cf. ʂtswa ‘grass’) (CDTD) and B, Tsha totse ‘orphan’ < WT dwa tse, cf. Sapi twatse, Khal, Nur, Leh tatse. All the other WT instances of postradical w are completely lost in Purik (and all of WAT).45 However, as will be discussed in 2.2.4, many new approximants have arisen out of final back vowels that were followed by a voiced labial stop in WT and were therefore regularly contracted in Purik. Furthermore, the sequence wa is particularly often found in dramatizers,46 where it appears to reflect a consistently accentuated o, c.f. lwaq ‘dram. turn over’ and kwar ‘dram. turn’, which must derive from the verbal roots log and *kor, respectively. 2.2.2.3.5 WT Postradical l What is treated like a postradical in WT (in that it is subscribed like the other postradicals r, y and w) should in fact be viewed as a radical l, while the apparent radicals to which it is subscribed, i.e. k, g, b, r, z and s, behave like preradicals,

45  For a critical discussion of Benedict’s (1972:34) proposal that Tibeto-Burman medial *-washould lead to OT -o- and that initial *wa- did not undergo this change, see Hill (2006) and Jacques (2009a). 46  As Zeisler (2008:161) also notes for Ladakhi; cf. 5.3 and Zemp (2013) for many more such dramatizers.

84

Chapter 2

i.e. in WT.47 Accordingly, Purik l (or its voiceless counterpart ɬ) is in the radical position, if it has not been moved into the preradical position by the metathesis that did not leave unaffected initial WT zl- (e.g. in zla ‘moon, month’) in any Tibetan dialect, turning it into ldz- in Purik (ldza ‘month’) and ld- in Ladakhi (lda), and similarly rdz- and rd- in Amdo (cf. Themchen rdza ‘moon’ and Arik rdawa ‘month’), and leaving only the originally euphonic dental stop in all of CT and KT (cf. Kyirong da̠ gā: ‘moon’ < WT zla dkar, with prenasalization in Ngari nta̠ kār or Lithang nda̠ ɣā:). Its voiceless correspondence WT sl- was often metathesized at least in the periphery of the Tibetan dialect area, cf. WT slong, bslang ‘raise’ > B, P ɬtsaŋ and Themchen ʂtsuŋ, ɸtsaŋ, Nakchu, Amdo (HT) tsāŋ, or WT slob, bslabs > B, P ɬtsap ‘teach (and learn)’ and Arik (AT) rtsop ‘teach’, but The and many other AT-varieties ɬop ‘learn’, and WT sleb(s) > The ʂtsep ‘calve’, Gertse (HT), Derge, and Kardze (KT) tsēʔ ‘arrive’, but P ɬep ‘arrive’. On the other hand, WT sla, bslas ‘knit’ yielded B pʰla, P ɬa, Leh, WIT la, CT, HT, KT ɬ-, and The bla, bli ‘plait’. While all the reflexes with an affricate or a stop must go back to a metathesized variant of both zl- and sl-, we cannot strictly rule out that the plain laterals do, too. In any event, if we do not want to attribute the parallel developments in WAT and AT to coincidence or drift, we have to assume that the metathesis under discussion already took place in varieties of OT. That it did not find its way into the Tibetan script may indicate that it had low prestige, perhaps due to the fact that it obscured the morphological relation between pairs of causatives such as P ɬtsaŋ and The impfv. ʂtsuŋ, pfv. ɸtsaŋ, imp. ʂtsuŋ ‘raise’ < WT s-long, b-s-lang-s and their monovalent correspondences P laŋs and The laŋ, imp. luŋ ‘rise’ < WT lang(-s). Related metatheses sporadically turned WT gl- (or kl-) into ld- (beside ɬ-) in Purik and Ladakhi and WT rl- into ɬt- in just one etymon in all of WAT, cf. Table 44 below.48 It may be of interest that the sequence of liquid and sibilant is also avoided internally. A euphonic dental is inserted (and the sibilant typically aspirated), e.g., in bjoltsʰoŋs ‘four-legged animal’ < WT byol song,49 maltsʰa ‘place’ < WT mal 47  Similarly Beyer (1992:74ff.) and Hahn (1999:123). Nevertheless, it is labeled as postradical here, thereby highlighting the parallelism of the developments with the different (pre)radicals. 48  For an exhaustive list of the etyma involved in the changes discussed in this section, cf. Zemp (2006:89–91). 49  Cf. B bjaltsʰoŋ, Tshangra, Chiktan bjoltsoŋs (CDTD), as well as Sangko bjoltsoŋs, Bhimbat, Dras, Batalik beltsoŋs from my own data. Note that the same euphonic dental stop appears to have been a feature of OT already, where we find byol tsong ( for later byol song) twice in Pelliot tibétain 0239, which was later ousted by the spelling byol song that – according to Jäschke (1881:379b) – goes back to at least Milarepa, cf. also Shigatse (CT) tɕʰo̠ sò̃ and Tabo (WIT) tɕø̠ lsōŋ.

85

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

sa, sasup tʰaltsʰup ‘dust’ < *sa sup thal sup, in the loan word pʰurtsʰat ‘chance’ < Urdu fursat, as well as in the inferential forms of verbs ending in -l or -r, e.g. pʰel-suk ~ [pʰeltsʰuk], gor-suk ~ [gortsʰuk], etc. Table 44

WT postradical -l in Purik

WT

gl

rl

zl °zl sl

*glad glo ba glad pa, klad pa(?) *glo baa rlangs rlung rlig pa zla ’od nam zla

ɬ

sla mo slong, bslangs

ɬts

ld ɬ ɬt ldz °z

slag pa

°sl

sla, bslas sleb, slebs dgu sla

Purik

Meaning

ɬat ɬwa ldatpa ldwa ~ ɬo (CDʈD) ɬaŋs ɬuŋ ~ ɬuŋspo (CDʈD) ɬtikpa (P, Ld) ldzot namza (ʃkar, ʈsha namza, Leh, ŋub namla) ɬtsamo ɬtsaŋ

‘be exhausted’ ‘lungs’ ‘brain’ ‘side (of horse)’ ‘steam’ ‘wind’ ‘testicle’, B ‘penis’ ‘moon’ ‘weather’

ɬtsaqpa ɬ °zl

ɬa ɬep rguzla

‘easy’ ‘make s.o. get up, raise, beg’ ‘goatskin worn over shoulders’ ‘knit, weave’ ‘arrive’ ‘the fourth day’

a Cf. glo “(Ld. ldo) … 1. the side, esp. of the body” (Jk. 81b).

2.2.2.4 Purik /ʁ/ This sound has various different origins. We will first look at its occurrences in the inlaut, where it reflects a variety of WT sources. As was mentioned in 2.1.1.1.3, -q- is (synchronically) turned into -ʁ- intervocalically (best illustrated by means of polar questions with their tags, e.g. pʰoʁ-a ma pʰoq ‘did it hit (you) (or not)?’ or ʒaʁ-et-a ʒaq-pa-met ‘will you put (it) down/keep (it) or not?’) or between a vowel and a voiced sound (cf. baʁzan ‘dough’, but baqpʰe ‘flour’ ~ [baχpʰe]). In kʰaʁa ‘graze (wound)’ and zaʁa ‘runlet’, the underlying -q- (realized as -ʁ- intervocalically) is found in the verbs kʰaq ‘scrape’ and zaq ‘leak’, respectively, from which the above nouns appear to be derived. A few similarly

86

Chapter 2

shaped words (in which there is no underlying -q-), tsaʁa ‘black mark in target, spark’, sjaʁa ‘engagement’ and ɲaʁa ‘(mountain) ridge’, may be suspected to have according (however, not attested) verbal sources. In some other words, intervocalic -ʁ- can be traced back to different WT velar (prefixed) stops, cf. rjaʁan ‘brass’ (WT ra gan), loʁor ‘quickly’ (WT la gor), tʃ ʰoʁaŋ ‘blister’ (WT chu lgangs50), and skjaʁar ‘white hair’ (cf. WT skra dkar). Intervocalic -ʁ- is also the only available pronunciation in toʁom ‘saddle cloth’, laʁam ‘wide metal pot’ and a number of pseudo-reduplications, such as tʃ ʰaʁatʃʰoʁe ‘soiled, not quite clean’, ɖaʁaɖoʁe ‘hilly, bumpy’, maʁamoʁe ‘uneasy, restless’ and laʁaloʁe ‘anxious, nauseous’. Finally, a unique word needs to be mentioned here, in which -ʁ-, occurring between two identical vowels, may be dropped, i.e. tʃ ʰoʁo ‘big’ ~ [tʃʰo:]. Before we discuss Purik ʁ in the initial position, it must be mentioned that sometimes this fricative is paralleled by plosives in the data for other WAT dialects. Now, occasionally a word with an otherwise initial ʁ was pronounced with a g by my consultants, e.g. ʁaŋpʰi ‘bladder’ (cf. WT lgang phug) as gaŋpʰi. However, this only happened whenever they had to repeat such a word because it was not understood properly. The variant pronunciation with a plosive thus appears to be some hyperspeech form in the sense of Lindblom (1990:403). (Accordingly, χa ‘anger’ was on such occasions pronounced as [kʰa].). We must consider the possibility, therefore, that some of the (in the following) adduced instances of initial g- in other WAT dialects (corresponding to ʁ- in my own data) are actually hyperspeech forms of an actual ʁ-. In the initial position, many instances of Purik /ʁ/ appear to be loan words. The greatest number of words with initial /ʁ/ is borrowed from Urdu (where the common pronunciation is also [ʁ]), cf. ʁalat ‘wrong’ ~ ʁalti ‘mistake’, ʁarip ‘poor’, ʁazap ‘(God’s) punishment’, ʁusul taŋ ‘swim’ and ʁusulχaana ‘bath room’, ʁolel ‘slingshot’ (cf. Sangko gulel), ʁurur ‘egoistic’ (cf. Urdu ʁarur ‘pride’). Furthermore, P ʁam ‘laziness, weariness’ and its derivations ʁamtʃan ‘lazy’, ʁamskje ‘bad worker’ appear to go back to Urdu ʁam ‘grief, sorrow’; it is quite common (in Purik) to relate a physical weakness to a psychological problem. Another group of Purik etyma with initial ʁ- can be found in Burushaski (Bur) in the same or a similar form. P ʁaras ‘kind of cereal (grown in Kartse)’ is found in the same form in Balti in the meaning ‘one of lentils’ (Raja 2003:258), as well as with the initial plosive as garaz ‘pea’ (cf. Read 1934a:101b). In Bur, the initial is fricativized as in P, cf. ɣar·aʂ ‘… Saatplatterbse’ (Berger 1998:170b). P ʁon ‘kind of melon’ (also in Balti, cf. Raja 2003:261) is listed in Jäschke (72b) with the plosive initial, i.e. gon “the common gourd, pumpkin W.” Berger relates Bur ɡ̇ oón ‘Melone’ (Berger 1998:177a; cf. ɣoˑn ‘musk-melon’ Lorimer 1938:184b) 50  Cf. Balti tʃ ʰurgaŋ and Ld tʃ ʰuzgaŋ.

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

87

to Shina gawún and Turkic kavɪn (Berger 1998:177a). Did Purik adopt the fricativization from Bur, while Jäschke quotes an earlier (not yet fricativized) loan from Shina? Or was Jäschke the victim of a hypercorrect citing pronunciation? Another etymon, P ʁoni ‘evil, wickedness’ is found in Balti (cf. Raja 2003:262 and Read 1934a:95a) and appears to be related to Bur ɣu·nikiʂ ‘… schlecht (Menschen, Sachen, Reden), hässlich’ (Berger 1998:179b–80a; he correctly relates it to Balti ɡ̇ oni). P ʁoroŋ ‘deep (hole)’ probably goes back to Bur ɡ̇ uṭúm ‘tief, eingebuchtet’ (cf. Shina ɡuṭúmo) (Berger 1998:183a), also reflected by Balti ɣoloŋ ‘cavity, hollow’ (Read 1934a:92b, 98a) as well as golong ‘hollow’ (Read 1934b:500). P ʁut ‘deaf’, again, has an initial plosive in Jäschke (69b), i.e. gud “4. Ld.: heavy or thick of hearing …” and gu ti “W. deaf (?)” (Jäschke 69a). All the other data attest the initial fricative, cf. Tsha, Balti ɣut (CDTD), which apparently goes back to Bur ɡ̇ uṭ ‘taub’ (Berger 1998:182b). It is doubtful whether P ʁom ‘hole’ (and Tsha ɣom), on the other hand, and the synonymous Balti gom are both related to Bur gom ‘Tür …, großes Rauchloch’ (Berger 1998:157a), since Burushaski should not turn a ʁ into a g (if the hypercorrect pronunciation as a plosive does not happen to be possible there as well); if Burushaski, on the other hand, borrowed the word from Balti, the origin of Purik ʁom would still remain in the dark.51 Definitely a loan from one of the Burushaski-varieties is P ʁondil, cf. Bur ɣˈoɣʊndɪl and Werchikwar ɣʊndɪl ‘dove’ (Lorimer 1938:184b). Furthermore, Purik paaʁam ‘tomato’ may perhaps go back to Bur balógan (Berger 1998:613). Finally, the onomatopoeic P ʁuŋ ba [ɣuŋ ba] ‘roll (like thunder, also of pain in the head)’ is paralleled in Balti ɣuŋ “echo; resounding; hollow sound; thunder; tumult; fame; known celebrity” (Raja 2003:262), ɣuŋ ‘vibration’ (CDTD) and Bur ɡ̇ ũṹ-ɡ̇ ũṹ ét “NH (Tauben) gurren; (Flugzeug) brummen, dröhnen” (Berger 1998:183a). On the other hand, a few etyma with initial ʁ can be related to WT sources, yet, only inconsistently (cf. Table 45 below). One of the characteristics of West Purik and Balti, in contrast to Ladakhi, is the pronunciation of ‘five’ as ʁa (as opposed to Ld ʂŋa). Although the development of WT lnga > WP, B ʁa (~ [ɣa]) is unparalleled, the phonetic similarity and the lack of an apparent other source tentatively suggest that ʁa is originally Tibetan. The rest of the Purik etyma with initial ʁ and a possible Tibetan source can be related to a WT radical g with a preradical s, l or d. These clusters regularly become ɣ in Leh but not in Kargil, cf. WT dgu ‘nine’ > Leh ɣu, but P rgu, WT sga ‘saddle’ > Leh ɣa, but P zga, WT sgo ‘door’ > Leh ɣo, but P zgo, etc. Nevertheless, if one considers 51  If Kar χaʃambuɽu ‘magpie’ indeed goes back to Bur ɣʌṣ̌ˈɛp ‘magpie’ (Lorimer 1938:182a; ġaṣép ‘Elster’ in Berger 1998:174a), this would mean that Bur ɣ may also be borrowed as χ in Purik, which is not implausible, since these two similar sounds interchange sometimes within Purik and Balti (cf. e.g. Kar ʁarʁar ‘rough’, but B χarχar, according to Raja 2003:122).

88

Chapter 2

the general scarcity of loans from Leh in Purik, it would be bold to assume that the five etyma below with initial ʁ in Purik were all loaned from Leh. The WT sources indicated on the left are therefore to be treated with caution. Table 45

WT preradical + g: Purik ʁ

WT

Purik

Meaning

dgar “… at pleasure, ad libitum …” (Jk. 83b), za cf. lgang phug sgo nga ~ sgong ba sgob sgob “unable, deficient” (Jk. 116b)

ʁarza ʁaŋpʰi ʁoma (B zgoŋa)a ʁop

sgor ba “2. to turn on a lathe …” (Jk. 117b)

ʁor (ʁor) taŋ

‘glutton’ ‘urine bladder’ ‘testicles’ ‘dried out marrow of tree’ ‘turn on a lathe’

a The labial nasal in Purik ʁoma may be a hypercorrect form of the velar nasal in Balti zgoŋa, cf. the regular correspondence in Purik oma ~ Balti oŋa ‘milk’, etc.

For the remaining words with initial ʁ-, I could not find a possible etymological source. The semantics of ʁambur ‘insect (pest) that eats grass in fields’ are not clear, cf. Balti ‘drying up of half of a branch or stem of a herb or a bush’ (Raja 2003:254). For P and Leh ʁaɲʒar ‘naked’, but Nubra gandʒar and Trangtse ga̠ ndʑār ‘poor’, the CDTD reconstructed *gan jar. Finally, consider a few instances of ʁ in reduplications and assonances: ʁarʁar ‘rough’, ʁantaʁonte ‘uneven’, ʁaraʁore ‘unstable (weather)’and ʁarzaŋʁorzoŋ ‘rough, uneven’. To sum up, a majority of the Purik etyma with initial ʁ- can be shown to be borrowed from either Urdu or Burushaski. Another few may be borrowed from Ladakhi, if they did not regularly evolve out of WT. It is possible that the establishment of the sound ʁ- via loanwords and the simultaneous emergence of the same sound as a phonetic variant of -q- in sonorant environment as well as perhaps its onomatopoeic value (as displayed in the above reduplications) made it also available as a pronounciation of inherited prefixed g (and ng?) initials; the exact conditions for such a change, however, cannot be recovered. 2.2.2.5 Further Initial Clusters without a WT Source A consonant cluster that is not attested for any other WAT dialect is sq-, which is found in the two or three related Purik adjectives sqabasqobe ~

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

89

sqapsqop ‘red from maturation (apricots)’ and marsqopsqop ‘glaring red’ as well as in the two dramatizers sqop ‘dram. lash down’ and sqap ‘dram. put into the mouth’. Furthermore, it is reported to be a pronunciational variant of -ʂk- in the word ʂtsiʂkoŋ ~ ʂtsisqoŋ ‘ink pot, vagina (h)’, apparently only in the latter meaning. The only language around Purik for which this cluster is attested is Burushaski, however, where it occurs only internally, cf. Berger (1998:382)’s eleven entries. Many of the clusters with a new postinitial -w-, i.e. ʂw- (in ʂwaq ‘dram. ford’), zw- (in zwal ‘dram. bloom, open up’, rw- (in rwalrwal ‘uneasy, weary’, rwaŋ ‘dram. fall down’, rwaq ‘dram. break’, rwar ‘dram. rain’ and rwat ‘dram. tear’), lɖw- (in lɖwat ‘dram. fall down’) or zgw- (in zgwaq ‘dram. hit’), have not been described for any of the surrounding dialects and languages. Perhaps the synchronically productive syllable contraction in infinitives or datives from stems ending in vowels (e.g. in ʂko ‘dig’ → ʂkw-a ‘to dig’ and zgo ‘door’ → zgw-a ‘to the door’, etc.) and the frequency of postinitial -w- in historical -ba derivations (e.g. in kwa ‘leather’ < WT ko ba, etc.) opened the way for the formation of corresponding clusters with new initials such as the ones in the dramatizers listed above. Jäschke has only one entry of an r-cluster with a voiceless aspirated dental plosive, i.e. thrig thrig “the creaking of shoes” (Jk. 239b). In Purik, there are a few others, i.e. tʰrat ~ ʈʰat ‘dram. sprawl’ as well as ʈʰatʈʰat ‘sprawled’, and tʰre ‘dram. patter (e.g. of apricots)’, which has also found its way into the compound tʰrestor ‘explosion’ (cf. stor ‘be lost’ < WT stor). Another dramatizer-particular cluster or rather syllable-structure is exhibited by ʂrr (with a varyingly long and mostly devoiced, syllabic r), which occurs only in the dramatizer (ʂrr) dramatizing the notion of ‘straightening’. 2.2.2.6 Finals The vast majority of finals has been preserved in Purik. This is well documented in the correspondences listed throughout this whole historical phonology. The most important changes affecting the syllable final position are discussed in this subsection. 2.2.2.6.1 Nasals There are a few instances of WT final nasals -ng and -n that have changed into Purik -m, cf. Table 46. In half of them, this labialization took place after a -u-. Furthermore, it is only in this environment that it is shared by other (sub)dialects, which are indicated in parentheses.

90

Chapter 2

Table 46

WT final ng, n > Purik m

WT

ng gdung sgrung

n

Purik

m m

ldum (B, Kar, Tshangra, Sangko) zgrum (Kar, Tsha; Leh rum; but Sham ruŋ) sgrung ms zgrums (Kar, Darket, Chiktan)a phu dung ms pʰutums (also Chik, but Tsha, Leh pʰutuŋs) ra gan m ~ n rjaʁam ~ rjaʁan (-n in all of P and Ld) brtson m ʂtsom *khren m ~ n kʰʂem ~ kʰʂen (B ʈʰʂen)

Meaning

‘thigh’ ‘dissolve, melt’ ‘story’ ‘sleeve’ ‘brass’ ‘try hard’ ‘be blinded by the sun’

a Mulbek has zdrums; all the other WAT dialects have final -ŋ(s). For the (post)final -s, see 3.2.8.

2.2.2.6.2 Velar and Uvular Stops After a final vowel in a word that is at least disyllabic, the Purik dialect often adds a (sometimes optional) velar or uvular plosive (depending on the vowel). This sporadic sound change is often observed in terminatives (discussed in 3.4.5), cf. tʰuruk ‘down’ (< *thur ru, beside tʰur-la ‘down-dative’), laqtu(k) ‘in one’s hand’ (< *lag du) or in the inessive jaŋnu(k) ‘in’ (< *yang du). The semantics of the expressions itu(k) ‘(in) mind’ (< yid du) and motu(k) ‘early morning’ (cf. WT mod “moment …” Jk. 419b) suggest that they may be old terminatives as well. Outside of terminatives, interdialectal variation is found in a plant called tumburuk by my consultant but described for Balti as tumburo, a “grass having fragrant leaves and seeds which are added to certain soups and curries” (Raja 2003:67). Similarly often, a uvular appears to have been added after final -a, e.g. in mulaq ‘onion-like vegetable’ (cf. WT mu la “Ssk., root; particular roots …” Jk. 416b), tʃʰilmaq ‘spittle’ (cf. WT mchil ma), grimaq ‘shadow’ (cf. WT grib ma), or graʁmaq ‘beard of corn, awn’ (cf. WT gra ma). Perhaps, lwaq and rawaq also go back to vowel final *lu ba and *ra ba. Note, however, that for mchil ma, the final velar or uvular plosive is attested for the rest of WAT, as well as for Tabo, Southern Mustang, and Jirel, and for grib ma, it is found (beside WAT) in Ndzorge (AT) tɕɤbmag, and reflected by a glottal stop in Nubri and a falling tone in Kyirong and Shigatse. The fact that this additional velar after -ais very common, e.g., in the dialect of Jirel suggests that it may be an older phenomenon.

91

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

Furthermore, a -k was added after i in purik ‘tube’ (< pu ri, Jk. 324a) and a -q after o in sŋatʰoq ‘forenoon’ and pʰitoq ‘afternoon’ (< *tho ‘point of time’, cf. B sŋatʰo ‘time for cultivation’ < *brnga tho). Variation with regard to the final plosive is also found in p(r)iŋkiti(k) ‘small lizard’ and koʈolo(q) ba ‘tickle’, both with unknown origins. 2.2.2.6.3 Syllable Final Plosive before Nasal In the internal position, a final plosive is dropped before homorganic nasal and nasalized before heterorganic nasal. Table 47 illustrates the total assimilation of WT syllable final b before syllable initial m. In many other words, WT syllable final d has been nasalized to n before m.52 Finally, we find WT syllable final g represented as ŋ before m or n. Table 47

WT syllable final plosive before nasal in Purik

WT

bm thab mig rtsib ma zhib mo dm rgod ma dred mo tshod ma *nad med tshad med gm phug ma gn steg nan

Purik

m

tʰamik ʂtsima ʒimo nm rgunma drenmo tsʰonma nanmet tsʰanmet ŋm pʰuŋma (~ Tsha pʰugma) ŋn stjaŋnan (~ Tsha stjaɣnan)

Meaning

‘opening on top of hearth’ ‘rib’ ‘fine’ ‘mare’a ‘bear’ ‘vegetable’ ‘completely healthy’ ‘chaff’ ‘saddle girth’

a While the dental in WT dred mo is nasalized in all of WAT, it is preserved in Leh tsʰotma ‘vegetable’ and – more widespread – in Shargol and Mulbek rgodma, Khalatse, Nurla, and Nimu rgotma and Leh ɣotmo (but B and P rgunma beside rgonma) in the word for ‘mare’.

52  In -pa infinitives of verbs ending in dental nasals the same resulting sequence -nm- appears to be limited to Purik and Balti (cf. Bielmeier 1985:120), cf. lenma from len ‘take’ + -pa, stanma from stan ‘show’ + -pa, as well as the lexicalized infinitive ɬanma ‘patch’ < ɬan ‘patch’ + -pa.

92

Chapter 2

2.2.2.7 Postfinal -s In a number of especially compound words, Purik has a (post)final -s that WT lacks (cf. Table 48). Contrary to Zemp (2006:96–99), I now assume that Purik has added this -s. The evidence given in parentheses shows that the -s-less variant is shared (with WT) by the bulk of the neighboring (sub)dialects. This (post)final -s was once productive in deriving abstracts from verbs (cf. ʂtses ‘dance’ (from ʂtse *‘dance’), zbraχs ‘stack (e.g. of hay) stored on roof’ (*zbraq ‘put together’), ɬiŋs ‘hunting’ (*ɬiŋ ‘hunt’), pʰjas ‘insult’ (from WT ’phya “to blame … to scoff, to deride” Jk. 358a), ɬtsaŋs ‘shelf’ (ɬtsaŋ ‘erect’), ʂtsis ‘number, calculation’ (ʂtsi ‘count’), ʂmos ‘plowing’ (ʂmo ‘plow’), stjaχs ‘climbing help’ (stjaq ‘raise’), etc.). After such abstracts had found their way into the second part of many compounds (cf. saldaχs ‘name of insect (lit. ground licker)’, meɬtʃeps ‘bugs buzzing around a light (lit. those who jump to death into the fire)’, laqpʰis ‘handkerchief (lit. blowing (of the nose) by means of the hands)’, tʃʰurgjuks ‘wet layer just inside of the bark of a branch (lit. where the water flows)’, etc.), the function of the (post)final -s appears to have been reanalyzed as being somehow integral to compounds.53 Subsequently, it was then extended to compounds with nominal second parts. The great majority of monosyllabic etyma for which WT and WAT do not agree in terms of postfinal -s have one in WT but not in WAT; for a few examples, cf. Table 49. Table 48 WT

Instances of additional postfinal -s in Purik Purik (and other WAT dialects)

-ø byol song -s bjoltsʰoŋs (P with -s, EP, Ld without) so mang somaŋs (but B somaŋ) thag ring tʰaʁriŋs (and Chik with -s, B, Tsha, Ld without) *spang leb spaŋleps (rest of WAT without -s)

Meaning

‘quadruped animal’ ‘comb’ ‘far’ ‘board of wood’

53  According to Uebach and Zeisler (2008:310), an -s suffix “seems to have been still productive in Old Tibetan texts.”

93

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology Table 49

Instances of dropped WT postfinal -s in Purik

WT

s

srubs snabs rtsabs (Jk. 348a)

ø

Purik (and other WAT dialects)

Meaning

strup (in all of B and P) snap (also in B and Tsha; Leh nap) ʂtsap

‘seam’ ‘snot’ ‘ferment, yeast’

Perhaps WT -s was subtracted from these words at a time when it was interpreted as a morphological feature of verbal abstracts (or later: compounds).54 2.2.3 Vowels In general, the WT vowels are preserved in the Purik dialect regardless of the environment in which they occur, as can be seen in the examples given in the previous sections on consonants. In this section, only the exceptions to this rule are discussed. 2.2.3.1 WT e/a: Purik ja Jacques’s (2009b:3) critique of my (2006) account for the correspondence of WT e and Purik ja in the line of Shafer (1940:19), who assumed that Purik preserves an old *-ya- that has merged with *-e- in WT, is fully justified. Since all the correspondences in question contain a final velar (or uvular), we must conclude that Purik -ja- is secondary, cf. Table 50.55 However, we have to compare these words with another group in which Purik -ja- corresponds to WT (and Ld) -a-. Again, four of the five examples contain a uvular -ʁ or a velar -ŋ, cf. Table 51.

54  But cf. kʰʂims ‘custom’ < WT khrims, where the -s wasn’t dropped in Purik and Leh, but in Balti and Sham. 55  The exceptional Kar pʰjamalaptse ‘butterfly’ (WT phye ma leb tse) exhibits a great deal of variation in the dialects, and the -a- in P bjama ‘sand’ (WT bye ma) is found nowhere east of Khalatse (Sham).

94

Chapter 2

Table 50

WT e: Purik ja (before velar)

WT

Purik (and other WAT dialects)

Meaning

legs mo reg ’theng ldeg, bldegs gdeng bteg ~ steg reng theg rtseg ’dzeg, ’dzegs ’khengs g.yeng, g.yengs

ɬjaχmo (B, P, Nubra lja-, Wanla, Leh la-) rjaχs (B rjaxs, Tshangra rjaqs) ʈʰjaŋ (B, Tsha tʰjaŋ) ldjaʁldjaq (B ldjaqldjaq) rdjaŋ (Tsha, Chiktan rdjaŋ, B ɣdjaŋ) stjaq, stjaŋnan ‘girth’ (Tsha stja-, Wan sta-) rjaŋrjaŋ (B, Tsha, Khalatse, Nurla rjaŋs, Leh raŋs) tʰjaq (B, P, EP, Sham tʰja-, Leh tʰak) ʂtsjaq (P, EP ʂtsja-, B, Sham, Leh ʂtsa-) zdjaχs (Mul zjaks ~ zdjaks, Sham, Leh dzaks) kʰjaŋs (B kja-, P, Sham kʰja-) hjaŋspa ‘playing’ (B xjaŋs, Tsha, Sham hja-, Leh ja-)

‘good, clean’ ‘begin’ ‘limp’ ‘shaky’ ‘trust, hope’ ‘lift, go up’ ‘stiff’ ‘be able to lift’ ‘pile up’ ‘climb’ ‘get stiff’ *‘be absorbed’

Table 51

WT a: Purik ja (after r- and sm-)

WT

ra

ral

rja

ra gan ra sgo sma *smad skraa smja *sma rmang ~ *smang a Cf. Bielmeier (2004a:177).

Purik (and other WAT dialects)

Meaning

rjal (P rjalu, B, Sham, Leh ral, Sham, Leh ralpa) rjaʁam ~ rjaʁan (P rja-, Khal rja- ~ ra-, Leh ra-) rjaʁo (P rja-, EP, Sham, Leh ra-). smjaʁra (Tsha, Chik smjaŋra, B, Ld sma-) smjaŋ (Chik smjaŋ, B, Tsha ʂmaŋ).

‘hair’ ‘brass’ ‘hoof’ ‘beard’ ‘foundation’

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

95

That all the examples for the correspondence WT a: P ja are nouns, while all the examples for WT e: P ja have a verbal origin, appears to be a coincidence.56 However, a great majority of the dialects in the CDTD have an -a- for all the verbs in Table 46 (e.g. Ld, as indicated in parentheses), while reflexes of an -e- are only found exceptionally in Jir (CT, for theg), Dzongkha (ST, for legs) and Dartsedo (KT, for rtseg).57 We may thus safely reconstruct a single change from Proto-Tibetan *-a- > Purik -ja- before uvulars (and later maybe after r-58) in both nouns and verbs. Perhaps at the same time, WT changed PT *-a- before a velar to -e- even in a few verbs the *-a- of which did not change to -ja- in Purik, presumably because the preradical position was already taken in by -r-, i.e. sreg(s) ‘roast’ (P straq) and ’breg ~ ’dreg, bregs ‘cut’ (P braq). Again, the only dialects that do not have an -a- for these two verbs are Jir (-e-) and Shigatse (-ea-). The fact that there is a vast and continuous dialectal area with -abetween Purik (-ja-) and WT and Jir (-e-) suggests that the two changes happened independently. Shigatse -ea-, finally, may even point to a third center of innovation, if it didn’t preserve an intermediate step of the change from PT *-a- to WT -e-.

56  For ɬjaχmo ‘good, nice, clean’, cf. the verb *legs ‘thrive’ (CDTD), which is attested with an -a- in Tabo and Southern Mustang, and with an -e- in Jirel and Dzongkha. Note, however, that there is also a group of verbs, in which a WT -e- that is limited to stem I corresponds to a predominant -a- in the dialects, cf. ’grems, bkram ‘spread’ or ’tshel, btsal ‘search’, where all the dialects attested in the CDTD have an -a-, ’grel, bkral ‘distribute’, where only Jir has an -e- (in the impfv.), skem, bskams ‘dry’, where all the dialects except Jir and The have an -a-, sel, bsal ‘pick out, clean, overcome’, where -a- prevails and the dialects with -e- may have palatalized an old *-a-, and a few others, for which a varying group of non-western dialects share the -e- with WT (or even its alternation with -a-, esp. in Jir and AT) skyel, bskyal ‘see so. off, lose’, ’gegs, bkag ‘block’, ’gel, bkal ‘load’, and sems, bsam ‘think’, for the last two of which the -e-form is also attested for Purik, cf. gjel ‘fall (to the ground)’ and sems in semʃan /sems-tʃan/ ‘envious’ and semba ‘envy’. For the hypothesis that the -e- is induced by a (post)final -d, cf. Coblin (1976). 57  The consistent -ea- in Shi points to a vowel breaking (before velar) similar to the one observed in Purik. 58  The frequency of initial r- in the words that changed from a > ja may account for the change from ral > rjal ‘hair’, which cannot be due to a final uvular. On the other hand, a number of words with a final uvular (ra(w)aq ‘female goat’) or velar (raŋ ‘self’ and ʂmaŋ ‘quarrel, lawsuit’) were exempted from the change in Purik.

96

Chapter 2

2.2.3.2 Vowel Harmony There are a number of disyllabic words in Purik that have been subject to vowel harmonizing processes. In WT etyma with a high and a mid-high vowel with according features [front, unrounded] or [back, rounded] in consecutive syllables, the first vowel has been assimilated to the second as to its height, whether it be high or mid-high (cf. Table 52). This may be related to the fact that the disyllabic words at hand are all stressed on the second syllable. The table below contains, first, the instances in which the first vowel was raised and, second, those in which it was lowered. In all words that are attested in other WAT dialects (except bulon) the vowel harmony is shared by these dialects. The two exceptions that have retained the disharmony in a number of WAT dialects, i.e. guspu and pʰorgon, are the only two words in which the first part is synchronically analyzable, in gospu as go ‘head’, and in pʰurgon as pʰur ‘fly’ (even if this appears to be a ‘wrong’ popular etymology, cf. WT phug ron). That the analyzability may well have prevented these words from harmonizing their vowels is also suggested by a number of other clearly analyzable words with disharmonic vowels in the dialect of Kargil, cf. tʃʰumgo ‘source of a river’, tʃʰurdo ‘stone in the water’, pʰrusnot ‘womb (lit. child-vessel)’, rduŋʒon ‘witch-like ghost riding on a wooden stick’, kʰiɬtʃe ‘plant name (lit. dog-tongue)’, gorus ‘scull (lit. headbone)’, goku ‘head broth’, etc. Other Kargil etyma that have resisted vowel harmony are those ending in -bu and -po, i.e. boŋbu ‘donkey’, broŋbu ‘husk’, goŋbu ‘ball, round’, rzoŋbu ‘chisel’, ʂtsupo ‘rough’ and sunpo ‘boring’, the terminative motuk ‘morning’, and Table 52

Vowel harmony in Purik

WT

Purik (and other WAT dialects)

Meaning

kho g.yu mgo spu che mi che bzhi thum bu ~ thom bu phug ron bu mo bu lon nu mo shu ’thor

kʰuju guspu (all of WAT; only B, Hanu gospu) tʃʰimi (Chiktan, Leh tʃʰimi, Tshangra tʃʰiŋi) tʃʰiʒbʒi (B, Hardas, Turtok, Chik tʃʰibʒi) tʰumbu (so in Tsha, Khalatse, Nurla) pʰorgon (P; B, Sham, Leh pʰurgon) bomo (vowel harmony in all of WAT) bolon (rest of WAT bulon) nomo (so in Chik, Leh; B, Tsha noŋo) ʃontʰor

‘threshing floor’ ‘hair of head’ ‘old person’ ‘witness’ ‘large ladle’ ‘pigeon’ ‘girl, daughter’ ‘debt’ ‘younger sister’ ‘ulcer, abscess’

97

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

puksmo ‘knee’, where a lowering of the first vowel would entail a uvularization and fricatization of the velar. In summary, this particular vowel harmony appears to have been effective in all of WAT in unanalyzable disyllabic words (the harmonizing of which would not considerably impair the linguistic system). Note that this change was not effective outside of WAT. Those synchronically unanalyzable words from the above list that are attested for, e.g., Ngari- and other Central Tibetan dialects all have disharmonic vowels, cf. Ruthok thōmpū, Gergye pu̠ mō and Southern Mustang nu̠ mō. In other dialects outside WAT, however, e.g. in Lhasa (cf. Sprigg 1961 or Chang and Shefts 1969) or Shigatse (cf. Haller 2000:26–30), vowel harmony is a process that is synchronically productive across morphemic boundaries. The vowel harmony discussed here, on the other hand, appears to be one of the characteristic sound changes of WAT. 2.2.4 Contractions In 2.1.2. we saw that Purik may synchronically contract certain disyllabic inflections into monosyllables, such as [kʰwa] (< kʰo-a) ‘to her/him’ or [kʰʂwit] (< kʰʂu-et) ‘(she) washes’, etc. The correspondence sets in Table 53 are testimony to a corresponding historical contraction. Hill (2011) shows how such (in WAT) contracted words may have evolved out of their Written Tibetan correspondences with an intervocalic b. He finds intermediate steps of this change in different Tibetan dialects. One way for an intervocalic WT b to be reduced may be recoverable from Zanskari kaʔa ‘pillar’ (< WT ka ba), loʔa ‘lung’ (< WT glo ba), saʔon ‘seed’ (< WT sa bon) or riʔoŋ Table 53

Contractions of disyllabic WT etyma in Purik WT

i ba e ba u ba o ba

i bo

(’)phyi ba lte ba se ba dbu ba, lbu ba shu ba lto ba glo ba so ba spyi bo ri bong

ja ja wa wa

jo

Purik

Meaning

pʰja ɬtja sja zbwa ʃwa ɬtwa ɬwa swa spjo rjoŋ

‘marmot’ ‘navel’ ‘rose’ ‘foam’ ‘ulcer, sore, abscess’ ‘belly’ ‘lungs’ ‘husked barley’ ‘crown of the head’ ‘hare’

98

Chapter 2

‘hare’ (< WT ri bong) with a glottal stop59 as recorded by Hoshi and Tsering (1978:42 #0575, 40 #0505, 7 #0127, and 41 #0534, respectively). Table 54 contains a few more cases with a WT first syllable ending in -a. While the contraction has resulted in a simple vowel in Purik throughout the lexicon, different sources on Balti attest both (still) geminate and simple vowels for all the words in question. The latter two correspondence sets above furthermore indicate that an alternation between intervocalic b and ’ already existed in Written Tibetan, cf. Hill (2011:115). The most evident way of reducing the WT original intervocalic b is illustrated by sʰæwon (Sun 1986: 239 # 45) from the dialect of Ndzorge (Amdo), among others (cf. Hill 2011:115–6). This -w- is also found in the speech of my older main consultant, e.g., in the two words given in Table 55, while it is absent from the speech of his children. Table 54

Contractions of disyllabic WT etyma with a first-syllable final a (1)

WT

Purik Balti

a ba ka ba kha ba a bo pha bong ~ pha ’ong sa bon ~ sa ’on ~ son

Table 55

a ka kʰa

ka (CDTD) ~ kaa (Sprigg 2002:80) kʰa (Read 1934a:104b) ~ kʰaa (CDTD) o pʰoŋs pʰoŋ ~ pʰooŋ (CDTD) son son (Read 1934a:103b) ~ soon (CDTD, Sprigg 2002:159)

‘pillar’ ‘snow’ ‘bolder’ ‘seed’

Contractions of disyllabic WT etyma with a first-syllable final a (2) WT

a ba a’u

Meaning

da bag ga’u

a(w)a a(w)u

Purik

Meaning

ta(w)aq ka(w)u

‘plate’ ‘precious stone pendant’

59  If Hoshi and Tshering’s analyses should turn out not to be correct (cf. their page iii, where the sound in question is clearly described as a glottal stop), all the contractions in Table 54 can just as plausibly be derived from an intermediate stage with a labial approximant.

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

99

The dialect of Ndzorge (and other AT-varieties) accounts for a third common way of reducing WT -b-, cf. the word rɤʁoŋ ‘hare’ (Sun 1986:204 # 48), where it is represented as -ʁ-. (In a number of Central Tibetan dialects which have a velar stop at the place of WT b, according to Hill (2011:117–8), the uvular fricative was rephonologized intervocalically after it had been lost in the preradical position.) Hill (2011:119) postulates that after VbV had become VwV already in Old Tibetan, this VwV was dissimilated to VɣV before the vowels u and o. Hill’s account may receive further confirmation by a number of Purik words ending in uɣu (~ [u:]) that may reflect the originally labial diminutive suffix, cf. zu(ɣ)u ‘finger’, rdu(ɣ)u ‘arm ring’ and ʂtsu(ɣ)u ‘kernel’ (cf. Chik ʂtsigu ~ ʂtsuwu). On the other hand, lu ‘lamb’ ( P ldz-/AT rdz- > Ld ld-/Arik rd- > CT (n)d-), and the correspondence between P str- and WT sr-, where the wide and discontinuous dialectal distribution of *str- as well as its etymology point to a very old age of this variant (cf. 2.2.2.3.1), both insinuate that OT only reflects one of several Tibetan varieties spoken at the time. Even if none of these variables can be strictly proven to have existed in OT times, the sum of them as well as the inconcruency of the resulting isoglosses strongly suggest that we should view OT as representing just one of several dia- and sociolects of the time and that most of the modern spoken dialects may not derive from the variety that exerted the greatest influence on OT. I am convinced that a thorough study of those OT documents that have a higher degree of divergence from some normative form of the language (with the simultaneous and complementary study of those OT documents that may closely correspond to such a norm, of course) should allow us to identify some of the features of certain scribes’ native dialects.

Phonology – Diachronic Phonology

101

Apart from the question of the exact origin of the majority of Tibetan dialects, we may summarize the sound changes that are characteristic of Purik and relatively chronologize at least some of them (by numbering them) as shown in the list below, which proceeds from the preradical via the radical and medial to the final position before covering the changes that affected the syllabic structure of the entire word. – (1) WT preradical d/g/b > P ʂ/s/ɬ / _K, r/z/l / _G62 (cf. 2.2.2.1.4–6) – (2) WT RDVl > P LDVr (cf. 2.2.2.1.3 and 2.2.2.1.6) – all WT oral preradicals > P ø /_s/ʃ (cf. 2.2.2.2.6) – WT l > P ɬ / oral preradical_, WT gl/kl > P ld (cf. 2.2.2.3.5) – WT zl > P ldz, WT sl > P ɬts (cf. ibid.) – WT bzh > P ʒbʒ /_i/e (cf. 2.2.2.1.6) – (sporadically) WT gz/gzh > P rdz/rj (cf. 2.2.2.2.6) – (1) (sporadically) WT G > P K / #_ (cf. 2.2.2.2.3) – (1) WT dz/j > P z/ʒ / ’/m_ (cf. 2.2.2.1.7) – (2) WT nasal preradical ’/m > P ø / #_ C (cf. ibid.) – (sporadically) WT kh > P χ / _a/o (cf. 2.2.2.2.2) – WT b > P ø / _m (internally) (cf. 2.2.2.6.3) – WT d > P n / _m (internally) (cf. ibid.) – WT p > P m / ng_, b / m_ (internally) (cf. 2.2.2.2.4) – WT ng > P m / u_, _u (cf. 2.2.2.6.1 and 2.2.2.2.8) – WT lnga ‘five’ : P ʁa (cf. 2.2.2.2.8) – (sporadically) WT g > P ʁ / V_V (cf. 2.2.2.4) – Proto-Tibetan *a > P ja (and WT e) /_g/ng (cf. 2.2.3.1) – (sporadically) WT yu > P i (cf. 2.2.2.3.2) – WT o … u > P u … u, WT u … o > P o … o (cf. 2.2.3.2) – (sporadically) WT V > P Vk/Vq / _# (cf. 2.2.2.6.2) – (sporadically) WT ø > P s / σσ_, WT s > P ø / σ_ (cf. 2.2.2.7) – WT C(C)V[ front] ba/o > P C(C)ja (cf. 2.2.4) – WT C(C)V[back] ba/o > P C(C)wa (cf. ibid.) – WT C(C)V[low] ba/o > P C(C)a (cf. ibid.) 62  Where ‘C’ stands for any, ‘K’ for a voiceless, and ‘G’ for a voiced obstruent.

Chapter 3

Noun Phrases After a note on the order in which they occur, the description of noun phrases (NPs) begins with the lexical root and its derivations (3.1), and proceeds from there towards the periphery via determiners (3.2), demonstratives, personal and interrogative pronouns (3.3), case markers (3.4), and discourse structuring morphemes (3.5). Hence, the procedure from the core to the periphery of the noun phrase is maintained everywhere except in that the section on determiners precedes that on pronominals. The reason for this is that a thorough understanding of demonstratives preconditions some knowledge of determiners, because demonstratives are always followed by a determiner, either immediately or after an intermediate noun. The basic word order of Purik is SOV. Somewhat more specifically, if an NP is not omitted or added in the antitopic position after the predicate, more active and animate referents canonically precede less active and inanimate referents. As in perhaps all varieties of Tibetan (see Tournadre 1996), NPs which convey given information are regularly omitted. Less known for Tibetan is the fact that in Purik, NPs which are entirely devoid of new and/or contrastive information are regularly added in the antitopic position after the predicate (a typologically common phenomenon, see Gordon 2008). For prosodic characteristics of these antitopics, see 7.3. At the same time, any referent may occur earlier in the sentence if it is focused, but it is regularly also marked in that position by the emphatic -na (see 3.5.1.1). Lastly, unlike in most other dialects of Tibetan, adjectives (except quantifiers) always precede the nouns they modify. 3.1 Derivation Before discussing the different ways in which nouns and adjectives are derived from lexical roots, we need to address a few problems concerning the distinction of these different parts of speech in Purik.1 Formally, we will see in 3.1.1 1  According to Croft’s (2001:46), “[s]yntactic categories can be defined in two different ways. Categories can be defined construction-specifically, as the class of fillers of a particular role in a single construction.” Or they can be defined “cross-constructionally, as the class of fillers that has an identical distribution across the relevant roles for all constructions of the language, or at least some specified set of constructions in the language.”

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi 10.1163/9789004366312_004

Noun Phrases – Derivation

103

that there are barely any suffixes that exclusively mark nouns; most of them also co-occur with adjectives. There are a few productive suffixes (namely -tʃan, -met, and -gaŋ), however, that almost exclusively mark adjectives. As far as compounds (see 3.1.2) are concerned, those with an adjectival head, as well as some with a verbal head, tend to be construed as adjectives; the rest yield mostly nouns. The vast majority of the reduplicated and assonant formations discussed in 3.1.3 likewise shares crucial features with adjectives; this is also the case with those formations that are used as complements of the verb ba ‘do’, which is commonly used with adjectives, as in the adverbial expression rgjala ba-se ‘(doing) nicely, well’. Thus, only a minority of the formations in Purik provide us with clues as to what part of speech they denote. There are, however, a number of constructions in Purik that provide us with functional clues as to the syntactic category of their fillers. Thus, it will be shown in the following that the locative and the genitive cases are almost exclusively formed from nouns, and that the function of the dative case, on the other hand, differs for nouns and adjectives. Furthermore, the definite article -po (see 3.2.1) is regularly used with nouns but only exceptionally with adjectives. And finally, augmentatives (see 3.1.4) are almost exclusively derived from adjectives. These clues allow us to distinguish between nouns and adjectives based on Croft’s universal-typological characterization of objects and properties as referential and modifying, respectively.2 There are, on the other hand, constructions that blur the distinction between nouns and adjectives, most evidently those with a copula as their main predicate. For instance, while the equative copula in (as described in 4.4.3) typically equates two entities, the existential copulas jot and duk typically attribute a property to an entity (if they do not indicate the location or the existence of the latter). Thus, in kʰo ŋj-i ata in ‘he’s my father’, the equative copula has to be used; but in zan-po ʒimbo duk ‘the food’s tasty’, an existential copula has to be used. However, one may also use an existential copula in order to attribute the characteristic properties of one entity to another, as in kʰo ʂkunma duk ‘he’s behaving like a thief’ or kʰo nalbu duk ‘he’s being a bastard’. On the other hand, Purikpas may use the equative copula to equate an entity with a typical adjective in order to indicate that the latter is an intrinsic property of the former, as in di sman-po kʰjeraŋ-a rgjala in ‘this medicine is good for you’ or in ode tʃʰu-u ma tʰuŋ, tsʰerʈu in ‘don’t drink that water! It’s dirty!’. In the latter example, in triggers the construal of tsʰerʈu ‘dirty’ as denoting a quality that deprives the water of its essential quality that people may drink it. 2  For a more detailed semantic characterization of these typological universals, cf. Croft (2001:87–88).

104

Chapter 3

Furthermore, there are a number of compounds with -ku from a clipped WT khu ba ‘fluid’ in the second syllable that perform both referential and modifying functions, as illustrated by saku ‘dirty (fluid)’ in (1) and (2), respectively. There are no functional criteria that would allow us to classify nouns like saku ‘muddy water’, tsʰaku ‘fluid with too much salt’, or ɲerku ‘(spicy) (too) hot fluid’) as either nouns or adjectives; even ʃaku ‘meat soup’, goku ‘head soup’, and kaŋku ‘leg soup’ may denote the property of a fluid (rather than the fluid itself) that is characterized by the body part that has boiled in it for a long time. (1)



di tʃʰu-u mana saku duk this water-def very dirty.fluid ex.t (I can see that) this water is very dirty.

(2) wa de-ka ʂkjal-ba ma soŋ, saku in hey that-loc swim-inf neg go\imp dirty.fluid eq Don’t go swimming in there, it’s very dirty water!

Despite the nominals that can be construed as either nouns or adjectives, there are criteria related to case marking that allow us to distinguish rather neatly between the two parts of speech. For instance, the genitive case (see 3.4.6), apart from its use in relative clause constructions (see 6.3), most regularly links two (pro)nouns, as exemplified by ŋatʃ-i ama ‘our mother’. The only adjective I found after a genitive case is senmo ‘funny, strange’ in zbjar-i (ri-a) senmo ‘(that’s) the funny, pleasant thing about the summer (in the mountain)’, an expression that was used to marvel about the variety of colors that adhere to the mountain flora. As described for the equative copula in the preceding paragraph, the genitive case here appears to highlight the referentiality of the otherwise typical adjective senmo ‘funny, pleasant’. However, the fact that a dative adverbial (such as ri-a ‘in the mountain(s)’, which was added only when the expression was repeated for me) is nowhere else attested in the position between a genitive and its dependent and the elision of the equative copula suggest that this expression has an idiomatic and exceptional status. Similarly, the locative case (see 3.4.7) is primarily assigned to (pro)nouns, as in lam-i-ka ‘on the way’ or di-ka ‘here’, but it is also regularly used adverbially with abstract nouns, as in rzon-i-ka ‘in the illusion’ or kʰasp-e-ka ‘with wit’. If the locative case is formed from typical adjectives, however, tʃik ‘one’ has to follow these adjectives and thereby serve some nominalizing function, as for instance in ʃoχsmo tʃig-i-ka ‘in a hurry’ or ʒiksmo tʃig-i-ka ‘in some fear’. The locative case thus allows us to distinguish between nouns and adjectives. Note, however, that etyma like tsʰerʈu ‘dirty’ (cf. above) can still be construed

Noun Phrases – Derivation

105

as nouns or adjectives in contexts such as tsʰerʈu-i-ka laqpa ma toŋ ‘don’t touch dirty (things)!’. The dative case also allows us to distinguish between the two parts of speech when it is assigned to lexical items used as predicates. After an adjective, it indicates that a property only transitorily applies to an entity (e.g. kʰjapkʰjab-a soŋ ‘(the tire) went flat’) or an event (e.g. in rdemo-a duk ‘behave (lit. be nice)!’). After nouns, it indicates that its host denotes the material out of which another entity is made (e.g. in ordʒen-la tʃo-at ‘(this dish) is made on the basis of milk’ or ʃiŋ-a tʃo-at ‘(we) build (this) out of wood’). Apart from case marking, the definite article -po (see 3.2.1) also helps in distinguishing between nouns and adjectives. It is regularly used with definite nouns but very rarely only with adjectives. One of its rare occurrences with adjectives is illustrated by raʁraq-po ‘the coarse one’ in (3). The lack of the definite article in baʁbaʁ-a in the same example illustrates its optionality. The definite article is also commonly used to convey a contrastive notion with relator nouns, cf. gjen-po ‘the upper one’, traŋ-po-a ‘to the right side’, or jon-po ‘the left side/one’. However, it appears that the definite article does not constitute a strong criterion in order to distinguish different parts of speech. (3) baʁbaʁ-a ʒimo zer-tʃ-in, raʁraq-po-a ʂtsupo zer-tʃ-in fine-dat fine say-inf2-eq coarse-def-dat rough say-inf2-eq Fine (flour) is called ʒimo, the coarse one is called ʂtsupo.

Two final criteria shall be mentioned here: On the one hand, augmentatives (see 3.1.4) are regularly (and frequently) derived from either adjectives or -pa infinitives, but almost never from nouns.3 On the other, the derivational pattern C(CC) … w … ‘et al.’ (see 3.1.3.4), as exemplified by zbjarpa warpa ‘willows and the like’ and ʈaki waki ‘bread and what goes along with it’, is only attested for nouns. It was shown above that the abstract kʰaspa ‘wise, wit’ can be used like a noun when it occurs in the locative case (i.e. kʰasp-e-ka ‘with wit’). It also appears to perform a referential function in kʰaspa ba ‘apply wit, trick (so. into doing sth.)’, but the common expression rgjala ba-se ‘well’ (and the equally common rdemo ba-se ‘nicely’) or ʃoχsmo bo-s ‘hurry up (lit. do it quick(ly)!)’ show that ba ‘do’ is also regularly used with typical adjectives. It will be seen in 3  My consultant Shabir claimed that it is also common to say tʃa-ar-ik kʰjoŋ ‘bring some tea!’. Since this is the only attested instance of an augmentative noun, we may speculate that the augmentative ending has just started to be extended to nouns from (the nominal) -pa infinitives. Perhaps this phrase is meant to convey the notion ‘start bringing some tea!’.

106

Chapter 3

3.1.3.2 that some of the reduplicated and assonant noun formations also often occur with ba (e.g. naʁnaq ba ‘discriminate’, ldabldap ba ‘flap (e.g. wings)’, bjalabjole ba ‘evade’, or the onomatopoeic remrem ba ‘produce a grinding sound between the teeth (e.g. of sand)’). Note that the addition of the conjunctive participle ba-se ‘by doing’ is a common means by which adjectives are used to modify the account of an event, i.e. to perform an adverbial function. This must be related to the fact that there are no derivatory means to form adverbs; more specific adverbial functions are often indicated by dative and locative case markers.4 Despite the fact that nouns and adjectives are difficult to distinguish in a formal sense, that copulas may highlight adjectival notions of nouns (existential) or nominal notions of adjectives (equative) and thereby blur the distinction between the two, and that some etyma appear to be fully hybrid, it is still possible to divide a great majority of Purik non-verbs into nouns and adjectives. Note that lexical stress will generally not be indicated in the following, since there is, as discussed in 2.1.4, a default stress pattern that applies to all nonverbs, namely second-syllable stress on disyllabic and trisyllabic, and fourthsyllable stress on quadrisyllabic ones. 3.1.1 Suffixal Derivation Purik has to a great degree preserved the noun formations of WT. This also applies to the monosyllabic simplices, as illustrated by the extensive selection in 3.1.1.1, which includes those nouns that arose from a contraction of two syllables, the first of which ended in a vowel in WT. In 3.1.1.2, the nouns and adjectives with the suffix -pa are discussed. This suffix gives rise to some confusion, since synchronically, we are able to distinguish in Purik between the infinitive marker -pa that is assimilated to the preceding root final (becoming -ba after -r, -l, and -m, -ma after -ŋ and -n, and -a after vowels, see 4.2.3) and the derivative with a more general ‘associative’ function that blocks this assimilation. Historically, on the other hand, in all the nouns, adjectives, and adverbs in which -pa could not be attributed with such an associative function, it underwent the assimilation. More specifically, the voicing of -pa > -ba after -r, -l, -ng, and vowels had already taken place in WT (cf. Hahn 1996:31 and Beyer 4  There is just one adverb (in the narrow sense) that has been fossilized with a final -a that may reflect an original dative case (which in present-day Purik indicates transitory properties together with adjectives, a function which closely resembles that of adverbs, such as rdemo ‘nice’ and rdemo-a duk ‘behave!’, or kaŋrdʒen-la ‘barefooted(ly)’), namely kulea ‘slowly, gently’. All other adverbs in Purik are merely converted adjectives, as shown for rgjala and rdemo above.

Noun Phrases – Derivation

107

1992:130–1), while the nasalization and full loss of -p- appears to have occurred later, unless it was not represented in the WT script.5 As a consequence of these assimilatory processes, some instances of the WT suffix pa are discussed in the subsections on Purik -ba (3.1.1.3), -ma (3.1.1.3), and -wa, -ja, -a, and related suffixes with a final -q (3.1.1.5). Similarly, we need to distinguish between the definite article -po (that becomes -u after high and mid-high vowels and -o after a root-final -a, see 3.2.1), the rather rare suffix -p(ʰ)o that indicates male sex (and is often aspirated), the -po that has lost this function (and does not appear to ever be aspirated), and the -po that is found in many adjectives, as discussed in 3.1.1.6. Depending on the preceding root final, some of the latter instances of WT -po, however, have also become assimilated, yielding -bo and -mo, and are thus discussed together with the original derivatives bo (in 3.1.1.6 as well) and mo in 3.1.1.7. Thus, in some environments of Purik, WT po became phonetically indistinguishable from the suffix mo that often marked female sex in WT (see Beyer 1992:123–6) and still sometimes performs this function in Purik. The diminutive function of WT bu (and its variants), on the other hand, appears to have been lost almost completely in Purik, as illustrated in 3.1.1.8. A number of nouns in Purik, furthermore, contain the suffix -kʰa ~ -ka ~ -ga, which exhibited the same variation in WT, see 3.1.1.9. In contrast, it is unclear where the frequent Purik suffix -tse, discussed in 3.1.1.10, has come from: even though it is copiously attested in Martin’s (2008) Zhang-zhung dictionary, not one of the 48 instances documented bears any close phonetic or semantic resemblance to a word ending in -tse in Purik. In 3.1.1.11, then, the two (or three) nonsyllabic nominalizing suffixes of Purik, namely, -s and -t (and perhaps -n), are discussed. The four typical adjectival suffixes -tʃan, -met, -gaŋ, and -nʈe/nte, are respectively treated in 3.1.1.12–15. Note that those suffixes that predominantly nominalize verbal roots are discussed in 4.2, together with the nominalizers that are used in periphrastic verbal constructions. There are no productive prefixes in Purik. The only exception to this is constituted by a considerable number of kinship and related terms with an a- in the first syllable, cf. ama ‘mother’, ata ‘father’, api ‘old woman’, apo ‘old man’, ane ‘wife, woman’, atʃʰe ‘elder sister’, aʂtʃo ‘sister of a Syed’, aʒaŋ ‘uncle (brother of mother)’, amatse ‘younger sister of mother’, amatʃ ʰo ‘elder sister of mother’,

5  It cannot be ruled out that some of the WT nouns with a -ma suffix resulted from the assimilation described for Purik, such as chung ba ‘little, small’, but chung ma ‘wife’ (“die Kleine”, see Hahn 1996:291), and rnying pa ‘old’, but rnying ma ‘Old Sect’. According to Beyer (1992:126), however, the ma- derivative yields nouns “denoting a special kind or particular example of the class denoted by the source nominal”.

108

Chapter 3

atatsʰe ‘younger brother of father’, atatʃʰo ‘elder brother of father’, apitʃotʃo ‘grandmother, old woman (h)’, and apotʃo(o) ‘grandfather, old man (h)’. 3.1.1.1 Monosyllabic Simplices The monosyllabic simplices of WT have generally been preserved as such in Purik. This is abundantly illustrated by the following list containing 185 etyma in the alphabetical order of their English translation: χa ‘anger’ (WT kha), ʂkup ‘anus’ (WT rkub), ston ‘autumn’ (WT ston),6 hun ‘awareness’ (WT hun), ʃul ‘back (of body)’ (WT shul), nas ‘barley’ (WT nas), pʰjams ‘beam of wood’ (WT phyam), ʃo ‘bed (of field)’ (WT sho), kʰʂaq ‘blood’ (WT khrag), rgo ‘body’ (WT rgo), ʒu ‘bow’ (WT gzhu), strap ‘bridle’ (WT srab), mar ‘butter’ (WT mar), kʰar ‘castle’ (WT mkhar), ɬas ‘shed (for cattle, in the mountains)’ (WT lhas), tʰoq ‘ceiling, floor’ (WT thog), skin ‘ibex’ (WT skyin), bja ‘chicken’ (WT bya), pʰru ‘child’ (WT phru), rdzoŋ ‘chisel’ (WT gzong), sprin ‘cloud’ (WT sprin), kru ‘corner’ (WT gru), ʃups ‘cover, bark’ (WT shubs), tʰaŋ ‘desert, plain’ (WT thang), snot ‘dish, vessel’ (WT snod), kʰi ‘dog’ (WT khyi), zgo ‘door’ (WT sgo), sa ‘earth, ground’ (WT sa), mik ‘eye’ (WT mig), rdoŋ ‘face’ (WT gdong), pʰen ‘fart’ (WT phyen), tsʰil ‘fat’ (WT tshil), ʂtsap ‘ferment, yeast’ (WT rtsabs), ʒiŋ ‘field’ (WT zhing), tʰap ‘fireplace’ (WT thab), ɲa ‘fish’ (WT nya), pʰe ‘flour’ (WT phye), zan ‘food, meal’ (WT zan), smjaŋ ‘foundation’ (WT rmang), dun ‘front’ (WT mdun), rol ‘furrow (of plowed field)’ (WT rol), ʂka ‘ditch (for irrigation)’ (WT rka), ɬtʃoŋ ‘gout’ (WT gcong), rgun ‘grape’ (WT rgun), ʂtswa ‘grass’ (WT rtswa), kʰon ‘grudge’ (WT khon), skra ‘hair (of woman)’ (WT skra), rjal ‘hair’ (WT ral), pʰet ‘half’ (WT phyed), ʂol ‘hallway’ (WT srol), groŋ ‘hamlet’ (WT grong), kʰʂa ‘hawk’ (WT khra), go ‘head’ (WT mgo), sɲiŋ ‘heart’ (WT snying), tsʰat ‘heat’ (WT tshad), zgaŋ ‘hill, spur’ (WT sgang), ɬa ‘hire, payment’ (WT gla), ʂta ‘horse’ (WT rta), naŋ ‘house, kitchen, room’ (WT nang), zo ‘hybrid yak’ (WT mdzo), gaŋs ‘ice, glacier’ (WT gangs), ʂpe ‘imitation’ (WT dpe), ʂtsi ‘ink’ (WT rtsi), bu ‘insect’ (WT ’bu), ɬtʃaχs ‘iron’ (WT lcags), tsʰiks ‘joint, ankle, vertebra’ (WT tshigs), bes ‘journey, travel’ (WT byes), gri ‘knife’ (WT gri), skat ‘language, word, voice, sound’ (WT skad), rgot ‘laughter’ (WT rgod), dal ‘leisure, time’ (WT dal), ʂtʃan ‘beast, leopard’ (WT gcan), ze ‘leprosy’ (WT 6  The four seasons are prime examples of words that mainly remained monosyllabic in WAT, while taking the suffix ka ~ kha in most other dialects, cf. especially ston ‘autumn’ and dgun ‘winter’, and – with a few ST-, HT-, KT-, or AT-dialects accordingly preserving the underived form – ʂpit ‘spring’ and zbjar ‘summer’. It appears that the retention of the voice distinction, of complex clusters in the onset, and of all consonants in the syllable coda allowed the Purik dialect to keep most simplices underived, while the phonologically innovative varieties were forced to derive a great proportion of those simplices that would have otherwise become homophonous.

Noun Phrases – Derivation

109

mdze), rzon ‘lie’ (WT rdzun), tsʰe ‘life’ (WT tshe), ɬoq ‘lightning’ (WT glog), rgjut ‘lineage, origin’ (WT rgyud), zgal ‘load (on animal)’ (WT sgal), mi ‘man, human’ (WT mi), lut ‘manure’ (WT lud), spaŋ ‘meadow’ (WT spang), ʃa ‘meat’ (WT sha), sman ‘medicine’ (WT sman), pʰrin ‘message’ (WT phrin), ʂkil ‘middle’ (WT dkyil), ri ‘mountain’ (WT ri), kʰa ‘mouth, opening, lid’ (WT kha), miŋ ‘name, purpose’ (WT ming), kʰap ‘needle’ (WT khab), tsʰaŋs ‘nest, den, shell’ (WT tshangs), tsʰan ‘night’ (WT mtshan), na ‘oath’ (WT mna’), skut ‘ointment’ (WT skud), tsoŋ ‘onion’ (WT btsong), ʂkan ‘palate’ (WT dkan, rkan), la ‘pass’ (WT la), ʒe ‘penis’ (WT mje), ʂtun ‘pestle’ (WT gtun), sɲas ‘pillow’ (WT sngas), staps ‘plan’ (WT stabs), ʃol ‘plow’ (WT gshol), tuk ‘poison’ (WT dug), pʰjaq ‘prayer’ (WT phyag), skjes ‘present, gift’ (WT skyes), rin ‘price’ (WT rin), ʂnaq ‘pus’ (WT rnag), tʃ ʰos ‘religion’ (WT chos), ʂnoŋs ‘remorse’ (WT gnong), kʰaq ‘responsibility’ (WT khag), tsʰot ‘riddle’ (WT tshod), ʈaŋ ‘right (side)’ (WT drang), jos ‘roasted barley or wheat’ (WT yos), braq ‘rock, boulder’ (WT brag), tsʰir ‘row, order’ (WT tshir), rdza ‘rubble (stones)’ (WT gza’ ~ rdza), ʂmul ‘rupee(s), silver’ (WT dngul), tsa ‘rust’ (WT btsa), zga ‘saddle’ (WT sga), sil ‘shade’ (WT bsil), grip ‘shade, shady side of mountain’ (WT grib), ʂkaŋ ‘shinbone, leg; marrow’ (WT rkang), kʰjem ‘shovel’ (WT khyem), nat ‘sickness, disease’ (WT nad), ŋos ‘side’ (WT ngos), ldʒoŋs ‘side, brim’ (WT ljongs), pʰjoχs ‘side, friend, support’ (WT phyogs), ʂtsa ‘sinew, vein’ (WT rtsa), nam ~ ʂnam ‘sky’ (WT nam ~ gnam), ɲit ‘sleep’ (WT gnyid), pʰret ‘slope’ (WT (’)phred), nor ‘small cattle’ (WT nor), ʈi ‘smell’ (WT dri), zum ‘smile’ (WT ’dzum), zbrul ‘snake’ (WT sbrul), snap ‘snot’ (WT snabs), ɬu ‘song’ (WT glu), stroq ‘soul, life’ (WT srog), bi ‘sparrow, small bird’ (WT byi), tam ‘speech, sentence, words’ (WT gtam), ʂpit ‘spring’ (WT dpyid), ɬaŋs ‘steam, gas’ (WT rlangs), zot ‘storeroom’ (WT mdzod), ldʒoχs ‘style, fashion’ (WT bzhogs), zbjar ‘summer’ (WT dbyar), brot ‘taste’ (WT brod), tʃa ‘tea’ (WT ja), pʰjas ‘teasing, insult’ (WT ’phyas), zbra ‘tent, cobweb’ (WT sbra), tʰaχs ‘texture’ (WT thags), naŋs ‘the day after tomorrow’ (WT gnangs), ldum ‘thigh bone’ (WT gdung), bruk ‘thunder’ (WT ’brug), loŋ ‘time (to do sth.)’ (WT long), ɬtʃe ‘tongue’ (WT lce), so ‘tooth’ (WT so), rdʒes ‘trace’ (WT rjes), tsʰoŋ ‘trade’ (WT tshong), tʰot ‘turban’ (WT thod), hju ‘turquoise’ (WT g.yu), gjen ‘upper part’ (WT gyen), ɬtʃin ‘urine’ (WT gcin), tʃ ʰon ‘useless, in vain, unfounded’ (WT chon), ʂpi ‘vagina’ (WT dpyi), jul ‘village, country’ (WT yul), tʃʰu ‘water’ (WT chu), lam ‘way, road’ (WT lam), ldʒit ‘weight’ (WT ljid), kro ‘wheat’ (WT gro), ɬuŋ ‘wind’ (WT rlung), rgun ‘winter’ (WT dgun), ʃiŋ ‘wood’ (WT shing), bal ‘wool’ (WT bal), pʰruk ‘woolen garment’ (WT phrug), las ‘work’ (WT las), strin ~ ʂʈin ‘worm, caterpillar’ (WT srin), sul ‘wrinkle(s)’ (WT sul), jaq ‘yak’ (WT g.yag), lo ‘year’ (WT lo). There are also some monosyllabic nouns of non-Tibetan origin, for instance his ‘breath’, kram ‘cabbage’, ʈ(w)ar ‘chat’, ʃaŋ ‘consciousness’, ʈʰup ‘dark’, ʈʰul ‘egg’ (from Kashmiri), tʰa ‘fallow field’, ʈoq ‘hump, hunchback’, or gaʈ ‘joint of

110

Chapter 3

the body, knot’ (from Burushaski), or words of unknown origin, for instance ʂu ‘nose’, po ‘part’, tʃun ‘porcelain’, ʈaŋ ‘quarrel’, or sar ‘wick’. Many words, of course, have been borrowed from Urdu. These are often recognized by their long vowel, as exemplified by ʃooχ ‘desire’, ʃaaq ‘doubt’, or ʃaam ‘evening’. By way of the processes discussed in 2.2.4, a number of words in which the first syllable ended in a vowel and the second started with a b- in WT contracted yielding monosyllabic nouns in Purik, such as bro ‘buckwheat’ (WT bra bo), tsʰo ‘grandson’ (WT tsha bo), pʰoŋs ‘boulder’ (WT pha bong), rjoŋ ‘hare’ (WT ri bong), son ‘seed’ (WT sa bon), and spjo ‘crown (of head)’ (WT spyi bo). Those that contain WT ba are discussed in 3.1.1.5. Similar contractions have yielded ldzot ‘moon’ (WT zla ’od) and lu ‘lamb’ (WT lu gu). A great number of nouns, adjectives and adverbs in Purik end in -pa, -ba, or -ma, which are all frequently used in WT as well. However, while -ba was already a sandhi-variant of -pa in WT, the form -ma only in Purik reflects -pa after -r, -l, -n, and -ŋ in infinitives and other nominalized verbal forms. As a consequence, it is even more difficult in Purik than in WT to attribute any consistent functions to either one of these prefixes. Most notably, the sexindicating values of the plosive (masculine) and the labial (feminine) initials of these suffixes have disappeared almost completely. The only indicator of sex left in Purik is the -p(ʰ)o in bjap(ʰ)o ‘rooster’ (see 3.1.1.6). 3.1.1.2 -pa As both Hahn (1996:32, footnote 1) and Beyer (1992:120) note for the WT correspondence, we have to distinguish in Purik between a -pa that derives infinitives from verbs and is subject to sandhi (turning into -ba after -r, -l, and -m, into -ma after -ŋ and -n, and into -a after vocalic finals, as discussed in 4.2.3) from the nominal formative -pa that generally resists sandhi and will be dealt with in the following. It must be added, however, that there are a number of etyma with a non-verbal root in which WT pa has nevertheless assimilated to the preceding root final and thus yielded Purik -ba and -ma, as discussed respectively at the beginning of 3.1.1.3 and 3.1.1.4. This requires us to also distinguish from the synchronic sandhi rules that affect infinitives a diachronic process that affected certain nouns ending in -pa. However, if we attribute a general ‘associative’ function (that can be paraphrased as ‘has something to do with’7 and glossed ‘assoc’) to the productive -pa derivative of Purik, we are able to say that -pa was assimilated only in words in which it did not perform

7  Beyer (1992:120) similarly paraphrased the meaning of the non-infinitival -pa as ‘person having to do with’. The notion ‘person’ is evidently too narrow for Purik, as shown presently.

Noun Phrases – Derivation

111

this function (indicated by the fact the first syllable is not attested standing on its own). The basic function that has been described for the -pa formative in WT (cf. Beyer 1992:120 and Hahn 1996:33) is most directly reflected in Purik by the following group of nouns that denote a person that has something do with the entities or abstract notions denoted by their roots. These roots can stand on their own in modern Purik in the case of tʃʰos-pa ‘follower of a religion’ (from tʃ ʰos ‘religion’ < WT chos), tsʰoŋ-pa ‘trader’ (from tsʰoŋ ‘trade’ < WT tshong), go-pa ‘leader’ (from go ‘head’ < WT mgo), tsʰopa ‘group’ (from WT tsho “troop, number” Jk. 451a), nat-pa ‘sick, ill (person)’ (from nat ‘disease’ < WT nad), and bar-pa aʒaŋ ‘the middle brother of the mother’ (from bar ‘space between’ < WT bar). The -pa- formative appears to have performed the same function in synchronically unanalyzable etyma such as tʃaqpa ‘thief’ (from WT jag “robbing, robbery” Jk. 172a), maqpa ‘daughter’s husband’ (WT mag pa), kʰimtsespa ‘neighbor’ (WT khyim mtshes (pa)), ɲaχɬapa ‘person that loans cattle for plowing’ (containing ɬa ‘hire’ < WT gla and perhaps ɲa ‘gap between two furrows (of the shape of a fish)’), pʰropa ‘friend’ (cf. WT ’phro ba “to proceed, issue, emanate from, to spread …” Jk. 361a), and sagjetpa ‘farmer’. Its productivity in modern Purik, however, is more strongly suggested by derivations from non-Tibetan roots as in aʃi-pa ‘owner’ (from aʃi ‘ownership’ < ?, cf. aʃi ba ‘to claim ownership over sth.’), bes-pa ‘stranger, migrant’ (from Urdu bes ‘journey’), or ser-pa ‘tourist, visitor, tripper’ (from English sight (from sightseeing)?). Example (4) shows that -pa may even perform this function after an interrogative adverb such as tsam ‘how much’. (4) kʰir-i stjuden-un lo tsam-pa-r-ik jot you-gen student-pl year how.much-assoc-aug-indef ex About how old (of how many years) are your students?

There can similarly be no doubt as to the productivity of Purik -pa in the following examples, in which it follows a place name and thereby denotes a person originating from that place, as e.g. in kargilo-pa ‘a person from Kargil(o)’, ɖoχs-pa or biʃu-pa ‘a person from Doqs, biʃu (both hamlets (groŋs) of Goma Kargil)’, dras-pa ‘a person from Drass’, kʰatʃul-pa ‘a person from Kashmir’, aŋrespa ‘a person from England (or generally from the west)’, or pot-pa ‘Tibetan’. The roots can also be more abstract, as for instance in jul-pa ‘person of the same village or country’ or mal-pa ‘person not moving around’. In addition, -pa may serve the same functions after terminatives of demonstratives or interrogative pronouns, as in djana-r-pa ‘a person from (around) here’, e-r-pa ‘a person from that other place, a westerner’, or ga-r-pa ‘a person from where?’.

112

Chapter 3

Note that after numerals, -pa is not attested in Purik as forming ordinal numbers such as sum-pa ‘(the) third’, etc. Instead, the associative, exocentric function Hahn (1996:34) and Beyer (1992:120) document for the WT compound rkang gnyis pa ‘biped’8 is the one continued in Purik ʂtʃu-pa ‘ten-rupee bill’ (from ʂtʃu ‘ten’), ʁaptʃu-pa ‘fifty-rupee bill’ (from ʁaptʃu ‘50’), and rgja-pa ‘hundred-rupee bill’ (from rgja ‘100’). The derivation hazar-pa ‘centipede’ from Urdu hazar ‘1000’ shows that the lexicalized unit may also be ‘feet’ in Purik. An associative plural function of -pa appears to have evolved only in Purik (at least it has not been described for other dialects or WT). It denotes the group of people that is either temporarily or by definition associated with the person carrying the name that is added -pa (e.g. as belonging to the same family, residing in the same place, or stemming from the same country), as illustrated in (5)–(9). (5) madi-pa

gar soŋ Mehdi-assoc where went Where has Mehdi and the people that were with him gone?

(6) sajid abbas-p-i-re-r

tʃ ʰ-et-a Syed Abbas-assoc-gen-*that-term go-crt-q Are you going to Syed Abbas’ place (where the family of Syed Abbas lives)? (7) aqbar χan-p-i

salman χan dug-a Akbar Khan-assoc-gen Salman Khan ex.t-q Is the son of Akbar Khan (and his wife), Salman Khan, around?

(8) marius-p-i

gri-u ŋa-a stor-e soŋ Marius-assoc-gen knife-def I-dat be.lost-cnj went I lost the knife of Marius’ countrymen.

(9) marius-p-i

jul-i pen rgjala joŋ-ma-t Marius-assoc-gen country-gen pen good come-inf-fct The pens from Marius’ (and his countrymen’s) country are normally of a good quality.

8  According to Hahn (1996:34), the context has to determine whether such a nominal is analyzed as ‘the second foot’ or ‘(one) with two feet’.

Noun Phrases – Derivation

113

In the remaining etyma that have -pa as their second syllable, the original function cannot be recovered. A number of these etyma denote body parts or organs, namely kʰoqpa ‘inner body’, kʰʂikspa ‘bile, nausea’, krotpa ‘stomach’, laqpa ‘hand’, ldatpa ‘brain’, ruspa ‘bone’, pʰjaqpa ‘upper arm’, paχspa ‘skin, leather’, ʂkjetpa ‘waist’, and soχspa ‘shoulder blade’.9 In the remaining etyma that end in -pa, no common semantic denominator can be determined (nor are corresponding simplices attested in other contexts); they can merely be said to denote things, either inanimate or animate, cf. jaqpa ‘pit of apricot’, joqpa ‘tool used for stirring roasted barley’, kratpa ‘special kind of leather boot’, ɬtaqpa ‘back (non-cutting) side of blade’, ɬtsaŋspa ‘lizard’, ɬtsaqpa ‘shoulder dress made of goatskin’, mukpa ‘moth, worm’, ɲespa ‘sin’, ʂmikpa ‘hoof’, ʂtaχspa ‘knowledge, information’, ʃoqpa ‘feather’, ʃukpa ‘small kind of fir’, staqpa ‘birch’, straqpa ‘partridge’, tʰaqpa ‘rope, cord’, tʃʰaŋspa ‘plow handle’, tʃ ʰaqpa ‘tuft, bunch (of ears)’, tutpa ‘smoke, cigarette’, zbutpa ‘bellows’, and zgoqpa ‘garlic’. Interestingly, there are also a number of etyma in which -pa has resisted assimilation to the preceding root final -r, -l, and -m (to -ba), and -n and -ŋ (to -ma), even though -pa cannot be attributed a transparent derivative function. Unlike in the etyma with a root final -r or -l discussed in the next subsection, -pa did not turn into -ba in tʃarpa ‘bed’, tʃʰarpa ‘rain’ (WT char, char pa), tʃ ʰerpa ‘milt, spleen’ (WT mcher pa), tsʰerpa ‘time’ (cf. WT tsher ‘time’), χampa ‘plant name’ (cf. WT kham pa “Tanacetum tomentosum, a very aromatic plant, frequent on high mountains” Jk. 39a), zbalpa ‘frog’ (WT sbal pa), zbjarpa ‘poplar’ (WT dbyar pa), zbulpa ‘cricket’ (cf. WT sbur pa “beetle” Jk. 404b), zerpa ‘excrescence’, and zilpa ‘dew’ (WT zil pa) . And unlike in the etyma discussed in 3.1.1.4, -pa did not turn into -ma in brumpa ‘smallpox’ (WT ’brum pa), gonpa ‘monastery’ (WT dgon pa), groŋpa ‘household’ (cf. WT grong “an inhabited place, a human habitation, house, village, town”, but grong pa “W. a villager, peasant” Jk. 79a), munpa ‘fog’ (cf. WT mun pa “obscurity, darkness” Jk. 416b), pimpa ‘calf’ (WT byin pa), pumpa ‘vessel, flask’ (WT bum pa), sŋanpa ‘present, reward’ (cf. WT rngan pa “reward, fee, hire, wages” Jk. 133b), and tʃ ʰampa ‘a cold’ (WT cham pa). That -pa was not assimilated to the preceding root finals in these etyma

9  Many of the roots of these compounds do in fact appear in other contexts without the -pa, cf. the compounds kʰoqŋan ‘bad (character)’, laqtʰil ‘palm of hand’, ldadʒik ‘(one) with a broken brain, idiot’, ʒuŋrus ‘spine’, mikɬpaχs ‘eyelid’, or ʂkjetgaŋ ‘up to the waist’. It cannot be determined, however, whether these roots were once used independently; clipping (especially dropping -pa) is a productive process involved in the formation of new compounds. Finally, a corresponding simplex is only attested for pʰjaqpa ‘hand’, namely pʰjaq ‘prayer’.

114

Chapter 3

indicates that it continued to be analyzed as a nominal formative, even when there was no corresponding simplex that would favor such an analysis.10 Finally, -pa also takes part in a number of adjectives and adverbs, as exemplified by gjoχspa ‘fast’ (WT mgyogs pa), kʰaspa ‘skilled’ (WT mkhas pa), ʂtsalpa ‘good, fine, powerful (of a computer)’ (cf. WT rtsal “1. skill, dexterity, adroitness, accomplishment …” Jk. 438b), ʂtʃespa ‘dear, beloved’ (WT gces pa), zdikpa ‘helpless’ (WT sdig pa “impious, wicked …” Jk. 293a), traŋpa ‘right’ and jopa ‘left’, where the bases traŋ and jon are somewhat less frequently used but clearly directly associated, and ʃerpa ‘wet’, where the corresponding simplex is only attested in the riddle ʃer rgos-et-a skam rgos-et ‘heads or tails? (lit. do you need wet or dry?)’ (cf. ʃer ‘the wet (side of a coin, i.e. the one with spit on it)’ as opposed to skam ‘the dry (side)’, both not literally spit on), or snapa ‘earlier’, where the root sna- ‘early’ is only used in the adverbial sna-a ‘early’ or its peculiar genitive sna-si ‘earlier’ (or snapa-si ‘of earlier times’), but never alone. Finally, -pa is also found in the postposition tsʰaqpa ~ tsʰukpa ‘until’. 3.1.1.3 -ba There are only a few etyma in Purik that contain a -ba that has evolved from WT pa (assimilated after -m, -r or -l), namely gramba ‘cheek’ (WT ’gram pa), zamba ‘bridge’ (WT zam pa), ʃarba ‘people of village’ (WT shar pa) kʰjorba ‘two hands full’ (“Cs. khyor-pa … a handful” Jk. 48b), and kjalba ‘bag’ (cf. rkyal pa “leather bag …” Jk. 17b, *kyal pa CDTD). However, as noted by Hahn (1996:31), ba was already a sandhi-variant of pa in WT (after -ng, -r, -l, and vowels, thus not the exact same environments as in Purik), and it has been preserved as such, for instance, in Purik darba ‘buttermilk’ (WT dar ba), garba ‘black smith’ (WT mgar ba), jurba ‘irrigation canal’ (WT yur ba), olba ‘male horse’ (WT ’ol ba), solba ‘coal’ (WT sol ba), spralba ‘forehead’ (WT dpral ba), and zorba ‘sickle’ (WT zor ba). The adjective ʒarba ‘blind’ (WT zhar ba) can be analyzed as the infinitive of the verb ʒar ‘to go blind’. Finally, the two Purik nouns in which -ba follows a vowel strongly are most likely loan words, since the labial stop would have otherwise turned into a glide in suba ‘syringe’ and been lost completely in haba ‘air of tire’.

10  In those etyma for which the corresponding simplex is attested, -pa cannot be attributed a synchronically transparent function, even though some relation does appear to hold between the derivation and the simplex, cf. tsʰerpa ‘time’ and tsʰer ‘time’, groŋpa ‘household’ and groŋ ‘hamlet’, zbjarpa ‘poplar’ and zbjar ‘summer’, and (ɲima) tsʰat-pa ‘noon’ and tsʰat ‘heat’.

Noun Phrases – Derivation

115

3.1.1.4 -ma It should first be noted that the indication of female sex attributed to WT ma (beside mo) by Beyer (1992:125)11 has been lost almost completely in Purik. I have found only three etyma that contain the suffix -ma and may only have female referents, namely baqma ‘bride’ (WT bag ma, vs. Purik baqpʰo ‘bridegroom’), ama ‘mother’ (ama, according to Jäschke (604a and XXIIa) already used in the Padma thangyig, a collection of legends of Padma Sambhava; vs. Purik ata ‘father’), and nama ‘daughter in law’ (without a corresponding masculine derivation). Nevertheless, -ma is widely attested as a formative in Purik nouns and can be shown to have either preserved WT ma, evolved from WT pa (after -ng, -n, and -d), or have other origins that cannot be recovered in every instance. An old ma has been faithfully preserved in several environments in Purik, perhaps most frequently after vowels, as exemplified by jama ‘bad cold’ (WT ya ma), lama ‘lama’ (borrowed from Ld., cf. WT bla ma), loma ‘leaf’ (WT lo ma), ɬtema ‘region around navel’ (cf. WT lte ba ‘navel’ > Purik ɬtja), ɲima ‘sun’ (WT nyi ma), oma ‘curd’ (cf. WT ’o ma “milk” Jk. 500b) , rgjuma ‘intestines’ (WT rgyu ma), sɲima ‘ear of corn’ (WT snye ma), tʰama ‘end, brink’ (WT mtha ma), trima ‘dirt’ (WT dri ma), and tʃʰima ‘tears’ (WT mchi ma). Purik -ma also follows a vowel in a few etyma that lack a known etymology, namely buma ‘medicinal plant (used against toothache)’, dama ‘main pole of yoke’, ʃoma ‘type of grass with big leaves’, and tsʰoma ‘dust devil’. In ʂtsima ‘rib’ (WT rtsib ma), on the other hand, the root final -b of WT has been lost in Purik. There are also a number of etyma that illustrate the preservation of WT ma after root-final -r and -l, cf. barma ‘drill; middle finger’ (WT bar ma “the middle one of three things Glr.” Jk. 367a), jarma ‘animal that still has milk’ (WT yar ma), dorma ‘pants’ (WT dor ma), jurma ‘weed(ing)’ (WT yur ma), kʰalma ‘kidney’ (WT mkhal ma), ɲerma ‘hot sauce’ (WT nyer ma), and tsʰerma ‘thorn(bush)’ (WT tsher ma). The formative -ma occurs in the same environment in Purik χorma ‘date palm; little yellow flower growing in barley fields’, which is likely to derive from Middle Persian χurma.12 The following nouns attest to the preservation of WT ma after -ng, -n, and -d, which turned into -n first in this environment, cf. ɬtʃaŋma ‘tree, willow’ (WT 11  “A source nominal that ends in -pa or -pa will generally derive its sex-marked form with -ma, one that ends in -pho will generally derive its sex-marked form with -mo, and one that ends in neither will idiosyncratically select one formative or the other, although there appears to be some tendency for native Tibetan words to select -mo and for borrowed expressions and neologisms to select -ma.” 12  For the long history of this word, cf. the Encyclopædia Iranica (http://www.iranicaonline .org/articles/date-palm, 6.9.2013).

116

Chapter 3

lcang ma), rduŋma ‘beam of wood’ (WT gdung ma), ʒanma ‘other, else’ (WT gzhan ma), sminma ‘eyebrow’ (WT smin ma), stranma ‘peas’ (WT sran ma), ʂkun ma ‘thief’ (WT rkun ma), rgunma ‘mare’ (WT rgod ma), and tsʰonma ‘vegetable’ (WT tshod ma). The formative -ma is not documented for WT with respect to ɬaŋma ‘name of a plant’ and zanma ‘bird feed’. An old -ma has also been preserved after a root-final -g (which is tends to be nasalized after -u- and is fricatized to -ʁ after -o- and -a-), cf. pʰuŋma ~ pʰugma (WT phug ma, BTC (1714a), CDTD), ʒugma ‘tail’ (WT mjug ma), ʂkoʁma (WT rkog ma, lkog ma, Jk. 17a and 18b), ɬjaʁma ‘food that s.o. has touched, leftover’ (WT lhag ma), and ʃaʁma ‘gravel’ (WT shag ma). A few more etyma contain a -ma suffix in an environment that suggests that it is old, cf. ʒaʁma ‘day’ (cf. WT zhag pa “(only Schr., Cs.) *zhág-po* W., *zhág-ma* Lt., W….” Jk. 471a), pʰjaχsma ‘duster’ (CDTD phyags ma), skruksma ‘oma mixer’, tsʰigma ‘withered apricot flower’, and tsʰarma ‘elder (person)’ (“Bal. old” Jk. 447a). Note that all except the first contain verbal roots, namely pʰjaq ‘sweep’, skruk ‘stir’, tsʰik ‘be scorched, wither’, and tsʰar ‘be finished, grow old’. In contrast to those discussed in the preceding paragraphs, the etyma listed below all contain a -ma ending that has evolved from WT pa, which was regularly nasalized after -ng and -n, cf. ʒiŋma ‘back of neck’ (WT ’jing pa), kaŋma ‘foot’ (WT rkang pa), kʰaŋma ‘house, home’ (WT khang pa), luŋma ‘valley’ (WT lung pa), pʰaŋma ‘lap, bosom’ (WT phang pa), pʰiŋma ‘felt rug’ (< phying pa, cf. CDTD, and even “Pur. *phyiṅ-pa* … felt” Jk. 350a), ʂpuŋma ~ ʂpugma ‘shoulder’ (WT dpung pa), ʂtiŋma ‘heel’ (WT rting pa), skinma ‘pawn’ (WT skyin pa), tʰoŋma ‘plowshare’ (cf. WT thong pa “ploughman” Jk. 238a), tʃ ʰanma ‘shearing scissors’ (WT chan pa), and tʃʰinma ‘liver’ (WT mchin pa). Finally, -ma is also attested in a number of Purik adjectives and adverbs, some of which can be traced back to an old pa, e.g. stoŋma ‘empty’ (WT stong pa), and perhaps ʂɲiŋma ‘old’ (WT rnying pa, rnying ma, Jk. 195b), to an old ba, i.e. gaŋma ‘whole, all, full’ (WT gang ba “full” Jk. 66a) and ʂtsaŋma ‘clean, holy’ (WT gtsang ba), or to an old ma, i.e. goŋma ‘higher’ (WT gong ma), while joʁma ‘lower’ (only yog in Jk. 514b) perhaps received -ma in Purik in analogy to its opposite goŋma. Two more etyma appear to reflect an old ma, namely soma ‘new’ and rgjama ‘after two years’. And finally, three adjectives that are used in adverbials may either reflect an older plosive or nasal, i.e. stoŋma ‘in two years’ (e.g. in stoŋma-a joŋ-et ‘I will come (again, back) in two years’), dunma ʒaq ‘the day before yesterday’, and sŋunma ʒaq ‘three days ago’. 3.1.1.5 Related Nominal Endings: P -wa, -ja, -a, -maq(s) As mentioned in 3.1.1.1, there are many monosyllabic nouns in Purik that reflect contracted disyllabic nouns in WT. The largest proportion of these etyma

Noun Phrases – Derivation

117

contained a ba suffix following an open syllable in WT. The initial plosive of this suffix has become fused to a bilabial glide together with root-final -o and -u, a palatal glide with -e and -i, and the entire suffix was lost after root-final -a. WT -o ba and -u ba have thus yielded Purik -wa, as illustrated in the following list of etyma, cf. kwa ‘cow leather’ (WT ko ba), ɬtwa ‘belly’ (WT lto ba), ɬwa ‘lung’ (WT glo ba), (perhaps) ldwa ‘saddle girth’ (cf. WT glo “2. saddle-girth W.” Jk. 82a), rdwa ‘stone’ (WT rdo ba), ʃwa ‘scab, scurf’ (WT shu ba), swa ‘husked barley’ (WT so ba), tʰwa ‘shirt tail’ (WT thu ba “1. also thú-pa, skirt, coat-flap Glr….” Jk. 232a), tʃ ʰwa ‘sinew, nerve’ (WT chu ba), and zbwa ‘foam’ (WT lbu ba, dbu ba). There is also one instance of a Purik -wa that goes back to WT ga, namely in krwa ‘birch bark’ (WT gro ga), as well as one instance of a -wa inherited from WT, cf. ʂtswa ‘grass, herb’ (WT rtswa). In a smaller group of etyma, WT -e ba and -i ba have turned into Purik -ja, as illustrated by ɬtja ‘navel’ (WT lte ba), sja (serpo, marpo) ‘(yellow, red) rose bush’ (WT se ba, gse ba, bse ba), smja ‘mole, birthmark’ (WT rme ba ~ dme ba ~ sme ba), and pʰja ‘marmot’ (WT (’)phyi ba). After a root-final -a, furthermore, the suffixal -b- was regularly lost, and the two identical vowels fused creating a long vowel that was eventually shortened (as already discussed in 2.2.4), cf. ka ‘pillar’ (WT ka ba), kʰa ‘snow’ (WT kha ba), ɬa ‘marrow’ (WT lha ba), ʂna ‘ear’ (WT rna ba), and ʂtsa ‘bottom’ (WT rtsa ba). The ending -ŋa of snaŋa ‘attention’ (WT snang ba) can also be traced back to WT ba. The identical ending of ɬtsaŋa ‘big frying pan’ (WT sla(ng) nga, see Jk. 585b), however, appears to have been transcribed as nga in WT. We may compare these two words to a larger group of etyma that accordingly repeat the vowel -a- after a voiced uvular fricative (while their WT transcriptions again vary), cf. ɲaʁa ‘crest (of mountain)’ (cf. WT nyag ga “steelyard” Jk. 184b), tsaʁa ‘spark, bullseye’ (cf. tsag ge “W. the black mark in a target” Jk. 430a), sjaʁa ‘engagement’ (cf. gsag pa “to sew together” Jk. 588a), and zaʁa ‘(temporary) funnel’ (perhaps from P zaq ‘leak’). Interestingly, the last example appears to be semantically related to ɬtoro ‘(permanent) funnel’, which accordingly repeats a vowel after the consonant in the coda of the first syllable. A last group of nominal endings that should be mentioned here is the one that arose through the frequent addition of a uvular (and more rarely a velar) to a final vowel. Consider, for example, those etyma in which this uvular follows -ma-: tʃʰilmaq ‘spittle’ (WT mchil ma), grimaq ‘shadow’ (WT grib ma), kraχmaq ‘beard of barley awn, fish bones’ (WT gra ma), ldʒaχmaq ‘name of a grass (sticks and pricks like kraχmaq)’, and tʃamaq ‘magnifying glass’. The etymologies of the etyma ending in -aq(s) vary considerably, cf. kalaq ‘clay’ (cf. ka lag “W. mud, mixture of earth and water used instead of clay …” Jk. 2b), kʰulaq ‘certain flour dish’ (cf. CDTD kho lag), lwaq ‘ewe’ (cf. WT lug), pʰulaqs ‘ram’ (< *pʰo-lwaq-s),

118

Chapter 3

rabaq ~ rawaq ~ raaq ‘(female) goat’ (cf. WT ra (ma), Jk. 521a), skjeraqs ‘belt’ (cf. skye rags “W. for ska rags girdle” Jk. 29a), tsʰerta ‘fence of tsherma’ (but cf. CDTD Kar, Tsha tsʰertaqs, Pan tsʰertaq, s.v. tsher ma), or kʰalpaq ‘mouth’ (cf. “W. kha lpag(s) …” Jk. 36a). 3.1.1.6 -p(ʰ)o The sex-indicating function of both -p(ʰ)o (male) and -mo (female) that appears to have (still) been productive in WT (see Beyer 1992:123–4) has almost completely disappeared in Purik. The aspirated -pʰo is only attested in two Purik nouns that denote a male referent by definition, namely baqpʰo ‘bridegroom’ and bjapʰo ‘rooster’. In ɖonpʰo ‘guest’ and after the verbal roots rgjal ‘win’ and ɬuŋ ‘loose’, it may denote referents of either sex, as in (10) (the only example in which -pʰo is used in this nominalizing way), even if it is perhaps more frequently associated with males, as in (11) and (12), where the plosive is not consistently aspirated. (10) rwaŋ toŋ,

rgjal-pʰo saq ŋj-i-ka joŋ, ɬuŋ-pʰo r.p.s give\imp win-PHO all I-g-loc come loose-PHO kʰo-e-ka soŋ s/he-g-loc go\imp Play rock paper scissor! Those who win all come into my (team), those who loose all go into his (team).

(11) dj-u

ʃi-tʃa-o rgjalpo-i rgjalam in this-def die-inf2-def Lord-gen highway eq That this (animal) died is (part of) the Lord’s highway (i.e. one of the many things that just happen).

(12) tʃʰos-i rgjalpʰo peʁamber, tʃ ʰʂos-i rgjalpo hussein religion-gen lord prophet religion-gen lord Hussein (Our) religion’s Lord is the prophet, (our) religion’s lord is Hussein.

Note that aspiration is not attested for any of the other instances of the suffix -po in Purik, which are discussed in the following. First, however, it is important to mention that this suffix must not be confused with the definite article -po, which is regularly assimilated to the preceding noun and thereby turned into -o after -a, and into -u after all the other vowels, cf. 3.2.1. And again, we must distinguish from this synchronic rule the diachronic process through which some WT po became P -mo after nasal final finals.

Noun Phrases – Derivation

119

Let us now list the different etyma that contain the formative -po in Purik. Those in which WT po has evolved into P -bo and -mo will be discussed subsequently. The only nouns that end in -po in Purik and denote a person are apo ‘grandfather’, juksapo ‘widower’ (cf. yúg(s)-sa-pa “… widower, yúg(s)-samo widow …” Jk. 511b), mespo ‘ancestor’ (WT mes po), rgatpo ‘old person’ (WT rgád-po), skutpo ‘wife’s brother’ (WT skud po), and ʂpaŋpo ‘witness’ (WT dpang po). Other nouns with -po include tʰepo ‘thumb’ (WT mtheb po), tsepo ‘basket’ (WT tse po), and the otherwise unanalyzable kasaŋgálpo ‘(slap in the) face’. The honorific term jar-i pʰjaqpo ‘your honor’ (from WT ’phag pa “to rise, to be raised … sublime, exalted … distinguished, excellent, glorious …” Jk. 355a–b) is used in Purik with higher-ranked people, as exemplified in (13). (13) jar-i

pʰjaqpo nam skjot you(h)-gen honor when come(h) When did your honor arrive (here)? A few compounds contain adjectives in a non-clipped form, cf. gaŋskarpó ‘edelweiss’, gaŋsmarpó ‘kind of medicinal plant’, and karpogáŋbu ‘white peas’, the former two reversing the word order found outside of compounds in Purik, where adjectives generally precede nouns (if they do not quantify them). There are a much larger number of adjectives that contain -po in Purik. Some of them are related to a verbal root that is likely primary, suggesting that -po was once productive in deriving adjectives from verbs,13 cf. tʃ ʰatpo ‘torn, poor’ (from tʃʰat ‘be cut, torn’), sunpo ‘calm’ (from sun ‘be bored’, cf. WT sun-pa “vb. and adj. 1. to be tired of, weary of, sick of; tired, weary, out of humour …” Jk. 574a), salpo ‘of good quality (e.g. barley)’ (WT gsal po “visible to a great distance, conspicuous, distinct” Jk. 588b s.v. gsál-ba “to be clear, distinct, bright” Jk. 588b), goqpo ‘broken down’ (cf. goq ‘come off’), zdukpo ‘sad’ (WT sdug po, from sdug pa “to be oppressed, afflicted, grieved …” Jk. 294a), and perhaps urpo ‘fast’ (cf. WT hur po “1. quick, alert, dexterous, clever” Jk. 597b), and from a verb that is only used in the conjunctive participle ʂtanpo ‘strong, reliable’ (WT brtan po, cf. P ʂtan-e ‘always’).

13  According to Beyer (1992:127), “[o]ne of the primary functions of the formative -PHo is the derivation of adjectives from stative verbs.” However, “[t]he derivation of adjectives in -PHo had largely ceased to be productive by the time of Old Tibetan; the vast majority of adjectives in the classical texts are derived from verbs nominalized with -Pa and used in relative clause constructions.” (Beyer 1992:128).

120

Chapter 3

Other adjectives ending in -po have adjectival roots that are also attested in other derivations, cf. karpo ‘white, clear’ (where kar- is also found in karkar ‘bright’ and kartsaqtsaq ‘very white’), marpo ‘red’ (cf. marɬtikɬtik ~ martiktik ‘deep red’ and marzaŋzaŋ ‘scarlet red’, cf. also Jk. 422b s.v. dmar po), sŋunpo ‘green, blue’ (cf. sŋuntʃoqtʃoq ‘shining green’), kʰʂispo ‘difficult, puzzling’ (cf. kʰʂiskʰʂis ‘puzzling’), zarpo ‘rugged, steep’ (cf. zarzar ‘id.’), or serpo ‘yellow’ that may have originally been derived from the monosyllabic noun ser ‘gold’ (cf. also sergar ‘goldsmith’, or serχolχol ‘very yellow’). Similarly, ʃaŋpo ‘intelligent’ appears to be a derivation from the noun ʃaŋ ‘consciousness’. Two additional adjectives have corresponding clipped forms in compounds, i.e. naqpo ‘black’ (cf. naqzbjar ‘kind of poplar’ or naqstran ‘kind of pea’, but perhaps also the abstract deverbal noun naχs ‘trouble, suffering’) or ʂtsoqpo ‘bad, ugly, dirty’ (cf. triʂtsoq ‘bad smell’ or kʰoŋʂtsoq ‘bad (character)’). A few other adjectives do not have such correspondences; they are typical adjectives, and most of them can be found in the same form in WT, i.e. dampo ‘tight, impervious’ (WT dam po), pʰjukpo ‘rich’ (WT phyug po), ʂtsupo ‘rough’ (WT rtsub po), and kaχspo ‘difficult’ (cf. WT dka’ bo). Finally, motpo ‘common, normally’ also has an adverbial use, thought this appears to originate in its adjectival function. After roots ending in -m, old -po (as attested for WT) was regularly voiced in Purik, cf. skambo ‘dry’ (WT skam po), ʒimbo ‘delicious’ (WT zhim po), and ɲambo ‘together (with)’ (WT mñam po). For brombo ‘thick’ and ʒambo ‘smooth’, according to the CDTD, the voiceless -po clearly prevails east of about Nurla in Lower Ladakh, indicating that the suffix was originally voiceless. In dampo ‘tight, impervious’ – the only adjective with voiceless -po following -m – the final -s of its verbal root dams ‘gather, control’ likely prevented the labial plosive from becoming voiced. In this context, consider also two words in which WT bo has not merged with the preceding syllable despite its vocalic final, namely baho ‘cave’ (< WT ’ba’ bo) and ʂpaho ‘brave’ (< WT dpa’ bo). 3.1.1.7 -mo The formative -mo takes part in a number of Purik nouns that have female referents, cf. baqmo ‘bride’ (WT bag mo), bjamo ‘hen’ (WT bya mo), bomo ‘girl’ (WT bu mo), brimo ‘female yak’ (WT ’bri mo), dremo ‘female devil’ (WT ’dre mo), garmo ‘female crossbreed of male yak and female common cow(?)’ (WT ’gar mo, cf. also P garzo), joqmo ‘female servant’ (WT g.yog mo), nomo ‘younger sister’ (WT nu mo), tsʰamo ‘granddaughter’ (WT tsha mo), striŋmo ‘sister’ (WT sring mo), zomo ‘female hybrid yak, female zo’ (WT ’dzo mo), and morgjaŋmo ‘widow’. The synchronic association attested in other dialects between rgjalmo

Noun Phrases – Derivation

121

‘iris (eye)’ and its original meaning ‘queen’ (WT rgyal mo) is rejected by my consultants. The regular assimilation of WT po > P -mo after -ng is only attested in three etyma, namely miŋmo ‘brother’ (WT ming po), ʂpaŋmo tʃ ʰiʒbʒi ‘witness’ (WT *dpang po che bzhi), zdoŋmo ‘tree trunk’ (WT sdong po). The remaining nouns that contain -mo denote animals (without indicating their sex), cf. drenmo ‘bear’ (WT dred mo), goŋmo ‘white grouse’ (WT gong mo), strinʒamo ‘biting kind of spider’, body parts, cf. puksmo ‘knee’ (OT *put-s-mo, cf. Matisoff 2003:436), senmo ‘fingernail’ (WT sen mo), tʰeptʃuŋmo ‘little finger’ (*mtheb chung mo), or girgirmo ‘buttock, morning dew’, and other notions, cf. tʰamo ‘fight, war’ (WT ’thab mo), ldzanmo ‘imitation’ (WT slad mo), ldzaimo ‘moon’ (CDTD zla kyir mo), zermo ‘pain, illness’ (from gzer “4. pain, ache, illness …” Jk. 495b), and kʰʂikkʰʂigmo ‘type of grass’. The only instance of a WT mo that became nasalized in the Purik of some Kargilis is bão ‘hoar frost’ (others pronounce it bamo, cf. WT ba mo); it thus appears to have been borrowed from South Purik, where intervocalic WT nasals are regularly reflected by a nasalization of the preceding vowel (and elided themselves). The suffix -mo must have been very productive in deriving adjectives from verbal or nominal bases, which are in most cases synchronically attested. Consider the adjectives ending in -mo that appear to have been derived from verbs, i.e. griksmo ‘fitting’ (from griks ‘fit’), hilmo ‘wide’ (from hil ‘be wide, loose’), rdemo ‘nice’ (from rde ‘be well’), rgamo ‘happy’ (from rga ‘love’), ʈʰjaŋmo ‘lame’ (from ʈʰjaŋ ‘limp’), (’)théng-ba “Cs. to be lame, to go lame …” Jk. 245a), ʒiksmo ‘scary’ (from ʒiks ‘be afraid’), ʒimo ‘fine’ (< *ʒibmo, from ʒip ‘become fine’), tʃʰotmo ‘sharp’ (from *tʃʰot, an old verbal form related to tʃ ʰat ‘be cut’), and perhaps doqmo ‘narrow’ (probably related to doχs ‘be annoyed’). For many other Purik adjectives that end in -mo, a related nominal base (often denoting an abstract notion) is attested, cf. ŋarmo ‘sweet’ (ŋar ‘wheedling words’), skjurmo ‘sour’ (skjur ‘yeast’), silmo ‘shady, cool’ (sil ‘shade’), dalmo ‘slow’ (dal ‘leisure’, but cf. also the verb dal ‘be free, have leisure’), traŋmo ‘upright, straight’ (traŋpa ‘right’, traŋŋos ‘the right side’), zaŋmo ‘goodhearted, honest’ (from zaŋ ‘front side, inside’), ʂkonmo ‘rare’ (cf. zanʂkon ‘famine’), graŋmo ‘cold’ (graŋ ‘cold’, and the verb graŋs ‘become cold’), ɖonmo ‘warm’ (ɖot ‘heat’), and tʰonmo ‘high’ (tʰot ‘turban’). Other adjectives have related adjectives that are derived with a different suffix, cf. bjormo ‘suitable, good’ (bjortʃan) and bolmo ‘soft’ (bolbol). The adjectival root of ʂmamo ‘low’ is also found in the adjective-adjective compound ʂmamtʰon ‘uneven’ (cf. tʰonmo ‘high’), and the one of sŋamo ‘early’ in sŋatʰoq ‘early morning’ (likely containing tʰo ‘(point in) time’, cf. 4.2.1.1, and an additional velar, cf. 2.2.6.2).

122

Chapter 3

The remaining adjectives ending in -mo appear to have no transparent synchronic relation to other parts of speech, cf. jaŋmo ‘light, not loud, weak’, kʰimo ‘loud, big, much’, ɬjaʁmo ‘good’, ɬtsamo ‘easy’, maŋmo ‘much, many’, pʰramo ‘thin’, ʃoχsmo ‘fast’, senmo ‘funny, strange’, spjaŋmo ‘agile, attentive’, and stramo ‘thin’. 3.1.1.8 -bu Unlike in WT (cf. Beyer 1992:122–3), the suffix -bu does not appear to be productive in deriving diminutives in Purik. There are only few words ending in -bu that are perceived by Purik speakers to represent a small member of the class of things denoted by the base of the derivation, i.e. julbu ‘small village’, rdziŋbu ‘small reservoir’, and perhaps kʰaŋbutse ‘mountain shelter’ with an additional suffix. In many other pairs of words distinguished by means of -bu, the difference between the derivation and its base is not perceived to be one of size, cf. kʰembu ‘shovel’ (= kʰem), rdzoŋbu ‘chisel’ (= rdzoŋ), tsʰiksbu ‘pestle’ (tsʰiks ‘mortar’), ʃiŋbu ‘piece of wood’ (from ʃiŋ ‘wood’), zaŋsbu ‘copper pot’ (from zaŋs ‘copper (pot)’), and similarly dekbu ‘kind of pot’ (= dek, a loan from Urdu). It may be hypothesized that the suffix -bu in these words has become reanalyzed as denoting a delimited piece of something. Another derivation that is not by definition smaller than the corresponding simplex is straŋbu ‘path between houses’, cf. straŋ ‘porch’. A few other words that contain -bu have small referents and may well have once stood in opposition to larger items, cf. nurbu ‘ditch; small balls hanging from goat’s necks’, ʈilbu ‘bell, bell-like attachments of a tumar’, kabu (speech of elder men) ~ kau ‘gem hanging from the tumar’ (WT ga’u), bjabu ‘kind of bird’, and kʰʂilbu ‘curl(s)’, which is probably derived from the verb kʰʂil ‘wind’. The most substantial group of nouns with the suffix -bu, however, is perceived as neutral with respect to size, cf. batbu ‘bad smell’, boŋbu ‘donkey’, ɖambu ‘bamboo’, gaŋbu ‘pod (e.g. of peas)’, goŋbu ‘ball, round, globular’, kralbu ‘stick of wood’, ɬambu ‘braid’, ɬiŋbu ‘flute’, ldjaŋbu ‘rung’, ɲilbu ‘(ground) leaves of buksuk’, nalbu ‘bastard’, norbu ‘good person’, paʁbu ‘brick’, purumbu ‘fern’, rilbu ‘globe, round, globular’, rumbu ‘growing fruit; tick’, skjurbu ‘sour kind of plant’, skurbu ‘motor of mill; small toy-carrousel’, snambu ‘woolen cloth’, ʃoqbu ‘book’, tʰumbu ‘large ladle; cut ear of wheat’, tʃʰaʁbu ‘bunch (of flowers)’, tsʰembu ‘cradle’, umbu ‘kind of thornbush’, zaŋzbu ‘copper pot’, zarbu ‘wooden spoon’, zbraŋzbu ‘fly, flying insect’, zgitbu ‘fireplace’ (WT sgyid bu), and ʒoŋbu ‘hollowed half of tree stem used as drinking vessel’. Note that lambu ‘tall’, a frequently used loan word from Urdu, also has -bu as its second syllable though it is obviously not a diminutive.

Noun Phrases – Derivation

123

In derivations of bases ending in a plosive, such as dekbu, batbu, and zgitbu, the plosive of the suffix tends to be devoiced, i.e. voice tends to be assimilated progressively. This is further evidence for the absence of a productive morpheme boundary in words ending in -bu; if the suffix had a synchronically productive derivative function the plosive would likely be preserved in its voiced form. Similarly, the peculiar noun zgrompʰu ‘little box’, the only word with the ending -pʰu, and its WT correspondence sgrom bu “little box or chest” (Jk. 122b) illustrate that one of the few words to preserve a diminutive connotation changed form. Regardless of whether the word was influenced by Balti zgrompʰru ‘child of a box’ or the voiced labial was forticized in order to retain just that diminutive notion, it is evident that -bu no longer has a productive diminutive function in modern Purik. The loss of its diminutive meaning may also be related to the fact that WT already had variants without the labial plosive. All of the Purik nouns listed in the following appear to derive from these variants of -bu, i.e. -gu or -u. After bases ending in the vowel -a, the suffix has the form -u in the speech of most Purikpas. The pronunciation with the labial plosive of my older consultant Syed Abbas may indicate that the -b- in these forms was only lost recently, cf. hau ~ habu ‘small beetle’, kau ~ kabu ‘precious stone hanging down from tumar’, lau ‘hand (children’s language)’, ʃau ‘new skin on wound’, and ʈʰau ‘pot, kettle’. After bases ending in the vowel -i or a palatalized consonant, the suffix has the form -u, as in griu ‘small knife’, zgju(u) ‘bag’ (WT sgyi’u, sgyig gu “bag, purse” Jk. 118a), ɬtaχsɲu ‘fish trap’ (cf. WT sñi ~ rñi), and sɲu ‘weed’. In those nouns that contain a base ending in -u, the suffix -bu normally had a variant -gu in WT. A reflex of the velar segment is still present in variants of certain nouns, cf. rdu(ʁ)u ‘arm ring’ (cf. CDTD gdu gu ~ gdu bu ~ *ldu gu), zu(ʁ) u ‘finger, toe’ (cf. CDTD mdzu gu ~ mdzug gu), mu(ʁ)ur ‘metal bowl’ with an additional -r, and ʂtsu(ʁ)u ‘pit of apricot’, which is reconstructed as *rtsi gu in the CDTD. For ʈu ‘ball of wool’ (WT dru bu) and ru ‘young goat’ (cf. WT ra gu, re’u), there is no such variant. Similarly, in ɬtʃu(w)u ‘branch’ (cf. WT lcug pa “… a supple branch” Jk. 149b) and lu ‘lamb’ (cf. lug “sheep” Jk. 547b), the velar originally belonging to the root has completely disappeared. Note in this context that a number of nouns denoting fluids have a -ku originating from WT khu ba ‘fluid, liquid’ (Jk. 40b) as their second syllable, cf. saku ‘turbid, muddy water’, tsʰaku ‘salty (fluid)’, ʃaku ‘meat soup’, goku ‘head soup’, kaŋku ‘leg soup’. There is little evidence for the assumption that some of the words ending in -ru and -lu in Purik originally contained a diminutive bu, cf. brulu ‘bite’ (brul bu, brul lu, cf. Jk. 381b), zguru ‘bent (person), hunchback’ (cf. CDTD *sgur bu,

124

Chapter 3

and dgur, rgur, sgur “crooked” Jk. 85a), spulu ‘small feather’ (cf. WT spu), tʰulu ‘furred coat, cloak (of sheep)’ (cf. thul pa, thul po, thul lu, Jk. 234b), ʃalu ‘bath’ (cf. CDTD bzhal bo), ʃulu ‘loose skin, pellicle’, bjuru ‘red stone’ (WT byu ru), lɖuru ‘traditional earthen pot’, paru ‘pipe’, and raru ‘gust, strong wind’. Additional words that end in -u in Purik include ganɖuru ‘throat’, kuʃu ‘apple’, migu ‘stitch’, minɖu ‘bite (e.g. of papa)’, nunu ‘pipe, space between flesh and skin’, piʃu ‘fly, mosquito’, purumbu ‘fern’, putu(lu) ‘penis (child language)’, ʃaŋku ‘wolf’ (Ladakhi loan), ʈukuru ‘hopper of watermill’, ʈuʈu ‘throat’, tarazu ‘small scales’ (loaned from Urdu), usu ‘coriander’, χarχa(r)ʈu ‘ant’, ʒuguru ‘small insect’, and ʒiksbuʈu ‘fearful (person)’, and the adjectives tsʰerʈu ‘dirty’ and pʰunʈu ‘short, small’. A number of monosyllabic nouns also end in -u, cf. hju ‘turqoise’ (WT g.yu), kru ‘corner’ (WT gru), ɬu ‘song’ (WT glu), pʰru ‘child’ (WT phru), pu ‘bud’ (WT bu), ʒu ‘bow’ (WT gzhu), rdu ‘wrinkle’, and ʂu ‘nose’. 3.1.1.9 -kʰa Beyer (1992:133) already notes that in WT “the suffix -kha ~ -ka ~ -ga appears in a variety of nouns which apparently have little in common; in many cases the suffix does not appear to be derivational, although it does recur in particular contexts.” The same applies to Purik, where -kʰa is found in the following etyma with a nominal first syllable: aŋskʰa ‘(sound of) voice’, baŋkʰa ‘childbed; repository’, laskʰa ‘work’, mikkʰa ‘evil look, hitting with the eyes’, raŋkʰa soso ‘everyone (on her/his own)’, and ʂmakʰa ‘scar, wound’. Two Urdu loanwords, dokʰa ‘deception, fraud’ (Urdu dhokaa) and mokʰa ‘chance, opportunity’ (Urdu moqaa), apparently changed in order to adapt to this pattern. Only after -r, i.e. in the words berkʰa ~ berga ‘walking stick’ and serkʰa ~ serga ‘fissure, wound’, does the voiceless aspirated plosive appear to alternate with a voiced plosive. Finally, the suffix initial plosive is unaspirated in loŋka ‘large intestine’ (WT long ka) and tʰemska ‘stairs’ (WT them skas). The suffix -kʰa is also found in a few deverbal derivations such as pʰankʰa ‘use’, ʃarkʰa ‘dawn’, stotkʰa ‘praise’, tʰatkʰa ‘joy, ease’, tʃatkʰa ‘wood chopping’, tʃʰatkʰa ‘certainty’, as well as in metkʰamet ‘by all means’, cf. 4.2.14. Such deverbal derivations featuring -kʰa are not documented for WT. Since the bases of the derivations listed above are still used in modern Purik, we may conclude that the deverbal forms are of recent origin. Nevertheless, -kʰa does not appear to be productive in deriving nominal abstracts from verbal bases in Purik today (cf., however, the productive V-kʰi ‘about to V’ in Southern Purik, which may be a genitive form of this very suffix). 3.1.1.10 -tse Another common suffix of Purik and other WAT dialects is -tse. In a few kinship terms, it seems to function as a diminutive, cf. amatse ‘younger sister of

Noun Phrases – Derivation

125

mother’, atatse ‘younger brother of father’, and its honorific correspondence ba(a)tse ‘younger brother of father(h)’, which stand in opposition to amatʃ ʰo ‘elder sister of mother’, atatʃʰo(o) ‘elder brother of father’, and ba(a)tʃ ʰo ‘elder brother of father (h)’. There are only a few words ending in -tse that have a corresponding simplex from which they may be derived, cf. especially mo(tse) ‘female (animal)’ and pʰo(tse) ‘male (animal)’, where -tse does not appear to change the meaning. The common semantic denominator of the remaining derivations containing a base used elsewhere is that they all denote concrete entities, cf. jotse ‘lefthander; name of a plant’ (cf. jopa ‘left’), kaŋtse ‘sock’ (kaŋma ‘foot, leg’), kʰaŋbutse ‘mountain shelter’ (kʰaŋma ‘home’), pitse ‘mouse, rat’ (cf. WT byi ba “… rat, mouse …” Jk. 376a) and the perhaps related ɲapitse ‘small fish found in some yurbas’, ʃuptse ‘husk (rice), peel (onion), hull’ (cf. ʃups ‘cover, bark, sheath’), toŋtse ‘quiver’ (cf. WT mda dong “a quiver” Jk. 258a), watse ‘fox’ (cf. Tsha wa ‘fox’, Kar waʂkjaq ‘excrements of fox’), and zbuntse ‘wood chip(s)’ (cf. zbutpa ‘bellows’, and WT sbud pa “1. to light, kindle” Jk. 404b). Of these words, only kaŋtse, pitse, and toŋtse can be found in other WAT dialects, and watse additionally in WIT and the Ngari-dialect of Purang. All the remaining words that end in -tse do not appear to be related to a simplex or another derivation. According to the CDTD, totse ‘orphan’ (cf. WT dwa tse) can be found in other WAT and WIT dialects, and toqtse ‘hoe’ (“W., tógrtse Lex., hoe, mattock, pickaxe W.” Jk. 205a) also occurs in Ngari and other CT dialects. The CDTD also suggests that the laptse ‘crops before being threshed’ found in WAT may have been metaphorically extended to mean ‘top of the mountain pass (marked by a pile of stones or flags)’ in the varieties of South Mustang, Western Drokpa, and Dingri, and ‘heap of stones (marking a sacred place)’ in Tabo. Indeed, the way in which the tufts of wheat are displayed before being threshed in Kargil resembles the way in which stones are often arranged on top of a mountain pass. The word tʰetse, which means ‘fetlock of cow’ in Purik, is attested for some WAT, WIT, and CT dialects in the possibly related meaning that is also given by Jk. 235a, i.e. “seal, signet, stamp”; tʃoqtse ‘foot board’ (lcóg-tse “… table, in Tibet, esp. in W., a very rare piece of furniture, and always small and low …” Jk. 150b; cf. also kjoqtse ‘small table’, only used by Shabeer) is found throughout the Tibetan dialect area, similarly pʰjamalaptse ‘butterfly’ (Agha Ali only says pʰramalaptse), however, without the suffix -tse in CT. Four more Purik words ending in -tse are found in Jäschke, altse ‘earthen kitchen pot’ (“Ld.” Jk. 606a) and burtse ‘strongly smelling kind of herb’ (“name of certain plants in Ld. & Kun.” Jk. 370a) explicitly attributed to Ladakh, and meltse ‘soapstone’ (“steatite or soap-stone, of a greenish colour” Jk. 418b) and tsetse ‘millet’ (“millet Cs.” Jk. 432a) without any indication as to their provenance.

126

Chapter 3

In addition, there are a number of Purik words ending in -tse that are apparently not documented elsewhere, cf. iptse ‘type of a bird’, kaptse ‘small diamond-shaped type of bread fried in oil’, kʰaptse ‘iron head of a chisel’, korotse ‘cloth put around the axis of the millstone to keep flour from falling inside’, kortse ‘garden bed’, latatse ‘axis carrying the millstone’, ɬakotse ‘venomous squirrel-like (fictional?) animal’ (cf. CDTD *lha kyi ma), ɲotse ‘type of a grass’, paŋkotse ~ pʰaŋkotse (Mehdi) ‘stone on which the axis of the mill rests, spindle resting place’, porotse ‘stacks of wheat’, pulɖuŋtse ‘sorrel’, ropótse ~ ripótse ‘musk deer’, ʃamiliktse (ʃamilik) ‘type of a grass’, and finally kótse ‘puppy, fox kit; withered flower of willow’, which appears to be the only such word that carries the accent (and therefore high pitch) on the first syllable. Purik also has two frequently-used adjectives with the ending -tse, i.e. ɲintse ‘little (amount)’ and tsʰuntse ‘small (size)’, which are very common throughout WAT. The assonant adverb tʃʰaχtsepaχtse ‘gradually’ is not documented outside of Purik. In summary, there are a considerable number of Purik etyma containing -tse that lack a known etymology and are not documented in any other variety of Tibetan. Moreover, of those 29 etyma that are documented in the CDTD, 17 are found in WAT, 15 in parts of CT, but only two in EKT and four in EAT (among these *(l)cog tse ‘kind of table’, which has been assumed to originate from Chinese, e.g. in Lyovin (1992:53), who considers zhuōzi as its origin). The -tse derivations thus appear to be rather old but clearly more common in the Tibetan dialects of the West (including at least the CT dialects of Ngari, but perhaps also South Mustang, Dingri, and others), suggesting that they may originate from the Zhangzhung language, and the -tse suffix is indeed widely attested in Martin’s (2008) dictionary. However, of the 45 words that have it there, not one has a close resemblance to a Purik word. The origin of these words and especially the -tse suffix therefore remains unclear. 3.1.1.11 Non-syllabic Nominalizing Suffixes -s, -d (and -n?) Two (or perhaps three) non-syllabic suffixes are found in a number of deverbal nominalizations in Purik. These suffixes were described for WT by Beyer (1992:117–9) and later quoted by Matisoff (2003:444–56), even though some of Beyer’s equations are semantically not fully convincing. In the light of Zemp (2016), it appears plausible that the -s suffix found in nominalizations of perhaps all varieties of Tibetan derives from the PT stative suffix, and at least in Purik, it does not appear to have ever been productive in a nominalizing function. By contrast, the earliest function that may be reconstructed for the -d suffix based on evidence from Tibetan is a nominalizing one, and the transitive WT present stems that are distinguished by this -d from the other stems

Noun Phrases – Derivation

127

are original nominalizations.14 As regards the -n suffix reconstructed by other sources, the fact that an -n regularly arises out of the -d before nasals (see 2.2.2.6.3) and at an early stage of Western Tibetan probably also before -t (see below) allows us to tentatively derive all instances of -n from -d. The differing semantics of the -s and the -t/n nominalizations in Purik make these assumptions plausible: the former denotes either the result of an event or the event itself, while the latter denotes instead the theme that is at the center of an event. We will turn to the characterization of these nominalizations again below. The -s nominalizations that are attested for Purik either denote the product of an event, as in tʰaχs ‘texture’ (from tʰaq ‘weave’), zbraχs ‘stack (e.g. of hay) stored on roof’ (from *zbraq ‘put together’), ɬtsaŋs ‘shelf’ (from ɬtsaŋ ‘raise, erect’), rgjaχs ‘gift from someone who has travelled far’ (from rgjaq ‘spend’), and perhaps skje-s ‘present, gift’ (skje ‘be born, come into being’). If the event has a less salient product, -s nominalizations denote the event itself, as in ʂtses ‘dance’ (ʂtse ‘play’ < *‘dance’15), ʂmos ‘plowing’ (ʂmo ‘plough’), stjaχs ‘climbing help (provided e.g. by folding one’s hands in front of one’s body)’ (stjaq ‘raise’), pʰras ‘kicking (of a horse)’ (cf. pʰra ‘make an effort’), ʃups ‘cover, whisper’ (*ʃup ‘cover’), ɬiŋs ‘hunting’ (*ɬiŋ ‘hunt’), pʰjas ‘insult’ (cf. WT ’phya “to blame … to scoff, to deride” Jk. 358a), or zbraps ‘tumbling down’ (cf. WT rbab “2. the rolling down … e.g. rdo-rbáb loose stones rolling down, a frequent annoyance in high mountains Pth.” Jk. 403a). Some -s nominalizations may denote either the product or the event itself, e.g. ʂtsis ‘number, calculation’ (ʂtsi ‘count’) and ʂŋas ‘harvest’ (ʂŋa ‘harvest’; note that the noun has both meanings in English as well, i.e. it may denote ‘the event of harvesting’ as well as the ‘crops’). Such -s nominalizations have found their way into many compounds, such as saldaχs ‘name of insect (lit. ground licker)’, tʰuldaχs ‘pointer (finger; lit. the one who is licked with spit?)’, rdoŋɬtas ‘differential treatment of people depending on who they are (lit. face-looking)’,16 meɬtʃeps ‘bugs buzzing around a light (lit. those who jump to death into the fire)’, moqzgrims ‘mixed crowd’, kʰargjaps ‘mischievous (lit. one who shoots (with) his mouth?)’, ʂtsupʰraŋs ‘wreath (lit. stringing) of kernels’, ʒuŋʃaχs ‘coat tails, lap (lit. cleft center)’, mu(l)rduŋs ‘fist fight’, laqpʰis ‘handkerchief (lit. blowing (of the nose) by means of the hands)’, laqtʰams ‘handle (lit. where the hand may hold on to)’, tʃ ʰurgjuks ‘wet layer just 14  The relation between the nominalizing -d and the one found in transitive present stems is rejected by Beyer (1992:117, footnote 14). 15  The fact that most of the verbs from which these -s nominalizations are derived are not used in modern Purik, or at least not with the meaning that is fossilized in the -s nominalization, is evidence that this derivation is no longer productive. 16  Beyer (1992:118) has ltas ‘omen, sign, prodigy’.

128

Chapter 3

inside of the bark of a branch (lit. the flowing of the water, i.e. where the water flows)’, ʂtsikskars ‘trapped between something (e.g. horns) and a wall’. A final example is given in (14). (14) kʰo

lo-zos in s/he year-ate eq He is older than he looks (lit. he has just eaten the years). That the nominalizing -s suffix, however, does not appear to be productive any longer is not only indicated by the impossibility of ad hoc formations and often the absence of a corresponding and still synonymic verb for the attested formations, but also by a few -s nominalizations with an additional -pa, the derivative that appears to have replaced -s in the discussed function, cf. 4.2.3, perhaps along with -tʃa, cf. 4.2.4, namely hjaŋspa ‘playing’, riŋspa ‘hurry’, ʂtʃespa ‘loving’, and ʂtukspa ‘fate’. Before we investigate the traces the -t and the -n suffixes left in Purik, we must acknowledge that the two cannot be distinguished before nasals, since -t changed to -n- in that environment, cf. WT rgod ma ‘mare’ > P rgunma or *nat-met tsʰat-met ‘without illness or fever’ > P nan-met tsʰan-met, etc. As a consequence, the -n- e.g. in ʂku-n-ma (from ʂku ‘steal’), ski-n-ma ‘thing borrowed’ (from ski ‘borrow’), ɬa-n-ma ‘patch’ (from ɬa ‘knit’), ɬta-n-mo ‘spectacle, show’ (from ɬta ‘look’), dro-n-mo ‘warm’ (from dro-s ‘become warm’), and ʒun-mar ‘local type of (once melted) butter’ (from ʒu ‘melt’) may derive from either an -n or a -t.17 That we should not completely reject the assumption of a formerly productive -n suffix, however, is suggested by zan ‘food’ (from za ‘eat’), rin ‘price’ (from ri ‘be worth’), ʒon ‘milk’ (from WT bzho ‘to milk’), ɬtʃin ‘urine’ (but tʃitʃi ‘urine’, which is used when talking to children), ʂɲen ‘relative’ (cf. ɲemor ‘close’), and rzon ‘lie’ (from WT rdzu “give a deceptive representation …” Jk. 468b).18 17  Compare also the adjectives ending in -(n)ʈ/te (discussed in 3.1.1.15), where a preceding -t may similarly have turned into a nasal, for instance in tsʰante ‘hot’, but tsʰa-t ‘heat’, or in ɬtʃi-n-te ‘heavy’, but ldʒi-t ‘weight’ (no verb is attested in Purik, but cf. Beyer 1992:117), etc. In ʃumbraχs ‘bark (of tree)’, furthermore, the -m- directly reflects the nasal prefix attested in WT ’breg < *’braq, but it can no longer be decided whether the preceding syllable ended in -t, -n, or had no coda at all. 18  Many of the other examples that Beyer (1992:117–9) adduces are not convincing, such as rnga ‘mow, cut, reap’ and rngan-pa ‘reward, hire, wages’, which have different prefixes in Purik, i.e. ʂŋa, but sŋanpa. The functions Matisoff (2003) describes for the -n suffix in other Tibeto-Burman languages, on the other hand, are too heterogeneous to allow for the reconstruction of a single suffix. Under these circumstances, however, one may also

Noun Phrases – Derivation

129

Much broader evidence can be adduced for the reconstruction of a suffix -t with the same nominalizing function.19 It is found in the simplices tro-t ‘heat’ (from dro-s ‘become warm’20), na-t ‘illness’ (from *na ‘become ill’, widely attested as a verb in the dialects outside of Purik), tsʰa-t ‘heat’ (from tsʰa ‘become hot’), bro-t ‘taste’ (from bro-s ‘become tasty’), ʂku-t ‘theft’ (from ʂku ‘steal’), sku-t ‘ointment’ (from sku ‘smear’), re-t ‘opportunity’ (from re ‘depend on’), and pʰe-t ‘half’ (from pʰe ‘open’21), and the additionally derived adjectives rga-t-po22 ‘old person’ (from rga-s ‘become old’).23 Note that the listed -t derivations of the mostly monovalent verbs do not denote the product of the event but rather its center, that is, the characteristic or property that comes into being, or – in the case of skut only – the theme of the action. The two other nouns derived from transitive verbs, i.e. ʂkut and pʰet, similarly do not denote the product (i.e. the ‘stolen goods’ and ‘the opening’ respectively) of the action but a more central notion of it. The meaning that adheres to the -t nominalizations in Purik makes it appear very plausible that this is the same -d that is also found in a number of WT imperfective stems, and that, on the other hand, the -s suffix that marks the past stems of transitive Purik verbs has sometimes been reanalyzed as indicating the result of an event, that is, a nominal notion (while in WT, it was also reanalyzed as indicating perfectivity). Since the -t suffix never denotes the primary product of an event, it was apparently more strongly associated with the possibility of a future action, that is, an imperfective notion. This can be exemplified with the noun skut ‘ointment’ (which is indeed attested in WT as explain the monosyllabic instances of -n in Purik as backformations from suffixed forms such as zanma ‘bird’s food’ < *zat-ma or rzon ma toŋ ‘don’t lie!’ < *rzot ma toŋ. 19  Note that Beyer (1992:117 and 119) uses the exact same sentence to describe the functions of the three suffixes -d, -n, and -s, namely “[t]he nonsyllabic formative … is found in nouns derived from verbs”, without further elaborating on them. 20  Just as with the -s suffix, the phonetic divergence of the -t nominalization and its root or the full absence of the root from the modern language both indicate that -t was only productive as a nominalizer in the distant past. 21  For the semantic link between these two words, cf. bar be-se ʒaq ‘put (something down) with intermediate space, on different piles (lit. with intermediate space opening)’, or pʰet ba ‘share (between at least, but not only two people)’. 22  Another derivation of the verb rga-s ‘become old’ is found in kʰo rganʃa pʰoq-se in ‘s/he looks old(er than s/he is)’, however, the etymology of the second syllable of rganʃa is obscure. 23  The semantic link between P sɲe-t ‘crupper’ and sɲe ‘lean against’ (cf. Beyer 1992:117) is not obvious to me. Similarly questionable is P lam-rdu-t ‘densely moving crowd’ from WT gdu ‘love’, which was linked by Beyer to gdud-pa ‘longing, desire’.

130

Chapter 3

a noun and as the imperfective stem of the verbal paradigm, cf. Jk. 22b), which denotes something that may be crucially involved in the action denoted by the verb sku ‘smear’. However, people are much more likely to refer to the ointment by means of skut before the action than after it. Or, in other words, the existence of an ointment implies the possibility of using it. Similarly, it can be extrapolated from nouns like brot ‘taste’ and nat ‘illness’ that -t derivations typically (as nouns) relate to events that are going on at the moment of speech and are thus not completed, In other words, they are much more likely to be used in imperfective than in perfective contexts.24 3.1.1.12 -tʃan The suffix -tʃan (WT can) was already productive in WT in deriving adjectives from nouns (cf. Beyer 1992:121–2), and it has preserved this function in Purik to the present day. In all of the derivations listed below, it indicates that an entity has the property designated by the root (if it does not refer to an entity that exhibits a property to such a salient degree that it may come to stand for this property). That such derivations can also be used like nouns and refer to a person (rather than a property of that person) is exemplified in (15). (15) switserlen-la

ŋj-i ɲamʃan-tʃig jot Switzerland-dat I-gen acquainted-one ex I have a friend in Switzerland. In some of the -tʃa- derivations, -tʃan can be contrasted with -met, which indicates that something does not have a certain property, such as brot-tʃan ‘tasty’ vs. brot-met ‘tasteless’, or ɲamʃan ‘acquainted (person)’ vs. ɲasmet (*ɲams-met) ‘unacquainted’. The latter pair also illustrates that after a rootfinal -s, -tʃ- becomes -ʃ- at the cost of this -s, and that the medial sequence -msmis simplified to -sm-. The following -tʃan adjectives from monosyllabic native roots have been attested for Purik (many more likely exist): antʃan ‘strong’, brottʃan ‘tasty’, kʰjuttʃan ‘strong’, ŋattʃan ‘strong’, pʰaltʃan ‘wide’, rintʃan ‘precious, valuable’, skjontʃan ‘faulty, lazy’, spatʃan ‘alluring’, spetʃan ‘good’ (perhaps

24  The negligence of the semantic difference between the different nominalizations leads Matisoff (2003:455–6) to a fully different account of them (that is, nevertheless, phonetically interesting): “In a few WT word families there are morphophonemic triplets comprising an open syllable, a form with suffixed “-d”, and one with final -s. The allofams with -s are plausibly interpreted as deriving from doubly suffixed forms ( *de wa > dja also occurred in lte ba > ɬtja ‘navel’ and se ba > sja ‘rose’, see 2.2.4. Accordingly, Balti ja is assumed here to derive from *e pa, an emphatic form of e ‘the other’, as discussed in the introduction of this section.

242

Chapter 3

is often used is to refer to a size that is indicated by accompanying gestures, as in dja-a-ts-ik ‘this big’. We will discuss below how the contrastive dja acquired the emphatic indefinite notion that may be paraphrased as ‘whatever’, and the related functions it serves in the frequent dja-tsug-a ‘just like that, for no particular reason’ as well as in the filler word dja-nd-ik ‘something’. Examples (468)–(471) illustrate the emphatic anaphoric function of dja in contexts where a previously identified referent is affected by an iterative event; example (472) involves a continuative event. Demonstrative dja makes clear that it is always the same entity that is involved in every occurrence of the event. Note that dja occurs in its nominal form dja-o in (468), (469), and (471), in its dative form dja-w-a in (470), and that it is attributively used before a noun in (471) and (472). With the semelfactive events in (473)–(478), dja similarly indicates that nothing is affected by the events except for the referent (‘just that’). This is most evident in (473) and (474), while in (475) and (476), it means that few other entities are suited to play the role the referent plays, and in (477) and (478), dja indicates that the referent itself suffices to trigger the event. Note that in this last example, the definite dja-o is preceded by the possessive kʰir-i ‘your’, thus instantiating an NP with two determiners. (468)

kʰo-s ɬtsaŋ-kʰan-po-la ʂmul rgj-ek taŋ-se-na s/he-erg raise-inf-def-dat rupee 100–indef give-cnj-cnd dja-o ʒot-en-dug-et that.xct-def brag-sim-stay-crt After s/he gave a beggar 100 rupees, s/he’s been bragging about it all the time.

(469) kʰo-s

gundea dja-o ldzap-se zer-s-p-in s/he-erg yesterday that.xct-def repeat-cnj say-pst-inf-eq S/he said that repeatedly yesterday.

(470) kʰo-s dja-w-a spjot-en-duk-pa-t s/he-erg that.xct-def-dat take.interest-sim-stay-inf-fct S/he’s spending all the time for the same thing. (471) kʰo las-la

mi tʃʰa-a-t, dja-o kʰur-e dja s/he work-dat neg go-inf-fct that-def carry-def that laqp-e-aŋ kʰo dja-o zgran-en-dug-et-de kʰo-s hand-g-ine s/he that-def threaten-sim-stay-crt-pd s/he-erg He doesn’t go to work, carrying the same thing in the same hand, and keeps on playing around with that same thing.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

243

(472)

tʰanja-a a-ka biŋ, dja zgaŋ-po-s, straight-dat that-loc go.up that ridge-def-erg ɲaʁ-e-ka ɖaŋ bos crest-g-loc waiting do\imp Go straight up there, (walking) on the same ridge, and wait on the crest

(473)

ŋa hai ba-se dja-a ɬta-a soŋ-m-in e I hurry do-cnj that.xct-dat look-inf went-inf-eq the.other las-un pʰaŋ-se work-pl throw-cnj I went to look at it right away, leaving everything else (undone). (474) sirip dja-a tʃʰatatʃʰote, stoŋ-tʃik tsʰaqpa hessab only that.xct-def not.very.well 1000-one until counting joŋ-et come-crt Only that, and not very well, I can count to a thousand. (475)

kʰo gaɽi-j-aŋ pʰoχ-se ʃi, kʰo-i ʂtukstsʰat-po s/he car-g-ine hit-cnj die s/he-gen destiny-def dja-o jot-pa-jaa that.xct-def ex-foc-hes S/he died in a car accident; it was her destiny, I guess.

(476) dja-a

kʰo-a skud in that.xct-dat s/he-dat lesson eq That’ll teach him!

(477) dja-a-kato

pulis-la tsʰor-na kʰjeraŋ that.xct-def-in.case police-dat hear-cnd you zun-e-na paχspa kʰint-i tʃat-tʃ-in catch-cnj-cnd skin you:pl-gen cut-inf2-eq If the police should hear this they will arrest you and cut off your skin.

(478) kʰir-i dja-o jaŋ-tʃi-a-kato tsʰor-na … you-gen that-def again-one-dat-in.case hear-cnd … If someone should hear about this your (story) …

To further emphasize that the referent is the only entity to which a situation applies, the Purikpas often add the -na suffix (cf. 3.5.1.1) to dja, as exemplified

244

Chapter 3

for dja-na-o ‘exactly that one’ in (479) and (480). Approximately the same meaning of ‘one and the same’ is conveyed by dja-na in (481), dja-n-e in (482), and dja(-nna) in (483). The additional emphasis brought about by -na is also illustrated by the consecutive dja-ka and dja-n-e-ka ‘right there’ in (484) and the latter again in (485). In (486), the form with -na appears to reflect the addressee’s plans to go elsewhere more directly than the one without -na; the -e- in dja-ne-r-pa ‘a person from that same place’ in (487) likely represents an -a- that was palatalized in between -n- and -r-, see 2.1.2. (479)

dja-na-o in, ode-tsa-na kʰur-e jot-kʰan-po that.xct-cntr-def eq that.vry-lim-cnd carry-cnj ex-nlzr-def That’s the one, the one you had with you on that day.

(480) ʂku-se

kʰjer-kʰan-po dja-na-o in steal-cnj take.away-nlzr-def that.xct-cntr-def eq That’s definitely the one that was stolen.

(481) kʰo-aŋ

dja-na ʒaʁ-a soŋ-m-in s/he-add that-cntr day-dat went-inf-eq S/he went on the exact same day.

(482) kʰo-aŋ

dja-n-e ʒaʁ-a soŋ-m-in s/he-add that-cntr-gen day-dat went-inf-eq S/he went on the day of that exact same thing.

(483) dilli-na

dja(-nna) ʒaʁ-a ŋatʃ-i jul-la Delhi-abl that(-cntr) day-dat we.pe-gen country-dat ɬeb-a-t arrive-inf-fct From Delhi, we arrive in our country (Switzerland) on the same day.

(484) kʰje-s

matʃis-po dja-ka ʒoq, dja-n-e-ka you-erg matches-def that-loc put\imp that-cntr-g-loc ʒoq put\imp Put the matches right were you are, right there! (485)



kʰjaŋ dja-n-e-ka duk you that.xct-cntr-g-loc stay (You) stay right there (where you are)!

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

245

(486) dja-(na-)r

dug-aŋ-nii that-(cntr-)loc stay-add-syl Stay here (at our place or in our town) then!

(487)

kʰo-aŋ dja-ne-r-pa in, ŋataŋ ga-e-ka s/he-add that-cntr-g-term-assoc eq we.pi which-g-loc spera taŋ-en-jot-na, ode-r-pa word give-sim-ex-cnd that.vry-term-assoc He’s also from that same place. [And explaining dja-ne-r-pa:] Whatever we are talking about, someone from there! Two nouns that appear to have become cliticized to the accentuated dja in the discussed emphatic anaphoric meaning are res ‘turn, time’, as shown in (488) and (489), and tʰo ‘(point in) time’, as shown in (490).

(488)

dja-res-i-ka kʰje-s tozar toŋ, e-res-i-ka that-turn-g-loc you-erg lunch give\imp the.oth-turn-g-loc ŋa-s kʰjaŋ-a taŋ-et, jaŋ re-ʃig-i-ka I-erg you-dat give-crt again turn-one-g-loc This time you pay for the food! The next time I will pay for you … another time.

(489)

dja-res-i-ka kʰjaŋ soŋ-gi-ou that.xct-turn-g-loc you go\imp-dmnd-hey This time you go, please, come on!

(490) askja



jaŋ dja-tʰo-e-ka joŋ hei tomorrow again that.xct-time-g-loc come ok? Come again tomorrow at the same time, okay?

When followed by limitative -tsa (see 3.5.3), dja is accompanied by gestures indicating the size of a referent. It may thus occur attributively, as in (491), or predicatively with the indefinite -ik, as in (492), (493), and (494), where the augmentative -r- additionally indicates approximation. It appears that dja-ats-ik in (493) contrasts with dj-u-ts-ik; the former may be used symbolically to describe an item bigger than one is able to indicate with one’s hands, while the latter is used purely gesturally. Example (495) illustrates that dja-a-ts-ik may also be applied to abstract properties such as (the size of) one’s wit.

246

Chapter 3

(491) dja-a-tsa naŋ-tʃi bru-tʃuk-s that.xct-def-lim house-indef dig-caus-pst (H)e had (them) dig a cave of this size. (492) kʰir-i

bor-e-ka pʰe taŋ-s, you-gen bag-g-loc flour give-pst bor-e-ka dja-a-ts-ik tʰo-ʃuk-s bag-g-loc that.xct-def-lim-indef be.surplus-caus-pst (I) put flour into your bag, I made it overflow (over the bag) by about this much. (493) ŋa-a dja-a-ts-ik

zbrul-tʃi tʰoŋ I-dat that.xct-def-lim-indef snake-indef be.visible I saw a snake about this big!

(494)

ŋat-es ʂtswa ʂŋj-et-de, ʂtswa ʂŋa-se-na we.pi-erg grass harvest-crt-pd grass harvest-cnj-cnd zug-a dja-a-tse-r-ik tʃw-et-de, like.this-dat that.xct-def-lim-aug-indef make-crt-pd d-o-a lonze zer-tʃ-in that-def-dat hay.bale say-inf2-eq We cut the grass, right? After we cut it, we make (piles) of about this size like this, right? We call that a lonze (‘hay bale’).

(495) kʰje-s dunjaat rilja taŋ-tʃa duk, kʰjaŋ you-erg world down give-inf2 ex.t you dja-a-ts-ik ʃaŋpo duk, de-ka-na struŋ-ʃik that-def-lim-indef clever ex.t that-loc-abl guard-opt ze-s say-pst You might tip the world over, you’re so smart! That’s why I said ‘beware!’.

In both its emphatic anaphoric use as well as its size indicating function, dja identifies and delimits an entity. Another use that derives from this basic one is best illustrated by the common adverbial expression dja-tsug-a ‘just like that, for no particular reason’ shown in (496)–(498). This expression conveys a contrastive focus on the way in which an action is carried out, thereby delimiting that way and implying that there is nothing to it, such as a reason or a purpose. The genitive of the adjectival dja-tsug ‘just like that, aimless’ illustrated in (499) has the same implications. And accordingly, the demonstrative in

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

247

(500), which features common replies to the question (equivalent to a greeting) ga-r tʃʰ-et ‘where are you going?’, implies that one does not have a particular goal in mind and is just walking for the sake of walking. (496) ere mi-s

ma dja-tsug-a that man-erg very that.xct-kind-dat ʃat-en-duk-pa-t, tʃi tri-na-ŋ talk.excessively-sim-stay-inf-fct what ask-cnd-add zgrum-ʃi taŋ-tʃ-in story-indef give-inf2-eq That man keeps babbling just like that, whatever (you) ask (him), he’ll tell (you) a story. (497)

dja-tsug-a kʰjer-es kralbu ʂtub-na that.xct-kind-dat you-erg stick chop-cnd kʰjeraŋ mi mana met-sug-waa you man very neg:ex-infr-hey If you chopped a stick for no reason, you were not (acting like) a man.

(498)



kʰoŋ dja-tsug-a dams-e in-suk they that.xct-kind-dat gather-cnj eq-infr They appear to have gathered for no particular reason.

(499)

kʰjer-es mana dja-tsug-i spera taŋ-ed-ja you-erg very that.xct-kind-gen word give-crt-hes You just say anything (whatever comes to your mind), it seems. (500)

jaa (ʒua) dja(-r) tsʰaqpa tʃ ʰ-et hes (pol) that.xct(-term) until go-crt Well, I’m going nowhere in particular.

Contrastive dja also frequently occurs in the filler word djannek ~ djandek (also dennek ~ dendek) ‘something’ which a speaker may use when s/he cannot think of a word or wants to avoid a word for reasons of taboo or secrecy, or when a concept is too complicated to be encapsulated into a single word, as exemplified in (501)–(504). The filler words likely contain the root ’dra ‘similar, equal’ (cf. Jk. 282, and Purik ɖanɖa ‘equal’) and the indefinite -ik.67 Finally, 67  It is assumed here that the retroflex reflecting -dr- assimilated to the nasal reflecting its nasal preradical, partially in -nd-, and fully in -nn-; only the partial assimilation is found in

248

Chapter 3

dja is attested performing the same filler function in dja-nne-r-pa in (505) (where -e- represents an -a- that was palatalized in between the two apical sounds, see 2.2.3). (501)

ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ-a djandek kʰjoŋ-set I-erg you-dat something bring-res I brought you something. (502) ŋa-s kʰjaŋ-a djandek

zer-et I-erg you-dat something say-crt I will tell you something: …

(503) kʰo-s

ŋa-a djandek zer-en-duk-se go-u s/he-erg I-dat something say-sim-stay-cnj head-def tʃʰolɖoŋ ba-s dizzy do-pst He made me dizzy by talking forever about stuff. (504) jar-es

dennek taŋ-et zer-e-na you(h)-erg something give-crt say-cnj-cnd Didn’t you say that you would give (us) something (whatever it is)? (505) kʰo dja-nne-r-pa in s/he that-cntr-term-assoc eq She’s from that place I can’t think of right now, but you know which one I mean.

3.3.2 Personal Pronouns 3.3.2.1 Overview Tables 60 and 61 contain the Purik personal pronouns of the singular and the plural respectively. Note that emphatic forms – with a suffixed raŋ ‘self’ in the singular and perhaps -taŋ in the plural – exist for the first and third person singular and the third person plural. Only the second person distinguishes between honorific and non-honorific forms, the former being based on the root ja- and the latter on kʰje- in both singular and plural; besides, full and

tʃindarik ‘like what’ < *tʃi-nɖa-r-ik. For the form’drá-ba ‘similar, equal’ after demonstratives and interrogative pronouns, cf. ’di ’dra ba, de ’dra ba ‘such’ and ci ’dra ba ‘of what kind’ in Jäschke (1881:282b).

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

249

equivalent short forms exist of the singular in both registers (i.e. kʰjeraŋ and kʰjaŋ ‘you (sg.)’ and jaraŋ and jaŋ ‘you (sg., h)’). Another general observation to note is that the personal pronouns ending in -aŋ in the absolutive (singular -raŋ and plural -taŋ) regularly replace -aŋ with the ergative (-es) and the genitive (-i) suffixes as well as the case forms based on the latter (i.e. locative -i-ka, inessive -j-aŋ, and the related ablatives -i-ka-na (cf. (506)) and -j-aŋ-na, plus the associative locative -i-re-ka, terminative -i-re-r, inessive -i-re-aŋ, and -i-ro/u ‘the thing of …’, cf. 3.3.2.6). I have not encountered any of the fuller forms, described by Konow (1909:43f.), in which -aŋ is presumably not deleted, e.g. ergative khye-rang-is ‘you’, the polite ya-rang-is, genitive khye-rang-i ‘your’, and the corresponding plurals, e.g. ergative khyen-tang-is and genitive khyentang-i, etc.68 (506) skjal-na

ŋa-s askje jar-i-ka-na ŋj-i lose-cnd I-erg tomorrow you(h)-g-loc-abl I-gen qalam-i skinma len-tʃ-in pen-gen pawn take-inf2-eq If (you) lose (it), I will demand a pawn from you tomorrow. Note the vocalic changes that some of the roots undergo. First, the -a- of firstperson singular ŋa- and exclusive plural ŋatʃa- is dropped in all case endings based on the genitive. Second, the root kʰje- in the second person tends to become monophthongal kʰi- in endings based on the genitive of the singular and in all forms of the plural. And third, kʰo- in the third person tends to be heightened to kʰu- before genitive -i in the singular and in all emphatic plural forms.

68  While Bailey (1920) does not list any of the mentioned long forms either, Read (1934:12) describes similar ergatives for Balti (which are distinguished from the Purik ergatives by an additional final -i), i.e. ngadang-i-si, khyang-i-si, khidang-i-si, yang-i-si, khong-i-si, and khundang-i-si; Read’s genitives, however, lack the additional syllable, cf. nati, khiri, and khunti. Finally, Sharma (2004) likely based his corresponding Purik forms (e.g. ŋatəŋi ‘our (incl.)’, his idiosyncratic schwa-transcription notwithstanding) on Konow, since they are rejected by present-day speakers of Purik, and since he also reproduced other forms that are not found in modern Purik, such as ŋiti ‘our’ (Sharma 2004:63 and Konow 1909:43), besides adding a few apparent errors such as the locative ŋitəŋ-ka ‘on you (pl. incl.)’ (Sharma 2004:63) instead of ŋat-i-ka ‘we.pl.incl-g-loc’, and his entire paradigm of tripartite reflexives (cf. Sharma 2004:65).

250

Chapter 3

Table 60

The main forms of the singular personal pronouns

1. Sg.

1. Sg. emph.

2. Sg.

2. Sg. hon.

3. Sg.

3. Sg. emph.

Abs.

ŋa

ŋa-raŋ

kʰo-raŋ

ŋa-s

ŋa-r-es

kʰo-s

kʰo-r-es

Gen.

ŋj-i

ŋa-r-i

ŋa-a

ŋa-raŋ-a

Loc.

ŋj-i-ka

ŋa-r-i-ka

kʰo-e ~ kʰw-e kʰo-a ~ kʰw-a kʰo-e-ka ~ kʰw-e-ka

kʰu-r-i

Dat.

jaraŋ (~ jaŋ) jar-es (~ j-es) jar-i (~ j-i) jaraŋ-a (~ jaŋ-a) jar-i-ka (~ j-i-ka)

kʰo

Erg.

kʰjeraŋ ~ kʰjaŋ kʰjer-es ~ kʰj-es kʰir-i ~ kʰ-i kʰjeraŋ-a ~ kʰjaŋ-a kʰir-i-ka ~ kʰ-i-ka

Table 61

Abs. Erg. Gen. Dat. Loc.

kʰo-raŋ-a kʰu-r-i-ka

The main forms of the plural personal pronouns 1. Pl. excl.

1. Pl. incl.

2. Pl.

3. Pl.

3. Pl. emph.

ŋatʃa ~ ŋatʃaŋ ŋatʃa-s ŋatʃ-i ŋatʃa-a ~ ŋatʃaŋ-a ŋatʃ-i-ka

ŋataŋ ŋat-es ŋat-i ŋataŋ-a ŋat-i-ka

kʰintaŋ kʰint-es kʰint-i kʰintaŋ-a kʰint-i-ka

kʰoŋ kʰoŋ-is kʰoŋ-i kʰoŋ-a kʰoŋ-i-ka

kʰuntaŋ kʰunt-es kʰunt-i kʰuntaŋ-a kʰunt-i-ka

It has been mentioned on several occasions that in Purik, as in the majority of Tibetan dialects (see Tournadre 1996), participants whose identity can be inferred from context are normally not instantiated by overt pronouns. Purik may therefore be called a pro-drop language, or alternatively, be said to facilitate zero anaphora. Personal pronouns are used, however, to disambiguate or emphasize the identity or the role of a participant in an event. This also applies to second-person pronouns in imperatives, which even in non pro-drop languages tend to be omitted, at least if the imperative is unequivocally marked as such and the addressee may therefore infer that she is the one asked to perform the action. As will be shown below, personal pronouns may generally occur in two positions, either in the generally unmarked position before the main

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

251

verb or, in what is called the ‘antitopic’ position (in the sense of Lambrecht 1981, who borrowed the term from Chafe 1976:53–54), after the main verb. If we compare the functions of these two positions, we find a strong tendency for the preverbal pronoun to refer to participants that are more crucial for a correct understanding of the sentence than those conveyed by the postverbal pronoun, which has a mostly disambiguating effect. In the imperatives in (507)–(509) and the prohibitive in (510), the personal pronouns occur in the preverbal position and thereby stress the fact that the speaker is appealing to one or more addressees. In contrast, the pronouns are dropped in both (511) and (512), because the context allows the addressee to unequivocally interpret the construction. The first imperative sentence in (513) is ambiguous in that it may be understood as a statement describing a past event, i.e. ‘(I, someone, you, etc.) leaned (back) for while’). This appears to motivate the use of kʰje-s at the beginning of the second imperative. In the quasi-imperative in (514), the initial personal pronoun considerably changes the meaning of the entire construction; mi sto alone may be paraphrased as ‘(wait for) just a second!’, but with initial kʰjeraŋ-a ‘to you’, it means ‘wait till I get you!’. (507) sna-a

kʰjer-es zbjoŋ, dekana polo ʂtse-s early-dat you-erg accustom\imp and.then cricket play-imp Practice first and then play cricket!

(508) j-es

spera-o ma zgjur you(h)-erg word-def neg turn Don’t change the topic! (509) zgo-o

rduŋ-s-wa, tʃiktʃig-is ɬtos-aŋ-wa door-def beat-pst-hey just.one-erg look\imp-add-hey (Somebody) knocked on the door, somebody (go and) see (who it is)!

(510)

kʰje-s has maŋmo ma toŋ, mi-in you-erg sweet.talk a.lot neg give\imp man-pl stroʁ-et scare.away-crt Don’t talk too sweet! People are scared away. (511) ŋj-i

di-ka sɲe-s-aŋ I-gen this-loc lean.back-imp-add Lean back on me here!

252

Chapter 3

(512)

skjaŋ(s) ma skjoŋs, kʰ-i las-po bos be.naughty neg be.naughty\imp you-gen work-def do\imp Don’t be naughty! Do your work!

(513) gjer-tʃik

sŋje-s, kʰje-s are-ka moment-indef lean.back-imp you-erg that-loc sŋje-s-aŋ lean.back-imp-add Lean back for a moment! (You) lean back over there! (514) kʰjeraŋ-a mi sto you-dat neg matter Wait till I get you!

Example (515) shows that the addressee of an imperative may also be specified in the antitopic position. A few statements in which the personal pronoun follows the verb as an antitopic are given in (516)–(520). Their disambiguating function is most evident in (516), where kʰjeraŋ-a ‘to you’ explicitly relates the notion that ‘nothing will happen’, expressed in a general manner in the preceding sentence, to the addressee. In (517), since the sentence is unequivocally marked as a statement describing an event in the immediate past, kʰje-s indicates that the addressee is indeed the person who was just witnessed performing the event (the sentence is meant to give an example of how ʂmit ‘swallow’ is used in order to explain its meaning). This illustrates that the disambiguating use of the antitopic position may also be favored when the addressee is a Purik-learner, which may also explain examples (518)–(520). (515) tʃi



ba-se-aŋ joŋ kʰjaŋ what do-cnj-add come you You have to come at all costs!

(516) kʰjer-es di

sman-po zos(-e) ŋa-a kʰir-i you-erg this medicine-def ate(-cnj) I-dat you-gen kʰaq tʃaŋ tʃʰa-tʃa-men kʰjeraŋ-a responsibility at.all go-inf2-neg:eq you-dat If you eat this medicine I promise you’ll be fine. (517)



jaŋ ʂmit-de kʰje-s, naŋgo-ɬtik soŋ-se again swallow-pd you-erg inside-side went-cnj You just swallowed again, (the food) going inside (you).

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

253

(518)

ŋat-i spera bral-tʃ-in, we.pi-gen word be.lost-inf2-eq ŋat-i spera kjaʁlam-a taŋ-tʃ-in kʰo-s we.pi-gen word shit.path-dat give-inf2-eq s/he-erg Our word will be lost, he’ll put our words on the shit path (i.e. he won’t hear our words, we will talk for nothing). (519) jot-p-e

pene-u bral-e joŋ-s, bral kʰo-a ex-inf-gen money-def be.lost-cnj come-pst be.lost s/he-dat He’s come back without the money he had (before), he lost it.

(520) ŋa-a ata sam, ŋa-a ama sam, itug joŋ-s I-dat father think I-dat mother think memory come-pst kʰoŋ-i they-gen I miss my father, I miss my mother, I think of them.

In questions about events that directly involve the addressee, second person pronouns may also be dropped in many languages. Examples (521)–(527) below show that they may nevertheless be realized in similar Purik constructions. When following the verb, as in (521)–(523), the pronoun serves a disambiguating function, confirming the fact that the question relates to the addressee herself. Examples (523)–(526) suggest that honorific personal pronouns tend to be used in sentence-initial position. The same position, however, may also be taken by a non-honorific pronoun such as kʰje-s ‘you (erg.)’, as in (527), which, in contrast to the same construction without an overt pronoun, tends to be used when an addressee has not been explicitly addressed for some time. When used alone, tʃi b-et is a common greeting. In a context in which tʃi b-et may also be interpreted as ‘what should (I, one) do?’, the antitopic kʰje-s would be an appropriate way of disambiguating the construction, explicitly relating it to the addressee. (521) tsam-ts-ik

lops kʰjeraŋ-a how.much-lim-indef learn you-dat How much you have learned!

(522) pene



loŋs-a kʰjaŋ-a money be.enough-q you-dat Do you have enough money?

254

Chapter 3

(523)

jaraŋ tʃi-a riŋs-et, mana jar-es you(h) what-dat hurry-crt very you(h)-erg riŋs-p-ek b-en-duk, tʃi las jot jaraŋ-a hurry-inf-indef do-sim-ex.t what work ex.t you(h)-dat What’s your hurry? You’re hurrying so much, what is it you have to do?

(524) jaraŋ ga-r



ʒuks-pa-t you(h) which-term stay(h)-inf-fct Where do you normally stay?

(525) jar-i miŋ-a tʃi mol-et you(h)-gen name-dat what be.called(h)-crt What’s your name? (526) jar-es ʂkjaŋskum-tʃik maŋm-ek b-et, jaraŋ you(h)-erg stretch.contract-indef a.lot-indef do-crt you(h) rde-se jot-a be.well-cnj ex-q You’re doing a lot of stretching! Are you okay? (527) kʰje-s

tʃi b-et you-erg what do-crt What are you doing?

3.3.2.2 First Person There is no disagreement about the form of the first person singular pronoun in the literature on Purik or any other WAT dialect. In fact, Purik ŋa directly reflects WT nga, and it appears to have been preserved in this same form in most Tibetan dialects (cf. Widmer 2009:22). We will see presently that the plural forms are also derived from ŋa by suffixation. As in almost all Tibetan dialects (cf. Widmer 2009:5), Purik has a distinction between a first plural personal pronoun that includes and one that excludes the addressee, namely ŋataŋ and ŋatʃa(ŋ).69 As far as the exclusive form is 69  I have heard the form ŋatʃaŋ only from speakers below the age of 20. Since it has not been mentioned in any other source on Purik, and since the WT plural marker of personal pronouns cag (cf. Hahn 1996:50) is more likely to have lost its final -g than to have nasalized it, it appears safe to assume that ŋatʃaŋ is a younger variant of ŋatʃa, and that the final nasal was added in analogy to the inclusive form ŋataŋ. Henceforth, we will therefore restrict our discussion to the original ŋatʃa.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

255

concerned, we may follow Widmer (2009:22–23) and trace it to WT ngad cag. Note that ngad was mentioned by Francke (1907:440) and Jäschke (1881, as cited in Widmer 2009:23) as an alternate form of nged, a pronoun for the first person plural. According to Beyer (1992:230), the plural morpheme cag is found “only after personal determiners” already in the oldest texts from Central Asia.70 Konow’s (1909:43) nga-chag-gi suggests that the final -g was still pronounced a hundred years ago; that the -g- is written double, however, may indicate that Konow based this form (just like the ergatives and genitives mentioned above) on Written Tibetan. The inclusive form ŋataŋ appears to contain the same ngad ‘we’ along with the clitic -aŋ ‘too’ (described in 3.5.2), as suggested by Widmer (2009:35) according to whom it was initially proposed by Jäschke (1881). Typically, the final -t has not been reduced in Purik, while in Balti, *ŋataŋ evolved into ṅadaṅ (Read 1934:12) and later even ṅaraṅ ‘we (incl.)’ (Bielmeier 1985:76); according to Bielmeier (ibid.), intervocalic -d- generally tends to change into -r-. A few examples shall be adduced in order to illustrate the distinction between exclusive ŋatʃa and inclusive ŋataŋ. In (528) and (529), context makes it clear that ŋatʃa is indeed meant to exclude the addressee. A slightly diverging use of ŋatʃa manifests itself in ŋatʃ-i ba(w)a ‘our father (h)’, which is generally used instead of ŋj-i ba(w)a ‘my father (h)’ even if a speaker is the only child of her or his parents. (528) kʰjaŋ-a tʃi ton jot, ŋatʃ-i las-j-aŋ tʃi-a you-dat what goal ex.t we.pe-gen work-g-ine what-dat ɖes-et be.mixed-crt What does it matter to you? Why do you get mixed up in our business? (529) ʃi-a-na bot-is straq-pa-t, ŋatʃa-s mi die-inf-cnd Buddhist-erg burn-inf-fct we.pe-erg neg straq-pa-t burn-inf-fct When someone has died, Buddhists burn; we don’t burn.

Examples (530)–(535) illustrate the use of ŋataŋ, which triggers an adhortative interpretation when relating to future actions, as in (530) and (531), 70  A short glimpse at the OTDO reveals that cag is indeed quite frequent after bdag, an elegant form of nga ‘I’, cf. Hahn (1996:99); in Pelliot Tibétain 0126, cag is also attested several times after khyed and khyod, which denote second person.

256

Chapter 3

and similarly in (532), where it includes the foreign addressee into the group of people who follow a local custom. The inclusive ŋataŋ may also be used generically, as in (533)–(535). In the last example, the second person pronoun kʰjeraŋ-a serves the same generic function. (530) A:



joŋ ŋataŋ tʃʰuskor-la tʃ ʰa-a come we.pi Chuskor-dat go-inf Let’s go to Chuskor!

B: tʃug-wa, de-ka soŋ-se tʃi b-et close-hey that-loc went-cnj what do-crt Pull yourself together! What are (we) going to do there? (531) ŋat-es zgo-se tʰuŋ-et, pʰet ba-se tʰuŋ-et we.pi-erg divide-cnj drink-crt half do-cnj drink-crt We will drink communally. (532)



kʰʂaq kʰʂu-se ŋat-es za-tʃa blood wash-cnj we.pi eat-inf2 After washing the blood off, (we) will eat it.

(533)

ŋataŋ ɲid joŋ-se zug-a kulea mik-po tsum-se we.pi sleep come-cnj like.this-dat slowly eye-def close-cnj zuk tʃʰa-na do-a tʰi(p)s-pa zer-tʃ-in like.this go-cnd that-dat doze.off-inf say-inf2-eq When we are asleep and go like this, slowly closing our eyes, that’s called tʰipspa (‘to doze off’). (534)

kʰ-e-aŋ-nuk ŋataŋ drul-b-i ʂkil-la zug-a snow-g-ine-term we.pi walk-inf-gen middle-dat like.this-dat drul-ba-na zug-a tʃʰ-et loχ-se-de, do-a walk-inf-cnd like.this-dat go-crt fall.down-cnj-pd that-dat bu(p)s-pa zer-tʃ-in stumble-inf say-inf2-eq When we fall like this while walking in the snow like this, that’s called bupspa (‘to stumble’).

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

257

(535) ŋataŋ kʰ-e-aŋ drul-et, di zu-un we.pi snow-g-ine walk-crt this finger-pl pʰit-pa-na kʰjeraŋ-a tʃaŋ tsʰor-tʃa-men get.frostbite-inf-cnd you-dat something feel-inf2-neg:eq We are walking in the snow; when these fingers get frostbite, (you) won’t feel anything.

Having discussed the differences between the exclusive ŋatʃa and the inclusive ŋataŋ, the use of ŋatʃa illustrated in (536) strikes us as surprising. As elaborated in 4.5.6, in reported speech clauses, the predicate in Purik always reflects the perspective of the original speaker, while personal pronouns regularly reflect the perspective of the current speaker. The use of ŋatʃa in (536) represents an exception to the latter rule insofar as it is construed in the original speech situation (the speaker is quoting himself, hence, the original speaker is the same as the current speaker). Were it construed in the current speech situation, the speaker would have to use ŋataŋ, which, however, is ruled out in (536). (536) ŋa-s kʰo-a pʰun taŋ-s-p-in ŋatʃa joŋ-et I-erg s/he-dat phone give-crt-inf-eq we.pe come-crt zer-e say-cnj I called and told him that we (i.e. me and you) wouldn’t come.

3.3.2.3 Second Person As mentioned in 3.3.2.1, there are long and short forms for the both the honorific and non-honorific second person singular pronouns, as listed in Table 58 above. The short forms have not been previously documented. However, note that the short forms of the Purik absolutive and dative correspond to the full forms of Balti (i.e. singular khjaṅ ‘you’ and jaṅ ‘you (h)’), while the full forms of Purik are very similar to the corresponding Balti plurals (cf. Purik kʰjeraŋ ‘you’ and Balti khidaṅ ‘you (pl.)’, and especially the honorific P jaraŋ ‘you’ and B jiraṅ ‘you (pl.)’, cf. Bielmeier 1985:76, and perhaps older yidang, cf. Read 1934:12).71 71  There are a few minor differences in transcription of vowels following a glide or the nasal that precedes it, the pronunciation of which is indeed subject to some variation. Thus, Bailey (1920:15) has yeraṅ ‘you (h)’ instead of my jaraŋ, yentes ‘you (pl.) (h) (erg.)’ instead of jantes, and ṅni ‘my’ instead of ŋji. Rangan’s (1979:66) and Sharma’s (2004:58) monophthongal eraŋ and entaŋ instead of jaraŋ and jantaŋ, on the other hand, are inaccurate. Furthermore, Bailey transcribes kʰuri ‘of himself’ with an -o-, e.g. in phono khori ‘of the brother himself’, suggesting that vowel harmony may have taken place in this pronoun.

258

Chapter 3

Taking into consideration the three Ladakhi forms for the second singular, i.e. familiar khyot, non-honorific khyo-rəŋ, and honorific ñe-rəŋ (Koshal 1979:114– 120), I propose the following etymologies for the Purik second person singular pronouns. Purik kʰjeraŋ ‘you’ derives from *khye(d) rang, i.e. khyed, an old variant of khyod (cf. Jäschke 1881:48a), perhaps deprived of the final -d in analogy to the first person ŋa ‘I’, e.g. ŋat-aŋ ‘we (incl.)’, if not assimilated to the suffixed rang ‘self’ (cf. Jäschke 1881:522a). The honorific jaraŋ probably reflects *nyi(d) rang, where the first syllable means ‘self’ in WT, but was used as a honorific form for ‘you’ in the more recent Tibetan literature (Jäschke 1881:188a), and similarly lost its final -d before rang, an obviously proliferating extension of pronominal forms (especially of the second person). The two monosyllabic short-forms kʰjaŋ and jaŋ (plus their genitives and ergatives) must have arisen under the influence of the pronouns for both the first and the third person, i.e. ŋa and kʰo, as well as their different case forms. It appears that both kʰintaŋ ‘you (pl.)’ ( *jintaŋ. And finally, for the vowel change of * jintaŋ > jantaŋ, cf. Purik ɲaʁzer ‘sun ray’ < WT ñi gzer.72 3.3.2.4 Third Person The form kʰo for the third person singular is attested in all WAT dialects. However, the descriptions diverge with respect to two important points. First, all the authors that have published on Purik agree that the distinction between male kʰo and female mo that is attested for Balti (cf. Read 1934:12, Bielmeier 1985:76) is absent from Purik (as well as Ladakhi, cf. Koshal 1979). Second, both Rangan (1979:66) and Sharma (2004:59) describe an honorific singular kʰoŋ that is otherwise only attested in this function in Ladakhi (cf. Koshal 1979:105) and Zangskar (cf. Hoshi and Tsering 1978:12–13), while all the 72  The Ladakhi plural forms of the second person are derived from the corresponding singulars, cf. Koshal (1979:114–120). And in the Balti forms khidaṅ and jidaṅ (and presumably newer jiraṅ, cf. Read 1934:12, Bielmeier 1985:76), the reduction of the intervocalic consonants appears to have proceeded faster than in Purik (inhibiting the reanalysis of the plural marker -taŋ which was hypothesized for the latter variety).

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

259

remaining descriptions of Balti and Purik (including my own) label it as the plural form of the third person. Considering the many cross-linguistic parallels of plural forms that came to be used as honorific singular forms, it appears safe to assume that its plural meaning is the original one, and that the final -ŋ like the plural marker -un reflects WT kun ‘all’ (see footnote 45 in 3.2.2).73 There is also an emphatic form of the third person plural, kʰuntaŋ, the use of which is explained in 3.3.2.5 below. The presumably equivalent forms that are attested by Bailey (1920:15), i.e. khoṅtaṅ or khontaṅ, suggest that it was derived from kʰoŋ by suffixing the reanalyzed plural suffix -taŋ, the initial dental of which must have caused the preceding velar nasal to assimilate, thereby inhibiting the nasalization of the preceding vowel and allowing it to be heightened. Given that both Rangan and Sharma include dj-u ‘this one’ in the paradigm of personal pronouns as the inanimate correspondence of kʰo, it is interesting to note that kʰo, while more regularly having animate referents, may also be used with inanimate referents, as illustrated in the examples below. Its referent is a toe in (537), money in (538), a number of apricots in (539), the world in (540), and cultivated land in (541). The plural form kʰoŋ is discussed together with its emphatic form kʰuntaŋ in the subsequent section. Suffice it to say that kʰoŋ may specify number by adding ɲiska ~ ɲisko ‘both’ or sumka ~ sumko ‘all three’, etc., as shown in (542)–(544). Example (543) also demonstrates that only the quantifier is inflected to indicate the case role of the entire phrase. (537)

ŋj-i di zuu kʰo tʃaŋ tsʰor-ba-met I-gen this toe s/he at.all feel-inf-neg:ex.t This toe of mine – (I) don’t feel it at all.

(538)

pene maŋmo ma ŋom, kʰo tʃ ʰot-e money a.lot neg show.off s/he be.finished-cnj tʃʰ-e-e tʃi-ʃi in go-inf-gen thing-indef eq Don’t show off your money! It’s something that doesn’t last.

(539) di tʃuli-w-a tsam in, kʰo-a maŋm-ek this apricot-def-dat how.much eq s/he-dat a.lot-indef tʃi kʰjer-uk what carry-pot How much are these apricots? Why would (I) pay a lot for them (lit. why would (someone) charge a lot for them)? 73  Note that the plural marker -ŋ regularly marks nominal demonstrative pronouns in Balti, e.g. dyung ‘these’, dong ‘those’, and yong ‘these/those very’ (Read 1934:14).

260

Chapter 3

(540) di dunjaat-po-la maŋme-k

mi rga-a rgo-ʃ-in, this world-def-dat a.lot-indef neg love-inf need-inf2-eq kʰo-e-ka maŋm-ek su-aŋ duk-tʃa-men s/he-g-loc a.lot-indef who-add stay-inf2-neg:eq One shouldn’t care about things on this earth too much; nobody stays on it for very long. (541)

ŋat-es di sakʰjat-po-la maŋm-ek rg-et, we.pi this land-def-dat a.lot-indef love-crt kʰo-e-ka-na maŋm-ek mi joŋ-ma-t s/he-g-loc-abl a.lot-indef neg come-inf-fct We care about this land so much, (but) it doesn’t give us much (back). (542) ŋa-s kʰoŋ ɲiska ʈaŋ ma tʃ ʰa-tʃuk-pa bar I-erg they both fight neg go-caus-inf space.between pʰe-s open-pst I separated them in order not to let them fight (against each other). (543)



kʰoŋ ɲiska-s ʃup-se sper-ek taŋ-s they both-erg whisper-cnj word-indef give-pst They whispered something to each other.

(544)

kʰoŋ sumka hantsuk soŋ ʒarba ɬtsaŋspa joŋ-ma-na they all.three startled went blind lizard come-inf-cnd All three of them were startled when the blind lizard came (i.e. fell down from the roof). 3.3.2.5 Emphatic, Reflexive, and Reciprocal Pronouns As illustrated in Tables 58 and 59 above, the first and the third person singular pronouns ŋa ‘I’ and kʰo ‘s/he’ have the emphatic forms ŋa-raŋ ‘I myself’ and kʰo-raŋ ‘s/he herself/himself’ respectively, with a suffix that means ‘self’ and derives from the synonymous WT rang. No such emphatic form is attested for kʰjeraŋ, presumably because it already contains the same suffix in its nonemphatic form. The simple emphatic forms ŋa-raŋ in (545), genitive ŋa-r-i in (546), and dative ŋa-raŋ-a in (547) all stress the fact that the speaker is talking about himself/herself.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

261

(545) di-aŋ

tʃoq-tʃi joŋ dekana jaŋ ŋa-raŋ this-ine moment-indef come after.that again I-self joŋ-ma hei zer-suk come-inf ok? say-infr ‘Come in here (into a coffin) for a little while, and after that, I will come back (inside), okay?’ he said.

(546)

ŋa-r-i sper-e-ka kʰʂaŋs-e jot, badal ma ba-s I-self-gen word-g-loc harden-cnj ex.t change neg do-pst I’m firm as far as my language is concerned; it hasn’t changed. (547)



las gaŋma ŋa-r-i-ka pʰoʁ-et work all I-self-g-loc hit-crt All the work falls on me.

The emphatic form of the third person singular, i.e. kʰo-raŋ, always refers back to the most activated person. For instance, kʰo-raŋ-na ‘with himself’ points to kʰo-s ‘he (erg.)’ in (548), kʰur-i ‘its own’ to mendoʁ-is ‘the flower (erg.)’ in (549), and kʰo-raŋ ‘himself’ (or perhaps ‘he in reality’, cf. below in this paragraph) to kʰo-a ‘to him’ in (550). In (551), the referent of the dative kʰoraŋ-a ‘to him’ is absent and mentioned explicitly only in the subsequent matrix sentence by kʰo-s ‘he (erg.)’. The form kʰo-raŋ has acquired additional functions that clearly derive from the one just described. In connection with the inanimate referents rabeʈ ‘rubber’ and me-u ‘the fire’ in (552) and (553) respectively, it means ‘by itself’ in the sense of ‘without external forces acting upon it’, and in (554), that both pʰuŋma ‘chaff’ and nas-po ‘the wheat’ are placed in separate piles. Similarly, kʰo-raŋ puts a contrastive emphasis on rzon ‘lie’ in (555); it indicates that not even a ʈaŋrdi (which may be freely translated as a ‘living soul’) was encountered in (556); and it similarly emphasizes the infinitive duk-tʃa-o ‘the staying (over at someone else’s house)’ in (557)–(559). Finally, the narrowing of the topic to include only the referent of kʰo-raŋ may be further emphasized by the presence of tʃik-tʃík ‘exactly one’, as in (560). (548) wa kʰo-s

ane-k kʰjoŋ-tʃ-in-suk mana hey s/he-erg wife-indef bring-inf2-eq-infr very pʰe-se sal-e, kʰo-raŋ-na ran-kʰan-tʃik open-cnj pick.out-cnj s/he-self-comit be.pleased-inf-indef He appears to marry a wife, choosing her himself, one he gets along with.

262

Chapter 3

(549) mendoʁ-is toŋze kʰu-r-i pʰjoχs-la tʰen-e flower-erg bee s/he-self-gen side-dat pull-cnj kʰjoŋ-tʃ-in bring-inf2-eq The flower attracts the bees. (550) kʰo-a rgo joŋ-s, in-tʃa-o kʰo-raŋ tsʰuntse in s/he-dat body come-pst eq-inf2-def s/he-self small eq S/he’s become tall; actually, she’s (still) young. (551)

kʰo-raŋ-a toŋ zer-ba kʰo-s sɲaʁ-en-duk, s/he-self-dat give\imp say-inf s/he-erg frown-sim-ex.t kʰaspa b-en-duk skilled do-sim-ex.t S/he’s frowning in order to say ‘give it to me!’, tricking (the one who has it).

(552)

rabeʈ pʰut-e taŋ-ma-na kʰo-raŋ dums-e rubber pull.out-cnj give-inf-cnd it-self be.together-cnj joŋ-tʃ-in come-inf2-eq When (you) pull rubber apart it will retract by itself.

(553) me-u

kʰo-raŋ ʃi-tʃ-in fire-def s/he-self die-inf2-eq The fire will die by itself. (554) pʰuŋma kʰo-raŋ tʃʰ-et, nas-po

kʰo-raŋ tʃ ʰ-et, chaff s/he-self go-crt wheat-def s/he-self go-crt dekana kʰem kʰjoŋ-se-na d-o-a jaa-na and.then shovel bring-cnj-cnd that-def-dat hes-cntr oŋskʰem taŋ-ma zer-tʃ-in wheat.shovel give-inf say-inf2-eq The chaff goes on one (pile), the wheat on another; then (you) get a shovel and, well, we call it ‘use the wheat-shovel’.

(555)

kargilo-pa-n-is rzon kʰo-raŋ mana taŋ-tʃa-men Kargilo-assoc-pl-erg lie s/he-self very give-inf2-neg:eq The people from Kargil would never actually lie (although they might tell jokes or not say the whole truth, etc.).

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

263

(556)

ʈaŋrdi kʰo-raŋ ma tʰop, mana kʰo-e-aŋ-nuk living.soul s/he-self neg find very s/he-g-ine-term mana ʈaŋrdi kʰo-raŋ mi-nduk very soul s/he-self neg-ex.t (We) didn’t find anything there! There’s nothing at all there, really! (in Chiktan).

(557)



kʰo mana duk-tʃa-o kʰo-raŋ men s/he very stay-inf2-def s/he-self neg:eq S/he never actually stays (over night).

(558)

duk-tʃa-o kʰo-raŋ mana men stay-inf2-def s/he-self very neg:eq Actually staying (over night), s/he would never do that!

(559)

kʰo duk-tʃa-o kʰo-raŋ mana duk-p-et s/he stay-inf2-def s/he-self very stay-inf-neg:ex.t ze-s kʰo-s say-pst s/he-pst When it comes to actually staying (here), I’m not staying, he said.

(560) kʰo-raŋ tʃik-tʃik jot, mi met-pa-na s/he-self one-one ex.t man neg:ex-inf-cnd kʰo-a mana dom-ba soŋ s/he-dat very coincide.unfortunately-inf went He’s all by himself; if (he) doesn’t have anyone, he’s really stuck.

It should be mentioned that raŋ by itself (in different case forms) expresses the same reflexive meaning as kʰo-raŋ in examples (548)–(551) above, except that it refers to a person that is not explicitly mentioned, thereby conveying a generic notion, as illustrated in (561)–(564) below. (561)

raro-se raŋ tʃʰoʁo ʃes-et be.drunk-cnj self big estimate-crt When (one is) drunk (one) overestimates (oneself).

(562) raŋ-a zom-kʰan-tʃik kʰjoŋ-tʃa self-dat suit-nlzr-one bring-inf2 One should marry someone one gets along with.

264

Chapter 3

(563) zan-po raŋ-a skol-ba rgo-ʃ-in food-def self-dat cook-inf need-inf2-eq One should cook for oneself. (564) raŋ-i

guntʃa self-gen clothes one’s own clothes Emphatic forms like ŋa-raŋ may also occur in bipartite pronominal constructions consisting of a basic form of the personal pronoun followed by its emphatic form marked for case, as exemplified in (565). Such a construction conveys, first, that an action is performed by the subject without external help, and second, that it is performed for the subject’s own sake. Since there is no separate emphatic form for the first person plural pronouns, both parts of the bipartite construction build on its basic form, as in (566)–(568).

(565) ŋa ŋa-r-es skol-ba-t I I-self-erg cook-inf-fct I cook myself (I do not have anybody else cook for me). (566)

ŋataŋ ŋat-es skol-tʃ-in we.pi we.pi-erg cook-inf2-eq We (would) cook (for) ourselves. (567) ŋataŋ ŋataŋ-a skol-ba rgo-ʃ-in we.pi we.pi-dat cook-inf need-inf2-eq We need to cook for ourselves. (568)

ŋatʃa ŋatʃa-s guntʃa kʰʂu-it we.pe we.pi-erg cloth wash-crt We wash (our) clothes ourselves. Before we look at the corresponding forms of the third person, (569)–(573) below illustrate how the first of these repeated pronominal forms may be inflected in order to convey a reflexive notion. In all of these examples, the second form (emphatic for the first person singular, basic for the plural) is thus coreferent with the first (basic) form, which takes ergative marking. (569) ŋa-s ŋa-raŋ sat-pa-met I-erg I-self kill-inf-neg:ex.t I will not kill myself.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

265

(570)

ŋa-s ŋa-r-i pʰru-n-la ʂtʃespa b-et I-erg I-self-gen child-pl-dat dear do-crt I love my own children. (571) ŋa-s ŋa-r-i

ɬtwa ton ba-a-t I-erg I-self-gen stomach purpose do-inf-fct I make my own living.

(572) ŋatʃa-s ŋatʃ-i ɬtwa ton ba-a-t we.pe-erg we.pe-gen stomach purpose do-inf-fct We (excluding the addressee) make our own living. (573) ŋat-es

ŋat-i ɬtwa ton ba-a-t we.pi-erg we.pi-gen stomach purpose do-inf-fct We (including the addressee) make our own living. The basic reflexive forms of the third person singular are similarly construed, as shown in (574)–(576). However, the first form of the bipartite construction may also be emphatic in order to highlight the role its referent plays, which appears to add an incredulous attitude to the phrase; contrast examples (577) with (578) and (579) with (580). This may also be seen in (581), where the simple construction adequately conveys the typically reflexive notion of the predicate tʃʰo(ʁ)o tʃo ‘make big, i.e. think that (some)one is big’, while in (582) and (583), the emphatic forms referring to the actor (kʰo-r-es) must be used to prevent the second form from being construed as coreferent with a previous topic, presumably because sto ‘praise’ and gri tsuk ‘stab with a knife’ both tend to be interpreted transitively (and not reflexively). Note that the reflexive notions of (581) and (582) may also be expressed by a construction that consists of raŋ with the ablative suffix -na followed by a second raŋ that is inflected for case, cf. (584) and (585). The generic notion this construction conveys is expected in the latter example but somewhat surprising in the former. (574) kʰo-s kʰu-r-i ɬtwa ton ba-a-t s/he-erg s/he-self-gen stomach purpose do-inf-fct He makes his own living. (575) kʰo-s

kʰu-r-i inam-po ŋom-se in-suk s/he-erg s/he-self-gen present-def show.off-cnj eq-infr He appears to be showing off his present.

266

Chapter 3

(576) kʰo-s kʰu-r-i las-po saŋ-en-duk s/he-erg s/he-self-gen work-def keep.secret-sim-ex.t She’s keeping her work (or generally: what she’s done) as a secret. (577) kʰo-s

kʰu-r-i pʰru-i-ka rduŋ-en-duk s/he-self-erg s/he-self-gen child-g-loc beat-sim-ex.t He’s beating his own child. (578) kʰo-r-es kʰu-r-i pʰru-i-ka rduŋ-en-duk s/he-self-erg s/he-self-gen child-g-loc beat-sim-ex.t He himself is beating his child. (579) kʰo-s

kʰu-r-i naŋ-p-e-aŋ ʂku-in-duk s/he-erg s/he-self-gen house-def-g-ine steal-sim-ex.t He’s stealing (things) in his own house.

(580) kʰo-re-s kʰu-r-i naŋ-p-e-aŋ ʂku-in-duk s/he-self-erg s/he-self-gen house-def-g-ine steal-sim-ex.t He himself is stealing (things) in his house. (581) kʰo-s

kʰo-raŋ tʃʰo-ik tʃo-in-duk-pa-o s/he-erg s/he-self big-indef make-sim-ex.t-foc-hey He thinks that he’s really powerful!

(582) kʰo-r-es

kʰo-raŋ-a sto-s s/he-self-erg s/he-self-dat praise-pst He’s praising himself.

(583) kʰo-a raŋro ma non-ma s/he-dat self.control neg catch.up-inf kʰo-r-es kʰo-raŋ-a gri tsug-en-duk s/he-self-erg s/he-self-dat knife put.in-sim-ex.t Not knowing what he’s doing, he’s sticking a knife into himself. (584)

kʰo-s raŋ-na raŋ tʃʰo-ek tʃo-in-duk, s/he-erg self-abl self big-indef make-sim-ex.t He thinks that he (himself) is big(ger than he actually is).

(585) raŋ-na raŋ-a

stot-tʃas-po ʈʰik-tʃi men self-abl self-dat praise-inf2-def good-indef neg:eq It’s not good to praise oneself.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

267

A reciprocal relation between two participants may be expressed by means of a repeated tʃik referring to ‘one’ and ‘another’ respectively (cf. 3.2.3), either of which may be inflected, as illustrated in (586) and (587). The latter example is less prototypically reciprocal, since it refers to a number of comparable entities that are affected iteratively. An idiomatic way to express a reciprocal notion is depicted in (588); the repeated kʰoŋ indicates that there is a reciprocal relation between two singular participants (while a single kʰoŋ would be interpreted as two siblings marrying outsiders). (586)



kʰoŋ ɲiska tʃʰams-suk, dare spera taŋ-en-duk, they both become.reconciled-infr now word give-sim-ex.t tʃik tʃik-po-a stot-en-duk one one-def-dat praise-sim-ex.t They’ve made peace, they’re talking now, praising one another.

(587)

ŋa-s ʃoqbu tʃig-i-ka tʃik stjaʁ-et, ʃoqbu saq stjaχ-se I-erg book one-g-loc one lift.up-crt book all lift.up-cnj ʒaʁ-et put-crt I’m putting one book on top of the other; (I’m) putting all the books on top of one another. (588)



kʰoŋ kʰoŋ ɲis-ko-a baχston ba-a rgos they they two-all-dat marriage do-inf need The two of them had to marry each other.

Turning to the plural forms of the third person, examples (589)–(591) illustrate that kʰoŋ is the semantically neutral way of referring to a plural referent. The reason why kʰunt-es was used instead of kʰoŋ-is in (592) is not clear; however, it may be assumed to highlight the agency of its referents. In (593), kʰunt-i evidently indicates (partial) coreference with the topical singular kʰo-s. In contrast, kʰoŋ-i would rule out coreference, a function which is served by the locative kʰoŋ-i-ka in (594). The contrast between coreferent kʰunt-i-ka and non-coreferent kʰoŋ-i-ka can be seen by comparing (595) and (596). Note also that kʰoŋ-i-ka in (596) occurs in the antitopic position, presumably for disambiguating purposes. Analogous to the singular and reflexive construction discussed above, (597) shows that in reciprocal constructions as well both forms may be emphatic if the active role of the first is to be highlighted. Note that kʰuntaŋ is further emphasized by -na, which also occurred in reflexive constructions with the simple raŋ illustrated in (584) and (585) above.

268 (589)



Chapter 3

kʰoŋ dja-tsug-a dams-e in-suk they that.xct-kind-dat gather-cnj eq-infr They appear to have gathered for no particular reason.

(590)

kʰoŋ-is milaq tʃi-a ɬtʃor-e in-suk they-erg help what-dat borrow-cnj eq-infr What do they need help for?

(591) ser-po kʰoŋ-is zgo-suk, pʰet ba-s-suk gold-def they-erg divide-infr half do-pst-infr They divided the gold, halved it. (592) kʰunt-es tʃi

b-en-dug-a ɬtos they-erg what do-sim-ex.t-q look\imp Look what they’re doing!

(593) kʰo-s kʰunt-i naŋ-po ʂtip-s s/he-erg they-gen house-def tear.down-pst He tore down his (own) family’s house. (594) ŋj-i

spera ma rgjuk kʰoŋ-i-ka I-gen word neg run they-g-loc They (the team) didn’t do what I told them. (595) pulis-pa-n-is kʰoŋ-is kʰunt-i-ka rduŋ-en-duk police-assoc-pl-erg they-erg they-g-loc beat-sim-ex.t The policemen beat one another (up). (596) kʰoŋ-is

kʰoŋ-i-ka rduŋ-en-duk they-erg they-g-loc beat-sim-ex.t They beat them (up).

(597) pulis-pa-n-is kʰuntaŋ-na kʰunt-i-ka rduŋ-en-duk police-assoc-pl-erg they-cntr they-g-loc beat-sim-ex.t The policemen themselves beat one another (up).

3.3.2.6 Associative Locatives and ProN-i-ru/o ‘the thing of N’ It was shown in 3.3.1 that the medial -r- in formations such as ŋj-i-ro/u ‘mine’ and kʰoŋ-i-ro/u ‘theirs’ and ŋatʃ-i-re-r ‘at (or to) our place’ and kʰint-i-re-aŋ ‘in

269

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

your house’ (as shown in (598) and (599) below) must derive from the initial d- of the anaphoric demonstrative de, which followed possessive NPs in an earlier stage of Purik just like di follows them today. That de entered a more intimate relation with the preceding constituents (cf. also a-re < *a de) than di has done is semantically well-motivated. In contrast to di, which contributes a specific proximal notion to the composite meaning of the construction (cf. ŋj-i di-ka ‘this here of mine’ in (600) and its rhotacized variant ŋj-i-ri-ka in (601)), the anaphoric function of de merely confirms the deictic notion expressed by the preceding constituent. As a result, an entire paradigm of nominal forms ending in -ro/u and terminatives, locatives, and inessives containing -re, often called ‘associative’ here, is in use in the modern language, as listed in Table 62. However, the table is not exhaustive, since additional forms are possible with another associative suffix -p- < -pa ‘et alii’, as in jant-i-p-i-re-r ‘at your people’s place’, see (602). And the proximal demonstrative di is also, even if only rarely attested as a rhotacized associative -ri-, as in zamb-e-rika ‘on this side of the bridge’ (see 3.3.1). Examples (603)–(605) illustrate the nominal use of -ru after a possessive personal pronoun, an NP consisting of a personal pronoun and a quantifier, and the generic raŋ ‘self’. These examples contrast with (606) and (607), where the simple possessive genitive is used nominally. Table 62 ProN-i-ro/u ‘the thing of …’ and associative locatives Associative

1. sg. 2. sg. 2. sg. h. 3. sg. 1. pl. excl. 1. pl. incl. 2. pl. 2. sg. h. 3. pl.

‘the thing of’

Terminative

Locative

Inessive

ŋj-i-ro/u kʰ(ir)-i-ro/u j(ar)-i-ro/u kʰo-e-ro/u ŋatʃ-i-ro/u ŋat-i-ro/u kʰint-i-ro/u jant-i-ro/u kʰoŋ-i-ro/u

ŋj-i-re-r kʰ(ir)-i-re-r j(ar)-i-re-r kʰo-e-re-r ŋatʃ-i-re-r ŋat-i-re-r kʰint-i-re-r jant-i-re-r kʰoŋ-i-re-r

ŋj-i-re-ka kʰ(ir)-i-re-ka j(ar)-i-re-ka kʰo-e-re-ka ŋatʃ-i-re-ka ŋat-i-re-ka kʰint-i-re-ka jant-i-re-ka kʰoŋ-i-re-ka

ŋj-i-re-aŋ kʰ(ir)-i-re-aŋ j(ar)-i-re-aŋ kʰo-e-re-aŋ ŋatʃ-i-re-aŋ ŋat-i-re-aŋ kʰint-i-re-aŋ jant-i-re-aŋ kʰoŋ-i-re-aŋ

270

Chapter 3

(598)

sna-a-na kʰo ŋatʃ-i-re-r mana ʂtut-e early-dat-cntr s/he we.pe-gen-*that-term very continue-cnj joŋ-ma-t-p-in, daχsa maa ɬeb-a-met come-inf-fct-inf-eq now very arrive-inf-neg:ex.t Earlier, however, he used to come to us very frequently; now, he doesn’t come anymore. (599)



ŋa ʒaχ-ʃik kʰint-i-re-aŋ sɲen-et-a I day-indef you-gen-*that-ine let.in-crt-q Will you invite me to your place one day?

(600) ŋj-i di-ka sɲe-s-aŋ I-gen this-loc lean.back-imp-add Lean back on me here! (601) ŋj-i-ri-ka

braŋsa-a duk I-gen-*this-loc hotel-dat stay Stay here at my place!

(602)



ŋa jant-i-p-i-re-r tʃ ʰa-tʃa in-m-in, I you.pl-gen-assoc-gen-*that-term go-inf2 eq-inf-eq maʁar ŋa kʰom ma kʰom but I be.free neg be.free I was going to go to your place, but I didn’t find the time.

(603) kʰint-i-ru-a

tʃi zer-ba-t, you.pl-gen-thing-dat what say-inf-fct ŋatʃ-i-ru-a jabgo zer-ba-t we.pe-gen-thing-dat Yabgo say-inf-fct What’s your kind called? Ours is called Yabgo.

(604)

kʰintaŋ ɲis-k-e-ru ga-r taŋ-s you.pl two-all-gen-thing which-term give-pst Where did (we, they, you) put the one of you two?

(605) raŋ-i-ro

kʰur-e joŋ-ma-t-to self-gen-thing carry-cnj come-inf-fct-corr You should have brought your own! (lit. One, of course, comes carrying one’s own!)

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

271

(606)

kʰir-i in-na na bor, ŋa-s taŋ-et you-gen eq-cnd oath put I-erg give-crt Swear that it’s yours and I’ll give it to you.

(607)

ŋa-s mikkʰʂap jar-i in-kʰan tʃo-s I-erg glasses you(h)-gen eq-inf make-pst I thought the glasses were yours. 3.3.3 Interrogative Pronouns and Adverbs The basic function of the three pronouns discussed in the present section is interrogative. Coherent responses to such questions most likely contain either a demonstrative or a personal pronoun, depending on whether the response relates to the spatial or the social deictic dimension. The pronouns themselves are distinguished by referent in that su refers to a person (see 3.3.3.1) and tʃi to things (see 3.3.3.2), while ga(ŋ) is only used when there is a restricted choice of entities that qualify as meaningful answers (see 3.3.3.3). Many interrogative adverbs are derived from these pronouns, two of the most common are tʃi-a ‘what for, why’ and ga-r ‘where (to, at)’. In order to relate to time, however, or to an amount, separate adverbial interrogative stems are used in Purik, namely nam ‘when’ (see 3.3.3.4) and tsam ‘how much, how many’ (see 3.3.3.5).

3.3.3.1 su ‘who’ The interrogative pronoun that asks for the identity of a person is su. It is shown both in the ergative and absolutive in (608), in the absolutive in (609), and again in (610), where the verb tʃo-s ‘made, i.e. mistook for’ turns the interrogative illocutionary force into a wondering and even frightened notion, cf. the comparable uses of tʃi ‘what’ in (662), ga-r ‘where’, and nam ‘when’ below. The pronoun su occurs twice in the dative in (611), and in the associative terminative in (612), while in (613), it is reduplicated to convey a distributive notion, that is, referring to the identity of several people. In (614), somewhat surprisingly, su-s is not used, even though one may expect it to begin the indirect question starting after kʰje-s. Presumably su-s is omitted because the information it would convey can be inferred from context. Example (615) shows that su may also point to inanimate referents, and that it may be used indefinitely. The indefinite use is frequent before -aŋ ‘too, (not) even’ and a negated verb, as exemplified in (616), where su-s-aŋ means ‘nobody (erg.) at all’. But even without -aŋ, su may indicate indefiniteness, as is evident in (617) and (618). Together with the negated verb, su-a translates as ‘to everybody’ in the former but su-i-ka ‘on no one’ in the latter example, a difference triggered by

272

Chapter 3

final intonation; a slight pitch decrease signals a question in (617), but a deeper fall in (618) signals a statement, as shown in the translations. We will see in the following subsection that tʃi is regularly used for emphasis in questions. (608) rwaŋ

taŋ-tʃ-in snan-la, rock.paper.scissors give-inf2-eq early-dat su-s rda-tʃ-in, su ip-tʃ-in who-erg chase-inf2-eq who hide-inf2-eq (We) play rock-paper-scissors first (in order to find out) who’s chasing and who’s hiding. (609) kʰjaŋ su in sam you who eq think (I) thought ‘who are you?’. (610)

ŋa-s kʰjaŋ su in-kʰan tʃo-s I-erg you who eq-nlzr make-pst (I) thought that you were I don’t know who (perhaps a burglar, or a murder, etc.). (611)

de pene-u spral-e tsʰar-suk, su-a taŋ-s that money-def spend-cnj be.finished-infr who-dat give-pst su-a ma taŋ-s tʃi ʃi who-dat neg give-pst what shmat That money is gone, who knows who (i.e. several persons) I gave it to. (612)



kʰjaŋ su-i-re-r tʃʰ-et you who-gen-*that-term go-crt Whose place are you going to?

(613) di naŋ-p-e-aŋ

su su jot this house-def-g-ine who who ex.t Who’s living in this house (if the expected answer includes several persons)? (614)

ŋa na kʰje-s ʂtswa ʂop kʰur-en-dug-a zdu-s, I and you-erg grass a.lot carry-sim-ex.t-q compare-pst kʰjaŋ anmed jot-suk, ŋa kʰjuttʃan jot-suk you weak ex-infr I strong ex-infr We competed in who can carry more grass, you were weaker, I was stronger.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

273

(615)

jarkeni buksuk, su tsʰuntse-r-ik lus-pa-t, Yarkand-gen trefoil who small-aug-indef remain-inf-fct su tʃʰoʁo-r-ik tʃʰa-a-t who big-aug-indef go-inf-fct The (violet) Yarkand-trefoil, one stays smaller, another one becomes bigger.

(616) kʰo

su-s-aŋ ma sɲen-ma ŋatʃ-i-r-er s/he who-erg-add neg let.in-inf we.pe-gen-*that-term joŋ-set-suk, ŋatʃa-s sɲen-s-p-in come-res-infr we.pe-erg let.in-pst-inf-eq He’s come to us because nobody let him in; we let him in. (617) tʃup tʃat-e dug-ou, kʰ-i su-a ʂtaχspa quiet cut-cnj stay-hey you-gen who-dat knowledge met neg:ex.t Shut up! No one doesn’t know about you! (Everybody knows you.) (618) ŋa kamzor jot, su-i-ka lo-tʃa met I weak ex.t who-g-loc match.up-inf2 neg:ex.t I’m weak, I don’t match to anyone.

3.3.3.2 tʃi ‘what’ The interrogative pronoun tʃi is used in a wide variety of constructions and serves a wide variety of functions. It may be used nominally, adjectively, and adverbially, and it may not only convey indefiniteness but also emphasis, a use that evolved out of the basic interrogative and indefinite functions. The basic nominal use of tʃi ‘what’ is illustrated in (619). It performs approximately the same function with the existential copula jot in the three nearly equivalent questions in (620)–(622), specifying an explicit topic. In (623) and (624), the reduplicated tʃi tʃi indicates that the speaker expects a complex answer that consists of several parts; similarly, the latter example also contains the reduplicated forms su su-na ‘with who (pl.)’ and ga-r ga-r ‘to what places’ in the latter example. In each case, the reduplication conveys a distributive meaning. (619) dj-u

tʃi in this-def what eq What’s this?

274

Chapter 3

(620) za-tʃas

tʃi jot eat-inf2 what ex.t What is there to eat?

(621) tʃi

jot-kaa zan-tʃik what ex-brother food-indef What do you have, my brother, foodwise? (622) zan(-tʃik)

tʃi jot food(-indef) what ex.t Foodwise, what do you have?

(623) tʃi



tʃi zbri-s what what write-pst What did you write?

(624)

ɲimaʂar tʃi tʃi za-a-t, su su-na tʰuk-pa-t, all.day what what eat-inf-fct who who-with meet-inf-fct ga-r ga-r tʃʰ-et which-term which-term go-crt What do you eat all through the day? Who do you meet? Where do you go? In contrast to su, tʃi may also be used attributively, as illustrated in (625)–(628). Note that in this function, tʃi competes with ga, which is used when the answer is expected to involve a choice between a restricted number of entities. Combined with the definite ʒaq-po in (625) and serving as an antitopic in (626), the interrogative tʃi refers to the days of the week, while in (627), it has a more general meaning, as B’s answer indicates. In the last example illustrating its attributive use in (628), tʃi is again used with the existential copula jot. The second question in this example contains the dative tʃi-a, which often means ‘for what purpose’ (= tʃi pʰi-a) or more abstractly ‘for what reason’, i.e. ‘why’ (see 3.4.3 for a discussion of similar uses of the dative). The dative form in (628) can be analyzed either as referring to a concrete task or as meaning ‘why’, while a concrete interpretation is favored in (629)–(631) but a general interpretation (as ‘why’) in (632). Note that the frequent expression tʃi-a is often pronounced as [tʃa-a], with a long vowel and rising intonation when it stands on its own (cf. also tʃaŋ < *tʃi-aŋ below in this subsection).74

74  In Balti, the unassimilated variant appears to have fully disappeared, cf. Bielmeier (1985:80) c̆a ‘warum’.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

275

(625) diriŋ ʒaq-po tʃi



in today day-def what eq What day is it today?

(626) diriŋ tʃi



in ʒaq-po today what eq day-def What is it today, the date, I mean?

(627)

A: diriŋ tʃi ʒaq in-suk today what day eq-infr What day is it (again) today? B: mahatma gandhi-i skjeʒaq in-suk Mahatma Gandhi-gen birthday eq-infr It’s Mahatma Gandhi’s birthday.

(628) kʰjaŋ-a tʃi ton jot, ŋatʃ-i las-j-aŋ tʃi-a you-dat what goal ex.t we.pe-gen work-g-ine what-dat ɖes-et be.mixed-crt What does it matter to you? Why do you get mixed up in our business? (629)

kʰoŋ-is milaq tʃi-a ɬtʃor-e in-suk they-erg help what-dat borrow-cnj eq-infr What do they need help for?

(630) tʃi-a

kol-ba-t, ga-r kol-ba-t, what-dat use-inf-fct which-term use-inf-fct ga-tsoʁz-la kol-ba-t what-same-dat use-inf-fct What is it used for, where is it used, how is it used? (631) jaraŋ tʃi-a riŋs-et, mana jar-es you(h) what-dat hurry-crt very you(h)-erg riŋs-p-ek b-en-duk, tʃi las jot jaraŋ-a hurry-inf-indef do-sim-ex.t what work ex.t you(h)-dat What’s your hurry? You’re hurrying so much, what is it you have to do? (632) ni tʃi-a

tʰab-et syl what-dat quarrel-crt So why are you (still) quarreling?

276

Chapter 3

Example (633) illustrates that tʃi may not only refer to concrete entities but also to abstract notions such as events. This is significant for the reanalysis of tʃi ‘what’ as ‘why’ that is manifest in (634), where both the second and the third arguments (kʰjaŋ na kʰo) of spe ‘compare’ are explicit and tʃi must therefore relate to the event itself. The same applies to (635), where the object of ʂtsot has been the topic of conversation and is clearly not the referent of tʃi, which must therefore again be translated as ‘why’. This is even clearer in (636), where tʃi obviously cannot refer to a direct object of the intransitive verb tʃʰa ‘go’. In examples (637)–(639), context similarly prompts the analysis of tʃi as ‘why’; that it might otherwise be construed as the direct object of the respective predicates (or the second argument of the equative copula in (639)) indicates that the reanalysis of tʃi may have taken place in constructions equivalent to these. Example (640) illustrates that tʃi may express the same notions independently without a predicate; that is, instead of ‘why’, it merely conveys a sense of dismay (perhaps jokingly). (633) wa dj-u



(634)



tʃi soŋ hey this-def what went Hey, what happened here? kʰjaŋ na kʰo tʃi spe-t, ɖanɖa mi-nduk you and s/he what compare-crt similar neg-ex.t Why are you comparing yourself with him? You’re not similar.

(635) ʒaqtaŋ kʰo-i-ka-na tʃi ʂtsot-et every.day s/he-g-loc-abl what ask.for-crt Why do you beg from him every day? (i.e. You mustn’t beg from him every day!) (636) ʒaqtaŋ

kʰint-i-re-r tʃi tʃ ʰ-et-gi-ou, every.day you.pl-gen-*that-term what go-crt-dmnd-hey osmet-tʃik tsʰor-en-duk-pa bad-indef feel-sim-ex.t-foc I can’t come to your place every day! I feel bad! (637) ʒaqtaŋ

kʰ-i-ka-na tozar tʃi z-et every.day you-g-loc-abl lunch what eat-crt Why should I eat lunch off of you every day? (You mustn’t pay for my lunch every day!)

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

277

(638) ŋa-s sawaq zer-en-jot, tʃi graʁ-et I-erg lesson say-sim-ex.t what chat-crt I’m teaching (here)! Why are you chatting? (639)

ʒargat ma bos-aŋ aʁa suzilend-pa tʃi joke neg do\imp-add Agha Switzerland-assoc what in-gii, ee ŋat-i skat taŋ-et zer-en-tʃik, eq-dmnd od we.pi-gen language give-crt say-sim-indef ee, ŋat-i skat taŋ-et od we.pi-gen language give-crt Stop kidding! No way the Agha is from Switzerland! Listen! Doesn’t he say that he speaks our language? There! He speaks our language! (640) tʃi



ou mariuz-ou what hey Marius-hey What (is it), Marius? (Come on!)

The interrogative pronoun tʃi also frequently assumes an indefinite meaning that translates as ‘whatever’ and is illustrated in (641), (642), and the three equivalent ways of expressing ‘(she) throws away whatever gets into (her) hands’ presented in (643)–(646). In (299), tʃi is used with a negated predicate and thereby comes to mean ‘nothing at all’. This example is instructive, because tʃi translates as ‘whatever’ as long as the negation of the predicate is maintained in the translation. (641) tʃi



zer-na-aŋ tsʰat what say-cnd-add be.ok Whatever (you) say is ok.

(642) kʰo-a

ɬap ʒen-n-jot-suk mana, s/he-dat drm get.absorbed-sim-ex-infr very tʃi zer-ba-na kʰa ʂtsi-s what say-inf-cnd mouth count-pst S/he got angry right away; whatever (one) said, s/he scolded (the person who said it). (643) tʃi



tʰob-a-o pʰaŋ-en-duk what find-inf-def throw-sim-ex.t (You) are throwing (away) whatever (you) find!

278

Chapter 3

(644) tʃi



tʰop-po pʰaŋ-en-duk what find-def throw-sim-ex.t (You) are throwing (away) whatever (you) find!

(645) tʃi



(646)



tʰob-na pʰaŋ-en-duk what find-cnd throw-sim-ex.t (You) are throwing (away) whatever (you) find!

tʃi gaŋma pʰaŋ-en-duk what all throw-sim-ex.t (You) are throwing (away) everything!

(647) tʃi



samba mi skor-tʃa what thought neg turn-inf2 (You) shouldn’t have anything on (your) mind.

The indefinite use of interrogative tʃi must have already been common in ancient Tibetan, since cang is attested in OT75 in a function that must clearly have evolved out of *ci-ang ‘whatever’. Examples (648)–(654) illustrate the use of tʃaŋ in Purik. In questions, it has the meaning ‘anything’, as shown in (648)–(651). Examples (651) and (652) demonstrate that tʃaŋ may also be used attributively in combination with a property denoted by the indefinite form of an adjective. In statements, tʃaŋ emphasizes a negation, as illustrated in (652) and (653). Note the additional emphasis in the latter example, and that tʃaŋ is at first nominally construed, but that the antitopic pene ‘money’ subsequently triggers its attributive analysis. In (654), tʃaŋ occurs attributively before pʰaraq ‘difference’. (648) bazar-na

tʃaŋ kʰjoŋ-tʃa jot-a bazaar-abl at.all bring-inf2 ex-q Do you need anything from the bazaar?

(649) kʰjaŋ-a tʃaŋ rgo-ʃa-kato met-a you-dat at.all need-inf2-in.case neg:ex-q You don’t happen to need anything, do you? 75  At least in Pt 1047, it frequently emphasizes the negative marker myi yielding the sense of ‘not at all’. Jäschke (1881:138b) also documents chang, presumably for Written Tibetan, in the meaning “every thing, any thing whatever … more frq. followed by a negative particle and then signifying: nothing …”.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

279

(650) tʃaŋ za-tʃ-in-a



at.all eat-inf2-eq-q Will you eat anything (with the tea)?

(651) tʃaŋ rdemw-ek



tsʰor-a at.all nice-indef feel-q Did (you) like it at all?

(652) kʰo-e-ka-na kʰjaŋ-a tʃaŋ zdokʰar-tʃik s/he-g-loc-abl you-dat at.all hazard-indef joŋ-tʃa-men come-inf2-neg:eq He won’t do you any harm. (653) tʃaŋ-na tʃaŋ ma biŋ pene at.all-cntr at.all neg come.out money Nothing, but nothing came out at all, no money (out of the donkey). (654) tʃaŋ pʰaraq

tʃʰa-a-met-a zan-i at.all difference go-inf-neg:ex-q food-gen Can you eat everything (lit. can you feel any difference with regard to food)? [asking an old person] In contrast to the examples just presented, (655) and (656) show that there is also a non-assimilated tʃi-aŋ (of an obviously younger origin), in which tʃi has an emphatically affirmative function, refuting a negative statement; both examples demonstrate the modest way in which a host asks about the food. In the construction tʃi ba-se-aŋ ‘doing whatever is necessary’ illustrated in (657) and (658), tʃi basically means ‘whatever’; however, the ‘additive’ -aŋ asks the addressee to devise ways that are hard to imagine, e.g. extraordinary means to make someone laugh in (657). Note the close relation of this ‘imaginative’ use of tʃi with its basic interrogative function. (655)

A: zan-gral-tʃi ma soŋ food-arrangement-indef neg went (I fear that I) wasn’t (able to serve you) a nice dinner!

B: zan-gral tʃi-aŋ soŋ food-arrangement what-add went Of course it was a nice dinner!

280

Chapter 3

(656) tʃi-aŋ ʒimbo jot-suk what-add tasty ex-infr How tasty (this) was! (657) kʰo-s

tʃi ba-se-aŋ kʰo-a rgod s/he-erg what do-cnj-add s/he-dat laughter joŋ-tʃuk-s come-caus-pst He tried to make her laugh at any cost.

(658) tʃi



ba-se-aŋ joŋ kʰjaŋ what do-cnj-add come you You have to come at all costs!

Certain constructions are ambiguous with respect to the construal of tʃi. For instance, in (659), the sentence-final ha-wa causes tʃi to be interpreted as emphatically affirmative or elative, while in the largely identical construction in (660), the suffixal -gi-oo signals an interrogative construal, through which the speaker indicates her belief that the opposite is true. Similarly, it is the context (or specifically the subsequent sentence) that prompts the elative interpretation of tʃi ʈʰekʈʰek-tʃi duk in (661) as ‘how fit he is!’ and blocks the interrogative and implicitly negative interpretation as ‘how (can you say that) he is fit?’. And in (662), context triggers that tʃi is not understood interrogatively but rather wonderingly, implying that something truly awful must have stung the yelling subject.76 (659) tʃi



ʒimb-ek duk ha-wa what tasty-indef ex.t right-hey It’s really tasty, isn’t?

(660) tʃi



ʒimb-ek duk-gi-oo what tasty-indef ex.t-dmnd-hey (Tell me) what’s tasty about this? (I don’t like it at all!)

76  Recall example (610) from 3.3.3.1, in which ŋas kʰjaŋ su inkʰan tʃos ‘I thought that you were I don’t know who (a burglar, or a murder, etc.).’, was similarly construed.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

281

(661) ali tʃi ʈʰekʈʰek-tʃi duk, ʃoʁbu-u mana Ali what fit-indef ex.t book-def very ʂtsom-se zbri-n-duk work.diligently-cnj write-sim-ex.t How proper Ali is! He’s writing his book very diligently. (662) kʰo-s tʃi zuk-pa tsoʁz-la ʁap ʁap s/he-erg what prick-inf same-dat yap yap b-en-duk-pa-t do-sim-stay-inf-fct He’s yelling as though he was stung by something awful.

3.3.3.3 ga(ŋ) ‘which’ In contrast to both tʃi and su, ga implies that the answer involves a choice among a limited number of possibilities, as exemplified in (663).77 However, this restriction often applies in a very general way. In (664), for instance, the use of ga appears to be owed to the fact there is a limited number of vegetables that the interlocutors have eaten in their lives. In its most frequently-used case form ga-r ‘where (to)’, ga seems to refer to anything that qualifies as a location (at the same time, its neutral correspondence tʃi does not occur in the terminative case), as illustrated in (665)–(667).78 In (668), ga refers to a purpose, which is closely related to the basic function of the terminative case to indicate a goal. (663) A: kʰo ga gaɽi-j-aŋ ʒon-e duk s/he which car-g-ine ride-cnj ex.t She’s riding in which car?

77  Besides ga “2. = gang” (Jk. 63a), Jäschke mentions ga only in oblique forms like gá-na “= gang-na, where”, gá-ru “= gang-du 1. whither … 2. where” (Jk. 64a), ga-ré “1. where is? B. and col.” (Jk. 64b) (which is analyzed here as ga-r e with a predicatively used demonstrative e, see 4.5.7), and gá-la “for gáng-la … whither …” (Jk. 64b). It seems likely therefore that ga derives from gang “1. who? which? B., C., W….” (Jk. 64b), that the final -ng of gang was lost early in the history of Tibetan when followed by -d-, -r- , -l- or -n-, and that the resulting ga eventually tended to become generalized. 78  The question gar tʃ ʰet ‘where are you going?’ is a common way of greeting people who are on the move, and it is typically answered with a meaningless phrase such as jaa-ʒu-a ‘yeah, ok’, the Urdu expression bas ‘ok, that’s it’, or dja tsʰaqp-ek ‘until wherever (I’ll go)’ (see 3.3.1.6).

282

Chapter 3

B: snap-e-aŋ ʒon-e duk first-g-ine ride-cnj ex.t She’s riding in the first car. (664)



ga ga tsʰonma-n kʰjaŋ-a ʒimbo tsʰor-et which which vegetable-pl you-dat tasty feel-crt Which vegetables do you like best?

(665) ga-r tʃʰ-et which-term go-crt Where are you going? (666) ga-r-aŋ

tʃʰa-a-met which-term-add go-inf-neg:ex.t I’m not going anywhere. (667) jaraŋ ga-r



ʒuks-pa-t you(h) which-term stay(h)-inf-fct Where do you normally stay?

(668) tʃi-a

kol-ba-t, ga-r kol-ba-t, what-dat use-inf-fct which-term use-inf-fct ga-tsoʁz-la kol-ba-t what-similar-dat use-inf-fct What is it used for, where is it used, how is it used? Further contexts in which ga but not tʃi may be used are ga-tsa-r-ik ‘about where’, as illustrated in (669), and ga-tsuk ‘like what’ as well as its adverbial dative ga-tsug-a ‘in what way’, for which see (670)–(672). (669) ga-tsa-r-ik ɬep which-lim-aug-indef arrive Where did you go? (670) ga-tsuk

tsʰonm-eg in which-kind vegetable-indef eq What’s that vegetable like? What kind of vegetable is that (you’re talking about)?

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

283

(671) ga-tsug-a saŋko-a tʃʰ-et which-kind-dat Sangko-dat go-crt How are (you) going to Sangko (e.g. by car)? (672) dj-u

ga-tsuk-kato ɲambo joŋ-s sam this-def which-kind-in.case together come-pst think kʰo-s s/he-erg He (must have) thought: who the hell did this one come along with? In (672), ga-tsuk conveys an emphatically affirmative notion and may be translated as ‘of a very strange kind’. Similarly, ga-r in (673) means ‘to a place I kept trying to imagine’. In (674) and (675), the vowel of ga-r is lengthened and uttered at a higher pitch. These questions with lengthened interrogative adverbials have come to conventionally implicate a negative answer. That is, ‘where will this event take place?’ implies ‘nowhere is this event going to take place’, which may be paraphrased as ‘it’s impossible …’.79

(673)

ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ ga-r tʃʰa-kʰan tʃo-s I-erg you which-term go-inf make-pst I imagined you had gone to all kinds of places! (674) ldza-tʃ-i-aŋ ɬtsab-a gaa-r-na month-one-g-ine learn-inf which\emph-term-cntr ɲen-tʃ-in-waa be.able-inf2-eq-hey Where would one be able to learn it (i.e. a language) in one month? (nowhere, i.e. it’s impossible) (675) gaa-r

tʃʰut-tʃ-in which\emph-term understand-inf2-eq How could (I) possibly understand? The form gaŋ of the same interrogative pronoun is only rarely used in Purik. Example (676) illustrates its nominal use with the definite article -po, and (677) and (678) demonstrate what seem to be relic interrogative constructions,

79  This vowel lengthening is productive elsewhere besides ga(-a-)r ‘where’, such as in the interrogative adverbs na(-a-)m ‘when’ (see 3.3.3.4) and tsa-a-m(-ts-ik) ‘how much’ (3.3.3.5), but not with su ‘who’ or tʃi ‘what’.

284

Chapter 3

in which gaŋ occurs between repeated verbs. This type of question implies that a number of things are not clear to the speaker. (676) sna-a

gaŋ-po-s rgjap-s early-dat which-def-erg throw-pst Which one (of you) threw first? (677) tʃi



soŋ gaŋ soŋ what went which went What happened (and how did it happen)?

(678) tʃi-a kʰje-s gaŋ-a kʰje-s what-dat carry-pst which-dat carry-pst What did you bring it for (and why)?

3.3.3.4 nam ‘when’ Naturally, the interrogative adverb nam may relate to different temporal dimensions, such as the date in (679) or the time of day in (680). More interestingly, as exemplified in (681), the vowel of nam may be lengthened and uttered with a high pitch and a dramatizing voice quality (see 7.5) in order to refer to an event that took place long ago with an addressee who shows doubt. (679) kʰaŋma-a nam tʃʰ-et

home-dat when go-crt When are (you) going home? (680) askja



nam joŋ-et tomorrow when come-crt When are (you) coming tomorrow?

(681) naam-na

soŋ-se met-in kʰo when\emph-abl went-cnj neg:ex-eq s/he (You know that) he’s been gone for a long time! 3.3.3.5 tsam ‘how much’ The interrogative adverb tsam ‘how much, how many’ serves largely the same functions that Jäschke (430a–431b) describes for WT. Examples (682)–(685) illustrate a few common ways in which tsam is used in Purik; and (686)– (688) show that it also occurs in the dative, the locative, and the inessive, among other cases. In order to make it an adjective (which may also be used

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

285

nominally), tsam is followed by the suffix -pa, as exemplified in (689).80 If followed by the limitative -tsa (cf. 3.5.3), tsam indicates the estimate of an amount or – if applied to the domain of time, as in (690) – a point in time. Since tsam regularly involves estimates, which are inherently approximate, tsam frequently occurs in the form tsam-ts-ik with -tsa and the indefinite article to also mean ‘how much’. If the vowel of tsam-ts-ik is lengthened and uttered at a higher pitch with a dramatizing voice quality (described for other interrogative adverbs above), as in (691), its basic interrogative sense is reanalyzed as excessive. (682)



kʰjaŋ lo tsam in you year how.much eq How old are you?

(683) dj-u(-a)

tsam in this-def(-dat) how.much eq How much (does) this (cost)?

(684) pene



(685)



tsam jot money how.much ex.t How much money do (you) have? ʒaq tsam dug-et day how.much stay-crt How many days are (you) staying?

(686) dj-u

tsam-a tʰop this-def how.much-dat find How much did you pay for this? (687) tsam-i-ka

joŋ-et how.much-g-loc come-crt At what (time) will (you) come?

(688) tsam-j-aŋ

sil-et how.much-g-ine study-crt What class are (you) in? 80  Jäschke (1881:431b) also describes this function in WT, viz. tsám-pa “adj., mi-tshad-tsám-pa man-sized, having the size of a man Tar.”

286

Chapter 3

(689)

kʰir-i stjuden-un lo tsam-pa-r-ig jot you-gen student-pl year how.much-assoc-aug-indef ex.t About how old are your students?

(690) tsam-tsa-a

tʃʰ-et ŋataŋ when-lim-dat go-crt we.pi At what time do we leave? (691)



kʰo tsaam-ts-ik tʃʰoo duk s/he how\emph-lim-indef big ex.t How big s/he is!

3.3.4 Distributive Pronouns There are two pronouns in Purik that primarily express a distributive sense, namely rere, which is discussed together with its variant -re in 3.3.4.1, and the more restricted soso, which only occurs in conjunction with raŋkʰa, as described in 3.3.4.2. 3.3.4.1 rere ‘(one) each’ and enclictic -re The basic meaning of rere is illustrated in (692) and (693). Given that reduplication per se often expresses a distributive notion (see 3.2.2), rere may be assumed to derive from the simple -re discussed below.81 The pairing of rere and ɲis ɲis in the question-answer pair given in (692) indicates that the reduplication in rere appears to be perceived as analogous to the one in ɲis ɲis ‘two each’, and that rere must therefore mean ‘one each’. Another similarity with quantifiers (and a difference from demonstrative and interrogative pronouns) is the fact that rere always follows the noun it determines, as also illustrated in (692) and (693). Example (695) features the locative of rere na rere ‘each and every (one)’ emphasizing the distributive notion. In (694), rere is followed by the plural morpheme -n, showing that the distributive notion has also become lexicalized in an adjectival rere meaning ‘separate’. (692)

A: kʰintaŋ tsʰerpa rere kʰatʃul-la soŋ-m-in-a you.pl time each Kashmir-dat went-inf-eq-q Has every one of you been to Kashmir (at least once)?

81  Jäschke (533a) finds both forms in WT, cf. re “1. indefinite num. or pron., single, a single one, some (persons), something; one to each, one at a time, re-ré or re every, every one, every body, each”.

Noun Phrases – Demonstratives and Pronouns

287

B: ŋatʃa tsʰerpa ɲis ɲis soŋ-m-in we.pe time two two went-inf-eq We (all) went two times each. (693)

saʁ-is rdwa rere len all-erg stone each take Everybody take one stone each! (694)



ta sɲima rere-n tu-ʃi-hee now ear each-pl collect-opt-ok? Now collect all the single ears (of wheat), okay?

(695)

ŋa taŋ-en duk-p-et gaqpa rere na rere-ka, I give-sim stay-inf-neg:ex.t funnel every and every-loc ŋa ʂtat-en joŋ-et I put.on-sim come-crt I won’t divert (the water) in each and every channel, I’ll just flood (it) on my way back (by putting rocks into the canal at several spots).

The use of the enclitic -re after a nominal gaŋ ‘(a) filling’ is illustrated in (696). In (697), gaŋ-re attributively modifies the noun tʃʰu ‘water’. In (698), the limitative -tsa adds the sense of ‘only’; in (699), -re is absent and so the imperative refers only to a single event (and a single undergoer). (696) saʁ-is gaŋ-re

ɬuk all-erg full-each pour Everybody fill in one (bucketful) each! (697) saʁ-is

balʈin-gaŋ-re tʃʰu len all-erg bucket-full-each water take Everybody take one bucketful of water each!

(698) tsepo-gaŋ-re-tsa

kʰjoŋ-tʃa basket-full-each-lim bring-inf2 (Everybody should just) bring one basketful each.

(699) tsopo-gaŋ-tsa



ɬuk bucket-full-only pour Fill in only one bucketful!

288

Chapter 3

3.3.4.2 raŋkʰa soso ‘each their own’ The second reduplicated distributive pronoun soso is attested in WT in the meaning “distinct, separate, singly, individually …” (Jäschke 578b) and occurs in Purik only in conjunction with raŋkʰa (containing raŋ ‘self’), as illustrated in (700)–(709).82 Note that in all except a single instance, raŋkʰa soso takes the genitive and thereby relates to possession (in (707), the dative expresses a similar sense). This may also have an abstract sense, as in raŋkʰa soso-i las-po ‘each person’s own work’ shown in (703) and (704). In principle, its basic meaning is generic, but the number of people involved is restricted either contextually, as in (701), (706), and (707), or explicitly with pronouns, such as ŋa na kʰo ‘I and s/he’ in (702), kʰint-es ‘you (pl. erg.)’ in (703), ŋatʃa ‘we (excl.)’ in (705), and kʰintaŋ ɲiska-s ‘you two (erg.)’ in (708). The role of the different participants in a distributed event may be emphasized by means of the generic raŋ ‘self’ (cf. 3.3.2.5); raŋ-is emphasizes agents, as in (708), and raŋ-a experiencers, as in (709). (700)

raŋkʰa soso-i nor-un kʰʂit-e soŋ-ʃik own each-gen sheep-pl lead-cnj go\imp-opt (Everybody) take their own sheep and go!

(701)

raŋkʰa soso-i kʰaŋma-a soŋ-ʃik own each-gen home-dat go\imp-opt Everybody go to his or her own home!

(702)

dekana ŋa na kʰo raŋka soso-e kʰaŋma-a soŋ and.then I and s/he own each-gen home-dat went Then the two of us each went to our own homes.







(703) kʰint-es raŋkʰa soso-i las-po bo-ʃik you.pl-erg own each-gen work-def do\imp-opt You (guys) each do your own work! (704)

raŋkʰa soso-i las-po rdʒet ma rdʒet-pa own each-gen work-def forget neg forget-inf bo-ʃig hei do\imp-opt ok? Nobody forget what he or she has to do, okay?

82  This raŋkʰa (I have generalized the transcription, though Shabir pronounces it raŋka) may be related to the rang-kha Jäschke (523a) found in Schmidt’s dictionary as “= rángbu?”, cf. also ráng-bu “1. Cs. single, alone” (Jk. 523a).

Noun Phrases – Case

289

(705)

kʰo-e ʃite-a ma toŋ, ŋatʃa raŋkʰa soso-e s/he-gen side-dat neg give\imp we.pe own each-gen ʃite-a toŋ side-dat give\imp Don’t give them to him! Give (one of) them to each of us!

(706) raŋkʰa soso-e(-ro) kʰur-e joŋ-ma-t-to self each-gen(-thing) carry-cnj come-inf-fct-corr You should have brought your own! (lit. Everyone normally brings her/ his own, of course.) (707) raŋkʰa soso-a tʃʰut-kʰan-po b-en tʃ ʰ-et self each-dat understand-inf-def do-sim go-crt Everybody keeps doing what they know (how to do). (708)

kʰintaŋ ɲiska-s raŋkʰa soso-i las-po raŋ-is you both-erg own each-gen work-def self-erg bo-ʃik do\imp-opt You two each do your own work by yourselves!

(709)



raŋkʰa soso-i zan-po raŋ-a za-a rgo-ʃ-in own each-gen food-def self-dat eat-inf need-inf2-eq Everyone should eat his own food.

3.4 Case 3.4.1 General Remarks In the introduction to his section on cases, Rangan (1979:72) cites Jespersen (1924) as having rightly pointed out that “cases form one of the most irrational parts of language in general”. The use of this statement is likely to be related to the fact that although Rangan recognizes that Purik has an ergative case, he also describes nominative and accusative cases, in addition to using the term subject without any reservations. Acknowledging that the agent of a transitive clause in Purik always takes the ergative and that all case markings can be neatly accommodated within a localistic framework allows for a conclusion that is simpler than Rangan’s. Indeed, there is virtually no irrationality in case marking in Purik. The labeling of the absolutive (3.4.2), ergative (3.4.3), and dative morphemes (3.4.4) as case markers is undisputed. In contrast, the locative (3.4.7) is often

290

Chapter 3

treated as a postposition, even though it regularly defines argument roles or, more precisely, roles that are hosted within verbal frames. Thus, although the locative and inessive tend to be more strongly assimilated to their hosts in Balti (cf. Purik locative -i-ka, but Balti -i-ka ~ -i-ga ~ -i-ʁa, and Purik inessive -j-aŋ(-nuk), but Balti -i-ṅnu, notably without the -k of Purik, cf. 2.2.2.6.2), I have fewer reservations than Bielmeier (1985:93–94) in treating these morphemes as suffixal case markers, though the inessive only rarely indicates roles that can be hosted in verbal frames, and both -i-ka and -j-aŋ(-nuk) are clearly based on the genitive case (-i), except after demonstratives, e.g. a-ka ‘there’, ode-ka ‘right there’, e-aŋ-nuk [eãnuk] ‘in that other one’, and de-aŋ-nuk [deãnuk] ‘in that one (anaphoric)’.83 The terminative suffixes -uk and -r are only found with a limited variety of hosts; there are nevertheless no criteria by which they may be distinguished from other case markers. The most problematic marker is -na, which not only serves ablative, comitative, and instrumental functions, but also subordinates clauses (see 6.1), beside being used as an emphatic discourse-structuring morpheme (see 3.5.1.1).84 An attempt at reconstructing the evolution of these different functions is made in the introduction to 3.4.9. Only the case marking functions of -na will be discussed in this section, however, namely the ablative in 3.4.9.1 and the comitative and instrumental in 3.4.9.2. Identifying various predicate frames of Purik verbs can be tackled in a very straightforward way with the trajectory model proposed by Tournadre (1995:261), which is similar to ideas about Tibetan put forth in DeLancey (1981). In this holistic model, “the agent, the patient and the goal are viewed in terms of landmarks along a trajectory”. In other words, the model according to Tournadre (1995:266) “depicts any action on an object or a patient (at the center of the predication) as proceeding from a source (ergative) corresponding to the agent and oriented towards a goal or a direction (oblique … case).” Even though the model was originally applied to literary and Central Tibetan, Tournadre’s “conclusions are arguably true for all the dialects”. The functions of the three cases indicating source, center, and goal of an event are summarized in the chart below (from Tournadre 1995:273).

83  Bailey (1920:28) treats kăna (governing the genitive), na, both ‘from’, -ăŋ (gen.) and -nŭk, -anŭk (gen.) ‘in’, kā (gen.) ‘upon’, as “prepositions”. 84  Bielmeier (1985:94) encountered the same problems in Balti: “Einen unklaren Status nimmt -na ein. Es kann jedenfalls nicht wie bei Read, l. c., als Kasusmorphem gewertet werden, da es insgesamt nur sehr selten auftritt und immer in Verbindung mit anderen Morphemen gebraucht wird,….”

291

Noun Phrases – Case CATEGORIES Case-marking functions NP

Other functions Clause Other

SOURCE S

CENTRE Ø

GOAL LA

patient agent intr.subject instrument duration cause, manner origin comparison selection (‘among’) restriction (“exception + V + Neg.)

benefactor possessor location destination goal

causal Coordination adverbial emphasis, focus (agent)

purposive coordination adverbial emphasis, focus (object)

coordination

We will see below that a few minor adjustments must be made with respect to Purik, none of which, however, impair the strong semantic basis of the morphological coding of Purik arguments and adjuncts, which can be readily derived from this scheme. The localistic basis of other Purik cases, such as the locative and the inessive, is evident. While the present section discusses the different ways in which Purik case markers are used, 4.1.3 addresses the same topic by elucidating the argument structure of Purik verbs. 3.4.2 Absolutive In full accord with Tournadre’s model, the absolutive case is unmarked in Purik and may be characterized as representing the center of a proposition (Tournadre 1995:266). Generally, an argument or complement in the absolutive is thus involved in its entirety, and often affected in terms of its location or its general state. With copulas, a participant in the absolutive is either equated with another one by the equative copula in, or it is qualified or located by one of the existential copulas – factual jot, testimonial duk, past-testimonial jot-suk (onetime witnessing) or duk-p-in (multiple witnessing), or past factual jot-p-in. The existential copulas may qualify a participant in the absolutive by means of an adjective or locate it by an adverbial. Note that the second terms in these constructions may be instantiated not only by nouns, but also by a variety of verbal nouns and adjectives.

292

Chapter 3

With dynamic auxiliaries, both the undergoer and the predicative attribute take the absolutive when the undergoer is conceptualized as being affected in its entirety (e.g. in kʰo tʃʰimi soŋ ‘s/he has become old’), while the predicative attribute takes the dative when the undergoer is conceptualized as being only partially affected (e.g. in kʰjapkʰjab-a soŋ ‘(it) went flat (e.g. a tire)’), cf. 4.3.1.1. Similarly, the complements of complex sensory predicates formed with joŋ ‘come’ normally take the absolutive, cf. ɲid joŋ ‘fall asleep (lit. sleep come)’ and zermo joŋ ‘become sick (lit. pain come)’, both with an experiencer in the dative. With full verbs, the most common argument roles marked by the absolutive are summarized in Table 63. They include actors and undergoers of motion verbs (such as baps ‘go down, fall’ and other verbs that take single animate or inanimate arguments that are or are not in control of their own movements), undergoers of change-of-state verbs (such as ʒip ‘become fine’, ʃi ‘die’, etc.), fully-affected experiencers of monovalent sensory verbs (such as ɬtoχs ‘become hungry’, and those that provide for another role in the dative denoting the feared, mainly ʒiks ‘be afraid’), actors of uncontrolled bodily actions (such as hal ‘pant’, kʰoχs ‘cough’, etc.), fully-affected undergoers of transitive verbs (such as sat ‘kill’, za ‘eat’, as well as the complements of the light verbs in ɲit taŋ ‘sleep’, pʰjaq ba ‘pray’, and kus tap ‘call’, etc., all of which take an actor in the ergative), stimuli of bivalent sensory verbs (such as tʰoŋ ‘see, be visible’, ʃes ‘know, be recognizable’, etc., and those that are typically instantiated by a -pa infinitive, e.g. in V-pa ɲan ‘be able to V’, V-pa rdʒet ‘forget to V’, etc.), fullyaffected undergoers of active sensory verbs (such as ɬta ‘look’, ɲan ‘listen’, etc.), themes of trivalent verbs (such as taŋ ‘give’, len ‘take’, etc.), themes representing a traversed in connection with certain motion verbs (e.g. ʒiŋ-po ‘the field’ with rgal ‘pass’ and jurba-o ‘the irrigation canal’ with gom ‘step’), themes denoting a time period with duk ‘stay’ (e.g. in ldze-k dug-et ‘I’m staying for about a month’), and purposive complements of motion verbs and other verbs involving motion (such as V-pa tʃʰa ‘go and V’ and V-pa kʰjer ‘take away in order to get it V-ed’). Table 63

Absolutive case roles hosted by different types of predicate frames

Verb type

Example

Source

abs – center of predication

controlled motion uncontrolled motion

drul ‘walk’

actor

gret ‘slip, fall’

undergoer

Goal

293

Noun Phrases – Case

Verb type

Example

Source

change of state ʒip ‘become fine’ uncontrolled hal ‘pant’ bodily action sensory ɬtoχs ‘become hungry’ verbs of ʒiks ‘be afraid’ fear transitive tʰoŋ ‘see, be sensory visible’ action sat ‘kill’ erg-actor compound action ditransitive action ditransitive action bivalent motion durative motion

abs – center of predication

undergoer actor undergoer undergoer

dat-stimulus

stimulus

dat-experiencer

ɲit taŋ ‘sleep’

erg-actor

fully-affected undergoer complement

taŋ ‘give’

erg-actor

theme

len ‘take’

abl- erg- theme source actor actor theme

rgal ‘pass’ duk ‘stay’ tʃʰa ‘go’

Goal

dat-recipient

actor time period dat-location actor purposive complement

3.4.3 Ergative The ergative case marker takes the form -s after vowels, as in (710), -is after consonants, as in (711), and -es [-əs] in a few personal pronouns such as ŋat-es ‘we.pi-erg’ and kʰint-es ‘you.pl-erg’).85 Its basic function of indicating the 85  Note that the ergative marker, just like the genitive (-i), lacks the initial velar found in WT (cf. Hahn 1996:60) and a number of spoken dialects. In Balti, on the other hand, the ergative has an additional -i, hence, takes the form -si after vowels and -isi after consonants, cf. Bielmeier (1985:90). Forms with an additional vowel are also attested for the Tibetan dialects of Nubra (-ze) and Spiti (-su), as well as the Tibeto-Burman languages Tod (where the

294

Chapter 3

agent of transitive verbs as well as its derived functions are summarized in Table 64; see also 4.1.3. (710) kʰo-s ʃiŋ-po-a tʃatkʰa taŋ-en-duk s/he-erg wood-def-dat cutting give-sim-ex.t He’s chopping the wood. (711)

raaʁ-is ordʒen maŋmo taŋ-ma-t female.goat-erg milk a.lot give-inf-fct Goats give a lot of milk. Unlike in many Central Tibetan varieties, the ergative in Purik never marks the experiencer of sensory verbs such as tʰoŋ ‘see, be visible’, which always appears in the dative, the single argument of a motion verb such as drul ‘walk’ or baŋ taŋ ‘run’, which always takes the absolutive, the single argument of a monovalent sensory verb such as ɬtoχs ‘become hungry’, which also takes the absolutive, or the experiencer of sensory verbs such as rdjaŋ ‘trust’, which again takes the absolutive, while the second argument takes the locative. Also, there is nothing optional about the use of the ergative in Purik; unlike in many dialects

ergative -si is “in free variation” with -i and -e, cf. Sharma 1989:289) and Nyamkat (-so, cf. Sharma 1992:131, Zeisler 2011:44). Hence, the evidence regarding the original form of the Tibetan ergative marker is inconclusive. Balti presents some additional evidence suggesting that the -i may have been added to the ergative marker in order to counter the general loss of distinctiveness the final -s suffered in Balti not only as an ergative marker, illustrated by “eindeutige Ergativbildungen”, even if formally genitives, such as rudi ‘Erdrutsch (Erg.)’ or raískuni ‘Anführer (Erg. Pl.)’ (Bielmeier 1985:90). Similarly, the -s suffix marking past tense tends to be lost especially after consonantal finals (Bielmeier 1985:105 and 112) and is, in turn, sometimes added to verbs where it did not use to be (as witnessed by the Purik data), namely non-controlled ones such as ʃi-s ‘died’ (cf. Read 1934:41, Lobsang 1995:6), tʃ ʰaχ-s ‘broke, tʰop-s ‘got, found’ (Lobsang 1995:5) and motion verbs such as soŋ-s (Bielmeier 1985:117). The most plausible explanation for the correspondence of Purik -aŋ and Balti -saŋ ‘too’ is that the ergative -s that often preceded -aŋ (as in kʰjaŋi saŋ dju zereda ‘do you also say this?’ and ŋa-saŋ χudaa-la ɸtʃolet ‘I also worship God’, where “it is necessary to drop the si”, cf. Read 1934:7–8) was reanalyzed as pertaining to this -aŋ and extended into non-ergative contexts (cf. Read’s (1934:86) ŋa-la roχ bja-kʰan tʃik-saŋ met ‘I have not a single helper’, which corresponds to the Purik ba-kʰan tʃik-aŋ met, or Bielmeier’s (1985:77) ŋa tʃaŋsaŋ mazer ‘I did not say anything’). Interestingly, even the longer ergative marker -si, according to Bielmeier (1985:141), has a certain optionality, or, in other words, the nominative is often used instead of the ergative with transitive verbs, and no functional distinction can be identified in comparable contexts (Bielmeier 1985:77).

295

Noun Phrases – Case Table 64

Ergative case roles instantiated by different types of hosts within different types of predicate frames

Verb type

Example

transitive ɬta ‘look’ action transitive action change of state sensory motion

location

skor ‘turn’ pʰit ‘get frostbite’ tʰoŋ ‘see, be visible’ tʃʰa ‘go’

Host

erg-source

abs-center

dat-goal

partiallyaffected theme

animate agent fullyaffected theme latatse-s ‘axis-erg’ inanimate theme agent graŋ-is ‘cold-erg’ force

beneficiary

mig-is ‘eye-erg’

instrument

stimulus

experiencer

sil-is ‘shade-erg’

path

actor, undergoer, theme actor, undergoer, theme

existential di-s ‘up to here’ copula

line

of CT, where the ergative may acquire pragmatic functions in the imperfective aspect (Tournadre 1996).86 In Purik, the ergative marks agents with transitive verbs such as ɬta ‘look’, strul ‘drive’, za ‘eat’, kal ‘put on, send’, zbri ‘write’, rduŋ ‘beat’, zer ‘say’, and sam ‘think’. Example (712) shows that, with the verb sam, the theme, denoting the thought, is often represented by a finite clause. (712) ŋa-s baχʃat-tʃik skje-ek sam-b-in, ɬaŋʈo-ik I-erg crossbreed-indef be.born-EST think-inf-eq bull-indef skje-s be.born-pst I thought it was going to be a mixed breed, but a male cow was born.

86  Note that the loss of a postvocalic -s in most CT and AT dialects (e.g. Themchen, where the -s changes the preceding vowels into the -i of the genitive) in some of them led to the merger of the ergative and the genitive; the ergative -s of Balti has had a comparable fate.

296

Chapter 3

Let us illustrate some of the derived functions of the ergative. In addition to animate agents, the ergative may mark also inanimate agents of transitive events, such as latatse-s ‘(the) axis-erg’ with bu skor-tʃ-in ‘turns the millstone’, tsʰerma-s in (713), and mendoʁ-is in (715); the force of an uncontrolled event, such as graŋ-is ‘by the cold’ with the verb pʰit ‘get frostbite’,87 dj-u-s in (714), triʒim-po-s and zan ʒimbo-s in (715), both of which are followed by the conjunctive participle ba-se ‘by doing’, an optional marker of the force role; the instrument with a sensory verb, such as mig-is ‘with the eyes’ with tʰoŋ ‘see, be visible’, that is, the sensory organ with which a sensation is perceived; and the path on which an event takes place, such as sil-is ‘through the shade’,88 the two ergatives in (716), and the one in (717). Examples (718)–(721) all allow for a stative interpretation, which prevails in (718) and (721), where the path-like location is referred to by an existential copula; for further stative examples, see 4.1.3.9. (713)

ŋa e-ka tsoq-bar-p-e-aŋ soŋ-m-in, I the.other-loc bush-space-def-g-ine went-inf-eq tsʰerma-s ʃamaʃut ba-s thorn-erg scratching do-pst I went through those bushes; the thorns scratched me (badly). (714)

dj-u-s (ba-se) ŋj-i ɬtwa-a zermo joŋ-s this-def-erg (do-cnj) I-gen stomach-dat pain come-pst Because of this, I got stomach ache.

87  A similar function is described by Bielmeier (1985:139) for χa-si ‘anger-erg’; he labels it ‘instrumental’, but ‘force’ would perhaps be more adequate. Bielmeier also notes that this function is normally expressed postpositionally, as for instance in kʰasmani-ga ‘aufgrund von Bescheidenheit’. As far as Purik is concerned, the locative coding (e.g. in ʒiksmo tʃigika ‘in quite a fear’) does not indicate the force that leads to an event but rather the circumstances under which an event takes place, cf. below. 88  The notion of the path is often expressed by pʰeres following the genitive, e.g. in le-e pʰeres ‘via Leh’. Balti appears to consistently lack the final -s of Purik in this construction, cf. Bielmeier (1985:204) -phari ‘durch, hindurch, aufgrund’ and Read (1934) ‘for the sake of, on account of’.

Noun Phrases – Case

297

(715)

mendoʁ-is toŋze kʰu-r-i pʰjoχs-la tʰen-e flower-erg bee s/he-self-gen side-dat pull-cnj kʰjoŋ-tʃ-in, kʰo-e triʒim-po-s ba-se, zan bring-inf2-eq s/he-gen smell.nice-def-erg do-cnj food ʒimbo-s ba-se tasty-erg do-cnj The flower attracts the bee by producing a good smell, by producing tasty food. (716) di-s

joŋ, lam-is this-erg come way-erg Come this way, on the path!

(717)



e ŋos-po-s [eõs-po-s] the.other side-def-erg (Come in) through the (door on the) other side (of the car)!

(718) ode



lam-po braʁ-i ʂkil-is jot that.vry way-def rock-gen middle-erg ex.f That path is in the middle of a rock face.

(719) braʁ-i ʂkil-is lam rock-gen middle-erg way A path (that goes) right through a rock face. (720) ordʒen-po ɬut-et, kʰatoʁ bos-e joŋ-et, milk-def overflow-crt top be.spilled-cnj come-crt zaŋsbw-i kʰa-as tʃʰal tʃʰal joŋ-et, ldʒoŋs gaŋma-s copper.pot-gen rim-erg drm drm come-crt side all-erg joŋ-et come-crt The milk overflows, it spills over the top, it comes splashing over the rim of the copper pot, comes over the whole side. (721) rziŋ-j-aŋ

tʃʰu-u di-s jot-suk reservoir-g-ine water-def this-erg ex-infr In the reservoir, the water was up to here (indicating the level of the water on the chest).

298

Chapter 3

Only with a few predicates, the ergative is interchangeable with another case. The different cases, however, always facilitate differing conceptualizations of the same event. For instance, in (722), the actor of tra is construed as an agent and marked in the ergative, because snow represents an actual obstacle over which they must lift their feet, while in (723), the actor is primarily construed as moving entity and must take the absolutive, because water is the prototypical location of tra and the river can therefore not be considered an obstacle. Example (724) illustrates that a person who vomited can either be construed as an agent or an experiencer of that event; the ergative highlights the former, and the dative the latter. (722) ŋat-es kʰa tr-et we.pi-erg snow wade-crt We’ll ‘wade’ through the snow. (723)



rgjamtsʰo ŋa tra-se soŋ river I wade-cnj went I waded through the river.

(724) kʰjer-es/kʰjeraŋ-a di-ka

ɬtson-s-p-in-a you-erg/you-dat this-loc vomit-pst-inf-eq-q Did you vomit here? Ergative marking is also retained when it defines the role of an agent within a relative clause, as illustrated in (725) and (726). That it may be substituted by the genitive in (725) must be due to the conceptualization of zer-s-pa ‘(the) said’ in analogy to spera ‘word’; the genitive is not possible in (726).

(725) kʰo-s ŋa-s/ŋj-i zer-s-pa ma ba-s s/he-erg I-erg/I-gen say-pst-inf neg do-pst S/he didn’t do what I told her/him to do. (726)

kʰo-s mana kʰi-s ba-a tsoχs-la ʁap ʁap s/he-erg very dog-erg do-inf like-dat yap yap b-en-duk-pa-t do-sim-stay-inf-fct He’s, very much like a dog, yapping all the time. Example (727) illustrates that an entire subordinate clause may take the ergative and thereby assume the role of the force that brings about the event denoted by the matrix clause. That in-tʃa-s represents an ergative case and not

Noun Phrases – Case

299

the alternate, -s-final form of the -tʃa infinitive is strongly suggested in (728), where the subordinate clause is followed by the conjunctive participle ba-se ‘by doing’, whose agent always takes the ergative, as in (715) above; for the details, see 6.2.3.1. (727)



ŋa stjuden in-tʃa-s pene ɲintse-r-ik pʰoq I student eq-inf2-erg money little-aug-indef hit Because I’m a student, I was charged less.

(728)

kʰjaŋ aŋgres in-tʃa-s ba-se pene maŋmo you English eq-inf2-erg do-cnj money a.lot kʰjer-s take.away-pst Because you’re a westerner, (they) took a lot of money (from you). 3.4.4 Dative The dative case has the form -la after the consonants -t, -s, -r, -l, and -n, and -a after vowels and -ŋ, -m, -g, -ʁ, and -b, but the form -la is frequently attested in environments in which -a normally occurs.89 The basic function of the dative in modern Purik is to indicate the goal of an event. However, a few presumably fossilized stative uses in Purik as well as the ablative function found in WT (Hahn 1996:97) suggest that the dative may have originally had a stative locational meaning. Arguments marked by the dative all appear to instantiate a goal, as summarized in Table 65 below. The dative case marks the experiencers of those sensory verbs that involve an external stimulus (e.g. tʰoŋ ‘see, be visible’, tʃʰut ‘understand’ in (729), the complex predicate han tʃʰa ‘be startled’ in (730), and lam ‘have the energy to’ in (731), but not verbs such as ɬtoχs ‘be hungry’, which involve an internal stimulus), the inanimate experiencer of some change-ofstate verbs (e.g. me duks ‘catch fire’ in (732) and tʰiks ‘drip (through the ceiling)’ in (733)), the partially-affected goal of transitive verbs (e.g. rda ‘chase’, zgran ‘provoke’, and su ‘receive’ with an animate goal in (734), and tʃer ‘lean (against)’ with an inanimate goal in (735), but not sat ‘kill’ and tsul ‘provoke’, where the fully-affected goal takes the absolutive; with ɬta ‘look’ only when the goal is partially-affected, as in (736), but not when it is fully affected, as in (737), see 4.1.3.7), the feared with verbs of fear (e.g. ʒiks ‘be afraid’, which takes an experiencer in the absolutive, as in (738)), and the recipient of trivalent verbs (e.g. pʰrot ‘deliver’, and skal ‘appoint’ in (739), where the

89  The generalization of -la is perhaps prompted by Balti -la, which lacks an -a-variant altogether (Bielmeier 1985:91).

300

Chapter 3

absolutive theme is instantiated by an entire clause, and skon ‘clothe’ in (740), where the recipient is inanimate, cf. also (741), where the locative conceptualizes the same entity as a location, and the metaphorical context of (742), where the two cases appear to be equivalent). (729)

jaraŋ-a ʃoχsmo tʃʰut you(h)-dat fast understand You understood it right away!

(730) kʰo-a

han soŋ s/he-dat shock went S/he was startled. (731) ʁam-tʃan-la

las ba-a lam-ba-met laziness-full-dat work do-inf feel.like-inf-neg:ex.f Lazy people don’t feel like working.

(732)

a-ka naŋ-tʃi-a me duks-suk that-loc house-indef-dat fire burn-infr Over there, a house has caught fire.

(733) naŋ-po-a tʃʰarpa tʰiks-en-duk house-def-dat rain become.wet-sim-ex.t The rain is dripping into the house (through the ceiling). (734) ŋa kʰo-a su-se tʃʰ-et, kʰo joŋ-ed-lo I s/he-dat receive-cnj go-crt s/he come-crt-said I’m going to receive him; I hear, he’s coming. (735)



kʰo are ʂtsikpa-la tʃer-e duk s/he that wall-dat lean-cnj ex.t S/he’s leaning to that wall over there.

(736) kʰw-e

tam-po ɲon s/he-gen words-def listen\imp Listen her/his words! (737) kʰo-a

ɲon s/he-dat listen\imp Listen to her/him!

Noun Phrases – Case

301

(738) zgam ma zgom, ŋa kʰjeraŋ-a ʒik-ʃa-men threaten neg threaten\imp I you-dat fear-inf2-neg:eq Don’t threaten (me)! I won’t be scared of you! (739) aʁali-la

skal-et ri-a nor-un Agha.Ali-dat appoint-crt mountain-dat sheep-pl kʰjer-ba take.away-inf (I’m going to) order Agha Ali to take the sheep into the mountains. (740) zaŋs-po-a

guntʃ-ek skon-et copper-def-dat cloth-indef clothe-crt I’m covering the copper pot with a cloth.

(741) zaŋs-p-e-ka guntʃ-ek skon-et copper-def-g-loc cloth-indef clothe-crt I’m covering the copper pot with a cloth. (742) de mi-in-i-ka/mi-in-la



ʃatsik bos that man-pl-g-loc/man-pl-dat mercy do\imp Have mercy on these people!

Uncontrolled change-of-state verbs regularly take beneficiary or maleficiary adjuncts in the dative case, as illustrated for the verbs son ‘survive’ in (743) and gjaq ‘be spent’ in (744). Further verbs that regularly take such adjuncts, which usually denote the possessor of the their single argument, include tsʰar ‘be finished’ and daq ‘become clean’, see also 4.1.3. (743) kʰjeraŋ-a balaŋ ɲis son-et-a you-dat cow two live-crt-q Are you able to feed two cows? (744) ŋa-a pene tʃʰon-la gjaχ-se soŋ, I-dat money useless-dat spend-cnj went aiskrim-e-aŋ-nuk icecream-g-ine-term I’ve spent my money on useless things, on icecream.

The frames of verbs such as tʃo ‘make’ or ʂtsik ‘build (of walls)’ provide for a material role that may be instantiated by an entity in the dative case, such as

302

Chapter 3

ordʒen-la ‘from milk’ in (745) or ʃiŋ-a ‘out of wood’ in (746). Example (747) shows that instead of the dative, the genitive case must be used with a stative verb such as the equational copula in in order to relate to the material. (745)



oma ordʒen-la tʃo-at yoghurt milk-dat make-inf-fct Yoghurt is made from milk.

(746) ʃiŋ-a tʃo-tʃ-in wood-dat make-inf2-eq It is made out of wood. (747) dj-u

rjaʁan-i in this-def brass-gen eq This is (made) of brass.

Table 65

Dative case roles hosted by different types of predicate frames

Verb type

Example

erg-source

sensory transitive action transitive action

tʃʰut ‘understand’ zgran ‘provoke’ ɬta ‘look’

agent agent

verbs of fear ditransitive action change of state

ʒiks ‘be afraid’ pʰrot ‘deliver’ tsʰar ‘be finished’

construction location motion

tʃo ‘make’ existential copula tʃʰa ‘go’

agent

causation causation

za-tʃuk ‘let eat’ tʃʰut-tʃuk ‘let understand’ existential copula

causer causer

possession, attribution

agent

abs-center

dat-goal

stimulus

experiencer patient partially-affected goal stimulus recipient beneficiary/ maleficiary material location goal

undergoer theme theme

theme theme actor, undergoer, theme theme agent-causee theme experiencercausee theme possessor, person with attribute

Noun Phrases – Case

303

Examples (748) and (749) illustrate that absolutive marking triggers a conceptualization of the experiencer as being fully affected, in contrast to the dative, which signals that the referent is only partially affected by an event. With gjot ‘repent’, the subject in (748) is in the center of the event, while with gjotpa tʃ ʰa ‘(come to) have remorse’ in (749), remorse is conceptualized as being brought to the dative experiencer. (748) kʰo gjot-e



in-suk s/he repent-cnj eq-infr S/he appears to have remorse.

(749) kʰo-a gjot-pa soŋ-se in-suk s/he-dat repent-inf went-cnj eq-infr S/he appears to have remorse.

The partially-affected participant may also be an inanimate entity, as in (750) and (751). Contrast the latter with (752), where the referent that is seen to be fully affected by the sensory verb doχs takes the absolutive (i.e. ŋa ‘I’). (750)

go-a zermo joŋ-et head-dat pain come-crt I have a headache. (751) sɲiŋ-a

doχs-et heart-dat be.annoyed-crt It worries (me). (752)



ŋa kʰo-i-ka doχs I s/he-g-loc be.annoyed He annoyed me.

The notion of partially affected goals also applies to causees in causative constructions, see also 4.1.6. A causee that takes the absolutive within the frame of a monovalent verb also takes the absolutive in the corresponding causative construction, because it is in both contexts affected in its entirety. For instance, in (753), kʰjeraŋ ‘you’ is moved in its entirety within the frame of tʃ ʰa ‘go’ as well as causative tʃʰa-tʃuk ‘make/let go’. In contrast, causees that take either the dative or the ergative within the frame of a non-causative verb take the dative in the causative construction, because they are only partially affected by the causation. For example, the dative causee in (754) is partially affected

304

Chapter 3

both by the causation and within the frame of the base verb tʃ ʰut ‘understand’; and the causee in (755) takes the dative because he is allowed to perform an action which only partially affects him. (753)

ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ tʃʰa-tʃug-et I-erg you go-caus-crt I’m letting you go. (754)

ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ-a tʃʰut-tʃug-et I-erg you-dat understand-caus-crt I will make/help you understand. (755) kʰo-a

za-tʃuk s/he-dat eat-caus Let him eat! Another basic function of the dative is to indicate possession. In connection with mental states such as χa ‘anger’ in (756) or jaqiin ‘certainty’ in (757), the dative must be analyzed as attributing an abstract property to a person. Note also that the former example describes a state, but the latter a dynamic process, that is, the acquisition of the mental state in question – both relations are marked by the dative. (756)

kʰo-a χa mana met s/he-dat anger very neg:ex.f S/he never gets angry. (757)

kʰo-a jaqiin soŋ, kʰoŋ joŋ-tʃ-in s/he-dat certainty went they come-inf2-eq S/he reached the certainty that they would come.

The function served by dative in (758) appears to be related to its possessive function. According to my consultant Shabir, dj-uw-a in B’s answer in (758) is another way of saying ŋj-i tʃʰan-po-la ‘by my side’. (758) A: boʈol-po ga-r duk bottle-def which-term ex.t Where is the bottle?

Noun Phrases – Case

305

B: dj-uw-a de this-def-dat pd It’s here, by my side. Another instance of the goal function of the dative is illustrated in (759) and (760). While sa-a originally means ‘to the ground’, it has come to be used also in combination with locatives such as kurtsi-ka ‘on the chair’, where it obviously cannot mean ‘to the ground’ but only ‘down’. In fact, if one wants to explicitly refer to the ground, one has to use locative s-e-ka ‘on the ground’, as shown in (761). (759) sa-a

duk ground-dat stay Sit down!

(760) kurts-i-ka

sa-a duk chair-g-loc ground-dat stay Sit down on the chair! (761) s-e-ka duk ground-g-loc stay Sit down on the ground!

Let us now turn to the adverbial functions of the dative case, which are summarized in Table 66 at the end of the present section. The spatial notion of the goal is metaphorically used to indicate the purpose, most obviously in tʃi-a ‘what-dat, wherefore, why’ or the nearly equivalent tʃi pʰi-a ‘what purpose-dat, wherefore, why’, the affirmatively used pʰi-a in example (762), or tʃ ʰon-la ‘useless-dat, for no reason, in vain’ (as in (744) above). The dative likewise appears to mark a purpose in (763) and (764). (762)



ʂanʈe b-e-e pʰi-a solid do-inf-gen purpose-dat in order to make it solid

(763) ŋa kʰo-a milaʁ-a tʃʰ-et I s/he-dat help-dat go-crt I’m going to help him.

306

Chapter 3

(764) A: nassirin ŋa-a bomo-a toŋ Nasreen I-dat girl-dat give\imp Let me adopt Nasreen!

B: kʰjaŋ-a bomo-a mi taŋ-aŋ, jaŋ tʃi taŋ you-dat girl-dat neg give-add again what give No way I’ll give her to you! What else do you expect me to give to you? A related function of the dative indicates the value of an entity. The referents in the dative case may be analyzed as either the purpose or the value in (764)– (766). The interpretation as the value prevails in the fiscal contexts given in (767) and (768). (765) ɲespa-n-la baχʃis

tsal-tʃa sin-pl-dat forgiveness look-inf2 (We would) pray forgiveness for our sins.

(766)

d-o-a ʁabgja toŋ zer-en-duk kʰoŋ-is that-def-dat 500 give\imp say-sim-ex.t they-erg ‘Give us 500 for that (the big field)’, they say (those that loan their dzos for plowing).

(767)

bo ʒbʒi-a man tʃ ʰ-et dry.measure 4-dat dry.measure go-crt A man equals four bo. (768)



man-la ʂmul rgja kʰjer-et dry.measure rupee(s) 100 take.away-crt They charge 100 rupees for one man.

A threshold-like notion similar to the one involved when the dative designates a value also plays a role in those constructions in which the dative has a temporal function, indicating a time period by the end of which an event is supposed to take place, as illustrated in (769) and (770). The dative serves the same function after reduplicated nominalizations that relate to a point in time in which the event denoted by the nominalized verb takes place. Thus, the dative in (771) indicates that the event denoted by the matrix clause should take place at some indefinite point in time before the particular point indicated

Noun Phrases – Case

307

by the nominalization, while the definite absolutive in (772) indicates that it should take place continuously until that particular point in time. In contrast, the dative of the -duru nominalization in (773), which itself expresses the notion ‘until’, indicates that the event denoted by the matrix clause takes place up until the event denoted by the nominalization occurs – a function that can be directly derived from the basic goal function of the dative. In turn, the dative of the -tʰik nominalization in (774) relates to a specific, even if loosely definable, point in time in which the event denoted by the nominalization reaches completion. (769) mendoq jol-e ʒaʁma ʂtʃu-a rumbu tʃ ʰa-tʃ-in, flower wither-cnj day 10-dat lump go-inf2-eq ldza-a tʃig-a smin-tʃ-in month one-dat ripen-inf2-eq After the flower has withered, within ten days, it becomes a lump, and within about a month, it ripens. (770)

balaŋ-po skje-se ʒaʁma sum-a qartsi taŋ-tʃ-in cow-def be.born-cnj day 3-dat Qartsi give-inf2-eq ordʒen-po skante joŋ-tʃ-in milk-def viscous come-inf2-eq Within three days after the calf is born, (we) make Qartsi. The milk is normally more viscous (then) (and more likely to coagulate). (771) ʈukur(u)-j-aŋ jot-kʰan-po tsʰar-tsʰar-la ŋataŋ mill.hopper-g-ine ex-inf-def be.finished-be.finished-dat we:pi joŋ-et come-crt By the time (the grain) that is in the hopper is finished (i.e. has been milled) we will (have) come back. (772) kʰ-i

las-po tsʰar-tsʰar-po ʈi-s you-gen work-def be.finished-be.finished-def ask-imp Ask until your work is done!

(773)



bila ʒap-se duk-pa-t pitse joŋ-dur-a cat lurk-cnj stay-inf-fct mouse come-until-dat Cats lurk, (waiting) for a mouse to come.

308

Chapter 3

(774) draŋs-tʰig-a kʰo-s kaŋma ʂkjaŋ-s be.satiated-amount-dat s/he-erg leg stretch-pst As soon as he had enough, he stretched out his legs.

In contrast to all previously discussed functions of the dative, the one it serves in many time adverbials is unlikely to derive from a basic goal meaning. Instead, the use of the dative to point to a period of time in which and not by which an event takes place may represent fossilized instances of an older stative meaning of the dative. This stative temporal function is found in gunde-a ‘yesterday’, kʰartsanʒaʁ-a ‘the day before yesterday, any day before yesterday’, naŋz-la ‘the day after tomorrow’, rdʒes-la ‘in three days’, bjazer-la ‘next year’, e lo-a ‘id.’, pʰitoʁ-a ‘in the afternoon’, tsʰan-la ‘at night’, and ɲima-a ‘at daytime’, among others. In contrast to temporal adverbials, spatial adverbials in the dative case can be used to refer to either a goal or a location, e.g. kʰaŋma-a ‘(at) home’, naŋ-a ‘inside’, ri-a ‘in(to) the mountains’, gjen-la ‘up, above’, kargilo-a ‘to/in Kargil’, and tʃiktan-la ‘to/in Chiktan’. It is context that determines one reading over another, as in (775), where lam-a must be interpreted as a location and not a goal. (775)

ŋa joŋ-tsa-na kʰo tʃʰ-en-jot-suk, ŋa lam-a tʰuk I come-LIM-cnd s/he go-sim-ex-infr I way-dat meet When I was coming (up, home), she was going (down, to the bazaar), I met her on the way.

The dative appears to indicate the goal of an event in hjaŋ-a tʃ ʰa ‘fall down’, rilja tʃʰa ‘fall downhill’, and zbraps-la tʃʰa ‘tumble downhill’, describing different ways of falling. When the dative marker is used with adjectives, it indicates a temporarily applying state, which may either be reached in the course of an event, as in (776)–(778), and (780), or which may characterize the time during which another event takes place, as in (783)–(788). These uses of the dative may reflect either a dynamic or a stative meaning. Compare (778) with (779), where tʃoŋtʃoŋ in the absolutive refers to a permanent state, and with (781) and (782), where the dative appears to be ruled out by the non-gradable nature of tuktuk ‘perfectly ripe’ and munmun ‘numb’. (776) di-ka

tsertser-la laŋs-na balap-i-ka ɬep-tʃa duk this-loc very.erect-dat get.up-cnd bulb-g-loc arrive-inf2 ex.t If (you) get on the tip of your toes, (you) should be able to reach the bulb from here.

Noun Phrases – Case

309

(777) tʃʰu-s lam-po lɖurub-a kʰjer-suk water-erg way-def collapse-dat take.away-infr The water (i.e. floods) made the road collapse. (778)



di kemra-u tʃi-a tʃoŋtʃoŋ-a ʒaχ-se in this camera-def what-dat erect-dat put-cnj eq Why is this camera put in an upright position?

(779)

kʰatʃul-pa-n-i ʂu-u mana tʃoŋtʃoŋ joŋ-ma-t Kashmir-assoc-pl-gen nose-def very erect come-inf-fct The Kashmiris have a very long nose.

(780) kʰo-s

dab-e-ka rduŋ-ma-na kʰjapkʰjab-a s/he-erg pressure.cooker-g-loc beat-inf-cnd flat soŋ went Because she hit the top of the pressure cooker, the pressure was reduced. (781)



ose tsʰos-e ɬtukɬtuk soŋ mulberry ripen-cnj very.ripe went (The) mulberries have become perfectly ripe.

(782) zbrit-pa-na

munmun-tʃi tʃʰa-tʃ-in go.numb-inf-cnd numb-indef go-inf2-eq When (a limb) falls asleep, it will go numb.

(783)

pʰru zug-a tʰiptʰib-a tʃʰ-en-duk, e-ka child like.this-dat dizzy go-sim-ex.t that-loc sɲol make.sleep The child is becoming dizzier; get her to sleep over there!

(784)



tʃa tsʰante-a tʰuŋ tea hot-dat drink Drink the tea while it’s hot!

(785) siŋsiŋ-a kʰʂaŋ-ʃa-men

thin-dat become.solid-inf2-neg:eq (When the milk is) thin, it will not curdle.

310 Table 66

Chapter 3 Adjuncts in the dative case

Function

Example

purpose value point in time (by which) point in time (at which)

tʃʰon-la ‘no.purpose-dat’ = ‘useless’ bo ʒbʒi-a ‘four dry.measure-dat’ = ‘for four bo’ ʒaʁma ʂtʃu-a ‘day five-dat’ = ‘within five days’ time adverbials such as gunde-a ‘yesterday-dat’, bjazer-la ‘next year-dat’ tʃiktan-la ‘in Chiktan’ lɖurub-a ‘collapsed-dat’ tsʰante-a ‘hot-dat’ = ‘(when it is) hot’

location reached state temporary state

(786) rdemo-a dug-et-a-met

nice-dat stay-crt-q-neg:ex.f Will you behave or not?! (787) sul tʃʰaχ-se osmet tʰoŋ-ma-t, wrinkle grow-cnj bad look-inf-fct tsʰir-i-ka taŋ-ma-na rdemo-a lus-pa-t row-g-loc give-inf-cnd nice-dat remain-inf-fct When (clothes) are wrinkled, (they) look bad, if you put (them in a bag) neatly (one by one) they stay nice. (788)

kʰo ɖul-tsa-na osmet-la ɖul-en-duk, s/he walk-LIM-cnd bad-dat walk-sim-ex.t ʂkaŋ-a zermo joŋ-et-tʃapo lower.leg-dat pain come-crt-assum When (the horse) is walking, it walks uncomfortably; its lower leg seems to hurt. 3.4.5 Terminative According to Hahn (1996:118), the terminative case has the following allomorphs in WT: -tu after -g, -b, and *-d; -du after -ng, -d, -n, -m, -r, and -l; -r after vowels; -ru “als silbenbildendes Äquivalent von -r metri causa”; and -su after -s. Even though the functions of the two WT locatives (-na and -la) and the terminative are “nach weitverbreiteter tibetischer Auffassung” identical, Hahn is able to show that each of these cases serves particular functions that others

Noun Phrases – Case

311

do not serve (for the main differences in WT, cf. Hahn 1996:118). Nevertheless, he acknowledges that they are fully equivalent in their spatial, temporal, directional, and purposive functions. In Purik, while locative I (-na) appears to have assumed comitative, instrumental, and ablative meanings, as discussed in 3.4.9, the main distinction between locative II (-la) and terminative (-(t/n)u(k), -r) appears to be that only the former is synchronically productive. This suggests that the terminative may at some point have been replaced by the dative as the default case marker indicating goals. This conclusion is supported by the fact that the different forms of the terminative found in Purik (i.e. -tu(k), -nu(k), -r, and perhaps -ru) are likely to derive from the case marker -tok found in the West Himalayish language Bunan (with similar variation of the onset as well as sometimes unreleased -k, see Widmer 2017:§4.4.4.3), whereas no case marker corresponding to dative -la is found in that language. The terminative case is found in Purik in the form -r after demonstrative stems (which all end in a vowel, cf. di-r ‘here’, a-r ‘there’, and the suffix -i-re-r, which locates something at the place associated with a person, as in kʰint-ire-r ‘at your place’), and perhaps in ɲimo(r) ‘near, close’. It has the form -tu(k) after non-alveolar obstruents, -nu(k) after velar nasals, -ru(k) after vowels, and -u(k) after alveolar consonants (with a sometimes unreleased and sometimes dropped final -k90) after a number of adjectival stems (e.g. in joq-tuk ‘below’ and tʰur-uk ~ tʰur-la ‘down, below’, among others), in a few lexicalized nouns (e.g. in itu(k) ‘recollection’ < WT yid du ‘in the mind’ and motuk ‘early (in the) morning’ < WT mod du *‘in time’), as an extension of the inessive case -j-aŋ(-nuk) (e.g. in e-aŋ-nuk ‘in that other (one)’), and possibly in a number of mostly pronominal adverbs that describe the appearance of a referent (e.g. in ga-tsuk ‘like what’, a-tsuk ‘like that’, and zuk ‘like this’). The nominalizer -duru, which indicates that the event described by the matrix clause takes place until the one described by the nominalized clause occurs, as discussed in 4.2.10, may even reflect a doubled terminative case. 3.4.6 Genitive The genitive case of Purik has the basic form -i, which lenites preceding consonants to differing degrees and is itself lowered by preceding lower vowels.91 90  This final -k is absent in Balti, cf. the adverbs thuru ‘below, down’ and dunu ‘before’ (Read 1934:29, Bielmeier 1985:95). For Purik, however, it is also documented by Bailey for yoktuk’ ‘below’, thuruk’ ‘down’, naŋnuk ‘inside’, and -nuk ‘in’ (Bailey 1920:35, 37, 4, and 39 respectively; the apostrophe after k means an unrelased). 91  The Purik genitive therefore lacks the initial velar its WT counterpart exhibits after all except vocalic auslauts (Hahn 1996:79), analogous to the ergative case, see 3.4.2.

312

Chapter 3

After a number of time adverbs only, the genitive has the form -si, as discussed at the end of this paragraph. As far as lenitions are concerned, a stem-final -q before genitive -i becomes (henceforth →) -ʁ- (e.g. ʒaʁ-i ‘of (a) day’, joʁ-i ‘(of the) below’), -k → -g- (e.g. brug-i ‘of the thunder’, mig-i ‘of the eye’, tʃ-e-g-i ‘of some/a cup of tea’, naŋ-tʃi(g)-i ‘of a house’), -p → -b- (e.g. rgjab-i ‘of the back’, grib-i ‘of the shade’), but -t remains -t- (sakʰjat-i ‘of the field’, ʂpit-i ‘of spring’), just like all other stem-final consonants, namely -(C)s (e.g. e res-i ‘of the next time’, ɬtʃaχs-i ‘of iron’), -r (e.g. kʰar-i ‘of (the) castle’), -l (e.g. zbrul-i ‘of (the) snake’), -ŋ (e.g. naŋ-i ‘of (the) house’), -m (e.g. nam-i ‘of (the) sky’), and -n (e.g. rjaʁan-i ‘of brass’). The genitive -i is lowered when it is added to low and midhigh stem-final vowels (which are assimilated to differing degrees), cf. -a → -e (e.g. ʂtsw-e ‘of the grass’, cf. the absolutive ʂtswa, and am-e ‘of mother’, cf. ama), -e → -e-e (e.g. ɬtʃe-e ‘of the tongue’), -o → -o-e ~ -w-e (e.g. kʰo-e ~ kʰw-e ‘her/his’, pʰono-e ~ pʰonw-e ‘of the brother’), but remains -i after high vowels (which are assimilated to a degree that is not represented phonologically), cf. -u → -u-i (e.g. pʰru-i ‘of the child’, ʃoʁbu-i ‘of the book’) and -i → -(i)-i (e.g. mi-i ‘of (the) man’, ʈak(i)-i ‘of the bread’). As mentioned above, it is only after a number of time adverbs almost exclusively referring to the past that the genitive takes the form -si, as in dare-si ‘of just now’, diriŋ-si ‘today’s’, gundea-si ‘yesterday’s’, naniŋ-si ‘last year’s’, deʒaʁ-si ‘of the other day’, and sna(-pa)-si ‘of earlier days, of the past’.92 The genitive case of Purik may generally be characterized as marking a noun that specifies another, most commonly the following noun. The wide variety of metonymical relationships that may hold between the dependent and the head of a genitive construction are consistently inferred on the basis of the semantics of the two components and the world knowledge of the speech act participants. We will see presently that some heads define the relationship to their dependents more strongly than others. 92  This -si variant likely reflects the fact that a considerable proportion of time adverbs themselves end in -s, cf. the datives rdʒes-la ‘two days ago’, ʂtʃus-la ‘three days ago’, rgus-la ‘four days ago’, and naŋs-la ‘the day after tomorrow’, the locatives waχs-i-ka ‘in time’ and e res-i-ka ‘next time’, and the rarer tus-la ‘at the time’. The fact that these time adverbs also regularly occur in the genitive, e.g. rdʒes-i ‘of two days ago’, ʂtʃus-i ‘of three days ago’, rgus-i ‘of four days ago’, naŋs-i ‘of the day after tomorrow’, etc., must have caused speakers of Purik to reanalyze the morpheme boundary and extend genitive -si to all other time adverbs. The expressions ʒaχʃik ‘one day’ and dé ʒaχʃik ‘the other day’ (< *ʒaχs-tʃik, not ʒaq-tʃik), on the other hand, suggest that the -s was added to their lexical root at some point; ʒaq and ʒaʁma ‘day’, however, nor any of the numerous forms of this etymon that are documented by Jäschke (471), contain a final -s.

Noun Phrases – Case

313

The relationships most frequently communicated by genitive constructions include blood relations (which run both forwards and backwards in time), as in ŋatʃ-i butsʰa ‘our son’ and jant-i amatsʰe ‘your grandmother’, inalienable possession, as in kʰw-e ʂu-u ‘her/his nose’, with a non-human possessor in (789), with the metaphorical sɲiŋ ‘heart’ in (790) or ʂu-u ‘nose’ representing one’s ‘honor’ in (791), puksmo ‘knee’, which stands for the knee-part of the pants in (792), skat ‘voice’ in (793), and semi-alienable possession, as in jar-i guspu ‘your hair (of the head)’, smjaʁra ‘beard’ in (794). Similar relationships hold between the genitive dependents and the heads stroq ‘soul’ in (795), miŋ ‘name’, ʂtukstsʰat ‘fate’ in (796), ʂmakʰa-u ‘wound’ in (797), and tʃ ʰampa ‘cold’ in (798). (789)

χaʃambuɖu-i ʃul-la ot bar-en-duk magpie-gen back-dat light burn-sim-ex.t The magpie’s back is glistening.

(790) kʰatʃig-i sɲiŋ-po tsʰer-en-duk-tʃ-in mana some-gen heart-def sorrow-sim-stay-inf2-eq very tsʰan tsoχs-la ʈʰup soŋ-se night like-dat dark went-cnj Some people are always sad, really, (as if it were) dark like at night. (791) ŋatʃ-i ʂu-u tʃat-tʃ-in we.pe-gen nose-def cut-inf2-eq S/he will embarrass us; that will be embarrassing for us. (792)

kʰ-i puksmo mel-tsuk, jaŋ dorm-ek you-gen knee wear.off-infr again pants-indef kʰjoŋ-tʃa-o bring-inf2-def The knee of your pants is worn out; you’ll have to get new pants. (793) kʰo-i skat-po ras-suk mana bilkul s/he-gen voice-def get.hoarse-infr very indeed She has gotten hoarse indeed. (794) ŋa-s kʰo-i smjaʁra pʰi-s I-erg s/he-gen beard pull.out-pst I pulled out his beard.

314

Chapter 3

(795)

kʰo-i stroq but, jaŋ laŋs-e joŋ-s s/he-gen soul fall again rise-cnj come-pst His life was spared, he stood up again.

(796)

kʰo gaɽi-j-aŋ pʰoχ-se ʃi, kʰo-i ʂtukstsʰat-po s/he car-g-ine hit-cnj die s/he-gen destiny-def dja-o jot-pa-jaa that-def ex-foc-hes S/he died in a car accident; it was her destiny, I guess. (797) ŋj-i ʂmakʰa-u bun-s, noro tʃ ʰa-tʃ-in I-gen wound-def itch-pst good go-inf2-eq My wound is itching, it’s going to heal. (798)

gundea kʰo kʰoχs-en-jot-suk, tʃ ʰampa bjar-e, yesterday s/he cough-sim-ex-infr cold stick-cnj diriŋ ŋa kʰoχs, ŋa-a bjar, kʰo-i tʃ ʰampa today I cough I-dat stick s/he-gen cold Yesterday he was coughing, having a cold, today I’m coughing, having his cold. Genitive constructions may express inalienable possession, as in ŋatʃ-i naŋ ‘our house’ (this possessive relation may be reversed in an AH-construction by the content-taking noun malik ‘owner’, e.g. in naŋ-i malik-po ‘the owner of the house’), ŋat-i nor-un ‘our sheep’ in (799), and kʰir-i pene ‘your money’, and in a wider sense, ŋatʃ-i skul-un ‘our schools’ in (800), and location, as in jarken-i buksuk ‘the trefoil-type from Yarkand’, kargil-i mi-un ‘the people of Kargil’ as well as ŋat-i kargilo ‘our Kargilo’.

(799) kʰo ŋat-i



nor-un-na bjaŋ-suk s/he we.pi-gen sheep-pl-with get.accustomed-infr He’s apparently become accustomed to our sheep.

(800) ŋatʃ-i skul-un tʰus-en tʃ ʰ-en-duk we.pe-gen school-pl deteriorate-sim go-sim-ex.t Our schools are becoming worse and worse.

The dependent of a genitive construction may denote the origin of the head, as in ɲim-e zbrel ‘ray of the sun’, balaŋ-i ordʒen ‘milk of the cow’, ʃukp-e tutpa

Noun Phrases – Case

315

‘smoke of (burned) juniper’, and sɲiŋ-i spera ‘word(s) from the heart’ illustrated in (801)–(805), the material, as in bal-i guntʃa ‘cloth(es) of wool’ in (806), rjaʁan-i kore ‘(a) cup of brass’, bjam-e ʈokor ‘a packing (of the body) with sand’, ʃiŋ-i naŋ ‘(a) house (made) of wood’, and mar-i goŋbu ‘(a) lump of butter’, and the shape, as in rdzago-i ldzot ‘sickle moon’ in (807). (801) ɲim-i zbrel-i-ka ɬta-a ɲan-m-et, mik-po sun-gen ray-g-loc look-inf be.able-inf-n:ex.f eye-def kʰʂem-tʃ-in be.blinded-inf2-eq (I’m) not able to look into the sun (directly), my eyes will be blinded. (802)

balaŋ-i ordʒen tsir-et cow-gen milk squeeze-crt (I’m) milking the cow.

(803) ʃukp-e tutpa telrduks pʰiŋ-se kʰjer-ba-t juniper-gen smoke oil.smoke take.out-cnj take.away-inf-fct The juniper smoke drives away the oil smoke. (804)

jarken-i buksuk skams-e men-e nor-la mi Yarkand-gen trefoil dry-cnj neg:eq-cnj sheep-dat neg taŋ-ma-t give-inf-fct The Yarkand (violet) trefoil is only given to the sheep after it has dried. (805)

kʰjer-es kʰo-a sɲiŋ-i spera ma zer, you-erg s/he-dat heart-gen word neg say kʰo-s saʁ-a sko-a-t s/he-erg all-dat disclose-inf-fct Don’t tell him intimate things, he tells (them) to everyone. (806) bal-i guntʃa kʰʂu-a-na goŋs wool-gen dress wash-inf-cnd shrink The woolen dress shrank from washing. (807)

rdzago-i ldzot gaŋ-en joŋ-ma-na … sickle-gen moon be.full-sim come-inf-cnd When the sickle moon becomes fuller and fuller …

316

Chapter 3

A genitive dependent may instantiate the purpose of a head, as in pewan-i χulpo ‘the twig(s) the can be used for grafting’, tuwaʁ-i sman ‘gun powder’, and balaŋ-i tʃʰaq ‘fodder for (the) cow(s)’ illustrated in (808)–(810), in kʰʂiksp-i tʃ ʰu ‘water drunk to cure bilious fever (kʰʂikspa). Related to the purpose is the goal instantiated by the dependent in zaŋskar-i lam ‘the road to Zangskar’, as shown in (811). (808)

χanʈe χul gaŋma ʒur-s-p-in, bitter young.twig all cut-pst-inf-eq pewan-i χul-po ʒaχ-s-p-in scion-gen young.twig-def put-pst-inf-eq (I) cut off all the bitter young twigs and left those (I need) for grafting.

(809) tsʰiks-i-ka tʰaq-tʃa, tuwaʁ-i sman tʃo-tʃa, mortar-g-loc grind-inf2 gun-gen powder make-inf2 tsʰiksbu-na tʰaq-tʃa pestle-instr grind-inf2 (It) is ground in the mortar, black powder is made, ground with the pestle. (810)

tral-ba-na balaŋ-i tʃ ʰaq (mana ʂtsupo), grind.coarsely-inf-cnd cattle-gen dry.fodder (very rough) tʃʰaʁ-a tral-tʃ-in dry.fodder-dat grind.coarsely-inf2-eq When (you) grind coarsely, dry fodder for the cattle (will come out); for the dry fodder (we) grind coarsely. (811)

zaŋskar-i lam-po mana ŋal-en-duk, osmet duk Zanskar-gen way-def very be.tired-sim-ex.t bad ex.t The road to Zanskar is very tiring, it’s bad. If the head of a genitive construction denotes an action, the dependent indicates the person performing that action, as illustrated for las ‘work’, kʰur ‘load to be carried’, and rzon ‘lie’ in (812)–(814). This means that the heads of these genitive constructions define their relationships to their dependents.

(812)

kʰjaŋ-a tʃi ton jot, ŋatʃ-i las-j-aŋ tʃi-a you-dat what goal ex.f we.pe-gen work-g-ine what-dat ɖes-et be.mixed-crt What does it matter to you? Why do you get mixed up in our business?

Noun Phrases – Case

317

(813) kʰw-e

kʰur-po loŋs-sug-a s/he-gen load-def be.enough-infr-q Does she have a load ready? (814)

kʰo-i rzon-po ma ʃes s/he-gen lie-def neg know You can’t tell when he’s lying. Other head nouns that define their relationships to genitive dependents include relator nouns, such as dun ‘front’ in N-i dun-la ‘in front of N’ and gjen ‘upper part’ in N-i gjen-la ‘above N’, and ʂtsa ‘bottom’ in the inessive ʂts-e-aŋ in (815). Further relator nouns that are almost exclusively used in such genitive constructions include rdan ‘inside’, tʃʰan ‘side’, bar ‘space between’, rgjap ‘back’, ʂkil ‘middle’, the plural of tʰama ‘edge’ in (816), and go ‘head, end’ in (817) and (818). Note that all of these relator nouns may also stand in the genitive and modify another noun, e.g. in dun-i N ‘(the) N in front’, ʂkil-i ‘(the) N in the middle’, and e ŋos-i ‘of the other side’ in (819). In these genitive constructions, the head denotes an entity that is distinguished from other tokens of the same type by the modifying relator noun in the genitive. The relator noun kʰatoq ‘top’ participates in both types of construction in (820). (815) ŋa-s dj-u kaŋm-i ʂts-e-aŋ nan-e taŋ-s I-erg this-def foot-gen bottom-g-ine press-cnj give-pst I crushed it under my feet. (816) tsʰas-po hol-et, tsʰonm-i tʰama-n ʂkw-et, garden-def loosen-crt vegetable-gen edge-pl dig-crt paʈaʁ-i-ka ma pʰoq-tʃuk-pa root-g-loc neg hit-caus-inf S/he’s loosening up the garden, digging around the vegetables, trying not to hurt the roots. (817) zu-i go-o ʂmuk-s toe-gen head-def scrape-pst The tip of (my) toe has been scraped. (818)

tar-po-s ŋj-i guntʃa χat-e tʃa-s, wire-def-erg I-gen dress get.stuck-cnj cut-pst tar-i go-a χat wire-gen head-dat get.stuck The wire caught and tore my dress, (it) got caught on the end of the wire.

318

Chapter 3

(819) e ŋos-i pʰarka grib in, ɲima gor-e the.other side-gen side.of.valley shade eq sun be.late-cnj ʃar-ba-t rise-inf-fct The other side of the valley is in the shade; the sun rises late (there). (820) bras-i kʰatoq ʒom, zbwa-o, kʰatoʁ-i zbwa-o rice-gen top skim\imp foam-def top-gen foam-def ʒom skim\imp Take off the foam from the rice!

Further head nouns defining their relationships to genitive dependents include pʰi ‘benefit’, as in kʰir-i pʰi-a ‘for you, to your benefit’, ezat ‘respect, loyalty, modesty’, as in (821), ituk ‘memory’, as in bomo-e ituk ‘(the) memory of (one’s) daughter’, ʂpe ‘example, model’, as in kʰo-e ʂpe ba ‘imitate her, follow her model’, and zermo ‘pain’, as in ɬtw-e zermo ‘pain of (the) stomach’. Similar genitive constructions are formed with heads denoting a value, such as naŋ-i kʰiraaja ‘rent for a room’, tʃaŋmen-i zde ‘recompense for bad (deeds)’, as in (823), kʰo-e rin-po ‘its price’, as in (824), and qalam-i skinma ‘(a) pawn for the pen’, as in (825). (821)

ŋataŋ-a ata na am-e ezat ba-a rgo-ʃin we.pi-dat father and mother-gen respect do-inf need-inf2-eq We should pay respect to our parents. (822) ŋa-s kʰir-i

ʂpe b-et I-erg you-gen imitation do-crt I’m trying to be like you.

(823)

tʃaŋmen ba-na tʃaŋmen-i zde ŋon-et, bad do-cnd bad-gen earning become.manifest-crt noro ba-na noro zde ŋon-et good do-cnd good earning become.manifest-crt If (you) do bad things, the reward will be bad, if (you) do good, the reward will be good. (824) ŋa-s kʰo-i rin-po tri-s I-erg s/he-gen price-def ask-pst I asked (for) its price.

Noun Phrases – Case

319

(825) skjal-na ŋa-s askje

jar-i-ka-na lose-cnd I-erg tomorrow you(h)-g-loc-abl ŋj-i qalam-i skinma len-tʃ-in I-gen pen-gen pawn take-inf2-eq If (you) lose (it) I will demand recompensation from you tomorrow. If a measure noun instantiates the head of a genitive construction, its dependent may denote that mass it is filled with, as exemplified by pʰe-i bor-ek ‘a bag of flour’ in (826). In contrast, kʰir-i bor-e-ka ‘in your bag’ in (827) demonstrates that a dependent denoting a person is construed as the possessor. This illustrates the important roles the semantics of the involved nouns, the worldknowledge of the speech-act participants, and sometimes also the context play in the construal of genitive constructions.

(826) ŋa-s di-ka

pʰe-i bor-ek stjaχ-s-p-in I-erg this-loc flour-gen bag-indef lift.up-pst-inf-eq mahmud-la Mahmud-dat I lifted up a bag of flour for Mahmud here.

(827) kʰir-i

bor-e-ka pʰe taŋ-s, bor-e-ka you-gen bag-g-loc flour give-pst bag-g-loc dja-a-ts-ik tʰo-ʃuk-s that.xct-def-LIM-indef be.surplus-caus-pst (I) put flour into your bag, I made it overflow by about this much. Closely related to genitive constructions communicating a locative relationship, head nouns denoting a period of time regularly trigger a construal of the genitive dependent as denoting an event that takes place during that period of time, as illustrated in (828)–(830). Conversely, the head badʒa ‘o’clock’ may be specified by a preceding number in the genitive, as in ʁ-e badʒ-e-ka ‘at five o’clock’, just like a head denoting an event may be specified by a time adverb in the genitive, as in (831) and (832).

(828)

baχston-i ʒaʁ-a kʰara joq-pa-t marriage-gen day-dat sugar cover-inf-fct On wedding days, (we) distribute candy (as a custom).

320

Chapter 3

(829) ʂpit-i ldza ʒuks-pa-na spring-gen month enter-inf-cnd with the beginning of spring … (830) sna-si

namz-e-aŋ kol-ba-t-p-in-suk early-gen time-g-ine use-inf-fct-inf-eq-infr It appears to have been used in the past.

(831) gundea-si tʃʰarpa-s kʰjaχ-ʃuk-s, noχsan taŋ-s yesterday-gen rain-erg be.cold-caus-pst damage give-pst Yesterday’s rain cooled (everything) down, it did (some) damage. (832)

dare-si zan-p-e-aŋ masala mana maŋmo jot-suk, now-gen food-def-g-ine masala very a.lot ex-infr do-o-s ɲid joŋ-en-duk that-def-erg sleep come-sim-ex.t In the food just now, there was a lot of masala; because of that, (I’m) feeling sleepy. Having discussed the different relationships that may hold between dependents and heads of genitive constructions in Purik, a few other properties need to be mentioned here. For one thing, the head of a genitive construction may contain a demonstrative in addition to a noun, as illustrated in (833)–(836). In other words, the head noun of a genitive construction may have two determiners, namely a genitive dependent and the demonstrative.

(833) ŋj-i

di zu-u pʰit-de, ŋj-i dj-u I-gen this finger-def get.frostbite-pd I-gen this-def pʰit get.frostbite This finger of mine got frostbite, this here got frostbite.

(834) ŋj-i

di kaŋm-i somaŋs-pw-i-ka tʰoχs-et I-gen this foot-gen instep-def-g-loc be.hurt-crt The instep of my foot hurts (from being scraped).

(835)



ŋa tsʰunse jot-p-e waʁ-la ŋj-i di-ka pʰoq-p-in I small ex-inf-gen time-dat I-gen this-loc hit-inf-eq When I was small I was hit here.

Noun Phrases – Case

321

(836)

kʰint-i di-tsoχs ɖakʈar-un ŋatʃ-i straŋbu-n-i-aŋ you.pl-gen this-same doctor-pl we.pe-gen path-pl-g-ine kʰjams-e jot stroll-cnj ex.f We have people like your doctors strolling around in our backyard. The heads of genitive constructions may also be instantiated by interrogative pronouns and pronominal adverbs, such as tʃi ‘what’, emphatic gaa-r ‘where’, and tsam ‘how much’ in (837)–(840), and quantifiers such as gaŋma ‘all’ in (841). I have encountered only one instance of a head instantiated by a nominally used adjective, namely senmo ‘funny (thing)’ in (842). (837) jar-i

tʃi kʰjer-et, tʃʰu-j-aŋ but-e tʃ ʰa-na you-gen what take.away-crt water-g-ine fall-cnj go-cnd ŋa tʃʰ-et I go-crt What does it matter to you? (lit. What of yours are you carrying?) If (someone) falls into the water, it will be me! (838) jar-i tʃi kʰjer-et, ŋatʃa nor-la tʃ ʰa-tʃ-in you(h)-gen what take.away-crt we.pe sheep-dat go-inf2-eq ŋatʃa gor-na jaraŋ-a tʃaŋ parwa met we.pe be.late-cnd you(h)-dat anything worry neg:ex.f What does it matter to you? It’s us who will go to the sheep (in the mountains). If we are going to be late, it’s not your problem. (839) kargil-i

gaa-r in-na dja-tsoχs Kargil-gen which\emph-term eq-cnd that.xct-same kol-ba-t use-inf-fct Whichever (part) of Kargil (you) are in, (we) use just this. (840) ʒaʁ-i tsam kʰjer-ba-t day-gen how.much take.away-inf-fct How much do (they) charge (you) per day? (841)



e sa-s kʰo-e gaŋma kap-s that ground-erg s/he-gen all bury-pst That landslide buried all of his belongings.

322

Chapter 3

(842) zbjar-i senmo in, zbjar-i ri-a senmo summer-gen funny eq summer mountain-dat funny (That so many different flowers bloom) is the funny thing about summer, the funny thing about summer in the mountains.

Apart from these unusual examples, the Purik genitive is always followed by a noun. It is only in afterthoughts that a genitive such as baatʃ-i ‘of the king’ in (843) may come to follow the noun it modifies (darwar-la ‘at the meeting’). Note, however, that baatʃ-i may not immediately follow the noun it modifies; afterthoughts typically occur after the main predicate (joŋ-s). The fact that a second afterthought, i.e. ɲiska ‘both’ (which is at the same time a reparation of the previous kʰo ‘he’), follows the first demonstrates that this is a common strategy in Purik.93 Two additional examples, (844) and (845), illustrate a postverbal antitopic (kʰoŋ-i ‘their’) and a pre-verbal afterthought (gaŋm-e ‘of all’) respectively. In contrast to baatʃ-i in (843), gaŋm-e in (845) is a crucial modification of the predicate, which justifies its position before the main verb. (843) dekana



kʰo darwar-la joŋ-s baatʃ-i ɲiska and.then s/he meeting-dat come-pst king-gen both Then he came to the meeting, (the meeting) of the king, both (came).

(844)

ŋa-a ata sam, ŋa-a ama sam, itug joŋ-s I-dat father think I-dat mother think memory come-pst kʰoŋ-i they-gen I miss my father, I miss my mother, I think of them.

(845) kʰjaŋ-a pene gaŋm-e dams-pa-t-a-nii you-dat money all-gen gather-inf-fct-q-syl So are you able to collect everybody’s money?

93  In imperatives, but also in questions and statements that involve a topical referent, personal pronouns referring to this referent are often added after the verb in order to disambiguate situations that may be perceived as ambiguous, for instance, in tʃʰ-et-a kʰjaŋ go-crt-q you ‘are you going/leaving?’ and soŋ kʰjaŋ go\imp you ‘go!’. That this word order is less marked than the canonical one (i.e. where pronouns precede the verbs) suggests that we must distinguish them from afterthoughts as antitopics. For the distinction between these two and some of their prosodic features, see 7.4.

Noun Phrases – Case

323

A few other contexts in which the genitive dependent is not immediately followed by the head arise when the latter is conventionally implied and therefore elided. With the verb tʃʰoq ‘be obeyed’, for instance, the genitive only seems to mark the argument issuing the orders in (846) and (847). Example (848) suggests that spera ‘word(s)’ originally constituted the head of that genitive construction, an analysis that is supported by the parallel construction shown in (849). The locative marking of the person obeying orders corresponds to the properties of this case, see the next section. Note that the elision of spera reflects the fact that, in the end, the verb tʃʰoq is not about words but about a person’s authority. (846) kepʈen-i tʃʰoq-tʃ-in, kʰi-i tʃ ʰoq-tʃa-men captain-gen be.obeyed-inf2-eq you-gen be.obeyed-inf2-neg:eq He’ll listen to the captain, (but) he won’t listen to you. (847) kʰo-i-ka

ŋj-i tʃʰoq, kʰ-i tʃ ʰoq-tʃa-men s/he-g-loc I-gen be.obeyed you-gen be.obeyed-inf2-neg:eq He did what I told him; (but) he won’t do what you tell him. (848) kʰo-i spera saʁ-i-ka tʃʰoq-pa-t s/he-gen word all-g-loc be.obeyed-inf-fct S/he has command over everybody. (849)

kʰo-i spera drul-en-duk s/he-gen word walk-sim-ex.t His words are being obeyed. Comparable elisions arise in the context of time measurements, namely when the modifying constituent in the genitive is instantiated by a number. Thus, numbers (from 1 to 31) in the genitive conventionally denote the date according to the Western calendar, as illustrated in (850), and in connection with the lunar cycle, certain numbers may denote the fullness of the moon, as in (851). In (850), one must think of the word ʒaq ‘day’ as having originally been elided after the number in the genitive; in (851), the word ʒaq is no longer appropriate. (850)

tʃoʁ-e tsʰaqpa daq-tuk 15-gen until become.clean-pot By the fifteenth, (the apricots) will all be (eaten).

324

Chapter 3

(851) tʃuʒbʒi-i gaŋ-m-i ldzot 14-gen be.full-inf-gen moon (the) moon filled with fourteen (days)

A related type of construction is used in order to refer to iterated time intervals, as illustrated in (852)–(857). It appears that the predicative constructions consisting of either a distributive pronoun and a noun indicating a time period, such as rere ʒaʁ-i in (852), or of a repeated noun the second of which takes the genitive, such as ldza ldz-e in (853) and hapta hapt-e in (854), have come about via the elision of adverbials such as rgjab-na ‘after’ or bar-j-aŋ ‘in the interval’, which are attested after corresponding genitives, as in (855) and (856).94 Example (857) features a related but diverging construction to express an iterated time interval, with bar-i appearing in the genitive. And (858) illustrates another way in which the same iterative notion may be expressed. (852) nor



rere ʒaʁ-i skje-en tʃ ʰ-et sheep every day-gen become.born-sim go-crt A sheep is born every day.

(853) ldza

ldz-e pʰiŋ-et, ldza bar-i month month-gen put.out-crt month space.between-gen pʰiŋ-et put.out-crt (They) give it out once a month (the food rations).

(854) ŋa-s hapta hapt-e(-ã) kʰaŋma-a pʰun taŋ-ma-t I-erg week week-gen(-ine) home-dat phone give-inf-fct I call home once a week. (855)

ŋa goma kargilo-a ʒaʁma ɲis ɲis-i rgjab-na I Goma Kargilo-dat day two two-gen back-abl tʃʰa-a-t go-inf-fct I (normally) go to Goma Kargil every two days.

94  The syntactic means of repetition in order to indicate distribution and, when relating to the domain of time, reiteration is illustrated by (895) and discussed more thoroughly in 3.1.3.1 and 3.2.2.

Noun Phrases – Case

325

(856)

ʒaʁ(ma) ɲis ɲis-i bar-j-aŋ day two two-gen space-g-ine every two days

(857)

nor ʒaʁ ɲis bar-i skje-n tʃ ʰ-et sheep day two space.between-gen become.born-sim go-crt A sheep is born every two days.

(858)

ŋa lo biŋ-ma kargilo-a joŋ-tʃa mi tʃ ʰa-a-t I year come.out-inf Kargilo-dat come-inf2 neg go-inf-fct I don’t get to come to Kargilo every year.





(859) ʒuŋrus-po-a

tsʰiks tsʰiks jot spine-def-dat vertebra vertebra ex.f There are vertebra after vertebra in (our) spine. The genitive case is used in a special way also before the head nouns snaŋa ‘memory, something that should be kept in mind’ and ituk ‘memory, something that leaps into one’s mind’. The regular word order is shown in (860), while in (861), the pronoun denoting the dative experiencer intervenes between the two parts of the genitive construction kʰir-i ituk ‘your memory, the thought of you’. As in the constructions with tʃʰoq discussed above, the word order of (861) creates the illusion that the constituent in the genitive actually instantiates an argument, namely the person that leaps into one’s mind; at the same time, ituk is conceptualized as pertaining to a complex predicate together with joŋ-s.

(860) do-o-n-i

snaŋa ʒaχ-tʃa that-def-pl-gen memory put-inf2 These things you should keep in mind.

(861) kʰir-i

ŋa-a itug joŋ-s you-gen I-dat memory come-pst I thought of you. In example (862), the adjectival head noun kʰaqtʃe ‘precious, important and requiring great care’ allows for its separation from the genitive dependent by the intensifier mana ‘very’.

326 (862)



Chapter 3

kʰo ŋj-i mana kʰaqtʃe in, s/he I-gen very dear eq kʰo hat-na but-e ata na pʰru tsoχs in s/he measure-cntr fall-cnj father and child like eq He is very dear to me, he’s really like a son to me!

The last two constructions discussed in this section are those in which the genitive appears to replace either a dative or an ergative. Examples (863), (865), and (866) illustrate that the genitive case is often predicatively used in connection with words such as sper-eg ‘a word’, ʂmaŋ ‘dispute’, and las ‘work’ instantiating what emanates from the person marked in the genitive case (while the same relation is conceptualized as a possession in English, cf. the verb have in the translation). Less often, nearly the same notion is expressed by means of a construction employing the dative, as illustrated in (864), which corresponds to (863).95 A similar predicative use of genitive constructions is found with kinship terms, such as pʰóno ‘brother’ in (867). (863) ŋj-i sper-eg jot jaraŋ-na jambo I-gen word-indef ex.f you(h)-with together I need to have a word with you. (864)

ŋa-a kʰjeraŋ ɲambo sper-eg jot, la-ʃi jot I-dat you together word-indef ex.f work-indef ex.f I have something to tell you, I have some work for you.

(865)

A: kʰoŋ ɲisk-e tʃi ʂmaŋ-tʃi duk they both-gen what dispute-indef ex.t What are they having a dispute about?

B: kʰoŋ-i saʂmaŋ-tʃi jot-tʃapo, they-gen earth.dispute-indef ex-assum se-e bar-j-aŋ sper-ek taŋ-s earth-gen about-g-ine word-indef give-pst They are probably having a dispute about (their) land; they were talking about land.

95  The constructions containing the genitive may be influenced by Urdu constructions, such as mera baat he … ‘I have a word (to say) …’, in which the possessive pronoun agrees with baat (both are male and singular), even if Urdu only has an equative but no existential copula.

Noun Phrases – Case

327

(866) kʰir-i

las-kato jot-na las ba-kʰan you-gen work-in.case ex-cnd work do-nlzr mi-k di-ka jot man-indef this-loc ex.f If you have one or the other job (to do), I have a workman here.

(867) ŋj-i

pʰono tʃiktʃig eran-la jot I-gen brother exactly.one Iran-dat ex.f I have a brother in Iran. Similarly, genitive ɲisk-e ‘of both’ is used predicatively with the dynamic auxiliary soŋ ‘went, became’ in (868), implying that a single path came to belong to two parties.

(868) ŋjiska-s

ban-e-ka e-tsa-a snur-ba-na, both-erg border-g-loc the.other-LIM-dat shift-inf-cnd ɲisk-e lam soŋ, ʈaŋ ma soŋ both-gen way went fight neg went Because both shifted a little to the side at the border both have a path (now), and (they) didn’t get into a fight. Lastly, when the genitive is used instead of the ergative to denote an agent within a nominalized clause, as in (869)–(871), this appears to trigger a concrete conceptualization of the nominalization, i.e. as a concrete job in (869), and, more clearly, as a tangible object (i.e. the thing that had to be brought) in (870). In the construction shown in (871), in which ʃa-a does not appear to allow for a synchronic analysis, ergative kʰjer-es may be used instead of the genitive kʰir-i.

(869) kʰo-s

ŋa-s/ŋj-i zer-s-pa ma ba-s s/he-erg I-erg/I-gen say-pst-inf neg do-pst He didn’t do what I told him to do.

(870) ŋj-i zer-kʰan-po kʰjoŋ-s-a I-gen say-nlzr-def bring-pst-q Did you bring what I told (you) to? (871)

kʰir-i ŋa-a dj-u ba-a ʃa-a men-ma you-gen I-dat this-def do-inf *appropriate-dat neg:eq-foc That you did this to me is not ok (I don’t deserve such bad treatment from you).

328

Chapter 3

3.4.7 Locative The locative -ka is joined to genitive forms everywhere except after demonstratives and interrogative ga ‘which’, cf. tʰaŋ-i-ka ‘on the plain’, ʂt-e-ka ‘on the horse’ (note that after most words ending in a vowel, the definite article never surfaces before the genitive, cf. ʂta-o ‘the horse’), m-i-i-ka ‘on, to the man’, braqpw-e-ka ‘on the rock’, ʒiksmo-tʃig-i-ka ‘in great fear’, e res-i-ka ‘next time’, and di-ka ‘here’, a-ka ‘there’, and ga-ka ‘where’.96 Even though the intervocalic velar -k- is often lenited to some degree, I consistently transcribe it as -k-, since its lenition does not appear to actually yield voiced pronunciations in Purik. The basic meaning of the locative -(i-)ka is ‘on (top of)’. The locative not only locates entities or events, but also defines a number of argument roles within verbal frames, as discussed below in this section and in 4.1.3.5. We will first look at the adverbial functions of the locative. The adverbial functions of the locative all closely reflect its source meaning. The locative may describe the location of an entity or an entire event. Note that it does not distinguish between a static and an inchoative location, as in di-ka duk, which may mean both ‘stay here!’ and ‘sit down here!’. The same applies to the following examples, which may denote both the location or the goal (i.e. the destination) of an entity or an event, e.g. smiŋ-i-ka ‘on the Sming (the highest mountain above Kargil)’, tiktikmw-e-ka ‘on the Tiktikmo (a plain above Goma Kargil)’, tʰaŋ-i-ka ‘on the plain (typically the one on which the Kargil airport is located)’, kask-e-ka ‘on the ladder’, kurts-i-ka ‘on the chair’, and tʃʰukum-pw-i-ka ‘on, over the latrine’. The extension of the locative into the temporal domain yields the meaning ‘when’ with nominalized clauses, such as V-p-e-ka ‘when V-ing’ (6.2.1.6), V-tʰigi-ka ‘about when V-ing’ (6.2.7), and V-tʰo-e-ka ‘at the time of V-ing’ (6.2.8). In V-pw-e-ka snan-e ‘on top of V-ing’ (6.2.1.6), however, the function of the locative more closely reflects its spatial source-meaning. Consider also the temporal locatives gozuk-pw-e-ka ‘in the beginning, from the beginning’ and lo-e-ka ‘every year, after a year’ illustrated in (872) and (873). (872) gozuk-pw-e-ka

ɬta-a rgo-ʃ-in-wa, rgjap-na, beginning-def-g-loc look-inf need-inf2-eq-hey back-abl juriŋs tʃʰa-a-na dot-tʃa-men chronic go-inf-cnd cure-inf2-neg:eq (You) need to take care (of a disease) at the beginning! Later, when it’s become chronic, (you) won’t be able to cure (it)! 96  For the corresponding postposition of Balti, Bielmeier (1985:93) describes the frequent allomorph -ga und the somewhat rarer -ʁa.

Noun Phrases – Case

329

(873) kʰjaŋ lo-e-ka di-ka joŋ-et-a you year-g-loc this-loc come-crt-q Do you come here every year?

Another productive adverbial function of the locative is illustrated in (874)– (880). With adjectives and nouns denoting a property, the locative indicates that this property applies to an event.97 For instance, drot-p-e-ka ‘in the heat (of the day)’ in (874) indicates that an event should be performed during a certain time frame, namely the hottest time of the day. Similarly, the adverbial kʰ-e-ka ‘mouth-g-loc’ in (875) refers to what is pronounced. The adverbial locative is further illustrated by zbuks-i-ka ‘from the force (of the explosion)’ in (876), rzun-i-ka ‘in the illusion’ and kʰasp-e-ka ‘with wit’ in (877), ʃoχsmo tʃig-i-ka ‘in great hurry (i.e. nothing but hurry)’ in (878), ʒiksmo tʃig-i-ka ‘in great fear (i.e. nothing but fear)’ in (879), and the idiomatic brot-i-ka ‘minding one’s own business’ in (880).98 (874) ɲim-e

drot-p-e-ka soŋ sun-gen heat-def-g-loc go\imp Go during the heat of the day!

(875) bardo

b-en-duk, ɲilam-a tʰoŋ-kʰan-po kʰ-e-ka sleep.talk do-sim-ex.t dream-dat see-nlzr-def mouth-g-loc zer-na, ʃat-na, ode spera-w-a bardo say-cnd comb-cnd that.vry word-def-dat sleep.talk zer-ba-t say-inf-fct He’s talking in his sleep. If people pronounce what they see in their dreams, if they talk, that talk is called bardo. (876)

gole-e zbuks-i-ka ŋataŋ a-rr pʰaŋ-se shell-gen pressure-g-loc we.pi that-term\emph throw-cnj taŋ-tʃ-in give-inf2-eq From the force of the grenade, we will be thrown way over there.

97  Similar functions are described by Read (1934:68) for Balti -i-ikha ‘on, upon, by means of’. 98  This construction likely reflects the original meaning of brot, the passive counterpart of pʰrot ‘deliver’, that is, *‘(which is) brought to a person’. The meaning in which brot is more commonly found, i.e. ‘taste’, likely also derives from that reconstructed meaning.

330

Chapter 3

(877) mi ʃes rzun-i-ka skal-e in-suk, spera-o skjor-e neg know lie-g-loc send-cnj eq-infr word-def fence-cnj tsoχ-ʃ-i-ka zer-s, kʰasp-e-ka zer-e in-suk like-indef-g-loc say-pst wise-g-loc say-cnj eq-infr He appears to have sent (you) without letting (you) know! He spoke somewhat cryptically, he appears to have tricked (you)! (878)

kʰo ʃoχsmo tʃig-i-ka tʃʰ-en-jot-suk, s/he fast one-g-loc go-sim-ex-infr kʰo-a las tsʰatsʰa jot-suk s/he-dat work important ex-infr He was in great hurry; he had something important to do. (879) kʰo ʒiksmo tʃig-i-ka jot-suk, s/he scared one-g-loc ex-infr kʰir-i pene-u ʂku-s-p-in-suk-pa you-gen money-def steel-pst-inf-eq-infr-foc He was in great fear of something; he must have stolen your money! (880)

brot-i-ka duk kʰjaŋ taste-g-loc stay you Mind your own business! (Don’t overreach yourself!) The different argument roles indicated by the locative are summarized in Table 67 at the end of this section. The locative indicates the undergoer of the verb rduŋ ‘beat’, skon ‘clothe someone else, cover’ and skri ‘wrap around’ (if the undergoers are not marked in the dative, see 4.1.3.5), tʰams ‘get a hold of, hold on to’, ʂmuk and tʰoχs ‘be scraped’, pʰoq ‘hit, fall to someone’, the inanimate undergoer gramb-e-ka ‘on the cheek’ with tʰuk ‘meet, touch’ in (881), and similarly, the sheep infected by a disease with the verb bjar ‘stick’ in (882).

(881) kʰo-e

gramba-o ŋj-i gramb-e-ka tʰuk-pa-na s/he-gen cheek-def I-gen cheek-g-loc meet-inf-cnd graŋɬtʃaq ba-s chill do-pst When her cheek touched mine, it gave me the chills.

Noun Phrases – Case

331

(882) sŋuo bjar-suk nor-i-ka, nat-tʃig-i cowpox stick-infr sheep-g-loc disease-indef-gen miŋ in-suk, tʃʰuser zar-kʰan-i name eq-infr pus leak-nlzr-gen The sheep have been infected by cowpox. This is the name of a disease that (makes the skin) fester.

Within the domain of emotions, the locative argument of verbs such as tʃ ʰes and rdjaŋ ‘(put) trust (in)’, and re ‘depend on’ may still be interpreted as a location, at least if it is conceptualized as the entity (predominantly a human being) in which the emotion or the feeling in question is placed. The same applies to complex predicates such as ʃatsik/rahum ba ‘have mercy’, dokʰa taŋ ‘cheat, deceive’, fidaa tʃʰa ‘devote oneself’, and sɲiŋ taŋ ‘concentrate (lit. use heart)’, where the constituent in the locative is usually inanimate. Similarly, both tʃʰoq ‘be obeyed’ and drul, if it is used in the same meaning, take a second argument in the locative that denotes the person who obeys. The verb kan ‘rest on, depend on’ allows for both a concrete and an abstract emotional reading, as illustrated in (883) and (884) respectively. (883) lam-po

djaŋ-p-e-ka kan-e duk way-def wall-def-g-loc rest-cnj ex.t The road is held up by the wall.

(884) de



spera-o tʃʰa-kʰan-pw-i-ka kan-e jot that word-def go-inf-def-g-loc depend-cnj ex.f That depends on who goes (with me).

Within the frame of non ‘catch up to’, the locative marks a person representing a point on a two-dimensional scale, that is, someone located at a place reached at a certain time; with tʰal ‘pass’, the point (not necessarily represented by a person) is surpassed. The notion of a point on a scale also supports the use of the locative case to mark the defeated in connection with rgjal ‘win, prevail over’, the surpassed with traq, as in (885), the person or job one matches with lo ‘match up to’ and pʰet ‘be able (to do a job)’ respectively, and the nuisance with gjes ‘be fed up with’. That the locative marks the person or team lost to with the verb ɬuŋ ‘lose’ likely reflects an analogy modeled after its antonym rgjal ‘win, prevail over’.

332

Chapter 3

(885)

kʰjeraŋ kargilo-pa-n-i-ka traχ-se tʃ ʰ-et, you Kargilo-assoc-pl-g-loc prevail-cnj go-crt kʰoŋ-batsik spera maŋmo ʃes-et they-COMP word a.lot know-crt You are becoming better than the people of Kargilo, know more words than them. The locative case also marks debtors, as illustrated for the verb lus ‘remain, owe’ in (886) and the combination of the noun gra ‘compensation’ and the equative copula in (887).

(886)



ʂmul ʂtʃu ŋj-i-ka lus-e jot rupees 10 I-g-loc remain-cnj ex.f I owe you 10 rupees.

(887) stor-na

kʰi-i-ka gra in lose-cnd you-g-loc compensation eq If (you) lose (it), you will compensate (me)!

With ditransitive verbs, such as ʂku ‘steal’ and len ‘take’, the locative-ablative case (i.e. the locative followed by the ablative marker -na, see 3.4.8) marks the participant from which the theme is moved away. This applies in an abstract way to tri ‘demand, ask’ and ɬtsap ‘learn’, as illustrated in (888) (see also 4.1.3.10). (888) ŋa-s jar-i-ka-na

purik-i skat-po ɬtsap-s I-erg you(h)-g-loc-abl Purik-gen language-def learn-pst I learned the Purik language from you.

Table 67

Locative case roles hosted by different types of predicate frames

Verb

Agent/theme

Locative argument

rduŋ ‘beat’ pʰoq ‘hit, fall to someone’ re ‘depend on’, rdjaŋ ‘(put) trust (in)’ sɲiŋ taŋ ‘concentrate (lit. use heart)’ dokʰa taŋ ‘cheat, deceive’ drul ‘run (of an order), be obeyed’

erg abs abs erg erg abs

beaten person destination person depended/relied on object of devotion cheated person obeying person

333

Noun Phrases – Case

Verb

Agent/theme

Locative argument

non ‘catch up to’ lo ‘match up to’ rgjal ‘win, prevail over’ ɬuŋ ‘lose to’ gjes ‘be fed up with’

abs abs abs abs abs

person caught up to task matched up to defeated person lost to entity/person fed up with

3.4.8 Inessive The inessive case -j-aŋ like the locative contains genitive -i- everywhere except after demonstratives, as shown in (889) and (890). The inessive has an emphatic variant -j-aŋ-nu(k), adding the terminative suffix -nu(k), the expected, nasalized reflex of WT -du (cf. Hahn 1996:118; for the -k, see 3.4.5) after the velar nasal.99 In contrast to the locative, which locates an entity or event on top of another entity, the inessive case locates an entity or event inside of another entity. (889)

e-aŋ tʃ-ek duk, di-aŋ zar-e toŋ, tiks the.other-ine tea-indef ex.t this-ine pour-cnj give\imp drm ma ʒaq-pa di-aŋ toŋ zer-e in, zar-e neg put-inf this-ine give\imp say-cnj eq pour-cnj toŋ give\imp There’s tea in there; pour it in here, without leaving anything, that is; pour (all of) it in here!

99  These forms are confirmed by both Bailey (1920:28) and Rangan (1979:78). In Balti, however, both Read (1934:68) and Bielmeier (1985:93) describe -i-ŋ-nu (only the latter analyzes the initial -i- as representing the genitive), which consistently lacks the -a- of its Purik cognate (-i-aŋ-nu). In Ladakhi, the Purik inessive appears to correspond to naŋ-a following the genitive (cf. Koshal 1979:89), which is the most widespread form within the Tibetan dialects and clearly preserves WT nang ‘the inner’ (cf. Hahn 1996:156). One may speculate that the suffix -ng by means of which this nang was derived from na according to Hahn (1996:156) is actually preserved in the -(a)ŋ of Purik and Balti. The inessive -aŋ may then be related to -aŋ ‘too’ similar to the way in which the WT locative na is related to WT and Purik na ‘and’.

334

Chapter 3

(890) pʰru-i di-aŋ ɬa ʃut-suk child-gen this-ine spirit fit.in-infr The child is reddened here (in skin folds).

Examples (891)–(910) illustrate different ways in which the inessive case is used in Purik. In (891) and (892), inessive -j-aŋ-nu(k) serves its core function. Nevertheless, it appears to also allow for an ablative reading in the latter. The suffix -nu(k) is ruled out in bas-p-e-aŋ ‘by bus’, skul-j-aŋ ‘to school’, and behesj-aŋ ‘in heaven’, as shown in (893)–(895), because it would convey an inappropriate emphasis there (just as ‘inside the bus’, ‘inside the school’, and ‘inside heaven’ would in English). (891) e



sɲas-p-e-aŋ-nuk ras tʃat-e rgjaŋ-s that pillow-def-g-ine-term cloth cut-cnj fill-pst (I) filled that pillow with shreds of cloth.

(892) toŋze-s mendoʁ-i-aŋ-nuk tʃʰu ʒip-tʃ-in wasp-erg flower-g-ine-term water suck-inf2-eq The bee will suck the water in the flower. (893) bas-p-e-aŋ

ʒon-e joŋ-et-a bus-def-g-ine ride-cnj come-crt-q Are you coming by bus?

(894)

kʰo tsʰuntse jot-tsa-na mana ʃaŋpo jot-p-in-suk magar s/he small ex-sim-cnd very smart ex-inf-eq but skul-j-aŋ ma tʃʰa-a mana tʰus-en soŋ school-g-ine neg go-inf very deteriorate-sim went When he was small, he was very smart, but not going to school, he got worse and worse. (895)



sawaps behes-j-aŋ pʰan-et merit heaven-g-ine be.helpful-crt Merit helps you in heaven.

The inessive case marks body parts in (896)–(899), and locates mental processes inside a person’s mind in (902) and (900). In (901), the inessive marks the mental state into which a person is thrown. The inessive is used in a similar fashion together with an adjective in (903).

Noun Phrases – Case

335

(896)

ŋj-i ɬtw-e-aŋ zermo joŋ-et I-gen stomach-g-ine pain come-crt I have pain in my stomach.

(897)

ʂkaŋ-p-e-aŋ tsʰan baps calf-def-g-ine night fall (My) calf hurts (from walking or working). (lit. The night fell in my leg.) (898) ŋj-i

mik-p-e-aŋ raʁrik-tʃi joŋ-s, ɬtos-aŋ, I-gen eye-def-g-ine dirt-indef come-pst look\imp-add zug-et, tsʰaptsʰap b-et sting-crt sting.sting do-crt Some dirt has gone into my eye, please have a look, it stings. (899)

pʰaŋm-e-aŋ kʰur-e alo taŋ-ma lap-g-ine carry-cnj alo give-inf to say ‘alooo’, carrying (the baby) on the lap (900) samb-e-aŋ kʰor thought-g-ine turn (I) thought (of something). (901)

kʰir-i di ʃaŋ-p-e-aŋ-nuk struŋ-ʃik, kʰje-s you-gen this consciousness-def-g-ine-term guard-ip you-erg dunjaat rilja taŋ-tʃa duk world down give-inf2 ex.t With this wit of yours – Heaven forbid! (lit. May (we) be protected!) Or you will throw the world down the hill! (902)

kʰo-s ŋa gopskor-j-aŋ pʰaŋ-s s/he-erg I confusion-g-ine throw-pst She made my head spin.

(903) χombu-j-aŋ mi

tʃʰa-a rgo-ʃ-in deep-g-ine neg go-inf need-inf2-eq (You) shouldn’t go into the deep (water)!

336

Chapter 3

The inessive case occurs with the relator nouns ʂtsa ‘bottom’ in (904), rgjap ‘behind’ in (905), and bar ‘between, about’ in (906) and, lexicalized in the second part of a compound, in (907). (904) ŋa-s dj-u

kaŋm-i ʂts-e-aŋ nan-e taŋ-s I-erg this-def foot-gen bottom-g-ine press-cnj give-pst I crushed it under my feet. (905) zgw-e rgjap-p-e-aŋ door-gen back-def-g-ine behind the door (906)

kʰoŋ-a kʰir-i bar-j-aŋ maŋmo pata mi they-dat you-gen about-g-ine a.lot knowledge neg tʃʰa-a rgo-ʃ-in go-inf need-inf2-eq They shouldn’t come to know too much about you! (907) almar-is

zdam-s, cupboard-erg pull.together-pst zgo-bar-p-e-aŋ-nuk zdam-s door-space.between-def-g-ine-term pull.together-pst (My finger) got caught in the (door of the) cupboard, (it) caught caught in the door. Let us look at a few contexts in which the inessive somewhat diverges from its source meaning. In (908), the inessive refers to the temporal domain. Example (909) illustrates the use of the inessive in the context of a substance mixed with another. In (910), the inessive meaning is reversed in that the entity in the inessive case is in fact surrounded by the entity in the absolutive.100 Examples (911)–(914) feature two-dimensional uses of the inessive. (908) sna-si namz-e-aŋ kol-ba-t-p-in-suk early-gen time-g-ine use-inf-fct-inf-eq-infr It appears to have been used in the past.

100  Note that the same reversed relation may be implied in the compound skinʒuks ‘hug’ < skye ’jugs ‘neck-enter’, that is, a person enters (= encloses) the neck of another – if it is not the neck that is conceptualized as entering the hug.

Noun Phrases – Case

337

(909)

pʰugm-e-aŋ-nuk ʂtswa zgre-s hay-g-ine-term grass mix-imp Mix grass into the straw!

(910) ʒiŋm-e-aŋ-nuk

kʰataq-tʃi tʃiŋ neck-g-ine-term scarf-indef tie Tie a scarf around (your) neck! (911)

ɬʈab-j-aŋ ma soŋ hei slope-g-ine neg go\imp ok Don’t go into the slope, ok?

(912) nor-un

skil-e ʒaχ-s, are rdz-e-aŋ-nuk sheep-pl gather-cnj put-pst that rubble-g-ine-term skil-e ʒaχ-s gather-cnj put-pst (I’ve) gathered the sheep in the rubble stones over there.

(913)

kʰint-i di-tsoχs ɖakʈar-un ŋatʃ-i straŋbu-n-e-aŋ you.pl-gen this-same doctor-pl we.pe-gen path-pl-g-ine kʰjams-e jot stroll-cnj ex.f We have people like your doctors strolling around in our backyard.

(914) naqbjuru tʃʰu-j-aŋ tsʰaŋs saq-tʃ-in name.of.bird water-g-ine nest build-inf2-eq The naqbjuru (a kind of bird) will build its nest in (i.e. on) the water.

The inessive case is regularly used to mark a body part that is slapped by another person, as in (915)–(917). It appears that the inessive in these contexts conveys an expressive notion the locative lacks. (915) maŋgal-p-e-aŋ pʰoq-pa-na sŋunpo marpo tʰoŋ-ma cheek-def-g-ine hit-inf-cnd green red be.visible-inf rgos-de need-pd Of course he saw green and red when he was hit on the cheek.

338

Chapter 3

(916)

ŋa-s kʰo-e maŋgal-j-aŋ taŋ-s, golpʰat-p-e-aŋ I-erg s/he-gen cheek-g-ine give-pst side.of.head-def-g-ine taŋ-s give-pst I slapped him on his cheek and on the side of his head.

(917) rdw-ek taŋ-se kʰo-e goʈaŋgal-p-e-aŋ pʰoq stone-indef give-cnj s/he-gen skull.cap-def-g-ine hit He was hit by a stone on the top of his head.

Just like the locative, the inessive may be followed by ablative -na (see the next section), as shown in (918). (918) ɲa-o ŋj-i laqp-e-aŋ-na ɬaq gret-e soŋ fish-def I-gen hand-g-ine-abl drm slip-cnj went The fish slipped out of my hand (just like that).

3.4.9 The Evolution of -na In this section, we will try to reconstruct the intriguing history of Purik -na.101 In WT, the basic function of -na is clearly the locative one (cf. Hahn 1996:91ff.), which may also refer to the domain of time in both adverbials such as de’i tsha na ‘at that time’ and snga na ‘earlier’ and in clause-subordinating constructions such as mthong ba na ‘when (he) saw’. Notable also is its apparently pleonastic (Hahn 1996:92–93) use in rgyu des na ‘for this reason’, ces smras pa na ‘because (he) had said that’, phyir na ‘because’, and especially gcig tu na … gñis su na ‘first … second …’, which appears to be related to its ‘introductive’ use in certain clause-linking constructions (cf. Hahn 1996:138). The na linking simultaneous clauses (cf. Hahn 1996:134–138) likely evolved from the locative referring to the domain of time. The functions that were thus already quite diverse in WT have undergone further reanalyses and extensions in Purik. In trying to reconstruct these changes, we need to account for the use of -na as an ablative (discussed in 3.4.9.1 right below), a comitative, and an instrumental case marker (for both, see 3.4.9.2), as well as for its topicalizing and contrastive functions in discourse (see 3.5.1.1).102 As far as the non-cliticized na ‘and’ (3.5.1.2) is concerned, it is 101  The clause-linking functions of Purik -na and how they may have evolved are discussed more thoroughly in 6.1.1. 102  One of very few constructions that appear to allow for (and preserve?) a locative construal of -na is (Pro)N-gen miŋ-na ‘for (Pro)N’s sake’ (lit. ‘in the name of …’) as used, e.g., in:

Noun Phrases – Case

339

claimed here that the most plausible and economic way to account for it is to assume that it evolved from the comitative case marker; how this may have happened is discussed later in this section. One important fact about Purik -na is that in many constructions, especially those that subordinate clauses, it allows for multiple analyses. In V-pa-na ‘since V took place’ (for the details, cf. 6.1.2), for instance, it may be analyzed either as an ablative case marker, a contrastive discourse-structuring morpheme, or a conditional marker. This availability of multiple analyses is an important premise for the claim that is being made here, namely that some of the functions it serves after a nominal host (especially as a case marker) were originally acquired in clause-subordinating constructions (even though precedents in grammaticalization theory may make us expect extensions to proceed in the opposite direction). This is most evident for the ablative case – while the locative use of WT na generally does not appear to allow for an ablative reanalysis, the temporal use (whether in adverbials or clause-subordinating constructions) consistently does. That is, due to the inherent directionality that characterizes time, an event said to take place at a certain time can regularly be understood as starting then, and even if it is a continuous event, it may only be understood as proceeding in one direction, that is, towards the future. It thus appears that the movement from a place, i.e. what the ablative case expresses, is most likely to have evolved in constructions in which -na referred to the domain of time, where it consistently implies a movement from the point in time it originally indicated. The comitative and the instrumental -na appear to have similarly evolved from a function that situates a referent next to its host rather than on (top of) it, as the locative function attested for WT would.103 Note that Hahn (1996) describes a dynamic extension of the locative, however, it occurred in the opposite direction, that is, it went from indicating the location to indicating the goal of an event (rather than its source). It is thus much more plausible to assume that the comitative -na in Purik inherited its function from the temporal clause-subordinating use (as in WT V na and Purik V-pa-na), which conceptualizes two events as taking place one after the other, and this, in turn, appears much more likely to be conceptualized horizontally

 kʰjeraŋ-a kʰir-i miŋ-na tʃ ʰu kʰjoŋ-ma rgo-ʃ-in-m-in.  you-dat you-gen name-abl/loc water bring-NR need-INF-eq-NR-eq. ‘You should have brought water for your own sake.’ 103  One might argue that the locative need not be the original function of the Tibetan -na. However, I have no plausible account for how a locative may have evolved from the other attested functions.

340

Chapter 3

than vertically.104 In contrast, the locative case -i-ka may also subordinate one clause to another, however, only when the event denoted by the matrix clause takes place entirely during the event described by the subordinate clause. Thus, the relationship between these two events would tend to be conceptualized on a vertical axis. Turning to -na again, since two events, in which one names the condition necessary for another event to take place, consistently follow each other in time (though they may overlap) and are therefore likely to be conceptualized on a time line (even if there is distance between them), the notion of two abstract entities being situated side by side in the conditional -na must have been strengthened. Such a situation must have further strengthened the notion that these two entities are closely associated, which is basic to the comitative and the instrumental functions, the former with typically human entities and the latter with typically inanimate items. It is difficult to decide which of the comitative and instrumental functions is primary and thus which is secondarily derived, even if the comitative will be claimed below to have evolved further into the independent conjunction na ‘and’. Instead, we may assume that the comitative function mainly arose in constructions that primarily express that two events follow each other temporally, while the instrumental function arose in those that express that one event describes the condition under which the second takes place. This corresponds well with the fact that entities that are linked by the comitative tend to be conceptualized as being on a par, or more generally, as being of comparable sizes, while those entities that are linked by the instrumental tend to be of different sizes, since the host of -na instantiates the instrument of another referent which is typically human. The fact that the topicalizing function of -na, with its secondary contrastive extension (‘as far as … is concerned (however)’), appears to unite features of the ablative (‘from … (on)’ > ‘from the perspective of …’ > ‘under the circumstances of …’), the comitative (‘with …’ > ‘with … being given’), the conditional (‘if …’ > ‘if … applies’), the consecutive (‘when, after …’ > ‘when, after … applies’), and the causal functions (‘because …’ > ‘given …’), suggests that the different uses of -na may synchronically nevertheless be derived from a single basic function. Extracting the common denominator from all the functions of Purik -na, we

104  Interestingly, evidence for this claim is also provided by one of very few examples in my Purik data in which -na may be analyzed as a locative (i.e. the function from which all the discussed functions ultimately appear to derive), namely the construction V-p-i tsʰir-na-ŋ ‘even if repeatedly V-ing’ (literally ‘even on/in the row of V-ing’ described in 6.1.5, in which tsʰir ‘row’ is clearly conceptualized on a horizontal axis.

Noun Phrases – Case

341

may characterize the meaning of its new basic function as ‘given …’ and note that this function is most faithfully retained after clausal hosts. This assumption is perfectly compatible with the changes that were claimed above to have yielded the different functions of -na. Its basic function arose in clause-linking constructions, and its extension to nominal hosts first yielded the topicalizing and later the contrastive discourse-structuring function. When the entities denoted by the nouns preceding and following -na were on a comparable level with regard to animacy or another dimension, -na further acquired a comitative function, and when the preceding was able to serve as an instrument, -na could be reanalyzed in an instrumental function. Having thus accounted for the history of the different functions of -na, it should be obvious that the comitative cannot have evolved from na ‘and’. Since both their form and function correspond to such a great degree, however, it is clear that the two must be related in some way. This leaves us with the third possibility, that is, the hypothesis that the independent na evolved from the comitative case marker -na. And indeed, apart from the fact that na is not attested in the meaning ‘and’ in any dialect other than Purik and Balti, there is evidence that makes such a scenario appear quite plausible. We will see in 3.5.1.2 that na ‘and’ exclusively coordinates nouns that denote entities that can be understood as being equally important in context or as equally contributing to the event in question, as illustrated in (919) and (920). We may thus hypothesize that it was exactly in the context of such equally important and equally topical entities that an originally cliticized -na became detached from its host, because even if the speaker originally intended to topicalize the preceding nominal (or conceptualize it as the entity from which something is moved, as in (919), where -na may have originally been construed as an ablative case marker), this tended not to be noted by the addressee, to whom both entities appeared to be equally important. As a consequence, the construal of na as being equally attached to the surrounding nominals appears to have won out versus the asymmetric, cliticized contrual in such contexts. (919)



rdwa na sa-o bar pʰe-se ʒaʁ-et stone and earth-def space.between open-cnj put-crt I’m putting the stones and the earth down separately.

(920) muzi na ʃora

stre-se tʰaq-pa-na sman sulfur and saltpeter mix-cnj grind-inf-cnd medicine tʃʰ-et go-crt Black powder is made by mixing sulfur and saltpeter and grinding it.

342

Chapter 3

Let us now discuss the functions of -na that cluster around the ablative in 3.4.9.1 and the comitative and instrumental in 3.4.9.2. Because the topicalizing and contrastive function of -na clearly does not fall under the domain of case marking, it is discussed in the next section (3.5.1.1) along with the coordinating na ‘and’ (3.5.1.2). 3.4.9.1 Ablative As just discussed, the ablative function of -na must have been mainly arisen in clause-subordinating constructions. The ablative -na is often attached to the locative (largely when describing items that are moved down from a location, or out of a person’s possession) or the inessive (when items are moved out of a location), as illustrated in examples (933)–(946). It is attached to locations such as kʰatʃul ‘Kashmir’ in (921), haʈi ‘bazar’ in (922), and hendaq ‘roof’ in (923), and to people, if they are primarily conceptualized as locations, as in (924). The forms based on the locative and the inessive are clearly preferred with demonstratives, though an exception is given in (925). (921) kʰo kʰatʃul-na



ɬep-set s/he Kashmir-abl arrive-RES He has arrived back from Kashmir.

(922)

ŋataŋ haʈi-na drul-e joŋ-s, a-ka ŋal we.pi store-abl walk-cnj come-pst that-loc tiredness tet-e kʰjaŋ duk-s mana lead-cnj you stay-pst very We walked home from the bazaar, over there, being tired, you stayed (for a long time). (923)

hendaʁ-na lɖwat but-e joŋ-s roof-abl drm fall-cnj come-pst It fell down from the roof at once.

(924) rgjalpo-na bar

be-a pʰot-tʃa prince-abl space.between be.opened-inf be.capable-inf2 mi-nduk neg-ex.t He isn’t capable (of sitting) away from the prince.

Noun Phrases – Case

343

(925) wa di tʰaqpa-o zbron, e-na e-ka hey this rope-def set.up\imp the.other-abl the.other-loc zbrel-e toŋ zer-tʃ-in d-o-a join-cnj give\imp say-inf2-eq that-def-dat ‘Hey, put up this rope! Run it from over there to over there!’ (we) would say.

The ablative notion is also evident in the constructions shown in (926) and (927), which express a generic reflexive notion (cf. 3.3.2.5). Examples (928) and (929) illustrate the use of the ablative -na after rgjab ‘back, behind, after’ and rgjab-rgjab ‘right behind, right after’, which allow for both spatial and temporal analyses. Only the latter is possible with the ablative of daʃi ‘a short while ago’, as shown in (930), or with skjetsʰuks-na ‘from birth on’, as illustrated in (931) and (932). (926) raŋ-na raŋ-a

stot-tʃas-po ʈʰik-tʃi men self-abl self-dat praise-inf2-def good-indef neg:eq It’s not good to praise oneself.

(927)

kʰo-s raŋ-na raŋ tʃʰo-ek tʃo-en-duk s/he-erg self-abl self big-indef make-sim-ex.t He’s making himself big (thinks that he is bigger than he actually is).

(928)

kʰo dun zaŋmo duk, rgjap ŋanpa duk, dun-po-a mana s/he front good ex.t back bad ex.t front-def-dat very ɬjaχmo stan-en-duk, magar rgjab-na kʰa zer-en-duk, good show-sim-ex.t but back-abl mouth say-sim-ex.t mi-w-a bug-en-duk man-def-dat slander-sim-ex.t His front (his look) is good, his back is bad; he’s pretending to be good out front but slanders people behind their backs. (929)

kaka mahmud ʒololoo tʃʰ-en-duk, rgjab-rgjab-na elder.brother Mahmud in.tow go-sim-ex.t back-back-abl Brother Mahmud is clinging to (my) coattails, stays right behind (me) all the time. (930) tʃa daʃi-na tʰuŋ-en-jot, mana ma ŋoms tea a.while.ago-abl drink-sim-ex.f very neg be.quenched I’ve been drinking tea for a while (now), (but) my thirst has not been quenched.

344

Chapter 3

(931)

A: dj-u nam soŋ this-def when went When did this (a mark on one’s body) happen? B: dj-u mana skjetsʰuks-na jot-sug-ʒu this-def very birth-abl ex-infr-POL This was already there when I was born.

(932) skjetsʰuks-na jot-de kʰo-e, rgjab-na ma tʃ ʰa-a-ja birth-abl ex-pd s/he-gen back-abl neg go-inf-hes He’s had this from birth, that is, he didn’t get it later.

Examples (933) and (934) illustrate that, with demonstratives, the ablative is preferably derived from the locative (rather than from the absolutive, as in (925) above), even if the notion of ‘on’ is in no way foregrounded. Similarly, the ablative is generally derived from the locative if an entity is moved out of someone’s possession, as in connection with the verb dams ‘collect’ in (935), jar-e kʰjoŋ ‘borrow’ in (936), ʂtsot-e kʰjoŋ ‘wheedle something out of someone’ in (937), and len ‘take’ in (938). The ablative is also derived from the locative when an item is physically removed from another, as in connection with the verbs ʃu ‘peel’ or koq ‘snatch, scrape off’ in (939), and with ʒam ‘skim off’ in (940). The ablative-locative governed by the verb sɲo in (941) is more idiomatic; according to my consultants, ŋj-i-ka-na denotes the person who feels forced to punish the mad person, i.e. the person from whom the mad person wrenches the punishment.105 In (942), the dynamic source meaning of the locative-ablative (‘away from’) has to be interpreted statively. (933) kʰo-s kʰur-e joŋ-joŋ-a ŋa e-ka-na s/he-erg carry-cnj come-come-dat I that-loc-abl loχ-se joŋ-et return-cnj come-crt By the time he brings (it), I will have come back. 105  Since Jäschke (1881:428b) gives the meaning ‘be insane, mad’ for its WT predecessor smyo, we may speculate that the ablative-locative originally marked the person representing the world of the normal from which the insane person was conceptualized as withdrawing, and that Purikpas considered punishment as a means by which a mad person could be pulled back into sanity.

Noun Phrases – Case

345

(934) de ʃiŋ-un kʰo-s di-ka-na spoχ-se e-ka that wood-pl s/he-erg this-loc-abl shift-cnj the.other-loc kʰjer-s take-pst She carried that wood from here to over there, putting it down in between. (935) hoʈel-i

malik-po pene dams-lo-a restaurant-gen owner-def money gather-said-q hoʈel-j-aŋ duk-kʰan saʁ-i-ka-na restaurant-g-ine stay-nlzr all-g-loc-abl Did the owner of the hotel say that he was able to collect money from all the hotel guests? (936) kʰir-i-ka-na

jar-e gri-k kʰjoŋ-set you-g-loc-abl borrow-cnj knife-indef bring-RES I’ve borrowed a knife from you.

(937) di

tʃiis-po ŋa-s mahmut-i-ka-na ʂtsot-e this thing-def I-erg Mahmud-g-loc-abl ask.for-cnj kʰjoŋ-s-p-in, toŋ zer-e kʰjoŋ-s-p-in bring-pst-inf-eq give\imp say-cnj bring-pst-inf-eq I got this thing from Mahmud by begging. (938) skjal-na ŋa-s askje jar-i-ka-na

ŋj-i qalam-i lose-cnd I-erg tmrrw you(h)-g-loc-abl I-gen pen-gen skinma len-tʃ-in pawn take-inf2-eq If (you) lose (it) I will demand compensation from you tomorrow.

(939) nor

ʃu-a, sat-e-na di-ka-na ʃu-tʃa, sheep peel-inf kill-cnj-abl this-loc-abl peel-inf2 paχspa koq-pa ʃe-e-ka-na skin peel-inf meat-g-loc-abl skinning sheep; after killing (it you need to) skin (it) from here, to peel the skin off the meat

346

Chapter 3

(940) oma stro-se skroq-pa-na kʰato-e-ka-na ʒam-en-tʃik curd heat-cnj churn-inf-cnd top-g-loc-abl skim-sim-indef ʈoqʈoq tʃo-tʃ-in, kʰʂaŋ-ʃuk-tʃ-in ball make-inf2-eq become.compact-caus-inf2-eq (You) heat up curd and churn it, and skim off a lump from the surface and let it solidify. (This is how butter is made.) (941) kʰo-s

sɲo-se in ŋj-i-ka-na s/he-erg make.punish-cnj eq I-g-loc-abl He’s forced me to punish him. (942)



di mi-in-i-ka-na zur-e duk-pa rgo-ʃ-in this man-pl-g-loc-abl stay.away-cnj stay-inf need-inf2-eq (You) should stay away from these people.

Ablative derived from the inessive case are illustrated in (943)–(946). Note that the ablative cannot be formed from the emphatic form of the inessive (with -nuk). (943) laqp-e-aŋ-na

pjen-po koχ-se kʰje-s hand-g-ine-abl pen-def snatch.away-cnj take.away-pst She took the pen right out of my hand.

(944) tʃʰuskjoχs, jurb-e-aŋ-na



tʃʰu tʃu-tʃa water.ladle canal-g-ine-abl water ladle-inf2 water ladle, (used) to scoop water out of the canal

(945)

nas-po tap-se ʒaʁma ʁa ʈuk-tʃi in, dare ldiŋ-suk, wheat-def sow-cnj day 5 6-indef eq now float-infr s-e-aŋ-na skje-suk zer-e in ground-g-ine-abl grow-infr say-cnj eq It’s five, six days since (we) sowed the wheat, now it’s grown, that is, it has come out of the ground. (946) ʃoʁbu-u

ʂnam-j-aŋ-na baps-e taŋ-s χodaa-s book-def sky-g-ine-abl fall-cnj give-pst God-erg God sent the book down from heaven. 3.4.9.2 Comitative, Instrumental The comitative and the instrumental uses of -na are closely related. Instead of assuming that one evolved before the other, it is better to subsume them

Noun Phrases – Case

347

under a single function that tends to be construed as comitative when the host is human or at least animate, and as instrumental when the inanimate host is likely to be the instrument in an event. According to my consultants, example (947) contains three nearly equivalent ways of indicating that the speaker met a third person. The first clause contains a participant in the absolutive (ŋa ‘I’) and a comitative participant (kʰo-na ‘s/he-comit’); in the second, two participants in the absolutive are coordinated with na ‘and’; and in the third, the two participants are grouped together with the exclusive first person plural pronoun (ŋatʃa ‘we.pe’). The comitative construction is again illustrated in (948), where a covert participant in the absolutive meets the overt participant in the comitative; the dative in the matrix sentence (kʰjaŋ-a ‘to you’) is coreferent with the covert absolutive participant. In (949), the comitative is governed by the verb ran ‘be appropriate, get along with’, in (950) by spe ‘compare with’, and in (951) by zgran ‘provoke’. (947)

ŋa kʰo-na tʰuk, ŋa na kʰo tʰuk, ŋatʃa lam-a I s/he-comit meet I and s/he meet we.pe way-dat tʰuk meet I met him; we met; we met on the way. (948) ŋa-na tʰuk-tʃa-o kʰjaŋ-a ʂtuk-se I-comit meet-inf2-def you-dat be.predestined-cnj jot-p-in-suk ex-inf-eq-infr Your meeting with me appears to have been your destiny. (949)

wa kʰo-s ane-k kʰjoŋ-tʃ-in-suk mana pʰe-se hey s/he-erg wife-indef bring-inf2-eq-infr very open-cnj sal-e, kʰo-raŋ-na ran-kʰan-tʃik pick.out-cnj s/he-self-comit be.appropriate-inf-indef He appears to marry a wife, choosing her himself, one he gets along with.

(950) ŋatʃ-i

jul-po jant-i jul-po-na we.pe-gen country-def you.pl-gen country-def-comit spe-a-na jant-i jul-po tʃaŋ compare-inf-cnd you.pl-gen country-def something rdem-ek mi-nduk nice-indef neg-ex.t When (we) compare our country with yours, yours isn’t nice at all.

348

Chapter 3

(951) ŋa-na zgran-na ŋa-s gw-e-aŋ rdw-eg I-comit provoke-cnd I-erg head-g-ine stone-indef rgjap-se-na ldattʃʰar-po nam-a laŋ-ʃuk-tuk hit-cnj-cnd brain.splash-def sky-dat rise-caus-pot If (you) provoke me, I will throw a stone on (your) head and make (your) brain splash to the sky.

In (952), the comitative notion may also be interpreted as instrumental. This analysis is the only possible one in (953) and (954), prompted by the inanimacy of the comitative participants kaapi-na ‘with the notebook’, ara-na ‘with the saw’, and stare-na ‘with the axe’. In both the comitative and the instrumental use, -na may be followed by ɲambo ‘together’ (which is often dissimilated to jambo in that position) without a change in meaning, as shown in (954)–(956). Comitative -na may also indicate simultaneity when linking clauses, as in (956), a pattern that is thoroughly discussed in 6.1. (952) kʰo-na tsem-ba ka-s-p-in, darzi-i s/he-comit sew-inf send-pst-inf-eq tailor-gen ʃite-a tsem-ba taŋ-s-p-in side-dat sew-inf give-pst-inf-eq (I) sent it with him in order to have (it) sewn, I gave it to the tailor in order to have (it) sewn. (953) ŋa-s kaapi-na

ɬuŋ hjap-s I-erg notebook-comit wind fan-pst I fanned (myself) with the notebook. (954) kʰo-s ʃiŋ-po-a tʃatkʰa taŋ-en-duk, s/he-erg wood-def-dat cutting give-sim-ex.t ara-na ɲambo, stare-na ɲambo saw-comit together axe-comit together He’s chopping wood, with a saw, and with an axe. (955) ŋa-na jambo tʃʰ-et-a, kʰoŋ ɲambo I-comit together go-crt-q they together Are you going with me or them? (956) zgo pʰe-a-na



ɲambo kʰo joŋ-s door open-inf-comit together s/he come-pst The door opened and she came in.

Noun Phrases – Case

349

The comitative case is also governed by adjectives that involve a comparison, such as tsoχs ‘same’ in (957) and ɖanɖa ‘equal, even’ and (958).106 Another construction that takes the comitative case involves the relator noun bar-la ‘in the space between’, as in (959) and (960).107 In (961), the comitative indicates the domain in which the adjective of the main predication (tsʰuntse ‘small’) applies; lo-na may therefore be translated as ‘with respect to years, i.e. his age’. Note that this use also allows for a topicalizing or even contrastive interpretation; both of these functions are discussed in 3.5.1.1. (957)

kʰjeraŋ-na tsoχs you-abl same like you (958)



kore kʰaptʃat, kʰa-na ɖanɖa cup full.to.the.brim brim-comit equal a cup, full to the brim, right up to the brim

(959) ŋa-s kʰo-na bar-la zer-s di spera-o, I-erg s/he-comit space-dat say-pst this word-def dja-tsug-a kʰo-na bar-la zer-s, that.xct-kind-dat s/he-comit space-dat say-pst in-tʃa-o sai men eq-inf2-def true neg:eq I said this in his presence, I said it just like that because he was present; in reality, it’s not true. (960)

ŋa-na bar-la kʰo mana rgjala jot, I-comit space-dat s/he very good ex.f e-en-na bar-la kʰo ʂtsoqpo jot the.other-pl-comit space-dat s/he bad ex.f In my presence, he’s a very good person; with others, he’s bad. (961)



kʰo lo-na kʰimo in-ma kʰo tsʰunse lus-e in s/he year-comit heavy be-inf s/he small remain-cnj eq Although bigger by age (i.e. older) he has remained small.

106  That kore kʰaptʃat does not involve a genitive may be illustrated by means of muur kʰaptʃat ‘a tincupful to the brim’, where likewise no -i may follow muur. 107  The noun bar follows -na in Balti also, cf. rmaqpona bara “im Abstand von der Menge” (Bielmeier 1985:94).

350 3.5

Chapter 3

Discourse-structuring Morphemes

This section covers those morphemes that occur at the end of a nominal phrase to specify its relation to the discourse topic. That they are not case markers is clear in the case of -na (3.5.1.1) and -aŋ (3.5.2), which may be cliticized to already inflected forms and thus do not alter their roles. (Note, however, that -na may also serve as a case marker when it is attached to the locative or inessive, as discussed in the preceding section.) In 3.5.1.2, the uses of the more independent conjunction na ‘and’ are discussed; for its presumed origin, see 3.4.9. Section 3.5.3 covers the different functions of -tsa, and 3.5.4 those of -batsik, the most common way to express a comparative notion. 3.5.1 -na 3.5.1.1 Contrastive -na The pragmatic notion that -na conveys in the examples below does not appear to have been described in the literature on Purik, Balti, and Ladakhi.108 Consider, for instance, the second part of (962), where -na puts a contrastive focus on its host, the referent of which is said to do the direct opposite of the topic of the preceding sentence. In this emphatic, contrastive function, -na can stand after a single argument in the absolutive (marking an actor or an undergoer), as in (962)–(964), an actor in the ergative, as in (965), an experiencer in the dative, as in (966), or a theme, as in (967). In none of these constructions does -na affect the role played by its host; the purpose of -na is to shift the topic to that host, often in order to contrast it to the previous topic. In (967), the new topic (‘exactly one cigarette’) stands in conflict with what is desired in the context (‘two cigarettes’). (962) jaraŋ tʃʰ-et-na



soŋ, ŋa-na dug-et you(h) go-crt-cnd go:imp I-cntr stay-crt If you (want to) go, go! As for myself, I will stay.

108  The emphatic and contrastive functions of -na are very similar to those described for WT ni (see Hahn 1996:63–64, who calls it ‘Isolationspartikel’), even after verbal nouns, where ni emphasizes the temporal or conditional notions conveyed by a preceding nominalization (cf. Hahn 1996:134). A cursory inspection of ni on OTDO suggests that it was used in a very similar way in OT. A possible explanation is that ni represents an original na that took the genitive case. Note that ni also found its way into Purik in a related function termed ‘syllogizing’ here, see 4.5.8.1.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

351

(963) A: ŋa di-ka dug-et I this-loc stay-crt I’m staying here.

B: ŋa-na tʃʰ-et-ni I-cntr go-crt-syl Then I’m going. (964)

kʰo-s mi ɲiska sat-tʃa jot-suk, tʃik-tʃik-po-na s/he-erg man both kill-inf2 ex-infr one-one-def-cntr ma ʃi neg die She wanted to kill both men; one of them, however, did not die. (965) A: ŋa-s

di tʃʰu-u tʰuŋ-m-et I-erg this water-def drink-inf-neg:ex.f I’m not drinking this water. B: ŋa-s-na tʰuŋ-et-ni I-erg-cntr drink-crt-syl Then I’m drinking it.

(966)

A: ŋa-a ʒimbo tsʰor I-dat tasty feel I liked it (food).

B: ŋa-a-na ʒimb-ek ma tsʰor I-dat-cntr tasty-indef neg feel Me, I didn’t like it. (967) sikret



tʃiktʃik-na kʰjoŋ-s cigarette one-cntr bring-pst I brought one cigarette only (but two people want one).

Examples (968)–(970) illustrate the emphatic and contrastive functions -na serves between a -tʃa infinitive and a copula.

352

Chapter 3

(968)

deemanna ane-w-a ze-s ta kʰoŋ ɬep-tʃa-na and.then wife-def-dat say-pst irr they arrive-inf2-cntr in zarur joŋ-tʃ-in ŋa tsal-e eq by.all.means come-inf2-eq I search-cnj Then he said to his wife: ‘Now, they will come here for sure, looking for me.’ (969)

A: lu-ʃ-in-a remain-inf2-eq-q Will I be able to keep (my toe or lose it from frostbite)? B: lu-ʃa-na in remain-inf2-cntr eq Of course (you) will! (I don’t know whether it will be ok, though.) (970) A: rdemo duk

di spera-o nice ex.t this word-def It’s nice, this word! B: duk-tʃa-o-na duk ex.t-inf2-def-cntr ex.t It may be nice, but that doesn’t mean that it’s correct. (lit. As far as its beauty is concerned, it is (beautiful).) Examples (971)–(975) illustrate that -na conveys similar contrastive notions after spatial and temporal adverbials. After the inessive in (971), -na indicates that the referenced state does not correspond to the desired one, implying that the addressee seems reluctant to help the speaker in evoking the desired state. After the locative in (972), it conveys that the speaker himself is reluctant to believe what he is seeing. And when following time adverbials, as in (973)–(975), -na conveys a contrastive focus on the time indicated by these adverbials.

(971) di kor-e-aŋ-na tʃa mana gaŋ-z duk, pʰet-tʃik this cup-g-ine-cntr tea very be.full-cnj ex.t half-indef pʰri-s reduce-imp This cup, however, is full of tea; reduce it by half!

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

353

(972)

kʰo mana par par pʰar-en-duk, tʃi soŋ tʃi s/he very drm drm bounce-sim-ex.t what went what ʃi, a-ka-na pʰar-en tʃ ʰ-en-duk shmat that-loc-cntr bounce-sim go-sim-ex.t He is moving his arms up and down wildly, who knows what happened, but he is moving around waving over there. (973) ʂkaŋ-po tʃʰaχ-se

jot-p-in, diriŋ-na calf-def be.broken-cnj ex-inf-eq today-cntr rdzi-n-duk, kʰo noro soŋ-se in-suk walk.carefully-sim-ex.t s/he good went-cnj eq-infr (Its) leg had been broken, but today (the cow) is walking carefully (again), (it) appears to have healed. (974)

sna-a-na kʰo ŋatʃ-i-re-r mana ʂtut-e early-dat-cntr s/he we.pe-gen-*that-loc very continue-cnj joŋ-ma-t-p-in, daχsa maa ɬeb-a-met come-inf-fct-inf-eq now very arrive-inf-neg:ex.f Earlier, however, he used to come to us very frequently; now, he doesn’t come anymore. (975) naa-m-na

soŋ-se met-in kʰo when\emph-abl went-cnj neg:ex.f-eq s/he And how long he’s been gone! (As if you didn’t know!?) The idiomatic daχsan-na ‘luckily’ in (976)–(978), consisting of daχsan ‘now’ and the contrastive -na, indicates that the speaker has enough information to state that a feared calamity did not occur. Nearly the opposite is expressed by doŋtʃʰet-po-na ‘to make things worse’ in (979).

(976) ŋj-i ʂkaŋ-a zermo joŋ-s, ri-a tʃ ʰa-tsa-na, I-gen calf-dat pain come-pst mountain-dat go-lim-cnd daχsan-na madi-s sman-tʃi kʰur-e jot-suk, now-cntr Mehdi-erg medicine-indef carry-cnj ex-infr do-o za-a-na ʈʰik soŋ, do-o-kato that-def eat-inf-cnd good went that-def-in.case met-p-in-na ʈʰik tʃʰa-tʃa-men-m-in neg:ex-inf-eq-cnd good go-inf2-neg:eq-inf-eq My calf hurt when we hiked into the mountains, but luckily, Mehdi had some medicine with him. Because I took the medicine, it was ok; if it hadn’t been for that medicine, it wouldn’t have been ok.

354

Chapter 3

(977)

kʰo-s ŋj-i-ka rdwa taŋ-s, daχsan-na ŋa-s laqpa s/he-erg I-g-loc stone give-pst now-cntr I-erg arm zuk ba-s-p-in, de-ka-na laqp-e-ka pʰoq, like.this do-pst-inf-eq that-loc-abl arm-def-g-loc hit met-p-in-na mik-pw-e-ka pʰoq-tʃa jot-suk neg:ex-inf-eq-cnd eye-def-g-loc hit-inf2 ex-infr He threw a stone at me, but luckily, I held my arm like this, so it (just) hit my arm. If it hadn’t been for my arm, it might have hit my eye.

(978)

daχsan-na χodaa-s struŋ-s now-cntr God-erg protect-pst Luckily, God protected (me)!

(979) doŋtʃʰet-po-na

ot-po ʃi bad.coincidence-def-cntr light-def die To all the bad luck, the electricity had to die, too! The contrastive function of -na is further illustrated in (980), where it repeatedly shifts the focus to each new abrupt movement the startled deer makes.

(980)

rik-tʃi-na ɬta-s, ʃrwit-tʃi-na ba-s, ruk-tʃi-na kʰums, ʈʰar-tʃi-na d-o-c109 look-pst d-o-c do-pst d-o-c shrink d-o-c ʂkjaŋ-s, tsat-tʃi-na tʃʰoŋs, par-tʃi-na pʰar, spread.out-pst d-o-c jump d-o-c bounce laŋs-e-na rgjap-s get.up-cnj-cnd hit-pst (The deer) looked, made ‘ʃrwit’, winced, spread out (its legs), jumped, bounced, and when (I) got up, it took off. Contrastive -na is also frequently used after the emphatic demonstrative dja ‘that exact’ in order to further highlight the fact that it relates to the same referent that has already been the topic, for instance in dja-na ʒaʁ-a ‘on that same day’, dja-n-e-ka duk ‘stay right there’, and dja-ne-r-pa ‘someone from that same place’; for a thorough discussion of dja(-na), see 3.3.1.6. It was mentioned in 3.4.9 that -na allows for multiple analyses especially when linking clauses. Hence, the clause-linking -na in (981)–(986), even if glossed as conditional (see 6.1.1), may also be analyzed as emphasizing the 109  The repeated gloss-combination drm-one-cntr is abbreviated to d-o-c here.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

355

notion expressed by the preceding nominalization; after the conjunctive -(s)e participle in (981) and (982), it emphasizes that two events are consecutive and not overlapping; after -tsa- in (983), it emphasizes that they take place at the same time; after the -pa infinitive in (984) and (985), it emphasizes the causal link between two event; and after the reduplicated infinitive in the dative in (986), it emphasizes that an event will occur before a second event takes place. (981) dja-a-kato pulis-la tsʰor-na kʰjeraŋ zun-e-na that.xct-def-in.case police-dat hear-cnd you catch-cnj-cnd paχspa kʰint-i tʃat-tʃ-in skin you:pl-gen cut-inf2-eq If the police should hear this, they will arrest you and cut off your skin. (982) kʰo-s

ɬtsaŋ-kʰan-po-la ʂmul rgj-ek s/he-erg raise-inf-def-dat rupee 100-indef taŋ-se-na dja-o ʒot-en-dug-et give-cnj-cnd that.xct-def brag-sim-stay-crt After he gave a beggar 100 rupees, he’s been bragging about it all the time.

(983)

tozar za-tsa-na nor gaŋma kug-et lunch eat-lim-cnd sheep all gather-crt He (a Kashmiri goat-herder) keeps all his sheep gathered while eating lunch.

(984)

maŋgal-p-e-aŋ pʰoq-pa-na sŋunpo marpo tʰoŋ-ma cheek-def-g-ine hit-inf-cnd green red be.visible-inf rgos-de need-pd Of course he saw green and red when he was hit on the cheek. (985)

namza maŋmo tʃʰa-a-na dj-u bi-tʃ-in, time a.lot go-inf-cnd this-def fall.off-inf2-eq bi-a-na ʈaŋʈaŋ tʃʰa-tʃ-in, dare dj-u fall.off-inf-cnd bleak go-inf2-eq now this-def tsʰettsʰet-de bristly-pd With a lot of time passing this will fall off; falling off, it will become bald; now it’s bristly (as you can see).

356

Chapter 3

(986)

zan za-za-a-na laqpa kʰʂu-se joŋ-et food eat-eat-dat-cntr hand wash-CNJ come-crt Before we eat, let (me) just wash my hands (lit. (I) will come (back) after washing my hands). 3.5.1.2 Coordinating na ‘and’ Before we illustrate how the conjunction na ‘and’ is used in Purik to coordinate two constituents, examples (987)–(994) below show that coordination is frequently expressed by juxtaposition alone. As illustrated in (987), coordinated verbal forms are most naturally construed as standing in a consecutive relationship. Coordinated nouns, on the other hand, most commonly denote the two most salient representatives of a collective, sometimes larger amount, such as bjandaq pʰoroq ‘birds of prey, crows’ in (988), sa raʁrik ‘earth, dirt’ in (989), ɬtʃetʰal kʰatʰal ‘slips of the tongue and other mistakes’ in (990), as well as kaŋpʰras laqpʰras ‘kicking of legs and arms’ and kaŋma laqpa ‘legs and arms’ in (991). Other coordinated nouns appear to have become bonded more tightly, for instance ane-mí in (992), lam-tʃʰú in (993), and bu-má, consisting of bu ‘upper millstone’ and a clipped mardan ‘lower millstone’, in (994). Note also that in the last example, ʁoroŋ ‘hole’ and zgaŋ ‘hill’ are coordinated with barga ‘sometimes’. Lastly, ataamá ~ atá amá ‘parents’ (lit. father and mother, also atá na amá) and nor baláŋ ~ nór baláŋ ‘sheep and cows’ are uttered with either one or two stress accents.110

(987) kʰo-s

ɬtʃar-t-suk kʰjer-t-suk s/he-erg weigh-euph-infr take.away-euph-infr He weighed (the gold) and took it (with him). (988) e-ka

nor-tʃik ʃi-se duk, de-ka mana that-loc sheep-one die-cnj ex.t that-loc very bjandaq pʰoroq maŋmo rup-se duk bird.of.prey crow a.lot swarm.in-cnj ex.t A dead sheep is lying over there; a lot of vultures and crows have swarmed in upon it.

110  These coordinations closely correspond to the Dvandva compounds of the Sanskrit grammarians. And some of them may be explained as hendiadyis, that is, a single concept that is expressed by means of two words, such as ɬtʃetʰal kʰatʰal in (990), or ʁoroŋ zgaŋ ‘notches and hills’ > ‘rough, uneven’.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

357

(989) rdab-a-na sɲum-ʃik tʃʰa-tʃ-in, de jot-p-i beat-inf-cnd smooth-indef go-inf2-eq that ex-inf-gen sa raʁrik gaŋma biŋ-tʃ-in earth dirt all come.out-inf2-eq When you beat (the wool), it becomes smooth, and the dirt all comes off. (990) ɬtʃe-tʰal



kʰa-tʰal soŋ-set-na maf bos tongue-slip mouth-slip went-res-cnd forgiveness do:imp diriŋ hei today ok? If I’ve made a few slips of the tongue, excuse (me) for today, okay?

(991)

kaŋpʰras laqpʰras b-et, kaŋma laqpa spar-et leg.effort arm.effort do-crt leg arm agitate-crt (The dog) is kicking with its four legs (before dying).

(992)

sjaʁa zer-ba-na d-o ɲiska ane-mi soŋ-se in pledge say-inf-cnd that-def both wife-man went-cnj eq After having taken a vow, these two have become man and wife.



(993) lam-tʃʰu-i-ka

ɬta-se soŋ way-water-g-loc look-cnj go:imp Take good care on the journey! (lit. Keep looking at the road and the water!)

(994)

buma ɲiska-a ʁom pʰut-tʃa, ʁoroŋ tʃ ʰa-tʃ-in, millstones both-dat hole punch-inf2 hole go-inf2-eq ʁoroŋ barga zgaŋ barga hole sometimes hill sometimes (You need) to punch holes into both millstones (so that) there will be notches, notches at some points, bulges at others. The conjunction na means ‘and’ in examples (995)–(1003).111 Generally, only the second of the two coordinated constituents is followed by the definite article even if the entire coordination is definite, as shown in (995)–(998) 111  The conjunction na is described in the same function for Purik in Bailey (1920:34) and Rangan (1979:14), and for Balti in Read (1934:90) and Bielmeier (1985:197), but not for Ladakhi or any Tibetan dialect farther east.

358

Chapter 3

and (1002). If it is indefinite, of course, no definite article is used at all, as exemplified in (999)–(1001). Rarely, if context allows, both coordinated constituents are marked as definite, as in (1003). (995)



bjama na semen-po ma gres-suk sand and cement-def neg be.mixed-infr The sand and the cement aren’t mixed properly.

(996) ordʒen taŋ-se tʃa su-tʃa, dekana mar taŋ-se milk give-cnj tea who-inf2 and.then butter give-cnj pʰjar-tʃa, ordʒen na mar-po taŋ-se-na pʰjar-tʃa winnow-inf2 milk and butter-def give-cnj-cnd winnow-inf2 After adding milk, the tea has to be prepared, then, after adding butter, it has to be churned; after adding milk and butter, it has to be churned. (997) rdwa na sa-o



bar pʰe-se ʒaʁ-et stone and earth-def space.between open-cnj put-crt I’m putting the stones and earth down separately.

(998) ali-s spaχ-se zos ʈaki na tʃa-o Ali-erg dip.in-cnj ate bread and tea-def Ali ate the bread dipping it in tea. (999)



muzi na ʃora stre-se tʰaq-pa-na sman tʃ ʰ-et sulfur and saltpeter mix-cnj grind-inf-cnd medicine go-crt Black powder is made by grinding a mixture of sulfur and saltpeter.

(1000) boŋbu



na ʂta dres-na tʃi skje-tʃ-in donkey and horse be.mixed-cnd what be.born-inf2-eq What will be born if (you) cross a donkey and a horse?

(1001) papa



na mar zgre-se mi za-tʃa flour.dish and butter be.mixed-cnj neg eat-inf2 (We) don’t eat papa and butter together.

(1002) papa



na mar-po zgre-se za-tʃa flour.dish and butter-def be.mixed-cnj eat-inf2 (We) eat the papa and the butter together.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

359

(1003) ri-a rawaq-po na ru-u ɲambo jot-p-in, dare mountain-dat goat-def and kid-def together ex-inf-eq now ru-u mi-nduk, bar be-se ga-r soŋ kid-def neg-ex.t space be.opened-cnj which-term went The goat and kid were together on the mountain, now the kid is gone; where did it go, away from its mother?

Similarly, only the second one of two coordinated constituents is marked as genitive in (1004). This may be contrasted with (1005), where the genitive follows also the first member in order to avoid ambiguity. Compare also (1006), where kaʈik-po ‘the twig’ must be construed as taking the genitive in conjunction with ʃumbraχs ‘bark’, modifying bar-j-aŋ-nuk ‘in the space between …’, even though only the first part is definite. Likewise, only the member is marked in the locative in (1007) and in the ergative in (1008) and (1009). (1004) ŋa-a

kʰo na kʰo-i miŋ-po nor-et I-dat s/he and s/he-gen name-def err-crt I mix up their names, I tend to mix (them) up.

(1005) ŋatʃ-i

na kʰir-i nor dres-suk we.pe-gen and you-gen sheep be.mixed-infr Our and your sheep have been mixed (and have to be separated).

(1006) pewan taŋ-tsa-na

kaʈik-po na ʃumbraχs-i scion give-lim-cnd twig-def and bark-gen bar-j-aŋ-nuk tʃʰurgjuks tʃ ʰ-et space.between-g-ine-term water.run go-crt When grafting, there is (lit. comes into being) a layer of water between the twig and its bark.

(1007) ʒbʒi na



(1008)

pʰet-i-ka baŋ zer-et four and half-g-loc adhan say-crt At half past four the adhan (prayer) is cried out.

ŋa na kʰje-s ʂtswa ʂop kʰur-en-dug-a zdu-s, I and you-erg grass a.lot carry-sim-ex.t-q compare-pst kʰjaŋ anmed jot-suk, ŋa kʰjuttʃan jot-suk you weak ex-infr I strong ex-infr We competed in who can carry more grass, you were weaker, I was stronger.

360 (1009)



Chapter 3

ŋa na kʰje-s kʰo-i-ka rduŋ-m-i tʃ ʰat b-et I and you-erg s/he-g-loc beat-inf-gen agreement do-crt Let’s make an agreement to beat him!

The conjunction na may also be repeated in order to convey the notion ‘neither … nor …’, that is, to indicate that neither of the two following negated propositions apply, as in (1010). Example (1011) illustrates that instead of na, an extended form hanna (where -na is again cliticized) performs the same functions.112 The corresponding affirmative construction is typically expressed by clitizing -na to either jaa or jaŋ ‘again, too’ before two (or more) alternative propositions. Another idiomatic construction that means ‘neither … nor …’ is restricted to contexts in which a place is found completely empty, as in (1012). Instead of the unanalyzable -rdi, used by Syed Mehdi, the corresponding construction used by Kacho Shabir, containing -rdzi ‘-smell’ instead, as in (1013), plausibly represents the original. A final example, (1014), once more illustrates the equivalent phrase with repeated hanna. (1010) kʰo doŋpʰalaŋpʰet in, kʰo na mi men na s/he on.the.brink eq s/he and man neg:eq and ane men woman neg:eq S/he’s on the brink (of falling into the hole, an expression from a game with coins), s/he’s neither man nor woman. (1011)

(han)na kʰo-s sawaq mi zer-ba-t, (han)na neither s/he-erg lesson neg say-inf-fct nor kʰo las-la mi tʃʰa-a-t s/he work-dat neg go-inf-fct Neither does he study nor does he go to work.

(1012) di jul-la mana kʰi-rdi mi-rdi mi-nduk, kʰi-aŋ this village-dat very dog-nor man-nor neg-ex.t dog-add mi-nduk, mi-aŋ mi-nduk zer-e, na kʰi mi-nduk, neg-ex.t man-add neg-ex.t say-cnj and dog neg-ex.t na mi mi-nduk and man neg-ex.t In this village, there’s not a living soul! That means, there’s neither dog nor man; there is no dog, and there is no man. 112  In Balti, Read (1934:66) describes hana ‘or’ and ha … ha ‘or, either, whether’, e.g. in ha dyu ha do ‘either this or that’.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

361

(1013) kʰi-rdzi



mi-rdzi mi-nduk dog-smell man-smell neg-ex.t There’s not a living soul (here)!

(1014) hanna kʰo-e-aŋ-nuk

mi mi-nduk, neither s/he-g-ine-term man neg-ex.t hanna kʰo-e-aŋ-nuk kʰi mi-nduk nor s/he-g-ine-term dog neg-ex.t There is neither a man there (i.e. in that village), nor a dog there. 3.5.2 Additive -aŋ ‘too, even’ The basic properties of additive (Forker 2015) -aŋ ‘too’ are illustrated in the examples below. It extends the previously established topic to include a new participant, and may co-occur with the absolutive, as in (1015), the ergative, as in (1016), and the dative, as in (1017). Note that in (1018), -aŋ directly follows the genitive possessor, indicating that the possessed (but not the possessor) is already topical. Example (1019) illustrates that -aŋ also occurs after adjectives. In (1020), the lack of a copula indicates that -aŋ itself may also serve as a predicate (see 4.5.5). (1015) ŋat-i

nono-aŋ tʃʰa-tʃ-in we.pi-gen little.brother-add go-inf2-eq Our little brother is going (there), too. (1016) kʰjer-es-aŋ z-et-a you-erg-add eat-crt-q Are you eating (some), too? (1017) kʰo-a-ŋ pata soŋ-se in-suk s/he-dat-add knowledge went-cnj eq-infr She appears to know (it), too. (1018) kʰir-i-aŋ ɬtw-a-kato zermo joŋ-m-et-a you-gen-add stomach-dat-in.case pain come-inf-neg:ex-q You don’t happen to have a stomach ache as well? (1019) serpo-aŋ

joŋ-ma-t yellow-add come-inf-fct There are also yellow ones (e.g. roses).

362

Chapter 3

(1020) kʰintaŋ sodetʃan-aŋ you.pl lucky-add You (foreigners) are so lucky!

Purik -aŋ also regularly indicates that ‘not even’ the referent denoted by its host is within the scope of the negated proposition that follows.113 Again, we find -aŋ after the absolutive in (1021) and (1022), representing the single participant of an intransitive clause and the second argument of a transitive clause respectively, after the ergative in (1023), and after the dative in (1024). Note that in (1025), su-a is not followed by -(a)ŋ because it is a rhetorical question rather than a statement with an emphasized scope. (1021) doŋtʃʰet-po-na

ot-aŋ ma duks bad.coincidence-def-cntr light-add neg be.lit And as if there hadn’t been enough bad coincidences, the light did not go on either!

(1022) tozar-po-aŋ ma za-a-na soŋ-se met-suk lunch-def-add neg eat-inf-cnd went-cnj neg:ex-infr Without even having lunch, he was gone. (1023) ŋa-s-aŋ

ʂtse-d-hei I-erg-add play-crt-ok? I’m playing, too, okay?

(1024) ʃoot

ba-se tʃʰ-et, su-a-ŋ ma steal.away\emph do-cnj go-crt who-dat-add neg tsʰor-tʃuk-pa hear-caus-inf I’m stealing away, without letting anybody know.

(1025)



tʃup tʃat-e dug-ou, kʰ-i su-a ʂtaχspa met quiet cut-cnj stay-hey you-gen who-dat knowledge neg:ex.f Shut up! Everybody knows about you (and that you’re bad)!

113  The corresponding Balti form, -saŋ (Read 1934:86, Bielmeier 1985:214), likely subtracted the final -s from a regularly preceding ergative. Ultimately, -aŋ may also be related to the inessive -j-aŋ(nuk) that appears to contain the genitive -i, see 3.4.8, and perhaps also in a similar way to jaŋ ‘again, other’.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

363

A peculiar use of additive -aŋ is attested after the emphatic affirmative tʃi ‘what’, as in (1026) and (1027). Examples (1028) and (1029) contain the same tʃi in addition to a conjunctive participle followed by -aŋ (see 6.2.2). (1026)

A: zangral-tʃi ma soŋ food.arrangement-indef neg went That wasn’t a decent dinner, I’m afraid [says the cook].

B: zangral tʃi-aŋ soŋ food.arrangement what-add went And what a dinner it was [says the guest]! (1027) tʃi-aŋ

ʒimbo jot-suk what-add tasty ex-infr And how tasty it was! (1028) tʃi



ba-se-aŋ joŋ kʰjaŋ what do-cnj-add come you Come by all means!

(1029) kʰo-s

tʃi ba-se-aŋ kʰo-a rgod joŋ-tʃuk-s s/he-erg what do-cnj-add s/he-dat laughter come-caus-pst He did everything he could to make her laugh. Example (1030) illustrates the use of additive -(a)ŋ after a -pa infinitive; the neutral negation of joŋ-et would be joŋ-ma-met, see 4.4.7.1. In (1031), -aŋ occurs after the clause-linking construction V-tsa-na ‘also when V-ing’.114 For the use of -aŋ after a wide variety of verbal hosts, see 4.5.5; its use after imperatives is exemplified in (1032), implying that the addressee has been reluctant to act in the way desired by the speaker.

114  As discussed in the introduction to 6.1, the construction V-na-ŋ ‘even if (she, it) V-s’ has a clearly concessive meaning in Purik, whereas in Ladakhi, it is analyzed as the neutral conditional V-naŋ by Koshal (1979).

364

Chapter 3

(1030) barga

joŋ-et, barga joŋ-ma-ŋ-met sometimes come-crt sometimes come-inf-add-neg:ex.f lo kʰatʃig-a joŋ-et, lo kʰatʃig-a year some-dat come-crt year some-dat joŋ-ma-ŋ-met come-inf-add-neg:ex.f Sometimes we have snow, sometimes we don’t. Some years we have snow, some years we don’t. (1031) ɬa



ʒuks-tsa-na-ŋ bam-ʃ-in spirit enter-lim-cnd-add rave-inf2-eq Also when one is possessed by a spirit, one will rave.

(1032) zer-aŋ-waa, ŋa-s su-a mi zer say-add-hey I-erg who-dat neg say Tell me, come on! I won’t tell anyone!

Additive -aŋ is clearly part of tʃaŋ ‘anything’ < tʃi-aŋ ‘what(ever)-add’.115 This tʃaŋ is most frequently used to emphasize negations, as shown in (1035) and (1037)–(1039), but it also frequently occurs in questions to denote an indefinite quantity, as in (1033), (1034), and (1036). It may stand on its own, as in (1033) and (1034), be followed or preceded by a mass noun with the indefinite article -tʃi(k), as in (1035) and (1036), by a noun without the indefinite article, as in (1037) and (1038), and emphatically repeated after an intermediate na, as in (1039). (1033) bazar-na

tʃaŋ kʰjoŋ-tʃa jot-a bazaar-abl anything bring-inf2 ex-q Do you need anything from the bazaar?

(1034) tʃaŋ



za-tʃ-in-a anything eat-inf2-eq-q Will you eat anything (with the tea)?

115  A stem-final -i is, at least in high frequency expressions, regularly lost before -a in Purik, as in tʃi-a ‘why, for what reason’, which is often pronounced [tʃaa]. At least in Pelliot tibétain 1047 (as found on OTDO), cang, on cursory inspection, appears to emphasize negations as in Purik, which would suggest that the contraction tʃi-aŋ > tʃaŋ had happened before OT.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

365

(1035) kʰo-e-ka-na

kʰjaŋ-a tʃaŋ zdokʰar-tʃik s/he-g-loc-abl you-dat anything harm-indef joŋ-tʃa-men come-inf2-neg:eq No harm will come to you from his side.

(1036) zan-tʃi tʃaŋ jot-a food-indef anything ex-q Do you have anything to eat? (1037) kʰo-a

tʃaŋ tʃʰaq met, s/he-dat anything concern neg:ex.f He doesn’t worry about anything.

(1038) di-ka zan gu-se jot-na-kato kʰo-s this-loc food be.spilled-cnj ex-cnd-in.case s/he-erg za-tʃ-in tʃaŋ tʃʰaq ma ba-a eat-inf2-eq anything concern neg do-inf If, for instance, food had been spilled here, he would eat it without making a fuss about it. (1039) tʃaŋ



na tʃaŋ ma biŋ pene anything and anything neg come.out money Nothing came out at all, no money at all.

3.5.3 Delimitative -tsa The basic function of the clitic -tsa in Purik is ‘delimitative’ in that it delimitates an amount (referring to any scale). In many contexts, however, -tsa conveys a ‘limitative’ notion; that is, it implies that the restricted amount has the potential to be larger.116 In other words, in many contexts, ‘about that much’ and ‘about that far’ tend to be interpreted as ‘only about that much’ and ‘only about that far’. I will demonstrate in this section that the basic function of -tsa is neutrally delimitative, as in dj-u-ts-ek ‘of the size of this’ (containing the indefinite -ik) and e-tsa-a ‘(some distance) away (from the speaker)’, and that its limitative interpretation is prompted by certain contexts, namely when its host is already clearly delimited without -tsa. Two typical 116  I have not found descriptions of grammatical morphemes serving this or a similar function in other languages; the primarily nominal function of Purik -tsa must not be confused with the ‘delimitative aspect’ described for Russian by Dickey (2007).

366

Chapter 3

contexts which thus trigger a limitative construal are personal pronouns, such as ŋaraŋ-tsa ‘I myself only’, and perfective deverbal nouns, such as V-s-pa-tsa ‘only what has been V-ed’.117 The clitic -tsa serves its basic, neutrally delimitative function after demonstratives or the interrogative adverb tsam ‘how much, how big’. Thus, dja-a-tsa ‘this big’ in (1040) describes the size of the following noun naŋ-tʃik ‘a house’, and the indefinite do-o-ts-ik ‘to that extent’ in (1041) specifies the following adjective rgatpo ‘old’. Example (1042) illustrates similar uses of the interrogative adverb tsam-ts-ik ‘to what extent’ and, employed in the answer, demonstrative dja-a-ts-ik ‘about this big’. A neutral delimitative function is also served by -tsa after the emphatically affirmative form of the interrogative adverb, tsa-a-m-ts-ek ~ -ik ‘how, to such a degree’ (see 3.3.3.5), modifying the adjective tʃʰo(ʁ)o ‘big’ in (1043) and the compound verb kʰaspa ba ‘use one’s wit’ in (1044). That the neutrally delimitative construal of -tsa is also possible after nominal hosts is exemplified by naŋ-po-ts-ik ‘about of the size of the house’ in (1045). (1040) dja-a-tsa

naŋ-tʃik bru-tʃuk-s that.xct-def-lim house-indef dig-caus-pst (H)e had (them) dig a cave of this size.

(1041)



ŋa do-o-ts-ik rgatpo men I that-def-lim-ex.t old neg:eq I’m not that old!

(1042)

A: qalam-po tsam-ts-ik riŋmo duk pen-def how.much-lim-indef long ex.t About how long is the pen? B: dja-a-ts-ik duk that.xct-def-lim-indef ex.t It’s about this long.

117  Both the limitative and neutrally delimitative functions are also attested for Balti, the former in tsa ‘only’, and the latter in tse ‘about’ (Read 1934:34); Bielmeier’s (1985:228) tse ‘ungefähr, etwa, nur’ appears to serve both functions; the vowel of tse likely reflects the indefinite article -ik. Note that traces of tsa (or the cognate tsam ‘how much’) are perhaps found in all varieties of Tibetan.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

367

(1043) kʰo



tsaam-ts-ik tʃ ʰoʁo duk s/he how.much\emph-lim-indef big ex.t How big s/he is!

(1044) ŋa-s

tsaam-ts-ek kʰaspa ba-s, ŋa-s I-erg how.much\emph-lim-indef wise do-pst I-erg bri-s, mana kʰo ma duk-s, tʃup-tʃik ma calm.down-pst very s/he neg stay-pst quiet-indef neg tʃa-s cut-pst No matter how much I tricked (the baby) and tried to calm him down, he just didn’t stay (calm), didn’t shut up.

(1045) A: kʰir-i but-po tsam-ts-ik duk you-gen shoe-def how.much-lim-indef ex.t About how big is your shoe?

B: naŋ-po-ts-ik duk house-def-lim-indef ex.t It’s about as big as the house. After the demonstrative e ‘the other’ in (1046)–(1048) and the relator nouns rgjap ‘back’ and gjen ‘above’ in (1051)–(1053), -tsa profiles a particular point whose location must be inferred from context. In (1046), for instance, the point designated by the dative e-tsa-a is loosely defined as a point some distance from the fire, that is, a point at which the addressee may be expected not to get scorched or otherwise hurt by the fire. The same dative relates to the goal of an event in (1047); and (1048) illustrates its frequently used augmentative form e-tsa-a-r-ik, which indicates that the profiled point is a little farther away from the deictic center than the addressee’s current location – how much farther must be inferred from context. Its opposite di-tsa-ar-ik, in (1049), must be similarly interpreted, as does the interrogative ga-tsa-ar-ik ‘about how far away from here’ in (1050). Crucially, however, the ideal distances implied in (1046)–(1050) are readily interpreted as minimal, that is, as the shortest possible distances allowed by the respective contexts, and this reinterpretation corresponds to a limitative reading of -tsa. (1046) me-e

tʃʰan-la ma joŋ, e-tsa-a duk fire-gen side-dat neg come the.other-lim-dat stay Don’t come near the fire! Stay away (from it)!

368

Chapter 3

(1047) tsʰaqtsik e-tsa-a



nur a.little the.other-lim-dat move Move a little to the side!

(1048) e-tsa-ar-ik

nur the.other-lim-aug-indef move Move to the side a bit! (1049) di-tsa-ar-ik joŋ this-lim-aug-indef come Come a little towards me! (1050) ga-tsa-ar-ik

which-lim-aug-indef About where (can we get gasoline)? The same ambiguity applies when the host is a relator noun, as in rgjap-tsa-arik ‘a little backwards’, gjen-tsa-ar-ik ‘a little upwards’, and gjen-tsa-a ‘upwards’ in (1051)–(1053). In these examples, -tsa profiles a point some distance from the deictic center, which corresponds to the addressee’s location with the imperative in (1051), the current position of the sleeve in (1053), and a topicalized location in (1052), but it may also be interpreted as profiling a point at the shortest possible distance from the deictic center.

(1051) rgjab-tsa-ar-ik

kʰjer back-lim-aug-indef take.away Pull back (the car) a little bit!

(1052) d-o-batsik gjen-tsa-ar-ik tʰuk that-def-comp up-lim-aug-indef meet (We) met a little ways up from there. (1053)

pʰutums-po rdze-s, gjen-tsa-a rdze-s sleeve-def roll.up-imp up-lim-dat roll.up-imp Roll up your sleeve! Roll it up! The neutrally delimitative function of -tsa is in some constructions metaphorically or metonymically extended from the domain of space to that of time. Thus, it designates a point in time both with the interrogative tsam ‘how much’ in (1054) and the anaphoric de-tsʰaq-tsa-a ‘until that (point in time)’

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

369

in (1055). It serves the same function with -na (which is perhaps construed in its original locative meaning, see 3.4.9) in the adverbial expressions detsa-na ‘at that time’118 and ode-tsa-na ‘at that very time’, as well as in the clausesubordinating construction V-tsa-na ‘when V takes place’, as in (1056) and (1057), and V-tsa ɲambo, as in (1057).119 (1054) tsam-tsa-a tʃʰ-et ŋataŋ when-lim-dat go-crt we.pi At what time do we leave? (1055)



de tsʰaq-tsa-a ŋa haʈi-a tʃik soŋ-se joŋ-et that until-lim-dat I store-dat indef went-cnj come-crt By (about) then, I will have gone to the bazaar and come back.

(1056) e-en roza-a duk-tsa-na zba-se tʰuŋ-ma the.other-pl fasting-dat stay-lim-cnd hide-cnj drink-inf rgo-ʃ-in need-inf2-eq While the others are fasting (you) need to drink secretly. (1057) pʰru pʰiŋ-tsa-na

pup bups-e duk-tʃ-in, child put.out-lim-cntr drm brood-cnj stay-inf2-eq ʈʰul taŋ-tsa ɲambo egg give-lim together When (the hen) lays (her) chicks, (she) starts brooding right away, right when (she) lays (her) eggs. If the host of -tsa denotes a clearly delimited entity, -tsa it tends to be interpreted as limitative. That is, it indicates that only the preceding nominal participates in the event designated by the predicate, which clearly derives from the redundancy created when an already delimited entity or mass is delimited again. This is obligatory, and most evident, in connection with ŋa-raŋ ‘I myself’ in (1058). In (1059) and (1060), however, -tsa may not only be analyzed limitatively but also as indicating that the preceding mass is not to be taken exactly. The limitative interpretation appears to be favored in (1061), where -tsa 118  WT de’i tsha na “zu jener Zeit” (Hahn 1996:91) suggests that this extension was possible also in WT. 119  Note that the equivalence of V-tsa-na and V-tsa-ɲambo ~ V-tsa-na-jambo suggests that the clause-combining -na in V-tsa-na may also be analyzed as a comitative case marker.

370

Chapter 3

relates to a (relatively short, in context) duration of time. A context in which only the limitative reading is possible is shown in (1062). Note that -tsa is accentuated and lengthened in this example. It appears that the limitative -tsa must be accentuated after three or more consecutive non-accentuated (and therefore low) syllables (i.e. pándʒ rupjapa-tsá). Examples (1063) and (1064) show that -tsa may serve the same limitative function in clause-combining constructions. This is evident after the relative clause in (1063), which may be paraphrased as ‘only what s/he felt like eating’. The same construction relates to the domain of time in (1064), which translates as ‘only when (it) came to mind by itself’. In both of these constructions, -tsa may or may not be accentuated, that is, pronounced at a higher pitch and/or be lengthened. (1058) ŋa-raŋ-tsa joŋ-s

I-self-lim come-pst I came on my own. (1059) tsopo-gaŋ-tsa ɬuk bucket-full-lim pour Fill in only one bucketful! (1060) tsepo-gaŋ-re-tsa

kʰjoŋ-tʃa basket-full-each-lim bring-inf2 (Everybody should just) bring one basketful each. (1061) kʰo



ʒaχ-ʃik-tsa duk-s s/he day-one-lim stay-pst She stayed only for one day.

(1062) pandʒ rupia-pa-tsá



duk five rupee-assoc-lim ex.t There is only a five rupee bill (in my wallet).

(1063) kʰo-raŋ-a

za-sɲi joŋ-s-pa-tsa zos s/he-self-dat eat-DES come-pst-inf-lim ate He ate only what he felt like eating.

(1064) kʰo-raŋ



itug joŋ-s-pa-tsa joŋ-s s/he-self memory come-pst-inf-lim come-pst Only when it came to mind by itself did I remember.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

371

Another way to express the notion ‘only’, perhaps the most common one when relating to a property or state, is by means of a construction essentially consisting of the conjunctive participle of the negated equative copula, i.e. men-e, followed by another negation, as illustrated in (1065) and (1066). Note that in the second example, the negation of the -pa infinitive of the existential copula, i.e. met-pa, is due to the fact that the preceding subordinate conjunctive participle sat-e involves the disappearance of an entity. (1065) jarken-i buksuk skams-e men-e nor-la mi Yarkand-gen trefoil dry-cnj n:eq-cnj sheep-dat neg taŋ-ma-t give-inf-fct The Yarkand (violet) trefoil is only given to the sheep after it has dried (otherwise the sheep have trouble digesting it). (1066) kʰo



ŋat-es sat-e met-pa men-e mi ʒaq s/he we.pi-erg kill-cnj neg:ex-inf neg:eq-cnj neg put (We) must not let him get away unkilled (by us).

3.5.4 Comparative -batsik Comparative constructions are formed by cliticizing -batsik to the denotatum of the entity to which another entity (in the absolutive) is compared, as illustrated in (1067)–(1069).120 Example (1070) shows that the superlative is similarly coded, except that -batsik follows saq ‘all’. In (1071), two locations are compared by -batsik, and in the clause-combining construction in (1072) and the superlative in (1073) two points in time are compared (i.e. V-pa-batsik sna-a/dun-la ‘before V-ing’).

120  Note that both syllables of -batsik are consistently deaccented. Rangan (1979:146) lists the form batsik beside basaṅ (147), a reflex of which is found in Bailey (1920:7), namely wasaṅ, as used in the sentence tshaṅma wăsăṅ rgyalba in ‘he is better than all, he is best’ (taken up in Sharma 2004:70). For Balti, Read (1934:22) describes a comparative patse (clearly related to Purik batsik), e.g. in do patse lyaxmo ‘better than that’, in the superlative tshoq patse ‘above all’ (34), and in dopatse ‘moreover’ (100). Purik batsik and Balti patse likely reflect indefinite delimitative forms of the focus marker pa, suggesting that WT comparative pas, the instrumental of the nominal particle pa (Hahn 1996:201), evolved only after Purik and Balti had split off.

372

Chapter 3

(1067) kʰo-batsik

ŋa tʃʰoo in s/he-comp I big eq I’m bigger than he.

(1068) kʰjeraŋ kargilo-pa-n-i-ka

traχ-se tʃ ʰ-et, you Kargilo-assoc-pl-g-loc win-cnj go-crt kʰoŋ-batsik spera maŋmo ʃes-et they-comp word a.lot know-crt You are better than the people from Kargilo by now, (you) know more words than they. (1069) lo

ʁa-batsik tʰal-e sme-se in, maa ɬjaχmo year five-comp exceed-cnj endure-cnj eq very good jot-suk ex-infr I’ve been wearing (it) for more than five years; it was very good (a shoe).

(1070) saq-batsik tʃʰoo su

in all-comp big who eq Who is the biggest/tallest of all? (1071) d-o-batsik gjen-tsa-ar-ik tʰuk that-def-comp up-lim-aug-indef meet (We) met a little ways up from there. (1072) ŋa kʰjaŋ in-m-in-na

ʈʰup tʃ ʰa-a-batsik sna-a I you eq-inf-eq-cnd dark go-inf-comp early-dat tʃʰ-ok-pa go-pot-foc If I were you, I would go before it gets dark. (1073) peh-la

lo ʒbʒi snan-la joŋ-s-p-in (saq-batsik first-dat year four early-dat come-pst-inf-eq (all-comp snan-la) early-dat) I first came here four years ago.

Noun Phrases – Discourse-structuring Morphemes

373

When -batsik follows and subordinates an infinitive (and is itself not followed by a temporal adverb indicating anteriority) as in (1074)–(1076), it indicates that the speaker prefers the option expressed in the main clause to that expressed by the subordinate infinitive. (1074) zgam-ba-batse(g)

rduŋ-na rgjal threaten-inf-comp hit-cnd be.ok Instead of threatening (him), it’s better to hit (him).

(1075) baχston



ba-a-batsik ŋa-s urdu ɬtsap-s-p-in marriage do-inf-comp I-erg Urdu study-pst-inf-eq Instead of marrying, I learned Urdu.

(1076) kʰjeraŋ hjaŋ-a

tʃʰa-a-batsik, ŋa soŋ-ʃik-pa-ŋ you down-dat go-inf-comp I go:imp-opt-inf-add Instead of you falling down, I would rather fall down. Note that the comparative-like augmentative marker -ra (often -r-e(k) due to a following indefinite article) is discussed in 3.1.4.

Chapter 4

Sentences Sentences in Purik obligatorily contain a predicate. Hence, any of the noun phrases discussed in 3 are regularly omitted when inferrable from context. Arguments are those noun phrases that need to be expressed either overtly or implicitly. The cases in which they occur are discussed with the argument structure of the different verbs in 4.1.4. The argument structure of a Purik verb follows from the derivational processes of Proto-Tibetan, which have ceased to be productive in Purik but may still be recognized there thanks to its phonological conservativity, as demonstrated in 4.1.1. The causative s- and its variant z-, discussed in 4.1.2, appear to have been productive also in later stages of the Purik history. A few honorific verbs are mentioned in 4.1.3. The only stem-­ derivational process that is fully productive in Purik is indirect-causative -tʃuk, for which see 4.1.4. The inflectional processes yielding past and imperative stems are discussed in 4.1.5. As in the other chapters of this book, the description of the Purik sentence procedes from the core to the periphery. Having described the formal and functional properties of verbal roots and the stems derived from these in 4.1 as sketched in the preceding paragraph, the two subsequent sections focus on how more complex predicates may be formed from verbs by combining the nominalization strategies discussed in 4.2 with the auxiliaries discussed in 4.3. How predicates are rendered finite with and without copulas is thoroughly described in 4.4. Section 4.5 discusses additional morphemes that may be added to finite clauses in Purik. The various nominalizing strategies found in Purik are discussed in 4.2. Those that are most frequently employed to form both complex predicates in combination with auxiliaries (4.3) and finite clauses in combination with copulas (4.4) include the conjunctive -(s)e participle (4.2.1), the progressive -en participle (4.2.2), the -pa infinitive (4.2.3), and the -tʃa infinitive (4.2.4). More particular complex predicates may be formed, for instance, with the nominalizers -tʰik indicating a ‘right amount’ (4.2.7), -duru ‘until’ (4.2.10), and emphatic completive -tʰaq (4.2.13). It is important to note at this point that most of the nominalizers discussed in 4.2 not only serve to link two verbs in order to form a complex predicate but also to subordinate an entire clause to another clause or to a noun. Hence, even if constructions that describe a single event are generally discussed in chapter 4 and those that describe more than one event in chapter 6, the basic properties

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi 10.1163/9789004366312_005

Sentences – Verbal Stems

375

of all nominalizing strategies are discussed in 4.2. As a consequence, we will see that the cut-off between mono- and biclausal functions is not always easy to draw, especially regarding the constructions V1–se V2 and V1–en V2. Section 4.3 focuses on the auxiliaries that are used to form complex predicates with the nominalizations discussed in 4.2. These include the basic motion verbs tʃʰa ‘go’, its past stem soŋ ‘went’, and joŋ ‘come’ (4.3.1) and their transitive counterparts kʰjer ‘take away’ and kʰjoŋ ‘bring’ (4.3.3). Durative duk (4.3.2) stems from the full verb duk ‘stay, sit’, whose PT eventive simple past *’dug ‘was there’ is shown in 4.4 to have also been reanalyzed as a testimonial existential copula. The light verbs taŋ ‘give, put’ (4.3.4) and ba ‘do’ (4.3.5) form complex predicates with a wide variety of complements. Less frequent light verbs are tap ‘strike, apply’ and pʰaŋ ‘throw’ (4.3.6). Note that the verb ba may also be employed after V-pa-r-ik (V-inf-aug-indef) ‘a little towards V-ing’ to indicate the inception of an action. The conjunctive participle of the verb zer ‘say’ has acquired the functions of a complementizer, as discussed in 4.3.7. And how modals take -pa infinitives instantiating their complements is shown in 4.3.8. As in the inceptive V-pa-r-ik ba mentioned in the preceding paragraph, the nominalizations discussed in 4.2 are regularly modified by two formants whose basic functions are served in NPs, namely either a combination of the augmentative -r(a)- (3.1.4) and the indefinite article -ik (3.2.3), or the indefinite article alone. After verbal nominalizations, the indefinite article generally indicates indefiniteness in the sense that the link that holds between two events is less defined or less strong than indicated by the nominalizer, e.g. with the prospective -tʃa in V-tʃ-eg jot ‘(I) might V’ and V-duru-ik ba ‘wait (about) until (she) V-s’. Nominalization may be modified by a combination of the indefinite article and the augmentative -r(a)- to signal that an event takes place to some indefinite degree only, e.g. V-pa-r-ik tʃʰa ‘become a little V-ed’ (4.3.1.7) and the previously mentioned V-pa-r-ik ba. We will see in chapter 6 that both these morphemes serve the same functions while linking two clauses, e.g. in ma V-ba-r-ik ‘a little before V-ing’ and V-na-r-ik ‘if (she) happens to V’, and in relative clauses, e.g. in V-tʰik-tʃik ‘about as much as is needed in order to V’, except that -tʃik alone may also highlight singularity (rather than indefiniteness) especially in relative clause constructions, e.g. in V-kʰan-tʃik ‘someone who V-s’, and in subordinate adverbial clauses relating to a particular point in time, e.g. in V-en-tʃik ‘while V-ing’ and V-pa-tʃik ‘right when (she) V-ed’. Section 4.4 discusses the various ways in which finite clauses are formed, most of which involve at least one of the existential and equative copulas, whose basic meanings and origins are discussed in 4.4.1.1. In short, there are two evidentially contrasting basic existential copulas, factual jot (WT yod) and testimonial duk (WT ’dug), but only a single, and as a consequence, evidentially

376

Chapter 4

neutral, equative copula, in (WT yin). Whenever an existential copula or a suffix deriving from such a copula is used, it is construed from the perspective of the informant instantiated by the speaker in a simple statement, the addressee in a simple question, and the source in a simple reported speech clause, as explained in 4.4.1.2. Constructions in which only forms deriving from the factual existential copula occur are discussed in 4.4.1.3, constructions in which only testimonial forms occur in 4.4.1.4. The finite clauses that do not contain a copular component are discussed in 4.4.2. Simple past stems are used to describe past events with an -s suffix if transitive, such as tri-s ‘(s/he) asked’, and without a suffix if intransitive, such as ʃi ‘(s/he) died’. Simple non-past verb stems are used in questions about the speaker’s own immediate future, as in jaŋ taŋ-a ‘should (I) give (you) more?’ Apart from constructions in which a copula is elided, the remaining finite clauses in Purik contain one of the copulas or a suffix deriving from a copula. The simplest finite clauses consist only of an equational copula, in, past in-min, or inferential in-suk, one of the existential copulas, factual jot, testimonial duk, past factual jot-p-in, or past direct evidential jot-suk (single testimony) or duk-p-in (multiple testimony), as shown in 4.4.3. In order to form more complex finite clauses, one of the nominalizations discussed in 4.2 is affixed to one of the mentioned copulas, or a verbal stem is directly followed by a suffix that results from the fusion of a nominalizer and the equative copula, such as -tʃin < -tʃa in (4.4.4.2) and -p-in < -pa in (4.4.9.5), or from the fusion of the PT stative -s suffix and one of the existential copulas, inferential -suk and factual resultative -set (4.4.6), or a suffix that reflects one of the existential copulas, certaintive prospective V-et < V-yod (4.4.8.1) and potential prospective V-(t/n) uk (4.4.8.2), which was backformed from inferential *V-s(d)uk < *V-s-’dug, as discussed in 4.4.1.1. The goal of 4.4 is to show that all the complex finite clauses in Purik are strictly compositional. Hence, the copulas consistently serve the functions sketched above when occurring after the prospective -tʃa infinitive (4.4.4), the conjunctive -(s)e participle (4.2.5), the progressive -en participle (4.4.7), and the -pa infinitive (4.4.9). Note that the negated verbal inflections are each discussed together with their affirmative correspondences. Generally, negation is accomplished in the following way – the main verb is immediately preceded by ma in perfective constructions and by mi in imperfective constructions. This aspectual distinction most adequately accounts for the complementary use of the negating particles; ma is not only used in past forms, such as ma V-s(-p-in) ‘did not V’, but also in prohibitives, such as ma V ‘don’t V!’, and questions about one’s own future actions, such as ma V-a ‘should I not V?’; and mi not only occurs in future expressions, such as mi V ‘will not V’, but also in habituals, such as mi V-pa-t

Sentences – Verbal Stems

377

‘one does not V’. The fact that mi-nduk is the negated form of the copula duk not only indicates that the testimonial copula arose before the nasal preradicals were lost word-initially, it also allows us to postulate that met accordingly derives from *mi yod (and not ma yod), since both negated existential copulas refer to a state that holds at the moment of speaking. Section 4.5 discusses further morphemes of various origins that may be added to the obligatory parts of the finite clauses discussed in 4.4. Interrogative -a (4.5.1) stands out from the other morphemes discussed in 4.5 in that it is the only morpheme directly expressing illocutionary force. Hence, it is also the only morpheme that is obligatory in certain contexts, namely questions. The facultative nature of the other morphemes described in 4.5 is reflected by the fact that they may not be used within a finite clause. Instead, they generally occur either as suffixes after a finite clause or as particles preceding it. Those that only occur as suffixes include the focus marker -pa (4.5.2), assumptive-inferential -tʃapo (4.5.3), corroborative -to (4.5.4), optative and plural imperative -ʃik (4.5.5), and additive -aŋ (4.5.6). Quotative (-)lo (4.5.7) is not only used as a suffix but also as a finite verb meaning ‘said’, which is borne out by the assumption that it reflects the eventive PT simple past *lab ‘said’. The clause-final demonstratives, proximate (-)de and obviate (-)e (4.5.8), may not only occur as suffixes but also function as existential copulas, however, which historically reflect demonstratives suffixed to sentences in which the predicate is elided. The remaining morphemes discussed in 4.5 may be used either as suffixes at the end of the sentence or as particles at the beginning of the sentence include the four morphemes that end in a long -ii (4.5.9), syllogizing nii, demanding gii, confirmation-seeking tʃii, and wondering hii, irreal ta (4.5.10), hei ‘ok?’ and a few related morphemes seeking confirmation from the hearer (4.5.11), wheedling iʃ(u) (4.5.12), hesitative jaa (4.5.13), and the vocatives including ʒu, le, wa, la, ka, no, and bu (4.5.14). 4.1

Verbal Stems

The present section deals with properties of the Purik verbal roots and the stems derived from these. While the only derivational stem marker that is fully productive in Purik appears to be the indirect-causative -tʃuk discussed in 4.1.4, the phonological conservativity of Purik allows us to recognize a number of stem markers that were productive in Proto-Tibetan, as discussed in 4.1.1. A prefix that appears to have been productive also during later stages in the history of Purik is the causative s- discussed in 4.1.2. A few honorific verbs are mentioned in 4.1.2. Section 4.1.4 thoroughly discusses the argument

378

Chapter 4

structure of different Purik verbs. The valency-changing operation of the causative-permissive -tʃuk is decribed in 4.1.4. Section 4.1.5 discusses forms and functions of the inflectional past and imperative stems. While the former has an -s suffix for transitive verbs only, the latter has an -s suffix for controllable verbs ending in vowels only. In addition, imperatives of verbs with an -a- in their root receive an -o- in the imperative. 4.1.1 Reconstructing the Verbal Morphology of Proto-Tibetan Thanks to the phonological conservativity of Purik, we are able to recognize many traces of the stem distinction of Proto-Tibetan, the common ancestor of all written and spoken varieties of Tibetan. Observing that the different onsets and suffixes found in WT transitive paradigms each serve diverging functions in Purik, Zemp (2016) reconstructs the PT verbal system that allows for the most plausible and economic account of these divergences. While this is not the place to explain how the stems with different onsets grammaticalized as transitive present, past, future, and imperative stems in WT, I will briefly summarize here the basic features of the reconstructed PT verbal system and show that the different stems are reflected by lexicalized Aktionsarten in Purik. The Purik verb pairs shown in Tables 68 and 69 preserve the PT distinction between active verbs with a voiceless onset and passive verbs with a voiced onset. This distinction was clearly inherited from Tibeto-Burman.1 Note that the original passive and active stems were respectively reanalyzed as present and past stems of transitive verbs in WT. In Purik, they have each lexicalized in different Aktionsarten reflecting their original functions. The two groups of verb pairs also provide the main clue for the reconstruction of the original function of the -s suffix. While the original passives listed in Table 68 generally have an -s suffix in both Purik and WT, those in Table 69 generally lack a suffix in Purik but have or reflect a -d suffix in WT. The semantic difference between the two groups of passive verbs suggests that the -s originally had a stative meaning and was thus regularly added to telic verbs to describe the result of an event. By contrast, atelic verbs were canonically used without an -s suffix to describe past events. In order for them to be reanalyzed as present stems of transitive verbs in WT, however, they needed a -d suffix, which must have originally had a nominalizing function.2

1  Benedict (1972:124) reconstructs the TB alternations *bar ~ *par ‘burn’, *be ~ *pe ‘broken, break’, *byar ~ *pyar ‘affix, plait, sew’, *gwa-n ~ *kwa-n ‘put on clothes’, and *du-t ~ *tu-t ‘joint, tie, knot’, among others. 2  The Purik evidence of the nominalizing -d is discussed in Zemp (2016:§2.5).

379

Sentences – Verbal Stems Table 68

Purik intransitive verbs : transitive WT present stems (both with -s)

Purik

Written Tibetan (transitive)

Intransitive < Z-phasive

Transitive < A-phasive

Simple past: -ø

Simple past: -s

gaŋ ‘be filled’a gaχs ‘be blocked’ gaps ‘crouch (< *coveredd)’ daq ‘come off’ doχs ‘be annoyed (< *attached)’ baps ‘go down’ ʒuks ‘enter’ zuk ‘be stung, pricked’

skaŋ ‘fill’b kaq ‘block’ kap ‘cover’ stjaq ‘lift’ taq ‘attach’ pʰap ‘put down’ tʃuk ‘put in’ tsuk ‘sting’

Present

Past

’gengsc ’geg(s) ’gebs ’degs ’dogs ’bebs ’jug ’dzugs

bkang bkag bkab btag btags phab bcug btsugs

a  The verbs gaŋ ‘be filled’, daq ‘come off’, and zuk ‘be stung, pricked’ lack an -s in Purik because they predominantly described past events in its ancestor, and they have an -s in WT because they predominantly described the results of past events in the ancestor of WT. b  The inherited causative s- appears to have remained productive in Purik (as well as Balti and Ladakhi) after it had split off from the other dialects. In verbs such as skaŋ (also found in Balti in the same form) and stjaq, it may therefore have replaced an original b- prefix. All the other transitive verbs of Table 72 in both Purik and Balti lack and thus presumably lost a b- reflected by the corresponding perfective stems in Amdo Tibetan, e.g., Themchen ndzəç, ptsəç ‘plant’ and ŋgoχ, kwaχ < *pkaχ ‘block’. c  The original -a- must have been palatalized by the postfinal -s in ’gengs, ’gegs, ’gebs, ’degs, and ’bebs. d  For the OT use of gabs ‘be covered’, see Zemp (2016).

Returning to the PT distinction between actives with a voiceless onset and passives with a voiced onset, broad evidence suggests that these two stems contrasted with a third PT stem with a voiceless aspirated onset describing the event as such.3 Hence, Zemp (2016) proposes to view the three PT stems as focusing on three different phases of an event. The active stems or ‘A-phasives’ described the initial phase or instigation of an event, the passive stems or ‘Z-phasives’ described the final phase or result of an event, and the dynamic 3  The TB evidence for this third stem is inconclusive.

380 Table 69

Chapter 4 Purik intransitive verbs without -s : transitive WT present stems with -d

Purik

Written Tibetan (transitive)

Intransitive < Z-phasive

Transitive < A-phasive

Present

Past

bi(t) ‘fall out’ be ‘be opened’ bo ‘be spilled’ biŋ ‘come/go out/up’ bri ‘become less’ goq ‘come off’ ʒik ‘be damaged’

pʰi ‘pull out, tear out’ pʰe ‘open’ pʰo ‘spill’ pʰiŋ ‘take/put out’ pʰri ‘make less’ koq ‘snatch away’ ʃik ‘destroy’, Balti pʰʃik

’byid ’byed ’bo ’byina ’brid ’gogb ’jig

phyis phye phos phyung phris bkog bshig

a  WT ’byin < *’byung-d. b  While final -g in WT and Purik may not be followed by postfinal -d, it may be followed by postfinal -s in Purik. The absence of the -s and the semantics of ’gog and ’jig thus allow us to group these two verbs with the atelic verbs that did not receive an -s in Purik and were often added a -d in WT.

passives or ‘M-phasives’ described the event as such leading ‘from A to Z’. The M-phasives with their voiceless aspirated onsets have developed into verbs, nouns, and dramatizers in Purik, as briefly discussed in what follows. The Purik verbs that derive from M-phasives have a ‘potential’ meaning that is best illustrated by tʰul ‘be able to climb on top, clear an obstacle’ and tʰjaq ‘be able to lift, be liftable’, as used in tʰjaq-tʃa mi-nduk ‘(I) can’t lift (it). (lit. There is no lifting.)’. The notion of ‘leading from A to Z’ also characterizes kʰjet ‘be sufficient, big enough to cover something’, tʰeps ‘be long enough, reach’, and kʰiks ‘be fitting’, among others. Haller (1997) observes that WT imperative stems, which typically have a voiceless aspirated initial, are both in Amdo and early WT sometimes used with a negating ma to indicate that an event did not take place, as in (1) from Themchen-Amdo (Haller 2004:94). (1) ʂtamɖʐən-ɣe mdzomu ptaχ-tʰa-ra Tamdrin-erg dzomo tether.pfv-nvol.evid-conc ma-tʰoχ-tʰa neg-tether.imp-nvol.evid Tamdrin (tried to) tether the Dzomos, but he couldn’t do it.

381

Sentences – Verbal Stems

Zeisler (2002) is able to account for the divergent uses of WT imperative stems by reconstructing an original ‘potentialis’ meaning. In Purik, the same stems have often turned into nouns, a few of which are shown in Table 70. Note that whenever the WT past stem has an -a-, the WT imperative stem corresponding to the Purik noun always has an -o- in both branches. Zemp (2016) hypothesizes that an -a- became pronounced as an -o- when its utterance was accompanied by the widely documented phenomenon of lip-pointing (Enfield 2001). Accordingly, the M-phasives under discussion originally pointed to an item that can be involved in an event. While this strategy was reanalyzed as a polite order in WT, it lexicalized as denoting the noun in Purik. Other M-phasives were reanalyzed as dramatizers in Purik. This means that they originally occurred in first position of subordinator-less V1–V2 Table 70

WT imperative stems corresponding to nouns (or adjectives) in Purika

Written Tibetan

Purik

Meaning Present

Past

Future Imperative

‘fill’ ‘load’ ‘crack’

’gengs ’gel ’gad

bkang bkal bkad

dgang khong dgal khol dgad khod

‘divide’ ‘elevate’ ‘send’ ‘gather, collect’ ‘spread’

’gyed ’gyog gtong ’thu

bkyes bkyags btang(s) btus

bkye ’gyog gtang btu

’ding

bting

gding thing(s)

‘attach’ ‘wring, squeeze’ ‘sell’ ‘pour’ ‘make’

’dogs ’tshir

btags btsir(d)

gdags thog(s) btsir tshir(d)

’tshong btsongs ’chu bcus ’chos bcos

khyes khyog(s) thong(s) thus

btsong tshong bcu chus bco chos

kʰoŋʂtsoq ‘evil’ mikkʰol ‘pain in the eye’ kʰot ‘grain that is to be ground in the watermill’ kʰjemet ‘useless’, pʰankʰetʃan ‘useful’ kʰjoga (butsʰa) ‘brave’ tʰoŋ ‘plow’ tʰwa (< thu ba) ‘lap, front part of skirt’, Balti ‘full lap (e.g., of grain)’ naqtʰiŋtʰiŋ ‘pitch black’, sertʰiŋtʰiŋ ‘glistening yellow’ tʰoq ‘roof’, Balti ‘crops’ tsʰir ‘queue, order, succession’ tsʰoŋ ‘trade’ tʃʰu ‘water’ tʃʰos ‘religion (< *which is/needs to be done)’

a  The paradigms of ’gad, gtong, and ’dogs are from Hill (2010); for ’gyed, ’gyog, ’thu, ’tshir, and ’chos, I have only listed the forms that are most widely attested in the sources quoted by Hill. The remaining paradigms are from Jäschke (1881).

382

Chapter 4

concatenations and thus specified the manner in which the event denoted by V2 took place. The M-phasives shown in Table 71 all rendered the account of V2 more dynamic. Hence, when subordinator-less verb concatenations ceased to be productive in Purik, the M-phasives in first position were reanalyzed as dramatizers, that is, as words that may not stand on their own and may only occur immediately before semantically compatible verbs. Hence, while the A-, M-, and Z-phasives with their distinct onsets in WT grammaticalized as different stems of transitive verb paradigms, they lexicalized as verbs and other parts of speech reflecting their original Aktionsarten in Purik. Zemp (2016) argues that the grammaticalized stem distinction of WT regularly operates also in the modern varieties spoken in Amdo, Jirel, Sherpa, and Tshochen, while the remaining modern varieties of Tibetan appear to derive from the same branch as Purik, in which the phasives have lexicalized in different aktionsarten. A prefix that appears to have been productive at several stages in the history of Purik is the causative s- prefix, which according to Wolfenden (1929:46–7) and Benedict (1972:105–8) serves “directive, causative, or intensive” functions in many TB languages. Its causative meaning in Purik is evident in the pairs Table 71

M-phasives > Purik (P) dramatizers

Etymology

P dramatizer + verb Original meaning of V1–V2

cf. WT ’dag ‘be clean’, P daq ‘become clean’, tʰjaq ‘lift’ WT gtum, btums, gtum(s), thums ‘wrap’, P tʰums ‘be wrapped’ WT ’debs, btab, gtab, thob(s) ‘sow, strike’, P tap ‘id.’ id.

ʈʰaq kʰru ʈʰum tʃuk

ʈʰop tsuk ʈʰap tsir

cf. WT ’dre(s) ‘be mixed’, sre tʰre (tʃuli) spruk ‘mix’, P dres, stre cf. P dams ‘be together’, zdam ʈʰam (tʃuli) spruk ‘press together’, tʰams ‘hold’ cf. WT ’du(s) ~ P tʰu ‘collect’ ʈʰus tʰoχs

*‘wash in order for the dirt to come off’ *‘close (the door) wrapping (the house) up’ *‘put inside planting (e.g., a needle)’ *‘squeeze planting (e.g., one’s fingers inside of a lemon)’ *‘shake (an apricot tree) mixing it up’ *‘shake (an apricot tree) firmly holding on to it’ *‘bump into (a dry ear of corn) so that its entire contents assemble on the ground’

383

Sentences – Verbal Stems

consisting of neutral verbs with initial n- and causative verbs with initial s-nshown in Table 72. Tables 73 and 74 show pairs consisting of causatives with an s- prefix and a voiceless stop and their neutral counterparts with voiceless aspirated initials and voiced initials respectively. Table 72 Neutral n- : causative snNeutral

Causative

nup ‘drown’ nur ‘move aside’ ɲal ‘lie down’

snup ‘put under water’ snur ‘shift aside’ sɲal ‘put to bed’

Table 73 Neutral Kʰ- : causative sK-a Neutral

Causative

kʰjet ‘become distributed, sufficient’

skjet ‘increase, i.e. cause to be distributed’ skil ‘bend, stop, put a fence around’ skol ‘make boil’ skor ‘turn sth.’ skraq ‘knead’ skri ‘wrap around’b

kʰil ‘become bent, accumulated’ χol (< *kʰol) ‘become boiled’ kʰor ‘turn, roam around’ kʰraχs ‘become (well) kneaded, hard’ kʰris ‘become entangled, (with spera) stammer’ kʰums ‘become contracted’ pʰur ‘fly’ pʰar ‘twitch, move around wildly’ tʰjaq ‘(be able to) carry, bear’

skum ‘contract’ spur ‘waste (i.e. make fly)’ spar ‘move sth. wildly, light’c stjaq ‘lift, make higher, exaggerate’

a  Where K stands for any voiceless plosive, thus in opposition with G standing for any voiced plosive. b  In two of the causatives in Table 68 that are attested for WT, Purik s- corresponds to a different preradical there, cf. Purik skri < WT dkri and Purik skaŋ < WT bkang. c  This verb appears to be a causative also of bar ‘burn, be bright’, cf. below.

384

Chapter 4

Table 74 Neutral G- : causative sKNeutral

Causative

gaŋ ‘become full’ gon ‘wear’ gul ‘shake’ gus ‘become smeared’ dres ‘become mixed’ drul ‘walk’ bar ‘burn, become bright’

skaŋ ‘make full’ skon ‘put on’ skul ‘make shake’ sku ‘smear’ stre ‘mix’ strul ‘drive, make run’ spar ‘move wildly, ignite’

Table 75 Neutral G- : causative zGNeutral

Causative

grims ‘become mixed’ grum(s) ‘become dissolved’ dams ‘gather, become controllable’ dums ‘become close, packed, wrapped up’ gaχs ‘become blocked’ dril ‘roll down, writhe’ gjel ‘fall’ griks ‘fit’ baŋs ‘become soaked’

zgrim ‘mix’ (but CDTD skrim) zgrum ‘dissolve’ zdam ‘cause to gather’a zdum ‘move together, pack’b zgaq ‘cause not to run’c zdril ‘roll up (e.g. hay, carpet)’ zgjel ‘fell’ zgrik ‘put in order’ zbaŋ ‘soak’

a  This causative may also describe noncontrollable events, as in zgobar-p-e-aŋ-nuk zdam-s ‘(the hand) was jammed by the (closing) door’, where the additional participant is the door in the inessive case. b  The active counterpart of dums is tum ‘wrap up, cover’ < btum. c  The active counterpart of gaχs is kaq ‘block’ < bkag.

However, Table 75 shows that some verbs with voiced initials have corresponding causatives with a voiced sibilant prefix. While I am unable to account for when a causative s- prefix devoiced the following initial, as in Table 74, and when it was voiced by it, as in Table 75, Table 76 from Zemp (2016) suggests that a causative s- prefix before d- turned into r- in Purik and g- in WT, except

385

Sentences – Verbal Stems

when the verb stem in question generally remained to be analyzed as a causative derivation, as in zdam from dams and zdum from dums, see Table 75. At the same time, Purik z- corresponds to WT d- before initial g- and b-. In any case, the evidence presented in Table 76 suggests that the voiced variant of the causative s- already existed in PT. Table 76 Transitive WT future stemsa and their Purik correspondences Written Tibetan

Purik

Meaning

Present

Past

Future

‘hinder, stop’

’geg(s)

bkag

dgag

zgaq

‘hold back (one’s pee, by pulling oneself together)’ ‘load’ ’gel bkal dgal zgalto ‘firewood, i.e., which is to be put into the fire’ ‘call, summon’ ’gug(s) bkug, dgug zguk ‘collect (cattle, after they have *ɬ-s- > ɬts- and *z-l- > *l-z- > ldz- occurred in Purik, the Themchen-Amdo counterparts ɸtsaŋ and rdzoχ suggest that both derivations occurred in PT. But again, I am unable to explain why the s- prefix devoiced the following initial in the first case but was voiced by it in the second case.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

387

4.1.2 Honorific Verbs A few verbs have a honorific correspondence that is used in order to pay respect to the addressee in the semantic role of the agent. The use of these honorific verbs is less mandatory than in most other Tibetan dialects, and there are only a couple of such verbs that are commonly used, i.e. skjot ‘to go, come (h)’ (e.g. when inviting someone to come inside or to go ahead) and ʒuks ‘to sit (down) (h)’, while don ‘to eat, drink (h)’, ʒbʒes ‘to eat, drink (h)’, mol ‘to speak (h)’, and zims ‘to sleep (h)’ appear not to be known to all the Purikpas. The first two, however, are also frequently used to greet moving (skjot) and sitting (ʒuks) people. 4.1.3 Argument Structure 4.1.3.1 General Remarks In this section, I present the varied argument structures that Purik verbs may have. These argument structures are flexible in that, retaining a general property of Tibetan noted by Tournadre (1996:68), there is no obligatory participant in Purik, that is, any participant may be omitted if it may be inferred from context. Dixon’s (1979) putatively universal semantico-syntactic primitives S, A, and O/P do not apply to Purik. One major problem involves sensory verbs, of which there are three main types in Purik. The verbs of the first type, which may be exemplified by tʰoŋ ‘see, be visible’, take an experiencer in the dative and a stimulus in the absolutive. Those of the second type, exemplified by skoms ‘be thirsty’, take an experiencer in the absolutive and sometimes also a theme in the absolutive, such as tʃʰu ‘water’ in the case of skoms. The sensory verbs of the third type are the closest to prototypical transitives; tʃʰes ‘believe (in)’, for instance, takes a believer4 in the absolutive and a believee in the locative. These three types of sensory verbs illustrate the problems associated with the application of semantico-syntactic primitives to Purik. If one chooses to ignore the fact that none of the bivalent sensory verbs has an argument that is clearly more agent-like than the other (all of the mentioned verbs denote uncontrolled events) and assigns the A to the arguments that more or less need to be animate, one ends up with, depending on the verb, either a dative or an absolutive A (while for typical transitive verbs such as sat ‘kill’, of course, the A takes the ergative), and either an absolutive or a locative O (while the dative is found with transitive verbs that only partially affect an object, such as zgran 4  Semantic roles will generally be indicated in capitals here.

388

Chapter 4

‘provoke’). Since S, A, and O thus do not contribute to our understanding of argument structure in Purik, they are not used in this description. Similarly, there are no grounds on which either the dative experiencer or the stimulus may be identified as the syntactically privileged argument of a construction. For instance, in (2) and (3), it is pragmatics that allow Purik speakers to construe the undergoer/experiencer-pivot in the former and the theme/ stimulus-pivot in the latter, that is, which argument of the matrix clause tʰoŋtʃ-in is coreferent with which participant of the subordinate clause. And that the stimulus (and not the experiencer) of tʃʰut-p-in-duk ‘(it) cannot be understood’ in (4) refers to the result (and not the agent) of the action denoted by the subordinate clause, must similarly be inferred from context. (2) ŋataŋ a-ka

tʃʰa-a-na tʰoŋ-tʃ-in we.pi that-loc go-inf-cnd see-inf2-eq If we go there, we will be able to see (it). (3) di-ka ʒaq-pa-na tʰoŋ-tʃ-in-wa-pa this-loc put-inf-cnd see-inf2-eq-foc-foc If we put it here, (we) will be able to see (it) (i.e. it will be visible). (4) ʃoχsmo zer-ba-na

tʃʰut-p-ín-dug-waa, kule-a fast say-inf-cnd understand-inf-n:eq-ex.t-hey slow-dat zer-aŋ say-add (I) can’t understand (you) when (you) speak so fast, speak slowly! Nevertheless, we are able to distinguish arguments from adjuncts in Purik. We will exclude those participants from the argument structure that modify an event adverbially, such as inessive NPs, and may thus be used with any verb denoting an event that takes place in a certain location or is directed towards some direction. The comitative -na only marks reciprocally coordinated participants in connection with such verbs as tʰuk ‘meet’ and zdep ‘exchange’. In the same vein, the locative marks arguments whenever the event in question is not defined or assumes a different meaning without it (see 4.1.3.5). Similarly, while dative-experiencers are considered arguments, the dative-beneficiaries regularly found with monovalent nc-verbs5 such as ldan ‘come into being, to completion’ are considered adjuncts (see 4.1.3.2–4).

5  Following Bielmeier et al. (forthcoming) and others, the abbreviation ‘nc’ will be used to refer to ‘non-control’ viz. ‘uncontrolled’ verbs, contrasting with ‘c’ referring to ‘control’ verbs. In

Sentences – Verbal Stems

389

In this section, we will proceed from the simplest argument structures of monovalent verbs, as discussed in 4.1.3.2, to increasingly complex argument structures. Sections 4.1.3.3–6 focus on different arguments occurring in addition to an absolutive argument, namely dative experiencers in 4.1.3.3, the dative of the feared in 4.1.3.4, locative arguments in 4.1.3.5, and comitative arguments in 4.1.3.6. We turn to prototypical transitive verbs in 4.1.3.7, a few verbs with variable argument structures in 4.1.3.8, the use of the ergative case with inanimate entities in 4.1.3.9, and ditransitive verbs in 4.1.3.10. 4.1.3.2 Monovalent Verbs The criterion of controllability only partially classifies Purik verbs, because, for instance, monovalent verbs are used to describe both uncontrolled events with a single inanimate argument and controlled events with a single animate argument, the semantic role of which may be termed undergoer and agent respectively. For some of these verbs (e.g. kʰor ‘turn, roam around’), the use with an inanimate single argument appears to be basic, others (e.g. drul ‘walk, flow’) primarily occur with animate arguments. The verbs that may both denote nc- and c-events are mostly motion verbs, such as tʃʰa ‘go, become’, joŋ ‘come, become’, baps ‘go down, fall’, and hjar ‘go, die (rude)’. For their use with nc- and c-events, cf. examples (5)–(9) with kʰor and drul. (5) samb-e-aŋ

kʰor mind-g-ine turn (I) thought of something.

(6) kʰo gakʰor in-suk, ɲimaʂar kʰor-en-duk s/he tramp be-inf2 all.day walk-sim-ex.t He seems to be a tramp, he walks around all day. (7) ŋa drul-e

tʃʰ-et I walk-cnj go-crt I will go by walking.

(8) las-po drul-en-dug-a work-def run-sim-ex.t-q Is the work going (all right)? order to classify the verbs of Purik, these abbreviations will further be followed by abbreviations standing for the arguments contained in the respective predicate structures, i.e. ‘E’ for ergative, ‘A’ for absolutive, ‘D’ for dative, ‘L’ for locative, and ‘C’ for comitative.

390

Chapter 4

In their nc-use, some of these verbs may take an experiencer in the dative, but only if they also take an additional theme or complement noun, such as ʃaŋ ‘consciousness’ in (9). (9) kʰo-a

ʃaŋ ma kʰor s/he-dat consciousness neg turn She didn’t regain consciousness. The most consistent way of classifying these uses is to treat them as complex predicates with an argument-structure parallel to that of sensory verbs such as tʰoŋ ‘see, be visible’. That is, like tʰoŋ, the complex ʃaŋ kʰor ‘regain consciousness’ takes an experiencer in the dative case. A different group of monovalent verbs was never used to describe an ncevent in my data, even though it is not unimaginable that they may be applied to non-human agents and thus tend to be reanalyzed as nc-verbs in such contexts. Apparently, however, their basic use centers on events controlled by human agents appearing in the absolutive. The group of verbs in question contains tʃʰoŋs ‘jump’, ʂkjal ‘swim’, ip ‘hide’, doŋ ‘let’s go!’ (only used as an adhortative), and duk ‘stay’,6 among others. Some motion verbs may take a second argument in the absolutive indicating some geographic landmark that is passed in the course of the event, e.g. rgal ‘pass’ and gom ‘step over’, as illustrated in the two examples below. (10) ŋa e



ʒiŋ-po rgal-e soŋ-m-in I that field-def pass-cnj went-inf-eq I passed over that field.

(11) di



zan-po gom-se ma soŋ this food-def step.over-cnj neg go\imp Don’t step over this food!

Similarly, some motion verbs may also take purposive complement clauses in the absolutive, most frequently tʃʰa and joŋ, as in (12). (Note that the elided pivot of the matrix clause would be assigned the absolutive by the predicate of the matrix clause but the ergative by the predicate of the complement clause.)

6  The existential copula marking direct testimony, duk (see 4.3.1.6), is a prime example of a verb that was extended from animate to inanimate single participants that were thereby reanalyzed as themes, but this must have occurred more than a thousand years ago.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

391

(12) tʃʰu



taŋ-ma tʃʰ-et water give-inf go-crt I’m going to water (the fields).

A third group of monovalent verbs describes uncontrolled human actions and contains hal ‘pant’, haŋs ‘gasp for breath’, hiks ‘sob’, kʰoχs ‘cough’, kʰun ‘groan, moan’, and vocal actions of animals, such as zuk ‘bark (of dogs)’ and bos ‘call (of animals)’, which may also be used with bruk ‘thunder’ and thereby translates as ‘roll’. A fourth, larger group of monovalent verbs describes a change of state and is only applied to nc-events. Those that are typically used with human undergoers (in the absolutive case) include dal ‘become free (from work), become still’, gret ‘slip, fall’, kʰʂos ‘become angry’, ɬep ‘arrive’, ɬtoχs ‘become hungry’, rde ‘become well’, rgut ‘become weak’, rgjal ‘become astonished, faint’, sun ‘become bored, fed up’, ʃi ‘die’, tʰat ‘enjoy, like’, and droχs ‘be startled’ with an animate (but typically non-human) patient. Those that typically take inanimate undergoers (likewise in the absolutive) include be ‘become opened’, brul ‘crumble off’, daq ‘become clean, clear’, graŋs ‘become cold’, hor ‘sink in’, jol ‘fade, wither, be over’, kʰjel ‘become long enough, wide enough’, rdip ‘collapse’, rul ‘rot’, smin ‘become ripe’, and ʃoŋ ‘fit’. Note that there are no stative verbs in Purik; however, any Purik verb may readily be used resultatively, which gives the inherent change-of-state verbs discussed in this paragraph a stative appearance, cf. examples (13)–(15). (13) kʰo



hja-se in-suk s/he itch-cnj ex-inf2 He appears to be itching.

(14) kʰo



mana mi kʰʂel-ba-t s/he very neg become.embarrassed-inf2-crt She never feels embarrassed.

(15) kʰir-i

ret-la ŋa-ŋ ɬtoχ-ʃuk-s you-gen same.time-dat I-add become.hungry-caus-pst Your becoming hungry made me become hungry too. Another verb belonging to the same group is skoms ‘be thirsty’, as used in (16). However, this verb is often preceded by an additional absolutive theme or complement specifying the kind of thirst, such as tʃ ʰu ‘water’ in (17) or sikret ‘cigarette’.

392

Chapter 4

(16) skoms-et-a

kʰjeraŋ be.thirsty-crt-q you Are you thirsty?

(17) ŋa tʃʰu



maŋmo skoms I water a.lot be.thirsty I am very thirsty.

There are a number of complex predicates that similarly take a single participant in the absolutive, see the examples in (18) and (19). (18) kʰo



got soŋ s/he loss went S/he passed away.

(19) kʰo



han soŋ s/he frightened went S/he was frightened.

These complex verbs may be contrasted with sentences such as (20), where the dynamic auxiliary soŋ is used resultatively with an adjective and an associated beneficiary in the dative. As the case marking indicates, the single arguments of (18) and (19) above are perceived to be affected in their entirety (standing at the center of the event), while the (animate and inanimate) beneficiaries in the dative are only partially affected by the events expressed in (20) and (21). (20) kʰo-a

rgjala soŋ s/he-dat good went It went well for him. (21) ʒiŋ-po-a tsa joŋ-suk field-def-dat disease come-infr A disease has spread in the field.

Example (20) can also be contrasted with (22), where the absolutive baʁzan-po stands at the center of the proposition and is thus the item that is affected in its entirety by the event. (22) baʁzan-po

rgjala soŋ-suk dough-def good went-infr The dough has become good.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

393

Note that an undergoer such as the absolutive baʁzan-po may also be used with a dynamic auxiliary and an adjective in the dative, such as kjarkjar-la in (23), in order to indicate that the resultant state is temporary and ancillary (while the absolutive rgjala in (22) describes an intrinsic property). (23) baʁzan-po spuŋ-ma-na zug-a dough-def heap.up-inf-cnd like.this-dat ner-e kjarkjar-la tʃʰ-et-de get.stretched-cnj flat-dat go-crt-pd When you heap up the dough like this, it becomes flatter and flatter (as you know).

Many of the change-of-state verbs that are predominantly applied to inanimate patients or themes may take an additional beneficiary (or maleficiary) in the dative case. Very often these are the people possessing or in charge of the thing affected by the event. Examples (24) and (25) provide two such instances. (24) kʰjeraŋ-a

pene tsʰar-e met you-dat money be.finished-cnj neg:ex.f (I know that) you don’t have any money left.

(25) kʰo-a minɖu ɲis ɬjaqs s/he-dat bite 2 be.left.over S/he left two bites.

Other such verbs are dres ‘become mixed’, dul ‘become soft’, ldan ‘be completed, come into being’,7 ɬjaqs ‘be left over’, stor ‘be lost’, and tsʰar ‘be finished’. It is illustrative to compare the additional beneficiary in the dative to the experiencer of sensory verbs, which also takes the dative case, as discussed in 4.1.3.3. In short, the dative experiencer is considered an argument because the events denoted by the sensory verbs depend on an experiencer. By contrast, the beneficiary is treated as an adjunct because the intransitive events with which it is sometimes set in relation in no way depend on a beneficiary. 4.1.3.3 Dative Experiencers Sensory verbs include lam ‘have the energy to (do sth.)’, rdʒet ‘forget’, ʂɲet ‘find’, ʃes ‘show itself, become known’, tʰoŋ ‘become visible, see’, tsʰor ‘hear, feel’, 7  The change-of-state Aktionsart cannot always be captured adequately in the glosses of these verbs. Thus, even if the word become is avoided in glosses that contain participles, the verbs in question are still inherently dynamic or inchoative.

394

Chapter 4

tʃʰut ‘understand’, ɬops ‘have learned, master’, and complex predicates such as ʂtaχspa tʃʰa (pata tʃʰa) ‘come to know’, zermo joŋ ‘have pain’ (where the dative may either mark a person or a body part), itug joŋ ‘remember’, ob joŋ ‘hiccup’, and rgod joŋ ‘(have to) laugh’. All these sensory verbs may be seen as different metaphorical instantiations of the verb tʰop ‘find, get’, in that a theme (in the absolutive; which may also be instantiated by a nominalized clause) reaches the recipient or, more generally, experiencer (in the dative), as illustrated by (26) and (27). (26) maharam men-kʰan-la

tʰoŋ-na ɲespa joŋ-et family neg:eq-inf-dat be.visible-cnd sin come-crt It’s a sin if someone outside the family sees (it). (27) ŋa-a kʰo ʃes-pa-t I-dat s/he know-inf-fct I know her/him.

As mentioned above, all of these sensory verbs may be used without overt experiencers whenever these are inferrable from context. In (28), for instance, the experiencer would only need to be specified if it were distinct from the speaker viz. the possessor of the body part instantiating the stimulus. The dative experiencer may also be omitted in order to convey a generic notion, that is, to imply that anyone would perceive a stimulus in the described way, as illustrated for tʰoŋ in (29) and ʃes in (30). (28) ŋj-i

di zuu kʰo tʃaŋ tsʰor-ba-met I-gen this toe it anything feel-inf-neg:ex.f This my toe, (I) can’t feel it at all.

(29) bal-po

zgor, go ʈukʈuk bos, osmet tʰoŋ-en-duk hair-def trim head short do\imp bad be.visible-sim-ex.t Trim your hair, make it short, it looks bad. (30) tʃuli

sarasire soŋ-suk, ot pʰoχ-suk, apricot reddish went-infr light lit-infr tʃuli karpo ʃes-en-duk apricot white show-sim-ex.t The apricots have become reddish, the light hit them; the white of the apricots shows.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

395

Nevertheless, the events denoted by this group of sensory verbs appear to involve an experiencer by definition, even if it may not be specified at all. Thus, even though the hair in (29) might look bad or the apricots in (30) might shine even when no one looks at them, the statements ending in -duk indicating direct testimony presuppose that the speaker witnessed the state in question. Similarly, (31), which contains a nominalized form of the verb ʃes ‘show (itself)’, relates to the speaker’s own subjective experience, of course, even if she does not explicitly say so. (31) kʰo

ʃe-ʃe-ʃi duk s/he show-show-indef ex.t S/he looks familiar. With respect to the trajectory model, we may generalize that the absolutives in the predicate frames presented so far can readily be envisaged as the centers of their respective events. On the other hand, participants in the dative case (i.e. beneficiaries or maleficiaries and experiencers) are the goals of these same events in the sense that they are either partially affected or stimulated by the entity standing in the center (in the absolutive). 4.1.3.4 The Dative of the feared There appear to be only two sensory verbs – both expressing fear – that code experiencers in the absolutive and the stimulus (i.e. the feared) in the dative, as illustrated in (32) and (33).

(32) d-o-a

mi ʒiks-pa rgo-ʃ-in kʰjeraŋ that-def-dat neg be.afraid-inf need-inf2-eq you You mustn’t be afraid of that.

(33) ŋa kʰo-a

tsʰaps-et I s/he-dat be.afraid-crt I’m afraid of him. 4.1.3.5 Locative Arguments A different group of verbs may take a second argument in the locative case in addition to the first in the absolutive. The metaphorical extension from the locational source meaning is straightforward in the case of pʰoq ‘be hit, be obliged to do sth.’ (cf. (46) and (47)), kan ‘depend on, rest upon’, and re ‘depend, rely on’. In the case of rdjaŋ ‘trust’, tʃʰes ‘believe, trust’ (cf. (34)), and gjes ‘be fed

396

Chapter 4

up with’, a feeling rests on and is thus defined by the locative argument. With lo ‘match up to’ (cf. (35)), non ‘catch up with’, tʰal ‘exceed, pass’, pʰet ‘be up to, be equal to’, rgjal ‘win’ (cf. (36)–(37)), and ɬuŋ ‘lose to, get separated (butter and buttermilk)’, the locative argument serves the role of a benchmark with respect to which the position of the absolutive participant is defined. A few complex predicates such as spera ɖul ‘be obeyed (lit. word(s) walk)’, spera rgjuk ‘be obeyed with ease (lit. word(s) run)’, and moheppat tʃ ʰa ‘fall in love’, also take an argument in the locative. (34) jaraŋ



ŋj-i-ka tʃʰes-pa-met-a, ŋa jar-i-ka tʃ ʰes-et you(h) I-g-loc trust-inf-neg:ex-q I you(h)-g-loc trust-crt Don’t you trust me? I trust you!

(35) kʰjaŋ kʰo-e-ka

lo-a-t-a you s/he-g-loc match.up-inf-fct-q Do you match up to him? The meanings of some of these verbs may diverge when they are used without a locative argument. For instance, rgjal regularly takes a locative argument when it means ‘win’, as in (36), but not when it means ‘be ok’, as in (37). If preceded by a term marked by comparative -batsek, rgjal translates as ‘be better’, as in (38). This last example suggests that ‘win’ is the original meaning, and that this came to mean ‘be better than (other available options)’ together with inanimate entities and simply ‘be ok’ when no other option is implied.

(36) ŋatʃaŋ



kʰoŋ-i-ka rgjal we.excl they-g-loc win We defeated them.

(37) mi

rgjal-a neg win-dat Won’t that be okay?

(38) zgam-ba-batsek

rduŋ-na rgjal threaten-inf-COMP hit-cnd win Instead of threatening, it’s better to hit (someone). With respect to the verb lus ‘remain’, the polysemy of the uses in (39) and (40) is also evident; the borrowed amount of money remains with the debtor until he pays it back.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

397

(39) tʃa tsʰante lu-ʃa



tea hot remain-inf2 The tea will stay hot (if you use this thermos).

(40) ʂmul



ʂtʃu ŋj-i-ka lus-e jot rupees 10 I-g-loc remain-cnj ex.f I owe you 10 rupees.

Without a locative argument, as in (41) and (42), ran means ‘be time’; with a locative argument instantiating a benchmark, as in (43) and (44), ran means ‘become proportionate’.8 The polysemy becomes evident when we think of ‘be time’ as meaning ‘be proportionate at a certain point in time’, where the temporal benchmark is never overtly expressed, because it always coincides with the point in time referred to by the predicate. (41) ʃam

ran evening be.time The evening has come. (42) tʃʰu



taŋ-ma ran-suk water give-inf be.time-infr It’s time to water (the fields).

(43) kʰo-e

tam-pw-e-ka ma ran s/he-erg word-def-g-loc neg align It didn’t turn out the way he said (lit. on her words). (44) kʰo



ŋj-i-ka mana mi ran-ma-t s/he I-g-loc very neg align-inf-fct She doesn’t listen to me at all (i.e. I don’t get along with her very well).

These verbs with a locative participant can be depicted as metaphorical extensions of events that actually take place at a particular location. The literal interpretation prevails in the following example: (45) wa



kʰjaŋ ʃoʁbw-i-ka gaps-e ma dug-aŋ hey you book-g-loc cover-cnj neg stay-add Hey, stop covering your book (i.e. stop reading all the time)!

8  See also Jäschke’s (524a) entry rán-pa “to be proportionate, just right …”.

398

Chapter 4

The metaphorical origin of these locative participants is further illustrated in (46) and (47). While the locative in (46) indicates an actual site that was hit, the locative participant in (47) is only metaphorically hit (by a job or duty). (46) ŋj-i

di-ka pʰoq I-gen this-loc be.hit I was hit here [the speaker is pointing to a body part].

(47) di



las-po kʰ-i-ka pʰoq this work-def you-G-loc be.hit This job has to be done by you.

A unique argument structure is associated with the verb tʃ ʰoq ‘command, be obeyed’, as illustrated in (48). However, the predicate frame of this verb is parallel to that of the AL-verbs (i.e. those with the first argument in the absolutive and the second in the locative) described above if the genitive case is taken to indicate an elided absolutive participant tam(-po) ‘(the) word(s)’. (48) kʰo-i-ka

ŋj-i tʃʰoq s/he-g-loc I-gen command He did as I told him. The verb tʰoχs ‘scrape’ may be described as constantly eliding an argument whose meaning is always the item scraping the affected body part, i.e. a shoe or a saddle, cf. (49).

(49) ŋj-i

di kaŋm-i somaŋs-p-i-ka tʰoχs-et I-gen this foot-gen comb-def-g-loc scrape-crt This instep of mine is being scraped. Note that in (49), the locative is again used concretely, i.e. pointing to an actual location. In this concrete meaning, it apparently cannot indicate the sole of the foot (cf. (50)), either because it is underneath and not on top of the foot or because the pain is felt under the surface and not easily located; instead, the dative case is used.

(50) ŋj-i di kaŋtʰil-po-a tʰoχs-et I-gen this foot.sole-def-dat scrape-crt This sole of mine hurts.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

399

4.1.3.6 The Comitative One idiosyncratic argument structure must be discussed before we turn to prototypical transitive verbs below. The verb tʰuk ‘meet’ may be used with two coordinated arguments in the absolutive, with one of them in the comitative case, or with a plural single argument such as ŋatʃa ‘we (excl.)’, as illustrated in (51). On the other hand, tʰuk may also mean ‘touch’ and thereby take a second argument in the locative, as shown in (52). (51)

ŋa kʰo-na tʰuk, ŋa na kʰo tʰuk, ŋatʃa lam-a tʰuk I s/he-comit meet I and s/he meet we.pe way-dat meet I met him, we met, we met on the way.

(52) kʰo-i

gramba-o ŋj-i gramb-e-ka tʰuk-pa-na s/he-gen cheek-def I-gen cheek-g-loc meet-inf-cnd graŋɬtʃaq ba-s cold.whip do-pst When our cheeks met I got the chills. The verb tʰuk crucially differs from all other verbs that may take coordinated arguments (e.g. all motion verbs) in that it alone by definition involves two participants. We will not consider cases such as the inessive (-j-aŋ(-nuk)) and its ablative derivation (-j-aŋ(-na) ‘out of’) here, since the former may adverbially modify any verb that denotes an event taking place inside of a location, e.g. ʃi, ɬep, ɬta, tsʰor, and tsʰar, and the latter may modify almost any dynamic verb, e.g. joŋ, biŋ, and ɬta. Because there is no predicate frame in which these cases mark a role other than a location, they are considered as marking adjuncts. 4.1.3.7 Transitive Verbs The transitive control verbs can be classified into two main groups, both of which take an agent in the ergative, while the second argument is coded as an absolutive in the first group and as a dative in the second. This pattern of differential object marking can again be derived from case semantics in a straightforward way in that the absolutive argument is affected in its entirety by the event but the dative argument is only partially affected. In terms of the trajectory model, the former can be envisaged as situated in the center of the event and the latter on the goal side, linked to the opposite source by means of the event. The difference between the two codings can best be grasped by investigating those verbs that may take a second argument in either the absolutive or the dative case, which are discussed further below.

400

Chapter 4

The group with fully affected objects in the absolutive (cEA, i.e. controllable verbs, with an ergative first argument) includes such verbs as brit ‘calm down, console, cheer up’, ldzap ‘learn, repeat’, ldzoŋ ‘search’, len ‘take’, ɬtur ‘calm down so., retract (snot)’, ʂtik ‘stuff’, ʂtip ‘tear down’, sal ‘pick out (dirt from rice)’, saq ‘accumulate, store, build (a nest)’, sat ‘kill’, su ‘prepare (tea)’, tsul ‘provoke’ (but cf. the synonymous broŋ with its second argument in the dative), tsum ‘close (eyes), shut (mouth)’, tʃaq ‘break’, tʃat ‘cut’, tul ‘knead, soften’, tum ‘wrap’, and ʒot ‘to brag about one’s generosity’. A characteristic property of Purik (and other Tibetan dialects such as Ladakhi, cf. Zeisler 2008) may be illustrated by means of the verb kʰʂu ‘to wash (off)’, where the absolutive argument may either denote the thing that is washed off (e.g. kʰʂaq ‘blood’) or the thing that is washed (e.g. guntʃa ‘clothe(s)’). Similarly, a verb like ʂŋo ‘roast’ can either have the input ŋas ‘wheat’ or, more commonly, the output jos ‘roasted wheat’ as its object in the absolutive, and a verb like tʰaq ‘grind’ also the instrument ranʈʰaq ‘mill’ (all these different roles of the absolutive object are also documented for the Domkhar dialect of Sham-Ladakhi by Zeisler 2008:366–68, 70–71).9 All of these absolutive arguments can be easily envisaged as centers of their respective events. In the examples (53) and (54), both the ergative and absolutive arguments are overtly expressed. (53) kʰo-s

kʰunt-i naŋ-po ʂtip-s s/he-erg themselves-gen house-def tear.down-pst He tore his family’s house down.

(54) ŋa-s kʰo-e spera-o ɬtʃa-s, rgjala dug-a mi-nduk I-erg s/he-gen words-def weigh-pst good ex.t-q neg-ex.t ɬta-s look-pst I weighed his words, looked (to see) if (they) were good or not.

A number of verbs depart from this pattern. For instance, the absolutive argument of a verb like sam ‘think’ may also be instantiated by a complement clause that typically ends in the question marker -a, as in (55).

9  This phenomenon may be in some way related to the polysemy of verbs such as ʒaq, which may have an inchoative (‘put down’) or a stative (‘leave at a certain place, keep’) meaning, and the general indiscriminacy of simple past verbal forms, which may regularly be interpreted perfectively (e.g. tʃ ʰarpa taŋ-s ‘it rained’) or resultatively (‘it’s raining’). In any event, these facts are testimony of the crucial role pragmatics play in the grammar of Purik.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

401

(55) ŋa-s

nor-un tsʰaŋs-et-a sam-se tet-e joŋ-s I-erg sheep-pl be.complete-crt-q think-cnj lead-cnj come-pst Thinking that none of the sheep were missing, I took them with me. There are also a few verbs that involve an additional coordinated argument (parallel to the nc-verb tʰuk ‘meet’ described above), for instance zdep ‘exchange, trade’ or zgre ‘mix (different substances)’, as illustrated in (56) and (57). With zgre, one of the participants may also take the inessive case instead, as shown in (58).

(56) mahmut-i

dj-u na ŋj-i mikkʰʂap-po Mahmud-gen this-def and I-gen glasses-def zde(p)-s-p-in exchange-pst-inf-eq (I) traded my glasses for this thing from Mahmud.

(57) bras na



tsʰunma zgre-se zo rice and vegetable mix-cnj eat\imp Mix rice and vegetables and eat (them)!

(58) pʰugm-e-aŋ-nuk

ʂtswa zgre-s straw-g-ine-term grass mix-pst Mix grass into the straw! In connection with the verb ɬtson ‘vomit’, the absolutive argument (denoting what is vomited) is normally omitted, as in (59).

(59) kʰjer-es

di-ka ɬtson-s-p-in-a you-erg this-loc vomit-pst-inf-eq-q Did you vomit here? Similarly, the verb zgu ‘bow, bend down’ may be interpreted as eliding the word go ‘head’ whenever it occurs without it. The only truly monovalent verb with a single argument in the ergative appears to be sɲe ‘lean (back)’, cf. (60) below, where a hypothetical absolutive argument would denote the body of the person leaning back.

(60) kʰje-s

are-ka sɲe-s-aŋ you-erg that-loc lean.back-IMP-add Lean back over there.

402

Chapter 4

The second large group of transitive c-verbs with partially affected objects in the dative includes broŋ ‘provoke’, kʰʂil ‘keep hold of, wrestle’, pʰrat ‘show respect’, rda ‘chase’, rdon ‘hit with one’s glance, to envy’, rgjo ‘have sexual ­intercourse’, sɲoms ‘level’, spjot ‘take interest (excessively)’, stot ‘praise’, zgam ‘threaten’, zgran ‘provoke’, zur ‘avoid, stay away’, and ʒap ‘lurk, chase (silently)’. The semantic difference between a dative and an absolutive coding of the second argument can be grasped by looking at those verbs that may take a patient either in the dative or the absolutive case (in addition to the agent in the ergative). The verbs tʰen ‘pull’ and tʃat ‘cut’ have their second arguments in the absolutive when they are affected in their entirety by the action denoted by the predicate, as in (61), (63), and (64). Their objects may, however, also be marked in the dative case when they are only partially affected, as in (62) and (65). (61) mendoʁ-is toŋze kʰu-r-i pʰjoχs-la tʰen-e kʰjoŋ-tʃ-in flower-erg bee s/he-self-gen side-dat pull-cnj bring-inf2-eq The flower attracts the bees. (62) ata



ŋa ldʒap-tʃi tʰen-ma tʃʰ-et-pa de ʈaŋkuŋ-po-a father I drm-indef pull-inf go-crt-foc that bow-def-dat Father, let me go and try to pull on that bow.

(63) kʰo-s

ŋj-i dorma-o tʃat-s s/he-erg I-gen pants-def cut-pst He tore my pants.

(64) ŋatʃ-i

ʂu-u tʃat-tʃ-in we.pe-gen nose-def cut-inf2-eq He will embarrass us (lit. cut (our) nose); that will be embarrassing for us. (65)



di duntʰo-a tʃat-e-na dja-a skri-se … this front.lap-dat cut-cnj-cnd that.xct-def wrap-cnj After cutting off a piece from this front of his coat, he wrapped (the child) with it and …

Verbs like ɬta ‘look, watch’ and ɲan ‘hear’, on the other hand, most commonly mark their second arguments in the dative, as illustrated in (66) and (68). In contrast, their second arguments take the absolutive when conceptualized in their entirety, as in (67), (69), and (70), where the absolutive argument is instantiated by an indirect question.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

403

(66) kʰo-a ɲon s/he-dat listen\imp Listen to her/him! (67) kʰo-e

tam-po ɲon s/he-gen word(s)-def listen\imp Listen to her/his words!

(68) kʰjaŋ laltʃʰoʁ-a ɬta-se soŋ you Lalchowk-dat look-cnj go\imp Go in the direction of Lalchowk! (69) skin

ɬtos-ou ibex look\imp-hey Look, there are some ibexes! (70) kʰunt-es tʃi b-en-dug-a ɬtos they-erg what do-sim-ex.t-q look\imp Look what they’re doing!

Only a few transitive verbs mark their second argument in the locative, the most prominent of which is rduŋ ‘beat’. The use of the locative is owed to the fact that the contact between the beater and the beatee is locationally delimited, as in (71). If the theme of rduŋ is perceived to be affected in its entirety, it appears in the absolutive, as zgo ‘door’ in (72). The theme argument of rduŋ never appears in the dative. With the verb tʰams ‘grab, hold (on to)’, the theme may be marked in either the dative, locative, or absolutive. In contrast to the dative case in (73), locative e-ka ‘on the other side’ in (74) points to a particular part of the theme. In (75), the absolutive marks the theme as fully affected. (71) soŋ,

are mi-i-ka rduŋ go\imp that man-g-loc beat Go and hit that man!

(72) kargilo-a

zgo ma rduŋ-ma pʰe-a-t Kargilo-dat door neg beat-inf open-inf-fct In Kargilo doors are opened without knocking.

404

Chapter 4

(73) ʂmul

ŋjis toŋ zer-e pʰutums-pw-a tʰams rupee two give\imp say-cnj sleeve-def-dat hold He held on to my sleeve, saying “Give me two rupees!”.

(74) no,

dj-u len e-ka tʰoms here.you.go this-def take the.other-loc hold\imp Here! Grab a hold of this on the other side!

(75) ŋa-s laqtʃu tʰams-e pʰiŋ-et I-erg hand hold-cnj take.out-crt I will pull (you) up, if (you) grab my hand.

Other verbs, such as nan ‘press’ and ɲe ‘rub’, normally have their fully affected second arguments in the absolutive, as illustrated in the second part of (76) and in (77). The locative case may mark their second arguments in order to put emphasis on the fact that the event implies only a locationally delimited contact, as in the first part of (76) and in (78). (76) kʰo-s

di gramb-e-ka zug-a ɲe-n-duk, s/he-erg this cheek-g-loc like.this-dat knead-sim-ex.t gramba-o ɲe-n-duk cheek-def knead-sim-ex.t She’s rubbing on this cheek like this, rubbing the cheek.

(77) ŋa-s dj-u kaŋm-i ʂts-e-aŋ nan-e taŋ-s I-erg this-def foot-gen bottom-g-ine press-cnj give-pst I crushed this under my feet. (78) ŋj-i go-e-ka tʃik non I-gen head-g-loc one press\imp Press on my head for a moment!

Similarly, the verb skon ‘dress so. else or sth., cover’ normally codes its goal argument in the dative, as in (79). The locative is only used when the action focuses on a particular part of the object, as in (80), where only the opening, not the whole copper pot, is covered with a cloth. (79) di

ras-po ʃimi-w-a skon-e taŋ-tʃ-in this cloth-def dead.man-def-dat cover-cnj give-inf2-eq The dead person will be dressed with this cloth.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

405

(80) zaŋs-pw-e-ka

guntʃ-ek skon-e copper.pot-def-g-loc cloth-indef cover-cnj covering the copper pot with a cloth 4.1.3.8 Ambitransitive Verbs Some verbs have developed polysemic meanings with diverging argument structures. Both tʰul and traq are used transitively and intransitively, whereby the patient of the transitive use, cf. (81) and (83), corresponds to the single argument of the intransitive use, cf. (82) and (84). While the transitive meaning is likely the original one for tʰul (cf. thul ba “2. to roll or wind up Ld.” Jk. 234b10), the intransitive meaning appears to have yielded the transitive one in the case of traq (cf. drag pa “3. possessing a quality in a high degree” Jk. 260b–261a, as well as the Central Tibetan excessive, e.g. in the dialects of South Mustang (Kretschmar 1995 I:38) and Shigatse (Haller 2000:56)). Note that the intransitive traq may also be used with an additional locative argument indicating the entity the absolutive argument exceeds in terms of the quality in question, as illustrated in (85).

(81) skutpa-o

tʰul-aŋ-waa thread-def roll.up-add-hey Hey, roll the thread up (now)! (82) ŋatʃa ri-a tʰu-s we.pe mountain-dat climb-pst We climbed up into the mountains. (83) kʰo-s

kʰur traχ-s, kʰo tʃʰa-tʃ-in-tʃapo s/he-erg load tie-pst s/he go-inf2-eq-assum She’s tied her load, she’s probably about to go.

(84) ʃetan traq-pa-na ŋa-s rdoa rgjap-s satan win-inf-cnd I-erg stone hit-pst Possessed by Satan, I threw the stone.

10  The two uses are still perceived as polysemes of one and the same verb by my consultant.

406

Chapter 4

(85) kʰjeraŋ kargilo-pa-n-i-ka

traχ-se tʃ ʰ-et, you Kargilo-assoc-pl-g-loc win-cnj go-crt kʰoŋ-batsik spera maŋmo ʃes-et they-COMP word a.lot know-crt You are better than the people of Kargilo by now, (you) know more words than they. Similarly, the causative c-verb ɬtʃu ‘twist’, cf. (86), has come to be used intransitively as well, i.e. with an absolutive single argument only, as illustrated twice in (87).

(86) ʒiŋma ɬtʃu-s,

sat-e pʰaŋ-s neck twist-pst kill-cnj throw-pst (He) twisted her neck and threw her life away.

(87) kʰir-i

ɬtwa-o ɬtʃu-it, ɬtwa ɬtʃu-a-na you-gen stomach-def twist-crt stomach twist-inf-cnd zermo joŋ-tʃ-in pain come-inf2-eq Your stomach is twisting; when the stomach is twisted it hurts. Other verbs with a transitive argument structure can be used to denote either controllable or uncontrollable events, for instance kʰʂil ‘get, keep hold of, wrestle’ (cED) ~ ‘coil, be bent around sth.’ (ncAD) and gon ‘put on, wear’ (cEA) ~ with hja ‘have black marks (e.g. from wearing a ring)’ (ncAA). When gon describes a controllable event, the first argument is marked as an ergative, as in (88); when the same verb describes an uncontrollable event, the first argument takes the absolutive, as in (89).

(88) ɖaŋ-tʃi bos, ŋa-s dorma gon-et moment-one do\imp I-erg pants wear-crt Just a moment, I will put some pants on. (89) paχspa-o hja

gon-s skin-def rost wear-pst The skin has black marks (from wearing the ring). There are also complex predicates that may be used either intransitively or transitively. Regardless of whether ɲit tsʰat ‘wake up’ describes an event taking place without external influence, as in (90), or a controlled action with an agent in the ergative, as in (91), the experiencer (i.e. the person waking up) is always marked in the dative.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

407

(90) kʰo-a ɲit tsʰat-suk s/he-dat sleep be.ok-infr She’s apparently woken up. (91) ŋa-s

kʰo-a ɲit tsʰa-s I-erg s/he-dat sleep be.ok-pst I woke him up. 4.1.3.9 Extensions of the Ergative We must discuss a few more uses of the ergative, especially with regard to their respective argument properties. As mentioned in 3.4.3, the ergative may not only mark animate but also inanimate agents, as in examples (92) and (93). (92) latatse-s

bu skor-tʃ-in axis-erg millstone turn-inf2-eq The axis of the millstone makes the millstone spin around. (93) but-is

kaŋma-o ʂmuk-s, dj-uw-a tʰoχs-et shoe-erg foot-def scrape-pst this-def-dat be.hurt-crt The shoe has scraped (my) foot; it hurts here. These inanimate ergative agents in uncontrolled but nevertheless transitive contexts must be distinguished from the semantic forces that are used with intransitive verbs such as pʰit ‘freeze, get frostbite’ in (94) and laʁaloʁe tʃʰa ‘(come to) feel dizzy’ in (96). Example (95) illustrates the canonical intransitive use of pʰit.

(94) graŋ-is

kaŋma-o pʰit-pa-na rul-suk cold-erg foot-def get.frostbite-inf-cnd rot-infr Because of the cold, the foot got frostbite by and rotted.

(95) ŋ-ji

di zuu pʰit-de I-gen this finger get.frostbite-pd This finger of mine is frostbite (as you can see)!

(96) zahar-i

ŋat-po-s sɲiŋ-a laʁaloʁe tʃ ʰa-a-t poison-gen power-def-erg heart-dat dizzy go-inf-fct The poison makes (you) feel dizzy. While the inanimate agents in (92) and (93) above play a role that very closely resembles the one an animate agent (accordingly coded as the ergative) would

408

Chapter 4

play in the same construction, the semantic forces in (94) and (96) instantiate a role that is not contained in the argument structure of the respective noncontrollable and monovalent verbs. While these latter verbs normally describe processes without indicating what triggered them, the ergative may nevertheless be used to specify such a semantic force. In a similar vein, sensory verbs such as tʰoŋ do not normally highlight the role of the sensory organs. Instead, they construe a signal as moving from the stimulus in the absolutive to the experiencer in the dative. However, the role of the sensory organs may be emphasized by means of an ergative, as in (97). (97) watse

ŋa-r-i mig-is tʰoŋ fox I-self-gen eye-erg become.visible I saw the fox with my own eyes. The sensory organ conveying a signal from the stimulus to the experiencer closely resembles the path expressed by the ergative in examples (98) and (99). This makes it appear likely that the ergative was first extended from animate to inanimate agents of transitive verbs, later to semantic forces of sensory verbs, and finally to paths. Since the participants in the ergative in (98), barban-pos ‘the window-erg’, and in (99), sil-is ‘shade-erg’, do not possess any agentlike properties, they have to be interpreted as specifying the path. Note that it would not be ungrammatical to join a pronoun denoting the agent (e.g. kʰje-s ‘you-erg’) to the imperative-construction in (98), either at the beginning or in the antitopic position at the end of the sentence, despite the presence of another ergative NP indicating the path.

(98) barban-po-s

toŋ window-def-erg give\imp Pass it through the window!

(99) sil-is tʃʰ-et shade-erg go-crt I’m walking in the shade.

Note that this notion of path has further been reanalyzed statively in connection with stative predicates such as the ones in (100) and (101); in the latter example, joŋ ‘come’ is used to express a high probability of occurrence, cf. 4.3.1.4. (100) are zaʁa-s



tʃʰu mi-nduk that funnel-erg water neg-ex.t There is no water in that funnel.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

409

(101) jurb-e zur-is joŋ-et canal-gen edge-erg come-crt (This flower) is found along the canal.

4.1.3.10 Ditransitive Verbs Let us now turn back to argument roles, namely those contained in the predicate frames of ditransitive verbs such as ɬtsap ‘teach’, skal ‘appoint’, stan ‘show’, taŋ ‘give’, tri ‘ask’, and zer ‘tell’ – the ergative agent (source), the absolutive theme (center), and the dative recipient or beneficiary (goal). With the verb ʂtat ‘hand over, deliver, put on, have (a mare) covered, irrigate by putting rocks in canal to cause overflow’, the goal may not only take the dative case, as in (102); if the goal is instantiated by a horse, for instance, it has to take the locative, as illustrated in (103). (102) ol-pw-a

tʃʰu ʂtat-en joŋ-et meadow-def-dat water put.on-sim come-crt I will water the meadow by putting rocks into the canals on the way.

(103) ŋa-s di zga-o

kʰir-i ʂt-e-ka ʂta-s I-erg this saddle-def you-gen horse-g-loc put.on-pst I put this saddle on your horse.

A variant argument structure is found for the verbs tri ‘ask’ and ɬtsap ‘learn’, as ilustrated in (104) and (105). Instead of a dative goal, these verbs may also take a source in the locative-ablative -i-ka-na denoting the person from which the theme is taken. This is the only argument structure attested for the verb ʂku ‘steal’. With all three verbs, simple ablative -na cannot be used instead of -i-ka-na, because it would be interpreted as a comitative). Note that the theme role of the verb tri ‘ask, demand’ is typically instantiated by a question when used with a dative goal, but by an answer when used with a locativeablative source. Example (106) illustrates that, with ɬtsap, the active role of the teacher may be emphasized by coding it in the ergative instead of the locative-ablative. (104) ŋa-s aʁ-i-ka-na

tri-s-p-in, diriŋ gaɽi I-erg Agha-g-loc-abl ask-pst-inf-ex.f today car ɬep-tʃa jod-lo arrive-inf2 ex-quot I asked the Agha; a car will arrive today, (he) said.

410

Chapter 4

(105) ŋa-s jar-i-ka-na purik-i skat-po ɬtsap-s I-erg you(h)-g-loc-abl Purik-gen language-def learn-pst I learned the Purik language from you. (106)

kʰo jaŋ mi-tʃig-is ɬtsap-se ma joŋ-tʃuk-pa in s/he other man-indef-erg teach-cnj neg come-caus-inf eq Someone else talked him out of coming here. 4.1.4 Indirect-causative V-tʃuk Following Rangan (1979:145), V-tʃuk is analyzed here as expressing indirect causation and thus distinguished from the s- prefix expressing direct causation (see 4.1.1).11 We will see presently that V-tʃuk may not only refer to actions favoring the event V or to the omission of actions inhibiting V, but also to combinations of favoring actions and omitted inhibitive actions. The indirect-causative suffix -tʃuk derives from the verb tʃuk ‘put in, close’ (WT bcug), which is contrasted with the indirect-causative form of its passive counterpart ʒuks ‘be closed’ in (107), reflecting the obligatory assimilation turning ʒuk-ʃuk into ʒuks-tʃuk. Example (107) also illustrates that with change-of-state verbs (such as ʒuks ‘be closed’), -tʃuk regularly indicates actions (and omitted inhibitive actions) which allow the change of state denoted by V to reach completion (= to take place). (107) ʈʰum ʒuk-ʃuk-se zgo-u tʃuk drm be.closed-caus-cnj door-def close Close the door all the way!

We will first deal with the semantics of V-tʃuk and then discuss the case marking of the causee. In (108), spera zer-tʃuk ‘let speak’ primarily refers to actions meant to favor someone else’s utterance of specific information, while in (109), the same indirect-causative construction refers to the omission of actions that keep someone else from finishing her turn. (108) spera

bru-a, spera zer-tʃuk-pa, bru-se kʰjoŋ-ma word dig-inf word say-caus-inf dig-cnj bring-inf to dig for words, to get (someone) to say a word, to bring by digging

11  While Bailey (1920:11) reports that the verb tʃuktʃas ‘to shut’ follows the root of a verb, in his examples, it actually follows its -pa infinitive, as in zerba tʃuks ‘he caused to speak, permitted to speak’ and zaa tʃuget ‘he gives to eat’. This inconsistency possibly bear testimony to an earlier stage of the language in which the indirect-causative construction was less grammaticalized, and -tʃuk could thus occur after either bare roots or infinitives.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

411

(109) rdoŋ ma brop, spera zer-tʃuk face neg scratch\imp word say-caus Don’t scratch (his) face (i.e. don’t interrupt him), let him talk!

The difference between these two readings is also illustrated in (110), where mun-tʃuk primarily refers to an action, and (111), where siŋ-ʃuk refers to the omission of actions. (110) mun-tʃuk-se

ɬta-a rgo-ʃ-in become.unconscious-caus-cnj look-inf need-inf2-eq Someone should look at (this) by putting (the subject) under anesthetic.

(111) tʃʰu

saku jot, ɖaŋ-tʃi ʒoq, siŋ-ʃuk water dirty ex.f moment-one put\imp become.clear-caus The water is dirty; leave it for a moment and let it become clear! In other contexts, as in (112) and (113), the events denoted by V may clearly be achieved by means of a combination of doing and not doing something.

(112) ŋa-s tsa-a-mtsik bri-s, kʰo-a tsa-a-mtsik I-erg how-MPH-much comfort-pst s/he-dat how-MPH-much ɬtu-s, calm.down-pst ŋa mana no, kʰjer-es brit-e ɲit I very here.you.go you-erg calm.down-cnj sleep joŋ-tʃuk come-caus How I comforted her (a child), how I tried to calm her down! I… (tried everything)! Here you go! You try to calm her down so (she will) fall asleep!

di pʰru-u ŋw-it, χa b-et, kolea-a di-ka this child-def cry-crt anger do-crt slowly-emph this-loc ʈʰoq ba-se kʰo-a rdʒet-tʃuk-tʃa knock do-cnj s/he-dat forget-caus-inf2 This child is crying, she’s whining; by slightly tapping her here (we) make her forget.

(113)

In the contexts of both (114) and (115), -tʃuk means that an event is triggered but will only reach completion after a subsequent phase during which further actions are omitted.

412

Chapter 4

kʰo-s mi stre-se ʈaŋ tʃʰa-tʃuk-pa-t, mi na s/he-erg man mix-cnj fight go-caus-inf-fct man and mi rgjap-se man hit-cnj S/he instigates people.

(114)

(115) tʰab-j-aŋ pʰap-se tsʰo-ʃuk-tʃa stove-g-ine put.down-cnj boil-caus-inf2 (You have) to put it in the stove and let it boil.

After controllable verbs, -tʃuk may also express a jussive notion, as illustrated in (116)–(118). Note, however, that depending on context, all of these indirectcausative constructions may also be interpreted as permissives. dombar-po-s laqpa pʰiŋ-se ʂna-w-a between.legs-def-erg hand take.out-cnj ear-def-dat tʰam-ʃuk-s hold-caus-pst (He) made (us) put our arms through our legs and grab our ears.

(116)

dja-a-tsa naŋ-tʃik bru-tʃuk-s that.xct-def-lim house-indef dig-caus-pst (H)e had (him) dig a hole of this size.

(117)

ŋa-s dj-u kʰjeraŋ-a pʰrot-tʃuk-s I-erg this-def you-dat receive-caus-pst I had this delivered to you.

(118)

The discussed diverging semantic interpretations (causative, permissive, and jussive) appear to be neutralized in the negated -tʃuk construction, which always has an inhibitive meaning, that is, always refers to actions that are intended to inhibit an event, as illustrated in the first part of (119) as well as in (120) and (121). (119) di tʃʰu-u di-r ma tʃ ʰa-tʃuk-pa sa this water-def this-term neg go-caus-inf earth skjor-e shield-cnj di ŋos-la tʃʰa-tʃuk this side-dat go-caus In order not to let the water run here build a dam in order to make it go this way.

Sentences – Verbal Stems

413

(120) laqpa-o zug-a skjor-e ʒoq, bo-se hand-def like.this-dat shield-cnj put\imp be.spilled-cnj ma tʃʰa-tʃuk-pa neg go-caus-inf Hold your hands together like this, without letting it spill! (121) ŋa-s kʰoŋ ŋjiska ʈaŋ ma tʃʰa-tʃuk-pa bar I-erg they both fight neg go-caus-inf space.between pʰe-s open-pst I took them apart in order to not let them fight (each other).

A causative interpretation is possible, if only the copula, but not the -tʃuk construction as a whole, is negated, as exemplified in (122). ŋa-s kʰʂel-tʃuk-tʃa men-m-in I-erg become.ashamed-caus-inf2 neg:eq-inf-eq I didn’t want to put shame on you.

(122)

A final interpretation of -tʃuk constructions that needs to be mentioned here is the one illustrated in (123) and (124), where -tʃuk implies that an event was triggered by some external influence. kʰir-i ret-la ŋa-ŋ ɬtoχ-ʃuk-s you-gen opportunity-dat I-add be.hungry-caus-pst Your getting hungry made me hungry as well.

(123)

ŋj-i aʃi but, aʃi but-tʃuk-s I-gen ownership fall ownership fall-caus-pst I’m totally exhausted, this made me totally exhausted.

(124)

Especially in prohibitives, it is common for the negated verbal stem to be topicalized before the negating particle. This is also common with the indirectcausative construction, as exemplified in (125) and (126) and discussed in 4.1.4. ɬut ma ɬut-tʃuk overflow neg overflow-caus Don’t let the milk overflow! (125)

414

Chapter 4

(126) pʰru brit-aŋ, ŋu ma ŋu-tʃuk child console-add cry neg cry-caus Console the child, please! Don’t let her cry!

Let us now turn to case marking of the causee. Unless it is omitted, the causer is always coded as an ergative. Similarly, a causee representing an absolutive argument in the predicate structure of the neutral verb retains its zero-marking in the indirect-causative construction, as shown in (127) and (128). ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ tʃʰa-tʃug-et (†kʰjeraŋ-a) I-erg you go-caus-crt I’m letting you go. (127)

(128) ŋa-s kʰoŋ duk-tʃuk-s (†kʰoŋ-a) I-erg they stay-caus-pst I let them stay. / I made them stay.

By contrast, both the causees representing dative arguments, as in (129) and (130), and those representing ergative arguments, as in (131) and (132), are coded as datives in the indirect-causative -tʃuk construction. (In parentheses, ‘†’ indicates ungrammatical forms of the pronouns.) kʰoŋ-a ɲit joŋ-tʃuk (†kʰoŋ) they-dat sleep come-caus Let them get some sleep!

(129)

ŋas kʰjeraŋ-a tʃʰut-tʃug-et (†kʰjeraŋ) I-erg you-dat understand-caus-crt I will make you understand. / I will help you understand. (130)

(131) kʰo-a za-tʃuk (†kʰo, kʰo-s) s/he-dat eat-caus Let him eat!

ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ-a las ba-tʃuk-tʃa men I-erg you-dat work do-caus-inf2 neg:eq I’m not going to let you work. (132)

(†kʰjeraŋ, kʰjer-es)

The morphosyntactic behavior of the causees observed in these examples makes sense in terms of the matrix clause. That is, the permissive morpheme -tʃuk calls for a fully affected object to be marked as absolutive and for a partially or

Sentences – Verbal Stems

415

indirectly affected object to be marked as dative. While fully affected objects are thus marked as absolutives in neutral and indirect-causative constructions, dative marking in an indirect-causative construction may reflect either dative or ergative marking in a neutral context. This makes sense insofar as someone who is allowed to move or sit is indeed affected in its entirety by the indirect causation, while someone who is allowed to get sleep or understand as well as someone who is allowed to eat or work is only partially affected by the indirect causation. Note that this rule also applies to ditransitive predicates such as taŋ ‘give’ and ɬta ‘look (at)’. Because these verbs may take both ergative and dative arguments, their indirect-causative constructions are ambiguous insofar as the causee in the dative may (theoretically) be interpreted as either the agent or the goal of the action allowed to take place, as exemplified in (133a) and (133b). (133a) kʰo-s pene taŋ-tʃ-in-m-in, s/he-erg money give-inf2-eq-inf-eq magar ŋa-s kʰo-a pene ma taŋ-tʃuk-s but I-erg s/he-dat money neg give-caus-pst He was going to pay, but I didn’t let him pay. (In a different context, this may also mean: ‘… but I didn’t let (them) pay him.’) (133b) kʰo-a ɬta-tʃuk

s/he-dat look-caus Let him have a look! (In a different context, this may also mean ‘let (me) have a look at him!’.) That ergative and dative arguments of a subordinate clause both surface as datives in a matrix clause is not restricted to -tʃuk constructions. It also characterizes the subjects of -pa infinitive complements of matrix verbs such as ɲan ‘be able to’ and ʃes ‘know how to’ (see also 4.2.3), as well as -tʃa infinitive complements of the dynamic auxiliary tʃʰa ‘become’ (see also 4.2.4). Thus, with a subordinate -pa infinitive of a verb whose predicate frame contains both an ergative and a dative argument, such as zer-ba ‘to say’ in (134), the dative argument of the matrix clause (kʰo-a ‘to him’) with the predicate ɲan ‘be able to’ may refer to either the agent or the goal of the subordinate clause. Hence, it is slightly misleading to call the discussed phenomenon a syntactic neutralization of morphological coding, because it is entirely driven by the semantics of the involved cases – the fully affected argument is the center of the proposition and thus takes the absolutive, and the partially affected argument (whether it is the agent or the goal within the subordinate clause) is the goal of the event denoted by the matrix clause and thus takes the dative.

416

Chapter 4

(134) kʰo-a zer-ba ma-en [ma-ɲan] s/he-dat say-nr neg-can He was not able to say (it). / I could not tell him.

4.1.5 The -s of Roots and Past and Imperative Stems Besides lexicalizing in around 100 intransitive Purik verbs that must have canonically been used telically in PT, the stative PT -s suffix was reanalyzed in two functions that are still productive today. First, it came to mark the past stems of transitive verbs, and second, it came to mark imperative stems ending in vowels. Note that in addition, roots with an -a- have an -o- in the imperative, another reflex of the lip-pointing mentioned in 4.1.1. In all but two cases, the different verbal stems in Purik are regularly derived from a single root. The first exceptional verb is za ‘to eat’, which has a regular imperative stem zo but an irregular past stem zos (instead of a regular za-s), thus preserving a form found in OT (e.g. at least ten times in ITJ 0731) and the modern WAT dialects, Tabo and perhaps Nangchen. The second irregular verb is the suppletive tʃʰa, soŋ, soŋ ‘to go’, which is again paralleled in the other WAT and certain WIT dialects, while most other Tibetan dialects have reflexes of WT ’gro instead of cha(s),12 and a few CT dialects have reflexes of ’phyin instead of song (which has come to indicate a directly witnessed past event in most of these dialects). All the other past and imperative stems are derived by regular rules from the root that corresponds to the WT past stem (stem II) in all but a few cases. Hence, every transitive verb receives an -s in the past stem, such as zer ‘to say’ → zer-s ‘said’, even if it exclusively denotes uncontrollable events, such as ʂmuk ‘to scrape (e.g. of a shoe and a heel)’ → ʂmuk-s ‘scraped’, or may be used to denote uncontrollable events, such as zdam ‘press together’ in zgobarp-e-aŋ-nuk zdam-s (door.space-def-gen-ine-term press.together-pst) ‘(my finger) got caught in the door’. By contrast, intransitive verbs do not distinguish between present and past stems, cf. ʃi ‘to die’ → ʃi ‘died’ and gret ‘to fall down, slip’ → gret ‘fell down’. This also applies to intransitive verbs that regularly describe controllable events, such as biŋ ‘to go out, up’ → biŋ ‘went out, up’, loq ‘to turn over, return’ → loq ‘turned over, returned’, and ʃor ‘to run away’ → ʃor ‘ran away’. The only intransitive verb with an -s suffix in the past stem is joŋ ‘to come’ → joŋ-s ‘came’. These past stems are finitely used in Purik as simple past forms, which describe a past event. Additional morphemes may specify how the informant 12  Jäschke has found only chas in written sources, cf. however Pt 1047: three times cha beside more frequent chas in the same context, probably meaning ‘to become’; and perhaps once each in Pt 1068:093 (lan shid ni cheru gthang ’tshal cha gar ni ring du brtsid ’tshal gyis) and Pt 1134:089 (mdad shid cher gtang cha gar cher brtsig ches).

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

417

(see 4.4.1.2) acquired the knowledge about the event in question, such as inferential -suk (4.4.6.2) and quotative -lo (4.5.7), or imply controversy, such as the focus marker -pa (4.5.2). Certain contexts trigger a resultative or inchoative analysis of the simple past, as discussed in 4.4.2.1. Such an analysis is ruled out by suffixing the past marker -p-in to the past stem in order to imply that the outcome of the event does not correspond to the current state (4.4.9.4). The past stem always constitutes the base from which the -(s)e participle is derived (4.2.1), while the nominalizers -pa (4.2.3) and -kʰan may be attached to either the past stem or the root of the verb. Similarly, imperative stems are derived from controllable verbs ending in a vowel by suffixing -s, as in tri ‘to ask’ → tri-s ‘ask!’, kʰʂu ‘to wash’ → kʰʂu-s ‘wash!’, and stre ‘to mix’ → stre-s ‘mix!’, and by changing a root-vowel -a(-) into an -o-, as in ba ‘to do’ → bo-s ‘do!’, taŋ ‘to give’ → toŋ ‘give!’ and ɲal ‘to sleep’ → ɲol ‘sleep!’. Prohibitives often contain a topicalizing verbal root before the negation, as in (balaŋ-po) tsul ma tsul ‘don’t provoke (the cow)!’. They may also be formed from verbs that are canonically uncontrollable, such as ŋu ‘to cry’ → ŋu ma ŋu-s ‘don’t cry!’. The topicalizing verbal root always lacks the -s that marks the imperative stem, sometimes even omitting it when it is part of the lexical root, as in riŋ ma riŋs ‘don’t hurry!’ (from riŋs ‘be in a hurry’). As implied by their glosses, these imperative stems may express an order without further morphology in Purik. Adding -ʃik indicates that the addressee is plural (4.5.5), and adding -aŋ may imply that the addressee seems reluctant to follow the order or invitation in question (4.5.6). Note that hearsay -lo (4.5.7) may also follow the imperative stem in case an order is reported. The remaining verbal constructions in Purik are formed on the base of the root. I will only mention here those constructions in which this root is not overtly nominalized. The bare root is finitely used to refer to future actions controlled by the speaker, as in jaŋ tʃi taŋ ‘what else should I give (you)?’ and joŋ-a (ma joŋ) ‘should I come (or not)?’, as discussed in 4.4.2.2. It similarly conveys prospective aspect when occurring after negating mi, as in mi tʰop ‘(I) won’t find (a place to sleep)’ and mi rgos ‘(I) won’t need (that), (I) never need (that)’, see 4.4.8.2. 4.2

Infinite Verbal Forms

In this section, the nominalizations that are productive in modern spoken Purik are discussed.13 They each express a particular perspective on an event, 13  This will not include the formerly productive deverbal nominalizers -d (e.g. in sku-t ‘ointment’, bro-t ‘taste’ (from bro ‘taste’), tsʰa-t ‘heat’ (from tsʰa ‘become hot’), pʰet ‘half’ (from pʰe ‘open’), trot ‘heat’ (from dros ‘become hot’), and ɬtanmo ‘spectacle’ (< *ɬta-t-mo, cf. Jk.

418

Chapter 4

depict it in a particular fashion, and often highlight certain properties of it (e.g. -kʰan ‘someone who does sth.’, -sa ‘where an event takes place’, -tʰo ‘(exact) time when an event takes place’, and -loŋ ‘(stretch of) time to do sth.’). As a result, they tend to place an event into a particular temporal (largely anterior, simultaneous, or posterior) or causal context. Thus, these nominalizations are omnipresent building blocks of Purik grammar, where they serve to adverbially subordinate clauses, denote complements of verbs or clauses, build relative clauses, qualify a predicate as to its manner (e.g. progressive V-en and conjunctive V-(s)e), or merge with following copulas to serve aspectual functions (-tʃ-in, -p-in). Some of the nominalizations may also mark independent utterances, e.g. V-(s)e(-na), V-tʃa(-o), -pa, ( jot)-in, and V-tsa(-na). In this section, I try to reconstruct the basic meaning of each nominalizer and show how this meaning is analyzed and extended in the various constructions in which it occurs. How light verbs and copulas are added to these nominalizations to yield basic verbal inflections will be discussed in 4.3 and 4.4 respectively. The goal of the present and following sections is to show that the meanings that are conveyed by constructions containing deverbal nominalizations and auxiliaries are strictly compositional. 4.2.1 The Conjunctive -(s)e Participle It has not been stressed enough in previous descriptions of the WAT dialects that the two events that are linked by the -(s)e participle do not only follow each other but often overlap or even coincide, if we restrict our attention to the temporal dimension. As a consequence, such verb concatenations often do not refer to two distinct events but to one event only. This, in turn, yields contexts in which the first or the second verb may assume a pragmatic function or come to qualify the other verb as to its aktionsart (cf. 4.3). Read (1934:60) describes a variety of such examples for the Balti dialect14 that suggest that his 217b)) and -s (e.g. in ɬiŋ-s ‘hunt’, ʂtse-s ‘dance’, ʂtsi-s ‘number, calculation’, and zbraχ-s ‘stack (e.g. of hay) stored on the roof’). 14  Compare Balti phose tangma, phangse tangma, and kale tangma, where the conjunctive participle “gives a sense of completion” (Read 1934:60). Other examples of verb concatenations that do not represent two clearly distinguishable events are khure khyongma ‘to bring (carrying)’, khide ongma ‘to come (bringing a person)’, and tede khyongma ‘to bring (an animal, leading by the bridle, etc.)’. According to Read (1934:60), the conjunctive participle states a condition the “action is subject to … before it can be fully carried out.” For more examples from Balti, see Bielmeier (1985:117ff.).

419

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

neutral label “conjunctive participle” for the participle under investigation is to be preferred over the narrower terms “perfect participle” (Koshal 1979:270ff.) or “konjunktes perfektives Partizip” (Bielmeier 1985:117ff.). Formal Properties As far as its formal properties are concerned, the conjunctive participle in Purik lacks a dental stop that is found in Ladakhi and WT, including Old Tibetan, see Table 78. The data for the WT column was taken from Hahn (1996:148), and those for Ladakhi from Koshal (1979:270). The forms in Balti are identical to those in Purik, see Read (1934:50). In all other Tibetan dialects in which a reflex of this particle can be found, it has the invariable form -te, i.e. in Kyirong (Huber 2005:167, 172, and perhaps 12015), Derge (Häsler 1999:255), and WesternDrokpa (Causemann 1989:125); in the latter two, it has been restricted to adversative contexts. The comparative evidence suggests that the dental stop was lost after the sibilant in Purik and Balti (-ste > -se). It must be added at this point that, especially in frequent collocations, the conjunctive participle is often deprived of its vowel, cf. (135)–(137). This makes them look similar to those constructions in Central Tibetan investigated by DeLancey (1991), in which the non-final subordinator is omitted. Table 78

The conjunctive particle after various stem-finals in WT, Ladakhi, and Purik/Balti

Stem-final sound

WT

Ladakhi

Purik (and Balti)

-g, -ng, -b, -m, -V -n, -r, -l -s -d

-ste -te -te -de

-ste -(s)te -te -te

-se -e -e -e

15  In Kyirong, -te is also used to express old, generic knowledge. The speaker is thus “sure about what he is saying, without necessarily having witnessed it and without knowing details about it. He has simply been aware of the fact for a long time.” (Huber 2005:119) Quite likely, this -te does not reflect the conjunctive participle but the anaphoric demonstrative, which assumed a similar meaning in Purik in the postverbal position, cf. 4.5.7.

420

Chapter 4

(135) pʰut-(e) toŋ put.out-cnj give\imp Spit it out! (136) pʰaŋ-s(e)

taŋ-s(e) duk-s throw-cnj give-cnj stay-pst (She) stood there having thrown (the coffin into the water). (137) kʰo ʃor-(e)



joŋ-s-kʰan in-suk-de s/he flee-cnj come-pst-nlzr eq-infr-pd He appears to have fled here (as you know).

Bi- and Monoclausal It was mentioned above that the two verbs that are linked by the conjunctive participle may denote two consecutive events (with or without a temporal gap in between), two overlapping or even simultaneous events, and single events. Example (138) illustrates that the temporal relation between events may also be analyzed as a causal (and therefore consecutive) one. Note that none of the arguments in the first and second clause are coreferent. (138) kʰa ʒu-se



braq-po ʈililia soŋ snow melt-cnj rock-def tumbling.down went The rock tumbled down after/because the snow had melted.

The conjunctive -(s)e participle is thus an important means by which to link two clauses (especially in V-(s)e-na ‘after having V-ed’), as discussed below in this section. The conjunctive participle may also be followed by the participle men-e and a second negation in order to make a strong conditional relation explicit, as shown in example (139). (139) jarken-i buksuk skams-e men-e nor-la mi Yarkand-gen trefoil dry-cnj neg:eq-cnj sheep-dat neg taŋ-ma-t give-inf-fct The (violet) Yarkand-trefoil is only given to the sheep after/if it has been dried.

Note in this context that the unmarked negation of the -(s)e participle in a serialization such as graŋs-e tʰuŋ ‘drink (the tea) when it’s cooled down!’ does not employ the conjunctive participle but the -pa infinitive, as in (140). That

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

421

the main verbal stem is repeated and topicalized before the negation is not particular to this construction, see also 4.1.2 and 4.1.6. In order for the negation to take scope over the entire sentence, rather than only over the qualification conveyed by the conjunctive participle, as in (140), the negating particle ma is inserted before the main verb, as in graŋs-e ma tʰuŋ ‘don’t drink (the tea) when it’s cooled down!’. (140) tʃa-o

graŋs ma graŋs-pa tʰuŋ16 tea-def become.cold neg become.cold-inf drink Drink the tea before it has gone cold. The sequentiality of two events may be made explicit by inserting rgjab-na ‘afterwards’, or its definite correspondence rgjap-po-na, after the -(s)e participle, as in (141) and (142). Note that the consecutive events in (141) involve two different agents. (141)

kʰo soŋ-se rgjab-na ŋa joŋ-et s/he went-cnj back-abl I come-crt (Only) after s/he has left, I will come.

(142)

zan zos-e rgjap-po-na ŋataŋ tʃ ʰ-ed-hei food ate-cnj back-def-abl we.pi go-crt-ok? But after eating we’ll go, ok?





That there may also be a temporal gap between the the events described by a subordinate clause ending in -(s)e and a main clause is illustrated in the following example: (143) mendoq jol-e ʒaχma ʂtʃu-a rumbu tʃ ʰa-tʃ-in flower wither-cnj day 10-dat bud go-inf2-eq Ten days after the flower has withered, it will become a young fruit.

The size of this gap may even be emphasized as in example (144). (144)

dj-u zos-e mana lokʰor-tʃi soŋ this-def ate-cnj very one.year-indef went It’s been about a year since I ate this! 16  Compare the synonymous example with an overt causative-permissive: tʃa-o graŋs ma graŋ-ʃuk-pa tʰuŋ.

422

Chapter 4

This construction appears to present a challenge to speakers of Purik, because they want to convey the information of both how long one has not done ­something and that one did do it before that. We will see in 4.2.3 that Purikpas may also use ma za-a ‘without eating’ instead of zos-e ‘having eaten’ in the same construction. Hence, the first variant does not explicitly convey the affirmative sense, and the second does not explicitly convey the negative sense. The motion verbs tʃʰa/soŋ ‘go’ and joŋ ‘come’ often assume a pragmatic function even in the second position of concatenations that represent two clearly distinct events, cf. examples (145) and (146). However, in all these serializations, the new information is limited to the first of the two verbs, while the second conveys given information only. This redundancy allows the second verb to express some sense of completion, i.e. it emphasizes that the completion of the first event is a precondition for the second event to take place. (145) adres-po

ʒaχ-se soŋ address-def put-cnj go\imp Give (me your) address before you leave! (lit. Don’t go without leaving your address!)

(146)



zan za-za-a-na laqpa kʰʂu-se joŋ-et food eat-eat-dat-CNTR hand wash-cnj come-crt Before we eat, let (me) just wash my hands (lit. (I) will come (back) after washing my hands).

It is the context that guides the construal of the relation that holds between the two events in such constructions. This becomes clear when we contrast examples (145) and (146) with concatenations in which motion verbs such as tʃ ʰa/ soŋ ‘go’ and joŋ ‘come’ qualify the preceding verb in the -(s)e participle as to its deixis (while this verb, in turn, specifies the manner of the concatenation). (147) drul-e

joŋ-s walk-cnj come-pst (I) came here by foot.

(148) ɬta-se

soŋ look-cnj go\imp Take care! Walk while watching (your step)! It is very common in Purik to express such single events that involve motion by means of -(s)e concatenations with either tʃ ʰa ‘go’ or joŋ ‘come’, depending

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

423

on whether the action denoted by the participle is undertaken while moving away from (tʃʰa) or towards (joŋ) the speaker. Other frequently used collocations are kʰur-e tʃʰa/joŋ ‘carry’, tet-e tʃʰa/joŋ ‘lead (e.g. the sheep)’, tsal-e tʃ ʰa/joŋ ‘look for’, baŋ taŋ-se tʃʰa/joŋ ‘run’, loχ-se tʃʰa/joŋ ‘return’, su-se tʃ ʰa/joŋ ‘receive (so.)’, etc. Rather rarely, the -(s)e participle denotes the purpose of the motion denoted by the following motion verb, cf. (149). Another, more common, way to express the same meaning is by means of an infinitive complement (ɬtʃor-ba) instead of the participle. It appears that the conjunctive participle implies here that the action will be continued even after it has reached partial success. (149) ŋa-s kʰuju

taŋ-ma milaq-tʃik ɬtʃor-e tʃ ʰ-et I-erg threshing give-inf help-indef borrow-cnj go-crt I will go and find help to do the threshing. Reduplication of the Participle An ongoing event is in other contexts explicitly coded by means of a reduplicated participle, cf. (150). On the other hand, if the verbal semantics already express continuation, as in (151), this notion is emphasized by means of the reduplication.

(150) ordʒen-po χol-e χol-e tsʰar-suk, milk-def boil-cnj boil-cnj be.finished-infr The milk’s (completely) gone because it had constantly been boiling. (151) tʃʰu tʰut-e tʰut-e joŋ-na, water be.connected-cnj be.connected-cnj come-cnd do-a barsaat zer-tʃ-in that-dat deluge say-inf2-eq If the water doesn’t stop coming, it’s called a deluge.

Clause-linking The construction V-(s)e-na (thoroughly discussed in 6.1.3) consists of the conjunctive participle that, at least in connection with the emphatic -na, has come to express consecutivity (even if it may also only indicate a conjunction of two events in its source-meaning). The emphatic -na therefore appears to strengthen exactly this notion of consecutivity. For instance, the -(s)e participle of a verb like drul ‘walk’ is interpreted conjunctively together with tʃ ʰa/joŋ (i.e. ‘go/ come walking’, cf. 4.3.1.3), but drul-e-na always means ‘after walking’. Examples (152)–(155) illustrate the use of V-(s)e-na; the last example also contrasts it with

424

Chapter 4

tʰuk-pa-na ‘after meeting’, where the infinitive must be used in order not to imply that the subjects have separated again. In (156), the conjunctive participle of ʂkjaŋ-se ‘stretching’ indicates that the two events followed each other immediately. And finally, in (157), -(s)e is followed by additive -aŋ a construction that is discussed in 6.2.2. (152)

bjamo-o ʈʰul maŋmo taŋ-se-na bups hen-def egg a.lot give-cnj-cnd brood The hen is brooding after it’s laid a lot of eggs.

(153)



tʃʰu na paju zgrum-tʃa, grums-e-na kʰa-a water and whitewash mix-inf2 be.mixed-cnj-cnd lid-dat band ba-tʃa closing do-inf2 (We) mix water and whitewash, and after it has dissolved, (we) close (it).

(154)

kʰo-s ɬtsaŋ-kʰan-po-la ʂmul rgj-ek taŋ-se-na s/he-erg raise-inf-def-dat rupee 100-indef give-cnj-cnd dja-o ʒot-en-dug-et that.xct-def brag-sim-stay-crt After s/he gave a beggar 100 rupees, s/he’s been bragging about it all the time. (155)

tʰuk-pa-na kʰo-s bjalabjole-k ba-se-na ʂwit ʃor meet-inf-cnd s/he-erg evasion-indef do-cnj-cnd drm flee When (we) met, s/he took a detour (or said a lot of excuses) and fled (at once).

(156) pʰjaq ba-se-na



ʂkjaŋ-se bazar-la tʃ ʰ-et prayer do-cnj-cnd stretch-cnj bazaar-dat go-crt After praying (I) will directly go to the bazaar.

(157) kʰo-s tʃi ba-se-aŋ kʰo-a rgod joŋ-tʃuk-s s/he-erg what do-cnj-add s/he-dat laughter come-caus-pst He tried to make her laugh at any cost.

Finite Use The construction V-(s)e-na is often – with a slightly rising intonation (cf. 7.3) – used finitely, i.e. eliding the expected main clause (that may still be added, as indicated in parentheses), in order to indicate that the addressee forgot

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

425

something the SAPs witnessed together at the time indicated by the clause ending -(s)e-na, cf.: (158) in-to-wa,

kʰo-s de-ʒaʁ-a kʰjoŋ-et zer-e-na eq-corr-hey s/he-erg that-day-dat bring-crt say-cnj-cnd (kʰo-i tam-po sai in) (s/he-gen word-def true eq) It’s true, didn’t he say he would bring it, the other day? (He said the truth.) (159) ŋataŋ deʒaq tʰuk-se-na ( jaraŋ-a rdʒet-a) we.pi that.day meet-cnj-cnd (you(h)-dat forget-q) We met the other day! (Have you already forgotten?)

Relativizing with jot The -(s)e participle is only rarely used after the existential copula jot, as in (160). Note that it may be read as a relative clause qualifying the head noun tsʰat in this context. (160)

namza-o kʰor-e jot-e tsʰat maŋmo jot-na, weather-def be.cloudy-cnj ex-cnj heat a.lot ex-cnd ode-ʒaʁ-a mukstsʰat duk zer-ba-t that.vry-day-dat damp.heat ex.t say-inf-fct When it is very hot while it is cloudy, on that day, we say: ‘it’s muggy (weather).’ Pragmatization of Verbs Following -(s)e Together with verbs that inherently involve the disappearance of an entity (such as (161) and (162)), the semantics of tʃʰa become partially redundant and may thus be reanalyzed pragmatically. Note that in (161), the disappearance is of course metaphoric. (161) ja med-na kʰo dot-et, either neg:ex.f-cnd s/he become.healthy-crt ja med-na kʰo ʃi-se tʃ ʰ-et or neg:ex.f-cnd s/he die-cnj go-crt Either s/he will become healthy or s/he will die. (162)

tʃʰat stor-e tʃʰo-ok drm go.lost-cnj go-pot You will lose it as soon as it breaks (falls) off.

426

Chapter 4

The auxiliary use of a motion verb like tʃʰa in these two examples makes the statement more vivid by triggering (in (161)) or strengthening (in (162)) the visualization of the event in the space surrounding the SAPs. A similar pragmatic function adheres to soŋ in (163), where the motion inherently expressed by gret ‘slip’ is envisaged as creating an increasing distance to the SAPs. Similarly, the event described in (164) is rendered more vividly because of the deictic orientation expressed by joŋ ‘come’ (the overflowing milk comes towards the SAPs). (163) kʰo gret-e



soŋ s/he slip-cnj went S/he slipped and fell down.

(164)

ordʒen-po ɬut-et, kʰatoq bos-e joŋ-et milk-def overflow-crt top be.spilled-cnj come-crt Milk overflows, it spills out on the top.17 The recurrent redundancy (resulting from the interpretation as a single event) of such -(s)e concatenations has also yielded an epistemic function of joŋ, as illustrated in (165), where it means that the event denoted by the preceding -(s)e participle is probable, cf. 4.3.1.4.

(165) ɲal-e

joŋ-ma-t sleep-cnj come-inf-fct (The ibexes) normally sleep (in this particular area at this time of the day).

The bleaching of tʃʰa and joŋ, and other verbs such as kʰjer ‘take away’, kʰjoŋ ‘bring’,18 taŋ ‘give, put, etc.’, or ʒaq ‘put, leave’, as well as the resulting pragmatic enrichment of these same verbs will be discussed in detail in the following section (4.3). The -(s)e concatenations must have also played an important role in the evolution of the copulas duk indicating directly witnessed knowledge (< ‘be situated, stay, sit’) and jot indicating old-assimilated knowledge (< ‘be in the possession of, have’). This is in line with the fact that it has merged with the former in the inferential morpheme -suk (< *-s(e)-duk, see 4.4.1.1) and with 17  The old-assimilated-knowledge marker -et is due to the fact that this sentence was meant to explain the verb ɬut ‘overflow’, thus giving an account of a repeatedly witnessed personal experience. 18  The inherent deixis (towards the speaker) of kʰjoŋ ‘bring’ suggests that it may derive from the subordinator-less concatenation kʰi:-joŋ ‘come (while) carrying’.

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

427

the latter in the (personally experienced) resultative -set (< *-s-jot, see again 4.4.1.1). The use of -se with the copulas duk, jot, as well as in, is also discussed in 4.3. It shall suffice to give one (very common) example for each of these copulas below, in all of which the concatenation of participle and copula evidently denotes a single event. (166) kʰo are-ka



ɲal-e duk s/he there-loc lie-cnj ex.t S/he’s lying over there.

(167)

A: tʃi b-et B: duk-se jot what do-ex.f stay-cnj ex.f What are you doing? (I’m just) sitting here.

(168) kʰo-s

tʃoq struŋ-se in s/he-erg moment drive-cnj eq He’s just started driving (a short while ago)! Right Dislocation Two final properties of the conjunctive participle remain to be discussed in this subsection. First, it is not uncommon at all for a -(s)e participle to be postponed after the virtual second (matrix) verb, as shown in (169). However, this participle cannot be dismissed as a simple afterthought. While its location between the reciprocal personal pronouns and the matrix verb would cloud the link between these two parts of the clause and at the same time tend to be analyzed as specifying the matrix verb as to its manner, its right dislocation only allows for a successful construal of the intended causal relation to the matrix verb. (169)



tʃik tʃik-po-a stot-en-duk tʃ ʰams-e one one-def-dat praise-sim-ex.t make.peace-cnj They say good things about each other, now that they’ve made peace.

V-(s)e-r-ik Finally, only in a few instances (cf. (170) and (171)), the conjunctive participle was found together with the attenuating suffixes -r-ik (consisting of the augmentative -r-, cf. 3.1.4, and the indefinite -ik, cf. 3.2.3) that occur at so many other positions, after members of almost any constituent of a clause in Purik. In both these examples, however, the participles have assumed a very general meaning paraphrasable as ‘normally’.

428

Chapter 4

(170) ʂtsom-se-r-ik ŋa-s ŋat-i braŋsa-a work.diligently-cnj-aug-indef I-erg we-gen hotel-dat za-a-t, diriŋ ŋa pʰista za-a tʃ ʰ-et eat-inf-fct, today I outside eat-inf go-crt Normally, I eat in my hotel, but today, I am going out to eat. (171) ʂtan-e-r-ik be.steady-cnj-aug-indef normally

4.2.2 The Progressive -en Participle General Remarks The Purik progressive participle -in/-en indicates that the event denoted by its verbal root takes place during the event denoted by the matrix verb.19 It is found in the same form and function in Balti (Read 1934:39, Bielmeier 1985:116– 7), while in Ladakhi, -nang is added (Koshal 1979:268–920). The functions of Purik -in/en closely correspond to those observed in the V-gin V-gin construction described in Tournadre and Dorje (2003:313) for the Lhasa dialect, where it means that two actions “are taking place simultaneously”.21 The additional initial velar found in this suffix is reminiscent of other grammatical morphemes such as the genitive and ergative cases, -(g)i(s), and the plural -(k)un, and may thus be hypothesized to have been lost in Purik, perhaps reanalyzed as velarless after velar finals and then extended to all other environments. However, the lack of evidence from other dialects22 as well as WT does not allow us to draw firm conclusions about the evolution of this participle. After consonantal finals, the form of the participle in Purik alternates between -in and -en. It appears that the variant with the high vowel was once 19  Bailey (1920:11) and Rangan (1979:96) say very little about this participle; a few valuable remarks can be found in Sharma’s (2004:93–5) discussion. 20  For instance, in kho ngu-yin-nang song ‘He left (while) crying, i.e. he was crying at the time of leaving.’ (Koshal 1979:268, transliteration slightly adapted). 21  Their two examples are gzhas btang gin gtang gin (gtong gin gtong gin) so so’i nang la log ’gro gi red ‘they’ll go back home singing’, and lam khag ’gro gin ’gro gin kha lag bza’ yag de yag po yod ma red ‘it isn’t good to eat while you’re walking’ (Tournadre and Dorje 2003:313). 22  In most CT dialects prospective -gin can be expected to merge with the nominalizer -mkhan, as in Kyirong -kẽ:/-gẽ: expressing the speaker’s absolute certainty that an event will take place in the future (Huber 2005:124), similarly the omnipresent -ken-marker of South Mustang (cf. Kretschmar 1995).

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

429

restricted to the environment after final high vowels (analogous to the present ending -et, which is pronounced -it only after -u and -i, cf. ŋu-it ‘cries’, ʂku-it ‘steals’, and ʂtsi-(i)t ‘counts’, see 4.4.7.1), but has now been extended to mid-high vowels and consonants (i.e. ʂku-in ‘stealing’, zbri-(i)n ‘writing’, and now tsʰo-in beside tsʰo-en ‘herding’, taŋ-en ~ taŋ-in ‘giving’, tʃat-en ~ tʃat-in, and ʂtse-(e)n ‘playing’, ze-(e)n (from za ‘eat’) ‘eating’). We will see below that the progressive participial suffix may also be accentuated, thereby pronounced in an elongated and high-pitched manner, in order to emphasize the durative notion. In its basic progressive function, the -en participle is commonly used to link two clauses. Often, the second clause consists of a verb like tʃ ʰa ‘go’, joŋ ‘come’, or duk ‘stay’, and the two clauses together denote a single durative event. And, together with the existential copulas duk and jot, the participle indicates that an event takes place at the moment of speech without explicitly indicating durativity. All the functions -en serves in Purik, however, clearly derive from its basic function of indicating that one event takes place during another. Linking Clauses In its clause-linking function (cf. 6.2.4), the progressive participle generally indicates that the event denoted by the matrix verb takes place during the one denoted by the participle, cf. (172). As it has happened in many other languages (cf. English while), simultaneity in this construction has come to imply an adversative notion in many instances, e.g. in (173). (172)



gundea di-aŋ ʂkunma joŋ-s ŋa di-aŋ jot-en-tʃik yesterday this-ine thief come-pst I this-ine ex-sim-indef Yesterday a thief came in here, while I was in here.

(173) mahmut-la laqtuk pene jot-en-tʃik kʰo-s Mahmud-dat hand.loc money ex-sim-indef s/he-erg ʂku-s steal-pst Even though Mahmud had money himself he stole.

Finite Use The progressive participle with an attached indefinite article is sometimes also used finitely, as shown in (174). We may assume that a matrix clause meaning something like ‘shouldn’t we by some milk?’ is conventionally elided here. While in the previous examples the speaker knows that the hearer shares the information in question with the speaker herself, she isn’t sure about this in

430

Chapter 4

(174). The indefinite article thus appears to add the illocutionary force of a question to such a proposition ending with the progressive participle. For the similar ‘patronizing’ uses of -en, as in, cf. 4.4.6.3. (174) ordʒen-tʃi

rgo-ʃa jot-in-tʃik milk-indef need-inf2 ex-sim-indef Did’t we need some milk?

(175)

A: kemra-o kʰjoŋ-set-a camera-def bring-res-q Did you bring the camera (along)? B: kʰjoŋ-set-in bring-res-sim Of course I did! You saw me take it! Relativizing Similarly deriving from the above described subordinate clauses that stand in a simultaneous relationship with the event expressed in the main clause, in some instances, the -en participle appears to modify a noun. As illustrated in (176), this construction is predominantly but not exclusively used with the verb zer in its meaning ‘to be called’ in the subordinate clause and, again, the additional indefinite article -tʃik. Example (177) provides an environment in which the basically temporal relation may be reanalyzed as an attributive one. In other words, the clause ending in the progressive participle does not adverbially specify the matrix clause but it modifies a head noun it represents itself.

(176) tʃʰerpa zer-en-tʃik krotp-e-ka bjar-e joŋ-et milt say-sim-indef stomach-g-loc stick-cnj come-crt Something called tʃʰerpa (‘milt’) is found next to the stomach. (177)

kʰjeraŋ dare zaŋskar-la tʃʰa-a-na you now Zangskar-dat go-inf-cnd de-r kʰuju skor-en(-tʃik) joŋ-ma-t that-term threshing turn-sim(-indef) come-inf-fct When you’re going to Zangskar now, there will be people who do the threshing (still with the cattle, not using the machine yet).

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

431

Before the Dynamic Auxiliaries (tʃʰa and joŋ) The progressive participle is very frequently used before the motion verb tʃ ʰa ’go’, which is thereby temporally reanalyzed and comes to indicate that the event denoted by the -en participle takes place continuously or iteratively over a certain stretch of time, cf. (178) and (179), respectively. The motion verb with the opposed deixis, i.e. joŋ ‘come’, is used in contexts where something either literally approaches the speaker (cf. (180)) or where it (metaphorically approaching the speaker) comes into being or becomes bigger, as the appearance of the moon in (181) (in contrast to (182), where tʃ ʰa ‘go’ is used together with the waning moon). (178) ŋatʃ-i skul-un tʰus-en tʃ ʰ-en-duk we.pe-gen school-pl deteriorate-sim go-sim-ex.t Our schools are becoming worse and worse. (179) nor



rere ʒaʁ-i skje-n tʃ ʰ-et sheep every day-gen be.born-sim go-crt Every day a sheep is born.

(180) ol-p-wa tʃʰu ʂtat-en joŋ-et meadow-def-dat water put.on-sim come-crt I will water the meadow by putting rocks into the canals on the way. (181) rdzago-i

ldzot gaŋ-en joŋ-ma-na … sickle-gen moon be.full-sim come-inf-cnd When the sickle-shaped moon is becoming fuller and fuller …

(182)



ldzot bri-n tʃʰ-et moon become.less-sim go-crt The moon is waning.

For the construction in which joŋ indicates ‘likelihood’ after the -en participle (or bare adjectives or nouns), cf. 4.3.1.4 and example (183) below. (183)

kʰo tʃoq laŋs-en joŋ-ma-t, ŋa ɖjuti-a s/he moment get.up-sim come-inf-fct I duty-dat tʃʰa-tsa-na go-lim-cnd He’s normally just gotten up (shortly before) when I go to work.

432

Chapter 4

Emphasized Continuity: Repetition or Lengthening The continuous aspect of an event may either be emphasized by repeating the participle, as illustrated in (184) and (185), or by accentuating and thereby lengthening and pronouncing the vowel of the suffix on a relatively higher pitch as in (186) and (187) (Note that the possessor of the single argument bi-i ʃoqpa ‘wings of birds’ in the matrix clause of this last example is coreferent with the patient bi ‘bird’ of the subordinate clause.). (184)

ee tsʰups-e joŋ-s-e, ŋu-a stap tʃ ʰ-en tʃ ʰ-en od sulk-cnj come-pst-od cry-inf ready go-sim go-sim tʃʰ-en zer-e, tsʰups-en tsʰups-en tsʰups-en joŋ-s go-sim say-cnj sulk-sim sulk-sim sulk-sim come-pst zer-e, tsʰups-en joŋ-s joŋ-s joŋ-s zer-e say-cnj sulk-sim come-pst come-pst come-pst say-cnj There! S/he’s come near the tears, that is, s/he’s more and more about to cry, coming nearer and nearer and nearer to tears, continuously coming nearer to tears, that is. (185) rgo



joŋ-ma-na skjet-en skjet-en tʃ ʰ-et-de body come-inf-cnd grow-sim grow-sim go-crt-pd When ‘the body is coming’, one continuously grows and grows.

(186) kʰo-s

rdoŋ-po sɲaʁ-een-dug-en-duk s/he-erg face-def frown-sim\emph-stay-sim-ex.t S/he keeps on (doesn’t stop) frowning.

(187) zbrul-is

sɲaχs ba-na bi pʰut-iin, bi snake-erg magic do-cnd bird take.down-sim\emph bird saʁ-i ʃoqpa sul but-e soŋ-se zbrul-i all-gen wing drm fall.down-cnj went-cnj snake-gen kʰ-e-aŋ tʃʰ-en-dug-lo mouth-g-ine go-sim-ex.t-quot When the snake uses its magic, by pulling the bird(s) down continuously, all the birds will lose their wings at once and fall into the snakes mouth, it is said. When the progressive participle is used with a matrix verb different from the discussed motion verbs, it similarly indicates that the event denoted by the

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

433

predicate takes place during the one denoted by the matrix verb. While tʃʰa and joŋ tend to be reduced to the pragmatic function of indicating durativity, however, the matrix verbs drul ‘walk’, taŋ ‘give, put’, and ɬtsam ‘warm up’ in (188)–(190) – by definition non-punctual verbs – retain their semantics. (188)

ʂta zems-en drul-ba-na ʂmikpa taŋ-ma rgos-et horse avoid-sim walk-inf-cnd hoof give-inf need-crt When the horse walks hesitantly (you) need to put on (new) hoofs.

(189)

ʂtswa ʂŋj-en de-ka taŋ-ma-na ʃali soŋ grass cut-sim that-loc give-inf-cnd heap.of.grass went When (you) put the grass down (there) during the harvest, there will be heaps.





(190) kʰjaχs-pa-na laqpa ldzog-en m-e-ka tsʰat taŋ-se be.cold-inf-cnd hand turn-sim fire-g-loc heat give-cnj ɬtsam-et make.warm-crt Because (I am) cold, (I am) heating up my hands by turning them over the fire (lit. after putting heat into the fire).

Durative V-en-duk The matrix verb that most often occurs with the progressive participle, however, is duk in its meaning ‘stay’, which thereby comes to solely express durativity (or iterativity, depending on the aktionsart of the nominalized verb). All the examples listed in the following (and more thoroughly discussed in 4.3.2) distinguish it from its use as a copula indicating directly witnessed evidence, which may similarly follow the -en participle (cf. below). However, the copula is never inflected as dug-et ‘stays’ in (191), its negated form is minduk and cannot occur after the -en participle as duk-p-ét, a short form of duk-pa-met, in (192), it cannot be used in the imperative nor in the prohibitive as duk in (193), and in a question, tʃi-a ‘why’ cannot intervene between the participle and copular duk as in (194). Note, furthermore, that dug-et expresses an iterative (i.e. non-continuous) notion in (191). (191) ʒaχtaŋ



dja-o zer-en dug-et day.every that-def say-sim stay-crt He’s saying that every day (again and again).

434

Chapter 4

(192) ŋa-s taŋ-en duk-p-ét gaqpa rere na I-erg give-sim stay-inf-neg:ex.f funnel each and rere-ka, ŋa ʂtat-en joŋ-et each-loc I flood-sim come-crt I won’t keep giving (water) through each and every funnel, I will just flood (the field) again and again on my way. (193) ʃwa-w-a

toʁ-en ma duk, zgran-en ma duk scab-def-dat pick-sim neg stay provoke-sim neg stay Stop poking on your scab, stop aggravating (it).

(194) kʰoŋ-a

broŋ-en tʃi-a dug-et tʃ ʰon-la they-dat provoke-sim what-dat stay-crt vain-dat Why do you keep teasing them for no reason? Continuous V-en- before an Existential copula These durative uses of the auxiliary duk therefore have to be kept distinct from the copula duk as used in (195), where it does not explicitly indicate durativity but solely indicates that the statement is based on the evidence resulting from a momentary glimpse onto an apparently ongoing event. In this function, it is of course restricted to non-punctual events, including events with a relatively short temporal extension, such as pʰaŋ ‘throw’, tʃat ‘cut’, or ʂtup ‘chop’. For the difference between the two uses, cf. the durative duk in ʂtub-en dug-et ‘s/he keeps on chopping (meat)’ and the copular duk in ʂtub-en-duk ‘s/he is chopping (meat)’. In (196), the copula indicating old assimilated knowledge jot is accordingly used to refer to an ongoing event that is controlled by the speaker (with the notable difference that V-en-jot is paradigmatically opposed to a non-continuous V-et, while V-en-duk is the default directly witnessed present inflection).

(195)



kʰoŋ kʰaŋma-a tʃʰ-en-duk they home-dat go-sim-ex.t They are going home.

(196)

ŋa-s sawaq zer-en-jot, tʃi graʁ-et I-erg lesson say-sim-ex.f what chat-crt I’m teaching (here)! Why are you chatting? One last use of the progressive participle needs to be mentioned at this point, because in connection with the (too) punctual verb but ‘fall’, it comes to indicate an imminent future event.

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

435

(197) but-en-duk fall-sim-ex.t It’s about to fall down (something that’s hanging out of a bag or pocket).

Nevertheless, all the functions of the -en participle that occur in Purik can readily be derived from a basic progressive one. 4.2.3 The -pa Infinitive Preliminaries An omnipresent building block in a wide variety of Purik constructions is the nominalizer -pa.23 The suffix varies according to its environment and has the form -pa after -k, -q, -t, and -s, as in ɬuk-pa ‘to scoop, pour’, straq-pa ‘to roast’, tʃat-pa ‘to cut’, and jas-pa ‘to bloom’, -ba after -r, -l, and -m, as in kʰjer-ba ‘to carry’, kʰʂel-ba ‘to be ashamed’, and kʰom-ba ‘to have time’, -ma after -ng and -n, as in ɬuŋ-ma ‘to lose’ and len-ma ‘to take’, -a after -b and all vowels except -e, as in ɬeb-a ‘to arrive’, tri-a ‘to ask’, ŋu-a ‘to cry’, ʂko-a ‘to dig’, and ba-a ‘to do’, and [-æ] after -e, as in ʂtse-a [ʂtsɛ-æ] ‘to play’. By contrast, WT -pa, whose primary function is, “das ihnen vorangehende Wort als Nomen zu kennzeichnen” (Hahn 1996:31), has only a voiced variant that occurs after vowels, -ng, -r, and -l (except where a so-called da-drag, a final -d found in OT, was dropped, in which case it has the form -pa). Hence, the -ma and -a variants appear to be characteristic of Purik (and Balti). In Ladakhi, -pa nominalizations are infrequent (see Koshal 1979:266),24 and in most Central and Eastern varieties of Tibetan, -pa does not mark the infinitive at all. The different functions -pa serves in Purik are best explained by assuming that it was originally a focus marker, parallel to a phenomenon Bickel (1999) observed in Kiranti languages. However, it is mainly the finite occurrences of the nominalizer -pa that call for an explanation in terms of focus marking. We will see in 4.5.2.1 that, as its counterparts in Kiranti, sentence-final Purik -pa regularly implies controversy. This results from the fact that “a focus construction signals the speaker’s hightened concern with a particular instantiation of a variable as one that competes with other possible instantiations” (Bickel 1999:9). It appears that the implication of controversy may only arise when -pa marks an independent utterance and thereby focuses an entire proposition. The contrastive focus conveyed by the infinitive marker occurring after verbal 23  For its denominal functions, see §3.1.1.1. 24  Likely related to the infrequency of the -pa nominalizer in Ladakhi, while Purik distinguishes between a simple present -(e)t and a habitual present -(p)a-t containing -pa, Ladakhi only has a single present ending -at.

436

Chapter 4

roots does not appear to evoke controversy. Instead, by contrastively focusing a verbal root and thereby re-instantiating a value expressed by that root (see the discussion in 4.5.2.1), -pa at an earlier stage of Purik seems to have mainly had one of the two following effects (as reflected by the different functions of the infinitive with its allomorphs -pa/-ba/-ma/-a in modern Purik): *V-pa either came to describe the event in general, rather than a particular instance of it, or it came to denote a role contained in the predicate frame of the nominalized root. As discussed in 6.3, predicate frames make available not only participant roles but also roles such as location, time, purpose, condition, and others.25 Since the focus marker -pa was able to point to any of these roles, it became the default relativizer in Purik. In the present section, we will only deal with the general conceptualization of an event that may be triggered by -pa infinitives. Towards the end of the section, we will discuss a few uses of -pa/-ba/-ma/-a that may directly derive from the focus marker rather reflect the infinitive. Citation Forms Due its general meaning, -pa infinitives are the most common citation forms. Hence, they may be used to in the way illustrated in (198) and (199). (198) ordʒen na mar-po taŋ-se-na pʰjar-tʃa, milk and butter-def give-cnj-cnd winnow-inf2 do-a su-a zer-tʃ-in that-dat prepare.tea-inf say-inf2-eq After adding milk and the butter, (we) let it fall down from a pitcher that is held far away from the bowl below, that’s called sua. (199)

di-aŋ ordʒen-po skol-e-na kʰjaŋ pʰista soŋ, this-ine milk-def boil-cnj-cnd you outside went rat-e met-suk, do-a ras-pa zer-tʃ-in dry.up-cnj neg:ex-infr that-dat boil.down-inf say-inf2-eq After boiling milk in this (pan) you went outside, (when you came back) it had dried up; that’s called raspa (‘to boil down’). Lexicalized Infinitives While the citation forms discussed above have an HL-stress, making the lexical syllable more prominent than the grammatical syllable, lexicalized forms of the same infinitives have an LH-stress, that is, the default stress pattern of

25  See §3.1.1.1 for the lexicalized roles -pa indicates after nominal roots.

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

437

disyllabic nouns. Most of these lexicalized infinitives denote an abstract noun, such as hjaŋspa ‘game(s)’ (< *‘what is played’), riŋspa ‘hurry’ (‘the state of being in a hurry’, i.e. *‘what is hurried’), narpa ‘trouble’ (< *‘what is suffered’), domba ‘bad coincidence’ () ‘act like’ and the trivalent (‘make’ >) tʃo ‘mistake someone for someone’, i.e. they again distinguish a person that has some intrinsic quality from one that only appears to have it. (338) kʰo-s

skjaŋs-kʰan-r-ik tsoχ-ʃik s/he-erg be.boisterous-nlzr-aug-indef same-indef b-en-duk do-sim-ex.t S/he’s acting as though s/he were more boisterous (than she is).

(339)

ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ gaa-r tʃ ʰa-kʰan tʃo-s I-erg you which\emph-term go-nlzr make-pst I thought that you had gone (God knows) where. Note that a person may also be involved as an experiencer (i.e. underlyingly in the dative) in the same construction with tʃo, as shown in (340), where, furthermore, -kʰan nominalizes a finite, habitual verb form.

(340) ode-ka

tʰob-a-t-kʰan tʃo-s that.vry-loc find-inf-fct-nlzr make-pst I thought that (we) would get (lit. one normally gets) it there. Finite Use of -kʰan When the nominalizer -kʰan is used finitely, as in (341)–(343), it also appears to imply some intrinsic notion. This is evident in (342), since a dead person will forever remain dead. In (343), the use of -kʰan underscores the swiftness of the action: the protagonist did not want to be associated with the dead body and is somewhere else immediately after leaning it against a wall, as the word following -kʰan indicates. In (341), -kʰan may imply that when the old woman devotes herself to eating, she will not be able to pay attention to anything else going on around her.

(341) dekana api-s



zan za-kʰan and.then old.woman-erg food eat-nlzr And then, the old woman ate.

(342) dekana



apo ʃi-kʰan and.then old.man die-nlzr And then, the old man died.

466

Chapter 4

(343)

ʂtsikpa-a ʂten-e-na kʰo soŋ-kʰan e-aŋ wall-dat stem-cnj-cnd s/he went-nlzr that-ine ɬeb-a-na arrive-inf-cnd Leaning (the dead body) against the wall, he left (was gone). Arriving in (the palace), … In summary, the basic function of -kʰan is to denote the agent of an action. This can be seen in a number of agentive nouns as well as in the constructions together with the auxiliaries tʃʰa, ba, and tʃo. In relative clauses, -kʰan has somewhat extended its functions to instantiate non-human and non-active roles as well, however, it still appears to imply the involvement of a human participant in these contexts. 4.2.6 -sa ‘place’ The nominalizer -sa is derived from the Common Tibetan noun sa ‘place’ (cf. Jk. (568a–570a) sa “1. earth … 2. place, spot, space …”) and is found as a relativizer in Classical (cf. Beyer 1992:300–1) as well as many modern dialects of Tibetan. For instance in Lhasa, it may relate “to the location or the goal of the verbal action” (Tournadre 2003:235), in Kyirong additionally to the source or the recipient (Huber 2005:180f.), and in South Mustang, it may also express a temporal relation between two clauses (cf. Kretschmar 1995:148). These are the functions that can also be found in Purik, as illustrated in examples (344)–(351) below. In (344), -sa occurs in the dative of the definite form and relativizes the location of the nominalized clause with the copula jot as its predicate. In (345), -sa does not denote the goal of the actual event but of the event that is envisaged by the desiderative construction. The role instantiated by the head noun in (346) is a place that may, however, be reanalyzed as a goal. Both the location and the goal roles are instantiated by the two (identically coded) relative clauses in the locative in (347). Note that all of these examples are internally headed relative clauses, i.e. -sa itself represents the head noun.

(344) tsʰerma maŋmo jot-sa-w-a tsʰoq thornbush a.lot ex-place-def-dat shrubbery zer-tʃ-in say-inf2-eq A place where there are a lot of thornbushes is called shrubbery. (345) tʃʰa-sɲi joŋ-sa tsʰaqpa tʃʰ-et go-des come-place until go-crt I will go as far as I feel like going’

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

467

(346) kʰo ɬep-s-e-ka



naŋ-tʃi jot-suk s/he arrive-place-g-loc house-indef ex-inf2 He came to a place where there was a house.

(347)

ŋa-s duk zer-s-e-ka duk-kʰan tʃik, I-erg stay say-place-g-loc stay-nlzr one soŋ zer-s-e-ka tʃʰa-kʰan tʃik go\imp say-place-g-loc go-nlzr one One who stays where I tell (her) to, one who goes where I tell her to. In (348) and (349), the head noun relativized by -sa plays the role of the source within the relative clause. The relativizer in (348) is thereby explicitly coded in the ablative (following the locative) case. In (349), however, -sa is linked to the external head noun braq ‘rock’ by means of the genitive case. (348)



ŋa pʰaŋ-s-e-ka-na pʰoŋ hei-wa zer-s I throw-place-g-loc-abl throw\imp ok-hey say-pst Throw (them) down from where (they) threw me down, ok?

(349) tʃʰu-a ŋa pʰaŋ-s(e) taŋ-s-i braq-p-e-ka-na water-dat I throw-cnj give-place-gen rock-def-g-loc-abl (down) from the rock from which (they) threw me down into the water

The context suggests that examples (350) and (351) be analyzed temporally, and the lack of a dative or locative case indicates that -sa is further grammaticalized than in the relative clauses just listed. (For a different analysis of such constructions, cf. 6.1.4.1.) (350)



kʰo ŋa jot-sa ma joŋ-s s/he I ex-place neg come-pst S/he didn’t come when I was here.

(351) kʰo met-sa

ma buk s/he neg:ex-place neg slander Don’t slander him (when he is not there, where he is not)!

4.2.7 -tʰik ‘right amount’ A nominalizer used in construction with a variety of functions and differing degrees of grammaticalization is -tʰik, which likely traces back to WT thig “1. carpenter’s cord or string to mark lines with … 3. a line …” (Jk. 231a–b). It has been described in the Balti dialect as meaning ‘line’ by Ramsay (1890:93)

468

Chapter 4

and in the constructions thik bya ‘to calculate’, thik ɬta ‘to test’, and thik-chad bya ‘to tempt’ by Read (1934:92 and 105), which neatly correspond to the basic meaning of Purik tʰik, i.e. ‘guess(ed amount (of time)), measure, dosage’. The functions of the nominalizer -tʰik in the various Purik constructions all appear to have grammaticalized from this meaning. This also applies to the inferential constructions employing -tʰik in Purik, which find close parallels in Ladakhi (Koshal (1979:211–6), Zeisler 2004:669–70) as well as Zangskar (Thomas Preiswerk, p. c.). Let us first consider a few uses of tʰik in its lexical source meaning. In (352), it is used adverbially as a dative of manner in the meaning ‘guess’. Similarly, in (353), it instantiates the complement of the auxiliary ba ‘do’, with the same meaning ‘guess’, except that there is no objectively true reference size but only an appropriate one. In addition, because the guessing indicated by tʰik always entails an amount, this morpheme appears to mean ‘(right) amount’. The positive evaluation is made explicit in (354), out of which the adjective laqtʰiktʃan ‘having the ability to give equal shares (to people)’ appears to have evolved. (352) ʈaim tsam



soŋ, tʰig-a zer-aŋ-gii time how.much went guess-dat say-add-cs What time is it? Just guess!

(353) tʃa-o tʰik ba-se toŋ tea-def guess do-cnj give\imp Give as much tea as you think is appropriate! (354) kʰo-e laqpa tʰik-tʃik duk s/he-gen hand guess-one ex.t She’s good at dividing something equally between several people.

The meaning ‘right amount, appropriate amount’ is also the one that is found in examples (355)–(357). In (355) and (356), tʰik is used before a negated existential copula; in the latter example, the collocation has fused to the adjective tʰikmet ‘excessive, immoderate’ (< ‘having no measure’). In (357), tʰik-tʃik appears to serve an adverbial function. (355)



tʰik tʰama met-p-i tʃ ʰu kʰjoŋ-suk amount end neg:ex-inf-gen water bring-infr (You) brought way too much water!

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

469

(356)

kʰjaŋ mana tʰik-met-tʃi dug-waa, you very guess-neg:ex-indef ex.t-hey tsaam-ts-ik bato-ek taŋ-se in ŋ-ji how.much\emph-lim-indef rice-indef give-cnj eq I-gen tʰal-i-ka plate-g-loc You are quite extravagant! You’ve put way too much rice into my plate!

(357) de-aŋ tʃʰu tʰik-tʃik toŋ that-ine water guess-indef give\imp Put in (there) as much water as is needed!

That the meaning of tʰik has generalized even further is illustrated in examples (358)–(360). In the first two examples, it denotes one’s ‘ability to guess what other people think’, and, even more generally, one’s ‘way of thinking’ in (360), where the addressee had previously wondered whether the subject would come or not. (358) mi-tʰik-na

spera taŋ-ma man-guess-comit word(s) give-inf talking in a cunning way (i.e. calculating how the addressee will react) (359) kʰo-a

tsʰer-tʃik tʰik tʰob-a-tsa-na kʰ-i s/he-dat time-one guess find-inf-lim-cnd you-gen go-e-ka biŋ-tʃ-in head-g-loc go.up-inf2-eq Once he’s gotten to know you (i.e. knows the way in which you react to what he does), he will climb on your head (the child).

(360) kʰo-e

tʰik-po ŋa-a pata jot, kʰo s/he-gen guess-def I-dat knowledge ex.f s/he joŋ-tʃ-in come-inf2-eq I know her way of thinking; (and therefore believe that) she will come. In the meaning ‘right amount’, -tʰik has come to be used as a nominalizer, as shown in (361)–(365). In (361), it denotes the amount that is indicated by the nominalized verb rgos ‘need’, i.e. ‘as much as is needed’; the indefinite article underscores that this is not an exact definition. The construal of the relative

470

Chapter 4

construction in (362) crucially depends on context as well as the world view of the interlocutors. Since the internal head noun -tʰik denotes an amount defined by the clause umba-a ɬep ‘arrive in Umba’, it is crucial that the interlocutors are both talking about a motorized vehicle and know that Umba is a place. In (363)–(365), the nominalizations are subordinate adverbials of the matrix clause. While the locative in (363) indicates that the event denoted by the matrix clause will take place at the same time as that denoted by the nominalized verb, the use of the dative in (364) and (365) indicates that the matrix event precedes the moment fuzzily defined by the nominalized verbs draŋs ‘be full’ and ot ʒuks ‘dawn’. (361)

tsam-ts-ik kʰjoŋ-se in, rgos-tʰik-tʃik how.much-lim-indef bring-cnj eq need-guess-indef kʰjoŋ-ma-t-to bring-inf-fct-corr You brought way too much! One should bring (only) as much as one needs!

(362) umba-a

ɬep-tʰik-tʃik joŋ-tʃ-in-a-hii Umba-dat arrive-guess-indef come-inf2-eq-q-wnd Do you think we will get enough gasoline to reach Umba? (363) kʰo biŋ-tʰig-i-ka

joŋ-tʃ-in, kʰo-raŋ-a s/he come.out-guess-g-loc come-inf2-eq s/he-self-dat ʃe-ʃ-in know-inf2-eq He will come (just about) when the water comes out (from below the field); he will know (when it’s time).

(364)

draŋs-tʰig-a kʰo-s kaŋma ʂkjaŋ-s be.satiated-guess-dat s/he-erg leg stretch-pst Before he was even full, he stretched out his legs. (365) ot



ʒuks-tʰig-a-na ʂta-a-s ʃilaŋ taŋ-s-de light enter-guess-dat-cntr horse-def-erg dung give-pst-pd But before it dawned, the horse defecated (as every horse has to defecate from time to time).

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

471

Possibly, tʰaqtʰik and its alternate synonymous form tʰaqmatʰik, common expressions of ‘doubt’ or ‘inability to make a decision’, as used in (366)–(368), are -tʰik nominalizations of the verb tʰaq ‘weave, grind’, which is elsewhere used in completive contexts in Purik, cf. V-tʰaq tʃʰot in 4.2.13, and came to indicate decisions in other Tibetan dialects (e.g. in some of the CT varieties spoken in Kathmandu). (366) ŋa-a tʰaqtʰik

soŋ, kʰo joŋ-et zer-e I-dat undecided went s/he come-ex.f say-cnj I think he is coming (lit. I came to think: he is coming).

(367) ŋa-a mana tʰaqtʰik-tʃi soŋ tʃ ʰo-og-a mi I-dat very undecided-indef went go-pot-q neg tʃʰo-ok zer-e go-pot say-cnj I was quite undecided on whether I should go or not. (368) kʰje-s tʰaqtʰik-tʃi b-en-dug-en-duk, tʃ ʰ-et-na you-erg undecided-indef do-sim-stay-sim-ex.t go-crt-cnd tʃʰ-et zer, tʃʰa-a-met-na tʃʰa-a-met zer go-crt say go-inf-neg:ex-cnd go-inf-neg:ex.f say You never reach a decision! If you (want to) go, say ‘I’ll go’, (and) if you don’t (want to) go, say ‘I won’t go’.

As in Ladakhi (Koshal 1979:211–6), -tʰik nominalizations precede existential copulas to express an inference, as shown in examples (376)–(379) below. More frequently, however, -tʰik nominalizations occur before the dynamic auxiliary soŋ(-set) in Purik. By using the resultative soŋ-set as in (369)–(372), the speaker makes a guess as to a recent event based on indirect evidence. In the first three examples, the absence of an item or a person is evidence for the assumption that this item or person went away in accord with what may be expected on the basis of everyday experience. In (372), the sound of a closing door makes the speaker guess that a store was closed, given that the store is always closed around this time. (369) kʰo-e ʃoʁbu dʒol-e-aŋ taŋ-tʰik soŋ-set s/he-gen book bag-g-ine give-guess went-res (She) probably put her book into the bag.

472

Chapter 4

(370) de ʈipi-u



baa-s kʰur-tʰik soŋ-set that hat-def father(h)-erg carry-guess went-res Father probably took that hat with him.

(371) kʰo soŋ-tʰik



soŋ-set s/he went-guess went-res She’s probably left.

(372) kʰo-e haʈi-i zgo-u tʃuk-tʰik soŋ-set, s/he-gen store-gen door-def close-guess went-res skad joŋ-s-de, zgo tʃuk-p-i sound come-pst-pd door close-inf-gen (I think) he’s closed the door to his store; there was some noise (you heard it, too, didn’t you?), of a closing door.

The simple past form of the auxiliary soŋ is used after -tʰik when the primary evidence on which a guess is based occurred in the recent past (unlike with soŋ-set, where the primary evidence is the present situation), as exemplified in (373)–(375). In (373), the speaker is expecting the subject’s arrival and attributes the sound of the door to that person’s arrival. In (374), the speaker makes a guess about an outside temperature change solely based on his consideration of the time of the day. And in (375), the speaker hears a noise that leads to the inference of a fight. (373) mi sto, ʃabir joŋ-tʰik soŋ neg matter Shabir come-guess went Wait a minute, (I can hear that) Shabir just arrived. (374)



dare pʰista silmo-r-ik tʃ ʰa-tʰik soŋ now outside cool-aug-indef go-guess went It should have cooled down a little outside by now.

(375) e-ka mi ɲis ʈaŋ tʃ ʰa-tʰik soŋ, mi sto, the.other-loc man two fight go-guess went neg matter tʃup tʃot quiet cut\imp (It sounds as though) two men have gotten into a fight, wait, shut up!

If a verb nominalized by -tʰik occurs before an existential copula, the speaker guesses that a present state may result from the event denoted by the nominalized verb, as illustrated in (376) and (377).

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms (376)



473

kʰjaŋ mana tʰoŋ-tʰik-tʃi duk you very be.visible-guess-indef ex.t You look very familiar.

(377) di spera-o



zbri-tʰig jot, snan-la tsʰor-tʰig jot this word-def write-guess ex.f early-dat hear-guess ex.f This word sounds familiar. (lit. This word feels as if (I) had written it out, as if I had heard it before.)

In order to underscore the insecurity of a guess, one may add tsoχ-ʃik ‘sameindef, i.e. similar’, to a -tʰik nominalization, as in (378) and (379). (378)



ŋa di-i pʰeres joŋ-tʰik-tʃi tsoχ-ʃi duk I this-gen through come-guess-indef same-indef ex.t It feels (a little) as though I have come this way before.

(379) di pʰru-u



tʰoŋ-tʰik-tʃi tsoχ-ʃi duk this boy-def be.visible-guess-indef same-indef ex.t This boy looks (a little) familiar.

4.2.8 Reduplicated Verbal Nouns The reduplicated verbal root always has the status of a noun or an adjective in Purik. This nominalization has not been described for any WAT or CT dialects with the exception of South Mustang.33 The only construction in which a reduplicated verbal root may be reanalyzed as a noun in WT is the one documented by Beyer (1992:136), cf. shog-skya bsgril-bsgril byas ‘kept his pale wings beating …’ and … skyi-ser ong-ong byas ‘kept his yellow hide moving …’, where the reduplication describes a repeated action and is the complement of the verb 33  Kretschmar (1995:185–6) describes the same functions that are attested for Purik, along with a few others. A related construction described for Southern Mustang (cf. Kretschmar 1995:122–3) has an additional -a- between the two reduplicated syllables and diverging functions, as e.g. in: chang thung-na, thunga thung cik yin “wenn (ich) einmal anfange, Bier zu trinken, trinke ich unentwegt”. The construction without the intermediate -a- is also described for Shigatse, however, in clearly different functions: “Durch Einschieben eines Teilsatzes mit redupliziertem Verbstamm wird ausgedrückt, dass das Verbalgeschehen des nachgeordneten Teilsatzes in der Art und Weise des Verbalgeschehens des eingeschobenen Teilsatzes erfolgt.” In Kyirong, furthermore, a reduplicated verbal stem may indicate anteriority or posteriority in conjunction with other morphemes (cf. Huber 2005:175–6); it appears as though the function that lies at the origin of these different uses is the one relating to the exact point of time in which an event takes place or is initiated or completed. For a similar construction in Dzongkha, finally, cf. Van Driem (1998:403–4).

474

Chapter 4

bya ‘do’, as e.g. in the lexicalized nominalization ʈiʈi ‘questioning, interrogation’ (also used before ba ‘do’) or zerzer ‘argument’34 of Purik. The other instances of verb-stem reduplication found in Beyer (1992:136) are all clearly verbal as a whole, appearing before -nas, e.g. in sbar-sbar-nas ‘(I) have been kindling …’ or spyad-spyad-nas ‘(I) have been practicing …’. The same applies to those examples in Beyer (1992:137) that have a “sense of completion”, e.g. bsam-blo yang btang-btang-ba yin ‘I have thought about it already’ and rma gsos-gsos-par bsdad ‘I will stay until the wound has finished healing’, both nominalized by means of -pa/ba. Nevertheless, the function of this last example closely resembles the one of reduplicated nominalizations of Purik, which will be discussed in the following. V-V-po/tʃik ‘until V’, V-V-(l)a ‘by the time V’ The reduplicated infinitive indicates a point in time on which an event either takes place or comes to completion. It can either take the absolutive case and have a definite (with -po) or an indefinite (with -tʃik) form, or it can take the dative case (with -(l)a). While the absolutive forms denote the entire stretch of time up to the moment indicated by the infinitive (paraphrasable as ‘until’) – the definite form in an exact way (cf. (380)–(383)) and the indefinite form in a less exact way (cf. (384) and (385)) –, the dative case means any moment within this stretch of time (‘by the time V’, cf. (386)–(389)). Note that the stem-final -s tends to be dropped in between the reduplicated syllables, if the resulting cluster is phonotactically too complex, as e.g. in draŋ-draŋs-po or ŋom-ŋom-ʃik, but not in laŋs-laŋs-la in the examples under discussion, or in rga-rgas-po and ʒug-ʒuks-po further down. (380) kʰo-s

ldzoχ-se taŋ-taŋ-po ŋa-s ʂtsot-en-dug-et s/he-erg return-cnj give-give-def I-erg ask.for-sim-stay-crt Until he gives it back, I will keep on asking for it. (381)



ŋa draŋ-draŋs-po zos I be.full-be.full-def ate (I) ate until I was full.

34  Note that Purik ʈiʈi ‘interrogation’ typically denotes a unidirectional event, while zerzer ‘argument’ typically denotes a bidirectional one. Hahn (1996:190) analyses the reduplicated verb song in ba lang zhing thog tu song song ba las as bidirectional, which may only be taken from his translation, cf. “während der Ochse auf dem Feld hin und her ging”.

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

475

(382) kʰo joŋ-joŋ-po



nor-un skil-e ʒoq s/he come-come-def sheep-pl gather-cnj put\imp Keep the sheep together until he comes.

(383) ʃi-ʃi-u

rdʒet-tʃa-men die-die-def forget-inf2-neg:eq (You) won’t forget that until (you) die. (384)

ŋa skoms-en jot-p-in, e-ka tʃ ʰu tʰuŋ-s I be.thirsty-sim ex-inf-eq that-loc water drink-pst ŋom-ŋom-ʃik quench-quench-indef I was thirsty, (so) I drank some water over there until (my thirst) was quenched. (385) ŋa-s kʰo-a

bjaŋ-bjaŋ-tʃik kʰje-s-p-in I-erg he-dat accustom-accustom-indef take-pst-inf-eq I went along with him until he was accustomed (to his way to school).

(386) ʈukur(u)-j-aŋ

jot-kʰan-po tsʰar-tsʰar-la mill.hopper-g-ine ex-inf-def be.finished-be.finished-dat ŋataŋ joŋ-et we.pi come-crt By the time (the grain) that is in the hopper is finished (i.e. has been molen) we will (have) come back. (387)

kʰo laŋs-laŋs-la ŋa ʃor-e tʃ ʰ-et he get.up-get.up-dat I run-cnj go-crt By the time he gets up, I will be gone (lit. I will flee).

(388)

dare ʂtʃu soŋ-suk, kʰo tʃʰa-tʃʰa-a tʃukʃik tʃ ʰ-et, now 10 went-infr s/he go-go-dat 11 go-crt kʰo tʃʰa-tʃʰa-a-na gor-et s/he go-go-dat-cntr be.late-crt Now it’s ten (o’clock); until he leaves, it will be 11; if (I wait) until he leaves, however, (I) will be late.





476

Chapter 4

(389) zan taŋ-taŋ-a-na kʰjer-es kʰo bitʃaara tʃ ʰon-la food give-give-dat-cntr you-erg s/he poor vain-dat sa-s kill-pst Before she could even bring us food, you killed the poor (woman) in vain.

The relation between the matrix clause and the subordinate reduplicated clause may also be made explicit by means of the preposition tsʰaqp-ek ‘until’ (as in (390)), which always has its complement in the absolutive (e.g. place names such as Baru(†-a, †-i-ka, †-r) tsʰaqp-ek). (390)

ŋa gundea di-ka duk-s kʰo joŋ-joŋ-po I yesterday this-loc stay-pst s/he come-come-def tsʰaqp-ek until-indef I stayed here yesterday until he came. I found only one corresponding context in which tsʰaqp-ek would be ungrammatical, i.e. the one found in examples (391) and (392). Contrary to taŋ-taŋ-po or draŋ-draŋs-po in (380) and (381), where the actual event (‘the giving’) or its completion (‘becoming full’) indicates the end of the stretch of time during which the event denoted by the matrix verb takes place, jot-jot-po denotes a state and thereby the entire stretch of time (during which the event denoted by the matrix verb takes place). (391)

ŋa jot-jot-po kʰjaŋ-a tʃaŋ tuks met I ex-ex-def you-dat anything worry neg:ex.f As long as I am (with you), you don’t need to worry about anything. (392) go-i-ka

jod-jot-po guspu zer-tʃ-in, head-g-loc ex-ex-def head.hair say-inf2-eq dekana but-e joŋ-ma-na rjal and.then fall-cnj come-inf-cnd hair As long as it’s on the head, (we) say guspu; then, when it’s fallen off, (we say) rjal. This difference is important insofar as most lexicalized reduplications of Purik (i.e. zerzer ‘argument’, rduŋrduŋ ‘fight’, ʈiʈi ‘interrogation’, tʃ ʰartʃ ʰar ‘splashing’,

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

477

and tsaltsaldzoŋldzoŋs ‘research’) have come to denote an iterative action, as shown in (393) and (394), while they would have to imply the stretch of time before an event finally takes place in a subordinating reduplication such as the hypothetical example (395). It appears then that these lexicalized reduplications cannot have evolved from subordinate reduplications as these are productive in the modern language, unless we assume that punctual verbs were once used iteratively and thereby denoted a period of time as the durative jot-jot-po in (391) and (392). The hypothetical example (395) would then have meant *‘I will stay as long as s/he keeps questioning’, allowing for the reanalyses as ‘I will stay for the duration of questioning’ and eventually ‘I will stay for the questioning’, which may well have yielded a lexicalized ʈiʈi as it is attested in modern Purik. (393)



kʰoŋ zer-zer soŋ they say-say went They got into an argument.

(394) kʰjeraŋ-a ʈi-ʈi maŋm-ek ba-s pulis-pa-n-is you-dat ask-ask a.lot-indef do-pst police-man-pl-erg They interrogated you for quite a while, the police. (395)

*kʰo-s ʈi-ʈi-u ŋa dug-et s/he-erg ask-ask-def I stay-crt I will stay until s/he asks. This problem is solved if we assume that reduplication primarily indicated a repeated (iterative) or an ongoing (durative) event in Proto-Purik,35 and this source meaning is preserved in the lexicalized reduplications discussed above as well as in the subordinating reduplication of a stative verb like jot (cf. (391) and (392)), while the subordinating reduplication of all other verbs was reanalyzed as indicating completion (with sometimes the additional implication of ‘finally having taken place’, e.g. in (380)). In order to understand how the reanalysis of repetition as completion could occur, we have to discuss a crucial property of Purik, namely that absolutives may be used adverbially, i.e. to qualify an event predicatively as to its temporal extension (cf. ʒaχma ɲis dug-et ‘(I) will stay for two days’, definite diriŋ-po dug-et ‘(I) will stay only for today’, or indefinite hapt-ek dug-et ‘(I) will stay for

35  This would also be in concordance with the uses Beyer (1992:136–7) describes for WT.

478

Chapter 4

about a week’), and similarly datives, to indicate that an event takes place within the denoted stretch of time (cf. hapta tʃig-a loχ-se joŋ-et ‘within a week, (I) will (have) come back’). The subordinate nominalized clauses shown in (380)–(389) thus appear to have originally been construed to modify an event as absolutives and datives indicating a stretch of time, parallel to the predicative uses of absolutives and datives of nouns denoting a temporal unit such as hapta ‘week’ or ʒaχma ‘day’, etc. The predicative complements taŋ-taŋ-po and draŋ-draŋs-po in examples (380) and (381) can thus be paraphrased as ‘for the stretch of time ending with his (finally) giving it to me’ and ‘for the stretch of time ending with my becoming full’, respectively, and accordingly all other complements in (382)–(389). The dative complement laŋs-laŋs-la in (387), for instance, can thus be paraphrased as ‘within the stretch of time ending with his getting up’. The ambiguous status of the reduplicated complements is also evident in (396) and (397), where a definite reduplicated nominalization is equated with a noun by means of juxtaposition (i.e. omitting the equative copula in, cf. 4.4.3.5). In this context, the nominalization may be analyzed as either attributively qualifying its internal head noun (i.e. the one that is equated with ɲima ‘day’, i.e. ‘the one (in) which the sun goes down completely’) or predicatively the event of ‘being day’ (i.e. ‘until the sun has completely gone down’). In its former, adjectival function, the reduplicated nominalization denotes the stretch of time that ends with the completion of the event (i.e. ‘the day’). In its latter, adverbial function, however, the reduplicated nominalization comes to highlight the endpoint as defining the stretch of time preceding it (i.e. ‘the sunset’). That this endpoint tends to be reanalyzed as the primary target of the reduplicated nominalization is evident in those examples where tsʰaqpa (or the indefinite tsʰaqp-ek) ‘until’ is used before it (cf. (390)). (396) ɲima ʃar-b-e-ka-na ɲima rga-rgas-po sun rise-inf-g-loc-abl sun become.old-become.old-def ɲima day From sunrise until sunset, it is day, until the evening comes, it is day. (397) ʃaam-i-ka-na

ot ʒug-ʒuks-po tsʰan evening-g-loc-abl light enter-enter-def night From the evening until the break of dawn it is night.

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

479

Lexicalized Reduplicated Adjectives The completive notion has also found its way into a number of lexicalized, predominantly adjectival verb-reduplications. For instance, the reduplication of the verbal stem tʰat ‘to be pleased’ has been lexicalized and extended its meaning from ‘until (so. is) pleased’ to the general indication of a large amount or degree or a long stretch of time. In examples (398) and (399), tʰat-tʰat-tʃik may (still) be understood in its original meaning, but in (400), this is not possible. (398) baatʃa-s maal-tʃik

tʰat-tʰat-tʃik taŋ-suk king-erg wealth-indef be.pleased-be.pleased-indef give-infr The king gave him wealth until he was pleased.

(399)



kʰo tʰat-tʰat-tʃik duk-s-p-in-suk he be.pleased-be.pleased-indef stay-pst-inf-eq-infr He waited until he was pleased (i.e. as long as he pleased?)

(400) tʰaŋ-tʃi tʰat-tʰat-tʃi duk desert-indef be.pleased-be.pleased-indef ex.t There is a lot of desert here!

An example of a lexicalized adjective that has retained its originally verbal meaning is ʃe-ʃe-ʃi (†ʃes-ʃes-tʃik) as used in (401), an indefinite form of the completive ʃe-ʃes meaning ‘something known (for good)’. Together with the indefinite article and the testimonial copula duk, the speaker express in (401) that someone looks like somebody s/he knows, i.e. the end product of a phase during which s/he got to know this someone. (401) kʰo



ʃe-ʃe-ʃi duk s/he know-know-indef ex.t He looks familiar.

A third such example is ranran ‘nonsense, nonsensical’36 as used in (402) and (403). The use of the reduplicated verb ran ‘be time, come true, agree’ is illustrated in (404), and a simple past form of it in (405). Perhaps the reduplication was lexicalized in the meaning ‘nonsense’ in a context in which it referred to 36  The same meaning is found in Balti, cf. Raja ranran ‘nonsense, purposeless’.

480

Chapter 4

an ongoing utterance of words that kept the hearer waiting for something that actually made sense. (402) ranran

ma zer nonsense neg say Don’t talk nonsense!

(403)



ranran spera taŋ-en-duk nonsense word give-sim-ex.t S/he’s talking nonsense.

(404) ʃaam



ran-ran-po ɲima evening be.time-be.time-def day From sunrise until sunset, it is day, until the evening comes, it is day.

(405) kʰo-s

zer-s-p-i tam-p-e-ka ma ran, s/he-erg say-pst-inf-gen speech-def-g-loc neg come.true rzon soŋ lie went What s/he said didn’t come true; it turned into lies. But as with the lexicalized nouns discussed above, the lexicalized adjectives do not have to stem from completive uses of the reduplicated verb. Instead, we have to take into account that adjectives such as ldiŋldiŋ ‘calm (of surface of water)’ (cf. ldiŋ ‘float’), zurzur ‘tense, unpleasant, dangerous’ (cf. zur ‘avoid, stay away from’), pʰjarpʰjar ‘hanging down’ (cf. *pʰjar ‘hang’), may also directly derive from iterative or durative uses of the respective verbs. Two others, i.e. tʃoŋtʃoŋ ‘protruding’ (and especially tʃoŋtʃoŋ-a duk ‘to crouch’, cf. tʃ ʰoŋs ‘jump’) and the composite χamloqloq ‘nautious’ (cf. loq ‘be turned over’ and χamloq ‘dirty; vomit’), however, describe a state that at some points leads to an event, which is strongly reminiscent of the constructions with reduplicated nominalizations discussed in this subsection. 4.2.9 -tsa For the originally neutrally delimitative meaning of -tsa, cf. 3.5.3. Its reanalysis in the meaning ‘only’ was only secondary (even if very natural, as the English with which I try to describe it show, i.e. delimitative or limitative, neither of which conveys the neutral sense that can be reconstructed for Purik -tsa). Not only after the nominalizer -pa, it has also become conventionalized in a

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

481

metonymically extended use indicating that a proposition applies only when the nominalized proposition is true, cf. (406) and (407). All of the clause-linking functions illustrated in the following are thoroughly discussed in 6.1.4. (406)

kʰo-r-es zos-pa-tsa zos, duk-tʃuk dja-tsug-a s/he-self-erg ate-inf-only ate stay-caus just.that-kind-dat S/he ate just what s/he ate; just let her (do what she wants).

(407) kʰo-raŋ



itug joŋ-s-pa-tsa joŋ-s s/he-self memory come-pst-inf-lim come-pst I remembered it only when I didn’t try to remember it (when I didn’t force it) (lit. Only when it came to my mind by itself, I remembered it.).

It serves this same function after -pa infinitives in the constructions illustrated in (408), i.e. the speaker has the strong desire to do sth. (‘drink’) so that the extent to which she may do so becomes irrelevant, i.e. ‘if she may only do so’. (408) ŋa skoms-e ʃi-t-waa, ŋa tʃi I be.thirsty-cnj die-crt-hey I what tʰuŋ-ma-tsa-r-ik tʃʰ-et, tʃi jot-na tʰuŋ-tʃuk drink-inf-lim-aug-indef go-crt what ex-cnd drink-caus I’m dying from thirst! What should I drink? If you have anything, let me drink it!

After the infinitive of the past stem and before emphatic -na, it again delimits an already nominalized event in the sense that ‘only because the event has taken place’ > ‘now that the event has taken place’, cf. (409)–(411). (409) di-ka joŋ-s-pa-tsa-na kʰje-s ɬtsab-a this-loc come-pst-inf-sim-cnd you-erg learn-inf rgo-ʃ-in, need-inf2-eq Now that you have come here you should learn (our language). (410)

kʰatʃul-la soŋ-s-pa-tsa-na rdemo ba-se tʃ ʰa-a rgos Kashmir-dat went-pst-inf-sim-cnd nice do-cnj go-inf need (Once) having gone to Kashmir (I) had to do it nicely (i.e. spend some money).

482

Chapter 4

(411)

gjoχspa soŋ-waa, kʰo soŋ a-ka, kʰo dare quickly go\imp-hey s/he went that-loc s/he now ɖuti-a tʃʰ-et, kʰo ɖuti-a soŋ-ma-tsa-na jaŋ work-dat go-crt s/he work-dat went-inf-lim-cnd again pʰitoʁ-a men-e loχ-se joŋ-tʃa-men afternoon-dat neg:eq-cnj return-cnj come-inf2-eq Go quickly! I saw him walking over there, he’s going to work now; once he’s gone to work he won’t come back until the afternoon. After the bare verb stem and before the emphatic particle -na, then, -tsa may be said to nominalize this verb stem in the same way -(s)e, -pa, -tʰo, or -tʰik, etc. do. Limitative -tsa indicates that the matrix event takes place ‘(exactly and therefore also only) when’ the event denoted by the limited and thereby nominalized verb stem takes place, cf. (412)–(415). After the negated verb stem, as in (416) and (417), it indicates that the event expressed in the matrix clause took place before the one denoted by the subordinate nominalized clause did. (412)



tozar za-tsa-na nor gaŋma kug-et lunch eat-sim-cnd sheep all gather-crt He controls all his sheep while he eats lunch (a Kashmiri goat-herder).

(413) e-en

roza-a duk-tsa-na zba-se tʰuŋ-ma the.other-pl fasting-dat stay-sim-cnd hide-cnj drink-inf rgo-ʃ-in need-inf2-eq While the others are fasting (you) need to drink secretly.

(414)



(415)

rduŋma kat-tsa-na ziŋ-tʃik di-tsa-ar-ik beam lay.out-sim-cnd a.little-one this-lim-aug-indef kʰjoŋ zer-s ŋa-s bring say-pst I-erg When (we) laid out the beams I said ‘move it this way a little!’

so pʰut-tsa-na mana kʰasp-e-ka pʰut-en-duk tooth put.out-lim-cnd very skilled-g-loc put.out-sim-ex.t kʰo-s s/he-erg When he pulls out a tooth, he does it very well.

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

483

(416) sna-a

kʰo-s ŋatʃa-na ma tʰuk-tsa-na early-dat s/he-erg we.pe-with neg meet-lim-cnd kʰo-s kʰo-raŋ-a maŋmo-o joŋ-ma-t-kʰan s/he-erg s/he-self-dat a.lot-emph come-inf-fct-nlzr tsoχs-la taŋ-et-suk same-dat give-crt-infr Earlier, he – before he met us –, he talked like one who thought that he knew (the language) well. (That he only thought that is expressed by the habitual joŋ-ma-t in its expectational use, related to the one used to imply future probability, cf. 4.4.8.2.)

(417) ŋa di-ka ma joŋ-tsa-na … I this-loc neg come-lim-cnd Before I had come here …

4.2.10 -duru ‘until’ The nominalization by means of -duru expresses a terminative notion and is used in two main constructions.37 In examples (418)–(420), it indicates that the event denoted by the matrix verb (generally duk ‘stay, sit’) should last until the event denoted by the nominalized clause takes place (which it may never do). The -duru nominalization typically occurs in the locative case, as in (418) and (419), rarely also in the dative, as in (420). (418)

ŋatʃa daʃi-na spaŋ-a duk-s kʰjeraŋ we.pe a.while.ago-abl meadow-dat stay-pst you joŋ-duru-i-ka come-until-g-loc We’ve been waiting on the meadow for quite a while, waiting for you to come.

(419)

ŋa kʰjoŋ-dur(u)-i-ka duk-s, magar tʃaŋ ma I bring-until-g-loc stay-pst but anything neg kʰjoŋ-s bring-pst I was waiting for someone to bring (something), but nobody brought anything.

37  We may only speculate that -duru is a terminative form of WT dus ‘time’, however, without being able to adduce parallels for either a change s > r / V_V or s > ø / V_r.

484 (420)



Chapter 4

bila ʒap-se duk-pa-t pitse joŋ-dur-a cat lurk-cnj stay-inf-fct mouse come-until-dat Cats lurk for a mouse to come.

Nominalizations with -duru may also be used as complements of the auxiliary ba, as shown in (421). The whole construction V-duru ba means ‘wait until V’. (421)

kʰje-s bud-dur(u)-ik ma ba-a ŋ-ji pene toŋ you-erg fall-until-indef neg do-inf I-gen money give\imp Don’t wait until we forget it and give me money! 4.2.11 -tʰo ‘(exact) time’ The nominalizer -tʰo denotes the point in time on which some action is due. It is either used before the dynamic auxiliary tʃ ʰa/soŋ or ran ‘become time’ to denote the arrival of that moment, cf. (422) and (423), or in the locative case in order to indicate that the event denoted by the matrix verb takes place at the exact time the event denoted by the nominalized clause does, cf. (424).

(422) baŋ zer-tʰo soŋ-sug-a



(423)



ma soŋ-suk azan say-time went-infr-dat neg went-infr Is it time to pray or not? kʰjeraŋ tʃʰa-tʰo ran-suk you go-time be.time-infr The time has arrived where you (have to) leave.

(424) kʰo



baŋ zer-tʰo-e-ka joŋ-ma-t ʒaqtaŋ s/he azan say-time-g-loc come-inf-fct day.every He always comes here at prayer time every day.

However, -tʰo may also be used after a nominal base and thereby indicate the (right) time to undertake the action that is typically associated with this noun, as in (425). Its use after the demonstrative dja ‘that exact’ (cf. (426)) illustrates that tʰo may itself have the status of a noun meaning a ‘time (of the day)’. (425) zan-tʰo



soŋ-suk meal-time went-infr It’s time to eat!

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

485

(426) askja



jaŋ dja tʰo-e-ka joŋ-hei tomorrow again that.xct time-g-loc come-ok? Come (here) at the same time tomorrow, ok?

The etymology of the nominalizer and the noun tʰo is not clear. In Purik, it is furthermore used in the meaning ‘bow string, strong thread’, and it occurs as the second part of rintʰo ‘dowry’.38 In WT, finally, we find tho “2. register, list, catalogue, index … nyo-tho account of goods bought, bill; lo-tho calendar, almanac … dei rgyud-la thob-tho a list of things which his relations shall receive” (Jk. 236a–b), as well as tho rangs “1. dawn … 2. the following, the next morning …” (Jk. 236b) and tho-re “W. to-morrow …” (Jk. 236b). 4.2.12 -loŋ ‘(spare) time’ The nominalizer -loŋ denotes ‘(spare) time’ to undertake the action denoted by the nominalized verb. Its corresponding use in other dialects of Tibetan (e.g. in the CT dialects of Southern Mustang (cf. Kretschmar 1995:136), Kyirong (Huber 2005:149), and Lhasa (Tournadre 2003:332)) allows us to trace this nominalizer back to the noun long that is already attested for WT in the meanings “1. leisure, spare-time, vacant time, time” (Jk. 553b). In Purik, -loŋ is either used before the negated (assertor-directed) dynamic auxiliary joŋ, as in (427)–(430), or before a negated existential copula, as in (431). In all of these contexts, it indicates that one did not find the time (or does not have it at the moment of speech) to do undertake the action denoted by the nominalized verb. (427) ŋa-a zer-loŋ ma joŋ-s, pʰurtsʰat ma soŋ I-dat say-time neg come-pst opportunity neg went I didn’t find the time to say (it), didn’t have the opportunity. (428) tʃʰa-tʃa in-m-in,

tʃʰa-loŋ ma joŋ-s go-inf2 eq-inf-eq go-time neg come-pst (I) was going to go, (but) I didn’t find the time to go. (429)



dare tsʰaqpa zan za-loŋ ma joŋ-s-a now until food eat-time neg come-pst-q (You) haven’t had the time to eat until now?

38  Cf. the explanation butsʰa-n-is bomo-a pene-k taŋ-tʃ-in baχston ba-a batsik dun-la, d-o-la rintʰo zer-tʃ-in ‘the boys will give money to the girl before they marry; this is called rintʰo’.

486

Chapter 4

(430) kum-tʃik dug-loŋ ma joŋ-s drm-indef stay-time neg come-pst (I) didn’t find any time to rest (and just do nothing). (431) ŋa-a loŋ-tʃi

met I-dat time-indef neg:ex.f I don’t have time (for that). 4.2.13 Emphatic Completive -tʰaq (tʃʰot) The nominalizer -tʰaq always occurs before the matrix verb tʃ ʰot ‘be finished’ and emphasizes the sense of completion expressed by the latter. We already find the collocation thag gcod-pa in WT, where it means “1. to cut a cord … to decide, resolve, determine … to be sure, decided, certain … yod thag-chod there are certainly … Glr.” (Jk. 227b). Since the word tʰaqpa ‘rope’ is also used in Purik, it appears very plausible that tʃʰot is the non-controlled monovalent correspondence of the verb tʃat ‘cut’ and that V-tʰaq tʃ ʰot thus originally meant ‘the rope of V-ing is cut’, which was a metaphorical expression for ‘s/he has V-ed for good’, cf. (432). (432)



tʃʰa-tʰaq tʃʰot-suk go-rope be.finished-infr S/he has left (i.e. s/he’s already left town).

The same construction is also used idiomatically together with the verb ʂmit ‘swallow’, literally expressing that one has no spit left to swallow and metaphorically that one has no energy left to deal with a boisterous kid, cf. (433). In the same context, my consultant from Yabgo (Shabir) uses the expression (434), where the idiomatic nominalized verb has been supplanted by skjaŋ(s) ‘be boisterous’. Note that this exchange entails a reanalysis of the whole construction in that the matrix verb tʃʰot becomes transitive, while -tʰaq switched from nominalizing the event associated with adult (‘swallowing’) to the event associated with the kid (‘being boisterous’). Finally, in (435), we can see that -tʰaq may also be suffixed to a nominal base (i.e. me ‘fire’) that is closely associated with an event (i.e. ‘burning’). (433) ʂmit-tʰaq



tʃʰot-e swallow-rope be.finished-cnj being too boisterous to put up with …

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

487

(434) kʰo-s

skjaŋ-tʰaq tʃʰot-en-duk s/he-erg be.boisterous-rope be.finished-sim-ex.t S/he’s too boisterous to put up with.

(435) me-tʰaq tʃʰot



fire-rope be.finished The fire is totally gone.

4.2.14 -kʰi(marukpjaŋ) The morpheme-chain -kʰimaruk-p-j-aŋ forms an adverbial clause from a verb and means ‘when (one) is about to V’, as exemplified in (436) and (437). While the last two morphemes can be identified as the definite article and an inessive case marking, we may only speculate as to the analysis of the remaining -kʰimaruk-.39 The prospective component of its meaning, however, suggests that it builds on the prospective participle that is used in South Purik, as illustrated in (438) (this sentence was uttered by a man from Minji). (436)

tʃʰa-kʰimaruk-p-j-aŋ rzon mi taŋ-ma rgo-ʃ-in go-about.to-def-g-ine lie neg give-inf need-inf2-eq When (you’re) about to go (away), (you) shouldn’t tell lies.

(437)



marius ʃi-kʰimaruk-p-j-aŋ musulman loq Marius die-about.to-def-g-ine Muslim turn Breathing his last, Marius converted to Islam.

(438) saŋko-a

ɬep-kʰi soŋ-suk Sangko-dat arrive-PRSP went-infr (We) are about to arrive in Sangko. The suffix -kʰi appears to be the same as the -kyi of Ladakhi, which Koshal (1979:274–5) calls “future participle”, but which is in fact a prospective participle that may also be used in the past, as one of her examples shows: ʈhuggu ngu-kyi yot-pin … “[The] child was just about to cry….” Furthermore, this suffix must also be the one contained in a majority of non-past verbal

39  Read (1934:35) attests the only minimally diverging construction V-kha ma ruk as “an occasional way of expressing” the notion ‘just before’, e.g. in thon-kha ma ruk ‘just before arriving’ and bya-kha ma ruk ‘just before doing’.

488

Chapter 4

endings in vast areas of CT and other dialects, e.g. in Lhasa ze̠(r)-gi-jø:-re ‘it is generally said, called’, and even with equative copulas, e.g. in ɖi̠-gi-reʔ ‘it’s (< it will be) ok’. Furthermore, we may hypothesize that Purik -kʰi is originally a genitive form of the suffix -kʰa that was formerly productive in deriving abstracts from nouns (cf. 3.1.1.8) and verbs as in pʰankʰa ‘use’, ʃarkʰa ‘dawn’, stotkʰa ‘praise’, tʰatkʰa ‘joy, ease’, tʃatkʰa ‘wood chopping’, tʃʰatkʰa ‘certainty’, as well as in metkʰamet ‘by all means’. Such deverbal derivations by means of -kʰa are not documented for WT. And since all the verbs the listed derivations are based on are still used in modern Purik in the same meaning, we may assume that these derivations are of recent origin. Nevertheless, -kʰa does not appear to be productive in deriving abstracts from verbal bases in modern Purik. The occurrence of Ladakhi -kyi before existential copulas, furthermore, suggests that it assumed its prospective function in this very context in the same way as was shown for the -tʃa suffix in 4.2.4. Incidentally, it must have been the productivity of the latter that made both -kʰa and its genitive -kʰi obsolescent. And finally, we may speculate that the genitive form of this suffix was followed by the negated infinitive *ma duk-pa in the meaning ‘not staying’, given that all the contexts in which this construction is used are indeed contexts in which a person will not stay (whether s/he is going abroad or dying).40 That this infinitive is put in the inessive may be a property of the time in which this construction formed – in modern Purik, it is common for absolutive infinitives to function as adverbials subordinate to a matrix clause. 4.2.15 Desiderative -sɲi Semantically a rather unique nominalizer is -sɲi, which expresses a desire to undertake the action denoted by the nominalized verb. In Purik, it may either be used before the copula, as in the first part of (439), or before the (assertordirected) dynamic auxiliary joŋ, as in the second part of (439), in (440) and (441), where the stem-final -t of pʰut was dropped due to the following s-. It is used in the same way in Balti (cf. Read 1934:107), but it can be found in many

40  Or it contains the (optional and thereby expressing a notion of hesitation) -ma- that is found in the middle of bisyllabic words like tʰaq(ma)tʰik ‘undecided’, sɲiŋ(ma)rduks ‘pitiable, innocent, sweet’, and laʁ(ma)loq ‘nauteous’, and – where it isn’t optional – kʰʂamakʰʂo ‘spreckled, two-coloured’ and kʰamatʃʰar ‘between snow and rain’. Thus, V-kʰimaruk- may be a hesitating variant of V-kʰiruk < *V-kʰi duk, which is the form that has spread into Ladakhi and many more dialects.

Sentences – Infinite Verbal Forms

489

more Tibetan dialects such as the ones spoken in Kyirong (cf. ɲı̄: dø̠ (d)41 ‘wish, want’ (Huber 2005:315) or Lhasa (cf. Tournadre and Dorje 2003:286). That it may derive from the Common Tibetan word snying ‘heart’ is mere speculation. (439)



ŋa haʈi-a tʃʰa-sɲi met-p-in, ŋa diriŋ soŋ, kʰor, I store-dat go-des neg:ex-inf-eq I today went turn askje ŋa jaŋ tʃʰa-sɲi joŋ-s, ŋa zbjaŋ-s tomorrow I again go-des come-pst I accustom-pst I didn’t feel like going to the bazar, but today, I went, walked around, (and) tomorrow, I want to go again, I learned to like it.

(440) esai



loχ-sɲi ma joŋ-s christian return-feel.like neg come-pst I don’t feel like converting to christianity.

(441) guntʃa



pʰu-sɲi joŋ-et cloth(es) take.off-des come-crt I feel like taking off my clothes.

4.2.16 Desiderative -mkʰans The synonymous, desiderative nominalizer -mkʰans is only rarely used, and exclusively after the verbal base za ‘eat’, as illustrated in (442) and, with the indefinite article, in (443). (442) za-mkʰans ma joŋ-s, eat-des neg come-pst I didn’t have any appetite. (443) za-mkʰan-ʃi

ma joŋ-s eat-des-indef neg come-pst I didn’t have much of an appetite. 4.2.17 -luks There is only a small number of verbs that are nominalized by means of -luks in a non-specific way and almost exclusively used as a complement of the auxiliary ba, i.e. ʂtʃes-luks ‘loving, love’, ɬta-luks ‘observation, caring’, spjod-luks

41  Note that its occurrence together with the redundant dø̠ (d) ( jot-p-in, *in-ma in > in-m-in) and then extended to the testimonial copula, yielding duk-p-in (because the infinitive duk-pa can only be formed from the full verb duk but not the copula, ruling out < †duk-pa in), and to the complex constructions illustrated in (1122)–(1126). While in all these constructions, -p-in/min consistently indicates past tense, it has acquired various implications after the simple past forms, which are discussed in the following. Note that it also has two more allomorphs after these, i.e. one with a voiced labial initial (after -r, -l, and -m, e.g. in tsʰor-b-in ‘heard’, rgjal-b-in ‘won’, or sam-b-in ‘thought’) and one without a labial at all (after root-final labial, e.g. in ɬeb-0–in ‘arrived’).82 That the effects of -p-in on the meaning of the simple past are quite variegated and not always evident is obviously a direct consequence of the fact that the simple past already refers to the past. On the other hand, we have seen in 4.4.2.1 that the simple past may also be interpreted resultatively or inchoatively, that is, have a direct bearing on the moment of speaking or the present; it appears that -p-in may block such an analysis especially in connection with the directional motion verbs (joŋ-s ‘came’ and soŋ ‘went’). With other verbs, -p-in tends to relate to an event as a whole and to depict it as an ‘unchangeable fact’ (or rather to one that does not change on its own and that has to be actively changed, if at all). V-(s-)pin may also be used as an ‘experiential perfect’ in the sense of Comrie; but then again, some Purikpas use the simple past even in this function (what is considered ‘wrong’ by others). Finally, V-(s-)pin tends to refer to events that have been ‘previously identified as a whole’. The distinction between the simple and the remote past is most evident in connection with the directional motion verbs joŋ ‘come’ and tʃ ʰa ‘go’ with their distinct evidential connotations. In (1127), the simple past soŋ ‘went’ implies that the subject is away at the moment of the utterance, while the remote past soŋ-m-in in (1128) implies that the event was brought to completion and that the subject ‘has gone and come back’ and is therefore near the interlocutors at the moment of the utterance.83 82  It is not clear to me whether -p-in/(b)in/min should be analyzed as a single morpheme or one consisting of the -pa infinitive and the equative copula, since at least in the past perfective forms of controllable verbs, where the -s of the simple past is always followed by the allomorph -p-in, -p- can no longer be analyzed as stemming from an infinitive, cf. taŋ-s-p-in ‘gave’, but taŋ-ma ‘to give’, kʰjer-s-p-in ‘took away’, but kʰjer-ba ‘to take away’, etc., and similarly the -m- in the suppletive soŋ-m-in ‘went’, but tʃʰa-a ‘to go’, etc. 83  On the other hand, this contrast appears to be neutralized when the addressee is the subject of the sentence, as in kʰjeraŋ (‘you’) haʈi-a soŋ(-m-in)-a ‘did you go to the bazar?’,

Sentences – Copulas and Finite Clauses

643

(1127) kʰo



haʈi-a soŋ-a s/he store-dat went-q Has he gone to the bazaar? (He’s not here now.)

(1128) kʰo



haʈi-a soŋ-m-in-a s/he store-dat went-inf-eq-q Did he go to the bazaar? (He’s here now.)

Accordingly (i.e. with opposite implications), the simple past joŋ-s-a is used when the subject is present or thought to possibly be so, while the remote past joŋ-s-p-in-a implies that s/he is not present at the time of utterance, cf. (1129) and (1130). At the same time, the interrogative joŋ-s-p-in-a will tend to be used when the interrogator previously heard of the event (typically from the actor in (1130)). (1129) tʰomas di-ka



joŋ-s-a Thomas this-loc come-pst-q Has Thomas come here? (He will be staying here.)

(1130) tʰomas di-ka



joŋ-s-p-in-a Thomas this-loc come-pst-inf-eq-q Did Thomas come here? (He is staying somewhere else.)

That is, in contexts where the present evidence would suggest a resultative interpretation of the simple past, the remote past is used in order to explicitly indicate perfectivity, that is, in connection with the two basic motion verbs, that the event was completed and the subjects have thus returned to their initial location. This also appears to license the use of soŋ-m-in in (1131) and (1132) and kʰjer-s-p-in in (1133), even though the presence of the speaker would rule out a non-perfective interpretation. In (1134), on the other hand, the presence of the speaker does not imply that the result of kʰjoŋ-s-p-in ‘brought’ does not persist upto the moment of speaking, but it appears to stress the completion of the action, implicating a notion of irreversibility.

because the addressee is obviously always with the speaker in the corresponding contexts (except when tele-communicating). The remote past then tends to relate to events further in the past than the simple past.

644

Chapter 4

(1131) are-ka

nor ze-e kʰi jot-suk, that-loc sheep eat-gen dog ex-infr ŋa-s d-o-a rda-se soŋ-m-in I-erg that-def-dat chase-cnj went-inf-eq There was a dog over there who had eaten sheep. I went to chase it. (1132)



ŋa ri-a soŋ-m-in diriŋ, kaŋma tsʰa-se I mntn-dat went-inf-eq today foot become.hot-cnj zermo joŋ-et pain come-crt I went to the mountains today; because my leg became hot, it hurts (now).

(1133) ŋa-s are pʰru-un-la rda-se kʰjer-s-p-in I-erg that child-pl-dat chase-cnj take.away-pst-inf-eq I chased those kids (away). (1134) di

tʃiis-po ŋa-s mahmut-i-ka-na ʂtsot-e this thing-def I-erg Mahmud-g-loc-abl ask.for-cnj kʰjoŋ-s-p-in, toŋ zer-e kʰjoŋ-s-p-in bring-pst-inf-eq give\imp say-cnj bring-pst-inf-eq I got this thing from Mahmud by begging. (And I won’t give it back to him.) As Bielmeier noted for Balti (cf. Bielmeier 1985:110, 115), -p-in may also in Purik indicate the ‘definiteness’ of the event, or, in other words, express that the speaker already knows that the event in question took place and has therefore been able to identify the event, as in (1136) (while the simple past in (1135) instead only signals the knowledge that there was a possibility that it might take place).

(1135)

o marius, kʰjeraŋ tʰomas ɲambo tʰug-a hey Marius you Thomas with meet-q Hey, Marius, did you meet Thomas (in Leh)? (I know that he is there.)

(1136)

o marius, kʰjeraŋ tʰomas ɲambo tʰuk-p-in-a hey Marius you Thomas with meet-inf-eq-q Hey, Marius, did you meet Thomas (in Leh)? (He told me about it!)



Sentences – Copulas and Finite Clauses

645

The ‘definiteness’ or previous identification is also evident in (1137), where the speaker corrects a misconception the addressee has about a past event. Note also that the capacity of the equative copula in to highlight intrinsic properties of an entity licenses it to relate to the intentions behind an event here. (1137) ŋa-s rdam ma rdam-s-p-in, kʰjer-es I-erg choose neg choose-pst-inf-eq you-erg taŋ-s-p-in give-pst-inf-eq I didn’t choose; you gave (it to me).

Before inferential -suk, certain verbs (such as sam ‘think’ in (1138) or tʰoŋ ‘be visible, see’ in (1139)) may only be used in the remote past because they denote an event that does not yield a result on the basis of which one may infer that the event took place. Instead, the form sam-b-in-suk in (1138) implies that the speaker previously knew what the addressee had thought but that only some new insight enabled her to contrast it with the truth. Similarly, tʰoŋ-m-in-suk in (1139) implies that the speaker has been aware of the fact that the subject had suffered in the mountains and that she is able to put down some new evidence to that cause. As tʰuk-p-in in (1136), the ‘past perfective’ in (1138) and (1139) therefore presupposes a previous identification of the event related to. (1138) kʰje-s

ʁalat sam-b-in-suk you-erg wrong think-inf-eq-infr You appear to have thought wrong. (1139) ri-a soŋ-se-na kʰo-a naχs maŋmo mntn-dat went-cnj-cnd s/he-dat pains a.lot tʰoŋ-m-in-suk see-inf-eq-infr Going to the mountains, it appears that he suffered a lot.

In a viable candidate for a statement that might have been countered with (1138), i.e. the negated (1140), the past perfective implies that the described (non-)event was completed prior to the moment of speaking (since the speaker is on the way to the finals and therefore highly unlikely to still think that his team won’t make it there).

646

Chapter 4

(1140) fainel-la ɬeb-et

ma sam-b-in final-dat arrive-crt neg think-inf-eq I didn’t think (we) would make it to the final. The ‘past perfective’ must also be used in hypothetical protases such as the ones illustrated in (1141) and (1142). It therein contrasts with a simple past form in the apodoses.

(1141) ŋa sa-a ma duk-s-p-in-na goloʁa I ground-dat neg stay-pst-inf-eq-cnd stumbling soŋ-ma went-foc If I hadn’t sat down (immediately) I would have fallen. (1142) jar-es

ma zer-s-p-in-na ŋa-a ma you(h)-erg neg say-pst-inf-eq-cnd I-dat neg tʰoŋ-ma(-pa) be.visible-foc(-foc) If you hadn’t told (me), I wouldn’t have seen (it). Another context in which the past perfective is normally used is illustrated in (1143) and (1144), where it serves a function Bernhard Comrie (1976:58) calls ‘experiential perfect’.84 However, I have also heard Purikpas use the simple past in these same contexts, apparently because they would only allow for a resultative interpretation when the speaker is at the place in question at the moment of speaking (i.e. kʰjeraŋ saŋko-a ɬeb-a ‘Have you arrived in Sangko? Are you there now?’ and ŋa srinagar-la ɬep ‘I have arrived in Srinagar. I’m there now.’). Whenever he is not, the use of the simple past will create no ambiguity. (Cf. the corresponding neutralization in connection with the motion verbs discussed above.)

(1143)

kʰjeraŋ saŋko-a ɬe-b-in-a you Sangko-dat arrive-inf-eq-q Have you been to Sangko? 84  According to Comrie (1976:58), the experiential perfect “indicates that a given situation has held at least once during some time in the past leading up to the present.” An example from English is, e.g., Bill has been to America. (Comrie 1976:59).

Sentences – Copulas and Finite Clauses

647

(1144) ŋa srinagar-la tsʰer ɲis ɬe-b-in I Srinagar-dat time(s) two arrive-inf-eq I’ve been to Srinagar twice (in my life).

Examples (1145) and (1146) may similarly classify as experiential perfects, relating to a unique event in the informant’s past. (1145)



kʰjeraŋ gar skje-p-in you where be.born-inf-eq Where were you born?

(1146) peh-la

lo ʒbʒi snan-la joŋ-s-p-in (saq-batsik first-dat year four early-dat come-pst-inf-eq (all-comp snan-la) early-dat) I first came here four years ago. In examples (1147)–(1153), the past perfective and the simple past of the verbs pʰiŋ ‘take out’, ɬtson ‘vomit’, tri ‘ask’, and pʰan ‘be useful, serve so.’ are contrasted. Generally, the past perfective relates to a completed event without a direct bearing on the moment of speaking, while the simple past relates to an event the result of which tends to persist upto (and beyond) the moment of speaking. At the same time, the past perfective (presumably by virtue of the capacity of in to equate entities) tends to relate to a previously ‘identified’ and the simple past to a ‘non-identified’ event. This may explain the consecutive use of ɬtson-s and ɬtson-s-p-in-a in (1147), even though the past perfective is also prompted by the fact that the addressee looks fully healthy and may therefore only have vomited in a nauseous past state that does not appear to persist at the moment of speaking. In contrast to pʰiŋ-s in (1148), pʰiŋ-s-p-in in (1149) relates to a clearly identified and ‘activated’ action that has to be carried out (exactly) once a month. And unlike tri-s in (1150), tri-s-p-in in (1151) signals that the action was completed, which in this context (together with the ablative kʰo-e-ka-na ‘from him’) implies that the speaker received a satisfactory answer to his question. Finally, tʰuŋ-s-p-in in (1152) describes a completed past event that yielded another event (kʰo-a pʰan-lo) with a clear bearing on the present; on the other hand, pʰan-m-in in (1153) stresses the notion that the event took place in the past and will not be prolonged into the future, if the addressee doesn’t change his behavior.

648

Chapter 4

(1147) di-ka su-s ɬtson-s, kʰjer-es di-ka this-loc who-erg vomit-pst you-erg this-loc ɬtson-s-p-in-a vomit-pst-inf-eq-q Who vomited here? Did you vomit here? (1148) zer-un pʰiŋ-s nail-pl take.out-pst (I) took the nails out. (1149)



snapa ldz-e-ka pʰiŋ-s-p-in first month-g-loc take.out-pst-inf-eq (I) got (the ration) for the first month.

(1150) ŋa-s kʰo-i rin-po tri-s I-erg s/he-gen price-def ask-pst I asked (after) its price. (1151) ŋa-s aʁ-i-ka-na

tri-s-p-in, diriŋ gaɽi I-erg Agha-g-loc-abl ask-pst-inf-eq today car ɬep-tʃa jod-lo arrive-inf2 ex-quot I asked the Agha; (he) said that today cars will get through (to Kargil). (1152) kʰo-s

tʃʰu tʰuŋ-s-p-in apati-i, kʰo-a s/he-erg water drink-pst-inf-eq Apati-gen s/he-dat pʰan-lo be.helpful-quot S/he’s drunk water from (the) Apati (well), it helped her/him, I hear.

(1153) kʰjer-es ŋa-a dj-u ba-a ʃaa you-erg I-dat this-def do-inf appropriate men-wa-pa, ŋa kʰjeraŋ-a pʰan-m-in neg:eq-foc-foc I you-dat be.helpful-inf-eq You shouldn’t have done this to me! I’ve only done good to you.

Below, a few more examples are given in order to illustrate how the past perfective presents past events as facts without explicitly referring to their internal

Sentences – Copulas and Finite Clauses

649

temporal constituency.85 In all of these examples, the past perfective may also be said to look (back) at an event from a later perspective, while the simple past may be said to zoom into the same past event from a simultaneous perspective. The past perfectives in both (1154) and (1155) describe events that were clearly completed in the past, while those in (1156) and (1157) refer to more recently completed events (e.g. the subject of (1156) has brought the sheep back down into the village) that are consecutively zoomed into by means of simple past forms. In (1158) and (1159), on the other hand, the past perfectives describe a past event (without referring to the internal temporal constituency of it, that is), and the inferential past and the perfect, respectively, relate to the further fate of the entities involved in that past event. (1154)

aʁabbas su-s ɬtan-s-p-in kʰjaŋ tʃoq Agha.Abbas who-erg show-pst-inf-eq you moment joŋ-se-na come-cnj-cntr Who introduced you to (lit. who showed you) Agha Abbas when you had just arrived here? (1155) kʰo-s na bo-s-p-in, de las-po mi ba s/he-erg oath put-pst-inf-eq that work-def neg do zer-e say-cnj He’s sworn that he wouldn’t do that. (1156) ŋa-s nor motuk ri-a kʰje-s-p-in, I-erg sheep morning mountain-dat take.away-pst-inf-eq ɲimaʂar ŋa-s tsʰo-in-duk-s all.day I-erg graze-sim-stay-pst I took the sheep to the mountains in the morning; I kept herding (them) all day.

85  According to Comrie (1976:21) “perfectivity involves lack of explicit reference to the internal temporal constituency of a situation, rather than explicitly implying the lack of such internal temporal constituency.”

650

Chapter 4

(1157) ŋa-s bi-i-ka ʁolel taŋ-s-p-in, kʰo I-erg small.bird-g-loc slingshot give-pst-inf-eq it braŋ-p-e-aŋ pʰoχ-se ɬtorot pʰap-s chest-def-g-ine hit-cnj drm take.down-pst I shot a small bird with the slingshot; it was hit on its chest and taken down (at once). (1158) kʰo-s

e-ka ɬtʃaŋpʰru-ik tsuk-s-p-in, s/he-erg the.other-loc young.willow-indef plant-pst-inf-eq d-o tsʰuks-suk that-def strike.root-infr S/he planted a willow over there (some time ago); it’s struck roots (now). (1159) ru-u nor-un-na zbjaŋ-ma taŋ-s-p-in, kid-def sheep-pl-comit practise-inf give-pst-inf-eq bjaŋ-se soŋ get.used-cnj went (I) put the kid together with the sheep to get accustomed; they got accustomed.

4.5

Other Clause-Final Morphemes

All the morphemes treated in this section can be joined to at least one of the finite verbal forms described in the preceding section. We will see that the morphemes discussed here developed in various ways from various origins. The interrogative -a discussed in 4.5.1 stands out from the others in that it is the only suffix that directly conveys illocutionary force. We may only speculate that it derives from the demonstrative a which points to distal visible items (see 3.3.1.2). The suffix -pa is argued in 4.5.2 to directly reflect a focus marker from which also the nominalizer -pa (see 4.2.3) evolved. By contrast, -tʃapo (4.5.2) likely reflects the definite form of the nominalizer -tʃa(s) (see 4.2.4). Corroborative -to (4.5.4) appears to have evolved from the less specific suffix -o that marks affirmative statements in WT. The suffix -ʃik is argued in 4.5.5 to have been extended from optative to plural imperative and even to plural interrogative hosts. Additive -aŋ ‘too’ (4.5.6) was originally a discourse-structuring morpheme attached to nouns (see 3.5.2), from where it was extended to imperative and indicative verbal hosts as well as sentences lacking a predicate. Quotative (-)lo (4.5.7), which is used both as a suffix indicating hearsay and

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

651

a predicate meaning ‘said’, evolved from the eventive simple past *lab ‘said’. Clause-final proximate (-)de and obviate (-)e (4.5.8), which similarly function both as suffixes and predicates, derive from the demonstratives de ‘(anaphoric) that’ and e ‘the other’ (see 3.3.1). All except the last of the four pragmatic suffixes -nii, -gii, -tʃii, and -hii (4.5.9) can also be used sentence initially; in fact, -tʃii evidently derives from the (mostly sentence-initial) interrogative pronoun tʃi ‘what’. Likewise, irreal -ta (4.5.10) appears to be related to the WT root da ‘now’; at different positions of the sentence, its main function is to consider the possible consequences of a situation. The origin of the frequently used suffix -hei ‘ok?’ (4.5.11) is not known, nor is the one of wheedling iʃ(u) (4.5.12) or hesitative -jaa (4.5.13), which may also occur in various positions within a sentence. The same applies to the vocative particles ʒu, le, wa, la, ka, no, and bu (4.5.14), whose choice depends on the addressee. 4.5.1 Interrogative -a The wide variety of pragmatic notions that are conveyed by the suffixes discussed in this section allow us to include in it the only suffix that directly conveys an illocutionary force, namely the ‘interrogative’ -a. As in most other varieties of Tibetan, it only occurs when the illocutionary force is not already indicated by an interrogative pronoun or pronominal adverb such as su ‘who’, tʃi ‘what’, tʃi-a ‘why’, or nam ‘when’. The features of -a described in this subsection are in accordance with those attributed to Balti by Read (1934:57) and Bielmeier (1985:151), and to Purik by Bailey (1920:24–5), Rangan (1979:148–56), and Sharma (2004:120–1).86 WT interrogative ’am likely derives from the -a found in the mentioned dialects (cf. Hahn 1996:45–6).87 Examples (1160)–(1165) illustrate simple affirmative questions in which the ‘interrogative’ -a is suffixed to the finite verb, i.e. the factual existential copula jot in (1160), the certaintive V-et in (1161), the testimonial existential copula duk 86  Suffice it to mention one striking disaccord here. According to Rangan (1920:153), in a question such as ata gar soŋ ‘where did father go?’, “by an optional rule, gar is moved to the front position”, yielding gar ata soŋ, which is, however, rejected by all my consultants. 87  Beside sharing the basic interrogative meaning, WT ’am is like Purik -a not used when an interrogative pronoun occurs in the same question and not repeated after question tags (cf. Hahn 1996:46). The frequency of question tags in Tibetan polar questions allows us to hypothesize that the additional -m of the interrogative marker in WT may reflect a ‘metanalyzed’ (cf. Campbell 2013:102–3) initial m- of the negating ma (or mi) that normally follows it in these constructions. The same idea is expressed by Hahn (1996:47): “Die Finalpartikel des Fragesatzes ’am ist wohl auf das Negationsadverb ma zurückzuführen. Zur Konstruktion vgl. etwa den neuhochdeutschen Sprachgebrauch ‘du kommst, oder – ?’.”

652

Chapter 4

in (1162), the inferential V-suk in (1163), a simple past verb form in (1164), and quotative -lo in (1165). (1160) jaraŋ-a jaŋ las ba-a ɲan-tʃa jot-a you(h)-dat again work do-inf be.able-inf2 ex-q Will you be able to do work again? (1161)

guntʃa daʁ-et-a cloth become.clean-crt-q Is the dirt coming off the clothes?

(1162)

kʰjaŋ ode-ka tʰar-tʃa dug-a you that.vry-loc climb-inf2 ex.t-q Will you be able to climb up there?





(1163) nor



tsʰaŋ-sug-a sheep be.complete-infr-q Are none of the sheep missing?

(1164) naŋgos-la tʃʰu tʰems-a inside-dat water get.wet-q Did it get wet inside? (1165) hoʈel-i

malik-po pene dams-lo-a restaurant-gen owner-def money gather-quot-q hoʈel-j-aŋ duk-kʰan saʁ-i-ka-na restaurant-g-ine stay-nlzr all-g-loc-abl Has the owner of the hotel collected money from all the hotel guests? Only a few suffixes may follow interrogative -a, namely -nii, -tʃii, and -hii, as illustrated in (1166)–(1168). The peculiar suffix -ʃik (see 4.5.5) is the only one that may occur before or after -a; the latter position is shown in (1169). (1166) tʃʰ-et-a-nii

go-crt-q-syl Are you/we leaving then?

(1167)

ʒimbo mi-ndug-a-tʃii tasty neg-ex.t-q-cs Isn’t (this) really tasty?!

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

653

(1168) kʰo

met-na ɬuŋ-nug-a-hii s/he neg:ex-cnd lose-pot-q-wnd Do you think we’ll lose without him? (I think it won’t matter!)

(1169)

rgjala jot-a-ʃik good ex-q-ip Are you all doing well? Negated questions reflect the questioner’s expectation of an affirmative answer (i.e. canceling the negation of the question), as exemplified in (1170) and (1171).88 Given this connotation, negated questions are often used in order to establish common ground between the speaker and the addressee, whose affirmative answer (which may be a simple o ‘yes, I’m listening’) allows the speaker to elaborate on the now established common ground, as illustrated in (1172). Accordingly, after establishing common ground by means of the question in (1173), the speaker explains that the paraphrased items are called qabza ‘hinges’. (1170) sajid abbas-is



pʰu ba-se ma dot-a Syed Abbas-erg blow do-cnj neg cure-q Didn’t it (your cough) go away after Syed Abbas treated it?

(1171)

kʰjeraŋ sun-ma-met-a, kʰjeraŋ di-ka you be.bored-inf-neg:ex-q you this-loc duk-pa sun-ma-met-a stay-inf be.bored-inf-neg:ex-q Don’t you feel bored? Don’t you feel bored staying here?

(1172)



balti bazar met-a, ode-ka-na joq-tug-a … Balti bazaar neg:ex-q that.vry-loc-abl down-term-dat You know where the Balti Bazaar is, right? Well, below that …

(1173) zgo-a

taŋ-se mi-ndu(g)-a door-dat give-cnj neg-ex.t-q Isn’t there something attached to the door?

88  Note that in the Central Tibetan variety spoken by Tibetans living in Kathmandu (Nepal), the neutral interrogative particle -ɛ is often replaced by -a in order to convey the speaker’s strong expectation of an affirmative answer, as in ʃi̠mbo du̠ -ɛ ‘is it tasty?’ vs. ʃi̠mbo du̠ -a ‘isn’t it tasty!?’.

654

Chapter 4

As mentioned above, in many other varieties of Tibetan including WT, questions ending in interrogative -a are often followed by question tags denoting the opposite, as illustrated in (1174)–(1179). Example (1180) is the only instance in which such a question tag was followed by another -a. If the predicate of the question is in the simple past, the question tag contains a negating particle and the repeated simple past, as shown in (1174)–(1176). If the predicate of the question derives from a copula, only the negated copula is repeated in the question tag, as illustrated by V-en-dug-a mi-nduk in (1177), V-sug-a mi-nduk in (1178), V-et-a met in (1179) and (1180). And if the question focuses an adjective or adjectival noun, the question tag contains its opposite, as shown in (1181). Example (1182) demonstrates that question tags may consist of a different number of words than the focused part of the question. (1174) ŋj-ek

ɲan-a ma ɲan fish-indef catch-q neg catch Did you catch any fish (or not)?

(1175) kitsi tʰeps-a



ma tʰeps load be.enough-q neg be.enough Is the load (on your back) big enough (or not)?

(1176) oma gjur-a



ma gjur curd become-q neg become Has the milk turned into curd yet?

(1177) tʰaqpa-o kʰiks-en-dug-a

mi-nduk rope-def be.fitting-sim-ex.t-q neg-ex.t Is the rope long enough or not?

(1178) joŋ-sug-a

minduk come-infr-q neg:ex.t Has she arrived or not? (1179) kʰjeraŋ-a di las-po lam-et-a met you-dat this work-def feel.like-crt-q neg:ex.f Do you feel like doing this?

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

655

(1180)

kʰjuk-pa-met-a, zermo joŋ-et-a met-a, ache-inf-neg:ex-q pain come-crt-q neg:ex-q tʃaŋ pʰaraq tʃʰa-a-met-a zan-i something difference go-inf-neg:ex-q food-gen Don’t you have any pain? Can you still eat everything? (1181)



ʃer rgos-et-a skam rgos-et wet need-crt-q dry need-crt Head or tails?

(1182) di



bor-e-aŋ di pʰe-u taŋ-na ɬjaχ-ʃ-in-a this bag-g-ine this flour-def give-cnd be.left-inf2-eq-q ɲintse tʃʰa-tʃ-in little go-inf2-eq If (we) put this flour into this bag, will there be left, or will there not be enough?

Nominal constituents that follow interrogative -a may be labeled ‘antitopics’. As far as personal pronouns denoting the addressee are concerned, they are either dropped in questions crucially involving the addressee, or, if a question is felt not to be clear, they are added after the otherwise sentence-final -a, as in (1183) or (1184).89 Note that personal pronouns referring to the addressee sound rather odd at the beginning of questions such as (1183) and (1184). The same applies to the noun phrase designating the single participant in (1185). Another constituent that often follows -a is the infinitival complement to the main predicate of the question, as exemplified in (1187) and (1188). It appears that their basic position before the predicate is at times perceived to be hard to process; the constituent order exhibited by (1186) is therefore somewhat rarer than the one shown in (1187) and (1188). Example (1189) shows that an antitopic may also follow a question tag.

89  For the distinction between antitopic and afterthought and the prosodic features of these, see 7.4.

656

Chapter 4

(1183) skoms-et-a kʰjeraŋ be.thirsty-crt-q you Are you thirsty? (1184)

ane pʰru tsoq son-et-a kʰjeraŋ-a, wife child all be.alive-crt-q you-dat lokʰor-i bos tʃʰ-et-a one.year-gen livelihood go-crt-q Are you able to make a living for your wife and children?

(1185) tsʰaŋ-a las-po be.complete-q work-def Is it done (the job)? (1186) kʰjeraŋ haʈi-a ma tʃʰa-a duk-pa zot-et-a you store-dat neg go-inf stay-inf endure-crt-q Can you stand staying (home) without going to the bazaar? (1187) balaŋ-po

zguk-se kʰjoŋ-s-a erder ma cattle-def gather-cnj bring-pst-q here.and.there neg tʃʰa-tʃuk-pa go-caus-inf Have you put the cow into the shed without letting it go here and there? (1188) kʰjaŋ-a pʰot-et-a

mahmud-la las sko-a you-dat be.capable-crt-q Mahmud-dat work appoint-inf Are you capable of making Mahmud work?

(1189)

kʰjeraŋ-a papa baχ-se in-a men mana you-dat flour.dish taste-cnj eq-q neg:eq very Have you ever tasted papa at all? As mentioned at the beginning of this section, interrogative -a is not used when the illocutionary force is already specified by an interrogative pronoun or adverb such as tʃi ‘what’ and tʃi-a ‘what for, why’ in (1190) and (1191), ga-r ‘where’ and ga-tsoʁz-la ‘in what way, like how’ in (1192), and ga ‘which’ in (1193). Note that interrogative pronouns may be used in an emphatic affirmative way, e.g. ga-tsuk ‘like whatever’ (i.e. ‘whatever you may compare it to’) in (1194)

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

657

and su-i-ka ‘whoever-g-loc’ (i.e. ‘whoever one might compare to’) in (1195). Example (1196) shows that if a with an interrogative pronoun and thus no interrogative -a is followed by a question tag, the latter must repeat the interrogative pronoun (that is, su-a taŋ-s ma taŋ-s would not be felicitous). (1190) kʰjaŋ-a tʃi ton jot, ŋatʃ-i las-j-aŋ you-dat what goal ex.f we.pe-gen work-g-ine tʃi-a ɖes-et what-dat be.mixed-crt What does it matter to you? Why do you get mixed up in our business? (1191)

jaraŋ tʃi-a riŋs-et, mana jar-es you(h) what-dat hurry-crt very you(h)-erg riŋs-p-ek b-en-duk, tʃi las jot jaraŋ-a hurry-inf-indef do-sim-ex.t what work ex.f you(h)-dat What’s your hurry? You’re hurrying so much, what is it you have to do? (1192) tʃi-a kol-ba-t, ga-r kol-ba-t, ga-tsoʁz-la what-dat use-inf-fct which-term use-inf-fct what-like-dat kol-ba-t use-inf-fct What is it used for, where is it used, how is it used? (1193) kʰo



ga gaɽi-j-aŋ ʒon-e duk s/he which car-g-ine ride-cnj ex.t S/he’s riding in which car?

(1194) ga-tsuk

ʒimb-ek ba-se ze-n-duk, which-like tasty-indef do-cnj eat-sim-ex.t ŋa-a tʃig-aŋ taŋ-ʃik samet I-dat one-add give-opt think-crt How tasty it looks when he’s eating! I’m hoping for him to give me one, too. (1195)



ŋa kamzor jot, su-i-ka lo-tʃa met I weak ex.f who-g-loc match.up-inf2 neg:ex.f I’m weak, I don’t match up to anyone.

658

Chapter 4

(1196) de

pene-u spral-e tsʰar-suk, that money-def spend-cnj be.finished-infr su-a taŋ-s su-a ma taŋ-s tʃi ʃi who-dat give-pst who-dat neg give-pst what shmat That money is gone, who knows who (i.e. several persons) I gave it to. Interrogative -a also occurs in indirect questions describing the content of predicates which imply an interrogative notion, such as ldzoŋ ‘look for, nuzzle’, ɬta ‘look, find out’, and zdu ‘compare’, and also rwaŋ taŋ ‘play rock-paperscissors (in order to find out who gets to go first)’. These indirect questions generally exhibit the same properties as the direct questions just discussed, that is, they may contain questions tags with a repeated copula, as in (1197) and (1198), or with an antonymous adjective, as in (1199). However, example (1200) shows that an interrogative pronoun does not rule out the use of -a if the latter is immediately followed by the matrix verb, i.e. ɬtos ‘look (whether)!’. On the other hand, (1201) shows that an interrogative pronoun (su-s ‘who-erg’) may also be dropped if it is coreferent with two coordinated pronouns denoting the agents of the matrix sentence. This does not appear to be possible if the two coordinated pronouns occur in different cases, as in (1202). Note also that in indirect questions that follow a matrix predicate, the use of -a is mandatory when there is no interrogative pronoun, as in (1203), but forbidden when there is one, as in (1202). (1197) ŋa-s kʰo-e

spera-o ɬtʃa-s, I-erg s/he-gen word-def measure-pst rgjala dug-a mi-nduk ɬta-s good ex.t-q neg-ex.t look-pst I weighed his words, saw if (they) were good or not. (1198)

mahdi ol-j-aŋ soŋ-set tʃ ʰu taŋ-ma Mehdi meadow-g-ine went-res water give-inf ran-sug-a mi-nduk ɬta-a be.time-infr-q neg-ex.t look-inf Mehdi’s gone to the meadow to see whether the time to water has come or not. (1199) ras-po ɲuk, ɬjaχmo dug-a ʂtsoqpo ɬtos cloth-def feel good ex.t-q bad look\imp Feel the cloth! See whether it’s good or bad!

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

659

(1200) kʰunt-es tʃi b-en-dug-a ɬtos they-erg what do-sim-ex.t-q look\imp Look what they’re doing! (1201)



ŋa na kʰje-s ʂtswa ʂop kʰur-en-dug-a zdu-s, I and you-erg grass a.lot carry-sim-ex.t-q compare-pst kʰjaŋ anmed jot-suk, ŋa kʰjuttʃan jot-suk you weak ex-infr I strong ex-infr We competed in who can carry more grass, you were weaker, I was stronger.

(1202) rwaŋ taŋ-tʃ-in snan-la, su-s rda-tʃ-in, s-s-p give-inf2-eq early-dat who-erg chase-inf2-eq su ip-tʃ-in who hide-inf2-eq (We) play rock-paper-scissors first in order to know who’s chasing and who’s hiding. (1203) tʃand-e-aŋ-nuk,

dʒol-e-aŋ-nuk ldzoŋ-set pocket-g-ine-term bag-g-ine-term search-res tʃaŋ kʰje-s-pa mi-ndug-a something take.away-pst-inf neg-ex.t-q (I’ve) searched the pockets and the bag (to see) whether something was stolen. Another verb that may take an indirect-question complement is sam ‘think’. This may be due to the fact that, as illustrated in (1204)–(1210), sam regularly implies an interrogative notion of wondering. This notion may be canceled by dropping the interrogative -a, for instance, in the last two examples.

(1204) e beto zems-e ɖul-en-duk, skje-tʃa jot-tʃapo, that cow avoid-cnj walk-sim-ex.t give.birth-inf2 ex-assum di ʂtsikpa-w-a tʰoχs-et-a sam-se this wall-def-dat be.hurt-crt-q think-cnj zug-a di-tsa-as ɖul-tʃ-in like.this-dat this-lim-erg walk-inf2-eq That cow walks hesitantly, perhaps, it is about to give birth; fearing that it might be hurt by the wall it is walking at a certain distance it.

660

Chapter 4

(1205) ŋa-s

kʰo diriŋ joŋ-ma-met-a sam-et I-erg s/he today come-inf-neg:ex-q think-crt I think she might not come today.

(1206) ŋa-s

diriŋ kʰo joŋ-ma-met-a sam-b-in, kʰo I-erg today s/he come-inf-n:ex-q think-inf-eq s/he joŋ-s come-pst I thought he might not come today, (but) he came.

(1207) ŋa-s marius-is tʃa-o tʰuŋ-et-a sam-et, I-erg Marius-erg tea-def drink-crt-q think-crt kʰjer kʰo-a tʃ-ek take.away s/he-dat tea-indef I think Marius might drink a cup of tea, bring him one! (1208) ŋa-s nor-un tsʰaŋs-et-a sam-se tet-e I-erg sheep-pl be.complete-crt-q think-cnj lead-cnj joŋ-s come-pst Thinking that the sheep were complete, I took them with me. (1209) ŋa ditʃik



kʰatʃul-la tʃʰo-og(-a) sam-et I this.year Kashmir-dat go-pot(-q) think-crt I think I might go to Kashmir this year.

(1210) kʰo



kʰatʃul-la soŋ-set(-a) sam-et s/he Kashmir-dat went-res(-q) think-crt I think that she’s gone to Kashmir.

4.5.2 Focus Marker -pa In 4.2.3, we discussed the different uses of the infinitive marker -pa. The same marker also regularly occurs at the end of independent utterances, as exemplified in (1211) and (1212). In both these sentences, -pa indicates the speaker’s determination to perform an action but at the same time also conveys doubt whether it will be possible.90

90  Note that in Balti, the suffix -pa indicates past tense according to both Read (1934:40, 45, 52–6) and Bielmeier (1985:106–107, 113, 115).

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

661

(1211) ŋa joŋ-et-pa I come-crt-foc I will come (if God wills). (1212) ŋa-s ʂtʃo-et-pa-gii

I-erg make-crt-inf-dmnd Let me (try to) fix it! As mentioned in 4.2.3, the nominalizing functions of -pa and its occurrence at the end of independent utterances are best explained by assuming that -pa was originally a focus marker. Bickel (1999) observes that many if not most Sino-Tibetan languages possess nominalization devices that may also mark independent utterances. He demonstrates for three Kiranti languages that what links the two mentioned groups of functions is that they are focus constructions. By this, Bickel means semantically complex constructions that result from the superposition of two propositions in the following manner (Bickel 1999:8–9): The semantic structure of a sentence like (20a) consists of a proposition with an open variable x (20b) and one that instantiates or re-instantiates the value of x (20c):

(20)



a. It’s Hari who is coming. b. Someone is coming. (i.e., Fx) c. It’s Hari. (i.e., x = a)

A focus construction thus consists of a presupposed part, i.e., information that is deemed accessible to the addressee, and an asserted (or questioned) part, i.e., information that the speaker assumes not to be shared by the addressee. The presupposed proposition (Fx) can be contained within the utterance itself, as is the case in our example. But it can also be derived from the pragmatic context, for example, when (20c) follows a knock on the door that the speakers assumes to have been noticed by the addressee (Bearth 1987). Just like the focus constructions Bickel observes in Kiranti languages, Purik -pa “signals the speaker’s hightened concern with a particular instantiation of a variable as one that competes with other possible instantiations” (Bickel 1999:9). As a result of this, Purik -pa like focus markers in Kiranti typically announces “a strong authorial position, which in turn has an intrinsic potential for controversy” (Bickel 1999:9). By focusing entire propositions, -pa in (1211) rejects alternative ideas that the speaker may not be willing to come. And in (1212), it conveys the speaker’s conviction that he will be able to fix an item if

662

Chapter 4

the addressee lets him have a look at it.91 The implication of controversy may be observed in many more examples illustrating the Purik focus marker -pa, as discussed presently. After certaintive V-et (negation V-pa-met) indicating an intention of the speaker, -pa expresses the speaker’s doubts as to whether an action may be carried out as intended, as in (1213)–(1217). In the last two examples, the additional (-)gii (see 4.5.9.2), occurring sentence-initially in (1216) and sentence-finally in (1217), implies that the success of the intended action mainly depends on the addressee’s collaboration. In connection with the no-controllable verb tʰuk ‘meet’ in (1218), -pa underscores the notion that the success of the future event does not lie entirely in the speaker’s hands. And in both alternate answers in (1219), -pa expresses that the intention of B does not coincide with what A ordered B to do; the additional accentuated -jaa (see 4.5.13) indicates that B is undecided about whether he will give in to the will of A. (1213)

wa marius, kʰjaŋ tʃʰa-tʃ-in-na soŋ, tʃi hey Marius you go-inf2-eq-cnd go\imp what ʈinʈin-tʃi b-en-dug-et, tʃ ʰ-et-pa mi sto hesitant-indef do-sim-stay-ex.f go-ex-foc neg matter zer-en-duk-pa-na say-sim-stay-inf-if Hey, Marius, go, if you want to go! Why do you keep hesitating and saying ‘I’m leaving! Just a second!’? (1214) ŋa ʃabir-na



ɲambo tʃʰ-et-pa kʰw-e gaɽi-j-aŋ, I Shabir-with together go-crt-foc he-gen car-g-ine kʰo soŋ-a-hee s/he went-q-wnd I’m going (I was going to go) with Shabir in his car – has he perhaps left already?

(1215)

A: ŋataŋ rgoŋzan-la tʃʰa-a-hei we.pi dinner-dat go-inf-ok? We’ll go out for dinner together, ok? B: tʃʰ-et-pa go-crt-inf Sure (if nothing comes in between).

91  Zeisler (2004:756–8) observes similar uses of -pa in the Lower Ladakhi version of the Kesar Saga documented by Francke (2000 [1905]).

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

663

(1216) gii,

ŋa-ʃ-i ɬt-et-pa dmnd I-erg-indef look-crt-foc Let me have a look! (lit. Give it to me! I will have a look, if you let me.)

(1217) sun-e

ʃi-t-waa, tʃi ba-a-tsa-r-ik be.bored-cnj die-crt-hey what do-inf-lim-aug-indef tʃʰ-et, ŋa-s zbri-t-pa-gii go-crt I-erg write-crt-inf-dmnd I’m bored to death! What should I do? Let me write (i.e. give me your pen and the notebook)! (1218) jaŋ



tʰug-et-pa again meet-crt-foc I’m sure we’ll meet again (but there’s a chance we might not).

(1219)

A: soŋ-aŋ go\imp-add (So) go!

B: tʃʰa-a-met-pa-jaa, kʰjeraŋ su in go-inf-neg:ex-foc-hes you who eq I’m not going, alright! Who are you (to tell me to go)? B: tʃʰ-et-pa-jaa go-crt-foc-hes I’m going, alright. Examples (1220)–(1222) illustrate the use of -pa after the factual existential copula jot (or its negation met), (1223)–(1225) after testimonial duk. After jot, the focus marker -pa implies that there is evidence conflicting with what the speaker indicates to be true at the moment of speaking. When used after duk, as in (1223) and (1224), -pa implies that what the speaker just observed conflicts with what s/he had previously assumed. With the prospective -tʃa participle in (1225), the focus marker conveys the speaker’s consideration whether he might be proven wrong in the future; -jaa again underscores the speaker’s hesitation. (1220) ʃetan traq-pa-na

kʰo-s ʂku-s, kʰo satan win.over-inf-cnd s/he-erg steal-pst s/he do-o-tsoχs-la mi met-pa, mi rgjala jot-p-in that-def-same-dat man neg:ex-foc man good ex-inf-eq The devil made him steal! (I know that) hae’s not like that! He was (always) a good man.

664

Chapter 4

(1221) di-ka-na lam-po tsʰaqtsek osmet jot-pa this-loc-abl way-def a.little bad ex-foc From here on, the road is not very good. (At least it was not very good when I last went through here, but the state of roads changes very quickly here.) (1222) ŋa jaŋ



las-kato-aŋ jot-pa I again work-in.case-add ex-foc I have other things to do. (I don’t know yet what exactly, but I’m sure there are many important things for me to do.)

(1223) skad



joŋ-en-duk-pa language come-sim-ex.t-foc So you are able to speak the language. (Someone told me that you aren’t.)

(1224) kʰje-s

sikreʈ kʰjoŋ-se duk-pa-de you-erg cigarette bring-cnj ex.t-foc-pd You did bring cigarettes! (I thought you had forgotten.)

(1225) gjer-tʃik

di-ka ʒaq-na ɖik-tʃa duk-pa-jaa moment-indef this-loc put-cnd be.ok-inf2 ex.t-foc-hes It’ll be ok if you leave it here for a moment (without observing it, right?). When -pa is suffixed to the simple past, it similarly implies controversy, as illustrated in (1226)–(1229). Example (1230) is special. The rising and then falling pitch in which the elongated -pa is uttered expresses the speaker’s annoyance at the fact that he has to repeat his utterance because the addressee did not understand him the first time.

(1226) tʃi

jot-na tsʰat-pa-o, kʰo spjo-e-ka taq-tʃa what ex-cnd be.ok-foc-hey s/he crown-g-loc put.on-inf2 jot-a, zbri-kʰan-i pen-tʃi rgos ex-q write-nlzr-gen pen-indef need Whatever (you) have will be ok! (Am I) going to display it on the crown of (my) head? (I) just need a pen that writes.

(1227) ma joŋ-na

tsʰat-pa meherbani neg come-cnd be.ok-foc thanks It will be ok if you don’t come, thank you.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

665

(1228) tʃi

soŋ-waa, kʰje-s sɲiŋʃup-ʃik maŋm-ek what went-hey you-erg heart.sigh-indef a.lot-indef pʰiŋ-et put.out-crt What happened? You’re sighing quite often! tʃi pʰiŋ-en-duk-gi-oo, met-pa-oo, ma what put.out-sim-DE-dmnd-hey n:ex-inf-hey neg pʰiŋ-s-pa-o put.out-pst-inf-hey Nobody’s sighing here! Of course I’m not sighing! Of course I didn’t sigh!

(1229)

A: tsʰaχtsik graŋmo joŋ-s, ma joŋ-s-a a.little cold come-pst neg come-pst-q It’s become a little cold, hasn’t it? B: oo, tsʰaχtsik graŋmo joŋ-s yes a.little cold come-pst Yes, it’s become a little cold. A: joŋ-s-pa come-pst-foc It sure has! (At least I feel this way; maybe you don’t.)

(1230) pʰaŋ-se mana ma soŋ zer-s-pa throw-cnj very neg go\imp say-pst-foc I said don’t leave it (here)!

The focus marker -pa is regularly employed in hypothetical constructions to mark the apodosis, that is, the proposition that did not come true, as illustrated in (1231)–(1234). Example (1235) shows that instead of a hypothetical apodosis, the Purik speaker may also choose to indicate that an event almost took place or was about to take place, that is, without using -pa. That there is also regularly more than one way to express a hypothetical apodosis is illustrated by the two alternatives in (1232). Similarly, (1233) and (1234) show that the contrast between duk and jot-suk is neutralized in hypothetical apodoses. After a velar nasal, -pa changes to -ma, as shown in (1236). That this -ma is often reinforced by another -pa is exemplified in (1237). The reinforcing -pa may also co-occur with (non-assimilated) -pa, as in (1238).

666

Chapter 4

(1231) mi

tʰob-a-t-p-in-na ŋa-s neg obtain-inf-fct-inf-eq-cnd I-erg taŋ-tʃ-in-m-in-pa give-inf2-eq-inf-eq-foc If (you) hadn’t been able to get (it here), I would have given (it to you).

(1232)

ŋa kʰjeraŋ in-m-in-na baŋ taŋ-s-pa, baŋ I you eq-inf-eq-cnd dash give-pst-foc dash taŋ-nuk-pa give-pot-foc If I were you, I would run.

(1233) marius-is zos-p-i zan-po ŋa-a taŋ-s-p-in-na Marius-erg ate-inf-gen food-def I-dat give-pst-inf-eq-cnd rgjala duk-pa good ex.t-foc If (you) had given the food that Marius ate to me, it would have been good. (1234) jaŋ

kʰara ɲis taŋ-s-p-in-na mana ʒimbo again sugar two give-pst-inf-eq-cnd very tasty jot-suk-pa ex-infr-foc If (he) had put in two more pieces of sugar, it would have been very tasty. (1235) kʰje-s-kato ma zos-p-in-na, ŋa skjuk-tʃa you-erg-in.case neg ate-inf-eq-cnd I vomit-inf2 jot-suk ex-infr If you hadn’t eaten (it) – I was about to throw up. (1236) ŋa sa-a ma duk-s-p-in-na goloʁ-a I place-dat neg stay-pst-inf-eq-cnd head.down-dat soŋ-ma went-foc If I hadn’t stayed seated, I would have fallen.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

667

(1237) jar-es ma zer-s-p-in-na, ŋa-a ma tʰoŋ-ma-pa you(h)-erg neg say-pst-inf-eq-cnd I-dat neg see-inf-foc If you hadn’t told me, I wouldn’t have seen (it). (1238) ŋa-s-kato

ma ɬtsa(p)-s-p-in-na I-erg-in.case neg teach-pst-inf-eq-cnd kʰjeraŋ-a ma ɬo(p)s-pa(-pa) you-dat neg learn-inf(-inf) If I hadn’t taught you, you wouldn’t have learned (it). Two last hypothetical constructions illustrate that after alveolar nasals, -pa has the allomorph -wa-pa, that is, an assimilated -wa reinforced by -pa, as in (1239) and (1240). We will see presently that the allomorph -wa-pa consistently occurs after the equative copula in. (1239) do-o

met-na kʰo tʃʰa-tʃa-men-wa-pa that-def neg:ex-cnd s/he go-inf2-neg:eq-foc-foc If it hadn’t been for that, s/he wouldn’t have gone (of course).

(1240) di

nat-po-a gozug-i-ka ɬta-tʃ-in-wa-pa, this disease-def-dat beginning-g-loc look-inf2-q-foc-foc tʃoq bjar-ba-na ɬta-tʃa in-wa-pa, loʁor moment stick-inf-cnd look-inf2 eq-foc-foc quick dot-tʃ-in-wa-pa be.cured-inf2-eq-foc-foc (You) should have taken care of this disease from the beginning, right when (you) were infected. It would have been cured quickly. In all of (1240)–(1245), the final alveolar nasal of the equative copula in triggers the use of the -wa-pa allomorph of the focus marker. In (1240)–(1243), -wa-pa indicates that there is a discrepancy between the speaker’s prediction, facilitated by V-tʃ-in or V-tʃa-men, and the context in which it is uttered. Occurring after the independent equative copula in, -wa-pa in (1244) and (1245) depicts facts as conflicting with what interlocutors expressed immediately prior to the utterance. Typically, as illustrated in (1242)–(1245), -wa-pa is followed by the suffix -jaa (which may be accentuated by means of a varyingly distinct pitch peak) underscoring the speaker’s struggle with the revealed discrepancy. The frequent conjunction of these morphemes has even yielded the independent

668

Chapter 4

backchannel comment ja-pa-jaa that expresses the speaker’s surrender to the circumstances, as shown in (1246). (1241) tʃʰut-tʃ-in-wa-pa understand-inf2-eq-foc-foc She should be able to understand (it)! (1242) di-ka

duk-sɲi joŋ-na-ŋ ŋatʃ-i this-loc stay-des come-cnd-add we.pe-gen kʰaŋma-a tʃʰa-a rgo-ʃ-in-wa-pa-jaa home-dat go-inf2 need-inf2-eq-foc-foc-hes Even if I feel like staying here, (I guess) I’ll have to go to home.

(1243) kʰatʃig-a pata tʃʰa-tʃa-men-wa-pa-jaa some-dat knowledge go-inf2-neg:eq-foc-foc-hes I guess some people won’t understand it (our language), all right. (Against the previous statement that everybody understands it.) (1244) d-o

zer-e in-wa-pa-jaa that-def say-cnj eq-foc-foc-hes I guess that’s what it means. (1245) kʰo



(1246)



kʰatʃul-la tʃʰ-et zer-s-p-in-wa-pa-jaa s/he Kashmir-dat go-crt say-pst-inf-eq-foc-foc-hes He said that he’s going to Kashmir (So I guess, that’s where he went). wo ali, kʰjaŋ askj-a ŋatʃ-i kʰaŋma-a joŋ-hei hey Ali you tomorrow-dat we.pe-gen home-dat come-ok? Hey, Ali, come to our house tomorrow, will you?

ja-pa-jaa foc-foc-hes I guess I will. In narratives, -pa is generally used after repeated simple past forms, as illustrated in (1247)–(1249). The effect conveyed by the focus marker in these constructions is weaker than in all previously adduced examples. It must have been lost with the increasing frequency of the marker in narratives. Hence, while -pa in narratives does not imply much controversy, it appears to convey the sense of

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

669

‘I did not make that up, that’s exactly what happened’ or ‘that’s what I was told’, depending on the narrative. (1247) kʰoŋ-i

sɲiŋ kas sɲiŋ kas-pa demana they-gen heart break-pst heart break-inf then loŋs la loŋs la ŋj-i pʰono-un joŋ-s get.up\imp hey get.up\imp hey I-gen brother-pl come-pst kʰjeraŋ zer-e-na you say-cnj-cnd Their heart broke (i.e. they were very disappointed, because the lɖuru didn’t boil by itself), their heart broke (I assure you). Then (he) said (to his wife) ‘get up! Get up! My brothers have come, you!’, (…)

(1248) jaana ʂpat tʃa(t)-s-ʒya de mi-tʃik, so drm cut-pst-pol that man-indef pʰono tʃiktʃig-i tʃa(t)-s-pa kʰo-s brother one-gen cut-pst-inf s/he-erg So, (he) cut off (the arm), you know, (of) that one man; he cut off (the arm) of the one brother (that’s what happened) (1249) zer-e-na e pʰono joŋ-s. e pʰono

say-cnj-cnd the.other brother come-pst the.other brother joŋ-s-pa joŋ-s joŋ-s joŋ-s joŋ-se, come-pst-inf come-pst come-pst come-pst come-cnj, jaŋ de-ka ɬep again that-loc arrive Saying (that), the other brother came. The other brother came (that’s what happened), he came, came, came, and arrived there, too. 4.5.3 Assumptive-inferential -tʃapo The morpheme -tʃapo is also attested in Balti by Read (1934:34), who lists it as an adverb meaning ‘perhaps’. This closely corresponds to the meaning of Purik -tʃapo. However, in Purik it is most definitely a suffix, since it is always attached to the finite verb and thus continues the pitch fall of the finite verb. After the final copular -in in (1251), which rises well above the pitch of the preceding verbal root, -tʃapo initiates an even stronger pitch fall. In the examples (1250)–(1257), -tʃapo indicates that the speaker makes a guess based on directly witnessed evidence. Note that -tʃapo is nevertheless only compatible with factual verb forms (i.e. those ending with equative in, existential jot, or the past

670

Chapter 4

stem of a full verb, but never testimonial duk). This clearly follows from the fact that the guess is sufficiently marked as such by -tʃapo, and that, apart from the discussed epistemic reservation, its proposition refers to reality and not to how reality might be perceived. Example (1254) stands out in that it constitutes an appeal to the addressee to check the speaker’s guess. Note the regular assimilation of the initial affricate to the final -s in (1257).92 (1250)

e balaŋ-po skje-tʃa jot-tʃapo, ldemldem b-en that cow-def give.birth-inf2 ex-assum staggering do-sim tʃʰ-en-duk go-sim-DE Perhaps that cow is about to give birth; it’s staggering (around). (1251) marius-is

kʰur-po traχ-s, kʰo tʃ ʰa-tʃ-in-tʃapo Marius-erg load-def tie-pst s/he go-inf2-eq-assum Marius has tied the load (onto his back), perhaps he’s ready to go. (1252) kʰo-a tsʰat soŋ-tʃapo, ɬuŋ hjab-en-duk s/he-dat heat went-assum air fan-sim-ex.t Perhaps he’s feeling the heat; he’s fanning (the air). (1253) kʰo

kʰun-en-duk, kʰo-a zermo joŋ-et-tʃapo, s/he moan-sim-ex.t s/he-dat pain come-ex-assum rdoŋraŋ-po ʒik-se duk face.color-def become.bad ex.t He’s moaning; perhaps he has pain; the color of his face is really bad. (1254) joŋ-et-tʃapo come-ex-assum Perhaps (the air) is coming now (i.e. entering the tire). (Feel it for me! Has the pressure grown?)

92  We may hypothesize that -tʃapo originates from *-tʃas-po. Since -tʃas appears to be the original form of the infinitival -tʃa, occurring only in a few fossilized constructions in modern Purik, it seems plausible that the final -s once triggered the form of the definite article with the initial plosive and was lost after -tʃa(s)-po had become entrenched enough not to lose the medial -p- along with it.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

671

(1255) a-ka

mi maŋm-ek duk, mi ʃi-set-tʃapo that.vis-loc man a.lot-indef ex.t man die-res-assum There are quite a few people over there; perhaps someone has died.

(1256)

kʰo-s galgi spruk-s, de-ka sasup jot-p-in-tʃapo s/he-erg shoulder shake-pst that-loc dust ex-inf-eq-assum She’s patting her shoulder; perhaps there was dust on it. (1257) e

bot-po-s tʃʰaŋ tʰuŋ-ʃ(ʰ)-apo, the.oth Tibetan-def-erg chang drink-pst-assum raros-suk become.drunk-infr That Tibetan seems to have drunk chang; perhaps he’s drunk.

4.5.4 Corroborative -to The suffix -to is attached to declarative finite verbal forms in Purik in order to indicate that the conveyed information is obvious to the speaker. Its function may also be described as ‘corroborative’, hence the gloss ‘corr’. It may be related to the -o that marks affirmative statements in WT (cf. Hahn 1996:45). One may hypothesize that the dental was reanalyzed as belonging to this suffix because it occurred after the factual copula jot (or its derivatives, -et, -set, and -pa-t) in a great many statements in an earlier form of Purik, either at a stage in which jot was not yet contrasted with testimonial duk (as well as its derivatives -suk and -(t/n)uk) or later, when the corroborative notion was not yet compatible with direct evidence, since visible evidence is always ‘obvious’. Examples (1258) and (1259), however, show that in modern Purik, corroborative -to may also be used after testimonial forms in order to imply that one had already previously made the observation in question; the same applies to its use after the simple past soŋ in (1260). In (1261), -to follows a verbal form referring to a future action of speaker B and thereby similarly expresses that this action goes without saying. Note that in (1258), (1260), and (1261), -to is used in a reply that copies the entire verbal form except for the interrogative -a of the preceding question. Only in (1259) does -to ‘corroborate’ a declarative of the other SAP. (1258)

A: kʰw-e go-u marpo mi-ndug-a s/he-gen head-def red neg-ex.t-q Isn’t his head red?

672

Chapter 4

B: duk-to ex.t-corr It sure is. (1259)

A: tʃʰarpa joŋ-en-duk rain come-sim-ex.t It’s raining. B: joŋ-en-duk-to come-sim-ex.t-corr It sure is.

(1260)

A: ʃabir soŋ-a kʰatʃul-la Shabir went-q Kashmir-dat Has Shabir left for Kashmir?

B: kʰo soŋ-to s/he went-corr Of course he has. (1261)

A: braŋsa ba-tʃ-in-a place.to.stay do-inf2-eq-q Will (you) provide (me) with a place to stay?

B: braŋsa ba-tʃ-in-to place.to.stay do-inf2-eq-corr Of course (I) will provide (you) with a place to stay! The suffix -to is particularly often used after habitual verbal forms, as illustrated in (1262)–(1265). While in (1262), it again occurs in a reply to a nearly identical question, in (1263)–(1265), it is used in contexts in which the addressee previously did not act in accordance with the habitual form. In contrast to (1258)–(1262), the forms lacking -to would be odd in the particular contexts of (1263)–(1265). Thus, while a question may allow for a corroborative use of -to, a behavior that is considered inappropriate may be objected to by a habitual form that must end in -to. (1262)

A: raru zer-ba-t-a raru say-inf-fct-q Do (you) call (this) a raru (strong wind)?

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

673

B: raru zer-ba-t-to raru say-inf-PRS-corr Yes, we certainly call (this) a raru. (1263)

raŋkʰa soso-e kʰur-e joŋ-ma-t-to self each-gen carry-cnj come-inf-fct-corr Everybody (normally) brings his own! (i.e. Everybody was supposed to bring his own!) (1264) skjes



kʰur-e joŋ-ma-t-to present bring-cnj come-inf-fct-corr One (normally) comes with a present! (i.e. You should have brought a present!)

(1265) gundea mi ʒiks-pa rgoʃ-in-m-in, yesterday neg be.afraid-inf need-inf2-eq-inf-eq mi ʒiks-pa-t-to neg be.afraid-inf-fct-corr You shouldn’t have been afraid yesterday! One is not afraid! (i.e. You should not have been afraid in such a situation!)

4.5.5 Optative and Plural Imperative -ʃik The verbal suffix -ʃik has three differing functions in Purik that are clearly related to each other. The evidence from Purik and the neighboring dialects is most plausibly accounted for by assuming that -ʃik originally expressed an optative notion, which was then reanalyzed as a plural imperative, and finally, that it came to indicate a plural addressee in questions as well. It also appears safe to assume that optative as well as impersonal prohibitive constructions originally employed the indicative and not the imperative stem.93 93  In Balti, -ʃik may convey “eine Aufforderung an die dritte Person des Singulars” (Bielmeier 1985:116), which corresponds to ‘optative’. Bielmeier (ibid.) also discusses an adhortative function of -ʃik that is attested by Sprigg (1967:202) in [bɔpʃik] ‘let’s go down’, [rdɔpʃik] ‘let’s kill’, and [bjɔʃik] ‘let’s do’; compare also za-ʃik tʰuŋ-ʃik ‘let’s eat! let’s drink!’ in the Linguistic Survey of India (1909:40). In Purik, according to Bailey (1920:17), “there is no change for person or number except in the imperative, which changes for the plural (whether of respect or of plurality)”, as exemplified by the imperative rduŋ ‘beat!’ and its plural form rduŋʃik (20), zo ‘eat!’ and zoʃik (21), bos ‘do!’ and boʃik (21). Rangan (1979:101) also describes -ʃik as denoting “that the noun phrase which functions as the subject of the sentence is plural.” He also lists a few negated examples, e.g. masoŋʃik ‘don’t go (pl.)!’ and mazaʃik ‘don’t eat (pl.)!’ (Rangan 1979:103), which confirm my observation that soŋ

674

Chapter 4

Consider a few examples of the optative -ʃik and note that the imperative stem (soŋ-ʃik and not †tʃʰa-ʃik) is used for the affirmative optative in (1266), while the indicative stem (and not the imperative toŋ) is used for the negated optative in (1267). As already mentioned, -ʃik is only attested with the imperative stem soŋ, while it follows the indicative stem of all other verbs, even when used as an imperative plural as in (1277)–(1279), and especially (1278), where -ʃik follows indicative laŋs and not imperative loŋs. This rule supports the assumption that the optative use (and perhaps the impersonal prohibitive) is primary and the plural imperative a derivation of it. Example (1267), for instance, in principle allows interlocutors to feel addressed; it is only the knowledge that they do not control rain that rules out an imperative interpretation. The imperative interpretation may be explicitly blocked by the addition of -p-aŋ ‘foc-add’ (see 4.5.2 and 4.5.6), as shown in (1268), where kʰjoŋ-ʃi(k) would otherwise be understood as a plural imperative. The ending -p-aŋ allows the imperative stem to be used without creating such misunderstandings, as illustrated in (1269) and (1270) (soŋ-ʃik and not †tʃʰa-ʃik), and with joŋ and no distinct imperative stem in (1271) and (1272). The nc-verbs in (1273)–(1276), on the other hand, trigger an optative interpretation with -ʃik alone. (1266) ŋa di



exam paas soŋ-ʃik-ta I this exam pass go\imp-ip-irr I hope I will pass this exam!

(1267) tʃʰarpa ma

taŋ-ʃik rain neg give-opt I hope it won’t rain! (1268) di



tʃa-o gjoχspa kʰjoŋ-ʃik-pa-ŋ this tea-def fast bring-opt-foc-add I hope (they) will soon bring this tea!

is the only distinct imperative stem that is used before -ʃik, while other verbs take the indicative, cf. za ‘eat’ in mazaʃik, but also the contradictory zoʃik documented by Bailey (1920:21). Sharma (2004:101) explicitly states that ma za-ʃik involves “no vocalic change” but lists the plural imperative zo-ʃik on page 114, while ma soŋ-ʃik is clearly based on the imperative stem. In Ladakhi, according to Koshal (1979:225), -ʃik also marks “imperative plurals” – the vocalic change characteristic of the imperative stems is found in toŋ-ʃik ‘give (pl.)!’ and zo-ʃik ‘eat (pl.)!’ (Koshal 1979:226). Koshal’s ‘benedictive mood’ corresponds to what I have labeled ‘optative’, cf. one of her examples: kʰjo-raŋ-i tsʰe (ma-)riŋ-ʃik ‘may your life (not) be long’ (Koshal 1979:227, 246). For OT -shig, see Zeisler (2004:346–52).

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

675

(1269) kʰjeraŋ hjaŋ-a

tʃʰa-a-batsik, ŋa soŋ-ʃik-pa-ŋ you down-dat go-inf-comp I go\imp-opt-foc-add Instead of you falling down, I would rather fall down.

(1270) di



mi soŋ-ʃik-pa-ŋ this man go\imp-foc-add I hope this man will leave!

(1271)

kʰjeraŋ-a zermo joŋ-ma-batsik, ŋ-ji go-a zermo you-dat pain come-inf-comp I-gen head-dat pain joŋ-ʃik-pa-ŋ come-opt-foc-add Instead of you having a headache, let me have a headache!

(1272)



di ot-po gjoχspa joŋ-ʃik-pa-ŋ this light-def fast come-opt-foc-add May this light (i.e. the electricity) go on very soon!

(1273)

kʰjeraŋ-a bomw-ek ʂɲet-ʃik you-dat girl-indef find-opt I hope you will find a woman! (1274) χode-e skal-tʃik toŋ, ʃimi-n-la ɬep-ʃik God-gen share-indef give\imp die.man-pl-dat arrive-opt zer-e say-cnj Sacrifice something to God, hoping that the dead will get it! (1275) ɲilam rgjal-ek



tʰoŋ-ʃi-jalla dream good-indef see-opt-yalla I hope (we) will dream something nice, by God!

(1276) rgjal-ʃik

win-opt I hope (you) will win! In examples (1277)–(1279), the controllability of the predicates triggers a plural imperative reading of -ʃik, since the addressees must conceive of themselves as being in control of the action the speakers wish to be performed.

676

Chapter 4

(1277) kulea soŋ-ʃik



slowly go\imp-ip Go slowly!

(1278) dekana



kʰoŋ ɬtsaŋ-ma soŋ, jawa laŋ-ʃik-ta and.then they wake.up-inf go\imp hey get.up-ip-irr And then he went to wake them up: Hey, get up now!

(1279) wa tʃ-ek



kʰjoŋ-ʃ(i)-oo hey tea-indef bring-ip-hey Bring (us) some tea! (not very polite)

The suffix -ʃi(k) may even indicate a plural addressee in questions, as shown in (1280)–(1282), a feature of verbal agreement that can only have arisen out of the plural imperative illustrated in (1277)–(1279) above. That the indexing of the number of the interlocutors on the verb may be perceived as special even by speakers of Purik themselves is suggested by the variable order of suffixes that is attested in (1283). (1280) tʃi



b-et-ʃi kʰint-es what do-crt-ip you.pl-erg What are you doing, you guys?

(1281)

rgjala jot-a-ʃik good ex-q-ip Are you all doing well? (1282) joŋ-s-a-ʃi(i)k come-pst-q-ip Have you all come? (A conventional, tautological way of saying ‘Welcome!’.) (1283) ʈʰig

jot-ʃig-a good ex-ip-q ʈʰig jot-a-ʃik good ex-q-ip How are you all?

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

677

4.5.6 Additive -aŋ We have seen in 3.5.2 that -aŋ is used after nouns, pronouns, and, somewhat less often, after adjectives in the meaning ‘also, too’ in order to extend the established topic to include the constituent to which -aŋ is suffixed.94 Like a number of other morphemes in Purik, -aŋ has been extended from nominal hosts to a wide variety of verbal hosts (including imperatives, optatives, and indicative past and future forms) and consequently changed its meaning in various ways. It is also used in sentences with an elided predicate, and occurs in the same slot in which the predicate would occur.95 The different functions of -aŋ in Purik all derive from its basic additive function (see 3.5), in which it widens the topic and shifts the focus onto the extension. This applies also to its use in sentences eliding a predicate. As discussed in 4.4.3.5, copulas are commonly elided in Purik to convey desiderative, prescriptive, or optative notions, none of which can be expressed by any of the copulas. In (1284)–(1286), by using -aŋ instead of a copula, the speaker indicates that she has limited access to the perspective that would allow for a well-founded judgment. The meaning of (1284), where the property sodetʃan ‘lucky’ is attributed to kʰintaŋ ‘you (pl.)’, can thus be paraphrased as ‘I can’t imagine how lucky you foreigners are’. Similarly, in (1285) and (1286), where the speaker identifies ʂkablas ‘hard (almost impossible) work’ from someone else’s perspective, -aŋ 94  Additive -aŋ is used in the same way after clause-linking -na, see 6.1.1.3. 95  The suffix -aŋ appears not to have been previously described for the Purik dialect. The functions Read (1934:40) describes for its Balti counterpart are rather opaque: “Another very definite form of the Present, which is only used in the third person is the root plus ang.” He adduces two examples for the present, i.e. kho si chi byang? ‘what is he doing?’ and kho si shing chagang ‘he is breaking wood’, and a third one for the imperfect tense, where -pa is added, i.e. kho gwangpa ‘he was going’. In his glossary, Bielmeier (1985:155) characterizes -aŋ (as contained in inaŋ, menaŋ, jotpinaŋ, and ɬtsappʰinaŋ) as follows: “an die finite Verbalform angefügtes Morphem zur Intensivierung der Verbalhandlung, im Deutschen meist adverbiell ‘in der Tat, wirklich, bestimmt, sicher(lich)’ o. ä. wiederzugeben”. He suggests that inaŋ may have been ‘shortened’ to naŋ after vowels. Read (1934:61f.) describes a separate verb nangwa, which “implies to be, in the sense of “apparently is” or “looks” to be”. Its present tense forms nang and medang are exemplified in di gonmo lyakhmo nang ‘this garment appears to be nice’ and de thangpi-kha staqji chik sang medang ‘there is apparently not a single tree on that plain’. Sprigg (2002:120) is probably right in deriving this nang from WT snang “appear”, of which Ebihara (2017) finds reflexes in Balti, Central, Kham, and Amdo Tibetan.

678

Chapter 4

implies ‘I can’t imagine how much hard work it must mean’. Hence, the additive notion is reflected by the indirect access to the information conveyed. (1284) kʰintaŋ sodetʃan-aŋ

you.pl lucky-add You (foreigners) are so lucky!

(1285)

ʂkablas-aŋ, daaŋ gaa-r beri-a hard.work-add still what\emph-term first.time.standing-dat dug-et, daaŋ gaa-r beri-a stay-crt still what\emph-term first.time.standing-dat duk-pa ʂkablas-aŋ stay-inf hard.work-add There’s no way she’s already able to stand on her feet now! How should she be able to stand on her feet? No way! (1286) ʂkablas-aŋ, kʰo ŋat-i-re-r hard.work-add s/he we.pi-gen-*that-term gaa-r-na joŋ-et what\emph-term-abl come-crt There’s no way he will come to us!

After exclamations signaling indifference, such as widja and the even more vulgar ɬʈjat, additive -aŋ again indicates that the speaker takes in someone else’s perspective. Both (1287) and (1288) are thus suggestions to the addressee on how she should view the situation in question, namely, that she should consider being indifferent towards it. (1287) kʰjaŋ-a χa

joŋ-na widja-aŋ you-dat anger come-cnd who.cares-add If you’re angry, just leave it!

(1288) ɬʈjad-aŋ fuck.it-add Say ‘fuck it’! Might as well not care!

The most widespread function of -aŋ in Purik is illustrated in (1289)–(1296), where it is suffixed to the imperative stem.96 In these contexts, -aŋ implies that 96  According to Hahn (1996:74), “[e]in Imperativsatz kann mit Hilfe der Soziativpartikel [dang] mit einem folgenden Imperativ- oder Aussagesatz verknüpft werden. Die

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

679

the addressee has been reluctant or unable to carry out the indicated order. By inviting the addressee to consider doing as the speaker orders instead of continuing to do something else, -aŋ conveys a sense of impatience. In (1289), for instance, the use of -aŋ reflects the fact that the speaker originally asked for a red book but settles for the green book now. The speakers’ impatience motivates the use of -aŋ also in (1291)–(1294). In (1293), this impatience is underscored by the ‘demanding’ -gii (see 4.5.9.2). And in (1294), the speaker’s promise not to tell suggests that the addressee is unwilling to share her secret. The last two examples, (1295) and (1296), which consist of bare imperatives with the suffix -aŋ, illustrate the volatility of the implication of impatience by the speaker and reluctance by the addressee in the absence of a defining context. That -aŋ is also used as a polite imperative marker and thus regularly occurs after honorific verbs, as in skjot-aŋ ‘come on in, please!’ and ʒuks-aŋ ‘sit down, please!’, suggests that it does not always imply impatience. Instead, when -aŋ is directed to an elder, respected addressee, it must be analyzed as inviting that person to consider doing something if it is not too much to ask. (1289) sŋunpo toŋ-aŋ-jaa



green give\imp-add-hes So give (me) the green book! (When the speaker asked for the red book but is handed the green one.)97

(1290) snap-po

pʰi-s-aŋ snot-def wipe-imp-add Wipe your nose, will you!

(1291)

kʰo ɬtjaqɬtjaq b-et, halmet soŋ-suk, kʰo ʃi-it-a s/he slack do-crt weak went-infr s/he die-crt-q dug-et, lus-et-a met zer-aŋ stay-crt remain-crt-q neg:ex.f say-add He’s limp, has become very weak. Will he live or die, survive or not, tell (me)! Imperativpartikel des Vordersatzes darf hierbei vor dang ausfallen.” Hahn’s example khyod la legs par nyon cig dang | khyod la bstan par bya’o ‘hör gut zu – ich will es dir erklären’ does not allow us to decide whether WT dang serves a function that is related to the one described here for Purik. 97  In German, the modal particles halt or doch closely correspond to the notion -aŋ expresses after imperatives in Purik. Example (133) may thus be translated as ‘so gib (mir) halt das grüne Buch!’, and the imperatives in all the remaining examples accordingly with doch, e.g., ‘so sag doch!’ in (135).

680 (1292)



Chapter 4

ŋa kʰjer-tʃa bos-aŋ I take.away-inf2 do\imp-add Come on and try to take me (to Switzerland)!

(1293) zer-aŋ-gii

say-add-dmnd Tell me, come on!

(1294) zer-aŋ-waa, ŋa-s su-a mi zer say-add-hey I-erg who-dat neg say Tell me, come on! I won’t tell anyone! (1295) dug-aŋ

stay-add (Come on and) stay (here)!

(1296) ston-aŋ show-add Show (it to me, will you)!

A related use of -aŋ can be observed after the negated prospective forms illustrated in (1297) and (1298), where it conveys that the event profiled is the last thing on earth the speaker would want to happen. Additive -aŋ serves a similar function after the optative -ʃik and the focus marker -pa, as in (1299) and (1300), implying that the speakers’ wish is very unlikely to be served (even if it may come true by itself). (1297) kʰint-i

rgjuks mi tʃʰa-aŋ, ŋa-s you.pl-gen rule neg go-add I-erg tʃʰa-tʃuk-tʃa-men go-caus-inf2-neg:eq There’s no way it will come under your control! I won’t allow for that to happen! (1298)

A: nassirin ŋa-a bomo-a toŋ Nasreen I-dat girl-dat give\imp Let me adopt Nasreen!

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

681

B: kʰjaŋ-a bomo-a mi taŋ-aŋ, jaŋ tʃi taŋ you-dat girl-dat neg give-add again what give There’s no way I’ll give her to you! What else do you expect me to give you? (1299) kʰjeraŋ-a zermo joŋ-ma-batsik,

ŋ-ji go-a zermo you-dat pain come-inf-comp I-gen head-dat pain joŋ-ʃik-pa-ŋ come-opt-foc-add Instead of you having a headache, let me have a headache!

(1300) di



mi-i soŋ-ʃik-pa-ŋ this man-def go\imp-inf-add I hope this man will leave!

Additive -aŋ expresses cluelessness after forms deriving from factual jot and simple pasts, as illustrated in (1301)–(1307). That is, while the constructions without -aŋ would describe an event the speaker knows or about which the speaker is certain, the corresponding constructions with -aŋ indicate that an event is only one of many possibilities. For instance, the resultatives in (1302)– (1305) without -aŋ would imply that the speakers know for sure how an event ended; with -aŋ, they only know that the indicated result is possible. The same applies to jot-aŋ in (1301), ma V-pa in-aŋ in (1306), and V(-s)-aŋ in (1306) and (1307). (1301) are-ka

jul-tʃi jot-aŋ that-loc village-indef ex-add There may be a village over there (behind the mountain). (I don’t know.)

(1302)

daχsan-na kʰo ʃi-set-aŋ, kʰo mana tʃ ʰimi now-cntr s/he die-res-add s/he very old.person jot-p-in ex-inf-eq He may have died by now; he was very old (when I last saw him).

(1303) kʰo



ɲal-set-aŋ s/he sleep-res-add Maybe he’s already been sleeping.

682

Chapter 4

(1304) daχsan-na kʰo-s zbri-set-aŋ now-cntr s/he-erg write-res-add Maybe she’s written by now. (1305) kʰo



joŋ-set-aŋ s/he come-res-add Maybe he’s arrived.

(1306) kʰo-s zan ma za-a in-aŋ, ma za-a duk-tuk s/he-erg food neg eat-inf eq-add neg eat-inf ex.t-pot Maybe she hasn’t eaten yet, she may have not eaten yet.

daχsan-na kʰo-s zan zos-aŋ now-cntr s/he-erg food ate-add Now, she might have already eaten also. (1307) ʃi-aŋ die-add He may have (also) died.

The cluelessness conveyed by -aŋ is less strong after potential verb forms, such as those illustrated in (1308)–(1312), since these forms by themselves only express that a future event is possible. Nevertheless, -aŋ in these contexts emphasizes the sense that the speaker’s perspective does not allow her to make a well-founded statement. (1308) kʰo



joŋ-tʃa duk-tug-aŋ s/he come-inf2 ex.t-pot-add I don’t care whether s/he will come (or not).

(1309) kʰo



joŋ-tʃa mi dug-aŋ s/he come-inf2 neg ex.t-add S/he might not come. (Who knows?!)

(1310) ribj-ek

tʰop-tug-aŋ wild.hen-indef find-pot-add Maybe I will get (i.e. shoot) a wild hen. 4.5.7 Quotative (-)lo Purik (-)lo is not only found as a suffix indicating hearsay, as illustrated in (1311)–(1318), but also as a morphologically opaque finite verb meaning ‘said’,

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

683

as in (1319)–(1324).98 The same suffixal and verb-like uses are also found in Ladakhi. We may neatly account for both these uses by assuming that (-)lo derives from *lab, an -s-less and therefore eventive simple past meaning ‘said’.99 After discussing the different functions of (-)lo, we will see below that Purik exhibits the same type of ‘hybrid reported speech’ as Tournadre (2003) described for Lhasa. That is, the predicate is always direct and thus construed from the perspective of the original speaker, while personal pronouns are always indirect and thus construed from the perspective of the current speaker. At the end of the present section, we will discuss evidence from Central Tibetan dialects suggesting that their (-)lo derives from a *lab that was used prospectively in the sense of ‘I should say’ or ‘we say’. As a consequence, it was never employed to describe specific past utterances. It thus appears that the different varieties of Tibetan generalized either the past or the prospective use of *lab. Examples (1311)–(1318) illustrate the hearsay function of Purik -lo. Note that the source of the conveyed information is maximally unspecific in (1311). In all the remaining examples, the context provides hints that allow for a varyingly close identification of the source. In (1316), for instance, the reported information is highly likely to have been provided by someone from Goma Kargil who hired ɲaχlapas ‘owners of plowing animals’. Similarly, the information reported by B in (1317) must ultimately stem from the subject of A’s question, i.e. kʰoŋ-is ‘they-erg’. However, B does not need to have acquired the information directly from them. (1311) zbrul-is

sɲaχs ba-na, bi pʰut-iin bi saʁ-i snake-erg magic do-cnd bird take.down-sim\emph bird all-gen ʃoqpa sul but-e soŋ-se zbrul-i kʰ-e-aŋ wing drm fall.down-cnj went-cnj snake-gen mouth-g-ine tʃʰ-en-dug-lo go-sim-ex.t-quot When the snake uses its magic, by pulling the birds down, all the birds will lose their wings at once and fall into the snake’s mouth, it is said. (1312)

χorma-i tʃʰoo laqtsuk-ʃi jot-sug-lo date.palm-gen big tree-indef ex-infr-quot (It is said that) there was a big date palm there.

98  The same morpheme will be glossed with a preceding hyphen when it is suffixed to a full sentence (i.e. to its predicate), as in (1311), and without a hyphen when it represents the predicate itself, as in (1319). 99  Zemp (2016) demonstrates that simple V was used in Proto-Tibetan to describe a past event, while V-s was used to describe the state resulting from a past event.

684

Chapter 4

(1313) kʰo-s tʃʰu-u tʰuŋ-s-p-in apati-i, kʰo-a s/he-erg water-def drink-pst-inf-eq Apati-gen s/he-dat pʰan-lo cure-quot He drank water from the Apati well, and it made him feel better (I heard). (1314) kʰjer-es diriŋ kʰom-tʃa

jot zer-s-p-in-lo100 you-erg today be.free-inf2 ex.f say-pst-inf-eq-quot Didn’t you say that you had time today? (I didn’t hear you say it myself.) (1315)



skin saq mal-la baps-e joŋ-sed-lo ibex all lower.land-dat go.down-cnj come-res-quot I heard that the ibexes have all come down into the lowlands.

(1316) kʰatʃig-is skor-i mal-la sumgja kʰjer-s-lo some-erg big.field-gen land-dat 300 take.away-pst-quot (I heard that) some even wanted 300 (rupees) for (plowing) the big field. (1317)

A: kʰoŋ-is mi-laq tʃi-a ɬtʃor-e in-suk they-erg man-hand what-dat borrow-cnj eq-infr Why do they need help? B: askj-a ʒiŋ ʂŋa-tʃ-in-lo tomorrow-dat field cut-inf2-eq-quot They will harvest tomorrow (they said).

(1318)

ŋa-s aʁ-i-ka-na tri-s-p-in, ɬjaχmo jod-lo, I-erg Agha-g-loc-abl ask-pst-inf-eq well ex-quot diriŋ gaɾi ɬep-tʃa jod-lo today car arrive-inf2 ex-quot I asked the Agha and he said that he (his son) was (doing) well and that a car will arrive today (after the road had been blocked for some time so that his son was not able to return to Kargil).

100  This -lo, along with the predicate to which it is attached, is uttered with a suspended intonation conveying an interrogative notion, see 7.3.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

685

When lo is used like a finite verb meaning ‘said’, as in (1319)–(1324), it refers to a specific past utterance of a specific source. Unlike the suffix -lo, the verb-like lo may assign the ergative case to the source, as in (1320), (1322), and (1323), be negated by ma, as in (1321), and be followed by interrogative -a, as in (1324).101 (1319) tʃi



lo what said What did (you) say?

(1320) su-s

lo who-erg said (†hearsay) Said who? Who said that?

(1321) tʃaŋ ma lo

at.all neg said (†hearsay) (She/I) didn’t say anything.

(1322) kʰo-s tʃi lo s/he-erg what said (†hearsay) What did she say? (1323) kʰo-s

tʃʰa-a-med lo s/he-erg go-inf-neg:ex.f said (†hearsay) She said she won’t go.

(1324) za-a-med lo-a eat-inf-neg:ex.f said-q Did (you/s/he) say (you/s/he) won’t eat?

101  Jäschke (1881:552) mentions that Ladakhi -lo may also be used “with a definitive subject”; however, his examples contain only suffixal -lo. The only instance of a verb-like lo found in the literature is Zeisler’s (2004:657) tʃi lo ‘what did [you/she] say?’. However, Bettina Zeisler personally communicated (01.05.2013) the following additional instances of a verb-like lo in Shamskat and Kenhat:  daŋ ŋas kheraŋa ci lo [=zerenak]? itu draga? ‘What did I tell you yesterday? Do you remember?’  ŋas “dizuk chos!” maloa [=zerbaminaga]? ‘Didn’t I say “do it this way”?’  Aŋmos ŋa: dezuk/de speraŋun malo. ‘Angmo did not tell me that/these words.’

686

Chapter 4

The orthographical detachment of both instances of lo in example (1325), which I found on Facebook in this form (except for the two hyphens inserted to mark morpheme boundaries), suggests that speakers of Purik do not make a categorial distinction between the suffixal and the verb-like use of lo. That the inferential evidential -suk is attached to its host song (originally without a hyphen) indicates that the writer does in fact notice and represent the greater degree of bonding that holds between a suffix and its host. Even if (1325) thus suggests that all instances of lo should be treated as independent words rather than suffixes, I have decided to retain different glossing, without a hyphen when lo is the predicate of the sentence and with one when it is attached to the predicate, in order to make clear the categorially diverging analyses in these two cases. (1325)



mulaq mainga song-suk lo wa hussain-is lo radish expensive went-infr said hey name-erg said The radish has become expensive, I hear; Hussein said that.

Examples (1326) and (1327) illustrate that the suffixal -lo may also be used after imperatives. What these imperatives demonstrate is that the predicate in reported speech clauses always reflects the perspective of the source. Accordingly, in both (1326) and (1327), the imperative mood of the original utterance is retained (while the imperative construal of tʰug ‘meet!’, which is not distinguished from the simple past tʰug ‘met’, is triggered by context, imperative toŋ ‘give!’ differs from the root taŋ ‘give’ by the stem vowel). (1326) pʰun-i-ka tʰug-lo zer phone-g-loc meet-quot say Tell (him) to talk to (me) on the phone! (lit. Tell (him that I) said ‘meet (me) on the phone!’) (1327)

ʂmo-a ʁabgja toŋ-lo plow-inf 500 give\imp-quot (We have to) give them 500 (rupees) for the plowing, (they) said. (lit. ‘Give (us) 500 for the plowing!’ (they) said.) That the predicate of a reported speech clause always reflects the viewpoint of the original speaker is essentially what Tournadre and Dorje (2003:215) observed in Lhasa Tibetan (even if they focus on the retention of egophoric auxiliaries rather than imperative mood). The second crucial component of what

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

687

they refer to as ‘hybrid reported speech’ is that personal pronouns, by contrast, always reflect the viewpoint of the current speaker, as shown in (1328).102 (1328) kʰoŋ kʰunt-i



las jod-lo103 they they-gen work ex-quot They have (their own) work (they say).

Tournadre and Dorje (2003:215) write with regard to Standard Tibetan: “If it happens that the source of a quotation is the same person as someone who is mentioned in it, or else is the actual speaker, Tibetans prefer to substitute ‘hybrid’ reported speech for direct speech.” As a consequence, the pronouns of the original quotation and the register (honorific, etc.) are “reformulated to suit the speaker’s current situation”. This is exactly what happens in Purik, as shown in (1328) above, where kʰunti ‘their’ replaces ŋatʃi ‘ours (excl.)’ of the original utterance. Another central feature of hybrid reported speech is illustrated in (1329). According to Tournadre and Dorje (2003:215), “once a sentence has been transformed into reported speech, if it contains coreferential nouns or pronouns one of the two forms is dropped.” Hence, the personal pronoun that was originally used by the subject, i.e. ŋa ‘I’, is dropped. If ŋa were to be used in (1329) after kʰo, it would have to refer to the current speaker. At the same time, however, the certaintive form of the predicate, tʃʰa-a-med, would imply that the subject has control over the current speaker, since the predicate in reported speech clauses is always construed from the perspective of the source. (1329) kʰo



tʃʰa-a-med-lo s/he go-inf-neg:ex-hearsay She won’t go, I hear.

In summary, reported speech in Purik as in Lhasa canonically has a hybrid form in that the verbal morphology of the original utterance is retained (i.e. 102  Compare also the similar notion of ‘semi-direct speech’ in Aikhenvald (2008). 103  The absolutive case of kʰoŋ ‘they’ in (1328) is somewhat surprising, since existential jot normally requires the possessor or experiencer to be in the dative case, i.e. kʰoŋ-a. On the other hand, if ‘they’ were construed as the original speaker, it would have to stand in the ergative case, i.e. kʰoŋ-is. The absolutive case thus appears to reflect a topicalization of kʰoŋ in the sense of ‘as far as they are concerned’, an otherwise marginally used information structuring strategy in Purik.

688

Chapter 4

direct), while personal pronouns have to be adapted to the current speaker’s perspective (i.e. indirect), if they are not omitted. Let us now have a look at the comparative evidence for quotative (-)lo. The suffix -lo is documented in its hearsay function for a number of other (western and southern) varieties of Tibetan, namely Balti (Bielmeier 1985:109), Ladakhi (Jäschke 1881:551–2, Zeisler 2004:797), South Mustang (Kretschmar 1995:158–9), Kyirong (Huber 2005:182), Jirel (Strahm & Maibaum 2005:476), Yohlmo (Hari & Lama 2004), and Dzongkha (van Driem 1998:405–7). In three of the five Tibetan dialects east of Ladakh in which -lo is attested in its hearsay function, we also find constructions corresponding to Purik tʃi lo. In both Kyirong (Huber 2005:182) and Southern Mustang (Kretschmar 1995:159104), lo is described as carrying a tone only in this construction; but while this tone is low (and the syllable long) in the former variety, it is high in the latter. For Dzongkha, van Driem (1998:405–6) does not mention any tonal, accentual or other distinction between the two uses. Huber (2005:182) also notes that “in this expression, the particle -lo behaves like an independent lexeme”. But none of the mentioned authors discuss any further verb-like uses of lo. This is not surprising given that the meaning of the constructions corresponding to Purik tʃi lo in both Kyirong and Southern Mustang differs from the one found in Purik. Both Kyirong tɕı̄ lo̠ and Southern Mustang kelō translate as ‘how does one say?’ or ‘what do you (does he/she) say?’. This meaning is explained if we assume that both the verb-like and the suffixal (-)lo found in Kyirong and Southern Mustang derives from a *lab that was prospectively construed, analogous to the Purik constructions discussed in 4.4.2.2 and 4.4.8.2.3. As a consequence, the (-)lo in the mentioned Central Tibetan dialects was never employed to refer to specific past utterances of definite sources. A striking parallel for this scenario is provided by the hearsay marker -sa described for Lhasa Tibetan (Tournadre and Dorje 2003:214, 216), which is commonly used at least by second-generation Tibetans living in exile in the expression kʰa̠ rē sa meaning ‘what should I say?’ or ‘how does one say?’ (where kʰa̠ rē means ‘what’). The assumption that -sa derives from a prospectively used zer ‘say’ makes the parallel derivation of -lo from lab appear plausible not only functionally but also formally, considering that both verb forms originally 104  “Die Morpheme /-lo/ und /-no/ sind wahrscheinlich etymologisch verwandt mit den Lexemen /lō/ und /nō/, die in den Phrasen /ke̠lō/ bzw. /ke̠nō/ auftreten und in der Bedeutung ‘wie heisst es doch gleich?/wie sagt man doch gleich?’ u.ä. gebraucht werden. Dabei handelt es sich um die üblichen Floskeln zur Überbrückung einer zeitweiligen Gedächtnislücke.” (Kretschmar 1995:159).

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

689

contained a final consonant that eroded while changing the preceding vowel (the change of the rhyme -er to -a may be compared with non-accentuated German -er [-ɐ̯], as in Leber [ˈle:bɐ̯]). 4.5.8 Clause-Final Demonstratives: Proximate (-)de and Obviate (-)e In Purik, two demonstratives may not only be used adnominally but also in two clause-final positions, to wit, instead of or after the predicate. The clause-final proximate de anaphorically points to information situated before the speech act participants. Its obviate correspondence e anaphorically points to information the identification of which affords the addressee to follow the look of the speaker. Clause-final (-)de and (-)e clearly derive from the pre- and pronominal anaphoric demonstratives de ‘that’ (3.3.1.4) and e ‘the other’ (3.3.1.3).105 Traces found in many other written and spoken varieties of Tibetan suggest that the clause-final use of demonstratives is a feature of Common Tibetan.106 Before broadly illustrating the functions of clause-final -de and -e, let us have a brief look at their different uses. In (1330) and (1331), de and e occur instead of a predicate (hence, they are called proverbal here), and thus point to the existence of an entity or property.107 But whereas de indicates that the entity or property has been previously identified by both interlocutors, e indicates that its identification warrants the addressee’s attention. Proverbal e is also used in questions, to refer to the same entity to which de refers in a corresponding reply, as illustrated in (1332). (1330) kulik-po di-ka

pʰjal-la de key-def this-loc hanging-dat pd The key’s hanging here (as always).

(1331) tʃuli

ma za-a jot, are-ka e apricot neg eat-inf ex.f that.vis-loc od (We) haven’t eaten (all) the apricots, there are (still some) over there!

105  The comparable development of a proximal and a distal demonstrative into tense markers is described for the Carib language Panare in Gildea (1993). 106  These traces are thoroughly discussed in Zemp (in preparation). 107  Note that I put a hyphen before the postverbal demonstratives, implying that they are suffixed, but no hyphen before the proverbal demonstratives, implying that they are more independent particles. Evidence for the former’s suffixal nature is provided by the fact that the preceding predicates regularly assimilate their voicing to -e, as in (1347)–(1349).

690

Chapter 4

(1332)

A: ŋj-i ʃite-a pʰuʈw-ig jot I-gen side-dat photo-indef ex.f I have a photo with me. B: ga-r e which-term od Where is it?

A: di-ka de this-loc pd Here it is. While the proverbal demonstratives point to an entity or property, the postverbal demonstratives point to a more complex piece of information, namely that expressed by the sentence to which they are attached. Hence, in (1333), proximate postverbal -de is analyzed textually as indicating that the information conveyed should be clear to the addressee. In contrast, obviate -e in (1334) means that the information may be known by following the speaker’s look. (1333) kʰo-a-aŋ

behes-j-aŋ ɬta-a ʃoχ soŋ-de s/he-dat-add heaven-g-ine look-inf desire went-pd Of course, his desire to see heaven had grown now, too.

(1334) kʰo



ɬeb-e s/he arrive-od S/he’s arrived, look! (There s/he is!)

We will first discuss the proverbal position, because the demonstratives in that position point to an entity or property. And we will look at obviate e before proximate de because the former may be contrasted with testimonial duk. The proverbal use of obviate e(i) is illustrated in (1335)–(1340), and contrasted to that of proximate de in (1340)–(1346). The absence of any other predicate in these constructions indicates that it must be e(i) and de that serve as predicates, i.e., that e(i) attributes an adjective to a noun or a place in (1335) and (1336), that it locates an entity in (1337)–(1340), and that de serves the same functions in the remaining examples. In contrast to testimonial duk, obviate e(i) not only indicates that a statement is based on directly attested evidence but it clearly points to that same evidence. In other words, in contrast to duk, e(i) contains a clear appeal to the addressee to examine the evidence attested.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

691

This fact is evident in (1340), where e is used in a question and thereby implies that the addressee should show the picture to the speaker. Because duk lacks this implication, e(i) is clearly preferred when the person looking for an item expects the addressee to be able to point it out. Note that in responding to such a question, the copular e is resumed when the item is located beyond the answerer’s reach, while de must be used when it is located next to her, as illustrated in (1340). (1335) aa



luŋba ʂmamo e that valley low od Look how low that valley is over there!

(1336) sŋuntʃoqtʃoq e

deep.green od Look, how green it is over there!

(1337) saspol e Saspol od That’s Saspol over there! (1338) tʃuli

ma za-a jot, are-ka e apricot neg eat-inf ex.f that.vis-loc od (We) haven’t eaten (all) the apricots, they’re over there. (1339) zgo-u a-ka e, soŋ door-def that.vis-loc od go\imp The door is over there, go! (1340)

A: ŋj-i ʃite-a pʰuʈw-ig jot I-gen side-dat photo-indef ex.f I have a photo with me. B: ga-r e which-term od Where is it?

A: di-ka de this-loc pd Here it is.

692

Chapter 4

Consider now examples (1341)–(1346), in which proximate de is used in the proverbal position and thus points to an entity or property that is readily identifiable before both interlocutors. (1341) dja

de that.xct pd There it is! (1342)

bi-a-na ʈaŋʈaŋ tʃʰa-tʃ-in, dare dj-u tsʰettsʰet de fall.out-inf-cnd bleak go-inf2-eq now this-def bristly pd When (the hair) falls out, (the head) will become bald; now, it is bristly (as you can see).

(1343) dj-u na dj-u jamet-tʃi de this-def and this-def pair.neg:ex-indef pd These two (shoes) don’t belong together, you see? (explaining jamet) (1344) ŋj-i goŋʂts-e-ka ʈima tʃʰaχs-e de I-gen collar-g-loc dirt grow-cnj pd Here, for instance my collar is dirty (explaining ʈima tʃ ʰaχs). (1345)



ŋa kʰatʃul-la de I Kashmir-dat pd I was in Kashmir here (on this picture).

(1346) ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ-a dj-u tsoŋ-et, kʰo ʂpaŋ-po de (wa) I-erg you-dat this-def sell-crt s/he witness-def pd (hey) I’m selling this to you. She’s our witness, right here.

Let us now turn to how the two demonstratives are used in the postverbal position. Again, we will look at obviate -e before proximate -de, because only the latter entails a textual interpretation, while the former is consistently analyzed spatially. In (1347)–(1352), obviate postverbal -e(i) occurs after full-fledged sentences. However, e(i) may also be used sentence-initially in the same meaning ‘look!’, as in (1351) or (1352). Both postverbal -de and -e clearly derive from the corresponding adnominal demonstratives. In postverbal position, they both point to the information conveyed by the sentence to which they are attached. But while -de implies that this information should already be clear to the addressee, as discussed below, -e implies that its identification requires the addressee to follow the speaker’s look.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

693

(1347) are



jul-po ɖonmo in-sug-e, that village-def warm eq-infr-od zbjarpa warpa dug-e willow and.the.like ex.t-od That village over there appears to have a warm climate; there are willows and all, look!

(1348) kʰo



ɬeb-e s/he arrive-od She’s arrived, look! (There she is!)

(1349) are-ka-na pʰru-ik but-e joŋ-z-ei that-loc-abl child-indef fall-cnj come-pst-od A child fell down over there, look! (1350) ma tʃʰut-pa-ei

neg understand-foc-od He still hasn’t understood, look! [as may be inferred from the subject’s facial expression] (1351) ei, kʰo

joŋ-s od s/he come-pst There, he’s arrived!

(1352) ʒargat ma bos-aŋ aʁa suzilempa tʃi in gii, joke neg do\imp-add Agha Swiss what eq dmnd ee, ŋat-i skat taŋ-et od we.pi-gen language give-crt Stop kidding (me)! How could the Agha be Swiss!? Look, he’s speaking our language!

Examples (1353)–(1362) illustrate the use of proximate -de after full-fledged sentences. In all of these contexts, -de implies that the information conveyed by the sentence to which it is attached is old. Hence, unlike the proverbal de, which points to a concrete entity or property situated before the interlocutors, the postverbal -de points to more complex information that may only be identified within the current speech context. In of (1353)– (1356), which all occurred in a story, this implies that the speaker had himself shared this information with the addressee before. The same applies to (1357)–(1359), which all relate to experiences that were shared by the

694

Chapter 4

interlocutors. In (1360)–(1362), -de implies that the information should be obvious to anyone. Note that -de is consistently treated as a suffix, even though it may be accentuated and uttered with a pitch and intensity rise-fall of a variable degree. (1353) ɬtʃar-s-pa, zug-a ʒaq-pa-na di-ka, ser weigh-pst-inf like.this-dat put-inf-cnd this-loc gold tʃʰaqtsek guz-de a.little spill-pd When she was done weighing (the gold), because she had put (some glue) here like this, of course, a little bit of the gold stuck (to the scales). (Her plan to put glue on the scales had been described before.) (1354) ʃi ma ʃi-a jot-de die neg die-inf ex-pd Of course, (she) hadn’t died (but only pretended to be dead, as as told earlier). (1355) ta



ɲis-po kʰaŋma-a jot-de now two-def home-dat ex-pd Now, the two were at home, right? (as told earlier)

(1356) de



ʂte-e ʃilaŋ di-u-ts-ik jot-de that horse-gen dung this-def-about-indef ex-pd The dung of that horse was about this big, of course (as the dung of every horse is).

(1357) pʰiros zer-en pʰru-ik



du(g)-de Phiros say-sim child-indef ex.t-pd There was that boy called Phiros, remember?

(1358) e-ka

balaŋ-tʃik ʃi-se du(g)-de that-loc cattle-indef die-cnj ex.t-pd There was a dead cow not far from us, remember? (1359) mana ɬt-en-dug-en-du(g)-de



very look-sim-stay-sim-ex.t-pd He kept looking (at us), remember?

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

695

(1360) kʰo ʈʰoq taŋ-m-i madlap-po s/he ʈʰoq give-inf-gen meaning-def di-aŋ tʃi duk ɬta-s-de kʰo-s this-ine what ex.t look-pst-pd s/he-erg The reason why he knocked (at the coffin) was for him to see ‘what’s in here?’, so he looked, of course. (1361) kʰo-a-aŋ

behes-j-aŋ ɬta-a ʃoχ soŋ-de s/he-dat-add heaven-g-ine look-inf desire went-pd Of course, his desire to see heaven had grown now, too.

(1362) kʰo-raŋ

tʃo-s, met-na, tuʒar-po in s/he-self make-pst n:ex-cnd trader-def eq zer-s-p-in-na kʰo-s kʰjer-tʃa-men-wa-pa-de say-pst-inf-eq-cnd s/he-erg carry-inf2-neg:eq-foc-foc-pd He took him for (the brother) himself, otherwise, if he had said that he was the trader, he wouldn’t have carried him, of course. (He was disguised, as told before.) 4.5.9 Quasi-interrogative -nii, -gii, -tʃii, -hii 4.5.9.1 Syllogizing -nii Let us first look at the particle ni(i) as illustrated in (1363)–(1366), where it indicates that a syllogism is involved between the utterance preceding ni(i) and the one following it. That is, (1365) differs from the general question tʃi-a tʰab-et ‘why are you quarreling?’ in that ni(i) requests the addressee to base her answer specifically on what was just been said. Note that ni(i) is thus routinely uttered at the moment the syllogism takes place, that is, ni(i) is uttered between the premise and the consequence.108 108  For ni in WT, cf. Hahn (1996:63f.) and Beyer (1992:275): “The topicalizer ni may be placed anywhere in a proposition except in initial position or before a bound constituent; it signals that what precedes is the topic – for example, khyod ni blo nor “You – your thought is in error,” spang-bar bya-ba ni spongs-shig “What you should renounce – renounce it!” mar-pa zer-ba ni yod skyes-mchog mar-pa zer-ba ni med “Someone called Mar-pa – there is one; someone called Saint Mar-pa – there isn’t.” The source of this topicalizer seems to be an archaic exclamatory particle ni that recurs regularly at the end of the first foot in every line of the ancient bardic poetry.” This last assumption is very implausible, since the poetic use of ni is semantically the emptiest. From where would the semantically richer topicalizing uses have derived their meaning then?

696

Chapter 4

(1363)

A: gundea ga-r soŋ-m-in yesterday which-term went-inf-eq Where did you go yesterday? B: ga-r-aŋ ma soŋ-m-in which-term-add neg went-inf-eq I didn’t go anywhere. A:

nii syl Meaning?

B: braŋsa-a duk-s-p-in place.to.stay-dat stay-pst-inf-eq I stayed at the hotel. (1364) ni stan-ma doŋ ze-s syl show-inf go:ADH say-pst So let’s go, show it to (us), he said. (1365) ni tʃi-a



tʰab-et so what-dat quarrel-crt Why are you quarreling then?

(1366) wɔ

ni kʰjeraŋ dee ga-r tʃ ʰ-et hey syl you now which-term go-crt So where will you go now? In contrast, the suffixal -nii always occurs well after the syllogism took place in the mind of the speaker. The imperatives in (1367)–(1370), ending in -nii, instantiate the consequence of the often implicit premise that may be paraphrased as ‘since you are saying such nonsense’ for (1367), ‘since we are having so much fun here’ for (1368) and (1369), and ‘since you keep talking about it’ in (1370). (1367) jar-es

samba toŋ-nii dekana ŋa-a spera you(h)-erg thought give\imp-syl and.then I-dat word toŋ give\imp So think! Only after that, tell me! (i.e. Think before you speak!)

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

697

(1368) gjer-tʃi

dug-aŋ-nii moment-indef stay-add-syl So stay (here) for just a moment!

(1369) dja-r

dug-aŋ-nii that.xct-term stay-add-syl Stay here then! (over night, in our house, our town, etc.) (1370) soŋ-nii go\imp-syl So go! (Instead of only talking about it …)

The same applies to the statements in (1371) and (1372), and the question in (1373). The suffixed -nii indicates that the construal of the sentence it terminated involved a syllogism, which must therefore have taken place before this sentence and was based on premises that had been established even earlier. We may thus conclude that the suffix -nii must be a grammaticalized form of the particle nii, and that the temporal alignment with the syllogism was lost during grammaticalization. (1371)

ɬt-en-duk-pa-na, kʰjaŋ ŋatʃ-i kʰimtsespa look-sim-stay-inf-cnd you we.pi-gen neighbor in-suk-pa-nii eq-infr-inf-syl If (I) think about it, we’re neighbors! (1372)



dare tʃʰ-et-nii now go-crt-syl So we’re going (there) now!

(1373) tʃʰ-et-a-nii

go-crt-q-syl Are you/we leaving then? 4.5.9.2 Demanding -gii The use of the particle gii is illustrated in (1374) and (1375).109 The pragmatic notion it conveys in these examples is quite evident – gii instantiates an a­ ppeal

109  Note that the etymology of this particle is unclear. It may be, however, that its vowel was created in analogy to the three other particles ending in -i(i), which convey comparable

698

Chapter 4

to the addressee to allow the speaker to look at an item (and thus presupposes that the addressee is in possession or control of that item and therefore liable to move it into the vicinity of the speaker). The notions conveyed by its suffixal correspondence -gii are considerably more variable, as illustrated by the imperatives in (1376)–(1379). In (1376), the addressee is again asked to give an item to the speaker, in (1377), to tell a story, in (1378), to pass information to the speaker, and in (1379), to lend the speaker an ear. That these appeals do not depend on the imperative mood of the verb that precedes -gii is indicated by the many indicative and interrogative instances discussed below. Note that the sentence-final -gii is normally pronounced lower than the preceding syllable. It may, however, be accentuated and pronounced with pitch rising well above that of the preceding syllable to express the notion of ‘let me see!’, though this seems to be restricted to contexts in which a tangible item is discussed. (1374)

A: ŋj-i ʃite-a pʰuʈu-ig jot I-gen side-dat photo-indef ex.f I have a picture with me. B: gii (ɬton-aŋ) dmnd (show-add) Show (it to) me!

(1375) gii,

ŋa-ʃ-i ɬt-et-pa dmnd I-erg-indef look-crt-foc Please let me have a look (lit. I will have a look (if you let me)).

(1376) tʃ-ek

toŋ-gii tea-indef give\imp-dmnd Give me some tea, will you! (1377)

A: ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ-a zgrum-ʃi taŋ-et I-erg you-dat story-indef give-crt I’m going to tell you a story.

pragmatic notions, and that its consonant derives from the interrogative root ga ‘which’, which, in contrast to tʃi ‘what’ gives a choice to the addressee.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

699

B: toŋ-aŋ-gii give\imp-add-dmnd Tell me! (1378) zer-aŋ-gii

(kʰir-i spera-o) say-add-dmnd (you-gen word-def) Tell me (what you have to say)! (1379) di-r joŋ-gii (ŋa-s kʰjeraŋ-a sper-eg jot) this-term come-dmnd (I-erg you-dat word-indef ex.f) Come here! (I have something to tell you.) (1380) ŋa-s

ʂtʃo-et-pa gii I-erg make-crt-inf dmnd I will fix it! Let me see! (1381) tʃi jot-na tsʰat-pa-o, tʃi jod gii, what ex-cnd be.ok-foc-hey what ex.f dmnd kʰo spjo-e-ka taq-tʃa jot-a s/he crown-g-loc put.on-inf2 ex-q Whatever (you) have will be all right! What do you have? (Show me!) (Or did) you want to display it on the crown of your head?

In the remaining sentences that contain a sentence-final suffixal -gii, it demands information from the addressee that may be crucial for solving a problem or understanding an event. Thus, after the speaker has presented an idea of what he might do in (1382), -gii asks the addressee whether she has any better ideas. In (1383), -gi (followed by an -ou that emphasizes the appeal to the speaker) is suffixed to a question that actually addresses the speaker himself and thereby signals that the addressee nevertheless wants the addressee to answer it. In both (1384) and (1385), -gii demands suggestions from the addressee on how some good (cigarettes and milk, respectively) might be acquired. In (1386) and (1388), -gi(i) follows questions that start with tʃi ‘what’, used adverbially in the sense of ‘how’, to which it may be said to add the notion ‘on earth’, that is, -gii signals that the speaker requires the addressee’s explanation in order to understand something. Similarly, -gii in (1388) stresses the speaker’s appeal to the addressee to share some information with the speaker. Finally, the questions in (1389)–(1391) relate to the speaker’s not knowing what to do, and -gii thereby signals that the speaker asks the addressee about her ideas.

700

Chapter 4

(1382) sun-e ʃi-t-waa, tʃi ba-a-tsa-r-ik be.bored-cnj die-crt-hey what do-inf-lim-aug-indef tʃʰ-et, ŋa-s zbri-t-pa-gii go-crt I-erg write-crt-inf-dmnd I’m bored (or rather idle) to death! What should I do? I will write (something down), or what should I do? (1383) ʒaqtaŋ

kʰint-i-re-r tʃi tʃ ʰ-et-gi-ou, every.day you.pl-gen-*that-term what go-crt-dmnd-hey osmet-tʃik tsʰor-en-duk-pa awkward-indef feel-sim-ex.t-foc I can’t come to your home every day, it feels awkward (don’t you think?).

(1384)



tel mana med-gii oil very neg:ex-dmnd We really don’t have any oil. (What should we do?)

(1385)

A: sikret-tʃi toŋ cigarette-indef give\imp Give (me) a cigarette! B: mana med-gii very neg:ex-dmnd I really don’t have any! (How are we going to get some?)

(1386) ŋatʃ-i

jul-po jant-i jul-po-na we.pe-gen country-def you.pl-gen country-def-comit spe-a-na jant-i jul-po tʃaŋ rdem-ek compare-inf-cnd you.pl-gen country-def any nice-indef mi-nduk, tʃi rdem-ek duk-gii neg-ex.t what nice-indef ex.t-dmnd If you compare our country to yours, yours isn’t any nice. What’s nice (about it), tell me! (1387)

A: zan-po ʒim-tʃi duk food-def taste-indef ex.t The food is so tasty!

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

701

B: tʃi ʒimb-ek duk-gi-oo what tasty-indef ex.t-dmnd-hey How can you say this is tasty?! (1388) tʃi



zer-ed-gii ŋa-a mi joŋ-kʰan-tʃik what say-crt-dmnd I-dat neg come-nlzr-indef What do you say what I don’t know?’

(1389) tʃi



zer-gii what say-dmnd What should I tell (him)? What should I talk (to him) about (on the phone)?

(1390) ga-r

tʃʰo-ok-gii which-term go-pot-dmnd Where should I go? (I have nowhere to go, help me!)

(1391) tʃi



zgrum-ʃi taŋ-nug-gii what story-indef give-pot-dmnd What story should I tell, what do you want to hear?

4.5.9.3 Confirmation-seeking -tʃii The meaning of the suffix -tʃii, as used in (1392)–(1394), can be paraphrased as ‘don’t you think? I sure think so!’. When this suffix occurs after negated questions, it indicates that the addressee is expected to confirm the speaker’s opinion. (1392)



di lam-po osmet mi-ndu(g)-a-tʃii this way-def bad neg-ex.t-q-cs This road is really bad, don’t you think?

(1393) ʒimbo mi-ndug-a-tʃii

tasty neg-ex.t-q-cs Isn’t (this) really tasty?!

(1394) tʃi



ʒimb-ek duk ha-wa, mi-ndug-a-tʃii what tasty-indef ex.t cs-hey neg-ex.t-q-cs How tasty this is, don’t you think? Isn’t it?

702

Chapter 4

In (1394), the interrogative pronoun tʃi ‘what’ is used in an emphatic declarative function closely corresponding to the use of how in the English translation, which was likely the function from which the suffix under discussion was derived.110 Example (1395) illustrates that tʃi may be used in identical position to express an emphatic interrogative notion, i.e. that the speaker cannot imagine that someone may hold a certain opinion; in the specific context of (1394) and (1395), it expresses doubt that someone would like the meal in question. Note that tʃi is also used in (1396), a paraphrase of (1395) provided by Shabir himself. The different readings of -tʃii are triggered by -ha-wa ‘right?’ on the one hand and -gi-oo ‘show me! explain to me!’ on the other.111 Note that the interrogative tʃi should not be confused with the indefinite article -tʃi(k) that may occur in similar contexts, as shown in (1397). (1395) tʃi



ʒimb-ek duk-gi-oo what tasty-indef ex.t-dmnd-hey How can you say this is tasty?!

(1396)

kʰjeraŋ-a di-aŋ tʃi ʒimb-ek tsʰor you-dat this-ine what tasty-indef feel What exactly in this (meal) did you like?

(1397) zan-po ʒim-tʃi duk food-def taste-indef ex.t The food is so tasty!

The emphatic declarative function of tʃi ‘what’ (‘how …!’) is again illustrated in (1398) and (1399); in both of which it is followed by additive -aŋ by means of which the speaker stresses that he cannot understand why the addressee would even consider that something might not apply. In contrast, tʃi in (1400) and (1401), at some distance again followed by -gii demanding an explanation, implies that the speaker cannot understand why the addressee would do 110  Note that ci is already used as an interrogative particle in WT, e.g., in the dubitative question ci gnang “Gibt er? Ob er wohl gibt?” (Hahn 1996:46). The use of WT ci most strongly resembles that in Purik after the question particle ’am, as in: theg chen phal cher khyed cag gi mdo dang mtshungs ’dod min nam ci “Ist es nicht so (oder: Es ist doch wohl so), dass man das ‘Grosse Fahrzeug’ im allgemeinen als mit deinen [der Buddha wird angeredet] Lehrreden übereinstimmend betrachtet?”. 111  Note that -oo/ou may be viewed as an allomorph of -waa ‘hey!’, for which see 4.5.14.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

703

something. Finally, (1402) illustrates tʃi ‘what’ by itself signaling dismay at the addressee’s behavior. Summing up, tʃi in most contexts expresses the speaker’s struggle accepting diverging opinions. We may safely assume then that it was this emphatic declarative use of the interrogative pronoun that yielded the suffix -tʃii, which expresses the notion ‘isn’t it? tell me, that you agree with me!’ after negated questions, as illustrated in (1392)–(1394) at the beginning of this subsection. (1398)

A: zangral-tʃi ma soŋ food.arrangement-indef neg went (I fear that) it wasn’t a real dinner!? (Says the host to the guest after dinner.) B: zangral tʃi-aŋ soŋ, zangral jot-suk food.arrangement what-add went f.a ex-infr Of course it was a real dinner! (And not only that!) (A reply to an ‘understating’ suggestion of the host that it wasn’t a real dinner.)

(1399) tʃi-aŋ

ʒimbo jot-suk what-add tasty ex-infr Of course it was tasty! (And not only that!)

(1400) ʒaqtaŋ

kʰint-i-re-r tʃi tʃ ʰ-et-gi-ou, every.day you.pl-gen-*that-term what go-crt-dmnd-hey osmet-tʃik tsʰor-en-duk-pa awkward-indef feel-sim-ex.t-foc I can’t come to your home every day, it feels a little awkward (don’t you think?).

(1401)

ʒargat ma bos-aŋ aʁa suzilempa tʃi in-gii, joke neg do\imp-add Agha Swiss what eq-dmnd ee, ŋat-i skat taŋ-et od we.pi-gen language give-crt Stop kidding (me)! How should the Agha be Swiss!? Look, he’s speaking our language! (1402) tʃi(-ou)



ʃabir-ou what(-hey) Sabir-hey Why that, Shabir?

704

Chapter 4

4.5.9.4 Wondering -hii The only suffix of the loose -Cii-paradigm that is not attested sentence-initially as a particle is -hii, which indicates that the speaker lacks the evidence that would allow her to answer some question; since she nevertheless often has at least some evidence that allows her to ask a question, -hii will be glossed as ‘wondering’ (and abbreviated ‘wnd’). Examples (1403) and (1404) show that this -hii may be used in a question as well as in a reply – essentially, a sentence ending in -hii always conveys both an interrogative (‘wondering’) and a declarative (‘there is no evidence that would allow for me to answer that’) notion. (Note that the first tʰop in (1404) topicalizes the verb stem that is repeated in the consecutive negated future form, cf. 4.4.7.2.) (1403) A: tʃ-ek

jot-a-hii tea-indef ex-q-wnd Do (you) think (you) have tea? B: tʃ-ek jot-a-hii ta ŋa-s ɬt-et tea-indef ex-q-wnd irr I-erg look-crt Do (I) think (we) have tea? Let me check! (1404)

A: kargilo-a lepʈop tʰop-tʃ-in-a-men Kargilo-dat laptop find-inf2-eq-q-neg:eq Will (I) get a laptop in Kargilo? B: tʰop mi tʰob-a-hii tʃi ʃi find neg find-q-wnd what shmat Will (you) get one? Who knows! Examples (1405)–(1408) (already shown in 4.4.7.2) illustrate the frequent suffixation of -hii to the future ending -(n)uk. In the declaratives (1405) and (1406), the speaker expresses her concern that the sketched scenario might take place and implies that she would like to avert it; in the questions (1407) and (1408) (i.e. where -hii follows interrogative -a, cf. 4.5.1), she appears to question the wondering itself, that is, she herself (in contrast to the addressee?) tends not to be concerned about the sketched scenario.

(1405) wa, baɬaŋ-po-a

tsuru ma ɬtsoŋ, ritʃo hey cow-def-dat provocation neg raise\imp horn taŋ-nug-hii give-pot-wnd Don’t provoke the cow! She might hit you with her horns!

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

705

(1406) lip pʰjaχ-se kʰjer-ug-hii drm sweep-cnj take.away-pot-wnd Won’t someone steal it (if you don’t watch it)? (1407) kʰo

met-na ɬuŋ-nug-a-hii s/he neg:ex-cnd lose-pot-q-wnd Do you think we’ll lose without him? (I think it won’t matter!) (1408) kʰo-s pene ma taŋ-na ʃi-ug-a-hii s/he-erg money neg give-cnd die-pot-q-wnd I wonder whether I will die if he doesn’t give me the money. (I won’t die if he doesn’t give (me) the money!)

Another scenario that is pronounced in order to be averted is given in (1409). However, (1405)–(1409) stand in contrast to (1410)–(1413), where future forms together with the suffix -hii do not relate to scenarios that must be averted, most obviously in (1410). (Note that the questions in (1411)–(1413) are just as much directed to the speaker himself as to the addressee.) What triggers the use of the future and the ‘wondering’ -hii in all of (1405)–(1413) is the fact that they relate to a possible future event and thereby clearly lack the evidence that would allow for a save assertion. The differing interpretations of the sentences are then entirely prompted by their semantics and pragmatics. (1409) wa but-e



(1410)



joŋ-nug-hii hey fall-cnj come-pot-wnd Won’t the bulb fall down? wa ʃabir, ŋa-a braŋsa tʰop-tug-a mi tʰob-hii hey Shabir I-dat place.to.sleep find-pot-q neg find-wnd Hey, Shabir, I am wondering whether I will find a place to stay overnight or not?

(1411) kʰo-s zo-og-a-hii s/he-erg eat-pot-q-wnd Do you think he will eat (it)? (When the speaker still expects his brother for dinner and wants to save something for him.) (1412)



ŋa kʰo-na ɲambo zaŋskar-la tʃ ʰo-og-a-hii I s/he-comit together Zangskar go-pot-q-wnd Should I go to Zanskar with him?

706

Chapter 4

(1413) kʰo



joŋ mi joŋ-a-hii s/he come neg come-q-wnd (As far as his coming is concerned) I wonder whether he will come or not.

When -hii is used after factual endings, as in (1414)–(1417), it asks the addressee to make a guess and implies that she may base this guess on personal experience with the issue in question. Note that nothing distinguishes the soliloquizing (1415) from the other examples that all envolved an addressee but would not have to be altered if they were applied in a soliloquy. (1414) skin-kato met-a-hii ibex-in.case neg:ex-q-wnd Don’t you think there are ibexes around here? (1415)

daχsan-na kʰo joŋ-en-jot met-a-hii now-cntr s/he come-sim-ex.f neg:ex-q-wnd Will he come or not, now that it’s already so late? (1416) ɬaŋkor-i-ka

groŋp-ek tsam jod-hii ɬaŋkor-g-loc household-indef how.many ex-wnd How many households might there be in ɬaŋkor?

(1417)



sajid madi in men-a-hii Syed Mehdi eq neg:eq-q-wnd Is it Syed Mehdi or not?

Syed Mehdi clearly uses -hii in a different way (somewhat similar to -hei, see 4.5.10), as illustrated in (1418)–(1421), where it emphasizes the request indicated by the preceding imperative stem. (Note that in (1421), the nc-verb tʰuk therefore has to accordingly be interpreted as an imperative.) (1418) smanpo zo-hii medicine-def eat\imp-wnd (Promise me to) take the medicin! (1419) sawaq-po

zbri-s-hii lesson-def write-imp-wnd (Promise me to) write down the exercise!

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

707

(1420) de



spera-n-i snaŋ-a ʒoʁ-hii that word-pl-gen attention-dat leave-wnd Keep these words in mind!

(1421) askja



tʰug-hii tomorrow meet-wnd (Promise to) meet me tomorrow!

4.5.10 Irreal ta Purik ta may be related to the root da that Jäschke (246b) glosses as “now, at present, just” and documents sentence-initially “esp. before the imp. mood”, as in “da kar-dang-la song just go to Kardang!”, and “after the emphatical word of the sentence”, as in “*long da yod ngul med* time I have, it is true, but no money”. Bielmeier (1985:222) similarly glosses Balti ta and its less frequent variant da (cf. Bielmeier 1985:167; the former occurred 36 times in his story, the latter 5 times) as “jetzt, nun” and correspondingly traces them back to WT da. For Ladakhi, Koshal describes a suffix -ta in a function resembling the one da serves in Jäschke’s second example, cf. her two examples cha-ta nga song-pin kho-e chang ma-zers ‘I did go, (but) he did not say anything’ and za-ta nga zen nga-a zur-mo mi-yong-nga? ‘I will eat, (but) won’t I get sick?’.112 Regardless of the question of whether Purik ta is related to WT da ‘now’, the closest parallel of Purik ta is found in WT -ta-re ‘lest’. Simon (1967), in mainly trying to identify the meaning of the particle re, discusses a number of WT passages in which that particle sentence-finally follows -a to convey the meaning ‘lest’. However, I argue that the basic form of the construction Simon discusses is in fact -ta-re. In the majority of examples he cites, it occurs after gyur, as in mi-bde-bar gyur-ta-re ‘lest it result in … unhappiness’ (Simon 1967:120). The fact that gyur is regularly followed by a -d (the so-called da drag) devoicing following consonants in OT leads Simon and other scholars before him to analyze the -t- of -ta-re as belonging to the preceding verb stem. At the same time, Simon, along with many scholars and native grammarians before him, views skye-sta-re and skyes-ta-re ‘lest … you be reborn …’ and byung-ta-re as 112  In CT, as spoken by second generation emigrants from Dingri in Kathmandu, -ta is used in a similar fashion after infinitives, e.g., in ɖo̠ -jɛ: ta ɖo̠ -gi-jı̃: ‘as far as (my) going is concerned, I’m going (there).’ With regard to Ladakhi, Koshal (1979:275–6) describes the function of -ta in the following way: “The suffix -ta adds the meaning of ability or willingness to the action denoted by the verb stem. The entire clause can be considered as a potential participle form for want of a better term.”

708

Chapter 4

corrupted forms of skyes-sa-re and byung-nga-re (Simon 1967:120, 123). If we assume, conversely, that the -t- is original, we are left with -ta-re throughout the WT passages Simon discusses. And while I may only guess that -re is a rhotacized form of a clause-final de (see 4.5.8), the meaning ‘lest’ which Simon attributes to the entire construction perfectly fits the ‘irrealis’ or ‘imaginative’ function ta serves in modern Purik. Like WT -ta-re, Purik -ta is commonly used after imperatives; and as described for WT -ta-re, the use of -ta after imperatives in Purik must have originally warned the addressee “of the consequences which are bound to arise if he were to ignore the command or the prohibition” (Simon 1967:121). Examples (1422)–(1426) illustrate the use of ta with imperatives in Purik. In (1422)–(1424), it occurs after the imperative stem; note that a euphonic schwa may be added before -ta, as in (1423) but not (1422). In (1425) and (1426), ta occurs before the predicate. While the warning of the consequences bound to arise if the addressee does not follow an order are explicitly described before WT -ta-re, they are only implied by Purik (-)ta occurring with imperatives, regardless of its position. For want of a better term, (-)ta is glossed ‘irreal’. As evident in all of (1422)–(1426), Purik (-)ta renders an imperative more urgent. (1422) soŋ-ta

go\imp-irr Go now!

(1423) toŋ-ə-ta

give\imp-EUPH-irr Give it to me now! (1424) joŋ-aŋ-ta

tʃʰa-a, gor-suk come-add-irr go-inf become.late-infr Come on now, let’s go! We’re late!

(1425) ta

joŋ zan-po za-a, maŋmo gor-suk irr come food-def eat-inf a.lot become.late-infr Come on now, let’s eat! We’re very late! (1426) wa ta

tsʰums-p-i sper-ek toŋ-waa hey irr make.sense-inf-gen word-indef give\imp-hey Oh, come on now, say something that makes sense!

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

709

Likely, the use of (-)ta illustrated in the examples above derives from a particle meaning ‘now’, which became employed to signal the speaker’s imagination of the possible consequences of a situation. Another common use of ta is shown in (1427)–(1431). The first two of these examples describe past events; ta makes the account of these events more vivid by creating the impression that they occurred at the moment of speaking. This function is a plausible reflex of a the meaning ‘now’. In (1429)–(1431), ta renders the description of a present event more vivid; in these examples, it appears to signal that a situation or its consequences are beyond imagination. (1427) ta piʃu-ig rup-s irr fly-indef swarm-pst There, the flies have come in swarms! (1428) ta

mi-ig jot-suk irr man-indef ex-infr There were so many people!

(1429) diriŋ ta

tsʰat-tʃi duk today irr heat-indef ex.t Man, it’s hot today! (1430) marius taa tʃi

duk, mana jalla Marius irr one ex.t very yalla (ʂtsoqpo jot zer-e in) (bad ex.f say-cnj eq) Marius is someone, I swear to God! (He’s mischievous, that means.)113 (1431) kʰir-i su-a ʂtaχspa met taa you-gen who-dat knowledge neg:ex.f irr Everybody knows about you!

The effect of ta is also clearly noticeable after the question shown in (1432). It implies that the speaker needs help in understanding what the addressee 113  As in Purik and English, a similarly redundant expression also in Swiss-German conveys the notion that the addressee is considered to be mischievous, namely Dú bisch-mer äine ‘you are-to.me one’.

710

Chapter 4

means because it would have consequences beyond imagination. Example (1433) refers to a future situation, and ta signals that the speaker is trying to imagine what it will look like. In (1434), ta occurs at the beginning of an explanation, and conveys that the addressee is asked to put herself in the speaker’s situation. And lastly, in (1435) and (1436), ta signals that the speaker is considering the future relevance of the present situation. Hence, irreal ta generally expresses the speaker’s assessment of a situation in view of its possible consequences. Its use after imperatives, as illustrated for Purik in (1422)–(1426) above, and as reflected by WT -ta-re, clearly derives from this basic function. (1432) tʃi



zer-et ta what say-crt irr Now what are you saying? (Your can’t be serious!)

(1433) de-war-la ŋa-s-aŋ ɬt-et-de ta that-time-dat I-erg-add look-crt-pd irr kʰjaŋ ŋj-i-ka re-n-dug-a mi-nduk you I-g-loc depend-sim-ex.t-q neg-ex.t (The speaker is disappointed by the addressee’s not helping him.) Next time I will see whether you need my help or not! (1434)

ta ŋa-a zermo joŋ-se jot-p-in, dj-u irr I-dat pain come-cnj ex-inf-eq this-def tʃʰaχ-se jot-p-in, dekana dj-u tʃiŋ-s, be.broken-cnj ex-inf-eq and.then this-def wrap-pst tʃiŋ-ma-na drul-ba-na, kulea zug-a ʂten-en wrap-inf-cnd walk-inf-cnd slowly like.this-dat lean-sim tʃʰa-a, d-o-a rdzi-a zer-tʃ-in go-inf that-def-dat walk.carefully-inf say-inf2-eq Now (let’s imagine), I was having pain, this (the calf) was broken, so it was bandaged. Walking slowly with the bandage like this, to go while leaning (e.g. on a stick), that’s called rdzia.

(1435)

ta ŋa tʃʰ-et irr I go-crt I’m leaving now.

(1436)

dare ta ŋa-a ŋal tsʰaŋs-pa-r-ik soŋ-suk now irr I-dat tiredness recover-inf-aug-indef went-infr It appears that, now, I feel somewhat rested.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

711

4.5.11 hei ‘ok?’ The particle hei may be used to signal that one is listening after being directly addressed, as illustrated in (1437).114 The same function may also be served by hoi, which tends to be preferred in contexts in which one did not understand the speaker or when one has been called from the distance. (1437) A:

wa ʃabir hey Shabir Hey, Shabir!

B: hei ok? Yes? A: di-r joŋ, ŋa-s kʰjaŋ-a sper-eg jot this-term come I-erg you-dat word-indef ex.f Come here! I have something to tell you. Only hei may be used at the end of a sentence to ask whether the addressee understands and agrees, as in (1438)–(1442), where hei follows imperatives. Note that hei always receives a high rising-falling pitch. (1438) erder ma soŋ hei here.and.there neg go\imp ok? Don’t go roaming around, okay? (1439) kulea



soŋ hei slowly go\imp ok? Go slowly, okay?

(1440) ŋa pʰaŋ-s-e-ka-na



pʰoŋ hei-wa zer-s I throw-place-g-loc-abl throw\imp ok-hey say-pst Throw (them) down from where (they) threw me down, okay?

(1441) askja



jaŋ dja tʰo-e-ka joŋ hei tomorrow again that.xct time-g-loc come(imp) ok? Come (here) at the same time tomorrow, okay?

114  Neither hei nor hoi appear to be discussed in the literature on any of the WAT dialects.

712

Chapter 4

(1442) are



nor-un pʰab-a-r-ik bos hei that.vis sheep-pl take.down-inf-aug-indef do\imp ok? Make the sheep over there come down a bit (towards the rest of the herd), okay?

Examples (1443)–(1446) illustrate that hei may also be used after indicative constructions. In these contexts as well, hei signals that the speaker wants to ascertain that the addressee has understood a plan and will collaborate with the speaker in fulfilling it. In (1443) and (1444), hei occurs after infinitives, by using which the speaker pretends that his plan involves a very natural succession of events, as discussed in 4.4.8.1. And in (1445) and (1446), plans are described by means of certaintive verb forms. (1443) kʰjeraŋ tʃʰa-tsa-na

ŋa-a taŋ-ma hei you go-lim-cnd I-dat give-inf ok? When you go (back to your country), you give it to me, okay?

(1444) di-aŋ

tʃoq-tʃi joŋ dekana jaŋ ŋa-raŋ this-ine moment-indef come and.then again I-self joŋ-ma hei zer-suk come-inf ok? say-infr ‘Come in here (into the coffin) for a moment, and then, I will come (back), okay?’ he said.

(1445)

zan zos-e rgjap-po-na ŋataŋ tʃ ʰ-ed-hei food ate-cnj back-def-cntr we.pi go-crt-ok? But after eating, we’ll go, okay?

(1446)

ŋa tʃʰ-ed hei I go-crt ok? I’m leaving, okay?





Example (1447) shows that hei may also be used in sentences that contain no predicate. As discussed in 4.4.3.5, such elliptive sentences may convey prescriptive notions that may not be expressed by any copula. Hence, (1447) proposes to define the subject as the witness, and hei asks the addressee to confirm that proposal. (1447) kʰo



ʂpaŋ-po hei s/he witness-def ok? She’s our witness, ok?

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

713

It appears that hei is reduced to he- before -o(o), a suffixal form of wa ‘hey!’, as shown in (1448) and (1449). A formant he/ha- is found in a number of further particles serving similar functions, paraphrasable as ‘right?’, such as hela, he-la-wa, he-la-ʒu, ha-la, ha-o, and ha-ʒu, two of which are illustrated in (1450)–(1452). The -ʒu formant found in some of them indicates politeness, as discussed in 4.5.14. But while the -la discussed in 4.5.14 only occurs with female addressees, this restriction does not apply to the forms containing -la listed here. (1448) askja



joŋ he-oo tomorrow come ok-hey Come (here) tomorrow, okay?

(1449) ŋatʃa gundea krikaʈ ʂtse-a soŋ-m-in he-o we.pe yesterday cricket play-inf went-inf-eq ok-hey We went to play cricket yesterday, right? (1450) ŋatʃa soŋ-m-in

ha-ʒu we.pe went-inf-eq right? We went (there), right?

(1451) gatsuk rdemo duk hala how nice ex.t right? How nice this is! Isn’t it? (1452) ot



tuk-pa rgo-ʃa mi-nduk hala light light-inf need-inf2 neg-ex.t right? We don’t have to turn on the light, do we?

4.5.12 Wheedling iʃ(u) The use of the very informal, wheedling particle iʃ(u) and its variant iʃi, likely dissimilated before the suffix -wa, is illustrated in (1453) and (1454). (1453) ŋ-ji

maal-po ldzoχ-se toŋ iʃ(u) I-gen property-def return-cnj give\imp whdl Please give me back my property! Please! (1454) dug-aŋ

iʃi-waa stay-add whdl-hey Come on and stay, please!

714

Chapter 4

4.5.13 Hesitative (-)jaa Purik jaa is one of a number of pragmatic particles that may occur either at the beginning or the end of a sentence or a phrase. In what follows, it is treated as a suffix in the latter position, because its pragmatic force clearly affects the verb phrase to which it is attached. Note that as a suffix, -jaa is typically pronounced with an intonational peak that rises above that of the preceding phrase. The functions of this frequently used suffix or particle are not easy to reconcile. This is the case not only in Purik but also in the closely related Balti dialect, in which Bielmeier (1985:178) describes its use as an interjection similar to the German ‘nun’. When followed by kʰere, Bielmeier paraphrases ja as ‘also, in der Tat’, i.e., ‘indeed’. But it may also occur as a “Quasi-Vokativpartikel” that is often followed by le, another polite vocative particle, and always stands “zu Beginn der direkten Anrede”. In addition, Bielmeier (ibid.) quotes Read (1934:68) stating that ja “may imply contempt or ridicule” (a passage that I was not able to find on or near the indicated page). Unfortunately, neither a particle nor a suffix ja(a) is described in the literature on Purik and Ladakhi.115 The basic function of Purik jaa may be described as ‘hesitative’. That is, jaa indicates that the speaker is still thinking while uttering what may be uttered also in a different way. The pragmatic notion jaa conveys both sentenceinitially and as a suffix can be isolated more easily in the former position. In (1455)–(1459), jaa signals that the speaker is reflecting on whether there are better ways to paraphrase or elaborate on what she has just said, and introduces a new way. Note that in the last example, jaa conveys the same hesitative notion when repeated after the alternate description. (1455) nene-e mi-la apaŋ zer-tʃ-in ja kaka zer-tʃ-in aunt-gen man-dat uncle say-inf2-eq hes brother say-inf2-eq Our aunt’s husband (we) call ‘uncle’, or we call him ‘(older) brother’. (1456) pʰru-u

brit-aŋ, ŋu ma ŋu-tʃuk, child-def comfort-add cry neg cry-caus jaa pʰru-a kʰaspa bos hes child-dat wise do\imp Comfort the child! Don’t let it cry! Or, if you will, use your wit on the child!

115  For exceptions, see the next footnote.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

715

(1457) dj-uw-a tʃʰu-ik tʰems-e duk, this-def-dat water-indef become.soaked-cnj ex.t jaa baŋs-e duk hes become.soaked-cnj ex.t This has become imbued, soaked, if you will. (1458) ŋa-s di ʃoʁbu-a ʁom ɬtor-et, ja do-o I-erg this book-dat hole pierce-crt well that-def ɬtor-et pierce-crt I am making a hole in this book, well, I am piercing it. (1459)



baχston ba-na kʰo-s guntʃaɬam tʃo-et jaa marriage do-cnd s/he-erg clothes make-crt hes guntʃa tsem-ed jaa d-o-a zgruk-pa zer-tʃ-in garment stitch-crt hes that-def-dat zgruk-pa say-inf2-eq When getting married, (we say) he’s making his clothes or stitching his wedding gown, well, that’s called zgrukpa (‘prepare one’s wedding gown’).

Example (1460) illustrates an elliptical use of jaa that announces a continuation of kʰjeraŋ mana ‘you (are) very …’ that will not be realized. In this construction, jaa implies that the speaker’s thoughts cannot be put into words because the speaker is unable to make sense of the addressee’s behavior. (1460) kʰjeraŋ mana jaa … you very hes You (are), like, …

If the same jaa is emphasized by means of -na, as in (1461)–(1465), it introduces either a superior alternative description or the gist of the previous description. Example (1466) illustrates that -jaŋ-na may synonymously be used instead of -jaa-na.116 116  Sharma (2004:128) describes this jaŋ-na (but not jaa-na) as conveying the sense of ‘either … or’ in Purik. According to Koshal (1979:289–90), Ladakhi jaŋ-na or ja “can be used for ‘either’ as well as ‘or’ in ‘either … or’ constructions. It is also possible to use jaŋ-na or ja only after the first clause.” We may speculate that jaa-na was changed to jaŋ-na (facilitating the reanalysis of the first syllable as jaŋ ‘again, other’) in analogy to the similarly

716

Chapter 4

(1461) ja-wa kʰo-e ldatpa tsʰar-e jaa-na hes-hey s/he-gen brain be.finished-cnj hes-cntr itug lus-p-in-duk kʰo-a memory remain-inf-neg-ex.t s/he-dat Oh my, his brain having become old, well, he can’t remember things. (1462) jaraŋ

di-ka jot, ja-na a-a-r you(h) this-loc ex.f hes-cntr that.vis-cntr-term ʈʰap-p-e-aŋ nor-kato jot slope-def-g-ine sheep-some ex.f You are here. Now let’s imagine that over there, in the slope, there are some sheep….

(1463) djaŋ-po-s tʃʰu biŋ-en-duk, jaa-na maŋmo, wall-def-erg water come.out-sim-ex.t hes-cntr a.lot d-o-a snaŋa bos that-def-dat attention do\imp Water’s leaking through the supporting wall (of a terraced field), I mean a lot! Have an eye on it! (1464) kʰo-a

tʃi tʰop, mana ʈʰaq ʈʰaq jaa-na s/he-dat what find very drm drm hes-cntr jas-en-duk, rgot taŋ-en-duk bloom-sim-ex.t laughter give-sim-ex.t What did he get (or win)? It’s like he’s gleaming all the time, laughing!

(1465) pʰuŋma kʰo-raŋ tʃʰ-et, nas-po



kʰo-raŋ tʃ ʰ-et, chaff s/he-self go-crt wheat-def s/he-self go-crt dekana kʰem kʰjoŋ-se-na d-o-a jaa-na and.then shovel bring-cnj-cnd that-def-dat hes-cntr oŋskʰem taŋ-ma zer-tʃ-in wheat.shovel give-inf say-inf2-eq The chaff goes on one (pile), the wheat on another; then (you) get a shovel and, well, we call that ‘use the wheat shovel’.

used Urdu filler jãni. For the contrastive -na, see 3.5.1.1 above. Koshal (1979:287ff.) further documents the use of ja-men-na ‘otherwise’, as in ( jaŋ-na) kʰjo-raŋ kʰar-dʒi zo ja-men-na kʰjo-raŋ laz-la soŋ ‘Either you have (your) food or you go to work.’ (Koshal 1979:290) This conjunction is used in the same way in Purik.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

717

(1466) kroŋ

ʃoq zer-tʃ-in, kroŋ-po ʃoq, stomach slash\imp say-inf2-eq stomach-def slash\imp sat-e ʈʰik ba-se di-ka-na ʃaq-tʃ-in dj-u kill-cnj good do-cnj this-loc-abl slash-inf2-eq this-def tsʰaqpa, jaŋ-na naŋgos-p-e-aŋ-na jolaŋto until hes-cntr inside-def-g-ine-abl bowels pʰiŋ-tʃ-in, rgjuma, krotpa, ɬwa, tʃ ʰinma, kʰalma, take.out-inf2-eq intestines stomach lung liver kidney do-on naŋgos-i-ka-na pʰiŋ-tʃ-in, pʰiŋ-se that-pl inside-g-loc-abl take.out-inf2-eq take.out-cnj do-n-i kʰʂaq kʰʂu-se ŋat-es za-tʃa that-pl-gen blood wash-cnj we.pi-erg eat-inf2 ‘Cut up the stomach!’ (we) say. After killing (the sheep), (we) cut it open from here until here, and then, (we) take out the bowels from the inside: intestines, stomach, lung, liver, kidney, these (we) take out from the inside. And after having taken it out and washed the blood off, (we) eat it. Examples (1467)–(1469) illustrate the repeated use of jaa before two coordinated verb phrases to convey a notion that may be translated as ‘either … or’ (e.g. in Sharma 2004:128 and Koshal 1979:289–90). Note, however, that in all three examples, the alternates introduced by jaa are complementary rather than the mutually exclusive sense of ‘either … or’. (1467) dekana d-o ldor-ba-na di-ka-na tʃi and.then that-def be.pierced-inf-cnd this-loc-abl what biŋ-tʃ-in, jaa ʂnaq biŋ-tʃ-in jaa kʰʂaq come.out-inf2-eq hes pus come.out-inf2-eq hes blood biŋ-tʃ-in come.out-inf2-eq And then, when it is pierced, what will come out? Well, pus will come out, and blood will come out. (1468)

jaa berga-a ʂten-e jaa ʂtsikpa-w-a zug-a either stick-dat lean-cnj or wall-def-dat like.this-dat ʂten-e ŋa-a drul-ba ɲan-et lean-cnj I-dat walk-inf be.able-crt I am able to walk when I either lean against a stick or a wall like this.

718

Chapter 4

(1469) jaa stor-uk jaa mi tʃig-is kʰjer-uk, either be.lost-pot or man one-erg take.away-pot de-i ŋa-s gra len-tʃ-in that-gen I-erg compensation take-inf2-eq (I don’t care) whether (you) lose it or whether someone steals it, I will want the same back.

That ja(a), unlike ‘either … or’, does not serve to introduce mutually exclusive alternatives is evident in the explanation that is sometimes added to the second reply of the Creed illustrated in (1470). Here, ja precedes each of the five Panjtans. (1470)



A: B: A: B: A: B: A: B:

χodaa tsam jot ‘How many Gods are there?’ tʃiktʃik ‘One.’ panʒetan ‘Panjtan?’ ʁa ‘Five.’ ( ja muhammad, ja ali, ja fatima, ja hassan, ja hussein) imam ‘Imams?’ tʃuɲis ‘Twelve.’ ʂtsaŋma ‘Holy (Helpers)?’ tʃuʒbʒi ‘Fourteen.’

While the particle jaa in clause-initial position tends to temporally coincide with the speaker’s thinking, in clause-final position, it indicates that the preceding utterance is just one of several possible ways to convey the information in question. Hence, the imperative zer-aŋ-jaa in (1471)–(1474) does not express a true command, but a suggestion how the addressee or someone else may describe an idea. (1471) kʰo-s mana kʰjeraŋ-a ʂtswa pʰaŋ-en-duk, s/he-erg very you-dat grass throw-sim-ex.t nor-la tsuk tsuk zer-aŋ-jaa sheep-dat tsuk tsuk say-add-hes It’s like he’s throwing (green) grass at you (telling you all about how nice Leh is). He might as well say ‘tsuk tsuk’ to the sheep. (1472)



dja tʰamsp-e-ka tʰen zer-aŋ-jaa that.xct handle-g-loc pull say-add-hes Just say ‘pull on that handle’. (Why didn’t you just tell me to pull on that handle?)

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

719

(1473) kʰo loŋ loŋ loŋ b-en

joŋ-en-duk, zug-a s/he drm drm drm do-sim come-sim-ex.t like.this-dat e-r tʃʰ-en di-r tʃʰ-en joŋ-en-duk the.other-term go-sim this-term go-sim come-sim-ex.t zer-aŋ-jaa, zan-po met-pa-na gomba taŋ-nuk mi say-add-hes food-def n:ex-inf-cnd step give-pot neg taŋ sam-en give think-sim He’s coming, staggering and going loŋ loŋ loŋ, just say (he’s) going to and fro like this, hesitating at every step whether he should take it or not because he hasn’t eaten.

(1474)

kʰo-s spera ʃa-s, e-ka kʰo-s s/he-erg word comb-pst the.other-term s/he-erg gundea zer-s-p-i spera kʰo-s ʃat-e jaŋ yesterday say-pst-inf-gen word s/he-erg comb-cnj again ze-s, ɲirim ze-s zer-aŋ-jaa say-pst twice say-pst say-add-hes He’s repeating himself; what he said yesterday, he said again just there, repeating himself; he said it twice, if you will. Deriving from its use observed in (1471)–(1474) above, -jaa expresses a polite invitation after imperatives of honorific verbs, as in (1475) and (1476). (1475)

kʰje-s kʰa bor-aŋ-ja, tsʰaχtsik kʰa bor-aŋ-ja you-erg mouth put-add-pol a.little mouth put-te-pol Feel free to taste! Go ahead and taste a little bit!

(1476) ʒuks-jaa sit(h)-hes Feel free to have sit down!

The suffix -jaa also occurs in chants directed at working animals, encouraging them to do their work, as illustrated by (1477), an excerpt from a threshing chant. Traditionally, threshing in Purik is done by having dzos tethered to a pole in the middle of the threshing ground turn around in circles. Hence, -jaa in (1477) invites the dzos to comply with the singers’ indications.

720 (1477)



Chapter 4

tʰama tʰar-la ŋkʰor-jaa, mama ma-la ŋkʰor-jaa, end far-dat turn-hes innermost.dzo down-dat turn-hes The outermost dzo, turn your circles as far out as you can (as far as the rope lets you), and the innermost, stay as close to the pole as you can.

Given the basic pragmatic force the suffix -jaa conveys, it is not surprising to find -jaa after the focus marker -(wa-)pa (see 4.5.2), which similarly expresses a speaker’s reservation about whether a previous statement adequately describes an event. Hence, in (1478)–(1480), -jaa underscores the speakers’ opinion that there might be more appropriate descriptions. Recall also from 4.5.2 that the frequent combination of -(wa-)pa and -jaa even yielded the independent backchannel japajaa that expresses a speaker’s surrender to circumstances. The interplay between these suffixes confirms the assumption that -jaa indicates that a speaker is undecided and therefore reflecting on the issue at the moment of speaking. (1478) di-ka duk-sɲi joŋ-na-ŋ ŋatʃ-i this-loc stay-des come-cnd-add we.pe-gen kʰaŋma-a tʃʰa-a rgo-ʃ-in-wa-pa-jaa home-dat go-inf2 need-inf2-eq-foc-foc-hes Even if I feel like staying here, (I guess) I’ll have to go to home. (1479) gjer-tʃik

di-ka ʒaχ-na ɖik-tʃa duk-pa-jaa moment-indef this-loc put-cnd be.ok-inf2 ex.t-foc-hes It should be ok to leave (it) here for a moment, don’t you think?

(1480)

kʰo gaɽi-j-aŋ pʰoχ-se ʃi, kʰo-e ʂtukstsʰat-po s/he car-g-ine hit-cnj die s/he-gen destiny-def dja-o jot-pa-jaa that.xct-def ex-inf-hes S/he died in a car accident; it was her destiny, I guess. Another common use of -jaa is shown in (1481). Here, it occurs after a question rephrasing what the addressee does not appear to know, and signals that the speaker is thinking about how to best answer that question. (1481) tsʰums-pa nam zer-tʃ-in-jaa make.sense-inf when say-inf2-eq-hes I am going to tell you when we say tsʰumspa …

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

721

Examples (1482) and (1483) show that -jaa may not only be suffixed to finite verbal forms but also to an adverbially modifying infinitive, as in (1482), or an adjective followed by -aŋ ‘too’, as in (1483). (1482)

skjetsʰuks-na jot-de kʰo-e, rgjab-na ma tʃ ʰa-a-ja birth-abl ex-pd s/he-gen after-abl neg go-inf-hes He’s had that since his birth; that is, it didn’t develop later.

(1483) kʰo-raŋ-na

ran-kʰan-tʃik, ma rgjalb-eg-aŋ-jaa s/he-self-comit agree-nlzr-indef very good-indef-add-hes Someone (you) get along with, well, someone good, if you will.

Examples (1484) and (1485) once more illustrate the relation between the suffixal -jaa and the particle jaa. In (1484), the contrastive form of the particle, jaa-na, expresses in real time that the speaker is thinking about what to say next. In (1485), the suffix -jaa indicates that the information conveyed in the preceding phrase is the tentative product of the speaker’s thoughts. (1484)

zu(g)-a laqpa taŋ-se zug-a skor like.this-dat hand give-cnj like.this-dat turn-dat zug-a jaa-na pʰiŋ-ma like.this-dat hes-cntr take.out-inf Putting (your) hands like this, open (them) up like this, in order to take (the flour) out, if you will. (1485) pʰiŋ-et,

zuk ba-se zug-a pʰiŋ-ma-jaa take.out-crt like.this do-cnj like.this-dat take.out-inf-add (I’m) taking it out, going like this, in order to take it out like this, if you will. In addition, jaa occurs in a number of interjections, either as a particle or as a suffix. Example (1486) shows that jaa alone may in particular contexts mean ‘yes’; this affirmative notion appears to be present also in jaa-ja ‘whatever you say!’, oo-ja ‘yes! Very nice!’, and oaths such as maʒit-jaa ‘I swear by the mosque!’ and quran-jaa ‘I swear by the Quran!’.117 The expression jaa-ʒu ~ jaa-ʒya is used in a number of contexts as a backchannel comment meaning ‘you’re

117  Note that these religious words may also be used as intensifiers, e.g., in maʒit soŋmin ‘I swear to the mosque that (I) went (there)!’, quran soŋmin ‘I swear to the Quran that

722

Chapter 4

­ elcome’, ‘goodbye’, ‘ok’, or ‘here you go’. In (1487), it follows the question ga-r w tʃʰ-et ‘where are you going?’, which is used as a greeting comparable to English how are you doing? Hence, this instance of jaa-ʒya appears to signal that the speaker appreciates the addressee’s question, even if he will not respond with a meaningful answer. (1486)

kʰo-s kʰint-i bomo dj-u-tsoʁz-la halpa-a s/he-erg you.pl-gen girl this-def-same-dat middle.man-dat joŋ-s-p-in mana ja de las-po tʰal-e met, come-pst-inf-eq very hes that work-def pass-cnj n:ex.f jaŋ tʃig-a jaa zer-set, tʰal-e met, las-po zer-e again one-dat yes say-res pass-cnj n:ex.f work-def say-cnj in, jaŋ tʃi(g)-a sjaʁa zer-set eq again one-dat vow say-res He came as a middleman in order (to ask) for your daughter, (so you say) ‘it seems you’re too late! She’s already said yes to someone else. (You’re) too late, for that job, that is. She’s already spoken her vows of engagement to someone else.’ (1487) jaa-ʒya, dja tsʰaqpa tʃʰ-et hes-pol that.xct until go-crt Thanks (for asking), this is about as far as I’m going.

4.5.14 Vocative ʒu, le, wa, la, ka, no, bu There are a number of particles that may either occur sentence-initially or be cliticized to the end of a sentence to either address someone or merely express politeness. In all of them, the vowel may be elongated. Which form is used depends on the addressee. Thus, la is directed at women or girls, ka at elder males, no at younger males, and bu at children. Typical for the dialect of Purik (as well as Balti) is ʒu, which expresses politeness towards any addressee.118 Somewhat (I) went (there)!’, and, with the common, altered form of the word meaning ‘God’, avoiding the real word, walla soŋmin ‘I swear to God that (I) went (there)’. 118  Bielmeier (1985:100) also describes how ʒu is often used by storytellers at the end of a sentence and is then repeated by the entire audience. (“Das am Satzende an das Publikum gerichtete ʒu wird vom Publikum häufig zustimmend wiederholt…. Alle diese Äusserungen aus dem Publikum dienen der Zustimmung dem Erzähler gegenüber und der Ermutigung des Erzählers, in seiner Erzählung fortzufahren.”) This use is also attested in Purik, for instance by Herrmann (1991), whose main storyteller (from Chiktan) reminded his audience to say ʒu from time to time.

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

723

less often, Purikpas also use le, a particle that is more characteristic of Ladakhi, in these same contexts.119 Finally, perhaps the most frequently used addressing particle is wa, the sole function of which is to address someone; and since it lacks the connotation of politeness, it tends to be perceived as rude in those contexts in which politeness requires the use of one of the other particles. In the contexts illustrated below, however, this rudeness tends to give way to notions like insistence or urgency. Examples (1488) and (1489) illustrate the insistent sentence-final -wa, as do (1490) and (1491). The idiomatic status of tʃug-wa ‘pull yourself together!’ in the latter two examples is indicated by (1492), where the speaker quotes himself as telling someone else to calm down. The sentence-initial use of wa is illustrated in (1493). Frequently, wa occurs both at the beginning and at the end of the sentence, as shown in (1494) and (1495). Especially in sentence-final position, one also hears the variant -ou instead of -wa, as exemplified in (1496). The construction used to call out to others is illustrated in (1497). The caller shouts wa before the name of the addressee, then repeats the name and adds -ou, repeating this pattern if the addressee does not respond. (1488) dja-tsug-a

kʰjer-es kralbu ʂtub-na that.xct-like-dat you-erg stick chop-cnd kʰjeraŋ mi mana met-sug-waa you man very neg:ex-infr-hey If you chopped a stick for no reason, you weren’t (acting like) a man! (1489) dj-u-wa broŋ-en ma dug-aŋ-waa, sɲat this-def-dat provoke-sim neg stay-add-hey inflammation tʃʰa-a-t go-inf-fct Stop irritating it (a splinter in the finger), lest it become inflamed. (1490) tʃug-wa,



(1491)

rdemo-a duk put.in-hey nice-dat stay Pull yourself together! Behave!

A:

joŋ ŋataŋ tʃʰuskor-la tʃʰa-a come we:pi Chuskor-dat go-inf Come on, let’s go to Chuskor!

119  Bielmeier (1985:100) also documents le for Balti.

724

Chapter 4

B: tʃug-wa, de-ka soŋ-se tʃi b-et put.in-hey that-loc went-cnj what do-crt Snap out of it! What are we going to do there? (1492) ŋa-s

kʰo-a tʃug-wa zer-s I-erg s/he-dat put.in-hey say-pst I told him to pull himself together. (1493) wa, ga-r



tʃʰ-et hey which-term go-crt Hey, where are you going?

(1494) wa ʃarba joŋ

zer-wa dams-e ŋat-es di-ka hey people come say-hey gather-cnj we:pi-erg this-loc tʃʰures taŋ-et water.turn give-crt Hey, tell the people to come! Together we will check the irrigation system. (1495)



wa kʰjaŋ sna-a ba-se doŋ-waa hey you front-dat do-cnj go:ADH-hey Hey you, let’s be careful (while moving)!

(1496) ʒargat ba-a



rzun-i-ka rduŋ ma rduŋ-oo joking do lie-g-loc beat neg beat-hey Don’t hit (people) just for fun!

(1497) waa



madi, madi-ou hey Mehdi Mehdi-hey Mehdi! Mehdi!

Two examples of the polite sentence-final ʒu(u) are given in (1498) and (1499); the sentence-initial use is shown in (1500) and (1501). Note that this particle is also contained in o-ʒu ‘thank you’ and jaa-ʒu or jaa-ʒya, which may be translated as ‘you’re welcome’ or ‘ok’ (cf. above). In (1502), it is used before ʈuʈu, which literally means ‘throat’ but is a polite way to address a loved one (especially when that loved one is doing one a favor). An example of -le is given in (1503), and one of -la in (1504), in which it follows an imperative directed at a

Sentences – Other Clause-Final Morphemes

725

woman. In contrast to -la, the -ka that is used for elder males, as in (1505), can be etymologized – it is likely related to the word kaka ‘elder brother’ that may be used in the same contexts, often with a lengthened final vowel, as in (1506). Accordingly, no, which is used to address younger males, must be related to nono ‘younger brother’. Examples (1507) and (1508) illustrate that no may be used during the act of giving, typically from an elder speaker to a younger addressee. However, no is also attested as an exclamation made by a cricket player when he hits the ball, and it would also be used when punching someone else. Example (1509) illustrates the sentence-final use of -bu in addressing a child. (1498) A: dj-u nam soŋ this-def when went When did this happen?

B: dj-u mana skjetsʰuks-na jot-sug-ʒu this-def very birth-abl ex-infr-pol I’ve had this from birth on. (1499) di-r

sal-ʒu, tʃʰoskat in this-term give(h)-pol religion.language eq Give it here, please! That’s religious talk. (1500)

ʒu ŋa tsʰoŋ-a tʃʰ-et pol I trade-dat go-crt I’m going to do some trading.

(1501)

ʒuu, tʃa ɲis kʰjoŋ hei pol tea two bring ok Please bring us two cups of tea, ok?

(1502) oʒu



(1503)



ʈuʈu, ŋa-a kuʃu-ik toŋ thank.you throat I-dat apple-indef give\imp Oh yes, please, honey, give me an apple!

ŋa tʃʰ-ed-le I go-crt-pol I’m leaving (and I hope you will excuse me).

726

Chapter 4

(1504) kʰoŋ-i sɲiŋ kas sɲiŋ ka-s-pa demana they-gen heart break-pst heart break-pst-inf then loŋs-la loŋs-la ŋj-i pʰono-un joŋ-s get.up\imp-hey get.up\imp-hey I-gen brother-pl come-pst kʰjeraŋ zer-e-na you say-cnj-cnd Their hearts broke (i.e. they were very disappointed, because the lɖuru didn’t boil by itself), yes, their hearts broke. So (he) said (to his wife) ‘get up! Get up! My brothers have come, you!’ (1505) wa ka



marius hey brother Marius Hey, brother Marius!

(1506) kakaa,



tʃa ɲis kʰjoŋ hei di-ka brother tea two bring ok this-loc Hey! (Brother!) Bring us two cups of tea here, ok?

(1507) ŋa-s

tsaam-ts-ik bri-s, kʰo-a I-erg how.much\emph-lim-indef comfort-pst s/he-dat tsaam-ts-ik ɬtu-s, ŋa mana how.much\emph-lim-indef calm.down-pst I very no, kʰjer-es brit-e ɲid joŋ-tʃuk here.you.go you-erg calm.down-cnj sleep come-caus How I comforted her (a baby), how I tried to calm her down! Here you go! You try to calm her down and lull her to sleep!

(1508) kʰjer-es dj-u

saʁ-a kral-e toŋ no you-erg this-def all-dat distribute-cnj give\imp here.you.go Distribute this to everybody, here you go!

(1509) ŋj-i

ʃite-a joŋ-et-a-bu I-gen side-dat come-crt-q-child Are you coming to me, child?

Chapter 5

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences The present chapter deals with the different ways in which sentences may be modified, intensified, and dramatized. Section 5.1 discusses the primary adverbs of Purik, and briefly mentions a few ways in which other parts of speech may be used to modify a sentence. Section 5.2 discusses the omnipresent intensifier mana ‘very’. And the topic of 5.3 are the dramatizers, a distinct word class of Purik that serves to dramatize the account of an event. A synchronic description of the properties of these mostly monosyllabic and always accentuated words is supplemented by an investigation of their origins. In 5.4, the dramatizer-like tʃoq is shown to indicate the immediate succession of two events. 5.1 Adverbs There are only about half a dozen adverbs that modify the entire sentence in their absolutive form, and almost all of them relate to the present in its different dimensions (i.e. ‘now’, ‘today’, and ‘this year’), a few only to the recent past or near future, cf. dare ‘now’, daχsan ‘now’ (examples (15)–(17) in 3.5.1.1 illustrate the figurative use of daχsan before the emphatic -na), diriŋ ‘today’, askje ‘tomorrow’, ditʃik ‘this year’, and naniŋ ‘last year’.1 Adverbials of the type exemplified by ʒaʁ-ba-ʒaq ‘day by day’ and lo-ba-lo ‘year by year’ (cf. 3.1.3.3) also stand in the absolutive when they indicate continuity. Some temporal adverbs may be used either in the absolutive or the dative (without any perceivable difference between the two forms), cf. bjazer(-la) ‘next year’ and deʒaʁʃik (*de-zhags-cig) ~ deʒaʁ-a ‘the other day’, while gunde-a ‘yesterday’ appears to have become fossilized in the dative case (that is, it is not attested in any other form). Most other temporal adverbs are normally used in their dative case, cf. naŋs-la ‘the day after tomorrow’, rdʒes-la ‘the day after the day after tomorrow’, or kʰartsanʒaʁ-a ‘the day before yesterday, the other day’, etc. The only other 1  Note that these adverbs can also be used as nouns, cf. the definite diriŋ-po ‘finishing today’. or diriŋ askje-n-la ‘these days (lit. the todays and tomorrows)’ in 3.2.1 and 3.2.2, respectively, or the genitives dare-si ‘of now’ or naniŋ-si ‘of last year’ (discussed in 3.4.6).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi 10.1163/9789004366312_006

728

Chapter 5

adverbs that normally occur in the absolutive are the manner adverbs gjoχspa ‘quick(ly)’ and ʃoχsmo ‘fast’. Their antonym kule-a ‘slowly’, however, appears to also have become fossilized in the dative case. Two final examples of absolutive adverbials are the extremely common rgjala ba-se ‘(doing) nicely, well’ and the not quite as frequently used rdemo ba-se ‘nicely’, that is, conjunctive participles (cf. 4.2.1) of ba ‘do’ and their adjectival complements. The other ways in which a predicate can be modified have been dealt with elsewhere in this book. Most importantly, section 3.4 discusses the different case forms of nouns, relator nouns, adjectives, or demonstratives that lend themselves for an adverbial use, as for instance the ergative di-s ‘this way’ or tʰama-s ‘along the edge’ (discussed in 3.4.3), the datives tʃi pʰi-a ‘for what reason’, dun-la ‘in front of’, tsʰante-a ‘when it is hot’, or dja-tsug-a ‘just like that’ (3.4.4), the terminatives ga-r ‘where’ or joq-tuk ‘down, below’ (3.4.5), the locative ʃoχsmo-e-ka ‘in a hurry’ (3.4.7), the inessive ʂts-e-aŋ ‘below’ (3.4.8), or the multifunctional -na (cf. 3.4.9) in de-tsa-na ‘at that time’, de-ka-na ‘from then on’, and miŋ-na ‘on purpose’, etc. 5.2

The Intensifier mana

The glossing of the intensifier mana as ‘very’ throughout this book reflects a simplification in several respects. First, it is evidently a variant of má(a) that is emphasized by means of the emphatic -na discussed in 3.5.1.1, hence má-na. The fact that má(a) is only heard in the speech of older speakers of Purik, however, suggests that mana has become fully lexicalized in this form.2 Second, even though the accent has clearly remained on the first syllable, it has not been marked for practical reasons. And third and most importantly, it will be shown below that ‘very’ is an adequate translation of only a few of its functions. In negated sentences, for example, it should instead be translated as ‘ever’, and whenever it occurs before something other than an adjective in affirmative 2  The variant without -na is attested in both Ladakhi and Balti. According to Koshal (1979:152), “Ladakhi has an intensifier particle mə- which is added only before the qualitative adjectives and gives an intensifying meaning.” For Balti, Read (1934:107) documents mā ‘very’, where ā means a mid long vowel. In addition, Balti mala (with the first-syllable accent indicated only by Bielmeier) is described as possessing functions that correspond to those of the Purik intensifier mana (but not those in which it is translated as ‘like’, see below in this section), cf. mala-med ‘never’ (Read 1934:101), mala ‘ever’ (Sprigg 1966:187), and mála ‘jemals’ (Bielmeier 1985:194).

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

729

contexts, its function closely resembles that of like in American English. That is, mana has come to be used as a filler which may create some suspense merely by delaying the punchline (i.e. the constituent following it). In examples (1)–(7), mana occurs before an adjective and may straightforwardly be translated as ‘very’. (1)

dare-si zan-p-e-aŋ masala mana maŋmo jot-suk, now-gen food-def-g-ine masala very a.lot ex-infr do-o-s ɲid joŋ-en-duk that-def-erg sleep come-sim-ex.t In this meal, there was a lot of masala; because of that, (we are) feeling sleepy.

(2)

kʰatʃul-pa-n-i ʂu-u mana tʃoŋtʃoŋ joŋ-ma-t Kashmir-assoc-pl-gen nose-def very protruding come-inf-fct Kashmiris have a very protruding nose.

(3)

kʰw-e mik-po mana ʃaŋpo duk s/he-gen eye-def very clever ex.t He is very alert (attentive). (lit. His eye is very clever.)

(4)

ŋa mana χamʈʰiŋʈʰiŋ soŋ de zan-po za-a-na, I very bitter went that food-def eat-inf-cnd mana χanʈe jot-suk very bitter ex-infr I was very strongly affected by the bitter taste of that food; it was very bitter!

(5)

are pʰʂu-u mana tsarapat-tʃan-tʃi duk, jaa tsarapat-tʃi that child-def very fidgety-full-indef ex.t hes fidgety-indef duk, mi-zot-kʰan-tʃi duk ex.t neg-keep.still-nlzr-indef ex.t That child is very fidgety, one who cannot sit still.

(6)

kʰw-e rgobzo mana rdemw-ek duk s/he-gen body.shape very nice-indef ex.t Her physique is very beautiful!

730

Chapter 5

(7)

kʰjaŋ mana tʰik-met-tʃi dug-waa, you very measure-neg-indef ex.t-hey tsaam-ts-ik bato-ek taŋ-se in ŋ-ji how.much\emph-lim-indef rice-indef give-cnj eq I-gen tʰal-i-ka plate-g-loc You are very lavish! (Look) how much rice you put into my plate!

(8)

de bomo mana ldʒoχ-ʃan-tʃi duk-pa mana that girl very embellishment-full-indef ex-foc very That woman looks as though she spends a lot of time in front of the mirror, really.

Example (8) above shows that mana may be repeated at the end of a sentence in order to express additional emphasis. The notions expressed by the pre-adjectival and the sentence-final mana are nearly identical. In (9), a sentence containing an adjective intensified by mana is followed by walla and a repeated copula. That the pre-adjectival mana may have scope over the entire sentence is suggested by (10), where a sentence containing mana before an adjective is repeated with an additional adverbial. In (11), the conjunctive -(s)e participle falls under the scope of mana. And the translation of (12) indicates that mana has the same intensifying effect when it occurs directly before a verb. Consider also (13), where mana precedes the interjection jalla ‘oh my God!’. More examples of mana occurring before affirmative and negated verbs are listed and discussed below. (9)

mana tsʰatsʰa duk, walla duk very important ex.t by.God ex.t It’s very important, by God it is!

(10)

kʰo mana ʃukʃuk duk, mana las gaŋm-e-aŋ ʃukʃug jot s/he very active ex.t very work all-g-ine active ex.f S/he’s very active; in like everything s/he does, s/he is very active.

(11)

di glas-po mana tseltsel-tʃi-a ʒaχ-s(e) duk, this glass-def very likely.to.tip.over-indef-dat put-(cnj) ex.t but-e tʃʰ-ok-hii fall-cnj go-pot-wnd This glass is very unsteady, don’t you think it’ll tip over?

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

731

(12)

ri-a tʃʰa-tsa-na mana kʰjaχs, daχsan-na madi-s mountain-dat go-lim-cnd very be.cold now-cntr Mehdi-erg koʈ-tʃik gon-e jot-suk, de koʈ-po gon-e coat-indef wear-cnj ex-infr that coat-def wear-cnj jot-tʃa-o ʈʰik soŋ ex-inf2-def good went When (we) went to the mountains, (I) felt very cold. But luckily, Mehdi was wearing a coat! Because (I was able to) wear (his) coat, it was all right.

(13)

marius taa tʃi(g) duk, mana jalla Marius irr indef ex.t very yalla (ʂtsoqpo jot zer-e in) (bad ex.f say-cnj eq) Marius is quite someone, I swear to God! (He’s mischievous, that means.)

In (14)–(17), mana occurs before nouns that are characterized by a gradable property. Hence, the translation as ‘very (much)’ still works. That mana occurs at the end of the negated question in (16), even if it primarily modifies the noun muks ‘muggy weather’, reflects the fact that mana is odd at the beginning of a sentence. (14)

diriŋ ʃa-o mana tʃaʁrdo tsoχs duk today meat-def very brimstone same ex.t Today, the meat is very much like a brimstone (i.e. very tender).

(15)

kʰjaŋ mana rdoŋldaχs dug-waa, kʰo-e tʃ ʰan-po-a you very face.licker ex.t-hey s/he-gen side-def-dat ɬeb-a-na kʰje-s tʃaŋ ma zer-s arrive-inf-cnd you-erg anything neg say-pst You’re a real bootlicker! As soon as (we) had arrived next to him, you didn’t say anything (even though you were planning to tell him your opinion).

(16)

mukʃ-i mi-ndug-a diriŋ mana muggy.weather-gen neg-ex.t-q today very Isn’t the weather very muggy today?

732 (17)

Chapter 5

ode ɬʈap-po mana mi-ʃe(s)-rzun-i-ka jot-suk that.vry slope-def very neg-know-lie-g-loc ex-infr One could not tell at all how steep that slope (beside the road) was.

In (18)–(26), the part of speech following mana is not gradable, and accordingly, mana cannot be translated as ‘very’. Instead, mana in these examples appears to take scope over the entire remaining clause. By delaying the continuation of the clause, it has a slight dramatizing effect, and is generally translated as ‘like’ (or not at all). (18)

A: dj-u nam soŋ this-def when went When did this (a mark on one’s body) happen? B: dj-u

mana skjetsʰuks-na jot-sug-ʒu this-def very birth-abl ex-infr-pol This was already there like when I was born.

(19)

kʰo ma soŋ zer-b-i tsʰir-na-ŋ kʰo soŋ, s/he neg go\imp say-inf-gen row-abl-add s/he went kʰo mana an ba-se soŋ s/he very force do-cnj went Despite (our) telling him not to go, he went; he like had to go!

(20)

dj-u zos-e mana lokʰor-tʃi soŋ this-def ate-cnj very one.year-indef went It’s been like a year since I’ve eaten this!

(21)

kʰo na kʰo mana gotʃʰaqkale soŋ gundea s/he and s/he very fight went yesterday They really got into a fight yesterday!

(22)

ŋatʃ-i pʰru-n mana tʰarantʰore-n-la tʃ ʰa-a-t we.pe-gen child-pl very here.and.there-pl-dat go-inf-fct Our children go like anywhere (roaming around)!

(23)

kʰoŋ-is mana qasum taŋ-en tʃ ʰ-et-suk they-erg very different give-sim go-ex-infr They were always giving like all kinds of things (the tourists, when I was young).

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

733

(24)

mi maŋmo mana rup-se joŋ-ma-na ŋa haŋgol man a.lot very swarm-cnj come-inf-cnd I deaf tʃʰa-tʃuk-s, spera mi go-kʰan, mi saʁ-is mana kri go-caus-pst word neg hear-nlzr man all-erg very yelling ba-se do-cnj With everybody like swarming in on me, I went deaf, didn’t hear anything, because everybody was like yelling.

(25)

kʰo-s mana ŋa-a semba ba-se sikreʈ gaŋma tʰuŋ-s s/he-erg very I-dat envy do-cnj cigarette all drink-pst He was like so greedy that he smoked all the cigarettes.

(26)

kʰo-s e-u mana ʃalaʈuʈut taŋ-en-tʃik s/he-erg that-def very dragging give-sim-indef kʰjer-en-jot-suk take.away-sim-ex-infr He was like dragging the other one on the floor!

Examples (27)–(32) show that in negated declarative clauses, mana is better interpreted as ‘at all’ or ‘ever’. There are two exceptions to this rule. In (33), the double negation blocks the straightforward intensifying analysis, and in (34), mana would only prompt an intensifying reading if it stood immediately before the negated infinitive (i.e. mana ma ʃes-pa-na ‘since (he) doesn’t know … at all’). Example (30), on the other hand, illustrates that mana meaning ‘ever’ is typically added only at the end of a question. (27)

ʈaŋrdi kʰo-raŋ ma tʰop, mana kʰo-e-aŋ-nuk living.soul s/he-self neg find very s/he-g-ine-term mana ʈaŋrdi kʰo-raŋ mi-nduk very soul s/he-self neg-ex.t (We) didn’t find a living soul there! There’s like nothing at all there, really (in Chiktan)!

(28)

kargilo-pa-n-is rzon kʰo-raŋ mana taŋ-tʃa-men Kargilo-assoc-pl-erg lie s/he-self very give-inf2-neg:eq The people from Kargil would never actually lie (although they might tell jokes or not say the whole truth, etc.).

734

Chapter 5

(29)

kʰo mana duk-tʃa-o kʰo-raŋ men s/he very stay-inf2-def s/he-self neg:eq S/he never actually stays (over night).

(30)

kʰjeraŋ-a papa baχ-se you-dat flour.dish taste-cnj Have you ever tried papa or not?

(31)

ʁalat mana tʃʰa-tʃa-men wrong very go-inf2-neg:eq (This) will never be wrong!

(32)

ŋa-s (kʰir-i) ɖwaʁlen ldzoχ-se men-e I-erg (you-gen) take.stick return-cnj neg:eq-cnj mana duk-tʃa-men very stay-inf2-neg:eq I won’t rest until I’ve payed you back (i.e. taken revenge on you).

(33)

mana aam tʃik ɲiʃ-ʃi men-e met-suk very mango one two-indef neg:eq-cnj neg:ex-infr There was nothing except like one or two mangos.

(34)

kʰo-a mana dug-zo laŋ-zo ma s/he-dat very stay-shape rise-shape neg ʃes-pa-na dja-o skud in know-inf-cnd that.xct-def lesson eq Since he doesn’t know how to behave at all, that will be a good lesson (lit. ointment) for him!

in-a-men mana eq-q-neg:eq very

Note that mana in (31) is strongly accented and thus pronounced with a high pitch and a dramatic voice quality that is discussed in 7.5. This dramatizing prosody conveying additional emphasis is also possible in (28), (29), and (32), where mana means ‘ever’, as well as in some of the constructions in which mana occurs before an adjective, such as those in (1)–(3) above.

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

735

5.3 Dramatizers 5.3.1 Introduction This section focuses on a class of words that serve to dramatize specific events or facets of events, as exemplified in sentences (35)–(37).3 The dramatizers used in these examples, kwaq, lɖum, and ʈoq, only occur immediately before predicates which have the semantic component they are suited to dramatize. (35)

kwaq loŋs drm get.up\imp Get up (at once)!

(36)

nam-po lɖum kʰor-suk sky-def drm be.cloudy-infr The sky was cloudy (all of a sudden).

(37)

ʈoq tʃʰes drm trust (I) trusted (her/him) (just like that).

Similar systems of dramatizers have been described for the neighboring and closely related Tibetan dialect of Ladakh (see Zeisler 2008), the less closely related dialects of Yohlmo (Hari and Lama 2004), spoken in the north of Kathmandu, and Jirel (Strahm and Maibaum 2005), spoken in eastern Nepal, as well as the Kiranti language Sunwar (Schulze 1987), also spoken in eastern Nepal. This distribution suggests that dramatizers are not only a common

3  In my presentation at the 17th Himalayan Languages Symposium in Kobe (2011), I still called these words intensifiers, a term that was coined by Schulze (1987:63) for Sunwar and later applied to the Tibetan dialects of Yohlmo by Hari and Lama (2004:762) and Jirel by Strahm and Maibaum (2005:815). The present section will make clear why dramatizer is better suited to characterize the primary function of the word class in the Purik dialect. I derived this term from the “special dramaturgic function” Voeltz and Kilian-Hatz (2001:3) attribute to ideophones. Given that the Purik dramatizers are generally devoid of independent semantics, their contribution to the meaning of a sentence is generally indicated in parentheses by ‘with verve’ in the case of actions and by ‘at once’ in the case of uncontrolled events and processes. Note that the synchronic analysis in 5.3.3 closely follows that presented in Zemp (2012), whereas the diachronic accounts given in 5.3.4 heavily draw on Zemp (2016).

736

Chapter 5

grammatical phenomenon in Tibetan dialects, but may be an areal feature of the languages spoken in the Himalayas.4 However, dramatizers received little attention from the academic community and are often not recognized in grammatical descriptions. This shortcoming is obvious in the case of Purik, where none of the earlier descriptions (i.e. Bailey 1920, Rangan 1979, Sharma 2004, and Purig 2007) contain hints as to their existence, as well as in the case of Sunwar, where Borchers’ (2008) comprehensive grammar likewise ignores them, even though they had previously been described by Schulze (1987). The structure of this section is thus as follows. After a short subsection in which dramatizers are embedded in the current research on ideophones (5.3.2), the synchronic properties of the Purik dramatizers are described in 5.3.3, which includes a subsection on phonology and prosody (5.3.3.1), and one on morphology and syntax (5.3.3.2). In 5.3.3.3, I argue that we may distinguish between prototypical and less prototypical dramatizers. The former are compatible only with verbs that share a certain semantic denominator, and at the same time, they make no semantic contribution to the predicate they dramatize. By contrast, the latter make a significant semantic contribution to the verbs with which they occur; this is most evident when they occur with light verbs such as ba ‘do, make a sound, produce a sensation’ and taŋ ‘give, put, do’. In 5.3.3.4, we will look at a few dramatizers that are used both in contexts in which they are restricted to their dramatizing function and in contexts in which they make a significant semantic contribution to the predicate with which they collocate. Section 5.3.3.5 discusses a few Purik compounds which contain dramatizers. The relation between the different components of these compounds may differ from that which holds between the dramatizers and their context in modern Purik. This leads to section 5.3.4, which discusses the diachronic evolution of the Purik dramatizers. 5.3.2 Ideophones Dramatizers may be viewed as a subcategory of what has been termed ideophones in current research. The International Symposium on Ideophones held in January 1999 in St. Augustin, Germany, took the definition of Doke 4  Expressives in a more general sense are certainly a striking feature of an even larger area, see for instance Diffloth (1976, 2001) and Sidwell (2014) for an overview of what has been documented for Austroasiatic languages. Note Sidwell’s conclusion that “there is a widespread under-appreciation, even a reluctance, stretching back at least four decades, to even recognize expressives as part of the grammar” (2014:33).

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

737

(1935:118) – even though it does not offer any criteria of defining ideophones as such, as Voeltz and Kilian-Hatz (2001:2) note – as its basis, according to which an ideophone is “a vivid representation of an idea in sound. A word, often onomatopoeic, which describes a predicate, qualificative or adverb in respect to manner, color, sound, smell, action, state or intensity.” Doke’s definition visualizes the elusive nature of the category of ideophones in a single language as well as cross-linguistically. Nevertheless, the functional and formal parallels that were agreed upon in all contributions to the volume that came out of the symposium “allow the conclusion that one spoke about the same or similar word class” (Voeltz and Kilian-Hatz 2001:3). Since the dramatizers of Purik all share a number of characteristic properties that clearly distinguish them from the bulk of the world’s ideophones, I will restrict myself to adducing in footnotes these differences as well as the most striking parallels found in the contributions to that volume. 5.3.3 Synchronic Properties of the Purik Dramatizers As illustrated by the three examples in the introduction, dramatizers by definition dramatize the event denoted by the verb they immediately precede. Before investigating this pragmatic function more closely in 5.3.3.3, I will formally describe the word class in question in a section on its phonology and prosody (5.3.3.1) and in another on its morphology and syntax (5.3.3.2). This latter section will include discussions of those functional aspects that are linked to a morphological alternation. In 5.3.3.4, we will deal with dramatizers that are used both in contexts in which they are restricted to their pragmatic dramatizing function and in contexts in which they considerably contribute to the semantics of an utterance. This discussion is hoped to shed light on the processes that may be involved in the evolution of dramatizers. And in 5.3.3.5, we will look at a few compounds that contain synchronically used dramatizers, hoping that their investigation reveals which relations originally held between the two components. 5.3.3.1 Phonology and Prosody Almost all Purik dramatizers are monosyllabic. (A handful of disyllabic ones are discussed below in this section.) In their position immediately before the verbs they dramatize, they receive the highest pitch in the clause, often along with increased intensity and/or duration. Typically, the extra-high pitch is reached shortly after the beginning of the vowel and may then slightly drop – depending on the sonority of the syllable coda – towards the verb, which is always pronounced at a low pitch level. The elongation of the consonantal

738

Chapter 5

onset may delay the attainment of the high pitch and thereby give the impression of a short pause. A similar effect may arise when intensity is substituted by an ostensibly dramatic voice quality. Some of the phonological peculiarities of dramatizers, especially their violations of the phonotactic constraints with which all other words comply, are clearly related to their strong accentuation.5 The dramatizer ʃrr, as used in (50) and (51), is the only word in Purik that contains a syllabic r; syllabic consonants are otherwise alien to Purik phonology. Similarly, it is only in dramatizers that a final liquid is often considerably elongated, as in sul (used with but ‘fall down’), rwar (tʃʰarpa joŋ ‘rain’, rdip ‘collapse’), skir (loχse joŋ ‘come back’), and tir (zar ‘leak’). Thus, the accentuation certainly exploits sonorous consonants as carriers of either higher pitch, increased intensity, or dramatic voice quality. Further, the diphthong -wa- is a common component of dramatizers, and after certain initial consonants and consonant clusters, -wa- is only found in dramatizers, as in zwal (jas ‘blossom’), zgwaq (taŋ ‘hit (hard)’), χwar or ʃrwaq (tral ‘slit’), lɖwat (but ‘fall down’), and rwaŋ (loq, gjel ‘fall down (of sth. long)’). It is not clear whether this -wa- arose from an old -o- under the influence of the consistent accentuation, or whether the dramatizers preserve an old -wa- that was changed in other environments, see 5.3.4.2. Likewise, it is not clear whether the relative frequency of retroflex consonants in dramatizers has anything to do with their strong accentuation. Lastly, the initial consonant clusters found in sqop (‘patter’), tʰre (bo ‘be spilled, fall (e.g. apricots)’), and krik (kʰil ‘be curled, bent’), and the unique combination of a uvular consonant and a front vowel in qit (ba (neg.) ‘have power’), are nowhere found outside of dramatizers and onomatopoeia. That dramatizers exhibit such phonological peculiarities appears due to two reasons. First, many dramatizers reflect fossilized verb forms that ceased to exist in other environments. Second, mainly with the light verb ba in the meaning ‘make a sound’, some of the mentioned clusters were introduced into the language in order to reproduce the sound of an event. 5.3.3.2 Morphology and Syntax Dramatizers are morphologically very simple.6 One exception are those dramatizers that have two variants distinguished by voice or aspiration. This 5  According to Voeltz and Kilian-Hatz (2001:2), ideophones typically have “a particular often special phonology”, and according to Childs (1994:182), they “typically violate the segmental and prosodic constraints of the matrix language”. 6  Cf. Kilian-Hatz (2001:156): “Ideophones are simplexes, i.e. they are not marked for person, tense and mood like verbs, and they are not marked for case, gender and number like nouns.

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

739

distinction closely resembles phonetically and semantically that between different verb stems, such as active ʂtip ‘collapse’ vs. passive rdip ‘collapse’, and tʃ ʰat ‘be cut’ vs. tʃat ‘cut’. In fact, since many dramatizers derive from verbs (see 5.3.4.1), the voice and aspiration distinction of dramatizers clearly originates from the corresponding distinctions of the verb. As a consequence, the voiced and aspirated variants in (38) and (40) tend to collocate with the noncontrollable verb while the voiceless and unaspirated variants in (39) and (40) accompany the controllable verb. (38)

lɖwat but-e joŋ-s drm fall-cnj come-pst It fell down (at once).

(39)

ɬʈwat pʰut-e toŋ drm throw.down-cnj give\imp Throw it away (with verve)!

(40)

di rdwa-o ʈaq tʃaχ-s-p-in, dekana this stone-def drm break(tr.)-pst-inf-eq and.then ʈʰaq tʃʰaχ-se soŋ drm break(intr.)-cnj went (She) broke this stone (with verve), thus (it) broke (at once).

However, some alternating pairs of dramatizers suggest that this feature secondarily spread within the word class of dramatizers. For instance, the pairs of ɬɖet (sa-a duk ‘sit down (on the ground)’) and ɬʈet (s-e-ka ʒaq ‘set, put down(on the ground)’) and ldep/ɬtep gul(-tʃuk) ‘(cause to) shake (at once)’ are likely to have been created in analogy to other pairs of dramatizers (and verbs). In the context of (41), on the other hand, the voiced variant lɖap implies the perpetuation of an event and its unvoiced counterpart ɬʈap the event’sinitiation. (41)

lɖap/ɬʈap tʰoms drm hold Hold on (to this)/Get a hold (of this)!

The lack of tense makes sense insofar as the ideophonic event happens simultaneously in the moment when it is uttered; ideophones are generally therefore per se actual.” Childs (1994:185) writes that “ideophones display very little morphology.”

740

Chapter 5

In a similar fashion, the dramatizer sqop may be derived from qop. While qop is found dramatizing an event such as the dropping of masses of petals, sqop is used with masses of more compact and heavier things such as rice and the pellets of sheep and goats. Hence, the variant resembling the causative verb appears to imply more action than that resembling its neutral counterpart.7 Another morphological alteration dramatizers may undergo is reduplication, which signifies repetition and often also plurality of participants involved in an event, as illustrated in (42) and (43).8 (42)

tʃuli-u ʈʰam ʈʰam spruk apricot-def drm drm shake Shake the apricot tree (well) again and again!

(43)

ŋa-s kʰ-i so-un soq soq taŋ-nug-hii I-erg you-gen tooth-pl drm drm give-pot-wnd I might just knock out your teeth one by one (just like that)!

The Purik dramatizers may also be modified by -tʃi(k), which like the indefinite article derives from the numeral ‘one’ and indicates a limited amount of time (see 3.2.3), as illustrated in (44) and (45). More accurately, it delimits the duration of the action expressed by the predicate (often in the imperative mood) to a degree implied by the context. (44)

kwaq-tʃi loŋs drm-indef get.up\imp Get up (for a moment)! (e.g. when the addressee is thought to be sitting on sth.)

(45)

χar-tʃi brob-aŋ-gii drm-indef scratch\imp-add-dmnd Please scratch (my back quickly, until it doesn’t itch any more)!

7  Schulze (1987:72) describes a similar system for the Sunwar “intensifiers”, as visible in kor ´hiltsa ‘to grind quickly (a small quantity)’ vs. gor ´hiltsa ‘to grind quickly (a large quantity)’. Gregerson (1984) describes a similar system for Rengao, a Mon-Khmer language, calling this phenomenon “magnitude symbolism”. 8  Similarly, reduplication in Sunwar “can indicate repetition or distribution of the action” or “plurality of participants in the action” (Schulze 1987:67).

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

741

An additional suffix that can be attached to a dramatizer followed by -tʃi(k) is the emphatic marker -na, although the only instance attested is the riddle in (46), which appears to mock the dramatizing function of the dramatizers by overusing it in connection with a startled deer.9 (46)

rik-tʃi-na ɬta-s, ʃrwit-tʃi-na ba-s, ruk-tʃi-na drm-indef-cntr look-pst d-o-c10 do-pst d-o-c kʰums, ʈʰar-tʃi-na ʂkjaŋ-s, tsat-tʃi-na tʃ ʰoŋs, shrink d-o-c spread.out-pst d-o-c jump par-tʃi-na pʰar, laŋs-e-na rgjap-s d-o-c bounce get.up-cnj-cnd hit-pst (The deer) looked, made a ʃrwit sound, winced, spread out (its legs), jumped, bounced, and when (I) got up, it took off.

As mentioned above, dramatizers are always uttered immediately before the associated predicate. This also applies to the complex predicate tʃ ʰarpa joŋ-s ‘rain came’ in (47). Since rwar can only be used to dramatize ‘coming (i.e. falling) of rain’ and not ‘coming’ in general, the dramatizer in this case has to occur before the predicate noun. It can occur in no other position. This is possible in (48), however, even though rdzaq can only be associated with ‘putting wood into the stove’ and not just ‘putting’ in general. It appears that the indefinite -tʃi(k) reduces the cohesion between the predicate noun ʃiŋ ‘wood’ and the verb toŋ ‘give!’. (47)

rwar tʃʰarpa joŋ-s and not †tʃʰarpa rwar joŋ-s drm rain come-pst It started raining (just like that).

(48)

rdzaq ʃiŋ toŋ tʰap-pw-e-aŋ, ʃiŋ-tʃi rdzaq drm wood give\imp stove-def-g-ine wood-indef drm toŋ give\imp Put (some) wood into the stove (with verve)! Put some wood (into the stove) (with verve)!

9  The emphatic marker -na (see 3.5.1.1) contributes to the irony of (46) in that it marks the antecedent element, the dramatizer plus -tʃi(k), as counterexpectational information. The repetition of this pattern pushes the irony even further. 10  The repeated gloss combination drm-one-cntr is abbreviated to d-o-c here.

742

Chapter 5

5.3.3.3 Semantics and Pragmatics Because dramatizers serve to dramatize events, they may not be used without a predicate.11 Consequently, dramatizers may – apart from a few exceptions that will be discussed below – be omitted without actually changing the basic meaning of a sentence.12 These appear to be the main reasons why my Purik consultants would not consider dramatizers to be “real words”.13 Another consequence of the dramatizing function is that dramatizers have limited distribution with regard to sentence types and speaking registers, most notably that they do not normally appear in questions.14 A specific type of question demanding a backchannel affirmation from the hearer, as in (53) below, a frequently employed strategy in Purik to establish common ground between speech act participants (see also Clark and Brennan 1991), is exempt from this rule. And unlike in many other languages (cf. footnote 14), the Purik dramatizers are also used in negated contexts, as will be discussed at the end of the present subsection. The specificity of the event that is dramatized varies greatly from dramatizer to dramatizer. Many of them dramatize a specific event that is directly expressed by the verb they collocate with, as for instance boq (collocating with χol ‘boil’), illustrated in (49): (49)

tʃʰu-u boq χol-tʃuk-s water-def drm boil-caus-pst (I) brought the water to boil (just like that).

Other dramatizers which dramatize events that correspond to the meanings of the verbs they precede include kwaq (laŋs ‘get up’), ɬʈus (ʃu ‘peel’), ɬʈup (ʃor ‘run away’), krik (kʰil ‘be curled, bent’), mur (skraq ‘knead’), par (pʰar ‘bounce’), pʰur ( ɲe ‘rub’), pat (droχs ‘be startled’), ʃal (trut ‘drag’), tʰap (tsir ‘wring’), ʈʰam (spruk ‘shake (off)’), ʈʰiŋ/ʈʰoŋ (laŋs ‘become erect (of a penis)’), ʈʰjaŋ (tʰen 11  About ideophones in general, Kilian-Hatz (2001:156) writes that “their function is to dramatize a narration.” Similarly, Kock (1985:51) states that “[i]t is the intention, the communicative purpose of ideophones to ‘actualize’ that which it described.” 12  Similarly, ideophones in Kisi are “a semantically optional element, unnecessary in any referential or information-theory sense” (Childs 1994:187). 13  This is in accordance with the experience of fieldworkers trying to ellicit ideophones in general (cf. Voeltz and Kilian-Hatz). 14  According to Childs (1994:188), “another common observation is that ideophones appear only in a few sentence types,” i.e. “declarative sentences”, while they are “not found in questions and negative sentences.” Kilian-Hatz (2001:158) notes that “negated sentences where ideophones may be used are in most cases rhetoric.”

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

743

‘pull’), ʈʰop (tsuk ‘prick’), ʈʰus (tʰoχs ‘crumble off’), ʈip (ʒip ‘suck’), tir (zar ‘leak’), tsap ~ tsat (tʃʰoŋs ‘jump’), tʃʰop (ldat ‘chew’), waŋ (sat ‘kill’), and zwal ( jas ‘blossom’). Some dramatizers are found with different stems derived from the same verbal root, such as brum (gjel ‘fall’, zgjel ‘fell’), kat (bjar ‘be attached’, zbjar ‘attach’), ɬtiŋ (ʒu ‘melt’), ɲaq (kʰil, skil ‘stop’), rup (kʰums ‘be crouched, shrink’, skum ‘crouch, shrink’), ʈʰum (ʒuks ‘be closed’, tʃuk ‘close’), tsot (tʰjaq ‘be able to lift’, stjaq ‘lift’), among others. A few other dramatizers are found to collocate with groups of verbs that have a common denominator, which is exactly what these dramatizers appear to dramatize. These dramatizers include ɬʈap (tʰams ‘grasp, get a hold of’, zun ‘catch’), ʈoq (tʃʰes ‘believe’, rdjaŋ ‘trust’), poq (pʰut ‘take out’, ʂko ‘dig (out)’), ʈek (kʰil ‘stop’, gaχs ‘be blocked’, ban(d) ba ‘close, stop’), and χar (ʒar ‘sweep’, brap ‘scratch’). The dramatizer ʈʰaq (ʒur ‘peel’, kas ‘be cleft’, tʃʰaq ‘break’, zar ‘leak’, jas ‘blossom’, kʰʂu ‘wash’) appears to dramatize something like ‘separation’, the notion that is shared by all the verbs with which it collocates. Some of the dramatizers that collocate with a variety of verbs can be said to dramatize an inchoative sense. This is significant insofar as some of these dramatizers may be related to the adjectives that describe the states resulting from these inchoative processes (cf. 5.3.4.4). These adjectival dramatizers include ɬtʃap (nan ‘press’, ɲal ‘lie down’, zgu ‘bend, bow’; < *‘flat, low’), ril (kʰʂil ‘be bent’, dams ‘gather’, zdum ‘collect’; < *‘round, encircled and thus grouped together’), saŋ (duks ‘be lit’, tuk ‘light’, pʰe ‘open’, rdaŋ ‘gape’; < *‘bright, open’), and siŋ (pʰi ‘clean, sweep’, pʰiŋ ‘take out’; < *‘clean’). Other dramatizers that relate to an inchoative sense are more restricted as to which verbs they may accompany, such as bir (gaŋ ‘be filled’, skaŋ ‘fill’; < *‘full’), ɬʈep (gaŋ ‘be filled’, skaŋ ‘fill’; < *‘full’), pʰal (jas ‘blossom’; < *‘broad, wide’), ʁaŋ (pʰe ‘open (wide, of eyes); < *‘wide’), and ʃrr (ɖaŋ ‘become straight’, laŋs ‘get up, stand up, sit up’; < *‘straight’). The last example may serve to illustrate that dramatizers may or may not contribute to the semantics of the predicate they dramatize (for further discussion, see 5.3.3.4). In (50), for instance, ʃrr dramatizes ɖaŋ ‘became straight’, but it does not alter the semantics of that predicate (which is what I view as prototypical for dramatizers). In (51), however, since laŋs-e duk may also mean ‘be standing’, it is the dramatizer ʃrr which indicates that the speaker means an upright sitting position. As a consequence, in the latter context, ʃrr must not be omitted if the full meaning of the construction is to be conveyed. (50)

ʃrr ɖaŋ drm become.straight (The pole) became straight (at once).

744 (51)

Chapter 5

ʃrr laŋs-e duk drm get.up-cnj stay (Don’t sit there so slouched!) Sit upright!

A smaller number of dramatizers only collocate with complex predicates. This means that the notions these dramatizers dramatize is somewhat more specific than that of simple predicates and crucially involves a typical undergoer (or noun complement). This group of dramatizers includes lɖum (nam kʰor ‘become cloudy’), qap (pʰe gam ‘put flour into one’s mouth’), ʃuk (pene pʰiŋ ‘spend money’), suŋ (baŋ taŋ ‘run’), and χas (so tap ‘bite’). Another dramatizer that implies certain characteristics on the part of a participant is sqop. As illustrated in (52)–(54), sqop dramatizes events that involve large quantities of small (and perhaps by definition identical) items that (are) move(d) in one direction, which correspond to, in (52), rice that is filled into a bag for storage; in (53), pellets that (gaŋma ɲambo ‘all together’) roll downhill; and in (54), flour that is put into the mouth. In the first two examples the quantities are expressed through context, but in (54), this notion exclusively hinges on the dramatizer sqop, the omission of which would render the sentence nonsensical (since speakers of Purik consider it very common to put flour into one’s mouth, albeit in moderate quantities and followed by a fluid). It may not be a coincidence that the dramatizer which cannot be omitted in (54) dramatizes a highly specific notion. (52)

sqop ɬuk, di bras-po sqop di-ka ɬuk drm fill.in this rice-def drm this-loc fill.in Fill (it) in (with verve)! Fill the rice in here (with verve)!

(53)

nor-is rilbaŋ taŋ-et, sna-a tʃiktʃik hjaŋa sheep-erg dropping give-crt, before-dat just.one down joŋ-et, dekana e-en gaŋma ɲambo sqop come-crt after.that the.other-pl all together drm joŋ-ma-mi-ndug-a come-inf-neg-ex.t-q (When) the sheep defecates, at first, only one pellet drops, then, all the others come out at once, don’t they?

(54)

pʰe sqop mi gam-ba rgo-ʃ-in, flour drm neg eat(of flour)-inf need-inf2-eq gaχs-pa-t be.blocked-inf-fct (You) mustn’t eat flour in large amounts all at once, (or you) will choke.

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

745

There are a few other dramatizers that crucially depend on undergoers occurring in a certain configuration, such as zbwar (pʰur ‘fly’, only used in connection with an entire flock of birds), rwar (tʃʰarpa joŋ ‘rain’, rdip ‘collapse’, the latter only used with items that may fall to pieces, unlike a concrete wall, for instance), tʰre (bo ‘be spilled, fall down’, pʰo ‘spill, let fall’, only used for a great number of things such as apricots shaken from a tree), and rwaŋ (loq, gjel ‘fall down’, used only with long items). A few somewhat unspecific verbs take different dramatizers depending on the specific nuances they are meant to express in a certain context. This is best illustrated by the two verbs tʰuŋ ‘drink’ and taŋ in its meaning ‘hit’, both of which may be modified by a handful of different dramatizers. Thus, the drinking of tʰukpa (a noodle-soup) may be dramatized with hur, the drinking of tea with tʃap, drinking with a straw (and smoking a cigarette) with ʂip, and the drinking up a liquid with ʈim. Similarly, depending on the dramatizer by which taŋ is modified, it may assume different meanings, such as kʰjap taŋ ‘crush (i.e. make flat, e.g. a mosquito)’, ʂtʃaq taŋ ‘slap’, ɬap taŋ ‘hit (causing a lot of pain)’, zgwaq taŋ ‘hit (hard)’, and soq taŋ ‘knock out (e.g. teeth)’. Some of the dramatizers used to modify taŋ can be shown to dramatize comparable notions in collocation with other verbs, such as kʰjap nan ‘press together, making something flat’, soq tʰen ‘pull (hard)’ (as illustrated in (43) above), and ɬap ʒen ‘catch fire’. Note that while kʰjap dramatizes an inchoative event resulting in something being ‘flat’ (cf. kʰjapkʰjap ‘flat’), soq and ɬap respectively dramatize the verbal notions ‘uprooting’ and ‘catching fire, (metaphorically meaning) feeling pain’. There are a few less typical dramatizers which serve to dramatize a wide variety of events, as exemplified for lip in (55), where it is used with zo ‘eat’, and (56), where it is used with tʃʰoŋs ‘jump’. (55)

lip zo drm eat\imp Eat (it all up)!

(56)

lip tʃʰoŋs-waa, tʃi-a ʒiks-et drm jump-hey what-dat be.afraid-crt Jump (just like that)! What are you afraid of?

Similarly, the dramatizer ʂar may apparently modify any type of action, as in ʂar doŋ ‘go (quickly)!’, ʂar ɖul ‘walk (quickly)!’, ʂar zer ‘talk (quickly)!’, and ʂar rgjoŋ ‘eat (lit. fill in, quickly)!’. Note that in contrast to lip, which conveys the typical dramatizing notion of immediacy, ʂar always implies ‘high speed’.

746

Chapter 5

Another less typical dramatizer is ʂop, which may be attributed with the meaning ‘a lot, too much’, and which may not only collocate with a wide variety of verbs, such as ɬops ‘learn’ or taŋ ‘give, put’, but also with the bare (testimonial) existential copula duk. Let us now look at the small number of disyllabic dramatizers I have found in Purik. Interestingly, these all appear to dramatize events that are more complex or temporally extended than those dramatized by the monosyllabic dramatizers. The respective dramatizer verb collocations include ɬtorot pʰap ‘take down (a bird that will fall in a specific manner)’, ʃurut but ‘fall down after melting (e.g. of a wire)’, muruʈ ɬtʃu ‘twist (someone’s neck and suffocate (her/him)’), ʈuruŋ skams ‘dry (completely, e.g. of clothes), and ʈaraq rat as well as pampa rat ‘dry up (completely, e.g. of boiled milk)’. The first three of these disyllabic dramatizers dramatize events that are complex and non-linear, and the second three dramatize events that take a long time. Hence, these dramatizers may reflect an iconic principle according to which monosyllabic dramatizers express immediacy in depicting linear events, while disyllabic dramatizers imply that an event is either complex or temporally extended. At the periphery of what may be considered dramatizers are those that are used with the light verb ba ‘do’ with its variant meanings ‘make a sound’ and ‘produce a sensation’.15 In collocation with ba, the semantic contribution of the dramatizer to the predicate clearly prevails over its dramatizing function, as in loŋ ba ‘sway, stagger’ and tsap ba ‘prick (e.g. the sensation of a mouse bite)’, and the clearly onomatopoeic ʃriu ba ‘sound like an arrow’, χaq ba ‘prepare to spit’, zwar ba ‘sound like a zipper’, ziu ba ‘electrify’, and the disyllabic ʃirik ba ‘scrub’, ʁurpur ba ‘growl (of stomach)’, and ʂtʃaraq ba ‘sound like metal’. The light verb ba may thus be an important vehicle for possible dramatizers to enter the language. There is one last group of dramatizers with rather distinct properties that needs to be discussed here. As illustrated in (57) through (59) below, kum, mu, and qit are all used with negated predicates. In dramatizing the idea that an event did not take place, these dramatizers appear to emphasize that not even the least bit is affected by an event. As a consequence, the dramatizers that 15  According to Peterson (2011:225), light verbs are “extremely productive means of forming predicates from adjectives and nouns and also for accommodating foreign elements as predicates” in Indo-Aryan. In the Tibeto-Burman language Lahu, too, ideophones “function as adverbials, typically occurring directly before a “dummy” verb of very general meaning for its adverbiality to rest upon” (Matisoff 1994:120); the Lahu dummy verbs have meanings such as ‘to go’, ‘to be’ or ‘to do’. Likewise, Childs (1994:187) notes that ideophones are “often introduced by a dummy verb with meanings such as “do,” “say,” “quote,” or “think”.”

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

747

are used in negated contexts typically originate from nouns which denote an entity that may be interpreted as one that would be affected if an event took place even to a minimal degree (see 5.3.4.5). (57)

kum ma dal-tʃuk-s, kum-tʃik dug-loŋ ma drm neg be.free-caus-pst drm-indef stay-time neg joŋ-s come-pst (I) didn’t have (a second of) leisure, (I) didn’t get the time to sit down (for a second).

(58)

mu ma ʃes drm neg know S/he didn’t know anything (at all).

(59)

qit ma ba-s, di beʈiri-j-aŋ sel qit drm neg do-pst this flashlight-g-ine battery drm mi-nduk neg-ex.t (The battery) didn’t do a thing; there is no battery (i.e. power) (at all) in this flashlight.

There are at least two examples of dramatizers in my data that are used with both affirmative and negated predicates, namely rdzas, as in (60) and (61), and pʰrik, as in (62) and (63). Although I cannot decide which use of the two dramatizers is primary, these examples show that it is possible for dramatizers to become extended from affirmative to negated predicates or vice versa, and thus, that the respective functions may not be so different after all. (60)

ŋa-s kʰjaŋ-a rdzas taŋ-tʃa-men I-erg you-dat drm give-inf2-neg:eq I’m not going to give you a thing (i.e. nothing at all).

(61)

rdza-ʃik ɲon-aŋ-wa drm-indef listen\imp-add-hey Listen carefully for a moment!

(62)

pʰrik ma skul-ba pʰur-et drm neg move-inf fly-crt (A particular bird) flies without moving its wings (at all).

748

Chapter 5

(63)

saŋgul joŋ-se saq pʰrik pʰrik gul-en-jot-suk earthquake come-cnj all drm drm be.moved-sim-ex-infr During the earthquake, everything was shaking (back and forth, again and again).

5.3.3.4 Synchronically Varying Functions In this section, we will look at a few dramatizers that are used in contexts in which they differ in terms of their semantic contribution to the predicate. Let us first readdress the two metonymical extensions of ʃrr and kʰjap. The first of the two is restricted to its dramatizing function in collocation with verbs that directly express straightness, such as ɖaŋ ‘become straight’ in (50). In collocation with a verb such as laŋs ‘get up, stand up, sit up’, which is not specific in terms of the degree of straightness involved, however, ʃrr expresses the semantic notion of straightness as a result of the action, as in (51), whereby, arguably, its dramatizing function is somewhat diminished. The second dramatizer to be considered here, kʰjap, may be used to dramatize the event described by a verb such as nan ‘press (together)’, which entails flatness at least in the context of a shapeable object. When used with taŋ ‘hit’, however, it is kʰjap alone which indicates flatness. The analyses of the following instances of semantic-pragmatic variation crucially depend on evaluations by my language consultants. Examples (64)– (66) illustrate two analogous cases of a metonymical extension. The dramatizer ʂpat is normally used with the verb tʃat ‘cut (off)’, as shown in (64). Somewhat later in the same story, the storyteller, Syed Abbas, uses the dramatizer again to describe the servering of a limb, pauses, and goes on to say that the victim died thereafter, see (65). Syed Abbas did not pronounce the verb the dramatizer normally modifies. That ʂpat may not dramatize ʃi ‘die’ is explained by the storyteller’s son, Syed Mehdi, to whom this collocation sounds ungrammatical. Irrespective of the question of grammaticality, (65) illustrates a way in which a dramatizer may adopt autonomous semantics by means of hypoanalysis.16 This is corroborated by an analogous example of an extension shown in (66). The dramatizer χwar, which is normally used with the verb tral ‘slit’, implies that the killing is done with a cutting instrument, because the verb sat means only ‘kill’.

16  In hypoanalysis, “the listener reanalyzes a contextual semantic/functional property as an inherent property of the syntactic unit. In the reanalysis, the inherent property of the context … is then attributed to the syntactic unit, and so the syntactic unit in question gains a new meaning or function” (Croft 2000:126–7).

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences (64)

ʂpat tʃa-s-ʒu-a drm cut-pst-pol-q (He) chopped (the arm) off (just like that) (you know).

(65)

ʂpat … ʃi drm die (His head being) chopped off [pause], he died (just like that).

(66)

ŋa-s de nor-po χwar sat-s I-erg that sheep-def drm kill-pst I killed that sheep, slashing it (just like that).

749

Another dramatizer that is used in a variety of contexts in which its semantic contribution to the meaning of the predicate differs in degree is ɬap, see (67)–(71). In the first three examples, ɬap dramatizes events that involve catching fire, and in the latter two contexts, it dramatizes pain. In connection with lightning, ɬap may be used with the light verb ba ‘do’, in this context, ‘make a sound, produce a sensation’. With the light verb taŋ ‘give, hit’, it means to inflict stinging pain. As discussed for other dramatizers in this subsection, when used together with a light verb, their semantic contribution to the predicate is considerable. When used with full verbs, however, as in (68) and (69), they are restricted to a dramatizing function. (67)

skamloq bar, ɬap b-et lightning light ɬap do-crt Lightning struck, it goes “ɬap”!

(68)

ot-po ɬap bar fire-def drm light The light went on (just like that).

(69)

kʰo-a ɬap ʒen-suk s/he-dat drm catch.fire-infr S/he got angry (lit. caught fire) (just like that).

(70)

kʰo-i-ka ɬap ber-tʃuk-se toŋ s/he-g-loc drm hurt-caus-cnj give\imp Hit her/him and make it hurt (badly)!

750 (71)

Chapter 5

kʰo-i-ka ɬap toŋ s/he-g-loc drm give\imp Hit her/him (and make it hurt)!

5.3.3.5 Dramatizers in Compounds A few synchronically productive dramatizers are also found in compounds together with a verb (for the etymologies of these dramatizers, see 5.3.4.1). These compounds shed light on the history of the dramatizers, insofar as they must have been fossilized in an environment in which they regularly occurred. In soqtʰen taŋ ‘pull really hard (< *do a hoarding pulling)’, the dramatizer soq is fossilized together with the verb tʰen ‘pull’, the same verb which it dramatizes also outside of compounds. The dramatizer ɖwaq regularly occurs with loq ‘fall down’, a derived form of which is also used in ɖwaʁlen ldzoq ‘take revenge (< *return the reception of a severe blow)’. However, ɖwaq is semantically independent from the verb len ‘take’, which means that this compound preserves a secondary combination of a dramatizer and a verb (comparable to the combination of the dramatizer ʂpat and the verb ʃi ‘die’ discussed above). Similarly, the dramatizer tʰre typically dramatizes events that involve a great number of things falling to the ground verbs. The verb stor ‘go lost’, with which tʰre is combined in tʰrestor tʃʰa ‘explode (< *go lost after falling to pieces)’, makes an additional step. Hence, tʰre was combined with stor only after it had regularly occurred in the context of falling. In another compound, the dramatizer occurs in second position, as in senʈʰaq taŋ ‘flick (< *do a fingernail flicking)’. The clipped form of the noun senmo ‘fingernail’ represents the instrument used in the action described by the entire compound as well as its head ʈʰaq. As mentioned in 5.3.3.3, ʈʰaq as a dramatizer is used in contexts that involve some kind of separation. The compound senʈʰaq appears to be construed like the determinative compounds discussed in 3.1.2.2.3, namely those whose verbal head denotes an event. 5.3.4 The Evolution of the Purik Dramatizers An investigation of the origins of the Purik dramatizers indicates that their evolution involves onomatopoeia to a lesser degree than might be expected given their expressivity.17 The bulk of dramatizers can be shown to derive from verbs, as done in 5.3.4.1. That is, they reflect the verbs in first position of 17  According to Childs (1994:189), ideophones generally “differ only quantitatively from the rest of the lexicon” in their exhibiting non-arbitrary relations between sound and meaning. In Childs (1989:66), he wrote that “only a relatively small proportion of ideophones are usually based on sound.” (cf. also Samarin 1965)

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

751

subordinator-less PT verb concatenations which must have ceased to be productive around the time Purik and Baltistan were tibetanized in the 7th and 8th centuries. Section 5.3.4.2 discusses the evolution of some of the expressive sounds which are particular to dramatizers. In 5.3.4.3, the Purik dramatizers are compared to those described in other Tibetan varieties in order to see how far back they can be traced. Section 5.3.4.4 discusses some adjectival dramatizers, which typically describe the state resulting from the dramatized event. Note that some of them nevertheless ultimately derive from verbs. By contrast, section 5.3.4.5 argues that dramatizers which are used with negated predicates typically originate from nouns. 5.3.4.1 Dramatizers from Verbs Many Purik dramatizers derive from verbs. This is most evident in those cases where a Purik dramatizer is attested as a verb in other, written or spoken, varieties of Tibetan. Some of the clearest examples thus include poq, which occurs with the verb pʰut ‘take/put out, set free’, and which is related to WT ’bog(s)-pa “pf. bog … to be rooted out, uprooted, pulled out …” (Jk. 395b); rjaq, which occurs with zdam ‘grasp, hug’, and which is related to WT rág-pa “W. for rég-pa to touch, feel” (Jk. 521b);18 pʰur, which occurs with ɲe ‘knead, massage’, and which is related to the Themchen (Amdo) verb mʰpʰər ‘massage’; and zbut, which occurs with zgo pʰul ‘push/close the door’, and which is related to Purik zbutpá ‘bellows’ as well as WT sbúd-pa “vb. to light, kindle … sbst. bellows” (Jk. 404b). In order to answer the question how verbs such as bog, rag, phur, and sbud were reanalyzed as dramatizers (and thereby ceased to function as verbs) in Purik, it is important to note that subordinator-less concatenations of verbs are not synchronically productive in modern Purik. Instead, as discussed in 4.2.1, when two verbs describe two facets of one event, the verb in first position always appears in the form of a conjunctive -(s)e participle, which has the ending -(s)e after vowels and labial and velar consonants, and -e after alveolar consonants, as exemplified by loq-se tʃʰa ‘go back (lit. go by returning)’, ɬta-se soŋ ‘take care! (lit. go by looking out!)’, gret-e soŋ ‘fell on the ground (lit. went falling)’, and drul-e joŋ-s ‘came on foot (lit. came by walking)’. In what appear to be the most frequent concatenations, the conjunctive morpheme may lack the -e- vowel. These shorter forms are most common when the light verb taŋ functions as V2, as in pʰut-(e) toŋ ‘let go!’, ldzoq-s(e) taŋ-s ‘gave back’, and pʰaŋs(e) taŋ-s ‘threw away’. It is important to note, however, that the two latter concatenations never lose the conjunctive -s-. Accordingly, we may safely rule out that dramatizer-verb collocations such as poq pʰut ‘pull out (with verve)’ derive 18  For *-a- > -ja- (and WT -e-) /_q, ng, see Zemp (2014:185–86).

752

Chapter 5

from constructions containing a conjunctive participle whose -e was elided, that is †poq-s(e) pʰut, because they would in that case still have an -s after the final -q. This conclusion receives unequivocal support from all other deverbal dramatizers ending in -q, -k, -ŋ, -p, or -m, none of which is ever followed by an -s. The dramatizer verb collocations in question include rdzaq ʃiŋ taŋ ‘put wood into the fire (with verve)’ (cf. gzágs-pa “magnify, multiply Sch.” Jk. 492b), spaq mik taŋ ‘kiss (with verve)’ (cf. spág-pa “W. to smack” Jk. 329b), soq tʰen ‘pull (with verve)’ (cf. sóg-pa “… to gather, heap up, hoard up …” Jk. 579a), pʰrik gul/ skul ‘move, shake’ (cf. ’phríg-pa “1. to struggle, flutter Cs.; to throb, pulsate, Lt….” Jk. 360a), rup kʰums ‘wince, crouch (at once)’ (cf. Purik rup ‘rush in upon’), ɬʈap tʰams ‘get a hold of (at once)’ (cf. Purik ɬtap ‘fold’), siŋ pʰi ‘clean, sweep (with verve)’ (cf. Purik siŋs ‘become clear (water)’ and WT bal sing-ce “to pick out, sort out, sing cug-ce to clarify, to purify” Jk. 572b, 573a), ɖaŋ kʰil ‘stop, wait’ (cf. Purik ɖaŋ ‘become straight’ and ɖaŋ ba ‘wait’), lɖum nam kʰor ‘be cloudy (at once)’ (cf. zlúm-pa “roundish … to put together, collect” Jk. 491b–492a), and ʈʰum tʃuk ‘close (with verve)’ (cf. tʰum ‘wrap, cover’). Instead, what these collocations suggest is that it was once common for verbs describing different facets of one and the same event to be concatenated without a subordinator. Hence, it was also common at that time for a bare verb to precede another and thus add to the dynamics of an account, as in *pog phud ‘took (it) out by uprooting (it)’, *gtab tham-s ‘held on (to it) by folding (one’s hands)’, and *sing phi-s ‘swept by clearing’.19 At some point, around the time the Tibetan language was spread into modern Purik and Baltistan together with the expanding Tibetan Empire in the 7th and 8th centuries CE, subordinator-less concatenations were replaced by the constructions employing the conjunctive -(s)e participle. During that process, the verbs in the first position of the subordinator-less concatenations under discussion were reanalyzed as dramatizers. As a consequence, their occurrence was restricted to these very collocations, and their forms fossilized. The deverbal dramatizers with alveolar finals are not crucial for the argument made in this subsection, because they would lack an -s also in their participial form. However, they are in full accord with the diachronic account given here. Apart from the two collocations listed in the first paragraph of this subsection, dramatizers with alveolar finals are found in mur skraq-s ‘kneaded (with verve)’, cf. Kyirong mū(r) ‘massage’; tsir pʰiŋ-s ‘squeezed out (with verve)’, 19  Note that these dramatizers also provide important evidence in support of the assumption that -s-less verb forms described past events in PT, while verb forms with the originally stative -s suffix described the results of past events (see Zemp 2016).

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

753

cf. Purik tsir ‘milk (e.g. a cow)’; ɬtʃur pʰiŋ-s ‘put out (with verve)’, cf. WT gcúr-ba “secondary form of ’júr-ba; gcúr-phe Ld. a coarse sort of vermicelli” (Jk. 144b); and tʃʰat stor ‘was lost (at once)’, cf. Purik tʃʰat ‘be cut (off)’. In another group of dramatizers with verbal sources, the dramatizer only differs from the modified verb by the voice or aspiration feature of the initial. In Purik, the respective collocations include par pʰar ‘move up and down, bounce’, pur pʰur ‘fly’,20 pup bups ‘brood’, and buŋ spuŋ ‘heap up’. In Jirel, a Tibetan dialect spoken in northern Nepal, this assonant pattern is much more frequent than in Purik. It is exhibited by more than a third of the 130 Jirel dramatizer verb collocations documented in Hari and Lama 2004.21 The assonant Jirel dramatizers are either fully identical with the collocating verb (as in ɕōp ɕōp ‘thin out’), involve a change of tone (as in si̠l sı̀l ‘split lengthwise’) or syllable onset (as in tʰı̄k tı̄k ‘drip’ and ʂūp rup ‘flock together’), or combinations of these, along with certain vocalic correspondences (as in dzo̠ k tsòk ‘stab, poke’, kʰāp ge̠p ‘cover’, and tʰāp de̠p ‘throw down’). The collocations of both Purik and Jirel bear testimony to the fact that, at the time they formed, a verb was regularly dramatized by another stem derived from the same root. Hence, both dynamic passives (M-phasives) such as pʰur ‘fly, hover’ and resultative passives (Z-phasives) such as bups ‘brood, cover’ could be made more dynamic by active verb forms (A-phasives) such as pur *‘lift off’ and pup ‘cover, move into a brooding position’ describing the instigation of an event.22 Accordingly, the Jirel Z-phasives ge̠p ‘cover’ and de̠p ‘throw down’, which correspond to the transitive WT present stems ’gebs and ’debs, could be dynamicized by the M-phasives kʰāp and tʰāp (preserving the -a- that was palatalized by the postfinal -s in the Z-phasives). On the other hand, A-phasives such as Jirel tsòk ‘stab, poke’ and causative Purik spuŋ ‘heap up’ could be rendered more dramatic by the corresponding Z-phasives dzo̠ k and buŋ describing the states resulting from the respective events.23

20  Note that pʰur functions as a dramatizer with the verb ber ‘fly’ in Sunwar, along with a voiced counterpart which is used when referring to something big, hence, phur bertsa ‘to fly off in a flurry (of a small bird)’ vs. bhur bertsa ‘to fly off in a flurry (of a large bird)’ (Schulze 1987:74). 21  Marianne Volkart extracted these dramatizers from Hari and Lama (2004) for the project “Syntax of Tibetan dialects” in Bern and kindly made them available for me. 22  For the reconstructed PT functions of the different verb stems, see 4.1.1, and for more details, Zemp 2016. 23  Jk. (369a) lists the noun bungs “mass, heap, bulk”, which is certainly suited to emphasize the completion or thoroughness of the event denoted by the verb spuŋ ‘heap’. In addition, “bung many (?)” suggests that Jäschke also observed this dramatizing function.

754

Chapter 5

Related to the assonant collocations just discussed, a few dramatizers have a -wa- that corresponds to an -o- in the verbs they modify. The two clearest examples of such collocations are kwar kʰor ‘turn, take a walk’ and lwaq ldzoq ( o “Laufer’s Law”, because Laufer (1898/1899) first observed these correspondences. One point that is not clear to me is what Hill means by Inlaut (if not after velar initials, for instance), given that it is in this position that Written Burmese -wa- corresponds to -o- in Old Burmese.

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

755

‘V took place, as I infer from its result’ (see 4.4.6.2), show that both paths, grammaticalization of the verb in first and that in second position, are found in one and the same language. 5.3.4.2 Expressivity If the diphthong -wa- in the aforementioned dramatizers is not old, it may be the outcome of a sound change (turning -o- into -wa-) that only took place under the strong accentuation particular to dramatizers. As discussed in 5.3.3.1, this accentuation is also responsible for the lengthening and syllabification of liquids such as those in ʂrr and sulll. A few other sound combinations that occur in dramatizers and onomatopoeia only and that violate phonotactic constraints of the language outside of these subsystems, such as uvular q- before a front vowel or sq-, χw-, lɖw-, zw- and ʃrw-, cannot have directly resulted from strong accentuation. The rarity and phonotactic extravagance of these sound combinations adds to the expressivity of the dramatizers they occur in. Both the extra strong accentuation of dramatizers and their violation of phonotactic constraints bear testimony of a relatively high articulatory effort that is used in the production of dramatizers. Given these facts, it would not be surprising to find other sound changes applying only to dramatizers, and perhaps even accretions in the sense of Bolinger (1940:65), i.e. the building of non-arbitrary sound-symbolic associations.25 In a number of dramatizers, a final nasal appears to have changed into a plosive. For instance, ldep/ɬtep, the dramatizers occurring with gul/skul ‘shake’, are likely related to WT ldem-ldém-pa “Sch. to move up and down, … trembling …” Jk. (292a); ɬʈep, which dramatizes the verb gaŋ ‘be full’, derives from WT ltém-pa “the state of being full … overflowing … ltem-ltém so full that it runs over” (Jk. 219a); ɬʈup, the dramatizer of ʃor ‘run away’, may be related to WT gtúm-pa “furious …” Jk. (208a); ʈip, the dramatizer used with ʒip ‘suck’, may be an altered form of ʈim, the dramatizer of the event ‘drink (up)’; kat, the dramatizer that occurs before (z)bjar ‘stick’, may be related to WT gan “nearness … gan-du close by …” (Jk. 66b); and ɬtjaq, dramatizing skaŋ ‘fill up’, may be cognate with WT lténg-ka “pool, pond Dzl.” (Jk. 219a). Similarly, as retroflex sounds are more frequent in dramatizers as well as reduplicated and assonant adjectives and adverbs (see 3.1.3.2 and Appendix B.1), dentals may have been changed into retroflexes in some of these words in order to increase their expressivity.

25  According to Mithun (1982:49), ideophones “seem particularly resistant to regular phonetic change.”

756

Chapter 5

We will not deal here with onomatopoeic dramatizers, that is, those which were and still are created to reproduce the sound of an event, whose expressivity is therefore self-evident, and which typically occur with the light verb ba ‘do’ used in the meaning ‘make a sound’. Suffice it mention here that the general expressivity of dramatizers may lead an observer to suspect that all these words have onomatopoeic origins. The goal of the present section is to show, however, that this is clearly not the case. 5.3.4.3 Dramatizers Shared between Different Varieties of Tibetan The dramatizers that may be reconstructed the farthest back in Tibetan history include ʂal, buŋ, and sul, which are used in both Purik and the distantly related dialect of Jirel to respectively dramatize the notions of ‘spreading’, ‘heaping up’, and ‘coming off’. A few additional dramatizers are phonetically similar and collocate with verbs that diverge only slightly in meaning in these two dialects that they may be assumed to have the same origin as well, namely Purik ril ‘collect’ ~ Jirel ‘cover’, Purik ʈʰar ‘spread, shake (off, e.g. a carpet)’ ~ Jirel tʰār, tʰa̠ r ‘rub on’, Purik pur ‘fly’ ~ Jirel bur ‘fly away’. Although the forms of two additional dramatizers are somewhat different, the similarity of the events they dramatize suggests that they may also be related, namely Purik tsir ~ Jirel tsʰi̠r ‘squeeze’, and Purik tʃʰip ~ Jirel tɕʰe̠p ‘crush, squeeze’. Two dramatizers shared by these two dialects appear to have cognates also in Ladakhi. Purik kwaq corresponds to the koak Zeisler (2008:361: “für eine schnelle Aufwärtsbewegung”) finds in the Ladakhi variety of Domkhar. That it is related to Jirel kʰōk ‘get up’ is strongly suggested by the monophthongal WT form Jäschke (5b) cites, cf. kog lang-ba “1. to splinter off 2. to rise suddenly and run away”; for -o- > -wa-, see the preceding subsection. Similarly, lip, which may collocate with a wide variety of verbs in Purik, is found dramatizing events meaning ‘disappear, set (of sun), enter’ in Jirel. Jäschke (547b) documents it in a clearly dramatizing function for both Ladakhi and Central Tibetan, cf. lib “all, Ld.: lib du-ce to sweep all together with the hands; C.: kha-we lib kab song all being covered with snow”. Zeisler (2008:362) likewise finds it in the Upper Ladakhi variety of Khalatse, where it may be used to dramatize the verb ɬtʃeps ‘jump (in a big leap)’. The dramatizer lip thus appears to have been generalized in varying degrees in the different dialects. Another dramatizer that may be very old is ʂar, which implies immediacy or speed with almost any action, e.g. when used with drul ‘walk’ and rgjaŋ ‘fill in’, and which must be related to the srar Jäschke (581a) describes as “adv. Sch.: severely, rigorously”. If srar did not yet serve a dramatizing function in the source Jäschke cites, Schmidt (1841), it certainly had a form (monosyllabic) and meaning suited to assume a dramatizing function in some other variety (such as

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

757

Purik). There is a similar case to be made with qop, the dramatizer collocating with the verb bo ‘fall off, be spilled’, if it may indeed be traced back to kob “all, Ld. col.” (Jk. 6a). A few additional items in Zeisler’s (2008) list, which contains approximately 20 dramatizers from Upper Ladakhi varieties, correspond with Purik forms. Thus, hur dramatizes tʰuŋ ‘drink (fast)’ in both Domkhar (Zeisler 2008:361) and Purik;26 pok is used with skjuk ‘vomit’ in Domkhar (p. 363) and with ‘take out, uproot’ in Purik, see 5.3.4.1; Domkhar ldoat and Khalatse ɬtoat dramatize “ein plötzliches Fallen oder Schwanken” (p. 361), while lɖwat and ɬʈwat are used with but ‘fall down’ and pʰut ‘throw down’ in Purik (where the voiceless form implies greater intensity); and Domkhar koar “für eine vollständige Bewegung” (p. 361) may be the same as the kwar used in Purik to dramatize the verb kʰor in its various meanings ‘turn, go for a walk’. Another striking parallel between Purik and Upper Ladakhi is the frequency of the diphthong -oa-, which I prefer to transcribe as -wa-, in dramatizers. (“Überaus häufig tritt der Diphthong oa auf, den die Sprache sonst nicht kennt.” Zeisler 2008:361). 5.3.4.4 Adjectival Dramatizers Dramatizers with an adjectival meaning tend to be less specific than verbal dramatizers and thus typically also co-occur with a greater variety of verbs. These adjectival dramatizers include pʰal ‘wide’, which collocates with the verb jas ‘bloom, unfold’ used in connection with a flower and a fishing net;27 tʰar ‘wide (asunder)’ is used with tʰiŋ ‘spread’ and spruk ‘shake off (e.g. a carpet)’, and ʈʰar with ʂkjaŋ ‘stretch (out)’;28 ldʒap and ɬtʃap ‘flat’, where the voiceless variant appears to be secondarily derived from the first by means of onset gradation, see 5.3.3.2, in my data co-occur with the verbs nan ‘press’, ɲal ‘sleep’,

26  Cf. also húr-po “1. quick, alert, dexterous, clever. 2. hot hasty, passionate Ld.” (Jäschke 597b). 27  Cf. Purik pʰaltʃan ‘wide, i.e. endowed with width’ (also documented for Ladakhi in Jk. 342a), pʰalhil ‘loose, floppy (of clothes)’ (where hil is an abstract noun meaning ‘looseness’), and the reduplicated phal-phál chá-ce, “to feel flattered” (Jk. 341b), which must be from Ladakhi. Jäschke also documents an underived pʰal which is used with the verb bco ‘make’, which appears to be an important light verb for introducing new and especially adjectival dramatizers in Ladakhi, cf. “Ld.. phal cós-se (or te) dug, step aside! make way!” (Jäschke 341b). 28  Both the alveolar and retroflex variants appear to trace back to the same root thar meaning ‘wide’, but they appear to have become conventionalized in different environments. The root thar is also found in Purik tʰarantʰoren-la ‘astray’. Jäschke (230a) additionally lists “thar cós-se dug Ld. sit wide asunder, not too close together!”.

758

Chapter 5

and zgu ‘bow, bend down’;29 bir ‘full (to the brim)’ may dramatize either gaŋ ‘be filled’ or skaŋ ‘fill’;30 ril ‘round, grouped together’ is used with kʰʂil ‘be curled, bent’, dams ‘gather’, and zdum ‘collect’;31 and saŋ ‘open, bright’ with pʰe ‘open’, rdaŋ ‘be wide open’, tuk ‘light’, and duks ‘be lit’.32 The etymology of three additional Purik dramatizers is not clear; the only possible cognates I have found are reduplicated forms in either Purik or WT. Thus, ɬaq, which dramatizes gret ‘slip, fall (at once)’, is related to Purik ɬaqɬaq ‘slippery, slick’; kʰjap, which co-occurs with nan ‘press (with verve)’, is found in a reduplicated form in Purik kʰjapkʰjap ‘flat’; and rik, which may be used to dramatize ɬta ‘look (at once)’, is cognate with WT rig rig as used in “mig rig-ríg byéd-pa or dúg-pa to look about, esp. in an anxious manner, shyly Tar., Mil.” (Jk. 527b). Note that some of the adjectival dramatizers discussed in this section are derived from verbal roots. For instance, ljap ‘flat’ is related to the Purik verb ʒap ‘lurk’, a resultative passive meaning ‘be flat’, and pʰal ‘wide’ derives from the same verbal root as zbalpa ‘frog’, which must have originally meant ‘which becomes wide by inflating itself’ – just like pʰut ‘put out’ is related to zbutpa ‘bellows’ < ‘which blows out (air)’. 5.3.4.5 The Nominal Origin of Dramatizers Emphasizing Negation The dramatizers that are used in negated constructions typically have nominal sources, because nouns are better suited than members of any other word class to dramatize the idea that not even the least amount is affected by an event.33 Nominal dramatizers include those used in Purik rdzas ma ʒaq-pa ‘not leaving a thing’, cf. WT rdzas “thing, matter object” (Jk. 468a); ʃul mi-nduk ‘there is not even a trace’, cf. shul “3. any thing left behind by a person departed, or by

29  Cf. ljab “W. flat, plain, even; ljab-ljáb-ba bor lay or put it down flat; ljab có-te dug sit down flat (on the ground)!” (Jk. 183a). 30  Cf. byúr-po “Cs. also -bu, vulg. byur-byúr heaped, a heaped measure of corn or meal; byúrpor bkang Thgy” (Jk. 377b). For WT -yu- > Purik -i-, see 2.2.2.3.2. 31  Cf. ríl-ba “I. more frq. ríl-po, ríl-mo B., C.; *ril-ríl* W. 1. round, globular … whole, entire … Bal. ril-cas (for sgril-ba) to wrap up” (Jk. 530b). 32  Cf. Purik saŋsaŋ ‘bright, wide awake’ as well as saŋ tʃʰa ‘become wide awake, refreshed’, also documented for CT (with the dynamic auxiliary song) by Jäschke (571b). 33  An analogous emphasis of negation was once expressed by French pas ‘step’, which together with the original negation ne indicated that someone did not even move a single step. Unlike the Purik dramatizers, French pas eventually prevailed over concurrent nouns exhibiting the same function, and came to fully replace the former negation ne in modern spoken French.

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences

759

a thing removed …” (Jk. 561a);34 and mu ma ʃes ‘did not even know a bit’, if the dramatizer is traced back to the noun WT mu “border, boundary, limit, edge, end” (Jk. 415b). However, the dramatizer kum, which is used with the negated word dal ‘have time’ and thus indicates ‘(not even) a moment or a very short stretch of time’, likely derives from an active verb form *(ɸ-)kum related to the dynamic passive kʰums ‘shrink’. The origin of qit, the dramatizer which indicates a minimal movement or a small bit of electricity when used with the negated light verb ba ‘do’ or the existential copula duk ‘be there’, is unknown. Much more rarely, original nouns developed into dramatizers of affirmative events. The best candidate for a nominal origin is ɲaq, which co-occurs with kʰil/skil ‘stop, bend’, and appears related to nyag “notch, indenture” (Jk. 184b). The dramatizer buŋ, used with spuŋ ‘heap up (with verve)’, was argued above to derive from the same resultative passive verb form as the WT noun bungs “mass, heap, bulk” (Jk. 369b). Similarly, ʃal, which dramatizes the verb trut ‘drag’, is likely related to the WT noun shal-ba “2. a harrow, shál-shal-ba Sch., shál-la ɖúd-ce Ld. to harrow” (Jk. 557b), but given the general scarcity of affirmatively used dramatizers, I tend to think that both noun and dramatizer are actually derived from the verb *shal ‘drag, harrow’. 5.3.5 Concluding Remarks I am convinced that similar systems of dramatizers are used in many more varieties of Tibetan and other languages of that area, and I hope that other researchers will be encouraged by this study to research this central characteristic of at least some Tibetan dialects. Data from other dialects are needed to fill the large gap between the dramatizer-systems of Northern India (Purik and Ladakhi) and those of Nepal (Jirel and Yohlmo) and to refine the diachronic accounts given in this section. Clearly, dramatizers are as valid a source of information as any other lexical and grammatical material for the reconstruction of the evolution of Tibetan dialects. In fact, I tried to show in this section that dramatizers provide evidence that is crucial for the reconstruction of a number of PT features such as subordinator-less concatenations, -s-less eventive simple pasts, and verb stems that are nowhere else documented, and as a consequence, for the reconstruction of the PT verbal system as a whole.

34  Cf. Purik tʃaʃul ‘tea-ʃul, i.e. the remainders of tea in an emptied cup, or the evidence in an empty cup, that someone must have drunk tea from it’, which perfectly corresponds to the meaning given by Jäschke (561a).

760 5.4

Chapter 5

tʃoq ‘(at that) moment’

The behavior of tʃoq is very similar to that of dramatizers in that it regularly occurs immediately before a verb and is thereby always pronounced with extrahigh pitch that is often accompanied or partially substituted by a dramatizing voice quality (see also 7.5). In contrast to dramatizers, however, which only occur with verbs that describe the type of event they are suited to dramatize, tʃoq may occur with any verb. At the same time, tʃoq has a meaning that is independent from that of the predicate it precedes. It refers to a point in time that immediately follows an event. Note that in the context of (72), immediacy may mean a few minutes, while in (73), it points to a time frame of up to a few months, depending on how frequently the subject has been driving since getting the license. Unlike dramatizers, tʃoq is commonly used to link clauses, as illustrated by (74) and (75), one construction with -na and one without, see 6.1 and 6.2.1.3, respectively. In both examples, tʃoq signals the immediate succession of two events.35 (72)

kʰo tʃoq laŋs-en joŋ-ma-t, ŋa djuti-a s/he moment rise-sim come-inf-fct I duty-dat tʃʰa-tsa-na go-lim-cnd He’s normally just about got up when I’m going to word (for the government).

(73)

kʰo-s tʃoq strul-e in s/he-erg moment drive-cnj eq He’s just started to drive. (He’s just got his license.)

(74)

tʃoq za-a-na zermo joŋ-s moment eat-inf-cnd pain come-pst Right after (I) ate (it), (my stomach) started hurting.

35  The word tʃoq appears to be used in much the same way in Balti, as suggested by Read’s (1934:36) example kʰo tʃoq oŋpʰi in ‘he has just come’ and the two clause-linking instances documented by Bielmeier (1985:36 and 164). The meaning ‘all’ that is also attested by Read (1934:90) for choq (which corresponds to tʃoq in my notation) appears to have been erroneously attributed to it instead of to tsoq ‘all’, which is also used by older Purikpas (where younger ones prefer saq).

Modification, Intensification, and Dramatization of Sentences (75)

761

tʃoq zbri-a ʃuru ba-a wazir laŋs moment write-inf start do-inf vizier rise Right when he started to write, the vizier got up.

Like dramatizers, tʃoq may also be followed by -tʃi and thereby refer to a contextually defined minimal period of time (see 5.3.3.2), as in (76). Unlike with dramatizers, however, tʃoq-tʃi is also employed outside of the preverbal position in the meaning of ‘a moment’, as illustrated in (77). (76)

tʃoq-tʃi dug-aŋ-nii moment-indef stay-add-syl So (come on and) stay for a moment!

(77)

tʃoq-tʃ(ig)-i rgjab-na joŋ-et moment-indef-gen back-abl come-crt (I)’ll be back in a moment.

Chapter 6

Clause Linkage This chapter deals with the different ways in which one clause can be subordinate to another. It is divided into four main sections. Section 6.1 discusses those constructions that contain the clause-linking -na, while 6.2 covers those constructions in which the subordinate clause is clearly nominalized. Note that this distinction is not entirely consistent, since -na in many of the constructions in which it is glossed as a conditional marker (apparently the most basic clause-linker in Purik) may also be analyzed as an ablative or comitative case marker and thus require the preceding clause to be construed as a nominalization. Section 6.3 deals with nominalized clauses that are subordinate to nouns. There is no neat distinction between the phenomena discussed in 6.2 and 6.3 either, especially regarding internally headed nominalized clauses, which may instantiate an entity, location, event, the time at which an event takes place, and even the likelihood that an event will take place, to name a few of the roles they may play. I have thus tried to discuss the nominalized clauses that modify their matrix clauses adverbially in 6.2 and those that play a role within the frame made available by the composite predicate frames of their matrix clauses in 6.3. In 6.4, we will look at the ways and contexts in which direct speech may instantiate the content of a very restricted number of words. Of course, sentences may also be linked paratactically in Purik, that is, without one being subordinate to the other. Since none of the conjunctions that are employed to link full sentences trigger changes in either the preceding or the following sentences, I shall list only the most common ones here: de-ka-na ‘and then (lit. from then on)’, tʃʰa-a-na ‘hence (lit. (this) having happened (in this way), this being so)’, d-o men-na ‘otherwise (lit. if that is not so)’, d-o in-na-aŋ ‘nevertheless (lit. even if that is so)’, tʃi-a zer-ba-na ‘asking why this is so: …’, and loans from Urdu, such as lekin, magar ‘but, however’, and madlap ‘this means that … (lit. meaning)’. 6.1 Clause-linking -na As mentioned in 3.4.9, the most likely origin of the clause-linking -na is the WT locative case marker, which appears to have acquired a conditional function in WT as well. It was also stated that the most straightforward way to account for the ablative, comitative, and instrumental case marking use, as well as the

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi 10.1163/9789004366312_007

Clause Linkage – Clause-linking -na

763

topicalizing and emphatic-contrastive discourse-structuring functions -na has come to serve in modern Purik, is to assume that they evolved from its clauselinking functions. In this section, we will thoroughly discuss the variety of ways in which clause-linking -na may be construed. When preceded by a bare verbal stem, as discussed in 6.1.1, -na serves its basic conditional function. By contrast, preceding nominalized verbal forms such as -pa infinitives (1.2), -(s)e participles (1.3), and limitative -tsa morphemes (1.4) consistently prompt ambiguous construals variously favoring conditional, emphatic-contrastive, comita