A grammar of Creek (Muskogee) 9780803235465, 9780803211063

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Illustrations
Tables (page xv)
Figures (page xvii)
Maps (page xvii)
Foreword (page xix)
Acknowledgments (page xxi)
Abbreviations and conventions
Abbreviations in glosses of Creek examples (page xxiii)
Other grammatical abbreviations (page xxiv)
Conventions (page xxv)
Abbreviations for sources of examples (page xxv)
The language and its speakers
1 Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples (page 3)
2 Overview of the language (page 21)
3 Creek dialects and ways of speaking (page 38)
Phonology
4 Phonemes (page 47)
5 General phonological processes (page 62)
6 The organization of phonemes into higher units (page 70)
7 Stress and tone in nouns (page 75)
8 Stress, tone, and grades in verbs (page 83)
9 Orthography (page 101)
Nouns and their modifiers
10 Nominalization (page 107)
11 Compounding (page 114)
12 Plural nouns (page 127)
13 Size (page 131)
14 Possession (page 133)
15 Pronouns (page 142)
16 Postpositions (page 147)
17 Noun forms with adverbial function (page 149)
18 Adjectival nouns (quantifiers) (page 151)
Verbs and their modifiers
19 Locative prefixes (page 155)
20 Agreement (page 168)
21 Reflexives and reciprocals (page 179)
22 Adding objects: dative and instrumental (page 183)
23 Plural verbs (page 197)
24 Voice alternations: middle -k-, causative -ic and -ipeyc- (page 214)
25 Impersonals (page 228)
26 Degree (page 233)
27 Verb forms with adverbial function (page 238)
28 Aspect (page 241)
29 Expressing time: tense and related notions (page 257)
30 Negation (page 281)
31 Mood (page 284)
32 'Be', auxiliaries, and modality (page 298)
33 Numbers and quantifiers (page 313)
34 Describing motion and direction (page 323)
35 Existence (page 328)
36 Sound-symbolic verbs (page 333)
Discourse markers
37 Case and switch-reference markers (page 337)
38 Focus of attention clitic (page 357)
39 Referential clitic (page 360)
40 Other markers (page 364)
Syntax
41 Word order and basic syntax (page 371)
42 Clause types (page 387)
43 Interpreting pronouns, reflexives, and reciprocals (page 407)
44 Style (page 416)
Appendices
Appendix 1: Paradigms (page 423)
Appendix 2: Texts (page 436)
Appendix 3: List of common affixes (page 445)
References (page 455)
Index (page 469)

Citation preview

A Grammar of Creek (Muskogee)

STUDIES IN THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICAN [INDIANS

Editors Douglas R. Parks Raymond J. DeMallie

A GRAMMAR OF CREEK (MUSKOGEE)

Jack B. Martin

With the assistance of Margaret McKane Mauldin and Juanita McGirt

Published by the University of Nebraska Press Lincoln and London In cooperation with the American Indian Studies Research Institute Indiana University

|| || © 2011 by the Board of Regents of the University of Nebraska All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Martin, Jack B., 1961— A grammar of Creek (Muskogee) / Jack B. Martin; with the assistance of Margaret McKane Mauldin and Juanita McGirt. p. cm.—(Studies in the Anthropology of North American Indians) Text in English and Creek. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8032-1106-3 (cloth: alk. paper) |. Creek language—Grammar. 2. Creek language—Textbooks for foreign speakers—English. I. Mauldin, Margaret McKane, 1940— Il. McGirt, Juanita. III. Indiana University, Bloomington. American Indian Studies Research Institute. IV. Title. PM991.M37 2011 497'.385—dc22 2010047366

Contents

Tables XV Figures XVII Maps XVII Foreword XIX Acknowledgments KX Illustrations

Abbreviations and conventions

Abbreviations in glosses of Creek examples XXH1I

Conventions XXV Abbreviations for sources of examples XXV

Other grammatical abbreviations XXIV

The language and its speakers

1 Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples 3

1.1 Inthe old country 5) 1.2. InIn Indian Territory 9 1.3. Florida 10 1.4 History of documenting Creek [2 1.5 Status in 2000 17 1.6 Basis of this work 18

2 2.1 Overview of the language 21 Sounds and spelling 2]

2.2. Basic word order and discourse markers 2]

2.3. Nounmorphology morphology 25 24 2.4 Verb

2.5 Parts of speech 29

languages 33

2.6 Basic issues in analyzing Creek and Muskogean

3 Creek dialects and ways of speaking 38

3.13.1.1 Regional differences38 38 Vocabulary SAs2 Semantic variation A) S143 Grammatical variation 42

a Contents

3.1.4 Pronunciation 42 3.2. Individual differences 43

3.3. Archaisms 44

44.1Phonemes 47 Consonant contrastsA8 A8 4.1.1 Plosives

Phonology

4.1.2 Fricatives A9 49 4.1.3 Sonorants 4.1.4 Geminate consonants 50

4.24.2.1 Vowel contrasts 51 Short vowels S| 4.2.2 Long vowels 4.2.3 Nasal vowels 52 53

4.3. Diphthongs 54 4.3.1 The diphthong ay (or ey) 54

4.3.2 The diphthong oy 5D 4.3.3 The diphthong aw Ss, 4.4 Suprasegmentals 55

4.4.1 Stress contrasts >) a) 4.4.2 Tone contrasts 4.4.3 Intonation contrasts 59

5 General phonological processes 62

5.1 Voicing of plosives 63 62 5.2. Nasal assimilation 5.3. Backing of k 63

5.4 Backing of h 63 5.5 Devoicing of sonorants 64 5.6 Deletion of initial vowels 64

5.7. Vowel shortening 64 5.8 Depalatalization of c 65

5.9 Processes applying tn informal speech 65

5.10 Processes applying in rapid speech 68

6 The organization of phonemes into higher units 70

6.1 Syllable structure 70 6.2. The organization of syllables into feet 72

6.3.1 Nouns iz

6.3 Word shapes by category 72

Contents Vil 6.3.2 Verbs 73

6.4 Phrasing rs: 7 Stress and tone in nouns fis 7.1 Stress in nouns and nominalizations 75

7.2 Stress clash and stress retraction 78 7.3 Stress and deletion in compounds 79

7.4 The domain of stress in nouns 80 7.5. Nouns and affixes with unpredictable stress 8] 7.6 Nouns and affixes with unpredictable tone 8 |

8 Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 83 8.1 The zero grade 84 8.2 The lengthened grade (lgr.) 88 8.3 The aspirating grade (hegr.) 92 8.4 The falling tone grade (fgr.) 94 8.5 The nasalizing grade (ngr.) 95 8.6 The domain of grade formation 96 8.7 Downstep and accent deletion 97 8.8 Stress and grades in sentences 98 8.9 Summary of differences between stress and tone 100

9 Orthography 10] Nouns and thetr modifiers

1010.1Nominalization 107 Agent nominalizations tn -a 107 10.2. Nomiunalizations in -/: 108

10.3. Verbal nouns: -ka and -ita 109

11 Compounding 114 11.1 Phonology of compounds and adjoined expressions 114

11.211.2.1 Noun + noun compounds 116 Noun + title/sex/location 116 11.3. Noun + verbal noun compounds 117

11.4 Noun + reduced participle compounds 118

11.5 Complex compounds 120 11.6 Lexicalized possessives 12]

11.7 Verb compounds 123 11.8 Compounding vs. adjunction of nouns and participles 124

Vill Contents 12 Plural nouns [2/ 12.1 Plural -ta:ki [27 12.2 Plural -aki 128 12.3. Group plural -a/ki 128

13 Size -oci 13] 13.1 Diminutive 131

12.4 Other noun plurals 130 13.2 Augmentative -fakko Be

14 Possession 33

14.1 Relational and nonrelational possession 133 14.2 Obligatory and periphrastic possession 137 14.3 Variants of the relational prefixes and the treatment of 7- 139

14.4 Uses of the possessive prefixes 140

15 Pronouns 142 15.1 Personal pronouns 142

15.2 Interrogative and indefinite pronouns 143

15.3 Independent possessive pronouns 144

15.4 Demonstratives 145

16 Postpositions 147

17 Noun forms with adverbial function 149

18 Adjectival nouns (quantifiers) LS) Verbs and their modifiers

1919.1Locative prefixes 155 Location pertaining to a side: a- [59

19.2 Location in water or a low place: ak- lol 19.3 Location on top or over: o/- 162 19.4 Location on the ground or floor: tak- 164

nok“neck’ 166 19.6 Use of locative prefixes with nouns 166 19.7 (a)cak- ‘after, with (someone)’ 167 20 Agreement 168 20.1 The shape of the agreement markers 169 19.5 Body-part prefixes: cok- “mouth”, frk- ‘heart’,

Contents 1X 20.2 The choice of agent vs. patient markers 17]

2121.1 Reflexives and reciprocals 179 Reflexive 7:- 179

21.2 iti- ‘each other, together, pairwise’ 180 22 Adding objects: dative and instrumental 183

22.1 Dative im183 22, Nxtl a:-im- ‘with (another)’ 188

22.1.2. im- for possession on verbs 188 22.2 Instrumental is- 192 23 Plural verbs 197 23.1 Suppletive verbs 23.1.1 Plural/dual -/o- 197 200

23.1.2 — Intransitive triplural -ic- 201 23.2 Number selection tied to theme 201

23.3 Intransitive reduplication 203

23361 Placement of C/V, 203 23.3.2 Reduplication in derived transitive verbs 207

23.3.3 C>V> pattern 23.4 Plural-distributive -/A/-209 210

23.5 Plural -ak210 23.6 Uses of plural verbs vale

and -ipeyc214 24.1 Transitive > intransitive pairs 216

24 Voice alternations: middle -A-, causative -ic-

24.2 Intransitive > transitive pairs 218 24.3 Intransitive transitive pairs 22]

24.4 Other uses of -icZL 24.5 Indirect causative -ipeyc- ‘make, have’ 225

25 Impersonals 228 25.1 Impersonal passive -ho- 228 25.2 Impersonal agent -ak- 230

26 Degree 29 26.2 hi-:"t-i: ‘very, really’ 234

26.1 ma:h-i: ‘very, about, exactly’ 203

26.3 Diminutive -os234 26.4 of-i:-n ‘really, very’ 236

26.5 -ita ‘too... 230

X Contents

27 Verb forms with adverbial function 238

28 Aspect 24] 28.1 The eventive (lgr.) 242

27.1 Expressing manner: -i:-1 and -i:-t 238

28.2 The resultative stative (fgr.) 244

28.3. The perfective (hgr.) 245 28.4 expressive 247 28.5 The Durative forms(ngr.) (-/:) 248

28.6 “Spontaneous” 251 28./-ip-Summary 254 29 Expressing time: tense and related notions ZS)

29.2 Past time 265 297. «1 Past 2 -ank- 265

29.1 Present or recent past time 262

29.2.2 Past 3 -imata266 29.253 Past Past 45 -dnta266 29.2.4 -ati:- 267

29.2.5 Past forms of om- *be’ 268 29.3 Future time 269 29.5.1 Choice of future forms 240

29.4 Nominal tense 271 29.5 Uses of tenses in texts 272

30 Negation 281 31 Mood 284

31.1 Statements 284 31.2 Questions 285 31.2.1 Questions with -a 285 31.2.2. Questions with -fi 288

31.2.3. Questions with -iha:’"” 289 31.2.4 Questions with -ihd:ks 289 D1 ede Positive imperative -as 291 31.3.2. Plural imperative -aks 292

31.3. Commands 290

31.3.3 Less direct commands with -/o: 292 31.3.4 — -itko-t (ow-ds) ‘don’t (do something)’ 293 31.3.5 Aspirating grade + second person +

-as ‘don’t (do something)’ 293

31.3.6 — -ak-i:-s ‘let’s (do something)’ 293 31.3.7 homp-i:"p ‘let's (do something)’ 294

Contents XI 31.3.8 — -ikas ‘let him/her (do something)’ 294 31.3.9 Aspitrating grade + -(i)n o: ‘let

(someone do something)’ 295

31.3.10 -decas ‘you must/shall/can’ 295

31.3.11 -d#ti:- ‘must’, -ikd:fi:- “must not’ 296 31.3.12 -an o:s ‘go ahead and (do something)’ 296 31.3.13 Aspirating grade + -i:-sko-:-s ‘one should not’ 297 31.3.14 -ita-t 6:m-i:-s, -ita-ts “one should’;

-ita to:ko-:-t 6:m-i:-s ‘one should not’ 297

32 ‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 298

32.1 om- ‘be’ and periphrasis 209 32.2 Reduced copula -f7 302 32.3 Negative copula fo:ko-: 303

32.4 ok‘say, mean’ 303 32.5 Positional verbs as auxiliaries 304 32.6 wéyt-i:‘able, ‘might’ 32.7 tda-y-i: can’ 304 305 32.8 po-y- ‘finish, do all of 305

32.9 ma-zh- ‘keep (doing), actually (do)’ 306

32.10 -i: (i) ménk- ‘keep, still’ 306

32.11 -i:"t-t “busily (doing)’ 307

32.12 Aspirating grade + -ahohk- ‘almost’ 307 32.13 -aha:"n-os-i: “just about to, almost’ 307

32.14 (i)s-awo:sk-i: “always, used to’ 308

32.15 “become, get’ 309 308 32.16 ha:kDeductive -acok-

32.17 Generic statements: 6:™m-i:-s 310

32.18 -a:ti-:* “I wish that, if only’ 31]

32.19 Happenstance: -at311 32.20 Discovered change: -i/p-at-teys 31)

33.1 Numerals 313

33> Numbers and quantifiers 313 33.1.1 Uses of numerals a1)

33.2 Ordinals 318 33.3. Adverbial numerals 319 33.4 Other quantifiers 319 33.4.1 na:ki ...-ak-i: ta:y-a:t ‘anything one

needs to...’ 319

33.4.2. ist6:"m-i:-t k6:m-ak-a:t ‘of any desired kind’ 320

33.4.3 (i)sto:m-eys “any, whatever’ 320 33.4.4 — alk- “each, always, only, must’ EVA

XH Contents

34 Describing motion and direction 55 34.1 (it-, tih-, tis- ‘go a distance and (do)’ 323 34.2 (i)y-, ‘yi- ‘come and (do)’ 324

34.4 a:- ‘this way’ SA 34.3 (i)ta:- ‘go a short distance and (do)’, ‘back’ 324

35 Existence 328 35.1 o:c- “be, exist, have’ 328 35.2 sas- ‘(for there to) be some (person doing something)’ 329

35.3 -siko-, -sko- ‘(for there to) be none’, ‘without’ 330

35.4 Expertential: -ati:-siko-: ‘have never’ 33]

35.5 ‘Sit’, ‘stand’, and ‘lie’ 33]

36 Sound-symbolic verbs 333 Discourse markers

37 Case and switch-reference markers 537

37.1 -@tand -(i)n as case markers 338 Dalles Presence or absence of case 339 37.2 -(i)t and -(i)n as switch-reference markers 343 a7 2:1 Basic uses of -(7/f and -(i)n 345

marking 347 37.2.3 Clause skipping 348 37.2.2. Presence or absence of switch-reference

37.2.4 The status of subjects in impersonal clauses 349 37.25 Switch reference in cleft sentences and

“if clauses 350 37.2.6 Overlapping contexts 35 37.2.7. Connecting words (recapitulation clauses) 353

38 Focus of attention clitic 307

38.1 Long form -(i)t 0:-n o:m-ail 358

3939.1Referential clitic 360 Noun phrase use (definite/emphatic) 360

39.2 Complement and adverbial clause use 362

40 Other markers 364 40.1 méy ‘rather, instead’ 364

40.2. ma:haka ‘especially’ 364 40.3 ta:"wa ‘first, foremost’ 364

Contents X11 40.4 ta:wa ‘probably’ 365

AQ.5 -tevs “even” 365 40.6 -w’' ‘also, too’ 366 40.7 Declarative particles ci:*, ca:*%, cah’, ta' 367

Syntax

41 Word order and basic syntax 37]

41.1 noun phrase373 37] 41.2The The clause

41.3 Fronting of direct quotations 376

41.4 Right-dislocation: afterthoughts Did

41.5 Combining phrases 378 41.6 Comparatives 379

41.8 Questions 381 41.9 Grammatical relations 383 41.9.1 Subjects and nonsubjects 384 42 Clause types 387 42.1 Complement clauses 388 41.7 The cleft construction (‘it’s that .. .’) 381

42.2 Relative clauses 39] 42.2.1 Left-headed relative clauses 392

42.2.2 Headless relative clauses 394

42.2.3. Internally-headed relative clauses 395

42.2.4 Right-headed relative clauses 397

42.2.5 ‘Tense in relative clauses 398

42.3 Adverbial clauses 399 42.3.1 -0. f(a) ‘when, after’ 399 42.3.2 -ika “because’ A400 42.3.3. omt:ceyc-in ‘because of (something), due to’ 40]

42.3.4 — -eys(in) ‘even, even though’ A402 42.3.5 ali:k- “as soon as, as far as, unless’ 402

42.3.6 apd-k-it ‘as soon as’ 403 A2.3.7 = ma:"h-a-n “just as (something happens)’ A403

42.3.8 — -i: (i)monk- ‘while, before’ 404 42.3.9 -(i)n o:m-a:t(i) “if (something happens)’ A404

42.3.10 Purpose clauses 405 43 Interpreting pronouns, reflexives, and reciprocals 407

43.1 Interpreting the antecedent of possessors Al]

43.2 Complex sentences 412

XIV Contents 44 Style 416

44.1 Direct quotation 416 44.2 Discussing a word or name 416

44.4 Names 418

44.3 Introducing characters 417

44.6 Formal address 419 44.5 Discussing someone deceased: fa-t-i: ‘the former’ 419

Appendices

Appendix 1: Paradigms 423

Appendix 2: Texts 436 Text 1: Letter from Titahke to Cepe, 16 November 1876 436

Text 2: The stork father, by Earnest Gouge AA()

Appendix 3: List of common affixes 445

References 455

Index 469

Illustrations Tables

Table 1.1 Dialect names and tribal affiliation 5 Table 1.2 Partial list of Creek-speaking towns and tribes within the Creek Confederacy, 1776,

according to William Bartram 7

Table 1.3 Selected Creek words as written by Salzburgers

(Anonymous[1738?]), with modern phonemic

equivalents in italics [2 Table 1.4 Federally recognized tribes that have historically included Creek speakers, with estimated enrollments in 2000 17 Table 2.1] Discourse markers 23 Table prefixes 30 24 Table2.2 2.3Possessive Parts of speech

Table 2.4 Duratives and nonduratives 3]

Table 2.5 Participles 32

Seminole 39 Florida Dialects 4] Seminole 4] Florida dialects 4]

Table 3.1 Some lexical differences between Muskogee and

Table 3.2 Some plants and animal terms found only in Florida 39 Table 3.3 Some lexical differences between Oklahoma and Table 3.4 Semantic differences between Muskogee and

Table 3.5 Some semantic differences between Oklahoma and

Table 3.6 Numbers in Oklahoma and Florida dialects 42

Table 4.1] Consonant phonemes 47

Table 4.2 Vowel phonemes 47 Table 4.3 Suprasegmentals A8 Table 8.1] Grades of an unsuffixed stem 83 Table 8.2 Grades of a stem including an inner suffix 84 Table 8.3 Grades of a stem followed by an outer suffix 84

Table 8.4 Zero-grade stative participles 85

Table 8.5 Zero grade in imperatives 86

Table 8.6 Zero grade with a stressed suffix 86 Table 8.7 Zero grade with two stressed suffixes 87

XVI [{lustrations Table 8.8 Lengthened grade (basic form) 88 Table 8.9 Lengthened grade of stems with a long vowel

or VN in the last syllable 88

Table 8.10 Aspirating grade (basic form) 92

Table 8.11 Aspirating grade with infixation of -éy- 93 Table 8.12 Aspirating grade with suffixation of -éyy- 93 Table 8.13. Aspirating grade of stems with diphthongs 94

Table 8.14 — Falling tone grade (basic form) 94 Table 8.15. Falling tone grade of stems with long vowel or

VN in the last syllable 95

Table 8.16 Nasalizing grade (basic form) 95 Table 8.17 ~=Nasalizing grade of stems with long vowel or

VN in the last syllable 95

Table 8.18 — Inner (stem-forming) suffixes of verbs 97

Table 8.19 Outer suffixes of verbs (examples) 97 Table 8.20 —Lengthened grade with outer suffixes and clitics oF Table 9.1] Comparison of nineteenth-century spellings with

phonemic transcription 1O| Table 14.1 | Possessive prefixes 133 Table 19.1 Locative prefix forms 155 Table 19.2 — Intransitive and transitive uses of locative prefixes 156

Table 20.1. Agent agreement suffixes 168 Table 20.2 Patient agreement prefixes 169 Table 20.3. Patient agreement prefixes, prevocalic forms 170 Table 23.1‘ Intransitives showing a singular-plural distinction 198 Table 23.2 = Transitives showing a singular-plural distinction 198

distinction 199 distinction 200

Table 23.3.‘ Intransitives showing a singular-dual-triplural Table 23.4 —_Transitives showing a singular-dual-triplural

Table 24.1 — Patterns of transitive-intransitive relations ZA> Table 28.1 | Basic (nondurative) grade forms of the verb

stem /ic- ‘see, look’ 24 |

hic- ‘see, look’ 24]

Table 28.2. Durative grade forms of the verb stem

Table 28.3 Relative frequency of grade forms in seven

stories by Earnest Gouge 256

Table 29.1 Time-related forms of the verb stem nis- ‘buy’ DoT Table 29.2 True tense suffixes and their order relative to

agent agreement 261

Table 30.1 Positive and negative forms of tenses 283 Table 37.1 Contracted forms of adverbial suffixes 347 Table 37.2. = Recapitulation clauses in four texts by

Contents XVI Earnest Gouge (2004) 5)

Table 42.1 — Tense in relative clauses 398 Table 42.2. Contraction of -ika ‘because’ 400 Figures

Figure 1.] The Muskogean language family 3 Figure 1.2 = Detail from William S. Robertson’s and David Winslett’s Nakcokv Es Kerretv Enhvtecesky /

Muskokee or Creek First Reader (1867) 14

Figure 2.1 Order of affixes in nouns 24 Figure 2.2. Order of affixes in verbs 26

Figure 3.1 Creek dialects 38 Figure 4. | Acoustic vowel space SZ Figure 4.2. Pitch patterns in two-syllable nouns 56

Figure 4.3. — Pitch patterns in three-syllable nouns a7

Figure 4.4 — Pitch patterns in verbs 58

Figure 4.5 = ‘The neutral intonation pattern 59 Figure 4.6 ~The high intonation pattern 60 Figure 4.7. ~—- The rising intonation pattern 60

Figure 29.1 Older tense system 262 Figure 29.2 Newer tense system 262 Maps

to Indian Territory 4

Map 1.1 Forced resettlement of Creeks and Seminoles

Map 1.2 Settlements in Florida 11

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Foreword Creek (or Muskogee) is a major language of the American South, originally shared by several dozen tribes in Alabama and Georgia and spoken today within the Muscogee (Creek) and Seminole nations of Oklahoma and the Seminole Tribe of Florida. This book ts the first modern grammar of the language. It 1s divided into six parts, covering the language and its speakers, sounds, nouns and their modifiers, verbs and their modifiers, discourse markers, and syntax. The description is

unusual in its time-depth (covering several hundred years’ of documentation) and in its geographical spread (describing speech in

Oklahoma as well as in Florida). It draws heavily on natural data produced by Creek speakers. When it seems useful, historical context Is provided by references to the other languages of the Muskogean family.

Besides its historical importance, Creek has several grammatical features that make tt of interest to linguists. Its prosodic system reflects

the interplay of stress, tone, and intonation. It has a rich system of number in verbs, often distinguishing singular and plural as well as singular, dual, and triplural. Like the other Muskogean languages, It

has a complex system of grades or internal changes in verbs for marking aspect. It has an agent-patient system of person marking on verbs and an unusually broad subject-nonsubject distinction in case marking. Case markers on noun phrases are intimately connected with switch-reference markers on clauses. Prefixes on verbs are used to classify location and direction and to add instruments and benefactives.

The tense system is unusual in distinguishing five degrees of remoteness in the past.

The present volume is part of a larger project to document the Creek language. This project includes a dictionary (Martin and Mauldin 2000), a collection of folktales by Earnest Gouge (Gouge 2004), and the texts of Mary R. Haas and James H. Hill (in progress).

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Acknowledgments Some of the most enjoyable times in my life have been spent sitting at kitchen tables in Creek and Seminole homes laughing, drinking coffee,

eating, listening to stories and songs, and talking about language. | have always felt guilty using the term “fieldwork” for such comfortable circumstances. A research project spanning twenty years incurs many debts. First and foremost, I would like to thank Margaret Mauldin of the University

of Oklahoma. Over the thirteen years we have worked together, we have spent endless hours puzzling over her native language. Many examples used in this work came from conversations we have had while driving or eating in restaurants. For all her contributions to the study and preservation of Creek, the College of William and Mary awarded Margaret Mauldin the degree of Doctor of Humane Letters in 2005.

Margaret’s sister Juanita McGirt transcribed and translated many recordings and documents and corrected mistakes in interpretation.

Margaret’s daughter Gloria McCarty and her husband Michael McCarty helped with sound recordings. Without this family, this work would have been much less accurate and much less fun.

Many other Creek and Seminole friends, some now deceased, patiently shared their language with me, including Linda Alexander,

Edna Bear, Rosie Billie, Abraham Bunny, George Bunny, Helen Bunny, Joanna Freeman, Lorene Gopher, Felix Gouge, Toney Hill, Happy Jones, Shula Jones, Willie Lena, Walter McGirt, Jack Micco,

John Pigeon, Sarah Sampson, Jennie Shore, Alice Snow, Tim Thompson, Juanita Walker, Mary Lee Walker, Nettie Walker, and Robert Washington.

Pam Munro introduced me to Oklahoma Seminole Creek, to field methods, and to the structure and history of the Muskogean languages at UCLA. She and Aaron Broadwell, through their careful work on Chickasaw and Choctaw, served as constant sources of new ideas. |

enjoyed many discussions with Heather Hardy, Don Hardy, and Timothy Montler when I was a postdoctoral research associate at the University of North Texas. Mary R. Haas kindly gave me access to her Creek field notes: working through her meticulous texts proved an indispensable education not only in Creek but in field methods. Akira

XXII Acknowledgments Yamamoto reached out to Margaret and me early on and helped me understand and respond to community needs.

My former students Clarke Boehling, Stuart Hannah, and Aubrey Poe researched specific topics in Creek and aided my understanding of them. My colleague Ann Reed read drafts of key sections and helped clarify my presentation. Keith Johnson’s analysis of sound recordings allowed more substantive descriptions of Creek sounds. Two reviewers

helped sharpen my inquiry. Paul Kroeber sharpened the analysis, caught many errors, and greatly improved the manuscript. The College of William and Mary, the University of North Texas, the National Endowment for the Humanities (RT—21566—94), and the

National Science Foundation supported my research. In 2003, Dean

Paul Bell and Pat Gilman invited me to spend a semester at the University of Oklahoma to work with Margaret Mauldin and Gloria McCarty on a Creek textbook. To all | say, Mvto—Vnlopicatskvnks. I hope I have it right.

Abbreviations and conventions Abbreviations in glosses of Creek examples Cross-references are given to sections of the grammar where one can find the principle discussion of the grammatical categories represented by the abbreviations. (Note that categories may be discussed in other places as well.)

Is, IP first person singular, first person plural (§20) 2,25; 2P second person (number unspecified), second person singular, second person plural (§20)

3 third person (§20)

AG agent (type I) agreement ($20) Also ‘also’ (-w’, $40.6)

ATN focus of attention (-ta:t(7), $38)

DAT dative (im-, in-, $22.1) DCL declarative (ci:*, $40.7) DED deductive (-acok-, $32.16)

DIM diminutive (-oci on nouns, $13.1; -os- on verbs, postpositions, and adjectival nouns, §26.3)

DIR directionals ((7)¢- ‘go and’, (i)¢a:- ‘go back’, a:- ‘this way’, (i)y- “come and’, §34)

DU dual (used for verbs with suppletive plural forms) ($23)

DUR durative (-7:, -:, $28.5)

Even concessive (-eys(in), §42.3.4; -fevs, $40.5) FGR falling tone grade (for resultative perfective) ($28.2) FUT future suffix (Cwill’) (-d#i:-, $29.3)

GER gerund (-ka, $10.3) GPL group plural (-d/ki, $12.3)

Happen happenstance suffix (-a/-, $32.19) HGR aspirating grade (for perfective sequential or past | perfective) ($28.3)

| short form of durative -/; appearing in reduced participles (-7, $11.4, $11.8)

IMP imperative (-as, -aks, -f6:, 831.3) IMPL Impersonal passive (-Ho- [often infixed], $25.1) IMPL.AG impersonal agent (‘one does .. .’) (-ak-, §25.2)

IND indicative (-is, $31.1) INF infinitive (-i/a, §10.3, §26.5) INST instrumental ((7)s-, $22.2)

XXIV Abbreviations and conventions let third person command (‘let [someone do something]’) (-/Aas, §$31.3.8)

LGR lengthened grade (for eventive aspect) ($28.1) LOC locative prefixes (a- ‘on a side or underside’, ak- ‘in water, a low place’, of- ‘on top’, fak- ‘on the ground, fire’, $19)

make indirect causative (-ipeyc-, §24.5) N nonthematic clitic (-(7)/), indicating nonsubject case-marker on noun phrases ($37.1) or different-subject switch-reference marker on clauses (§37.2)

NGR nasalizing grade (for expressive) ($28.4)

not negative (-/ko-, $30)

NZR agent nominalizing suffix (-a, $10.1) PASTI.IMPF Past | (today up to last night) imperfective (-evs-, $29.1)

PAST2 Past 2 (yesterday to several weeks ago) (-ank-, §29.2.1) PAST3 Past 3 (from several weeks to about a year ago) (-imat-, §29 2.2)

PAST4 Past 4 (distant past) (-dnta-, -dnt-, $29.2.3) PASTS Past 5 (remote past, ‘very long ago’) (-ati:-, §29.2.4)

PAT patient (type II) agreement ($20) PL plural (-fa:ki, $12.1; -ak-, 823.5; -ho-, §23.1.1) PROSP prospective suffix (-ata:n-, -aha:n-, §29.3)

Q question markers (-a, -a:, -ha:ks, -iha:", §31.2) RCP reciprocal ((i)fi-, §21.2) RED reduplication of the first consonant and vowel (§23.3)

REF referential clitic (-a-:t(7), $39) REF.N referential clitic fused with N (-a-n, §39.2)

RFL reflexive (7:-, $21.1)

SG singular (used for verbs with suppletive plural forms)

SO ‘so’, ‘because’ (-()ka, $42.3.2)

SPN spontaneous suffix (-ip-, $28.6) T thematic clitic (-(//7), indicating nominative on noun phrases ($37.1) or same-subject switch-reference marker on clauses ($37.2)

TPL triplural (used for verbs with suppletive plural forms) ($23)

when ‘when’ (-o:f(a), §42.3.1)

Other grammatical abbreviations

C consonant D determiner

DS different-subject

[e] implied (but unpronounced) expression N noun N’ phrase intermediate between noun and noun phrase

NP noun phrase

[pro] implied (but unpronounced) pronoun

Abbreviations and conventions XXV

S clause SS same-subject

V verb V vowel

ye phrase intermediate between verb and verb phrase

VP verb phrase Conventions

italics phonemic transcription $8, $14.3 cross-reference to chapter 8, to section 14.3, etc.

[...] phonetic transcription or additions to a translation re traditional spelling (the angle brackets are sometimes omitted for lengthy passages in traditional spelling)

ane free translation

- (1) before a word, phrase, or sentence: the word, phrase, or sentence does not occur (it is ungrammatical or reconstructed) (2) after a grammatical category label: one or more instances of that category (e.g., VERB” “one or more verbs,” OBJECT*™ “one

or more objects,” etc.) > becomes

= derives from

Abbreviations for sources of examples Creek forms in this work are generally either elicited directly or taken from texts. Elictted examples from Margaret Mauldin are not marked. Elicited examples from Juanita McGirt are marked “(JM).” Examples from texts have a year in parentheses indicating the date of the source. These dates are keyed to more complete citations below.

187] Robertson and Winslett (1871). 1878a John R. Postoak letter to A. E. W. Robertson, December 11. Creek MS 2, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1878b John R. Postoak letter to A. E. W. Robertson, December 18. Creek MS 3, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1880 John C. Carr letter to A. E. W. Robertson, June Il. Creek MS 6, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1883 Wesley Smith letter to A. E. W. Robertson, June 5. Creek MS 12, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1885 Vce Nakonvkuce. [The Corn Fable.] Given by Taylor Postoak, Second Chief of the Muskokees, to Mrs. A. E. W. Robertson, at the request of Hon. P. Porter. Bureau of American Ethnology

XXVI Abbreviations and conventions MS 571, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

1886a Wesley Smith letter to A. E. W. Robertson, July 8. Creek MS 19, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1886b Wesley Smith letter to A. E. W. Robertson, August 3. Creek MS 17, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1890 Hotvlk Emvrthle letter to A. E. W. Robertson, June 29. Creek MS 20, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1898 W. Tanyan letter to A. E. W. Robertson, November 26. Creek MS 23, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1899a W. Tanyan letter to A. E. W. Robertson, March 23. Creek MS 23, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1899b W. Tanyan letter to A. E. W. Robertson, June 5. Creek MS 24, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1902 Silus Johnson letter to A. E. W. Robertson, July 12. Creek MS 32, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1905 M. L. Asburry letter to A. E. W. Robertson, September 8. Creek MS 47, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.

1915 Stories written by Earnest Gouge for John R. Swanton. Bureau of American Ethnology MS 4930, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution. “(1915.1)” indicates the first story in the published version (Gouge 2004).

1936a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook I. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

1936b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook II. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

1937a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook III. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

1937b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook IV. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

1937c Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook V. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

1937d Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook VIII. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

ca. 1938 Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook IX. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

1939a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XIV. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

1939b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XV. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

ca. 1940a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XVI. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

ca. 1940b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XVII. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

ca. 1940c Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XVIII. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

Abbreviations and conventions XXVII ca. 1940d Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XIX. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

ca. 1940e Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XX. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

194 1a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XXI. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

194 1b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XXII. MS, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.

1990a KWSH broadcast by Spencer Frank, Seminole Nation News, August 21. Sound recording and MS.

1990b KWSH broadcast by Spencer Frank of the Seminole Nation News, August 28. Sound recordings and MS.

199] Stories told by Alice Snow (Florida Seminole), Brighton, Florida. Sound recordings and MSS.

1992a Stories told by Linda Alexander (Oklahoma Seminole), Norman, Oklahoma. Sound recordings and MSS.

1992b Stories told by Rosie Billie (Florida Seminole), Brighton, Florida. Sound recordings and MSS.

1992c Stories told by Toney Hill (Muskogee), Norman, Oklahoma. Sound recordings and MSS.

1992d Stories told by Robert Washington (Muskogee), Norman, Oklahoma. Sound recordings and MSS.

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The language and its speakers

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| Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples When Europeans entered North America, Creek was spoken in the southeastern portion of the continent in what is now Alabama and Georgia. It served as the native language of several dozen small tribes

(called (i)/talwa or ‘tribal towns’) and as a lingua franca among a number of groups within the Creek Confederacy.

Creek belongs to a larger family of languages called Muskogean, each member of which is thought to descend from an ancient language known as Proto-Muskogean (figure |.1). Proto-Muskogean

Choctaw Chickasaw Alabama Koasati Apalachee Hitchiti-Mikasuki Creek Figure 1.1. The Muskogean language family (Martin 2004).

The five major divisions of the family are about as different from each other as English ts from German. This has led some to speculate that Proto-Muskogean may have begun separating into distinct languages some three thousand years ago.

The name Creek is shortened from Ochese Creek Indians. This name in turn is from Ochese Creek, an early name for the Ocmulgee river of Georgia (Crane 1918). Creek speakers in Oklahoma use the term ma-sko:ki, spelled Maskoke or Mvskoke in the traditional Creek alphabet, and Muskogee, Muscogee, Muskokee, Maskoki, or Maskoke in English. The word ma:sko:k-dlki ‘the Muskogee (as a group)’ Is sometimes also used in English, with various spellings.

A distinction has long been made between the Upper Creeks of northern Alabama and the Lower Creeks of southern Georgia. Many of

the Lower Creeks spoke Hitchiti-Mikasuki alongside Creek. In the mid-eighteenth century, some Lower Creeks began moving into Florida. They and the escaped slaves who accompanied them were referred to by the Spanish name of cimarron ‘wild, untamed’. This term was borrowed into Creek as simalo:ni or simano:li, and from there it was borrowed into English as Seminole (MacCauley 1887).

4 gl Following the Creek War of 1813-14, a number of Upper Creek refugees joined the Seminoles in Florida, apparently settling in the more northerly areas.

In the 1830s and 1840s, the United States began a policy of “removal” in which many southeastern tribes were forcibly relocated to Indian Territory (present Oklahoma) (map 1.1). Most Creeks settled in east-central Oklahoma where they established the Muscogee (Creek)

Nation. Seminoles who were removed from Florida established a smaller nation nearby. A few pockets of Creek speakers remained in Alabama, among the Seminoles in Florida, and in eastern Texas.

Map 1.1. Forced resettlkement of Creeks and Seminoles to Indian Territory. (Reprinted from 4 Dictionary of Creek/Muskogee by Jack B. Martin and Margaret McKane Mauldin by permission of University of Nebraska Press. © 2000 by the University of Nebraska Press.)

The two Creek-speaking nations in Indian Territory were largely autonomous from the United States until Oklahoma statehood in 1907.

Creek-speaking Seminoles in Florida joined speakers of HitchitiMikasuki to establish the Seminole Tribe of Florida in 1954. In 2004, Creek was spoken tn three locations: by several thousand individuals in the Muscogee (Creek) and Seminole nations of eastern

Oklahoma and by several hundred members of the more distant Seminole Tribe of Florida. The three main dialects—Muskogee,

Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples > Oklahoma Seminole Creek, and Florida Seminole Creek—conform to these three political groups (table 1.1). TABLE |.1. DIALECT NAMES AND TRIBAL AFFILIATION

DIALECT TRIBAL AFFILIATION

Muskogee Muscogee (Creek) Nation Oklahoma Seminole Creek Seminole Nation Florida Seminole Creek Seminole Tribe of Florida

1.1 In the old country Most of our knowledge of Creek customs tn the early years is based on reports by Spanish, German, and English visitors. A few early reports come from members of the Unitas Fratrum or Moravian Church, who

fled Salzburg and began to settle near Savannah, Georgia in 1734. They began missions among the Yamacraw—an apparently Creekspeaking group new to the area—and established a school for Indian children on the island of Irene (Hamilton 1900:79). The travel diary of Philip Georg Friedrich von Reck provides a description of neighboring Creeks and Yuchis in 1736: Their towns and dwellings are usually situated on a river. The Creek Nation consists of several towns, which however are more like our villages than towns. The houses are scattered here and there without order, and the plantations are nearby. The houses are beaten together out of mud, without chimneys, without doors, without compartments, without storeys. The fire is in the center of the house, around which they lie on the ground in the ashes with their wives, children and dogs round about. When they camp during travelling or on the hunt, they peel a pine tree and make a hut of bark or else of skins and a few poles. [Hvidt 1980:49—S0|

Different towns were governed by “kings” (Creek mi:kko).:

This Creek nation is ruled by various kings who must win this preference or title through an especially brave deed. Otherwise the king is not distinguished from his subjects. He eats, drinks, sleeps and lives together with them. He rules merely through good advice, which they

nevertheless follow exactly. In their councils the king presents the matter to the old people, the old people present it to the young and then it is carried out. They do not object or argue amongst themselves but

follow. .. . Distinct from these are those who have command in war time. They give the king one-tenth of everything. They administer a regular justice, observe the right to revenge, punish vices, for example,

adultery by cutting off noses and ears, and fornication by cutting off

6 §] ears and hair, and lying by not letting anyone eat or drink with a liar or give him a hand, &c. [Hvidt 1980:41]

In the above passage, von Reck refers to two major divisions of leaders found in Creek towns in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: the

hatha:k-alki or ‘white’ moiety governed during time of peace; the cilokho:k-dalki or ‘red’ moiety (literally, ‘those who speak a different language’) ruled in time of war. Food in 1736 consisted of “rice, deer, buffalo and bear meat, which they boil, roast and smoke” and “small cakes of Indian corn [baked] in the ashes” (Hvidt 1980:46). Von Reck also described their dress: They go about almost naked, except that males are covered with an apron in front and behind. The females wrap a piece of cloth around their hips, which reaches to their knees. When it is cold, they envelop themselves in a fur or blanket. [Hvidt 1980:46]

Men tattooed their faces and chests, and women tattooed their arms. This practice had begun to disappear by the 1770s, when it was limited to elders.

Like many later visitors, von Reck described the annual “busk” (Creek poskita ‘fast’), now usually referred to in English as the Green Corn dance: They celebrate a feast every year when the corn Is ripe, at the end of July or the beginning of August, which ts called the Busk. Even if the nation is not assembled throughout the year, yet they assemble at this time. In this festival, which lasts four days, war, peace

and other matters which concern the general welfare are discussed, and, if war is decided on, then it commences just after the Busk. On the first festival day they undertake a cleansing. They purge the body using

the four different kinds of plants: Pasaw, or rattlesnake root: Micoweanochaw or, red root; Sowatchko, which grows like wild fennel; and Eschalapootchke, or small tobacco. After that they fast, some for twenty-four hours, some longer. On the second day a few warriors sit together and celebrate in song the deeds of their heroes. During the singing, there comes here a captain, there a captain, there a

third, &c., with his people running up in a fury, all singing and shrieking together. The fire in all the huts of the Indian town is put out, and a new fire is made... . Before or during the Busk no one may bake anything from or eat the new corn... The remainder of the time during this festival is spent in eating, drinking and dancing. At the same time the women appear in their best finery and join in rows. The music consists of rattles and a kettledrum, which are accompanied by the shrieks of the dancers. [Hvidt 1980:49]|

Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples 7 Three of the four medicinal plants von Reck described in this passage—pd-ssa, mi:kko-hoyani:ca, and hici-lopdocki—are _ still identifiable. The “rattles” consist of box-turtle shells that are fastened to buckskin and tied to the lower legs of women dancers.

Some forty years after the Moravians settled on the coast of Georgia, the naturalist William Bartram traveled through the Lower

and Upper Creek regions “for the discovery of rare and _ useful productions of nature, chiefly in the vegetable kingdom” (Waselkov and Braund 1995:33). He described the Creeks as having a “powerful confederacy or empire” (Waselkov and Braund 1995:108). The Upper Creeks lived on the Tallapoosa, Coosa, Apalachicola, or Chatahoochee

rivers, mostly in northern Alabama, while the Lower Creeks or “Siminoles” lived in the swampier areas of the Flint river in southern

Georgia. The Lower Creek towns, he noted, spoke “Muscogulge” (Creek) and “Stincard” (Hitchiti-Mikasuk1). Several languages were

spoken among the Upper Creek, though Creek was the majority language and the lingua franca. Table 1.2 lists the Upper Creek towns Bartram identified as speaking Creek in 1776. In all, he estimated there

were fifty-five towns in the confederacy with a total population of eleven thousand (Waselkov and Braund 1995:109). TABLE |.2. PARTIAL LIST OF CREEK-SPEAKING TOWNS AND TRIBES WITHIN THE CREEK CONFEDERACY, 1776, ACCORDING TO WILLIAM BARTRAM ON THE TALLAPOOSE [| TALLAPOOSA | OR OAKFUSKE RIVER

Oakfuskee, upper akfaski (‘promontory’) Oakfuskee, lower

Ufale, upper vofa:la (no meaning) Ufale, lower Sokaspoge

Tallase, great (alsi (no meaning) Coolome Chuaclahatche

Otasse a:tasi (no meaning)

Cluale tiwahli ( we

Il. liam? River Settlement. be, Ill. #ish Eating Creek Settlement. es Be a

IV. Cow Creek Settlement. 4 6) V. Cat Fish Lake Settlement. J

0 S13 Map 1.2. Settlements in Florida (from MacCauley 1887). In the twentieth century, settlements IV and V moved to III, the main Creek-speaking area.

Each settlement consisted of one to ten camps. All the women and children in a camp belonged to the same clan (MacCauley 1887:478,

507). Each camp contained several houses consisting of raised platforms covered by thatched roofs and open on all sides. These are usually called “chickees” in English, from Hitchiti-Mikasuki ciki. Distinctive clothing was made from fabric purchased in stores. Reservations were created in the twentieth century. The Catfish Lake and Cow Creek settlements were then consolidated with the Fish Eating Creek settlement at the Brighton Reservation on the northwest

2Y

side of Lake Okeechobee. In 2004, as many as two hundred people continued to speak Creek there. Many continued to build chickees, attend the Green Corn dance, and follow ancient traditions. Only a portion of the Seminoles remaining in Florida spoke Creek.

The remainder spoke Hitchiti-Mikasuki. According to MacCauley’s informant Ko-nip-hatco (konip-ha:co ‘crazy skunk’), the Big Cypress and Miami River settlements called themselves “K&an-yuk-sa Is-ti-tca-

ti” (kan-voksa_ isti-ca:t-i ‘Florida Indians’), while the Fish Eating

Creek, Cow Creek, and Catfish Lake settlements north of the Caloosahatchie River were “Tallahassee Indians” (MacCauley 1887:509). His distinction probably reflected language differences,

with the former, more southerly group speaking mostly HitchitiMikasuki and the northern group—yjust seventy-two people—speaking mostly Creek.

1.4 History of documenting Creek The earliest important materials in Creek were collected by Salzburgers living near Savannah, Georgia in the 1730s. Von Reck recorded a few Creek and Yuchi terms for flora and local fauna during

his visit (Hvidt 1980). Others in the community completed a vocabulary and short text (Anonymous [1738?]). These survive in a small notebook of about one hundred pages in Creek, German, and

English at the Archives of the Moravian Church in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. The notes are written in a phonetic system composed mostly of Greek and Latin letters (table 1.3). TABLE |.3. SELECTED CREEK WORDS AS WRITTEN BY SALZBURGERS (ANONYMOUS [1738?]), WITH MODERN PHONEMIC EQUIVALENTS IN ITALICS

ORIGINAL GLOSS ORIGINAL MODERN PHONEMIC TRANSCRIPTION TRANSCRIPTION

‘the Sky’ SOTO sold ‘the hdasseto:hasi ‘Fire’Sun’ TUTKO tka ‘a Valley’ TUVVE pani

‘Stone’ YOTU cato ‘a King’ ULKkKO mi:kko ‘my Father’ YOKE ca-tki

> References in diaries suggest that the authors of the vocabulary are the pastors Johann Martin Boltzius and Israel Christian Gronau (von Reck in Jones 1968:147; Boltzius and Gronau in Jones 1969:30).

Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples [3 The language in this notebook differs only slightly from the modern language. William Bartram recorded only a few Creek words tn his account of

life between 1773 and 1776 (Bartram 1928). Colonel Benjamin Hawkins paid more serious attention to language while serving as the United States’ chief agent to the four major southern tribes between 1796 and 1816. His Sketch of the Creek Country (Hawkins 1848) is a

rich source of place-names and names of tribal groups. Many of Hawkins’ papers were lost in a house fire (Hawkins 1848:4), but a few

originals and copies survive. Some of Hawkins’ word lists from the

1790s are at the American Philosophical Society, the Georgia Historical Society, and the New-York Historical Society.” The next serious language work was conducted in Indian Territory. The Presbyterian missionary John Fleming and his wife visited in 1832

(Loughridge 1888:1). Rev. Fleming developed the second Creek alphabet and published the first books in Creek: three primers (Fleming

1834, 1835a, 1836) and a sermon with hymns (Fleming 1835b). At

about the same time, John Davis and Johnston Lykins created a different spelling for a translation of the Gospel of John (Davis and Lykins 1835).

Because missionaries to the Creeks believed in education in Creek, they desperately needed Creek language materials. Loughridge worked

with David Winslett, a promising young student, to produce Creek

hymnals (Loughridge 1845; Loughridge and Winslett 1851), a catechism (Loughridge 1846), and translations of the gospels of Matthew and John (Loughridge 1855; Loughridge et al. 1871). Husband and wife William S. Robertson and Ann Eliza Worcester Robertson worked with Winslett to publish the first and second Creek

readers (W. Robertson and Winslett 1867, 1871) (figure 1.2). The

spelling system they used at their schools combined features of Fleming’s spelling in his primers and Davis’s and Lykins’ spelling tn the Gospel of John. It was adopted as the “National Alphabet” by many

interpreters and chiefs as early as 1853 (A. E. W. Robertson 1880; Loughridge and Hodge 1890). For a brief time, the Baptist missionary H. F. Buckner used a different alphabet in his grammar and songbook written with G. Herrod (Buckner 1860a, 1860b), but that alphabet was never taken up by others. ° Other vocabularies from this early period, sometimes based on Hawkins, include Adair (1775), Pope (1792), Barton (1797), Anonymous (ca. 1815), Adelung (1816), Gallatin (1836, 1848), Latham (1846, 1862), Casey ({1850°?], 1854), and Morgan (1871). From 1807 to 1813, the Moravian missionaries Johann Christian Burckhard and Karsten Petersen lived near Hawkins’ residence on the Flint River. They recorded only a few words in their diary (Mauelshagen and Davis 1969).

14 gl David Winslett died during the U.S. Civil War, but Loughridge

eventually completed a dictionary with David M. Hodge (Loughridge and Hodge 1890). Ann Eliza Worcester Robertson, the best linguist of

the missionaries, published a book of hymns (A. E. W. Robertson 1880), a note on long consonants (A. E. W. Robertson 1881), and translations of the New Testament, Genesis, and Psalms (A. E. W. Robertson et al. 1887, 1893, 1896).

ss {ey,ae ET is ae les foes

eee Le eee pee Soe en Se seer Saar | NAKCOKV ES KERRETV ENHVTECESEKY. 18 12 NAKCOKV ES KERRETVY ENHVTECESKY. | _

Cuha. | ffGa? 2 oea; ee 4 EM Ve . al eo ‘602: ey bs ox ee ee

oes | Rie | oe | A,a. Atvmees hocefetvts: este omvlkv erketa

| Oh _. bbaea A» eB, te Afedi, ine

SQ a 2S “Deter

ee erates ale i C,e. Cesvs es hocefetvts. Hopctakuce awe

ae (SE BISETY pexvs sentvckackekon ; Hesaketvmese em meku

PS _ __| Z svpkv mv omet os Cesvs makvtes. |

Fuca. : FGA vii ode a Neay }pas" ve me i FUOO. PVLVENY. *| ‘eS RSite, aS The affricate c is phonetically [tf], a sequence of stop+fricative; it patterns as a

single consonant within the language, however. Thus, ico ‘deer’ is stressed and syllabified like ‘fa ‘dog’ rather than like /s/i *‘person’. Infixation also treats c as a single consonant.

Phonemes 49 fakki ‘soil’ [fakk1]

Plosives at the beginnings of syllables are voiced between voiced

sounds (§5.1). The velar plosive &£ sometimes has a_ uvular pronunciation (§5.3); ¢ is sometimes pronounced [ts], especially before k (85.8).

4.1.2 Fricatives The fricatives 7, s, #, and / are normally voiceless.

f is a voiceless labiodental or bilabial fricative (the bilabial articulation is pronounced by raising the lower lip to the upper lip,

; : : sea : 4

with no rounding of the lips);

s 1s a voiceless apico-alveolar fricative;

¢ is a voiceless alveolar-lateral fricative:

his a voiceless glottal fricative.

The following examples show contrasts in initial position (3) and medial position (4).

(3) fakki ‘soul’ [ fakk1]

Sakpa ‘his or her arm’ [sakpo|

takko ‘horse’ [dakko|

hakka ‘dipper’ [hakko | (4) cafk-ita ‘to drip’ [tlofkrdo | caSk-ita ‘to peck at’ [tlaskido|

ca-tki ‘my father’ [ thotkr] cahki:p-in ‘five’ [t}ahki:bin| At the beginnings of syllables, s and f may be lightly voiced between

voiced sounds (§5.1). Lightly voiced f and s are transcribed here phonetically as [f] and [s], respectively. In some positions, 4 has a uvular articulation ($5.4).

4.1.3 Sonorants Sonorants are normally fully voiced. m is a voiced bilabial nasal; w is a voiced labiovelar glide; n is a voiced alveolar nasal;

* Some speakers give s a laminal articulation sounding a little like |f{]. This pronunciation is particularly prevalent in Florida.

50 $4 / is a voiced alveolar lateral:

y is a voiced palatal glide.

The following are examples of contrasts in initial position (5) and medial position (6).

(5) moti:sa ‘type of jug’ [modi:sa]

wo.tko ‘raccoon’ [wo:tko] nokosi — ‘bear’ [nogos1|

loca ‘turtle’ [ludko|

yaha ‘wolf [joho]

(6) hamk-in ‘one’ [hometn |]

ahawki = ‘door’ [ohoweg!| opanka ‘dance’ [obongo] ~ [obongo| omdlka ‘everything’ [omolgo] apoyka ‘tameanimal’ — [abujga]

Under certain circumstances, n assimilates in place to a following k ($5.2).

4.1.4 Geminate consonants Geminate consonants are clusters of like consonants. Geminate consonants are tense and slightly longer than nongeminates:

(7) a. hafap-i: ‘weedy’ [hotobi:] kasapp-i: ‘cold’ [kasappi| b. hotop-ita ‘to barbecue’ [hodobids] hottop-ita ‘to be itchy’ [hottobida] c. ikoci ‘his/her elbow’ — [1gudgi|

i:kkoc-i: ‘smoke’ likkuc&ir]

Geminate cc 1s pronounced [ttf]:

(8) thaei “its tail’ [thodi] hacci ‘river’ [hott{1]

The examples in (9) contrast geminate and nongeminate fricatives:

(9) a. thafi ‘his/her thigh’ —_[thoft] laff-ita ‘to cut, carve’ [loffids] b. hasi ‘sun’ — [hast]

assi ‘tea’ [asst]

Cc. ait-a ‘wanderer, one who goes about’ — [asta]

ki:¢t-a ‘seer, prophet’ [ kisd4o |

Sonorants may also be geminate:

Phonemes eal

;5

(10) a. acina ‘cedar’ [odjino | honna ‘dress’ [honns| b. fo:y-ita ‘to saw’ [foyrdo | loyy-ita ‘to hoe’ [lujjido |

Geminate hh and mm are uncommon within roots. Geminate ww does not occur in the speech of most speakers.”

4.2 Vowel contrasts 4.2.1 Short vowels

The three short vowels 7, a, and o range in quality from lax (central) [1], [9], [U] to tense (noncentral) [i], [a], [o], respectively. i is a nonlow front vowel:

ais alow back vowel; o is anonlow back rounded vowel.

The following are examples of contrasts in initial position (11) and final position (12).

(11) gcd ‘deer’ [cho]

aci ‘corn [ocr]

oci: ‘hickory’ [odi:]

(12) pact ‘pigeon’ [pod] loca ‘turtle’ [lucko | focé ‘duck’ [| fudo| A number of factors determine whether a vowel ts centralized: ¢ As figure 4.1 shows, short vowels are central relative to long vowels. ¢ Vowels are more central in closed syllables. ¢ Vowels are less central in slow speech.

¢ A neighboring consonant made with the blade or tip of the tongue has a centralizing effect (particularly on 0).

¢ The vowel a is generally noncentral when followed in the same syllable by / or k. ¢ The vowel o in final position is generally noncentral.

> But cf. Haas (1977a:202, n. 5), who reports ww among Creek speakers influenced by Alabama or Koasati.

a2 od —

300 - i ee Women

400; ~~ 1) Lo | 500+ 2 i J Ol{ i Sf QO |.

|| fof faiary Tr

|i:f 900 | Lae Fl (Hz) eae

300 + a ee aa _ 400 - NS! Oo: | AY OY

500 {|W 600 - eo 700 | | ca |i | ‘a

500 LY

900

3000 2400 1800 1200 600 F2 (Hz)

Figure 4.1. Acoustic vowel space for women (top panel) and men (bottom panel). The placement of vowel symbols indicates the average formant values of each vowel. Ellipses enclose approximately 90 percent of the measured values of each vowel. (After Johnson and Martin 2001. © 2001 S. Karger AG, Basel.)

4.2.2 Long vowels The long vowels 7:, a:, and o: are held slightly longer than short vowels and are always noncentral (tense). The following examples contrast short and long vowels tn initial position (13) and final position (14).

Phonemes a (13) a. fssi ‘body-hair, fur’ — [1sst]

i:sso. ‘ashes’ [isso]

b. dssi ‘tea’ [osst]

a:fki ‘hominy grits’ — [a:fki]

Cc. opa ‘owl [obo] O:fa_“inside’ [o:fa]

(14) a. ack ‘corn’ [oc]

och: — *hickory’ [od&ir]

b. focd ‘turtle’ [luda] osa: = “pokeweed’ [osa:]

c. kicé ‘pounding bowl’ [kicd&o]

kacé: ‘berry’ [kacko:]

4.2.3 Nasal vowels The nasal vowels are short 7”, a”, o” and long 7:", a:", 0:". Nasal vowels

are generally derived from nasal consonants or result from the nasalizing grade. They are almost always long.

¢ The most common source of nasal vowels is the nasalizing grade, where nasalization, rising tone, and lengthening are used to signal greater degree (88.5):

;i;;,6

(15) Aiz"t-os-i: ‘pretty’ [hitosi:|

¢ Nasal vowels also occur in a few suffixes indicating questions.”

(16) o:sk-iha:" [o:skiha:] rain. LGR-Q

‘! wonder if it’s raining.’

¢ In informal speech, the word mo:m-in ‘then, and’ may be pronounced

.7

mo."w-in or mo:w-in. A few other forms show a similar pattern ($5.9),

¢ Only a few other forms show contrasts between oral and nasal vowels:

(17) a. pé-tki ‘our father’ [ potk1]

opé"tko — *cutworm’ [obotko |

b. in-hét-ka ‘laziness’ ( in-ho"t-ka.

4.3 Diphthongs The diphthongs ay (or ev), oy, and aw all rise from back vowels to glides. The glides y and w in these diphthongs are slightly centralized (approaching [1] and [u], respectively).

4.3.1 The diphthong ay (or ey) The diphthong ay underwent a shift from [aj] to [ey] in the nineteenth

and twentieth centuries. Loughridge and Hodge (1890) used the English letter to spell the sound and described it as sounding like 7 in English pine.* When Mary R. Haas did her fieldwork in the 1930s and 1940s, she

recorded a limited distinction between ay and ey in words like hayyo:ma:t ‘now’ and weyyita ‘to sell’. It seems from this that the diphthong ay had begun shifting pronunciation to [ej] by the first half

of the twentieth century, but that the shift at that time was still incomplete.

At the close of the twentieth century, the shift to [ej] was nearly complete: a few speakers continued to make a subtle and limited distinction that might be transcribed as in (18).

(18) a. hayyo:m-a:t = “now [hajjo:ma:t]

weyy-itd ‘to sell’ [wejjrdo|

b. hayy-i: ‘hot’ [hajjir]

ihéywa ‘his wife’ [thejwo]

| have followed Haas’s practice of distinguishing ay and ey in such forms, though the contrast appears to be disappearing. When followed by a consonant at the end of a phrase, the diphthong ey is pronounced [e:] by some Oklahoma speakers. ’

(19) homp-it o:m-éy-s [hombido:me:s | eat.LGR-T be.LGR-1IS.AG-IND

‘I’m eating.’

In Florida, the pronunciation [ej] is used in this context.

* Albert S. Gatschet, a native German speaker, generally transcribed the sound as (Gatschet 1884—88).

” Gatschet (1884-1888) transcribed this sound as .

Phonemes SD 4.3.2 The diphthong oy The diphthong oy ts generally pronounced [vj]:

(20) hopéywa ‘child’ [hobujwo] Many speakers pronounce oy as [u:]. As noted in $5.10, oy may also shift from [uj] to [wir] or [ir].

4.3.3 The diphthong aw The diphthong aw ts generally pronounced [ow]:

(21) ahawki ‘door’ [ahawe!] There is a clear contrast between o: and aw in words like those in (22).

(22) fo: ‘bee’ — [for] haw ‘okay!’ [how]

4.4 Suprasegmentals Stress, tone, and intonation are three distinct phenomena affecting the pitch of words and sentences. The basic contrasts are presented here. The rules underlying the system are described in §7 and 88.

4.4.1 Stress contrasts Stress in Creek is reflected in terms of pitch rather than loudness or duration. In the examples in this section, the pitch of each syllable is represented by a line whose height and contour corresponds to the

pitch of the syllable. Thus, [~~] represents a two-syllable word with high pitch throughout, and [~~ ___] represents a two-syllable word whose first syllable has high pitch and whose second syllable has low pitch. Some initial light syllables may have pitch that is lowered slightly, as though the pitch 1s on the way to high. This is marked with

a dotted line; |“ ~ | thus represents a word with level high pitch, except that the first syllable may be slightly lowered. The rising diagonal line | ’ | represents rising tone and [\] represents falling tone:

(23) aci ‘corn’ [or] [°°] haci ‘its tail’ ( at-is ‘come!’

(16m. pi)-as > homp-as ‘eat!’ (hom) pi. pi)-as > hompip-ds ‘please eat!’ (wa.nda)yvi-as > wanay-as ‘tie It!’ (a.wa)(navil-as > awanay-ds ‘tie it to it!’

Another suffix commonly requiring the zero grade is future -afi:‘will’. This suffix always has stress on the first vowel and so allows us to examine forms with multiple accents. When a word has more than

one syllable with primary stress, each stress triggers a drop in pitch relative to the preceding one (table 8.6). A form like Admp-ati:-s, with two accents, thus has a terraced pitch pattern resulting from downstep ($8.7). TABLE 8.6. ZERO GRADE WITH A STRESSED SUFFIX

STEM ZERO GRADE EXAMPLE

nis- ‘buy’ nis nis-ati:-s [~~~ | ‘he/she will buy it’ homp- ‘eat’ homp- homp-ati:-s |~ — __ | “he/she will eat’ wanay- ‘tie’ wandy- wandy-ati:-s |" ~~ — | ‘he/she will tie it’

awanay- ‘tle to” = awanay - awanay-ati:-s |" __ | “he/she will tie it to it’

The forms tn table 8.6 can be analyzed as in (4).

(4) 9 (ni.si)-ati:-s > nis-ati:-s ‘he/she will buy it’ (10m. pi)-ati:-s > homp-dati:-s “he/she will eat’ (wa.nd)yi-ati:-s > wanday-dati:-s ‘he/she will tie it’ (a.wa)(na.yi)-ati:-s > awanay-ati:-s ‘he/she will tie it to it’

As the forms in (4) show, stress from the zero grade merges with the stress of -dti:- when they fall on the same vowel. When stress falls on different syllables, downstep applies and a terraced pattern emerges.

Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 87 The second person singular agentive suffix -ick- also has inherent stress. This leads to future forms with three stressed syllables (table 8.7). TABLE 8.7. ZERO GRADE WITH TWO STRESSED SUFFIXES

STEM ZERO GRADE EXAMPLE

nis- ‘buy’ nis - nis-ick-ati:-s |" ~~ — __ | ‘you will buy it

homp- ‘eat’ homp- homp-ick-ati:-s | ~~ — ____ | ‘you will eat’

wanay- ‘tie’ wandy- wanay-ick-ati:-s |" ~~ — _____ ] ‘you will tie it’

awanay- ‘tie to’ awanay - awanay-ick-ati:-s | — —F ‘you will tie it to it’

The forms in table 8.7 can be analyzed as in (5).

(5) 9 (nist)-ick-dati:-s > — nis-ick-ati:-s “you will buy it’ (hom. pi)-ick-ati: -s > hoémp-ick-ati:-s “you will eat’ (wa.nd)vi-ick-dti:-s > wandy-ick-ati:-s “you will tie it’ (a.wa)(na.yi)-ick-ati:-s > awanay-ick-dati:-s ‘you will tie it to it’

Some suffixes added to a verb root become part of the stem. The plural suffix -ak-, for example, is included in feet and thus affects the placement of stress in the zero grade:

(6) (ni.Sa)ki-ati:-s > nis-ak-ati:-s ‘they will buy it’ (hom)(pa.kt)-ati:-s > homp-ak-ati:-s ‘they will eat it’ (wa.na)va.ki)-ati:-s = > ~~ wanay-ak-ati:-s ‘they will tie It’ (a.wa)(naya)ki-ati:-s > awanay-ak-dati:-s ‘they will tie it to it’

Other suffixes are outside the stem. The first person plural agentive suffix -7y-, like all agentive suffixes, is outside the domain of foot formation in stems:

(7) (11.81)-iy-ati:-s > nis-ty-ati:-s “we will buy tt’ (hom. pi)-ty-dti:-s > homp-iy-ati:-s “we will eat’ (wa.nd)vi-ly-dti:-s > wandy-iv-ati:-s “we will tie it’ (a.wa)(nayt)-iy-ati:-s > awanay-ty-dti:-s ‘we will tie it to it’

The fact that a suffix can be counted within the stem or outside the stem leads to contrasts between words in stress. AS we have seen, the plural suffix -ak- is a stem-forming suffix. The impersonal agent suffix has the same shape (-ak-), but like all agentive suffixes, is outside the domain of stress. The two suffixes are contrasted in (8a) (plural -ak-) and (8b) (impersonal agent -dk-).

88 §8

(8) a. wanay-ak-ati:-s [~~ ——s”| ‘they will tie it’

b. wanay-ak-dti:-s [| “~~ —— _ ___ | ‘one should tie tt’

The derivation of (8a) is shown in (9a); the derivation of (8b) is shown in (9b).

(9) a. (wa.na)va.ki)-ati:-s > wanay-ak-ati:-s ‘they will tie it’ b. (wa.nd)vi-ak-ati:-s > wanay-ak-ati:-s ‘one should tie it’ Stress in Creek can thus be important in determining the structure of a word.

8.2 The lengthened grade (igr.) The lengthened grade (lgr.) 1s the most common grade form. As Its

name suggests, the lengthened grade is often characterized by lengthening the last vowel of the verb stem (table 8.8). When the last vowel of the verb stem is already long or followed in the same syllable by a sonorant (/, m,n, w, or y), the vowel is not lengthened (table 8.9). TABLE 8.8. LENGTHENED GRADE (BASIC FORM)

STEM LGR. EXAMPLE ay- *(one) go’ d:y- a:y-is | ~~ | ‘he/she is going’

tac- “cut ta:c- ta:c-is| ~~ | ‘he/she is cutting’ litk- *(one) run’ li:tk- li:tk-is | ~~ | ‘he/she is running’ apil- ‘laugh’ api: |- api:l-is [°° ~~ ~~ | ‘he/she ts laughing’ TABLE 8.9. LENGTHENED GRADE OF STEMS WITH A LONG VOWEL OR VN IN THE LAST SYLLABLE

STEM LGR. EXAMPLE apo:k- ‘(three or more) apo-:k- apo: k-is [°° ~~~ | ‘they are sitting’ sit’

halk- ‘(one) crawl’ halk- halk-is | ~~~ | ‘he/she is crawling’

homp- ‘eat’ homp- homp-is |~_ ~~ | ‘he/she is eating’ afank- ‘kiss’ afank- afank-is [| °’ ~~ ~~ | “he/she is kissing’ hawk- ‘open’ hawk- hawk-is |~— ~~ | “it is opening’ hoyt- ‘(one) stand’ hoyt- hoyt-is [~~ | ‘he/she is standing up’

hakeyhk- *(one) cry’ hakeyhk- hakeyhk-is | °""* ~~ ~~ | ‘he/she is crying’

Siress, tone, and grades in verbs 89 Lack of lengthening in these forms is consistent with a tendency in Creek to avoid syllables of the shape (C)V:N, except in word-final position ($5.7, $6.1).

As the transcriptions above show, the lengthened grade also has a characteristic pitch pattern. An initial light syllable has slightly lower pitch. In verb stems that are less than two feet in length, initial heavy

syllables and medial syllables have level high pitch that spreads rightward. High pitch generally spreads to the end of the word:

(10) apil- ‘laugh’ (lgr. api:/-) api:l-ati:-s |" ~~ ~~ | ‘he/she laughed (Past 5)’

When an inherently stressed suffix intervenes, high pitch stops at the stressed syllable, as in (11).

(11) apil- ‘laugh’ (gr. api:/-) api:l-ick-is |" ~~ __ | “you (sg.) are laughing’

Verb stems that are two or more feet in length have a terraced pattern in the lengthened grade: an initial plateau of high pitch is followed by downstep and another plateau of lowered high pitch:

(12) awanay- ‘tie to’ awana:y-is | °""* ~~ —— | ‘he/she is tying it to it’

ac-awanay- ‘tie me to’ ac-awana:y-ts [ "~~ ——— | ‘he/ she is tying me to it’

akk-at- *(one) wade’ akk-a:t-is | —- —— | ‘he/she ts wading’

folothok- ‘(two) turn around’ foldtho:k-is | “~~ —— ] ‘they (two) are turning around’ in-lopeyc- ‘make better for’ — in-lopeyc-is | —- —-— — | ‘he/she’s making it better for him/her’

is-iti-pakoc- ‘fold with’ is-iti-pako:c-is [| ‘he/she’s folding it with it’

hakancitopo:tk- ‘do a hakancitopo:tk-is [| ~~ — — — |

somersault’ ‘he/she is doing a somersault’

The initial plateau of high pitch in these longer forms stops after the second-to-last foot of the stem. With the three-syllable stem awanay‘tie to’, the plateau stops on the penult:

(13) (awa)(na:)yi-is > awana:y-is ‘he/she it tying it to It’ The three-syllable stem in-/opeyc- ‘make better for’ has a heavy initial syllable, however, so accent falls on the antepenultimate syllable of the stem:

90 §8 (14) (in)do.pey)ci-is => in-lopeyc-is ‘he/she is making it better for him/her’

The second plateau extends to the end of the word, as in the above forms, or to a syllable with inherent stress:

(15) awanay-‘tieto’? = awana:y-att:-s | "~~ — —— | ‘he/she tied it to it (Past 5)’

awdna:y-ick-is [~~ ——__ ] ‘you are tying it to it’

We can now turn to contrasts between the zero grade and the lengthened grade. Both words in (16) are based on the verb stem apo:k- ‘(three or more) sit’, with first person plural agentive -7:-.

(16) apo-k- ‘(three or more) sit’ = apo:k-ir-s [| “we are here’ (zero grade)

apo: k-i:-s |" ~~~ | ‘we are sitting down’ (lgr.)

The verb stem apo:k- already has a long vowel in the last syllable, so lengthening 1s blocked in the lengthened grade. There ts still a contrast in pitch between the zero grade and lengthened grade, however. In the zero grade, the last stressed syllable in the stem receives high pitch, and this pitch does not spread. In the lengthened grade, high pitch spreads from the last syllable rightward. I assume that both of these words have similar foot structures. The zero grade has fixed high tone (H) assigned to the last stressed syllable:

(17) H (a.p0:)ki-i:-s > apo:k-i:-s| °° ~~ __ | ‘we are here’ (zero grade)

The lengthened grade differs in having spreading high tone (H*). This is also assigned to the last stressed syllable and spreads rightward:

(18) H* (a.p0:)ki-it-s > apo:k-i:-s > apo:k-i:-s [~~~ ~~ | ‘we are sitting down’ (lgr.)

The examples in (19) show my assumptions about foot structure in short verbs. The key syllable of the verb ts first lengthened if possible, so that apil- ‘laugh’ is lengthened to api:/-.” lambic feet are formed from left to right. Spreading high pitch ts assigned to the last foot and

ae os ce Wo A

* It is tempting to link lengthening to stress or a particular tonal accent, but I have not done so here.

Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 9| spreads rightward to the end of the word or the first syllable with stress. Initial unstressed syllables have slightly lowered pitch, and any syllables following a stressed syllable have low pitch:

(19) a. H* H

b. A” H

(a.pi:)li-is > (a.pi:)lis > api:l-is [°° ~~~ | ‘he/she is laughing’

(api: )li-ick-is > (a.pi:)lickis > api:l-ick-is| "~~~ | ‘you are laughing’

Longer forms are similar. A stem like awanay- ‘tie to’ 1s lengthened

to awana-y-. lambic feet are formed from left to right, and spreading high tone is assigned to the last foot. Primary stress is assigned to the second-to-last foot (the foot immediately preceding the lengthened syllable). As in nouns, high tone spreads from the first stressed syllable in a word to the syllable with primary stress. The sequence of high tones leads to downstep, giving two distinctive plateaus with a drop after the second-to-last foot of the stem:

(20) a. H H* H H

(a.wa)(nda: )yi-is > (a.wa)(nd:)yis > awana:y-is [7 ~~ —— |

b. H Ei H H

‘he/she is tying It to it’

(a.ca)(wa.nd: )yi-is > (a.ca)(wa.nd: )yis > acawana.y-ts [| “"" ~ ——— ] ‘he/she is tying me to It’

c- I. Ht H H

(ak)\(ka.)ti-is > (ak)(ka:)tis > dakka:t-is [~~ —— | ‘he/she is wading’

(i.sa)(ca.wa)(nd:)yi-is > (i.sa)(ca.wda)(nd: vis

> Isacawana:y-is | °° ~~ — — | ‘he/she is tying me to it with it’

9? Ryo There are different ways to analyze the phonology of accent placement in the lengthened grade, but the basic facts should be clear from this description.”

Deletion of initial vowels in grade forms is much the same as in nouns.’ Thus, the initial vowel in oponay- ‘speak’ often deletes, but stress in the shorter form is not recalculated in the lengthened grade: (21) opona.-y-is ‘he/she is speaking’ pona:y-ts (shorter form showing loss of initial vowel)

When the same vowel deletes in medial position, however, stress Is recalculated based on the surface form: (22) im-opona:y-is ‘he/she is speaking for him/her’ im-pona-y-ts (shorter form) oponay-aha:n-éy-s “Vm going to speak’ im-ponay-aha:n-éy-s “Vm going to speak for him/her’

8.3 The aspirating grade (hgr.) The aspirating grade (hegr.) usually indicates a relative perfective event in a chained clause or a recently completed event (Past |, 1.e., last night or today) in a main verb. Two competing methods are used to form the

her. One way is to shorten, stress, and aspirate (insert an / after) the last vowel of the verb stem (table 8.10). TABLE 8.10. ASPIRATING GRADE (BASIC FORM)

STEM HGR. EXAMPLE

ay- ‘(one) go’ Ghy- ahy-is ‘he/she went (Past 1)’ wanay- ‘tie’ wandhy- wandahy-is ‘he/she tied it (Past 1)’ awanay- ‘tie to’ awandahy- awanahy-is “he/she tied it to it (Past 1)’

ha-y- ‘make’ hahy- hahy-is ‘he/she made tt (Past 1)’ apo:k- ‘(three or more) sit = apéhk- — apohk-is ‘they sat (Past 1)’

fi:k- ‘pay’ fihk fihk-is ‘they paid (Past 1)’ > Further research might consider whether the two acute accents Haas uses in the lengthened grade conflate two different phenomena. The first, nonspreading, accent in

awadna.-y-is ‘he/she is tying it to it’? behaves like stress in that its placement ts determined by grouping syllables into iambic feet. The second acute accent merely indicates the last syllable with (downstepped) high pitch, and need not be part of the stem.

° Deletion of initial vowels is particularly common with the prefix (i)ti(reciprocal) and with the prefixes (i)s- (instrumental) and (i)m- (dative) when these are followed by vowels.

Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 93 When the verb stem ends in a consonant cluster or kk, however, aspiration is blocked and another method must be used; -éy- is infixed before the last consonant of the stem (table 8.11). TABLE 8.11. ASPIRATING GRADE WITH INFIXATION OF -éy-

STEM HGR. EXAMPLE isk- “drink? iséyk- isévk-is “he/she drank (Past 1)’ litk- ‘(one) run’ litévk- litévk-is “he/she ran (Past 1)’ homp- ‘eat’ homéyp- — homéyp-is ‘he/she ate (Past 1)’ afank- *kiss’ afanéyk- —_ afanéyk-is “he/she kissed (Past 1)’ tamk- *(one) fly’ tameéyk- tameéyk-is “he/she flew (Past 1)’ ‘vifolk- “(one) go back’ ‘yifolévk- — ’yifolévk-is “he/she went back (Past 1)’ hakeyvhk- ‘(one) cry’ hakeyvhéyk- hakeyhéyk-is ‘he/she cried (Past 1)’

akk- ‘bite’ akéyk- akéyk-is “he/she bit it (Past 1)’ wakk- ‘(one) lie’ wakéyk- wakéyk-is ‘he/she lay down (Past 1)’

I still refer to such forms as aspirating grade forms even though no aspiration Is present. When the verb stem ends tn a geminate consonant other than kk, a

different change is made: the geminate consonant is simplified and -6yy- is suffixed (table 8.12).’ TABLE 8.12. ASPIRATING GRADE WITH SUFFIXATION OF -éyy-

STEM HGR. EXAMPLE akhott- ‘shut’ akhotéyy- — akhotéyy-is ‘he/she shut it (Past 1)’ fikhonn- ‘stop’ fikhonéyy- fikhonéyy-is ‘he/she stopped (Past 1)’

kitd- “know’ kiteyy- kitéyy-is ‘he/she learned (Past 1)’ linta:pp- “stumble? linta:péyy- — linta:péyy-is ‘he/she stumbled (Past 1)’

Stems with diphthongs in the last syllable form a mixed class (table 8.13). When the stem ends in eyC, aspiration is used, as for /eyk- ‘sit’ in the table. When the stem ends in awC, -éy- 1s generally infixed, as for /awk- ‘rise’ in the table. When the last syllable of the stem includes oyC’, some verbs (such as capkoyc- in the table) favor aspiration and others (such as hoy#- *(one) stand’ in the table) favor infixation of -éy-. " Historically, these geminate consonants derive from C/ clusters; -éy- was infixed before the /, and the / assimilated to the preceding consonant. Thus, the stem *akhoi/-

‘shut? yields modern akhott-, and the aspirating grade *akhofévi- yields modern akhotévy-.

94 $s TABLE 8.13. ASPIRATING GRADE OF STEMS WITH DIPHTHONGS

STEM HGR. EXAMPLE

levk- ‘(one) sit’ lévhk- léyvhk-is “he/she sat down (Past 1)’ lawk- ‘rise (of water) = lawéyk- lawéyk-is “it rose (Past 1)’ capkoyc- ‘lengthen’ capkoyhe- — capkoyhc-is ‘he/she lengthened it (Past 1)’

hoyt- *(one) stand’ hoyéyt- hoyéyt-is “he/she stood (Past 1)’ In the aspirated forms of the aspirating grade, high pitch extends from the first stressed syllable through the accented syllable: (23) awanay-‘tieto’ awandhy-is|~~ ~~~ ____| ‘he/she tied it (Past 1)’

Using the notation already developed, this can be represented as in (24).

(a.wa)(nah)jyi-is > a-wandahy-is |" ~~ ___ | ‘he/she tied it (Past 1)’

In forms with -éy(v)-, high pitch extends from the first stressed syllable

to the syllable with falling tone, followed by low to the end of the word:

(25) — afank- ‘kiss’ afanéyk-is [°° —\ _ ] he/she kissed (last night/ today)’

8.4 The falling tone grade (fgr.) The falling tone grade (fgr.) is used for what I call resultative stative aspect: states resulting from events of a short duration. The falling tone grade is generally formed by lengthening and assigning falling tone to the last syllable of the verb stem (table 8.14). As with the lengthened gerade, lengthening is blocked if the last vowel of the stem is already long or if it is followed in the same syllable by a sonorant (table 8.15). TABLE 8.14. FALLING TONE GRADE (BASIC FORM)

STEM FGR. EXAMPLE wanay- ‘tie’ wand:y- wand:y-is ‘he/she has tied it’ awanay- ‘tie to’ awand.:y- awand:y-is ‘he/she has tied it to it’

sapakl- ‘(three or more) stand’ —s sapavkl- — sapa-kl-is ‘they are standing’

Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 9 TABLE 8.15. FALLING TONE GRADE OF STEMS WITH LONG VOWEL OR VN IN THE LAST SYLLABLE

STEM FGR. EXAMPLE apo. k- “(three or more) sit’ apo: k- apo: k-is ‘they are sitting’

leyk- ‘(one) sit’ leyk- lévk-is ‘he/she ts sitting’ hoyt- *(one) stand’ hoyt- hoyt-is “he/she is standing’ High pitch extends from the first stressed syllable to the accented syllable, with a fall in the accented syllable:

(26) awanay- ‘tie to? — awand:y-is [" \___] ‘he/she has tied it to it’

8.5 The nasalizing grade (ngr.) The nasalizing grade (ngr.) typically indicates greater degree or a sustained event or state. It is formed by nasalizing, lengthening, and assigning rising tone to the final syllable of the verb stem (table 8.16). TABLE 8.16. NASALIZING GRADE (BASIC FORM)

STEM NGR. EXAMPLE cotk- ‘(one) small’? c6:"tk- c6:"tk-os-i: *(one) very small’

likoth- ‘warm’ liko:"th- lik6:"th-os-i: “nice and warm’ Vowels that are lengthened in the nasalizing grade are longer than most

long vowels: the nasalizing grade is used for expressive purposes (meaning ‘very’, ‘really’, ‘for a long time’), and lengthening ts used to match degree. As with the lengthened grade and falling tone grade, lengthening is

blocked when the vowel of the final syllable is already long or followed in the same syllable by a sonorant (table 8.17). TABLE 8.17. NASALIZING GRADE OF STEMS WITH LONG VOWEL OR VN IN THE LAST SYLLABLE

STEM NGR. EXAMPLE

, Ss tes Ge 8

omalk- “all oma'lk- oma'lk-os-it “with all one’s might’ The sonorant in such cases ts itself nasalized and lengthened.

* A variant of the nasalizing grade is formed by nasalizing the penultimate syllable

of the stem and assigning falling tone to the last syllable (what might be called the

96 §8 High pitch in the nasalizing grade extends from the first stressed syllable to the accented syllable, with a slow, steady rise to a higher pitch in the accented syllable:

(27) awanay-‘tie to’ —awand:"y-is ["" — “| ‘he/she has tied it to it’

8.6 The domain of grade formation Just as stress applies within a domain in nouns (87.4), grades apply within a domain in verbs. (28) [prefixes — VERB ROOT — inner suffixes] — outer suffixes — clitics

the stem (domain of grade formation)

All prefixes are within the domain of grade formation: note how the placement of the first accent shifts in the following lengthened grade forms of wanay- ‘tie’:

(29) wana:y-is ‘he/she is tying It’

a-wanda.y-is ‘he/she ts tying It to It’ ac-d-wana:-y-is ‘he/she is tying me to It’ (i)S-ac-a-wana:y-Is ‘he/she ts tying me to it with (something)’

Some suffixes are within the domain of grade formation and some are outside it. When inner suffixes are added to a verb root, they change the syllable affected by grades. All the inner, stem-forming suffixes are listed in table 8.18. Some examples of outer suffixes are shown in table 8.19.

A further distinction between outer suffixes and clitics emerges in the lengthened grade, as seen in table 8.20. In the lengthened grade, level high pitch spreads rightward from the last foot in the stem. When level pitch spreads to clitics (-evs(in) ‘though ...’, -o:ffa) ‘when...’, -a:tfi) ‘as....°), it results in a fall on the first syllable of the clitic. The clitics do not themselves have inherent falling tone: it is only when pitch spreads to a clitic that it has falling pitch. Thus, when a stressed suffix intervenes between the verb stem and the clitic, the clitic has no falling pitch:

(30) wana-y-ick-o:f ‘when you tie It’ wana.-y-ick-a:t “as you tie it nasalizing-falling grade). The word ina-talk-ak-i: ‘(two or more) naked’ thus has the following form: inaila’lk-d:k-os-il naked-PL.NFGR-DIM-T

‘completely naked’ (c. 1940b)

Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 97 TABLE 8.18. INNER (STEM-FORMING) SUFFIXES OF VERBS

REDUPLICATION last- ‘black’, her. laséyilaslat- (pl.), her. las/aht-

MIDDLE -&- fac- ‘cut’, her. tahctack- ‘be cut’, her. tacéyk-

DUAL -ho- feyvk- ‘(one) turn’, hgr. févhkfevhok- ‘(two) turn’, her. fevyhohkDIRECT CAUSATIVE -ic-, -iceyc- ay- *(one) go’, hgr. ahy-

aviceyc- ‘send (one)’, hgr. avicéyvhc-

INDIRECT CAUSATIVE -ipeyc- homp-ipeyc- ‘make eat’, hgr. hompipéyvhe-

SPONTANEOUS -ip- ay- *(one) go’, her. ahyay-ip- “go away’, her. ay-ihp-

PLURAL -ak- nafk- ‘hit’, her. naféyknafk-ak- (pl.), hgr. nafk-ahkTABLE 8.19. OUTER SUFFIXES OF VERBS (EXAMPLES)

INDICATIVE -(i)s nafk- “hit’, hgr. naféyk-is ‘he/she hit it’ (hgr.) AGENT PERSON MARKERS nafk- ‘hit’, hgr. naféyk-ey-s ‘I hit it’ (hgr.) TABLE 8.20. LENGTHENED GRADE WITH OUTER SUFFIXES AND CLITICS

LGR. WITH OUTER SUFFIXES wana.y-éy-s ‘Iam tying It’ wana.-y-i:-s “we are tying 10

LGR. WITH CLITICS wana.y-éys ‘though he/she ties it’ wana: y-0:f “when he/she ties it’ wana.-y-d:t ‘as he/she ties tt’

8.7 Downstep and accent deletion As noted by Haas (1977b), Creek has a process of downstep whereby each accented syllable in a word triggers lowering of the following accent domain:

98 §8 (31) a. ay-ati:-s ree: 20.SG-FUT-IND

‘He/she will go.’

b. ay-ick-dti:-s [oT — FT 20.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND

“You will go.’

c. ndafk-ick-ati:-s eee, tT hit-2S.AG-FUT-IND

“You will hit him/her.’

A more precise characterization of the phenomenon would be to say that accented syllables are spaced in pitch relative to the number of accents in the word. Falling tone and rising tone also trigger downstep:

(32) léyk-ick-is [‘\—_] Sit.SG.FGR-2S.AG-IND

‘You are sitting.’

Liaison usually applies between a main verb and the auxiliary om‘be’ (86.4). In this context, a main verb in the lengthened grade loses the last accent:

(33) a. mazk-it' ~~ o:m-is (pronounced ma-kito:mis|~ ~~ ‘Wd Say.LGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘... It Says.’

b. ma:k-a:k-it' o:m-ts (pronounced md:ka:kito:mis Say-PL.LGR-T be.LGR-IND | — ——— ]) *... they say.’

Sometimes two forms of om- are used, and in this case as well, only the main verb loses its final accent in the lengthened grade:

(34) mazk-it' 6n-t' ~~ o:m-is (pronounced ma: kitonto: mis

Say.LGR-T be.LGR-T be.LGR-IND [~~ ]) *... It says.’

Downstep ts otherwise restricted to occurring within words.

8.8 Stress and grades in sentences A few additional examples will show how the various principles governing stress in nouns and grade forms interact in sentences. In (35), the nominative -(7)f at the ends of the first two noun phrases is a clitic, and thus has no effect on stress. The demonstrative ma is not

Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 99 normally stressed. The word if-dci ‘puppy’ is a noun and so has tambic stress. The verb 0-:-s is contracted from 6:m-is, the falling tone grade of om- “be’.

(35) ma-t if-dci-t O:-S that-T dog-DIM-T be.FGR-IND

‘That is a puppy.’

A similar pattern 1s seen in (36a) below, contrasting minimally with the pattern in (36b).

(36) a. ma-t hitot-i:-t O:-8 that-T freeze-NZR-T be.FGR-IND

‘That is ice.’

b. ma-t hitot-i:-t O:-S8 that-T freeze-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘That is frozen.’

In (36a), Aitot-i: 1s a noun and so shows the tambic stress pattern. Example (36b) shows the pattern seen in most stative participles: the stem of Aitoét-i: 1s in the zero grade, and durative -/: 1s outside the domain of iambic stress. The examples in (37) are parallel to (36):

(37) a. ma-t aholoc-i:-t O:-8 that-T cloudy-NZR-T be.FGR-IND ‘That is a cloud.’

b. ma-t aholoc-i:-t O:-8 that-T cloudy-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘That is cloudy.’

In (37a), aholoc-i: ‘cloud’ contains the nominalizer -7: and is stressed as a single word. Example (37b) includes durative -7:, which ts outside the domain of stress. The durative form in (37b) is homophonous with the nominalization in (37a), however, because stress falls on the stem vowel in (37b), as is shown in (38).

(38) (ahd)lo.ci-i:-t > aholoc-i:-t ‘cloudy’ In (39a), aholo:c-it is in the lengthened grade.

(39) a. ahdolo:c-it O:-S cloudy.LGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘It is getting cloudy.’

100 §8 b. aholo:c-i:-t O:-8

cloudy.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘It gets cloudy (routinely).’

The stem-final syllable has been lengthened in (39a, b) and the characteristic terraced pattern associated with longer verbs in the lengthened grade is used. Example (39b) 1s the durative form of (39a). The auxiliary is contracted from 6:m-is, falling tone grade of om-. In general, the verb om- “be? ts in the falling tone grade after noun phrases and participles, and otherwise generally in the lengthened grade.

As the above discussion has shown, pitch in Creek is a complex phenomenon resulting from the interaction of stress and tonal accent, determined in part by the shape of words, by verbal aspect, and by the structure of words.

8.9 Summary of differences between stress and tone Both stress and tone in Creek are realized through differences in pitch

and so are easily confused. The two phenomena have different properties, however.

¢ Stress in Creek is determined by weight: sequences of light syllables are stressed differently from mixed sequences of heavy syllables and light syllables. Tone, in contrast, often determines weight in Creek: syllables with falling tone or rising tone are lengthened whenever possible.

¢ Stress operates rhythmically and in a specific direction; tone rarely

appears more than once in a word and gives no indication of directionality. ¢ Every word has stress, though not every word has tone.

¢ Stress affects vowel deletion (since unstressed syllables tend to delete); tone does not.

¢ Stress may shift when a sequence of two stresses clash ($7.2): tone does not.

It thus seems that stress and tone (and intonation) are all signaled by pitch in Creek, but the three phenomena have different phonological properties.

9 Orthography As described in §1.4, Creek has had several writing systems over the last 270 years. Table 9.1 gives correspondences between the early

spelling systems of Fleming (1835b), Davis and Lykins (1835), Buckner (1860a), the “traditional” spelling of Loughridge and the Robertsons, and the phonemic system of Mary R. Haas (1940, 1977a, 1977b). I have made a few modifications of Haas’s system in this work to conform to current practices. TABLE 9.1. COMPARISON OF NINETEENTH-CENTURY SPELLINGS WITH PHONEMIC TRANSCRIPTION

FLEMING DAVIS/ BUCKNER TRAD. ~~ HAAS THIS WORK

eei

LYKINS

VOWELS

va”a av,a0aVa:aa: a e e eT I: I: u O u, e u O O

O O oy) 0 O° 0.

NASAL VOWELS

a, 1, 0 A1,0¢- Bro oe 1.0"

au Ow au aw aw al y U ay, ey ay, ey

DIPHTHONGS

ul oe me, ee ue,oe = OY Oy

ae ey ey

ts c ch c c C ffffff

CONSONANTS

hhhhhh

102 §9 kkkkkk | | | | [ hl r r r I 3 mmmmmm

FLEMING DAVIS/ BUCKNER TRAD. ~ HAAS THIS WORK LYKINS

nN n n n n i np pg pn Pp n npni S S S S S Ps

ty ctyt>tSftBef

Ww WwW WwW WwW WwW W

NOTE: Trad. = traditional.

* The symbol represented as here actually appears as a variant of with a thickened curl in Fleming (1835b). + The symbols and are rarely distinguished in the traditional orthography. * Nasalization is rarely marked in nineteenth-century sources.

There are many individual variations in the use of the traditional spelling, which was developed most fully and consistently by Ann Eliza Worcester Robertson in the Creek New Testament. (When older or conventional spelling is discussed in the present work, it is usually enclosed in angle brackets and not italicized.) ¢ The vowel ts often spelled unless confusion might result.

¢ There is variation in how the vowel pairs are used. Some speakers use for phonemically short vowels and

for phonemically long vowels. Others, such as Margaret Mauldin, use for phonetically lax vowels and for phonetically tense vowels. The difference is apparent in words like takko |takko] ‘horse’, where short vowels have tense allophones: some speakers will spell this word as (using for short vowels); others spell it (using for tense vowels).

¢In A. E. W. Robertson’s version of the traditional spelling, prefixes and some suffixes and clitics are written as separate words. Thus, am-

ifa ‘my dog’ may be spelled . When a root is not pronounceable without the prefix, an apostrophe () may be used, so that cda-tki ‘my father’ is spelled .

Orthography 103 ¢ The sequence cc is often spelled in the traditional spelling. When c ts at the end of a syllable, 1t may be spelled instead of . The second person singular and plural agent suffixes -ick- and -a.ck- are usually spelled and .

¢ Nasalization, stress, and tone are not usually indicated in the traditional spelling.

¢ Martin and Mauldin (2000) introduce a few changes to the traditional spelling: they use a hook below vowels to indicate nasalization; they spell cc as rather than as ; they use consistently for 7:; they use in place of .

An extended example of the traditional orthography appears in the texts at the end of this volume. Very few Creek speakers were able to

use the traditional spelling in 2006, but virtually everyone was accustomed to seeing words spelled in this alphabet.

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Nouns and their modifiers

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10 Nominalization Verb stems are nominalized by means of suffixes; some examples are shown in (1).

(1) = opan- ‘dance’ opa:n-a ‘dancer’ aholoc- ‘cloud up’ —aholoc-t: *cloud’

vaheyk- “sing” vaheyk-ita “song’

apil- “laugh? apil-ka *\aughter’ Nominalizations generally share features with nouns: they may be used as possessors (2b), they may be compounded (2c), and they may form diminutives (2d). (2) a. (i)s-isk-itd ‘cup, glass, tumbler’ (isk- ‘drink’, (i)s-isk- ‘drink with’) b. (i)s-isk-ita im-patda:-ka ‘saucer’ (‘cup’ + ‘its foundation’ ) c. (i)s-isk-ita-takko ‘a large bowl’ d. (i)s-isk-it-dci ‘small drinking vessel’

Nominalizations also share features with verbs, however. Thus, the instrumental prefix (i)s- in (2) only attaches to verb stems and so Is found with nominalizations, but not nouns. Phrases like ma /ast-a:t(i) ‘that black one’ are sometimes treated as

nominalizations, but are analyzed here as headless relative clauses (§42.2.2).

‘ io | ‘

10.1 Agent nominalizations in -a

Agent nominalizations are used to form nouns describing individuals known for a particular action. They are formed by suffixing -a to a verb stem in the lengthened grade (§8.2).. The last vowel in the verb stem is generally lengthened:

(3) laks- “lhe? la:ks-a ‘\iar’ litk- *(one) run’ li:tk-a ‘runner’ oponay- “speak’ opona:y-a ‘speaker’ iInokk- *(be/get) sick’ — ind: kk-a ‘sick person, patient’

When the last vowel of the verb stem ts already long or followed in the

same syllable by a sonorant (/, m, n, w, or y), the vowel Is not lengthened: ' A similar suffix -¢ commonly appears on verbs in compounds (§11.4) and on numerals in expressions meaning ‘twice’, ‘five times’, etc. ($33.3).

108 $10

(4) ilicc- ‘kill (one?) i/i:c-a *killer’

fa:y- ‘hunt? fa-y-a ‘hunter’ ho:cceyc- ‘write’ ho:ccéyc-a ‘writer’ vaheyk- ‘sing? ~~ vahéyk-a ‘singer’

Agent nominalizations are accented like nouns. “Long” verbs in the lengthened grade generally have two accents (opdna-y-is ‘he/she 1s speaking’), but agent nominalizations do not (opond:y-a *speaker’ ). As the examples above show, agent nominalizations usually refer to a person who is known for an activity or who has entered into a state. Nominalizations in -a need not refer to people, however:

(5) a-hoyt- ‘(one) stand against’ a-hoyt-a ‘debt; bill; credit’

famic- *scented’ fami:c-a ‘muskmelon, canteloupe’

is-call- ‘roll with’ is-call-a ‘car’

timheyc- ‘clear, deodorize’ tak-timhéyc-a ‘room deodorizer’

wakk- *(one) lie’ in-wa:kk-a “its foundation’

10.2 Nominalizations in -/; Stems describing properties can be changed to nouns referring to

degree by adding the dative prefix im- (in- before nonlabial consonants) and a suffix -7: (6).

(6) camp-i: “sweet in-camp-i: “its sweetness, nectar’ capk-i: ‘long’ in-capk-t: “its length’ cikf-i: ‘thick’ in-cikf-i: “its thickness’

takk-i: ‘big’ in-takk-i: “its size’ taph-i: ‘wide’ in-taph-i: “its width’ honn-i: ‘heavy’ in-honn-i: “its weight’ hopay-i: * distant’ in-hopay-i: “its distance’

sOfk-i: “deep’ in-sofk-i: “its depth’ This nominalizing suffix -7: may be related to the durative suffix -7:, but as the above forms show, the two have different accent patterns. The nominalizing suffix -7; 1s generally within the domain of stress,

and so is stressed. The durative suffix -7: is outside the domain of stress, and so may or may not be stressed, depending on the type and number of preceding syllables (88.1). A second use of -7; is seen in examples like those in (7). (7) acol-i: ‘old (of an animate)’ = acol-i: ‘old person’ ci:pan-it: “young (of a boy)’ —cispan-i: ‘boy’

Nominalization 109 hoktal-i: ‘old (of a woman) foktal-i; ‘old woman, elderly woman’

In the above forms, -7: seems to form a noun meaning ‘one that Is [property|’. The same suffix is also used with a few verbs having inanimate subjects, however:

(8) = aholoc- ‘cloudy’ aholoc-i: ‘cloud’ a-hoyt- ‘stand against’ a-hoyt-i: ‘debt’

aklowah- ‘muddy’ aklowah-i: ‘mud’ feyvhn- ‘flow’ in-feyhn-i; “its flow, current’

osk- ‘rain’ osk-i: ‘rain, shower’

tack- “be cut’ in-tack-i: “remnant, piece’ taka:n- ‘blister’ faka:n-i: ‘blister’ ta:sahc- ‘become spring’ — ta: sahe-i: ‘spring’

tini:tk- ‘thunder’ fini:tk-i: ‘thunder’ wa-tk- ‘sliced’ in-wa:tk-I: “pleces’ Additional examples of -7:, sometimes with unexpected meanings, are seen in (9).

(9) — famic- ‘scented’ in-famic-t: “its smell

fask- ‘sharp’ in-fask-t: “its point, thorn’ lowa:k- ‘limber’ in-lowa:k-i: “bud (on a plant)’

lokc- ‘ripe’ in-loke-i: ‘fruit, nut’ a:-yoposk- ‘reply, answer’ a:-yoposk-i: ‘a reply, answer’

a;,:;5

a-hopan- ‘destroy’ a-hopan-i: “ruins” 10.3 Verbal nouns: -Aa and -ita

The two suffixes -ka and -ita have nearly identical meanings.” One form sometimes substitutes for the other, and the two have parallel uses, as in (10).

(10) asi:k-ita anokic-ka_ (i)ti-pd:k-in shake.hands-INF love.GER RCP-JoiIn.FGR-N

° It is sometimes difficult to distinguish -@ from -ka in forms such as atish-ka ‘container’ or afishk-a ‘members’. The form meaning ‘container’ is derived by suffixing the nominalizer -ka to the active verb stem afih- “put (two or more) in (a container)’. The meaning is therefore “what you put (two or more) in’. The second form is derived by suffixing -a@ to the middle verb stem afihk- ‘(two or more) get or be inside (a container’, giving the meaning ‘two or more who are inside’. A few forms can

be viewed either way: thus, acca:ka ‘ladder’ could be analyzed as acca:-ka (‘thing that one leans’) or as accd:k-a (‘thing that leans’).

110 $10 cin-to. t-ey-s

2.DAT-Send.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I send you a handshake and love.’ (1899b)

For convenience, forms in -ka will be referred to as gerunds and forms in -i/a will be referred to as infinitives, though both are verbal nouns. The complements of a few verbs like zya:c- ‘want’ must typically be in -ifa or -ka:

(ll) homp-itd-n_ ci-yd:c-a' eat-INF-N 2.PAT-want.FGR-Q

‘Do you want to eat?’ / “Do you want food?’

It is perhaps this usage that leads speakers to translate forms in -ita as infinitives in English.” While all forms in -ita can have these infinitival readings, a number have more concrete readings. Thus, homp-itd in (11) can mean either ‘to eat’ or ‘food’.

;P4

Virtually any verb stem can occur with -ita; it is partly for this reason that Creek dictionaries list verbs in -ita. Rules for combining stems with -ka are more restricted.

Most verb stems ending in a single consonant can be nominalized by adding -ka, as in (12).

(12) noc- ‘sleep’ noc-ka ‘sleep’ apil- ‘laugh’ apil-ka ‘laughter’ Most verb stems ending in consonant clusters or & cannot take -ka: in this case, a form in -ita must be used: (13) ayoposk- ‘pay back’ — avoposk-ita ‘revenge’; “ayvoposk-ka

yikc- ‘strong’ vikc-ita “strength’; *yikc-ka oho: k- ‘cough’ oho: k-ita ‘a cough’; *oho-:k-ka

The suffix -ka is sometimes added to verb stems ending in clusters, provided the cluster can be simplified:

(14) inhont- ‘believe’ inho"t-ka ‘trust’ im-mitt- ‘forgive’ —smit-ka ‘blessing’

~ Some speakers dislike -i/a with nonagentive verbs. It may be that they have specific frames in mind, such as in (11), that require an agentive verb. All speakers use -i/a with nonagentive verbs, however, in expressions like kasapp-ild-t(i)s “it’s too cold’ ($26.5). D. Hardy (1988) discusses some of the restrictions on combining verb stems with -ka.

Nominalization 1] In the first example in (14), the cluster n? is simplified by realizing 7 as

nasalization; in the second example, the geminate consonant /# is simplified to ¢. When -ka is added to a verb stem ending in y, the y is dropped.”

(15) (itipoy- ‘fight’ (i)tipo-ka ‘battle, fight’ atilo:y- ‘gather’ atilo:-ka ‘the collection (as at church)’ (i)takhay- “put (a loincloth) on’ takha-kd ‘diaper, loincloth’

loyy- ‘hoe’ is-loy-ka ‘hoe’

Forms in -ka and -ita have a wide range of senses. With verbs describing properties, -ka and -ita often refer to conditions:

(16) a. hit- ‘good’ hit-ka ‘peace, goodness’ holwavyi:c- ‘bad, disobedient? /olwayi:c-ka ‘sin, wickedness’

hottop- ‘itchy’ hottop-ka ‘itchiness, itching, itch’

iwanh- ‘thirsty’ iwanh-ka ‘thirst’ b. inokk- ‘sick’ inokk-ita ‘to be sick; sickness, disease’

face- ‘true’ facc-ita ‘to be true; truth, honesty’ hasafk- ‘swell’ hasafk-ita “to swell; mumps’ yvoksi:hn-*catchacold’ — yoksi:hn-ita ‘to catch a cold: influenza’

With active verbs, -ka and -ita refer to the act of doing something:

(17) a. anokic- ‘love’ anokic-ka ‘love, affection’ ca.ti:c- ‘let blood from’ ca.ti:c-ka ‘bloodletting’ i:y-ohh-akasam- ‘praise oneself ~~ i:yv-ohh-akasam-ka ‘bragging’

b. in-kaf- ‘milk (acow) — in-kaf-ita ‘to milk; milking’ avoposk- ‘pay back’ avoposk-ita ‘to pay back; revenge’

When the activity refers to a punctual activity (something done once), -ka and -ita refer to a single instance of that activity: (18) a. aklop- ‘bathe oneself = aklop-ka ‘bath’

hopoy- ‘look for’ hopo-ka “search, hunt’

il- ‘(one) die’ il-ka ‘death’ (i)ti-halat- “marry’ (i)ti-halat-ka ‘wedding’ > Such alternations are sometimes taken to show that y is inserted in Creek between vowels in forms such as (/)/ipoy-ita ‘to fight’. It is difficult to make this rule work. Historically, y in such alternations derives from an auxiliary suffix *-/7. The reconstructed alternation is *ati/o:-li ‘gather’ (> atilo-y-) and *atilo:-ka ‘collection’.

112 §10 b. iti-weyvk- ‘get divorced’ iti-wevk-itd ‘to get divorced; divorce’ laff- ‘cut (with a knife)’ /aff-itd ‘to cut (using a knife); surgery’

oho: k- ‘cough’ oho: k-ita ‘to cough; a cough’

vaheyk- ‘sing’ vaheyk-ita ‘to sing; song’ With transitive verbs, the nominalization often refers to the object of the verb stem (‘what one [verb]s’): (19) a. ak-wanay- ‘tie in water? 9 ak-wand-ka ‘raft’

onay- “say” ond-ka ‘saying, word, information’ b. acimk- ‘(one) climb’ acimk-itd ‘(one) to climb; stairs’

homp- ‘eat’ homp-ita “to eat; food’ isk- ‘drink’ isk-ita ‘to drink; a drink’ With a verb taking more than one object, the nominalization usually refers to what might be considered the direct object (in some sense, the

;6

most affected object):°

(20) acca:y- ‘lean (one) against’ ~—acca:-ka ‘ladder’

hocif- ‘name’ hocif-ka ‘name’ When of- ‘on top of and certain other locative prefixes add an object to a verb, the nominalization usually refers to the added location (‘what one does something on’):

(21) a. fozy- ‘saw’ oh-fo:y- “saw on’ oh-fo:-ka ‘sawhorse’ poto.y- ‘scrub’ oh-poto-y- ‘scrub on’? oh-potoé:-ka *washboard’

b. /eyk-‘(one) sit? oh-leyk- ‘sit on” oh-leyk-ita ‘to sit on; chair’ pacc- ‘beat’ oh-pacc- ‘beat on’ oh-pacc-ita ‘to beat on; anvil’

tofk- ‘spit’ a-tofk- ‘spit at’ a-tofk-ita ‘to spit at; spittoon’

A similar effect is seen with instrumental 7s-, where the nominalization refers to the added instrument: (22) a. ahkopan- ‘play’ (i)s-ahkopan- ‘play with’ (i)s-ahkopdn-ka ‘toy’!

fo:y- ‘saw’ is-fo.y- “saw with’ iS-f0:-ka “a saw’ ° Sometimes nd:k(i) “something’ is used to clarify that reference is to an inanimate object:

im- give’ nd:k-’im-ka ‘gift; prize’ (lit., ‘thing given’) kit¢?- “know’ na.k-kitt-ita “knowledge” (lit., ‘thing known’) " In older sources, the sequence vk here and elsewhere resulting from suffixing -ka is phonetically [nk] rather than [nk] ($5.2).

Nominalization 113 hawi:c- ‘open’ — is-hawi:c- ‘open with’ is-hawit:c-ka ‘key, opener’

b. isk- ‘drink’ (i)s-isk- ‘drink with’ (i)s-isk-ita ‘cup, glass, tumbler’

fitk-‘(one) run’ —is-/itk- ‘run with’ is-litk-ita “bicycle’

nafk- “hit? is-nafk- “hit with’ is-nafk-ita “drumstick’ As the data above show, the pattern is-VERB-ka/ita ‘what one verbs with’ is often used for naming tools.

Occasionally ‘what one [verb|s’ is taken to mean ‘the amount one [verb]s*:

(23) a. ahopa:y- ‘measure’ ahopa:-ka ‘a unit of measure’ atat- “hang (one) up’ ata:t-ka ‘a pound (in weight), a weight’®

b. savakl- “spread the legs’ savakl-ita ‘a large step’

A reading ‘where one [verb]s’ 1s also found:

(24) a. fickap- ‘rest in-fi:kap-ka ‘his/her resting place’

iti-hoyan- ‘(one) pass (someone) ifi-hoyan-ka ‘country road’

na:nop- * graze’ na:nop-ka ‘pasture’ b. leyk- ‘(one) sit’ in-leyk-ita ‘its base’ apo:k- ‘(three or more) sit, live’ apo: k-ita ‘meeting, village’

This locative use can be seen in the following:

(25) homa-n_ a-pifa:téyk-it thk-ita = hi-"t-a:n in-hopoy-aks front-N at-run.TPL.HGR-T hide-INF good.NGR-REF.N D-search-PL.IMP

‘Run ahead and look for a good hiding place.’ (1915.4)

In general, then, nominalizations in -ka or -ita refer either to the state or condition described by the verb, or to a prominent nonsubject (an object for a transitive verb or a place for an intransitive verb).

* These forms are sometimes in the lengthened grade: kol- ‘snip’, is-ko:t-ka ‘scissors’; /aff- ‘carve’, is-la:f-ka ‘knife’.

11 Compounding Compounding ts defined here as the joining of two roots to form a single word. A word like citto-panka ‘Snake dance’, for example, ts formed from cifto ‘snake’ and (o)panka ‘dance’ and pronounced as a single word (see §11.1 below).

Noun compounds are nouns that result from combining two roots. There are several subtypes in Creek: noun + noun (811.2); noun + verbal noun ($11.3); noun + reduced participle ($11.4); and lexicalized possessives ($11.6). Verb compounds ($11.7) are verbs resulting from combining a noun and a verb.

Compounding is employed extensively in Creek. A compound usually has fixed reference to a type: a compound like cofon-fask-i ‘pitchfork’? means literally ‘sharp fork’ (cofonwa ‘fork’ + fask-i ‘sharp’), but refers to a type of fork and so is used even for pitchforks that are dull. Compounding ts easily confused with simple adjunction of a reduced participle to a noun: words describing color, shape, age, or size commonly combine with the nouns they modify in Creek, as in ma

ifa-last-i ‘that black dog’, but these are distinct grammatically from compounds (§11.8).

11.1 Phonology of compounds and adjoined expressions

Several criteria show that words have been combined into a phonological word, either as a result of compounding or adjunction. Pitch is generally the best test for establishing whether two words have been joined. Pronounced on their own, the word isti ‘person’ has low pitch on the last syllable, and Aondnwa ‘male’ has slightly lowered pitch on the first syllable, as in (la). When these words are combined,

they are pronounced as one word, with high pitch from the first stressed syllable in the word to the last, as in (1b).

(1) a. Isti i =. -] ‘person’ honanwa [~~ | ‘male’

b. isti-honanwa | ~~ | ‘man’ Combining words can sometimes lead to accent shift in the second member of a compound. The nouns ifda ‘dog’ and (i-)hoti ‘its home’ can be combined in two ways:

Compounding 115 (2) a. ma ifa (i-)hoti ‘that dog’s home’ b. ma ifa-hoti ‘that doghouse’

Example (2a) is a possessive phrase, while (2b) is a compound. The compound Is stressed as a single word: (7.fa)(ho. 1/7).

Several specific phonological processes apply when words are joined. Final a and 7 are sometimes deleted in the first element (N1): (3) I:kan-halw-i “hil? (izkana ‘land’ + -halw-i ‘high’ ) iccost-aha:k-i ‘his daughter in law’ (iccésti ‘his daughter’ + -aha:k-i ‘resembling’ )

Sometimes the initial vowel of the second element (N2) deletes instead of the final vowel of N1: (4) co:ka-wa:-la ‘calendar’ (cé:ka ‘paper’ + owd-/a ‘prophet’ )

When NI ends in wa, several changes may occur (Martin 1989). When final wa is preceded by a consonant, wa Is deleted: (5) — cofon-fask-i ‘pitchfork’ (cofonwa ‘fork’ + -fask-i ‘sharp’ ) cok-hatpi ‘lip’ (-cokwa ‘mouth’ + -hatpi ‘skin’) tot-oposwa ‘tear, teardrop’ (-tofwa ‘eye’ + opdéswa ‘juice’ )

When final wa is preceded by a vowel, wa shifts to p, sometimes with lengthening of the preceding vowel: (6) = tokna:p-hoti ‘purse; wallet; bank’ (tokna:wa ‘money’ + -hdti ‘container’ )

tota:p-last-i ‘charcoal paint’ (tofawa ‘charcoal’ + /ast-i ‘black’ ) to: tkop-(t)ohlévka ‘kneecap’ (to:tkowad ‘knee’ + ohléyvka ‘one that sits on top’)

As noted in §6.1, voicing may apply to the first consonant in N2: Cy) citto-panka ‘Snake Dance’ (citto ‘snake’ + (0)panka ‘dance’ ) [thittobonge] casi-takléyvki ‘pumpkin bread’ (casi ‘pumpkin’ + takléyki ‘bread’ ) [thosidaklejgr]

Voicing does not apply to the final member of NI, however. When N1 ends in a plosive and N2 begins with a vowel, voicing is blocked: (8) na:k-(2) afa:sta ‘caretaker’ (nd:ki ‘thing’ + afd:sta ‘caretaker’ ) [na:k(?)ofa:sto | to: tkop-(2)ohlévka ‘kneecap’ [tutkop(?)ohlejgo|

Instead, a glottal stop is sometimes inserted.

116 $i]

E12 Noun + noun compounds

The usual pattern in noun + noun compounds its for the first noun (N1)

to modify the second noun (N2). Common readings are for NI to indicate

¢ a material: e.g, patko-oposwa ‘wine’ (‘grape’ + “Juice’)

¢ atime: e.g., fafo-tahava ‘winter squash’ (‘winter’ + ‘squash’) ¢ a place: e.g., oy-citto “water snake’ (‘water’ + ‘snake’)

¢ an inalienable possessor: e.g., co:ka-hafpi “book cover’ (*book’ + *skin’)

In each case the head of the noun compound is second. Apparent exceptions to this pattern are discussed in §11.2.1 immediately below.

11.2.1. Noun + title/sex/location In noun + noun compounds, N1 usually modifies N2, but there are examples where N2 seems to modify N1.

Nouns referring to title (e.g., mi:kko ‘chief’) or sex (e.g., hokti: ‘female’) are placed after the nouns they modify: (9) — tasi-mi:kko ‘King Jaybird’ (‘jaybird’ + ‘chief, king’) wa-ka-hokti: ‘cow’ (‘bovine’ + ‘female’ ) isti-honanwa ‘mai (‘person’ + ‘male’) wa.ka-hoktdlwa ‘old cow’ (‘bovine’ + ‘old female’ )

In such cases N2 is still arguably the head of the compound: fasimi:kko could be translated as ‘king of the jaybirds’, and wa:ka-hokti: could be translated as ‘female of the bovines’. Postpositions (a type of noun) can in principle occur before a noun or after it: (10) o:fa-hatikpévka ‘underpants, briefs’ (‘inside’ + ‘pants’) ink-o:fa ‘palm of the hand’ (‘hand’ + ‘inside’)

Placement in this case is determined by the function of the postposition. In o:fa-hatikpévka, N1 restricts the location of N2 (‘inside pants’ as opposed to ‘outside pants’); in ink-o:fa, N2 refers to a part of NI (‘the inside (N2) of the hand (N1)’). The second reading— where a postposition indicates a part of NI—is more common:

(ll) coko-ondpa ‘roof (house’ + ‘top’) ika-homa ‘his/her forehead’ (‘his/her head’ + ‘front’ ) ika-vopa ‘back of his/her head’ (‘his/her head’ + ‘back’) ili-ciska ‘his/her heel’ (‘his/her foot’ + ‘edge’) ili-0:fa ‘sole of the foot’ (‘his/her foot’ + ‘inside’ )

Compounding 117 honna-lica ‘skirt; lower part of a dress’ (‘dress’ + ‘bottom’ )

Here again N2 1s arguably the head of the compound, consistent with other patterns.

11.3 Noun + verbal noun compounds In §10.3, we saw that verbal nouns tn -ka and -i/a had several readings referring to a prominent nonsubject, including: ¢ what could be called the direct object of a transitive verb: ak-wanay‘tie in water’, ak-wand-ka ‘raft’; and

¢ the location of an intransitive verb: na:nop- ‘graze’, na:nop-ka ‘pasture’.

These readings are also found in compounds. A common pattern ts for N1 to be interpreted as the object of the verbal noun N2. In the activity reading, NI may simply modify N2: (12) yanasa-pan-ka ‘Buffalo dance’ (vandsa ‘buffalo’ + (o)pan-ka ‘dance’ )

A more common pattern, however, is for N1 to be interpreted as the object of N2, and for the compound as a whole to refer to that more specific activity: (13) co-ska-kitt-ita ‘learning’ (cé:ka ‘book’ + kif¢-ita ‘knowing’ ) ‘hilis-ha:-ka ‘medicine making’ (‘hiliswa ‘medicine’ + ha:-ka ‘making’ )

In the object reading, NI is interpreted as an object of a verbal noun

(‘what one verbs’). This pattern is commonly used for naming instruments. The verb yaheyk- ‘sing’, for example, has an instrumental form is-vahevk- ‘sing with’. This can be nominalized as is-yahevk-ila ‘what one sings with’. The noun co:ka *book’ can then be added as N1: c0:ka-is-vaheyk-ita ‘songbook’, literally “book one sings with’. The following are similar: (14) cato-is-fasi:c-ka ‘whetstone’ (cato ‘stone’ + is-fasi:c-ka “what one sharpens with’) pahi-is-ta:c-ka ‘grass cutter, scythe, lawn mower’ (pahi ‘grass’ + ista:c-ka ‘what one cuts with’)

Note the difference in meaning between the examples in (14): in the

first, N1 functions as the object of the instrumental, while in the second, NI functions as the object of the verb. The locative reading (‘where one verbs’) is also found. In this use,

NI is interpreted as an object of N2, and the compound as a whole refers to the location where the event takes place:

118 $i]

(15) isti-hitéyc-ka ‘cemetery’ (isti ‘person’ + hiféyc-ka‘* where one puts away’ )

isti-hopil-ka ‘cemetery’ (isti ‘person’ + hopil-ka ‘where one buries’)

Verbal nouns do not always appear on the right in compounds. In the examples above, NI functions as an object of N2. When the verbal noun itself is a modifier, it is placed first: (16) nis-ka-céko ‘store, shop’ (nis-ka ‘buying’ + coko ‘house’) inokk-ita-coko ‘hospital’ (inokk-ita ‘sickness’ + coko ‘house’ ) nakafi-ita-i:kana ‘meeting ground’ (nakafi-ita ‘meeting’ + i:kand ‘ground’ )

il-ka-nitta ‘the day one dies’ (i/-ka ‘death’ + nitta ‘day’) in-hick-ita-nitta “his/her birthday’ (in-hick-ita ‘his/her birth’? + nitta ‘day’)

11.4 Noun + reduced participle compounds When a noun is modified by reduced participle in a compound, the noun appears first. As shown in (17), the reduced participle may end in 1, O, OF a.

(17) wa:ka-hotépk-i ‘barbecued beef (wa:ka ‘bovine’ + -hotopk-i ‘barbecued’ )

wa:ka-ti:ho ‘steer’ (waka ‘bovine’ + ti:ho ‘castrated’) wa.ka-ato:tk-a “ox” (wa:ka ‘bovine’ + -ato:tk-a ‘worker’ )

Most reduced participles appear in the zero grade with final -7. Only a few reduced participles in compounds end in o; the o in these relic verb forms preserves the final Proto-Muskogean vowel. Final -a is mostly used for verbs describing events, generally in the lengthened grade. Because -i and -a are regular, I treat them as suffixes. Forms like -/7:ho ‘castrated’ are treated as bound forms, and o ts treated as part of the root.

l

As noted, final -7 is the general suffix used for reduced participles: (18) ca:na-la:n-i ‘blowfly’ (cd:na ‘fly’ + -la:n-i ‘ green’) inki-tapiks-i ‘palm of the hand’ (inki ‘his/her hand’ + -tapiks-i ‘flat’ ) issi-tilikm-i ‘fur’ (issi ‘his/her hair’ + -(ilikm-i ‘fine’ ) isti-cd-t-i ‘Indian’ (isti ‘person’ + -ca:t-i ‘red’)

There are hundreds of examples of this type. Stems with final -7 are always in the zero grade. All the reduced participles that normally end in o in compounds are listed in (19). ' When used as predicates, they end in -i:—#dkk-i: ‘big’; cdpk-i: ‘long’; tizh-i; ‘castrated’, etc.

Compounding 119 (19) akhasi:-takko ‘lake’ (akhasi: ‘pond’ + -fakko ‘great’) is-la:f-ka-capko ‘sword: bayonet’ (is-/d:f-ka ‘knife’ + -capko ‘long’ ) wa:ka-ti:ho ‘steer’ (wa-:ka ‘bovine’ + -ti:ho ‘castrated’ ) nitt-aca:ko ‘Sunday’ (nitta ‘day’ + -aca:ko ‘holy’) (is)si-ta:pho ‘cabbage’ (/ssi ‘leaf, hair’ + -ta:pho ‘wide’ ) taklevk-pa:kko ‘white bread’ (takléyvki ‘bread’ + -pa:kko ‘puffed up’)

Of these, -fakko is the most common and can arguably be analyzed as an augmentative suffix ($13.2). I tend to view all the boldface forms tn (19) as bound roots, however. These bound roots are all in the zero gerade except -fa:pho, which ts in the lengthened grade. Final -a is used for events (an activity, habit, etc.) and the verb is placed in the eventive (lengthened grade) aspect: (20) wa-ka-ato:tk-a ‘ox’ (wa:ka ‘bovine’ + atotk- “work’)

As noted in §10.1, final -a is also an agent nominalizer (often equivalent to English -er). When the modifying event is a transitive verb, it is possible to view N2 as an agent nominalization, with N1 functioning as an object: (21) apis-wéyy-a ‘butcher’ (apiswa ‘meat’ + wéyy-a ‘seller’) cofi-hopo:y-a ‘rabbit dog’ (cofi ‘rabbit? + hopo:y-a ‘searcher’ ) co. ka-ha:y-a ‘secretary’ (co:ka “book? + ha:y-a ‘maker’) cato-pa:cc-a ‘blacksmith’ (caté ‘metal’ + pa:cc-a ‘pounder’ ) ifa-ca:w-a ‘dog catcher’ (/fa ‘dog’ + ca:w-a ‘catcher’ ) i:kan-ko-tt-a ‘grave digger’ (i:kana ‘earth’ + ké:t#t-a ‘digger’ ) (i)nokk-i:-ili:c-a ‘anesthetic’ ((i)nokk-i: ‘pain’ + iff:c-a ‘killer’) ist-a:kk-a ‘bedbug’ (isti ‘person’ + a:kk-a ‘biter’ ) isti-ili:c-a ‘murderer’ (/sti ‘person’ + i/i:c-a ‘killer’ ) isti-pda:p-a ‘lion’ (‘person’ + pa:p-a ‘eater’ ) ‘hilis-ha:y-a ‘medicine maker’ (‘hiliswa ‘medicine’ + ha:y-a ‘maker’ ) (okna: p-pa:l-a ‘money lender’ (¢oknd:wa ‘money’ + pa:/-a ‘lender’)

The event can also be an intransitive verb, however: (22) cofi-como:tt-a ‘cottontail rabbit’ (coff ‘rabbit’ + como:tt-a ‘hopper’ ) cofi-la:ks-a ‘Liar Rabbit’ (cofi ‘rabbit’ + /a:ks-a ‘liar’) fo:--tini:tk-a ‘bumblebee’ (fo: ‘bee’ + tini:tk-a ‘thunderer’ ) ifa-no:ks-a ‘food-stealing dog’ (ifd ‘dog’ + no:ks-a ‘stealer’ ) ifa-somk-a “stray dog’ (ifa ‘dog’ + somk-a ‘strayer’) ifa-w0:hk-a ‘hound? (ifa ‘dog’ + woé-hk-a ‘barker’ ) ito-I:tk-a ‘firewood’ (ito ‘wood’ + i:tk-a ‘burner’ ) kaco:-halk-a ‘dewberry’ (kaco: ‘berry’ + halk-a ‘crawler’ ) kaco:-hoyt-a ‘blackberry’ (kaco: ‘berry’ + hdyt-a ‘stander’ ) pitto-tamk-a ‘airplane’ (pitto ‘boat’ + tamk-a ‘flyer’ ) takko-péyhk-a ‘mule’ (¢fakko ‘horse’ + péyvhk-a ‘brayer’ )

120 sil

In these intransitive examples, N2 appears to modify NI. The most

natural literal translation in English for this use is as a_ present participle (‘crawling berry’ rather than ‘berry crawler’). The reduced participles in -a in (20)-(21) all seem to include stems in the lengthened grade. A handful of compounds include zero-grade stems with -a: (23) “folowa-tapiks-a ‘shoulder blade’ (’folowad ‘shoulder’ + -tapiks-a ‘ flat’) (i)to-wakk-a ‘bench’ (it6 ‘wood’ + -wakk-a ‘lies’) oy-hdatk-a ‘ocean’ (Oywa ‘water’ + -hatk-a ‘white’) pahi-tack-a ‘hay’ (pahi ‘grass’ + -tack-a ‘cut’ )

An adjective stem like Aatk- ‘white’ can thus be found in the zero gerade with -7, in the lengthened grade with -a, or in the zero grade with -a, as seen in (24). (24) hitot-i:-hatk-i ‘snow? (hitot-i: ‘ice’ + -hatk-i ‘white’ ) sokha-ha:tk-a ‘opossum’ (s6kha ‘hog’ + -ha:tk-a ‘white’) fos-hatk-a ‘white crane’ (foswa ‘bird’ + -hatk-a ‘white’ )

The first seems to be the productive pattern. It is not clear what determines the choice between the other two.

Compounds of noun + reduced participle are treated morphologically and syntactically as nouns. They may thus occur with the diminutive suffix -oci (an affix restricted to nouns): (25) cato-la:n-i ‘brass; copper; bronze’ (cato ‘metal’ + -/a:n-i ‘yellow’ ) cato-la:n-oci “percussion cap’

11.5 Complex compounds Compounds may themselves be compounded: (26) coko-takko-mi:kko ‘chief of a ceremonial ground’ ([cokd ‘house’ + -takko ‘big?| + mi:kko ‘chief ) i:khan-tack-a-facci:c-a ‘district court judge’ ([i:kand ‘ground’ + -tack-a ‘cut’ | + facci:c-a ‘judge’ ) cokpi-takko-acol-i ‘million’ ({cokpi ‘hundred’ + -fakko ‘big’ | + -acol-i ‘old’) i:kan-hawk-i-takko ‘cave’ ({i:kana ‘ground’ + -hawk-i ‘open’ | + -fakko ‘big’) aha-citi:h-i-citakk-i “mashed potatoes’ ([ahad ‘potato’ + -citi:h-i ‘round’ | + -citakk-i ‘mashed’ ) cato-to-ho: pk-i ‘stone fence’ (caté ‘stone’ + [if6 ‘wood’ + -ho:pk-i ‘lined up’ |) cato-faka-fask-i ‘barbed-wire’ ([caté ‘stone, metal’ + (i-)fdka ‘vine’ | + -fask-i ‘sharp’ )

Compounding [2] As the last two examples above show, compounds of the shape noun +

noun + reduced participle can be interpreted as [[noun + noun] + reduced participle] or as [noun + [noun + reduced participle]. More complex examples also occur: (27) — iskan-tack-a-facci:c-ka-coko “district courthouse’ ([[/:Aand ‘ground’ + -tack-a ‘cut’| + facci:c-ka ‘judgment’ | + coko ‘house’ ) pokko-takko-ahkopan-ka-coko ‘basketball gym’ ([pokko ‘ball’ + -fakko ‘big’? | + [ahkopan-ka ‘playing’ + coko ‘house’ }) ist-ika-t0:n-a ‘barber’ ([/sti ‘person’ + ikd ‘head’ | + t6:n-a ‘trimmer’ ) ist-ika-ton-ka-coko ‘barber shop’ ([[isti ‘person’ + ikd ‘head’ | + ton-ka ‘trimming’ | + coko ‘house’ )

The following pattern is rare in Creek, although it is common in related languages: (28) halpata-vopo:-fask-i ‘crocodile’ (halpatd ‘alligator’ + [(i-)vopo: ‘its nose’ + -fask-i ‘sharp’ |)

Here, (i-)vopo:-fask-i presumably comes second because NI is interpreted as possessing N2.

11.6 Lexicalized possessives A possessive structure can sometimes develop fixed reference. In English, bull’s-eye contains a possessor and a_ possessed item etymologically, but the expression has a set meaning. Lexicalized possessives of this kind are more common in Creek than in English.

Because they contain two roots, I treat them as a subclass of compounds. Lexicalized possessives also show some of the same phonological reductions seen in other compounds, such as loss of final wa; for instance, fos im-poknaka ‘bird nest’ (from foswa ‘bird’ + ‘its nest’).

In $11.2, we saw that noun + noun compounding ts used when N2 is inalienably possessed by N1: (29) 9 a:tami-homa ‘car hood’ (a:tami ‘car’ + -homa ‘front’ ) costa:ki-hatpi ‘eggshell’ (costa:ki ‘egg’ + -hatpi ‘skin’ ) costa:k-hoti ‘womb’ (costa:ki ‘egg’ + -hoti ‘container’ )

When NI is a possessor of N2 and N2 is an alienable noun, a possessive structure with dative im- (in- before a nonlabial consonant) may be used: i This word is Florida Seminole Creek. ” A few forms vary between compounds and lexicalized possessives: foco-costa:ki ~ foco in-costa:ki ‘duck egg’; (foce ‘duck’ + costa:ki ‘egg’); has-ni:tka in-sokca ~ has-

122 $l

(30) = cikas-alki im-italwa ‘the Chickasaw Nation’ (‘the Chickasaws’ nation’ ) citto in-topa “dodder’ (‘snake’s bed’) c0.ka in-hocif-ka ‘book title’ ((book’s name’ ) cofi (i)m-dssi ‘a type of grass’ (‘rabbit’s tea’) coko in-ta:la ‘rafter’ (‘house’s rib’) ist-oct in-topa ‘crib’ (‘baby’s bed’) sakco-m-ito ‘button-bush’ (‘crawdad’s tree’) wa:ka ()n-hici ‘mullein’ (‘cow’s tobacco’ )

The expressions in (30) have the form of normal possessive structures ($14): dative im- (in- before consonants other than m and p) is prefixed to the possessed item to signal the possessive relation. The possessive pattern 1s also favored where N2 is construed as being ‘for’ NI (since dative im- often has a benefactive meaning): (31) 9 a:fk-i s-in-fol6:t-ka ‘hominy mill’ (@:fk-i ‘hominy’ + (i)s-in-folo:t-ka ‘its mill’) icca-kotaks-i in-ti: ‘arrow’ (icca-kotdks-i ‘bow’ + in-di: ‘its arrow’) ist-oct im-oh-wakk-ita ‘hammock for a baby’ (ist-oci ‘baby’ + im-ohwakk-ita ‘its hammock’) takko (i)s-im-itimat-ka ‘horse race’ (¢akko ‘horse’ + (i)s-iim-itimat-ka

‘its race’)

As described in $10.2, nominalizations in -7; are often preceded by dative im-. The lexicalized possessive pattern is used when N2 Is a nominalization of this type (32).° (32) colt in-lokc-i: ‘pine cone’ (coli ‘pine’ + in-lokc-i: “its ripeness’ ) fo: in-camp-t: ‘honey’ (fo: ‘bee’ + in-camp-t: “its sweetness’ ) ito im-i:tt-i: ‘fruit? (it6 ‘tree’ + im-i-tt-i: ‘its bearing’) ti: in-fask-i: ‘arrowhead’ (fi: ‘arrow’ + in-fask-i: “its sharpness’ ) (i)ti-lomh-a in-wa:tk-i: ‘quilt pieces’ ((i)ti-l6mh-a ‘quilt? + in-wa:tk-i: ‘its slices’) wa:ka-pist: in-cafk-i: “whey; cottage cheese’ (wa-ka-pisi: ‘milk’ + incafk-i: “its dripping’ )

ni:tka-sokca ‘scrotum’ (has-ni:tka ‘testicle’ + sokca ‘sack’):; tasikava-hocif-ka ~ fasikaya in-hocif-ka ‘war name’ (lasikaya ‘citizen’ + hocif-ka ‘name’). The noun api ‘stalk’ refers to a tree or stick in compounds, but to a branch or a handle in possessive structures: sa/-dpi ‘apple tree’ (sa/d ‘apple’ — api ‘stalk’); i/0 im-dpi ‘tree limb’ (i/o ‘tree’ + api ‘stalk’). " Cf. ieca-kotaks-i-faka ‘bowstring’: -faka ‘vine, ligament’ is an inalienable, so compounding Is used. > This contrasts minimally with ¢akko-s-itimdt-ka ‘racehorse’ (/dkko ‘horse’ + (i)sitimat-ka “what one races with’). © One exception is oy-fevin-i: ‘current’ (6ywa ‘water’ + fevhn-i: ‘flow’).

Compounding [23 The possessive pattern is also favored over compounding when N2 Is anominalization of a verb that normally takes dative im-, such as ima-hiteyc- *fix’, im-a-kit¢- *trick’, or in-homaht- ‘lead’: (33) icca ’m-a-hitéyc-a ‘gunsmith’ ‘gun’ + ‘fixer’) isti (i)m-a-kt:tt-a ‘trickster’ (‘person’ + ‘tricker’) hokt-aki in-homa:ht-a ‘women’s leader’ (‘women’ + ‘leader’ ) homp-ita in-campi:c-ka “use of medicine to increase appetite’ (‘food’ + ‘sweetener’ ) fato im-ak-weéyy-a ‘fisherman’ (‘fish’ + ‘fisher’ )

11.7 Verb compounds Verbs are sometimes formed by compounding a noun and a verb or adjective: (34) awot-ita-ya:c-i: “queasy” (awot-itd “vomit? + (i)yvd:c-i: ‘wanting’ ) “foni-talk-i: “bony, nothing but bones’ (-foni ‘bone’ + talk-i: ‘only’ ) thi-siko-: “without a husband’ (7/7 ‘his/her husband’ + -siko-: ‘without’ )

ihéy-siko-: ‘without a wife’ (héywa ‘his/her wife’ + -siko-: ‘without’) (i)k-oh-cakh-i; *(one, e.g., a feather) sticking in in an upright position on the head’ (ikd ‘his/her head’ + oh-cakh-i:‘sticking on top’) ika-yikc-i: ‘obstinate’ (ikda ‘head’ + yikc-i: ‘strong’ ) ili-t-oh-kaniks-i: ‘pigeon-toed’ (ili ‘foot’ + (i)t-oh-kantks-i:‘cocked’ ) i:po.:Sk-ana:h-i: “‘nonmenstruating’ (7:po-:sk- “menstruate’ + and-:h-i: ‘lacking’) isti-na:otéyc-i: “persistent? (isti ‘person’ + na:otéyc-i: ‘bothering’ ) isti-pinkali:c-i: ‘scary’ (isti ‘person’ + pinkalt:c-i: ‘scaring’ ) ist-anoki:"c-os-i: ‘affectionate’ (isti ‘person’ + anoki:"c-os-i: * loving’) ist-asoks0:k-i: ‘jammed with people’ (ést/ ‘person’ + asokso:k-i: ‘jammed’ )

‘ka-takpilk-i: ‘turned up (as of a bill on a cap), wrong-side out’ (ikd ‘head’ + takpilk-i: ‘buried’ ) nock-il-i: ‘sleepy’ (noc-ka ‘sleep’ + il-i: ‘dead’ ) nok-somk-i: ‘hoarse’ (nokwa ‘throat’ + sdmk-i: ‘lost’) sopak-hatk-i: “gray? (sopa:kta ‘toad’ + -hatk-i ‘white’ ) totwa-t-oh-hic-dak-i: “cross-eyed’ (-tofwa ‘eye’ + (i)t-oh-hic-ak-i: ‘looking toward each other’ )

While compounding ts most often associated with stative verbs, active verbs are occasionally formed in the same way: (35) they-s-ita ‘to take a wife’ ((héywa ‘his/her wife’ + is-ifa ‘to take (one)’) ihi-s-ita ‘to take a husband’ (i/77 ‘his/her husband’ + is-/ta ‘to take (one)’) ili-t-oh-tat-ita ‘to cross the legs’ (i/7 ‘leg’ + (i)t-oh-tat-ita ‘to hang over each other’)

124 sil (i)nokk-i:-ili:c-ita ‘to anesthetize’ ((i)nokk-i: ‘pain’ + ili:c-ita ‘to kill’) pokk-icc-ita ‘to play ball’ (pékko ‘ball’ + icc-itd ‘to shoot’) nini-hic-ita ‘to look for’ (nini ‘path’ + hic-ita ‘to look’) natk-is-ita ‘to become pregnant, conceive’ (natki ‘stomach’ + is-ita ‘to take (one)’)

Nouns with adverbial function may also enter into verb compounds: (36) hati-hopok-i: ‘just picked, fresh’ (hati ‘just’ + hopok-i: ‘selected’ ) yop-ak-latk-ita “to fall behind’ (-yopa ‘back’ + ak-latk-ita ‘(one) to fall’)

Compounding of verbs with other verbs is rare, but occasionally occurs, as in (37). (37) nafk-iti-ka:y-ita ‘to knock down’ (nafk- ‘hit? + iti-ka:y-ita ‘to throw each other away’)

Complex verb compounds are also rare: (38) tot-hic-ik-ha:k-ita ‘to become blind’ (-tofwa ‘eye’ + hic- ‘see’ + -iko ‘not’ + ha:k-ita ‘to become’)

Demonstratives may sometimes be compounded with the verb 6:mi: ‘like that’.’ (39) mo:m-i: ‘like that, so’ (ma ‘that’ + 6:m-i: ‘like’) y-0.m-os-a:t ‘one like this’ (va ‘this’ + 6:m-os-a:t(i) ‘one like’)

11.8 Compounding vs. adjunction of nouns and participles Participles can combine with nouns in Creek tn three different ways: (a) noun + participle (b) noun + reduced participle 1. adjoined ll. compounded

In the first way (a), a noun 1s combined with a full participle ending in

durative -i:. Neither the noun nor the participle is phonologically reduced, and each is_ stressed independently. Semantically, the participle restricts the set of entities picked out by the noun. The participle may be an event, and is then in the lengthened grade:

(40) ma ifa worhk-t;: act-ait that dog bark.SG.LGR-DUR go.about.SG.LGR-REF

‘that dog going around barking’

" hammazk-itéd ‘to say this’ may derive from Aavyd:m- ‘like this’ + mazk-itd ‘to say’.

Compounding 125 The participle may also be a state, and is then in the zero grade:

(41) ma ifa last-i: act-Gil that dog black-DUR go.about.SG.LGR-REF ‘that black dog going around’

A participle may also combine with a noun and be pronounced as a single word. This is only possible with states: the participle is in the zero grade and ends tn the reduced durative suffix -7. In one subtype, the reduced participle is simply adjoined to the noun: (42) — ifa-last-i dog-black-! ‘black dog’

(43) isti-acol-i person-old-| ‘old man’

In the second subtype, the reduced participle is compounded with the noun and the resulting expression has a “type” reading, referring to a variety:

(44) fos-céit-i bird-red-I ‘cardinal’ (45) — isti-hatk-i person-white-| ‘white person’

These three types of expressions have distinct properties. Adjoined and full participles are fine with the referential clitic -a:t/7), for example: (46) = ifa-last-a:t(i) ‘the black dog’ isti-acol-a:t(i) ‘the old man’

In contrast, it is Margaret Mauldin’s judgment that compounds lose their “type” reading with -a:t(i): (47) fos-ca-t-a:t(i) ‘the red bird’ (not ‘the cardinal’) isti-hatk-a: t(i) ‘the person who ts white in color’ (not ‘the white person’ )

Several criteria can also be found that distinguish forms containing reduced participles (adjoined or compounded) from combinations of noun + participle. First, the noun itself may be reduced; the noun foswa ‘bird’ is thus shortened to fos- when it is followed in the same word by a reduced participle. Second, the diminutive suffix -oc7 may be used

126 il

with a reduced participle whether the participle is adjoined or

compounded; Margaret Mauldin explains that ifa-/ast-oci could either mean a type of little black dog or any little black dog. As noted above, full participles may be eventive (in the lengthened erade). More than one is possible, and the resulting expression never has a “type” reading.

12 Plural nouns Most nouns in Creek lack plural forms. Depending on the context, a noun like if¢ can mean ‘dog’ or ‘dogs’:

(1) a. ifa hamk-it a:t-ati:-s dog one-T be.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND ‘A dog was about.’

b. ifa hokko:l-it’ wila:k-ati:-s dog two.FGR-T be.about.DU.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘Two dogs were about.’

A few nouns referring to humans form plurals with a suffix -ad7 or

-ta:ki, however. These forms are required in all plural contexts, including with numerals:

(2) a. isti-honanwa hamk-it a:t-ati:-s person-male one-T —be.about.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND ‘A man was about.’

b. isti-honan-ta:ki hokko:l-it wila:k-ati:-s person-male-PL two.FGR-T be.about.DU.LGR-PASTS-IND ‘Two men were about.’

It is difficult to predict whether a human noun has a special plural form and if so, whether it is formed with -aki or -ta:ki. Another suffix -G/ki is used for groups.

12.1 Plural -ta:ki All nouns that take -ta:ki refer to humans, and most end in wa. The final syllable ts deleted when -ta:ki 1s added: (3) iccoswa ‘her child (of a woman)’ iccos-ta:ki ‘her children’

ihéywa “his wite’ ihey-ta:ki ‘their/his wives’ im-osOswa ‘his/her grandchild’ —im-osos-ta:ki “his/her grandchildren’ i:wanwa ‘his sister (of aman) — f:wan-ta:ki ‘his sisters’

honanwa ‘male, man’ honan-ta: ki ‘males’

hopoywa ‘child’ hopoy-ta:ki ‘children’ apalwa ‘the rest’ apal-ta:ki ‘the others (two or more)’

[28 §12

Only a few words not ending in wa take -ta:ki; those in (4) may be an exhaustive list. (4) ippoci ‘his son (ofa man)’ ippoci-ta:ki “his sons’

ci:mi ‘yow ci:mi-ta:ki, cin-ta:ki ‘you (plural), you all’ The suffix -ta:ki can also be used to indicate a plural possessor. Singular and plural possessors are usually not distinguished, but -/a:ki Is Sometimes used this way: (5) ci-¢ki ‘your father’ —ci-¢ki-ta:ki “your (plural) Father’ (Matt. 5:16)

In this use, -fa:ki 1s often spelled as a separate word (e.g., in Buckner 1860a). Final wa ts not deleted before -ta:ki when it indicates a plural possessor.

22 Plural -aki A few other nouns form plurals by deleting the final vowel of the singular and adding -aki:

(6) hokti: ‘female, woman’ hokt-aki “women”

mi:kko ‘chief? mi:kk-aki ‘chiets’ wacina “white American’ wacin-aki ‘white Americans’

Most nouns ending in wa use -fa:ki to form the plural, but a few use -aki. In this case, the final syllable deletes: (7) hoktalwa‘old woman’ — hoktal-aki ‘old women, elderly women’

A few nouns derived from verbs form plurals with -akz:

(8) cizpan-t: “boy” ci:pan-daki *boys’ acol-i; ‘old person, elder’ = (a)col-aki ‘old people’

hokta:t-a ‘prostitute’ hokta:t-aki ‘prostitutes’

These may be instances of the plural verb suffix -ak- (§23.5). The suffix -aki may also be used in compounds when a reduced participle modifies a noun: (9) — sokha-ticzho ‘barrow’ — sokha-ti:h-aki ‘barrows’ (lit., “hog-castrated’ )

12.3 Group plural -@/ki Creek has a suffix -a/ki added to nouns to indicate a group. This suffix Is commonly used with names of clans:

(10) = citto ‘snake’ citt-alki ‘Snake clan’ foswa ‘bird’ fosw-alki ‘Bird clan’

Plural nouns [29 halpata ‘alligator’ — halpat-alki * Alligator clan’

ka:cca ‘tiger’ ka:cc-alki ‘Viger clan’ osana ‘otter’ osan-alki ‘Otter clan’ w0.tko ‘raccoon’ wo.tk-dlki ‘Raccoon clan’

As the above forms show, the final vowel of the noun is usually deleted. When the final vowel is stressed, however, it 1s retained:

(11) ico ‘deer’ (i)co-alki ‘Deer clan’ Lato ‘fish’ tato-alki ‘Fish clan (archaic)’

In addition to clans, -da/A7 1s used for tribes, nations, religions, and denominations:

(12) ca:hta ‘Choctaw’ ca:ht-dalki ‘the Choctaw’ cala:kki ‘Cherokee’ cala:kk-alki ‘the Cherokee’ cikasa ‘Chickasaw’ cikas-alki ‘the Chickasaw’ falanci ‘Frenchman’ falanc-alki ‘the French’ simano: li ‘Seminole’ simano: l-dlki ‘the Seminole’ vo:cel *Yuchi/Euchee’ vo:cc-alki ‘the Yuchi/Euchee’ oy-fak-somk-a ‘Baptist’ ov-2ak-somk-dlki ‘Baptists’ |

It is also used for other established groups of individuals:

(13) tastandki ‘warrior’ tastanak-alki in-coko ‘House of Warriors’ pokk-t:cca ‘ball player’ pokk-i:cc-alki “ball team’

mi:kko ‘chief? mi:kk-dlki ‘chiefs as a group’ na: ki ‘thing’ in-na:k-dlki ‘his/her blood relatives’ icki ‘his/her mother’ ick-dlki ‘his/her parents’ (i)talwa ‘tribal town’ (i)talwa-alki ‘nation’ (1.e., a grouping of tribal towns)

Use of the group plural to refer to nonhuman groups Is rare:

° neg at ° %

(14) itd ‘tree, wood’ ito-alki ‘forest’

In a few instances, the base needed for the group plural differs from the singular form (15); these may reflect archaic forms of nouns.”

(15) koha ‘cane’ kohas-alki ‘Cane clan’ kono ‘skunk’ konip-dlki ‘Skunk clan’ ' Here, some say ov-?ak-somk-dlki and some say oy-2ak-somi:c-dlki. These are based on the roots somk- *(one) sink’ and somic- ‘(three or more) sink’.

~ Cf. Choctaw konih ‘skunk’ as against Creek kono, konip-; all these possibly reflect earlier *kontho.

130 §12 hotal-i: “wind? hotalk-alki ‘Wind clan’

Group plurals can be used in singular contexts: (16) halpat-alki-t — 6:w-ey-s alligator-GPL-T be.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘’m Alligator clan.’

The group plural -d/ki is probably derived from the quantifier a/k‘every, each’ (§33.4.4).

12.4 Other noun plurals A noun is sometimes interpreted as plural because the word modifying it is plural. A noun like is¢7-/opdck-i “little people’ has plural reference

because /opock-i ‘(two or more) small’ ts specifically plural. The following contrast is similar: (17) apoyka-somk-a ‘stray animal’ (‘livestock’ + ‘(one) lost’) apoyvka-somi:c-a ‘stray livestock (three or more)’ (‘livestock’ + ‘(three or more) lost’)

Nominalizations may be interpreted as singular or plural because the verbs they are based on are singular or plural:

(18) at-ita ‘(one) to go about’ im-at-itd “his/her way’ foll-ita ‘(three or more) to go about’ ~—in-foll-ita ‘their ways, customs’

Nominalizations of reduplicated verbs may also be interpreted as plural:

(19) hocif-ka ‘name’ hocitho-ka ‘names’ vafk-i; ‘evening’ vafvak-i: ‘evenings’ Reduplication ts normally restricted to verbs, but the noun nd:ki “what, something’ has a special plural na:naki ‘things’.

13 Size 13.1 Diminutive -oci The diminutive suffix -oci is added to nouns and _ concrete nominalizations. The last vowel of the stem is deleted:

(1) cissi ‘rat, mouse’ ciss-oci “mouse’

ifa “dog” if-oci “puppy” icd ‘deer’ ic-Ocl ‘fawn One use of the diminutive is to indicate a human or animal in its childhood:

(2) wd:ka *cow’ wa.k-oci ‘calf ‘cowd:ta ‘goat? ’cowa:t-oci ‘kid’

isti ‘person’ ist-oci ‘baby’

A second use is to indicate a smaller variety of something (often a plant or animal):

(3) cissi ‘rat, mouse’ ciss-oci “mouse’ coko ‘house’ cok-oci ‘outhouse, bathroom’ fa:fampi ‘onion’ — ta:famp-oci ‘wild onions’

With a few kinship terms, -oci indicates a relative bearing a similar relationship to an individual: (4) icki ‘his/her mother’ ick-oci ‘his/her maternal aunt’ i¢ki ‘his/her father’ —/¢k-oci ‘his/her paternal uncle’

With compounds, -oc/ is normally added last: (5) takleyk-camp-a ‘cake’ (lit., “‘bread-sweet’) taklevk-camp-oci ‘cookie’

13.2 Augmentative -takko Some reduced stative participles have special bound forms appearing in compounds (§11.4). The bound form -fakko ‘big, great’ is one of these, but has developed so many uses that I follow Nathan (1977) in treating it as an augmentative suffix. One use of -¢akko is to indicate a type disinguished by greater size: (6) nini‘path, road’ — nini-takko ‘highway’

132 §13 vala:ha ‘orange’ vala:ha-takko ‘grapefruit’

Closely related is the notion of adding greater intensity, amount, or Importance:

(7) hotal-i: “wind? hotal-i:-takko “hurricane, tornado, storm’

cokpi ‘hundred’ cokpi-takko ‘thousand’ homp-ita ‘food’ homp-ita-takko ‘feast, big meal’ (nit)ta-ca:ko *Sunday’ (lit., “day- (nit)ta-ca:ko-takko ‘Christmas’ holy’)

In the names of months, -Zakko is used to indicate the core month associated with an event. In this and other uses, there 1s often a contrast with a diminutive: (8) ot-awo: sk-oci ‘September’ ot-awo:Ska-takko ‘October’

ta:sahc-oci ‘March’ ta:sahci-takko * April’

The term for ‘October’ is said to mean literally “big chestnut thrashing’, and the term for ‘April’ ts literally ‘big spring’.

14 ~—_— Possession When a noun ts possessed, the possessor precedes the possessed item. The possessive relation is shown by prefixes on the possessed ttem:

(1) = ca:ni im-ifa John DAT-dog ‘John’s dog’

(2) [cad:ni im-maha:ya| im-ifa John DAT-teacher DAT-dog ‘John’s teacher’s dog’

As (1}+(2) show, the possessor itself is not marked. It may be omitted, with person and number specified by the prefix:

(3) im-ifa DAT-dog

‘his/her dog’

(4) = am-ifa 1S.DAT-dog

‘my dog’

Two types of possessive relation are distinguished: relational (including most body parts, kinship terms, and postpositions) and nonrelational (including most alienable nouns).

14.1 Relational and nonrelational possession The relational and nonrelational prefixes are shown in table 14.1. TABLE 14.1. POSSESSIVE PREFIXES

RELATIONAL | NONRELATIONAL (DATIVE)

FIRST PERSON SINGULAR ca- am-

SECOND PERSON ci- cim-

THIRD PERSON/BASE i- im-

FIRST PERSON PLURAL po- pom-

The relational prefixes are similar in form to the patient prefixes on verbs (§20). The nonrelational prefixes are identical to the dative

[34 old

prefixes on verbs (§22.1) and have the same variants (an-, cin-, in-, pon- before nonlabial consonants). '

Most body parts, kinship terms, and postpositions take relational prefixes:

(5) Nouns taking relational prefixes: a. Body parts ca-cokhatpi ‘my lip’ ca-cokwa ‘my mouth’ ca-cokhissi ‘my beard’ cad-copo: “my rectum’ ca-fi:ki “my heart’ ca-focowad ‘my navel’ ca-folowa ‘my shoulder’ ca-foni ‘my bone’ ca-haci “my tail’ ca-hacko “my ear’ ca-hafi ‘my thigh’

ca-hatpi ‘my skin’ ca-haswa “my penis’ ca-haswa-ni:tka ‘my testicles’ ca-hokpi “my chest’ ca-ka ‘my head’ ca-ka-homa ‘my forehead’ ca-kéyssi ‘my head hair’ ca-li ‘my foot’ ca-lopi “my liver’ ca-na: ‘my body’ ca-na:-apiswa “my flesh’ ca-nkapita ‘my right hand’ ca-nki ‘my hand’ ca-nki-wisda:ka “my finger’ ca-nkososowa ‘my fingernail’

ca-ta: ‘my back’ ca-toci ‘my kidney’ ca-lacci “my limb’ ca-naci “my side’ ca-natki “my stomach’ ca-nokciti:kna ‘my Adam’s apple’ ca-nokwa ‘my neck’ ca-noti “my tooth’ ' The forms an-, cin-, in-, and pon- are used before c, h, k, /, #, n, s, 4, and vy. The forms am-, cim-, im-, and pom- are used before vowels and m. Many speakers use the

m-final variants before p, though some prefer an-, cin-, etc., in this context. Most speakers use the n-final variants before fand w, though some use am-, cim-, etc.

Possession 135 ca-pisi: “my breast’ ca-sakpa “my arm’ ca-latpa “my wing’ ca-tita:cka “my waist’ ca-to:tkowd ‘my knee’ ca-toto:fa “my face’ ca-totwa “my eye’ ca-yanawa ‘my cheek’ ca-yapi ‘my horn’ ca-yopo: “my nose’

b. Kinship terms ca-citwa ‘my brother (of a woman)’ ca-cosi ‘my younger same-sex sibling’ ca-ccosti ‘my daughter’ ca-cki ‘my mother’ ca-cki-aha:ka “my step-mother’ ca-ck-oci ‘my aunt’ ca-héywa “my wite’ ca-hi ‘my husband’ ca-na:-hamki ‘my cousin, relative’ ca-pawa ‘my mother’s brother’ ca-poca: ‘my grandfather’ ca-posi ‘my grandmother’ cda-ppoci “my son’

ca-taha ‘my elder same-sex sibling’ ca-tki ‘my father’ ca-tk-oci ‘my father’s brother, stepfather’ ca-:wanwa ‘my sister’

c. Postpositions ca-homa ‘in front of me’ ca-lica ‘beneath me’ ac-6:fa ‘inside of me’ ca-yopa ‘behind me’

d. Other ca-hoti ‘my container, my home’ i-faka “its vine’ po-hapo: “our camp’ ca-hocifka ‘my name’ ca-li-hapo: ‘my footprints’ ca-nda:ki ‘my thing, mine’ ca-pocd:s-i ‘my lord, master’

> See §14.3 for this form.

136 old

Most other nouns take the nonrelational prefixes: (6) Nouns taking nonrelational prefixes am-a:tami “my car’ am-acol-ka “my age’ am-api:ttt: “my shadow’ an-coko “my house’ an-co:ka “my book’ an-hatikpévka ‘my pants’ an-hisa:kitamisi: “my God’ an-hissi ‘my friend’ an-homa:hta ‘my leader’ an-honna “my dress’ am-ifa ‘my dog’ am-istilipévka “my shoes’ am-ist-alki ‘my people’ am-ist-oci ‘my baby’ am-italwa ‘my nation’ am-itileykita “my clan’ an-kapitani ‘my boss’ am-maha:ya ‘my teacher’ am-mi:kko ‘my chief’ am-poyafikca “my spirit

There are a few exceptions in which body parts or kinship terms take the nonrelational prefixes: (7) Exceptional body part and kinship terms taking nonrelational prefixes a. Body parts in-cakaspa “its gizzard (of a chicken)’ in-cohakco “its spur (on a rooster)’ im-pd:ssa “its maw, stomach (of a hog)’ an-ta:la “my rib’

b. Kinship terms an-hokosi ‘my baby’ an-hatisi ‘my daughter-in-law, my son-in-law’ an-hoktalwa ‘my mother-in-law’ an-hokti: “my daughter, girlfriend’ an-hopoywa ‘my nephew (of a man)’ am-mad:h-i; “my father-in-law’ am-md:ma’ “my mom’ an-nd:ki “my kin, my blood relative’ am-ososwa ‘my grandchild’ am-palsi “my partner, spouse’ > This form is Oklahoma Seminole Creek.

Possession 137 an-td:ta’ ‘my dad’

Some of the exceptions in (7) like hoktalwa ‘old lady’, hokti: ‘woman’,

and hopoywa ‘boy’ are nonrelational nouns being used for kinship.

Others (an-ta:ta ‘my dad’, am-mda:ma ‘my mom’) are possibly borrowings or children’s words.

Some body products take relational prefixes (8) and others take nonrelational prefixes (9): (8) Body products taking relational prefixes ca-ca:ta ‘my blood’ ca-ka-to:ska ‘my dandruff ca-no:tkowa ‘my nasal mucous’ ca-tot-oposwa “my tears’ ca-tot-sopdkci ‘my eye matter’

(9) Body products taking nonrelational prefixes am-misk-i: “my sweat’ an-holanwa ‘my excrement’ an-hosil-ka “my urine’ an-tofk-ita ‘my saliva’

When the first member of a compound normally takes relational

prefixes, there is a tendency to use relational prefixes for the compound: (10) ca-fi:k-campa ‘my sweetheart’ (‘my heart’+ ‘sweet’) ca-ka-nokk-i ‘my headache’ (‘my head-ache’ )

There are examples of the opposite type, however: an-yapi-févka “my sheep’ contains the relational noun -yapi ‘horn’ and -feyka ‘turned’; an-kapotoka ‘my hat’ is originally from -ka ‘head’ and -poto:ka ‘put

down on’. For these, the scope of possession is the compound as a Whole rather than the first element.

A few noun roots occur with relational or nonrelational prefixes: ca-homa “in front of me (1.e., In space)’, in-homa ‘beforehand (1.e., in time)’; ca-na:ki “my thing, mine’, an-na:ki “my kin’; ca-vopa ‘behind me’, in-yopd ‘afterwards’.

14,2 Obligatory and periphrastic possession Connected to the relational-nonrelational distinction is a distinction according to whether a noun may, must, or must not be possessed. In general, relational nouns must be possessed. To say ‘father!’, for example, the possessed form ca-fki-:“ ‘my father!’ 1s used. When * This form is Oklahoma Seminole Creek.

138 él4

speaking of a body part that has been separated from the body, an

indefinite possessor (isti “someone; person’) is used: i/7 ‘his/her foot’,

ist-ili ‘a foot, someone’s foot, a human foot’. The one place where relational nouns need not be possessed is in compounds like ca-kahoma ‘my forehead’, where they are the second element. The following

nouns take dative prefixes and so are grammatically in_ the nonrelational class, but are obligatorily possessed: (11) Nonrelational nouns that are obligatorily possessed an-hissi “my friend’ an-homa:hta ‘my leader’ am-ma-h-i: “my father-in-law’ am-ososwa ‘my grandchild’ am-palsi “my partner’ im-pa:ssa “its maw’ an-ta:la “my rib’

Some nouns change their meaning when possessed. With several nouns, the use of a nonrelational prefix indicates that the noun ts an integral part of something else:

(12) ahawki ‘door’ im-ahawki ‘gate’ api ‘stalk (of corn, etc.)’ im-api ‘handle’

honna ‘dress’ in-honna ‘dressing (for a turkey)’ ika “his/her head’ im-tka ‘engine (of a car)’ (i)no:c-ka ‘scarf im-ino:c-ka ‘collar (on a dog, etc.)’ pata:ka ‘pallet, bed’ im-pata:ka ‘quilt lining’ sokca ‘bag, sack’ in-sOkca “pocket? For this reason, im- is probably best considered a derivational prefix.

While many nouns like ifa ‘dog’ are optionally possessed, some nouns—especially compounds, nominalizations, and nouns that are not

normally possessed—sound awkward with a possessive prefix. To possess a noun like tof-sakkda:ka ‘glasses’ or ika-ha:k-oci ‘pin’, for example, some speakers favor a periphrastic pattern: (13) tot-sakka:ka — ca-na:ki eye-sitting.in.it 1S.PAT-thing ‘my glasses”°

> Some speakers use nd:ki ‘thing’ the same way in nd:k-costd:ki ‘an egg” (lit. ‘something’s egg’).

° Juanita McGirt says it would not be wrong to say an-lot-sakkd:ka ‘my glasses’, but she would not say it.

Possession 139 The pattern in (13) consists of a noun phrase followed by a possessive pronoun (ca-nd:ki “mine’). The periphrastic pattern is also possible with nouns that can be possessed, however:

(14) ifa ca-na:ki-n i:S-t Oo: w-éy-s dog IS.PAT-thing-N take.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘lm holding my dog.’

14.3 Variants of the relational prefixes and the treatment of /Patient prefixes on verbs sometimes have special vowel-initial variants

used when a stem begins with a vowel (820.1). Relational prefixes sometimes also have variants, though very few relational nouns begin with vowels. The words o:fa ‘in, inside’ and i:wanwa ‘his sister’ are two nouns that do: (15) ac-d:fa ‘in me’ ic-0:fa ‘in yow O:fa ‘in him/her’ ip-0:fa “in us’

(16) ca-:wdanwa ‘my sister’ ci-:wanwa “your sister’ i:wanwa “his sister’ po-:wanwa “our sister’

As (15) and (16) show, o:fa takes vowel-initial variants of the relational prefixes parallel to variants of the patient prefixes on verbs. The noun i:wanwa ‘his sister’ does not use the vowel-initial variants, however, and in this way differs from verbs with similar shapes. Another place where relational prefixes differ from patient prefixes is in the third person. With verbs, there is no prefix in the third person: (17) hocif- ‘name’ (verb) ca-hoci:f-is ‘he/she is naming me’ ci-hoci:f-is “he/she is naming you’ hoci:f-is “he/she is naming him/her’

With relational nouns, the third person prefix ts 7-: (18) hocif-ka ‘name’ (noun) ca-hocif-ka ‘my name’ ci-hocif-ka “your name’ (i-)hocif-ka ‘his/her name’

This initial 7- is sometimes deleted (§5.6) and, as (15)-(16) show, never appears with vowel-initial stems. When it is deleted, the pitch of the

|40 Sid

noun may still be affected: thus, i-vanawa ‘his/her cheek’ is commonly shortened to ‘vanawa, with accent reflecting the base form (§4.4.1).

For some speakers, shortened forms like ‘vanawd are offered in paradigms as though they were unpossessed: (19) = ’yanawa ‘cheek’ ca-yanawa “my cheek’ ci-vanawa ‘your cheek’ i-vanawa ‘his/her cheek’ po-yanawa ‘our cheeks’

Other speakers reject forms like ‘yvanawd in more formal contexts: When labeling body parts for classroom materials, these speakers consistently give i-yanawad ‘his/her cheek’, i-sadkpa ‘his/her arm’, etc.

There are several factors involved in deleting 7-. In ‘long’ nouns, third person 7- is generally omissible: (7-)/ofwa “his/her eye’, (i-)hacko ‘his/her ear’. In certain ‘short’ nouns, however, 7- cannot delete: ikd “his/her head’ (*ka), ili ‘his/her leg’ (*/i), inki ‘his/her hand’ (*nk7). Deletion is also blocked if it would create in impermissible cluster: iccosti ‘his daughter’ (*ccosti). When short words like ikd or ili are a part of longer words, however, the i- sometimes deletes: ‘Ji-ha:y-a ‘three-legged pot’ (lit., “leg-maker’). The generalization is evidently

that initial 7 is blocked from deleting when it would create an illformed word (e.g., a noun with only one vowel). What is unexpected, however, is that short nouns keep initial 7 even when a dative prefix is used to mark possession rather than a relational prefix. Thus, ka means ‘his/her head’, but im-ika means ‘engine (of a car)’. “Long” words differ: 7-homa ‘in front of him/her (1.e., In space)’ loses the initial 7 in in-homad ‘beforehand (1.e., in time)’. These data,

while complex, suggest that short words like ka ‘his/her head’, i/i ‘his/her leg’, inki ‘his/her hand’ happen to begin with 7, so they retain 7 even when using a dative prefix.

14.4 Uses of the possessive prefixes As we have seen, the relational prefixes are used for relational notions:

the part-whole relation involved in body parts, relations within a family, and locative relationships involving postpositions. I believe that

“relational nouns” constitute a grammatical category rather than a semantic one, however: when new words are added to the set of kinship terms, for example, the nonrelational prefixes are used. For this reason, I follow Nichols (1988) in viewing relational possession as an older form of possession that has been retained in a set of inherently possessed nouns.

Possession 14] The dative (nonrelational) prefixes can be viewed as the default possessive prefixes. One use, of course, is for possession: ma Isti incoko ‘that person’s house’. The prefixes are also used for things and people that are in the sphere of individuals rather than possessed: ami:kanad ‘my country (place of birth)’, an-hissi ‘my friend’. They can also be used for relations in time: ¢-im-paksi-n ‘the day after (that)’. There are a few instances where they cannot be used, however. In

English, for example, an expression like my picture can have a possessive reading (‘a picture of mine’, 1.e., a picture I own) or an object reading (‘a picture of me’, t.e., I’m in the picture). In Creek, is/aha:k-i ‘picture’ 1s a compound of ist7 ‘person’ and ahd-k-i ‘image’, l.e., an image of a person or portrait. This noun consequently only has the possessive reading:

(20) am-ist-ahda:k-i-n 6:C-ick-is IS.DAT-person-resembling-N have.FGR-2S.AG-IND

‘You have a picture of mine.’

For the object reading, a nominalization (ac-ahd:k-a:t ‘the one resembling me’) must be used.

15 ~~ Pronouns Pronouns in Creek include personal pronouns (ani ‘I’, etc.), interrogative pronouns (isfév ‘who’), indefinite pronouns (sf ‘someone’), independent possessive pronouns (ca-nd:ki ‘mine’), and demonstrative pronouns (ma ‘that one’). Each of these subtypes is described below.

15.1 Personal pronouns Personal pronouns are not often used in Creek, perhaps because person

and number are indicated on verbs. The basic forms of the personal pronouns are given in (1).

(1) ani “VY ci:mi “yow i:mi ‘he/she, they’ po:mi ‘we’! ci:mi-ta:ki, cin-ta:ki “you (plural)

In addition to i:mi, the demonstrative ma ‘that one’ is often used for third person reference (animate or inanimate, singular or plural). When personal pronouns do occur, it is often because the pronoun

itself is modified by an element like -w’ ‘also’, -ta:t (focus of attention), or -ta/ki ‘only’. Forms with -w’ ‘also’ are listed in (2).

(2) ani-w' ‘I, too’ ci:mi-w' “you, too’ i:mi-w’' ‘he/she, too’ po:mi-w' ‘we, too’ cin-ta: ki-w' ‘you (plural), too’

The following is an example of this use: (3) ani-w! ma:tapo:m-in — cin-fi:k-d:ti:-s [-also be.same.FGR-N 2.DAT-pay-1S.AG.FUT-IND

‘Well then, I will pay you the same, too.’ (1915.1)

When the focus-of-attention marker -/a:/ is added to a pronoun, the pronoun 1s shortened:

' The form po:mi “we 1s often pronounced pi: in Florida. ~ The form ani-w' is pronounced an-o' by some in Florida.

Pronouns 143 (4) an-ta:t °VP cin-ta:t “you in-ta:t “he/she, they’

pon-ta:t “we

Their use is described in $38. Personal pronouns also contract with -fa/ki ‘only’:

(5) an-talki “| only, I alone’ cin-talki ‘you only, you alone’

The modifier -/a/A7 is sometimes intensified with the nasalizing grade and verbal diminutive: an-ta"/k-os-i “I alone’.

15.2 Interrogative and indefinite pronouns Most interrogative expressions (nd:ki ‘what’, etc.) are pronouns in Creek, though a few are verbs. The interrogative pronouns are closely related to indefinite pronouns (‘someone’, ‘anyone’, ‘no one’). This can be seen in examples like the following:

(6) = nda:zki-n hi:c-a:* ‘What is he/she looking at?’

na:ki-n hi:c-a' ‘Is he/she looking at something?’ na:ki-n hic-tko' ‘He/she doesn’t see anything, does he/she?’

(7) — istéyma-n hi:c-d:” ‘Who is he/she looking at?’ istéyma-n hi:c-a' ‘Is he/she looking at someone?’ istéyma-n hic-iko' ‘He/she isn’t looking at anyone, is he/she?’

(8) — tsta-n azy-a:* ‘Where is he/she going?’

ista-n a:y-q' ‘Is he/she going somewhere?’ ista-n ay-tko' ‘He/she isn’t going anywhere, Is he/she?’ (9) — istaméy-n az:y-d:* ‘Where is he/she going?””

istamey-n a:y-d' ‘Is he/she going somewhere?’ istaméy-n ay-iko' ‘He/she isn’t going anywhere, is he/she?’

> Some of the forms in (6)-(11) have an acute accent on the last syllable in addition to a mark of rising or high intonation on the last syllable. The acute accent Is needed to show the last syllable in a span of syllables with high level pitch. The last syllable may then receive falling tone, high tone, etc., in questions. * Both iséa and is‘améy are used for ‘where’. I assume that the latter includes mév ‘instead’ ($40.1).

144 S15

(10) = istéy-n hi:c-a:” ‘Who is he/she looking at?’ istéy-n hi:c-a' ‘Is he/she looking at someone?’

istéy-n hic-iko' ‘He/she doesn’t see anyone, does he/she?”” (11) isté:fa-n ay-dha:n-a:* ‘When is he/she going?’ ist0.:f-eys ay-ati:-s ‘He/she’ ll go any time.’ ist0:f-eys ahy-iko-:-s ‘He/she won’t ever go.’ Interrogative verbs do not seem to pattern this way, as seen in (12).

(12) nacé:w-in hi:c-a:* ‘How many is he/she looking at?’ istow-i:-n ay-dha:n-a:’ ‘How is he/she going?’

isto:w-in acy-d.~ ‘Why is he/she going?’ The forms na:ki ‘thing’ and ist7 ‘person’ often lose their final vowels and contract with a following verb: (13) na:k-hi:c-éy-s something-see.LGR-1S.AG-IND ‘IT see something.’

The same forms appear in compounds: (14) na:k-ond-ka ‘story’ something’ + ‘telling’) isti-pda.:p-a “\ion’ (‘person’ + ‘eater’)

| io, Independent possessive pronouns The independent possessive pronouns are listed in (15). (15) ca-nd:ki ‘mine’ ci-nd:ki “yours (singular or plural addressee)’ i-nd:ki “his/hers/theirs’ po-nd:ki ‘ours’ 6

These can be used as noun phrases:

(16) ca-na:ki-t O:-S 1S.PAT-thing-T be.FGR-IND

‘It’s mine.’

The independent possessive pronouns can also be used for periphrastic possession (§ 14.2).

> In nineteenth-century sources, a word napd (or possibly ndpa < ondpa ‘above’) was used for ‘anyone’ (Buckner 1860a:66). ° Example (16) has an emphatic variant an-ca-nd:ki-t 6:-s ‘It’s mine.’ The element an- here is apparently the pronoun ani ‘I, me’, and ca-nd:ki agrees with that possessor.

Pronouns 145 15.4 Demonstratives The demonstratives are hiya ‘this (close to speaker)’, ma ‘that (distant

from speaker)’, and aséy (or asi:, aséyma) ‘that (very distant from speaker), yonder’. Demonstratives may be used independently as pronouns:

(17) ma-t cact-i:-t — O:-s that-T red-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘That one is red.’

They may also be used to modify a following noun:

(18) mai ifd-t ca:t-i:-t — O:-s that dog-T red-DUR-T be.FGR-IND ‘That dog ts red.’

I use the term demonstrative pronoun for the independent use, and demonstrative for use in modifying a noun.

In their independent use, they may function as third person pronouns:

(19) hatam wo:tk-oc-dlki-t apo:k-in again raccoon-DIM-GPL-T sit.TPL.FGR-N it-im-o: ¢-ati:-s DIR-DAT-reach.LGR-PAST5-IND

mon-t ma-w' — im-po:h-ati:-s be.so.LGR-T that-also DAT-ask.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘Again [Turtle] came upon some little raccoons. And he asked them, too.’ (1915.7)

Independent demonstratives often refer to locations (hiya ‘here’, ma ‘there’):

(20) mo:m-in ma-n_ it-o:t-din ati:"k-os-in be.so.LGR-N_ that-N DIR-reach.LGR-REF.N up.to.NGR-DIM-N

‘And as soon as he got there...’ (1915.1)

In narratives, demonstratives are used to refer back to established participants:

(21) isti-acol-i = hamk-it ippoci-ta:ki tocci:n-in — 6:c-i:-t person-old-I one-T 3.PAT.son-PL three.FGR-N exist-DUR-T levk-ati:-s Sit.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND

mo:m-in ma ci:pan-aki tocci:n-a:t akittéyc-ka be.so.LGR-N that youth-PL three.FGR-REF think.about-GER

146 §15 ha:y-a:k-ati:-s

do-PL.LGR-PAST5S-IND

‘An old man lived with his three sons. Now the three boys made some plans.’ (1915.1)

In this use, ma ‘that’ is so common that it could be called a marker of definiteness or identifiability. The word moca ‘this (time)’ is used to refer to time. In modifying a noun, it means ‘this current (day, month, etc.)?: moca hathayatki ‘this morning’, moca-niti: ‘tonight’, moca-nitta ‘today’. Used independently, moca means “this time’:

(22) moca-ta:t ista-n at-iko-t tak-léyk-it this.time-ATN anywhere-N go.about.SG-not-T LOC-sit.SG.FGR-T

om-ati:-s be-FUT-IND

‘This time he is not to go anywhere...” (1915.1)

There are several variants of the demonstratives. The demonstrative hiva ‘this’ has a shorter form ya, and aséy is pronounced as7: by some.

The forms yama and aséyma are also used: yamd i:kana ‘this land’.

The element -ma occurring in these forms occasionally appears elsewhere (cf. istéy ~ isteévma ‘who’).

The demonstratives sometimes merge with following words. In Oklahoma, the sequence ma isti ‘that person’ is pronounced mévsii, for example. In all dialects, the demonstratives ma ‘that’ and (/i)ya ‘this’ contract with 0:m-i: “be like’: m-o:m-i: ‘like that, so’ (811.7).

16 —_ Postpositions Several different patterns are used for expressing location in Creek. General direction or location is often indicated with a simple noun phrase, as in (1)-(2).

(1) talo:fa-n_ dcy-dnk-s town-N —_g0.SG.FGR-PAST2-IND

‘He/she went to town.’

(2) Bill ’talo:fa-n_ ato:tk-acok-s Bill town-N work.LGR-DED-IND ‘Bill is working in town.’

In (1){2), -(@n indicates a nonsubject. The meaning of the verb in (1)

makes it clear that ‘‘alo:fa-n ‘(to) town’ is a destination. In (2), we know that the same word ts a general location because ato: tk-acok-s does not imply a destination or an object.

Creek has a small set of nouns that have developed grammatical uses for further specifying location and other concepts. In (3a), general location is indicated by using /Adcci-n ‘(in) the creek’; to specify the middle of the creek, the word natkapa ‘middle’ is added (3b).

(3) a. hacci-n ak-hoyt-is river-N LOC-stand.SG.FGR-IND

‘He/she is standing in the river.’

b. hacci natkapa-n ak-hoyt-is river middle-N LOc-stand.SG.FGR-IND ‘He/she is standing in the middle of the river.’

Note that the phrase hdcci natkapa ‘middle of the river’ ts itself casemarked. The word /fdcci ‘river’ functions as an object to natkapa and Is never case-marked. In this respect, Adcci behaves like a possessor, and natkapa patterns with relational (inalienable) nouns. The term “postposition” is used here for nouns like natkapa that have developed grammatical uses corresponding roughly to English prepositions. Other members of this class are given tn (4): (4) = atahka ‘tor (someone) alone’ and: ka ‘near’

facca ‘toward’ homa ‘in front of, the front’

148 §16 lica ‘below, bottom’ itintawa ‘between’ natkapa ‘center, middle’ O:fa ‘inside’ ohfacca ‘toward, against; about, with regard to’ onapa ‘above, top’ yopa ‘behind, back’ tapa:la ‘the other side’

topata ‘on the back side of

Postpositions can sometimes take human objects. When they do, the postposition patterns with other relational nouns in agreeing with the object/possessor in person and number:

(5) -homa ‘front’ ca-homa “in front of me’ ci-homa ‘in front of you’ i-homa ‘in front of him/her’ po-homa ‘in front of us’

mili i-homa ‘in tront of Mary’

A few postpositions may be used to refer to time. In this use, they may take dative prefixes instead: (6) in-homa ‘a prior time; the first time, first’ in-vopad ‘later, afterwards’ im-o:fa ‘within, during’

Several postpositions (including ondapa, homa, lica, vopa, and 6:fa) have dual uses according to whether an object of reference is implied: (7) ondpa-n_ is-seyy-is top-N INST-paint.LGR-IND ‘He/she is painting above it.’ / ‘He/she is painting the top.’

Like other nouns, postpositions may appear in compounds: (8) ika-ondpa “top of the head’ (lit., ‘head-top’) 0:fa-hatikpéyvka ‘underpants, briefs’ (lit., ‘inside-pants’ ) sakpa-lica ‘underarm, armpit’ (lit., “arm-underside’ )

One difference between postpositions and other nouns is _ that postpositions may be modified for degree. Degree may be shown by using diminutive -os- (§26.3) or -mazh- ‘very’ (826.1).

17 ~=Noun forms with adverbial function Manner in Creek ts normally expressed with durative stative participles: pdfn-i: ‘quick’, for example, has the derived form padjn-i:-n

‘quickly’ (§27). Degree is shown by suffixes or independent words ($26). Demonstrative pronouns can be used to express location ($15.4).

As we saw in §16, a subclass of nouns (“postpositions”) is used to express location, direction, etc. A number of other noun forms are used in sentences to describe time and related notions. Noun phrases can be used for concepts like ma nitta ‘that day’:

(1) ma_nitta homp-iko-: nakdft-a:ck-ati:-s that day eat-not-DUR meet-2P.AG-FUT-IND ‘You must meet without eating that day.’ (1937b)

At other times bare nouns can be used, in some cases contrasting minimally with manner adverbs:

(2) a. kancapd-n_ a:t-is low-N go.around.SG.LGR-IND ‘|The plane] is going low.’

b. kancap-t:-n_ a:t-is low-DUR-N go.around.SG.LGR-IND

‘|The plane] is going low.’

The word kancapad ‘low’ in (2a) is similar in form to the set of nouns called postpositions, except that no object is implied. Another word like this ts fitta ‘outside’.

; te : ; |

A small set of nouns is used for time-related notions. The noun

mocanitta ‘today’ has the same distribution as the noun phrase in (1). The word avakhamka means ‘suddenly’, and in-haticiska means “the beginning’:

(3) ayakhamka-n a:-ta:sévk-il [7:tk-ank-s suddenly-N DIR-JUMP.SG.HGR-T run.SG.FGR-PAST2-IND

‘He/she suddenly jumped up and ran.’

(4) in-haticiska = mi:kk-alki nitta: miléyy-it DAT-first.thing chief-GPL day — set.HGR-T

‘At the very beginning the town kings set a day .. .” (1937b) ' These could be called “adverbial nouns,” but the class of such words is small.

[50 $17

Other examples of words in this class include hamkocd ‘once, one time’, hokkola ‘twice’, “¢-im-izhomd ‘before’, avakhdmka ‘suddenly’, and hata: wa ‘again’.

The words hatdm ‘again’, hati ‘yet, still’, and 7: ‘just’? should perhaps be considered members of this class, though they are never case-marked:

(5) mo:m-in hatam ca-li apalhamk-a:n be.so.LGR-N again IS.PAT-foot other-REF.N

IS-CI-1 kk-d-t1:-s keyc-ali:-s INST-2.PAT-kick-1S.AG.FUT-IND say.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘And again he said, “Ill kick you with my other foot.” (1936a)

(6) hati cotk-os-o:f still small-DIM-when

‘When he was still small...” (1936b)

(7) [: o:k-éy-s Just say.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘[’m just saying that.’ / ‘I’m teasing.’

18 Adyjectival nouns (quantifiers) Adjectival nouns are a small class of nouns that may be used independently or as noun modifiers. An example of this type is omadlka. As anoun modifier, it means ‘every, all’: (1) nitta-ca:ko omdalka-n cokopitda-n_ a:t-éy-s day-holy every-N visiting-N go.about.SG.LGR-1S.AG-IND ‘I go around visiting every Sunday.’ (1899a)

As an independent noun, it means “everything, everyone’:

(2) omdlka-t mo:kkeyct:t apo: k-it

all-T smoke.LGR-DUR-T sit. TPL.FGR-T

*.,. everyone sat and smoked .. .” (1937a)

Another example of this type ts cahmiléyka ‘different, various’: (3) foswa cahmiléyka omalka-t acit-n — lok-ak-i:p-ati:-s bird various all-T corn-N devour-PL-SPN.LGR-PASTS-IND ‘All the various kinds of birds devoured the corn.’ (1885)

Adjectival nouns generally refer to quantity (although not all

6 es ° ‘ y \ | :

quantifiers are adjectival nouns). They are often nominalizations of verbs (cf. omalk- *be all’, cahmileyk- ‘be different’). They differ from other nouns in position, appearing as the last element in a noun phrase (just before case marking) (§41.1):

(4) na:ki izkand Oh-foll-d:t omalka-t thing earth LOC-go.about.TPL.LGR-REF all-T

pasatk-ati:-s die. TPL-FUT-IND

‘Everything that goes about on the earth shall die.’ (ca. 1940e)

A literal translation of (4) is ‘things going about on the earth all shall

dic,

' An adjectival noun cannot normally show person. When indicating person, a verbal form is used: omdalk-iy-a:t— apthy-i:-s all-IP.AG-REF go.TPL.HGR-I|P.AG-IND

‘All of us went.’

152 §18 Other adjectival nouns include 7:/a and the longer forms 7:féy or

i:téyma, which mean ‘different, another, other’ as modifiers and ‘another one, a different one’ as independent nouns: (5) 9 istéyma-n= ca-yd:c-i:-s another-N 1S.PAT-want-DUR-IND

‘| want another.’

The word f:ta often occurs with the directional prefix 7¢- and the dative

prefix im-, possibly for a sense of comparison: ifd i:ta / ifa it-im-i:ta ‘the other dogs’. It has a plural form 7:taka ‘others’.

The word i:fa ‘another’ is easily confused with 7:td: ‘same, same one, [back to] the same place’, another adjectival noun. The latter has a variant 7:/awad in older sources:

(6) mai nitta t:tawa-n pitto ala:k-ati:-s that day same boat arrive.LGR-PASTS-IND ‘That same day a boat arrived.’ (1871)

It fuses with the demonstrative ma ‘that’ to yield ma-:ta: ‘that same one’:

(7) hatam maz:zta:-t t-alak-i:p-il leyk-i:p-il again that.same-T DIR-arrive-SPN.FGR-T Sit-SPN.FGR-T om-thp-at-in be-SPN.HGR-happen-N

‘And the same one had returned and was sitting there...” (1915.27)

Other adjectival nouns include im-afdahka ‘different (one)’, alhi:ka ‘each’, hokko:la ‘both’, hamka ‘whole’, and apdlwa ‘some, the rest’.

- The word isla, at least, can be modified for degree:

mon-ka [:1-OS-1:-n1 av-ihp-ey-1... be.so.FGR-so another-DIM-DUR-N g0.SG-SPN.HGR-1S.AG-IND

‘So PIl go a little distance .. .” (1915.8)

Verbs and their modifiers

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19 ~Locative prefixes Locations and destinations are commonly specified in Creek by adding prefixes to verbs. The four productive locative prefixes are qa- ‘side’,

ak- “water or low place’, oh- ‘top’, and tak- ‘ground or enclosed space’:

(1) leyk-ita “(one) to sit’ a-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit on (a wall, ceiling, etc.); (one) to sit at (a table)’ ak-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit in water or a low place’ oh-leyk-ita *(one) to sit on top of (a chair, table, roof, pillow, etc.)’ tak-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit on the ground or floor, or in an enclosed space’

These prefixes have slightly different forms before vowels (table 19.1). TABLE 19.1. LOCATIVE PREFIX FORMS

Before consonants: a- ak- oh- takBefore vowels: ah- — akk- ohh- takkIn addition to these four prefixes, there are three less productive prefixes that derive from nouns: cok- ‘mouth’ (cf. -cokwa ‘mouth’):; nok- “neck, throat’ (cf. -nokwa ‘neck’); fik- ‘heart’ (cf. -fi:ki “heart’). These are treated here as locative prefixes, though they can also be analyzed as noun+verb compounds (Haas 1941).

The uses of locative prefixes are explained in part by their interaction with the meanings of verbs. Seven major senses can be distinguished, for convenience separated into intransitive and transitive

uses (table 19.2). As the table shows, the location specified by a locative prefix applies to the absolutive argument (subject of an intransitive verb or direct object of a transitive verb). Each use tn the table is described below.

(a) With many verbs, the prefixes indicate location. With intransitive verbs, they indicate the location of the subject: (2) ah-at-ita *(one) to be around on, go around on (a wall, ceiling, shirt, etc.) akk-ahkopan-ita ‘to play in water or mud’ oh-solo:tk-ita *(one) to slide on top of (ice, for example), move over toward’ tak-foka:k-i: “scattered on the ground or floor (of flour, etc.)’

156 §19

TABLE 19.2. INTRANSITIVE AND TRANSITIVE USES OF LOCATIVE PREFIXES INTRANSITIVE

a. Locative use: Subject is in a location: akk-ahkopan-ita ‘to play (in water)’

b. Ingressive use: Subject enters a location: ak-ci:y-ita ‘to enter (water)

c. Egressive use: Subject leaves a location: ak-oss-ita ‘to get out (of water)’

d. Partitive use: Location is part of the subject: tm-ak-t0:fk-i: ‘chafed (of the groin)’

e. Directed use: Subject directs action toward a location: ak-po:fkita ‘to blow (into water)’

f. Classificatory use: Subject is a location: ak-sdfk-i: ‘deep (of a hole)’ g. Idiomatic uses TRANSITIVE

a. Locative use: Object is ina location: ak-nafk-ita ‘to hit (something in water)’

b. Ingressive use: Object is made to enter a location: ak-leyc-itd ‘to put in (water)’

c. Egressive use: Object is made to leave a location: akk-is-ita ‘to take out (of water)’

d. Partitive use: Location is part of the object: im-ak-nafk-ita ‘to hit (in the eye)’

e. Directed use: Object is directed toward a location: ak-palat-ita ‘to spill (into water)’

f. Classificatory use: Object is a location: tak-pi:y-ita ‘to scrub (the floor)’

g. Idiomatic uses

With transitive verbs, the prefixes indicate the location of the object: (3) ak-nafk-ita ‘to hit (something in water or a low place)’ oh-nikteyc-ita ‘to burn (something on something, as a lamb on an altar)’

tak-cakh-ita ‘to strike (something on the ground, of lightning)’

(b) With intransitive ingressive verbs (positional verbs, ‘enter’, ‘step down’, etc.), the prefixes indicate the final location of the subject: (4) a-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit on (a wall, ceiling, etc.)’ ak-ci:y-ita “(one) to enter water’ oh-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit on top of (something)’

Locative prefixes ey tak-hatapk-ita ‘(one) to step down onto the ground or floor’

With verbs of placement, throwing, and other transitive equivalents, they indicate the final location of the object: (5) a-leyc-ita ‘to put (one) on (a wall, etc.)’ ak-can-ita ‘to pour (one liquid, such as bath oil) into a bath, a lake, CIC.

oh-hatapiceyc-ita ‘to lower (one) onto’ tak-palat-ita ‘to spill (a liquid), throw (three or more) on the ground or floor’

(c) With intransitive egressive verbs (‘get out’, etc.), locative prefixes indicate the initial location of the subject (‘out of, ‘from’): (6) akk-oss-ita *(one) to get out of water, a low place, jail’

With transitive equivalents (‘take’, ‘gather’, etc.), they indicate the initial location of the object: (7) akk-is-ita ‘to take (one) from the eye, water, or a low place’ oh-caw-ita ‘to take (a liquid or two or more) off the top’ takk-atilo:y-ita ‘to gather (a number of things) from the ground, the floor, a fire’

(d) In the partitive use, locative prefixes indicate a location on the absolutive argument (e.g., ‘hit (another in the eyes)’). In speaking of the human body, a- is used for flat surfaces (the cheeks, mouth, chest),

ak- is used for deep areas (the eyes, groin), and of- is used for horizontal planes (the shoulder, top of the head, chest, brow): (8) im-a-toka.f-ita ‘to slap (another) in the face’ im-ak-nafk-ita ‘to hit (another) in the buttocks, groin, the eye’ im-oh-cila:y-ita ‘to touch (another) on the shoulder, the top of the head’

im-oh-nafk-ita ‘to hit (another) on the shoulder, the top of the head, the chest, the brow’

(e) Inthe directed use, the locative prefix adds a target to the stem. With intransitives, the subject directs the action toward a location: (9) a-ti:sk-ita ‘to blow one’s nose into’ ak-po:fk-ita ‘to blow into (a liquid)’ oh-tofk-ita ‘to spit on’ tak-hic-ita ‘to look into the fire’

With transitive verbs, the object is directed toward a location: (10) oh-palat-ita ‘to spill (something) on (a table, for example), pour on top

of

158 §19

(f) Some verbs have a classificatory use in which the absolutive argument is itself a location. With intransitives, the subject is the location: (11) a-nokt-i: ‘burnt (of the side of something)’ ak-sofk-i: ‘deep (of a hole, etc.)’ oh-cikthl-i: ‘rough (of a tabletop, etc.) tak-cikthl-i: ‘rough (of the ground or floor)’

With transitive verbs, the object is the location:

(12) ak-mo:tic-ita ‘to boil (tea, etc.) tak-pi:y-ita ‘to scrub (the floor)’

(g) There are some trregularities with locative prefixes, including idiomatic uses:

(13) mill-ita ‘to point’ oh-mill-ita ‘to appoint’ Prefixes are also sometimes obligatory: the verbs aklop-ita ‘to bathe’ and ohta:n-ita ‘to cover’ appear to include ak- and oh-, respectively, but the roots are bound.

Locative prefixes may have originated as nouns that were compounded with verbs. As Haas (1941) noted, this is most obvious in

Creek with the body part prefixes (cok- < -cokwa ‘mouth’, nok- < -nokwa ‘neck’, and fik- < -fi:ki “heart’).

The prefixes ak-, oh-, tak-, and the body part prefixes do not cooccur. It is occasionally possible for ak- or oh- to occur with a-, however: (14) a. Jleyk-ita *(one) to sit’ a-leyk-ita *(one) to sit at, sit on (a wall, etc.), stick (of food to a

pan) akk-a-leyk-ita ‘to stick to (of food to a deep pan)’

b. palat-ita ‘to spill (three or more)’ a-palat-ita “to throw (three or more) out’ ohh-a-palat-ita ‘to throw (three or more) onto (a table, porch, etc.)’

When used in sentences, locative prefixes may assign a specific locative reading to a noun phrase:

(15) wiski-n = ak-po:fk-it iskOVC-Q/k-Gin whisky-N water-blow.LGR-T make.drink-PL.LGR-REF

‘They would blow into the whisky and make him drink it...” (1939b)

In (15), ak- indicates that the directed action of blowing is aimed at a liquid. In many cases the locative noun phrase is understood from context, however:

Locative prefixes [59 (16) ¢olahk-it haci-n ak-péyhk-in make.hole.HGR-T 3.PAT.tail-N water-put.in.SG.HGR-N

‘|The bear] made a hole [in the ice] and stuck his tail in...” (1992d)

The location may also be a person; in this case, the patient series of prefixes is used for the location:

(17) va tocei:n-ail inki ac-oh-waki:c-it this three.FGR-REF hand 1S.PAT-LOC-lay.SG.FGR-T

‘These three [preachers] laid hands on me...’ (ca. 1940b)

19.1 Location pertaining to a side: aThe prefix a- (ah- before vowels) generally indicates location pertaining to a side. The same prefix is also used to form ordinals, to indicate a completed change of state, or to add an object to a verb.

With verbs lacking any sense of direction, a- usually specifies a location on, at, or against a side. Typical uses include location on a wall, the face, the chest, the side of a tree or post, the side of a hill, the inside or outside of a shallow pan, the underside of a ceiling, plate, etc. Reference to the inside of deep vessels favors ak-, and reference to a

topside favors oh-. In (18), a- indicates location on the side of something else:

(18) af#-ita ‘(one) to be ah-at-ita ‘(one) to be around on, go around around, go around’ on (a wall, ceiling, shirt, etc.)’ ho:cceyc-ita “to write’ a-ho:cceyc-ita ‘to write (Something) on (a blackboard, etc.)’

The same prefix is used when an activity simply comes into contact with a side ‘against’, ‘along’): (19) kac-ita ‘to snap (one), break a-kac-itd ‘to snap (one) against, break

(a stick)’ (a long item) against’

latk-ita *(one) to fall’ a-latk-ita ‘(one) to fall against’ sini: pic-ita ‘to stretch (a a-sini:pic-ita ‘to stretch (wire, etc.)

rubberband, etc.)’ along (a fencepost, etc.)’ wanay-ita ‘to tie’ a-wanay-ita ‘to tie (someone) to (something)’

With positional verbs, a- may indicate location at the side of something (‘at’, ‘next to’, ‘up against’): (20) leyk-ita *(one) to sit’ a-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit on (a wall, ceiling, etc.), sit at (a table)’

160 §19 wakk-itd ‘(one) to le’ a-wakk-itd ‘(one) to lie on (a wall, ceiling, etc.), lie next to, against’

With verbs that can be aimed, a- adds a target (‘at’, ‘into’, ‘toward’, ‘on’):

(21) haya:yeyc-ita ‘to shine (a a-haya:yeyc-itd ‘to shine (a flashlight,

light)’ etc.) at (something)’

litk-ita “(one) to run’ a-litk-ita ‘(one) to run to’

mill-ita “to point’ a-mill-ita “to point at’ tasinn-ita ‘to swoop (of a a-tasinn-ita ‘to swoop at (as of a bird),

bird), ricochet’ ricochet off (something)’ tofk-ita ‘to spit’ a-tofk-ita ‘to spit at’

wo-hk-ita *(one) to bark’ a-wo:hk-itda ‘(one) to bark at’

A related use 1s seen in ordinals, generally with instrumental is-:

(22) hokko:l-in *two’ (i)s-a-hokko:1-i: ‘the second’ tocct:n-in ‘three’ (i)s-a-tocci:n-a:t ‘the third’

The image here is perhaps a line of items standing side to side or back to back.

With a few verbs, a- indicates entrance into the last stage of a change of state up’, ‘off, ‘out’): (23) = itk-ita ‘to burn’ ah-itk-ita ‘to be lit, catch (of a fire)’ katp-ita ‘to dry’ a-katp-ita ‘to dry up (of a creek, etc.), dry out (as of food in a pan)’

kasapp-i: *cold’ a-kasapp-i: ‘cooled off fac-ita ‘to cut(one)’ = a-¢ac-itd ‘to cut off, cut short’

In a few instances, a- adds an object to a verb of thinking or expression; the list in (24) may be exhaustive.

(24) hopottin-i: ‘sensible’ a-hopottin-ita ‘to give a thought to, think through’ hakeyhk-ita ‘(one) to cry’ — d-hakeyhk-itda *(one) to cry about’

vaheyk-ita ‘to sing’ a-yaheyk-ita ‘to sing about’ The prefix o/- has this use with a few other verbs. Many uses of a- are idiomatic:

(25) hocif-ita ‘to name (one)’ a-hocif-ita ‘to name after’ holwak-t: “ugly, bad, naughty, a-holwak-i: ‘dirty’ wicked’

Aitt-ita ‘to know’ a-kitt-ita ‘to cheat’

Locative prefixes 16] takkoyc-ita ‘to make bigger’ a-takkoyc-ita ‘to honor, worship’

weyk-itd ‘to quit’ a-weyk-ita ‘to discard (one)’ 19.2 Location in water or a low place: akThe prefix ak- (akk- before vowels) refers to location in water or a liquid, a low place, a deep place, the eyes or groin, or location behind another. The most salient use of ak- is to indicate location in a liquid (water, coffee, grease, mud, excrement) or a lower or deeper place: (26) cakhi:c-itd ‘to stick (one) in’ ak-cakhi:c-itda ‘to stick (one) in water or a low place’

caw-ita ‘to pick up (two or —ak-caw-ita ‘to dip up (fish, etc.)’ more)’

ili:c-ita ‘to kill (one)’ akk-ili:c-ita ‘to kill in water, drown (one)’

il-ita *(one) to die’ akk-il-ita ‘(one) to die in water’ likheyc-ita ‘to warm’ ak-likheyc-ita ‘to warm (coffee, etc.)’

likh-i: “warm ak-likh-i: “warm (of a liquid)’ ta:Sk-itda ‘(one) to Jump’ ak-ta:sk-ita *(one) to jump in water ora low place’

wakic-ita ‘to lay (one) down’ ak-wakic-ita ‘to lay (one) down in water or a low place’

wakk-ita *(one) to lie’ ak-wakk-ita ‘(one) to lie in water or a low place’

vakap-ita ‘(one) to walk’ ak-vakap-ita ‘(one) to walk in water, wade’

The notion of a low place may be extended to places like jail: (27) — oss-ita “(one) to get out’ akk-oss-ita ‘(one) to get out of water, a low place, jail’

Deep pans, woods, ravines, etc., that are better described as deep than as low also trigger use of ak-: (28) = ifiva:m-ita ‘to stir’ akk-itiva:m-ita ‘to stir in a deep container’ ay-ita “(one) to go’ akk-ay-ita ‘(one) to go in the woods, water, a ravine, etc.’

Deep or recessed places on the body trigger use of ak-. The eyes are one deep area:

(29) ca:t-i: ‘red’ ak-ca:t-i: ‘bloodshot’

162 §19 is-ita ‘to take (one)’ akk-is-ita ‘to take (one) from the eye, water, or a low place’

last-i: ‘black’ ak-last-i: “black (of an eye)’ Another deep or low place is the area surrounding the groin or buttocks: (30) hasatic-ita ‘to clean’ — izy-ak-hasatic-ita ‘to clean oneself (after defecating)’

nafk-ita ‘to hit’ im-ak-nafk-ita “to hit (another) in the buttocks, groin, eye’

In a few instances, ak- has the meaning of ‘behind’:

(31) halat-ita ‘to hold (one)’ ak-halat-ita ‘to tow (one), pull behind’ a-cdkh-i; ‘(one) sticking in(a = akk-a-cakh-i: ‘(one) sticking out

wall, etc.)’ behind’

atatk-ita ‘to hang’ a:-akk-atatk-i: “hanging down behind (as of a tail)’

19.3 Location on top or over: ofThe prefix oh- (ohh- before vowels) generally specifies location on top of or over something or up to a destination. It sometimes adds an object to a verb and has many idiomatic uses.

The most general use of of- 1s to indicate location on top of something (a table, chair, roof, horse, bicycle, head, pillow, road, raised earth, etc.):

(32) at-ita *(one) to go ohh-at-ita *(one) to go around on top of about’

ahkopan-ita ‘to play’ ohh-ahkopan-ita ‘to play on (a road, etc.)’

cimk-ita ‘(one) to oh-cimk-ita ‘(one) to climb onto (a wagon,

climb’ etc.)’

falahl-i: ‘spliv oh-falahl-i: “cracked on top (as of a road)’ fisk-ita “to splash’ oh-fisk-ita ‘to sprinkle on top of ha:y-ita ‘to make’ oh-ha:y-ita ‘to build (something) on top of hatapk-ita ‘(one) to oh-hatapk-ita *(one) to step down onto’ step down’

hoyteyc-ita ‘to stand oh-hoyteyc-ita ‘to stand (one) on’ (one)’

hoyt-ita *(one) to stand’ oh-hoyt-itd (one) to stand on (a road, porch, etc.)’

latk-ita ‘(one) to fall’ oh-latk-ita (one) to fall onto (a bed, etc.)’

Locative prefixes 163 in it? etc.)

tolakk-i: ‘having ahole of-tolakk-i: “having a hole on top (of a roof,

nafk-ita ‘to hit’ im-oh-nafk-ita ‘to hit (another) on (the head, shoulder, breast)’

The prefix oh- is not used for location on a side or underside (where a- would be used) or for location on the ground or floor (where fak- is used). Both ak- and oh- can be used with liquids, but o/- refers to the surface:

(33) caw-ita ‘to pick up (two ak-caw-ita ‘to dip up (two or more, such as

or more)’ fish)’

oh-caw-ita ‘to take (a liquid or two or more) off the top, skim’

Sometimes oh- is used to indicate location over and for abstract uses and loan translations:

(34) hic-ita ‘to see’ oh-hic-ita ‘to oversee’ hoyan-ita ‘(one) to = oh-hoyan-itd ‘(one) to pass over, skip (an

pass’ appointment, etc.)’

ma:k-itd “to say’ oh-ma:k-ita ‘to say the blessing’ mi:kk-ita ‘to rule’ oh-mi-:kk-ita “to reign over’ mi:kosap-ita ‘to oh-mi:kosap-ita ‘to pray over (an altar, etc.), say

pray grace’

With motion verbs and verbs that can be directed, oh- commonly adds tye SG 2 «¢ . > 64g | a target (‘to’, ‘toward’, ‘facing’, ‘at’).

(35) at-ita ‘(one) to come’ ohht-at-ita *(one) to come toward’ ay-ita ‘(one) to go’ ohh-ay-ita ‘(one) to go up to (something or someone)’

halk-itd ‘(one) to crawl’ oh-halk-ita *(one) to crawl to’

litk-ita ‘(one) to run’ oh-litk-ita ‘(one) to run toward’ tamk-ita ‘(one) to fly’ oh-tamk-ita ‘(one) to fly toward’ folot-ita ‘to turn (something) of-fo/ot-itd ‘to turn (one) to face’ around’

a-takkoyc-ita ‘to honor, ohh-a-fakkoyc-ita ‘to show respect

worship’ toward, appreciate’

lapa:tti:c-ita ‘to dart out the of-lapa:tti:c-ita ‘to dart the tongue at’ tongue’ ' Sometimes both directional and locative readings are available, as in of-calli:cita ‘to roll (something) on top of, roll (something) toward’? (from cal/i:c-ifa ‘to roll (something)’).

164 §19 misi:tteyc-ita ‘to blink, oh-misi:tteyc-ita ‘to blink, wink at’ wink’

peyhk-ita ‘(one) to whoop’ — oft-peyhk-ita ‘(one) to whoop at (someone)’

With a few verbs of speech or thought, oh- adds the topic of consideration: (36) ataheyk-itd ‘to complain’ —oh-tahevk-itdé ‘to complain about’*

kitt-ita ‘to know’ oh-kitt-ita ‘to know about’ laks-ita ‘to tell a lie’ oh-laks-ita ‘to lie about (someone)’ vatik-ita ‘to interpret’ oh-yvatik-ita ‘to elaborate on’

This use is reminiscent of English expressions like reflect upon (a matter). A minor pattern is found with verbs referring to daylight, where ohmeans to do something ‘until’ that time: (37) hayatk-ita ‘to getto be dawn’ — oht-hayatk-ita ‘to spend the night at’ vafk-ita ‘to getto be evening’ — oft-yafk-i: “up until evening’ yomociceyc-itd ‘to darken’ oh-yvomociceyc-ita ‘to keep until dark’

Forms containing ohf- sometimes have unexpected meanings: (38) matticeyc-ita ‘to miss (a ball, etc.)’ oh-matticeyc-ita ‘to miss (an appointment)’

mill-ita ‘to point’ oh-mill-ita “to appoint’ onay-ita ‘to tell (a story) ohh-onay-ita ‘to read’

19.4 Location on the ground or floor: takThe prefix tak- (takk- before vowels) indicates location on the ground or floor, in a fire, or in an enclosed space. The first use 1s seen tn the verbs in (39).

(39) cikihl-i: ‘rough’ tak-cikthl-i: ‘rough (of the ground or floor)’ foka:y-ita “to spill (a tak-foka:y-ita ‘to spill (a powder) on the

powder)’ ground or floor’

hoyteyc-ila ‘to stand tak-hoyteyc-itd ‘to stand (one) on the ground

(one)’ or floor’

hoyt-ita ‘(one) to stand’ tak-hoyt-ita “(one) to stand on the ground or floor’

° Initial a- is sometimes deleted after oh-: atot-itd ‘to send’: ofh-atot-itd, oh-tot-ita ‘to send toward’.

Locative prefixes 165 latk-ita *(one) to fall’ tak-latk-ita ‘(one) to fall down on the ground or floor’

leyc-ita ‘to set (one)’ tak-leyc-ita “to set (one) on the ground or floor, in the coals of a fire, keep (one grandchild, etc.) in the home, park (a car)’

okkos-ita ‘to wash’ takk-okkos-ita ‘to wash (the floor)’ pa:s-itd “to sweep’ tak-pa:s-ita “to sweep the ground or floor’

The verbs tin (40) show the use of tak- for actions pertaining to, directed at, or affecting a fire:

(40) a-weyk-ita ‘to throw tak-weyk-ita ‘to throw (one) into the fire’ (one) out’

ca:s-ita “to rake’ in-tak-ca:s-ita ‘to rake (the fire)’ hic-ita ‘to look’ tak-hic-ita ‘to look in the fire’ is-ita ‘to take (one)’ takk-is-ita ‘to take (one) out of the fire’

itic-ita “to light’ takk-itic-ita ‘to light (a campfire, a wood fireplace or stove, etc.)’

nikt-ita “to burn’ tak-nikt-ita ‘to burn in a campfire’ o:c-itd “to exist (of an takk-o:c-ita ‘to exist (of an inanimate) in

inanimate)’ the coals of a fire’

Examples like those in (41) show the use of fak- for an enclosed space like a room, a stove, a building, a fireplace, a home, a city, or a yard:

(41) famp-i: ‘stinky’ tak-famp-i: ‘smelly (of a house, room, or yard)’

hayakp-i: ‘barren’ tak-hayakp-i: ‘cleared (of an area)’

héyy-i: “hot? tak-héyy-i: ‘warm (of a room, etc.)’ heyyi:c-ita ‘to heat’ tak-heyyi:c-ita ‘to heat up, warm up (a room)’

hoyan-ita *(one) to pass tak-hoyan-ita ‘(one) to go by (in a parade,

by’ a house, or yard)’

iti-wilapk-itd ‘(one) to takk-iti-wilapk-ita ‘(one) to cross (a room,

cross (a road)’ a yard, etc.)’

nafk-ita *to hit’ tak-nafk-ita ‘to beat up (someone) ina yard, house, or building’

In (42), a writer uses fak- because he ts referring to his life indoors:

(42) = ist6:m-os-iko-n tak-leyk-it O:m-€y-S a all.right.FGR-DIM-not-N LOC-sit.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-IS.AG-IND DCL

‘1 am doing pretty well here.’ (1890)

166 §19

19.5 Body-part prefixes: cok- ‘mouth’, fik- ‘heart’, nok- ‘neck’

The prefix cok- (from -cokwa ‘mouth’) occasionally indicates location in the mouth: (43) apeyk-ita ‘to put (one) inside’ cok-peyk-ita ‘to put (one) in the mouth’

kofo-y-ita ‘to swish’ cok-kofo-y-ita ‘to swish in the mouth’ The prefix fik- (from -f7:ki ‘heart’) appears in a few forms involving the heart: (44) 9 cakh-i: ‘sticking in’ fik-cakh-i: *jealous’

hit-iko-: ‘bad’ fik-hit-iko-: “having a troubled heart’

nokk-i: *sick’ fik-nokk-i: ‘sad’ The prefix nok- (from -nokwa ‘neck’) occurs in a few forms referring to the neck or throat: (45) fevy-itd ‘to wring out’ nok-feyy-ita ‘to wring by the neck’

somk-i: “lost? nok-somk-i: ‘hoarse’ 19.6 Use of locative prefixes with nouns Locative prefixes are sometimes used with nouns. The noun fopa ‘bed’ (originally a raised platform) appears with several of these prefixes: (46) a-topa ‘ceiling’ ak-topa ‘bridge’ oh-topa ‘lower portion of a porch’ tak-topa ‘floor’

Other examples of locative prefixes with nouns include:

(47) nini ‘road’ oh-nini ‘road to, path to, way to’ cok-dci ‘small house, of-cok-dci ‘burial house’ outhouse’

-haci ‘tail tak-haci ‘one of four logs sticking from a ceremonial fire’

fitta ‘outside’ tak-fitta “yard (around a building)’ Postpositions ($16) also occur with locative prefixes:

(48) natkapa ‘middle’ ak-natkapa ‘down in the middle of a stream, river, etc.’

onapa ‘above, the top> = ohh-ondpa ‘the top, upstairs, on top (of a house, etc.)’

Locative prefixes 167 19.7 (a)cak- ‘after, with (someone)’ The four locative prefixes and three body part prefixes examined so far

appear to form a group, appearing with a range of verbs and a few nouns. Another prefix (a)cak- could be considered a member of this class, but is limited to motion verbs (never nouns). It has the shape (a)cakk- before a vowel. (49) = af-ita ‘(one) to go about’ —s (a)cakk-at-ita ‘(one) to go around after’

ay-ita ‘(one) to go’ (a)cakk-ay-ita *(one) to follow, go with’ foll-ita ‘(three or more) to (a)cak-foll-ita ‘(three or more) to go

go about’ around after’

ici:y-itd ‘(one) to enter’ (a)cakk-ici:y-ita *(one) to enter with (someone)’

Body-part prefixes, at least, appear to derive from nouns. The prefix (a)cak- may well derive from the verb cakk-itd ‘to catch up to’. The prefix (a)cak- adds an object to the verb, using the patient set of prefixes for the added object: aca-cakk- ‘with me’, ici-cakk- ‘with you , etc.

. . : ae |

20 Agreement

Person and number in clauses are indicated by affixes on verbs.

(1) na:fk-éy-s ‘Lam hitting’

na: fk-tck-is “you (singular) are hitting’

na: fk-is ‘he/she ts hitting’ (no mark in third person) na-fk-ts-s ‘we are hitting’

. . By . .

na: fk-d:ck-is “you (plural) are hitting’

The suffixes in (1) belong to the agent (or type I) set of agreement markers and are listed in table 20.1. A fifth, impersonal agent suffix is discussed in §25.2. TABLE 20.1. AGENT AGREEMENT SUFFIXES

first person singular -aysecond person singular -ick-

third person (no mark) first person plural -iy-

second person plural -4CkA second set of prefixes is seen in (2):

(2) nafk- “hit? ca-na:fk-is ‘he/she is hitting me’ ci-na-fk-is ‘he/she is hitting you’

na: fk-is ‘he/she is hitting him/her’ (no mark) po-na:-fk-is “he/she ts hitting us’

The prefixes in (2) belong to the patient (or type II) set of agreement markers in table 20.2.

' This section is a revised version of chapter 5 in Martin (199 1a). ~ The labels “I and “II” are from Munro and Gordon (1982). Martin and Mauldin (2000) referred to the agent and patient markers as “deliberate” and “nondeliberate,” respectively.

Agreement 169 TABLE 20.2. PATIENT AGREEMENT PREFIXES

first person singular casecond person (singular/plural) — ci-

third person (no mark) first person plural po-

No mark for third person occurs in the agent or patient sets.

Agent and patient sets may be used simultaneously on the same verb:

(3) a. ca-na:fk-tck-a' 1S.PAT-hit.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘are you hitting me?’

b. ci-na:fk-éy-s 2.PAT-hit.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I am hitting you.’

Variants of the patient prefixes occurring with dative im- are sometimes treated as a third series: these are described in §22. Other variants are used with relational possession (§ 14). The agent and patient affixes are described here as agreement rather

than as pronominal affixes because they may be used in conjunction with pronouns:

(4) ci:mi-n cin-wéyhk-ey-n, cin-t = lok-tck-i:-s you-N 2.DAT-leave.HGR-1S.AG-N you-T devour-2S.AG-DUR-IND ‘But I could leave it to you, and you could eat them.’ (1915.3)

As (4) shows, the doubling of pronoun and person marker in this way indicates greater emphasis or contrast.

20.1 The shape of the agreement markers The agent agreement markers have different forms in different contexts:

¢ First person singular agent -ay- appears as -ey- before a consonant: na:fk-ay-d” ‘am | hitting?’, na:fk-éy-s ‘1 am hitting’.” It has a reduced

> In na:fk-ay-a' ‘am | hitting?’ I place an accent over the last vowel to indicate level pitch through the last syllable. The accent after the word indicates slightly higher pitch on the last syllable (a characteristic of yes/no question intonation). * The accent in these forms is part of the lengthened grade (§8.2).

170 §20 form -a- when preceding the negative (-ako- 1S.AG.not) and future (-d:ti:- 1S.AG.FUT).

¢ Second person singular agent -ick- and second person plural agent -4:ck- are contracted in informal speech to -icc- (or -cc-) and -d:cc-, respectively.

¢ First person plural agent -7y- is realized as -i:- before a consonant: na:fk-iy-d' ‘are we hitting?’, na:fk-é:-s ‘we are hitting’. Patient markers also have variants. The prefixes in table 20.2 above are used before verbs beginning with consonants, as in (2), or short 7, as in (5).

(5) Patient prefixes before /

iInokk- ‘be/get sick’ ca-nokk-i:-s_ ‘Tam sick’ ci-nokk-i:-s_ “you are sick’

(i)nokk-i:-s “he/she is sick’ po-nokk-i:-s_ “we are sick’

Slightly different forms are used before verbs beginning with other vowels (table 20.3).° TABLE 20.3. PATIENT AGREEMENT PREFIXES, PREVOCALIC FORMS

first person singular acasecond person (singular/plural) — ici-

third person (no mark) first person plural ipo-

The final vowels of the prevocalic forms delete before o or o:, as in (6). (6) Patient prefixes before o or o:

otak- ‘hug’ ac-ota:k-is ‘he/she is hugging me’ ic-Ota:k-is “he/she is hugging yow’

ota: k-is ‘he/she is hugging him/her’ ip-Ota:k-is “he/she is hugging us’

A verb that begins with a deletes that vowel after the patient prefixes (7). > The first person plural agent suffix -i:- ‘we’ is often difficult to distinguish from durative -/:.

° The variants of the patient prefixes in table 20.3 are also used after the directional prefixes a-- and (i)fa:- (834.4), and so may reflect archaic forms.

Agreement 17 | (7) Patient prefixes before a

anokic- ‘love’

aca-nokic-i:-s_ “he/she loves me’ ici-nokic-i:-s “he/she loves yow’

anokic-t:-s ‘he/she loves him/her’

ipo-nokic-i:-s ‘he/she loves us’

Verbs beginning with a: or 7: delete those vowels after the patient prefix, but lengthen the final vowel of the prefix (8)-(9).

(8) Patient prefixes before a:

a:fack- ‘be/get happy’ aca-:fack-i:-s ‘lam happy’ ici-:fack-i:-s ‘you are happy’

a:fack-i:-s ‘he/she is happy’ ipo-:fack-i:-s_ “we are happy’

(9) Patient prefixes before long 7:

i:lisk- ‘be/get sulky’ aca-:lisk-i:-s “Tam sulky’ ici-:lisk-i:-s “you are sulky’

i:lisk-i:-s ‘he/she ts sulky’ ipo-:-lisk-i:-s “we are sulky’

20.2 The choice of agent vs. patient markers Various factors govern the choice of agent or patient agreement markers. Intransitive verbs in which the subject acts deliberately use agent markers for the subject: (10) a-:¢-éy-s ‘Pm going about’ afanna: k-éy-s ‘Vm looking around’ dklo: p-éy-s “Vm taking a bath’ ala: k-éy-s ‘Pm here, arriving’ ata: tk-éy-s ‘Vm hanging’ atilo:k-t:-s “we're gathering (together)’ aw leyc-éy-s ‘Pm getting closer’ caya:ya:k-éy-s ‘Pm being quiet’ cikonn-éy-s ‘Pm limping’ coni: k-éy-s “Vm bending over’ feyk-éy-s ‘Pm turning’ fi:ka:p-éy-s “Pm resting’ fikhonn-éy-s ‘Pm stopping’ folo:tk-éy-s ‘Vm turning around’ halk-éy-s ‘Pm crawling’ hata: pk-éy-s ‘Pm stepping down’ homp-éy-s “Vm eating’

172 §20 i:sk-éy-s “Pm drinking’ ici:y-éy-s “Pm going in’ ittha:n-t3-s “we're quarreling’ iti-si:k-t:-s “we're shaking hands’ leyk-éy-s ‘Pm sitting down’ fi:tk-éy-s ‘Pm running’ takpalk-éy-s ‘Vm rolling over’ ti:sk-éy-s “Pm blowing my nose’ mist: tteyc-éy-s “Pm winking’ moso: l-éy-s “I’m closing my eye(s)’ nata: ks-éy-s “Pm looking up’ niki:y-éy-s ‘Pm moving’ no:c-éy-s “P’m sleeping’ o.ss-éy-s ‘Pm going out’ Ohhaya: tk-éy-s ‘Pm staying the night’ opa.n-éy-s “Pm dancing’ paci:ss-éy-s ‘Pm swerving’ po:ck-éy-s ‘Pm squirting, spitting’ po-sk-éy-s ‘Vm fasting’ sayokla:sk-éy-s “Pm swinging’ sila: ksi:k-éy-s “Vm screaming’ ta:sk-éy-s “‘VP'm jumping’

(6hki: k-éy-s ‘Pm kneeling’ waswa:k-éy-s ‘Pm whispering’ woho: k-éy-s ‘Vm howling (like a dog)’ yaheyk-éy-s ‘Pm singing’ yaka: p-éy-s “Vm walking’ yi-folk-éy-s ‘Pm going back’

Intransitive verbs in which the subject lacks control use patient markers for the subject.’ (ll) aca--:fack-i:-s ‘Vm happy’ aca-col-i:-s “Pm old’ aca-holwak-i:-s ‘Pm dirty’ aca-honic-i:-s “Vm awake’ acd-k-somk-is ‘Vm sinking (in water)’ acd-ls-i:-s “Vm bashful’ aca-piss-i:-s “Pm fat’ acd-poyc-is ‘Pm dreaming’ ca-cafikn-i:-s ‘Pm healthy’ ca-capdakk-i:-s “Pm mad’ ca-cokna:h-is ‘Pm talking in my sleep’ ca-cotk-i:-s ‘Pm small’

" The term “patient” is usually reserved for affected arguments. Here, | follow Mithun (1991) in using it broadly for nonagentive subjects and objects.

Agreement 173 ca-coyh-i:-s ‘Vm petrified, frozen’ ca-fikcakh-i:-s “Vm jealous’ ca-fikhamk-i:-s ‘Pm brave’ ca-fiki:k-is ‘Pm shaking’ ca-fiknokk-i:-s “Pm sad’ ca-fiksomk-i:-s “Pm scared’ ca-fikwanh-i:-s ‘Vm out of breath’ ca-hasdfk-i:-s ‘VP’m swollen (all over)’

ca-hiko:kk-is “Pm hiccupping’ ca-hipitk-i:-s “Vm feverish’ ca-holk-i:-s “Vm scalded’ ca-honic-i:-s “Pm wild’ ca-hotos-i:-s ‘Vm tired, skinny’ ca-tkol-i:-s “Pm cold’ ca-lacp-i:-s ‘Vim wet? ca-law-i:-s ‘Pm hungry’ ca-likw-i:-s “1 have a sore’ ca-lotokk-i:-s “Vm numb, petrified’ ca-lowd:k-i:-s “Pm weak’ ca-mahyomk-i:-s “Pm dizzy’ ca-mahlapatk-i:-s “Pm sober’ ca-noca:y-is “Pm yawning’ ca-nockil-i:-s ‘Vm sleeping’ ca-nokk-i:-s “Pm sick’ ca-nokleyk-is “Pm choking’ ca-noksomk-i:-s “Pm hoarse’ ca-palalak-i:-s ‘Pm crippled’ ca-pohyak-i:-s ‘Pm lonesome’ ca-pinkal-i:-s “Pm afraid’ ca-pols-i:-s “V'm sickly, out of sorts’ po-solk-i:-s “we are many (now)’ ca-somk-i:-s ‘Vm lost’ ca-tahopk-i:-s ‘Pm nimble’ ca-tokteyhn-is ‘Pm slobbering’ ca-wanhk-i:-s ‘Pm thirsty’ ca-vikc-i:-s ‘Vm strong’ ca-vokst:hn-i:-s ‘Thave a cold’ ca-yvopakla. tk-is “Pm falling behind’

Note that all the verbs in (10) can be events (having a progressive reading in the lengthened grade). The verbs tn (11) are often stative, though many may also be progressive.”

* Given a choice, I have simply given a natural form. Thus, both ca-pinkal-i:-s ‘I’m afraid’ (zero grade) and ca-pinka-/l-is ‘Vm getting scared’ (lengthened grade) are natural.

174 §20

Some intransitives can be interpreted as having agent or patient subjects. Often, agreement reflects this distinction. The verb latk-itd ‘(one) to fall’ is normally inflected with patient agreement:

(12) ca-latéyk-s 1S.PAT-fall.SG.HGR-IND ‘T fell.’

In agentive contexts, however, agent agreement is volunteered:

(13) cad-tki-t latk-as ca-keyc-in, latéyvk-ey-s 1s.PAT-father-T fall.SG-IMP 1S.PAT-tell.LGR-N_ fall.SG.HGR-1IS.AG-IND

‘Fall down!” my father told me, so I fell down.’

Other examples of intransitives allowing agent or patient marking include the following (with the more usual form listed first): (14) ca-hakti:sk-is ‘Vm sneezing’ hakti:sk-éy-s ‘Vm sneezing’

(15) hosi:l-éy-s ‘Pm urinating’ ca-hosi:l-is | *V’m urinating (unable to control it)’

A verb like /itk- ‘run’ will almost always take the agent set. Speakers

will accept the patient set in the right context, however, as when running downhill:

(16) li:tk-éy-s ‘Pm running’ ca-li:tk-is ‘I?m running (out of control down a hill)’

Transitive verbs generally use agent markers for the subject and patient markers for the object even when the subject is not obviously agentive:

(17) a. ci-na:fk-éy-s 2.PAT-hit.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘Tam hitting you’

b. ici-nokic-ay-i:-t O:-S 2.PAT-love-I1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘T love you’

Only a few transitive verbs use the patient set for the subject:

(18) a. O:wa-n Ca-yd:c-i:-s water-N 1S.PAT-want-DUR-IND

‘I want water.’

Agreement 175 b. o:wa-n ca-hos-i:t-t O:-8

water-N 1S.P-forget-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘I forgot water.’

The transitive verbs hic-ita ‘to see’? and poh-ita ‘to hear’ are fluid, using the patient set to give a sense of ability:

(19) a. O:wa-n = hi:c-ey-s water-N see.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I see water.’

b. o:wa-n ca-hic-i:-s water-N 1S.PAT-See-DUR-IND

‘I can see water.’

(20) a. o:wa-n_ po:h-ey-s water-N hear.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘T hear water.’

b. O:wa-n ca-poh-i:-s water-N 1S.PAT-hear-DUR-IND

‘I can hear water.’

Simultaneous use of the patient set for both the subject and the object in such verbs is awkward:

(21) el-ca-yva:c-t O.-S

2.PAT-1S.PAT-want.FGR-T be.LGR-IND ‘IT want you.’

Speakers agree that the best order, however, is to have the prefix for the object appear before the prefix for the subject. There are several apparent exceptions to a link between agency and agreement selection. Several verbs use agent agreement for the subject

When the corresponding English is nonagentive and seems to be Stative:

(22) léyk-ey-s ‘Pm sitting’ (lit., ‘I have sat down’) hoyt-ey-s ‘Pm standing’ (lit., ‘I have stood up’) wd: kk-ey-s ‘Pm lying’ (lit., “I have lain down’) ki: ¢¢-ey-s ‘I know’ (lit., ‘I have learned’) hi: c-ey-s ‘I see it? (lit., “I have looked at it’) Gi: CC-ey-S ‘Pm wearing it’ (lit., ‘I have put it on’)

The verbs tn (22) are in the falling tone grade; as indicated by the literal translations to the right, these verbs refer to states resulting from controlled activity. In the lengthened grade, they have agentive, active uses:

176 §20

(23) leyk-éy-s ‘Im sitting down’ (getting into the position) hi: c-éy-s ‘Pm looking at it’ ki: ¢t-éy-s ‘Tm learning’

The use of the agent markers tn (22) reflects the fact that these verbs refer to controlled activities.

Some verbs expressing quantification in Creek take agent agreement. Numerals, for example, are generally agent verbs:

(24) = hokko:!-iy-a:t ahohy-i:-s two.FGR-IP.AG-T g0.DU.HGR-IP.AG-IND

‘The two of us went.’ (lit., ‘We who got to be two went.’)

(25) tocci:n-ty-a:t apihy-i:-s three.FGR-1P.AG-REF go.TPL.HGR-1|P.AG-IND

‘The three of us went.’ (lit., ‘We who got to be three went.’)

Here again, the falling tone grade suggests that these verbs, like positional verbs, refer to an event that is actively entered into (‘got to be two’).

Verbs indicating questions and omalk- ‘all’ may also use the agent set:

(26) — ist6:"w-d:ck-a:l apthy-a:* which.FGR-2P.AG-REF £g0.TPL.HGR-Q

‘Which of you went?’

(27) omalk-iy-a:t — apihy-i:-s all-IP.AG-REF go.HGR-IP.AG-IND

‘All of us went.’

The verb om- ‘be’ is also unusual in using the agent set of agreement markers. 9

(28) yahéyk-a-t 0O:m-ey-s SINg-NZR-T be.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘Tam a singer.’

When om- is used as an auxiliary, it takes agent agreement if the main verb is agentive, but has no agreement if the main verb uses the patient set:

” This feature distinguishes Creek and Hitchiti-Mikasuki from related languages, which generally use the patient set in copular sentences. Creek and Hitchiti-Mikasuki use cognate verbs, however: perhaps the original meaning of this verb was agentive (c.g., ‘do’ rather than ‘be’).

Agreement LZ? (29) a. homp-éy-s eat.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I’m eating.’

b. homp-it o:m-éy-s eat.LGR-T be.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I’m eating.’ (periphrastic)

(30) a. ca-law-i:-s 1S.PAT-hungry-DUR-IND

‘T’m hungry.’

b. ca-law-i:-t O:-8 1S.PAT-hungry-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘1’m hungry.’ (periphrastic)

Verbs normally using the patient set for their subjects shift to the agent set in comparatives, formed by adding instrumental is- and a

.2;:0

form of dative im-."

(31) a. ca-mach-i:-t O:-S 1S.PAT-tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘Tm tall.’

b. is-cim-md:h-ay-i:-t O:-8 INST-2.DAT-tall-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘[?m taller than you.’

This effect appears to be limited to the comparative; dative prefixes elsewhere may appear with patient prefixes:

(32) a. ca-capakk-i:-s 1S.PAT-mad-DUR-IND

‘lm mad.’

b. cin-ca-capakk-i:-s 2.DAT-1S.PAT-mad-DUR-IND

‘l’m mad at you.’

The direct and indirect causative (see $25) have the opposite effect on agreement.'' When a verb that normally uses the agent set for its subject is made causative, its original subject becomes an object (the causee) and is marked with the patient set, while the causer is the subject and is marked with the agent set. '! This shift is described by Nathan (1977:95), Sakaguchi (1987), and Martin (199 1a).

'' Cohn (1987) and D. Hardy (1988) also note this effect.

178 §20

(33) a. ta:séyk-ey-s

jump.SG.HGR-1S.AG-IND

‘] jumped.’

b. ca-ta:sk-ipoyhc-ick-is 1S.PAT-Jump.SG-make.HGR-2S.AG-IND

“You made me jump.’

In (33a), the person doing the jumping is marked with the agent set. In

(33b), the person doing the jumping is marked with the patient set (while the agent set marks the person who causes the other to jump). This shift may ultimately reflect that a causee has reduced control over an event.

21 Reflexives and reciprocals Reflexives and reciprocals are expressed with verbal prefixes 7:- and ili-.

(1) = hic-a:k-is ‘they are looking at it’ (:-hic-a:k-is ‘they are looking at themselves’ itt-hic-a:k-is ‘they are looking at each other’

Neither prefix may be used as a possessive on a noun (“*itim-ifa “each other’s dogs’). The reciprocal can be an object of a verb or the object

of dative im-, giving the orders im-iti- and iti-m-. The reflexive generally cannot be the object of dative im-. Basic uses of the reflexive and reciprocal are discussed below. Rules for determining antecedents are discussed in §43.

21.1 Reflexive /:Reflexives are formed with the prefix 7:- (7:y- before a or o):

(2) ta:"y-in i:y-ahopan-ick-iko-:” much.NGR-N RFL-damage-2S8.AG-NOT-DUR

‘Have you not damaged yourself?’ (1915.21)

(3) 9 i:kana ‘yi-wos-thp-it md-n — i:yv-adk-peyk-ati:-s ground DIR-dig-SPN.HGR-T that-N RFL-LOC-put.in-PAST5S-IND

‘He dug a hole and got in it.’ (1915.27)

(4) cofi-ta:t = md-n_ lakeys-it i:-hisa:yi:c-thp-it rabbit-ATN that-N lle.HGR-T RFL-save-SPN.HGR-T

‘Rabbit lied and saved himself...” (1915.8)

The reflexive prefix does not vary according to person: 7:-hi:c-is ‘he’s looking at himself’; 7:-Ai:c-éy-s ‘V’m looking at myself’.

The reflexive sometimes has idiomatic uses. The verb apay-itd ‘to put with’ has two reflexive forms: 7:y-apay-itda ‘to take (Someone)’ and i:-pay-ita ‘to marry (of a man)’. The verb a:poheyc-itd means ‘to mind, Obey’, but i:y-a:poheyc-ita could be translated as ‘to be disciplined’. Similarly, the verb ka:y-itd means ‘to set (two) down’, but i:-ka:y-ita unexpectedly means ‘to take off one’s clothes’:

180 §21

(5S) 9 azecakt:-ta:t- oma’lka-n_ i:-ka:y-ihp-it

clothes-ATN all.NGR-N RFL-set.DU-SPN.HGR-T

‘He took off all his clothes...’ (1915.12)

Ze iti- ‘each other, together, pairwise’ The prefix iti- 1s used to indicate that an activity applies pairwise. Often it translates in English as a reciprocal (‘each other, one another’):

(6) a. ico-n — hic-a:k-is deer-N see-PL.LGR-IND

‘They’re looking at a deer.’

b. itt-hic-a:k-is RCP-see-PL.LGR-IND

*They’re looking at each other.’

(7) a. afank-a:k-is kiss-PL.LGR-IND

‘They’re kissing it.’

b. iti-fank-a:k-ts RCP-kiss-PL.LGR-IND

‘They're kissing each other.’

The prefix iti7- is commonly shortened to ‘i- at the beginning of a word. As (7) shows, when iti- is followed by a, that vowel deletes. Like 7:-, the prefix does not vary according to person. In (6) and (7), iti- fills the role of object. As seen in (8), it7- can also serve as the object of a prefix like dative im-.

(8) a. opan-a:k-is dance-PL.LGR-IND

‘They’re dancing.’

b. iti-m-opan-a- k-Is RCP-DAT-dance-PL.LGR-IND

*They’re dancing with each other.’

A verb with ifi- does not always have a plural subject. Sometimes iti- is used to indicate a reciprocal relationship between objects: (9) wa-ka-piswa, sita:pho (i)s-iti-homp-éy-s cow-meat cabbage INST-RCP-eat.LGR-1S.AG-IND ‘I’m eating beef and cabbage with each other.’

Another example 1s (i)ti-kift-ipeyc-ita ‘to introduce (two or more people)’ (lit., ‘get (two or more) to know each other’).

Reflexives and reciprocals 18] Depending on a verb’s meaning, ifi- can mean either ‘together’ (10) or ‘apart’ (11).

(10) cazs-itd ‘to rake’ iti-ca:s-ita ‘to rake (leaves) together’ pakoc-ita ‘to fold’ iti-pakoc-ita ‘to fold together’ apallay-ita ‘to wrap iti-pallay-ita ‘to twist (wires, etc.) together’ around’

apay-itd *to add’ iti-pay-ita “to put together; to get married’ a-leyc-ita ‘to put (one) iti-/eyvc-itda ‘to put (two rocks) next to each

next to’ other, put (one) together’

(11) «:feita ‘to take off (shoes, iti-ti:f-ita ‘to take (a pen and Its cap, an

socks)’ engine, etc.) apart’

fok-ita ‘to take off (a piece —iti-fok-ita ‘to take apart’ of clothing)’

vakp-i: ‘forked’ iti-vakp-i: ‘forked’ The explanation seems to be that iti- indicates a pairlike result: with verbs implying separation (‘take off, etc.), the reading ‘apart’ results (1.e., “from each other’). Verbs referring to breaking, cutting, or tearing are similar in that 7t7- indicates that the action results ‘in two’ or ‘in parts’:

(12) falapk-i: ‘split (of wood, a iti-falapk-ita ‘(one) to burst in two (as

rock)’ of a watermelon)’

kal-ita ‘to break a piece off —iti-kal-ita ‘to break (a dish, etc.) In two’

sist-itd ‘to tear, rip’ iti-si:t-itda ‘to tear (cloth, etc.) in two’ tac-ita ‘to cut (one)’ iti-tac-ita ‘to cut in two, break (a rope)’ The reciprocal prefix ifi- is a derivational prefix and sometimes has

unexpected uses. With some verbs, the notion of pairlike activity ts extended to one actor’s movements tn relation to another object: (13) Dale Hall Tower iti-hoyan-ick-dati:-s Dale Hall Tower RCP-pass.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND

“You will pass by Dale Hall Tower.’

Other examples of this type appear in (14): (14) feyvk-itda ‘(one) to cross water’ iti-tevk-itd ‘(one) to cross water’ oh-ta:sk-ita ‘to jump toward, onto’ (i)t-oh-ta:sk-ita ‘to jump over, across’

ohh-at-ita ‘(one) to go around on’ (i)t-ohh-at-ita ‘(one) to go back and forth’

182 §2] To indicate action performed with another person, if7- combines

with a form of dative im- (15). (15) ha:zy-ita ‘to make (one)’ iti-n-ha:y-ita ‘to make (something) together’

a:::;1

atotk-ita “to work’ iti-m-atotk-ita ‘to work together’ The sequence /tik- sometimes indicates ‘through’:

(16) = hick-i: ‘visible’ itik-hick-i: “see-through (of a veil, etc.)’ hoyan-itd “to pass’ itik-hoyan-ita “to have diarrhea’ tolakk-i; “having a itik-tolakk-i: ‘having a hole all the way through

hole in it’ (as of a hollow log)’

Some examples are idiomatic, too, as in (17). (17) wakic-ita ‘to lay (one) down’ — ifi-wakic-ita ‘to wrestle’

The reciprocal prefix iti- only appears with verbs, in nominalizations like (i)s-iti-ca:s-ka ‘rake’ (lit., ‘what one rakes together with’), or with postpositions (ifi-n-natkapda ‘between’). It Is not generally used as a possessor on nouns: “*“iti-m-ifd ‘each other’s >2

dog’.

Apart from i/i-, another way to express reciprocity is with f:mi-alki, as in (18).

(18) mohm-it (:mu-alki-n ma patko-faka iti-n-hala:t-it be.so.HGR-T he/she-each-N that grape-vine RCP-DAT-pull.LGR-T

o:m-ait it-kitt-a: k-ati:-s be.LGR-REF DIR-kKnow-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘Then they each realized that the other one had been pulling the grapevine.’ (1915.3)

' In Creek, itik- ‘through’ looks as though it consists of reciprocal iti- ~ locative ak-. Perhaps it should be compared instead to Mikasuki ‘htak- ‘middle’. ~ Exceptions are words like ///-n-hissi ‘friends’ and ifi-m-pad/si ‘partners’. hese have corresponding verb forms (it/-n-hiss-ita ‘to become friends’, ifi-m-palsi:c-ila ‘to pair up’) and so may be verbal in origin.

22 Adding objects: dative and instrumental Objects can be added to verbs in Creek by prefixing dative im- or instrumental 7s- to the verb. Dative im- is used for objects translating as indirect objects in English (‘to/for (another)’). Instrumental 7s- 1s used for tools (‘with (a hammer, etc.)’) and related concepts.

22.1 Dative imA prefix im- is used to add to a verb an object that is interpreted as benefitting from the action:

(1) a. Bill opona:y-is Bill talk.LGR-IND

‘Bill is talking.’

b. Bill im-opona:y-is Bill DAT-talk.LGR-IND

‘Bill is talking for him/her.’

c. Bill inhissi-n im-opona:-y-is Bill DAT.friend-N DAT-talk.LGR-IND

‘Bill is talking for his friend.’

The person benefitting from the action may be implied, as in (1b), or explicitly mentioned, as in (1c). When it 1s explicitly mentioned, it is treated grammatically like an object and so may be marked with -(7)n. The dative prefix 7m- agrees 1n person and number with the object it adds:

(2) = am-opona-y-is ‘he/she is talking for me’ cim-opona:y-ts ‘he/she is talking for you’ im-opona:-y-is ‘he/she is talking for another’ pom-opona-y-is “he/she is talking for us’

The different persons resemble the patient prefixes, except in the first person singular.

184 $22

Forms ending in m (am-, cim-, im-, pom-) are used before vowels and the labial consonants ™ and p. Forms ending in 7 are used before other consonants: l

(3) dn-yaheyk-is ‘he/she is singing for me’ cin-vaheyk-is ‘he/she ts singing for you’ in-yaheyk-is ‘he/she is singing for another’ pon-yaheyk-is ‘he/she is singing for us’

The same set of prefixes 1s also used on nouns to mark nonrelational possession (814). With active verbs, the dative prefix adds an object that is interpreted broadly as a new endpoint to the situation (1.e., as an entity affected by

the activity). One specific example of this 1s seen in (1), where the

endpoint is interpreted as benefitting from the activity. Another example is seen in (4b), this time with a transitive verb.

(4) a. cda-:ni-t istaha:koci-n ha:y-ts John-T doll-N make.LGR-IND ‘John is making a doll.’

b. ca:ni-t cimi-n istaha:koci-n tn-ha:y-ts John-T Jim-N_ doll-N DAT-make.LGR-IND ‘John is making a doll for Jim.’

Sometimes the dative prefix indicates harm, however: (5) 9 acani:y-ita ‘to peek’ ~~ im-acani:y-ita ‘to peek at (someone)’

akitt-ita ‘to cheat’ im-akitt-ita ‘to cheat on, deceive’ This reading is particularly common where the activity affects another through action on a part:

(6) ca-sdkpa-n — an-kahc-is IS.PAT-arm-N 1S.DAT-break.HGR-IND

‘He/she broke my arm.’

This part-whole or possessive use 1s discussed in more detail below ($22.1.2). A related use is for actions affecting a part of something: (7) acan-ita “to fill (something)’ im-acan-ita ‘to fill (a gas tank, etc.)’ With active verbs describing transmission, im- adds a recipient:

' Sometimes speakers prefer an-, cin-, etc. before p. In older sources, am-, cim-, etc. also occur before f and w. In Florida, the first person plural is often pim- or pin-.

Florida Seminoles also commonly use a-"-, ci:"-, i:"-, and po:"- or pi:"- before fricatives.

Adding objects: dative and instrumental 185 (8) laks-ita ‘to tell a lie’ in-laks-ita ‘to tell a lie to’ onay-itd ‘to tell (a story) = im-onay-ita ‘to tell to’

atot-ita ‘to send’ im-atot-ita ‘to send to’ With verbs describing manner of motion, im- adds a source: (9) litk-ita ‘(one) torun’ — in-/itk-itd ‘(one) to run from (someone)’ kapak-ita ‘to separate’ in-kapak-ita ‘to leave (a person or place)’ akoyk-ita ‘to move’ im-akoyk-ita ‘to move out of the way of?

A few stative verbs use dative prefixes to add objects:

(10) a. ca-capakk-i:-s 1S.PAT-mad-DUR-IND

‘Tam mad.’

b. cin-ca-capdakk-i:-s 2.DAT-1S.PAT-mad-DUR-IND

‘Tam mad at you.’

It is difficult to predict whether a verb will agree with an object using a patient prefix or a dative prefix. Verbs with similar meanings use different sets:

(11) kevc-ts ‘he/she is telling ca-keyc-is ‘he/she ts telling me’ him/her’

ona.-y-is “he/she is telling iC) = am-ona-y-is ‘he/she is telling it to me’

Generally, the dative set is used when the verb ts already transitive or When the verb focuses on manner. Patient prefixes are used when the patient is a natural endpoint of the activity. There is also some overlap in function between dative im- and the direct causative -ic-. This can be seen with verbs referring to clothing:

(12) a. hackata:tka-n ata:t-is earring-N hang.LGR-IND ‘He/she is putting on an earring.’

b. hackata:tka-n_ im-data:t-is earring-N DAT-hang.LGR-IND ‘He/she is putting an earring on another.’

(13) a. honna-n a:cc-ts dress-N put.on.LGR-IND ‘He/she is putting on a dress.’

186 §22 b. honna-n acci:c-is

dress-N put.on.LGR-IND

‘He/she is putting a dress on another.’

In (12b), im- indicates that the earring was hung for the benefit of another. In (13b), direct causative -:c- (from -ic-) indicates that the

. hr e ”

action 1s forced on another. Whether im- or the direct causative will be used is difficult to predict.”

Dative prefixes usually add objects, but a few verbs use dative prefixes to agree with their subjects:

(14) an-ta:k-i:-s ‘Iam better now’ cin-ta:k-i:-s ‘you are better now’ in-td:k-i:-s ‘he/she is better now’ pon-ta:k-i:-s “we are better now’

One might speculate that in-td:k-i:-s 1s literally ‘it 1s better for him/her now’, but case marking shows that the subject of this verb 1s the same as the English:

(15) an-hissi-t in-td:k-i:-s IS.DAT-friend-T DAT-be.better-DUR-IND

‘My friend is better now.””

The use of an-hissi-t, with subject marker -(i)¢, differs from examples

like (1c) where the dative adds an object. Other verbs in which the dative prefix agrees with the subject are listed below:

(16) a. am-ahlapatk-i:-s 1S.DAT-sober-DUR-IND

‘I am sober.’

b. an-hissi-t im-ahlapatk-i:-t 0-8 IS.DAT-friend-T DAT-sober-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘My friend is sober.’

(17) a. an-hi:"t-i:-s 1S.DAT-good.NGR-DUR-IND

‘I feel good.’

b. an-hissi-t in-hi:"t-i:-s 1S.DAT-friend-T DAT-good.NGR-DUR-IND

‘My friend feels good.’

: Clothing verbs are treated more fully in Mauldin and Martin (1996). * Here and below the subject marker -(i)/ is optional. When it appears, it implies mild contrast (my friend out of a group of people).

Adding objects: dative and instrumental 187 (18) a. am-matt-i:-s 1S.DAT-wrong-DUR-IND

‘Lam wrong.’

b. an-hissi-t im-matt-i:-s IS.DAT-friend-T DAT-wrong-DUR-IND

‘My friend is wrong.’

(19) a. am-mi-sk-is IS.DAT-sweat.LGR-IND

‘Tam sweating.’

b. an-hissi-t im-mi:sk-is 1S.DAT-friend-T DAT-sweat.LGR-IND

‘My friend is sweating.’

(20) a. an-katahpo:l-is 1S.DAT-burp.LGR-IND

‘I’m burping.’

b. an-hissi-t in-katahpo.l-is IS.DAT-friend-T DAT-burp.LGR-IND

‘My friend is burping.’

In (16)-(20), the shift from first person am- or an- to third person imor in- corresponds to the person of the subject. The dative prefix is thus agreeing with the subject rather than with an object. The following verbs appear at first to belong to the same class, but the third person forms show that they differ:

(21) a. an-nokk-i:-s 1S.DAT-hurt-DUR-IND ‘T hurt.’

b. ca-ka-t an-nokk-i:-s Is.PAT-head-T 1S.DAT-hurt-DUR-IND

‘My head hurts.’

(22) a. an-téyy-i:-s IS.DAT-sore-DUR-IND

‘| am sore.’

b. ca-sdakpa-t an-téyy-1:-s IS.PAT-arm-T 1S.DAT-sore-DUR-IND

‘My arm Is sore.’

188 $22

The dative prefix in (21)-(22) agrees with the possessor of the subject rather than with the subject, and so belongs to a different construction (§22.1.2).

I view the dative prefix im- as a derivational prefix (meaning ‘to, for’) that agrees with its object in the first and second persons. Some linguists have instead treated im- as a third person dative agreement marker (‘to/for him/her’). The distinction between these two analyses is subtle, but the fact that 7m- can be used in non—third person contexts suggests that im- is the bare form (1.e., a derivational prefix) rather than an agreement marker. Thus, verbs that use im- for their subjects use imin commands, where subject agreement 1s normally dropped: in-ta:k-as ‘get ready!’." The dative prefix zm- has several special uses. The sequence a:-im‘with (another)’ is discussed itn the following subsection. The use of the

dative with the instrumental (és-im- ‘than (another)’) 1s discussed in $41.6.

22.1.1 a:-im- ‘with (another)’ Dative im- combines with a-- (§34.4) to indicate ‘with (another)’:

(23) a. Bill a:-in-vaheyk-éy-s Bill DIR-DAT-sing.LGR-1IS.AG-IND

‘T’?m singing with Bill.’

b. cd-cki-n costa:ki-n_ a:-in-hopo.y-éy-s IS.PAT-mother-N egg-N DIR-DAT-look.for.LGR-1S.AG-IND ‘1’m helping my mother hunt eggs.’

Special forms of the dative prefixes are used after a:- and undergo contraction ($34.4).

22.1.2 im- for possession on verbs Possession in Creek 1s normally indicated with a prefix on the possessed noun: am-ifa ‘my dog’ (814). In some situations, however, a dative prefix on a verb is used to indicate possession, so that both (24a) and (24b) are possible:

(24) a. am-ifa-t i l-is IS.DAT-dog-T die.SG.FGR-IND

‘My dog died.’

+ This argument was first made for Chickasaw by Munro (1993).

Adding objects: dative and instrumental 189 b. ifa-t am-i:l-is dog-T IS.DAT-die.SG.FGR-IND

‘My dog died.’ (lit., “dog died for/to me’)

I will refer to the construction tn (24a), with possessive marking inside

the possessed noun phrase, as internal possession; the structure in (24b), with marking outside the possessed noun phrase, is referred to here as external possession.”

The example in (24b) shows external possession with a nonrelational (alienable) noun. External possession is also found with relational nouns like cd-nki ‘my hand’, however:

(25) cad-nki-t ain-ca:t-is Is.PAT-hand-T 1S.DAT-bleed.LGR-IND

‘My hand is bleeding.’

The difference is that relational nouns are obligatorily possessed: tn

(24b), internal possession can be omitted because the possessive relation is shown on the verb; in (25), however, possessive marking must be retained on the possessed item even though it is indicated on the verb.

In (24)-(25), the possessed item is in subject position. With transitive verbs, the possessed item is usually an object and marked with nonsubject -(7)n (26).

(26) ca-sdkpa-n — an-kahc-is IS.PAT-arm-N_ 1S.DAT-break.HGR-IND

‘He/she broke my arm.’

The possessor is also treated as an object of the verb and marked with nonsubject -(i)n (27).

(27) meéysti(-n) a:tami-n im-ahopa:n-is that.person(-N) car-N DAT-wreck.LGR-IND ‘He/she is wrecking that person’s car.’ (lit., “wrecking the car to/for that person’)

The intransitive pattern differs slightly; the external possessor is not marked for case and must occur before the subject: > This section is a revised and simplified version of Martin (1999). The terms internal and external possession are from K6nig and Haspelmath (1997). Several studies have examined external possession in Choctaw and Chickasaw, including Nicklas (1974), Davies (1986), Munro and Gordon (1982), Munro (1984), Baker (1988), Broadwell (1990), and Munro (1999). Some authors have used the terms “possessor ascension,” “possessor raising,” and more specifically “object possessor raising” for this phenomenon in Choctaw and Chickasaw.

190 §22

(28) méysti(*-t/*-n) ifa-t — im-i-l-is

that.person(*-T/*-N) dog-T DAT-die.SG.FGR-IND

‘That person’s dog died.’ (lit., ‘that person, dog died to/for him’)

Sentence pairs like those in (24) are felt to be close in meaning, but a study of texts shows that external possession is favored in specific contexts. One common transitive use 1s where one individual affects another individual by acting on a body part:

(29) ikd-n in-ndfk-i: ha:y-it — o:m-éys 3.PAT.head-N D-hit-DUR do.LGR-T be.LGR-even

‘Though [Rabbit] tried to hit [Alligator’s] head...” (1991)

(30) mo:m-in ca-hatpi-w' an-litaf-ati:-to:k be.so.LGR-N_ 1S.PAT-skin-too 1S.DAT-tear.up-FUT-for

‘And it will tear my skin, too...’ (1936a)

(31) itokackoci-n f:s-it hasni:tka-n_ s-tn-ho:sk-in twig-N take.SG.FGR-T testicle-N = INST-DAT-scratch.LGR-N *... having taken a twig, [Rabbit] scratches [Wolfs] testicles...’ (1939b)

(32) opa i-totwa-n a:-im-ak-tihh-in owl 3.PAT-eye-N LOC-DAT-LOC-put.in.PL-N

*... he put [crumbled wood bits] in Horned Owl’s eyes .. .” (1939b)

If the action is reflexive (an individual acting on his/her own body part), external possession is not used, however:

(33) ~thodkpi-n Oh-na:fk-il 3.PAT-chest-N LOC-hit.LGR-T

‘|The publican] smote upon his [own] breast ...? (Luke 18:13)

As a result, internal possession may be reflexive or nonreflexive, while external possession always implies action on another:

(34) a. inki-n kawd: p-is 3.PAT.hand-N raise.FGR-IND

‘He/she raised his/her hand.’ (his/her own hand or someone else’s)

b. inki-n in-kawad:p-is 3.PAT.hand-N DAT-raise.FGR-IND

‘He/she raised his/her hand.’ (someone else’s)

The intransitive use is similar, routinely offered when an individual is affected by a state or change of state in a body part:

Adding objects: dative and instrumental 19] (35) ca-nki-t an-tack-i:-t O.-S

ls.PAT-hand-T IS.DAT-cut-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘My hand is cut.’

(36) iit in-hasafk-i:-s

3.PAT.foot-T DAT-swell-DUR-IND

‘His/her foot is swollen.’

(37) ca-kéyssi-t am-itivOKc-1:-s 1s.PAT-head.hair-T 1S.DAT-tangled-DUR-IND

‘My hair is tangled up.’

While less automatic, both the transitive and intransitive uses may be extended to nonrelational nouns, where an individual is affected by a state or change of state through a possession:

(38) alipata-ta:t oywa_ tn-ka:tp-in ak-leyk-ati:-s alligator-ATN water DAT-dry.LGR-N LOC-sit.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND

*,.. the alligator’s water began to dry up as he sat there.’ (ca. 1940c)

External possession is also sometimes used for parts of individuals where the possessor is not affected by the action:

(39) ika-n in-kawahp-it 3.PAT.head-N DAT-raise.HGR-T

*... he lifted [the dead deer’s] head...” (1992c)

In (39), the deer is dead and so cannot be affected, but external possession ts still used to indicate action on a part.

The notion of affectedness associated with possessors in the external possessive pattern can be physical, as in (30)-(33) and (36)— (38), or emotional, as in (25), (39) and (40): (40) na-kitilomha na:k an-hic-iphoy-ati:-s quilt thing 1S.DAT-see-SPN.IMPL-FUT-IND *... they’Il see my quilts and things.’ (1990a)

Frequently, as in (40), external possession implies negative consequences such as pain or embarrassment. It is sometimes also used for positive effects, however: (41) 9 am-pakpak-i:-s” 1S.DAT-bloom-DUR-IND

‘Mine [my flowers] have bloomed!’

In (41), both the possessed item and the noun phrase possessor are implied. It is also possible to have an overt noun phrase possessor with a possessed item implied:

[92 $22

(42) Bill in-kahc-ey-s

Bill DAT-break.HGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I broke Bill’s.’

In the examples examined so far, the possessed item has either been a subject of an intransitive verb or an object of a transitive verb. The

relationship is more indirect in (43), where the possessed item is a location:

(43) loca-t hokt-aki-n — honna-o:fa-n_ in-hic-ita-n [yd:c-it turtle-T woman-PL-N dress-inside-N DAT-see-INF-N want.FGR-T a: t-att:-s g0.about.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘There once was a turtle who wanted to look up women’s dresses.’ (1915.27)

Possessed locations are also implied in (44)-(45): (44) cim-o:sk-a” 2.DAT-rain.LGR-Q

‘Is it raining at yours [your place]?’

(45) ’¢-am-ot-ds DIR-1S.DAT-reach-IMP

‘Come over to mine [my place].’

222 Instrumental isCreek has an instrumental prefix is- (often s- before vowels) with many 6 closely related uses on verbs.’ One use of is- is to imply or add an instrument to a clause:

(46) a. Bill sodkha-n hi:c-is Bill hog-N — see.LGR-IND ‘Bill is looking at a hog.’

b. Bill sokha-n_ is-hi:c-is Bill hog-N — INST-see.LGR-IND ‘Bill is looking at a hog (with something).’

° Booker (1980) suggested that the instrumental prefix is- derives from the verb is‘take, hold (one)’, which may explain some of its uses. The prefix is not restricted to singular objects, however. It is commonly shortened to s- before /. When a word like is-ho:ccéyc-ka “pen, pencil’ is shortened to s-ho:ccéyc-ka, the sh cluster sounds like an aspirated s.

Adding objects: dative and instrumental 193 c. Bill is-hic-ita sokha-n_ ts-hi:c-is Bill INST-see-INF hog-N — INST-see.LGR-IND

‘Bill is looking at a hog with binoculars.’

In (46b), the presence of 7s- on the verb implies that the action was performed with an instrument. This instrument may be mentioned explicitly, as in (46c). The added noun phrase is-hic-ita ‘binoculars’ in

(46c) is treated grammatically as an object and may be marked with -(1)N.

Further examples of the instrumental use are seen in (47).

(47) homp-ita ‘to eat’ is-homp-ita “to eat with (a spoon, etc.)’ ahkopan-ita ‘to play’ (i)s-ahkopan-ita ‘to play with (a toy)’ (i)tiva:m-ita ‘to stir’ (i)s-itiva:m-itd ‘to stir with (a spoon, etc.)’ (i)maha:y-ita ‘to teach’ — (i)s-imaha-:y-ita ‘to teach with (a book)’

The notion of instrument 1s easily extended to more abstract uses, however: (48) — in-fi:k-ita ‘to pay (someone)’ (i)s-in-fi:k-ita “to pay (Someone) with (money)’ in-favat-ita ‘to guide (someone)? (i)s-in-fayat-ita ‘to guide by (a set of rules)’

Often, particularly with verbs of motion, is- indicates that the subject ts accompanied by another or carrying something:

(49) ay-ita *(one) to go’ (i)s-ay-ita ‘(one) to take’ at-ita “(one) to come’ (i)s-at-ita *(one) to bring’ ak-ci:y-ita ‘(one) to enter water’ — (i) s-ak-ci:y-ita *(one) to take underwater’

at-ita ‘(one) to go around’ (i)s-at-ita ‘(one) to take around, date’

In each of the above examples, is- changes the number of objects a verb may take. In (46a), the verb is a transitive verb with one object. In (46c), the verb has two objects. With verbs of motion, as in (49), is-

can add an animate object to a verb; in this case, patient person markers are used for the added object:

(50) a. acy-is 20.SG.LGR-IND

‘He/she is going.’

b. (i)s-dc-a-y-is INST-1S.PAT-20.SG.LGR-IND

‘He/she is taking me.’ (lit., “going me with’)

194: sy $22 ‘ ; : of,

Note that the added object in (SOb) 1s marked on the verb (after is-). There are other uses of is- where the added object is implied in the

; e- 8 ; ; 9

discourse.” Another use of is- with verbs of motion, for example, 1s when the subject is in control of an animal or vehicle. (S1) (ci:y-ita ‘(one) to enter’ (i)s-ici:y-ita ‘(one) to enter (driving a car), take in’

a:ssi:c-ita ‘to chase’ (i)s-a:ssi:c-ita “to chase (driving a car), chase with (a stick, etc.)’

hoyan-ita ‘(one) to pass by’ is-hoyan-itd ‘(one) to ride by, pass with (a child, etc.)’

A different reading is found when speaking of pots, buckets, or other containers:

(52) a. siskild-n i:s-ey-s cup-N — hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘1’m holding a cup (one that’s empty).’

b. siskitd-n (i)S-i:s-ey-s cup-N _—_INST-hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I’m holding a cup (one that contains something).’ Cc. assi-n (i)S-i:s-ey-s tea-N INST-hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘1’m holding the tea (in a container).’

The implication in (52b) ts that the cup is being held with something else (in this case inside it). Similarly, is- is used in (52c) because the tea is in something. Similar examples appear in (53).""

(53) ak-can-ita ‘to pour (one) (i)s-ak-can-ita ‘to pour (one) into (a pot

into’ of soup, a bucket of water)’

levc-ita ‘to set (one) down’ __is-/evc-ifa ‘to set down (a basket of eggs, a sack of groceries, etc.)’ " The reciprocal may also be used this way: (i)s-iti-homp-éy-s INST-RCP-eat.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I’m eating (one food with another).’

* There are also many fixed uses involving the instrumental where it is not possible to recover the object. The word fack-i: ‘full’ has a contrasting form is-fack-i:

‘full (of the moon)’, but it is not clear what the s- refers to. While ‘s- often adds objects, many uses thus seem classificatory. ” These are not the only readings available to these verbs.

' With cooking verbs, the sequence (i)s-ak- conventionally implies grease: akmo:tic-ita ‘to boil (an egg, etc.) vs. (i)s-ak-mo; tic-ita ‘to fry’.

Adding objects: dative and instrumental 195 a:-in-weyy-ita ‘to hold out a:-is-in-wevy-ita ‘to hold (a bowl of

toward’ food) out toward’

afall-ita ‘to throw at’ (i)s-afall-ita ‘to throw out (dishwater in a pan)’

Books and pictures often trigger use of the instrumental because they contain things:

(54) a. cato-n if:s-ey-s rock-N hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘1?m holding a rock.’ b. cdé:ka-n_ (U)S-i:S-ey-s book-N_ INST-hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘l?m holding a book.’

Similarly, items with salient parts (dentures, eyeglasses, a headdress, a watch, a harness, a tree with fruit) often trigger use of the instrumental: (55) :-peyk-ita ‘to pocket’ (1)s-i:-pevk-ita ‘to pocket (eyeglasses, a watch, etc.)’

tok-ita ‘to take off is-tok-ita ‘to take off (a watch, etc.) (clothing)’

a-wakk-itd ‘(one) to lie (i)s-a-wakk-itd ‘to lie on the side of (as of a

up against’ patch of berries on a hill)’

Use of the instrumental seems to depend on the degree to which the “parts” are in the mind of the speaker. Margaret Mauldin observes that a speaker may choose to use the instrumental in speaking of an apron,

for example, if the apron has a large pocket or a salient splotch of batter on it.

With verbs expressing sickness, emotion, or a condition, is- may indicate a cause:

(56) = (i)nékk-i: ‘sick’ (i)s-inokk-i: ‘sick from (a disease)’ il-ita ‘(one) to die’ (i)s-il-ita *(one) to die from (thirst, etc.), die for (a reason)’

i:lisk-ita ‘to be envious’ (i)s-i:lisk-ita ‘to be envious of (something)’

in-homic-i: ‘angry at (i)s-in-homic-i: ‘angry about

(someone)’ (something)’

a:fack-i: ‘happy’ (i)s-a:fack-i: ‘happy about’ capdakk-i: ‘angry’ is-capakk-i: ‘angry about (something)’

istimitk-ita ‘to suffer’ (i)s-istimitk-itd ‘to suffer from’

196 §22 fikcakh-i; ‘jealous’ is-fikcakh-i: ‘jealous trom’

hakeyhk-ita *(one) to cry’ is-hakeyhk-ita ‘(one) to cry about’ sapat-i: ‘smelling, permeated’ = is-sapat-i: ‘smelling of

Depending on the verb, is- may trigger more specific changes in meaning:

(57) hic-ita ‘to see, look at’ is-hic-ita ‘to find’ aha:y-ita “to draw’ (i)s-aha-y-ita *to mock, imitate’ im-ponay-ita ‘to talk to’ (i)s-im-ponay-itd “to talk to about’

halat-ita ‘to hold’ is-halat-ita ‘to hold by (a leash)’ atohk-ita ‘to drive off (animals) (i)s-atohk-itda ‘to drive (a car)’

While the instrumental does not appear on nouns, it commonly appears in nominalizations referring to tools: pa:s- ‘sweep’, is-pd.s-ka ‘broom’ (lit., “what one sweeps with’). Other uses of the instrumental are discussed elsewhere, including comparatives like (i)s-im-ma:h-i: ‘taller than’ ($41.6), and ordinals like (()s-a-hokko:l-a:t ‘the second’ ($33.2).

23. ~_—s«wPlural verbs Distinctions between singular and plural are rarely made in Creek nouns (§12), but verbs indicate number in several different ways:

¢ by full or partial suppletion (replacement): cétk-i: ‘(one) small’, lopock-i: *(two or more) small’;

¢ by reduplication: /dtk-i: *(one) white’, hathak-i: “(two or more) white’;

¢ by adding -ak-: ca:t-i: *(one) red’, ca:t-ak-i: *(two or more) red’.

Suppletion is restricted to a fairly small set of common verbs. Reduplication is generally used for stative verb roots (“adjectives”) ending in a consonant cluster. Other verbs generally use -ak-.

23.1 Suppletive verbs

::|

Many common verbs in Creek have special forms used when a subject or object is plural: (1) leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit’ ka:k-ita “(two) to sit’ apo: k-ita ‘(three or more) to sit’

These verbs typically indicate that the theme of the verb (the noun phrase interpreted as being in a location or undergoing movement) Is plural. With intransitive verbs like /eyvk-itd ‘to sit’, the subject is the theme; with transitive verbs like /eyc-itd ‘to set’, the direct object is the theme: (2) — leyc-ita ‘to set (one)’ ka:y-itda ‘to set (twoy apo.y-itd ‘to set (three or more)’

.°9

Verbs either make a two- or three-way distinction in number. The intransitive verbs in table 23.1 make a two-way distinction between singular or plural subjects.”

' See Haas (1948) and Nathan (1977) for work in this area. ~ Many reduplicated verbs are in this class, though they are treated separately below (§23.3.2).

198 §23

TABLE 23.1. INTRANSITIVES SHOWING A SINGULAR-PLURAL DISTINCTION

SG. SUBJECT PL. SUBJECT

apevk-ita atihk-ita ‘to get inside’

COtk-i: lopock-i: ‘small’ héyy-i: heyhoy-i: ‘hot’

kasapp-i: kasaphoy-t: ‘cold’

il-ita pasatk-ita ‘to die’ iInokk-i: inokhok-i: ‘sick’

kack-i: Kact:k-i: ‘snapped, broken’ oponay-ita opona:hoy-ita ‘to talk’

fevy-ita tevhoy-ita ‘to ache’ A few transitive verbs make a two-way distinction between singular or plural direct objects (table 23.2). TABLE 23.2. TRANSITIVES SHOWING A SINGULAR-PLURAL DISTINCTION

SG. OBJECT PL. OBJECT

apevk-itd atih-ita ‘to put inside’ coticeyc-itd lopociceyc-ita ‘to make small’ hatapiceyc-ita —hataphoyc-ita ‘to make step down’

ili:c-itd pasat-ita ‘to kill

is-ita caw-ita ‘to take’

kac-ita kaci:y-itd ‘to snap’ soloticeyc-ita — solothoyc-ita ‘to make slide’

somiceyc-ita somhoyc-ita ‘to lose’ tamiceyc-itd tamhoyc-itd ‘to make fly, flush’ vifolicevc-ita vifolhoyc-ita ‘to make go back’ Verbs referring to position or movement usually make a three-way distinction between singular (one), dual (two), or triplural (three or more). Table 23.3 lists intransitive verbs selecting for the number of the subject.”

> The term “triplural” is from Harrington (1928). Some linguists use the term “multiple” in this context. * Many of these verbs also have derived forms. Thus, av-ita / ahoy-itd / apiy-itd ‘(one / two / three or more) to go’ has derived forms (a)cakk-avita / (a)cakk-ahoy-ila / (a)cakk-apiy-ita ‘to follow’ and ohh-ay-ita / ohh-ahoy-ita / ohh-apiy-ita ‘to go toward’.

Plural verbs 199 TABLE 23.3. INTRANSITIVES SHOWING A SINGULAR-DUAL-TRIPLURAL DISTINCTION

SG. SUBJECT DUAL SUBJECT — TRIPL. SUBJECT

(a)cimk-ita (a)cimhok-ita (a)cimic-ita ‘to climb’

alak-ita ala: hok-ita veyc-itd ‘to arrive’

at-ita wilak-ita foll-ita ‘to go about’

at-ita athoy-ita aw-ita ‘to come’ ay-ila ahoy-itd apty-ila ‘tO 20’

(i)ci-y-itd (i)ci:hoy-ita isci:y-ita ‘to go 1

fevk-ita fevhok-ita favic-ild ‘to turn’

folotk-ita folothok-ita folotic-ita ‘to turn around’ hoyan-itd hoyanhoy-ita hoyanic-ita ‘to pass by’

hoyt-itd stho:k-ita sapakl-ita ‘to stand’ hakeyhk-ita hakeyhhok-ita — hakachic-ita ‘to cry’

hatapk-ita hataphok-ita hatapic-ita ‘to go down’

litk-ita tokotk-ita pifa:tk-itd ‘to run’ leyk-ita ka: k-ita apo: k-ita ‘to sit”

latk-ita votk-ild palatk-ita ‘to fall’

noc-ita nochoy-ita noceyc-itd ‘to sleep’ OSS-itd oshoy-ita SOSS-itd ‘to go out, get out’ pevhk-ita peyvhhok-ita pa: hic-ita ‘to whoop’

solotk-ita solothok-ita solotic-ita ‘to slide’ somk-ita somhok-ita somic-ila ‘to be lost’

ta:sk-ita ta:shok-ita ta:sic-ita ‘to jump’ tevk-ita tevhok-ita tayic-itd ‘to go across water’

famk-ita tamhok-ita famic-ita ‘to fly’ wakk-ita wakhok-ita lomh-ita ‘to lie’

wo-hk-ita wo.-hhok-ita wo. hic-ita ‘to bark’ (no singular) = wolk-ita wolic-ita ‘to go outside’ vifolk-ita vifolhok-ita vifolic-ita ‘to go back’ A few transitive verbs (usually derived from intransitives) have a threeway distinction in the number of the direct object (table 23.4).

200 §23 TABLE 23.4. TRANSITIVES SHOWING A SINGULAR-DUAL-TRIPLURAL DISTINCTION

SG. OBJECT DUAL OBJECT — TRIPL. OBJECT

leyc-itd ka:y-ita apo-y-ita ‘to set, seat’ hoyteyc-itd stho:y-itd sapakli:c-ita ‘to stand’ liticeyc-itd tokothoyc-ita pifa:ticeyc-ita ‘to run off

osseyc-ita oshoyc-itd Sosseyc-ita ‘to let go out, put out’

wakic-itd wakhokeyc-ita — lomheyc-ita ‘to lay’ The use of plural forms of verbs can be difficult even for native speakers. A few patterns for forming duals and triplurals are evident in the above data and are discussed below.

23.1.1 Plural/dual -/hoAs shown above, many dual and plural suppletive verbs include an element -/o-. The placement of this element is complex, but parallels

the placement of reduplication (§23.3). If a root ends in k or y, -ho- appears before that consonant.

(3) ay-ita “(one) to go’ ahoy-ita (two) ta:Sk-ita ‘(one) to Jump’ ta:shok-ita (two)

If a root ends in any other single consonant, -hoy- appears after that consonant:

(4) hoyan-ita ‘(one) to pass’ hoyanhoy-ita (two) at-ita “(one) to come’ athoy-ita (two) If a root ends in a geminate consonant, the geminate is simplified:

(5) oss-itd *“(one) to go out’ oshoy-ita (two) If -ho- is preceded by two light syllables, the second light syllable is lengthened:

(6) alak-ita ‘(one) to arrive’ ala:hok-ita (two)

The basic meaning of -ho- is plural (two or more). When there is a special triplural form, however, the form with -/o- is limited to dual: > Many instances of verb-final & and y in Creek derive historically from the ProtoMuskogean auxiliary suffixes *ka and */i. The placement of -/o- before final & and y reflects the Proto-Muskogean order *VERB-ho-(ka‘/i) (Martin 1994a; Martin and Munro 2005).

Plural verbs 201 (7) — indkk-i: *(one) sick’ inokhok-i: (two or more; no triplural form) wakk-ita ‘(one) to lie’ =wakhok-ita (two) lomh-ita (three or more)

23.1.2 Intransitive triplural -icAs can be seen in table 23.3, many triplural verbs are formed by dropping the final & of the singular and adding an element -ic- (or -ycafter a stem-vowel): (8) folotk-ita ‘(one) to turn around’ folotic-ita (three or more) hatapk-ita ‘(one) to go down’ ~~ hatapic-ita (three or more)

This triplural suffix -ic- is identical in form to direct causative -ic($24), but distinct in meaning. Note in particular that both suffixes

|i

have the odd property of replacing a final k in the stem.

Triplural -ic- is only found with intransitive verbs. As a result, a number of verbs have a three-way distinction in the intransitive form, but only a two-way distinction in the corresponding transitive:

(9) somk-itad somhok-ita somic-uld

‘(one) to be lost’ (two) to be lost’ ‘(three) to be lost’

somiceyc-itd somhoyc-ita

‘to lose (one)’ ‘to lose (two or more)’

In (9), the dual stem somhok- is formed by infixing -/o- to singular somk-. TYriplural somic- is also derived from somk-, this time by deleting A and adding -ic-. Direct causatives are normally formed the same way. In the case of somiceyc- ‘lose (one)’, however, a special long form -iceyc- is used to avoid confusion with the triplural. The direct causative of somhok- is somhoyc-, again formed by deleting k and adding -ic-. Because triplural -ic- is not used in transitive forms, somhoyc- 1s used broadly for two or more.

25.2 Number selection tied to theme Prefixes and suffixes in Creek alter the number and arrangement of a verb’s arguments. In each case, number selection is tied to the theme

(the argument interpreted as being in a location, as undergoing movement, or as undergoing a change of state). It is also primarily verbs of location or movement that select for number.

Transitive verbs may be made intransitive by adding middle -k($24). When this happens, the theme shifts from direct object to subject, and number selection shifts accordingly:

202 §23 (10) atth-ita ‘to put (two or more) —atihk-ita ‘(two or more) to get inside’ inside’

Intransitive verbs may be made transitive by adding a form of direct

causative -ic-. In this case, the theme shifts from subject to direct object:

(11) hoyt-ita ‘(one) to stand’ (intr.) /oyteyc-ita ‘to stand (one)’ (trans.)

In each of these examples, number selection is tied to the argument undergoing change: with (middle) intransitive verbs, the subject is interpreted as undergoing change; with transitive verbs, it is the direct object that is interpreted as a theme.°

Various prefixes may be used to add objects to verbs. In this case, number selection never shifts to the added object:

(12) a. Jeyk-ita *(one) to sit a-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit at, sit on (a wall, ceiling, etc.)’ in-leyk-ita *(one) to live with’ is-leyk-ita *(one) to sit (with something, as a clump of trees with fruit, etc.)’ oh-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit on top of

b. /eyc-itd ‘to set, seat (one)’ a-leyc-itd ‘to seat (one) at’ is-leyc-itd “to set (something that contains something, as one basket of eggs)’

oh-leyc-ita ‘to set (one) on top of

In all the forms in (12) it is the subject (the one who ‘sits’ or ‘lives’ in

(12a)) or the causee object (the one who is made to sit or be somewhere in (12b)) that is specified as singular; the number selection

does not apply to the object that is added by the prefixes a-, in-, is-, Oh-.

° Jackendoff’s (1983) approach to verb meaning helps clarify these alternations. | assume that verbs of motion and position are represented by the abstract verb GO in Creek. Verb pairs like /evk-itd ‘(one) to sit? and /eyvc-i/d “to set (one)’ that select for a singular argument would then have representations like the following: levk-itG —— Tisven, GO ([ONE], [PATH])]

leve-ild Been CAUSE (THING ], lBvent GO (LONE], [PATH]))| In each case, number selection ts tied to the entity undergoing movement (the theme or subject of GO). The English verb s// is usually thought to indicate a state (BE): the Creek verb is possibly closer to English squat.

Plural verbs 203 29.9 Intransitive reduplication Creek often forms distributives of verbs by repeating a portion of a verb root. In the most common pattern, a copy of the first consonant and following vowel of the verb root (C;V,) is placed before the final consonant:

(13) = hatk-i: ‘white’ hathak-i: (two or more) likacw-i: ‘dirty’ — likacliw-i: (two or more)

lowdck-i: ‘soft’ lowaclok-i: (two or more)

The placement of the copy depends on the shape of the verb, however, and will be treated in more detail below.

Reduplication signals that the theme of the verb ts plural or distributed in location or time. It is most commonly found in descriptive verbs (generally translating as adjectives), where the usual interpretation ts that the subject ts plural:

(14) a. am-istilipévka ldst-i:-t O.-S8 IS.DAT-shoe — black-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘My shoe Its black.’

b. am-istilipévka laslat-i:-t O:-S Is.DAT-shoe — black.RED-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘My shoes are black.’

With active verbs, the usual interpretation is that the activity 1s distributed in time: (15) sa:kk-ita ‘to yelp’ —s sa: ksazk-ita ‘to be yelping repeatedly’ (lgr.) fa:sk-ita ‘to jump’ fa: stazk-ita ‘to be jumping repeatedly’ (Igr.)

With verbs indicating position, the usual inference is that the theme is distributed in place: (16) apo-k-ita ‘(three or more) to sit, live’ = apo: pok-ita (in several places)

apo.y-ita ‘to set (three or more)’ apo. poyvc-ita (in several places)

23.3.1 Placement of C/V, It is the first sequence of consonant + vowel in the root that is copied. Initial vowels and prefixes are skipped over: (17) 9 aca:k-i: ‘precious’ aca:cak-i: (two or more)

ahotk-i: “sewn ahothok-i: (two or more) atatk-i: “hanging? atattak-i: (two or more)

204 923 The placement of the copy parallels the placement of plural/dual -ho- (§23.1.1). For roots ending in k (the largest class) or y, the C/V, copy appears before that final consonant:

(18) 9 a:fank-i: ‘sticking out’ a:fanfak-i: (two or more) a-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit at, siton(a —_a-/eylak-ita (here and there) wall, etc.)’

a-l6:fk-i: “smeared on” a-lo:flok-i: ‘smeared on (in more than one place)’

apo: k-ita ‘(three or more) to sit’ apo: pok-ita ‘(three or more) to live separately’

cafk-ita ‘to drip’ cafcak-ita ‘to drip repeatedly’

capk-i: ‘long’ capcak-i: (two or more)

citakk-i: ‘torn up’ citakcik-i: (two or more) fack-i: ‘full (of a container)’ facfak-i: (two or more)

falapk-i: ‘split falapfak-i: (two or more) fank-i: “sticking out’ fanfak-i: (two or more)

fask-i: *sharp’ fasfak-i; (two or more) favatk-i: ‘crooked’ favatfak-i: (two or more)

hasatk-i: “clean hasathak-i: (two or more) hatk-i: ‘white’ hathak-i: (two or more) hawk-i: ‘open’ hawhak-i: (two or more) hopank-i: “broken” hopanhok-i: (two or more) lisk-i: ‘old (of a thing)’ lislik-i: (two or more)

lowack-i: “soft? lowaclok-t: (two or more) lawk-i: “deep (of water)’ lawlak-t: (two or more) lapotk-i: ‘straight (of a stick, etc.)’ = /apotlak-i: (two or more)

lowa:k-i:; ‘limber, flexible’ lowa:lok-i: (two or more)

takk-i: “big? taktak-i; (two or more) pa:kk-i: “inflated’ pa:kpak-i: (two or more) pata:k-i: “spread out’ pata: pak-i: (two or more)

silk-i: ‘sliced’ silsik-i: (of several loaves of bread)

sOfk-i: ‘deep (of a hole, etc.)’ sofsok-i: (two or more)

fank-i: ‘empty’ tantak-i: (two or more) tikink-i: ‘on tiptoe’ tikintik-i: (two or more) tolk-ita ‘to fall over (as of a tree)’ toltok-ita (two or more) tonk-i: ‘trimmed (of hair, etc.)’ tontok-i: (two or more)

Plural verbs 205 (0:Sk-i; “mangy’ (o:stok-i: (two or more) vomock-i: ‘dark’ vomocyok-t: (as of several rooms)

Roots that end in a single consonant other than & or y do not normally

permit reduplication. The few that do place C/V ,y after the final

consonant.’

(19) mazh-i: ‘tal? ma:hmay-t: (two or more) If a root ends in a geminate consonant, the geminate Is first simplified:

(20) como:tt-ita “to hop’ como:tco:y-itd ‘to be bouncing”® cami:ss-ita “to dodge’ cami:Sca:y-itd “to be seesawing’

: rae” ; ; b. facfak-i: ‘(two or more) full’

t|

c. facic-ita ‘to fill d. facfeyc-ita ‘to fill (two or more)’

: . - : : . : 11

In the above paradigm, (24b) is derived from (24a) by reduplication, and (24c) is derived from (24a) through use of the direct causative (in

this case, by replacing the final & with direct causative -ic-). The paradigm in (25) is a slight variation on the above pattern:

(25) a. citakk-i: ‘torn up, > b.. citakcik-i; ‘(two or more) torn up’ mashed’

c. citak-itd ‘to tear up, d. citakci:c-ita ‘to tear up (two or

mash’ more)’

(24). | |

In this paradigm, (25b) is derived from (25a) by reduplication; (25a) is derived from the transitive in (25c) by adding middle voice -k-; (25d) Is derived from (25b) by replacing final & with direct causative -ic-, as in

The paradigms in (26) are like fack-i: ‘full’. The transitive singular

is derived from the intransitive singular by adding a form of direct causative -ic-. The transitive plural is derived from the intransitive plural by deleting final & and adding a form of -ic-.

(26) a. cafikn-i: ‘(one) well, healthy’ cafincak-i: (two or more) cafikneyc-ita *to heal (one), make —cafinceyc-itda (two or more) (one) well’

b. fask-i: ‘(one) sharp’ fasfak-i: (two or more) fasic-ita ‘to sharpen (one)’ = fasfeyc-ita (two or more)

c. hatk-i: *(one) white’ hathak-i: (two or more) hatic-ita ‘to whiten (one), = hatheyc-ita (two or more) make (one) white’

d. hAawk-i: ‘(one) open’ hawhak-t: (two or more) hawic-ita ‘to open (one)’ hawheyc-ita (two or more) '' Note that this is direct causative -ic- rather than triplural -ic- (which is restricted to intransitive verbs).

208 923 e. pata:k-i: ‘(one) spread out, flattened’ pata:pak-i: (two or more)

pateyc-ita ‘to spread (one) out’ pata: pevc-ita (two or more)

inin(27) likecitakk-i: citakk-i: - intransitive The paradt paradigms (27) are are like ‘torn‘tor up’. The intransitive singular is derived from the transitive singular by adding middle -&-, and the transitive plural is again derived from the intransitive plural by deleting final & and adding -ic-.

(27) a. akhoétk-i: ‘(one) closed’ akhothok-t: (two or more) akhott-ita ‘to close (one) — akhothoyc-ita (two or more) b. atihk-ita ‘(two or more) to get in’ — atihtik-i: (in separate places)

atih-ita ‘to put (two or more) in’ atihti:c-ita (into separate places)

c. atatk-i: ‘(one) hanging’ atattak-i: (as of coats) atat-ita ‘to hang (one) up’ — dtatteyc-ita (two or more)

d. ¢okk-i: *(one) having come off ~¢oktok-i: (two or more)

tok-ita ‘to take off (a shoe)’ toktoyc-itd (two or more) e. folk-ita ‘to fall over (as of atree)’ foltok-ita (two or more)

fol-ita ‘to fell (a tree)’ toltoyc-ita (two or more) f. ¢onk-i: ‘trimmed (of hair, etc.)’ — fontok-i: (two or more) fon-ita ‘to trim (hair, a hedge)’ = fontoyc-ita (two or more)

The verbs tn (28) show a variation of the fack-i: ‘full’ type. In these, the transitive singulars have -y- instead of -ic-, but the plurals are the same as the above. (28) a. apo-:k-ita ‘(three or more) to sit’ apo:pok-ita (in separate places) apo-y-ita ‘to set, seat (three or = apo-poyc-itd (in separate places) more)’

b. ha:k-itd ‘(one) to become’ ha: hak-ita (two or more) ha:y-ita “to make (one), prepare’ /a:heyc-ita (two or more things)

Cc. wandk-i: (one) tied’ wana: wak-t: (two or more) wanay-ita to tie (one)’ wana: weyc-ita (two or more) The verbs in (29) are a second variation of the fack-i: ‘full’ type. In these, the intransitives do not end in k; instead, the transitive 1s formed by adding -ic-. In this case, a stem vowel appears before the causative (§24)."°

'- A few forms ending in... are exceptional in patterning with this group:

Plural verbs 209 (29) a. a-cakh-i: *(one) sticking in (a a-cakcah-i: (two or more) side)’

a-cakhi:c-ita ‘to stick (one) into’ —s- a-cakeahi:c-ita (two or more)

b. alokp-ita ‘(one) to stick to, be aloklop-ita (two or more) sticking to’

alokpeyc-ita ‘to stick (one) on, aloklopeyc-ita (two or more) glue to’

c. katp-i: *(one) dry’ katkap-i: (two or more) katpi:c-ita ‘to dry’ — katkapi:c-ita (two or more)

d. /omh-ita ‘(three or more) to lie lomloh-ita (separately) down’

lomheyc-ita ‘to lay (three or more)’ = /omloheyc-ita (in several places)

23.3.3 C2V> pattern A different pattern of reduplication is seen in (30). (30) favakp-i: (one) uninhabited’ = Aayvakyap-i: (two or more)

kocokn-i: ‘(one) short’ koconcok-i: (two or more) In the forms in (30), the second consonant and vowel (C’>V>) are copied. This pattern is often found in sound-symbolic expressions: (31) sicoé:tt-i: “having atingling — sicéco:tt-i:-n ‘tingling (as when a leg

sensation’ regains circulation)’

wica:tt-ita ‘to sparkle’ wicaca.tt-ita ‘to sparkle continously’

ws 13

CV, and C>V>reduplication are sometimes both possible, with slightly different senses.

(32) a. solo:tk-ita ‘to slide’ solo. tso:k-ita ‘to shuffle’ sololo:tk-ita ‘to slither (as of a snake)’

b. tomo:pk-i:-n ‘with a single thump’ tomo: pto:k-i:-n “with a thumping or stomping sound’ tomomo.: pk-in ‘rumbling (as of thunder, a stampede)’

capk-i: *(one) long’ capcak-i: (two or more) capkoyc-ita ‘to make (one) long’ == capcakoyc-ita (two or more)

A third pattern of reduplication is seen in the following, where C;’;C> is copied: a-nafk-ita ‘to hit, knock on’ a-nafnafi:c-ita ‘to tap at, knock at several times’

210 $23 23.4 Plural-distributive -//-

A few verb roots form plurals or distributives by replacing their final consonant or consonants with // (33). (33) falapk-i: ‘split (of wood, a falahl-i: ‘(two or more, or one in

rock)’ pieces) split’

falap-ita ‘to split (one)’ falahli:c-ita ‘to split (two or more, or one in pieces)’ (i)ti-pakock-ita ‘to double over (i)ti-pakohl-i: ‘folded’ (as from pain)’

double’ times’

(i)ti-pakoc-ita ‘to fold once, (i) ti-pakohleyc-ita ‘to fold several

fisa:kk-ita ‘to splash’ fisahl-ita ‘to sprinkle, splatter’ milo:m-t: ‘jiggling’ milo-hl-ita ‘to swirl, whirl, ripple’ fitac-ita ‘to pour (mud, etc.)’ titahli:c-ita ‘to splatter (mud, paint, etc.) tolakk-i: ‘(one) having ahole — fo/dhl-i: ‘having holes in it or them’ in it’

toko:h-i: “spotted, speckled’ tokohl-i: “spotted (as from measles)’ tapo:ck-ita *to blow out (ofa — tapohil-ita ‘to pop (as of popcorn)’ tire)’

tapocic-ita ‘to pop (a balloon)’ tapohleyc-ita *to pop (popcorn)’

wica:tt-ita ‘to sparkle’ wicahl-ita ‘to sparkle (of a star)’ The above examples suggest that the sequence // is sound-symbolic, conveying the notion of a small, distributed event.'”

205 Plural -akA suffix -ak- appears on verbs to indicate a plural subject or object. This suffix is part of the stem, so that grades may cause it to lengthen, nasalize, be aspirated, etc.: hOmp-a:k-is ‘they are eating’, homp-ahk-is ‘they ate (today/last night)’, etc. There are several factors governing the presence or absence of -ak-

in a plural context. First, -ak- 1s used only when number ts not

'* The -hl- found in these forms may be related to the subtractive plural found in other Muskogean languages (Broadwell 1993; Martin 1988, 1994a; H. Hardy and Montler 1988).

Plural verbs 211 otherwise specified. If plurality is indicated by person marking, -ak- is not used: 15°

(34) homp-a:ck-is eat.LGR-2P.AG-IND

‘You (pl.) are eating.’

In (34), the second-person agent suffix -d:ck- already implies plurality, so -ak- 1s not needed. Similarly, if plurality is already indicated by use of a suppletive verb, -ak- is not generally used:

(35) lopock-i:-t O:-S small.PL-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘They are small.’

Reduplication can also signal plurality ($23.3), making = -akunnecessary. Predicting whether an adjective forms a plural with reduplication or with -ak- can be difficult. In general, when a verb ends

in a single consonant other than & or y, reduplication is normally blocked and -ak- is used instead:

(36) ca:t-i: ‘(one) red’ ca:t-ak-i: (two or more) ilaw-i: ‘(one) hungry’ llaw-ak-i: (two or more) hopottin-t: “(one) smart’ hopottin-ak-i: (two or more)

hotos-i: ‘(one) tired’ hotos-ak-i: (two or more) la:n-i: ‘(one) green, yellow, brown’ /a:n-ak-i: (two or more)

nockil-i: ‘(one) sleepy’ nockil-ak-i: (two or more) The following adjectives also form plurals with -ak-: (37) wanhk-i: *(one) thirsty’ wanhk-ak-i: (two or more) vikc-i: ‘(one) strong’ —svikc-ak-i: (two or more)

Plural -ak- is close in form to impersonal agent -ak- (§25.2), though the two differ in position.

23.6 Uses of plural verbs As first noted by Haas (1948), woven objects like rope or objects made

of cloth like coats, handkerchiefs, or blankets are treated as duals in Creek. With verbs showing a three-way distinction between singular, dual, and triplural, the dual is used for one or two woven items, and the triplural is used for three or more: © The patient set of prefixes uses ci- for second person singular and plural, so -akis used to distinguish these: ci-hic-da:ti:-s “Vl see you’, ci-hic-ak-a:ti:-s ‘V1l see you (pl.)’.

212 §23 (38) a. ka:pa-t oh-homp-ita-n oh-ka:k-is

coat-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-sit.DU.FGR-IND

‘A coat [or two coats] Is [sitting] on the table.’

b. ka:pa-t oh-homp-ita-n ohh-apo:k-is coat-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-sit.TPL.FGR-IND

‘Coats [three or more] are [sitting] on the table.’

Speakers are aware of this odd usage, saying it “sounds like two, but it’s just one.” If a verb makes a two-way singular-plural distinction, the plural is used for one or more:

(39) hatam ma_ka:pa an-ca:w-a:t i:tdi-n again that coat 1S.DAT-take.PL.FGR-REF Same-N S-Ghy-it INST-g0.SG.HGR-T

‘And again the one that took my coat moved away .. .” (1915.25)

In (39), caw- ‘take’ is normally used for taking two or more, but here tt has singular reference. Items with many particles or strands (like sand, salt, or hair) and all liquids are treated as triplurals: (40) okcanwa-t oh-homp-ita-n oh-lomh-is Salt-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-llie.TPL.FGR-IND ‘There’s salt [lying] on the table.’

Another unexpected practice in formal speech is the use of dual forms for a group of people. This usage was still found in the 1930s, as in the following speech:

(41) nacki-ta:t itita:koyhe-it ka:k-a:ck-in mo:m-in vomock-i thing-ATN prepare.HGR-T sit.DU.FGR-2P.AG-N be.so.LGR-N dark-!

ala:k-ail omalk-os-it it-a:-s-cihy-it a:fack-itd arrive.LGR-REF all-DIM-T — DIR-DIR-INST-enter.HGR-T happy-INF

momi:c-it tak-stho:k-d:ck-in do.LGR-T LOC-stand.DU.FGR-2P.AG-N

ic-oh-hayatk-ata:n-ak-i:-1 O:M-1:-8 2.PAT-on-dawn-PROSP-PL-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

iti-hi:"teyc-it siho:k-it om-d.Ck-@ti:-s RCP-be.careful.NGR-T stand.DU.FGR-T be-2P.AG-FUT-IND

‘[So] after you have made everything ready, be seated [dual], and when darkness comes, all of you come back in and keep [lit., ‘stand (dual)’| performing your duty, till daylight comes to you. You must all keep [lit., ‘stand (dual)’] caring for one another.’ (1937a)

Plural verbs 213 In (41), the dual verb stems ka:k- *(two) sit’ and siho:k- *(two) stand’

are used, even though it ts clear from context that a large group is being addressed. Gatschet noted this same usage, suggesting that a dual form “under the symbolic usage of man and wife represents the whole tribe, gens, or

nation” (1888:61). As far as I can tell, though, dual forms were also used for groups of men.

24 Voice alternations: middle -k-, causative -ic- and -IpeycCreek verbs often occur in transitive-intransitive pairs. For some verb pairs, the transitive is basic, and the intransitive is derived by adding -k-: |

(1) atih-ita ‘to put (two or more) in’ — atihk-ita ‘(two or more) to get inside’

calap-ita ‘to m1x’ calapk-i: “mixed’ folot-ita ‘to turn (something) folotk-ita *(one) to turn around’ around’

i:h-ita ‘to hide (something)’ i:hk-ita ‘to hide oneself’

The suffix -A- in such forms could be called “anticausative,” but I follow D. Hardy (1994a) in referring to -A- as a marker of middle voice.

For other verbs, the intransitive 1s basic. Basic intransitives create derived transitives by adding direct causative -ic-, as in (2).

(2) cafikn-i: ‘well, healthy’ cafikneyc-ita “to cure’

cait-i: ‘red’ ca: ti:c-ita ‘to redden’

hoyt-itd *(one) to stand’ hoyteyc-ita ‘to stand (one) Others (“basic middles”) have -A- in the intransitive corresponding to -ic- or -y- in the transitive:

(3) hatk-i: ‘white’ hatic-ita ‘to whiten’ apo:k-ita ‘(three or more) to sit? apo-y-itd ‘to set (three or more)’

The three sets of verb pairs in (1)-(3) differ according to whether the intransitive is marked (1), the transitive is marked (2), or both are marked (3) (table 24.1).

While these sorts of relationships are common, there are many irregularities. As a result, middle -A- and direct causative -ic- are not separated from the root in this work. Because of their close interaction, the two are grouped together into a category of “voice.”

' This section is a revised and condensed version of Martin (1991b).

Voice alternations: middle, causative DA Mes TABLE 24.1. PATTERNS OF TRANSITIVE-INTRANSITIVE RELATIONS

transitive > intransitive pairs (add --) = basic transitives atih- ‘put in (two or more)’ — atihk- ‘(two or more) get inside’ intransitive > transitive pairs (add -ic-) = basic intransitives

hoyt- *(one) stand’ hoyteyc- ‘stand (one)’ intransitive < > transitive pairs (replace -A- with -7c- or -y-) = basic middles

hatk- *white’ hatic- “whiten’

apo-k- ‘sit’ apo-y- “sev

Each type of transitive-intransitive pair will be described tn separate subsections below. There are certain properties common to all of these

patterns, however. First, all restrictions holding of the subject of the intransitive form also hold of the object of the transitive form. Thus, atih- ‘put in’ is a basic transitive verb requiring that its object be plural. That restriction pertains to the subject of the derived intransitive verb atihk- ‘get inside’. Conversely, the basic intransitive verb hoyf- ‘stand’ requires that its subject be singular. When this verb ts transitivized, the resulting verb requires that its object be singular.

A second pattern to observe is that the relationship between transitivity, agency, and aspect is complex. Consider the forms in (4). (4) hocif-ita ‘toname (one) — hocifk-i: ‘called, named’

i:h-ita “to conceal’ i:hk-ita ‘to hide, hide oneself The verb stems hocif- ‘name’ and i:h- *conceal’ both refer to agentive events (1.e., they are deliberate and they are happenings). Their subjects

are consequently marked on the verb with the agent series of agreement markers, and their objects are marked with patient agreement (§20.2). The derived middle forms /ocifk- ‘named’ and i:hk- ‘hide (intr.)’ refer to a nonagentive state and an agentive event, respectively. The stem /ocifk- thus uses patient agreement for Its subject, while 7:/k- uses agentive agreement.

Derived transitive verbs are similar. As (2) shows, the intransitive form may be a nonagentive state, like ca:f-i; ‘red’, or it may be an agentive event, like hoyt-itd *(one) to stand’. The derived transitive

forms are agentive events, however. More generally, in any intransitive-transitive pair, the intransitive form may indicate a nonagentive state or an event, but the transitive form is always eventive and always agentive.

216 $24 24.1 Transitive > intransitive pairs

Basic transitive verbs form middles by adding -k-, as in (5).

(5) acan-ita ‘to pour into’ acank-i; ‘having (water, etc.) in it

ahopan-ita “to ruin’ ahopank-i: ‘ruined’

calap-ita ‘to m1x’ calapk-i: “mixed” cilas-ita “to shell (corn, etc.)’ cilask-i: ‘shelled (of corn, etc.)’ cil-ita ‘to flake off, slough off? cilk-i: ‘flaking (of skin)’

cisap-ita ‘to crumble’ cisapk-i: ‘crushed (of nuts, ice)’ citak-ita ‘to tear up, grind (meat) cifakk-i: ‘torn up, worn out’ cokcot-ita ‘to knot, puta knot in’ cokcotk-i: ‘knotted’

copak-ita ‘to strip (tree bark)’ copakk-i: ‘stripped’ falap-ita ‘to split (one) in two’ falapk-i: ‘split (of wood, a rock)’

fayat-ita “to direct, guide’ favatk-i: ‘crooked, turned to one side’

hocif-itd ‘to name (one)’ hocifk-i: ‘called, named’

hoc-ita ‘to pound’ hock-i: ‘pounded’ hopil-ita *to bury’ hopilk-ip-i: ‘already buried’ hotan-ita ‘to braid, plait’ hotank-i: ‘braided’ imahlapat-ita ‘to comfort, imahlapatk-i: ‘sober, calm,

console’ reasonable’

imontal-ita ‘to beat, defeat, imontalk-i: ‘defeated’ overcome’

iti-ti:f-ita “to take apart’ iti-ti:fk-i: “taken apart’ iti-tok-ita ‘to take apart’ iti-?okk-i: “separated, disconnected’

kac-ita ‘to snap (one)’ Kack-i: “snapped, broken’ kaf-ita ‘to drain (a blister or boil) kafk-itd ‘to ooze (of a blister, sap)’

kalaf-ita ‘to whittle, peel, etc.’ kalafk-i: ‘whittled, carved, peeled’ kal-ita ‘to break a piece off of kalk-i: “broken off?

ko. f-ita “to scoop out’ ko. fk-i: “scooped out’ mot-ita ‘to crop, bob’ motk-i: ‘cropped, bobbed’

tat-ita ‘to weave’ tatk-i: “woven, knitted’ wocot-ila ‘to chop (bushes, etc.)’ wocotk-i: “chopped (as of wood)’

wokoc-ita ‘to crush (rocks)’ wokock-i: ‘smashed, shattered’

ficap-ita ‘to untie, release’ ticapk-i: ‘loose, untied’ - In older sources, the sequence nk here is phonetically [nk] rather than [nk] ($5.2).

Voice alternations: middle, causative 217 fo:f-ita ‘to scrape (skin, wood, 10: fk-i: “scraped, rubbed raw’ etc.)

tolak-ita ‘to make a hole’ folakk-i: ‘(one) having a hole in it’ As shown in (5), basic transitives commonly refer to procedures and are often agentive. The derived middles are often nonagentive states referring to the result of that action, but they may also refer to events:

in’ inside’

(6) = atih-ita ‘to put (two or more) atihk-ita “(two or more) to get or be atat-ita ‘to hang (something) —atatk-itd ‘to hang, hang on to’ folot-ita ‘to turn (something) folotk-ita *(one) to turn around’ around’

hic-ita ‘to see, look at’ hick-ita ‘to become visible, appear, be born’

i:h-ita ‘to conceal’ i:hk-ita ‘to hide, hide oneself’ iti-pakoc-ita “to fold once, iti-pakock-ita ‘to double over (as

double’ from pain)’

kawap-ita ‘to lift, raise’ kawapk-ita *(one) to rise, go up’ takpal-ita ‘to turn (one) over’ — fakpatk-ita ‘to turn over, roll over’

palat-ita ‘to spill (three or palatk-ita ‘(three or more) to spill’ more)’

pasat-ita ‘to kill (two or more)’ pasatk-itd ‘(two or more) to die’

Clauses containing derived middle verbs are identical to clauses with intransitive verbs in their case marking:

(7) a. hopoywa-t ifa-n — ich-is child-T dog-N_ hide.LGR-IND ‘The child is hiding the dog.’

b. ifa-t — izhk-is dog-T hide.LGR-IND

‘The dog is hiding.’

In (7a), the subject 1s marked with -(7)/¢, and the object is marked with

nonsubject -(/n. In (7b), the subject is interpreted as both agent and patient. There is no implicit argument in the middle, as there is in the English passive or in Creek tmpersonals. Sentence (7b) ts thus better translated as ‘the dog is hiding’ than as ‘the dog is being hid’. In keeping with preferred syllable structure ($6.1), a long vowel in the sequence ...V:N- is shortened in the middle:

(8) in-ta:m-itd ‘to uncover’ in-tamk-i: “uncovered, open’

218 $24 lizm-ita ‘to pluck, pullup’ = /fmk-i: ‘plucked’

A root ending in a geminate consonant simplifies the geminate before middle -k-.”

(9) akhott-ita ‘to shut, close (one) akhotk-i: “shut, closed’

kitt-ita ‘to know’ Aitk-i: “known (not secret)’ kott-ita “to dig’ kotk-i: “dug out (of a hole)’ laff-ita ‘to cut open, carve’ lafk-i: “cut, gashed’

- L342 : : ste p 4

A transitive root ending in a consonant cluster is blocked from forming a middle: thus, nafk- ‘hit’ has no corresponding middle *nafk-k-.

24.2 Intransitive > transitive pairs Basic intransitives form transitives by adding a form of -ic-.

(10) il-ita ‘(one) to die’ ilizc-ita ‘to kill (one)’

hic-ita ‘to see’ hiceyc-ita ‘to show’ isk-ita ‘to drink’” iskoyc-itda ‘to give a drink’ As the verbs in (10) show, -ic- takes the form -:c- after 7 and -yc- after o or e (from a). The vowel appearing before -ic- is known as the “stem

vowel.” The stem vowels 7, e (from a), and o in the above verbs preserve the Proto-Muskogean final vowels (cf. Proto-Muskogean *7//7 ‘die’, *hica ‘see’, *isko ‘drink’).

In most instances, the quality of the stem vowel is predictable in Creek, however. Thus, the verb ‘see’ can be represented abstractly as hicV-, and the specific value of the stem vowel can be filled in by rule.

One rule observed by Nathan (1977) is that the height of the stem

vowel in Creek is inversely related to the height of the preceding vowel. When the preceding vowel ts i(:), as in (11), or of:), as in (12), the stem vowel ts a (which becomes e). (11) api:ttV- ‘get in the shade’ api: tteyc- “make a shade’

cafiknV- ‘get well’ cafikneyc- ‘cure’ ciki:hV- ‘piled up (like brush)’ ciki:heyc- ‘pile up (brush)’

* Perhaps also:

akoyy-itad ‘to move (something) akoyk-ita ‘(one) to move out of the way’

Joyy-ita ‘to shuck (corn)’ jfoyk-ip-i: ‘already shucked’ * In fact, most basic transitives seem to end in a single consonant or geminate consonant, and verbs ending in consonant clusters are usually intransitive. ~ Like their English counterparts, isk-ifd ‘to drink’ and homp-itd ‘to eat’? can be used intransitively or transitively. The direct causatives can take one or two objects.

Voice alternations: middle, causative 219 hicV- ‘see’ hiceyc- ‘show’ lapicV- ‘hurry’ lapiceyc- ‘hurry, cause to hurry’ natkisV- ‘become pregnant? ~—natkiseyc- ‘impregnate’ niki:vyV- ‘move, shake (intr. nikizyveyc- ‘move, shake’

ti:hV- ‘castrated’ ti: heyc- ‘castrate’ vikcV- ‘get strong’ yvikceyc- ‘make fast, tight’

viklV- *pinch’ yvikleyc- “make it pinch’ (12) awolV- ‘be close, near’ awoleyc- “get close to’

fikhonnV- ‘stop’ fikhonneyc- ‘make stop’ ho.:ccV- ‘figured, written’ ho:cceyc- ‘write’

hompV- ‘eat’ hompeyc- ‘teed’

hottopV- ‘have an itch, tingle’ hottopeyc- ‘tickle’ lomhV- ‘(three or more) lie’ lomheyc- ‘put, place (three or more)’

milo: hlV- *(water) ripple’ milo: hleyc- ‘make (water) ripple’ notV- ‘(food) get done, cooked’ —s nofeyc- *cook’

pacoksV- ‘get dented, bashed in’ pacokseyc- ‘dent

poyvhV- ‘get ruffled up’ poyheyc- ‘ruffle up’ ‘tivokcV- ‘get tangled’ ‘tivokceyc- ‘tangle’

vilo:hV- ‘get loose’ vilo: heyc- ‘loosen’ Conversely, when the preceding vowel is a/:), the stem vowel ts 7 or o. The stem vowel ts usually 7 in this context:

(13) azssV- ‘chase’ a:ssi:c- ‘chase’ faccV- ‘get faithful, true’ facci:c- ‘judge, decide’

laka:hV- ‘get mottled’ laka:hi:c- ‘make mottled’ cala:hV- ‘become striped’ cala:hi:c- ‘stripe’ ma:hV- ‘become tall, grow tall’ mazhi:c- ‘make tall’

cakhV- ‘become sticking in’ cakhi:c- ‘stick in’

pinkalV- ‘get afraid’ pinkali:c- ‘frighten, to scare’

wicahlV- ‘sparkle’ wicahli:c- ‘make it spark’ takahlV- ‘spotted’ takahli:c- ‘make spotted’ falahlV- ‘split (in several places)’ falahli:c- ‘split (in several places)’

camahlV- ‘jingle’ camahli:c- ‘jingle’ casahlV- ‘rattle’ casahli:c- ‘rattle, to rustle’

callV- ‘roll’ calli:c- ‘roll’

aslV- ‘go out (of a fire)’ asli:c- ‘put out (a fire)’

220 §24 la:nV- ‘get yellow’ la:ni:c- ‘make yellow’

fevhnV- ‘run (of liquid), flow’ feyhni:c- ‘drain (a pond)’

lacpV- ‘get wet’ lacpi:c- ‘wet? impals V- *mate’ impalsi:c- ‘mate (animals)’

ca:tV- ‘get red’ ca.ti:c- “redden’ lastV- ‘get black’ lasti:c- “blacken’ anattV- “become crippled’ anatti: c- “wound’ takacwV- ‘get hard, stiff?’ takacwt:c- ‘starch’

talaswV- ‘tough, hard’ talaswi:c- ‘make tough, hard’

hopayV- ‘distant’ hopayi:c- ‘get to be distant’

heyyV- ‘hot’ heyyvi:c- ‘heat’

The sequence ...a()(C)(C)KV leads to a stem vowel o, however:

(14) capkV- ‘be long’ capkoyc- ‘lengthen’ fisa:kkV- ‘splash’ fisa:kkoyc- “to splash’

takkV- ‘be big’ takkoyc- ‘raise’ pakpakV- ‘foam’ pakpakoyc- ‘make foam, lather, bubbles’

There is also a tendency for p to trigger o. Some speakers have o in the sequence ...a(-)(C)(C)pV, as in (15).

(15) kasappV- ‘cold’ kasappoyc- ~ kasappi:c- ‘chill linta:ppV-‘stumble’ — linta:ppoyc- ~ linta:ppi:c- ‘trip (someone)’

A few stems have unpredictable stem vowels. In most instances these preserve the Proto-Muskogean (PM) final vowel:

(16) i/- ‘(one) die’ (< PM *7//i) ili:c- ‘kill (one) isk- ‘drink’ (< PM *isko) iskoyc- ‘make drink’ aklop- ‘take a bath’ (< PM */op/) aklopi:c- ‘give a bath’

Affixes occurring between a root and the direct causative introduce their own stem vowels: (17) hic-akV- ‘(two or more) see’ hic-akoyc- ‘show (two or more)’ homp-akV- ‘(two or more) eat? /omp-akoyc- ‘feed (two or more)’

Stem vowels are also added through reduplication or with plural/dual -ho-, as in (18).

(18) toka:f- *whip’ toka:ftoyc- “whip (two or more)’ halat- “catch hold of halatheyc- ‘catch hold of (two or more)’ wolk- (two) go out’ wolhoyc- “put (two) out’

Voice alternations: middle, causative 22. Case-marking in derived transitives is the same as in_ basic transitives. The causee 1s case-marked with nonsubject -(i)/n, like other objects, and the causer is case-marked with -()¢, like other subjects. (19) honanwa-t istoci-n hémpeyc-is male-T baby-N eat.LGR-IND ‘The man is feeding the baby.’

The causer, as an agent, takes agent agreement on the verb, and the causee takes patient agreement.

24.3 Intransitive < > transitive pairs There is no simple way to determine based on meaning whether an intransitive verb will be a basic intransitive (e.g., 7/- ‘(one) die’, la:n‘green’ ), a basic middle (e.g., hatk- white’), or a derived middle (e.g., pasatk- ‘(two or more) die’). A few generalizations can be made, however.

First, verbs describing simple movement without implying special effort tend be basic intransitives, with no mark of voice: (20) at-ita ‘(one) to come’ at-ita ‘(one) to go about’ ay-ita *(one) to go’ hoyan-ita *(one) to go by’ (i)ci:y-itd *(one) to go in” oss-ita *(one) to go out’ yakap-ita “to walk’

Verbs that focus on manner of motion tend to be basic middles, with -k- in the intransitive: (21) acimk-ita ‘(one) to climb’ cf. acimic-ita ‘(three or more) to climb’ halk-ita *(one) to crawl’ cf. halic-ita ‘(three or more) to crawl’

litk-itd ‘(one) to run’ cf. /iticeyc-ita ‘to run off, make (one) run’

sofo:tkh-ita ‘to drag oneself — cf. sofo-tic-ita ‘to drag’

solo: tk-ita ‘(one) to slide, cf. solo: ticeyc-ita ‘to make (one) slide’ slip’

tamk-ita *(one) to fly’ cf. tamiceyc-ita ‘to flush (one bird)’ ta:Sk-ita *(one) to jump’ cf. ta:sic-ita ‘(three or more) to Jump’

The triplural or direct causative forms are given in (21) to show that the -A- is a suffix.

222 $24 Verbs describing movement into a specific posture or the adoption of a position also tend to be basic middles, often using -y- rather than -ic- in the transitive.° (22) a:-coko:k-ita ‘to get on piggyback’ a:-coko-y-ita ‘to carry piggyback’ apo: k-ita ‘(three or more) to sit’ apo-y-ita ‘to set (three or more)’

ka:k-ita “(two) to sit’ Ka:y-ita “to set (two)’ leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit’ leyc-ita “to set (one)’ siho:k-ita *(two) to stand’ stho:y-ita ‘to stand (two)’ wakk-itda *(one) to lie’ wakic-ita ‘to lay (one) down’ Basic middles often have agentive subjects, often refer to events, and are not formed productively. Derived middles like those tn (5) usually have nonagentive subjects, are typically used for states resulting from activities (especially procedures), and are formed fairly freely. To form transitives, basic middles ending in ...C-k- replace -A- with -1C-.

with’ etc.)

(23) avoposk-ita ‘to change places avoposic-ita ‘to change (clothes, conick-ita ‘to move one’s home’ conic-ita “to haul away, transport’

fack-i: ‘full (of a container)’ facic-ita ‘to fill (one)’

fask-i: ‘sharp’ fasic-ita ‘to sharpen’ fink-ita ‘to blaze; to ignite’ finic-ita ‘to turn on (a lamp); to light’

falk-i: “woven fallizc-ita “to spin (cloth)’ hasatk-i: ‘clean’ hasatic-ita “to clean (one)’

hatk-i: *white’ hatic-ita “to whiten’ hawk-i: ‘open’ hawic-itda ‘to open’

hi:fk-ita ‘to steam up’ hi:fic-ita ‘to steam (food, clothes)’ hopotk-ita ‘to burn (of a prairie)’ /opotic-ita ‘to light (a prairie fire)’ im-itiktank-i: ‘having free time’ —_im-itiktanic-ita ‘to grant time to’

itk-ita ‘to burn’ itic-ita ‘to light (a fire)’ kolk-i: “light, lamp’ kolic-ita ‘to light (a lamp)’

lowack-i: ‘soft lowacic-ita ‘to soften’

lapotk-i: “straight” lapotic-ita ‘to straighten’ mo: tk-ita “to boil (of a liquid)’ mo: tic-ita ‘to boil (a liquid)’

° Verbs in this class may refer to the act of assuming a position or to the state resulting from that act depending on aspect (grade).

Voice alternations: middle, causative 223 siti: fk-i: ‘thawed’ siti-fic-ita ‘to thaw, melt’ sofk-i: “deep (of a hole, etc.)’ sofic-ita ‘to deepen’ sofo:tk-ita ‘to drag oneself sofo:tic-ita ‘to drag (something)’ wakk-ita *‘(one) to lie down’ wakic-ita ‘to lay (one) down’

Note that there is no stem vowel in such forms. In each case, the subject of the intransitive verb corresponds to the object of the transitive verb. The subject of the intransitive verb may be agentive (as in wakk-itd ‘(one) to lie down’) or nonagentive (as /owdck-i: ‘soft’),

but the corresponding object of the transitive verb 1s always nonagentive (and so is marked with patient agreement).

Some basic middles replace final -k- with -iceyc-, a double or longer variant of the direct causative:

(24) — a:fack-ita ‘to be happy’ a:faciceyc-itda ‘to make happy’

cotk-i: “(one) small’ coliceyc-ila ‘to make (one) small’ fank-i: ‘sticking out, projecting’? = faniceyc-itd ‘to stick (one) out’

fato:sk-ita ‘to buck’ fato:siceyc-ita ‘to buck (a horse)’ fik-hamk-i: ‘brave, willing’ fik-hamiceyc-ita ‘to embolden’

fik-somk-i: ‘startled’ fik-somiceyc-itd ‘to startle’

hamk-in ‘one’ hamiceyc-ita *to reach one year in age’

hilapk-ita ‘to be quick’ hilapiceyc-ita ‘to hurry, make hurry’

litk-ita ‘(one) to run’ liticeyc-ita ‘to run off, make (one) run’

lopock-i: *(two or more) small’ lopociceyc-ita ‘to make (two or more) small’

mahyomk-i: ‘tipsy, dizzy’ mahyomiceyc-ita ‘to intoxicate, make tipsy’ pevhk-ita ‘(one) to shout, whoop’ pa:zhiceyc-itd ‘to honk (a horn)’’

tank-i: “empty” taniceyc-ita ‘to empty (one box, ete.)

The long causative is particularly common with verbs of position and movement having a three-way distinction in number (§23.1). As noted In §23.1.2, the typical paradigm is as follows:

" The change from ...evAk- to ...azhic- is seen in a few other forms like hakevhk‘cry’, haka:hiceyc- ‘make cry’.

224 §24 (25) ROOT-&- ROOT-ho-k- = ROOT-/c- ‘(one/two/three or more) do’

ROOT-icevc- = ROOT-hoyc- ‘make (one/two or more) do’ The verb somk- ‘disappear’ is one verb like this:

(26) somk- somhok- somic- ‘(one / two/ three or more) disappear’

somiceyc- somhoyc- ‘lose (one / two or more)’ Other verbs like this are hakeyhk- ‘cry’, hatapk- ‘step down’, and

aes ; ee:

famk- ‘fly’. In these paradigms, -7c- indicates the triplural and -iceycindicates the direct causative. Basic middles that end in ...V(:)k- fall into three groups. Some form transitives by replacing -k- with -y-. (27) acca:k-ita ‘to lean against’ acca:y-ita ‘to lean (one) against’ a:-coko:k-ita ‘to get on the a:-coko.-y-ita ‘to carry piggyback’ back’

apak-ita ‘to be with, associate = apay-ita ‘to put (something) with’ with’

apo:k-ita ‘(three or more) to sit”. apo:y-itda ‘to seat (three or more)’

cila:k-i: ‘touching’ cila:y-ita ‘to touch, feel’ cO:K-i: ‘written’ (old word) co.y-ita ‘to write’ (old word) fiki:k-itda ‘to shake, tremble’ fiki:y-ita “to shake (a cloth, etc.)’ ha:k-i: “made (of wood, etc.)’ — hazy-ita “to make (one)’

hati-hopok-i; ‘just picked’ hopoy-ita ‘to search tor’ hatakpoto:k-itd ‘to lie face hatakpoto:-y-itd ‘to turn over (face

down’ down)’ ka:k-ita ‘(two) to sit’ ka:y-ita ‘to set (two)’

kaci:k-ita ‘(two or more) to kaci:y-ita “to snap (two or more)’ snap’

poto:k-ita ‘to bow the head’ poto-y-ita ‘to put down (the head)’

siho:k-ita *(two) to stand’ siho:y-ita ‘to stand (two)’

wandk-i: ‘tied’ wanay-ita ‘to tie (one)’ A few replace -A- with -yV-ic-:

(28) aholwak-i: ‘dirty’ aholwayi:c-ita ‘to make (one) dirty’ * Forms with long causatives are normally derived from basic middles. Only one basic intransitive has a long causative: noc-i/a ‘(one) to sleep’, nocevci:c-itd ‘to put to sleep’ (cf. the triplural nocevc-ita ‘(three or more) to sleep’). The form nocevci:c-itd should probably be analyzed as nocl-icl-ic-ita. Such a form, while rare, is important in showing that one stem vowel can influence a second stem vowel.

Voice alternations: middle, causative 229 co-:k-ita ‘to suck, suckle, co-yeyc-itd ‘to nurse, suckle (a baby)’ nurse’

fi:k-ita “to pay’ fi:yeyc-ita ‘to bill, make pay’ ha:k-ita “to ring, sound’ ha-yi:c-ita ‘to play (an instrument)’ hisa:k-ita ‘to breathe, live’ hisa-yizc-itd ‘to save (one)’ holwak-i: ‘ugly, bad, naughty’ /olwayi:c-i: ‘bad, disobedient’ lowa:k-i:; ‘limber, flexible, lowa-yl:c-itd ‘to make weak, make

supple’ limber’

Others, including those formed by reduplication or plural/dual -ho-, replace final -A- with -ic- and contract: (29) apalpak-i: ‘wrapped around’ apalpeyc-ita ‘to curl (hair, etc.)’ cama:kca:k-ita ‘to be jingling’ = cama:kceyc-ita ‘to make ring’

caya:yak-ita ‘to hush up, be caya:yeyc-itd ‘to silence (one) quiet’

cinapa:k-in ‘eight’ cinapeyc-ita ‘to do eight times’ haya:yak-i: ‘bright, light’ haya: yeyc-ita ‘to turn on (a light)’

:pa-k-in ‘six’ i:peyc-ita ‘to do six times’ iti-kapdak-i: ‘separated’ iti-kapeyc-ita ‘to divide (a cake, etc.), share’

kolapa:k-in “sever kolapeyc-ita ‘to do seven times’ Aimhki:k-ita ‘to rumble’ Akimhki:c-ita ‘to make a stomping sound’

kololok-ita ‘to coil up, wind’ kololoyc-ita ‘to go around in a circle’

leyk-ita *(one) to sit’ leyc-ita ‘to set (one)’

up up

pata: k-ita ‘to be lying flat’ pateyc-ita ‘to spread (one) out’ talalak-i: ‘(three or more) lined ta/aleyc-ita ‘to line (three or more)

24.4 Other uses of -ic-

We have already seen -ic- used to form triplurals (§23.1.2) and transitives (§24.2). With a few verbs, -ic- appears to add an object: (30) = apil-ita ‘to laugh’ apileye-ita ‘to laugh about’ kitt-ita “to know’ a-kitteyc-ita ‘to think about’

With numerals (§33.1), -ic- indicates that an action ts done a certain number of times: thus, foccin- ‘three’, ftoccineyc- ‘do three times, be three years in age’.

226 $24 24.5 Indirect causative -ipeyc- ‘make, have’

In the previous sections we saw that -ic- forms direct causatives from intransitives. Another suffix -ipeyc- (-ipoyc- for some) is used when an event 1s caused to come about. In this function, -ipeyc- 1s generally translated as ‘make’, ‘cause’, or ‘have’:

(31) hokt-aki-teys — yaheyk-ak-t: hi:"t-a:t in-hopo:y-it female-PL-even sing-PL-DUR good.NGR-REF DAT-seek.LGR-T

O:m-il ‘m-a-yaheéyk-ipeyc-it o:m-ati:-t 6:m-i:-s be.LGR-T D-LOC-sing-make.LGR-T be.LGR-PASTS-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘They would select women who sing well and make them dance.’ (1937c)

(32) ma-n_ is-6hh-api:y-it ito-capcak-i:-n that-N INST-LOC-go.TPL.LGR-T wood-long.RED-DUR-N

wocot-ipeyc-it crop-make.LGR-T

‘They take them to that and have them cut long timbers .. .” (1937c)

There are subtle differences between transitive verbs, direct causatives, and indirect causatives:

(33) a. istoci-t osa:fki-n homp-is baby-T sofkee-N eat.LGR-IND ‘The baby ts eating sofkee.’ (transitive)

b. honanwa-t istoci-n hompeyc-is male-T baby-N feed.LGR-IND ‘The man ts feeding the baby.’ (direct causative)

c. honanwa-t istoci-n homp-ipeyc-is male-T baby-N eat-make.LGR-IND ‘The man is making the baby eat.’ (indirect causative)

One difference to note is how the person doing the eating ts treated erammatically. In (33a), the person doing the eating is a subject and marked with -(i)t. The same person is coded as a nonsubject (marked with -(7)/7) in both direct and indirect causatives. The three sentences tn (33) also differ semantically. Sentence (33a) contains a single event of eating controlled by the baby. Sentence (33b) contains a single event of making and eating (1.e., feeding) over which

the baby has no control. Sentence (33c) depicts two events: a primary event of making and a secondary event of eating partly controlled by the baby.

The two events in indirect causatives can sometimes be teased apart. When the instrumental prefix is- is added, for example, one

Voice alternations: middle, causative 224 reading is that the causee (the one made to do the action) Is in control of the instrument:

(34) istoct inki-n is-homp-tpeyc-éy-s baby 3.PAT.hand-N INST-eat-make.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘Lam making the baby eat with his/her hand.’

This reading ts not available in direct causatives:

(35) “istocit inki-n is-hompevc-ey-s baby 3.PAT.hand-N INST-feed.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘lam feeding the baby with his/her hand.’

The sentence in (35) is odd because the causee lacks control, and so cannot be construed as controlling the hand.

Direct and indirect causatives also differ with regard to

benefactives. An indirect causative allows a benefactive to be construed with the secondary event: (36) hopoywa-n am-opan-ipeyc-éy-s child-N 1S.DAT-dance-make.LGR-1S.AG-IND ‘l?’m making the child dance for me.’

This reading is not available in direct causatives: (37) *hopéywa-n am-opani:c-éy-s child-N IS.DAT-dance.CAUS-1S.AG-IND ‘I?m dancing the child for me.’

A final distinction between direct and indirect causatives involves anaphora ($43), where direct causatives pattern with transitive verbs. In each of the above examples, the causee is interpreted as partially agentive in the indirect causative (although it is always marked with

patient agreement). Indirect causatives need not have an agentive causee, however: (38) hotali:-takko-n_ nafk-ipeyc-ati:-s wind-big-N hit-make.LGR-PASTS-IND ‘[God]| caused a cyclone to hit [the ladder].’ (ca. 1938)

It is thus more accurate to say that indirect causatives are used to depict two causally related events.

25‘ Impersonals The term “impersonal” is used here for a construction indicating that the subject of a clause is less important, or is generic or indefinite. The Impersonal passive -ho- in Creek (§25.1) tends to deemphasize the role of the subject. Impersonal agent -ak- (§25.2) is used for someone in general (‘one’ as opposed to ‘you’ ).

25.1 Impersonal passive -/oCreek has an impersonal passive affix -/o- that 1s similar in form to plural/dual -ho- (§23.1.1). The affix functions to background the role of the subject in a clause, so that the actor is acknowledged by the speaker without being activated in the hearer’s mind.

One common use of -fo- is to make statements about people in general:

(1) hi:"c-itd to: ko-:-t O."W-L:-S see.NGR-INF be.not-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

ma:ho:k-ati:-t On-ka Say.IMPL.LGR-PAST5S-T be.FGR-so

“You're not supposed to stare at it,” they/people used to say, so...” (1992a)

(2) hayyo:"wa:rt-ta:t izkand_ kitt-i-siko-: fa:ka now-ATN land = know-!I-without-DUR hunting apty-ipho:y-a:l 20.TPL-SPN.IMPL.LGR-REF

‘But now, they/people go hunting on unfamiliar lands .. .” (1992c)

As (2) shows, impersonal -fo- may be used with intransitive verbs, so its function is to background the subject rather than to foreground the object.

In (1)-(2), -ho- refers to people in general rather than to characters in the narrative. Impersonal passive -ho- may also refer to established

characters, however, when the speaker is not concerned with the identity of the individual:

(3) hompeyc-ak-i:-s mahk-it, ifa-ta:t hompeyhohc-in feed-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND say.HGR-T dog-ATN feed.IMPL.HGR-N

‘Saying “Let’s feed him,” they [two minor characters in the story] fed the dog...2. (1992c)

Impersonals 229) The use of -ho- is not just for generic subjects, then, but for subjects that the speaker chooses to deemphasize.

Impersonal passive -ho- is always grammatically plural. If a verb has distinct forms for singular, dual, and triplural ($23), the triplural form is used:

(4) cofi-n — akal-ata:n-it s-ohh-aptho-y-a:n rabbit-N pour-PROSP.LGR-T INST-LOC-go.TPL.IMPL.LGR-REF

‘When he/they [a minor character] went up to pour it on Rabbit...’ (1939b)

(5) pa:n-it folho:y-ati:-s dance.LGR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘... they/people danced about.’ (1939b)

The sense, however, may be singular, as in (4), or triplural, as in (5). Because -/o- functions to deemphasize a subject, it is the preferred translation of the English passive:

(6) mo:meys isti sosséyho:c-0:f but people cast.out.TPL.IMPL.LGR-when ‘But when the people were put forth...” (Matthew 9:25)

The Creek impersonal passive differs from a passive, however, in that objects continue to be marked as objects, taking nonsubject -(7)7: (7) oy-mo0:tk-i-n— yaha-n_ akalho:y-in water-boil-I-N wolf-N pour.on.IMPL.LGR-N

*... they pour boiling water on Wolf...’ /*... water was poured on Wolf...’ (1939b)

The backgrounded subject also continues to be treated as a subject for switch-reference:

(8) akiti:c-alki fsti nacom-os-i:-n apiviceyvhé:c-in guard-GPL person several-DIM-DUR-N send.TPL.IMPL.FGR-N

foll-6:f be.about.TPL.LGR-when

‘When several guards had been sent and were about .. .” (ca. 1940b)

In (8), ‘several guards’ is foregrounded, but marked as a nonsubject. The use of -(7)n at the end of the first clause shows that it is also treated as a nonsubject for switch-reference. Overt subjects are generally not accepted in impersonal clauses:

(9) a. sdkca-n Oywa-n acanho:y-is bag-N _water-N_ pour.in.IMPL.LGR-IND

‘They/people are pouring water into bags.’

230 $25 b. “fsti = sdkca-n oywa-n_ acanho-y-is

person bag-N water-N pour.in.IMPL.LGR-IND (“People are pouring water into bags.’)

This ts different from plural/dual -ho-, which permits overt subjects.

The placement of impersonal passive -/o- is nearly identical to plural/dual -ho- (§23.1.1): (10) a. Add -Ao- before final & or y:

ma:k- ‘say’ md:ho:k-is ‘they/people say’ (lgr.)

b. Add -Aoy- after any other single consonant:

acan- “pour” acanho.y-is ‘they/people pour’ (lgr.) c. Add -Aoy- after any geminate consonant (simplifying the geminate): foll- ‘(three or more) go — folho-y-is ‘they/people go about’ (Igr.) about’

d. Add -ho- before any other final consonant in a cluster:

sosseyc- *cast ou’ sosséyho:c-is ‘they/people cast out’ (Igr-)

The impersonal passive is found with a wider variety of stems than the plural/dual -o-, though it seems to favor agentive predicates. Another difference between the impersonal passive and plural/dual -ho- is that

the latter attaches to the verb root, while impersonal passive -hoattaches to the stem (to spontaneous -ip- in apiy-ipho-y-d:t “they go’ in

(2). The impersonal passive may also appear on an auxiliary, while plural/dual -ho- never does:

(11) 9 a@:-am-i:s-t O."NO:-s DIR-1S.DAT-take.SG.FGR-T be.IMPL.LGR-IND

‘They/people took it out of me.’

Dope Impersonal agent -akA suffix -ak- signals an impersonal agent ‘one’ or ‘you (indefinite)’. Margaret Mauldin offers the following examples:

(12) oyvwa_ timh-os-i:-t acank-in o:m-a:t ca. fk-os-i:-t water clear-DIM-DUR-T filled-N be.LGR-REF shallow-DIM-DUR-T

O:-8 ko:m-t: wévil-ak-i:-s be.FGR-IND think.LGR-DUR might.FGR-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND

‘When water [in a creek bed] is very clear, one might think that it’s very shallow.’

Impersonals 231 (13) fo:-tini:tka 6:m-i: — a:t-in hi:c-ak-i:-s bumblebee like-DUR be.about.SG.LGR-N see.LGR-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND

‘You'll see something that looks like a bumblebee.’

The following examples contrast plural -ak- (14a), impersonal passive -ho- (14b), and impersonal agent -ak- (14c), using the verb ma-k- ‘say’.

(14) a. awo-"l-os-i:-1 O:-S mda:k-a:k-i:-s close.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND say-PL.LGR-DUR-IND

‘They [the men in the room, someone specific] say it’s very close.’

b. awo-"l-os-i:-t 0-8 ma:ho:k-i:-s close.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND say.IMPL.LGR-DUR-IND

‘It could be said it’s very close.’

Cc. aw6:"l-os-i:-t O:-8 ma.k-ak-i:-s close.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND say.LGR-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND

‘One could say it’s very close.’ /* You might say it’s very close.’

Note that plural -ak- and -ho- are part of the stem: the lengthened grade

forms in (14a, b) derive from the stems ma:k-ak- and ma:hok-. Impersonal agent -ak- is outside the stem, so the stem tn (14c) Is ma-vk-.

Depending on use, the impersonal agent (15a) can be close in meaning to a first person plural (15b). It is conventionally used in ‘let’s’ expressions (§31.3.6), as in (15c):

(15) a. issk-ak-i:-s drink.LGR-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND

‘One can drink.’ / “We (anyone, indefinite) can drink.’

b. isk-ly-[:-s drink.LGR-1P.AG-DUR-IND

‘We can drink.’

c. isk-ak-i:-(U)s drink-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND

‘Let’s drink.’

As the contrast between (15a) and (15c) shows, the ‘let’s’ pattern uses a zero grade stem.

At other times impersonal agents are used for second person reference:

(16) cofi-t = im-ald:k-it, rabbit-T DAT-arrive.FGR-T

232 §25 sata d:-la:tk-in pa: p-ak-a:’ keyc-in

persimmon DIR-fall.SG.LGR-N eat.LGR-IMPL.AG-Q_ tell.LGR-N

‘Rabbit came along [to where Opossum was], “A persimmon fell and you re eating it?” [Rabbit] asked him...” (1939b)

In older texts, use of the impersonal agent this way instead of second person agreement appears to add indirectness and politeness. Whereas impersonal passive -/o- requires plural or triplural verbs, impersonal agent -ak- can occur with singular or plural verbs. Margaret Mauldin remembers Eugene Sunny saying the following, with singular stems:

(17) 9 ary-ak-d:t-ta:t locd-t O-:w-i:-s m0. W-eys g0.SG.LGR-IMPL.AG-REF-ATN turtle-T be.FGR-DUR-IND be.so-even

ta:-a:t-ak-d:t-ta:t cofi-t — O:w-i:-s

back-come.SG.LGR-IMPL.AG-REF-ATN rabbit-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘When one goes [to Arbeka from Okmulgee], it’s a turtle. But when one returns, it’s a rabbit.’

‘;‘8|

Impersonal agent -ak- is only used with agentive verbs. It is thus possible to analyze it as one of the agent agreement markers ($20), a kind of third person indefinite.

' Nathan (1977:94) treats -ak- as first person plural inclusive. It can have that meaning, as in (15), but -a@é- is used with singular verbs.

26 Degree Degree in Creek can be expressed with suffixes or with independent words.

26.1 ma:h-i: ‘very, about, exactly’ The stem ma-h- ‘grow, be tall’ has a number of grammatical uses, one of which ts to show greater degree:

(1) a. pafn-i: pajfn-i-ma:h-i:

quick-DUR quick-I-very-DUR

‘quick’ ‘very quick’ b. pdfn-i:-n pafn-i-ma:N-i:-n quick-DUR-N quick-I-very-DUR-N

‘quickly’ ‘very quickly’ Such forms can then be negated: pafn-i-md:h-iko-: ‘not very quick’. In

(1), mach- is used with a verb stem, but it can also be used with a postposition:

(2) ‘homa ‘tront’ *homa-ma:h-i ‘the very front’ ‘yopa ‘back’ ’yopa-ma:"h-in ‘the very back (of a room)’

The nasalizing grade is used in the second example in (2) to express greater degree.

With noun phrases, md-:h-in is used to express ‘about (a time or place)’ or ‘near’:

(3) mai oywa ak-natkapad ma:h-in oywa_ oksi:tki: takko-t that water Loc-middle about-N water wake _ big-T Osevy-il go.0ut.SG.HGR-T

‘Near the middle of the water, a great trough appeared .. .” (1915.10)

After a clause, ma:h-os-a:t is used for ‘exactly’:

(4) mai haticiska ak-somk-ati: ma:h-os-a:t that first LOC-sink.SG-PASTS very-DIM-REF

234 $26 ‘y-afank-ant-o-t V-O.SS-il

DIR-stick.out-PAST4-FOC-T DIR-go.out.SG.LGR-T

‘He’d return to exactly where he had gone under and come out... .’ (1915.3)

(S) mai na:k keyc-ay-ait ma:h-os-a:n that thing tell.LGR-1S.AG-REF very-DIM-REF.N

foll-it O:-S

go.about.TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘They are doing exactly what I said.’ (1915.2)

The same stem has uses with adverbial clauses (§42.3.7), as an auxiliary (§32.9), and possibly in the word mad-:haka-ts ‘especially’ (840.2).

26.2 hi:"t-i: ‘very, really’ The stem /if- ‘good’ can be used to show degree, and ts often in the expressive (nasalizing grade):

(6) hopay-i: hi:'t-it om-i.p-ika on-t O:-n far-DUR good.NGR-T be-SPN.FGR-so be.LGR-T be.LGR-N O:-8

be.LGR-IND

‘It’s that it’s very far.” (1915.1)

(7) cafincak-t: hi:’t-it tak-wila:k-it O:m-in lively.RED-DUR very.NGR-T LOC-go.about.DU.LGR-T be.LGR-N

‘[The cooks] were really actively going back and forth...” (1915.4)

It also has the sense ‘actually’:

(8) = moca-ta:t a:y-i: hi:"t-eys O:-S8 this.time-ATN 20.SG.LGR-DUR go00d.NGR-even be.LGR-IND

kévc-a:k-acok-in tell-PL.LGR-DED-N

‘Now he’s really gone, [I heard] them say .. .” (1915.4)

26.3 Diminutive -osA diminutive suffix -os- has several uses with verb stems. One use with participles is to specify that a modified noun ts small in size:

(9) acy-it it-o:¢-din ‘citakko cala:h-os-i:-t g0.SG.LGR-T DIR-reach.LGR-REF.N horse — spotted-DIM-DUR-T

Degree 239 Ohm-at-il hoyt-in it-0:¢-ali:-s

be.HGR-happen-T stand.SG.FGR-N DIR-reach.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘And when he got there, he saw it was a little spotted horse standing there as he approached.’ (1915.1)

This use ts close in meaning to the diminutive suffix -oc7 (813.1) used on nouns and noun compounds:

(10) mai oykéywa onapa ma_ ‘citakko-cala:h-oct that spring above that horse-spotted-DIM i:y-oh-hoyeyt-il RFL-LOC-stand.SG.HGR-T

‘The little spotted horse stood at the top of the well...’ (1915.1)

It may be that -oci has more of a “type” reading (‘a spotted pony’ instead of ‘a little spotted horse’). A second use in verbs ts to indicate that a subject or object is small in size (Munro 1988):

(11) foca-lopéck-i — lapatki foll-os-a:n hopo:-y-it turtle-small.PL-l woods go.about.TPL.LGR-DIM-REF.N search.LGR-T

*... they hunted for small turtles going about in the woods .. .’ (ca. 1940b)

(12) ‘talé6:fa ha:y-os-i:-t isti apo: k-ak-i:-t O:m-in town make-DIM-DUR-T person live.TPL-IMPL.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-N *... they made a little town and settled...” (ca. 1940b)

A third use of -os- 1s to indicate ‘a little bit, to a small degree’:

(13) ma_ isti iInokk-i: — ts-foll-ati: mad-teys that person sick-DUR INST-go.about.TPL.LGR-PASTS that-even

at-i:p-os-t: it-in-ha:k-i:p-in

go.about.SG-SPN.LGR-DIM-DUR DIR-DAT-become.LGR-SPN.FGR-N

‘The sick man they’d brought had begun to get around a little...’ (1915.2)

Sometimes -os- seems to indicate closeness in time (‘just now’).

(14) sata d:-la:tk-in pa: p-ak-a:“ keyc-in, persimmon DIR-fall.SG.LGR-N eat.LGR-IMPL.AG-Q_ tell.LGR-N

' This may explain the use of -os- in the connecting word mé:m-os-in ‘and right away’.

236 §26 d:-la:tk-os-it o:m-in —_pa:p-éy-t O:m-€y-S

DIR-fall.SG.LGR-DIM-T be.LGR-N eat.LGR-IS.AG-T be.LGR-1IS.AG-IND

“You're eating a persimmon that fell?” [Rabbit] asked, “It’s just fallen and I’m eating it” [Opossum said].’ (1939b)

When -os- occurs with a nasalizing-grade stem, it shows greater degree (‘very’):

(15) mo:-n hacci awo:"l-os-i:-t O:m-ati:-s be.so.LGR-N stream near.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST5S-IND

‘And the river was very close.’ (1915.2)

Diminutive -os- is not limited to verbs: rather, it seems to indicate

degree. Most common nouns are incompatible with -os-, but postpositions are a type of noun that can be modified for degree. With postpositions, -os- means ‘just (below, etc.)’:

(16) a. ilic-os-a:n below-DIM-REF.N

‘just below’

b. ondp-os-a:n above-DIM-REF.N

‘just above’

26.4 of-t:-n ‘really, very’ The verb of- ‘reach’ has an adverbial form of-i:-n ‘really, very’:

(17) of-f-n kasapp-t:-t 0:-s reach-DUR-N cold-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘It’s really cold.’

(18) of-t:-n o:Sk-is reach-DUR-N_ rain.LGR-IND

‘It’s really raining.’

26.5 -ita ‘too...’ The suffix -ifa is used to form verbal nouns (§10.3), but it can also be used to express excessive degree:

(19) kasapp-ita-ts cold-INF-be.IND

‘It’s too cold.’

Degree Zs

(20) aca:k-ita-t O:-S

precious.INF-T be.FGR-IND

‘It’s too expensive.’

The ending -ts in (19) is the reduced copula (§32.2). A_ literal translation of (19) might be ‘it’s coldness’.

27 ~~ Verb forms with adverbial function 271 Expressing manner: -i:-n and -1:-f Manner adverbs are generally formed from durative stative participles (‘adjectives’) by adding the different-subject marker -(i)n:

(1) = caya:yak-i: ‘quiet’ caya:yak-i:-n ‘quietly’

lapk-i: “quick? lapk-i:-n “quickly’ This pattern is also used for negative manner adverbs: (2) hit-iko-: ‘bad’ (< hif- ‘good’) — hit-iko-:-n ‘poorly’

The manner adverb may occur between a verb and its objects, as in (3), or before the objects, as in (4):

(3) ma-w' — panka ytke-i:-n pahn-it wevk-a:k-6:f that-also dance strong-DUR-N dance.HGR-T quit-PL.LGR-when

‘After they dance hard and stop...’ (ca. 1940b)

(4) = ptke-i:-n voksa_ alk-i:-n na:ki isto:m-eys strong-DUR-N end each-DUR-N thing do.anything.FGR-even acokcotcoyc-ak-in knot.FGR-IMPL.AG-N

‘[Then] one ties each end firmly to whatever there is...’ (ca. 1940c)

Manner adverbs may express quality (cava:vak-i:-n ‘quietly’), speed

(lapk-i:-n ‘quickly’), distance (hopdy-i:-n ‘far away’), or position (coni:k-i:-n “in a leaning position’). They can also express amount:

(5) ma atkasw-oci-n Oywa-n nacoém-os-i:-n — acdhn-it that pot-DIM-N water-N few-DIM-DUR-N pour.HGR-T ‘A little water was poured in a small pot...’ (ca. 1940c)

The same pattern is used for adverbs expressing a result:

(6) = tapi:"ks-os-i:-n ha:y-it flat.NGR-DIM-DUR-N make.LGR-T

*... making it really flat...’

In (6), the nasalizing grade combines with diminutive -os- to mean ‘really’.

While manner adverbs generally end in -(i/n, examples are also found ending in -(7)¢:

Verb forms with adverbial function 239 (7) = halala:tk-it ma oy-hasi:-takko ak-ci:y-ihp-in slow.NGR-T that lake-big LOC-enter-SPN.HGR-N *... Slowly he entered the big lake...’ (1915.1)

(8) 9 ahitéyc-i:-t) = az-léyhk-it ay-ds careful-DUR-T DIR-sit.SG.HGR-T g0.SG-IMP

‘Get up carefully and go.’ (1915.4)

(9) y0:pk-os-i:-t ci-nd: ki tO:ko-:-n na:ki creep-DIM-DUR-T 2.PAT-thing be.not-DUR-N_ thing

ihs-at-it hoyt-ick-a:t

take.SG.HGR-happen-T stand.FGR-2S.AG-REF

‘When you stealthily take something that doesn’t belong to you...’ (ca. 1940c)

It may be that the examples in (7)+(9) are adverbial clauses whose subjects can be construed as being the same as the subject of the higher clause. The adverb halala:"tk-it ‘slowly’ in (7) seems to be an idiom meaning ‘dragging oneself (cf. Aalat- *pull’). The adverb in (8) could

be paraphrased as ‘taking care’, and yo:pk-os-i:-t in (9) could be translated ‘by creeping’. If this interpretation is correct, then the -(7)¢ on these forms is the same-subject marker -(i)f ($37.2). In the same way, the more common pattern using different-subject -(i/n is found when the subject of the adverb is construed as being different from the higher verb. In resultatives like (6), for example, tt is the object that becomes flat rather than the subject. Similarly, in (5), it 1s water that comes to be in a small amount rather than the subject acting in a small amount. The following example reinforces this conclusion: (10) “to-polo:k-in — cont:k-tz-n_— cakhi:c-it wood-round-N lean-DUR-N_ stick.FGR-T

‘A small pole was stuck in the ground in a leaning position .. .” (ca. 1940c)

In (10), the pole is stuck so that the pole (different-subject) is in a leaning position.

Examples like (11) raise potential problems for this approach, however:

(ll) «isti-hapo:-takko — in-kapahk-it hopay-i:-n api:y-it person-camp-big DAT-leave.HGR-T far-DUR-N g0.TPL.FGR-T

foll-ati:-s go0,about. TPL.LGR-PASTS-IND

*... leaving the big camp they went far off...’ (ca. 1940b)

240 §27 The sense in (11) seems to be that the travelers are far off, vet different-subject -(i)n 1s used.

Adverbial expressions in -i:-1 and -i:-t are phrases and so may contain noun phrases:

(12) cossi sokca O:m-iz-n-—— ahoht-it buckskin sack like-DUR-N sew.HGR-T

*... sew the buckskin like a sack...” (ca. 1940c)

(13) &sti solk-i:-n apdak-i:-t — léyk-it person many-DUR-N join-DUR-T sit.SG.FGR-T

wo-tko isto:m-t: a:?¢-ati:-n Ohh-ona:y-in raccoon do.how.LGR-DUR go.about.SG-PASTS-N LOC-tell.LGR-N

‘In front of many people [lit., ‘joining many people he sat and’]| he talked about how the raccoon went about...’ (ca. 1940c)

Different-subject -(7)/n 1s used tn (12) because the subject of the adverbial clause (construed here as ‘buckskin’) ts different from the main clause. Same-subject -(7)¢ 1s used in (13) because the subject of the two clauses ts the same.

28 __— Aspect The term aspect is used here for grammatical devices that indicate Whether the situation denoted by a verb stem is beginning, continuing, or ending within a certain time frame or tense. Verb stems seem not to

have a fixed aspectual interpretation in Creek: instead, aspect is determined by means of grades, suffixes, and auxiliaries. Grades are used to indicate several basic aspectual distinctions in Creek (table 28.1). TABLE 28.1. BASIC (NONDURATIVE) GRADE FORMS OF THE VERB STEM hic“SEE, LOOK’

Eventive (lgr.) hi:c-is “he/she is looking at tt’ Resultative stative (fer.) hi:c-is “he/she sees it’

Perfective (hgr.) hihc-is ‘he/she saw it (today/last night)’ Expressive (ner. ) hi:"c-is “he/she keeps looking at it’ As table 28.1 shows, the verb /ic- ‘see, look’ has a lengthened grade form used for the eventive aspect. The falling tone grade (fgr.) 1s used for the resultative stative, and the aspirating grade (hgr.) and nasalizing

grade (ner.) are used for perfective and expressive aspects, respectively.

I distinguish here between aspectual categories like the perfective and form-based categories like aspirating grade. The aspirating grade, in particular, has many uses in addition to marking perfective. For this reason, the formation of the different grades is treated separately (§8). The grades in table 28.1 can be combined with different suffixes to make further distinctions in aspect. Thus, durative -7:- can be used with different grades to give the forms in table 28.2. TABLE 28.2. DURATIVE GRADE FORMS OF THE VERB STEM /iic- ‘SEE, LOOK’

Stative (zero grade) hic-i:-s “he/she sees’ Eventive (lgr.) hi:c-t:-s “he/she can/could/would look at it’ Resultative stative (fer.) hi:c-i:-s ‘he/she did see him/her’

Perfective (hgr.) hihe-i:-s “he/she might see him/her’ Expressive (ngr.) hi:"c-i:-s “he/she sees him/her regularly’

242 §28 Other patterns have an effect on aspect: a suffix -ip- indicates

spontaneous aspect, the auxiliary po:y- is used to mean ‘finish, do all

of ($32.8), and the suffix -ati:- is used for ‘have never’ and other experientials ($35.4).

28.1 The eventive (lgr.) As noted in §8.2, the lengthened grade is formed by lengthening the final syllable of the stem. Verbs in the lengthened grade also have a characteristic pitch pattern. Verb stems that consist of less than two feet have level pitch (1a), and verb stems that consist of more than two feet have a terraced pattern with an accent on the last foot before the lengthened syllable (1b).

(1) a. at-‘*go about’ a:t-is ‘he/she is going about’ apil- ‘laugh’ api:l-is “he/she is laughing’ b. aklop- ‘take abath’? = ak/lo:p-is ‘he/she is taking a bath’

awanay- ‘tie to’ awana:y-is ‘he/she is tying it to It’

Stated simply, the penultimate syllable of the stem is accented tf it is heavy or tf it is the last even-numbered light syllable.

When a verb in the lengthened grade is used with om- ‘be’, the latter must be in the lengthened grade as well: (2) — a:t-is “he/she is going about’ a:t-it 6:-s' ‘he/she is going about’ lo:ke-is ‘it’s getting ripe’ lo:ke-it 6:-s" ‘it’s getting ripe’

The periphrastic forms on the right of (2) might be used for informing someone (making a mild assertion about the truth of the statement) ($32.1).

The lengthened grade is used broadly for any kind of successful change or process—an actual happening as opposed to a state.” In the absence of a tense marker, it 1s often interpreted as an ongoing action:

(3) ~~ hic- ‘look’ hi:c-is ‘he/she ts looking at It’ vakap- ‘walk’ vaka:p-is “he/she is walking’ afannak- ‘look around’ afanna: k-is ‘he/she is looking around’

It can also refer to a punctual event occurring just a moment ago, however: ca-la:tk-is “I fell (a second ago)’. ! Shortened from a:f-if o:m-is. ~ Shortened from /o:kc-it o:m-is. > The Creek lengthened grade (eventive) appears to correspond to the zero grade in

Choctaw. | follow Haag and Willis (2001:135) in using the term ‘eventive’ for this aspect.

Aspect 243 Stems that are interpreted as states in the durative stative aspect are interpreted as progressive inceptive states in the eventive:

(4) = lokc-i:-s “it’s ripe’ lo:kc-is “it’s getting ripe’ aholoc-i:-s ‘it’s cloudy’ aholo:c-is “it’s getting cloudy’ pinkal-i:-s ‘he/she 1s scared’ pinka:l-is ‘he/she is getting scared’ ca-yopaklatk-i:-s “Pm behind’? — ca-vopakla:tk-is ‘Pm falling behind’

In Past 4 and Past 5, both progressive and punctual readings are possible. In (5), the lengthened grade refers to an event that occurred once briefly:

(5) ma_is-wana:-k-oci — in-polokséyhc-it that INST-tie-GER-DIM DAT-make.circle.HGR-T

im-data:t-att:-s DAT-hang.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘He made a loop with the rope and hung it for him.’ (1915.1)

The eventive thus seems to be the neutral aspect for nonstates. The underlined stems in (6), from the beginning of a story, show how pervasive the lengthened grade ts:

(6) cofi-t — a:t-ati:-s ma:ho:k-ant-s rabbit-T be.about.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND mon-t act-it o:m-it — hopottinka-n be.so.LGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-T be.LGR-T wisdom-N O:C-1:-t om-ita-n ivda:c-it a:t-it o:m-it have-DUR-T be-INF-N want.FGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-T be.LGR-T

hisa:kitamisi:-n tm-po:h-ati:-s

god-N DAT-ask.LGR-PASTS5-IND ‘It was said there was once a rabbit. And going about, he wanted to have wisdom and asked God.’ (1915.14)

It is easier to state where the lengthened grade is not used: (a) where the zero grade is used (imperatives; states; negatives; futures in -d7?i:-); (b) where one of the other aspects is more appropriate. The lengthened grade is also used in agent nominalizations ($10.1). | have identified the eventive with the lengthened grade in much of

the above discussion, but one might want to distinguish the two in negative sentences. Negative verbs are always in the zero grade, though distinctions like the following are still possible: (CF) a. ino:kk-it — O:-S sick.LGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘He/she ts getting sick.’

244 928 b. indkk-tko-t 0:-s

sick-not-T be.LGR-IND

‘He/she isn’t getting sick.’

(8) a. InOkk-i:-t 6:-S sick-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He/she ts sick.’

b. indkk-iko-:-t — O:-8 sick-not-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He/she isn’t sick.’

Examples (7a, b) are eventive and (8a, b) are durative stative. The negative in either case is in the zero grade.

28.2 The resultative stative (fegr.) Resultative stative aspect is expressed with the falling tone grade ($8.4). In the periphrastic construction, the main verb is in the falling tone grade, and the auxiliary om- ‘be’ is in the eventive (lengthened gerade):

(9) — d:ec-is ‘he/she is wearing it’ d:cc-it 6:-s" ‘he/she is wearing it’

The resultative stative is used for states resulting from events portrayed

as short in duration.” It is commonly used with verbs referring to position; with this class, the eventive (lengthened grade) refers to progressive movement into a position, as in the first column of (10),

while the resultative stative (falling tone grade) refers to the state resulting from that movement, as in the second column of (10). (10) /leyvk-is ‘he/she is sitting down léyvk-is “he/she is sitting (already

(getting into that position)’ In that position)’ hoyt-is ‘he/she is standing up hoyt-is “he/she is standing (getting into that position)’ (already in that position)’ wa:kk-is “he/she is lying down wd: kk-is “he/she is lying (already

etc.) lc.)

(getting into that position)’ In that position)’ apeyk-is ‘he/she is getting in (a box, apéyk-is ‘he/she ts in (a box,

Verbs referring to dressing, knowledge, perception, and holding are similar, and commonly occur tn the resultative stative aspect:

, Shortened from d:cc-if o:m-is.

> The Creek falling tone grade corresponds closely to the nasalizing grade in Choctaw (Haag and Willis 2001:136-137) and to the falling tone grade in Mikasuki.

Aspect 245 (11) ascc-is ‘he/she is putting on (a d:cc-is ‘he/she is wearing (a dress,

dress, etc.) etc.)

ki: ¢t¢-is “he/she is learning’ ki:¢t¢-is “he/she knows’ hi:c-is “he/she is looking at it’ hi:c-is “he/she sees it’ i:s-is “he/she is catching it’ i:s-is “he/she is holding it’

Numerals other than ‘one’, ‘ten’, ‘one hundred’ (a noun), ‘one thousand’ (a noun), etc., appear in the resultative stative: hokko.1-in ‘two’, focci:n-in ‘three’, etc. The verb iva:c- ‘want’ is often in the falling tone grade (ivd:c-is “he/she wants it’). Most common of all is the verb om- “be’, which occurs in the falling tone grade after nouns or durative participles (pdkko-t 0:-s “it 1s a ball’).

Resultative stative aspect (falling tone grade) is often close in translation to durative stative aspect (zero grade + -i:-):

(12) a. honna-n G:cc-ey-s dress-N put.on.clothing.FGR-1S.AG-IND ‘I’m wearing a dress.’

b. Aonna-n acc-ay-t:-s dress-N put.on.clothing- 1S.AG-DUR-IND ‘[ have a dress on.’

The resultative stative is used with events that are portrayed as being of

shorter duration, while the durative is open ended or neutral tn this regard. Margaret Mauldin’s translations suggest that the durative also affects modality: (13) a. isho:ecéycka md-n — oh-wa:kk-is

pen there-N LOC-lie.SG.FGR-IND ‘There’s a pen lying there.’

b. isho:ccéycka md-n — oh-wakk-i:-s

pen there-N LOC-lie.SG-DUR-IND ‘There’s usually [or ‘there should be’] a pen lying there [I haven’t seen it].’

The resultative stative is sometimes close to the English present perfect. The state in (13a) is not the result of a pen assuming a position

or a position that the pen is maintaining, however; it is simply a position the pen is in.

28.3 The perfective (hgr.) The perfective (aspirating grade, sometimes called h-grade) 1s marked by aspirating the last syllable of a stem or by infixing -éy- ($8.3). In the

246 §28 periphrastic pattern, the auxiliary verb om- ‘be’ appears in the

: : a 2\./

lengthened grade:

(14) /éyhk-is ‘he/she sat down’ léyhk-it 6:-s° ‘he/she sat down’

One major use of the perfective is in chained clauses to show that an event is successfully completed prior to another (‘and then’):

(15) ma ifa-acol-i-t ma isti inokk-a:n a:-ohh-aht-it

that dog-old-I-T that person sick-REF.N DIR-LOC-come.SG.HGR-T im-pona:y-dati:-S DAT-talk.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘The old dog came up to the sick man and spoke to him.’ (1915.2)

Verb stems that have stative interpretations in the durative stative refer

to punctual, completed changes of state in the perfective. Thus, corresponding to the durative /d:n-i: ‘green/yellow/brown’ is a perfective /ahn-it ‘turned green/yellow/brown’:

(16) /lahn-it, ca: t-ati:-s yellow.HGR-T red.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘It turned yellow, and then it turned red (very long ago).’

To indicate that a state existed prior to another event, the verb om- *be’ must be added:

(17) lacn-i:-t Ohw-it, hatam ca:t-ati:-s yellow-DUR-T be.HGR-T again red.LGR-PASTS-IND ‘It was yellow, and then it turned red (very long ago).’

Any amount of time can separate the two events:

(18) ovwo-hka-n_ ca-hicéyk-it, mohw-in Wewoka-N__1S.PAT-be.born.HGR-T be.so.HGR-N

pa:l-in cinapohkéyc-ay-o:f, ten-N do.eight.FGR-1S.AG-when

talsi-n_ 0h-coni:ck-ay-dati:-t O:-S Tulsa LOC-move.LGR-1IS.AG-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND

‘I was born in Wewoka, and then, when I turned eighteen, I moved to Tulsa.’

There is no requirement that chained clauses be in the perfective, however:

° Shortened from /évhk-it o:m-is. " Koasati has a close analog of the h-grade (Kimball 1991:302-306).

Aspect 247 (19) mad-n 6h-la:tk-it, oh-palpa:k-it, — 1:y-ahoniceyc-it, that-N LOc-fall.SG.LGR-T LOC-roll.LGR-T RFL-wake.LGR-T

tak-leyk-i:"p-ati:-s LOC-sit.SG.LGR-SPN.NGR-PAST5S-IND

‘He would fall on it, roll on it, wake himself, and continue to sit and wait.’ (1915.1)

The chained clauses in (19) are in the eventive (lengthened grade) because the events are portrayed as recurring rather than happening once.

In chained clauses, the time of the perfective clause is relative to the

time of the following clause. If the following clause ts in the remote past, the perfective indicates completion prior to that:

(20) az-ta:séyk-it, li:tk-ati:-s DIR-jump.SG.HGR-T run.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘He/she jumped up and ran (very long ago).’

In main clauses, the perfective takes the time of utterance as a point of reference. In this context, the perfective indicates that an event was completed today or last night (Past 1). Both senses can be seen in (21):

(21) 9 a:-ta:séyk-it, litévk-is DIR-jUMp.SG.HGR-T run.SG.HGR-IND

‘He/she jumped up and ran (today or last night).’

There are two perfective forms in (21), based on stems a--ta:sk- ‘jump up’ and /itk- ‘run’. The first perfective is a chained clause, indicating completion prior to the second clause (the relative perfective use). The second perfective 1s a main clause and so indicates recent completion (Past 1).

While the aspirating grade is sometimes treated as a tense (Nathan 1977), I feel it fits better formally and functionally within the system of aspect. The main-clause use in (21) in fact seems to be a development in Creek. Other uses of the aspirating grade are found in imperatives ($31.3.1) and negative futures ($30).

28.4 The expressive (ngr.) The expressive in Creek is formed by nasalizing, lengthening, and

assigning rising tone to the last syllable of the stem (88.5). The expressive 1s treated here as a grade, but speakers often find elicited forms to be humorous: the nasalizing grade (negr.) is a stylistic feature,

and vowel length, nasalization, and pitch can be exaggerated for greater expressiveness.

248 §28 The expressive is often used with verb stems describing quantity or degree to indicate greater degree:

(22) mo:-n nd:ki-t ko:m-ak-a:t oma'lka-t be.so.LGR-N thing-T think.FGR-IMPL.AG-REF all.NGR-T

naka: ft-ati:-s meet.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘So all kinds of creatures had gathered.’ (1915.5)

(23) kos! ca-yike-i: hi:"t-i:-t O:m-i:-8 no 1S.PAT-strong-DUR very.NGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘No! I’m very strong.’ (1915.3)

In narratives, the verb stems omalk- ‘be all’ and /if- ‘good’ in (22)— (23) account for a large percentage of nasalizing grade forms. A related use is seen in verb stems describing properties. In this use, the expressive 1s combined with the verbal diminutive -os- to indicate greater degree: awo-"l-os-i: ‘very close’ (826.3).

With more active verbs, the nasalizing grade indicates sustained action. With punctual verbs like nafk- ‘hit’, the sense is of repetition over a sustained period:

(24) mo:m-os-in nafeyk-it, na:"fk-it, na:"fk-it, na:"fk-it, be.so.FGR-DIM-N_ hit.HGR-T hit.NGR-T hit.NGR-T hit.NGR-T

cita:"kk-os-i:-n hahy-it mashed.NGR-DIM-DUR-N make.HGR-T

‘They beat him and kept beating him and kept beating him and kept beating him until he was just pulp...” (1915.7)

With verbs like apiy- ‘(three or more) go’ describing actions that take place over a period of time, the sense is of a prolonged event:

(25) 9 apt:"y-t:-t ito-hawk-it) takk-i:-t = wd:kk-it o:m-in 20.TPL.NGR-IPA-T tree-open-T big-DUR-T lie.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-N

‘We kept going to where there was a big hollow log...’ (1915.4)

‘ , ‘ ‘ sis . 8

28.5 Durative forms (-/:)

er : Bs 9

Durative aspect is signaled by use of the durative suffix -7:.” The durative stative aspect is formed by combining a verb in the zero grade with -7:. In the periphrastic pattern, the auxiliary om- ‘be’ occurs in the falling tone grade, as in the second column of (26). * Durative -i: is sometimes difficult to distinguish from first person plural agentive apa we". ” Forms in the second column of (26) are shortened from /6kc-i:-t 6:m-is, ete.

Aspect 249 (26) lokc-i:-s ‘it’s ripe’ lokc-i:-1 0:-S “IVS ripe’

iInokk-i:-s “he/she is sick’ indkk-i:-t 6:-s “he/she is sick’

ca-law-i:-s ‘Vim hungry’ ca-law-i:-t 6:-s ‘Pm hungry’

kitt-ay-i:-s “| know’ kitt-ay-i:-t 6:-s ‘| know’ Stems that are interpreted as progressives in the eventive aspect receive a stative, sometimes abilitative, interpretation in the durative stative:

(27) a. hi:c-éy-s see.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘Tam looking at it.’

b. ca-hic-i:-s 1S.PAT-See-DUR-IND

‘| [can] see.’

(The use of agent agreement in (27a) and patient agreement in (27b) reflects agency (§20.2).) The durative can be used for stems functioning as predicates, as in (26), or for “participles’—verb stems modifying nouns tn noun phrases, as tn (28).

(28) a. paka:na lokc-t: peach —_ripe-DUR

‘a ripe peach’

b. ist InOkKK-L: person sick-DUR ‘a sick person’

The durative is also required for certain complements: hdmp-tck-i:

A ( > (294 7, 10

(a:y-a'*can you eat?’ (§32.7).

” There is some evidence that duratives are a type of verbal noun. We have seen that periphrastic duratives occur with an auxiliary in the falling tone grade (0:-s). The general pattern is for 6:-s to be used after noun phrases and stems In -/::

(1) pokko-t 6:-s “It’s a ball.’ inokk-i:-t 0:-s “He/she 1s sick.’

The fact that stems with -/: pattern with nouns suggests that -/: is a nominalizing suffix. Further similarities between nouns and stems with -/; can be seen in questions:

(ii) pokko-ti' “\s it a ball?’ (noun phrase) inokk-i:-ti' “Is he/she sick?’ (durative) ino:kk-da' ‘Is he/she getting sick?’ (eventive)

As (il) shows, the question marker -// is used with noun phrases and with stems in -/.,

but not with other verb forms. Since stems in -/: pattern with nouns, it seems appropriate to refer to -/; as a participial suffix: the stative reading may result in part from changing a verb to a noun.

250 §28 As noted in §28.1, both eventive and durative negatives are

possible:

(29) a. inokk-iko-t 0:-s sick-not-T be.LGR-IND

‘He/she isn’t getting sick.’

b. indkk-iko-:-t — 6:-s sick-not-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He/she isn’t sick.’

As (29) shows, -/: is realized as vowel length after negative -iko, so that -iko+-i: is pronounced -/ko-:.

Durative -77 can combine with different grade forms. Habits are simultaneously durative and eventive, because they consist of activities performed over a sustained period. This conceptualization of habits is

reflected in Creek by combining a lengthened grade stem with the durative suffix -7:. In the periphrastic pattern, the auxiliary om- *be’ Is in the falling tone grade.

(30) a. opona:y-t:-s speak.LGR-DUR-IND

‘He/she speaks.’

b. opona:y-t:-t O:-S Speak.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He/she speaks.’

Example (31) is a simple sentence using the durative eventive aspect:

(31) loca tato-n homp-i:-t O:-8 turtle fish-N eat.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘The turtle [a particular one] eats fish [as a habit].’

The contrast between the durative eventive and the durative stative is seen in (32)-(33). (32) — isti-ma:sko:ki im-pondaka opona:y-ay-t:-t person-Muskogee DAT-language speak.LGR-1IS.AG-DUR-T O:-S

be.FGR-IND

‘| speak Muskogee.’

(33) talsi-n — at-ay-i:-t O:-8 Tulsa-N come.SG-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘I come from Tulsa.’

Aspect 251 Speaking a language Is a recurring event, so both the durative and the eventive are used in (32). Being from a place is a state rather than a

recurring event, so only the durative is used in (33). The durative sometimes has modal force. This ts true in the durative eventive as well, where it sometimes means ‘could’ or ‘would’:

talk’ talk’

it” it”

(34) opona-y-ay-t:-s ‘1 could/would = opona:y-ay-i:-t 6:-s ‘1 could/would a:cc-ay-i:-s ‘| could/would wear a:cc-ay-i:-t 6:-s ‘I could/would wear

28.6 -ip- ‘spontaneous’ The suffix -ip- has received several labels ranging from ‘middle voice’

(Nathan 1977:123) to ‘mediopassive’ (D. Hardy 1988). One of the difficulties in sorting out uses ts that -ijp- varies in meaning based on context. It also varies in shape: a form like katp-f:p-it 0:-s ‘it’s dried’ is normally contracted to katpf:tto:s, making -ip- hard to identify. Five uses are distinguished here. One of the most common uses of -ip- is to indicate events that occur casually or that are easy or worry-free:

ae : 1]

(35) cofi-ta:t — oss-thp-it mo:m-os-in yaha m-éy-n rabbit-ATN get.out.SG-SPN.HGR-T be.so.FGR-DIM-N wolf DAT-even-N

ma toha:hawa_ ’s-im-oh-cakcahihc-it ay-i:p-in that box INST-DAT-LOC-stick.in.PL.HGR-T £0.SG-SPN.FGR-N *... Rabbit got out and nailed Wolf in the box instead and left...’ (1915.3)

In (35), the use of oss-thp-it (her. of oss-ip-) implies that the action was performed easily. The verb oséyy-it (her. of oss-) could have been used here instead and would have been more appropriate if Rabbit had struggled to open the box.

Forms with -ip- in the nasalizing grade usually have a sustained, casual reading:

(36) moén-t hitéyc-it leyk-i:"p-ati:-s be.so.LGR-T store.FGR-T sit.SG.LGR-SPN.NGR-PASTS-IND

‘And he stored it all away and sat back.’ (1915.1)

'' This study of -ip- is based on sixty-seven examples taken from stories familiar to Margaret Mauldin and myself. For each example, we considered the difference between using or not using -/p-. We kept a list of the labels for the different readings we saw. We then tested the labels on additional examples until we felt comfortable categorizing the various uses.

252 §28 When the verb /eyk- ‘sit’ is put in the nasalizing grade, it usually means to keep sitting, to wait. In (36), /éy’k-at-i:-s (ngr. of leyk-) would have meant that he waited. The use of /evk-i:"p-ati:-s implies a casual, less serious action, captured by the translation ‘sat back’. The example in (37) is similar, though in a different grade:

(37) ma-n— hokti:-ta:t =mo:m-os-in in-hicéyk-in that-N woman-ATN_ be.so.FGR-DIM-N DAT-appear.HGR-N

levk-ip-ata:n-in O:M-I-:-S keyvhohc-in Sit.SG-SPN-PROSP.LGR-N be.LGR-DUR-IND say.IMPL.HGR-N

‘This 1s how they gave him the girl, saying, I guess he can settle down

now... (1915.2) The casual reading of -ip- in (37) is captured by the translation ‘settle down’; the implication is that he will be worry-free and content, that he has permission to do so. The casual reading may be found with inanimates as well. In the

story of Tar-Baby, Rabbit mistakes a figure of tar for a person. He challenges it, saying, “I’m going to drink your water”:

(38) na:k ma:k-tko-: — tazy-it hoyt-f:"p-in thing say-not-DUR can.FGR-T stand.SG-SPN.NGR-N

‘[But it had no life and so] it just stood there unable to say anything

... (1915.3)

In (38), hoyt-i:"p-in means ‘it Just kept standing there’ (casually, unconcerned). The casual reading of -ip- may be related to a ‘let’ or ‘let’s’ reading

seen in expressions like homp-t:"p ‘let’s eat! (said when seeing lots of food)’ (§31.3.7). Other examples of this reading can be seen in /ic-ipaha:n-éy-s “let me see’ or mi:c-ip-dha:n-éy-s “let me do It’.

The spontaneous reading of -ip- is seen in examples like the following:

(39) katp-t:p-it O:-8 (> katpi:tto:s) dry-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘It’s dried.’

(40) il-ésp-it 6:-s (> ili:tté:s) die.SG-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘He’s dead.’

(41) coké — in-nikt-t:p-it O:-S (> innikti:tto:s) house DAT-burn-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘Her house burnt down.’

Aspect 253 The falling tone grade in (39)-(41) indicates a resultant state. The use

of the falling tone grade with -ip- seems particularly common with accidental resultant states: casomki:tto:s (from ca-somk-i:p-it 0:-s) ‘I?m lost’.

The casual or spontaneous interpretation is often found with motion

verbs. With -ip-, the verb ay- ‘(one) go’ ts translated as ‘take off, ‘depart’, ‘leave’, or ‘go off:

(42) = aca-yi:c-il is-hoyt-ick-ati:-s kéyhc-it take.care.FGR-T INST-stand.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND tell. HGR-T

thm-it Ohm-in, — ay-tip-ati:-s give.HGR-T be.HGR-N g20.SG-SPN-PASTS-IND

“You must take care of it,” [the horse] said to [the boy], and after giving it to him, [the boy] departed.’ (1915.1)

(43) mo:m-os-in Oywa-ta:t iséyk-it ay-i:p-ati:-s be.so.FGR-DIM-N water-ATN drink.HGR-T 20.SG-SPN.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘And then he drank the water and went off.’ (1915.3)

Margaret Mauldin feels that this use implies an end to an episode. A slightly different use is seen in examples like the following:

(44) a. licth-éy-s run.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘[’m running.’ (for no particular reason)

b. litk-i:p-éy-s run-SPN.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘[?m running.’ (perhaps because of a sound)

It could be that describing an event as happening spontaneously, as in (44b), leads a hearer to infer a cause for the spontaneous event. For reasons that are not clear, -ip- is sometimes used tn the clause

that specifies the cause of an event (marked with -7ka ‘because’), in addition to the caused event clause. We refer to this as the ‘because’ reading:

(45) hopay-i: hi:"t-it om-t:p-ika On-t O:-n far-DUR good.NGR-T be-SPN.FGR-because be.LGR-T be.LGR-N O:-8

be.LGR-IND

‘It’s [because it’s] very far.’ (1915.1)

(46) mad-n colo:kcowd-t om-t:p-ika is-hoyt-i:"p-in that-N_ tar-T be-SPN.FGR-so INST-stand.SG-SPN.NGR-N ‘... but it was tar, so it just stood there...” (1915.3)

254 §28 The second instance of -ip- in (46) shows the ‘casual’ use. When -ip- is used in the zero grade with -i:, the sense is ‘already’ (1.e., “lve checked and I see that it’s already dry’):

(47) a. katp-i:-t — o:-s dry-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘It’s dry.’

b. katp-ip-i:-t O:-8 dry-SPN-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘It’s already dry.’

(48) a. notéyc-i:-t O:-s coOk-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He’s cooked it.’

b. noteyc-ip-i:-t — 6:-s8 COOk-SPN-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He’s already cooked it.’

The ‘already’ reading seen tn (47)-+(48) ts probably a result of the zero

grade, so that the contrast between (39) and (47b) is partly due to aspect.

In commands (§31.3) and a few other uses, -ip- adds politeness by giving more freedom to the addressee:

(49) mo:m-a:n — a-t-it ta:-folotk-ip-ds be.so-REF.N go.about.SG.LGR-T DIR-turn.around.SG-SPN-IMP

kévhe-in tell. HGR-N

“Well, you may go and come back,” [the house owner] said. . .’ (1915.1)

In this use, -7p- 1s often translated as ‘please’ or ‘may’.

28.7 Summary Visual devices can be helpful in explaining the use of aspects. An event like sitting down consists of: a) a beginning (beginning to squat);

b) a middle (perhaps half-way down); and, c) an end (a seated position). The eventive (lengthened grade) is used for actions of this type, and in the present tense, emphasizes the mid-point:

abc Eventive (lgr.) Examples of this aspect are /eyk-is ‘he/she 1s sitting down (getting seated)’ or ino:kk-is “he/she ts getting sick’.

Aspect 259 States are not portrayed as having beginnings, middles, or ends.

They are presented as consisting of a single open-ended condition: (a)...b...(c) Durative stative (zero grade + -/:)

A condition like indkk-i:-s “he/she is sick’ is portrayed this way: there

may be a beginning or end to the condition, but the use of durative aspect implies nothing about the beginning or end. Habits are open-ended properties consisting of repeated events:

.abc abc abc... Durative eventive (lgr. + -/:) This is reflected in Creek by combining the durative and eventive: ino:kk-i:-s ‘he/she gets sick’. The resultative stative emphasizes the state resulting from an event:

abc... Resultative stative (fer.) Examples of this use are /éyk-is ‘he/she is sitting’, 7:s-is “he/she ts holding it’, or spontaneous forms like inokk-i:p-it 0:-s (© inokki:tt0:s) ‘he/she got sick’. The perfective (hgr.) indicates the one-time successful completion of an event prior to a reference point (x):

abc +x _ Perfective (hgr.) In chained clauses, x is the next clause. This use can be seen in capakéyvk-it “he/she got angry and then’ (stem capakk- ‘be/get angry’).

In main clauses, x is the time of speaking, with the event conventionally interpreted as taking place today or last night: capakéyk-is “he/she got angry (today/last night)’.

The expressive (ngr.) may show greater degree in states, as in awo:"l-os-i: “very close’:

ee Expressive (ngr.) With events, it describes prolongation of the mid-point, the end-point, or repetition:

abbbbbbec ADCECCCC

abc abc abc Examples of these uses are api:"y-it ‘they kept going’ (a continuous, one-time journey), /éy"k-is “he/she is waiting’ (sitting for an extended period rather than sitting down repeatedly), and awand:"y-it “he/she keeps tying it (a horse that gets away)’.

256 §28 Grades differ in frequency: in narratives, the eventive (lgr.) and

resultative stative are the most common grade forms (table 28.3). TABLE 28.3. RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF GRADE FORMS IN SEVEN STORIES BY EARNEST GOUGE

GRADE FORMS INSTANCES PERCENT

Eventive (lgr.) | 646 61 Resultative stative (fer.) 687 26 Perfective (hgr.) 225 8 Expressive (ngr.) 129 5

Total instances of grade forms 2,681 100% In addition to these grades, -ip- is used for spontaneous events or States.

29 ~_— Expressing time: tense and related notions Creek has a rich set of verb forms describing when a situation occurs or exists relative to the time of speaking. The basic distinctions are shown in table 29.1 using the verb stem nis- “buy’. TABLE 29.1. TIME-RELATED FORMS OF THE VERB STEM nis- ‘BUY’

Future nis-ati:-s “he/she will buy it’ Prospective nis-aha:n-is “he/she ts going to buy tt’ Present ni:s-is “he/she ts buying it, bought it (up to a few seconds ago)’

Past | perfective nihs-is “he/she bought it (today up to last night)’ imperfective ni:s-éy-s ‘he/she was buying it (today up to last night)’

Past 2 ni:s-ank-s ‘he/she bought it (yesterday to several weeks ago)’

Past 3 ni:s-imat-s ‘he/she bought it (several weeks to about a year ago)’

Past 4 ni:s-ant(a)-s “he/she bought it (long ago, at least several years)’

Past 5 ni:s-ati:-s “he/she bought it (very long ago)’ As table 29.1 shows, there are two forms for expressing future time, referred to here as “Future” and “Prospective.” Within the Past 1 time

frame (‘today up to last night’), there is a distinction between perfective aspect (marked by the aspirating grade alone) and Iimperfective aspect (marked by the lengthened grade and a suffix -éys-

or -é€y-). Past 2, 3, 4, and 5 indicate different degrees of remoteness ranging from yesterday to the remote past.” As described in §8, Creek verb stems occur in different grades. The verb stem nis- ‘buy’ thus occurs in the zero grade (nis-), the lengthened ' | use the term “Prospective” rather than “Intentive” (Nathan 1977; D. Hardy 2005). There is no intention in a sentence like 6sk-aha:n-is ‘it is going to rain’.

~ Few speakers born after about 1940 make use of the Past 4. The numbering system for Creek tenses was first established by Buckner (1860a). See also Haas (1940).

258 929 grade (ni:s-), the aspirating grade (nihs-), the falling tone grade (n7:s-), and the nasalizing grade (ni:"s-). There is no specific affix for present

tense in Creek. In the absence of a tense marker, a verb in a main clause is usually interpreted as having present time reference. In the right context, however, it can also be interpreted as having happened a few seconds ago (1).

(1) la:tk-is fall.SG.LGR-IND

‘It’s falling (right now).’ / ‘It fell (up to a few seconds ago).’

Different grades can be used for different aspects within the present tense. Thus, the lengthened grade generally refers to an event (2), while the falling tone grade may be used for a present state resulting from an event (3): (2) — leyvk-is Sit.SG.LGR-IND

‘He/she is sitting down (in the process of doing It).’

(3) lévk-is Sit.SG.FGR-IND

‘He/she ts sitting (has sat down).’

Different tenses strongly favor specific grade forms. The future typically occurs with the zero grade, for example, Past 2 and Past 3 typically occur with the falling tone grade, and the Past | imperfective, Past 4, and Past 5 usually occur with the lengthened grade:

(4) nis-ati:-s buy-FUT-IND

‘He/she will buy it.’

(5) ni: S-€y-s buy.LGR-PAST | .IMPF-IND

‘He/she was buying it (today up to last night).’

(6) ni: s-ank-s buy.FGR-PAST2-IND

‘He/she bought it (yesterday to several weeks ago).’

(7) ni: s-imat-s buy.FGR-PAST3-IND

‘He/she bought it (several weeks to a year or so ago).’

(8) ni:s-ant(a)-s buy.LGR-PAST4-IND

‘He/she bought it (long ago, at least several years).’

Expressing time: tense and related notions 259 (9) ni: S-att:-s buy.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘He/she bought it (very long ago).’

Tense is an obligatory category of main clauses in Creek. That ts, an unmarked form like mi:c-is “he/she is doing it’ 1s only acceptable for a present situation (or up to a few seconds ago). When noun phrases or clauses with adverbial function are added, they must be compatible with the tense of the verb. Margaret Mauldin accepts the noun phrase nitiyeyst: ‘last night’ with Past 1, for example: (10) nitiveyst: mihc-ey-s last.night do.HGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I did it last night [Past 1].

She also accepts paksanki: ‘yesterday’ with Past 2: (11) paksanki: mi:c-ay-ank-s yesterday do.FGR-|S.AG-PAST2-IND

‘I did it yesterday [Past 2].’

She rejects the use of nitiveyst: ‘last night’ with Past 2, however: (12) *nitiveysi: mi:c-ay-ank-s lastnight do.FGR-1S.AG-PAST2-IND ‘I did it last night [Past 2].’

A subordinate clause with adverbial function like hofén-o:f ‘long ago’ (literally, “when it was long ago’) is acceptable with Past 3:

(13) hofoén-o:f mi:c-ey-mat-S long.ago-when do.FGR-1S.AG-PAST3-IND

‘[ did it long ago [Past 3].’

With Past 5, however, Margaret Mauldin feels the adverbial expression IS more natural if it is nasalized and made expressive:

(14) hofé:"n-o:f mi:c-ay-ati:-s long.ago.NGR-when do.LGR-1S.AG-PASTS-IND

‘I did it very long ago [Past 5].’

The fact that the verb suffixes are obligatory and that judgments are relatively sharp suggests that these are grammatical tenses rather than adverbial elements.

While tense in Creek 1s an obligatory category in main clauses, chained clauses and adverbial clauses are usually not tensed. The passage in (15), in which an old dog is talking to some wolves, provides an example.

260 §29 (15) mén-ka ’s-am-ohseyc-a:ck-iko-n o:m-a:t

be.so.FGR-so INST-IS.DAT-release-2P.AG-not-N be.LGR-REF

hotti-n cin-ha:y-ak-@:ti:-s

War-N 2.DAT-make-PL-1S.AG.FUT-IND ci-pifda:thoyc-iy-a:t 2.PAT-make.run.TPL-1P.AG-REF

cin-hisa:k-itd-ta:t cim-IS-i:k-ank-s 2.DAT-breathe.INF-ATN 2.DAT-take-1P.AG.not-PAST2-IND

mo:m-eys hayyo:m-a:t ci:pan-aki-n be.so.LGR-even like.this.FGR-REF boy-PL-N

s-ohséyc-d: ck-iko-n O:m-a:l INST-release-2P.AG-not-N be.LGR-REF

omdalk-a:ck-a:ti-n_ ci-pasat-ty-@ti:-s all-2P.AG-REF-N = 2.PAT-kill.PL-1P.AG-FUT-IND

mon-ka vaha-ta:t pinkal-ak-ihp-il be.so.FGR-so WOlf-ATN scared-PL-SPN.HGR-T

is-Ohseyc-att:-s INST-release.LGR-PASTS5S-IND

“If you do not release my [boys], I will make war on you [Future]. When we made you run, we did not take your lives [Past 2]. But this time, if you do not free the boys, we will kill all of you [Future].” So the wolves got scared and released them [Past 5].’ (ca. 1940d)

In the first sentence in (15), the sense of the conditional clause is a future event, but future tense is only marked on the main verb. The second sentence is similar: the initial adverbial clause (ci-pifa:thoyc-iya:t “when we made you run’) is not marked for tense, but Past 2 on the

main verb establishes the time frame. The third sentence again switches to future time, as is made clear by marking on the main verb. The last sentence is typical of chained clauses: the first clause (vahata:t pinkal-ak-ihp-it ‘the wolves got scared’) is in the aspirating grade, and the main clause is in Past 5. This is the most common use of the aspirating grade: to indicate completion of an event prior to whatever happens next. When we examine their grammatical behavior carefully, some of

the time-related affixes in table 29.1 pattern together, and others pattern differently. The Future, Past | imperfective, Past 2, 3, 4, and 5 are all disjunctive (1.e., only one of these suffixes may appear with a given stem). These same suffixes also all have the same order relative to the stem and other suffixes such as second person singular agent -ick- (table 29.2).

Expressing time: tense and related notions 261 TABLE 29.2. TRUE TENSE SUFFIXES AND THEIR ORDER RELATIVE TO AGENT AGREEMENT

Future nis-Ick-dti:-s “you will buy it’ Past | imperfective ni:s-ick-ey-s “you were buying it (today up to last night)’

Past 2 ni:s-Ick-ank-s ‘you bought it (yesterday to several weeks ago)’

Past 3 ni:s-tck-imat-s ‘you bought it (several weeks to about a year ago)’

Past 4 ni:s-Ick-ant(a)-s ‘you bought it (long ago, at least several years)’

Past 5 ni:s-tck-ati:-s “you bought it (very long ago)’ In contrast, what I would call the Prospective modal suffix -aha:nprecedes the agent agreement suffixes: (16) nis-adha:n-ick-is buy-PROSP.LGR-2S.AG-IND

‘You are going to buy it.’

The Present and Past | perfective differ yet again in that they are marked with grades rather than with suffixes:

(17) a. nics-ick-is buy.LGR-2S.AG-IND

‘You are buying it, bought it (up to a few seconds ago).’ (Igr.)

b. nihs-ick-is buy.HGR-2S.AG-IND

“You bought it (today up to last night).’ (her.)

The formal behavior of these affixes thus suggests that there are three

grammatical categories of time-related affixes: true tense suffixes (Future, Past | imperfective, Past 2, 3, 4, 5), the Prospective modal -aha:n-, and aspect (indicated by grades). There is another reason internal to the language for distinguishing true tenses from other time-related phenomena. Creek has a referential

clitic -a:t(i) ‘the one that’ used after certain verb forms (§39). Referential -a:t(i) only occurs after what I would call present tense

participles. It thus occurs with Prospective, Present, and Past | perfective participles:

(18) Prospective na:ki nis-aha:n-d:t(i) ‘the thing he/she is going to buy’

262 §29 Present na:ki ni:s-d:t(i) ‘the thing he/she is buying’

Past | perfective nd:ki nihs-a:t(i) ‘the thing he/she bought’

Referential -a:t(7) 1s not used with tensed verb forms, however: thus, one can say nd:ki nis-ati: ‘the thing he/she will buy’, but not “nd:ki nis-dt-a:t(i). It is important to note that there is variation among speakers in the use of tenses, particularly with regard to Past 4 -dnta-. Haas worked with speakers born about 1860. These speakers used all five past tenses in their speech (figure 29.1).

ancient 60 yrs. 20 yrs. 2 yrs. | yr. 2wks. yest. today or last night PASt Dink ASUAy naniaeenceminent PAS oom F OS Pwr J aSt-|

Figure 29.1. Older tense system (for speakers born about 1860).

Speakers born after about 1940 have largely lost the Past 4, shifting Past 3 and 5 to cover the same area (figure 29.2).

ancient 60 yrs. 20 yrs. 2 yrs. lyr. 2 wks. yest. today or last night PAS Siincctentaren A ASU. wisn FP Oslo tomeneatecenee . ask, |

Figure 29.2. Newer tense system (for speakers born after about 1940).

The following subsections examine the time-related affixes in table 29.1 in more detail, arranged in broad functional categories of present or recent past time, past time, and future time.

29.1 Present or recent past time In describing present and recent past time in Creek, it is useful to distinguish two different time frames. The Present time frame 1s signaled by the lack of any tense marking. Events in this time frame are in the lengthened grade: (19) 9 nizs-ts buy.LGR-IND

‘He/she is buying it (now), bought it (up to a few seconds ago).’

A state like /dtk-i: ‘white’ uses the durative stative (zero grade + durative -i:) in the Present time frame, with a form of om- ‘be’ in the falling tone grade:

Expressing time: tense and related notions 263 (20) mai coko hatk-i:-t O:-8 that house white-DUR-T be.FGR-IND ‘That house is white.’

Both the durative and the lengthened grade can be used in other tenses, however, so it is only the lack of tense that signals present tense.

The second category of present or recent past time is Past | and refers to states or events holding from today (from a few seconds ago) to about last night. In main clauses where the action is perfective (L.e., successfully completed once), Past | is signaled by the aspirating grade ($8.3):

(21) nihs-is buy.HGR-IND

‘He/she bought it (today up to last night).’

In chained clauses, the aspirating grade indicates that an event was successfully concluded prior to another state or event ($28.3). In main clauses where the action took place more than once, the imperfective suffix -eys- 1s used, generally with a stem in the lengthened grade: (22) ni:s-éy-s buy.LGR-PAST I .IMPF-IND

‘He/she was buying it (today up to last night).’

As (22) shows, -eys- appears as -ey- before the indicative. This ending Is a clitic and so may have falling tone in the lengthened grade when the accent falls on it ($8.6). The clitic -eys- 1s also used for negative Past | events:

(23) a. niths-is buy.HGR-IND

‘He/she bought it (today up to last night).’

b. nis-ik-ey-s buy-not-PAST 1 .IMPF-IND

‘He/she didn’t buy it (today up to last night).’

(24) a. ni:s-éy-s buy.LGR-PASTI.IMPF-IND

‘He/she was buying it (today up to last night).’

> The Past | imperfective suffix -evs- is easily confused with the concessive clitic -evs “even, though’.

264 §29 b. nis-ik-ey-s

buy-not-PAST | .IMPF-IND

‘He/she didn’t buy it (today up to last night).’

Note that -eys- is used for the negative of both the aspirating grade in (23) and the lengthened grade in (24). This is because the aspirating grade is only used for Past | when the event is completed successfully once. When the event repeats or is not successfully completed, the Past | imperfective form -eys- 1s used.

Z a 7 eg 4

States are not completed, so they also use imperfective -eys- or -teys- (a special form of -evs-) for Past |:

(25) a. héyy-i:-s hot-DUR-IND

‘It is hot (now), was hot (very recently; probably still).’ b. héyy-i:-t — O:-s8 hot-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘It is hot (now), was hot (very recently; probably still).’ (periphrastic)

(26) a. héyy-i:-teys hot-DUR-be.PASTI .IMPF.IND

‘It was hot (today up to last night).’

b. héyy-i:-l O:w-ey-s hot-DUR-T be.FGR-PASTI.IMPF

‘It was hot (today up to last night).’ (periphrastic)

One might expect copular expressions with nominal predicates to use the same form, but the verb om- ‘be’ uses the aspirating grade for Past

|:

(27) a. cofi-t — o:-s rabbit-T be.FGR-IND

‘It is a rabbit.’

b. cofi-t ohw-is rabbit-T be.HGR-IND

‘It was a rabbit (today up to last night).’

The contrast in the Past 1 form of stative participles (26) and nominals (27) is, to my knowledge, the only area of grammar where participles differ from nouns. For all other phenomena, participles seem to behave like nominalized forms of verbs. * The ending -/evs is perhaps the reduced copula -7i ($32.2) followed by -eys.

Expressing time: tense and related notions 265 Pion Past time Four suffixes (true tenses) are used for more distant past time.

29.2.1 Past 2 -ankPast tense -dnk- is used when a state or event is located in a recent past (yesterday to several weeks ago):

(28) ci-ppoci — po-cosi-ta:t il-ihp-in 2.PAT-son |P.PAT-brother-ATN die.SG-SPN.HGR-N

hi:"t-in aca.yi:c-iy-dnk-s ae 200d.NGR-N take.care.of.FGR-IP.AG-PAST2-IND DCL

‘Your son, our brother, died and we buried him with respect [Past 2].’ (1915.1)

The aspirating grade in the first clause of (28) indicates a relative perfective event occurring prior to the event of the next clause. The use of -ank- establishes the Past 2 time frame.

Past 2 -dnk- is generally used with the falling tone grade. The lengthened grade ts possible, but not as common:

(29) a. ni:s-dnk-s buy.FGR-PAST2-IND

‘He/she bought tt.’

b. ni:s-ank-s buy.LGR-PAST2-IND

‘5:>:»

‘He/she was buying it.’

To form the Past 2 of stative participles like héyy-i: ‘hot’, -dnk- is added to om- ‘be’, usually in the falling tone grade: (30) héyy-i:-t — 6:w-ank-s hot-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST2-IND

‘It was hot.’

The combination om- ‘be’ and -dnk- sometimes contracts in such a way that the auxiliary verb ts deleted entirely:

(31) kono-dlki té:y-i:-s ma: k-i:-t-ank-s skunk-GPL be.FGR-IP.AG-IND say.LGR-DUR-T-be.FGR.PAST2-IND

> For reasons that are not clear to me, the lengthened grade is sometimes offered in emphatic contexts, so that the example below contrasts with (30).

héeyy-i:-l Oo: w-ank-s 6) Si hot-DUR-T be.LGR-PAST2-IND DCL

‘It was hot!’

266 §29 kéyvc-a:k-in tell-PL.LGR-N

‘She used to say we’re Skunk clan, they said...’ (1915.7)

In (31), ma-vk-i:-t-ank-s is a contraction of ma-k-i:-t O:m-dnk-s ‘she used to say’.

29.2.2 Past 3 -imataThe suffix -7mata- establishes the Past 3 time frame (from two weeks ago to about a year, but often used more broadly). The final vowel in -imata- 1s usually deleted in the indicative, but appears in older works like Buckner (1860a). Like Past 2 -dank-, Past 3 -imdta- 1s usually used with verb stems in the falling tone grade, although the lengthened grade ts possible:

(32) a. nizs-imdt-s buy.FGR-PAST3-IND

‘He/she bought it.’

b. ni:s-imat-s buy.LGR-PAST3-IND

‘He/she was buying (oranges, etc.).’

To form the Past 3 of stative participles, -imdta- is added to om- ‘be’ in the falling tone grade: (33) héyy-i:-l — 6:w-imadt-s hot-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST3-IND

‘It was hot.’

29.2.3. Past 4 -antaIn the texts of Earnest Gouge (born ca. 1865) or Jim Hill (born 1861), -anta- 1s used for distant past events:

(34) ca-tki-t léyvk-i:-n a:t-ay-anta-s 1S.PAT-father-T sit.SG-DUR-N come.SG.LGR-|S.AG-PAST4-IND

‘My father was alive when I came here.’ (1915.1)

Sometimes -dnta- seems to be past habitual and translates well as ‘used to’, but at other times it has punctual uses. Past 4 -dnta- differs from Past 2 and Past 3 tn using the lengthened

grade.° As with -imdta-, the final vowel is usually deleted in the indicative:

° An exception is expressions like i/i:c-os-dnta-s ‘he/she almost killed him’.

Expressing time: tense and related notions 267 (35) 9 nt:s-ant(a)-s buy.LGR-PAST4-IND

‘He/she bought it.’

To form the Past 4 of stative participles or copular expressions, -dntais suffixed to om- ‘be’:

(36) héyy-i:-t o:w-dnt-s hot-DUR-T be.LGR-PAST4-IND

‘It was hot.’

(37) cofi-t o:w-ant-s rabbit-T be.LGR-PAST4-IND

‘It could have been a rabbit (that made him sick).

Past 4 is not used much by modern speakers in Oklahoma or Florida, but one trace ts still used in Oklahoma: the ending -anto: (or -anno:) 1s used for ‘the way (someone) used to (do)’:

(38) tak-wilamho:y-anto: O:m-i: mihe-it LOC-singe.IMPL.LGR-used.to like-DUR do.HGR-T

‘Do it the way they used to singe tt.’

29.2.4 Past 5 -ati:The Past 5 suffix -ati:- is generally used with a verb stem in the lengthened grade:°

(39) mohm-in hatam cofi-t — a:t-ati:-s be.so.HGR-N again rabbit-T go.about.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND ma: ho:k-ant-s Say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND

‘And now there was once a rabbit, it was said.’ (1915.3)

In (39), -ati:- has the flavor of ‘once upon a time’, a very remote past. As with -dnk-, -ati:- may contract with om- ‘be’:

(40) ma-t ilic-alki — hocifka-ta:ti:-s that-T lower-GPL name-T.be.FGR.PASTS-IND

‘Those were the names of the Lower Creeks [very long ago].’ (ca. 1940e)

" In commenting on this sentence, Margaret Mauldin said “There’s something speculative about that tense,” and suggested the translation ‘I’ve seen it be that...’.

* It is possible that -a/i:-s derives from an expression ‘it comes that...’ (cf. af‘(one) come’). For some phenomena, -a/i:- behaves as though it includes durative -/:-, though nothing about its meaning is durative.

268 $29 The sequence hocifka-ta:t-i:-s in (40) is contracted from hocifka-t 6:mati:-s. In sentences like (39)-(40), -ati:- indicates a very remote past time. This is typically the meaning when it appears with a lengthened grade

verb stem as the final verb in a clause. At other times, -afi:- can indicate a time prior to a point of reference (generally the time of speaking):

(41) homp-ip-dti:-t — 6:-s eat-SPN-PASTS-T be.FGR-IND

‘He/she has already eaten.’

This may also explain its use in sentences such as the following:

(42) hic-dy-ati:-siko-:-t O:-S see-1S.AG-PAST5-exIst.not-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘I’ve never seen it.’

This sentence is an example of the experiential construction ($35.4). Another possibly related suffix is the happenstance suffix -af- (832.19).

29.2.5 Past forms of om- ‘be’ The different past forms of participles and nominals are summarized tn (43)-(44):

(43) héyy-i:-t 0:-s ‘It’s hot/was hot (very recently, probably still hot).’

héyy-i:-l 0:w-eys ‘It was hot (today or last night).’ (Past | imperfective)

héyy-i:-t 0:w-ank-s ‘It was hot (e.g., in Arizona last week).’ (Past 2)

héyy-i:-t 0:w-imadt-s ‘It was hot (awhile back).’ (Past 3) héyy-i:-t o:w-ant(a)-s_ ‘It was hot (long ago).’ (Past 4) héyy-i:-t 0: w-ati:-s ‘It was hot (very long ago).’ (Past 5)

(44) cofi-t 6:s ‘It’s a rabbit.’ cofi-t ohw-is ‘It was a rabbit (today or last night).” (Past | perfective)

cofi-t 0:w-ank-s ‘It was a rabbit.’ (Past 2) cofi-t 0:w-imdt-s ‘It was a rabbit (a while back).’ (Past 3) cofi-t o:w-dnt(a)-s ‘It could have been a rabbit, used to be a rabbit.’ (Past 4)

cofi-t 0: w-ati:-s ‘It was a rabbit (very long ago).’ (Past 5)

Expressing time: tense and related notions 269 The past tense forms of participles and nominals in (43)+(44) are the same as the past tense forms of verbs, with the exception of the Past 1. As noted in §29.1, the Past | forms of participles and nominals differ, with participles using the Past | imperfective and nominals using the Past | perfective. As with verbs, the falling tone grade is generally used with Past 2 and Past 3, and the lengthened grade ts used with Past 4 and Past 5.

29.5 Future time Future time is expressed with either the prospective modal suffix -aha:n- (or -ata:n- for some speakers) or with future tense -d#i:- (also -ahi:-). The suffix -aha:n- joins with a verb root to form a verb stem. This

stem is then generally in the lengthened grade (eventive) when indicating future time:

(45) root: ay- ‘(one) go’ stem: ay-aha:n- ‘(one) be going to go’ ler.: ay-dha:n-is ‘he/she is going to go’

(46) root: /itk- ‘(one) run’ stem: /itk-aha:n- ‘(one) be going to run’ ler. litk-aha:n-ick-is “you are going to run’

Other grades are possible, however. In the nasalizing grade, -aha:nmeans ‘about to’ ($32.12) or ‘almost’:

(47) litk-aha:"n-os-i:-1 O:-S run.SG-PROSP.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He/she ts about to run.’

In the zero grade or falling tone grade, it indicates degree:

(48) a. takk-aha:n-i:-t O:W-I:-8 large-PROSP-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘It’s rather large.’

b. takk-aha:n-i:-t O:W-i:-s large-PROSP.FGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘It’s really large.’

The suffix -a¢i:- “will? is attached to a verb stem tn the zero grade. As described in §8.1, primary stress is placed on the last foot of the Stem:

(49) (ni.si)-ati:-s > nis-ati:-s ‘he/she will buy it’ (16m. pi)-ati:-s > homp-dati:-s “he/she will eat’

270 $29 (wa.na)vi-ati:-s > wandy-ati:-s “he/she will tie it’

(a.wa)(na.yvt)-dati:-s > awanay-dti:-s “he/she will tie it to it’

Stated another way, the last syllable of the stem is accented if it is heavy or tf it 1s the last even-numbered light syllable. When -a?#i:- immediately follows first person singular agent -ay-, the two fuse as -d- fi:-.

(50) atotk-a:ti:-s “T will work’ atotk-tck-ati:-s “you will work’

atotk-ati:-s ‘he/she will work’ atotk-iy-ati:-s ‘we will work’ atotk-d:ck-ati:-s_ “you (pl.) will work’

29.3.1 Choice of future forms The suffixes -aha:n- and -dfi:- are both used for future time, but have different uses.

Prospective modal -aha:n- (or -afa:n- for some speakers) is used for casual propositions regarding intention or prediction, often in the near future:

(Sl) oseyy-it ta:-ci:y-atan-€y-s ma:k-in... 20.0ut.SG.HGR-T DIR-enter-PROSP.LGR-IS.AG-IND say.LGR-N

‘He said, “I’m going to go out and come back in”... (1915.1)

Such forms can have impersonal subjects, as with weather verbs:

(52) hayatk-ata:n-is dawn-PROSP.LGR-IND

‘It’s going to dawn.’ (1915.2)

Examples like (52) show that -aha:n- is not limited to intentional events. The suffix -dfi:- is used for promises, pledges, or proposals: (53) catokna:wa cokpi-hamk-in pa:l-i-cahki:p-in money hundred-one-N_ ten-I-five.FGR-N cin-fi:k-@:ti:-s 2.DAT-pay-1S.AG.FUT-IND

‘[If anyone can stop it,] PI pay you one hundred and fifty dollars.’ (1915.1)

(54) pon-t om-iy-dti:-s md: k-a:k-ati:-s we-T be-IP.AG-FUT-IND say-PL.LGR-PASTS-IND

““We will do it,” they said.’ (1915.1)

It is also used for statements about what will or shall be:

Expressing time: tense and related notions 201 (55) 9 aktayvahc-dlki = wo:tk-dlki —itina:hamk-it' om-dti:-s Aktayahchi-GPL raccoon-GPL related.LGR-T be-FUT-IND ‘[From morning to noon] Aktayahchi and Raccoon clans will be kin.’ (ca. 1940b)

At times it has almost imperative force (‘you must’, “you must not’)

(§31.3.11), and thus seems to have stronger predictive value than -aha:n-. Prospective -aha:n- can be followed by a past tense suffix, and 1s then interpreted as a future in the past (56). Thus, the prospective more generally indicates progression from a point in time to a later time. (56) nis-dha:n-ati:-s buy-PROSP.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘He/she was going to buy it (very long ago).’

This use may result in a kind of conditional mood:

(57) tya:c-a:k-in o:m-G:t, coko-takko Want-PL.LGR-N be.LGR-REF house-big

ha:y-ak-dta:n-ati:-s make-PL-PROSP.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘If they had wanted one, they could/would have made a square ground.’ (ca. 1940b)

Future -dfi:- seems not to be compatible with past tense on the same verb, though tt can be used in past contexts for a future time: (58) nis-dti: — o:k-ati:-s buy-FUT say.LGR-PAST5S-IND

‘He said he would buy it (very long ago).’

29.4 Nominal tense Creek has nominal tense in addition to verbal tense. In this use, true tense suffixes appear as clitics to noun phrases. The clitics help identify a noun phrase based on the time of reference: (59) Past | imperfective noun (modifier) -eys-/: ‘the one from today up to last night’

Past 2 noun (modifier -ank-i: ‘the one from before last night’

Past 5 noun (modifier) /da:t-i: ‘the former one’ The Past | imperfective might be used to describe a place recently seen, or to identify a time word as being recent:

272 929 (60) niska-coko ‘store’ = ma niska-coko-eys-t; ‘that store (we passed)’

niti: ‘night’ niti:-eys-t: ‘last night’ As with verbs, Past 1 is more recent than Past 2:

(61) a. ma_co:ka-eys-i: that book-PASTI.IMPF-DUR

‘that book (from a little while ago)’

b. ma co:ka-ank-i: that book-PAST2-DUR

‘that book (from a while back)’

Past 2 is also used with time words from yesterday to any earlier time:

(62) pdksi-n ‘next day, tomorrow’ paks-ank-t; ‘yesterday’

ohtolopi: “year? ohtolopi:-ank-t: ‘last year’ ohtolopt: pa:li-cahki:p-in ‘titty ohtolopi: pa: li-cahki:p-ank-t:

years’ ‘fifty years ago’

Note that Past 2 in noun phrases has a much broader use than Past 2 in verbs. As a result, nominal Past 2 can appear in a sentence using Past 5 tense:

(63) ohtolopi: pa:li-cahki:p-ank-t:| mda:h-it o:m-att:-s year ten-five-PAST2-DUR about.FGR-T be.LGR-PASTS-IND ‘It was about fifty years ago [Past 5].’ (ca. 1940b)

Past 5 has a more specialized use in noun phrases. The analog of Past 5

IS fa:t-i:, but it is used to mean ‘the former (usually deceased) one’ ($44.5).

Relative clauses and complement clauses may also be tensed, with

some different uses of endings. These are described in §42.2.5 and $42.1.

Dae Pr Uses of tenses in texts Before considering the uses of tenses in texts, it is helpful to introduce a few formalisms. If we adopt Comrie’s (1985:122—30) theory of tense (see also Reichenbach 1947), a sentence like nis-afi:-s “he/she will buy it? will have the temporal representation in (64), where E indicates the event and S is the time of speaking: (64) S precedes E

The schema in (64) indicates that the event of buying (E) will take place after the moment of speaking (S). The word ni:s-ati:-s ‘he/she bought it [Past 5]? might then be represented as follows:

Expressing time: tense and related notions 273 (65) E precedes S by a very long time

That is, the event of buying (E) took place a very long time before the moment of speaking (S). Let us next consider an example like the following:

(66) cofi-t — a:t-ati:-s ma:ho:k-imat-s rabbit-T go.about.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND say.IMPL.LGR-PAST3-IND

‘A rabbit was about [Past 5], it was said [Past 3].’

There are two tensed events in (66): the going about and the saying. The event of saying is in Past 3, and can be represented as follows: (67) E precedes S by several weeks to a year or so

That is, the person making the statement heard tt several weeks to a year or so previously. The first clause is a direct quotation, though, and so counts as a separate speech event. Measured from this speech event, the event of going about ts in Past 5: (68) E precedes S by a very long time

Combining these two, the sense of the two clauses ts that the speaker heard a while back that a rabbit was once about. Stated another way, the tense of the main clause and of a direct quotation can vary freely, with each clause having the expected temporal reference. We can now turn to natural examples arising in texts. As expected,

traditional legends are normally told using Past 5 -ati:-, as in the following story:

(69) nokodsi-t mo:m-it cofi = “tipa:k-a:t bear-T be.so.LGR-T rabbit join.FGR-REF itinhi: ss-att:-s become.friends.LGR-PAST5-IND

mon-t théys-a.k-att:-s be.so.LGR-T take.wife-PL.LGR-PASTS-IND

mon-t impalsi 0:C-ak-1: hahk-o:f be.so.LGR-T DAT.spouse have-PL-DUR become.HGR-when

cofi-t — léyk-in nokosi-t hi:c-att:-s rabbit-T sit.SG.FGR-N bear-T | see.LGR-PASTS5-IND

‘Bear and Rabbit became friends [Past 5]. And they both took wives |Past 5]. Now after each had gotten a wife, Bear saw [Past 5] Rabbit Just sitting around.’ (1915.21)

Speakers are quick to point to this usage and often identify the Past 5 verb form with storytelling. The following is another example, from the beginning of a different story:

274 §29 (70) tsti hokko:l-it fa:-ka-n aho-y-att:-s

person two.FGR-T hunt-NZR-N g0.DU.LGR-PASTS-IND

mon-t wila:k-it be.so.LGR-T go.about.DU.LGR-T

ihapo: mahh-i-ta:t it-hda:y-it 3.PAT.camp real.HGR-I-TOP dir-make.FGR-T

tak-ka:k-ati:-s LOC-sit. DU.FGR-PASTS-IND

“Two men went hunting [Past 5]. And going about, they made camp and settled in [Past 5].’ (1915.4)

The third line in (69) (‘after each had gotten a wife’) is not tensed in

Creek, nor is the second (‘going about’) or third line (‘they made camp’) in (70): as noted above, chained verbs like these are typically only marked for aspect.

Past 4 is also used in traditional texts from this period, however, and is often used to distinguish the time the story was first heard (long ago) from the events in the story itself (which happened very long ago or once upon a time):

(71) mohm-in hatam cofi-t — a:t-ati:-s be.so.HGR-N again rabbit-T go.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND

ma:ho:k-ant-s Say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND

cofi-t = Oywa-n_ i:sk-it a:t-i:-t rabbit-T water-N drink.LGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-DUR-T O:m-ati:-s be.FGR-PASTS-IND

‘And now arabbit was once about [Past 5], tt was said [Past 4]. The rabbit would go about drinking water [Past 5].’ (1915.3)

The tense of ma:ho:k-ant-s ‘it was said’ 1s Past 4: (72) E precedes S by a long time, at least several years

The tense of cofi-t a:t-ati:-s “a rabbit was about’ is Past 5: (73) E precedes S by a very long time

That is, the speaker heard the story long ago, and at that time (since this is a direct quotation), the person he heard it from said it happened

a very long time ago. Past 4 is not at all common among Creek speakers today, but this layered use of Past 4 and Past 5 is common in the stories of Earnest Gouge and James H. Hill. Examples (74) and (75) are similar opening lines from two other stories:

Expressing time: tense and related notions Zt) (74) loca-t yaha-n tima:t-att:-s ma:ho:k-ant-s turtle-T wolf-N race.LGR-PASTS-IND say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND

‘Turtle and Wolf had a race [Past 5], it’s been said [Past 4].’ (1915.9)

(75) cofi-t — to:tka hickoyc-it o:m-att:-s rabbit-T fire = acquire.LGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND md:ho:k-ant-s say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND

‘It’s said [Past 4] that Rabbit first found fire [Past 5].’ (1915.6)

Further layering of tenses tis also possible: (76) cok-haci-ta:t — ca:ta-alhi:"k-os-it mouth-tail-REF blood-covered.NGR-DIM-T

i¢-yeyc-anta-s ma: k-1-S4:S-ati:-s DIR-come.TPL.LGR-PAST4-IND say.LGR-I-be.some.FGR-PASTS-IND

ma:k-it ond: ho-y-anta-s say.LGR-T tell. IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND

“They came back with the corners of their mouths covered in blood [Past 4],” someone said [Past 5], it was told |Past 4].’ (1915.2)

That is, someone said long ago (Past 4) that someone said very long ago (Past 5) that they (some dogs) came back long ago (Past 4). These nuances are difficult to translate in English, but are widespread and natural in Creek narratives.

Recent past tenses are rarer in traditional stories and are usually limited to quotations:

(77) ci-ppoct — po-cosi-ta:t il-ihp-in 2.PAT-son IP.PAT-brother-ATN die.SG-SPN.HGR-N

hi:"t-in aca:yvi:c-ty-ank-s Cy go00d.NGR-N_ take.care.of.FGR-1P.AG-PAST2-IND DCL

keyc-it itki-n y-in-laks-a: k-att:-s tell.LGR-T 3.father-N DIR-DAT-lle-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND

“Your son, our brother, died and we buried him with respect |Past 2|,” they said, lying to their father [Past 5]? (1915.1)

In (77), the verb aca-yi:c-iy-dnk-s ‘we took care of him, buried him [Past 2]° indicates that the burial took place the day before up to a few weeks earlier: (78) E precedes S by one day up to a few weeks

That verb ts in a quotation, however, and the verb y-in-laks-a:k-atti:-s ‘they came and lied to him’ ts in Past 5. The meaning, then, is that the

276 §29 act of telling a lie was done very long ago, and when they lied, they

spoke of burying someone a day or a few weeks before. The examples we have considered so far support the judgments of

speakers regarding the uses of tenses. Sometimes there are passages like the following, however, in which Past 4 and Past 5 are both used in what seems to be a single time frame:

(79) teynisin téyksis timpi-t o:m-att:-s ee Denison Texas near-T be.LGR-PAST5S-IND

va ist-dlki-t im-ist-alki 0:C-ak-i--l apo: k-a:k-in this person-GPL-T DAT-person-GPL have-PL-DUR-T sit.TPL-PL.FGR-N

apo: k-it O:m-iy-anta-s Sit.TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-1IP.AG-PAST4-IND

ahopavyi:c-os-a:t coko — solk-i:-t o:m-ath:-s far.FGR-DIM-REF house many-DUR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND

ito-polo:k-i: coko — is-ha:y-ak-ati: coko tree-round-DUR house INST-make-PL-PASTS house

ho" lwa-:ho:k-os-i:-n —— apo:k-it o:m-iy-dnta-s ugly.NFGR-DIM-DUR-N_ Sit. TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-1|P.AG-PAST4-IND

mo:m-in ma okita Isti istimitk-ak-{:-t be.so.LGR-N that time person suffer-PL-DUR-T

foll-it o:m-iy-anta-s

go.about.TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-|1P.AG-PAST4-IND

‘It was near Denison, Texas [Past 5]. ... These men lived [there] with their families and we lived [Past 4] [there, too]. Not too far away there were [Past 5] many houses. We used to live [Past 4] in houses made of logs, ugly little houses. At that time we went [Past 4] suffering.’ (ca. 1940b)

The passage in (79) is from James H. Hill’s autobiography, written in

1939 when he was seventy-eight. This text is useful because tt Is organized from remote past to present, and because it is one of the few texts that provides approximate dates for specific occurrences. In (79),

Hill is discussing events that took place during the U.S. Civil War, seventy-five years prior to the time of writing. What is interesting Is that he uses Past 5 for the third person statements tn the first and fourth lines, but Past 4 for the first person plural descriptions, even though by all accounts these statements should be expected to occur in Past 5. The passage in (79) might suggest that -ati:- is for unwitnessed remote past events and that -anta- is for witnessed remote past events, but examples like (14) and other passages from Hill show that Past 5 -ati:- can be used for witnessed events. In the following, subsequent

Expressing time: tense and related notions 244 passage, Hill describes events that happened fifty-seven years earlier, when he was about twenty-one:

(80) istica:ti mahh-i acol-ak-i: — ma:h-a:t omalka-t Indian real.HWGR-I old-PL-DUR very.FGR-REF all-T

ispa:hihca-n_ im-anéyc-i:-t foll-att:-t O."-S Ispahihcha-N DAT-help-DUR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5S-T be.FGR-IND

aha:ka im-pata:ka asapa:kl-alki-n — apa:k-ey-t law DAT-foundation supporter-GPL-N be.with.FGR-1S.AG-T

a:t-ay-ati:-t O."-S§

g0.about.LGR-1S.AG-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND

‘All the old full-bloods supported [Past 5] Ispahihcha. I was with [Past 5] the supporters of the constitution.’ (ca. 1940b)

Pp gular, y p

The form a:t-ay-dti:-t 0:"-s, literally, “I went around with [Past 5]? ts first person singular, and so Past 5 ts clearly possible for witnessed events. The following example from the same passage ts similar:

(81) ... hitka ha:k-o:f peace become.LGR-when

ohtolopi: cokpitakko hamk-in cékpi — cinapa:k-in

year thousand one-N hundred eight-N

pa:licinapa:k-in hokkolohka:k-a:n — o:m-att:-s eighty-N add.two.FGR-REF.N be.LGR-PASTS-IND

mo:m-0:f am-acolka_ ohtolopi: pa:lihokko:1-i: be.so.LGR-when 1S.DAT-age year twenty-DUR hamkontald:k-a:t of-t:-t-G:ti:-s’ add.one.FGR-REF reach-DUR-T-be.PASTS-IND

*... when peace was declared, it was [Past 5] the year eighteen hundred and eighty-two. At that time my age was |Past 5] twenty-one years.” (ca. 1940b)

Both Past 5 forms in (81) are third person, but they clearly describe a time that Hill witnessed personally.

The evidence we have seen so far seems contradictory: on the one hand we have seen that Past 5 can be used for witnessed events, but we have also seen a tendency to use Past 4 in some first person contexts alongside Past 5 forms. The position that I take is that Past 5 is a true remote tense (and thus possible in the first person for those who are old enough), but that authors sometimes shift to more recent tenses in first person contexts to give more immediacy to a description. That is, just as English speakers will sometimes describe past events in the historic ” Past 5 sometimes contracts with om- ‘be’, as it does here.

278 §29 _ ; ; 10 present, Creek speakers will sometimes slip into Past 4 or even Past 3 when vividly remembering remote circumstances. Particularly clear evidence of this artful use of Creek tenses ts seen in the following text. The passage describes Ispahihcha’s rebellion, and

is drawn again from James H. Hill’s autobiography. He begins the passage in Past 5, referring in 1939 to events in 1882 when he was twenty-one:

(82) ispa:hthca hocifk-i:-t Ispahihcha named-DUR-T

isti-ma:SkO: ki im-aha:ka im-pata:ka-n antahp-it person-Muskogee DAT-law DAT-foundation-N oppose.HGR-T

im-isti-w solthc-it DAT-people-also gather.HGR-T

aha:ka_ im-pata:ka a-sapa:kl-alki-n antap-t:-t law DAT-foundation supporter-GPL-N oppose-DUR-T

hotti-n ha:y-it Wwar-N make.LGR-T

isti-ma:Sko:ki italwa_ itikapayi:ceyc-att:-l 0:"-s person-Muskogee nation divide.LGR-PASTS-T be.FGR-IND

*...aman named I[spahihcha opposed the Muskogee constitution, gathered many of his people, made war against the supporters of the constitution, and divided [Past 5] the Muskogee Nation.’ (ca. 1940b)

The first four clauses in (82) are chained clauses and are not marked for tense. The last clause ts in Past 5, indicating a remote event (which we know to be fifty-seven years earlier). Hill then describes a shooting between the two parties in Past 5 and describes how the supporters of Ispahihcha were imprisoned. He then shifts briefly to Past 4 in the following passage before shifting to Past 3 as tension mounts:

(83) aha:kaha:ya isti hokko.l-it | apa:k-in apthy-in lawyer person two.FGR-T be.with.FGR-N go.TPL.HGR-N

ma stl acol-ak-i-ta:t| apo:k-in that person old-PL-I-ATN — sit. TPL.FGR-N

ahiceyc-it —_ foll-iy-dnta-s guard.LGR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-1P.AG-PAST4-IND

mo:m-in ma isti acolaki ahiceyc-ita be.so.LGR-N that people old-PL-I guard-INF

im-pinkal-d: k-a:ti-w sOlk-i:-tot O:Mm-eys DAT-fear-PL.FGR-REF-also many-DUR-even be.LGR-though

’ Similar effects have been reported in Romance languages (Dahl 1984: Fleischman 1989) and in Quechua (Hintz 2007).

Expressing time: tense and related notions 219 isto:m-ak-iko-: (a:v-ika foll-imat-s do.anything-PL-not-DUR able.FGR-so go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST3-IND

hofon-i: acol-ak-i-ta:ti: ohhonaka_ poh-a:k-att:-t long.ago.DUR oOld-PL-I-PASTS story hear-PL.LGR-PASTS-T

omi:ceyc-in im-pinkal-a:k-it = om-a:k-imat-s be.because.LGR-N DAT-fear-PL.LGR-T be-PL.LGR-PAST3-IND

*... $0 the lawyer accompanied by two people went, and we went about | Past 4] guarding the old people that were there. And though many were afraid to guard the old people, they couldn’t [Past 3] do anything. They had heard stories from long ago about the old ones, and so they were afraid [Past 3].’ (ca. 1940b)

He then continues in Past 3 to describe a period in which the prisoners awaited a ruling from the judge. He then states the judge’s warning tn Past 3 before returning to Past 5:

(84) ‘sanacoma hitka ayama:hk-i: aha:ka antap-t: never peace disturb.LGR-DUR law Oppose-DUR

akitteyc-i: naka: ft-i: foléyy-a:ck-as consider.LGR-DUR meet.LGR-DUR go.about.TPL.HGR-2P.AG-IMPER

Keyc-it facci:ca_ im-oponahy-in Say.LGR-IND judge = DAT-speak.HGR-N awa: h-imdt-s disperse.LGR-PAST3-IND

ohtolopt: pa:licahki:p-ank-t: ma:h-it O:m-att:-s year fifty-PAST2-DUR — about.FGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND ‘Never again disturb the peace or conduct meetings opposing the law,” the judge warned them, and they dispersed [Past 3]. It was about fifty years ago [Past 5].’ (ca. 1940b)

Clearly a literal interpretation of the uses of Creek past tenses would

have difficulty with such a passage. These uses make sense if we consider the mental state of the narrator, however. By the end of this

story, the narrator is clearly caught up in the events of his youth (shootings, imprisonment, a last-minute pardon). His use of Past 3 during the climax indicates that these events are closer and more vivid in his mind. It is precisely when he pulls away from the story in the last line of (84) and thinks clearly about when the events occurred that we see a return to the prescriptively-endorsed Past 5. The same effect can be seen in (79), where we noted Hill’s use of Past 4 for first-person events and Past 5 for third-person events: first-person events are more

immediate and more vivid, and his choice of tense represents that. When speakers are asked to reflect on their own usage, they apparently

280 §29 give an idealized description, but in actual usage they may drift toward the present.

30 Negation Negation is expressed with a suffix -iko- ‘not’ (often shortened to -ikin the indicative): (1) = ni:s-is ‘he/she is buying it’ nis-fkho-s, nis-tk-s ‘he/she is not buying it’ i:Sk-is ‘he/she is drinking’ isk-fko-s, isk-tk-s ‘he/she is not drinking’

The negative forms are in the zero grade (88.1). As with future -dfi:($29.3), the last syllable of the stem is accented tf it is heavy or tf it is the last even-numbered light syllable in a sequence:

(2) nis-tko-s ‘he/she is not buying tt’ isk-iko-s ‘he/she is not drinking it’ wandy-tko-s ‘he/she is not tying It’ awanay-iko-s ‘he/she is not tying Itt to It’

Periphrastic forms (suitable when the hearer does not know the information) are formed similarly: (3) — ni:s-it 6:-s “he/she is buying it’ nis-/ko-t 6:-s “he/she is not buying It’ i:sk-it 0:-s “he/she is drinking’ —_isk-iko-t 6:-s “he/she 1s not drinking’

Duratives can also be negated:

(4) = kasapp-i:-s ‘it’s cold’ kasapp-ik-s ‘it’s not cold’ kasapp-i:-t 0:-s “Its cold’ kasapp-iko-:-t 6:-s ‘it’s not cold’ (5) nizs-i:-t 6:-s “he/she buys it? nis-iko-:-t 6:-s “he/she doesn’t buy it’ i:sk-i:-t 0:-s ‘he/she drinks’ —_isk-iko-:-t 6:-s “he/she doesn’t drink’

Notice the contrast between isk-iko-t 6:-s ‘he/she 1s not drinking’ in (3) and isk-iko-:-t 0:-s ‘he/she doesn’t drink, hasn’t drunk’. In the latter, negative -iko and durative -i: merge as -fko-:. As with other duratives, falling tone is used tn the auxiliary.

The agent agreement markers have an irregular first person singular:

(6) = nis-ako-s, nis-ak-s ‘Tam not buying it’ nis-ick-iko-s, nis-ick-ik-s ‘you are not buying it’

nis-IKO-S, NiS-tk-s ‘he/she is not buying tt’ nis-i:-ko-S, nis-i:-k-s ‘we are not buying It”

282 930 nis-a:Ck-iko-s, nis-a:ck-ik-s ‘you (pl.) are not buying it’

In (6), we see first person singular agentive -ako rather than the expected *-ay-iko. With the patient set, -/ko is used for all persons:

(7) ca-md:h-iko-:-t 0:-S8 ‘I am not tall’ ci-md:h-iko-:-t 0:-8 ‘you are not tall’ ma:h-tko-:-t 0:-s ‘he/she is not tall’ po-ma:h-ak-iko-:-t 0:-s — “we are not tall’

A special form td:ko-: is used as a negative third-person copula ($32.3).

(8) pokko té:ko-:-t — 6:-s ball not-DUR-T be.FGR-IND ‘It is not a ball.’

The same form ts used to negate noun phrases:

(9) hatk-os-a:t to:ko-:-n_ — ohk-ey-s white-DIM-REF not-DUR-N mean.HGR-1S.AG-IND

‘It wasn’t the little white one I meant.’

(10) mai té:ko-:-n, cda:t-a:n — o:k-éy-s that not-DUR-N red-REF.N mean.LGR-1IS.AG-IND

‘Not that one, I mean the red one.’

Table 30.1 shows the negative forms of all tenses.

A few of the negative tense forms are unexpected. Note in particular that negative -iko fuses with future -dfi:- and Past 5 -ati:- (as

it does with deductive -acok-; see §32.16). The shaded forms also require explanation. As the table shows, an aspirating grade form like

nihs-is indicates recent past time in affirmative sentences, but has future reference (‘will not, would not’) in combination with negation. The negative aspirating grade form nihs-iko-:-s is similar in meaning to negative future nis-ika:ti:-s—it is used in pledges and promises with indefinite future reference. To form a negative for Past |, then, the Past | imperfective suffix -eys- is used. Negation of indefinite pronouns ts discussed separately ($15.2).

Negative commands are treated under mood (§31.3.4, §31.3.5). Negative existence or more complete negation is often expressed with -siko, -sko ‘none, without’ ($35.3, 835.4, $31.3.13).

Negation 283 TABLE 30.1. POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE FORMS OF TENSES

POSITIVE NEGATIVE

nis-Ati:-s nis-ika:ti:-s

‘he/she will buy it’ ‘he/she will not buy it’

nis-dha:n-ts nis-aha:n-iko-s

‘he/she is going to buy It’ ‘he/she is not going to buy 1

ni: S-1/-S nths-iko-:-s

‘he/she would (in the future) buy it’? ‘he/she would not (in the future) buy it”

ni: S-1S8 nNIS-IKO-S, NIS-IK-S ‘he/she is buying tt, bought it (just ‘he/she was not buying it, did not

now)’ buy it Gust now)’

nihs-is nis-ik-eys

night)’ night)’ Hl: S-CVS nis-tk-eys

‘he/she bought it (today or last ‘he/she did not buy it (today or last

night)’ last night)’

‘he/she was buying it (today or last ‘he/she was not buying it (today or

ni:S-ank-s nis-tk-ank-s

‘he/she bought it (recently)’ ‘he/she did not buy it (recently)’

ni: S-imat-Ss nis-iko-mat-s

‘he/she bought it (a while back)’ ‘he/she did not buy it (a while back)’

ni:S-ati:-S niS-(ka:ti:-s

‘he/she bought it (long ago)’ ‘he/she did not buy it (long ago)’

31 Mood The term “mood” is used here for a set of sentence-final suffixes distinguishing statements, questions, and commands. The basic categories of mood are given in (1):

(1) Indicative im-aneyc-is ‘he/she ts helping him/her’ Interrogative im-dneyc-a' “is he/she helping him/her?’ Imperative im-anéyc-as_ ‘help him/her’

31.1 Statements Statements in Creek end in the indicative suffix -(i)s, as in (2). (2) ca-yvopakla:tk-is 1s.PAT-fall.behind.LGR-IND

‘I’m falling behind’

After a suffix ending in a vowel or y, the indicative suffix is shortened to -s, as in (3).

(3) a. ca-yvopaklatk-i:-s 1s.PAT-fall.behind-DUR-IND

‘l?m behind.’

b. li:tk-éy-s run.SG.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘T’m running.’ (cf. /i:tk-ay-d' ‘am I running?’)

C. pifa:tk-i:-s run.TPL.LGR-|P.AG-IND

‘We're running.’ (cf. pifa:tk-iy-a' ‘are we running?’ )

The final syllable of a verb is often contracted, leading to consonant clusters. The following are common patterns:

(4) a. ni:s-ank-is (> ni:s-dnk-s) buy.FGR-PAST2-IND

‘He/she bought it (recently).’

b. ni:s-anta-s (> ni:s-ant-s) buy.FGR-PAST4-IND

‘He/she bought it (long ago).’

Mood 285 Cc. nis-iko-s (> nis-ik-s) buy-not-IND

‘He/she isn’t buying It.’

d. litéyk-is (> litéyk-s) run.SG.HGR-IND

‘He/she ran (today/last night).’

As the contracted forms in (4) show, a short vowel may delete in the

final syllable if the resulting consonant cluster is pronounceable (...VCs, ...Vnts, ...Vnks, ...Vyks, but not *...Viks, *...Vkks, etc.). A y often drops out completely.

(5) a. OKho-y-is (> okho:-s) say.IMPL.LGR-IND

‘... It is said.’

b. okhohy-is (> okhoh-s) say.IMPL.HGR-IND

*... It was said (today/last night).’

‘:;é|

For emphatic statements (vocatives, statements of desire), a special intonation pattern is used (§4.4.3).

Some speakers drop the indicative in statements. Mrs. Eula Mae Narcomey Doonkeen is one speaker who does this. She says that dropping the -s adds “gentleness,” as when speaking to a child:

(6)yi-folk-ip-daha:n-éy-s (normal) (gentle) vi-folk-ip-aha:n-éy DIR-go.back-SPN-PROSP-1S.AG-IND

‘I’m going back.’

Not all speakers do this; Mrs. Doonkeen reports that her grandparents did not drop the -s, but that she acquired the habit from her uncle’s wife (who was Seminole and Creek). She feels that tt sounds feminine, but that a man could use it in speaking to his wife.

31.2 Questions 31.2.1 Questions with -a Simple questions that require a yes or no answer (“yes-or-no questions”) and that involve a verb typically end in short -a. The final

' Dropping of the indicative is common among speakers of Florida Seminole Creek. Gatschet (1884, 1888) attributes it in Oklahoma to a difference between men’s and women’s speech.

286 §3] syllable of these questions uses an intonation pattern with high pitch, marked by ‘at the end of the sentence:

(7) a. ‘tolo:si O:c-a' chicken exist.FGR-Q ‘Is there chicken?’

b. ayv-aha:n-ick-a' 20.SG-PROSP.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Are you going to go?’

The -a suffix is used after a consonant. No ending is used after a vowel:

(8) a. wandy-iko-s tie-not-IND

‘He/she isn’t tying It.’

b. wanay-iko' tie-not ‘[sn’t he/she tying tt?’

With wh-questions—questions involving a wh-word (nd:ki ‘what’, etc.)—the final syllable of the question is lengthened and rising pitch ts used.

(9) a. ndki-n hi:c-ick-a' something-N see.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Are you looking at something?’

b. nd:ki-n_ hi:c-ick-a:” What-N see.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘What are you looking at?’

(10) a. na:zki-n hic-tko' something-N see-not ‘He doesn’t see anything, does he?’

b. na-ki-n hic-iko:* what-N see-not ‘What doesn’t he see?’

All wh-words, whether nominal like na:ki ‘what’ or verbal like nacom(> nacow-) ‘be how much’, use this pattern:

(11) nacé:w-a:* how.much.FGR-Q ‘How much its it?’

Mood 287 Yes-or-no questions sometimes use the lengthened, rising pitch

pattern when they request verification of an element:

(12) a. ay-dha:n-ick-a' 20.SG-PROSP.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Are you going?’

b. av-dha:n-ick-a:* 20.SG-PROSP.LGR-28.AG-Q

‘Are you going, too?’

(13) a. léyvk-ick-a' SIt.SG.FGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Are you there?’

b. léyk-ick-a:” SIt.SG.FGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Are you actually living there?’

This pattern seems to express slight doubt or disbelief on the part of the

speaker, translated by emphasis in English or with ‘actually’ or ‘really’:

(14) a. homp-ick-ank-a' eat-2S.AG-PAST2-O

‘Did you eat it?’

b. homp-ick-dnk-a:* eat-2S.AG-PAST2-Q

‘Did you really eat it?’

At the other extreme, yes-or-no questions expressing surprise are shortened and glottalized, as shown in the following exchange:

(15) A: of-f:-n O:Sk-i:-t O:-S a much-DUR-N rain.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND DCL

‘It’s really raining.’

B: o:sk-t:-t O:w-at' rain.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-Q

‘It’s raining???

A final variant of -a shows lengthening, nasalization, and falling pitch:

(16) hasadti:c-ick-a' ‘are you cleaning it?’ (neutral question) hasati:c-ick-a:"* ‘are you cleaning it?’ (following up on a command)

288 §3] (17) is-hihe-ick-a' ‘did you find it?’ (neutral question)

is-hihc-ick-a:"’ ‘have you found it yet?’ (perhaps yelled)

The pattern in (16)-(17) seems to be a type of emphatic question.

31.2.2. Questions with -t# The reduced copula -t/ (§32.2) 1s often used in questions:

(18) a. pokko-ti-s ball-be-IND

‘It is a ball.’

b. pokko-ti' ball-be ‘Is tt a ball?’

The suffix -/7 has the same distribution as om- ‘be’, occurring with noun phrases and participles (durative states) in -7: (18)-(19).

(18) a. Ovwa-t 6:w-a' water-T be.FGR-Q ‘Is it water?’

b. oyvwa-ti' water-be ‘Is it water?’

(19) a. kasapp-i:-t O:w-a' cold-DUR-T be.FGR-Q ‘Is it cold?’

b. kAasapp-i:-ti' cold-DUR-be

‘Is it cold?’

For this reason, the same stem forms questions in different ways depending on aspect. A participle uses -f 6:w-a’' or -ti', as in (19). When the same stem appears in the falling tone grade (resultative stative), it uses a form of -a.

(20) kasd:pp-a:” cold.FGR-Q

‘Has it gotten cold yet?’

Tense suffixes ending tn 7: also use -f/ (21).

Mood 289

(21) a. Lith-cti:-ti'

run.SG-FUT-be

‘Will he run?’

b. wana-y-ati:-ti' tie. LGR-PASTS-be

‘Did he/she tie it (very long ago)?’

This fact may suggest that future -dfi:- and Past 5 -ati:- contain durative -7:, though nothing about their meaning ts durative. Like -a, -t7 has variants resulting from different intonation patterns:

(22) a. héyy-i--ti' hot-DUR-be

‘Is it hot?’ (neutral question)

b. héyy-i:-ti:"” hot-DUR-be

‘Is it hot?’ (it is supposed to be)

31.2.3 Questions with -iha:” A suffix -iha:"” is used for yes-or-no questions involving doubt or hesitation:

(22) a. mi:c-ick-a' do.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Are you doing it?’ (neutral)

b. mi:c-ick-iha:"” do.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Could/would you do it?’

(23) a. cin-nd:k-t O:w-a' 2.DAT-relative-T be.FGR-Q

‘Is he/she your relative?’ (neutral)

b. cin-nd:k-t 6:"-ha:”” 2.DAT-relative-T be.FGR-Q

‘Is he/she your relative?’ (by chance?)

31.2.4 Questions with -iha:ks In the nineteenth century, a suffix -iha:ks (or -iha:kis) was commonly used to form questions: - This form may be said with or without nasalization, with almost the same meaning. * Contracted from cin-nd:ki-t 6:m-iha:”™.

290 §3] (24) lith-at-ha:kis (> litk-at-ha:ks)

) 1 4 s 304 run.SG-FUT-Q

‘Will he/she run?’

In 2003, speakers were familiar with the ending from older materials (hymns, etc.), but it was described as sounding “very old-fashioned.

31.3 Commands Creek commands may vary in force from direct commands to requests:

(25) a. im-anéyc-as DAT-help-IMP

‘Help him/her.’

b. im-aneyc-ip-ds DAT-help-SPN-IMP

‘Please help him/her.’

c. im-dneyc-ick-iha:"” DAT-help.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Could you help him/her?’

d. im-anéyc-i:p-ick-iha:”” DAT-help-SPN.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Would you please help him/her?’

The last two examples in (25) are treated here as questions and described separately (§31.2.3).

Endings for commands also vary according to whether they are singular or plural, affirmative or negative, and in other ways:

(26) — im-anéyc-aks ‘(You all) help him/her.’ im-anéyc-iko-t ‘Don’t help him/her.’ im-anéyvhc-ick-as ‘Don’t help him/her.’

im-aneyc-aki: ts ‘Let’s help him/her.’ im-anéyc-tkas ‘Let him/her help him/her.’ im-anéyhc-ey-n 0. ‘Let me help him/her.’ im-anevC-acCas ‘You must/can help him/her.’ im-anéyc-tck-ati:-s ‘You must help him/her.’ im-anéyc-ick-ika:ti:-s “You must not help him/her.’

im-aneyc-an 0:8 ‘Go ahead and help him/her.’

* The suffix -ifazkis is similar in form to hazk-is ‘is becoming’.

Mood 29]

31.3.1. Positive imperative -as

Positive commands in Creek are generally formed by adding Imperative -as to a verb stem in the zero grade (88.1). The last syllable of the stem is accented if it is heavy or is the last even-numbered light syllable:

(27) nis-as ‘Buy it!’ homp-as ‘Eat it!’ wandy-as ‘Tie it!’ awanay-as ‘Tie it to it!’ The aspirating grade may be used for a momentaneous command: (28) = hihc-as see. HGR-IMP

‘Look!’

Juanita McGirt explains that nafk-as ‘hit it!’ might be used to mean ‘beat him/her!’, while the aspirating grade nafévk-as might be trans-

lated as ‘smack it!’ (1.e., once, briefly). ; A few verbs are exceptional in taking -is in the imperative.”

(29) am-is ‘Give it to me.’ at-is = “Come.’

Almost any command can be made more polite by adding -ip-, and more expressive by adding ci:”: (30) am-aneyc-ip-ds 1S.DAT-help-SPN-IMP

‘Please help me.’

(31) leyvk-ip-as a SIt.SG-SPN-IMP DCL

: : ; . : 66 996 ‘Have a Seat!’

Juanita McGirt describes -ip- as sounding “gentler.”

When someone is commanded to do two or more actions, -as appears in the main clause. The other verbs are generally in the aspirating grade:

> In Florida, these are am-ds ‘give it to me’ and al-ds ‘come’.

° The suffix -ip- is also found in indirect causatives ($24.5) and marks the spontaneous ($28.5).

292 §3] (32) ahitéyc-i:-t — a:-lévhk-it ay-ds

careful-DUR-T DIR-sit.SG.HGR-T g0.SG-IMP

‘Get up carefully and go.’ (1915.4)

Since imperative -as and indicative -(i)s both end in -s, it would be possible to analyze -as as containing an imperative suffix -a-, but | have not done so here.

31.3.2 Plural imperative -aks Plural imperatives are formed by adding -aks (or -akis in very old sources) to a zero grade stem (88.1): (33) hodmp-aks— ci:* eat-PL.IMP DCL

“Y’all come eat!’

The plural imperative is required even with plural suppletive verbs where number is clear:

(34) a. leyvk-ip-as sy ae Sit.SG-SPN-IMP DCL

‘Have a seat!’ (said to one)

b. ka-:k-ip-dks a Sit. DU-SPN-PL.IMP DCL

‘Have a Seat!’ (said to two)

Cc. apo:k-ip-aks Cie Sit. TRPL-SPN-PL.IMP DCL

‘Have a Seat!’ (said to three or more)

31.3.3 Less direct commands with -f0: Some speakers form less direct commands by adding -fd: to a verb stem in the lengthened grade:

(35) caya:ya:k-to: hush.up.LGR-IMP

‘Hush up!’ (cf. cava:yvak-ds ‘shut up!’)

The suffix -7p- can be added for politeness here, too: (36) am-anéyc-t:t-to: 1S.DAT-help-SPN.LGR-IMP

‘Please help me.’ (< am-anéyc-i:p-it 0:)

(37) (i)m-oh-folot-i:t-t6: DAT-LOC-turn-SPN.LGR-IMP

‘Turn [that lamp] on.’

Mood 293 31.3.4 -iko-t (ow-as) ‘don’t (do something)’ Negative commands are commonly formed periphrastically by adding -iko-t to a verb stem in the zero grade, and by adding imperative -as to auxiliary om- (ow-) ‘be’. This auxiliary ts usually omitted: (38) mi:c-iko-t (ow-ds) do-not-T be-IMP ‘Don’t do it!’ (said to one)

(39) pifa:tk-iko-t —(ow-dks) run.TPL-not-T be.PL.IMP

‘Don’t run!’ (said to three or more)

31.3.5 Aspirating grade + second person + -as ‘don’t (do something)’ Negative commands may also be formed by using the aspirating grade, second person agent marking, and imperative -as: (40) mad-ta:t im-a:pohéyhc-icc-as that-ATN DAT-mind.HGR-2S.AG-IMP

‘Do not listen to them.’ (stem im-a:poheyc- ‘mind, heed’) (1990b)

(41) 0 mazk-t: hovéyt-ick-as speak.LGR-DUR stand.SG.HGR-2S.AG-IMP

‘Don’t stand there talking!’ (stem /oyf- *(one) stand’) (1939b)

Note that there is no specific marking of negation in these forms. The only difference between the positive and the negative is the appearance of second person marking:

(42) hihc-as see.HGR-IMP

‘Look!’

(43) hihc-ick-as see. HGR-2S.AG-IMP

‘Don’t look!’

31.3.6 -ak-i:-s ‘let’s (do something)’ “Lets expressions are formed by adding -ak-i:-s or -ak-i:-ts to a zerograde stem.

"The element -aki:s probably includes impersonal agent -ak- ($25.2). Haas transcribed the final consonant of -aki:ts as c rather than as /s; thus, she writes ilt:caki:e “let’s kill him’ (1939b) where I write i/i:caki:is. For modern speakers, the last consonant is [ts] or [s], but never [t)]. Perhaps it is a contraction of -//s ‘it 1s’.

294 $3] (44) — azssi:c-ak-i:-ts kévhe-in... chase- IMPL.AG-DUR-be tell. HGR-N

‘“Let’s chase them,” [the horse] said...’ (1915.1)

This ending seems not to have a negative (‘let’s not go’). Instead, a different pattern is used (cf. §31.3.13): (45) 9 apthy-i:-sk-a:ts go. TPL.HGR-DUR-without-REF.IND

‘Let’s not go.’ (JM)

31.3.7 homp-i:"p ‘let’s (do something)’ The ending -i:"p is common in everyday speech for ‘let’s’.°

(46) vyaheyk-i-"p ‘let’s sing’ apo: k-i:"p ‘let’s sit down’

api:y-i:"p ‘let’s go’ Because a plural subject is implied, this construction requires a plural

verb if one exists (§23.1): thus, /omh-i:"p ‘let’s lie down’ (< lomh‘(three or more) lie’) 1s possible, but *wakk-i:"p ‘let’s lie down’ (< wakk- *(one) lie’) is not.

31.3.8 -ikas ‘let him/her (do something)’ Third person commands (‘let him/her/them do something’) are expressed by adding -kas to a zero-grade stem (88.1):

(47) ifa méy-t homp-tkas dog there-T eat-let ‘Let the dog eat first...’ (1915.2)

(48) ifa méy-t homp-ak-tkas dog rather-T eat-PL-let ‘Let the dogs eat first...’ (1915.2)

This suffix is not used for other persons (‘Let me’, etc.). Note that the subject of the action (7/a méy in (47)-(48)) is marked with -7. There is some evidence that -ikas consists of -ika- and imperative or Indicative -s:

(49) mo:m-i:-t — act-ikd a: t-tkd-n O:-S be.so-DUR-T go.about.SG.LGR-so go.about.SG.LGR-let-N be.LGR-IND

‘Just let him be, they said.’ (1915.1)

* The suffix -i:"p looks like a nasalizing grade form of -ip- ($28.5), but the full form is unknown.

Mood 295

The occurrence of -ika- in (49) suggests that the final -s, at least, is separable.

31.3.9 Aspirating grade + -()n 0: ‘let (Someone do something)’ The suffix -7kas expresses ‘let’ in the third person. For other persons, a cleft construction (‘let it be that... .’) is used:

(50) ca:ta_ cin-hihc-ey-n om-ikas (> cin-hihc-ey-n 0.) blood 2.DAT-see.HGR-1S.AG-N_ be-let

‘Let me check your blood.’

31.3.10 -dccas ‘you must/shall/can’ The suffix -dccas “you must/shall/can’ attaches to a zero grade stem ($8.1). The last syllable of the stem is accented tf it is heavy or if it is the last even-numbered light syllable:

(51) nis-dccas ‘you must buy it’ isk-accds ‘you must drink it’ wandy-accas ‘you must tie 10

. : . Sa > ; : - 3 Also homp-it on-ck-is and homp-it 6n-cc-is ‘you are eating it’.

‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 301 b. kasapp-i:-t 0:-s cold-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘It’s cold.’ (informing someone)

It can sometimes be difficult to predict whether a specific affix appears on the main verb or on the auxiliary. Mood always appears at the very end of the verb sequence:

(9) wana.-y-it o:m-ts ‘he/she is tying 10 wana:y-it o:m-a' ‘is he/she eating?’ All prefixes stay with the main verb: (10) ca-wadna:y-it o:m-is ‘he/she is tying me’ adn-wana:y-it o:m-is “he/she is tying it for me’

Negative -7ko- appears on the main verb:

(ll) wanay-tko-t o:m-is ‘he/she is not tying it’ Agent person markers generally appear on the auxiliary, except in the negative where they fuse with negative -7ko- and appear on the main verb:

(12) wana:y-it o:m-éy-s ‘Tam tying it’ wandy-dko-t 0:m-is ‘Tam not tying It (13) wana:y-it o:m-Ick-is “you are tying It’ wandy-tck-tko-t o:m-is “you are not tying it

Past tense is generally marked on the auxiliary:

(14) wana:y-it o:m-éy-s ‘he/she was tying it (Past 1) wand:y-it 0:m-ank-s_ “he/she tied it’ (Past 2) wand:y-it 6:m-imat-s “he/she tied it’ (Past 3) wana.-y-it o:m-ant(a)-s_ “he/she tied it’ (Past 4)

wana.-y-il o:m-att:-s ‘he/she tied it’ (Past 5)

Stem-forming suffixes like prospective -aha:n- ‘be going to’ or plural -ak- appear on the main verb, however: (15) wandy-aha:n-it o:m-is ‘he/she is going to tie it’

(16) wanay-a:k-it o:m-is ‘they are going to tie it’

> The periphrastic seems not to be used with future tense: thus, wandy-d:ti:-s ‘1 will tie 1t’? has no corresponding periphrastic form.

302 §32 There appear to be stylistic or individual differences in the placement of affixes, however. Sometimes agent markers may appear on both the main verb and the auxiliary:

(17) homp-éy-t o:w-éy-s ‘I’m eating it’

This double marking seems to place attention on the main verb. Margaret Mauldin says that (17) might be the answer to the question “How are you using the herb?”

S22 Reduced copula -t In §32.1 we saw that verbs appear in direct (“short”) and periphrastic patterns. Approximately the same contrast is found in copular (“be’) Sentences:

(18) (direct) a. pokko-ti-s ball-be-IND

‘It’s a ball.’

b. pokko-ti' ball-be ‘Is it a ball?’

(19) (periphrastic) a. pokko-t 0:-S ball-T be.FGR-IND ‘It’s a ball.’

b. pokko-t 0:w-a' ball-T be.FGR-Q ‘Is it a ball?’

(20) (direct) a. kasdapp-i:-ti-s cold-DUR-be-IND

‘It’s cold.’

b. kasapp-i:-ti' cold-DUR-be

‘Is it cold?’

(21) (periphrastic) a. kasdapp-i:-t 0:-s cold-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘It’s cold.’

‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 303 b. kasapp-i:-t 6:w-a' cold-DUR-T be.FGR-Q ‘Is it cold?’

Here again the direct forms are seen as truncated and expressing surprise or an immediate reaction (D. Hardy 1992:224), The sequence -ti-s often contracts to -ts. The reduced copula ts only used with third person subjects and ts limited to complements that are noun phrases (18) or duratives in -7: (20). These are the same types of

complements that take om- in the falling tone grade (§31.2.2). The reduced copula seems to be used more frequently in questions, almost functioning as a question marker (§31.2.2).

I20 Negative copula fo:ko-: Verbs are normally negated with -ko ‘not’ ($30). When a noun phrase is negated, a special third-person form (0:ko-: ‘not’ is used:

(22) maha:ya to:ko-:-t 0:w-ey-s ‘Tam not a teacher’ maha:va t0:ko-:-t 0:w-ick-is ‘you are not a teacher’

maha-ya to: ko-:-t 6:-s ‘he/she is not a teacher’ maha.ya to:Ko-:-t O:w-i:-s ‘we are not teachers’ maha.ya to:ko-:-t 0:w-d:ck-is “you (pl.) are not teachers’

32.4 ok- ‘say, mean’ The verb ok- “say, mean’ is often used as an auxiliary, particularly with verbs like ma:k- ‘say’, keyc- ‘tell’, ki¢f¢- “know’, and iva:c- ‘want’:

(23) ma_ ito-la:n-i 9 wa:tk-i: O:St-1: lomheyc-a:t that tree-green-I cut-DUR four.FGR-DUR lay.TPL.LGR-REF

tak-haci 0:st-a:n keyc-it o:k-dnt-s Loc-tail four.FGR-REF.N tell.LGR-T say.LGR-PAST4-IND

‘The four green logs that he laid out were called tak/hvce ostan [lit., ‘four ground-tails’ |.’ (ca. 1940b)

(24) pon-facci:c-ick-ati:-n Ppo-va: C-1:-l O:K-I:-s IP.DAT-judge-2S.AG-FUT-N_ 1P.PAT-want-DUR-T say.LGR-1IP.AG-IND

‘[We’re saying/We mean] we want you to judge him for us.’ (ca. 1940c)

As (23)-(24) show, the main verb (the complement of ok-) is marked with same-subject -(/)t.

304 §32

3255 Positional verbs as auxiliaries

The verb /evk- ‘sit’ (dual ka-k-, triplural apo:k-) is used as an auxiliary to indicate the position of someone performing an action:

(25) mo:m-in isti-l apo: k-il on-kd, be.so.LGR-N person-T sit.TPL.FGR-T be.LGR-so

im-itita:k-aha-n-it apo:k-it O:-S DAT-get.ready.FGR-PROSP.LGR-T sit.TPL.FGR-T be.LGR-IND

Keyc-ali:-s tell. LGR-PAST5-IND

ahi:c-it leyk-ick-in yeyc-ati:-s watch.FGR-T sit.SG.LGR-2S.AG-N_ arrive.SG-FUT-IND

keyc-ati:-s tell. LGR-PAST5-IND

‘And people were sitting there, so he told him, “They’re [sitting] going to get ready.” “Keep [sit] looking, and they’Il come,” he said to him.’ (ca. 1940a)

The first use in (25) adds a sense of waiting, while the second seems to

mean ‘keep’. In both instances (and all instances where positional verbs are used as auxiliary verbs), the main verb (the complement of the auxiliary verb) is marked with same-subject -(7)t.

In its auxiliary use, leyk- (ka:k-, apo:k-) need not refer to actual sitting.

(26) opan-ka-ta:t ta:y-i! hi:"¢-in opa:n-it dance-GER-ATN much.FGR-DUR very.NGR-N dance.LGR-T

apo:k-it Omho-y-in it-a:-léyk-ati:-s Sit.TPL.FGR-T be.IMPL.LGR-N DIR-DIR-Sit.SG.FGR-PAST5-IND

‘And as they were really beginning to dance, he sat down.’ (1915.6)

Perhaps opa:n-it apo:k-it Omho:y-in in (26) could be translated ‘settling down to dance’. The verb foyf- ‘(one) stand’ is also used as an auxiliary. It seems to mean ‘always be’, or ‘remain steadfast’:

(27) in-no:"ks-it hoyt-tck-ati:-s DAT-greedy.NGR-T stand.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND

‘You will always be greedy with their [gardens].’ (1915.14)

32.6 wéyt-i: ‘might’ An auxiliary wéyt-i; appears with durative eventive (lengthened grade) participles to mean ‘might’:

‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 305 (28) 9 niss-t: weyt-[:-S buy.LGR-DUR might.FGR-DUR-IND

‘He/she might buy it.’

Often the preceding verb is run together with the auxiliary: ni:s-i: wéyl-i:-s > ni:siwéylti:s. Agent agreement and tense appear on the auxiliary:

(29) acy-i: wéyt-ay-i:-s 0.LGR-DUR might.FGR-1S.AG-DUR-IND

‘| might be able to go.’

(30) mo:m-éys cachta — iskand-t o:m-t: be.so.LGR-even Choctaw land-T be.LGR-DUR wéyt-ati:-s might.FGR-PAST5S-IND

‘But it might have been Choctaw country [where he died].’ (ca. 1940b)

a2.) ta:y-t: ‘able, can’ Ability may be expressed by using a durative stative (zero grade) participle with /d:y-i: ‘able, can’:

(31) ma-n a:-an-tot-ick-i: td:y-1:-s that-N DIR-IS.DAT-send-2S.AG-DUR can.FGR-DUR-IND

‘You can send me another.’ (1886b)

As (31) shows, agent agreement occurs on the main verb rather than on (a:y-i:. Negation also appears on the main verb:

(32) ay-ako-: td:y-is go.SG-IS.AG.not-DUR can.FGR-IND

‘I can’t go.’

While fa:y-i: is commonly used to mean ‘able, can’, the same concept is often more naturally translated with a durative eventive (used for habits): (33) ponacy-ick-i:-ti' talk. LGR-2S.AG-DUR-be

‘Do you speak (Creek)?’ / ‘Can you speak?’

32.8 po:y- ‘finish, do all of The verb po-y- ‘use up, finish’ has auxiliary uses:

(33) mo:m-eys weyy-I: po-y-ey-n O:m-a.t be.so.FGR-even sell-DUR finish.LGR-IS.AG-N be.LGR-REF

‘But if I sell them all...’ (1905)

306 $32 As (33) shows, the preceding verb is a durative stative (zero grade) participle, and agent agreement occurs on po-:y-. The following is another example:

(34) nis-i: po:y-iphoy-t:-t O:-8 buy-DUR finish-SPN.IMPL-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘They’ ve bought it all.’

S29 ma:h- ‘keep (doing), actually (do)’ The stem mach- ‘very’ has uses as a verbal suffix. One sense, sometimes in the nasalizing grade, is ‘keep (doing something)’: (35) aweyet:c-tko-t_ a:-ak-ta:sk-i-ma:h-ati:-s give.up-not-T DIR-LOC-jump.SG.LGR-I-very-PASTS-IND

‘He kept jumping in without giving up.’ (1915.3)

Another sense ts ‘actually (doing something)’ or ‘(do something) for sood’:

(36) ay-i-maczh-aha:n-it o:k-ick-in o:m-Gil 20.SG-I-keep-PROSP.LGR-T mean.LGR-2S.AG-N be.LGR-REF

‘If you’re actually going to go...”

(37) mo:-n somhok-i-ma:h-i:p-ati:-s be.so.LGR-N_ disappear.DU-I-keep-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘And they disappeared for good.’ (1915.1)

The verbal suffix ma:h- may derive from an auxiliary verb. An auxiliary verb use is seen in examples like the following:

(38) wana-y-i: md: h-ey-s tie-LGR-DUR keep-FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘Tam still tying it.’

32.10 = -i: (i) monk- ‘keep, still In main clauses, -7: ()/monk- often means ‘keep’:

(39) niets-i: monk-ank-s buy.NGR-DUR keep.FGR-PAST2-IND

‘He/she kept buying it.’

In other instances, a translation as ‘still’ is more appropriate:

(40) azfack-ita hamk-it aho:sk-i: monk-ati:-s happy-INF one-T left.over.FGR-DUR_ still-PASTS-IND ‘One game still remained.’ (1939b)

‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 307 The nominalized form imdnka also has this reading.” (41) ohtolopi: pa:li-cahki:p-ank-i: ma:h-i wiski — ma:k-a:k-i: year ten-five-PAST2-DUR about-] whisky say-PL.LGR-DUR

imonka-t o:m-ati:-t O:"-§ still-T be.LGR-PASTS-T be.FGR-IND ‘They still used to call it whisky about fifty years ago.’ (1939b)

With dependent clauses, -7: (i)/monk- can mean ‘while’ or ‘before’ ($42.3.8).

Agent agreement appears on the main verb rather than on the auxiliary: wana.y-ay-i: (i)monk-dnk-s “I was still tying it’, wana:y-icki: (i) monk-ank-s “you were still tying it’.

32.11 = -i:"t-t ‘busily (doing)’

The ending -i:"/-¢ (from -i:"p-it, containing the nasalizing grade of spontaneous -ip-) is used to mean ‘busily (doing something)’:

(42) hoc-ak-i:"t-l sapa:kl-is pound-PL-SPN.NGR-T stand. TPL.FGR-IND

‘They’re standing there busily pounding away.’

The final ¢¢ is pronounced [tt] before a vowel and [t] elsewhere.

32.12 Aspirating grade + -ahdhk- ‘almost’ A suffix -ahohk- combines with an aspirating-grade stem to mean ‘almost’:

(43) a. latévk-ahohk-a' fall.SG.HGR-almost-Q

‘Did it almost fall?’ (stem /atk- ‘(one) fall’)

b. latevk-ahohk-is fall.SG.HGR-almost-IND

‘It almost fell.’

32.13 -aha:"n-os-i: ‘just about to, almost’ The sequence verbt+-aha:n- is placed in the lengthened grade to indicate future time: /itk-aha:n-éy-s ‘Pm going to run’ ($29.3). In the intensive (nasalizing grade + -os-), -aha:n- has the meaning of ‘just about to, at the point of: * This word also means ‘natural’. In Florida, hdcci is a canal, and hacci-monka is a river (lit., “natural canal’).

308 §32 (44) = litk-aha:"n-os-i:-t O:-S

run.SG-about.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He/she ts about to run.’

It can also mean ‘almost’:

(45) fack-ahda:"n-os-i:-t O:-S full-about.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘It’s almost full.’

32.14 (i)s-aw0:Ssk-i: ‘always, used to’

As a main verb, (i)s-awd:sk-i: can be used to mean ‘used to (something)’:

(46) ’s-ac-awosk-i: 1-1 O:-8 INST-1S.PAT-accustomed-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘I?m used to it (now).’

As an auxiliary verb, it can mean ‘always’:

(47) w6."hk-i: 'S-aWwo0:Sk-i:-t O:W-i:-s bark.NGR-DUR INST-accustomed-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘He/she is always barking.’

In this use, the main verb is a nasalizing-grade stem with durative -7:.

32.15 ha:k- ‘become, get’ The verb ha:k- ‘become, get’ can be used with noun phrase or durative stative complements:

(48) = in-famic-t: vikc-1: ha: k-ati:-t O:M-I:-S DAT-fragrant-NZR_ strong-DUR become.LGR-PASTS-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘Its fragrance grew strong.’ (1936b)

(49) — ’s-ac-awod:sk-l: ha:k-i:t-t O:-S

INST-1S.PAT-accustomed-DUR become-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘I’ve gotten used to it.’

The same verb can occur with durative eventive complements to mean ‘get in the habit of (doing something)’:

(50) hatam ma_hici ahiti:c-it = mo:kkeyc-i: ha:k-att:-s again that tobacco light.LGR-T smoke.LGR-DUR get.LGR-PASTS-IND *... and he got in the habit of lighting the tobacco and smoking it.’ (1936b)

‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 309 Usually the complements of ha:k- ‘become, get’ are bare (without -(7)/ or -(i)n).

32.16 Deductive -acokThe suffix -acok- (or sometimes -acik-) expresses certainty about a situation that is inferred based on partial sensory information. It 1s routinely used when a sound implies an action: (S11) ifa-t = wo-hk-acok-s dog-T bark.LGR-DED-IND

‘There’s a dog barking.’

(52) na-cki-ta:t a:t-acék-in po:h-ey-t thing-ATN go.about.SG.LGR-DED-N hear.FGR-1S.AG-T

‘| heard something roaming around .. .’ (1939b)

(53) mo:m-i: — panho-:y-acébk-a:t poh-a:k-a:t be.so-DUR dance.IMPL-DED-REF hear-PL.LGR-REF

‘When they heard them dancing like that...” (1939b)

It is also used when reporting information by telephone:

(54) Sally a:-hoyhk-acok-s Sally DIR-call-DED-IND

‘Sally’s calling.’ (talking to someone in the room while on the phone)

A deduction can also be based on other senses. Margaret Mauldin said the following after I had looked at a menu:

(55) nacki-n 6:ho:c-acok-a:’ what-N_ have.IMPL.LGR-DED-Q

‘What do they have?’

Similarly, the following comment could be based on smell:

(56) tala:ko nokt-i:p-acék-s bean — burn-SPN.LGR-DED-IND

‘The beans are burning.’

As (57) shows, the sequence 6:m-acok- often contracts to -d:cok-s.

(57) fack-i:-t ~~ 6:m-acok-s (> fack-i:-t-d:cok-s) full-DUR-T be.FGR-DED-IND

‘It’s full.’ (said of a restaurant with cars around it, or if someone said it was full)

The sequence -iko- + -acok- always contracts:

310 §32 (58) wandy-ikda:cok-s tie-not.DED-IND

‘He/she is not tying it.” (deduced without seeing it)

Because of its meaning, -acok- 1s often most compatible with third person subjects. First person is possible in the future, however: (59) ma-n_ ay-aha:n-ay-acok-s that-N go.SG-PROSP.LGR-1S.AG-DED-IND

‘lll go there.’ (said of a place far away and unseen)

Other persons are also possible tn quotations:

(60) wana-y-ick-acok-s macho:k-in... tie. LGR-28.AG-DED-IND say.IMPL.LGR-N

‘They said you’re tying It.’

S2AT Generic statements: 0:m1-1:-s The verb om- ‘be’ in Creek sometimes appears in the form 6:m-is (> O:-s) and sometimes in the form 6:m-i:-s (> 6:w-i:-s). The latter is used for generic statements:

(61) a. loca tato-n homp-t:-t O:-S turtle fish-N eat.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘The turtle [a particular one] eats fish.’

b. loca tato-n homp-i:-t O:W-i:-8 turtle fish-N eat.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘The [typical] turtle eats fish.’

The sentence in (61a) describes the habits of a particular turtle. The sentence in (61b) indicates something about the generic turtle. Another example of the use of 6:m-i:-s for generic statements Is seen in (62).

(62) hayopa:li:ca hi:"t-os-i:-t O:W-i!-s rose 200d.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND ‘The [typical] rose is beautiful.’

The subject may be singular in this pattern, as in (61b) and (62), or plural:

(63) po:si wa:ka-pist:-n_ tsk-a:k-i:-t O:W-i:-s cat cow-breast-N drink-PL.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND ‘Cats drink milk.’

It may be used in both questions and answers:

‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 31] (64) a. Glenpool hopdy-i:-t 6:w-i:-ha:"” Glenpool far-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-Q

‘Is Glenpool far?’

b. ihi:", hopay-i:-t 6:w-i:-s yes far-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND ‘Yes, it’s far.’

32.18 = -acti-:* ‘I wish that, if only’ The ending -a-ti-:* expresses a wish: (65) o6:sk-a:ti-:” rain. FGR-REF-EMPH

‘T wish it would rain.’/ ‘If only it would rain.’

Since -:“ 1s used elsewhere to mark emphatic declarations (84.4.3), I take -a:i here to be an instance of the referential clitic ($39).

Pe be Happenstance: -atA suffix -af- indicates a sense of accident or chance:

(66) foco-t ak-foll-at-in duck-T LOc-be.about.TPL.LGR-happen-N

is-hic-ithp-ey-s es a INST-See-SPN.HGR-IS.AG-IND DCL

‘| just found some ducks in the water.’

(67) acy-it it-o:¢-d:n ’citakko calda:h-os-i:-t 20.SG.LGR-T DIR-reach.LGR-REF.N horse spotted-DIM-DUR-T

Ohm-at-it hoyt-in it-0:t-ati:-s be.HGR-happen-T stand.SG.FGR-N DIR-reach.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘And when he got there, he saw it was a little spotted horse standing there as he approached.’ (1915.1)

The happenstance suffix -a/- 1s easily confused with the Past 5 suffix

-ati:-. The former seems restricted to dependent clauses and is followed by short 7. The two suffixes may ultimately have the same source, however.

32.20 Discovered change: -ihp-at-teys The sequence -ihp-at-teys is used when a change ts discovered. > Thus compare focd-t dk-foll-at-in ‘ducks that happened to be in the water’ with Joco-t ak-foll-ati:-n ‘ducks that used to be in the water’.

312 §32 (68) s-ho:ccéyc-ka_ — an-kack-thp-dt-lteys

INST-write-GER 1S.DAT-break-SPN.HGR-happen-even

‘My pencil broke.’

(69) wanay-ihp-ay-dt-teys tie-SPN.HGR-1S.AG-happen-even

‘I accidentally tied it.’

Here -ihp- is the aspirating grade form of spontaneous -ip- (828.6), -dtIS presumably the happenstance suffix ($32.19), and -tfeys is probably a special use of the concessive (§40.5).

33. Numbers and quantifiers 33.1 Numerals When counting, numerals are listed in forms ending tn -(7)n:

(1) hamk-in ‘one’

hokko:l-in ‘two’ tocci:n-in ‘three’

O:St-in ‘four’ cahki:p-in ‘five’ 1:pa:k-in “SIX?

kolapa:k-in ‘sever’ cinapa:k-in “eight” ostapa:k-in ‘nine’

pa.l-in ‘ten’

The numbers ‘seven’ through ‘nine’ are based on ‘two’ through ‘four’, though speakers do not associate them. Historically kolapa:k-in ‘seven’

derives from /hokko:l-it apda:k-in “two joining (five)’. All of the numerals are in the falling tone grade except hamk-in ‘one’ and pa-l-in

‘ten’.

Decades are compounds of ten and a number:

(2) pacl-i-hokko:l-in ‘twenty’ pa:l-i-tocci:n-in — “thirty’

pa.l-i-6:st-in ‘forty’

pa:l-i-cahki:p-in ‘fifty’ pa.l-i-i:pda:k-in “sixty” pa:l-i-kolapa:k-in ‘seventy’ pa.l-i-cinapa:k-in ‘eighty’ pa.l-i-ostapd:k-in ‘ninety’

Numerals between decades are formed by using the decade and a special combining form of the numeral:”

' We can see that numerals are in the falling tone grade by comparing them to derived forms. When we compare the numeral focc?:n-in ‘three’ with the derived form foccinéyc-ey-s ‘I’m three years old’ in (18), for example, we see that the verb stem is foccin-, With a short vowel. Numerals in Creek are thus not frozen in a particular grade form, as they are in Choctaw and Chickasaw. - These combining forms of numerals are puzzling: hamkontald:k-in is perhaps from hamk-in ohh-atalda:k-in ‘one in addition’; hokkolohkd:k-in may be from hokko:1-it

314 §33 (3) a. pda:l-in hamkontald:k-in ‘elevew

pa:l-in hokkolohka:k-in ‘twelve’ pa:l-in toccinohka:k-in ‘thirteen’

pa:l-in ostohka:k-in ‘fourteen’ pa:l-in cahkipohka:k-in ‘fifteen’

pa-l-in t:pohka:k-in ‘sixteen’ pa:l-in kolapohka:k-in ‘seventeen’ pa:l-in cinapohka:k-in ‘eighteen’ pa:l-in ostapohka:k-in ‘nineteen’

b. pa:l-i-hokko:l-in hamkontalda:k-in ‘twenty-one’ pa: l-i-hokk6é.l-in hokkolohka:k-in ‘twenty-two’

For hundreds, thousands, and millions, a noun cokpi is used, modified by a numeral:

(4) a. cokpi hamk-in ‘one hundred’ cokpi hokko:!-in ‘two hundred’

b. cokpi-takko hamk-in ‘one thousand’ c. cokpi-takko hokko:1l-in ‘two thousand’ d. cokpi-takko-acol-i hamk-in ‘one million’

Here, cokpi-takko 1s literally ‘big hundred’; cokpi-fakko-acol-i 1s literally ‘old big hundred’. Long numerals contain numbers ending in -(I)N:

(5) cokpi-takko hamk-in cokpi — ostapa:k-in paz:l-i-ostapa:k-in hundred-big one-N hundred nine.FGR-N_ ten-I-nine.FGR-N cinapohka: k-in with.eight.FGR-N “nineteen hundred and ninety-eight’

In addition to the standard numerals, a number of individuals remember forms that were used in playing a game with bones. Everyone remembers slightly different versions of the numbers, but the following are Margaret Mauldin’s forms:

(6) hamamey hokoko: focicl: wicla: Calcd:

hanakita ho:stala oh-ka:k-in “two sitting on’. The stem ka:k- ‘sit’ is usually used for dual subjects, however, so it is not clear why it is used in the other forms.

Numbers and quantifiers 315 hackap pi:ttos contos

33.1.1 Uses of numerals Numerals follow the nouns they modify. The noun phrase may be marked with -(/)t as a subject or with -(7)n as a nonsubject:

(7) honan-ta:ki hokko:l-os-it — ’t-ala:hohk-it O:k-ait man-PL two.FGR-DIM-T DIR-arrive.DU.HGR-T Say.LGR-REF

‘Only two men came back, and said...’ (ca. 1940b)

(8) ist hamk-in facci:ca-n_ hahy-i:-t person one-N judge-N = make.HGR-1P.AG-T ‘We'll make one person the judge...” (ca. 1940c)

As (7) shows, diminutive -os- can be added to mean ‘just’ or ‘only’. The concessive suffix -eys can be used with or without -os- to mean ‘even’:

(9) — hasi-aki:tka hamk-os-eys cO:ka am-aha:hoy-ati: hour one.FGR-DIM-even paper 1S.DAT-teach.IMPL-PASTS

siko-:-t O:"-8

without-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘| was never taught for even one hour.’ (ca. 1940b)

The numeral hamk-in ‘one’ is used in stories to introduce a character, and in this use ts close to a marker of indefiniteness (‘a certain’):

(10) mo:m-it foll-6:f isti hamk-it be.so.LGR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-when person one-T anta: p-ati:-s meet-PAST5-IND

‘While they were going about, a man met them.’ (1915.1)

Numerals may also be used independently, with the quantified element implied:

(ll) hamk-it kanéyti — isti-last-i O:m-in one-T Canadian person-black-1 be.FGR-N ‘One was Canadian Colored...’ (ca. 1940b)

When used independently, referential -a:7/i) is often added:

(12) ya — tocci:n-a:t atahtaka-t ‘timatka hda:y-a:k-it these three.FGR-REF for.RED-T election do-PL.LGR-T

‘They held elections for each of these three...” (ca. 1940b)

316 §33

Numerals sometimes appear outside the modified noun phrase: (13) ito-polo:k-in — hokko:l-in cakcahthc-it wood-round-N two.FGR-N_ stick.PL.HGR-T

‘They stick two poles [in the ground]... (ca. 1940c)

The presence of -(i/n on the quantified noun in (13) suggests it Is a separate constituent.

Numerals may be modified for degree. The word ati:k-os-i:-n means ‘exactly’: (14) hasi-aki:tka hokko:l-a:t — att:k-os-i:-n hour two.FGR-REF up.to.FGR-DIM-DUR-N im-ihda: k-a:ti:-s DAT-wait-1S.AG.FUT-IND

‘I will wait until exactly two o’clock.’ (ca. 1940b)

The word ma:h-i: is used for ‘about’: ahopa:koci 0:st-a:t mach-t: ‘about four inches’. Fractions are formed by using natkapa ‘halt:

(15) ist-ili-ahopda:ka O:St-i: natkapa apda:k-i: person-foot-measure four.FGR-DUR halt Join.FGR-DUR

in-capk-i:-teyvs Ohin-it DAT-length-NZR-even be.HGR-T

‘The length was four and a half feet.’ (ca. 1940c)

In telling the date, the word ohfolopi: ‘year’ is followed by a number. The expression 0:m-o:f is used for ‘in (a year)’ and ‘on (a day)’:

(16) ohtolopi: cokpitakko hamk-in cokpi-cinapda:k-in pa:l-i-i:pa:k-in year hundred-big one-N — hundred-eight.FGR-N_ ten-six.FGR-N hamkontald:k-a:t 6:m-o:f with.one.FGR-REF be.FGR-when

‘In the year eighteen hundred and sixty-one...’ (ca. 1940b)

In telling one’s age, the word of- ‘reach’ can be used:

(17) mo:m-6:f am-acolka ohtolopt: pa:l-i-hokko:!-i: be.so.LGR-when 1S.DAT-old-GER year ten-I-two.FGR-DUR

hamkontala:k-a:t ot-i:-t-a:ti:-s with.one.FGR-REF reach-DUR-T-be.PASTS-IND

‘At that time my age was twenty-one years.’ (ca. 1940b)

Numbers and quantifiers oa) Age 1s also told by using direct causatives of numerals (§24). These are

formed with -ic- (or -yc-) or -iceyc-, often with deletion of -A- in the stem:

(18) hamk-in ‘one’ hamicéyc-ey-s ‘I’m one year old.’ hokko:1-in “two” hokkoléyc-ey-s ‘Vm two years old.’ tocci:n-in “three’ toccinéyc-ey-s “1m three years old.’

0:st-in “four ostéyc-ey-s “I’m four years old.’ cahki:p-in ‘five’ cahkipéyc-ey-s ‘I’m five years old.’

1:pa-k-in “Six? i:péyc-ey-s ‘I’m six years old.’ kolapa:k-in ‘seven’ kolapéyc-ey-s ‘I’m seven years old.’ cinapa:k-in ‘eight’ cinapéyc-ey-s ‘I’m eight years old.’ ostapda:k-in ‘nine’ ostapéyc-ey-s ‘lm nine years old.’

pa:l-in ‘tew pa.li:c-ey-s ‘1m ten years old.’ pa:l-in hamkontala:k-in pa:l-in hamkontaléyc-ey-s ‘Vm eleven

‘eleven’ years old.’ pa:l-in hokkolohka:k-in pa:l-in hokkolohkévc-ey-s ‘Vm twelve ‘twelve’ years old.’ Direct causatives of numerals also mean ‘be/do all (three, four, etc.)’. This reading ts seen in (19):

(19) mai imaleykita hami:c-a:t i:ppoci-la:ki-t po:sk-it

that clan whole.one.FGR-REF 3.PAT.SOn-PL-T fast.LGR-T léyk-in SIt.SG.FGR-N

‘The sons of the whole clan would sit fasting...” (ca. 1940b)

Numerals generally end in -(7)t or -(i)/n at the end of a noun phrase. When a numeral modifies a noun phrase within a relative clause, the numeral ends in -7:, like other verbs:

(20) ma ito-la:n-i — wa:tk-i: 6:st-i: lomheyc-a:t that tree-green-] cut-DUR four.FGR-DUR lay.TPL.LGR-REF ‘the four green logs that he laid out’ (ca. 1940b)

The referential clitic -a:t(i) can occur before or after numerals:

(21) in-hopay-i: akt:tka hamk-a:t s-in-hoyan-i:-teys DAT-far-NZR measure one-REF INST-DAT-pass-DUR-even

po:hk-i:-s audible. FGR-DUR-IND

‘They can be heard more than one mile away.’ (ca. 1940b)

318 §33 (22) ma ifa homa a-pifda:tk-a:t hamk-it ¢a:-li:tk-it

that dog front at-run.TPL.FGR-REF one-T — DIR-run.SG.FGR-T ‘Then one of the dogs who had run ahead came back .. .” (1915.4)

When the numeral follows a phrase in -a-t(i), a partitive sense (‘one of the ...’) results. Example (22) could be translated ‘the dogs who had run ahead, one came back... .’. The following example is similar:

(23) ma_italwa toccinéyc-a:t hamk-eys pan-ka i:kand that tribal town three.FGR-REF one-even dance-GER ground

cokotakko i:y-in-ha-:y-ak-ika:ti:-t O:"-§ Square.ground RFL-DAT-make-PL-not.PAST5S-T be.FGR-IND

‘Of those three tribal towns, not one made themselves a dance ground or square ground.’ (ca. 1940b)

OS. Ordinals Ordinals are formed from numerals:

(24) hamk-in ‘one’ (i)s-a-hamk-a:t(i) ‘the first’ hokko:l-in ‘two’ (i)s-a-hokko:l-a:t(i) ‘the second’ focci:n-in ‘three’ (i)s-a-tocci:n-a:t(i) ‘the third’

6:st-in ‘four’ (i)s-6:8t-a.t(i) ‘the fourth’

cahki:p-in ‘tive’ (1)8-a-cahki: p-a:t(i) ‘the fitth’

i:pa:k-in ‘Six’ (i)s-i:pa:k-a:t(i) “the sixth’ kolapa:k-in ‘seven’ is-kolapa:k-a:t(i) ‘the seventh’ cinapa:k-in ‘eight’ is-cinapa: k-a:t(i) ‘the eighth’ ostapa:k-in ‘nine’ (i)s-ostapa: k-a:t(i) ‘the ninth’

pa:l-in ‘ter is-pda-l-a:t(i) ‘the tenth’

pa:l-in hamkontalda:k-in ‘eleven’ pa:l-in is-hamkontala: k-a: t(i) ‘the eleventh’

pa:l-in hokkolohka:k-in ‘twelve’ pa:l-in is-hokkolohka: k-a:t(i) ‘the twelfth’

pa:l-i-hokko:l-in hamkontala:k-in paz l-i-hokko:1-in is-

‘twenty-one’ hamkontala:k-a:t(i) ‘the twenty-first’

As the forms above show, ordinals include instrumental /s- and, in some cases when the verb starts with a consonant, a- ‘at (the side)’ to the last verb in the numeral. The a- in some of these forms suggests a line of ttems, while the (7)s- implies comparison (‘of the group’, etc.). The forms above are referential ordinals, ending in -a:f(i). The ordinals in (24) may be used independently or modifying a noun:

Numbers and quantifiers 519 (25) mocanitta a:y-i:-n nitla: ‘s-a-tocci:n-a:t today gO.SG.LGR-DUR-N day — INST-LOC-three.LGR-REF ‘three days from today .. .’ (lit., ‘going [from] today, the third day’) (ca. 1940b)

Ordinals can also be formed from direct causatives. Actions are commonly performed four times for completeness, so the ordinal (i)sosteyc- ‘do the fourth time’ is common: (26) ma_ fi:kap-ka_ s-6steyc-6:fa-n that rest-GER INST-do.all.four.LGR-when-N

‘After the fourth rest...’ (ca. 1940b)

25.9 Adverbial numerals Adverbial numerals (‘once’, ‘twice’, etc.) are generally nominalizations ending in -a (27).

(27) ahamkoc-d-n mi:c-as ‘do it once’ hokkol-d-n mi:c-as ‘do it twice’ toccin-d-n M1: C-as ‘do it three times’ OSt-a-n MI: C-aS ‘do it four times’ cahkip-d-n mi:C-as ‘do it five times’ Plain numerals can be used as well:

(28) ak-cahw-it O:St-in ‘ti-pakohléyhc-it LOC-take.PL.HGR-T four.FGR-N RFL-fold.HGR-T

‘Take it out [of the water], fold it four [times] .. .’ (ca. 1940c)

Plain numerals are the only option for numbers higher than five.

33.4 Other quantifiers 33.4.1 [email protected]: ta:y-a:t ‘anything one needs to...’ Impersonal agent -ak- combines with (d:y-a:t “what [one] can (do)’ to mean ‘anything one needs to (do something)’:

(29) nacki ts-facy-t: s-dt-ak-i: thing INST-hunt.LGR-DUR INST-go.about.SG-IMPL.AG-DUR

ta:y-a:t pon-t ’s-im-apiy-ata:n-it O:k-I:-8 can.FGR-REF we-T INST-DAT-g0.TPL-PROSP.LGR-T say.LGR-DUR-IND

‘Anything one needs to go hunting with, we will take.’ (1915.2)

(30) na:ki is-notéyc-ak-i: ta:y-a:t-to: sto:m-eys thing INST-cook-IMPL.AG-DUR can.FGR-REF-FOC what.FGR-even

320 §33 omad'lka-n ifad-t — ta:koyc-ati:-s all. NGR-N dog-T prepare-PASTS-IND

‘Anything one needs to cook with whatsoever, the dogs prepared it all.’ (1915.2)

33.4.2 isto:"m-i:-t kO:m-ak-a:t ‘of any desired kind’ Impersonal agent -ak- is also found in the phrase is(6:"™m-i:-t k6:m-ak-

at (lit., “however one wants’) or just k0:m-ak-a:t ‘that one wants’) to modify nouns:

(31) aptswa_ isté:"m-t:-t ko:m-ak-a:t ma-n_ pitto meat be.how.NGR-DUR-T want.FGR-IMPL.AG-REF that-N boat

fa: ck-il s-ak-wa:kk-in O:k-in full.FGR-T INST-LOC-lie.SG.FGR-N say.LGR-N

*... the boat lay there full of every imaginable kind of meat...” (1915.2)

33.4.3 (i)st0:m-eys ‘any, whatever’ The word (i)sto:m-eys can follow noun phrases to mean ‘any’ or ‘whatever’. Thus, isti isto:m-eys means ‘any person’:

(32) citakko-honi:c-i-ta:t tsti istO:m-eys G:S8Si:C-It horse-wild-I-ATN person be.what-even chase.LGR-T ‘Anyone who chased after a wild horse...” (1937b)

Similarly, nd:ki isto:m-eys means ‘anything’:

(33) pahi, atakta, ito-issi-ta:l-i-teys — na:ki tsté:m-eys omadlka-n grass weeds tree-hair-dry-I-even thing be.what-even all-N

pa:sho:y-t:-t O:m-ant-s Sweep.IMPL.LGR-DUR-T be.LGR-PAST4-IND

‘They cleared off grass, weeds, dry leaves, and everything else.’ (1937b)

It can also be used with clauses to mean ‘even though’

(34) nacki-t iston-t om-tko-: ist0:m-eys thing-T be.wrong.LGR-T be-not-DUR do.anything.FGR-even

ay-ip-as kon-t O:k-éy-s 20.SG-SPN-IMP_ think.FGR-T say.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘Even though nothing’s the matter, just go, I said...” (ca. 1940c)

Frequently is/0:m-eys is preceded by an element -/o(:) (35)-(36).

* The word isté:m-eys includes isto:m- ‘do anything’ and -eys ‘even’.

Numbers and quantifiers 321 (35) istéy-to: ist6:m-eys itki im-apiléyho:c-a:t who-FOC do.any.FGR-even 3.PAT.father DAT-laugh.at.IMPL.LGR-REF

s-a.fack-i:-t dht-iko-:-to:k INST-happy-DUR-T go.about.SG.HGR-not-DUR-for

‘For no one would be happy about people laughing at their father...’ (ca. 1940c)

(36) hokt-ak-6ci-to: ist6:m-eVvs pan-ati: — im-itiktank-i:-t woman-PL-DIM-FOC do.any.FGR-even dance-FUT DAT-free-DUR-T

o:m-ant-s be.LGR-PAST4-IND

*... even little girls were welcome to dance.’ (ca. 1940b)

| have simply glossed this element as ‘focus’. A related element -/of/ appears in (37):

(37) hava:ztk-ait vyomock-i; m6nk-in — acy-it tafo-tot dawn.LGR-REF dark-DUR still.FGR-N go.SG.LGR-T winter-FOC

miski:-to: istO:M-eys summer-FOC do.any.FGR-even

*... he goes at dawn while still dark, in winter, summer, whichever

... (ca. 1940c)

33.4.4 alk- ‘each, always, only, must’ The verb da/k- is a quantifier meaning ‘every’ or ‘each’. It can be used to modify a noun:

(38) yike-i:-n yoksa alk-i:-n nda:ki ist6:m-eys hard-DUR-N end each-DUR-N thing do.any.FGR-even acokcotcoyc-ak-in knot.FGR-IMPL.AG-N

*... tie each end firmly to whatever there is...’ (ca. 1940c)

The group plural suffix -d/ki (§12.3) 1s probably derived from this verb. The adjectival nouns omadlk-a ‘all, every’? and alhi:k-a ‘each’ may be distantly related. In examples like the following, a/k- can be used with verbs to mean ‘always’:

(39) ma-n homp-i: alk-i:-t O:-S that-N eat-DUR always-DUR-T be.LGR-IND ‘He/she always eats that.’

Another use is to mean ‘must’:

3) 933 (40) mthc-ick-i:-t alk-ati:-s

do.HGR-2S.AG-DUR-T must-FUT-IND

*You must do it.’

When intensified (indicated by nasalization and use of the diminutive -oS-), the meaning ts ‘only’:

(41) mthc-ick-i:-t alk-os-a:n wevk-dti:-s do.HGR-2S.AG-DUR-T only.NGR-DIM-REF.N quit-FUT-IND

‘He/she will stop only tf you do it.’

The use of alk- for ‘only’ is also found with noun phrases. In this case, the preceding noun phrase often ends tn -/:

(42) = in-hopil-ka-t a'lk-os-eys hic-i: p-ay-i:-s DAT-bury-GER-T only.NGR-DIM-even see-SPN.LGR-1S.AG-DUR-IND

‘If only I could see his grave.’ (1915.1)

(43) aci-lowdck-i-t alk-iko-:-n act katéyp-i: corn-soft-I-T | only-not-DUR-N corn dry.HGR-DUR

hiteyc-i:p-ak-a:t-levs pa:p-it Store-SPN.FGR-IMPL.AG-REF-even eat.LGR-T

‘|The raccoon] eats not only fresh corn, but also the dried corn that is

stored away...’ (ca. 1940c)

The sequence -(i)/t d/k-i: ‘only’ is usually written as a separate word () in the traditional spelling and has perhaps been reanalyzed by some as a single morpheme.

34 Describing motion and direction

ae j : ‘

In $19, we saw that events and states take prefixes serving to classify location: akk-oss- ‘(one) go out of water; (one) go out of a low place’. Other prefixes are used to express motion or direction:

(1) hic-ita ‘to look, see’

it-hic-ita ‘to go a distance and look’ ta:-hic-ita ‘to go a Short distance and look; to look back’ *yi-hic-ita ‘to come and see, visit’

a:-hic-ita ‘to look this way’

34.1 (i)t-, tih-, tis- ‘go a distance and (do)’ The prefix (7)¢- 1s used for motion toward a place where an action Is

performed. The initial vowel of the prefix (/¢- is often omitted, especially before vowels. Some speakers use a form fih- (or fis-) before consonants, so that @¢-hic-ita, tih-hic-ita, and tis-hic-ita ‘to go a distance and look’ are all possible. A common use of (7)¢- 1s to indicate physical motion (‘go a distance and (do)’): (2) antap-ita ‘to meet (another) 4¢-antap-ita ‘to go meet (as at the airport)’

in-cokopiteyc-itd ‘to visit t-in-cokopiteyc-itd ‘to go visit

(someone)’ (someone)’

oh-cimk-ita ‘(one) to climb —¢-o/-cimk-ita ‘(one) to go a distance

onto’ and climb onto’

This sense is also found with verbs like af- ‘(one) come’ or alak- “‘(one)

arrive’, where the meaning ts to go and come, 1.e., to come back or return:

(3) at-ita ‘(one) to come’ *¢-at-itd *(one) to come back, return’ alak-ita *(one) to arrive’ *¢-alak-ita ‘(one) to arrive back’

' Directional prefixes are discussed by Nathan (1977:83-86) and Booker (1984). ~ The apostrophe (’) is used when an initial light syllable is unexpectedly stressed (84.4.1, $5.6).

324 S34 The prefix (7)¢- also has abstract uses that do not refer to physical movement. With ordinals ($33.2), for example, (7)¢- implies inclusion up to or until (‘going to’) a number:

(4) a. (i)s-a-cahki: p-a:t(i) INST-LOC-five.FGR-REF

‘the fifth one’

b. ?¢-is-a-cahkt: p-a:t(i) DIR-INST-LOC-five.FGR-REF

‘up to the fifth one’

A similar use is seen with nouns referring to time:

(5S) = (a)paksi ‘tomorrow’ ¢-im-paksi-n “the next day’ ()hoéma ‘front, in front of *¢-im-ihoma “prior to (that)

The sense in (5) is of movement from a point of reference to a new time, either following (‘going to the next day’) or preceding (‘going to

before that’). Occasionally this sense of movement ts applied to changes in condition: (6) (i)s-indkk-1: ‘sick from (a disease)’ = *¢-is-indkk-i: “sicker, worse’

34.2 (i)y-, ’yi- ‘come and (do)’ A prefix (i)y- is used to mean ‘come and (do something)’. It is not as common as (i)?-, but can be found in examples like the following:

(7) ma ‘citakko-calazh-i-ta:t| mo:m-os-in y-in-hoveyt-in that horse-spotted-I-ATN be.so.FGR-DIM-N DIR-DAT-stand.SG.HGR-N

‘[As soon as he blew the flute,| the spotted horse came and stood

before him...’ (1915.1)

Before consonants, it often takes the form ‘y-, as in ’yi-hic-ita ‘to come and see, visit’.

34.3 (i)ta:- ‘go a Short distance and (do)’, ‘back’ The prefix (i)fa:- is used to mean ‘go a short distance and (do something)’. It usually contrasts with (i)¢- (fih-, fis-), which indicates ereater distance:

(8) = fazy-ita ‘to hunt’ ta:-fa:y-ita ‘to go a short distance and hunt’ tis-fa:y-itd ‘to go a distance and hunt’ > The verb ‘yi-folk-itd ‘(one) to go back’ may include this prefix (cf. a:-folk-ild ‘(one) to come back’). This root always requires a prefix.

Describing motion and direction 325 (9) hopoy-ita ‘to hunt for, look around for’ ta:-hopoy-ita ‘to go a short distance and look for’ tis-hopoy-ita ‘to goa distance and look for’

A second use, common with directed verbs, is to indicate motion

¢back’: +4

(10) /itk-ita *(one) to run’ ta:-litk-ita ‘(one) to come running back’

a-weyk-itd ‘to throw (one) out’? ¢a:-a-weyk-itd ‘to throw back”?

Sometimes both readings are possible:

(11) Aic-ita ‘to look, see’ ta:-hic-ita ‘to go a short distance and look; to look back’

34.4 a:- ‘this way’ The prefix a:- commonly indicates direction toward the speaker (‘this

way’) or a reference point established in discourse (‘come (doing something)’). This use 1s evident in examples like the following:

(12) a. iscalli:cka aciméyk-is wagon climb.SG.HGR-IND ‘He/she climbed into the wagon.’

b. iscalli:cka a:-aciméyk-is wagon DIR-climb.SG.HGR-IND ‘He/she climbed [up here] into the wagon.’

In (12b), a:- implies that the speaker was in the wagon.

This directed reading is found with actions that are directed horizontally:

(13) /itk-ita *(one) to run’ a:-litk-ita ‘(one) to come running’

mill-ita ‘to point’ a:-mill-ita ‘to point this way’ oh-tot-ita ‘to send (a letter, etc.)’ —as-oh-tot-ita ‘to send this way’ oss-ita *(one) to go out, get out” ~—s a@-oSs-ifa ‘(one) to come out’

(i)ci:y-ita ‘(one) to go in, enter’ — a@z-ci:y-ita *(one) to come in from’

This sense of direction toward the speaker is extended to imply retribution (‘back’):

' The prefix (i)fa:- ‘back’ is similar in form to the noun /¢a: ‘his/her back’, but probably unrelated. More promising is Nathan’s (1977:84) suggestion that (i)ta:derives from (i)f- + a-- (.e., going and coming this way). * The sequence aa is usually pronounced [a:].

326 34 (14) palic-ita ‘to return (Something)’ — az-palic-ita ‘to pay back, fight back’

a-tofk-ita ‘to spit at’ a:-a-tofk-ita ‘to spit back at’ ataheyk-ita ‘to make a fuss, a:-ataheyk-ita ‘to talk back (as ina

complain’ quarrel)’

(i)tipoy-ita ‘to fight’ a:-itipoy-ita ‘to fight (someone) back’

fi:k-ita ‘to pay (something)’ a:-fi:k-ita ‘to pay back’

When a verb implies vertical movement, a:- may translate as ‘up’, regardless of the speaker’s position:

(15) hoyt-itd *(one) to stand’ a:-hoyt-ita ‘(one) to stand up’ ma:h-ita ‘to grow tall’ a:-ma:h-ita ‘to grow up, grow tall’

sit up’

apo: k-ita ‘(three or more) to a:-apo:k-ita ‘(three or more) to sit

Verbs referring to a change In position can imply vertical motion, as

in (15). When a verb refers to location, however, a:- may indicate location in the visible distance. The verb a:-hoyt-itad can thus mean ‘stand up’ or ‘stand in the visible distance’. The following is an example of this use: (16) ma_ ifa-acol-i-ta:t’ to:tka (a)pal-hamk-in a:-tak-wa-kk-in that dog-old-I-ATN fire — other-one-N DIR-LOC-lie.SG.FGR-N *... the old dog was lying on the other side of the fire...” (1915.2)

Another use of a:-, seemingly unrelated to other senses, Is to indicate location on one’s upper back or back of the head: (17) cila:y-ita ‘to touch, feel’? az-cila:y-ita ‘to touch (one’s own back, ear, top or back of the head)’

hosk-ita ‘to scratch’ a:-hosk-ita ‘to scratch (one’s own back, ear, top or back of the head)’

fi:m-ita ‘to pluck’ a:-li:m-ita ‘to pluck out (one’s own hair from the head or back)’

titi:y-ita “to massage’ a:-titi:y-ita ‘to massage (one’s own back, top or back of the head)’

With some verbs, a:- implies a point of departure (‘from’, ‘out’,

Orr):

(18) cafk-ita *to drip’ a:-cafk-itda ‘to drip from’ is-ita “to take (one), hold’ a:-is-ita ‘to take (one) out, off hatapk-ita ‘(one) to step down’ a:-hatapk-ita ‘(one) to step down from’

Describing motion and direction 327 ka:t-ita ‘to scrape (something)’ a:-ka:t-itda ‘to scrape out (a dish,

ete.) is-ko.t-ita “to cut with (scissors) az-s-ko-:t-ita ‘to cut out with (scissors )’

latk-ita ‘(one) to fall’ a:-latk-ita ‘(one) to fall off, fall out of As (18) shows, this reading is common with verbs of separation. This

use iS sometimes extended to mean ‘among’ or ‘in the company of others’.

When a:- combines with dative im-, it can mean ‘with (another person)’ (§22.1.1):

(19) (o)pan-ita ‘to dance’

im-opan-ita ‘to dance for’

a:-im-opan-ita ‘to dance with (Someone)’

Some speakers contract a:- when followed by dative im- or instrumental is-:°

(20) a:-im- > [ej|ma:-is- > [ej]sPatient and dative prefixes have special forms appearing after the directional prefixes a:- and (i)¢a:-. The form of the patient series in this environment, shown after a:- in (21), 1s identical to the prevocalic forms of patient prefixes (table 20.3).

(21) a:-aca- first person singular Q.-ICI- second person

d.- third person

a:-ipo- first person plural Similar variants are found tn the dative series, shown after a:- in (22).

(22) a:-am- first person singular a:-icim- second person

a:-im- third person a:-ipom-_ first person plural

These also contract, so that a:-ici- yields [ej]ci-, a:-ipom- yields [ej |pom-, etc.

° This contraction affects stress, so that a:-im-opan-ita is pronounced (ej |))Uno.pa)(ni.td).

35 Existence 35.1 o:c- ‘be, exist, have’ The verb stem o-c- is used for stating existence:

(1) ialwa assi-la:n-api — hocifk-i: isti apo: k-a:k-al town tea-green-stem named-DUR person live. TPL-PL.LGR-REF O:fa-n_ nis-ka-coko-t 0:C-AtL:-S InN-N buy-GER-house-T exist-PAST5-IND

‘Where people lived in a town named Greenleaf there was a store.’ (ca. 1940b)

The item whose existence is asserted is treated as a subject and marked with -@Mr:

(2) aha:ka im-pata:ka Ssiko-: okita 6:m-o:f

law DAT-base be.none-DUR time be.FGR-when

aha-:ka-t o:c-att:-t O:m-i:-8 law-T — eXxist-PASTS-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘Before there was a constitution, there was a law.’ (ca. 1940c)

The same expression can be used for abstract notions ( ‘timatka-t o:c-in ‘there was an election’). It can also be used with okita ‘time’: (3) omadlka-t fiksomk-ak-i: — okita-t o:c-imdt-s all-T fearful-PL-DUR time-T exist-PAST3-IND ‘It was a time when all were fearful.’ (ca. 1940b)

The word okita ‘time’ may be left out, however:

(4) ca:wanwa in-ta"'lk-OS-eVs ahosk-ati: 6:c-it 1S.PAT.little.sister DAT-only-DIM-even left-FUT — exist.FGR-T

‘There may be [a time] when my little sister is left all alone...’ (1878a)

The stem o:c- can also be used to mean ‘have’ in a wide range of senses. The possessed item may then be marked with -()n:

(5) itkanad ‘talimi-n o:c-G:k-it im-itiktank-os-ika land public-N exist-PL.FGR-T DAT-free-DIM-so ‘They were free to have public land, so...’ (ca. 1940b)

The possessor 1s marked with -(i)t and takes agent agreement on the VEL:

Existence 329 (6) oywa-la:t ci:mi-t o:c-i:p-tck-it O.-n hi:c-t:-t water-ATN you-T eXiSt-SPN.FGR-2S.AG-T be.LGR-N see.LGR-|P.AG-T

‘We see that you have water...’ (ca. 1940c)

The following example shows an alternative pattern in which a dative prefix on o:c- agrees with the possessor:

(7) = nacki hit-tk-eys cim-0:C-in thing good-not-even 2.DAT-exist.LGR-N

aht-ick-i:-to:k vi-folk-ip-ds go.about.SG.HGR-2S.AG-DUR-for go.back-SPN-IMP

‘Something bad may happen to you, so go back.’ (ca. 1940c)

The above could be translated literally as ‘you might go about with something bad even existing to you’. The use of the dative prefix in (7) seems to be preferred when the possessed item 1s something bad.

DOsz2 sas- ‘(for there to) be some (person doing something)’ A verb sas- ‘(for there to) be some (person doing something)’ 1s used to state existence:

(8) momi:c-a:t isti Sa:8-1:-S, moca-nitta do.so.LGR-REF person be.some.FGR-DUR-IND this-day ‘There are people who do that today.’ (194 1a)

Example (8) literally means ‘one(s) doing that, person/people are some, today’, with sti “person, people’ appearing as subject of sas-. The following ts similar:

(9) — i-ndkwa-n apdlla:y-it at-ati:-n 3.PAT-neck-N wrap.LGR-T go.about.SG-FUT-N

yikc-ita — imhoy-dati:-t isti Sa:s-att:-s strong-INF give.IMPL-PASTS-T person be.some.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘There were some people who were given the authority to go about [with it] wrapped around the neck.’ (ca. 1940c)

Examples (8)-(9) have the form of right-headed relative clauses (§42.2.4). The subject may also appear in the preceding clause:

(10) = isti-ca:t-alki-t nis-a:k-i:-t Sa:s-att:-t person-red-GPL-T buy-PL.LGR-DUR-T be.some.LGR-PASTS-T O:IN-1:-S

be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘Some Indians bought them.’ (ca. 1940b)

330 §35 Example (10) is literally ‘Indians buying them were some’, and

appears to be an internally-headed relative clause (§42.2.3). It 1s also common, however, for the subject to be implied and for the verbs tn the two clauses to be run together: (11) az¢-i-sa:s-is go.about.SG.LGR-I-be.some.FGR-IND

‘There is [someone] going about.’

As (11) shows, sas- is usually in the falling tone grade when expressing present time. The verb sas- can also be negated:

(12) tkanad ohh-onapa hasi léyk-a:t im-itintawa — na:ki-t earth LOC-above sun sit.SG.FGR-REF DAT-between thing-T

ca-stimittéyc-i: — ta:y-a:t sahs-iko-:-s IS.PAT-harm-DUR can.FGR-REF be.some.HGR-not-DUR-IND

‘There is nothing between sun and earth that can harm me.’ (ca. 1940e)

35.5 -siko-, -sko- ‘(for there to) be none’, ‘without’

y : ban a 2]

A form siko-: is used for “being none’.

(13) corkahicka ay-a:ti: ac-ohyikcéyc-ati: isti school go.SG-IS.AG.FUT IS.PAT-encourage-FUT person siko-n be.none-N

‘There was no one to encourage me to go to school...” (ca. 1940b)

A suffix -stko- is used to mean ‘without’, as in sakpa-siko ‘vest’ (< sakpa ‘arm’). The same suffix is found with verbs to mean ‘without (having done)’:

(14) hokt-aki ma_ po-hapo: it-Otho-y-t: female-PL that IP.PAT-camp DIR-reach.DU.LGR-DUR

hi:c-iy-dti: ista-n — aho."y-i-stko-:-t see.LGR-IP.AG-PASTS where-N go.DU.NGR-I-be.none-DUR-T

ka:k-i:-t O:m-ain Sit.DU-DUR-T be.FGR-REF.N

‘The two women we had seen come to our camp had not gone anywhere and were still there...” (1915.4)

Sometimes -siko- 1s shortened to -sko-.

' Booker (1993b:413—14) has argued that sas- is reduplicated from an earlier stem *sa. The negative stem siko- derives from *sa@ + -iko ‘not’.

Existence 3511 (15) = mon-t in-homp-t:-Sko-: (a:"y-os-i:-l be.so.LGR-T DAT-eat-DUR-be.none-DUR can.NGR-DIM-DUR-T O:-S

be.FGR-IND

‘One should not eat with them.’ (1915.4)

35.4 Experiential: -ati:-siko-: ‘have never’ The remote past suffix -ati:- combines with -siko- to mean ‘have never’:

(16) hic-ay-ati:-siko-:-t O:-S see-1S.AG-PAST5S-be.none-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘I?ve never seen it.’

Such forms are often contracted (> hic-dy-at-siko-:-t 6:-S). There is a positive version, too:

(17) i-hacko — in-wa:thoy-dti:-n hic-a:k-ay-a:t 3.PAT-ear DAT-slice.IMPL-PASTS-N see-PL.LGR-1S.AG-REF

Sa:S-ati:-t O:"=§ be.some-PASTS-T be.FGR-IND

‘| have seen some with their ears cut off.’ (ca. 1940c)

The positive version employs the verb sas- ‘exist’ ($35.2).

& yates) ‘Sit’, ‘stand’, and ‘lie’

The image of a human sitting, standing, or lying is projected onto animals and inanimate objects in order to describe existence or location. An object that is squat like a house, a cup, a hill, a lake, a box, a rock, a pile of sand, etc., is said to ‘sit’: (18) aséy-n — coko-t — a:-léyk-s yonder-N house-T DIR-sit.SG.FGR-IND

‘There’s a house [sitting] over there.’

(19) s-isk-itd-t oh-homp-ita-n_ oh-léyk-s INST-drink-INF-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-sit.SG.FGR-IND

‘There’s a cup [sitting] on the table.’

(20) aztami-t fitta-n tak-léyk-is car-T outside-N LOC-sit.SG.FGR-IND ‘There’s a car [sitting] outside [in the yard].’

332 §35 .*°9 In (18)-(20), a:- is used to indicate the visible distance, oh- is used for a raised surface, and tak- implies the boundary of a yard.”

Something tall like a tree, a corn plant, a tornado, a tall building, etc., or that has feet and ts upright like a table, a bed, etc., is said to ‘stand’:

(21) aséy-n ito-t hoyt-is yonder-N tree-T stand.SG.FGR-IND ‘There’s a tree [standing] over there.’

(22) oyvwa-acanka-l tak-hoyt-is water-pour-GER-T LOC-stand.SG.FGR-IND

‘There’s a water tower [in the yard].’

An object that is long like a river or pencil or flat like a plate ts said

to lie:

(23) aséy-n — hacci-t wa:kk-is yonder-N stream-T lie.SG.FGR-IND ‘There’s a stream [lying] over there.’

(24) — is-ho:ccéyc-ka-t = oh-homp-ita-n_ oh-wa-kk-is INST-write-GER-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-lie.SG.FGR-IND

‘There’s a pen [lying] on the table.’

(25) co:ka-t oh-homp-ita-n_ s-oh-wa:kk-is book-T LOC-eat-INF-N INST-LOC-llie.SG.FGR-IND

‘There’s a book [lying] on the table.’

The instrumental is used tn (25) because books contain things (§22.2).

Other verbs like atatk- ‘hang’ may be used this way. For spilled liquids, the most natural choice ts palatk- ‘spill’:

(26) oywa-t oh-homp-ita-n oh-pald:tk-is water-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-spill.TPL.FGR-IND

‘There’s water [spilled] on the table.’

For a cow or other animal perceived as roaming about, a#- ‘go about’ is used.

> According to George Bunny, Oklahoma Seminoles say ak-hév¢-is ‘stand’ in (20) for a car where Muskogees say /ak-/évk-is ‘sit’. ‘Stand’ is perhaps used on analogy toa horse.

36 Sound-symbolic verbs Creek has a number of sound symbolic expressions imitating noises, feelings, or movement:

(1) cakamhceyc-in ‘sound of a pig eating’

(afia:k-in ‘sputtering (of an engine)’

Kasa:ticeyc-in ‘rustling (of leaves being stepped on)’ maya: tna: k-it ‘swinging to and fro’

witwi-:y-in ‘trotting, jogging’ tomhtoyc-in ‘pounding (of a drum)’ tomomo: pk-in ‘rumbling (as of thunder, a stampede)’

tatata:kk-in ‘rattling (of a car, etc.)’ tata:kkoyc-in ‘clicking (once loudly, as of a door)’ Aimimi:pk-in ‘thumping (of people running, a car on a bridge)’

finini:tk-in ‘rumbling (as of thunder in a series)’ wiki: cwi:k-in ‘squeaking (of a bed, a baby)’ wakd:cwa:k-in ‘throbbing’ wakaka:ck-in ‘stinging (as alcohol on a cut)’

lamama:tk-in ‘Zooming’

cipci:y-it ‘trotting, jogging’ comhco.-y-it ‘trotting (of a horse)’

fatfa:y-it ‘moving back and forth’ ta:sta:k-it ‘loping (of a horse)’ The words in (1) are verbs and can be used as predicates:

(2) a:tami-ta:t lamama:tk-i:"p-is car-ATN = ZOOM-SPN.NGR-IND

‘The cars were zooming.’

The forms in (1) are listed with different-subject -(7)n and same-subject -(i)t because the infinitival (-ita) forms are felt to be unnatural. The following are additional examples of their use: (3) sokha acti homp-da:t ~~ cakamhceyc-in pohh-ey-s pig corn eat.LGR-REF chomp.LGR-N — hear.HGR-1S.AG-IND ‘| heard a pig chomping on the corn.’

(4) = fo:-ca:t-i_ isti-tach-d:t wakdka:ck-i:-t — O:w-i:-s bee-red-I person-sting.LGR-REF sting.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘When a wasp stings you, it stings.’

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Discourse markers

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37 Case and switch-reference markers Two suffixes -(/¢ and -(i)n appear at the ends of many noun phrases and clauses in Creek. On noun phrases, -(//t and -(i)/n mark subjects and nonsubjects, respectively:

(1) ifa-t pdo:si-n a:ssi:c-is dog-T cat-N chase.LGR-IND ‘The dog is chasing the cat.’

On clauses, -()f and -(ijn are a mark of subordination, used for chained, adverbial, or complement clauses:

(2) a. ifad-t worhk-it, — po:si-n a:ssi:c-is dog-T bark.LGR-T cat-N — chase.LGR-IND

‘The dog is barking and chasing the cat.’

b. ifd-t wo-hk-in, — po:si-t a:ssi:c-is dog-T bark.LGR-N cat-T chase.LGR-IND ‘The dog is barking, and the cat is chasing him.’

In (2a), -(/t is used because the subject of that clause is the same as the following clause; -(i)/n is used at the end of the first clause in (2b) to

signal a change in subject between clauses. In this use, -()¢ and -()n function as switch-reference markers (Jacobsen 1967; Haiman and Munro 1983; Stirling 1993), with -(7)¢ indicating same subject and -(i)n indicating a switch to a different subject.

A difficult analytical problem is deciding whether these two basic uses—case marking and switch reference—are unified or distinct.

From the data presented in (1)-(2), tt would seem that -(7)f 1s associated with marking and maintaining subjects (1.e., marking the default topic of conversation), while -(i/n is associated with marking

l . , ee

and shifting to nonsubjects. Some linguists working on_ related languages treat the two uses separately; others treat all uses as connected. Case marking and switch reference are treated together ' H. Hardy and Davis (1988) treat the switch-reference function and the case marking functions of the Alabama cognates -/ and -n as specific instantiations of a more abstract meaning: for them, the meaning of -/ is ‘central’ or ‘nuclear’, while -7 Is ‘peripheral’. Kimball (1991:225) states that the Koasati suffixes “have become distinct from their distinctive uses.” It is sometimes helpful in Creek to treat the case marking and switch-reference functions as related, but separating the two functions often makes the description more concrete.

338 $37 here because the two uses are sometimes difficult to separate and

because they share certain properties. For the same reason, I follow D. Hardy (1988) and H. Hardy (2005) in using the glosses “T” and “N” rather than more specific labels.

3744 -(it and -(ij)n as case markers As shown in (1), subject noun phrases may be marked with -(7)t and nonsubject noun phrases may be marked with -(7)n. It is the entire noun

phrase that is marked: when a modifier follows a noun in the noun phrase, the case marker appears at the end of the whole phrase:

(3) a. po:si last-i:-t G:SS81:C-1S cat black-DUR-T chase.LGR-IND ‘A black cat is chasing him/her/tt.’

b. po:si last-i:-n GSS C-1S cat black-DUR-N chase.LGR-IND ‘He/she/it is chasing a black cat.’

The suffix -(7)¢ can be used for subjects interpreted as agents, as in (3a), or for subjects interpreted as nonagents. With the verb om- ‘be’, it is used for both the subject and for the noun phrase predicate:

(4) ma posi last-i:-t ca-nd:ki-t O:-8

.~.9

that cat black-DUR-T IS.PAT-thing-T be.FGR-IND ‘That black cat [out of several] is mine.’

The suffix -()/n 1s used broadly, appearing on virtually any nominal constituent of a sentence other than the subject.” It may appear on more than one object tn a clause:

(5) = oy-mo:tk-i-n vaha-n_ akalho-y-in water-boiling-I-N wolf-N pour.on.IMPL.LGR-N

*... they pour boiling water on Wolf...’ (1939b)

It appears on nonfinite complements (verbal nouns):

(6) atotk-ita-n hopo:y-it — foll-ita-n Po-Va. Cit work-INF-N seek.LGR-T go.about.TPL-INF-N 1S.PAT-want.FGR-T O:-S

be.LGR-IND

‘We want to go around looking for work.’ (1915.1)

° The unusually broad function of -(i)n as a case marker may suggest that the casemarking use derives from the switch-reference use. This matches other changes in the language, where verbal suffixes have migrated to noun phrases.

Case and switch-reference markers 339 It is also found on noun phrases with adverbial function, including those expressing direction, location, time, and manner: (7) a. is-wand:-ka-n ma oykéywa-n_— a:-im-ak-kahy-in INST-tie-GER-N that spring-N — DIR-DAT-LOC-throw.DU.HGR-N

‘He threw a rope down into the well...” (1915.1)

b. ifa-t fitta-n hoyt-is dog-T outside-N stand.SG.FGR-IND ‘A dog is standing outside.’

c. ’s-anacomd-n_ nokéys-ako-s INST-ever-N steal.food.HGR-1S.AG.not-IND

‘[ will never steal crops again.’ (1915.1)

Postpositional phrases that function adverbially (e.g., cofi-ta:t coko O:fa ‘inside the house’ in (8)) are also marked with -(7)n:

(8) cofi-ta:t cokd o:fa-n_— leyk-i:"p-acok-in... rabbit-ATN house inside-N sit.SG-SPN.NGR-DED-N

‘Rabbit stayed in the house...’ (1915.8)

It is only the major constituents of clauses that may be marked with -(i)t and -(i)n, however. Noun phrase possessors and noun phrase complements of postpositions are not marked:

(9) a. maha:ya(*-'*-n) im-ifa

teacher DAT-dog ‘the teacher’s dog’

b. cokd(*-t’*-n) o:fa

house inside ‘in the house’

Not all subjects are marked with -(7)t, and not all objects are marked with -(i)n: as shown in the next section, a number of factors govern the presence or absence of these markers.

37.1.1 Presence or absence of case In some environments case marking is required: in others, it 1s impossible. In still other contexts, case marking is optional and depends on such factors as focus and possible ambiguity. In general, -(i)t and -(i)n are dropped on noun phrases that are not focused. A few of the factors governing presence of case are considered below. ¢ Noun phrases are not case-marked in citation form (pokko ‘ball’) or when used as vocatives.

340 §37 ¢ A noun phrase marked with one of the discourse markers -w’ ‘also’, -teys ‘even’, or -ta:¢ (attention marker) is never case-marked: (lO) ani-w' ma:tapo:m-in — cin-fi:k-a:ti:-s [-also be.same.FGR-N 2.DAT-pay-1S.AG.FUT-IND

‘T will pay you the same, too.’ (1915.1)

(ll) an-ta:t fikhonneyc-ay-i:-s I-ATN stop.LGR-1S.AG-DUR-IND

‘I can stop it.’ (1915.1)

¢ When a noun phrase is restricted by a numeral or other independent modifier, the noun phrase is marked:

(12) isti hamk-it: anta:p-ati:-s person one-T meet.LGR-PASTS-IND ‘A man met them.’ (1915.1)

¢ Personal and indefinite pronouns are generally case-marked:

(13) ani-t om-a:ti:-s nda:ki-t a:t-it no: ks-it I-T be-1S.AG.FUT-IND thing-T go.about.SG.LGR-T steal.food.LGR-T

O:-n O:M-ail be.LGR-N be.LGR-REF

‘I will do it, if there is something going around devouring crops.’ (1915.1)

¢ Noun phrases in subject or object position that are nonreferential and

not important to a story-line are often not case-marked. Thus, conventionalized NP + Verb combinations like those in (14)-(17) generally do not have case marking on the NP:

(14) ihapo:_ ha:y-a:k-in camp make-PL.FGR-N ‘They made camp...” (1915.10)

(15) to:tha_ itic-i:p-it tak-léyvk-ali:-s fire light-SPN.FGR-T LOC-sit.SG.FGR-PAST5S-IND

‘He lit a fire, and sat on the ground.’ (1915.1)

(16) ‘talo:fa_ ahoy-i:p-ati:-s town 2&0,.DU-SPN.LGR-PASTS5-IND

‘They went to town.’ (1915.1)

* This is probably switch reference rather than case marking.

Case and switch-reference markers 341 (17) akittéyc-ka_ ha:y-a:k-att:-s think.about-GER do-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘They made plans.’ (1915.1)

Passages like the following suggest that case marking 1s dropped for nonspecific reference:

(18) mo:-n O:m-Gil patko-faka_ hopohy-ey-n be.so.LGR-N be.LGR-REF grape-vine look.for.HGR-1S.AG-N

ma-t-d: ti:-s kévhe-it that-T-be.FUT-IND tell. HGR-T

d:y-ait patko-faka_ hopo:y-it — a:t-it O.SG.FGR-REF grape-vine seek.LGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-T patko-faka-capko-n_ hopoy-ihp-it gerape-vine-long-N — seek-SPN.HGR-T

‘Well, then, P’Il look for a grapevine, and that will be it, he said, and from there he went about looking for a grapevine and found a long

grapevine... (1915.3)

Each instance of “grapevine’ in the above passage is indefinite, but case marking only appears when the reference is to a specific, long grapevine.

¢ Complements of ha:k- “become’ are also not marked:

(19) 9 istama:th-it citto-capko — ha:k-i:t-t om-i:p-ikd great.NGR-T snake-long become-SPN.FGR-T be-SPN.LGR-because ‘Having become a great, long snake...” (1915.10)

¢ As noted above, a noun phrase functioning as a possessor Is not casemarked. Complements of verbal nouns may be case-marked. In (20), i-fah-alki-n functions as an object of the verbal noun in-homp-itd-n:

(20) ma_i-tah-alki-n in-homp-itd-n tya:c-il O:M-ain that 3.PAT-brother-GPL-N DAT-eat-INF-N want.FGR-T be.LGR-REF.N

‘He wanted to eat the brothers’ [food]... .? (1915.1)

Compounds lack case marking internally: alotk-ita hopo-ka ‘job seeking’, atotk-ita hopo.y-dlki ‘job seekers’. ¢ Phrases ending in -a:f/(i) fall into two types: when a clause ending in

-a:t(i) 1S interpreted as a relative clause, there is no case marking within it:

(21) [ma tsti — azt-a:t| that person go.about.SG.LGR-REF ‘that person going about’ (1915.1)

342 §37 (22) [ma ci:pan-i: yopa_ a:t-da:t|

that youth-NZR after go.about.SG.LGR-REF ‘the youngest boy’ (lit., ‘that boy going about after’) (1915.1)

(23) |[hiva koha_ ci:m-ay-a:t] this cane 2.DAT.give.LGR-1S.AG-REF ‘this reed I give you’ (1915.1)

(24) [ma hokti:_ léyk-a:n| that woman _ sit.SG.FGR-REF.N

‘where the woman lived’ (1915.8)

When an -a:/(i) phrase functions as an adverbial or complement clause, case marking may be used within tt:

(25) [cofi-t — a-t-d:ti-n| rabbit-T go.about.SG.LGR-REF-N

‘as Rabbit was going about’ (1915.8)

(26) [hatam hamk-it o:k-a:t] again one-T say.LGR-REF ‘[whereupon]| again another one said...’ (1915.1)

(27) [ma na:ki-t im-dneyc-a:n| kitt-ak-ikda:ti:-s that thing-T DAT-help.LGR-REF.N know-PL-not.PASTS-IND

‘They did not know that that thing had helped him.’ (1915.1)

¢ The phrase ending in -a:f/7) may or may not be case-marked. The form in -72 may appear as -a:ti-n, but is usually shortened to -a-n:

(28) mai oywa ati:"k-os-ain it-hoyt-in that water up.to.NGR-DIM-REF.N DIR-stand.SG.FGR-N

‘He went to the water’s edge and stood...’ (1915.10)

(29) mai ci:pan-i: — manitt-a:t in-fi:k-ati:-s that youth-NZR young-REF DAT-pay.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘He paid that young boy [an amount].’ (1915.1)

¢ As described by Booker (1980:184), in contexts in which case Is

optional, sentences without case marking appear to be neutral statements, while alternatives with case marking convey mild focus:

(30) a. cd-cki_ alahk-is IS.PAT-mother — arrive.SG.HGR-IND

‘My mother arrived.’ (Booker 1980:184)

b. ca-cki-t alahk-is 1s.PAT-mother-T arrive.SG.HGR-IND

‘It’s my mother, she’s the one who arrived.’ (Booker 1980:184)

Case and switch-reference markers 343 For Margaret Mauldin, use of -(7)/ sometimes also provides a sense of contrast:

(31) a. ma_ pokko-t o:-s that ball-T —be.FGR-IND ‘That’s a ball.’

b. md-t pokko-t 6:-s that-T ball-T be.FGR-IND ‘That is a ball.’ (as opposed to the others)

¢ Nathan (1977:62) observes a tendency to use case marking when there is potential ambiguity between interpreting a noun phrase as subject or nonsubject. The following three examples from a single text support this statement:

(32) a. ‘capo:fa-poca:si — hic-dta:n-it field-master See-PROSP.LGR-T ‘The field master was going to see...’ (1915.1)

b. ‘capo:fa-poca:si-t im-po:h-it field-master-T DAT-ask.LGR-T ‘The field master asked him...” (1915.1) c. coko-poca:si-n tm-po-h-it house-master-N DAT-ask.LGR-T

‘He asked the owner of the house...’ (1915.1)

Case marking is not needed in (32a), where context makes clear that the verb is interpreted as intransitive. The verb im-poh- ‘ask’ implies a human subject and object, however, so case marking is needed to distinguish the role of an associated noun phrase.

Other factors such as formality are undoubtedly at work tn determining the presence or absence of case markers.

Died -(i)t and -(j)n as switch-reference markers

:‘4:‘7‘;

As shown in (2), when -(i)t and -(i)n attach to a clause, -(i)t indicates a continuation of subject between clauses, while -(7)n indicates a change to a different subject.” Clauses with switch-reference marking appear in

several structural configurations. A common pattern, evident in

+ Nathan (1977) first identified -(i)¢ and -(i)n as switch-reference markers in

Creek. The description presented here is a revision of Martin (1998). My understanding of switch reference has been influenced by Haiman and Munro (1983) and Stirling (1993), among others.

344 $37

examples like (33), involves two or more “chained” clauses, generally translated with ‘and’ or ‘and then’.

(33) sti hamk-it alahk-it, person one-T — arrive.SG.HGR-T

ma hitkinaka-n_ ta:-oh-hala:t-ati:-s that preacher-N DIR-LOC-hold.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘A man came up and took hold of the preacher.’ (1936b)

I assume that chained clauses have the structure in (34), where S stands for “sentence” or “clause”:

(34) S

S,-@v@n So -tv@n — S, (marked for mood) The nonfinal clauses in sentences of this kind are dependent clauses

that rely on the final clause for mood and the full range of tense distinctions. Each of the clauses is a full clause and can appear with a subject. In chained structures, switch-reference marking on S; makes reference to whether the subject is the same as or different from S5, Le., with reference to the next clause in the chain.

Switch-reference marking is also found on adverbial clauses, though it 1s less common on clauses with this function:

(35) nazk-loke-t: ha:k-a:k-0.fa-n thing-ripe-DUR get-PL.LGR-when-N

it-yeyc-i:-t O:M-1:-8 DIR-arrive.TPL.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘When fruits mature, [the seven stars] come back.’ (1941a)

The sentence in (35) might be assumed to have the same structure as a chained clause, as shown in (36).

(36) S

S -@tU/()n S

Nonfinite clauses (verbal nouns) are marked for case, but finite complement clauses are marked for switch reference, as in (37).

(37) In its adverbial and complement-clause uses, -a:n (shortened from. -a:ti-1) includes the different-subject marker. The form -a-:/, as in (11), 1s either bare or from same-subject -a-1i-1.

* The fact that these clauses can be modified in this way may suggest that they are noun phrases grammatically, though they function adverbially.

40 Other markers 40.1 méy ‘rather, instead’ A discourse particle méy is used at the ends of noun phrases to indicate a replacement (‘instead, rather’):

(1) Aitka-ta:t = ca-ya:c-ik-s hotti méy-n peace-ATN IS.PAT-want-not-IND war instead-N

Cd-Vd:C-I:-S ma:k-it IS.PAT-want-DUR-IND say.LGR-T

‘| do not want peace. I want war,” he said...’ (ca. 1940d)

It is likely that méy is related to ma ‘that’. A similar element appears in some interrogative pronouns (§15.2).

40.2 ma:haka ‘especially’ An expression md:hakda ‘especially, even more’ is used to mark contrast, especially with pronouns:

(2) mon-t akitteyc-it tispo:y-a:t

be.so.LGR-T think.about.LGR-T finish.LGR-REF

ant maszhakad-ts — céy) mahk-it — a:y-ati:-s [ especially-be DCL say.HGR-T g0.SG.LGR-PAST5S-IND ‘And after he thought about it, he said, “It could happen to me,” and took off.’ (1915.11)

(3) ant ma:haka-w' — an-hamk-os-i:-t 0: k-éy-s [ espectally-also 1S.DAT-one-DIM-DUR-T say.LGR-1S.AG-IND ‘Me, I am all by myself.’ (ca. 1940c)

This expression may derive from the stem ma:h- ‘very’ (826.1).

40.3 ta:"wa ‘first, foremost’ A discourse particle fad:wa or ta:"wa appears at the ends of noun phrases (before case marking) to indicate priority in time (‘first’):

(4) kono ta:"wa-t it-ala:k-it O:M-a:n

skunk first.NGR-T DIR-arrive.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-REF

‘The skunk was the first to return...” (1915.7)

It also has this sense with adverbial clauses:

Other markers 365 (5) ci-totwa — palhamk-in cim-akk-i:s-t:-n O:m-Gil 2.PAT-eye one.side-N 2.DAT-LOC-take.SG.LGR-1P.AG-N be.LGR-REF

ta"lk-Os-ain ta:"wa-n =~ pon-homp-ick-i:-s only.NGR-DIM-REF.N first.NGR-N_ IP.PAT-eat-2S.AG-DUR-IND

‘Only if we take one of your eyes out first can you eat our food.’ (1915.1)

It can also mean ‘foremost’ or ‘above all else’:

(6) co:ka-sahkopanka-teys afikhonn-tko-: td:y-in

paper-game-even stop-not-dur can.FGR-N ma ta&:"wa-t holwak-i:-n lévk-ey-s that first-T evil-DUR-N _ sit.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘They also play card games without stop, and that foremost is evil as | stay here.’ (1878a)

40.4 ta:wa ‘probably’ A particle fa:wa is used in conversations to mean ‘probably’:

(7) Pepsi ta:wa Pepsi probably ‘maybe a Pepsi’

It differs in accent from fa:"wa ‘first’ ($40.3).

40.5 -teys ‘even’ A discourse particle -feys is used at the ends of noun phrases to mean ‘even’, as in (8). (Compare the concessive adverbial suffix -eys(in) [$42.3.4].)

(8) 9 cé:ka-teys — cim-atot-dk-a:t hofon-i-ma:h-i:-t paper-even 2.DAT-send-IS.AG.not-REF long.time-I-very-DUR-T

On-l O:N-eVS be.FGR-T be.LGR-even

‘| have not even sent you a letter for such a long time.’ (1886a)

Several noun phrases in a list can take this ending:

(9) ma lapdatk-i: fa:y-i: api:y-d:t it0-teys that in.woods-DUR hunt.LGR-DUR go.TPL.LGR-REF squirrel-even

kono-teys = na:ki- hémp-ak-i: (a:y-ail ali:k-ast skunk-even thing eat-IMPL.AG-DUR can.FGR-REF up.to.FGR-REF

366 §40 ilisc-it — ¢-Is-veyc-it

kill.SG-T DIR-INST-arrive.TPL.LGR-T

‘Those that were hunting on shore killed squirrel, skunk, anything one could eat, and brought them back .. .” (1915.2)

40.6 -w’ ‘also, too’ The clitic -w’ attaches to the ends of noun phrases to mean ‘also’ or ‘too’:

(10) mo:m-in hatam ca-li apalhamk-a:n be.so.LGR-N again 1S.PAT-foot other-REF.N

is-cl-ta:kk-d:ti:-s keyc-ati:-s INST-2.PAT-kick-IS.AG.FUT-IND say-PASTS-IND

ta:kk-o:f ma-w' —’m-alokp-i:p-ati:-s kick.LGR-when _ that-also DAT-stick-SPN.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘And again he said, “Ill kick you with my other foot.” When he kicked it, that one also got stuck.’ (1936a)

The clitic -w' generally only attaches to words ending in a or 7. When a noun phrase ends in 0, an appositive construction is used of the form

__+ma-w'* _ that one, too’: (11) nokoési homp-ita hopo-:y-a:t bear eat-INF search.LGR-REF

if0-n lomh-d:k-a:n takpalpeyc-it = nd:k wina:ho:ka wood-N_ lie. TPL-PL.FGR-REF.N turn over.LGR-T bugs

SO:kso ma-w' mda:k-a:n pa: pict O:Mm-ati:-s betsy bugs that-too say.FGR-REF.N eat.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-PASTS-IND

‘Bear was looking for food and was turning over logs, and he would eat bugs and betsy bugs, too.’ (1937c)

In (11), the phrase sd:kso ma-w’' is literally ‘betsy bugs, those ones, too’, but is pronounced together without a break or special intonation.

The addition of -w’ to a noun results in diphthongs that are otherwise rare in the language. The word ci:mi-w' ‘you, too’, for example, is pronounced [tfimiu] [~ sd, and ifa-w’, “dog, too’ is pronounced [1fao] [~~ ~—————«s&dJ.. Mary Haas tried various transcriptions

for this clitic, eventually deciding on -w. I usually hear it as a vowel [vu] or [o], but Haas’s transcription helps explain the fact that long vowels

are shortened before -w’. Thus, ¢7: ‘arrow(s)’ 1s shortened in fiw’ ‘arrows, too’, just as all long vowels are shortened before sonorants in the same syllable ($5.7).

Other markers 367 40.7 Declarative particles c7:%, ca:*, cah”, ta’ Creek has several particles appearing at the ends of declarative or Imperative sentences to convey a strong or sincere feeling on the part of the speaker.

(12) ca-cafikn-i:-s ce 1S.PAT-healthy-DUR-IND DCL

‘l’m feeling well.’ (1883)

(13) o:c-ick-in O:m-aili a:-an-lol-ds ae have.LGR-2S.AG-N be.LGR-REF DIR-1S.DAT-send-IMP DCL

‘If you have these, please send them to me.’ (1902)

The particle ci:* is commonly pronounced cey*, and variants ca: and cah* are sometimes also heard. A different particle ta’ indicates surprise, incredulity, or disgust.

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Syntax

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41 Word order and basic syntax The following sections discuss the order of constituents in clauses. The

order of elements in noun phrases ts discussed tn $41.1; 841.2 describes basic order in clauses. The remaining sections describe variations on basic word order, including fronting of quotations (841.3) and right-dislocation for afterthoughts (841.4).

41.1 The noun phrase Demonstratives like ma ‘that’ or hiya ‘this’ precede the nouns they modify:

(1) oma ci:pan-aki that youth-PL ‘those boys’ (1915)

Possessors also precede the nouns they modify, whether nonrelational, as in (2a), or relational, as in (2b). Postpositions like ondpa ‘top’ are another type of relational noun, with the ‘possessor’ preceding the postposition, as in (2c).

(2) a. tsti il-ati: im-poydfikca person die.SG-PASTS DAT-spirit

‘a dead person’s spirit’ (1941a)

b. konoyahola i:ppoci-ta:ki

(name) son-PL

‘Konoyahola’s sons’ (1941a)

c. coké onapa house top ‘the top of the house’ / ‘above the house’ (1915.21)

All modifiers other than demonstratives and possessors follow the

nouns they modify. Words describing size, age, or color are often expressed with reduced stative participles: (3) — fos-lopock-i bird-small].PL-1

‘little birds’

372 641 (4) isti-manitt-1

person-young-! ‘a young person’

(5) ifa-last-i dog-black-! ‘a black dog’

Properties can also be expressed with participles formed by adding durative -7; to a verb stem. Participles follow the nouns they modify:

(6) catO takk-i:-t = léyvk-a:n rock big-DUR-T sit.SG.FGR-REF

‘where a great rock sat’ (ca. 1940e)

(7) hopottin-ka takk-i: — séfk-i:-n 0: C-ICk-i:-t On-ka wise-GER — big-DUR deep-DUR-N have-2S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-so

‘You have a great, deep wisdom, so...’ (ca. 1940e)

Numerals have similar placement ($33.1). As (6)-(7) show, the casemarkers -(7)t (subject) and -(7/n (nonsubject) appear at the ends of noun phrases.

Adjectival nouns like omdlka ‘all’ follow participles and precede case-markers.

l

(8) cizpan-aki_ folleyc-ay-dnk-t: omalka-n youth-PL keep.LGR-1S.AG-PAST2-DUR all-N

an-salafkoyc-t O:N-dt-S IS.DAT-imprison.FGR-T be.LGR-PASTS-IND

“You have made prisoners of all the sons I have.’ (ca. 1940d)

The discourse markers -a:t(i) ‘referential’, -teys ‘even’, and -w’' ‘also’ precede adjectival nouns:

(9) nacki i:kanad oh-foll-G:t omdlka-t pasatk-ati:-s thing earth LOc-go.about.TPL.LGR-REF all-T die. TPL-FUT-IND ‘Everything that goes about on the earth shall die.’ (ca. 1940e)

The complete order within the noun phrase, then, is as in (10): (10) DEM/POSS NOUN -VERB-i VERB-i:* -a:t(i) -teys ADIN* -CM

As (10) shows, a noun phrase may consist of a demonstrative (DEM) or possessor (POSS), a noun, a reduced stative participle in -7, any number

of participles in -7:, a set of discourse markers including referential ' These adjectival nouns may be in apposition to the preceding noun phrase: ‘|[the sons I have] all |’.

Word order and basic syntax 373 -a.t(i) and -tevs ‘even’, any number of adjectival nouns (ADJN) like

omalka ‘all’, and a case-marker (CM) -(i/f (subject) or -(i)n (nonsubject).

41.2 The clause Subjects and objects are often clear from agreement or switchreference and so are often omitted. When they occur as independent noun phrases, however, they almost always occur before the verb in the order subject—object—verb:

(l1) locd-ta:t ta:fa-hatk-oct O:St-In turtle-ATN feather-white-DIM four.FGR-N

hopoy-t: p-ati:-s look.for-SPN.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘Turtle looked for four little white feathers.’ (1915.9)

(12) simano:l-alki-ta:t im-manitt-Glki-n — 6h-to:hk-it Seminole-GPL-ATN DAT-young-GPL-N LOC-drive.LGR-T

‘The Seminoles drove their young [men] forward...’ (ca. 1940e)

When a verb has more than one object, the? general pattern is for

noun phrase order to reflect temporal sequence: (13) oy-moé:tk-i-n yahd-n- akalho-y-in water-boil-I-N wolf-N pour.on.IMPL.LGR-N

*... they pour boiling water on Wolf... (1939b)

(14) mad-n_ ili-ciska-n — a-lomhéyc-it ohm-it that-N foot-edge-N LOC-lay.TPL.FGR-T be.HGR-T

‘[Rabbit] stuck them [cockleburs] to his heels .. .? (1915.8)

(15) trkan-k6tk-i-n kotéyy-i:-t omalka-n_ ma-n earth-dug-I-N dig.HGR-IP.AG-T all-N that-N

Gk-lich-i:-n o:m-ail

LOC-put.TPL-IP.AG-N be.LGR-REF

‘We'll dig a ditch, and if we put everything in that...’ (ca. 1940d)

In (13), action begins with the ones doing the pouring, then extends to the boiling water, and then to Wolf. In (14), action begins with Rabbit,

extends to the cockleburrs, and then to his heels. Example (16) 1s similar: the individual referred to was a person before becoming a

- Statements regarding the order of multiple objects and the placement of adverbs with respect to multiple objects must be considered tentative, as they are made on the basis of limited data.

374 $4]

judge, and the placement of ist hamk-in ‘one person’ before facci:ca-n ‘judge’ reflects this.

(16) &sti hamk-in facct:ca-n hahy-i:-t person one-N = judge-N ~—s make.HGR-1P.AG-T

‘We'll make one person the judge...’ (ca. 1940c)

The order of noun phrases in indirect causatives can be described in the same way. In (17), action extends from the implicit third person subject to the four turtles and then to the white feathers.

(17) mad loca O:st-a:t oma'lka-n_ ta:fa-hatk-oct that turtle four.FGR-REF all.NGR-N feather-white-DIM k-oh-cakcahi: c-ipevc-dati:-s head-Loc-stick.in.PL-make.LGR-PAST5S-IND

‘He made all four turtles put white feathers on their heads.’ (1915.9)

Noun phrases expressing location may come before or after the subject:

(18) oylawki:-takko ondadpa-n isti cinapa: k-it flood-big above-N person eight.FGR-T

pitto-coko-takko o:fa-n_ hisa:ho:k-ati:-t O:m-in boat-house-big In-N _ breathe.IMPL.LGR-PASTS-T be.FGR-N ‘Above the flood eight people were saved in the ark .. .” (ca. 1940e)

The locative phrase occurs before the subject in clauses with presentational function:

(19) aséy-n-— hacci-t wa:kk-is yonder-N stream-T lie.SG.FGR-IND

‘There’s a stream [lying] over there.’

(20) mad coke 0:fa-n apiswa-t 0:c-i:-t O:M-I:-8 that house in-N ~~ meat-T — exist-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘There’s meat in that house.’ (1915.29)

The time adverbial hatam ‘again’ may also precede or follow a subject:

(21) hatdm yaha-t hatam a:t-it o:m-in again wolf-T again go.about.SG.LGR-T be.LGR-N ‘[As Rabbit was going about,| again, Wolf, too, was about...” (1915.8)

Adverbial clauses generally precede the subject:

(22) ma-n_ istéy-t it-im-i:s-in o:m-a:t that-N who-T DIR-DAT-take.LGR-N be.LGR-REF

Word order and basic syntax 31D hiva isti-ta:t a-hisa:k-1:-s this person-ATN LOC-live.LGR-DUR-IND

‘If someone can go and get it, this man will live.” (1915.18)

Clauses can function as nominals and appear in subject or object position. In (23), for instance, the nonfinite clause isti-ma:sko:k-i-n tipk-ita-n ‘to whip the Muskogee’ is the object of iva:c-it “want? and isti-ma:sk0:k-i-n ‘the Muskogee’ is the object of the nonfinite verb lipk-ita “to whip’.

(23) calakki-t — isti-ma:sko:k-i-n tipk-itd-n Cherokee-T person-Muskogee-I-N whip-INF-N

iva: c-it O.M-dati:-S want.LGR-T be.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘The Cherokee wanted to whip the Muskogee.’ (ca. 1940e)

Manner adverbs occur in several positions. They may occur before an object, as in (24), or after an object, as in (25): (24) halala:"tk-it ma oy-hasi:-takko — ak-ci:y-ihp-in slow.NGR-T that water-pond-big LOC-enter-SPN.HGR-N ‘| Then] slowly he entered the big lake...” (1915.10)

(25) ico-hatpi hi:'¢-in (-oh-pata: peyc-il deer-skin good.NGR-N RCP-LOC-spread.PL-T

‘He spread the skins neatly on top of one another...” (1915.24)

When there are multiple objects, a manner adverb may occur between them (26) or before them (27).

(26) ihdci-n hi:"t¢-in ci-nokwa-n 3.PAT-tall-N good.NGR-N 2.PAT-neck-N

cim-a-cokcoht-ey-n 2.DAT-LOC-knot.HGR-1IS.AG-N

‘Let me wrap its tail securely around your neck...” (1915.8)

(27) ptke-i:-n voksa_ alk-i:-n na:ki isto:m-eys strong-DUR-N end each-DUR-N thing whatever-even a-cokcotcéyc-ak-in LOC-knot.PL-IMPL.AG-N

‘Tie each end firmly to whatever there is...’ (ca. 1940c)

The functional category of degree adverb can be divided into at least two formal types. Words like ma:h-i:-t and hi:"#it follow the words they modify:

376 641 (28) nazki tacy-tko-: ma:h-is-t — ic-oh-ca-:kk-it

thing right-not-DUR very-DUR-T 2.PAT-LOC-catch.FGR-T

O:m-IS a be.LGR-IND DCL

‘Something really bad has caught up with you.’ (1915.10)

(29) md-n ko:m-i:p-i: his"¢-it at-i:p-il that-N want-SPN.FGR-DUR good.NGR-T go.about.SG-SPN.LGR-T

‘He really wanted it badly... (1915.12)

The word of-i:-n precedes the word it modifies:

(30) ma_isti-honadnwa-w' of-t:-n IN-CQ:K-1: hda:k-it that person-male-too reach-DUR-N DAT-love-DUR become.FGR-T

‘The man really loved her, too...” (1915.20)

Auxiliary verbs follow main verbs:

(31) 0 aryl. wéyt-ay-[:-s gO.LGR-DUR might.FGR-1S.AG-DUR-IND

‘| might be able to go.’

(32) mo:m-eys weyy-l; pozy-éy-n O:m-ail be.so.FGR-even sell-DUR finish.LGR-IS.AG-N be.LGR-REF

‘But if | sell them all...’ (1905)

To summarize, we see that the basic order within the clause is as in (33): (33) CONN SUBJECT OBJECT* VERB AUXILIARY

Connecting words (CONN) are the first element, followed by the subject, any number of objects (generally in the order theme before location, and causee before theme or patient), the main verb, and an auxiliary. Adverbial clauses generally come between the connecting

word and the subject. Other adverbial elements (manner adverbs, expressions of location, etc.) may occur before the subject, after the subject, between objects, or between an object and the verb.

41.3 Fronting of direct quotations As we have seen, the normal order of elements in a clause is subject— object—verb. When a direct quotation functions as an object, however, it is almost always fronted, giving the order quotation—subject—verb:

(34) t-in-hitk-ip-dak-i:-ts calakki-t| = =— mahk-in RCP-DAT-peace-SPN-IMPL.AG-DUR-be.IND Cherokee-T say.HGR-N

‘Let us have peace,” the Cherokee said...” (ca. 1940e)

Word order and basic syntax 377 (35) mozm-ip-tkas yahd-t keyc-ati:-s be.so-SPN-let wolf-T tell.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘Let it be,” Wolf said to him.’ (1915.9)

Fronting is presumably done because the quotation is new, important information. The speaker is simply added afterwards for clarity. When the quotation is not emphasized, however, a special quotative frame is used (844.1).

41.4 Right-dislocation: afterthoughts A noun phrase may be added to the end of a sentence to clarify reference. In (37), the subject of the final clause is added as an afterthought.

(37) sti alipat-dlki, — icha:sw-alki, fosw-dlki isy6:m-a:t person alligator-GPL beaver-GPL bird-GPL join. TPL.FGR-REF

iti-na:-hamk-t: ha:k-t:-t om-G:k-i:-s RCP-body-one-DUR become.LGR-DUR-T be-PL.FGR-DUR-IND

ma:k-it — o:k-ant-s, acol-aki-ta:t say.LGR-T say.LGR-PAST4-IND old-PL-ATN

‘The Alligator clan, Beaver clan, and Bird clan became kin, they told, the elders did.’ (ca. 1940c)

An adverbial element may also be postposed this way, perhaps for added contrast or clarity:

(38) momi:c-ail istl SA:S-L:-S, moca-nitta do.so.LGR-REF person be.some.FGR-DUR-IND this-day

‘There are people who do that today.’ (194 1a)

In some cases, an entire clause is added for clarification:

(39) ma_yaha-ta:t tak-hoy"t-ati:-s, a-wanak-t:-t that wolf-ATN LOc-stand.SG.NGR-PASTS-IND LOC-tied-DUR-T

‘The wolf was standing outside, tied up.’ (1915.8)

(40) mon-t naka:ft-it —apo:k-ati:-s, be.so.LGR-T meet.FGR-T sit.TPL.FGR-PASTS-IND

ma hoktte-n_— this-dtt:-n ko:m-@:k-it that female-N take.a.husband-FUT-N_ think-PL.FGR-T

‘And they met, wanting the woman to have a husband.’ (1915.5)

D. Hardy (1994b) found that postposing of “because’ clauses (ending in -ika) is common in unplanned discourse.

378 641 41.5 Combining phrases

Creek lacks true conjunctions like English and. To join clauses, a chaining construction 1s used (§37.2). When noun phrases are combined, they may be listed without any conjunction (parataxis), or a special verbal form may be used following the combined noun phrases. The verbal forms used for this purpose are ‘ti-pd:k-a:t(i) (for two) and is-yO:m-a:t(i) (for three or more).

The verbal form ‘ti-pd:k-a:t(i) 1s literally ‘the one having joined together with’. The resulting expression can be used as a subject or object. The verb agrees with the combined person and number features of the joined noun phrases:

(41) Bill, Tom ’ti-pa:k-a:t atotk-a: k-is RCP-JOIN.FGR-REF work-PL.LGR-IND

‘Bill and Tim are working.’

To express ‘Bill and I’, both the joining verb and the main verb are marked for first person plural:

(42) Bill ‘ti-pa-:k-iy-a:t ato: tk-I:-s RCP-join.FGR-|IP.AG-REF work.LGR-1P.AG-IND

‘Bill and I are working.’

Inanimate and abstract noun phrases can also be joined this way:

(43) asick-ita, anokic-ka (i)ti-pa:k-in cin-to: t-éy-s Shake-INF love-GER RCP-joiIn.FGR-N 2.DAT-send.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘T send you a handshake and love.’ (1899b)

For clarity, the two noun phrases being joined may be separated by mo.im-it ‘does so’ or hatam ‘again’:

(44) nokosi-t, mo:m-it cofi — “ti-pa:k-a:t bear-T —_be.so.LGR-T rabbit RCP-join.FGR-REF iti-n-hi:Ss-ati:-s RCP-DAT-befriend.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘Bear and Rabbit became friends.’ (1915.21)

> From iti- (reciprocal) + apak- ‘join’. Sometimes apak- ‘join’ is used instead of iti-pak- ‘join together’, and then can be used for any number of individuals:

aha:kaha:va_ isti hokko.l-it, apda:k-in — apthy-in lawyer person tw0.FGR-T jOIn.FGR-N g0.TPL.HGR-N *,.. the lawyer accompanied by two people went...’ (ca. 1940b)

Word order and basic syntax 379 As (44) shows, the first noun phrase is sometimes case-marked in this pattern.

P are 4

For joming noun phrases referring to three or more individuals, isyo:m-a:t(i) 1s used:

(45) mo:m-in SOLk-i:-1 hokt-aki ~— hopoy-ta:k-oci be.so.LGR-N many-DUR-T woman-PL_ child-PL-DIM

is-VO:m-a:t dntawa-n foll-ati:-s INST-like.this.FGR-REF wilderness-N be.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5S-IND

‘Then many of them, women and children, wandered in the wilderness.’ (1937b)

(46) mo:m-in ‘cakotaksi hatam ti: is-yo:m-ait be.so.LGR-N bow again arrow INST-like.this.FGR-REF is-afaséyt-o:f INST-care. HGR-when

‘And after he uses the medicine on the bow and arrows...” (1936a)

41.6 Comparatives Creek has several ways to express comparison. Superlatives are not distinguished formally from comparatives.

Stative predicates use a pattern combining the instrumental prefix (i)S- (822.2) and the dative prefix im- (§22.1). The dative prefix takes the form in- before a nonlabial consonant and agrees with the object of

comparison ((i)s-am- ‘than me’, is-cim- ‘than you’, (i)s-im- ‘than him/her/them’, is-pom- ‘than us’):

(A7) a. mach-i:-t 6:-s tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He/she is tall.’

b. ()s-am-mda:h-i:-t O:-S INST-1S.DAT-tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘He/she ts taller than me.’

(48) a. ca-ma:h-i:-t O:-8 IS.PAT-tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘Tm tall.’

b. is-cim-ma:h-ay-i:-1 O.-S8 INST-2.DAT-tall-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘Tm taller than you.’ + This is the pattern in older texts, at least. The form is-vd-m-a.i(i) may be from instrumental is-, v6:m- ‘be like this’, and -a:/(7).

380 S41 (49) a. cl-ma:zh-i:-t O:-S

2.PAT-tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

“You are tall.’

b. (i)s-am-md:-h-ick-i:-t O:-S INST-1S.DAT-tall-2S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘You are taller than I am.’

Note that the class of agreement markers shifts in this construction ($20.2): in (48a) and (49a), the patient set is used for the subject of the clause; in (48b) and (49b), the agent set is used. The pattern in (47)-(49) is common with expressions translating as

adjectives in English, but other stative predicates use the same construction:

(50) = is-cin-kitt-ay-i:-1 O:-S INST-2.DAT-know-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘| know more than you.’

This pattern 1s not possible with events, however:

(S51) *is-cin-vahéyk-ay-i:-t O:-S INST-2.DAT-Sing.LGR-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

(‘I sing more than you.’)

Instead, an expression like the following might be used:

(52) yaheyk-ick-a:t (1)s-in-hoyan-i:-n vaheéyk-ay-i:-t sing.LGR-2S.AG-REF INST-DAT-pass-DUR-N_ sing-1S.AG-DUR-T O:-S

be.FGR-IND

‘| sing more than you.’ (lit., ‘I sing passing what you sing’)

The expression (i)s-im-ontal-i:-n ‘beating’ can also be used when competition is implied:

(53) is-cim-ontal-i:-n homéyp-ey-s INST-2.DAT-beat-DUR-N eat.HGR-1S.AG-IND

‘| ate more than you.’

As noted in §27.1, manner is expressed in Creek with durative stative participles: thus, pdfn-i: ‘quick’ has the derived form pdfn-i:-n ‘quickly’. These expressions also form comparatives:

(54) is-cin-hif-i:-n ato: tk-éy-s INST-2.DAT-good-DUR-N_ work.LGR-1S.AG-IND

‘l’m working better than you.’

Word order and basic syntax 38] 41.7 The cleft construction (‘it’s that... .’) Creek has a cleft construction (‘it’s that [something happened]’) used to place focus on a clause:

(55) mihc-ey-n O0:-S do.HGR-1S.AG-N_ be.LGR-IND

‘| DID IT (so be quiet about it!).’ (lit., “it’s that I did it’)

In this construction, om- ‘be’ is always in the third person (‘it is’) and the preceding clause ends in different-subject -(i)/n. The same construction can also imply an accident:

(56) hihc-ey-n O:-8 see. HGR-1S.AG-N be.LGR-IND

‘T accidentally saw him/her.’ (lit., “it’s that I saw him/her’)

The following is a longer example:

(57) ch:mi ta:wa-n cin-homp-it O:m-i:-n you foremost-N 2.DAT-eat.LGR-T be.LGR-1P.AG-N

ici-na:h-in o:m-a:t

2.PAT-run.out.LGR-N_ be.LGR-REF

mo-:M-OS-In hatam po:mi 06:c-iy-ain be.so.FGR-DIM-N again we have.FGR-|P.AG-REF.N

pon-homp-ick-in om-ati:-s_— kéyc-a:k-in IP.PAT-eat.LGR-2S.AG-N be-FUT-IND. tell-PL.LGR-N

‘We will eat yours first, and when you have no more, then [it will be that] you will eat what we have, they said to him...’ (1915.1)

The cleft construction is used tn expressing ‘let’ (§31.3.9) and in conditional clauses (§42.3.9).

41.8 Questions Questions have the same word order as statements. As noted in §4.4.3,

the difference between a statement and a question is indicated with mood and intonation. The word na:ki ‘thing’ can thus mean ‘what’ or ‘something’, depending on mood:

(58) a. Bill na:ki-n hi:c-a' Bill thing-N see.LGR-Q ‘Is Bill looking at something?’

b. Bill nda:ki-n hizc-d:” Bill thing-N see.LGR-Q ‘What is Bill looking at?’

382 641

Note that -a’ is generally used for questions requiring a simple yes or no answer, while -a:” is used for information questions (wh-questions) or questions with special emphasis (§31.2.1). The form of information questions is affected by the part of speech of the question word. The words in (59) are pronouns and substitute for noun phrases in a clause: (59) naczki ‘what’ istéy, istéyma ‘who’ ista ‘which one’ istameyma ‘where’ isto:fa “when

As shown tin (58) and demonstrated more fully in $15.2, these often

have interrogative (‘what’) or indefinite readings. Other question words are verbs: (60) nacom- ‘be afew, be how many’ isto:m- “do something, do what’

When a question is a verb, it may take grades, agreement, tense, and mood: (61) nac6:m-da:ck-a:” how.many.FGR-2P.AG-Q

‘How many of you are there?’

It may also be used to modify an overt or implied noun:

(62) tokndad:wa naco:m-in ci-yd:c-a:* money how.many.FGR-N 2.PAT-want.FGR-Q ‘How much money do you want?’

Derived forms are also possible. The direct causative of nacom- “be how many’ 1s nacomeyc- ‘do how many’:

(62) (ohtolopt:) nacoméyc-ick-a:” year do.how.many.FGR-2S.AG-Q ‘How old are you?’

The verb isto:m- has several uses, ranging from ‘do what’ to ‘how’: (63) isto:m-ita — kitt-iko-t — o:-s do.what-INF know-not-T be.LGR-IND ‘He/she didn’t know what to do.’

(64) isté:m-i:-t ay-dha:n-ick-a:* do.what-DUR-T £0.SG-PROSP.LGR-2S.AG-Q

‘How are you going to go?’

Word order and basic syntax 383 It is also possible to have multiple question words in a sentence, as in the following:

(65) istéyma-t na:ki-n hi:c-t O:Ww-a' who-T — thing-N see.FGR-T be.LGR-Q ‘Who saw what?’

There is no special category of tag questions or alternative questions. A separate question must be used to express this idea:

(66) ifd 6:c-i:-t O:-8 mon-t 6n-ko-:' ° dog have-IP.AG-T be.FGR-IND be.so.LGR-T be-not-DUR.Q ‘We have a dog, don’t we?’ (lit., ‘We have a dog. Isn’t that right?’)

(67) Jim homp-it o:w-a' ~~ mon-k-a:l i:Sk-il O:w-a' Jim eat.LGR-T be.LGR-Q be.so-not-REF drink.LGR-T be.LGR-Q

‘Is Jim eating, or is he drinking?’

41.9 Grammatical relations Grammatical relations are treated here as categories like subject and

object that are useful in describing the grammar. They are useful because they are picked out by several distinct phenomena and because they differ from semantic or discourse notions. The major grammatical relations in Creek are subject and nonsubject.

Since verbal agreement in Creek distinguishes agent (sometimes

called “type I”) and patient (sometimes called “type II”) person markers, it might be suggested that agent is another grammatical relation in Creek. As noted in §20.2, agent person markers are usually used for subjects that are interpreted as acting deliberately, but there are exceptions: the verb om- ‘be’, for example, uses the agent person markers in a sentence like mahd-ya-t 6:w-ey-s “Iam a teacher’. To my

knowledge, there are no other grammatical phenomena tied to this distinction, however.°

Theme (an argument conceived as undergoing movement) 1s another concept that might be treated as a grammatical relation. Verbs that supplete for number typically target the theme, for example, so that we find intransitive-transitive correspondences like the following (cf. §23): (68) leyvk-ita/ ka:k-ita/ apo:k-ita “(one / two / three or more) to sit’ leyc-ita / ka:y-ita / apo-y-ita ‘to set (one / two / three or more)’ > These last two words are from mo:m-it om-iko-..

° Davies (1986) argues that the split between agent and patient person markers in Choctaw is syntactic rather than morphological.

384 $4] In each case it is the argument interpreted as undergoing motion whose number is determined by the verb. The very same notion of theme ts useful in describing the meaning of locative prefixes (cf. $19):

(69) a. ak-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit (in water)’ ak-leyc-ita ‘to set (one in water)’ b. oh-leyk-ita ‘(one) to sit (on top of something)’ oh-leyvc-ita ‘to set (one on top of something)’

Here again, it is the theme whose location is specified by the locative

prefix. Although the notion of theme is useful in several areas of grammar, | view it as a semantic notion rather than a grammatical category.

7

41.9.1 Subjects and nonsubjects The notion of subject is useful in describing case marking and switch reference, the choice of finite or nonfinite complement clauses, and word order. The most obvious characteristic of subjects is the presence of the suffix -()t. The passage in (70), from the beginning of a story, shows

the distribution of -()tf and -(i)/n, usually indicating subject and nonsubject, respectively. (Participants marked with -(7)¢ are shown in bold type in (70), and participants marked with -(7)n are shown in bold type with underlining.) (70) hokti:-manitt-t hamk-it hopoywa-n_ o0:c-ati:-s, woman-young-I one-T — child-N have-PASTS-IND

itki facc-iko-:-n. 3.PAT.father true-not-DUR-N

mon-t O:m-a-ti-t is-léyvk-it O:M-IN, be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-REF-T INST-sit.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-N

im-po:h-it DAT-ask.LGR-T

“istéy-t «tki-t O:-n1 O:m-a:t onday-as ”’ who-T 3.PAT.father-T be.FGR-N be.LGR-REF tell-IMP

kéyho:c-t:-t-o St6:M-eys, say.IMPL.LGR-DUR-T-FOC what.FGR-even

" Thus, following Jackendoff (1983), a verb like /evk-itd ‘(one) to sit” and levc-itd ‘to set (one)’ might have these representations: levk-ita [Event GO ({ONE], [PATH])]| levc-ild Levent CAUSE ([ THING], LEvent GO (LONE ], [PATH])])] ak-leyk-ita Event GO (JONE], [ Path |TO | WATER |[])| ak-leyc-itd [pyent CAUSE ([THING], [event GO TONE], [path [TO [WATER ]]])])]

Word order and basic syntax 385 ondy-tko-: — ta:"y-os-ii-t O:M-all:-S. tell-not-DUR can.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-PASTS-IND

mo.m-in ma hokti: ina:-hamk-4alki-t be.so.LGR-N that woman 3.PAT.body-one-GPL-T

foll-i:-t O:m-ati:-s.

go.about.TPL.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-PASTS-IND

mon-t O:m-it ma-t akittéyc-ka-n be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-T that-T think.about-GER-N ha-:y-a:k-ati:-s. do-PL.LGR-PAST5S-IND

‘A young woman had a child, its father unknown. So she lived alone with [the child], and was asked [about that]: “Tell who its father is,” they’d say, but she wouldn’t tell. Now the woman’s relatives were about. And they had an idea.’ (1915.5)

The first clause of (70) introduces two participants, a primary participant as subject (‘a young woman’) and a secondary participant as nonsubject (‘a child’). In the reported-speech sentence *Tell who tts father is’, there are two noun phrases marked with -(i)f; this is a special

pattern in which om- ‘be’ takes -(ij/t for both the subject and the complement (‘who’ and ‘its father’, respectively). The next-to-last sentence of the passage introduces another set of participants (‘the woman’s relatives’), again as subject. In the last sentence, -(/)f is used for the subject (referring to this already established set) and -/(i)n 1s used for the object. What this passage shows its that the subject relation is used in Creek for establishing primary participants—participants in terms of which other participants are defined—and for referring back to participants that have already been established. All subjects can be marked with -(i)t, but complements tn ‘be’ sentences have the same marking, so the correlation of subject and -(7)¢ is imperfect for this one clause type.

We have also seen -(ij/f and -(i/n used for same-subject and different-subject, respectively (837.2). The notion of subject for switch reference is not the same as topic, as passages like (71) show. (“Samesubject” and “different-subject” are abbreviated in the free translation as SS and Ds, respectively.) (71) oOvwa oséyy-it, water go.out.HGR-T

hacci atipa facca-n — ahy-it, river upstream toward-N g20.SG.HGR-T

Oywa_ s-in-ta:cka-takko-n hahy-in, water INST-DAT-block-big-N make.HGR-N

386 641 Ovwa-ta:t lawka-capk-i: — istamach-it in-hicéyk-in, water-ATN flood-long-DUR great-T DAT-appear.HGR-N ma-n_ icha:swa-ta:t: ak-léyk-i:p-att:-s

that-N beaver-ATN —LOC-sit.SG-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND

‘And [beaver] got out of the water [SS] and went upstream [SS], and built a big dam [DS], obtained a great pool of water [DS], and the beaver stayed there.’ (ca. 1940c)

The beaver is the topic of the passage in (71) and is the subject of each of the clauses in English. In Creek, the fourth line ts literally ‘a great

pool of water appeared to him’, so that while beaver is the topic, ‘a great pool of water’ is the grammatical subject of the clause. As a subject, it is marked with -(i)t; different-subject -()/n on the third and

fourth clauses shows that switch-reference pays attention to srammatical subject rather than to topic.

The notion of subject needed for switch reference is also distinct from agent:

(72) oOvwa-n— cim-isk-ip-ita-n po-va: c-i:-t water-N 2.DAT-drink-SPN-INF-N 1S.PAT-want-DUR-T

foll-i:-t O:m-t:-8

g0.about.TPL.LGR-1P.AG-T be.LGR-1P.AG-IND

‘We are here because we’d like to drink your water.’ (ca. 1940c)

The sentence in (72) might be translated literally as “We are wanting to drink your water [SS] and we are about’. The first clause 1s nonagentive with a subject taking patient agreement on the verb; the second clause Is agentive and uses agent agreement on the verb. Despite the semantic and morphological differences between the two subjects, same-subject -(i)t is used to link the clauses.

42 Clause types Simple clauses in Creek can be classified based on mood (indicative, imperative, interrogative, etc.), polarity (negative, positive), presence of a subject, and number of objects. For case marking, a distinction can be made between simple transitive clauses, as in (1), and clauses like (2) that include om- ‘be’ as a main verb:

(1) — ist-oci-t osa:fki-n homp-is person-DIM-T sofkee-n eat.LGR-IND ‘The baby is eating sofkee.’

(2) hiva-t pokko-t 0:m-is this-T ball-T —be.FGR-IND ‘This ts a ball.’

Transitive clauses mark the subject with -(7/t and any nonsubjects with

-(i)n. As (2) shows, the verb om- ‘be’ differs in marking both its subject and its complement with -(@7¢. It is the only verb that has this property. When complex sentences are considered, a further distinction can be made between main clauses and subordinate clauses. Main clauses are marked for mood and indicate statements, questions, or commands ($31). Subordinate clauses are not marked for mood and occur in four types: ¢ nonfinal clauses chained to another clause with same-subject -(7)¢ or different-subject -(i)n; ¢ complement clauses; ¢ relative clauses: ¢ adverbial clauses.

Chained clauses are described in the context of switch-reference marking ($37.2). Complement clauses, relative clauses, and adverbial clauses are discussed in the following subsections.

' That is, this is what Latinists call a “predicate nominative” construction.

388 642 42.1 Complement clauses

Complement clauses are defined here as clauses that function as subjects or objects. In (1), a quotation functions as the object of keyc‘say’. As noted in $41.3, the quotation is usually fronted, occurring before the subject:

(3) = pokko a:-an-wéyk-as honanwa-t ci:pda:n-a:n ball = DIR-1S.DAT-throw-IMP_ man-T youth.FGR-REF.N keyc-ali:-s Say.LGR-PASTS-IND

“Throw the ball,” the man said to the boy.’

The complement clause in (3) is a direct report: the quotation has the same structure and form as an independent clause. Indirect reporting ts also used in Creek. The verb kevc-itd ‘to say to’ is a verb that can take either type of complement clause. Direct reporting is seen in (4a), and indirect reporting in (4b).

(4) a. homp-ita ha:y-ick-dati:-s Mary-n_ keyc-is eat-INF = make-2S.AG-FUT-IND Mary-N say.LGR-IND

“Cook a meal,” he said to Mary.’

b. Mary-t homp-ita ha:y-ati:-n keyc-is Mary-T eat-INF make-FUT-N say.LGR-IND ‘He said that Mary is to cook a meal.’

Indirect reporting is rare in texts compared to direct reporting, and some verbs like ma-:k-ita ‘to speak’ can only be used for direct reports. Note that indirect reports are not fronted. The indirect report in (4b) ts a dependent clause. Among clauses expressing indirect reports, a further distinction can

be made between finite and nonfinite complements. The verb iva:c*want’ can take either type; a nonfinite complement is seen in (5a), and a finite complement in (5b).

(5) a. actami-n nis-ita-n — tya:c-is car-N buy-INF-N want.FGR-IND ‘He wants to buy a car.’

b. Mary-t a:tami-n nis-ati:-n — tya:c-is Mary-T car-N buy-FUT-N want.FGR-IND ‘He wants Mary to buy a car.’

As the contrast between (5a) and (5b) suggests, the nonfinite complement is used when the subjects of the two clauses are the same. When the subjects of the two clauses are different, a finite pattern must be

Clause types 389 used. The sentence in (5b) could be translated literally as ‘He wants that Mary will buy a car’. A verb of perception like hic-ita ‘to see’ or poh-ita ‘to hear’ only takes finite complements:

(6) a. ito-t = la:tk-in hi:c-ey-s tree-T fall.SG.LGR-DS see.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I see a tree falling.’

b. ito-t — la:tk-in po:h-ey-s tree-T fall.SG.LGR-DS hear.FGR-1S.AG-IND

‘T hear a tree falling.’

This gives three main types of complement clauses: Direct finite Mary-t a:tami-n nis-dati:-s “Mary will buy a car’ (-s IND) Indirect finite Mary-t a:tami-n nis-ati:-n ‘that Mary will buy a car’ (cf. (5b))

Indirect nonfinite a-:tami-n nis-ita-n ‘to buy a car’ (cf. (5a))

Direct complement clauses may be _ statements, commands, or questions. The verb keyc-itd ‘to say to’ is used with each of these types. Direct complements are also commonly used for thoughts:

(7) Mary homp-ita ha:y-dti:-s ko:m-is Mary eat-INF make-FUT-IND think.FGR-IND ‘He thinks Mary will eat.’ (lit., “Mary will eat,” he thinks’)

In this pattern, the verb ko:m-itd ‘to think’ can also be marked for an object:

(8) tokna:wa hotko:p-it 6:-s ca-ko:m-is money steal.FGR-T be.LGR-IND_ 1S.PAT-think.FGR-IND

‘He thinks I stole the money.’

The sentence in (8) ts literally, ““He stole the money,” he thinks of me’.

Like verbs, nouns may take clauses as complements:

(9) [[isto:fa-teys itdlwa 4lki in-homa:hta 6:m-atan-ck-in| always-even town GPL DAT-leader be.FGR-PROSP-2S.AG-N

vike-ita| — cimhoy-i:-t O:-S keyc-ali:-s strong-INF 2.DAT.give.IMPL-DUR-IND be.FGR-IND say.LGR-PASTS5S-IND

*“You have been given [the power [to be the leader of the tribal towns always|]|,” he told him.’ (ca. 1940a)

In (9), the underlined clause functions as the object of yikc-itd ‘power, strength’.

390 S42 Complement clauses may be tensed, but there are fewer distinctions

in complement clauses than in main clauses (§29). A simple lengthened-grade form is used for an ongoing event:

(10) “tol6:si homp-a:t — ki:tt-is chicken eat.LGR-REF know.FGR-IND

‘He knows he ts eating chicken.’

In main clauses, Past | time (today or last night) is signaled by the aspirating grade, but in complement clauses the falling tone grade has this function:

(11) mocanitta ‘tolé:si hémp-ait — ki:tt-is today chicken eat.FGR-REF know.FGR-IND ‘He knows he ate chicken today.’

For events occuring prior to last night, the falling tone grade is combined with -afi:, as in (12).

(12) padksanki: ‘tolo:si hoémp-ati: ki:¢4-is yesterday chicken eat.FGR-PASTS know.FGR-IND ‘He knows he ate chicken yesterday.’

Use of the lengthened grade with -afi: indicates a very distant event (Past 5):

(13) ‘tolé:si homp-att: ki: ¢4-is chicken eat.LGR-PASTS know.FGR-IND

‘He knows he ate chicken.’ (said of an elderly person)

Future time is expressed with future -dfi: (14) or prospective -ata:n(15).

(14) “tol6:si homp-dti:-ta:t ki:t4-is chicken eat-FUT-ATN know.FGR-IND ‘He knows he will eat chicken.’

(15) “tol6:si homp-ata:n-G:t ki:¢t-is chicken eat-PROSP.LGR-REF know.FGR-IND

‘He knows he Is going to eat chicken.’

The clitic -a:tfi) commonly occurs on complement clauses functioning as subject (16) or object (17):

(16) ohhatakkoyc-t: ohh-a:fa:ck-4@:t hit-i-ma:h-i:-s ca” respect-DUR Loc-be.happy.LGR-REF good-I-very-DUR-IND DCL ‘To express joy respectfully is very good.’ (ca. 1940b)

Clause types 391 (17) is-tldwisc-a:t O:k-1:-8 RFL-starve.LGR-REF mean.LGR-DUR-IND

‘It means to starve oneself.’ (ca. 1940b)

The clitic -a:t(7) 1s limited to clauses expressing present time (§39): it

may occur with prospective -aha:n-/-afa:n-, ongoing (lengthened erade) events, present (zero grade) states, and Past | perfective verb forms, but does not occur with verbs that have true tense suffixes (future -dti:-, Past 5 -ati:-). That is why -a:/(i) is used in (10), (11), and (15), but not in (12)-(14).

Complement clauses are similar in form to relative (participial) clauses (§42.2). One difference is that complement clauses allow case marking of noun phrases within them:

(18) a. [honanwa Vtoloé:si-n homp-it — o:w-d:t| ki: tt-is

man chicken-N eat.LGR-T be.LGR-REF know.FGR-IND

‘He knows that the man is eating chicken.’

b. [honanwa ’told:si homp-it — o:w-a:t] ki: tt-is

man chicken eat.LGR-T be.LGR-REF know.FGR-IND

‘He knows the man who ts eating chicken.’

In (18a), [honanwa 'tol6:si-n homp-it o:w-d:t| ‘that the man is eating

chicken’ can only be a complement clause because the object (’tolo:si-n ‘chicken’ ) 1s case-marked. Complement clauses may also be interrogative:

(19) istéyma-t (o)pona:y-it o:k-a:t kitt-ik-s who-T = speak.LGR-T say.LGR-REF know-not-IND ‘He/she doesn’t know who is talking.’

(20) istaméy-n Bill azy-a:t kitt-ik-s where-N- Bill go.SG.FGR-REF know-not-IND ‘He/she doesn’t know where Bill went.’

42.2 Relative clauses Relative clauses in Creek are clauses within a noun phrase that are interpreted as modifying a head noun. A simple example appears in (21):

(21) [aséy tifa [a:-héyt-a:t]| lopéyc-i:-l O:-8 that dog DIR-stand.FGR-REF nice-DUR-T be.FGR-IND ‘[That dog [standing over there]] is friendly.’

In (21), aséy ifa a-:-hoyt-a:t ‘that dog standing over there’ is a noun phrase functioning as a subject within the larger sentence. Within this

392 $42 noun phrase is a clause a:-hdyf-a:t ‘standing over there’ interpreted as modifying a head noun ifd ‘dog’.

The noun phrase aséy ifd a:-hoyt-a:t is not case-marked tn (21), though it might have been. When the noun phrase functions as a subject, tt may be marked with -(7)t; when it ts not a subject, it may be marked with -(i)n:

(22) [aséy ifa a:-hoyt-a:ti-t| lopéyc-i:-t O:-s that dog DIR-stand.FGR-REF-T nice-DUR-T be.FGR-IND ‘| That dog standing over there] is friendly.’

(23) |[aséy ifa a--hoyt-a:ti-n| hi:c-ick-a' that dog DIR-stand.FGR-REF see.FGR-2S.AG-Q ‘Do you see [that dog standing over there]?’

The sequence -a-:fi-n 1s usually contracted to -a:n. No case marking of any kind ts used within the noun phrase.

The relative clause in (21) is referred to here as a left-headed relative clause, because the head ifd ‘dog’ appears to the left of the modifying phrase. This pattern will be described first, followed by headless relative clauses, internally-headed relative clauses, and rightheaded relative clauses.

42.2.1 Left-headed relative clauses We can examine the structure of the subject in (21) in more detail by adding modifying phrases:

(24) [aséyv tifa [worhk-i:] | a:-hoyt-a:1]] lopéyc-i:-t that dog bark.LGR-DUR DIR-stand.FGR-REF nice-DUR-T O:-S

be.FGR-IND

‘| That dog standing over there barking] Is friendly.’

(25) [aséy ifa [wocrhk-i:] [7:-ho:sk-i: | | a:-hoyt-a: 1] | that dog bark.LGR-DUR RFL-scratch.LGR-DUR DIR-stand.FGR-REF

lopévc-i:-t 0:-8 nice-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘|That dog standing over there barking and scratching itself] is friendly.’

As (24)(25) show, modifying verbal expressions can be added indefinitely. Each has the form [VERB-7:] except the last, which ends in

referential -a:t(i) ‘the one that’. The general pattern is thus to have a head noun, any number of modifying expressions in -7:, followed by a single instance of -a:t/i) (used only with verbs expressing present time):

Clause types 393 (26) (DEMONSTRATIVE) NOUNheaq [VERB-/: |* -a-¢(7)

The sequence [VERB-/:| + -a:t(7) merges as VERB-a:t(i). The resulting noun phrase may then be marked for case (-(//t for a subject, -(i)/n for a nonsubject). The verbal element [VERB-7:] in the formula above may ttself be phrasal:

(27) [ma tfa |laslat-i:| [tocci:n-i: | [po-:si [a:ssize-t. that dog black.RED-DUR three.FGR-DUR cat chase.LGR-DUR foll-d:1]| go.about.TPL.LGR-REF

‘[those three black dogs going around [chasing [cats]]]’

In (27), the phrase po:si a:ssi:ct: folla:t “going around chasing cats’ Is a verb phrase containing an object (pd.si ‘cat’), a main verb (a: ssi:ct: ‘chasing’), and an auxiliary (fol/d:t ‘going around’). Other examples show that these modifying phrases may contain a subject:

(28) |[ma_pé:si |tocci:n-i:| lifa asssitc-t that cat three.FGR-DUR dog chase.LGR-DUR

s-ait-G-t| lopeyvc-ak-i:-t 0:-s8 INST-go.about.SG.LGR-REF nice-PL-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘[Those three cats the dog is going around chasing] are friendly.’

In (28), the head po-:si ‘cat’ functions as the object of the relative clause. The relative clause itself contains a subject (i/d ‘dog’) and so is clausal. The basic structure of a noun phrase with two relative clauses can thus be diagrammed as in (29), where each S represents a modifying phrase:

(29) NP

D N'

fs,. £% < boos

The referential clitic -a:/(i) appears at the right edge of a noun phrase and merges with the last verb.

394 §42 42.2.2 Headless relative clauses

Headless relative clauses are like left-headed relative clauses, except that the head is implied:

(30) [ma_last-a:n] ni:s-imat-s that black-REF.N buy.LGR-PAST3-IND

‘He/she bought [the black one].’

I assume that the object noun phrase in (30) has the structure in (31) (where “[e]” marks the position of the implied head).

(31) ae

|mais. N' S

] last-a:n [e]

The structure in (31) is parallel to the left-headed pattern. As expected, other modifying expressions can be added:

(32) ma_ last-i: hoyt-a:n ni:s-imat-s that black-DUR stand.SG.FGR-REF.N buy.FGR-PAST3-IND

‘He/she bought the black one standing there.’

In (30) and (32), the implied head functions as the subject of the relative clause. It is also possible for the implied head to be an object, as in (33), or a location, as in (34):

(33) hatam |po:mi 6:c-ty-a:n| pon-homp-ick-in again we have.FGR-IP.AG-REF.N 1P.DAT-eat.LGR-2S.AG-N om-dati:-s be-FUT-IND

‘Then you will eat [what we have]... (1915.1)

(34) [@#tki-acol-i lévk-a:t] t-Otho-y-ati:-s 3.PAT.father-old-1 sit.SG.FGR-REF DIR-reach.DU.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘They got to [where their elderly father lived].’ (1915.1)

The bracketed phrase in (34) is not marked for case, though it might have been.

Clause types 395 42.2.3 Internally-headed relative clauses In the left-headed relative clause pattern, the head of the relative clause

appears before the relative clause itself. A different pattern is also found in which the head of the relative clause appears inside the relative clause. The following passage from a sermon by James Hill contains two examples, indicated with brackets:

(35) mohm-in a:tamt |halw-i:-isti ahd:ka i:m-ati:| be.so.HGR-N Adam high-DUR-person law give.LGR-PASTS aca:yi:c-ika:t omi:ceyc-i:-n obey-not.REF because-DUR-N

[Aisa:kitamist: t:kanad ohtaheyk-ati: | O:fa-n

God land = curse.LGR-PASTS In-N

isti hona: ps-it sOlk-i:-n ha:k-in people multiply.LGR-T many-DUR-N become.LGR-N

itdalwa_ solki: ha:k-att:-s nation many-DUR become.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘Because Adam didn’t obey the commandments [that the angel gave him], people multiplied greatly in the land [that God cursed], and became many nations.’ (ca. 1940e)

In the first example, aha:ka ‘law, commandment’ is the head of the relative clause and appears as an object of the verb 7:m-ati: ‘gave him’. Margaret Mauldin accepts this word order, but prefers the left-headed pattern:

(36) [ahaska halw-i:-isti i:m-att: | law high-DUR-person give.LGR-PASTS ‘the commandments [that the angel gave him]’

The second example is similar: i:kand ‘land’ is the head of relative clause, but appears internally as the object of the verb dhtaheyk-att: ‘cursed’. Once again, Margaret Mauldin feels a left-headed version would be clearer:

(37) [#kand hisa:kitamisi: ohtaheyk-ati: | O:fa-n

land God curse.LGR-PASTS in-N

‘in the land [that God cursed]’

I assume that the first internally-headed relative clause in (35) has the structure in (38), while Margaret Mauldin’s left-headed version has

the structure in (39). (Again, “[e]” in these diagrams marks the understood position of the implied head.)

a aae

(38) NP

|

an |

. wo OU. |

(39) NP

|

nite |

hal | 1-180] ‘ i IL i

| i

Clause types 397 If this analysis is correct, internally-headed relative clauses are like headless relative clauses in having an empty head. The difference is that an internally-headed relative clause has a noun phrase within the relative clause that is interpreted as the head.

42.2.4 Right-headed relative clauses Right-headed relative clauses are rare in Creek and seem to follow fixed patterns. One such pattern is where a participial clause precedes a time word:

(40) [nacki yike-i:-t ac-ohh-alak-ata:n-i: | nitta-t thing hard-DUR-T 1S.PAT-on-arrive-PROSP.LGR-DUR day-T

O:c-at-it ac-ohh-ala:k-éys exist.FGR-happen-T |S.PAT-on-arrive.LGR-even

ac-d-hoyt-ick-ati:-s 1S.PAT-at-stand.SG.FGR-2S.AG-FUT-IND

‘Should there come a day [when hard times come upon me], you will stand by me.’ (ca. 1940e)

I interpret the bracketed portion in (40) as a relative clause and nitta ‘day’ as the head. The following example ts similar, again with nitta ‘day’ as the head:

(41) [na:ki mo:m-i:-teys — Orc-E-s8 ko:m-ay-at. | nitta thing be.so.DUR-even exist-DUR-IND think.LGR-IS.AG-PASTS day

ala:k-ika arrive.FGR-SO

‘The day [I had thought things might happen] has arrived...’ (ca. 1940e)

The following example is complex, but shows the same pattern, this time with okita ‘time’ as the head: (42) [Aitva italwa im-i:kanda_ s-apinkali:c-ita kohm-i: this tribe DAT-land_ INST-steal-INF = want.HGR-DUR

isti-hatk-i tivamk-i: | okita 0:m-o:f mi:kk-aki person-white-I mixed.in.LGR-DUR time be.FGR-when chief-PL

(ast-i:-t O:MN-1:-8 PASTS-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘They were chiefs at the time [when white people were rushing around intent on taking these tribes’ lands].’ (ca. 1940e)

The sas- ‘exist’ construction ($35.2) also seems to allow right-headed relative clauses.

398 §42 42.2.5 Tense in relative clauses

Relative clauses may be tensed, showing the same distinctions found in main clauses:

(43) [ma_ isti léyk-a:t| ki: t#-ick-a' that person sit.SG.FGR-REF know.FGR-2S.AG-Q ‘Do you know [that person sitting there]?’

(44) [ma isti lévk-aha:n-da: t| ki: ¢t-ick-a' that person sit.SG-PROSP.LGR-REF know.FGR-2S.AG-Q

‘Do you know [the person who’s going to sit down]?’

(45) [ma isti leyk-ati: | ki:¢¢-ick-a' that person sit.SG.LGR-PASTS know.FGR-2S.AG-Q ‘Do you know [the person who used to live there (very long ago)]|?’

The form of the tenses in relative clauses sometimes differs from the form used in main clauses (table 42.1). TABLE 42.1. TENSE IN RELATIVE CLAUSES

MAIN CLAUSE (INDICATIVE) RELATIVE CLAUSE

wanay-ati:-s ‘he/she will tie it’ wanay-ati: ‘one who will tie it’ / ‘one

(FUT) he/she will tie’

wandy-aha:n-is ‘he/she is going to. = =wandy-aha:n-da:t(i) “one who is going

tie it? (PROSP) to tie it’ / ‘one he/she is going to tie’

wana.y-is ‘he/she is tying it’ wana.y-a:t(i) “one who ts tying it’ /

(present) ‘one he/she ts tying’

wandhy-is ‘he/she tied it’ (PAST wandhy-a:t(i) “one who tied it’ / ‘one

perfective) he/she tied’

wana.y-éy-s ‘he/she was tying It’ wana-y-éys-i:* “one who was tying

(PASTI imperfective) it’ / “one he/she was tying’ wand.y-ank-s “he/she tied it’ wand.y-dnk-i: ‘one who tied it’ / ‘one

(PAST2) he/she tied’ wanda.y-imat-s “he/she tied it’ wand.y-ima: ‘one who tied it’ / ‘one (PAST3) he/she tied’ wana:y-anta-s “he/she tied tt’ wana:y-anna: ‘one who tied it’ / ‘one (PASTA) he/she tied’ wana:y-ati:-s ‘he/she tied it’ wana:y-ati: ‘one who tied it’ / ‘one (PASTS) he/she tied’ * This form is evidently not used much.

One generalization is that the referential marker -a:t/i) is generally only used with tenseless forms. It thus occurs in the present, Past |

Clause types 399 perfective (aspirating grade), or with prospective -aha:n-/-ata:n- “be going to’.Tense in relative clauses seems not to have the same temporal value as tense in main clauses, however. The Past 5 form wana-:y-ati:,

for example, seems to have a broader range in relative clauses, sometimes being used for more recent times than in main clauses.

42.3 Adverbial clauses A number of endings are used in Creek to form adverbial clauses:

(46) = azy-G:t(i) ‘as he/she goes, ... a:y-0:f(a) “when he/she goes, .. .’

a:y-ika ‘because he/she is going, .. .’ a:y-it o:m-éys(in) ‘though he/she is going, .. .’

ay-tko-: ménk-in ‘before he/she goes, .. .’ a:y-in o:m-a:t(i) ‘if he/she goes, .. .’

These and other patterns are treated in the following sections. Clauses expressing manner are treated in §27.1. Chained clauses are treated in S372.

42.3.1 -o:f(a) ‘when, after’ A clitic -o:/(a) appears at the ends of adverbial clauses to mean ‘when’:

(47) s-in-homachta — fikhonn-i:p-0:f, omdlka-t awa:h-in, INST-DAT-leader stop-SPN.LGR-when_ all-T scatter.LGR-N

s-in-homac:hta — t:ta-n_ — hopo:hovy-i:-t O:M-i:-8 INST-DAT-leader other-N search.IMPL.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘When the dance leader stopped, everyone scattered, and another leader was found.’ (ca. 1940b)

This clause ending is derived from the postposition o:fa ‘inside’. In formal contexts, the endings -o.:fa-t (for same subject) and -o-fa-n (for different subject) are found, but usually the clitic is shortened to -o-f in Oklahoma or -o:? in Florida. The following is an example of the full, formal use:

(48) mai hatpi-takacw-a-n katpi:c-it soli:c-0:fa-t that skin-hard-NZR-N dry.LGR-T get.many.LGR-when-T

lopock-os-i:-n tolahli:c-it small.PL-DIM-DUR-N make.holes.FGR-T

‘They dried the shells, and when they had quite a few, they made small

holes in them...’ (ca. 1940b)

A400 §42 As (47)(48) show, the preceding stem is usually in the eventive (lengthened grade) aspect, which results in falling tone on the clitic ($8.6). The adverbial clause is not normally marked for tense, though -aha:n-/-ata:n- “going to’ is possible for a future in the past:

(49) mai hotti isti-ca:t-aki = im-i:kand-n that war person-red-PL DAT-land-N

y-oh-ct:y-ata:n-0:f isti-ca:t-aki DIR-LOC-enter-PROSP.LGR-when_ person-red-PL

ti-kapa:k-ati:-s RCP-separate-PAST5-IND

‘When the war was coming to Indian Territory, the Indians divided.’ (ca. 1940b)

To express ‘after (an event)’, the subordinate clause is placed tn the perfective (aspirating grade):

(50) tita:koyhc-o:f a-vahayk-it foloti:c-it — forll-it prepare.HGR-when LOC-sing.LGR-T circle.LGR-T be.about.TPL.NGR-T

i:kand y-0h-sapa:kl-it o:m-ati:-t O:-8 ground DIR-LOC-stand.TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND

‘After he prepared it, [the people] sang and circled around until they settled on the ground.’ (ca. 1940a)

42.3.2 -ika ‘because’ A suffix -7ka appears on clauses to indicate a cause (“because’, “so’):

(Sl) 9 ato:tk-tka ahoy-i:-ko-: (a:y-il O:m-Is work.LGR-because go.DU-1P.AG-not-DUR can.FGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘Because he is working, we can’t go.’ / ‘He’s working so we can’t go.’

This suffix often contracts with the verb mo:m- ‘be like that’, as is shown in table 42.2. TABLE 42.2. CONTRACTION OF -ika “BECAUSE”

FORMAL INFORMAL GLOSS

mo:m-ikd mon-ka ‘so, because it is like that’ (Igr.) mo:m-ika mon-ka ‘so, because it had been like that’ (fgr.) It also appears as -ka after some of the agent agreement suffixes: (52) ato:tk-ey-ka — “because I am working’ ato:tk-ick-ika “because you are working’

ato. tk-ika ‘because he/she is working’

Clause types AQ) | ato. tk-i:-ka ‘because we are working’ ato:tk-a:ck-ika “because you (pl.) are working’

The sequence 6:m-ika (be.FGR-so) is usually reduced to -o-k/a). It is commonly used after durative participles:

(53) mo:m-in ca-tki (aiti-la:t ~~ COtk-i:-t-o:k be.so.LGR-N 1S.PAT-father PASTS-ATN small.SG-DUR-T-be.so

mon-t ilaw-i:-t-o:k pa: p-ati:-t O:M-i:-S be.so.LGR-T hungry-DUR-T-be.so eat.LGR-PASTS-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘Now since my father was small, and he was hungry, he ate [raw horse].’ (1936b)

In (53), the ‘because’ clauses precede the result, translating as ‘because’ or ‘since’. The ‘because’ clause can also appear after the main verb (translating as ‘for’):

(54) ma-n — ’t-ac-akk-aweéyk-ick-in O:-n O:m-a:t there-N DIR-1S.PAT-LOC-throw.FGR-2S.AG-N be.FGR-N be.LGR-REF

ca-li:c-ick-ahi:-s 1S.PAT-kill.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND

kaco:-la:n-i of-i:-n ca-Siki:y-dti:-t-o:k brier-green-| reach-DUR-N_ 1S.PAT-stick-FUT-T-be.so

mo:m-in ca-hatpi-w an-litaf-ati:-t-o-k be.so.LGR-N 1S.PAT-skin-also 1S.DAT-tear-FUT-t-be.so

‘... If you go and throw me there, you’ ll kill me: for the greenbriers will stick me terribly, and tear my skin, too.’ (1936a)

As (54) shows, -o-k(a) is used after Past 5 -ati:- and future -d fi:-, in

addition to duratives. The sequence -ant-o:k(a) also occurs, combining Past 4 -dnta- with -o:k(a).

42.3.3 omi:ceyc-in ‘because of (something), due to’ The verb omi:ceyc- ‘make happen’ is used to mean ‘because of’. One use 1s With noun phrases:

(55) hopay-ita-t omi:ceyc-in ay-ako-: td:y-it far-INF-T |make.happen.LGR-N go.SG-IS.AG.not-DUR can.FGR-T o:m-Is be.LGR-IND

‘I can’t go because of the distance.’ - This and other evidence suggests that Past 5 -a/i:- and future -a?i:- include durative -/:-, although nothing about the meaning of these suffixes is durative. It may be that they derive historically from participial forms.

402 $42 Another use is with clauses ending in -a:f(7):

(56) hasi-aki:tka hamk-os-eys — coé:ka am-aha:hoy-ati: hour one-DIM-even paper 1IS.DAT-teach.IMPL-PASTS

stko-:-t O:"-§, without-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

a:ccaki: 0:c-ak-a:t omi:céyc-i:-n clothes have-1S.AG.not-REF make.happen-DUR-N ‘| was never taught for even one hour, because I had no clothes.’ (ca. 1940b)

42.3.4 -eys(in) ‘even, even though’ A clitic -eys(in) appears at the ends of clauses to mean ‘even, even though’:

(57) vike-i:-n ato: tk-iy-éys fi:k-ita = Cotk-ivl strong-DUR-N work.LGR-IP.AG-even pay-INF small.SG-DUR-T O:-S

be.FGR-IND

‘Even though we work hard, the pay is small.’

As with the clitics -a:¢(i) “when, where, the one’ and -o:ffa) ‘when, after’, -evs(in) has falling tone accent when the lengthened-grade accent falls on it ($8.6). A longer variant -evsin is sometimes used. Nineteenth-century sources sometimes have -eysim instead.

When the verbal diminutive -os- is used with -eys(in) ‘even’, the meaning is “even... just’: (58) takléyki 6:m-os-eys bread be.FGR-DIM-even *...even if it’s just bread...’

The verbal ending -eys(in) is presumably the source of nominal -teys ($40.5).

42.3.5 ati:k- ‘as soon as, as far as, unless’ The verb ati:k- “be up to (an amount)’ has grammatical uses with time and distance. It may be preceded by a clause ending in -a:fi-n (>-a:n or -a:t) to express time:

(59) mad-n_ it-o:t-G@:n ati:"K-os-in, that-N DIR-reach.LGR-REF.N up.to.NGR-DIM-N

ma ‘citakko-cala:h-i-t o:k-Git that horse-spotted-I-T | say.LGR-REF

‘As soon as he got there, that spotted horse said...’ (1915.1)

Clause types A403 A literal translation of the pattern in (59) might be ‘right up to when he got there’. The following is another example:

(60) mai koha-motk-i-n akitteyc-@:t ati:"k-os-it that cane-cropped-I-N think.about.LGR-REF up.to.NGR-DIM-T ‘As soon as he thought about the reed whistle .. .2 (1915.1)

The verb ati:k- ‘be up to’ can also be used for distance (‘as far as’):

(61) in-tind:ka 6:4-a:t ati:k-os-a:t DAT-sight reach.FGR-REF up.to.FGR-DIM-REF

‘As far as their eyes could reach... .” (1939b)

When the preceding clause is negative, the verb ati:k- “be up to’ can mean ‘unless’ or ‘as long as’:

(62) mad-n ‘tis-at-ick-iko-: ati:k-a:l that-N DIR-come.SG-2S.AG-not-DUR up.to.FGR-REF

cim-ako-: (a:y-it O:m-is

2.DAT-1S.AG.not-DUR can.FGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘As long as you do not bring him back, I cannot give it to you.’ (1915.14)

42.3.6 Within the theory of Chomsky (1982), (31a) is a control structure with the following representation:

Bill, [PRO; pro acssizce-ita(-n)| ivd:c-i:-s

Bill chase-INF(-N) = want-DUR-IND ‘Bill wants to chase him/her/it.’ (not Bill)

The subject of the nonfinite clause is represented by PRO, which takes Bi// as its antecedent. Like other pronouns, the empty pronoun in object position (“pro”) must be disjoint from the subject of its clause.

414 §43 Whether a verb is a direct causative or indirect causative affects the

interpretation of pronouns. As we have seen previously, an object must normally be disjoint from another argument of the same verb: (34) *ac-afanéyk-ey-s 1S.PAT-kiss. HGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I kissed me.’

The same is true of the causee in a direct causative: (35) *ca-hompévhc-ey-s 1S.PAT-feed.HGR-1S.AG-IND

‘I fed me.’

Stated another way, direct causative verbs pattern with transitive verbs in not allowing an object (unless it 1s reflexive or reciprocal) to take the subject as its antecedent. Indirect causatives differ in allowing an object to take the subject as an antecedent (Martin 1991a, 1991b): (36) Mary ac-afank-ipéyvhc-ey-s Mary 1S.PAT-kiss-make.HGR-1IS.AG-IND

‘I made Mary kiss me.’

In (36), the first person singular object can take the subject as its antecedent without using a reflexive prefix. The grammar of (36) thus more closely resembles (31b), with two subjects and two clauses, than the simple transitive structures in (34) and (35). We have seen evidence elsewhere (§24.5) that indirect causatives differ from direct causatives

in allowing the causee to control an instrumental prefix or a dative prefix. The cumulative evidence suggests that causees in indirect causatives have more control than causees in direct causatives, and that this has an influence on the interpretation of object pronouns.

One way to understand the interpretation of pronouns in indirect causatives 1s to posit a structural difference between transitive clauses and indirect causatives. I assume that the transitive clause in (34) has the structure in (37): (37) [s SUBJECT OBJECT VERB |

A pronoun object in such a structure must be disjoint from a subject in the same clause. Indirect causatives, in contrast, might be assumed to have a structure like (38) at some level of analysis: (38) [| s SUBJECT [sy CAUSEE OBJECT VERB|-ipeyc- |

The causee in indirect causatives has some object properties: it may be marked with nonsubject -(i/n, for example, and it may not take agent

Interpreting pronouns, reflexives, and reciprocals A415 agreement on the verb. The representation in (38) helps explain why

the causee also has some subject properties (e.g., in controlling instrumental and dative prefixes), and why an object pronoun can take the subject as its antecedent. That is, the reference of pronouns would

then follow from the structural parallel between (38) and (31b). In indirect causatives, the causee behaves like the subject of an embedded clause. The object must be disjoint from a subject in the same clause, but is free to take the higher subject as an antecedent. As might be expected, when a reflexive prefix occurs on an indirect causative it takes the causee as its antecedent: (39) Mary i:y-afank-ipévhc-ey-s Mary RFL-kiss-make.HGR-|IS.AG-IND

‘| made Mary kiss herself.’

(40) Bill i:-nafk-ipéyvhc-ey-s Bill RFL-hit-make.HGR-1IS.AG-IND

‘| made Bill hit himself.’ (not: ‘I made myself hit Bill’)

The structure of (39)-(40) is as follows: (41) [s SUBJECT [gs CAUSEE RFL-VERB]-/peyc- |

A reflexive must be bound to a subject in the same clause: the causee is therefore interpreted as the antecedent in (39)-(40).

44 += Style This chapter surveys various stylistic patterns used in Creek—for quoting someone, discussing word meaning, speaking of someone deceased, and other matters.

44.1 Direct quotation A common pattern for making direct quotations is to place the intransitive verb ok- ‘say, mean’ in an adverbial clause before a quotation and to use a more specific verb of saying (often kevc- ‘say

to’) after the quotation. The free translation of (1) 1s literal; the quotation is indented in the Creek.

(1) mo:m-it Ok-a:k-a:t be.so.LGR-T Say-PL.LGR-REF

atotk-ita-n hopo-y-it — foll-ita-n po-Vva: c-it work-INF-N seek.LGR-T go.about.TPL-INF-N 1P.PAT-want.FGR-T O:-S

be.LGR-IND

keyc-il itki-n im-poh-a:k-in tell. LGR-T 3.PAT.father-N DAT-ask-PL.LGR-N

‘And saying, “We want to go looking for work,” they said to him, and

asked their father...” (1915.1)

Another option ts to front the quotation (841.3).

44.2 Discussing a word or name The infinitive ma-:k-ita ‘to say’ is used to discuss word meaning:

(2) inhola:ct: mazk-itd in-homic-i: ma:k-itd 0:m-i:-t say-INF DAT-mad-DUR say-INF like-DUR-T O:M-1:-S be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘Saying he ts #whola-ci: is like saying he is mad at him.’ (1939b)

The verbs kéyho:c-t; ‘called’ and hocifk-i: ‘named’ are used for discussing unfamiliar names:

(3) hopacy-aki takta:k-a:t kéyho:c-t:-t far.LGR-PL big.RED.FGR-REF call.IMPL.LGR-DUR-T

Sivle A\7 ‘simi: ki:tka 0:cC-i:-t foll-ati:-s

sign exist-DUR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5-IND ‘Once there were Hopayvke rvkrakat |“big far-aways” | who had their own identity.’ (ca. 1940c)

44.3 Introducing characters One stylistic difference between English and Creek is that Creek often introduces characters in a story as subjects:

(4) = fa:-ka ait-£: ¢-ala:k-arl ati:"k-Os-il hunt-GER go.about.SG.LGR-DUR DIR-arrive.FGR-REF up.to.NGR-DIM-T

hokti:-ta:t — in-hicéyk-in woman-ATN DAT-appear.HGR-N

mo:m-oOSs-in fikhonn-thp-it — léyk-i:p-ati:-s be.so.FGR-DIM-N stop-SPN.HGR-T sit.SG-SPN.LGR-PASTS-IND

‘As soon as he returned from the hunting trip, he found a woman and immediately settled down...” (1915.2)

The second line in (4) ts literally ‘a woman appeared to him’, with the new character in subject position. The following passage is similar in this regard:

(>) mo:m-in ma-n Ok-avk-ika be.so.LGR-N that-N say-PL.LGR-so

atotk-ita hopo-ka_ api-:y-att:-s work-INF seek-GER 20.TPL.LGR-PASTS-IND

mo:m-it foll-6:f be.so.LGR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-when

isti hamk-it anta:p-ati:-s person one-T = meet-PASTS-IND

mo:m-in ti-m-pona:ho:y-in be.so.LGR-N RCP-DAT-talk.PL.LGR-N

‘And meaning what they said, they went in search of work. While they were going about, a man met them. So they spoke with him... .” (1915.1)

The fourth line in (5) ts translated literally; a more natural translation in

English might be ‘they met a man’, with the new character in object

position. The Creek verb antap- ‘meet’ generally places the new character in subject position. The same tendency ts found with positional verbs ($35.5). A Creek expression like aséy-n coko-t a:-lévk-s 1s literally ‘over there a house sits’, with the introduced element in subject position.

A418 $44 44.4 Names

Traditional Creek names can be divided into two types: (1) women’s or children’s names; and (11) citizen names. Women and children are traditionally given a single name. A boy

might be named for an act of bravery performed by a father, erandfather, or mother’s brother. James Hill wrote that 1f a man had

taken a scalp, his offspring might be named copahki ‘peeled tt’, tiwaléyhci ‘set down the scalp’, 7:/éyvhci ‘set it on himself, etc. When a boy or man becomes a citizen of a tribal town in Oklahoma,

he is given a new name, referred to in Creek as tasikayva-hocifka ‘citizen name’. This new name typically consists of two_ parts, pronounced as a single word. The first word generally refers to the individual’s clan, inherited from the mother. Common clans include foswa ‘bird’, nokosi ‘bear’, wo:tko ‘raccoon’, etc. The clan name ts then modified. Sometimes a specific title is added,

such as -ha:co ‘crazy’, -mi:kko ‘king, chief’, -fi:ksiko ‘heartless’, -homahti ‘leader’, -vahola (thought to refer to someone who makes a

cry at the Green Corn ceremony), -i:ma:ta (a title of uncertain meaning), or -fastanaki ‘warrior’. If a title is not used, another possibility is to form a diminutive of the clan name with -oc7i, or, 1f the clan is an animal, to refer to a part of that animal. James Hill listed the following possibilities for a member of the Bear clan:

(7) nokos-ha:co “Crazy Bear’ nokos-i:mda:ta ‘Bear Imathla’

nokos-fi:ksik6 ‘Heartless Bear’ nokos-yahola_ *Bear Crier’

nokos-oci ‘Little Bear’

nokos-ili ‘Bear Foot’ nokos-haci ‘Bear Tail’ A man received a citizen name from each tribal town he belonged to. Thus, at adulthood, he received a name from his own tribal town (inherited, along with a clan, from the mother). When he married, he also became a citizen of his wife’s tribal town and received a separate name from that group. Creek citizen names were given to people of different tribes speaking different languages: the mere fact that a historical figure had a Creek citizen name does not establish whether that person spoke Creek. By the end of the nineteenth century, many Creeks and Seminoles

in Indian Territory had adopted English names. These consisted of a given name and a surname. Some of the many characteristic Creek and

Sivle A419 Seminole surnames in Oklahoma include Harjo (from the title -ha:co),

Emarthla (from the title -i:ma:ta), Heneha (from hiniha, a title), Grayson, Berryhill, Fife, Fixico (from the title -/7:ksiko), Hill, Holahta (from holdhta, an archaic title), Leetka (/7:tka ‘runner’), Tarpaleeche (tapa:lihci), Carpittcher (kapicca, a clan), Sulphur, Checote, Cleghorn,

McKane, Bear, Beaver, Deer, Pigeon, Tiger, Canard (French for ‘duck’), Factor, Gouge, Postoak, and Walker (said to be from wa-kapoca:si ‘cowkeeper’). English naming practices had generally replaced

traditional Creek names in Oklahoma by the end of the twentieth century, except for those given ceremonially at tribal towns.

Traditional naming practices are still followed in Florida. Many

children are named for specific events that took place during the Seminole wars, so that names preserve snapshots of that history. Children are also given English names. Characteristic English surnames in Florida include Gopher, Micco, Jones, Johns, Snow, Frank, Bowers, Billie, and Smith.

44.5 Discussing someone deceased: fa:7-1: ‘the former’ For traditional speakers, it is considered polite to attach fd:t-i: ‘the one who was’ when a name or term refers to someone deceased:

(8) 9 ca-tki ta:t-i: —filap léyfat hocifka-t_ 0:m-ati:-s Is.PAT-father late-DUR Philtp Raiford name-T be.LGR-PASTS-IND ‘My late father’s name was Philip Raiford.’ (1936b)

This term may derive from -(i)t 0:m-ati: “he/she who was’.

The same term is used to mean ‘former’ in expressions like amaha:y-a ta:t-i: “my former teacher’ (1878a), in this case referring to a living person.

44.6 Formal address In informal speech, emphatic intonation (-.%) is used for direct address: ca-tki-:“ ‘father!’ (from ca-tki “my father’). In more formal styles, the

expressions (0:y-ick-a:t(i) “you who are’ and to:y-d:ck-a:tfi) “you (plural) who are’ are used:

(9) icha:swa_ t6-y-ick-a:l isti ci-hi:"¢-i:-t beaver be.FGR-2S.AG-REF person 2.PAT-good.NGR-DUR-T O:m-it be.FGR-T

‘You, beaver, are a good person...’ (ca. 1940c)

This formal style of address (first noted by Buckner [1860a:131]) was adapted for salutations in letters in the nineteenth century:

420 44 (10) am-aha:ya mis la:pisan t6:y-ick-a:t

IS.DAT-teacher Miss Robertson be.FGR-2S.AG-REF

‘My teacher, Miss Robertson: .. .’ (1878b)

Kinship terms are traditionally used in special ways when addressing someone. James Hill explained that if a man of the Bear clan marries a woman of the Alligator clan, the children will call anyone of the Bear clan cd-t¢ki ‘my father’, and anyone of the Alligator

clan ca-posi ‘my grandmother; my maternal aunt’. A complication ts that certain clans, such as Wind and Skunk, are traditionally also seen to be related. There is some evidence that the impersonal agent suffix -ak- is used for greater indirectness and politeness in formal address ($25.2).

Appendices

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Appendix I Paradigms In order to show some of the basic verb patterns in one place, this appendix presents an array of forms of the stem wanay- ‘tie’. This is an agentive verb, and so takes the agent set of agreement markers. Morphemes are not segmented in these paradigms, but the relevant chapter and section references are listed.

| Commands (§31.3)

wandyas! tie it!

wanayipas! you may tie it / please tie It

wanayaks! you (pl.) tie it!

wanahyickas don’t you tie it! wandyickikot don’t tie it (softer)

wanayaki:s let’s tie it

wandayikas let him/her tie him/her wanayakikas let him/her tie them wandahyeyn omikas first let me tie him/her

wanayan 0:8 just tie it

wanayipdn 0:8 go ahead and tie It wanaydccas you should / must / shall tie it wanayikot owdccas — you shall not tie it

wandyakaccas you (pl.) must tie it wandhyi:sko:s one should not tie it / it can’t be tied Z. ‘Prescnt(929.1) 2.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement) (§20, §23.5, $31.1)

wand: yeys I am tying it

wana: yickis you are tying It

wana. vis he/she is tying It

WANGAC-VIES we are tying it

wana. ya: Ckis you (pl.) are tying it

wanaya: kis they are tying it Periphrastic:

wana: vit 0:meys [ am tying it wana.-yit o:mickis you are tying it

424 Appendix | wana: vil o:mis he/she is tying It wana:yit o:mics we are tying It wana:yvit o:md:ckis you (pl.) are tying it

wandya: kit o:mis they are tying it Periphrastic, contracted:

wana:yit o:wéys I am tying it wana. yit onckis you are tying It

wana.-yit 0:8 he/she is tying it Wana-Vil O:WLS we are tying it wana:yit o:wa:ckis — you (pl.) are tying it

wanaya: kit 0:8 they are tying it 2.2 Question in -d (§31.2.1)

wana-yaya' am I tying it?’

wana:yicka' are you tying it?

wana.yvd' is he/she tying tt? wana:yiyd' are we tying it?

wana:yvda:cka' are you (pl.) tying it?

wandaya: ka’ are they tying it? Periphrastic:

wana:yit o:maya' am I tying it? wana:yit o:micka' are you tying It?

wana:yit o:md' is he/she tying it? wana-yil o:miya’ are we tying It? wana-yit o:ma:cka'’ are you (pl.) tying it?

wanaya: kit o:ma' are they tying it? Periphrastic, contracted:

wana-yit O:wayd' am I tying it? wana:yit oncka' are you tying It?

wana:yil o:wa' is he/she tying it? wana.-yit o:wiyd' are we tying It? wana:vil o:wa:cka'’ are you (pl.) tying It?

wanaya: kit o:wa' are they tying it? 2.3 Negative statement (§30)

wandayvdakos I am not tying it, haven’t tied it wandyickikos you are not tying it, haven’t tied it

wandyikos he/she isn’t tying it, hasn’t tied it wandayl: kos we are tying it, haven’t tied it

wandya. ckikos you (pl.) aren’t tying it, haven’t tied it wanayvakikos they aren’t tying it, haven’t tied it

Paradigms 425 Periphrastic:

wanayvakot o:mis I am not tying it wanayickikot o:mis you are not tying it wandyikot o:mis he/she is not tying it wanayi:kot o:mis we are not tying it wanayd:ckikot o:mis you (pl.) are not tying it

wanayakikot o:mis they are not tying it 2.4 Negative question (§31.2.1)

wanaydko' aren't I tying it?

wandayickiko' aren’t you tying It?

wandyiko' isn’t he/she tying tt? wandayi:ko' aren't we tying it?

wanaya: ckiko' aren't you (pl.) tying it?

wanayakiko' aren't they tying it? Periphrastic:

wanayvdkot o:ma' am I not tying it?

2.5 Durative eventive (§28.5)

wana: yayi:s I can tie it / I tie it wana: Vicki's you can tie it / you tie it WANQALVIES he/she can tie it / he/she ties it WANGAVIVES we can tie it / we tie it wana: Va: Cki:s you (pl.) can tie it / you (pl.) tie it

wanaya: ki:s they can tie it / they tie it 2.6 Negative durative (§30)

wanahyako:s [ would not be able to tie it

3 Past | (today up to last night) ($29.1) 3.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement)

wandhyeys I tied it (today/last night) wanahvyickis you tied it (today/last night)

wanahyis he/she tied it (today/last night) wandhyi:s we tied it (today/last night) wandhya: ckis you (pl.) tied it (today/last night)

wanayahkis they tied it (today/last night) 3.2 Question in -a’

wanahyaya' did I tie it (today/last night)?

426 Appendix | wandahyicka' did you tie it (today/last night)?

wanahya' did he/she tie it (today/last night)? wandahyiva' did we tie it (today/last night)? wandhya:cka' did you (pl.) tie it (today/last night)?

wanayahka' did they tie it (today/last night)? 3.3 Imperfective

wana: vayeys I was tying It (today/last night) wana. yickeys you were tying it (today/last night) Periphrastic:

wana.-yit o:mayeys [ was tying It (today/last night)

3.4 Negative statement

wandaydkeys [ didn’t tie it (today/last night) wanayickikeys you didn’t tie it (today/last night) wanayikeys he/she didn’t tie it (today/last night) wandyli: keys we didn’t tie it (today/last night) wandya: ckikeys you (pl.) didn’t tie it (today/last night)

wanayakikeys they didn’t tie it (today/last night) Periphrastic:

wanayakot ohmis [ didn’t tie it (today/last night) wandyickikot dhmis — you didn’t tie it (today/last night)

wanayikot dhmis he/she didn’t tie it (today/last night) wanayi: kot 0hmis we didn’t tie it (today/last night) wandaya:ckikot ohmis you (pl.) didn’t tie it (today/last night)

wanayakikot ohmis they didn’t tie it (today/last night)

3.5 Negative question in -a’

wanavakeysa' didn’t I tie it (today/last night)? wandyickeysa' didn’t you tie it (today/last night)? wanayikeysa' didn’t he/she tie it (today/last night)? wanayi:keysa' didn’t we tie it (today/last night)? wandya: ckikeysa' didn’t you (pl.) tie it (today/last night)?

wanayakikeysa' didn’t they tie it (today/last night)? 4 Past 2 (yesterday to several weeks ago) (§29.2.1) 4.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement)

wand: yvayanks I tied it wand. yickanks you tied it

wand: yanks he/she tied it

Paradigms 427 wand-yivanks we tied it

wand:ya. ckanks you (pl.) tied it

wanayad: kanks they tied it Periphrastic:

wand.yit 6:mayanks [ tied it wand:yit 0:mickanks you tied it

wand-yit 6:manks he/she tied it

wand-yit 0:mivanks we tied it wand:yvil 0:mda:ckanks you (pl.) tied tt

wanaya: kit 6:manks they tied it 4.2 Question in -q'

wand:yayanka' did I tie it?

wand: yvickanka' did you tie it?

wand:yanka' did he/she tie it? wand-yivanka' did we tie it?

wanda. yd: ckanka' did you (pl.) tie it?

wanaya: kanka' did they tie it? Periphrastic:

wanda-yit o:mayanka' did I tie it? 4.3 Negative statement

wanayakanks [ didn’t tie it

wanayickikanks you didn’t tie it

wandyikanks he/she didn’t tie it wandyi: kanks we didn’t tie it

wanaya: ckikanks you (pl.) didn’t tie it

wanavakikanks they didn’t tie it Periphrastic:

wanayakot 6:manks [ didn’t tie it wanayickikot 60:manks you didn’t tie it

wandytkot 0:manks he/she didn’t tie it wandayi:kot 0:manks we didn’t tie it wandya: ckikot 0:manks — you (pl.) didn’t tie it

wanayakikot 6:manks they didn’t tie it 4.4 Negative question in -a’

wanavakanka' didn’t I tie it? Periphrastic:

wandyakot o:manka' didn’t I tie it?

428 Appendix | 5 Past 3 (from two weeks to about a year ago) (§29.2.2) 5.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement)

wand:veymats I tied it wand: yickimats you tied it wand-vimdls he/she tied it wand. yi: mats we tied it

wand-vd:ckimats you (pl.) tied it

wanava. kimats they tied it Periphrastic:

wand.-yit 0:meymats I tied it wand:vil 0:mickimats you tied it

wand:yit 0:mimats he/she tied it wand: vil O:mi:mats we tied it wand:-yit 0:ma:ckimats you (pl.) tied it

wanaya: kit 0:mimats they tied it 5.2 Imperfective

wana-yeymats I was tying It 5.3 Question

wand.-yveymatt' did I tie it? wand-yvickimati' did you tie it? wanda: vimatt' did he/she tie it?

wand. yi:mati' did we tie it?

wand:yvd:ckimatt' did you (pl.) tie it?

wanaya: kimati' did they tie it?

5.4 Negative statement

wandyvakomats I didn’t tie it

wanayickikomats you didn’t tie it

wanavikomats he/she didn’t tie it wanadyi:komats we didn’t tie it

wandaya: ckikomats you (pl.) didn’t tie it

?wanayakikomats they didn’t tie it Periphrastic:

wandyakot 6:mimats I didn’t tie it 5.5 Negative question

wandyakomatt' didn’t I tie it?

Paradigms 429 6 Past 4 (distant past) (§29.2.3) 6.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement)

wana. vayant(a)s I tied it (long ago) wana-yickant(a)s you tied it (long ago)

wana:yant(a)s he/she tied it (long ago) wana. yiyant(a)s we tied it (long ago) wana-ya.ckant(a)s you (pl.) tied it (long ago) wanayva: kant(a)s they tied it (long ago) Periphrastic:

wana.-yit o:mayant(a)s I tied it (long ago) wana-vil o:mickant(a)s you tied it (long ago)

wana-yit o:mant(a)s he/she tied it (long ago) wana.yil o:miyant(a)s we tied it (long ago) wana-yit o:ma:ckant(a)s you (pl.) tied it (ong ago) wanaya:kit o:mant(a)s_ they tied it (long ago)

6.2 Question

wana:vayanta’ did I tie it (long ago)? wana. yickanta' did you tie it (long ago)? wana:vanta' did he/she tie it (long ago)? 6.3 Negative statement

wanayakant(a)s I didn’t tie it (long ago) 7 Past 5 (very remote past) (§29.2.4) 7.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement)

wana:yvavdli:s I tied it (very long ago) wana-yickati:s you tied it (very long ago)

wana-vall:s he/she tied it (very long ago) wana-yiyati:s we tied it (very long ago) wana: yvd:ckati:s you (pl.) tied it (very long ago)

wandya: kati:s they tied it (very long ago) Periphrastic:

wana-yit o:mayati:s I tied it (very long ago) wana: vit o:mickati:s you tied it (very long ago) wana-yit o:matt:s he/she tied it (very long ago) wana-yil o:mivali:s we tied it (very long ago) wana-yit o:md:ckati:s you (pl.) tied it (very long ago) wanaya: kit o:mati:s they tied it (very long ago)

430 Appendix | 7.2 Question

wana-yvatiti' did he/she tie it (very long ago)? 7.3 Negative statement

wandyika: tics he/she didn’t tie it (very long ago) 8 Prospective (§29.3) 8.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement)

wanayaha:neys I am going to tie it wanayaha: nickis you are going to tie it

wanayaha: nis he/she is going to tie it wanayaha:ni:s we are going to tie It wandyaha: nd: ckis you (pl.) are going to tie it

wanayakaha: nis they are going to tie it Periphrastic:

wanayaha:nit o:méys — 1am going to tie It wandyaha:nit o:mickis you are going to tie It

wanayaha: nit o:mis he/she is going to tie it wandayaha: nit o:mi:s we are going to tie It wandayaha: nit o:md:ckis you (pl.) are going to tie it wanayakaha:-nit o:mis — they are going to tie it

8.2 Question in -a’

wanayaha:nd' is he/she going to tie it? 8.3 Negative statement

wanayaha: nik(o)s he/she is not going to tie It

9 Future (§29.3) 9.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement)

wanava: ti:s [ will tie it

wandayickati:s you will tie it

wanayvati:s he/she will tie it wanayiyati:s we will tie it

wanaya: ckati:s you (pl.) will tie it

wanayakati:s they will tie it

Paradigms 43] 9.2 Question

wanaya: tis ti will I tie it? 9.3 Negative statement

wandyaka: ti:s I will not tie it 10 Patient prefixes (present statement form) (§20)

cawana.- vis he/she is tying me ciwdna-yis he/she is tying you

wana. yis he/she is tying him/her powand: weycis he/she is tying us

wand: weycls he/she is tying them 11 Reflexive, reciprocal (present statement form) ($21)

L1.1 Reflexive 1 wana:yveys [ am tying myself i:wana.yickis you are tying yourself i-wana:-yis he is tying himself / she ts tying herself

i-wana:yi:s we are tying ourselves

i-wana: vd: ckis you (pl.) are tying yourselves

i:wanaya: Kis they are tying themselves

11.2. Reciprocal HiWANGAVLS we are tying each other itiwana: ya: ckis you (pl.) are tying each other

itiwanaya: kis they are tying each other 12 Dative prefixes (present statement form) ($22.1)

anwana:yis he/she is tying it for me cinwana:yis he/she is tying It for you inwana.yis he/she is tying it for him/her ponwana:yis he/she is tying tt for us 13 Instrumental, locative (present statement form) ($22.2, §19)

iswana-yis he/she is tying it with it (i)sawana.yis he/she is tying tt to (a post, chair) with tt (i)sohwana.:yis he/she is tying tt on with it

432 Appendix | (i)stakwana:zyis he/she is tying it to (the floor) with it (i)sakwana-:yis he/she is tying it with it (in water)

14 Auxiliary forms (§32)

14.1 ‘might, can probably’ wana-yi: weytayi:s [ can probably tie it wana:vicki: wéyti:s you can probably tie it

wana-yi: weyti:s he/she can probably tie it wana:yl: weytivi:s we can probably tie it wana:yva:cki: weyli:s you (pl.) can probably tie it

wanaya: kt: wéyti:s they can probably tie it

14.2 ‘able, can’ wanayayi: ta:yi's I will be able to tie it wandyickl: ta:yi:s you will be able to tie it wandyi: ta-yi:s he/she will be able to tie it wanayiyi: (avi: s we will be able to tie it wandya:cki: ta:yi's you (pl.) will be able to tie it

wanayaki: (a:vi's they will be able to tie it

14.3 ‘finish’ wana.yi: pohyeys [ finished tying it (past 1) wana.yi: pohyickis you finished tying it wana:yl: pohyis he/she finished tying it (past 1)

wana-yi: pohyi:s we finished tying It wana-yi: pohya:ckis you (pl.) finished tying it wana-yi: po:vahkis they finished tying it

14.4 = ‘keep doing’

wana-yi: md: heys [ keep tying it wana-yi: ma:hickis you keep tying it wana-yi: ma: his he/she keeps tying it wana-yi: machi:s we keep tying it wana:yl: mda:ha:ckis you (pl.) keep tying it

wana:yl: ma:ha:kis they keep tying itt

14.5 ‘keep doing, still’ wana-yayt: monkanks — | was still tying it wana-vicki: monkanks — you were still tying tt

wana:yi: monkanks he/she was still tying it wana:yivi: monkanks — we were still tying it

Paradigms 433 wana:yva:cki: monkanks you (pl.) were still tying it wanaya:-ki: monkanks _ they were still tying it

14.6 Negative experiential ($35.4) wanayayat(i:)siko:t 6:8 — | have never tied it

wanayickat(i:)siko:t 6:8 you have never tied it

wandyat(i:)siko:t 0:5 he/she has never tied tt wanayiyal(i:)siko:t 0:8 we have never tied It wanayd: ckat(i:)siko:t 6:s you (pl.) have never tied it

wanayakat(i:)siko:t 6:s they have never tied it

IS Modality (§32)

15.1] ‘almost’ ($32.12)

wanahyahohkeys [ almost tied it

wandhvahohkickis you almost tied it

wandhyahohkis he/she almost tied it wandahyvahohki:s we almost tied it wandahyahohka: ckis you (pl.) almost tied it

wanayahkahohkis they almost tied it 15.2 ‘accidentally’ ($32.20) wanayihpayalteys [ accidentally tied it wanayihpickatteys you accidentally tied it wanayithpatteys he/she accidentally tied it wanayihpiyvdtteys we accidentally tied it wanayihpa: ckatteys you (pl.) accidentally tied it wanayakihpdattevs they accidentally tied it

15.3. “just about to’ (§32.13) wanayaha:"nosayi:t 0:s Tam just about to tie it wanayaha:"nosicki:t 0:8 you are just about to tie it wanayaha:"nosi:t 0:8 he/she is just about to tie it wanayaha:"nosiyi:t 0:8 — we are just about to tie it wanayaha:"nosda:cki:t 6:8 you (pl.) are just about to tie it wanayvakaha:"nosi:t 6:s they are just about to tie it

15.4 Deductive ($32.16)

wana:yvacoks he/she is tying tt (unseen) wanaytka: coks he/she is not tying it (unseen)

434 Appendix | 16 Chained forms (837.2)

16.1 Same-subject (using aspirating grade for relative perfective aspect)

wandhyeyt I tied it and then (did something) wandahyickit you tied it and then (did something)

wandhyit he/she tied it and then (did something) wanahyi:l we tied it and then (did something) wandhya:ckit you (pl.) tied it and then (did something)

wanayahkit they tied it and then (did something)

16.2 Different-subject (using aspirating grade for relative perfective aspect) wandhyeyn I tied it and then (someone else did something) wandhyickin — you tied it and then (someone else did something)

wanahyin he/she tied it and then (Someone else did something)

wandhyi:n we tied it and then (someone else did something) wandhya:ckin you (pl.) tied it and then (Someone else did something)

wanayahkin they tied it and then (someone else did something)

17 Adverbial clause forms (842.3)

17.1 "IP (§42.3.9) wana:yvéeyn o:mail if I tie it wana:yickin o:ma:t if you tie it

wana:yin o:ma:l if he/she ties it wana-yi:n o:ma:t if we tie it wana:va.ckin o:mail if you (pl.) tie it

wandya: kin o:ma:t if they tie it

17.2 ‘when’ (§42.3.1)

wana. yayo:f when I tie it wana: yo.:f when he/she ties it wana: yiyo:f when we tie It wana: vicko.f when you tie it

wana. ya:cko:f when you (pl.) tie it

wandya: ko:f when they tie it 17.3 ‘after’ (§42.3.1)

wandhyayo:f after I tie it / after I tied it

Paradigms A435 wanahvicko.f after you tie it wandahyo.f after he/she ties it

wanahyivo:f after we tie it

wandhya:cko:f after you (pl.) tie it

17.4 ‘before’ (§42.3.8) wandydko: monkin before I tie it wanayickiko: monkin before you tie It

wanayiko: monkin before he/she ties It wandyi:ko: monkin before we tie it wanayad:ckiko: monkin before you (pl.) tie it

wanayakiko: monkin before they tie it

Wks so’ (§42.3.2)

wana.yveyka I’m tying it, so... wana. yickika you’re tying it, so... wana:yvikd he/she is tying It, so... wana.yi:ka we are tying It, so...

wana.-yd:ckika you (pl.) are tying it, so... wandaya: kika they are tying it, so... 17.6 ‘even’ (§42.3.4) wanda: vayeysin even though I tie it wana:yickeysin even though you tie it wana. yveysin even though he/she ties it

wana-yiyeysin even though we tie it

wana: yd: ckeysin even though you (pl.) tie it

wandya. kéysin even though they tie it

18 Participial forms (§42.2) (nd:ki) wana:vaya: t(i) (the thing) that I’m tying (nd:ki) wana:yicka:t(i) (the thing) that you are tying (na: ki) wana:ya: l(t) (the thing) that he/she 1s tying (nd: ki) wana-yiva: t(1) (the thing) that we are tying (nd:ki) wanaya: ka: t(i) (the thing) that they are tying

Appendix 2 Texts Text 1: Letter from Titahke to Cepe, 16 November 1876

The following letter was written by Titahke to his friend Cepe on November 16, 1876. It was written from a prison at Fort Smith and ts housed in the R. S. Cate, Sr., Collection, M515, Box 16, Folder 1, Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma. Titahke's original spelling ts given first (with line division as in the original). The letter is then given in interlinear format, for which Margaret Mauldin supplied a more consistent spelling (the first lines in the interlinear version) and the free translation.’

Original spelling: Tohopke Leske Tvlotv Ehole 16th 1876 Vnhesse Cepe Toyetskat oponakv estomosen cematotis ce omalkeyat pocvfencvket foles ce Momen hate nake pom afvshoteko monkvt os ce Estomet nake pom ayaranat hate kereko monkvt ont os ce Momis nake samomose tot os komakvt cokoyekcv enfetv foleyat Talkoset os ce momen estomen Tvlwvy alke tis pomanice tayen omvt Estomosen epofvcv anicecke tvyen omat mececkvres ce Momet Talwv alke nake estomen afvstet Kaken omat ankerkoceckvres ce ane acofvcv hate haken kerako monket os Momis cokv cen hecvyof hvtam cematotvres ce Yonv Hocefkvn ohlicet atoteckvres ce Mat poheta amares ce.

' Titahke’s original spelling differs in small ways from Margaret Mauldin’s spelling. The latter distinguishes from . Many speakers have difficulty distinguishing vs. and vs. in spelling (although they do distinguish these sounds in pronunciation).

Texts 437 Hiyomosen Coyis ce Cenhesse Titahket okis ce

Interlinear format: Tohopke Leske Tvlofv (oho: pki-lisk-i-talo:fa fence-old-I-town Fort Smith

Eholé 16th, 1876 holt: 16th” 1876

November l6th 1876 November 16th, 1876

Vnhesse Cépe toyetskat

an-hissi ci:pi to:y-ick-a:t

1S.DAT-friend be.FGR-2S.AG-REF

My friend Cepe,

Opunvkv_ estomusen cem vtotis Ce: oponaka ist6:m-os-in cim-ato: t-ey-s a Word be.few.FGR-DIM-N 2.DAT-send.LGR-1IS.AG-IND DCL [ send you a few words.

Omvlkeyat = pucvfencvkét fullés ce:

omalk-iy-a:t —po-cafincak-i:-t foll-i:-s oe all-1P.AG-REF IP.PAT-well.RED-DUR-T g0.around.TPL.LGR-DUR-IND DCL

We are all in good health.

Momen hvte nake pumvfvshoteko monkvt

mo:min hati na:ki pom-afashot-tko-: monka-t be.so.LGR-N yet thing IP.DAT-care.for.JMPL-not-DUR still.FGR-T

Os Ge. O:-8 Ci be.LGR-IND DCL

At this time, our cases have not been processed.

: English ordinal numbers were commonly used in letters in the 19th century.

* This pattern (... 40:y-ick-a:t “you who are ...’) is a standard form of address adopted for use in letters in the nineteenth century ($44.6).

A438 Appendix 2 Estomét nake pumvyvranat isto:m-i:-t na:ki pom-ay-ata:n-a:t which-DUR-T thing 1P.DAT-g0.SG-PROSP.LGR-REF

Hvte kerréko monkvt — os Ce:

Hati kitt-i:-ko-: monka-t — O:-S a yet know-IP.AG-not-DUR still.FGR-T be.LGR-IND DCL We do not know which direction our cases will go.

Momis nake svmomosét ot os mO:m-eys na:ki ’samo:m-os-i:-t ot — O:-8 be.so.FGR-even thing good-DIM-DUR-T FOC be.LGR-IND komvkat, ko:m-ak-G:t think.LGR-IMPL.AG-REF

However, something rather good, we think,

cuko-yekcv enfettv _ fulleyat tvlkuset

coko-yi:kca_ in-fitta —_ foll-iy-a:t talk-os-i:-t house-strong DAT-yard go.about.TPL.LGR-IP.AG-REF only-DIM-DUR-T

OS ce. O:-8 Gy a be.LGR-IND DCL

we got to roam in the prison yard.

Momen estomeén Tvlwv-vlike tis pomvnice

mo:m-in istO:m-1:-n talwa-dlki-leys pom-anéyc-t: be.so.LGR-N how.FGR-DUR-N tribe-GPL-even IP.DAT-help-DUR

tayen omat

fa-y-in O:M-Gil can.FGR-N be.LGR-REF

If, somehow, the Nation could help us,

estomusén epohfvccv vnicetské tayen omat

ist0:m-os-i:-n — ip-ohfacca aneyc-ick-i: (a:y-in O.m-a.l

few.DIM-DUR-N_ IP.PAT-toward help-2S.AG-DUR can.FGR-N be.LGR-REF

mécetskvrés Ge. mi: c-ick-ati:-s er do-2S.AG-FUT-IND DCL

however little, if you could help on our behalf, do so.

Momet Tvlwv-vlke nake estomén vfastet mo:m-il talwa-dlki — na-ki isto:m-i:-n_— afa:st-it be.so.LGR-T tribe-GPL what how-DUR-N care.for.LGR-T

Texis 439

kaken omat, ankérkuecetskvrés cé.

Ka: k-in o:m-a:t an-ki:tkoyc-ick-ati:-s Ci SIt.DU.FGR-N be.LGR-REF 1S.DAT-inform-2S.AG-FUT-IND DCL

And whatever the Nation looks after, let tt be known to me.

Vne_ vcohfveccv hvtehakén — kerrvko monket os. anit ac-ohfdcca hatiha:k-i:-n_ kitt-ako-: monk-it 0:-S me 1S.PAT-toward early-DUR-N know-IS.AG.not-DUR still-T | be.LGR-IND As for me and my case, I still do not know the early information.

Momis cokv cen hécvyof mo:m-eys CO:ka — cin-hi:c-ay-0:f be.so.FGR-even writing 2.DAT-see.LGR-1S.AG-when But when I see a letter from you,

hvtvm cem vtutares Ge. hatam cim-atot-a:ti:-s a again 2.DAT-send-1S.AG.FUT-IND DCL

[ will write to you again.

Yonv_ hocefkén ohlihcet avtutetskvrés Ce. vo:na hocifk-i:-n oh-lévhe-it — a:-atot-ick-ati:-s a Euna named-DUR-N on-set.HGR-T DIR-send-1S.AG-FUT-IND DCL

Sign by the name of Euna and send it to me.

Mvt [...?] vmvrés © ce;

ma-t [...] am-dti:-s* 6 oa that-T IS.DAT-FUT-IND DCL That will give me [.. .].

Hiyomusen coyis Ge.

hayy6:m-os-in co: y-éy-S” cre like.this.FGR-DIM-N_ write.LGR-IS.AG-IND DCL

This ts all I write.

* The verb im-ita ‘to give’ can be analyzed as a dative prefix im- with a null verb root or as an irregular verb (homophonous with the dative prefix) that agrees with its object.

> The word co:y-ifd is an older word meaning ‘to write’. It was replaced in the twentieth century by ho:cceyc-itd.

AA0 Appendix 2 Cenhesse, Titvhket okis cé.

cin-hissi, teytahki-t o:k-éy-s ci: 2.DAT-friend Titahke-T speak.LGR-IS.AG-IND DCL Your friend, Titahke, I speak.

Text 2: The stork father, by Earnest Gouge The following short story was written by Earnest Gouge in 1915. It

appears with a parallel translation as story 5 in Gouge (2004). A recording of Margaret Mauldin reading the story can be found at . The story 1s presented below in interlinear format. Hokté-mvnette hvmket hopuewvn ocvtés, hokti:-manitt-i = hamk-it hopoywa-n_ 0:c-ati:-s woman-young-I one-T — child-N have-PASTS-IND

erke fvccekon. (tki facc-iko-:-n

3.PAT.father true-not-DUR-N

A young woman gave birth to a child whose father was unknown.

Mont omatet esliket omen em pohet,

mon-t O:m-Q:ti-l is-leyk-il o:m-in — tim-po-h-it

be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-REF-T INST-Sit.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-N DAT-ask.LGR-T

So she lived alone [with the child], and was asked [about that]:

Estit erket on omat onvyvs,

istéy-t {tki-t O:-n O:m-G:l ondy-as

who-T 3.PAT.father-T be.FGR-N be.LGR-REF tell-IMP

kihocéto *stomis

kévho: c-i:-t-o stO:m-eys Say .IMPL.LGR-DUR-T-FOC what.FGR-even

‘Tell who the father is,” they’d say,

onvyeko tayusét omvtés.

ondy-tko-: — ta:"y-os-i:-t O:m-ati:-s tell-not-DUR can.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST5-IND

but she wouldn’t tell.

° The pattern [name]-(i)/ o:k-év-s ‘(name), | speak’ was a standard way to sign a letter in the nineteenth century.

Texts 44]

Momen mv hokté ena-hvmkviket fullét

mo:m-in ma hokti: —ina:-hamk-dlki-t foll-i:-t be.so.LGR-N that woman 3.PAT.body-one-GPL-T go.about.TPL.LGR-DUR-T omvtes. O:m-ati:-s be.FGR-PASTS-IND

Now the woman had relatives.’

Mont omet mvt vkerrickvn hayakvtes.

mon-t o:m-it = =mad-t akittéyc-ka-n hacy-a:k-ati:-s be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-T that-T think.about-GER-N do-PL.LGR-PASTS-IND

And they had an idea.

Mont okakatet,

mon-t Ok-a:k-: ti-t be.so.LGR-T Say-PL.LGR-REF-T

And they said,

Moméet esliket estonhkotok ...

mo:m-i:-l is-léeyk-il istonhko-:-t-o:k

be.so-DUR-T INST-Sit.SG.FGR-T do.something.HGR.not-DUR-T-be.so

“She can’t do well living like that...

Estit mv_ estuce erket on omat

isteéy-t ma_ ist-oci itki-t O:-n O:m-G:l who-T that person-DIM 3.PAT.father-T be.FGR-N be.LGR-REF Whoever the father of the child is

esvpvkesasé tayet ométan onkv; iS-apak-i-SG: 8-1: (a:y-il o:m-i:-lain on-ka

INST-be.with-I-some.FGR-DUR can.FGR-T be.LGR-DUR-REF.N be.LGR-so

should marry her:

erken enhopoyvkéts, mahket

itki-n in-hopoy-ak-i:-ts mahk-it

3.PAT.father-N DAT-search-IMPL.AG-DUR-T.be.IND speak.HGR-T

let’s look for his father,” they said,

" ina:-hamk-i is literally ‘one/same body’, but means ‘her relative’ here.

442 Appendix 2 ennvkaftvtés. in-naka: ft-ati:-s DAT-meet.LGR-PAST5-IND

and held a meeting.

Mont nvkaftet vpokvtes,

mon-t naka-ft-it —apo:k-ati:-s be.so.LGR-T meet.FGR-T sit. TPL.FGR-PASTS-IND

And they met,

mv hoktén ehesvrén komaket.

ma hokti:-n — this-ati:-n ko:m-Q:k-it that female-N take.a.husband-FUT-N think.LGR-PL.FGR-T

wanting the woman to have a husband.

Mont omen mv estuce hérusét omet,

mon-t o:m-in sma ist-oci hi:"t-os-i:-l O:m-il be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-N that person-DIM good.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-T

Now the child was very beautiful

yvkapusé hakepét ont vaka: p-Os-t: ha:k-ip-t:-t On-l

walk.LGR-DIM-DUR become.LGR-SPN-DUR-T be.FGR-T

and had begun to walk,

mont punvkvo kerrepé hakét

monet ‘pona-ka-w' — kitt-ip-t: hack-ic-t be.so.LGR-T talk-GER-also know-SPN-DUR become-DUR-T arvtes.

a:t-att:-s go.about.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND

and had learned to talk, as well.

Mon naket komvkat omylkvt

mo:-n nda:ki-t k6:m-ak-a:t oma'lka-t be.so.LGR-N thing-T think.FGR-IMPL.AG-REF all.NGR-T nvkaftvtés. naka: ft-ati:-s meet.LGR-PAST5-IND

So all kinds of creatures had gathered.

Texts 445

Mont mv estucen Sulet oh-ayet,

mon-t ma ist-oci-n soli-t ohh-a-y-it be.so.LGR-T that person-DIM-N buzzard-T LOC-g0.SG.FGR-T Now Buzzard went up to the child:

Cyrke! cvkicvs, maket arvtes.

ca-tki-:” ca-kéyc-ads ma:k-it — a:t-ati:-s 1S.PAT-father-EMPH 1S.PAT-tell-IMP say.LGR-T g0.about.SG.LGR-PASTS-IND

“Call me father!” he said.

Momis estos komépekot

mO:M-eys IStO.-S ko:m-i:"p-iko-t be.so.FGR-even be.how.FGR-IND_ think-SPN.NGR-not-T

But the child paid no attention

ahkopvnett vrépvtes. ahkopan-i:t-t — at-i:"p-ati:-s play-SPN.FGR-T go.about.SG-SPN.NGR-PASTS-IND

and kept on playing.

Mont oman nake erem étv omvlket

mon-t O:M-ain na:ki it-im-tta omalk-it be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-REF.N thing DIR-DAT-other all-T omhoyan omho:y-a:n be.IMPL.FGR-REF.N

Now all the others were there

Akcvohkot svsekot omisat akcawhko-t sas-tko-t O:m-eys-ail

crane-T be.there-not-T be.LGR-even-REF except Stork, who had been absent

rvrucen espvkvfkusén eshvlvtét eroren... fat-oci-n — is-pakdfk-os-i:-n is-halat-i:-t it-o:¢-in

fish-DIM-N_ INST-threaded-DIM-DUR-N INST-hold-DUR-T DIR-reach.LGR-N

and arrived carrying a little fish skewered on a stick...

Mvt — sekot omisat vlaks, kihocen...

mad-t Ss-iko-t o:m-éys-a:t ala:k-s kévho:c-in

that-T exist-not-T be.LGR-even-REF arrive.LGR-IND say.IMPL.LGR-N

‘He wasn’t even here before and now here he comes,” they said...

444 Appendix 2 Atet vlakan a:t-it ala:k-ain

come.SG.LGR-T arrive.LGR-REF.N

As he arrived

mv estuce hecekot omisat, ma ist-oct hic-tko-t o:m-éys-a:t that person-DIM_ see-not-T be.LGR-even-REF the child didn’t see him,

hécan vtékuset,

hi:c-ain ati:"k-os-it see.LGR-REF.N up.to.NGR-DIM-T

but as soon as he saw him,

Cvrké! Cyrkeé! Cyrkeé! kihcet ca-tki-:“ ca-tki-:’ ca-tki-:” kéyhe-it

1s.PAT-father-EMPH 1S.PAT-father-EMPH 1S.PAT-father-EMPH tell. HGR-T

ohletiket oh-litéevk-il LOC-run.SG.HGR-T

he ran up to him, cried, “Father! Father! Father!”

mv rvruce resem esepvtes. ma tat-oci — "t-is-im-is-i:p-ati:-s that fish-DIM DIR-INST-DAT-take.SG-SPN.LGR-PASTS-IND

and took the little fish.

Mohmen mv ennakvlke — erke kerretv eyacakvté, mohm-in ma in-nack-dlki — ttki kitt-ita —— iva:c-@sk-att: be.so.HGR-N that DAT-kin-GPL 3.PAT.father know-INF want-PL.FGR-PASTS5

Then those relatives who had wanted to find out who the father was said,

Mv este — onkat omvttis! mahket

ma Isti On-k-a:t-t O:m-dt-teys mahk-it that person be-not-REF-T be.FGR-happen-even speak.HGR-T “| That stork] doesn’t even look like anyone special!”

enhomecét vwahepvtes, mahokvnts.

in-homic-i:-t awa. h-i:p-ati:-s mad: ho: k-ant-s DAT-angry-DUR-T dismiss-SPN.LGR-PASTS-IND say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND

and dismissed the meeting in anger, it was said.

Appendix 3 List of common affixes The following is an alphabetized list of common affixes with glosses and brief explanations of their uses; comments on the distribution of variant forms are set off by =. (In the alphabetical order of the list, length (:) is ignored, and # is ordered after /.)

-! (see -7:)

-a NZR suffix attaching to lengthened-grade verb stems to mean ‘one who does (something)’: fa:y-a “hunter’

-a Q mark of a question requiring a simple yes or no answer: /il:c-ick-a' ‘are you looking at it?’

a-,ah- LOC a locative prefix used on verbs to indicate location on a side or underside: a-leyk-itd ‘to sit on (a wall, ceiling, etc., of one)’ = ah- is used before vowels.

a.- DIR directional prefix ‘this way’: a:-hic-ita ‘to look this way’

-a: Q 1 mark of an information question (a question including an element such as ‘where’, ‘what’, ‘who’, ‘why’, etc.): nd:ki-n hi:c-ick-a:’ ‘what are you looking at?’

2 used on a question seeking verification of an element: ay-dha:n-ick-a:* ‘are you going, too?’

ac- (see ca-) aca- (see ca-)

-0CC- (see -d:ck-) -a.ck-, 2P.AG second person plural agent (“type I”) agree-

-ACC- ment: wana:y-a:ck-a' ‘are you (pl.) tying it?’ = -q:ck- 1s formal; -d:cc- is informal.

-acok- = DED deductive: wo-hk-acdk-s ‘(1 perceive that) it’s barking’

446 Appendix 3 ah- (see a-) -aha:n-, PROSP prospective modal suffix (part of the stem)

-ata:n- expressing future time in the lengthened grade (wandy-aha:n-is ‘he/she is going to tie it’) and ‘almost’ or ‘about’ in the nasalizing grade (fackaha:"n-os-i:-t 6:-s “it’s almost full’)

= Some speakers use -aha:n-, others use

-atain-.

-ak- IMPL.AG impersonal agent suffix attaching to verbs to express an indefinite subject: ma:k-ak-i:-s ‘one might say’

-ak- PL plural suffix attaching to verbs to indicate a plural subject or object: ho6mp-a:k-is ‘they are eating’

= This affix is part of the stem, and so may be

lengthened (ler.), nasalized (ngr.), aspirated

(her.), etc.

ak-, akk- LOC a locative prefix used on verbs to indicate location in water or a low place: ak-levk-itd ‘(one) to sit in water or a low place’ * akk- is used before vowels.

-aki PL plural suffix attaching to a handful of human nouns: hokti: ‘woman’, hokt-aki ‘women’

akk- (see ak-)

-aks IMP imperative suffix attaching to verbs and used for commands addressed to two or more people: apo:k-ip-dks ci: ‘have a seat!’

-Glki GPL group plural suffix used on nouns to refer to clans, tribes, etc.: fosw-G@lki ‘Bird clan’

-ata:n- (see -aha:n-) -Gti:- FUT suffix attaching to verbs to express future time or obligation: wanay-ati:-s “he/she will tie it’

-a:ti:- 1S.AG.FUT fused form of first person singular agent (“type I’) and -d#i:- ‘will’: wandy-a:ti:-s “I will tie 10

am-,an- 1S8.DAT first person singular dative prefix (‘to/for me’), used for benefactives (am-opona:y-is “he/she 1s

talking for me’) and nonrelational possession

List of common affixes 4A7 (am-ifa ‘my dog’)

= am- is used before a vowel, m, or p; an- 1s used before other consonants.

an- (see am-)

-a:in REF.N fused form of the referential clitic -a:t/i) and nonsubject or different-subject -(i)n

-ank- PAST2 suffix attaching to verbs to express Past 2 tense: wand-y-dnk-s ‘he/she tied it (yesterday to several weeks ago)’

-ant- (see -anta-) -anta-, PAST4 suffix attaching to verbs to express Past 4 tense:

-ant- wana. y-anta-s “he/she tied it (long ago)’

= This suffix is often shortened in statements.

-AS IMP imperative suffix attaching to verbs and used for commands to a single person: im-anéyvc-as ‘help him/her’

-al- happen happenstance suffix, indicating a sense of accident or chance

-ati: - PASTS remote past (‘very long ago’)

-a:t(i) REF referential clitic 1 used on the final verb in a noun phrase to indicate definiteness or emphasis: foswa cd: t-a:t ‘the red bird’, ma acol-a:t ‘the old [man]’

2 used on various subordinate clauses when no tense marker is used: akitteyc-@:t ‘as he/she thought about it’ = All variants generally have falling tone after

a lengthened-grade stem. The final vowel is usually dropped.

-Ay- (see -ey-)

ca-, IS.PAT first person singular patient agreement (“type

aca-, Il”), used for objects (ca-na:fk-is ‘he/she 1s

aC- hitting me’), subjects of nonagentive verbs (canokk-i:-s ‘IT am sick’), and relational possession (ca-hacko ‘my ear’)

" ca- is used before consonants and stems

beginning with 7; aca- is used before a

448 Appendix 3 (replacing that vowel); ac- is used before 0, o..

-CC- (see -ick-)

ci-, ici-, 2.PAT second person patient agreement (“type II”),

iC- used for objects (ci-na:fk-is ‘he/she 1s hitting you’), subjects of nonagentive verbs (ci-nokk-i:s ‘you are sick’), and relational possession (cihacko ‘your ear’ )

= ci- is used before consonants and stems

beginning with 7; ici- is used before a (replacing that vowel); ic- is used before o, o-.

oe DCL declarative particle cim-, 2.DAT second person dative prefix (‘to/for you’), used

cin- for benefactives (cim-opona:y-is ‘he/she 1s talking for you’) and nonrelational possession (cim-ifa ‘your dog’) = cim- 1s used before a vowel, m, or p; cin- 1S used before other consonants.

cin- (see cim-) -ey-, IS.AG first person singular agent agreement (“type I’)

-ay- = -ey- is used before a consonant (wana:y-éy-s ‘I am tying it’); -ay- is used before a vowel (wana: y-ay-a'*am I tying it?’).

-CVS-, PASTI.IMPF past | imperfective

-ey- = -eys- 1s used before vowels (wana:y-éys-a' “was he/she tying it (today/last night)?’); -ey- Is used before indicative -(7)s (wana:y-éy-s “he/she

was tying it (today/last night)’); all variants generally have falling tone in the lengthened grade.

-eVs, a clitic used with adverbial clauses to mean -eysin, ‘even though’: yike-i:-n ato:tk-iy-éys ‘even -eVvsim though we work hard’ = -eys is the usual variant; -evsim is archaic; all

variants generally have falling tone after a lengthened-grade stem.

-ha:ks — Q mark of a question used at the end of a verb in the nineteenth century

List of common affixes AA9 -ho-, PL, IMPL 1 an affix (often an infix) indicating dual tn

-hoy- verbs with a singular/dual/triplural opposition (acimhok-ita ‘(two) to climb’) and plural in

verbs with a singular/plural opposition (kasaphoy-i: ‘(two or more) cold’) 2 with somewhat different placement, it is also used to form impersonal passives: ma:ho:k-is ‘they/people say’ « This affix is part of the stem, and so may be

lengthened (lgr.), nasalized (ngr.), aspirated (her.), ete.

-hoy- (see -ho-)

i- 3.PAT third person patient agreement (“type II’), used for relational possession (d-hocifka ‘his/her name’)

" i- often deletes, but affects accent (i-vanawd > ‘yanawa “his/her cheek’).

-I, -I- | short form of durative -7: appearing in reduced participles: isti-hatk-i “white person’

-i:, -. DUR durative suffix attaching to verbs 1 used with the zero grade for states: lokc-i:-s “it’s ripe’

2 used with the lengthened grade for habits or modality: a:cc-ay-f:-s “I could/would wear tt’

3 used with various grades to form participles: ma ifd last-i: ‘that black dog’ = The durative merges with a preceding vowel:

lokc-iko-: “it is not ripe’. It has a short form -i used in reduced participles: isti-hatk-i ‘white person’.

i--,i:y- REL reflexive prefix attaching to verbs to mean ‘oneself’: f-hic-a:k-is ‘they are looking at themselves’, f:-hi:c-éy-s ‘I am looking at myself = 7:y- is used before a or o.

-I:-,-iy- 1P.AG first person plural agent agreement (“type I’) » -j;- is used before a consonant (wana-y-t:-s ‘we are tying it’); -7y- 1s used before a vowel Gvana:y-ty-a' ‘are we tying it?’).

A50 Appendix 3 iC- (see ci-) -IC-, CAUS direct causative (Somewhat irregular, and so not

-VC-, usually segmented)

-iCeVvc- = -yc- 1s used after vowels (hiceyc-ita ‘to show, make see’): -ic- is used after consonants (hatic-

ita ‘to whiten, make white’): -iceyc- (and -yceyc-) are rare variants.

-ICC- (see -ick-) -iceyc- (see -ic-)

ici- (see ci-)

-ick-, 2S.AG second person singular agent agreement (“type

-1CC- I): wana-y-tck-a' ‘are you tying it?’

= -ick- 1s formal, -icc- is informal. The

sequence ...m-ick- or ...n-ick- may contract as ... N-Ck- OF... N-CC-.

-Ik- (see -[ko-) -(i)ka a suffix added to subordinate clauses to mean ‘so’ or ‘because’: wana:y-ikd ‘because he/she is tying it’

» The shorter variant is found after suffixes ending in y: wana-y-éy-ka ‘I am tying it, so...’.

-ikas suffix attaching to verbs and used to mean ‘let him/her (do something)’: /omp-ikas ‘let

him/her eat’

-iko-, negative suffix attaching to verbs: wandy-tko-s

-ik- ‘he/she isn’t tying it’

= This suffix is often shortened in statements:

wanday-ik-s “he/she isn’t tying it’.

(i)t-, DIR directional prefix ‘go a distance and’: f¢-hic-ita

tih-, tis- ‘to go a distance and look’

= The initial vowel its often omitted, especially

before vowels; some speakers use #ih- or fisbefore consonants.

(i)ta:- DIR directional prefix ‘go a short distance; back’: ta:-hic-ita ‘to go a short distance and look’ / ‘to look back’

List of common affixes AS | im-,in- DAT dative prefix (‘to/for (him/her)’), used for benefactives (ém-Opona.y-is ‘he/she is talking for him/her’) and nonrelational possession (¢mifa ‘his/her dog’). " im- 1s used before a vowel, m, or p; in- 1s used before other consonants.

-imdt- — PAST3 suffix attaching to verbs to express Past 3 tense: wand.y-imat-s “he/she tied it (several weeks to several years back)’

in- (see 1m7-)

-(i)n N 1 a clitic used on chained and adverbial clauses to indicate a change in subject: wandhy-in ‘he/she tied it and then (someone else did something)’

2 aclitic used on noun phrases in a clause other than the subject, often with specific emphasis.

ip- (see po-)

-ip- SPN spontaneous suffix attaching to verbs: i/-i:p-il 0:-s ‘he/she is dead’ = This affix is part of the stem, and so may be

lengthened (lgr.), nasalized (ngr.), aspirated (her.), etc.

-ipeyc- indirect causative suffix used on verbs to mean ‘make’: /homp-ipeyc-is ‘he/she is making him/her eat’.

= This affix is part of the stem, and so may be nasalized (ngr.), aspirated (hgr.), etc.

ipo- (see po-)

-(i)8 IND indicative suffix attaching to verbs and used for statements (/7:/k-éy-s “I’m running’). = -s is used after suffixes ending in vowels or y

(i)s- INST instrumental prefix attaching to verbs to indicate that the action is performed by means of something: fs-wana-y-is ‘he/she ts tying it with (rope, etc.)’

-(it T 1 a clitic used on chained and adverbial clauses to indicate continuation of the same subject (wandhy-it “he/she tied it and then (he/she did

452 Appendix 3 something)’ )

2 a clitic used on subjects, often with specific emphasis 3 aclitic used on the complements of om-ita ‘to be’

-ita INF infinitival suffix used to form an abstract or concrete verbal noun and similar in meaning to -ka: inokk-ita ‘sickness’

(i)ti- RCP reciprocal prefix attaching to verbs to mean ‘each other’: iff-hic-a:k-is ‘they are looking at each other’

()y-, DIR directional prefix ‘come and’: ’yi-hic-ita ‘to

VI- come and see, visit’

= The form ‘yi- is used before consonants.

-ly- (see -7/-)

icy (see 7:-)

-ka GER gerund suffix used to form an abstract or concrete verbal noun and similar in meaning to -ita: holwayi:c-ka ‘wickedness’

j- (see (i)f-)

ta:- (see (i)fa:-)

tih- (see (i)t-) tis- (see (i)f-) -1 (see -(1)n)

-O.: f(a) a clitic appearing on adverbial clauses to mean ‘when’ (in the lengthened grade) or ‘after’ (in the aspirating grade): wana-y-6:f ‘when he/she ties it”

= -o:fa is the more formal or older variant and

occurs with same-subject -(/¢f or differentsubject -(i)/n; all variants generally have falling tone after a lengthened-grade stem.

-OCI DIM diminutive used on nouns: if-éci ‘puppy’

oh-, LOC a locative prefix used on verbs to indicate ohh- location on top of something: of-levk-ita ‘(one) to sit on top of (a chair, table, etc.)’

List of common affixes 453 * 0hh- is used before vowels.

ohh- (see oh-) -OS- DIM diminutive used on verbs for small size or degree; combined with the nasalizing grade it means ‘very’: aw0:"l-os-i: ‘very close’; with postpositions, it means ‘just’: ondp-os-a:n “just above’; may also be used with adjectival nouns

po-, IP.PAT first person plural patient agreement (“type II’),

ipo-, ip- used for objects (po-na:fk-is ‘he/she is hitting us’), subjects of nonagentive verbs (po-nokk-i:-s

‘we are sick’), and relational possession (pohacko ‘our ears’)

= po- is used before consonants and stems

beginning with 7; ipo- is used before a (replacing that vowel); ip- is used before o, o..

pom-, IP.DAT first person plural dative prefix (‘to/for us’),

pon- used for benefactives (pom-opona:y-is “he/she is talking for us’) and nonrelational possession (pom-ifa “our dog’) " pom- 1s used before a vowel, m, or p; pon- 1s used before other consonants.

pon- (see pom-)

s- (see (1)S-) -S (see -(i)s)

= (see -(1))

-ta:ki PL plural suffix attaching to a few human nouns (usually ending in -wa): hondnwa ‘man’, honan-ta:ki “men

-lait(i) ATN focus of attention (a clitic added to noun phrases

for slight emphasis or contrast): dn-ta:t

fikhonneyc-ay-i:-s “I can stop it’ = The final vowel is usually dropped, except in questions or when a particle follows.

tak-, LOC a locative prefix used on verbs to indicate

takk- location on the ground, in a fire, or in an enclosed space: tak-leyvk-ita ‘(one) to sit on the ground or floor’

454 Appendix 3 " takk- is used before vowels.

takk- (see (ak-) -1e Vs a clitic attaching to noun phrases and meaning ‘even’ or ‘also’: co:ka-teys ‘[I haven’t sent you] even a letter’

fie (see (i)ti-)

-w' also, as In ani-w' ‘me, too’

-VC- (see -ic-)

'yi- (see (i)y-)

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1871 Opunvky Hera, Cane Coyvte: The Gospel According to John, Translated from the Original Greek into the Muskokee Language. New York: American Bible Society. Loughridge, Robert M., and David Winslett 1851 = Nakcokv Esyvhiketv: Muskokee Hymns. Park Hill, Mission Press: Edwin Archer, Printer. MacCauley, Clay 1881 [Copy of Powell 1880, filled out for the Florida Seminole Indians. | MS 589, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

1887 The Seminole Indians of Florida. /n Fifth Annual Report of the

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References 463 199la_ The Determination of Grammatical Relations in Syntax. Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles. 1991b Lexical and Syntactic Aspects of Creek Causatives. International Journal of American Linguistics 57(2):194—229.

1993. “Inalienable Possession” in Creek (and Its Possible Origin). International Journal of American Linguistics 59(4):443—52. 1994a Implications of Plural Reduplication, Infixation, and Subtraction for Muskogean Subgrouping. Anthropological Linguistics 36(1):27—S5. 1994b Modeling Language Contact in the Prehistory of the Southeastern U.S. /n Perspectives on the Southeast: Linguistics, Archaeology, and Ethnohistory, edited by Patricia B. Kwachka, 14—24. Southern

Anthropological Society Proceedings 27. Athens and London: University of Georgia Press.

1998 Notes on Switch-Reference in Creek. /n Proceedings from the First Workshop on American Indigenous Languages, 97-107. Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics 8. Santa Barbara: Department of Linguistics, University of California, Santa Barbara.

1999 External Possession in Creek. /7 External Possession, edited by Doris L. Payne and Immanuel Barshi, 229-50. Typological Studies in Language. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 2000 Creek Voice: Beyond Valency. /7 Changing Valency, edited by R. M. W. Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald, 375-403. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

2004 Languages. /n Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 14: Southeast, edited by Raymond D. Fogelson, 68-86. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. Martin, Jack B., and Keith Johnson

2002 An Acoustic Study of “Tonal Accent” in Creek. International Journal of American Linguistics 68:28—50. Martin, Jack B. and Margaret McKane Mauldin

1997 Practical and Ethical Issues in Lexicography: Examples from the

Creek Dictionary Project. /n 1996 Mid-America Linguistics Conference Papers, edited by Clifton Pye, 565-73. Lawrence: Department of Linguistics, University of Kansas.

2000 =A Dictionary of Creek/Muskogee, with Notes on the Florida and Oklahoma Seminole Dialects of Creek. Studies in the Anthropology

of North American Indians. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press.

2001 Creek. /n Facts about the World’s Languages: An Encyclopedia of the World’s Major Languages, Past and Present, edited by Jane

Garry and Carl Rubino, 173-176. New York / Dublin: H. W. Wilson. Martin, Jack B., and Pamela Munro

2005 Proto-Muskogean Morphology. /n The Native Languages of the Southeastern United States, edited by Heather K. Hardy and Janine Scancarelli, 299-320. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press.

464 References Mauelshagen, Carl, and Gerald H. Davis, trans. and ed.

1969 Partners in the Lord’s Work: The Diary of Two Moravian Missionaries in the Creek Indian Country, 1807-1813. Research

Paper 21. Atlanta: Georgia State College School of Arts and Sciences. Mauldin, Margaret McKane [1994] Vkvsamet Yvhikeyvres. Believing Let Us Sing. [Okemah, Okla. ] Mauldin, Margaret and Jack B. Martin

1996 Verbs of wearing in Creek (Muskogee). /n 1994 Mid-America Linguistics Conference Papers. Vol. 2:588—97. Lawrence: Department of Linguistics , University of Kansas. Mithun, Marianne

1991 = Active/Agentive Case Marking and Its Motivations. Language 67(3):5 10-46. Morgan, Lewis H.

1871 Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family. Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge 17. Washington, D.C-.: Smithsonian Institution. Munro, Pamela

1984 The Syntactic Status of Object Possessor Raising in Western Muskogean. /n Proceedings of the Tenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, edited by Claudia Brugman et al., 634—49. Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society.

1988 Diminutive Syntax. /n In Honor of Mary Haas: From the Haas Festival Conference on Native American Linguistics, edited by William Shipley, 539-55. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

1993. The Muskogean II Prefixes and Their Implications for Classification. International Journal of American Linguistics 59(4):374— AOA.

1999 Chickasaw Subjecthood. /n External Possession, edited by Doris L. Payne and Immanuel Barshi, 251—89. Typological Studies in Language. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 2005 Chickasaw. /n The Native Languages of the Southeastern United States, edited by Heather Kk. Hardy and Janine Scancarelli, | 14—56. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press. Munro, Pamela, and Lynn Gordon

1982 Syntactic Relations in Western Muskogean: A Typological Perspective. Language 58:81—115. Munro, Pamela, and Catherine Willmond

1994 Chickasaw: An Analytical Dictionary. Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press. Nathan, Michele 1977 Grammatical Description of the Florida Seminole Dialect of Creek. Ph.D. diss., Tulane University. Nichols, Johanna

1988 On Alienable and Inalienable Possession. /7 In Honor of Mary R. Haas, edited by William Shipley, 557—609. Berlin: Mouton.

References 465 Nicklas, T. Dale 1974. The Elements of Choctaw. Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan. Oliver, Lewis

1985 Esttyut Omayat: Creek Writings. Muskogee, Okla.: Indian University Press. Pike, Albert

[18572] Comparative Dictionary under the Following Printed Headings: “Muskoki (Creek), Hitchiti (Hitchitee), Alibama, Coassatti, Chata

(Choctaw), Yuchi (Uchee), Nauchi (Natchez), Shawunnoa (Shawnee). MS 2553, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution. Pilling, James C.

1885 Proof-Sheets of a Bibliography of the Languages of the North American Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology Miscellaneous Publication 2. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. 1889 Bibliography of the Muskhogean Languages. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 9. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. Pope, John

1792 A Your through the Southern and Western Territories of the United States of North-America; The Spanish Dominions on the River Mississippi, and the Floridas; The Countries of the Creek Nations and Many Uninhabited Parts. Richmond: John Dixon. Powell, John Wesley

1880 ~=Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, with Words, Phrases, and Sentences to be Collected. 2nd ed., with charts. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. Prince, Alan 1983 Relating to the Grid. Linguistic Inquiry 14:19—100. Reichenbach, H. 1947 Elements of Symbolic Logic. New York: Macmillan. Robertson, Ann Eliza Worcester

[1874?] Our Monthly. Tulahassee, Creek Nation, [Indian Territory]: | Tulahassee Mission].

1880 Mvskoke nettvcako cokv-heckv cokv esyvhiketv, yvhiketv “punvkv-herv esyvhiketv’ momet cokv eti aenkvpvket: The Muskokee S. S. Song-Book, from Gospel Songs and Other Collections. [New York]: American Tract Society. 1881 Double Consonants tn the Creek Language. Indian Journal 5:42. Robertson, Ann Eliza Worcester, W. S. Robertson, Thomas Ward Perryman, and Napoleon Bonaparte Sullivan 1887 Pu Pucase Momet Pu Hesayecv Cesvs Klist En Testement Mucvsat:

Klekvike Em Punvkv My Ofv Enhvteceskv Cohoyvte Aossen Tohtvlecihocet Os [The New Testament of Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ: Translated from the Original Greek Language.| New York: American Bible Society.

466 References 1893 Nakcokv Moses Coyvte Enhvteceskv Ceneses Kihocat, Helpluvlke Em Punvkv Enhvteceskv Es Cohoyvte Tohtvlelihocet Os [The First

Book of Moses, Commonly Called Genesis, Translated from the Original Hebrew Language]. New York: American Bible Society.

1896 Cokv Esvkvsvmka: Hepluvlke Em Punvkv Enhvteceskv Es Cohoyvte Tohtvlecihocet Os [The Book of Psalms, Translated from

the Original Hebrew Language]. New York: American Bible Society. Robertson, William Schenck, and David Winslett 1867 Nakcokv Es Kerretv Enhvteceskv: Muskokee or Creek First Reader. 2nd ed. New York: Mission House. 1871 © Mvskoke Nakcokv Eskerretv Esvhokkolat: Creek Second Reader. New York: American Tract Society. Sakaguchi, Mart

1987 Adjectives in the Seminole Dialect of Creek. /” Muskogean Linguistics, edited by Pamela Munro, 134-45. UCLA Occasional Papers in Linguistics 6. Los Angeles: Department of Linguistics, University of California, Los Angeles. Snow, Alice Micco and Susan Enns Stans 2001 Healing Plants: Medicine of the Florida Seminole Indians. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Speck, Frank G.

1907. The Creek Indians of Taskigi Town. Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association 2, part 2.

1911 Ceremonial Songs of the Creek and Yuchi Indians: With Music Transcribed by Jacob D. Sapir. University of Pennsylvania, University Museum. Anthropological Publications 1(2):157—245. Philadelphia: University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. Stirling, Lesley

1993 Switch-Reference and Discourse Representation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sturtevant, William C. 1954 The Mikasuki Seminole: Medical Beliefs and Practices. Ph.D. diss., Yale University.

2005 History of Research on the Native Languages of the Southeast. / Native Languages of the Southeastern United States, edited by Heather K. Hardy and Janine Scancarelli, 8—65. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press. Sylestine, Cora, Heather K. Hardy, and Timothy R. Montler

1993 Dictionary of the Alabama Language. Austin: University of Texas Press. Tyhurst, James J.

1987 Accent Shift in Seminole Nouns. /7 Muskogean Linguistics, edited by Pamela Munro, 161—70. UCLA Occasional Papers in Linguistics 6. Los Angeles: Department of Linguistics, University of California, Los Angeles.

References 467 Ulrich, Charles H.

1986 Choctaw Morphophonology. Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles. Waselkov, Gregory A., and Kathryn E. Holland Braund, eds. 1995 William Bartram on the Southeastern Indians. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press. Wesley, James

1997 Muskogee (Creek) Language Sampler. Richardson, Tex.: Various Indian People Publishing. West, John David 1962 The Phonology of Mikasuki. Studies in Linguistics 16:77—91.

1974a Muikasuki Verb Prefixes. Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, North Dakota Session 18:67—75.

1974b Number in the Mikasuki Verb Stem. Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, North Dakota Session 18:133—38. Willson, J. M., Jr. [1884?] Copy of Powell 1880, filled out for Florida Seminole Creek. MS in the possession of Jack Martin.

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Index ability, 249, 305 Choctaw, 3, 16, 33-36, 242 n. 3, ablaut, see grades 244 n. 5,313 n. 1, 383 n. 6 accent, see stress clause chaining, 343-44, 387 adjectival nouns, 151—52 clause types, 387-406

adjectives, participles as, 31—33, cleft construction, 381

| 18—20 clitic, defining, 80-81

adverbial clauses, 399-406 clitic, focus of attention, 357—59

adverbs, 238—40 clitic, referential, 360—63

adverbs, nouns used as, 149-50 combining phrases, 378—79

afterthoughts, 377 comitative, 188

agent agreement, 168—78 commands, 290—97 agreement, 168—78, see also plural comparatives, 379-80

of verbs complement clauses, 388—9 |

agreement, choice of agent vs. compounding, | 14—26 patient markers, 171—78 concessive, 365—66, 402

Alabama language, 3, 16, 33, 337 conditional clauses, 404—5

note | conjunction, see combining

alienable possession, see phrases

possession coordination, see combining

anaphora, 407—15 phrases apheresis, 64 copula, 298-303

applicatives, 183—96 copula, negative, 303

archaicisms, 44 copula, past forms of, 268-69 aspect, 241—56 copula, reduced, 302-3

245-47 303, 387

aspirating grade (hegr.), 92—94, copular sentences, 42, 176, 298—

augmentative, 131—32 dative prefixes, 183-92, see also

auxiliaries, 298—3 12 possession

auxiliaries, positional verbs as, decessive, 419

304 declarative particles, 367

backing of /, 63 deductive, 309-10 backing of k, 63 degree, 233-37

benefactive, 183-88 deletion of initial vowels, 64 case marking, 337—43 demonstratives, 145—46

causative, 214-27 depalatalization of c, 65

causative, direct, 214—25 determiners, see demonstratives causative, indirect, 225—27 devoicing of sonorants, 64 chained clauses, 343-44, 387 dialects, 38—44 Chickasaw, 3, 17, 33-36, 313 n. | diminutive of nouns, 131

470 Index diminutive of verbs, 234—36 Hitchiti-Mikasuki, 3-4, 7, 1 1—12,

direct causative, 214—25 15-18, 40, 41, 176 n. 9, 182 n.

directional prefixes, 323-27 1,244 n.5

discourse markers, 337—67 hortative, 293—94 discovered change, 311—12 imperatives, 290—97

distributive, 203, 210 impersonal agent, 230—32

downstep, 97-98 impersonal passive, 228—30 dual, 200-201 inalienable possession, see durative aspect, 248—5 1 possession equational sentences, see copular incorporation or compounding of

sentences body parts, 166

44 pronouns, |44

eventive (lgr.) aspect, 88-92, 242— incorporation of indefinite

evidential, 309—10 indicative, 284—85 existence, 328—32 indirect causative, 225—27 expressive (ngr.) aspect, 95—96, infinitives, 31, 1O9—13, 297, 236—

247-48 37, 388-89, 405-6 falling tone grade (fgr.), 94-95, infixation, 200—201, 203-9, see

244-45 also grades

feels. 12 informal speech, 65—68 f-grade, see falling tone grade instrumental, 192—96 fluid agreement selection, 174, intensive, see degree

175 intonation, 48, 59-61

focus, 22, 321, 342-43 introducing characters, 417 focus of attention clitic, 142—43, Koasati, 3, 17, 246 n. 7, 337 n. |

357-59 lengthened grade (lgr.), 88—92, formal address, 419-20 24244 fronting of direct quotations, 376— lexical categories, 29-33

77 l-crade, see lengthened grade

future tense, 269-7 | location, see postpositions, see

generic statements, 310-11 also locative prefixes genitive, see possession locative prefixes, 155-67 grade, aspirating, 92-94, 24445 manner adverbs, 238-40

grade, falling tone, 94-95, 244-45 men’s and women’s speech, 285

grade, lengthened, 88—92, 242-44 n. | grade, nasalizing, 95—96, 247-48 middle voice, 214—25

erade, zero, 84-88 Mikasuki, see Hitchiti-Mikasuki grades, domain of, 96-97 modality, 298-3 12 erades, formation of, 83—100 mood, 284-97

grades used for aspect, 241—56 morpheme order, 24—29 grammatical relations, 383—86 motion prefixes, 323—25

happenstance, 31 | names, 418—19

h-grade, see aspirating grade nasal assimilation, 63 nasalizing grade (ngr.), 95—96,

247-48

Index 47] negation, 281-83 possession, relational and n-grade, see nasalizing grade nonrelational, 133-37 nominal tense, 271—72 possibility, 304—5 nominalization, agent, 107—13 postpositions, 147-48 nominalization, verbal nouns and, predicate nominative, 387 n. |

109-13 present or recent past time, 262—

nominalizations in -7:, 108—9 64

nonthematic clitic, 337—56 pronouns, 142—46 number in verbs, 197-213 pronouns, demonstrative, 145—46

numbers, 313—19 pronouns, indefinite, 143-44

numerals, 313—19 pronouns, independent possessive,

object, 34-35, see also 144

grammatical relations pronouns, interpretation of, 407—

obligation, 295—96 15

order of affixes, 24—29 pronouns, interrogative, 143-44 order of constituents, 2 1—24 pronouns, personal, |42—43

ordinals, 318—19 prospective modal, 269-71

orthography, 101-3 Proto-Muskogean, 3, 73, 85 n. 3,

paradigms, 423-35 118, 200 n. 5, 218, 220 participles, 31—33, 118-20, 124— purpose clauses, 405—6

26, 248-51 quantifiers, 319-22, see also

parts of speech, 29-33 adjectival nouns passive, impersonal, 228—30 questions, 285—90

past tenses, 265—69 questions, syntax of, 381—83 patient agreement, 168—78, see quotations, 416—17

also possession rapid speech, 68-69 245-47 reciprocals, interpretation of, 407—

perfective (hgr.) aspect, 92—94, reciprocals, 180—82

phonemes, 47-61 15 phonological processes, 62—69 reduplication, 203—9

phonotactics, 72—73 referential clitic, 360-63

phrasing, 73—74 reflexives, 179-80

pitch accent, see stress reflexives, interpretation of, 407—

plural of nouns, 127-30 [5

plural of verbs, 197-213 relative clauses, 391—99 positional verbs as auxiliaries, 304 relative perfective aspect (hegr.),

positional verbs for existence or 92-94, 245-47

location, 33 1—32 resultative stative (fgr.) aspect,

possession, 133-41 94-95, 24445

possession, external, 188—92 right-dislocation, 377 possession, obligatory, 137-38 Seminole dialect, Florida, 16—18,

possession on verbs, 188—92 38-44, 121 n. 3, 184 n. 1, 285

possession, periphrastic, 138—39 n. | possessor raising, see possession, external

472 Index Seminole dialect, Oklahoma, 15, tense in relative clauses, 398—99

17, 38-44, 136 n. 4, 285, 332 texts, 436-44 ae thematic clitic, 337—56 Seminoles, 4-5, 9-14, 17, 38-44, tone, 48

418-19 tone in nouns, 81—82

sound symbolism, 333 tone in verbs, 83—100

spelling, 101-3 transitivity, problems in spontaneous aspect, 251—54 discerning, 34—35 statements, 284—85 triplural, 201

stem, 25-26, 83-84 valency, decreasing, 179-82, 214— stem vowels, 73, 85, 99, 118, 201, 27, 228—32

stress, 48 24

208, 218-20, 223, 224 n. 8 valency, increasing, 183—96, 214—

stress contrasts, 55—57 verbal nouns, 109-13

stress In nouns, 75—83 vocatives, 59-61 stress in verbs, 83—100 voice, 214—27

style, 416—20 voicing of plosives, 62

subject, 384-86 vowel shortening, 64—65 suppletive verbs, 197-201 word order, 371—86

switch reference, 337-38, 343-56 word order, overview of, 21—24

syllables, 70—71 word shapes, 72—73 tag questions, 283 zero grade, 84-88 tense, 257—80

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