A Generative Syntax of Luangiua: A Polynesian Language [Reprint 2017 ed.] 9027927219, 9789027927217, 9783110810363

Table of contents :
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
0. INTRODUCTION
1. THEORETICAL ORIENTATION
2. SYNTACTIC COMPONENT
3. JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORIAL RULES
4. JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RULES
5. TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT
APPENDIX 1. SOME NOTES ON PHONOLOGY
APPENDIX 2. TEXTUAL MATERIAL
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Citation preview

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA M E M O R I A E NICOLAI VAN WIJK DEDICATA edenda curat C. H . V A N

SCHOONEVELD

Indiana

Series

University

Practica,

152

A GENERATIVE SYNTAX OF LUANGIUA a Polynesian language

by ANNE

SALMOND

Department of Anthropology University of Auckland

1974

MOUTON THE HAGUE · PARIS

© Copyright 1974 in The Netherlands Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 72-88200

Printed in Hungary

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The research for this study was generously supported by the Bernice Bishop Museum of Honolulu, Hawaii, as part of the Polynesian History project. This project is financed by Grant No. GF/903, and Grant No. A/11 of the South Pacific Research Distribution Committee of the Golden Kiwi Lottery Fund. Its broad topic was suggested by Professor Biggs from the Anthropology Department of the University of Auckland, for whose continuing encouragement and advice I am deeply grateful. I also wish to thank Dr. P. W. Hohepa, Dr. A. K. Pawley and Peter Sharpies, colleagues and friends — their unfailing interest and knowledge of Polynesian linguistics led to long discussions which guided every step in the writing of this work. Finally, the Luangiua people in Honiara have my grateful thanks and lasting affection. They opened their homes and hearts to a stranger, and regarded the whole exercise of recording the Luangiua language as a game peculiarly calculated for their pleasure.

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements

5

List of Figures

10

List of Abbreviations

11

0. Introduction

13

0.1. Abstract

13

0.2. Location of the Language

13

0.3. Luangiua as a Polynesian Language 0.3.1. General Comments 0.3.2. PN Internal Sub-Grouping 0.3.2.1. East PN, West PN 0.3.2.2. Tongic, Nuclear PN 0.4. Previous Studies oî LU A

14 14 15 15 16 18

0.5. Research for the Study

20

1. Theoretical Orientation

22

1.1. Abstract

22

1.2. Introductory Comments

22

1.3. Transformational-Generative Theory 1.3.1. Its Concept of Language 1.3.2. Role of Linguistics 1.3.3. The Model of Analysis 1.3.4. Evaluation . .

24 24 25 25 25

1.4. Generative Syntax of Luangiua 1.4.1. Aims

26 26

8

CONTENTS

1.4.2. Model of Analysis 1.4.2.1. Base 1.4.2.1.1. Categorical Sub-Component 1.4.2.1.2. The Lexicon 1.4.2.2. Transformational Sub-Component 1.4.3. Justification of Rules 2. Syntactic Component: Formal Rules

26 27 27 28 31 31 33

2.1. Symbols

33

2.2. Base 2.2.1. Categorical Sub-Component Rules 2.2.1.1. Context-Free Rules 2.2.1.1.1. Initial String # 8 # 2.2.1.1.2. Listing of Grammatical Formatives . . . 2.2.1.2. Context-Sensitive Categorical Rules 2.2.2. Lexicon 2.2.2.1. Context-Sensitive Sub-Categorization Rules . . . 2.2.2.2. Syntactic Redundancy Rules

36 36 36 36 38 40 41 41 42

2.3. Transformational Sub-Component 2.3.1. Sentence-Linking Transformations 2.3.2. Sentence-Linking and Partial Deletion 2.3.3. Permutations 2.3.4. Deletions 2.3.5. Embedding 2.3.6. 'Marker' Transformations 2.3.7. Substitutions 2.3.8. Interrogative Permutation 2.3.9. Reduplication Transformations 2.3.10. Phoneme Deletion 2.3.11. Contextual Formative Variants

45 45 46 47 47 48 49 49 50 51 51 51

3. Justification of Categorical Rules

52

3.1. Abstract

52

3.2. Justification of Context-Free Categorical Rules

53

3.3. Justification of Context-Sensitive Categorical Rules

152

3.4. Summary of Theoretical Issues Raised

154

4. Justification of Lexical Rules 4.1. Abstract

156 156

CONTENTS

9

4.2. Introduction

156

4.3. Context-Sensitive Sub-Categorization Rules

157

4.4. Syntactic Redundancy Rules

168

4.5. Lexical List 4.5.1. Introduction 4.5.2. Sample Lexicon

183 183 185

5. Justification of Transformational Rules

195

5.1. Abstract

195

5.2. Introduction

195

5.3. Justification 5.3.1. Sentence-Linking Transformations 5.3.2. Sentence Linking and Partial Deletion 5.3.3. Permutations 5.3.4. Deletions 5.3.5. Embedding 5.3.6. Marker Transformations 5.3.7. 'Possessive Substitution' Transformation 5.3.8. 'Interrogative Permutation' Transformation 5.3.9. Reduplication Transformations 5.3.10. Phoneme Deletion 5.3.11. Contextual Formative Variants

196 197 200 203 205 209 213 217 222 222 223 224

Appendix 1 Some Notes on Phonology

225

Appendix 2 Textual Material

232

Bibliography

254

LIST OF FIGURES

Map: The Polynesian Outliers Figure 1 Elbert's Lexicostatistical Version of Polynesian Sub-Grouping

. . . .

Figure 2 Capell's Polynesian Sub-Grouping Figure 3 Elbert's 'Family Tree' Figure 4 Pawley a n d Green's Polynesian Sub-Grouping Figure 5 A Schematic Transformational-Generative Model Figure 6 Full P-Marker of t h e Luangiua Sentence

opposite page .

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AN E AS EOE E. FU E.UV FIL HAW KAP LUA MAE MAO MQ M VA NIU NMU NRA Ν UK O.J A PIL PN RAR REN SAM SIK TAH TIK TON TUA W. FU For a list of the symbols used in the formal rules,

Austronesian language family Easter Island Elliee East Futuna East Uvea Mele-Fila Hawaii Kapingamarangi Luangiua Mae New Zealand Maori Marquesas Mangareva Niue Nukumanu Nukuria Nukuoro Ongtong Java Pileni Polynesian sub-group of languages Rarotonga Rennell-Bellona Samoa Sikaiana Tahiti Tikopia Tonga Tuamotu West Futuna see Section 2.1. Symbols.

o INTRODUCTION

0.1. ABSTRACT

The Luangiua language is spoken on an atoll 160 miles north-east of the Solomon Islands, and by the inhabitants of a village on the outskirts of Honiara, Guadalcanal, in the British Solomon Islands Protectorate. The language is one of the 'Outlier' Polynesian languages. Two broad concepts have dominated recent literature on the internal sub-grouping of Polynesian languages. The first asserts that there are two major sub-groups - East and West Polynesian, with the status of 'Outlier' languages left uncertain. The second hypothesis, which is supported in this work, claims that the two major sub-groups of Polynesian languages are Tongic and Nuclear Polynesian. Nuclear Polynesian is in turn divided into East Polynesian and Samoic-Outlier, to which Luangiua belongs. Luangiua is most closely related to the 'central' Outlier languages of Takuu and Sikaiana. The introductory chapter also outlines the previous literature on the Luangiua language, and gives a brief account of the research basis of this study.

0.2. LOCATION OF THE LANGUAGE

The Luangiua language (LUA)1 is spoken by approximately 1000 inhabitants of a large coral atoll lying to the northeast of the Solomon Islands, some 160 miles from Ysabel Island. The island is situated in the latitude 5°10' to 5°30' S and longitude 159°10' to 159°30' E2, and is variously named Luangiua, Ongtong Java or Lord Howe Island in the literature. Its closest Polynesian neighbours are Nukumanu (28 miles to the north, with which there is some contact by canoe); Takuu (145 miles north-west); and Sikaiana, which is approximately 290 miles to the south1

The people refer to their language as LuaTjiua'. 2 Ray, 1917, p. 100.

ηαα kakala haa Lucwjiua,

or 'the language from

14

INTRODUCTION

Wz

IÍFONAPE TRUK S ' 'VQ ' ( / . ..,' S ® PINGEL AP MORTLOCKS"® ^ J N G A T I K «KUSAIE

·····

β

κNUKUORO ·

/

l\

2

NAURU '"ÒCEAN*

¡ÍKAPINGAMARANGI !

I

Ι NUKURIA

(

ÍCW BRITAIN

ψ TARAWA

Y -FI IIJ.BERU

y

NUKUMANU^T,

SIKAIANA^f P , L E |L

STAUMAKO

\jANUTA

•TIKOPIA

\NEW . HEBRIDES V » \ M. \ ,Vi

NEw'vk CALEDONIA V

\

O.rt-ATAru

S

41

BELLONA*, RENNELL

\

y

/'.-.NANUMEA < ®NIUTAO \ < V , * »VAITUPU

« Ç&AKUU I^angiu/N^,

Λ

Λ

TAMAÑA- I y

^

U

/

V

N/"

• (prefix) (infix) Β (suffix) BASE consists of optional prefix, optional infix, obligatory Base and optional suffix. A symbol like ΝΟΜ. IS a CATEGORY, because it can be expanded into further syntactic units. Symbols like kama 'person', and me 'future tense-aspect', on the other hard, are FORMATIVES, or 'minimally syntactically-functioning units', 1 0 which cannot be expanded into any other syntactic units. A formative like kama 'person' is labelled a LEXICAL FORMATIVE; whereas a formative like me 'future tense-aspect' is labelled a GRAMMATICAL FORMATIVE. The categorial rules will generate strings of grammatical formatives, but lexical formatives are not individually specified in this section of the Base. A symbol like Β is a COMPLEX SYMBOL, representing lists of lexical formatives. Β is replaced with the appropriate lexical item by the substitution rules of the lexicon. The categorial component thus generates strings of grammatical formatives and complex symbols, or PRE-TERMINAL STRINGS. » lu

Chomsky, 1965, pp. 11-12. Chomsky, 19Ü2, p. 52.

28

THEORETICAL ORIENTATION

1.4.2.1.2. The Lexicon 1. Aims: the lexicon functions to substitute lexical formatives for complex symbols in the appropriate contexts, and so converts pre-terminal into TERMINAL STRINGS.

2. Method: the classification of lexical formatives has presented a difficult problem to grammarians. Four possible solutions of the problem are presented and evaluated below: (a) lexical formatives have often been divided into exclusive classes, each of which is defined by its occurrence in some 'divisive frame' that cannot be filled by members of any other class. An example of this strategy might be formalized as follows: (l)Base

Noun I ART Verb I TA Locative / Prep.

= Base consists of Noun in the context Article — -; Verb in the context Tense-Aspect marker ; and Locative in the context Preposition (2) Noun

Noun I common / Noun I proper /

ART

common ART

proper

= Noun consists of Common Noun in the context Common Article Noun in the context Proper Article . (3) (4) (5) (6)

Verb Locative Noun common Noun proper

; Proper

kay\i ('cry'); 'ai 'eat' . . . —• Σηαηίηα 'place'; kai 'beach' . . . ]car\i 'cry'; 'ai 'food'; hai 'beach' —>- Luαψηα 'place' . . .

This analysis is unsatisfactory, because many formatives occur in the contexts of more than one class; the lists therefore overlap extensively, and make parts of the grammar redundant. (b) A second solution uses more than one divisive frame to define base classes. Classes are delimited by their occurrence or non-occurrence in each of a set of frames, and the type of redundancy encountered above is avoided:

THEORETICAL ORIENTATION

(1) Base

Ν V A

I I I

G

I

29

ART

TA ART

TA ART

TA - PASSIVE S U F F I X

Prep. Personal (2) Ν V A G L Ρ

->- poi 'dog'; Τιβηιια 'land' . . . —• haele 'go' . . . . —>· βα'ίηο 'bad' . . . . —»- kar\i 'weep' . . . . loko 'inside' . . . . ->- Maaleva 'woman's name' . . . .

(c) The third solution is to sub-classify lexical formatives b y appending a subscript to their major class symbol, e.g., Ν—

[N prop-animate Ν com-animate

This notation fails to show t h a t there is only ONE class of animate nouns, not two; and it obscures the essential independence of the two sub-classes i.e., the fact t h a t the Noun is animate has nothing to do with the fact t h a t it is either common or proper. (d) The fourth approach to this problem is outlined by Chomsky in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax.u The notion of distinctive features is borrowed from phonology. When the notion applies in phonology, each phonological signal is regarded as a set of phonetic features selected f r o m a limited universal inventory, and phonological rules apply selectively to signals t h a t contain a specified feature or constellation of features. When t h e notion applies in syntax, each lexical formative is associated with a set of syntactic features, and rules apply to all formatives associated with a certain feature or set of features. Most of the features (excluding 'inherent' features) are equated with a divisive frame, e.g., [Trans] = / — ΝΟΜ. This method is equivalent to associating with each individual formative t h e contexts in which it occurs, and no classes of formatives occurring in the same contexts are established. This may be an inadequacy of the 'distinctive f e a t u r e ' 11

C h o m s k y , 1965, p. 75.

30

THEORETICAL ORIENTATION

approach to the classification of lexical items; it outlines the distribution of lexical items without establishing multi-functional CLASSES of lexical items, perhaps thereby missing some valuable generalizations. This last technique, however, is favoured in Aspects.

INDIVIDUAL

The

LEXICON,

then, has three sections:

1. Syntactic Redundancy Rules: Syntactic features may be hierarchically related (I.e., if only [N] bases can be common], the hierarchy is

[ i com]

[-com]

The redundancy rules specify such hierarchies, so that in associating syntactic features with individual lexical items, only the lowest feature on the hierarchy need be specified. E.g., 'ai [ + com]; since a [-f com] formative automatically also has the feature [N], this last feature need not be specified. 2. Context - Sensitive Substitution Rules: these rules define the contexts in which lexical items with given features may occur. Syntactic features are equated with divisive frames; and any formative with a specified feature may occur in the frame associated with t h a t feature, e.g., Β --*

'[V] [Ν] [L]

/

/ /

TA ART

Prep.

thus, kar¡i [V, Ν] can occur in the frames TA kar¡i ' c r y ' ; ART. karji 'weeping'. 3. Set of Lexical Entries: lexical formatives are listed in alphabetical order for convenience; each is associated with its definitive set of syntactic features, and its 'phonemes' are each analysed as a set of phonological features. A gloss in English is also given: kama k + 1

+2 —4 + 5

[Com, a —1 + 5

An] person m a + 1 —1 —2 + 5 + 3 + 5

PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES

Since a [com] base is also automatically [N] (specified in the syntactic redund ancy rules); and because the context associated with [N] is ART. (specified in context-sensitive substitution rules), kama may occur in the context A R T . — : ke kama ART. 'person' 'the person'

THEORETICAL ORIENTATION

31

The "deep structure" generated by the operation of categorial sub-component and lexicon, should at this point enter the SEMANTIC COMPONENT to receive semantic interpretation. However, no semantic component is attempted in this grammar. 1.4.2.2.

Transformational

Sub-component

This comprises a partly-ordered series of transformation rules, which operate upon the strings generated by the Base, to permute or delete certain of their constituents and produce superficially dissimilar 'surface structures'. These structures nevertheless maintain all the distributional regularities of the base strings, excepting only the minor alterations formally specified in the transformation rules. 'Surface structure' is interpreted into phonetic features by the phonological component, which is not formally presented in this grammar, but is discussed in Appendix 1. The structure of a full transformational-generative model might be diagrammatically presented: SYNTACTIC COMPONENT

Figure 5 1.4.3. Justification of Rules It has been said that few linguists read each other's grammars of little-known languages, because grammars typically contain so much data, and so little theoretical justification of its treatment. The justification of rules in this grammar is made under the headings of EXTERNAL ADEQUACY (i.e., correspondence to the tacit competence of the

32

THEORETICAL ORIENTATION

native speaker as evidenced in linguistic behaviour) ; and INTERNAL ADEQUACY (i.e., correspondence to the incomplete general linguistic theory outlined in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax). The discussion of INTERNAL ADEQUACY will largely involve alternative rules for handling the same linguistic facts, and their relative merits. Wherever the transformational-generative model does not appear to handle Luangiua data adequately, comment will be made under this heading.

2 SYNTACTIC COMPONENT

2.1. SYMBOLS

The symbols used in the formal rules are broadly glossed as follows: # Sentence Boundary R j , R 2 , Ra Read rules in this order. R3a, R3b, R3c These rules do not apply in any order relative to each other. R3a 1 ( R 3 a t These rules apply in the specified order, but in any order relative to R3b, R3c. —>• Rewrite as. ( ) Enclosed symbol/s optional. { } One line of the enclosed obligatory, i Adjacent items are permutable. : Instruction follows. Affix boundary. Λ => Transforms to. ft Interrogative intonation. [ ] Choice of the same line throughout the rule is obligatory. I In the context. , Choice of one item only in list is obligatory. List is closed. — (Before or after symbol) item occurs in this slot. [+ ] Positive feature. [—] Negative feature. [±] Positive or negative feature. * Ungrammatical string. [A] Adjective syntactic feature (SF) [An] Animate SF ART Article category. Art 1 Article type 1 Grammatical formatives (GF) Art 2 Article type 2 GF Β Base BASE Expanded base

34 C [Com] [Cont] [Dir] Dir [Dual] Emph [Excl] [1st] [Fut] GF

[Inan] [Incl] Infix Intens [Intrans] [Loc] LOC LOC PL LOC T L

P

LP

PL LP T

MOD, MOD 2 MOD3

[N] Neg NOM.

Nom. Part NP NTJCJ NUC2 NUC 3

[Num] OBJ/O

[Pass] [Past] [Pers] [Place] [Pl. N] [Plu]

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RU

Consonant Common SF Continuative SF Directional SF Directional GF Dual SF Emphatic GF Exclusive SF First person SF Future SF Grammatical formative(s) Inanimate SF Inclusive SF Infix OF Intensifier GF Intransitive SF Locative SF Locative category Locative place category Locative time category Minor locative phrase category Major locative place phrase category Major locative time phrase category Modifier category type 1 Modifier category type 2 Modifier category type 3 Noun SF Negative GF Nominal category Nominal particle GF Major nominal phrase category Nucleus category type 1 Nucleus category type 2 Nucleus category type 3 Numeral SF Object Passive SF Past SF Personal SF Place SF Place Name SF Plural SF

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL BULES

p-marker Pos Pre-adj. PRED

Prefix PRÉNOM

Prep PREP

PrepD PrepL PREVERB

[Pron] [Prop] [Pres] Purpos Qual R Rx R2 R3 [Rei. PI] [Rei. Τ] S SF [2nd] [Sing] SUBJ / s Suffix TA [3rd] [Time] T. OB τ. OPT [Trans] V [V] VERBAL

χ x1. . . . x1 x x . . . . xa

Phrase-marker Positional GF Pre-adjective Predicate Prefix GF Prenominai category Preposition GF Prepositional category Preposition Directional GF Preposition Location GF Preverbal category Pronoun SF Proper SF Present SF Purposive Qualifier GF Reduplication GF Reduplication GF type 1 Reduplication GF type 2 Reduplication GF type 3 Relative Place SF Relative Time SF Sentence category Syntactic Feature Second person SF Singular SF Subject Suffix GF Tense-Aspect GF Third person SF Time SF Obligatory transformation Optional transformation Transitive SF Vowel Verb SF Verbal category 'Cover term for strings specified under relevant rule'. The χ units are identical. The χ units are different.

36

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

The conventions used to order the rules of this grammar may require some comment. Where rules are labelled 1, 2, 3 etc., they occur in that order; where rules are labelled 3a, 3b, 3c etc., they are unordered relative to each other; where rules are labelled 3c1( 3c2, 3c s etc., they occur in t h a t order, but the whole block of 3c rules, although it is internally ordered, is unordered relative to 3a, 3b.

2.2. B A S E

2.2.1. Categorial 2.2.1.1. Context-free 2.2.1.1.1. Initial 1

s

sub-component

rules

rules string

NOM VERBAL (NOM) (PREP) (LOC)

sentence consists of obligatory Nominal category, obligatory Verbal category, optional Nominal category, optional Prepositional category, and optional Locative category, in t h a t order. 2a

VERBAL

PRE VERB NXTCJ

:Verbal consists of Preverb category and Nucleus 1 category, in t h a t order. 2b

PREP - F

Prep D NOM : Prepositional consists of Preposition D category and Nominal category, in t h a t order.

2c1

LOC ->- (LOCPL) (LOCt)

: choose one : Locative consists of optional Locative Place category and optional Locative Time category in that order - one category must be selected.

2c 2 LOCpl — P r e p L LP M

: Locative Place consists of Preposition Locative category and LP Place category, in that order. 2C 3 LP PL — LP (LOCPL)

: LP Place consists of Lp category and optional Locative Place category, in that order. 2C4 LOCt

P r e p L LPT

: Locative Time consists of Preposition Locative category and LP Time category, in t h a t order.

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES 2C 3

37

LP T ->- L P (LOCj)

: LP Time consists of Lp category and optional Locative Time category, in that order. 2ce

Lp - ν

NOM NUC2

: Lp consists of either Nominal category or Nucleus 2 category. 3

NOM

PRENOM N P

: Nominal consists of Prenominai category and NP category, in t h a t order. 4

N P —» NTJCj (NOM)

: NP consists of Nucleus 3 category and optional Nominal category, in t h a t order. 5a

NUC X -»• BASE

(MODj)

: Nucleus 1 consists of Base category and optional Modifier 1 category, in that order. 5b

NTTC2

BASE

(M0D2)

: Nucleus 2 consists of Base category and optional Modifier 2 category, in that order. 5c

NUCJ

BASE (MONA)

: Nucleus 3 consists of Base category and optional Modifier 3 category, in that order. 6a

BASE

-»· (Prefix) (Infix) Β (Suffix) : Base consists of optional Prefix category, optional Infix category, Β category, and optional suffix category, in t h a t order.

6b

MODj ->- (Dir) (A) (Qual) (Emph) : choose one : Modifier 1 category consists of optional Directional category, optional A category, optional Qualifier category, and optional Emphatic category, in t h a t order - one must be selected.

6c

->- (Dir) (Intens) (Pos) : choose one : Modifier 2 category consists of optional Directional category, optional Intensifier category, and optional Positional category in that order - one must be selected.

6d

MOD3 —» (A) (Intens) (Pos) : choose one : Modifier 3 category consists of optional A category, optional Intensifier category, and optional Positional category in t h a t order - one must be selected.

6e

PREVERB -»- TA

MOD2

(Neg)

: Preverb consists of Tense-Aspect category and optional Negative category, in t h a t order.

38

6f

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

(Neg) (Nom. Part) ART. (Pre-adj) : Prenominai consists of optional Negative category, optional Nominal Particle category, Article category, and optional P r e - a d j category, in that order. PRÉNOM ->-

{(Art!) Art 2 : Article consists of optional Article 1 category, or Article 2 category.

ART

I

2.2.1.1.2. Listing of grammatical formatives 8a

8b

8c

8d

8e

8f 8g

{

Prep,, ->- | ma maa with 'i [Dir] preposition : Preposition D consists of one of the formatives cited. aa Prep. [LOC] Emphatic vaa [LOC] Specific haa [LOC] Origin [LOC, Time] General : Preposition Locative consists of one of the formatives cited. TA e [-Time] General [-Time] Immediate u [-Time] Continuative •oi [-Time] Inceptive 'aa [+Time, + Past] ηη [+Time, + Fut] me [ + T i m e , — P a s t ] Subjunctive i [-j-Time,—Past] Imperative 'au : Tense-Aspect consists of one of the formatives cited. Neg se I 'not' sei ] 'not (yet)' : Negative consists of one of the formatives cited. Nom. Part —• maa\ 'with' o J [Sing] specifier : Nominal Particle consists of one of the formatives cited. Arti — α [Prop, Sing] : Article 1 consists of the formative cited. Art J -

ke [Def, Sing] saa [Def, Dual] r¡aa [Def, Plural] he [Indef, Sing] [Indef, Plural] ηη : Article 2 consists of one of the formatives cited.

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

8h Prefix — (haa')

haa' hit" ko'o" so'o" ko" maka* kamaa" kau" hoo" pee*

(Hi')

ko'o" so'o' ko" moka' kamaa" hau* hoo* pee"

39

choose one

causative desiderative human numeral alone specific emphatic diminutive odd numeral odd numeral like

: Prefix consists of optional haa\ optional hit", and one of the optional set of prefixes cited, in that order: one must be chosen. 8i

Infix

Plural i Prolonged, Repeated Action «2 Continued Action R, : Infix consists of one of the specified types of reduplication.

8j

Suffix

8k

Dir

R

'li'i 1 ("lia) ('αηα) : choose one "aoa j "li'i diminutive 'aoa twice the specified number "lia passive "αηα nominalizer : Suffix consists of either of optional "li'i or 'aoa, optional 'lia, and optional "αηα in that order: one must be chosen.

mai \ Direction towards a e \ Direction up from speaker speaker aku Direction away from iho Direction down from speaker from speaker : choose one : Directional consists of one of optional mai or aku, and one of optional a'e or iho, in that order: one must be chosen.

40 81

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

Quai

(ai)

(kahi)

hae'o haamau

(Intens) : choose one

: Qualifier consists of optional ai (causative); optional kahi (continual); either of optional hae'o (very) or haamau (perpetual); and optional Intensifier, in t h a t order - one must be chosen. 8m E m p h

{

ia 'instead' oia 'only' : E m p h a t i c consists of one of the formatives cited.

8n

loo lo'ia : Intensifier consists of one of the formatives cited.

8o

Pos

8p

Pre-adj laa 'other' : Pre-adj consists of the formative cited.

Intens

Location near speaker ηβι Location near audience ηαα Location distant f r o m both loa : Positional consists of one of the formatives cited.

2.2.1.2. Context-Sensitive

categorial rules

(maa) ART (Pre-adj) /VERBAL - [N] (Neg) (Nom. Part) ART (Pre-adj) /# : Prenominai consists of optional maa 'for'; Article; and optional P r e a d j categories in t h e context VERBAL—Noun-feature base (i.e. Object-functioning NOM); or optional Negative, optional Nominal Particle, Article, and optional Pre-adjective categories in the sentence-initial position (i.e., Subject-functioning NOM). PRENOM

2a

ART

[def]

-[+Pos] VERBAL -

[N]

[plural] /—R, [N] : Article is definite before a positional or an object-functioning Noun; and plural before a plurally-reduplicated Noun. 2b

[ d e f ] [ S i n g ] / o(Specifier) : Definite Article is singular after the specific particle o.

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

TA

VERBAL . . . .

Jcapili poi kia'i mai Mi* maa : The Tense-Aspect 4

[V]

'nearly' 'almost' •[V] 'let' 'because' desid. [V] •[V] 'for' NOM• [V] marker i is selected in the cited Pre verb contexts.

Prep L -> i I —LOC T : The locative preposition i is selected in the context Locative Time.

2.2.2. 2.2.2.1.

1

41

Lexicon

Context-sensitive sub-categorization rules

Β —*• [V] / TA— [Ν] I

ART-

EL] I P r e P l : Base is associated with Verb feature in the context Tense-Aspect — ; Noun feature in the context Article — ; and Locative feature in the context Preposition Locative —. 2a

[V]

[Trans] / —NOM (PREP) [+Cont]/R 2 , 3 — t + D i r ] I —'i PREP [ + Pass] I —"lia (passive suffix) [+A]

I Β -

[ - | - N u m ] / f o V — (human no.) [Odd] I kau"— (odd no.) hoo"— (odd no.) [Even] I —"aoa (x2) : Verb feature is associated with one of the above features when it occurs in its cited context. 2b1 [N]

[Com] I Art 2 —NOM [Prop] /Arti— : Noun feature is associated with one of the above features when it occurs in its cited context.

2b 2 [Prop] — [+Place] / haa-'from' : Proper feature is associated with the feature [Place] in the context haa — (locative of origin).

42

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

2ba [Prop] ->- [Pron] / so'o* — 'alone' : Proper feature is associated with the feature [Pronoun] in the context so'o* — 'alone'. 2b 4 [Pron] -»- [3rd, sing] / ko" — 'specific' : Pronoun feature is associated with the features [3rd, sing] in the context ko* — specifier. 2c

[Loc] — [Pos] / pee' — 'like' : Locative feature is associated with the feature [Pos] in the cited context.

2.2.2.2. Syntactic redundancy rules Syntactic features are most commonly presented as [ ± X]; however, in this grammar, a slightly different notation is adopted. Instead of sub-classifying Nouns, for example, as [¿Com], it is felt that [N] -»- [Com] is a more informa[Prop] tive convention, since it explicitly retains traditional category labels. A symbol [—Com] is not particularly informative. Where no traditional category labels are found to fit a particular sub-categorization, the ± notation is retained. 1

Β —· [Pron] [Pers] : Proper Animate Nouns may be Pronouns or Personal Names. 3C3 [Pron] - [±Sing; ± l s t ] : Pronouns may be singular or non-singular; first person or non-first person. 3C4 [—Sing] -ν [Dual] [Plural] : Non-singular pronouns may be dual or plural. 3C5 [ + 1st] — [Incl] [Excl] : 1st person pronouns may be inclusive or exclusive. 3c„ [— 1st] -* [2nd] [3rd] : Non-first person pronouns may be second person or third person. 3d [Irian] — [±Pos] : Inanimate nouns may be Positionais or non-Positionals. 3ex [Time] — [±Rel Time] : Time locatives may be Relative Time or non-Relative Time. 3e2 [—Rei Time] — [¿Present] : Non-Relative Time locatives may be Present or Non-present. 3es [—Present] — [Past] [Future] : Non-present Time locatives may be Past or Future. 3fx [Place] [±Rel. Place] : Place locatives may be Relative Place or Non-relative place. 3f2 [+Rel. PI] — [±Pos] : Relative Place locatives may be Positionals or Non-positionale.

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

The hierarchies established by these rules are as follows:

[N] 1

Ι

1

[Com] R

[Prop]

1

1

[An]

[Inan] ^

[+Pos]

^

[Pl. N]

[An] Ι -

1

[—Pos] [Pers]

— Ι

[Pron] 1

Ι

1

[+lst] r

-

[Incl]

[Pron] 1

ι [+Sing]

[—1st]

H

ι —

[Excl]

[2nd]

[ - S1i n g ]

ι [Dual]

ι [Plural]

[Time] 1

, [+Rei. Time]

1 [—Rei. Time]

l [-fPres]

1

- ! [—Pres] Ι —

1

[Past]

[Place] 1

Ι

[+Rel. Pi] I [+Pos]

I [—Pos]

,

[—Rei. PI]

— Ι

[Fut]

1

— ι [3rd]

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: PORMAL RULES

5.

45

[Intrans] I [-A]

[+A] I [+Num] I [Odd]

6.

1 [—Nura]

[Even]

[Trans] [-f-Pass]

[—Pass]

2.3. TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT

2.3.1. Sentence-linking

transformations

1. 'Conditional' Transformation: Sj/nom¡me n u c ^ x . . ^ : τ. OPT # S 1 # # S ì # = > # poi 'if' Fut amea 'if' TA peer/a 'if' Where χ = rest of string. : Two sentences may be linked by adding poi, amea or ρββηα before the first, and changing the Tense-Aspect marker of the second into me (future tense-aspect). 2.

'Subordinate Subjunctive' Transformation:

τ . o p t # s 1 # # s 2 # = > # s 1 / m < M , nom/

i

nucJx^

'for'

Subj TA : Two sentences may be linked by adding maa 'for' before t h e subject Nominal of the second, and altering its Tense-Aspect marker to i (subjunctive ta). 3.

'Because' Transformation:

τ. o p t # s 1 # : f t s 2 # = > - # s i / m a t (haya

mea) /nom/î Ν υ ο ^ χ ^

Subj TA : Two sentences may be linked by adding mai (kar¡a mea) 'because' between them, and altering t h e Tense-Aspect marker of t h e second to i (subjunctive ta).

46

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

4. 'Then' Transformation: T. OPT # s 1 # # s 2 # = > # s 1

ηαα s2# Kee' laa ia : Two sentences may be linked by adding kee'-ηαα, kee'laa or ia 'then' between them.

2.3.2. Sentence linking and partial deletion 1 'Shared Subject [V]' Transformation: τ. opt iftNOM^TA [V]! ^ i ^ n o M j / t a [V] 2 #=»· #nom 1 /ta[V] 1 /

ηοο

[V]2#

: Two sentences having identical subject Nomináis, and [V] bases in the Verbal constituent, may be linked by deleting one of the Nomináis, and changing the Tense-Aspect marker of the second Verbal to ηοο or i (verbal conjunctives). 2. 'Shared Subject [A]' Transformation: Τ. OPT #N0M 1 /TA[A] 1 ##N0M 1 /TA [A]2#=>-NOM1/TA[A]1/jwai ΤΑ [ Α ] 2 # : Two sentences having identical subject Nomináis and [A] bases in the Verbal constituent, may be linked by deleting one of the nomináis, and adding mai between each consecutive Verbal. 3. 'Shared Verb [Sing]'Transformation: T. OPT #NOM 1 [Sing]/VERBAL 1 ##:NOM 2 /VERBAL 1 #^4i ::NOM l[Si n g]/ wiaaN OM 2 / VERBAL14t= : Two sentences having identical verbals, and the first having a singular subject, can be linked by deleting one Verbal, and linking the two subjects with maa 'and'. 4. 'Shared Verb [3rd]'Transformation: τ. opt ^NOMj [3rd, Sing]/vERBAL1##NOM2 [3rd]

Sing /VERBAL! # = PI maa nom ¡ ¡ / v e r b a l ^

Dual PI : Two sentences with identical Verbals, the first with a singular 3rd person subject and the second with a 3rd person subject that is singular or plural, may be linked by deleting one of the Verbals, and adding laaua (3rd person dual) (for two singular subjects) or laakou (3rd person plural) (for one singular, one plural subject), plus maa 'and' between the two subject Nominala. # nom x [3rd, Sing]/[Pron, 3rd]

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES 5.

47

'Shared Object-Subject' Transformation:

T. OPT #X1NOM01##NOMS1 Χ^^φΧ^ΟΜ X2#

: Two sentences whose object and subject Nomináis respectively are identical, can be linked by deleting one of the Nomináis. 2.3.3. Permutations

1.

'Linking' Permutation Transformation :

T. OPT #S1/conj/N0M/VERBAL/X2#=»-#S1/conj/VERBAL/N0M/x2# : When two sentences are conjoined, the Verbal of the second may precede its subject Nominal. 2. 'Shared Verbal' Permutation Transformation: τ. OPT # NOM 1 ([Pron, 3rd]) maa NOM 2 /VERBAL # =»

#

NOM^ VERBAL/

([Pron,

3rd]) maa NOM 2 #

: When two sentences with identical Verbs have been conjoined, the subject of the second may follow their shared Verbal. 3.

'Locative' Permutation Transformation:

T. OPT #

X LOCPL L O C T # => # L O C T LOCPL Χ

#

: Locative Place and Locative Time categories may permute from sentencefinal to sentence-initial position, where they reverse order. 2.3.4. Deletions 1.

'Verbal' Deletion Transformation:

τ . OPT #

NOM/VERBAL/ (NOM)/(LOC) #

=> #

NOM I (TA)/(NOM)/(LOC)

#

: choose one of (NOM), (LOC). Verbal may be deleted wholly from the sentence, or leaving Tense-Aspect marker; either object Nominal or Locative or both must be selected. 2. τ.

3.

'Tense-Aspect' Deletion Transformation: í Neg Ì i Neg TA B B Affix } ^ { Affix } : When Base is affixed, or preceded by Negative, the Tense-Aspect marker may be deleted.

OPT

'Singular Article' Deletion Transformations:

(a) Τ. OB

ART [Sing]

kapuae huaalima ka'ele pu'ua

'foot' 'hand' 'earth' 'mouth'

kapuae huaalima ka'ele pu'ua

48

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

: Before the above words, the Singular Article must be deleted. τ. OPT

ART [Sing]

kama ka'upu kaupiala kanaka Μηβ

'person' 'girl' 'youth' => 'man' 'woman'

kama ka'upu kaupiala kar\aka Μηβ

: Before the above words, the Singular Article may be deleted. 4.

'i (General Location)' Deletion Transformation: Τ. OPT

LOC„

LOCT

: Before Locative Time category, or before a locative-functioning Nominal category preceded by Locative Place category, i (general location) may be deleted.

2.3.5. Embedding 1.

'Nominal' Embedding Transformations:

(a)

τ . OB

PRÉNOM [ C o m ] A (MOD 3 ) => PRÉNOM [ C o m ]

LOC VERBAL

(MOD 3 )

[A] (Qual) : When the dummy symbol A occurs in a Nominal string with a [Com] base, it symbolizes the embedding of LOC, VERBAL, or [Adjective] plus optional Modifiers, in that position. (b) 'ko'o" Embedding Transformation: Τ. OPT ART [Com^/ΤΑ Jco'o" [Num] # # ART [Com]j/x #=>^:keko'o" [Num] [Com] 1 /x # : When two sentences have an identical subject Nominal with a [common] base, and when the Verbal of the first consists of a human numeral prefix plus [Numeral], the prefix plus [Numeral] can be embedded between ART and [Com] of one subject nominal, the other is deleted, and ART is always ke [def, sing]. (c) 'Verbal' Embedding Transformation: T. OB

PREVERB [ V ] A =* PREVERB [ V ]

[+A]

: When the dummy symbol A occurs in a Verbal string, it symbolizes the embedding of a [ + A ] Verbal, whose Tense-Aspect marker is deleted.

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT:

2.3.6. 'Marker'

FORMAL

RULES

49

transformations

1.

'Causative' Marker Transformation: (haa" = marker) τ . OB haa* [V] haa' [V, T r a n s ] [NJ [Loc] : haa* before any b a s e transforms it automatically into a Transitive Verb.

2. (a)

'Passive' Marker Transformation: ('lia τ. OB # N O M A T A [Trans] ' l i a (MOD X ) #

NOM2/TA

[Trans]'/ΊΑ

— marker) / (NOM2) =>

(MOD^/ (i)

NOMJ)

#

: When 'lia follows a Transitive Verb, subject a n d object Nomináis automatically change positions, a n d the subject Nominal m a y be preceded by i (Agent). (b) τ . OPT # N O M 2 TA [Trans] 'lia MODJ # => # NOM2 / T A [Trans] MOD x "lia Φ : "lia m a y occur after Transitive Verb, or alternatively after the Verbal Modifiers.

3.

'Nominalizer' Transformations ('αηα = marker):

(a)

τ . OB

[V]

"αηα

(MOD X ) => [ C o m ]

'αηα

(MOD^

: When "αηα is selected after a [V] base it automatically converts it to a [Com] base. (b)

T . OPT #

J?«« [V]

"αηα

MOD X =>· #

ηαα

[V]

MODJ

'αηα

: 'αηα m a y follow [V ] or its modifiers. 'Imperative' Marker Transformations ('au — marker): τ . O B # NOM [2nd] / 'au N e g [V] # => # 'au Neg [V] # ! : When 'au is selected as tense-aspect marker of a negative verbal, the second-person subject Nominal is automatically deleted. (b) τ. OB [ V ] # ! ^ # [ V ] # ! : When 'au does not precede a negative, it is automatically deleted.

4. (a)

2.3.7. 1. (a)

Substitutions

'Possessive' Substitution Transformations: τ . OPT D e f . A r t NUC3 aηau Ί' Def. A r t " - au 'a'oe 'Your' => 0 aiia 'he' αηα [Pron] [Pron] 0 : When Nominal Nucleus is followed b y a possessor pronoun, the pronoun m a y be embedded between ART a n d Nucleus 3 , the Article is deleted if the pronoun is plural, and if the pronoun is first person, it alters form as shown above.

50

m

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

(b) τ. OB.

ART Γ [def, sing] 1 [def, plural] J : After the Possessive Substitution Transformation, Article alters form as shown above.

2.

'Pronoun' Substitution Transformation: aita kama la Τ. OB loam ko'o'lua la VERBAL => VERBAL laakou ηαα kama la : In the subject position, the third person pronouns are replaced by the corresponding [Human] Nomináis: aita 'he' by kama la 'that man'; laaua 'they 2' by ko'o'luala 'thosetwo'; laakou 'they', pi. by ηαα kama la 'those men'.

3. 'Interrogative' Substitution Transformations: PREVERB A (MODJ) PREVERB NUCJ X (a) PRENOM

(b) (c)

(d)

(e) (f) (g)

NUCJ X

PRENOM

(X)

A (MOD,,) ( X )

What?'

: a? 'What?' may replace [N] or [V] base; NUCX or NUC 3 ; or the entire sentence contents following these categories. PREVERB [Num] => PREVERB Mai 'how many?' : Numerals may be replaced by hiaì 'how many?' (a) [Pers] => o ait 'who'? : Optional Personal Article plus Personal base can be replaced by o at? 'who'. [Pos] => hee? 'which?' 'where?','when?' : Positionals ηβί, ηαα, laa, either as bases or Modifiers, can be replaced by heeì [Loc] =» hee i 'where?' : Locative bases can be replaced by hee ? 'where?' NOM NOM => NOM a ai Ì 'whose?' : Possessor Nominal can be replaced by α ai? 'whose?' # s # = > # s ηαα leea 'why?' laa 'aa : Sentence can be rendered interrogative by adding ηααΐββα, laaieea, or 'aieea 'why ? '

2.3.8. Interrogative

permutation

Τ. OPT # s Interrog # = > # Interrog s # : Interrogative normally occurs sentence-finally, but may occur sentence-initially.

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

2.3.9. Reduplication 1.

51

transformations

'Rj' Transformation: T. OB

RI C V I Χ => C V I V ! Χ

: Where X = rest of the formative. : Reduplication 1 infixed in a formative beginning with consonant + vowel, reduplicates the first vowel. 2. 'R2' Transformations: (a) τ. OB R 2 Ci Vi χ => Cj Y 1 Cj \ 1 χ : Reduplication 2 infixed in a formative beginning with consonant + vowel, reduplicates the first CV. (b) τ. OPT V j Ci V! χ =» Ci a Cx Vi χ : The first vowel of a formative reduplicated by Type 2, may be devoiced. 3.

'R3* Transformations:

(a)

τ . OB

R 3 C X V ! C 2 V 2 => C I V I C J V A V I C . V J

: Reduplication 3 reduplicates the entire formative. (b) T. OPT C i V i C j V A V A V , => c y f i & V f i j ï t : The final vowel of a formative reduplicated by Type 3 may be deleted from the first occurrence of the formative in the reduplicated form. 2.3.10. Phoneme deletion /'/

Deletion Transformation τ. OPT ' V X =» V X : In normal to fast speech, an initial /'/ may be deleted.

2.3.11. Contextual formative 1.

Τ. OB

ηϋ [V] avale 'instead' => [Past] TA

variants

ηαα [V] avale 'instead' [Past] TA

: The [Past] Tense-Aspect marker ηϋ has the form ηαα when avale 'instead' follows the Verb. Neg ART => Neg hii : Article may be replaced by hii after Negative.

2.

Τ. OPT

3.

T. OB

kee" Ice (def. sing ART) POS POS (def. pi. ART) aar ηαα : Articles ke and ηαα have the forms kee* and aa" respectively before a Positional.

3 JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORIAL R U L E S

3.1. ABSTRACT This chapter discusses each of the categorial rules in turn, explicitly formulates the claims made by each rule, and attempts to justify these by appeal to two types of adequacy. A rule is considered EXTERNALLY adequate if it correctly characterizes an aspect of a native speaker's implicit knowledge of his language, so far as this can be inferred from the scrutiny of a wide range of distributional data; and it is INTERNALLY adequate if it meets the formal constraints upon 'a rule of grammar' outlined in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax and other transformational-generative literature, more economically than any alternative rule. Where LUA categories can be firmly established, this data is used to test the descriptive adequacy of the model outlined in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. On the whole, the model proves to be an economic and revealing one, but in some spheres it does not appear to allow an accurate account of the linguistic facts, and these inadequacies are discussed in detail. They may be briefly outlined at this point. 1. The model is clearly framed to handle orderly distributional patterns. In LUA however, particularly among the modifiers, there appear to be areas of considerable mobility in distribution. This mobility is not haphazard - it appears that certain formatives distribute in relation to CATEGORIES, rather than in a linear relationship with other formatives. A problem arises of describing generalizations that cut across constituent categories at different levels of abstraction. 2. Although Chomsky has two complex symbols for lexical formatives, Ν and V, it becomes clear t h a t this distinction is misleading and uneconomic for LUA. A single complex symbol Β is adopted to represent all lexical formatives in the categorial rewrite rules. 3. Context-free and context-sensitive rules appear to be two alternative techniques for describing an identical set of selectional relations. Since the difference between them is formal and apparently does not reflect any distinctions used by the LUA speaker, there seems to be no good reason for excluding context-

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

53

sensitive rules f r o m the categorial rules, and several good reasons for leaving them in. I n some cases, for example, they appear to be the most economic and natural method for describing selectional relations between categories. 4. I n LUA, the formal differences between lexical and grammatical formatives do not appear to justify their separate description by different types of rule, in different sections of the grammar. Both types of formative may be crossclassified and subject to sub-categorization; the rules expanding their categories into formatives are alike unordered relative to each other; and finally, many formatives function ambivalently as lexical or grammatical items. 5. Moreover, it appears t h a t the differences between lexicon and categorial rules are better described as positions on a continuum of divergence, rather t h a n as 'natural' distinctions. Whereas both components describe selectional behaviour, the categorial component handles t h a t of general CATEGORIES, while the lexicon describes the selections of SPECIFIC FORMATIVES. Both components describe distributional patterns, b u t the categorial component describes the more 'regular' ones, while t h e lexicon describes the less regular or 'idiosyncratic' distributions. Thus the difference between them appears to be one of degree, not of kind.

3.2. JUSTIFICATION OF CONTEXT-FREE CATEGORIAL RULES

Rule 1. S

NOM VERBAL (NOM) (PREP) (LOO)

: Sentence consists of obligatory Nominal category, obligatory Verbal category, optional Nominal category, optional Prepositional category, and optional Locative category, in t h a t order. Introduction Rule 1 is one of the most critical rules in the grammar. Firstly, as t h e earliest syntactic rule, it constitutes a hypothesis of the fundamental constituent structure of the LUA sentence. Secondly, Chomsky has suggested t h a t much of the deep structure generated by the Base will eventually be proven common to all languages, and as reflecting an innate and universal patterning in the human perception of experience. If this highly controversial suggestion is valid, then Rule 1 would also constitute a hypothesis of the basic sentence structure of all Polynesian languages, or perhaps of all languages. Since Rule 1 is fundamental to the syntax of LUA, it will be discussed in exhaustive detail, as an example of the kind of comprehensive justification t h a t might be offered for every rule if adequate space were available.

54

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

The justification of basic constituent structure or 'deep structure' is difficult, since it involves a very wide range of data. I t appears that 'structural' syntaxes have largely focussed upon a limited range of distributional regularities, including the order of morphemes, and co-occurrence relations within short stretches such as words and phrases. However, the attempt to justify a basic constituent structure must make reference to less obvious regularities such as discontinuous selectional relations and transformational relations, which are not immediately apparent upon inspection of utterances. Although Chomsky has distinguished discovery procedures from grammatical theory, the justification of a rule in part reconstructs how the rule was formulated and for what reasons. Therefore the topic of discovery methods cannot be dismissed from the grammar. Where the linguist is not a native speaker of the language under study, there is available to him little of the "enormous mass of unquestionable data concerning the linguistic intuition of the native speaker" 1 that Chomsky claims for the grammarian. This deficiency is compounded by the lack of reliable operational procedures for discovering the intuition of the native speaker. A linguist in this position, therefore, must rely on inspection of recorded data, the observation of other speech behaviour, upon his or her acquired intuition, and on such impressions (often unreliable) as are elicited from informants. Justification of the external adequacy of rules in this grammar is handled by appeal to various types of distributional information; most particularly to the behaviour of categories under transformation. N o "strict separation of levels" is maintained in the justification of rules; Chomsky has shown this restriction to be an unmotivated one,2 and states that "in investigating each particular piece of the system, you must consider its effect on the total system." 3 Thus evidence from other rules and from other parts of the grammar are frequently introduced in the justification of a categorial rule. In other words, the PROOF offered in this grammar is merely an explicit account of the general METHODS employed by most linguists. However, structural linguists using discontinuities, evidence from other levels etc. to establish their categories, have typically failed to formally present this data in their grammars. External Adequacy of Rule 1 This rule makes at least six separate claims about the 'deep structure' of the LUA sentence, which should be separately examined and justified. 1

» 3

Chomsky, 1965, p. 20. Chomsky, 1962, p. 100. Chomsky, 1962, p. 23.

55

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

1. I t claims that there are five independent syntactic categories in the deep structure, which are not grouped into any higher categories. 2. I t claims (by inference from subsequent expansions) the existence of multiphrasal categories in LUA. 3. I t claims that initial NOM and VERBAL are obligatory categories, while medial NOM, PREP and LOC are optional categories. 4. I t claims that these categories occur in a specified order in the deep structure. 5. I t claims that possible sentences may have the constituent structures: NOM VERBAL NOM VERBAL NOM NOM VERBAL PREP NOM VERBAL NOM PREP NOM VERBAL LOC NOM VERBAL NOM LOC NOM VERBAL PREP LOC NOM VERBAL NOM PREP LOC

6. I t claims that there are four types of category at this level -

NOM, VERBAL,

PREP a n d LOC.

Claim 1

THERE ARE FIVE INDEPENDENT SYNTACTIC CATEGORIES IN THE DEEP

STRUCTURE, WHICH ARE NOT GROUPED INTO ANY HIGHER CATEGORIES.

1. This claim is extremely contentious: (a) Hohepa, in his 1967 transformational-generative grammar of Maori, claimed the existence of two maximal categories in Maori - SUBJ and PRED. This claim is implicit in his first rule: 4 (1)

S -»· ( N e g ) PRED -F SUBJ PRED

(2)

was expanded as follows:

PRED —

J (VP)

I (L P ) ±

(LOC)

I Place J These rules may be presented as a Phrase-marker diagram:

(Neg)

PRED

(VP)

(L P )

SUBJ

(LOC)

Place A corresponding structure ÎOTLUA would result if (LOC) were united as a single category PRED. « Hohepa, 1967, p. 09.

VERBAL, (PREP), (NOM),

56

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

(b) Chomsky, in a grammar fragment for English 5 (presented here in simplified form) proceeds a little differently: (1)

S - » NP +

PRED-PHRASE

(2) PRED-PHRASE AUX + vp (Place) (Time) (3) VP —>• ν (NP) (Prep Phrase) These rules may be presented as a Phrase-marker diagram: s NP

PRED-PHRASE

AUX ν

VP

(Place)

NP

(Prep Phrase)

(Time)

A broadly corresponding structure for LUA would result if VERBAL, (NOM), (PREP) were united as a single category VERBAL. (c) Both these linguists, then, have concluded t h a t the five categories analysed in this grammar as independent and co-ordinate, are grouped in their languages into higher constituents, although the specific analyses differ in detail. Chomsky, moreover, claims t h a t the structure exhibited by his rules is probably universal, and most of the transformational-generative grammars I have seen follow his pattern. In the face of conflicting analyses from a genetically-close language like Maori, and from most of the transformational-generative literature, it must be demonstrated here t h a t such higher constituents cannot be conclusively established for LUA. I have assumed that· if such higher constituents exist, and in the absence of experimental data, these constituents will distribute in a number of convincing cases as impenetrable units, or will be replaced in substitution transformations by a single item. Selectional relations between items are also examined. The case would be particularly strong if a proposed constituent always distributed as an uninterrupted bloc under transformation, was replaced by a single item such as an interrogative in a substitution transformation, and displayed a number of selectional restrictions between its constituent elements. I justify the major reliance upon transformations by reference to statements by Chomsky - "There are many cases in which the behaviour of a sentence under transformation provides valuable, even compelling evidence as to its constituent structure." 6 5

•

Chomsky, 1965, p. 107. Chomsky, 1967, p. 81.

57

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

2. Given five categories NOM, VERBAL, (NOM), (PREP), (LOC), the possibilities for grouping them into higher constituents are limited. Of the possible combinations, I shall discuss five that have some plausibility in LUA: (a)

[ [ N O M ] [VERBAL (NOM)] [(PREP)

(LOC)]]

This analysis can also be represented as a Phrase-marker (p-marker):

i

¡αηαη 'Τ'

= = i

VERBAL

NOM

¡

e geni TA

kakala 'tell'

3

Γ

(NOM)

1

(PREP)

(LOC)

¡I ke 'ai /'i ke la'epa // i kai¡ def 'story' 'to' def 'European' loc 'beach' Sing Sing Art Art

Ί tell the story to the European on the beach.' (b)

[ [ N O M ] [VERBAL (NOM) ( P R E P ) ] [ L O C ) ] ]

: approximately Chomsky's analysis.

NOM

layan/ (C)

(d)

I

VERBAL

(NOM)

e kakala ¡I

ke 'ai

[ [ N O M VERBAL

(NOM)

NOM

VERBAL

¡αηαη!

// e kakala

[ [ N O M ] [VERBAL

(NOM)

I

(PREP)

(LOC)

¡I 'i ke la'epa¡ i kai/

(PREP)] [(LOC)]]

I

Ί I

I

(NOM)

(PREP)

II ke 'ai

// i' ke la'epa /

(PREP)

(LOC)

i kail

(LOC)]]

: approximately Hohepa's analysis.

(e)

NOM

VERBAL

¡αηαη

/ e kakala

(NOM)

// ke 'ai

[ [ N O M ] [VERBAL] [(NOM)] [ ( P R E P ) ]

: This grammar.

(PREP)

// 'i ke la'epa [(LOC)]]

1

(LOC)

// i kai I

58

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

I

1

NOM

VERBAL

jar/au Analysis

1:

I

/ e kakala

1

1

(NOM)

(PREP)

(LOO)

/ ke 'ai

/ 'i ke la'epa

/ i kaij

[ [ N O M ] [VERBAL (NOM)] [(PREP)

(LOC)]]

This unites VERBAL arid object-functioning NOM into a higher constituent; and PREP and LOC into a higher constituent. 1. Evidence Against VERBAL (NOM) Constituent: the permutation transformations of P A S S i v i Z A T i O N and NOMINALIZATION, and the VERBAL deletion transformation, offer the most convincing evidence against a VERBAL (NOM) constituent. Passive Transformation: VERBAL

¡ar¡au¡

e kakala NOM

NOM

ke

'ai

I 'i ke la'epa / i kaij

VERBAL

e kakala "lia I ar¡au j 'i ke la'epa / i kaij Passive suffix 'The story was told by me to the European at the beach.' ke

'ai

In the case of the Passive Transformation, the constituent VERBAL retains its continuity, but VERBAL and (NOM) have reversed order.

(NOM)

Nominal Transformation: NOMj \av\au\

VERBAL

e kakala

NOM 2

ke

'ai

NOM,

VERBAL

I

ηαα kakala Def. pi. Art

I 'i ke la'epa / i kaij

'αηα Nom. Suff.

ar¡au

NOM,

ke

'ai

I 'i ke la'epaj i kaij

'My telling the story to the European at the beach.' In the case of the Nominal Transformation, the hypothetical VERBAL (NOM) constituent is interrupted by the formerly subject-functioning NOM, which now possesses the VERBAL and is therefore closely bonded to it. Verbal Deletion Transformation: (Justification of this transformation is deferred to Chapter 5, discussion of Rule 1, Section 5.3.4.).

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL R U L E S VERBAL

¡αηαιι / e ai geni 'be' Τ ΤΑ

59

NOM

ke Μηβ I i kaij def 'woman' loe 'beach' sing Art

Ί am the woman at the beach' NOT

¡a-qau /

ke Μηβ I i kaij

Ί am the woman at the beach' Under this transformation, the VERBAL is deleted independently of the objectfunctioning ΝΟΜ. 2. Evidence concerning the ( P R E P ) (LOC) Constituent: both the Nominal Transformation and the Passive Transformation offer some support for a ( P R E P ) (LOC) constituent, for under both transformations, the two categories are unaffected - refer to the examples above. Moreover, P R E P and LOC are expanded similarly; both are introduced by a preposition, and may consist of Preposition + Nominal: PREP

jar/auj e kakalaj ke 'aij ke la'epa / i ke Τ geni 'tell' def 'story' 'to' def 'European' loc TA sing prep sing prep Art Art Ί tell the story to the European at the house.'

LOC

hale / def 'house' sing Art

Given this superficial similarity, one is tempted to analyse the ( P R E P ) (LOC) construction as an example of a recurring LOC category, which is extremely common in LUA (cf. discussion of Rule 6). The similarity is increased by a phonetic rule that optionally deletes the initial glottal stop in normal speech, so that 'i (PREP initiator-'towards') and i (LOC initiator - 'general location') become indistinguishable. There are however two major factors that contradict the analysis of ( P R E P ) (LOC) as a recurring LOC category. Firstly, the LOC category is exclusively affected by a certain transformation, that permutes it from the favoured sentence-final position to sentence-initial, without any meaning change. Thus it occurs optionally at either of the extreme boundaries of the sentence, and it seems likely that LOC may modify the entire sentence. The P R E P category, on the other hand, functions as indirect object or instrument of the Verbal, and cannot permute to sentence-initial position:

60

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES PREP \ar\au\ e kakala¡ke 'ai¡

LOC

'i ice la'epa

/

i

kai

LOC Transformation: PREP

LOC

/

i

kai

¡ar¡au¡e kakalaj ke 'aij

'ì ke la'epa

j

'At the beach, I tell the story to t h e European.' However, a similar permutation of PREP is unacceptable: PREP *l

'i ke la'epa

LOC ¡ar¡au¡ e kakalajke 'aij

kai

I

When 'i and i are merged by the phonetic deletion of the glottal stop, the ambiguity t h a t results can therefore be solved by application of the Locative Transformation: LOC/PREP ? jαηαιοΙ e

haka'okoj

ke hale ' Γ geni 'think' 'about' def 'house' TA or sing geni Art loc

If i represents 'i, ('towards'), the sentence may be interpreted: Ί think about the house.' If it is i, the sentence may be interpreted: Ί think at the house.' However, only if the category is a LOC may it permute to sentence-initial position without any change in meaning: LOC i ke hale I ar¡au\e haka'okoj I 'At the house, I think.' B u t not PREP i ke hale I ar\au\ e haka'okoj *l 'About the house, I think.' Secondly, it appears t h a t a dual selectional relation exists between VERBAL and PREP, 'i PREP can occur only a f t e r Verbs with the feature [Directional Movement] : [Dir]

haele va'ai koo

'go' 'i ke hale 'to the house' 'return' (PREP) 'take'

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

Maa

PREP

61

(Instrument) can occur only after [Trans] Verbs.

li'i haaoa'o vuhu

'beat' 'teach' 'hit'

maa ke

mea 'with the thing'

(PREP)

may therefore occur only after certain VERBALS, but LOC may occur after any. These two factors tend to exclude an analysis of (PREP) (LOC) as a recurring LOC category from serious consideration, and to establish them as distinct categories with individual syntactic behaviour. PREP

Analysis

2:

[NOM] [VERBAL (NOM) (PREP)] [(LOC)]

This analysis may well be the correct one for the LUA sentence. However, evidence from some transformations conflicts with evidence from other transformations and some selectional relations. This conflict in evidence has led me to assert that constituents on a higher level than the five I have outlined cannot be firmly established for LUA. Evidence for analysis 2 (a) The independence of LOC: the independence of LOC from the rest of the sentence is suggested by the LOC Transformation, whereby LOC permutes from one extreme boundary of the sentence to the other. (b) The independence of NOM: The independence of NOM is suggested by the Imperative deletion of the subject-functioning ΝΟΜ. NOM

I αηαη / e kakalajke 'aij'i ke la'epaji kaij Ί tell the story to the European at the beach.' Imperative Transformation : ! => ¡kakalajke 'ai¡i ke la'epaji kai 'Tell the story to the European at the beach !' (c) The unity of VERBAL (NOM) (PREP): Selectional relations exist between both VERBAL and (NOM); and VERBAL and (PREP). Only Verbs with the feature [Trans] may be followed by (NOM) or by maa PREP (i.e. Instrument): VERBAL

Iαηαηj

(NOM)

(PREP)

e li'i ke poi maa geni 'beat' def 'dog' 'with' TA [Trans] sing (instruArt ment) Ί hit the dog with the stick.'

Τ

ke laa'au def 'stick' sing Art

62

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

Only Verbs with the feature [Dir] (Directional movement) can be followed by

'» PREP: (PREP)

VERBAL /αηαη/

'i

kele

Ice

hale

geni 'run' 'to' def 'house' TA [Dir] sing Art Ί run to the house.' VERBAL ¡ar¡au¡

(NOM) ai

ke

e lcakala

(LOO) 'i ke

la'epa

/

[Trans] [Dir] Ί tell the story to the European.' Secondly, the hypothetical VERBAL (NOM) (PREP) constituent maintains its continuity under the 'shared subject' conjunction Transformation, which however, affects all the other major categories of the sentence. The LOC categories permute to the extreme boundaries of the conjoined sentence, and the second subject-functioning NOM is deleted: NOMGL

VERBAL (NOM 0

1) (PREP

VERBAL (NOM 0 2 ) (LOCI) NOMG 1

(LOCI) +

1)

(PREP2)

(LOC2)

VERBAL (NOM 0

(ΝΟΜ 0 8)

1)

ηΟΟ

(PREPL)

VERBAL2

(LOC2)

(PREP2)

jar¡au¡e kakalajke

N0MS1

'aij'i ke la'epa/i kaij

Ί tell the story to the European at the beach.' -f- ¡αηαυ,Ι

Τ

e

liaaoa'o\r\aa lcakala

maakou/

geni 'teach' def 'language' TA pi Art

'i

aia)i

ke

aho

ηβϊ/

Our' 'to' 'him' loc def 'day' 'this' pi Art

Ί teach him our language today.' VERBAL => I I kai¡

αηαυ,Ι

VERBAL2 haaoa'o

e

kakala

NOM 0 2 ηαα

kakala

ηαα

at

PREP2 maakou

PREPl

NOMQ 1

ι aia

'i ke

CONT

la'epa

Ιηοο

LOC™ I i ke aho

ηβί /

'At the beach, I tell the story to the European, and teach him our language today.'

63

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

Finally, there is some evidence that certain grammatical formatives may be functioning to modify the entire [VERBAL (NOM) (PREP)] constituent: (1) Negative se occurs before VERBAL, and cannot occur at any point within the proposed constituent. Thus although an initial subject-functioning NOM may take se, the medial object-functioning NOM which belongs to this proposed constituent, cannot. In the sentence below, se may be referring to kakala, to ke 'ai or to 'i ke la'epa: VERBAL

¡αηαηΙ

(NOM)

(PREP)

se kakala ke 'ai 'i ke la'epa ¡ t t t Neg_ Ί (do not) tell (not) the story (not) to the European' (2)

e

Although qualifying formatives typically follow the Verb, they may also occur after the object-functioning NOM or PREP, in which position they appear to modify the entire Constituent. VERBAL

¡αηαυ)

e kakala

(NOM)

ke 'ai

(PREP)

'i ke la'epa

¡kaki/ CONTINUAL QUALIFIER

Ί am always telling the story to the European.' Evidence Against Analysis 2 (a) Nominal Transformation: in the Nominal Transformation, the proposed constituent fails to maintain its continuity, VERBAL becomes initial; subject-functioning NOM follows as its possessor; object-function NOM, PREP and LOC follow in that order. ΝΟΜ.s

VERBAL

\ar¡au\ e kakala

NOMN

ke 'ai

PREP

'i ke la'epa

¡i kaij

Nominal Transformation : VERBAL

NOM.

NOMN

PREP

/ ηαα kakala "αηα \ar¡au\ ke 'ai 'i ke la'epa 'My telling the story to the European at the beach.'

¡i kaij

(b) Passive Transformation: the proposed constituent is completely disrupted by this transformation. NOM,3

jayauj

VERBAL

NOM„

e kakala ke 'ai Passive Transformation

PREP

'i ke la'epa

/» kaij

64

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES NOM S

ke 'ai

VERBAL

NOM„

PREP

e kakala 'lia/ | ar¡au\

'i ke la'epa/

i kaij

'The story was told by me to the European at the beach.' and object-functioning NOM have reversed order, and VERBAL is divided from PREP by subject-functioning ΝΟΜ. (c) I n the Verb deletion Transformation outlined under the discussion of Analysis 1, VERBAL is deleted independently of the rest of the proposed constituent. (d) Of the elements of the proposed constituent, only VERBAL is obligatory to the deep structure; (NOM) and (PREP) are independently optional: VERBAL

VERBAL

αηαιι

NOM

e kakala ke 'ai

PREP

'i ke la'epa

VERBAL

αηαιι

e kakala

'Italk' αηαιι

VERBAL

NOM

e kakala

ke 'ai

Ί tell the story' VERBAL

αηαιι

PREP

e kakala \ 'i ke la'epa

Ί talk to the European' 3.

Conclusion: This strong conflict in evidence has led me to reject for the moment, Analysis 2 of the LUA sentence. Should further data in support of Analysis 2 appear, Rule 1 may be rewritten as two rules:

(a)

S

(b)

VERBAL ->• VP (NOM) (PREP)

Analysis

NOM VERBAL (LOO)

3:

[[NOM VERBAL (NOM) (PREP)]

[(LOC)]]

This analysis gains some credibility from the LOC transformation, whereby LOC permutes to sentence-initial position; and from the suggestion t h a t LOC may modify the rest of the sentence. Despite the marked independence of LOC from the rest of the sentence, however, it would be misleading to assign it constituent status co-ordinate with all of NOM VERBAL (NOM) (PREP). Moreover, these four categories cannot readily be established as a single major constituent (cf. discussion of Analysis 2).

65

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

Analysis

4:

[ [ N O M ] [VERBAL (NOM) (PREP)

(LOC)]]

This analysis is attributed by Hohepa to the MAO sentence. In LUA, the sole distributional support for such an analysis is the imperative deletion of subject-functioning NOM independent of the rest of the sentence (cf. discussion of Analysis 2). However, there is extremely strong evidence, (particularly the LOC transformation), supporting an analysis of LOC as independent of VERBAL (NOM) (PREP) ; and VERBAL (NOM) (PREP) cannot convincingly be established as a single constituent, (cf. Analysis 2). Analysis

5:

[ [ N O M ] [VERBAL] [(NOM)] [(PREP)]

[(LOC)]]

Analysis 5 assigns minimal structure to the LUA sentence, and it is this analysis, in the absence of convincing data for any of the plausible alternative approaches, that I have employed. It is noteworthy that each of the categories specified above may be independently omitted from the sentence ((NOM) (PREP) (LOC)); or deleted by transformation (NOM: Imperative deletion; VERBAL: Verbal deletion), although all cannot be omitted or deleted at once. This suggests their mutual independence as categories. However, Analysis 2, which proposes a constituent comprising VERBAL (NOM) (PREP), is an attractive one despite some contrary evidence, and it may emerge as the correct analysis of the LUA sentence. Claim 2:

MULTI-PHRASAL CATEGORIES EXIST IN THE

LUA

SENTENCE.

In this grammar, NOM and LOC contain infinitely recursive embeddings of and LOC respectively; and VERBAL may contain a series of VERBALS by conjoining. The justification of these assertions is delayed until the discussion of their relevant rules. NOM

66 1.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

NOM Recursiveness: in the following example, each NOM acts as possessor of the preceding NOM: NOM

PRÉNOM

NP

NUC 3

NOM

PRENOM

NP

NUC 3

poi 'dog'

ke def sing Art

ke def sing Art

NOM

ar¡au 'my'

Μηβ 'woman'

'My wife's dog.' 2.

LOC Recursiveness: In the following example, each LOC modifies the preceding one; a LOC with a [Relative Place] base (e.g. Ιν,ηα 'up', mua 'before' etc.) however, can only precede a LOC with a [-Rei PI] base (eg. kai 'beach'; 'ϊηα 'place'): LOC PL

PrepL

LP

LOC PL

LP Prepj,

LP

Lp

ι LOC

loko [Rei PI] 'in'

i loc

ke hale [-Rei PI] def 'house' sing

'Up in the house at the beach.'

LOC PL

i loc

kai 'beach'

67

JUSTIFICATION CATEGORICAL OP RULES

In any transformations, these multi-phrase categories permute as uninterrupted constituents: NOM

LOC

TA

smg sing Art Art Ί hit the chief's wife in the house at the beach.' Passive Transformation: NOM

sing Art

LOC e vuhu 'lia ar¡au

ke Μηβ( ke maakua lokojke haleji 'The chief's wife was hit by me in the house at the beach.'

kai

LOC Transformation: LOC

NOM

i lokojke haleji kai αψιιι e vuhu ke hir¡ejke 'on the house at the beach, I hit the chief's wife.' Claim 3:

INITIAL NOM AND VERBAL ARE OBLIGATORY

TO D E E P

maakua

STRUCTURE,

W H I L E MEDIAL (NOM), ( P R E P ) AND (LOC) ARE OPTIONAL.

Chomsky has stated that after a DELETION transformation has applied to a string, the deleted element is in some sense "recoverable" or understood."7 1. When the initial NOM is deleted from the sentence by the Imperative transformation, it is recoverable and 'understood', and the sentence is not regarded as complete by the native speaker. In the sentence ('a'oe) haele 'i kai ! ('You') 'go to beach' 'Go to the beach.' the second person singular pronoun 'a'oe is understood. Since the imperative is the only case where NOM is absent from the sentence, and because it is clearly related to a sentence in which NOM is present, the imperative is handled as a transformation and therefore as surface structure; NOM is considered obligatory to the deep structure. 2. When the V E R B is deleted from the sentence to form a NOM NOM or NOM LOC construction, the Verb is recoverable and 'understood', and the resulting sentence is regarded as derived. The justification of this transformation is handled in Chapter 5, under the discussion of Rule 1, Section 5.3.4. 7

Cnomsky, 1962, p. 7.

68

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

/αηαη/ me ηoho / i kai / Τ f u t ' s i t ' loe 'beach' TA Ί will sit at the beach.' Verb Deletion Transformation: => ¡αηαη / i kai / or ¡αηαη / me / i kai/ Ί am at the beach.' Ί will be at the beach.' 3. However, when (NOM), (PREP) or (LOC) are omitted from the sentence, the sentence is regarded as 'complete', and no elements are 'understood.' NOM

VERBAL

αηαη e kakala ¡αηαη / e kakalaj Ί talk'

(NOM)

ke

(PREP)

ai

ke la'epa

(LOC)

kai

(NOM)

Iαηαη) e kakala¡ke 'ai¡ Ί tell the story' (PREP)

¡αηαη) e kakala / 'i ke la'epa / Ί talk to the European' (NOM)

(PREP)

I αηαη/ e kakala / ke 'ai / 'i ke la'epa/ Ί tell the story to the European' (LOC)

Iαηαη / e kakala / i kai / Ί talk at the beach' The only possible exception to this, is the case of some VERBALS with [Trans] bases which may require object-functioning NOM categories. However, this has not yet been investigated. Claim 4:

T H E S E CATEGORIES OCCUR IN THE SPECIFIED

ORDER IN THE

DEEP

STRUCTURE.

Deep structure is best exhibited in simple, active, direct sentences, to which a minimum of transformational apparatus has been applied. This point has been extensively illustrated in the literature of Transformational-Generative theory. The order of constituents in such sentences therefore provides an order of constituents for the deep structure; and the order specified in Rule 1 has been derived in this manner:

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES NOM

VERBAL

(NOM)

(PREP)

69 (LOE)

Ike poi¡ u kool ke laa'au/ 'i ke hir¡e / i def 'dog* immed 'take' def 'stick' 'to' def 'woman' loc sing TA sing sing Art Art Art 'The dog took the stick to the woman in the village.' NOM

VERBAL

(NOM)

(PREP)

ke maka'ir¡a / def 'village' sing Art

(LOC)

¡kama makua/ me haaoa'oj ke uakaf 'i ke kamali'il i loko hale/ 'man' 'old' fut 'teach' def 'work' 'to' def 'child' loc 'inside' 'house' TA sing sing Art Art 'The old man will teach the work to the child inside the house.' Claim 5:

POSSIBLE SENTENCES HAVE THE FOLLOWING

CONSTITUENT

TURES: 1.

NOM VERBAL

¡αηαιι / β ηοΤιο / Τ 'sit' 2.

NOM VERBAL NOM

¡αηαυ,Ι e li'i / ke Ί beat the 3.

poi j boy'

NOM VERBAL PREP

¡αηαυ,Ι e 'ae / 'i ke amakuu / Ί climb to the ripe coconut' 4.

NOM VERBAL NOM PREP

maakouj me koo / ke papaj' i kiir¡a maakou / 'we' fut 'take' def 'box' 'to' 'mother' Our' TA sing Art 'We will take the box to our mother.' 5.

NOM VERBAL LOC

/ ke sisa j e ηοϊιο / i r¡ei¡ def 'teacher' geni 'sit' loc 'here' sing TA Art 'The teacher 6ite here.'

STRUC-

70 6.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES NOM VERBAL NOM LOC

¡kaupiala la ¡ u ηιίηί/ ke paamalo aiajvaa 'boy' 'that' immed 'wrap' def 'loin-cloth' 'his' def TA sing loc Art 'He wrapped up his loin-cloth on the pathway.' 7.

ke ala / def 'path' sing Art

NOM VERBAL PREP LOC

I ke mo'o j u holo / 'i ηaa paiulu ka'upu la f i ke kaal def 'lizard' immed 'swallow' 'to' def 'hips' 'girl' 'that' loc def 'garsing TA pl. sing Art Art Art er¡a / den' 'The lizard swallowed up to her hips in the garden.' (from a legend). 8.

NOM VERBAL NOM PREP LOC

Ιηαα kama la / u koo / ηαα lama ¡'i Ar¡amoko j i ke def 'people' 'that' immed 'take' def 'coconut leaf' 'to' 'A^amoko' loc def pl. TA pl. sing Art Art Art ava I 'channel' 'They took the coconut leaves to A^amoko out in the channel.' Claim 6: T H E R E

ARE FOUR TYPES

OF CATEGORY AT THIS LEVEL - NOM, VER-

BAL, PREP, AND LOC.

1. In this grammar, the classification follows the procedure introduced by Hohepa - namely, major categories (or 'Phrases' in Hohepa) are classified by the grammatical formatives that initiate them. There is evidence to suggest that the syntactic function of a major category is determined by its grammatical initiators, rather than by any feature of its internal structure. A LOC constituent, for example, is often composed of Preposition plus NOM category; and a PREP constituent has the same construction: NOM

(a)

ke hale loc def 'house' sing Art 'At the house.'

LOC

JUSTIFICATION

(b) or

t

loc 'up' (o)

OF CATEGORICAL

RULES

71

Ιηηα LOC Loc] 'up'

Ice kamali'i to def 'child' sing Art 'To the child.'

PREP

NOM

maa

(d) or

he polo 'with' def 'hall' sing Art 'With the ball.'

PREP

Moreover, examples (a) and (b) demonstrate that NOM and [Loc] base form a substitution class with respect to the preposition i, which is further evidence of the independence of preposition from the interior of the LOO constituent. If the prepositional initiator is omitted from LOC or PREP when the interior is NOM, the category will act as NOM: NOM

VERBAL

(e) \ar¡au\ e

vuhuj

Τ

'hit'

geni

PREP

'at'

TA

ke poi/ def 'dog' sing Art

Ί hit at the dog.' NOM

VERBAL

NOM

¡αηαηΙ Ί'

e vuhu / ke poi/ geni 'hit' def 'dog' TA sing Art Ί hit the dog.'

(f)

NOM

¡Maalevaj

VERBAL

LOC

ke halej def 'house' geni 'draw' spec sing ΤΑ loc Art 'Maaleva is drawing at the house' e

kaakaaj I vaa

72

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES NOM

¡Maalevaj

VERBAL

NOM

e kaakaa / geni 'draw' TA

ke hale / def 'house' sing Art 'Maaleva is drawing the house.'

With reference to the sentences of Example (f), i ke hale takes the LOC transformation and is therefore marked as a LOC category; but Ice hale does not. Κe hale is instead subject to the permutation effected by the Passive transformation, and is therefore marked as an object-functioning NOM category. These and many other examples suggest the validity of classifying major syntactic categories by the formatives that initiate them. The characteristic initiators of each of the four major categories are as follows: (1) ART (sole obligatory category of PRÉNOM) : NOM initiators; (2) TA (sole obligatory category of PREVERB): VERBAL initiators; (3) Prepj, : PREP initiators; (4) Prep L : LOC initiators. 2. There may be some doubt whether subject-functioning NOM and objectfunctioning NOM are identically expanded. There are, in fact, some minor differences between them. (a) Object-functioning NOM may not be preceded by NEG. */ αηαη / e vuhuj I se I ke poij Ί ' geni 'hit' Neg 'the' 'dog' TA is not a grammatical string. (b) Object-functioning NOM can be occupied by Pronoun variants which do not occur in subject-functioning ΝΟΜ. NOMGs

NOMQ

kama la 'that man' => aia 'he' ko'o' lìm la 'those two' =• laaua 'they (two)' ηαα lcama la 'those men' => laakou 'they (pi.)' I do not fully understand this variation, but consider it to be of relatively minor significance. I t is described in Transformational Rule 2, Section 5.3.7. However, in view of the fact that all other internal distributional properties are shared by both NOM categories, these minor differences do not appear to warrant establishing NOM s and NOM0 as distinct major constituents.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

(c)

73

PREP is probably the least well-established major category, and one could present a case for omitting this constituent from the major constituent structure of the sentence. (1) maa PREP: The PREP consituent when initiated by maa, functions as Instrument of the Verb: NOMG

VERBAL

NOM„

PREP

\ar\au\ e li'ij ke poi / maa Τ geni 'beat' def 'dog' 'with' TA sing Art Ί hit the dog with the stick.'

ke

laa'aul

def sing Art

'stick'

This construction apparently occurs only after [Trans] Verbs, and usually when the object-functioning NOM slot is occupied. I t might plausibly be analysed as a category subordinate to the objectfunctioning ΝΟΜ. ( 2 ) 'i PREP: The PREP constituent when initiated by 'i occurs only after a [Dir] Verb: NOMG

VERBAL

jicama la/ e kele¡ 'i ke 'he' 'that' geni 'run' 'to' def TA [Dir] sing Art 'He runs to the village.'

PREP

maka'tyaj 'village'

I t might plausibly be analysed as a LOC category, if one accepted that only Locatives of Location could permute to sentence-initial position; and that Locatives of Direction could not. These two alterations to the analysis would completely remove the PREP category as such. However, the PREP constituent is retained at present for the following reasons: (1) The constituent maa + NOM can occur in the absence of an object-functioning NOM and appears therefore to be somewhat independent of it. Moreover, if maa + NOM were included in the expansion of NOM0, as a subordinate category, then one could not avoid describing NOMS and NOME as distinct major constituents. ( 2 ) The constituent 'i PREP appears to function as GOAL of the Verb in every construction where it occurs: PREP

Iαηατι/ e kelej

'i kai Ί run to the beach.'

74

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES PREP

¡maakoujme haelej 'i ke maaketi 'We shall go to market.' This is quite different from the function of a LOC, which rather establishes the setting for the activity mentioned: ¡Auhukij e vale j vaa 'Auhuki' geni 'drunk' def TA loc

fee Hotelij def 'Hotel' sing Art

'Auhuki is drunk at the pub.' Furthermore, LOC permutes to the extreme boundaries of the s, but 'i apparently does not.

PREP

Internal adequacy of Rule 1 : Alternative Rules Since the initial NOM and the medial NOM, although they are expanded almost identically, do have very different functions in simple active sentences (the first functioning as Subject and the second functioning as Object), one might want to express this information in the following rules: (1)

S ->- SUB J PRED (LOC)

(2)

PRED ->• VERBAL (OBJ)

(3) (4)

SUB J OBJ

NOM ->• NOM

P-Marker: s SUBJ

PRED

VERBAL

(LOC)

(OBJ)

I

NOM NOM

Such an analysis, however, does not obey the formal constraints on 'a grammar'. 1. Since the symbols used in transformational-generative rules are theoretically arbitrary, defined only by their expansions, it is quite contrary to economy to rewrite one arbitrary symbol as one other arbitrary symbol, as in Rules 3 and 4. Such rules introduce unnecessary redundancy to the grammar. 2. Grammatical CATEGORIES such as NOM, VERBAL; and grammatical FUNCTIONS such as Subject, Predicate etc. belong to different types of linguistic analysis.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

75

Whereas grammatical categories are defined by their expansions (i.e., ultimately by the formatives that constitute them); grammatical functions are inherently relational, defined by their relationship to other functions of the sentence. Thus the meaning of OBJ is that it functions as object-of the sentence in relation to subject-of and Verb-of the sentence. The meaning of NOM, on the other hand, is that it is comprised of Articles plus [ N ] bases plus specified qualifiers etc. Since these two types of linguistic information are so completely different, one should not confuse them by trying to incorporate both in a single set of rewrite rules. For example, a single category may simultaneously exhibit two functions: αηαη

e

'ike

sisi'o

«

seu

ηαα

Ηβηηα

'Γ

geni 'see' 'hurricane' geni 'destroy' def 'island' TA TA pl. Art Ί see the hurricane destroying the islands.' I n this example, sisi'o is simultaneously the OBJ-Of 'ike and suBJ-of seu.

Obviously, this kind of overlap cannot be easily handled in simple constituent structure rules. 3. Moreover, rewrite rules automatically assign constituent status to each category of their expansions. If functions are written into such rules, therefore, they are handled as constituents, and their inherently relational character is not expressed. 4. Although functional information must be excluded from the rewrite rules, this doesn't mean it is totally ignored in the Grammar. It can be quite readily expressed as information directly derived from these rules. Given a P-Marker: s

NOM

VERBAL

VP

(LOC)

(NOM)

The functions SUBJ, PRED, OBJ, etc., could be expressed quite simply as relations between nodes of the marker:8 The function suBJ-of = NOM : s OBJ-of = NOM : VERBAL VERB-of = VP : VERBAL Loc-of = LOC : s etc. »

Chomsky, 19C5, p. 68.

76

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

An alternative rule to Rule 1, rejected from the grammar on the grounds that it was internally inadequate was as follows: S - * NOM

VERBAL VERBAL

Trans Intrans

]

[ (NOM)

(PREP)

(LOC)

: sentence comprises obligatory Nominal category; one of Verbal Transitive plus optional Nominal and optional Prepositional categories, or Verbal Intransitive; and optional Locative category, in that order. This rule was rejected from the context-free categorial rules because it is selectional and therefore context-sensitive. Instead, a context-sensitive substitution rule was included in the lexicon to effect the selection of a transitive verbal base when NOM follows: Β -»• [V, Trans] / TA - NOM : Base has the features Verbal, Transitive in the context Tense-Aspect Nominal. Rule 2a VERBAL -»· PREVERB NUC A

: Verbal consists of PREVERB category and NUCLEUS 1 category, in that order. Phrase-marker of Luangiua sentence at this stage of expansion: s NOM

PREVERB

VERBAL

(NOM)

(PREP)

(LOC)

NUC

This rule claims that the Preverbal grammatical initiators are independent of the rest of VERBAL, which is labelled NUC^ 1. The rule follows the strategy employed by Hohepa. 9 He regards phrase initiators as syntactically independent of the phrase interior, and diagnostic of ohrase type. Although Preverb category is later expanded (Rule 6e) as TenseAspect (Neg), the Negative category is optional and is also found before NOM and so is not diagnostic of VERBAL. Consequently VERBAL is distinguished by the Tense-Aspect Markers. An unexpected type of sequence appears, at first, to deny the validity of classifying major constituents by the grammatical formatives that ini•

Hohepa, 1967, p. 16.

77

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

tiate them. In NOM NOM- or NOM LOC-structured sentences, a Tense-Aspect marker may precede the second category: NOM

ΤΑ

αηαη αηαη αηαη αηαη

me •η 'οχ 'αα

NOM/LOO

Ί Ί Ί Ί

¡ce poi he hfye i hai i Ιηηα

shall be the dog.' am the woman.' am still at the beach.' am just about up.'

These categories, moreover, are NOM or LOC, and clearly are not VERBAL. However, it appears that such sentences result from the Verb Deletion transformation that has previously been mentioned (cf. Rule 1, Analysis 1), and further data to be introduced later support this analysis. Although ΤΑ Markers are specified in this rule as obligatory to the deep structure of VERBAL, they are quite commonly omitted in speech. However, since one can define the contexts in which this deletion is likely to occur, and because the TA Marker is readily recoverable, the omission is handled as an optional deletion transformation. 2. The independence of PREVERBAL from the rest of VERBAL, and the characterization of the 'left-overs' as a single category NUCj can be demonstrated by four transformations: (a) Imperative Transformation Preverb is deleted independently of the rest of VERBAL: PREVERB

/ αηαη /

NUCJ

haele

I =• Τ go(b) Verbal Deletion NUCJ is deleted independently of PREVERB

NUCX •

haele go I'

'I

PREVERB.

NUC X

¡ar¡au¡

hai I me f¡óho I i loc 'beach' fut 'sit' ΤΑ Ί shall be sitting at the beach.'

PREVERB

Iαηαη/

me

• ι i kail

Τ

(c)

Ί shall be at the beach.'

Nominal Transformation Preverb is deleted independently of the rest of PREVERB

NTJC!

VERBAL: NUC 1

¡αηαιιΙ | e | | haele kähT / => / ηαα haele kahi 'αηα / αηαη / Ί' geni 'go' continual nom TA suffix Ί am always going.' 'My continual goings.'

78

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

These three transformations suggest the distinct constituent identity of PREVERB a n d (d)

NUC 1 .

Interrogative Transformation Nuc t is replaced by a single interrogative. PREVERB

NUCJ

PREVERB NUC X

¡ar¡au¡

I haele kahi / =• ¡αηαη) | e 11 Ί am a lways going.' Ί what?' This suggests the unity of NUCJ. 3. Other evidence also suggests t h a t NUCx is a valid constituent, (a) NUC! can be occupied by a single base, or by a base plus a string of modifiers. This sort of substitution relation has been used extensively by Biggs and other Polynesian grammarians to establish the validity of the constituents they propose. NTTC,

αηαη / e

haele

I

Ί go' NUCI

αηαη /

haele vave kahi has'o geni 'go' 'fast' 'always' 'very' TA Ί always go very fast.'

(b) Grammatical modifiers following the base are closely dependent upon it, and strict selectional relations operate between the syntactic features of the Base and the formati ves that may function to modify it. For example, [Loc] bases may be followed by Directional, Intensifier and Positional qualifiers; whereas [N] bases can only be followed by Intensifier and Positional qualifiers: [Loe] i

Ιηηα

a'e /

loo

/ laa

[Loc] Dir Intens Pos loc 'up' 'up' 'very' 'yonder' 'Way up there.' [N] ke poi loo / def [N] Intens Pos sing 'dog' 'very' 'this' Art 'This terrific dog' B u t not ke poi a e loo Dir

79

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

( e)

In the Passive and Nomina ¡transformations, the suffixes involved are generally affixed to the base; but they may alternatively follow the modifiers, and so are affixed to the Νυοχ constituent: PREVERB

jk'au

Ηίηα /

e

'my' 'mother'

NUCX

kakala /

geni 'tell'

mai /

kaki

'to speaker' 'always'

TA Β

MOD

MOD

/ ηαα

'ai j

def 'story' pl. Art

'My mother is always telling me stories.' NUCi

=> Passive τ ¡ηαα 'ai¡ e

Passive Suffix ι 'LIA/ kau kiir¡a¡

kakalajmaijkaM Β

MOD MOD

'Stories are always being told to me by my mother.' Nominal τ NUC,

I ηαα

kakala\mai\kahi Β

Nominal Suffix i 'A??A/kau Ηίηα¡ r¡aa 'ai¡

MOD MOD

'The continual telling of stories to me by my mother.' These transformations are further evidence of the close bond between Base and its modifiers. (d) Finally, it is worth noting that many modifiers may ambivalently function as base or as modifiers. The function of modifiers is essentially one of semantic qualification, and their fundamentally LEXICAL identity is reflected in this ambivalence. Modifiers have generally been analysed as postposed GRAMMATICAL elements in most recent Polynesian grammars; and because they are specified in the categorial rules of this grammar, they are by implication handled as grammatical formatives in this grammar also, on a par with initiators etc. However, this analysis may be basically inaccurate. Initiators function syntactically to link the group interior to its syntactic context; they are obligatory to the deep structure, and moreover, they may be independent of the syntactic features of the base they introduce (cf. previous discussion on LOC, PREP initiators). Modifiers, in strong contrast, function semantically to qualify the lexical content of their associated base; they are optional, and dependent upon the syntactic features of the base they modify. They may act as lexical items:

80

JUSTIFICATION OP CATEGORICAL RULES MOD ¡αηαηΙ

e

βα'ίηο

hae'o

Τ

geni 'bad' TA Ί am very bad.'

'very'

BASE ¡αηαη

/ e

hae'o

Ί am bad.' MOD ¡αηαιι

/ e

haele

Ί'

geni 'come' TA Ί come back'.

muli

'back'

BASE ¡ar¡au

/ e haele

/ i

muli

Ί go behind.' It is this clear distinction between grammatical initiators; versus bases and their optional modifiers, that has motivated the analysis of all major constituents into a category of initiators (PREVERB etc.) versus a NUCLEUS category consisting of Base plus optional modifiers. This NUCLEUS is unlike that proposed by Biggs - it includes not only Bases plus their affixes, but their modifiers as well. Rule 2b

->• PrepD NOM : Prepositional consists of PrepositionD category and Nominal category. A Phrase-Marker of the LUA sentence at this stage of expansion is presented below: PREP

NOM

VERBAL

Ι PREVERBAL

1

(NOM) 1 NUCX

Ί

PrepD

(PREP) 1

(LOO) , NOM

The PREP category has already been discussed at length in the justification of Rule 1, where it was distinguished from the superficially similar LOC category by applying the LOC transformation. The PrepD formatives, 'i (Directional movement) and maa (with-Instrument) are diagnostic of the PREP category.

81

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

The case for considering grammatical initiators independent of the group interiors they introduce, is well illustrated by the PrepD category, which may initiate a full NOM category: PrepD \ar¡au\ e li'if ice poi/ 'Γ geni 'beat' def 'dog' TA sing

NOM

sing Art

Art Ί beat the dog with the stick.' Rule 2cl

: choose one. : Locative consists of optional Locative Place category and optional Locative Time category, one of which must be selected. Phrase-Marker of the LUA sentence at this stage of expansion is presented below: LOC ->- (LOCPJ (LOC t )

s NOM

VERBAL

PREVERE

NUCJ

(NOM)

(PREP)

PrepD

NOM

(LOC)

(LOCPL)

(LOCT)

1. External Adequacy: (a) The status of LOC as a single constituent was justified in the discussion of Rule 1, mainly by demonstrating that LOG may permute as a unit from its preferred position sentence-finally to sentence-initial position. (b) It must now be demonstrated that LOCp1 and LOCt are separate constituents of LOC, and that they occur in that order sentence-finally. (1) The fact that LOCpl and LOCt are independently optional to the sentence is indicative of their separate constituent status: LOC·

LOC™

¡αηαηΙ me moe / i kai I kaiao Τ fut 'sleep' loc 'beach' 'tomorrow' TA Ί will sleep on the beach tomorrow.' LOCT

¡αηαη / me moej

kaiao

Ί will sleep tomorrow.'

j

82

JUSTIFICATION

OP CATEGORICAL

RULES

LOC„

Ιαηαιι / me moe j

I

Ί will sleep on the beach.' (2) Although the two constituents occur in the specified order in sentencefinal position, when they permute to sentence-initial position in the LOC Transformation, they reverse order: LOC-

LOG,

\ar\au\me moej kai I kaiao Ί will sleep on the beach tomorrow.' LOC,.

LOC.

kaiao I kai I / αηαη / me moe / 'Tomorrow, on the beach, I shall sleep.' This permutation suggests their independent status. LOC

Τ

I

(3) Although I consider the above evidence adequate to establish L0Cpl and L O C t as separate consituents of L O C , it is interesting to note that these two constituents, so precisely distinguished under transformation, have almost identical internal structures. i ke aho loc def 'day' sing Art 'Last night.'

la

'that'

i ke hale loc def 'house' sing Art 'At that house.' ι mua loc 'before' 'Before' Ιυ,ηα

LOCT

la 'that'

LOC„

LOCT

LOC„

'Up'

The sole distinction in their internal structures is the type of Base selected. In LOCt, a base with the feature [+Time] must be selected; in LOCpl, a base with the feature [-f Loc] must be selected; if the base has both features [+Time, +Loc], the constituent may function ambivalently as

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RTJLES

83

» mua fee poo LOG, loc 'before' 'the' 'night' [-f-Time, + Loc] [+Time] 'Before night.' ke hale LOC^ mua loc 'before' 'the' 'house' [ -fTime, + Loc] [+Loc] 'In front of the house.' This is one case where syntactic behaviour appears to be controlled by semantic considerations. The constituent analysis presented can be justified by appeal to transformational evidence, however. (4) One might attempt to handle (IIOCPL) (LOC t ) constructions simply as a recurring LOC category, abandoning any distinction between the two constituents. This analysis is tempting because a recursive LOC construction is extremely common in LUA (cf. discussion of Rule 2c3). However, it appears that a recursive sequence of LOC p l constituents cannot be interrupted by a LOCT constituent; and that a recursive sequence of LOC t constituents cannot be interrupted by a LOCp1. In other words, the recursive behaviour of LOC category is a two-part operation; a recursive string of LOCpl categories can be generated, followed by a recursive string of LOC t categories, but these categories cannot be randomly interspersed. LOCPL

LOCPT

LOCPL

LOCPL

β

lur¡a I ke hale / i mua / Ice mowr\a / [Loc, + loc] [N, + loc] [Loc, + loc] [N, + loc] 'Upon the house in front of the mountain.' LOCT

LOCT

LOCT

Ii

mua I Ice aho / ke Kirisimasi j [Loc, + Time] [N, + Time] [N, + Time] 'Before Christmas day.'

However, a string in which grammatical: LOCPII

LOCT

LOC t

and

LOC p l

categories are interspersed is un-

LOCPL

*/ i lur¡a¡ ke aho / i kai / '* Up on the day at the beach.' The separate recursive behaviour of separate constituent status.

LOC t

and

LOC pl

is further evidence of their

84 2.

JUSTIFICATION

OF

CATEGORICAL

BULES

Internal Adequacy: Alternative Rules:

(a)

S

(LOCT)

NOM

VERBAL

(NOM)

(PREP)

(LOCPL)

In this rule, LOCt and LOCpl are unnecessarily separated, and a redundancy in the grammar results. Instead of handling the optional permutation of LOCpl and LOCt to sentence-initial position by a single transformation; one would have to formulate two rules to express their permutation possibilities. Moreover, this analysis obscures the facts that LOCt and LOCPR most commonly occur consecutively, function alike to modify the entire sentence, and have almost identical internal structures. (b)

S -»• N O M

VERBAL

(NOM)

(PREP)

(LOCPL)

(LOCT)

This rule presents a basic dichotomy between LOCPIi and LOCt. Such an analysis obscures the common syntactic function of the two constituents, and ignores the fact that both are subject, exclusively of other constituents, to the Locative Permutation transformation. Moreover, the division between LOCp1 and LOCt is by no means co-ordinate with the division between NOM and VERBAL, for example. Rule 2c2 LOCpi -

P r e p L LPP1

: Locative Place consists of Preposition Location category and LP Place category, in that order. Phrase-Marker of a Luangiua sentence at this level of expansion is as follows: s NOM

VERBAL

PREVERBAL

(NOM)

NUCX

(PREP)

PREP„

NOM

(LOO)

(LOCPL)

PrepL

(LOCT)

LPPL

PrepL formatives (i, aa, haa, vaa) are the characteristic initiators of LOCpi; since i (general time-location) also introduces LOCt, it is diagnostic of LOC categories generally. (1)

i

Ιηηα

'up'

(LOCPL)

(2)

aa

lalo

'down'

(LOCPL)

(3)

haa

Luarjiua

'from Luangiua'

(LOCPL)

(4)

vaa

Ice ala

'at the path'

(LOCJ

'at night'

(LOCT)

(5)

he poo

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL· RULES

85

The separation of Prep L from the rest of LOCpl is justified on two grounds: 1. Since Prep L may initiate a NOM (example 4) or a [L] base (examples 1, 2), it is clear that it is Prep L that marks the constituent as LOCp1, rather than any feature of the constituent interior. For this reason it is analysed as independent of the constituent interior. 2. In a complex LOCpl constituent, all but the initiating Prep L may be replaced by a single interrogative: Prept / | j | | lur¡a / ke hale/ loe 'up' def 'house' sing Art Ί climb on top of the house in front

ΙαηαιιΙ e 'ae 'I' geni 'climb' TA

i mua / loe 'front'

ke laa'au / i kai / def 'tree' loc 'beach' sing Art of the tree at the beach.' Interrogative Transformation: Prep L LOCp => ¡αηαυ, / e 'ae / i i hee hee Ί climb where?'

?

3. Finally, this analysis is consistent with the semantic interpretation of complex locatives, where the head of the left-hand locative is modified by the locative immediately to its right. Rule 2c3 LPpl — Lp

(LOC P L )

: LP Place consists of Lp category and optional Locative Place category, in that order. 1. External Adequacy: The rule claims that LOCPIi category can be embedded in LOCp1, so that every recursive embedding of LOCpl is subordinate to the previous Lp. The rules that expand LOCpl into a terminal string of formatives will be re-applied cyclically to each embedded LOCpl, yet the rule is structured so that a cover symbol LOCp1 will be found in every expanded string. This can best be shown in a P-Marker tree diagram, Figure 6.

86

JUSTIFICATION

OF CATEGORICAL

RULES

LOC„

Ί

PrePl

LP

I—

Lp

LOC.

I [NUC2 NOM

Prepj,

LP

I Lp

LOC D

I NOM NUC,

Π

LP

Prep L Γ

Lp

Ιηηα loe

'up'

i ke ava loe def 'river' loe sing Art

Ice ke sing Art

LOC„

vahi 'side'

ke moka'ιηα def 'village' sing Art

'Above the river at the side of the village . Another example is supplied below to demonstrate the recursive behaviour of LOC PL , where every embedded LOC PL modifies the preceding LP: LOC„

\ar\au\ e y]oho\ Τ geni 'sit' TA

vaa lalo / i ηαα puulehulehuj i Ιυ,ηα ¡i ke ΙαψΙ loe 'below' loe def 'cloud' loe 'up' loe def 'sky' def pl. sing Art Art Ί sit under the clouds that are up in the sky.'

2. Internal Adequacy: The formulation of a rule introducing infinite generative capacity into the categorial sub-component of the base, was motivated by a suggestion in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax.10 Chomsky argued convincingly that a dummy symbol # s might be introduced into the right-hand expansions of categorial rules, in the position where a sentence transform is later to be applied. The rules are then allowed to reapply in order to s Thus embedding can be handled 10

Chomsky, 1965, p. 134.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL R U L E S

87

by the branching rules of the base, rather than by transformations, and the Phrase-Marker which results will indicate explicitly how base Phrase-Markers are embedded in one another. In this particular case, the L O C m category is recursively embedded, not an entire s and the notation is altered accordingly. Moreover, the embedding is simple and involves no alteration in the categories concerned, and so no subsequent transformation need be applied. A dummy symbol to which the categorial rules can be cyclically applied is quite adequate. The type of recursive behaviour that results from this rule has been labelled 'Right-branching', after the form of the Phrase-Marker it produces. The precise nature of the limits upon right-branching recursiveness of categories such as LOCpl are apparently uncertain: "An optional perceptual device, even with a bounded memory, can accept unbounded right- and left-branching structures.... It is unclear why left- and right-branching structures should become unnatural after a certain point, if they actually do." 1 1 The distinction between COMPETENCE (and its associated quality of 'grammaticalness') and PERFORMANCE (and its associated quality of 'acceptability') is useful in the examination of the limitations on right-branching structures in LUA. (Left-branching structures apparently do not occur in this language.) Although no rigorous empirical tests have been made, it seems clear that infinitely recursive right-branching is 'grammatical', but 'unacceptable' to the native speaker of Luangiua. Right-branching, although theoretically infinite, seldom exceeds three or four recurrences in natural speech. Rule 2c4 LOC_

PREP L LP T

: Locative Time consists of Preposition Location category and LP Time category, in that order. As mentioned in the discussion of Rule 2c2, the only formative of the set Prep 1 which precedes LOC t is i, the general time-place marker. This selectional restriction is handled in the context-sensitive categorial rules (Rule d, Section 3.3). The omission of i is extremely common, however, when it precedes NOM with a [N, + Time] bases: 0 he

aho ηβΐ [N, + Time] 'Today'

C h o m s k y , 1965, p. 14.

0 ke

laa poo [N, + Time] 'Last night'

88

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

Since it is recoverable in all contexts, I assume that this is a morpho-phonemic deletion (cf. Transformation deletion Rule 4). But I note that the two grammatical formatives most likely to be deleted in any utterance are i (general time-place preposition) and e (general TA marker), and the only feature they seem to share is a lack of spe cificity. One wonders if such grammatical formatives are readily dispensable because they have a minimal information value. Although the grammatical initiators characteristic of each major category have been analysed as diagnostic of the group they introduce, these initiators are not the sole signals available of the syntactic role of a group. The POSITION of a group such as NOM, VERBAL, (NOM), (PREP) or (LOC) relative to other groups is an indicator of its syntactic function. Subject- and object-functioning NOM, for example, are chiefly distinguished by the positions they respectively occupy within the sentence. The TRANSFORMATIONS that may affect a given group are another signal of its syntactic identity, LOC exclusively is affected by the LOC transformation; only a VERBAL can be nominalized, and only the subjectfunctioning NOM is deleted by the Imperative transformation. In the case of LOC t particularly, the comment has already been made (cf. discussion of Rule 2c 1) that the INHERENT SYNTACTIC FEATURE of [ + Time] in its BASE partly signals its syntactic identity distinct of LOCp1. Thus although the grammatical initiators — ART, TA, PrepT) and Prep L - have been selected ae the most convenient signals of group type, they are by no means the only signals available, and their morphophonemic deletion in the cases cited does not produce a collapse of syntactic distinctions: αηαιι j 0 Ί

haele go

/

i /cai

to the beach'

Despite the absence of the TA marker, haele 'go' is marked as a (1) Its participation in the Nominal Transformation:

VERBAL

by:

I ηαα haele 'αηα ar¡au¡ i hai / 'My going to the beach.' (2) The selection of a [V] base haele. (3) Its position immediately after αηαιι, the

NOM 2

category.

Rule 2c5 LP T — L p (LOCT)

: LP Time consists of Lp category and optional Locative Time category, in that order. This rule claims that LOC t is recursively embedded in LOCT, SO that every recurring embedding of LOC t is subordinate to the previous Lp. The external adequacy of this claim is readily demonstrated:

89

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

I i mua I i ke ηαΙα·ηα\ i Ice 'aka j i kaiao. . . loe 'before' loe def 'time' loe def 'dawn' loe 'tomorrow' smg smg Art Art 'Before dawn tomorrow, has the P-Marker: LOCT

~1

Prep L

LP T

I

\

LOC„

LP

I

NUC 2 NOM

Prep,

LP„

LOCT

LP

I

NUC 2 NOM

PrePl

LP„

Γ

Lp

mua

i

ke ηαΐαηα

ke 'aka

LOC-

kaiao

....

Rule 2c6 Lp

NOM NUC,

: Lp consists of Nominal category or Nucleus 2. 1. External Adequacy: (a) The claim that minor Locative Phrase may consist of NUC2 or NOM is motivated by the distinction between 'inherent locatives' and nominal groups that are marked as locative by the prepositional initiator. 'Inherent locatives' are bases with the features [Loc, Time], [Loc, Place] or [Loc, Time, Place] and no others. The bases of Nominal locatives groups, however, have the feature [N] as well as [Loc]. (1)

'Inherent Locatives' of Place [Loc, + Place, + Reí. Pos]: makahale 'outside' lun]a 'up' lalo 'down'

90

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

laJarqu mao kapili mua muli

'middle' 'distant' 'near' 'before' [ + Place, + Time] 'behind' [ + Place, + Time]

\ar\au\ e r\oho¡ i Ί' geni 'sit' loe TA Ί sit outside.'

makahale / [Loe, + Place, + Reí. Pos] 'outside'

(2) 'Nominal' Locatives of Place [Loe, N, + Place] hale 'house' 'ίηα 'place' ava 'river' maka'i^a 'village', etc. \ar¡au\ e r¡oho¡ / i ke maka'^aj Ί' geni 'sit' loe def 'village' TA sing [Loe,Ν,Place] Art Ί sit in the village.' (3) 'Inherent' Locatives of Time [Loc, + Time] kaiao 'tomorrow' kular¡a 'when' kuloko 'when' kahaka 'morning' \ar\au\ me kar\i / i kaiao / Ί' fut 'cry' loc 'tomorrow' TA [Loc, + Time] Ί will cry tomorrow' (4) 'Nominal' Locatives of Time [Loc, N, + Time] poo 'night' aho 'morning' malattia 'month' lalakea 'midday' iahi 'evening' \ar\au\ me T fut TA

Ιοαψ/ i ke iahi / 'cry'loc def 'evening' sing [Loc, N, + Time] Art Ί will cry in the evening.'

JUSTIFICATION

OF CATEGORICAL

91

RULES

(b) The distinction between 'inherent' LOC and 'nominal' LOC categories is supported by a feature of the recursive system. When a string of LOC categories are recursively generated, any category with an inherent locative as its base must be followed by a nominal locative: Inherent NOM Inherent i Ιηηα/ ke laa'auj i mua loc 'up' def 'tree' loc 'front' sing Art 'Up the tree in front of the house.'

NOM / ke hale / def 'house' sing Art

This non-random recursiveness, which operates with the criteria of 'inherent' or 'Nominal' guiding successive selections of categories, tends to support this division as a valid one. (c) The concord of tense-aspect markers with [ + Time] lexical formatives, has not been reported in structural grammars of Polynesian languages since their emphasis on lineal distribution should ideally preclude the discussion of discontinuous selection relations. This concord is precisely observed in LUA. TA Markers are Time]; [ + Time] Markers are specified for [Past] or [Fut] features: TA [ + Time] [Past]

[—Time] [Fut]

[ + Time] locative bases are classified as [ ^ Present]; [—Pres] bases are [Past] or [Fut]: [ + Time] [+Present]

me ηϋ kaiao

[—Present]

[Past] ΤΑ [ + Time, Fut] TA [ + Time, Past] [Loc, + Time, Fut]

[Fut]

92

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL BULES

The 'Nominal' Locative Time bases are specified for [Past] or [Pres] by the Positionais laa (distant from speaker and audience) and r¡ei (near speaker) respectively; however, this fact has not yet been incorporated in the formal rules of this grammar. ke alio

r¡ei

'today'

[Pres]

ke aho

laa

'yesterday'

[Past]

ke malama

ηβι

'this month' [Pres]

ke malama

laa

'last month' [Past]

The concord between ΤΑ Marker and [Time] locative base operates as selection of a single tense feature in both. If the TA Marker is [Fut], a [Fut] locative will be selected; if the TA Marker is [Past], a [Past] locative will be selected. I haele / me [Fut] 'go' ΤΑ Ί will go tomorrow.'

Iαηαιι! Τ

jkama la/

kaiao I Fut] ~ ' 'tomorrow'

haelej ke poo la I 'go' def 'night' [Past] 'he' sing Art 'He went last night.' ηιι Past] TA

The following string is ungrammatical, because this concord is not observed. */ αηα'ίΐ/ Τ

me Fut] ΤΑ

haele/ ke 'go' def sing

aho la 'day' [Past]

I

Art * Ί will go yesterday.' (d) When L O C t or L O C p l are recursively embedded in their respective categories, the preposition i (General (Time, Place]) is very often deleted, although it is recoverable. This is probably an example of a general tendency for nonspecific grammatical formatives like i (General [Time, PI]) and e (General ΤΑ) to be more dispensable to the utterance than specific members of

93

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

their sets (eg. vaa (def. loc) and aa (emphatic location) of the Preposition set; and me (future time) and aa (inceptive) of the ΤΑ set). However, the deletion of i is not tolerated before inherent locatives, but only before 'Nominal' Locative categories: 'NOM' LOC

\ar¡au\ me haelej i mua j 0 ke Τ fut 'go' loc 'before' def TA sing Art

'ai j 'feast'

Ί will go before the feast.' * / αηαυ/ me haele / 0 mua / i ke 'ai / This suggests that when two or more grammatical formatives prei ), the one most distant from the cede the nucleus (eg. i ke nucleus may be dispensable. However, this notion is tentative, and has not yet been investigated. 2. Internal Adequacy: I t is because NOM may be a constituent of LOC, that LOC is expanded before NOM in the ordered rules. Rule 3 NOM ->• PRENOM NP

: Nominal consists of Pronominal category and NP category, in that order. This rule also exhibits the strategy of separating initiators from the group interior. The independent constituent status of PRÉNOM and N P is best demonstrated by the Interrogative Substitution transformation:

NOM

PRENOM

VERBAL

NP

ke poi def 'dog' sing Art 'The dog bit my cat.'

NOM

PRENOM

u immed TA

y\au 'bite'

ke def sing Art

NP salau αηαη 'cat' 'my'

94

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL ÉTJLES

Interrogative Transformation

Γ

NOM

VERBAL

NP

PRENOM

ke

NOM

PRENOM

u ηαη

Ί NP

ke

'What bit what?' Thus NP, no matter how complex its contents may be, is replaced by a single interrogative in a transformation that does not affect PRÉNOM at all. This is sound evidence for their separate constituent status. Since ART is the sole obligatory constituent of the PRÉNOM category, it is diagnostic of ΝΟΜ. The NTJC of a NOM cannot be diagnostic of the category, since very often the same nucleus can occur after both Nominal and Verbal particles :

NOMINAL

NUC

ke kar¡i I loo sing 'cry' 'very' def Art 'The heart-felt cry.' VERBAL

NUC

e

kar\i I 'Crying bitterly'

loo

Rule 4 NP ->- NTJC3 (NOM)

: NP consists of Nucleus 3 category and optional Nominal category. This rule claims that the initial nominal Nucleus and the embedded NOM are independent categories. 1. The independence of the embedded NOM is suggested by the fact that it can be omitted from the constituent without any reduction in the grammaticalness of the utterance.

05

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RÜLES

Ί NP I

PRENOM

NOM

VERBAL

NOM

NFC,

NOM

NUC 3

•ηαα maisu def. pi. 'face' Art

NP

PRENOM

ke kipua u haa'maka'u ke kamaa'hiqe def 'devil' immed 'frighten' def 'daughter' sing ta sing Art Art

NOM

ke maatua def 'chief' sing Art

'The devil's face frightened the chief's daughter.' Or: I ηαα maisu / u haa'maka'ujke kamaa*hir¡e / 'The face frightened the little girl.' are equally grammatical utterances. 2. The embedded NOM is replaced by an interrogative form which is distinct from that replacing NUC 3 : NUCO

NOM

ke kamaa'hfye ke makua 'The chief's little girl.' Interrogative substitution Transformation: NTJC,

NOM

Ke ai 'The what of whom?' This suggests their distinct constituent status. 3. This embedding of a NOM category within a Nominal group is introduced into the categorial rules to describe the LUA possessive system. It is atypical of Polynesian languages, for there are no possessive grammatical formatives, nor does there appear to be a system of dominant and subordinate possession. Possession is indicated simply by adding a NOM constituent after a NOM; the second nominal then possesses the NUC of the preceding one. No NUC 3 with a [Prop] base can be possessed; this restriction is expressed in context-sensitive Rule 2bl of the lexicon.

96

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL BULBS

I he ivi I lee kir¡ikama¡kaupiala la\ ... . Indef [Com] def [Com] [Com] sing 'bone' sing 'body' 'youth' Art Art Ά bone of the body of that young man . . . .' A rule which was rejected from the grammar because it failed to reflect accurately the competence of a LUA native speaker was as follows: nom ->• NP (np) r (Where R = recurring) This rule generates multiple-branching structures, which assign no internal structure to their constituents, and possessor nps are therefore co-ordinate with the np they possess: NOM

NP

NP

he ivi

NP

ke kir\ïkama

kaupiala la

This structure is misleading, because kaupiala la possesses kit\ïkama, and kii)ikama possesses 'ivi - the possessor nom is subordinate to the preceding np and acts as its modifier, so a right-branching structure is a more accurate representation of the native speaker's competence: NOM

PRENOM

NP

nuc3

nom

PRENOM

NP

NtrCj

NOM

PRENOM

NP

he ivi ke kir¡ikama 0 kaupiala la In this case, a correct semantic analysis is dependent on the correct syntactic analysis.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

97

Rule 5a NUCJ ->· BASE (MODJ)

: Nucleus 1 category consists of Base category and optional Modifier 1 category, in that order. Nucleus 1 is the nucleus of the VERBAL category. I t is divided here into two constituents - the expanded BASE and Modifier 1 categories. 1. The constituent status of BASE: the Base plus its PREFIXES distributes as a unit that cannot be interrupted by any other. BASE

\ar¡au¡ haa" ko'o "haa geni caus 'human' 'four' Τ TA prefix no.'

] ηαα ali'i / def 'chief' pi. Art

Ί caused there to be four chiefs.' The suffixes are lees firmly bound to the base - but their preferred position is directly following it: BASE

Ιαηαη/ e li'i "lia kaki jk"au kamar\a\ 'Γ geni 'beat' pass 'continual' 'my' 'father' TA Suffix Ί am always being beaten by my father.' However, "lia (passive suffix) and "αηα (nominalizer suffix) may alternatively occur after the modifiers: Iar¡au/

li'i

kahi

'lia

I k'au kamar¡a /

This construction is stated as an exception to the generalization that suffixes immediately follow the base in the LOA sentence. Such an approach to exceptional cases is justified by a statement made by Chomsky at the 1958 Texas Conference: "suppose I have made a formulation which is the best that can be done at present, yet a given item fails to fit - I list the irregular cases, and give a generalization for the regular ones." 12 This does not mean that the exception is dismissed as insignificant, and in this case it may point to an inadequacy in the treatment of transformation marking affixes. Chomsky has stated that all meaning-bearing elements must be written into the categorial rules, and that no such elements may be introduced in the transformational component. Yet 'lia, "αηα, haa" (causative prefix) and other affixes that mark transformations do not really belong in kernel «

Chomsky, 1968, p. 31.

98

JUSTIFICATION OP CATEGORICAL RULES

sentences, and are only awkwardly accommodated in branching-rules. They are not always subject to the distributional restrictions t h a t apply to other grammatical formatives; for example, "lia (passive suffix) and 'αηα (nominal suffix) appear to distribute relative to categories rather t h a n to formatives and this would explain their occurrence either a f t e r Β or NUC. haa" (causative prefix) and "αηα apply t o one set of bases (say [V] bases) in one context of grammatical formatives (say VERBAL), and allow them to permute into a totally different context of grammatical formatives (say NOMINAL). Since the second context is the result of a transformation, it is not f u n d a m e n t a l constituent structure, so "αηα can't be written into t h e expansion of NOM. B u t neither can it be written into the expansion of VERBAL, because although it operates upon [V] bases, "αηα never occurs in a Verbal construction. These kinds of difficulty suggest t h a t transformation markers such as those discussed do not really belong in the categorial rules, and it should perhaps be permissable to introduce meaning-bearing elements of this t y p e in transformational rules. 2. The constituent status of MOD^ this is implicit in the fact t h a t MOÛJ is optional to the utterance, independently of BASE: BASE

MOD,

\αηαη\ Τ

e haele kaki geni 'continual' go TA Ί am always travelling.' BASE

or

Iαηαιι / e

haele

/

Ί travel.' I n t h e interrogative transformations, Μθϋ χ is replaced by a characteristic interrogative: => I αηαιι\ e

BASE

MOD,

haele

pee'hee

?/

Ί go how?' Rule 5b NUC 2 ->· BASE

(M0D2)

: Nucleus 2 consists of E x p a n d e d Base and optional Modifier 2 category, in t h a t order. Nucleus 2 is the Nucleus of t h e Locative category. I t is divided into BASE (which has no prefixes or suffixes, in LOC), and MOD 2 . The independent constituent status of BASE and MOD 2 is implicit in t h e independently optional occurrence of MOD 2:

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES BASE

I ke lopu I e somo / i loko def 'bamboo' geni 'grow' loc 'interior' sing TA Art 'The bamboo grows well inland.'

99

MOD 2

loo 'very'

BASE

/ ke lopu I e somo / i

loko 'The bamboo grows inland.'

Rule

I

5c

NUC 3 - > BASE (M0D 3 )

: Nucleus 3 consists of expanded Base and optional Modifier 3 category, in that order. Nucleus 3 category is the nucleus of the Nominal category. It is divided into two constituents - the expanded BASE, and Modifier 3. 1. The Constituent status of BASE: in NUC3, the prefixes are inseparably linked to the Base, but "αηα, the Nominal suffix, may be separated from the Base by a Modifier: BASE

/ηαα kele I "αηα def 'run' nom pi. suffix Art 'The rapid running.'

loo I ... . 'very'

NUC 3

or ¡ηαα

kele loo / "αηα Β MOD suffix

I

In this case, the intervening modifier can only be one of the Verbal Modifiers, which demonstrates the fact that "αηα operates to convert either of Verbal Β or Nuc, into a nominal Β or NUC, and that the construction including "αηα is not part of the deep structure oí LUA. 2. The Constituent status of MOD3: The independence of MOD3 from the BASE category is implicit in the fact that it is independently optional to the sentence: BASE

MOD3

pe au ηβι I ke def wave 'this' sing Art 'This wave is huge.'

I e geni TA

lahi / 'big'

100

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL R U L E S BASE

or I ke pe'au 'The wave is huge.'

/ e

lahi /

3. Alternative Approaches: it will doubtless have been observed that NUC^ N U C 2 and NUC 3 , are expanded in a parallel manner: (1)

NUC X - » B A S E

(MODJ)

(2)

NUC2 - f BASE

(M0D2)

(3)

NUC 3 - » B A S E (MODS)

The Verbal nucleus, the LOC nucleus, and the NOM nucleus are therefore solely distinguished by the distinctive classification of their respective modifiers, (a) An alternative approach might be: ( 1 ) NUC ->- B A S E (MOD)

(2)

MOD

MOD J MOD 2 MODG

This would appear to describe more explicitly the parallel structure in the three nucleii, and their different selection of modifiers. However, this approach was rejected on the basis of a premise to be elaborated on in the justification of Rule 6b: It is preferable to embody the maximum of distributional information in these initial context-free rules, rather than to pursue the opposite policy of handling a good deal of selectional behaviour in Τ. OB. rules: "Rewrite rules generate those terminal strings that underlie the simplest sentences. These strings, however, embody all or most of the selectional restrictions on the choice of elements." 13 Thus the fact that different modifiers occur in different maximal categories while preserving the same broad function, has been handled in this grammar by distinguishing three nuclear constituents - one each for the V E R B A L , LOC and NOM categories. Alternative approaches such as the one above, that would require an additional selectional rule to state in which contexts MOD 1> MOD 2 and MOD 3 may occur, are avoided, (b) Another alternative analysis might avoid the use of the cover symbol B A S E , since there are obvious differences in the sets of lexical formatives that may function as bases in NOM, VERBAL and LOC categories.

13

( 1 ) NUC T

B A S E ! (MOD]}

(2) NUC2

BASE2

(MOD 2 )

( 3 ) NUC 3 ->- B A S E J

(M0D3)

Chomsky,

1964, p.

128.

101

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

This approach was rejected on the basis of a premise to be elaborated in the justification of Rule 6a: No sub-categorization whatever of lexical formati ves should be given in the categorial rules: "The system of rewriting rules will generate derivations terminating with strings that consist of grammatical formatives, and complex symbols representing lists of lexical formatives."' 4 In this grammar, only one complex symbol 'B' is used to represent all lexical formatives. Thus categories cannot be defined according to the classification of their bases. (c) To avoid an infraction of this premise, one might differentiate expanded BASES 1, 2 and 3 by their characteristic AFFIXES, rather than by their Bases. This strategy would be in accord with the principle of expressing the maximum number of selectional relations in the categorial rules: (1) BASE J —

(haa") (hii") causative desiderative

ko'o" kau" hoo" maka"

(human no.) (odd no.) (odd no.) (emphatic)

(2) BASE2

pee"

'like' Β

( 3 ) BASE 3

so'o" ko" kamaa"

'alone' (specific) (diminutive}

RJ 1 Β ('aoa) ("lia) S

2J

χ 2 (passive)

(%) Β(ΊΪ'Ϊ)

("αηα)

dimin nominal

This appears to be a very useful approach, and it certainly avoids the complex selectional rules required to supplement the description of affixes in the present categorial rules. I have shelved it for the present, however, due to: (a) The problematic distribution of "lia and "αηα (cf. Rule 5a); (b) The problem of the correct description of affixes which transform a base which normally occurs in one context, into a base that occurs in quite a different context. E.g., haa", hii" which transform [N], [L] bases into Verbs; "αηα that converts [V] bases into Nouns. Should they be included in the expansion of the category upon whose bases they operate ? or should they be included in the expansion of the category in which they occur in the surface structure ? (c) I suspect that such affixes, if they are to be included in the rewrite rules at all, should be described in the expansions of the categories upon whose 14

Chomsky, 1965, p. 84.

102

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

bases they operate. Thus haa" and hii' should be included in the expansions of NOM and LOC; "αηα in the expansion of VERBAL. This is opposite to the strategy of the previous set of rules, where they were included in the expansions of categories in which they occur in the surface structure. The amended rules are as follows: ( 1 ) BASEJ

ko'o" (human no.) kau' (odd no.) hoo' (odd no.)

R2

Ra

Β ('aoa) (Ίΐα) ("αηα) χ 2 Passive Nom

( 2 ) B A S E 2 -Ν

haa" (causative) hii" (desiderative)

(pee') 'like'

( 3 ) BASEG -

(haa')

(hii')

'alone' ko' (specific) kamaa' (diminutive)

\

(BX) β

('li'i) diminutive

Rule 6a (Prefix) (Infix) Β (Suffix) : Expanded Base consists of optional Prefix category, optional Infix category, simple Base category and optional Suffix category. 1. External Adequacy: (Prefix), (Infix) and (Suffix) are categories distinguished largely by their distinct positions relative to the Base. They are not sets whose members are mutually exclusive nor always substitutable; they are rather traditional labels used to classify sets of elements (affixes) that are closely bound to the base, according to their different positions relative to it. Traditional labels are employed wherever possible in this grammar, both to make it more intelligible, and because many of the insights of traditional grammar can be profitably borrowed by the transformational-generative model. These categories are independently optional, and since only the simple base is obligatory, its independent status is established: BASE —

Prefix Suffix αηα lima / e haa" I lua / "lia / 'his' 'hand' geni caus 'two' Passive (pl.) TA 'His hands were sliced in half.' or I αηα lima / 'His 2 hands.'

e

lua

JUSTIFICATION CATEGORICAL OF RULES

103

It may be misleading however, to group haa" with other prefixes that do not convert a base into another base type, e.g., kamaa" (diminutive); or 'lia (passive suffix) with other suffixes that do not mark a permutation transformation, e.g., 'aoa (doubles the preceding number). Affixes have a variety of functions - some mark permutation transformations, some mark a transformation of base type, some act as modifiers and convey additional information (e.g., ko'o" (human no.); whereas others yet are unproductive (moka" (precedes [A] bases)). This kind of information, however, is not successfully conveyed in rewrite rules. 2. Internal Adequacy: (a) The inclusion of transformation-marking affixes in the categorial rules was motivated by a statement in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, where Chomsky substantially revised the Tranformational sub-component: "Many of Chomsky's (earlier) optional. . . transformations must be reformulated as obligatory transformations, whose applicability to the string is determined by the presense or absence of a certain marker in the string."15 "No meaning-bearing elements are now introduced by transformations."14 A Transformational-Rule that introduces a meaning-bearing element into the grammar is no longer acceptable: e.g., Nom Suffix NOMJ +

ΤΑ Β => ηαα Β

αηαιιΙ e kolo => / ηαα kob Ί

crawl'

"αηα

+ ΝΟΜ χ

"αηα

/ αηαυ,\

'My crawling'

Such elements are now included in the categorial rewrite rules as optional items; when they are selected, their respective transformations obligatorily apply: haa'" hii' "αηα 'lia R

causative transformation desiderative transformation Nominal transformation passive transformation Reduplication transformation

(b) Another significant feature of this rule is the use of a single complex symbol Β to represent the full inventory of lexical formatives. 'B' is therefore found in the nucleus of all the major categories - NOM, VERBAL, PREP and LOC. 15

'»

Chomsky, 1965, p. 132. Ibid, p. 132.

104

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

(1) 'B' is rewritten in the context-sensitive substitutions of the lexicon as plus ( + ) or minus ( - ) specified syntactic features in specified frames (or contexts) of grammatical formatives: e.g., [N]/ART—

: Base has the feature [Noun] in the context Article [LJ/Prep,: Base has the feature [Locative] in the context Preposition Location - . Lexical items that are listed in association with the features [ N ] or [ L ] can occur in the frames ART-, Prepj- respectively. This system is much like the familiar device of classifying bases by 'divisive frames', but with one major difference - a base could have BOTH [N, L ] features, and might therefore occur in both the contexts specified. The 'features' can be used to describe the 'cross-classification' of bases, which is common in Polynesian languages, and no exclusive 'Base classes' need be established. (2) This approach is based on Chomsky17 we add the convention that . . . in the categorial component, there is a rule A ->• Δ for each lexical category A , where Δ is a fixed "dummy symbol". The rules of the categorial component will now generate Phrase-markers of strings consisting of various occurrences of Δ (marking the positions of lexical categories) and grammatical formatives . . . . Thus the categorial component may well be a context-free constituent structure grammar, with a reduced terminal vocabulary (that is with all lexical items mapped into the single symbol Δ).

The lexicon consists of entries "(of the form (D, C), where D is a phonological matrix and C is a complex symbol of syntactic features, inherent and contextual)" associated with certain substitution transformations that introduce lexical items into strings generated by the categorial component; "if a lexical item has the syntactic features specified in a context-sensitive substitution, it is substituted for Δ in that context". In the passage quoted, a certain ambiguity arises. Is there to be just one 'cover symbol' ("all lexical items mapped into the single symbol A") or several ( " A rule A ->• Δ for each lexical category") ? In practice, Chomsky employs at least two cover symbols, Ν and V, and he has evolved a complex selectional relation between them. He suggests that these are probably universal lexical categories. This may well be true, but there seems to be no valid logical reason for making this particular sub-categorization in the categorial rules, while relegating all other sub-categorization of lexical items to the lexicon. It appears that Chomsky has not carried the "dummy symbol" notion far enough, and that only one such symbol should be introduced "

Chomsky, 1965, p. 122.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

105

in the categorial component. In this grammar, the symbol 'B' is used to represent all lexical formatives. The major advantage of a cover symbol is its avoidance of mutually-exclusive lexical classes. Chomsky has clearly demonstrated that lexical formatives can not successfully be classified by rewrite rules, which consists of a class symbol on the left expanded into a list of items on the right: Ν

house cat Pig cliff

This doesn't work because many lexical items will occur in more than one class; it is uneconomic to state them in two or three lists, and misleading as well. Since Chomsky made this point so lucidly, it is strange that he apparently ignores it in his rules, and introduces two complex symbols, Ν and V. He has thus established two exclusive classes of lexical formatives for English, when it is clear that a vast number of Nouns also function as Verbs, and that the lists of Nouns and Verbs will consequently contain a great number of repetitions: Ν V 'The bat' 'to bat' 'The fall' 'to fall' 'The wound' 'to wound'

(3) In Polynesian languages, bases may occur in the Nucleus of more than one group type: I ke I 'gj I I me kauale'a / Subject-functioning def 'feast' fut 'good' NOM sing [N] TA Art 'The feast will be good.' I kaakou / me | 'gj | 'we' fut 'eat' (incl) TA [V] 'We shall eat.'

/

Verbal

106

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

jka'upu la 'girl' 'that'

/ u immed TA

'ike/ ke | 'gj [ / Object-functioning NOM 'see' def 'food' sing [N] Art

'She sees the food.' \ar\au\ ηίί koo / ke amakuu / 'i Ί' past 'take' def 'coconut' to TA sing Art Ί took the coconut to the feast.' I ke memeaj u r¡oho\ i def 'baby' immed 'sit' loc sing TA sing Art Art 'The baby sat on the food.'

ke | 'gj | def 'feast' sing [N] Art

ke def

'ai [Loc]

/ PREP

I LOC

I t is therefore economic and in accord with the native speaker's categories to permit extensive cross-classification of the lexical items. Since such sub-categorization belongs in the Lexicon, all lexical items are represented in the categorial rules by a single symbol 'B'. Rule 6b MOD j (Dir) (A) (Qual) (Emph): choose one : Modifier 1 consists of optional Directional category, optional A category, optional Qualifier category, and optional Emphatic category in that order, one of which must be selected. 1. External Adequacy: MOD! are the modifiers found in the Verbal Nucleus. Directionals occur directly after the base; followed by the symbol A, which represents the optional embedding of an [-f- Adjective] Base; Qualifiers follow A, and Emphatic grammatical formatives occur last. (a) I t must be made clear that this order is only the PREFERRED one. Although modifiers most commonly occur in these positions relative to one-another, almost any reordering is still acceptable. I kaupiala 'boy'

la

j

u

'au'au

| mai

vave

'that'

loo ia

immed 'swim' Dir A 'very' 'indeed' TA 'towards' 'fast' Intens Emph 'The boy swam extremely fast towards me.' or: ¡u

'au'au

vave mai loo ia

/

or: ju

'au'au

ia vave loo mai

I etc.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

107

This kind of mobility is not easily expressed in either structural or transformational-generative terms, since both these models are framed to express orderly and regular distributional patterns. However, in LUA there exist certain areas where such patterns are not rigidly maintained; the modifiers in particular display a fluid distribution relative to each other. There are four modifiers in particular whose distribution is extremely mobile, and which appear to have no preferred position. Moreover, this distributional mobility is not merely relative to other modifiers; these modifiers can occur, one pair before any base in LUA; and the other pair, after any base or modifier. The 'preposed' pair poi (almost, narrowly averted) and /capili (nearly, just about): A sample of their permitted positions are: NOM

I

kapili 'nearly'

αηαη\ Τ

u

keiho /

immed TA

'fall'

Ί nearly fell.' VERBAL

\at\au\

kapili

u

keiho /

Ί nearly fell.' TA

VERBAL

¡αηαιι / u

kapili

keiho /

Ί nearly fell.' LOC

Ι αηαιιI Ί'

e

ηοίιο/

kapili

i Ιηηα loe 'on'

geni 'sit' TA

Ί almost sat 011 the snake.' αηαιι/ e kar¡i / poi 'almost' Ί ' τ α 'cry' Ί almost cried.'

I

\ar¡au\ e

poi Ί almost cried.'

I poi I kapili Ί almost cried.'

karji I

αηαιι / e kaηi /

Ice def sing Art

aka / 'snake'

Ilo

JUSTIFICATION

OP CATEGORICAL

RULES

In the case of ho'i, the understood item is something that, in the context accompanies the item explicitly present: ¡αηαη

I e

ho'i

haele

/

IT) ~~ f > I go 'I'm going (as well as someone else in the context).' An expansion for this sentence might be: I

ookou

I

you (pi.) t

e

haele

;/

ar\au

are going ;

I'm t

ho'i

/

e

haele'i

too'

going

Since sentences containing ho'i and avale can only be fully understood in their context, it may be they are inherently incomplete. Possibly avale and ho'i are items t h a t mark a substitution transformation; in this case, in the surface structure they would represent an understood kernel sentence. However, they do not always function as substitution markers; when the sentence to which they refer is given, then they appear to act as conjunctions: s, #

αηαιι/

'Γ

se

kar¡i,

e

avale

'aka

#

geni 'laugh' 'instead' ΤΑ 'I'm not crying, but laughing.'

#

neg 'cry'

/ ar¡au\

Maaleva/

e

'Maaleva'

'Γ

'aka

geni 'laugh'

/ αηαιι

j

Τ

TA

e

'aka

ho'i

#

geni 'laugh' 'too' TA

'When Maaleva laughs, I laugh too.' In either role, as conjunction or substitution marker, avale and do not belong to the basic sentence structure, (c) The preferred position of the Directional formatives: mai aku a'e iho

ho'i

probably

(towards speaker) (away from the speaker) (up from speaker) (down from speaker)

is directly after the [V] base. The set of modifiers is closely bound to the base; in some cases, [V] base and Directional modifier have merged to form a single base:

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

111

Dir

[V] haa

max

'come' = haamai

ho

aku

'give' = hoaku

iho

'fall' = keiho

ke

A concord exists between Dir formatives, and 'i plus certain of the inherent locative [ + Place] bases:

llee

1 a'e

•i

\ Ιυ,ηα

'fly up'

'ae

1 iho

'i

\ lalo

'climb down'

haele

\ mai

'i

\ ηβί

'come here'

haele

\ aku

•i

Ϊ loa

'go away'

The cover symbol A represents the embedding of an adjective. The analysis of Adjectives in LUA presented great difficulty. (1) They seemed to be ambivalent between Base and Modifier status. BASE

¡αηα%1 e T geni TA Ί am fast.'

vave 'fast*

I

VERBAL

MOD

¡αηαηΙ

e kele 'run' Ί run fast.'

vave

I VERBAL

(2) Moreover, an [A] formative could act as modifier of a Common Noun base or a Verb, and therefore occurred both in VERBAL and ΝΟΜ. / ke poi def [N] sing 'dog' Art 'The fast dog.'

vave

I

NOM

112

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

(3) Qualifiers could occur in a NOM only if they were attached to an [A] formative: I ke

poi

sa ιηο Jcahi [A] Qual 'bad' continual 'The continually bad dog.'

[Ν]

I

But the following string, in which a qualifier directly follows a [N] base, is ungrammatical: * ke poi Icahi 'The continual dog.' (4) For a time I used a concept of 'complex Nucleus' to attempt to express the distribution of [A] formatives. The 'complex Nucleus' was really a functional idea, and it could not be expressed successfully in branching rules. The COMPLEX NUCLEUS contained three slots - Head slot, Modifier slot and Qualifier slot. There were two types of Complex Nucleus; one for NOM and one for VERBAL: NOM:

PRENOM

ke def sing Art

VERBAL: PRE VERB

e geni TA

HEAD

MODIFIER

QUALIFIER

[V] laa'au

[A] kor/u

Qual loo

'stick'

'straight'

'very'

t

1 f HEAD

MODIFIER

QUALIFIER

[V] kele

[A] vave

Qual hae'o

'run'

'fast'

'very'

When the HEAD slot was not occupied by a [N] or [V] base, the items in each of the other slots would automatically move forward one slot. Thus if an [A] formative was selected and no [N] or [V] formative occured in the phrase, [A] acted as HEAD; but if an [N] or [V] formative was also selected, [A] automatically functioned as MODIFIER.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES HEAD

NOM

[Ν] loa'au

ke

ke

VERBAL

E

e

Qual loo

[A] kor\u MOD

[A] kor\u

Qual loo

HEAD

Qual

MOD

HEAD

MOD

[V] kele

[A] vave

HEAD

MOD

[A] vave

Qual loo

113

'The very straight stick'

'The absolute truth' Qual 'running extremely fast'

Qual loo

'extremely fast !'

Qualifiers, however, could never occupy the head slot: * αηαη e

loo

It seemed at the time that [N] and [V]; [A]; Qual were positions on a CONTIfrom independence ([N] and [V]) to dependence (Qual), and that this continuum was governed by semantic factors:

NUUM

CONTINUUM: HEAD

MODIFIER

QUALIFIER

1. Occurs first in any combination

1. Occurs second in any combination

Qual 1. Occurs third in any combination

2. Can occur alone

2. Can occur alone

2. Can't occur alone

[Ν] [V]

INDEPENDENCE

[A]

DEPENDENCE

The notion that this continuum was essentially semantic arose from the fact that generally, LUA modifiers follow the item whose semantic content they modify. Thus [N] and [V] occur initially in the Nucleus; they modify nothing, but represent an action of some sort [V] or a thing [N]. [A] bases represent qualities that may either be attributed to an action or thing, or may occur alone. They are borderline in semantic content between lexical and grammatical

114

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

status, and therefore occur ambivalently as Head or Modifier. Qualifiers, however, attribute features of intensity, frequency or relativity which are not understood as absolute qualities; they are features t h a t must qualify something else, and are therefore inherently dependent. I attempted to formulate rewrite rules to express the 'complex Nucleus' idea, but because the notion was basically 'relational', depicting the relation between three categories (Head, Modifier and Qualifier); and because it involved a shift of content from Modifier category to Head category, and from Qualifier category to Modifier; the rules were misleading: (i)

(ii)

1.

NOM

2.

VERBAL

->- PREVERB N U C 2

3. 4.

NUC! NUC2

->· ([N]) ([A]) : choose one (Qual) ([V]) ([A]) : choose one (Qual)

1.

NOM

2.

VERBAL

-»- PRENOM NUCJ

PRENOM NUC ->- PREVERB NUC

3. NUC (Head (Mod (Qual)) : choose one (5) The whole notion of 'Complex Nucleus' also failed to express another major generalization; t h a t NOM [A] was closely related to NOM -F- TA [A]: NOM

[A]

¡ke poi vave \ 'The fast dog.' NOM

TA

[A]

jke poi I e vave / 'The dog is fast.' Furthermore, there were many examples of a full VERBAL nested in a NOM

ke

poi

def 'dog' sing Art, t

NOM:

VERBAL

ηβί e kele kahi geni 'run' continual 'this' TA

t

'This dog which is always running.' Such constructions were clearly the result of NESTING (i.e., embedding with a non-null item on either side) for two reasons: apart from constructions of this kind, ηβί never occurs in association with a [V] base; and ηβί in this construction refers back to poi 'dog' - (i.e., 'this dog') and not to kele 'run'. Because the NOM + Adjective structure had clear affinity with a NOM VERBAL construction, and because there were clear examples of VERBAL categories

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

115

nested in NOM, it seemed far more satisfactory to handle ([A] (Qual)) after a [N] base as an embedded VERBAL. This is a strategy well established in transformational-generative literature. I ke

poi

vave

kahi

ψί

def [N] [A] Qual sing 'dog' 'fast' always' Art

'this'

/ e

kele /

geni TA

'run'

'This dog, which is always fast, is running.' This sentence has two kernel sentences: I ke poi ηβί I e vave kahi 'This dog is always fast.' Ike poi ηβί ¡ e kele / 'This dog runs.' I n NOM VERBAL constructions like these kernel sentences, no further VERBAL statement can be made. The sentence is complete. However, if the VERBAL is embedded in the NOM, it now operates as a modifier, and a further VERBAL statement can be made: NOM

VERBAL

VERBAL

* I ke poi ηβί/ e vave kahi /e kele / 'This dog is always fast, is running.' But: NOM

VERBAL

Ike poi vave kahi ηβί / e kele / 'This dog, which is always fast, is running.' The [A] in VERBAL still presented problems, until an informant presented the nominalized form of a sentence containing a VERBAL group modified by [AJ:

[V] Iαηαν,\ e

kele

[A] vave

Ί run fast.' Nominal Transformation /ke *αηα αηαιι / e kele 'My running is fast.'

vave

11.6

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

This suggested that [A] as a VERBAL modifier is an embedded Verbal. Thus the sentence above has two kernel sentences: VERBAL

¡ar¡au¡ e kele / [V] ¡αηαιιΙ e vave ¡

I αηαιιΙ e kele vave / [V] [A]

[A]

As a result, (A) was introduced as a symbol in the expansion ol the Verbal modifiers category, marking the position where an embedding transformation may optionally apply; and a similar symbol (A) is included in the expansion of the NOM modifier category, to signal the optional embedding of VERBAL. 2. Internal Adequacy: The fact that different sets of modifiers (with some overlap) occur in different major categories while preserving the same broad function, has been handled in this grammar by distinguishing MODJ (occurring with VERBAL), MOD 2 (occurring with LOC) and MOD 3 (occurring with NOM). Where a modifier can occur with each of VERBAL, NOM and LOC, it is included in the expansions of each of MODJ, MOD 2 and MOD 3 . Modifiers are selected according to the syntactic features of the base they modify, but since the bases are not sub-categorized until the lexicon, the treatment of modifiers becomes a problem. There are three possible solutions: firstly, one might attempt to embody the selectional patterns of Modifiers in the context-free rules by setting up three distinct MOD categories; MODJ (occurring with VERBAL); MOD 2 (occurring with LOC) and MOD 3 (occurring with NOM). This is the solution used in this grammar. It is not a perfect solution, since the undoubted parallel function of the three categories is indicated only indirectly, by labelling them all MOD. Since the transformational-generative symbols are theoretically arbitrary, such a solution is formally open to criticism, although it conveys the necessary information. Secondly, one might emphasize the functional parallelism by rules as presented below: (1)

NUC -»- BASE (MOD)

(2)

MOD

MOD 2 MODJ

However, this rule requires accessory selectional rules to show in which major categories the three set of modifiers may occur. Thirdly, one could use a single symbol MOD in the categorial rules, expand it into a composite of all MODS, and select the appropriate modifiers by obligatory context-sensitive Transformation rules:

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

117

Categorial Rules: (1)

S

(2)

VERBAL - > PREVERE NUC

—*• NOM VERBAL (NOM) (PREP) (LOO)

(3) PREP (4) LOC

->· Prep„ NUC -*- PrepL NUC

(5)

NOM

- > PRENOM NUC

(6)

NUC

(7) MOD (8) Qual

BASE (MOD)

-»- (Dir) (Qual) (Emph) (Pos): choose one. -»• (Qual) (Intens) : choose one.

T. OB.

MOD

=> (Dir) (Qual) (Emph) (Dir) (Intens) (Pos) (Intens) (Pos)

/ [V] / [Loc] / [Ν]

i.e., Solution 1, employed in this grammar, was selected on the basis of a premise specified in the discussion of Rule 5c. - "It is preferrable to embody the maximum of distributional information in the initial context-free rules." I shall justify this premise by briefly considering the consequences of Solution 3, which ignores it. Because the categorial rules of Solution 3 are too generalized, they omit a series of significant selectional rules. As a consequence, the categorial component will generate unacceptable strings of bases and modifiers: e.g.,

¡αηαη / e Τ

I ke

vuhu r¡ei /*

geni [V] 'this' TA 'hit'

poi

mai

kaki /*

def [Ν] 'towards continual sing 'dog' speaker' Art

I i Ιηηα

hae'o J*

loc [Loc] 'very' 'up' This false 'deep structure' is generated by the base and is not discriminated from grammatical strings of formatives. The transformation component has to act as a correction device, deleting the incorrect elements. Both these operations are contrary to the aims and the constraints of acceptable transformational-generative procedure. Deletion is not supposed to be a technique for 'striking out' stray formatives; deleted elements are intended to be 'recoverable' and 'understood'. Deep structure is a

118

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

representation of the native speaker's implicit linguistic knowledge, and should not include obviously false constructions. Clearly then, the premise above is justified. This discussion has been based upon a question of strategy - should the selectional behaviour of modifiers be incorporated in the CONTEXT-FREE rules of the categorial component, or should they be described by the CONTEXT-SENSITIVE rules of the transformational component? The whole discussion is oddly in discord with a firm distinction established by Chomsky between CONTEXT-FREE RULES, which generate a string of categories from a single category without reference to contextual restrictions (eg. MOD1 —»• (Dir) (A) (Qual) (Emph): choose one); and CONTEXT-SENSITIVE RULES, which explicitly SELECT items with reference to a specified context (MOD (Dir) (A) (Qual) (Emph) I [N]—). He apparently considers this distinction of sufficient importance to warrant a restriction upon the categorial component - t h a t it shall consist solely of context-free rules. But it should have become clear in the preceding discussion of the modifiers t h a t FORMALLY CONTEXT-FREE categorial rules (e.g., Solution 1) can IMPLICITLY express the same selections t h a t can alternatively be EXPLICITLY described in FORMALLY CONTEXT-SENSITIVE rules of lexicon or transformational component (e.g., Solutions 2, 3). I n other words, the distinction between context-free and context-sensitive rules is purely a formal one; they represent alternative methods of describing the same facts. If this is so, there seems to be no motivation for restricting categorial rules to a context-free format, apart from the rather dubious one of formal elegance. There are cases (witness the modifiers) when it is awkward to express selectional behaviour in context-free rules, and yet misleading to defer its description to later parts of the grammar. One wonders if it should not be permissable to introduce context-sensitive rules to the categorial component to handle such cases. Another distinction between categorial rules and the lexicon, firmly drawn in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, also provokes comment. Chomsky asserts t h a t the more regular distributional characteristics of lexical formatives should be expressed in context-free categorial rules, while their "idiosyncratic properties" can be specified in the lexicon by syntactic features. Furthermore, he suggests there is " a natural distinction between rules t h a t introduce lexical formatives, and others", 18 apparently based upon the unquestionable distinction between hierarchical classification effected by rewrite rules, and crossclassification effected by syntactic features. I t is not certain, however, that the gap between hierarchical and cross-classification, accords with the difference between 'regularities' and 'idiosyncracies' of grammatical behaviour. 18

Chomsky, 1965, p. 68.

JUSTIFICATION

OF CATEGORICAL

RULES

119

It seems clear that 'regular' and 'irregular' grammatical behaviours belong on a continuum that cannot be firmly halved, since the difference between them is one of D E G R E E and not of kind. Hierarchical and cross-classification, on the other hand, are different KINDS of classification, and the distinction between them is clear. It may be, therefore, that the establishment of a separate Lexicon which handles both 'irregularities' and 'cross-classification' of formatives has resulted in a lexicon with two discordant functions. Moreover, the SELECTION of SYNTACTIC F E A T U R E S handled in the L E X I C O N is not unlike the SELECTION of CATEGORIES in the CATEGORIAL RULES, and again the distinction appears to be one of degree, rather than a 'natural'dichotomy. In a categorial rule A-»· X Y Z , selectional behaviour of categories is outlined. Where X occurs, Y and Ζ must follow in that specified order and no other; thus Y occurs in the context X - Z ; Ζ occurs in the context Y - , and so on. The categorial rules therefore, indicate the selectional behaviour of categories, and this is selection at a high level of abstraction. In a lexical selection rule, Β [Ν] / A R T — , the selection of lexical items in specified contexts of grammatical items is described, and this is selectional at a more concrete level of generalization. The distinction between categorial rules and lexical selection rules therefore depends upon the relative abstraction of the elements selected; it is one of degree, not kind, and it is difficult to perceive any 'natural' gulf between them. Rule 6c

(Dir) (Intens) (Pos): choose one : Modifier 2 consists of optional Directional category, optional Intensifier category, and optional Positional category in that order, of which one must be selected.

MOD 2

1. External Adequacy: MOD 2 represents the modifiers occurring with LOC. (a) Directional formatives constitute a substitution class, which is optional to the string, independent of the other modifier categories. They are in strict concord with certain locative bases. Ιυ,ηα, 'up' can be followed only by a'e 'up'; and not iho 'down'; lalo 'down' by iho 'down' and not a'e 'up'. This set also occurs in Verbal categories. (b) Intensifier formatives may occur in VERBAL, LOC and NOM categories: i Ιυ,ηα loo (LOC) e kar)i loo (VERBAL) Ke kar¡aka loo (NOM)

'extremely high' 'weeping bitterly' 'a real man'

They constitute a mutually-exclusive substitution class, which is optional to the utterance independently of the other modifier categories. (c) Position formatives are also in strict concord with certain of the Directionals: ηβί ('here') can occur only with mai (towards speaker) and not

120

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

aku (away from speaker); laa ('yonder') can occur only with aku and not with mai. They occur with both NOM and LOC, and constitute a mutually-exclusive substitution class, which is optional to the utterance independently of the other modifier categories. [Loc] Dir Intens Pos lalo iho I loo I laa loc 'down' 'down' 'very' 'yonder' 'Way down there.' lalo iho I 'Way down.' i lalo 'down.'

loo

iho

i lalo I loo I laa 'Way down there.' lalo laa 'Down there.' i lalo 'down.' 2. Internal Adequacy: Modifiers are not easily handled by rewrite rules, because this involves repeating a single set of modifiers in two or three separate rules. The Intensifier set, for example, occur in the expansions of VERBAL, NOM and LOC modifiers. This redundancy suggests that some kind of cross classification may be involved, and that MOD is analagous to Β in this respect, MOD might conceivably be used as a cover-symbol of sorts in the categorial rules, with the selection of specific sets of modifiers being handled in the lexicon: Categorial Rules: (1)

S

->• NOM VERBAL (NOM) (PREP) (LOC)

(2)

VERBAL -»· PREVERB NUC

(3) PREP (4) LOC

-- PRENOM NUC

(6)

NUC

BASE (MOD)

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL BULES

Lexicon: MOD — [ + D i r ] [ + Q u a l ] [ + E m p h ] [ + D i r ] [Intens] [Pos] [+Intens] [+Pos]

121

/ [V] / [Loe] / [Ν]

Lexical List: [-f-Dir] 'towards speaker' mai aku [ + D i r ] 'away from speaker' ai [ + Q u a l ] 'causative' kahi [ + Q u a l ] 'continual, ia [ + E m p h ] 'emphasis' oia [ + E m p h ] 'emphasis' ηώ [ + P o s ] 'near speaker' ηαα [-(-Pos] 'near listener' laa [ + P o s ] 'away from both' loo [+Intens], 'very' etc. Rule 6d MOD3 ->• (A) (Intens) (Pos) : Modifier 3 consists of optional A category, optional Intensifier category and optional Position category, in that order. MOD3 represents the modifiers that occur in NOM. A represents the optional embedding of VERBAL in NOM: Embedding Ice poi [e hele ] η ei def 'dog' geni 'run' 'this' sing Art Art 'This dog which is running.' he laa'au [helo hae'o ] def 'tree' 'yellow' 'very' sing Art 'The very yellow tree.' ke ka'upu [e momoe vale ] laa def 'girl' geni 'sleep' 'useless' 'that* Sing TA Art 'That sleepy-headed girl.'

122

JUSTIFICATION

OF C A T E G O R I C A L

RULES

ηαα hale [lahi loo ] def 'house' 'big' 'very' pi. Art 'The huge houses.' This analysis received extended discussion during the justification of Rule 6b. The Intensifies occur with NOM, V E R B A L and L O C ; Positionals with NOM and LOC.

Rule 6e PREVERB

TA

(Neg)

: Preverb consists of Tense-Aspect category, and optional Negative category, in that order. The independence of these member constituents relative to each other is demonstrated by the obligatory occurrence of ΤΑ, and the independently optional occurrence of Neg: Neg

TA

I Ice

kauaj | u |

def 'war' sing Art

|

sei

ohi /

immed 'not yet' 'finish'

'The war is not yet over.' TA Ike

kaua / | u

| oki /

'The war is over.' I t is possible that Neg should be analysed as a preposed modifier that belongs to the Nucleus constituent, rather than a grammatical initiator. However, this aspect of the analysis has not yet received adequate attention.

Rule 6f PRÉNOM ->- ( N e g ) ( N o m . P a r t ) A R T ( P r e A d j ) .

: Prenominai consists of optional Negative category, optional Nominal Particle category, Article category, and optional Pre-Adj category, in that order. This rule demonstrates the occasional need for context-sensitive rules to correct the generation of inaccurate sequences of formatives by context-free rules in the categorial component. P R É N O M includes the initiators of both the subject- and object-functioning Nominal categories; but in fact, these two categories have slightly different

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

123

sets of initiators. Only a subject-functioning NOM can be preceded by Neg or by the Nominal Particle specifier O; an object-functioning NOM cannot. Apart from these two restrictions, the formula is accurate; but unless context-sensitive rules are introduced into the categorial component, these minor selections must be described by separating NOM S and NOM0 , and expanding them in a slightly different manner: S

NOMG VERBAL (NOM,,) (PREP)

(LOO)

NOM 8 ->• ( N e g ) ( o ) NOMQ NOMQ

But this analysis is misleading in the extreme; NOM 0 and NOM8 have almost identical constituent structure, and the distinction between them is in no way equivalent to the distinction between LOC and VERBAL, for example. I f Rule 6f were replaced by a context-sensitive rule, however, the difference could be expressed accurately, economically, and at a suitable level of generalization: e.g., 6f

f (Neg) (Nom Part)ART(Pre A d j ) / # -

PRÉNOM.-».

I

(maa)

ART ( P r e A d j )

/VERBAL

is the sole obligatory constituent of PRÉNOM, and is therefore definitive of ΝΟΜ. (Neg) is perhaps, not accurately assigned in the NOM category either (cf. Rule 6e). However, it cannot readily be included in the Nominal NUCLEUS, since it PRECEDES the characteristic NOM initiator ART:

ART

NEG

I

ART

NUC

sei ke poi / u make / 'not' def 'dog' immed 'dog' sing TA

Art 'It was not the dog that died.' Speculatively, both se in this context and o, the specifier particle, may be markers for a 'TOPIC-IN-FOCUS' transformation. The independence of these constituents is implicit in the obligatory occurrence of ART, and the independently optional occurrence of the other three categories: NEG

I I se I

SPEC

o

ART

I

I ke \ poi j e kar\i 'kar¡i /

'It is not t ìe dog that's howling.'

124

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL· RULES

I I ο I I ke I poi / e kar\i ' kai\i / ' I t ' s the dog t h a t is howling.' ke poi I e ka-r\i ' kay\i / I 'T ìe dog is howling.' ART P r e Adj. aa laa kama / β huuhuua 'other' 'person' geni 'sing' def pi TA Art 'Other people are singing.' ¡αηαη / e 'ike /

ART

Pre Adj

aa

laa

kama /

Ί see other people.' Rule 7 ARI

(ARTJ) ART,

: Article consists either of optional Article 1 or obligatory Article 2. Art x provides t h e divisive context for [N, P r o p ] bases: la maakou j e [Prop 'we' geni Art [N, prop] TA 'We are evil.'

sa'ir¡o / 'bad'

/a Maaleva j e νίηί / [Prop] 'Maaleva' geni 'whistle' Art [N, P r o p ] TA 'Maaleva is whistling.' Art 2 provides t h e divisive context for [N, Com] bases: ART 2

ke eaa ηαα he ηίί

[N, Com] poi paamalo i'a sisi'o puumea

'the dog' 'two loin-cloths' ' t h e fish (pi)' 'a hurricane' 'some puddings'

This rule is the last to expand a category into a string of categories; all subsequent rules expand categories into sets of grammatical formatives. At this

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

125

point, it is convenient to present a full P-Marker outlining the constituent structure of a LUA sentence: (see Diagram, opposite p. 128). It should be noted that a branching P-Marker diagram cannot display the 'choose one' relationship indicated by { } brackets, since these express the compression of several alternative expansions into one rule: (1) X —

a b c f h

(2) a —>• (3) b — (4) c —• j is equivalent a

Xg

f

or

g i k to b

or

Xh i X

c i

k

Because Rule 7 is the last to expand a category into a string of CATEGORIES, and all subsequent categorical rules expand a category into sets of GRAMMATICAL FORMATIVES, this seems to be a suitable stage in the analysis to query the strict separation in the description of lexical and grammatical formatives that has been prescribed in the 'Aspects' transformational-generative model. Chomsky in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax stated that there "is a natural distinction between rules that introduce lexical formatives, and others,"19 and accordingly decided to describe grammatical formatives in the categorial component, and lexical formatives quite separately, in the lexicon. This firm distinction has already been queried in the discussion of Rule 6b, on the grounds that the distinction between CATEGORIAL RULES (describing REGULAR distributional behaviour of formatives, and selectional relations between CATEGORIES), and lexical rules (describing IRREGULAR distributions and selectional relations between specific FORMATIVES) was one of degree, and not of kind. I now wish to query this same distinction on somewhat different grounds. 1. Chomsky claims that the only categories involved in sub-categorization (i.e., expansion of a category into a list of categories)20 are lexical; and by inference, that grammatical categories are not sub-categorized. 2. Secondly, Chomsky claims that only lexical categories are cross-classified.21 Consequently, he argues, they cannot be handled by rewrite rules (cf. Rule 6a justification). Cross-classification is more adequately described by associating " " "

Chomsky, 1965, p. 68. Chomsky, 1965, p. 79. Chomsky, 1965, p. 79.

126

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

each lexical formative with a set of syntactic features that indicate the contexts in which it may occur. These features may be related to other features either hierarchically [N]

[Com]

[Prop]

(in which case they could be adequately handled by rewrite rules) or by cross-classification e.g., a [N] formative can be both [ ¿ C o m ] and [ ± I n a n ] (in which case, rewrite rules are inadequate.) Because of cross-classification all classification of lexical formati ves is to be handled in the lexicon. T h e s y s t e m of rewriting rules will n o w g e n e r a t e derivations t e r m i n a t i n g with strings t h a t consist of g r a m m a t i c a l formatives, a n d complex symbols representing lists of lexical f o r m a t i v e s . Such a string we call a P R E - T E R M I N A L string. A T E R M I N A L string is f o r m e d b y t h e insertion of a lexical f o r m a t i v e in accordance with s u b s t i t u t i o n lexical rules. 22

This argument implies that grammatical formatives, in contrast to lexical items, are HIERARCHICALLY classified without exception, and can therefore be adequately described by branching rewrite rules. 3. However, it is extremely difficult to justify these claims, and the resulting severe division between lexical and grammatical formatives; nor are they convincing in the light of an earlier statement by Chomsky A n o t h e r c o m m o n b u t dubious use of t h e notion ' s t r u c t u r a l m e a n i n g ' is with reference t o t h e m e a n i n g of so-called ' g r a m m a t i c a l l y - f u n c t i o n i n g m o r p h e m e s . ' T h e contention ÍB t h a t t h e meanings of these m o r p h e m e s a r e f u n d a m e n t a l l y different f r o m t h e m e a n i n g s of N's, V's, a n d A's etc. W h a t e v e r differences t h e r e are a m o n g m o r p h e m e s with respect t o this p r o p e r t y are a p p a r e n t l y b e t t e r explained b y such g r a m m a t i c a l notions as productivity, f r e e d o m of combination, size of s u b s t i t u t i o n class, t h a n in t e r m s of a n y p r e s u m e d f e a t u r e of meaning. 2 3

In Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, Chomsky does not advance any of these last types of evidence, but focusses upon more formal properties of 'grammatical formatives' - it is these I wish to discuss. (a) Firstly, are the grammatical formatives of LUA hierarchically classified rather than cross-classified? There are certain clear cases of cross-classification among grammatical formatives. The ARTICLE set perhaps provide the best example. There are five items in the set: ke saa 22 23

Definite : singular Definite : Dual

Chomsky, 1965, p. 84. Chomsky, 1957, p. 104.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

ηαα he ηίί

127

Definite : Plural Indefinite: singular Indefinite: Plural

These formatives exhibit selectional relations based upon two separate distinctions: (a) Definite vs Indefinite: Only definite articles can precede the formatives r¡ei, ηαα and loa when these are functioning as bases: lcee*

ηβι

'this'

def sing aa def pi.

ηβί

'these'

(b) Number: Singular, Dual, Plural: Only plural or dual articles can precede a base with plural reduplication: saa def dual

kaar¡aka

ηαα

ίίααηαΐΜ

man

def pl.

Êj 'man'

ηιι

Ιοααηαία

pl.

'two men'

'the men'

some men

"1

Other examples of these two principles of selection of Articles are common. It seems clear that the Article set exhibits two cross-cutting sets of distinctions (i.e., Def: Indef// Sing: Dual: Plural), and that these cannot be adequately expressed by rewrite rules. The Articles should be associated with two sets of syntactic features, so that selection rules can apply to either; this is therefore a case of cross-classification among grammatical formatives. Other cases will be encountered in the justification of subsequent rules (cf. Rule 8c). Moreover, there are many examples of concord between the syntactic features of grammatical and lexical formatives:

JTTSTIFICATIOK OF CATEGORICAL RULES

128

(i)

(2)

L_ I αηαη j haele / kaiao me I [+Time, + F u t ] 'I' [+Time, + F u t ] 'go' 'tomorrow' 'Tomorrow, I shall go.' I ice [sing]

I u r\oho / so'o" immed 'sit' alone TA 'The dog sat by himself.'

I

poi 'dog'

I [Pl.]

[Pl.]

Time base: t a marker

I ia I / Article him' and [sing] Pronoun

I Article and Pronoun

'The dogs sat by themselves.' (3) ¡αηα%1 e haele Τ geni 'go' TA Ί go up.'

(4)

[up]

'to'

I 1 haele / I αηαη j kia'i [Subjunctive] Τ [subjunctive] 'go' 'Let me go.'

I

/Directional and Locative of Place

Verb and t a marker

Some grammatical formatives, at any rate, cannot be handled by rewrite rules any more naturally than some lexical formatives, since they display crossclassification. (b) Secondly, is it true that LUA grammatical categories are not sub-categorized? (i.e., analyzed into a sequence of categories).24 Rules such as 6b, 6c and 6d are in fact operating to sub-categorize grammatical categories; they certainly expand a category into a sequence of categories. 6b 6c 6d "

mod1 -> (Dir) (A) (Qual) (Emph) mod g ->• (Dir) (Intens) (Pos) mod3 -t- (A) (Intens) (Pos) Chomsky, 1965, p. 79.

FULL PHRASE-MARKER:

I PRENOM (Neg)

(Nom Part)

(Arti)

I VERBAL I

NOM I

ART

NP I

Ί

(Pre Adj)

NUC3

(Infix)

I (NOM)

Β

(Suffix) (A)

(Intens)

TA

(Neg) I (Prefix)

(MOD3

Art 2 BASE

(Prefix)

PREVERB

(Pob)

BASE

Γ^ (Infix)

L_ Β

(Su

(NOM) I NUCi 1

!

!

MODx - I I (Suffix) (Dir)

(A)

(Qual)

PRENOM !—I J

NP ,

ι

(Neg) (Nom Part) ART (PreAdj) 1 (Emph)

I (Artx) ι (Prefix)

. Art2 1 (Infix)

1

NUCS

ι BASE 1 Β

(N

1

(M1 1 Γ (Suffix) (A)

Figure 6

(PREP) ι Prep B ι

OM)

1 NOM

.

1

.

PRÉNOM

NP

i 1—1—I 1 H (Neg) (NOM Part) ART (PreAdj)NUC 3

Ί :ODs) •H (Intens)

1

1 (Pos)

ι — (Artx) I (Prefix)

ι

H Art 2 BASE

I (Infix)

H Β

1 (NOM) 1 (MODs)

1 I (Suffix) (A)

S (Intens)

1 (Pos)

(LOC) I (LOC,)

(LOCpJ LP.

PREP.

I (LOCrIi)

LP I NUC2 NOM Ί

Pos)

BASE

I (MOD2) (Dir) (Intens)

Β

LP,

PREP.

Γ" LP I 2 NUC NOM L_ BASE

(LOC,)

I (MOD,)

I I (Dir) (Intens)

(Pos) Β

I (Pos)

JUSTIFICATION OP CATEGORICAL RULES

129

(c) Another reason Chomsky offered for detaching the rules expanding lexical categories into lexical formatives from the categorial set, was that these rules were unordered relative to one another. This is quite true; but is equally true of the rules that expand grammatical categories into grammatical formatives. For that very reason, Rules 8a onwards are presented in no set order, and are grouped together as a potentially detachable set of rules. ( d ) Moreover, many formatives occur ambivalently as lexical or as grammatical formatives: (1)

ke

poi

def 'dog' sing Art 'This dog.'

ηβΐ

GRAMMATICAL

'this'

kee*

ke ηβι 'This is the dog.' (2)

I

LEXICAL

kapili 'nearly'

ar¡au / me haele Τ fut 'go' ΤΑ Ί shall almost go.' I ar\au / i Ί am close.'

(3)

poi

Ιαηαυ, / me

kapili va'ai

/

muli

/

GRAMMATICAL

LEXICAL

/

GRAMMATICAL

Ί'

fut 'return' 'again' TA Ί shall return again.' \ar\au / me va'ai / i muli Ί shall return behind.'

I LEXICAL

It seems therefore, that the distinction between lexical and grammatical formatives is formally less well-established than one might expect, and it seems difficult on these grounds to justify their description in different sections of the grammar by different types of rules. The solution I have used is a conservative one, guided more by convenience than by detailed examination of the native speaker's categories. The rules expanding categories into sets of grammatical formatives (Rules 8a - p.) are kept as a potentially detachable group which for the moment are attached to the categorial rewrite rules. Where grammatical formatives can obviously be

130

J U S T I F I C A T I O N OF CATEGORICAL

RULES

classified most aptly by syntactic features, these are simply specified in the gloss. These rules are not shifted right out of the categorial component, because if strings of specific formatives are not generated before the selectional rules of the lexicon, one has no contexts with which to express the selection of lexical items. One may take leave to doubt the validity of a model, however, that firstly generates strings of grammatical formatives, then selects lexical items in accord with the contexts provided. Although "the system of generative rules is not a point-by-point model of the actual construction of a sentence by a speaker", 2 5 it is an effort to account for the competence of the speaker, and one is entitled to request that the model be validated in broad outline by data from language acquisition, experimental and comparative studies. In this particular case, it seems at least plausible that native speakers may operate primarily with lexical items, and that grammatical items play a secondary role in communication. Rule 8a Prep D - *

'with' (instrument) Í man 1 [ 'i ] [Directional] 'movement' : Preposition D consists of either maa or 'i. Prep D represents the initiators of the P R E P constituent, which may function as goal, or as Instrument in a sentence. NOM

VERBAL

maa: / a-qau\ e 'Γ

PREP

Icaahaoj

ke polo I def 'ball' sing Art

maa 'with'

geni 'play' TA

Ί play with the ball.' NOM

VERBAL

NOM

PREP

lar¡auj e li'i / ke salauj Τ geni 'beat' def 'cat' TA sing Art Ί beat the cat with the stick.' NOM

VERBAL

NOM

maa with'

ke laa'auf def 'stick' sing Art

PREP

' ke poloI 'i ke def 'ball' 'to' def sing [Dir] sing Art Art Ί throw the ball to the child.' ¡ar¡au¡ e Ί ' geni TA

«

laku 'throw'

C h o m s k y , 1965, p . 135.

kama'li'i¡ 'child'

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

/αηαη/ e makaj Τ geni 'look' TA

'i ke [Dir] def sing Art

131

aka j 'snake'

Ί look at the snake.' NOM

VERBAL

NOM

PREP

Iαηαη/ e haa'oa'oj Τ geni 'teach' TA

ke Ιαηί / 'i def 'song' [Dir] sing Art Ί teach the song to the girl.'

ke def sing Art

ka'upuj 'girl'

These two grammatical formatives constitute a substitution class whose members are mutually exclusive. Rule 8b Prep L

( aa vaa haa i

[LOC] [LOC] [LOC]

Emphatic Specific Origin

[LOC, TIME]

General

: Preposition L consists of one of the formatives cited. 1. haa is the odd formative in this set; it is included in Prep L mainly because there seemed to be no other good place for it. I t always precedes a Place name [Prop, PL N]; haa + [PI. N] act as the modifier of a preceding ΝΟΜ. Luar\iua / haa 'Luangiua' [Loc] Τ 'origin' Ί am from Luangiua.'

(a) ¡αηαη

(b) ¡ke

moer¡a

haa [Loc] 'Origin'

Nukumar\u\

e kauale'aj geni 'beautiful'

def 'sleeping mat' TA sing Art 'The sleeping-mat from Nukumanu is beautiful.'

(a) may be the result of a VERBAL deletion; (2) might be handled as a LOC embedded in ΝΟΜ. 2. aa apparently occurs only with inherent locative bases of place [Loc, Place]: /αηαη/ me Τ

ηοίιο

j

f u t 'sit' TA Ί will sit right down.'

lalo I aa [Loc] 'down' emph.

132

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

Occasionally i (general [loc]) and aa co-occur: ¡Auhuki¡ ηίί ηοίιο/ i I aa I Ιν,ηα he ηίιι / loc] [loc] 'up' def 'coconut 'Auhuki' past 'sit' geni. Emph. sing tree' TA Art 'Auhuki is sitting up the coconut tree.' This might be a borrowing from Sikaiana, where Ιιιηα has the form aluna. (a) vaa: I Maaleva j

e

'Maaleva' geni TA

haakalij 'wait'

vaa [Loc] specific

ke ala/ def 'path' sing Art

'Maaleva is waiting at the path.' (b)

i:

I ηαα kama la / e def 'person' 'that' geni pl. ΤΑ

moe / | j [ loko hale/ 'sleep' [loc, 'in' 'house' Time]

Art 'They are asleep inside.' R u l e 8c

(

e 11 'oi 'aa i ηίϊ me 'au

"t

[—Time] [—Time] [—Time] [—Time] [—Time] [+Time, [+Time, [-(-Time,

geni.

General Immediate Continuative Inceptive Purposive Past] Fut] -Past] Imperative

: TA consists of one of the formatives cited. Tense-Aspect represents the characteristic initiators of the VERBAL group. They form a substitution class whose members are usually exclusive. 1. However, 'oi [—Time] Continuative can precede or follow other TA markers: ta TA /αηαιι ¡ | β | [ 'oi | haelej Τ geni [—Time] 'go' TA contin. Ί am still going.'

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES TA

133

TA

Ιαηαη / | 'oj | | me | haelej Τ [—Time] [-{-Time, 'go' con tin. Fut] Ί shall still go.' This could be formally stated: 'oi ^ ΤΑ; but such a formula assigns co-ordinate status to 'oi and TA, whereas 'oi is really a member of ΤΑ that is distinguished solely by its distributional mobility. 2. me [-[-Time, -f Tut] may precede the [—Time] formatives u, 'oi, 'aa and i, apparently to specify them for time: TA

TA

Iαηαιι j | me \ \ u | haelej [+Time, [—Time, Fut] Immed] Ί shall go immediately.' TA

TA

Iαηαυ, j

| me | | 'oi | haelej [+Time, [—Time, Fut] Cont] Ί shall still go.' TA

TA

Ιαηαη j

me I I aa haelej -(-Time, [—Time, Fut] Incept] Ί shall start out.' TA

TA

Ιαηαη j

| me \ | i | haelej [+Time, [—Time, Fut] Purpos] Ί should go.'

3. i is somewhat atypical of the TA markers, since it only occurs in under restricted conditions (cf. Context-sensitive Rule c). If two

VERBALS

are conjoined, i may initiate the second:

VERBAL

/αηαη j

amaka

Τ

'begin'

Ί begin to go.'

VERBAL

/

| i

|

haele j

[—Time, 'go' Purpos]

VERBAL

134

JUSTIFICATION OP CATEGORICAL

RULES

If the preposed modifiers Icapili (nearly) or poi (almost) precede the Verb, i is automatically selected: Iαηαη /

i J keiho I [ —Time, 'fall' Purp]

Icapili 'nearly'

Ί nearly fell.' pot

I

'almost'

ar\au\ Τ

Ιΰαηί I

[—Time, 'cry' Purp.]

Ί almost cry.' i is selected if hii" (desiderative prefix) is prefixed to a preceding Ike

poi

I

hii" desid

hai I

def 'Melanesian' 'do' sing Art 'The Melanesian wants to dance.'

VERBAL.

lue I [—Time, 'dance' Purp]

i usually occurs if ai (causative qualifier) follows a [V] base; Ιηαα kaupialaj e kele | j | kae | gj | / i ke maketij def 'boy' geni 'run' [—Time,'reach' caus loc def 'market' pl. TA Purp] sing Art

Art 'The boys run to get to market.'

or if the subject-functioning NOM is preceded by maa : I

maa

ar\au\

'for'

'me' [—Time, 'hit' Purpos]

vuhu j ke

poi /

def 'dog' sing Art

'Its for me to hit the dog.' 4. 'au occurs only when the imperative utterance is also negative. I 'au j j se j νίηϊνίηΐ !/ t—Past Neg 'whistle' Imper] 'Don't whistle.'

J U S T I F I C A T I O N OF CATEGORICAL

RULES

135

In positive imperative sentences, a zero variant of this formative occurs (cf. Transformational Marker Rule 4.)

I 0 νϊηίνίηΐ ! ('whistle !') 5.

¡ke salauj

e

kele/

'the cat runs'

Ike salauj

11

kele/

'the cat runs now'

Ike salan/

'oi

kele1

'the cat is still running'

¡ke salati/

'aa

kele/

'the cat starts to run'

/ke salait/

ηϊϊ

kele/

'the cat ran'

/ke salati/

me J

kele/

'the cat will run'

6. ΤΑ markers can be deleted if the Verbal base is affixed, or preceded by a Negative (cf Transformation Deletion Rule 2). It is usually recoverable as e, the general, non-time marker:

hii"

(desid)

¡ar¡au/0

hii"

'aka/

Ί want to laugh'

haa"

(caus)

/αηαιι/0

haa'

'aka/

Ί was made to laugh'

se, sei

(negative) /αηαη/0

se

'aka/

Ί wasn't laughing'

Reduplication R3 /αηαν,/0

'aka

'aka

I Ί keep laughing'

Passive "lia

vuhu

"lia

I

Rule 8d Neg

/αηαη/0

Ί was struck'

'Not' 'Not yet' [ seiconsists J : Negative of one of the formatives cited. This rule presents a problem of semantic interpretation. Neg sei occurs in both NOM and V E R B A L groups; in NOM, sei means 'not', and in V E R B A L , it means 'not yet'.

I"!

NOM

VERBAL

\ar\au\ e make / sei Ί ' geni 'not yet' 'dead' TA 'I'm not dead yet.' NOM

VERBAL

ar\au/ e make/ sei I 'It isn't me that's dead.'

136

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

If the suggestion tentatively made in the discussion of Rule 6f is accepted that se or sei before a NOM marks a 'Topic-in-Focus' Transformation, then it might be argued that the semantic distinction between se and sei is neutralized in that position. No other satisfactory explanation has been found. Rule 8e

Nom Part

maa o

'with, for' [Sing]specifier

1. maa in this set may be the same formative as maa in Prep D ; however, they have very different functions. maa (PrepD) indicates 'Instrument': PREP

\αηαη\ e

li'ij

ke

poi /

Τ

geni 'beat' def 'dog' TA Sing Art Ί hit the dog with the stick.'

maa

he

laa'auj

(Instru- def 'stick' ment) sing 'with' Art

maa (Nom Part) indicates 'for' : poi/ i riamwïiamul ke ke def 'dog' Purpos 'chew' def sing TA sing Art Art 'Its for the dog to chew the bone.' maa 'for'

'bone'

maa also acts as a conjunction in linking successive NOM groups: NOM

NOM

jke

poij

'The dog

maa

ke salauj

and

the cat

NOM

ke kU%hour¡a\

maa and the kingfisher

maa and the NOM

ke huki / . . . banana 2. o (specifier) is apparently also [singular], since it can occur only in conjunction with the singular art ke: ke Μηβ I 'oi uakaj def 'woman' 'still' 'works' spec sing Art 'The woman (specifically) is still working.' I

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL

RULES

137

but: * I I ρ I ηαα def PiArt

Μηβ ¡ 'oi uakaj

o occurs before a medial NOM only in a NOM NOM construction: NOM

NOM

I kee" rfii / | ο | ke def 'this' spec sing Art 'This is the dog.'

poi¡

def 'dog' sing Art

Rule 8f ART1 —>• a [Prop, Sing] : Article 1 consists of the formative cited. a optionally precedes all [Proper] lexical formatives; it is the initiator characteristic of Proper NOM groups: ¡ar¡au¡

e

'ike /

'Γ

geni 'see' TA Ί see Peter.' I kee" def sing

ηβί I 'this'

Pita I Prop, sing]

'Peter'

a I ΗοηίαΙαΙ [Prop, 'Honiara' sing]

Art 'This is Honiara.' I

a

Maalevaj ηϋ

haa" 'ivi/

Prop, 'Maaleva' Past caus 'wink' sing] TA 'Maaleva winked.' This a should not be confused with the possessive a of other Polynesian languages. In constructions like those cited below, a is merely initiating a [Prop] NOM possessor group, which is marked as possessor by its position following the previous NOM:

138

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL NOM

NOM

I ke kiir/a / def 'mother' sing Art 'Peter's mother.'

Pita I [Prop] [Prop] Art 'Peter'

NOM

I ke

hale

KULES

NOM

j

Mark Etuaj

def 'house' [Prop] sing Art 'Mark Etua's house.'

[Prop]

But: NOM

* I ke

NOM

hale

ke Μηβ /

def 'house' Prop] sing Art * 'The woman's house.'

[Com]

I ke hale ke Μηβ / def 'house' def 'woman' sing sing Art Art 'The woman's house.' a appears to have become inseparably conjoined to the singular pronouns: a a a

r/au 'oe ia

'you' (sing) 'he'

Since it precedes only the names of places and people (which are inherently singular) or singular pronouns, it is probably a [Sing] article. Rule 8g

Art 2 —

ke [Def, Sing] saa [Def, Dual] ηαα [Def, Plural] he [Indef, Sing] ηϋ [Indef, Plural] : Article consists of one of the formatives cited above.

SYNTACTIC COMPONENT: FORMAL RULES

139

Art 2 represents the initiators of common NOM groups. In most contexts, these form a substitution class: they are always mutually exclusive. musu

'the sandfly'

saa

musu

'two sandflies'

ηαα

musu

'the sandflies'

he

musu

'a sandfly'

ηιι

musu

'some sandflies'

Ice

Only [Dual] or [Plural] articles accompany Plural Reduplication in [N] bases; and only the [definite] articles kee* and aa" (variants of ke and ηαα, cf. Transformational Rule 3, Section 5.3.11) may precede the Positional bases ηβϊ 'near speaker'; ηαα 'near audience' or laa 'distant from both'. kaarfika ηαα [Plural] Rj 'man' ('The men.') kee" 'this' aa 'these'

ηβι r¡ei

Only [Def] articles may precede a NOM which follows another NOM as its possessor: NOM

NOM

I ke hir\e / ke def 'woman' def sing sing Art Art 'The chief's wife.'

maakuaj 'chief'

If an [Indef]article occurs in this position, the resulting sentence has an entirely different meaning: I ke hir¡e / | 7¿e [ maakua¡ indef sing Art 'The woman is a chief.'

140

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

This distributional restriction is expressed as a context-sensitive rule in the lexicon. Some lexical formatives with the features [N, Com] nevertheless do not take a singular Art 2 : kapuae kuaalima pu'ua ka'ele

'foot' 'hand' 'mouth' 'earth'

Parts of the body

Other [N, Com] formatives may take a singular Art 2 , but most commonly do not: kama ka'upu kaupiala kanaka Μηβ

person girl' youth' man' woman'

Most of these formatives begin with (k) (which suggests a possible merger of ke with the base?) and they all refer to people. Rule 8h PREFIX

haa" hii' ko'o' 8o'o' ko' maka" kamaa" kau" hoo" pee"

(haa')

(hii")

causative desiderative human numeral 'alone' specific emphatic diminutive odd numeral odd numeral 'like'

ko'o" so'o" ko' maka" kamaa' kau* hoo' pee'

: choose one

: Prefix consists of optional haa', optional hii', and one of the optional prefixes cited above must be selected.

The Affixes have already received considerable attention in the discussion of Rule 5c, where it was pointed out that the description of all affixes by rewrite rules obscured some very essential distinctions in their respective functions.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

141

1. Of the Prefixes, haa" (causative) and Mi" (desiderative) represent transformations that convert one type of Base ([N] or [L]) into another ([V]): VERBAL

Ikaakouj 'we' (incl)

e

haa"

Ιηηα/ ke

geni TA

caus

[L] 'up'

hakuj :[Loc] =• [V, Trans]

def 'rock' sing Art

'We raised the rock.' VERBAL

\ar¡au\ Τ

e

Mi"

poi /

geni

desid

[Ν] 'dog'

TA

[Ν] => [V]

Ί want a dog.' Mi" is a difficult formative to classify. It may function as a [V] base: VERBAL

/ajjcra/

e

'Γ

geni TA

Mi

I ke

'want' [V]

def sing Art

'ai / 'food'

Ί want the food.' However, when it precedes a [V] base, Mi -f [V] have no intermediate conjunction ηοο, which is usual when two verbs are conjoined, and the TA marker is deleted: ΤΑ ηοο I αηαιι / 0 [ Mi | 0 'aka / Ί' 'want' 'laugh' Ί want to laugh.' ΤΑ

ηοο

¡αηαιι / 0 | Mi | 0 "ai / Ί' 'want' 'eat' Ί am hungry.' Moreover, when Mi [V] is followed by another VERBAL, the conjoined VERBAL selects i as its TA marker: ¡ar¡au / 0 Mi Ί want to go.'

0 hai/

| j

| haele ¡

One might attempt to explain hii when it functions as a prefix, as a transform from Mi as a base; but in fact, Mi very rarely occurs as a base.

142

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

2. Ico'o" (human no.), kau" (odd no. - coconuts, etc.) and hoo· (odd no. - puddings etc.) are numeral prefixes, selected by the [Animate] or [Inanimate] features of the base being enumerated: I I kolu I I ke Μηβ I I e I ko'o" def [human] geni [human] 'three' sing 'woman TA number Art 'There are three women.' / ηαα def 'coconut' odd no. pi. [Inan] [Inan] Art 'The 3 coconuts (odd no.)' I ke

puumea hoo" I def [Inan] [Inan] sing 'pudding' odd no. Art One pudding (odd no.)'

kolu I 'three'

kahi I 'one'

When ko'o" specifies the number of a preceding [Human] NOM group, there appears to be no concord between the number specified and the number of the ART in that group - the article is indifferently singular: I I I ke Μηβ / e kolu I ko'o" def 'woman' geni human 'three' sing [human] TA Art 'The (singular) three women.' Another unusual construction is associated with ko'o" and its free variant ko'a". A VERBAL containing ko'o" [Numeral] may be embedded BEFORE the [N] base of a NOM, where it apparently acts as a preposed modifier: Num kolu] 'three'

¡ke \ko'a" def [human] sing Art 'The three women . . .'

Μηβ / [human] 'woman'

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

143

3. so'o* 'alone' and ko" (specifier) are prefixed to pronouns, so'o" may precede any pronoun: \αηαη\ me 'Γ fut TA

haele / 'go'

so'o" 'alone'

αηαη / Τ

Ί shall go by myself.' ko precedes only the 3rd person singular pronoun ia: makna laj ko" ia I kama e (spec) 'he' 'man' τα 'old' 'that' 'He, the old man, ' 4. kamaa" (or its free variant makaa') can be prefixed to common Nouns as a diminutive: papa kamaa" 'box' dimin 'Little box.' vae makaa" dimin 'lower limb' 'toe.' This is not a very productive prefix. 5. maka" (Emphatic) may be prefixed to a limited set of [A] bases, where it emphasizes the quality they describe: maka"

hua

'clean'

maka"

ele

'dirty'

maka"

ηααηαί 'lazy'

moka"

ola

'willing'

It is interesting that the set is comprised of two sets of opposites. 6. pee' 'like', finally, is problematic. In the discussion of Rule 5a, it was shown that pee' plus hee, in the interrogative transformation, substitutes for Adjectives and Adverbs: ¡αηαη / e kele vave¡ [A] Ί run fast.'

144

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

Interrogative Transformation ¡αηαιι / e hele pee Ί run how?'

hee?

pee* in its other environment, before the positionals r¡ei, r¡aa, laa, may be acting in a similar fashion, ¡ar¡au / e ícele

pee"

r¡ei I 'this'

Ί run like this.' Where the Positional represents some adverb or adjective that has just been focussed upon, pee" may therefore be a pro-form for a substitution transformation, and perhaps does not belong to the deep structure at all. However, it apparently functions very like a LOC constituent, and takes the typical LOC permutation: Loc Transformation r/ei I αηαιι j e kele / pee 'Like this I run.' Rule 81

Infix —>- RX Plural R2 Action prolonged R3 Action continuous : Infix consists of one of the types of Reduplication cited. Rx affects a limited set of [N, Com] bases that also have the feature [Human]; it reduplicates the first vowel, and has the meaning 'plural' (cf. Redup. T. rule I). ke => ηαα kar\aka def def 'man' sing pi. Art Art 'the man.' 'the men.' he

makua indef 'parent' sing Art 'a parent.'

kaar\aka Rx 'man'

=> r\ii

maakua indef «ι 'parent' pi. Art 'some parents.'

R2 affects [V] bases; it reduplicates the first CV of the base, and indicates prolonged or repeated action: (cf. Redup. T. rule 2).

145

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

Ιηαα hua / e def 'fruit' geni pl. TA

keiho [V] 'fall'

I

νΐηΐ

I

him

/

e

ke keiho

def 'fruit' geni it 2 'fall' pl. TA Art 'The fruits fall one after another.'

Art 'the fruita fall.' ¡Auhuki ¡ e

Ιηαα

=»• / Auhuki/

'Auhuki is whistling.'

vi

νιηι

I

'Auhuki kept whistling.'

R3 affects [ V ] bases, and indicates continuous action. I t reduplicates the full base (cf. Redup T. rule 3.): ¡kama

la

'person that'

/ e geni

'eli

I => ¡kama laje

'dig'

'eli'eli Β«

TA 'he is digging.'

'he digs.'

I => /ηαα Μηβ) u au I « ¡ηαα Μηβ def 'woman' immed 'bathe' pl. TA Art 'the women bathe.' 'the women were swimming.' Rule 8j Suffix - ,

au au swim

("lia) ("αηα) : choose one *li'i "aoa : Suffix consists of either of optional "li'i (diminutive) or "aoa (2x. number); optional "lia (passive) and optional "αηα (nominal) in that order; one must be selected. "li'i applies to a variety of bases as a diminutive: kama

"li'i

'person'

[N] 'Child.'

[A] 'small.' //e^iia

"li'i

[N] 'small place'.

146

JUSTIFICATION OP CATEGORICAL R U L E S

'aoa occurs in the counting of fish, coconuts and other products, where counting is done in twos. It multiplies the number it follows by two; and has a variant form *ηαοα. lua

"aoa

two X two 'four' kolu *ηαοα

three χ two 'six'

*lia represents the Passive Transformation (cf. Marker T. rule 2), which obligatorily applies if * lia is selected in the sentence. At this point, however, the "marker" strategy for making singular transformations obligatory, runs into difficulty - a sentence may be passivized without any explicit introduction of * lia; and there is a class of [V] bases that do not take the passive suffix in a passive construction: ¡Ice

va'a

/ e

apulu

/ ηαα

pe'au /

def 'canoe' geni 'capsize' def 'wave' sing TA pl. Art Art 'The canoe was capsized by the waves.'

"αηα represents the nominal transformation, which obligatorily applies if "αηα is selected in the sentence. It appears that only [V] bases which do not have the feature [N] need take this suffix, to allow them to occur in a NOM construction:

[V, N] 'My cry . . . .' But: / αηαιι / e vuhu /

Ί hit.'

I ηαα

vuhu

[V] 'My hitting

'αηα

'

/

αηαη /

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

147

These suffixes are not all mutually exclusive: ¡αηαη /

e

ìiaa

suli

Τ

geni caus 'little' TA Ί was made small.' Ike hau" suli Hi'i def caus 'little' dimin. sing Art 'My being made small.'

'li'i

*lia

dimin.

passive

Ίία pass

αηα nominal

/

I αηαπ / 'my'

Rule 8k Dir

mai

\

'towards speaker'

( a'e

\

'up relative to speaker' aku J 'away from speaker' \ ih o / 'down relative to speaker' The Directionals appear to fall into two sets, which are not mutually exclusive in the phrase because they refer to different dimensions of space, and no semantic conflict occurs. The members of each set are mutually exclusive, however, since they refer to opposite points in a single dimension relative to speaker (e.g., a'e 'up' vs iho 'down'). Ike mo o ae mai ae I e I def 'lizard' geni 'climb' 'towards 'up (relative to speaker)' sing TA sp.' Art 'The lizard climbs up towards me.' ¡ke mo'o / e

'ae

aku ae 'away from'

I

sp. 'The lizard climbs up away from me.' ¡ke mo'o / e

'ae

mai

iho 'down' 'The lizard climbs down toward me.'

¡ke mo'o / e 'ae aku iho / 'The lizard climbs down away from me.'

148

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL EULES

Rule 81 Qual —- (ai) (Icahi) if hae'o || (Intens) : choose one. I haamau J J : Qualifier consists of optional ai, optional kahi, one of optional hae'o or haamau, and optional Intensifier, in that order; one must be selected.

ai kahi hae'o haamau

causative continual 'very' 'incessant'

These qualifiers do not form a mutually-exclusive class. 1. ai is quite an uncommon qualifier. It is most often encountered in the phrase aloha ai 'sorry'; following haa" [V], the causative construction; or after i [V], the purposive construction. haa*

[V]:

|aηau|

'Γ Ί was made to cry.'

e

haa'

kar¡i

ai

geni TA

caus

'cry'

caus

/

i [ V ] (purposive): \ar¡au\ e haele¡ | j j li'i | ai | Ike Τ geni 'go' Purpos 'beat' caus def ta sing Art Ί went to beat the dog.'

poi / 'dog'

Evidence from other Polynesian languages 26 suggests that ai may be a Proform for a substitution transformation, referring to a previous circumstance that has provoked the action described, but there is inadequate data to test this hypothesis fòr LUA. Qual. 2. ar¡au¡ e haa" karji ai / kahi haamau / loo / Ί ' geni caus 'cry' caus continual 'incessant' 'very' ΤΑ Ί was always made to cry bitterly.' ar\au\ e aloha Ί ' geni 'sad' TA

Qual. ai / kahi / hae'o j loo caus continual very intens.

Ί was always made extremely unhappy.' 28

Pawley, A. K., Personal communication.

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

149

3. hae'o occurs as a Qualifier only after [A]bases; after [V]bases it means 'bad', and acts as an [A] base itself: ¡αηαιι /

e βα'ϊηο geni [A] τα 'bad' Ί am very bad.'

hae'o Qual 'very'

Τ

¡αηαυ, /

e

uaka

I

hae'o

[V] [A] 'work' 'bad' Ί work badly.' Rule 8m Emph

'instead' 'only' : Emphatic consists of one of the formatives cited. Emphatic formatives follow [V] bases:

αηαιι/

Í

ηίί

ia oia

kar¡i | jg |

/

T

past 'cry' 'instead' TA Ί cry instead.' ¡αηαιι j

e kayi

/

ota

'only' 'I'm only crying.' These formatives have a superficial ressemblance to another type of construction:

/

kama

la

je

kaηi /

'person' 'that' geni 'cry' / TA 'It's he who was crying.'

/

; kama

la

1 e

kaηi /

i aia

I

'him'

I so'o* ia 'alone' 'he'

'He is crying by himself.' However, ia of this last example appears to be a variant of the 3rd person singular pronoun aia of the first example, and in both cases the pronoun is in concord with kama la 'he'.

150

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

These last constructions are reflexive in function, and have little in common syntactically with ia, oia. Rule 8n

Intens

loo lo'ia : Intensifier consists of one of the formatives cited, bo and lo'ia form a mutually-exclusive substitution class, and they follow [L], [N] and [V] bases:

ι Ιιιηα f loo 1 loc [Loc] I lo'ia J 'up' 'Way up high.' he Icarjalca loo J indef [N] lo'ia j sing 'man' Art Ά real man.' e 1car¡i loo geni [V] lo'ia τα 'cry' 'Crying bitterly.'

Í

Rule 80

ηβι Location near speaker ηαα Location near audience laa Location distant from both : Positional consists of one of the formatives cited. These formatives constitute a mutually-exclusive substitution class, t h a t typically follows [L] or [N] bases:

Pos

[L]

i

mua

r¡ei

'here in front'

i

kai

ηαα

'at the beach, near you'

i

lur¡a

laa

'up over there'

poi

ηβί

'this dog'

ke

salau

ηαα

'that cat near you'

ke

ιηαηοο

laa

'that shark out there'

[N] ke

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL

RULES

151

They may also function as [N] or [L] bases: i

ηβί

'here'

i

ηαα

'there'

i

laa

'over there'

kee"

ηβί

mea

'this thing'

aa"

ηβί

mea

'these things'

kee"

ηαα

mea

'that (near you) thing'

aa"

ηαα

mea

'those (near you) things'

kee"

laa

mea

'that (over there) thing'

aa"

laa

mea

'those (over there) things'

This last set of demonstratives could alternatively be analyzed as ART [N] POS, in which the [N] base has been deleted. However, this would be less convincing when Pos formatives function as [Loc] bases; it is difficult to imagine what the 'recoverable' element might be in that situation. Because of this, I have decided to analyze both types of construction in a consistent fashion, as initiator plus Positional functioning as Base. R u l e 8p

Pre Adj -* laa 'other' : Pre A d j consists of the formative cited. This rule was formulated to describe the one construction in which a Positionaltype formative regularly precedes a [N] base as its modifier: aa laa'au . . . laa def 'other' 'tree' pi. Art Other trees . . aa

kama . . . laa 'other' 'person'

def Art 'Other people. . . '

Only laa occurs in this position, and only in a Plural [Com] ΝΟΜ.

152

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

3.3. JUSTIFICATION OF CONTEXT-SENSITIVE CATEGORIAL RULES

I t has previously been pointed out (cf. discussion Rule 6b) t h a t if all categorial rules are to be context-free, there are some selections t h a t cannot be economically expressed by the categorial component. These selections tend to be quite minor, b u t none-the-less, they are essential if the deep structure generated by t h e base is to be an accurate reflection of the categories employed by native speakers. I t has been suggested t h a t "all properties of a formative t h a t are essentially idiosyncratic be specified in the lexicon", 2 ' b u t these idiosyncracies do not appear to include minor selectional relations. If a special feature is formulated to account for each such relation, a significant proliferation of features can be expected. Consequently t h e lexicon does not appear to be the most convenient place in the grammar for expressing distributional restrictions of this scale. F o r the lack of any b e t t e r location, they are expressed in "context-sensitive categorial rules" as p a r t of t h e categorial apparatus; this however is very tentative, and subject to revision. Rule a

(maa) ART (Preadj) / VERBAL—[N] (Neg) (NOM. P a r t ) ART (Preadj) / 4Φ— : PRENOMINAL consists of optional maa 'for', Article, and optional P r e a d j in the object-functioning position; or optional Negative, optional Nominal Particle, Article, and optional Pre-Adj in the subject-functioning position sentence-initially. This rule discriminates the PRÉNOM categories t h a t initiate subject- and objectfunctioning NOMS. There is considerable overlap, a n d the minor differences which occur do not appear to warrant what seems to be the only alternative analysis - a distinction between NOMS and NOM 0 at t h e m a j o r category level, (cf. discussion of Rule 6f.) This rule is really a potential substitute for the context-free Rule 6f, if context-sensitive categorial rules are to be permitted. Subject- and object-functioning PRÉNOMS differ solely in t h a t t h e specifier o and Negatives se, sei can precede only a subject-functioning ΝΟΜ. PRÉNOM —>•

NOM

#

I se I I o Neg

I I ke | ali'i /

u

ART 'chief' immed TA ' I t was not t h e chief who went.' "

Spec

VERBAL

Chomsky, 1965, p. 87.

haele 'go'

#

153

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

But: * # αηαη /

u

'ike /

| se | | o

Ί'

immed 'see' TA 'It wasn't the chief that I saw.'

| | ke | ali'i¡ (ungrammatical)

Rule b 1 ART

[def]

I —

[Pos]

VERBAL—

[N]

[plural] / — ^ [N] : Article is definite before Positionals and Object-functioning plural before a plurally-reduplicated [N] base. [def]:

I kee'

ηβι

[Pos] 'this'

def sing aa

ηβι

'these'

def Pl. he indef pl. [pl]

/ η au

kaar¡aka

def pl.

Rj 'man'

ηΐι

maakua

indef pl.

Rj

But: ke I maakua def RX sing he I maakua indef Rj sing

-Β!

[Ν]

('the men')

('some parents')

NOMS;

and

154

JUSTIFICATION CATEGORICAL OL' RULES

Rule b2 [ d e f ] -ν [King]

/ o (specifier) : Definite Article is singular after the Specifier. poi I

Ice o Spec def

#

u

make /

'dog' immed

'die'

ΤΑ

sing

' I t was the dog that died.' But: ηαα

I o

poi j u make/

def pl. he

poi j u make/

indef sing Rule c TA

ί

VERBAL—

[V]

kapili poi kia'i mai hii*

'nearly' 'almost' 'let' 'because' (desid)

[V]

maa

'for'

NOM„

-

[V]

-IV] [V]

: Tense-Aspect is i in the specified contexts. These characteristic contexts of i, the 'purposive' ΤΑ marker, were fully discussed and illustrated under Rule 8c. Rule d PrePl

J —LOC,

: P r e p j consists of i (general Time-Place prep) in the specified context LOCT. The fact that only i, the general time-place preposition, initiates LOCt phrase, was discussed and illustrated under Rule 2c4.

3.4. SUMMARY OF THEORETICAL ISSUES RAISED The application of a categorial sub-component framework of the sort described by Chomsky in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax to the description of 'kernel' LU A

JUSTIFICATION OF CATEGORICAL RULES

155

grammatical structures, shows it to be an economic and revealing model. However, there are some areas where the model does not appear to allow an accurate account of the linguistic facts, and these problems will be briefly summarized a t this point. 1. The model is clearly framed to handle orderly and controlled distributional patterns. I n LUA, however, there are some areas where formati ves display considerable mobility (Modifiers; poi 'nearly' kapili 'almost'; ho'i 'also' and avale 'instead'; TA marker 'oi (continuative)). This mobility is not haphazard, b u t represents a situation where specific formatives distribute relative to abstract categories. Thus poi and kapili precede BASE (of any kind); ho'i and avale follow BASE, MOD (of any kind). Such generalizations however, cannot be readily expressed in t h e branching rules of a generative grammar, because t h e maximal categories have already been expanded by the time these specific formatives are generated. This is a problem of stating generalizations t h a t crosscut constituent categories. 2. Although Chomsky uses two complex symbols, Ν and V, for lexical formatives, it became clear t h a t this distinction between Ν and V in the rewrite rules was uneconomic and misleading for LUA. A single complex symbol Β was adopted to represent all lexical formatives in the categorial rewrite rules. 3. Context-free and context-sensitive rules appear to represent two alternative techniques for representing the same selectional behaviour of items, either implicitly (context-free) or explicitly (context-sensitive). Since t h e difference between them is purely formal, there seemed to be no strong reason for exluding formally context-sensitive rules f r o m the categorial component. I n some cases this appeared to be an economic and accurate method for representing troublesome selections at the categorial level. 4. I n LUA, the formal difference between lexical and grammatical formatives does not appear to justify their separate description by different types of rule, in distinct sections of the grammar. Both lexical ar;d grammatical formatives may be cross-classified, both may be sub-categorized; the rules expanding both lexical and grammatical categories into formatives are unordered relative to each other, and so are unlike other categorial rules; and finally; many formatives function ambivalently as lexical or grammatical formative. 5. I t may be t h a t the clear distinction in this model between categorial component and lexicon is misleading on other grounds. Both components describe the selectional behaviour of items; b u t the categorial component handles the selection of general CATEGORIES, while the lexicon handles the selection of specific FORMATIVES. Both components describe linguistic patterns; b u t the categorial component describes the more 'regular' ones, while the lexicon describes less regular or 'idiosyncratic' ones. Thus the difference between them is not one of kind, b u t of degree.

4 JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL R U L E S

4.1. ABSTRACT

The C O N T E X T - S E N S I T I V E S U B - C A T E G O R I Z A T I O N R U L E S (which rewrite Β as a syntactic feature in each of a series of contexts) and the S Y N T A C T I C R E D U N D A N C Y R U L E S (which explicitly show how syntactic features are related to each other) are examined individually, and justified with examples. The context-sensitive sub-categorization rules are formally redundant to the grammar, since they merely give labels to significant divisive frames; but because the traditional labels introduced make the grammar more readable, and because these rules show explicitly into what contextual categories the lexical items are being divided, they are retained in the grammar. Two revisions of notation are suggested. A strictly binary syntactic feature analysis is rejected in favour of a more flexible system, allowing a triple choice where this seems in accord with the LUA categories. Secondly, where a choice involves two traditional categories, it seems preferable to retain both traditional labels rather than to select one of them at random, and preface it with a ± sign. Instead of [¿Com], for example, a notation of [Com] is chosen. [Prop] Finally, it is suggested that the device of 'Inherent' Features might be extended to describe the semantic classification of Lexical Formati ves. A S A M P L E L E X I C A L L I S T is also presented.

4.2. INTRODUCTION

The lexicon classifies lexical formatives into C A T E G O R I E S . Lexical categories may be C R O S S - C U T T I N G (i.e., a single formative may belong to two or more categories of the same level; kar\i 'to cry' is simultaneously [N] and [V]); or they may be O V E R - L A P P I N G (i.e., a single category may belong to two different hierarchic systems; [ ¿ a n ] is a member of both [Prop] and [Com] hierarchies);

JUSTIFICATION OS* LEXICAL » U L E S

157

or they may be HIERARCHICALLY related categories of the same level are mutually exclusive i.e., a [N] lexical formative cannot be both [Prop] and [Com].) Categories are represented as SYNTACTIC FEATURES (in the form [ ± X ] ; each lexical formative is associated with a list of syntactic features, which designate the categories to which it belongs, (e.g., ¿a>?¿([Com] [Intrans, + Cont, —Dir]). Syntactic features may be CONTEXTUAL, designating the contexts in which categories may occur (e.g., [N] ->- [Prop] /Art 2 —); or they may be INHERENT, specifying semantic sub-divisions of contextual categories that are necessary to describe specific selectional relations, (e.g., [Pron] [1st] )· [2nd] [3rd] It is important to note that although inherent features probably have semantic correlates, they are based on distributional distinctions. CONTEXTUAL syntactic features may be SELECTIONAL, if the context is discontinuous from the item it classifies, and is expressed in syntactic features (e.g. V - , [Inan]/ [N, Inan] -.). They may be STRICT SUB-CATEGORIAL features, if the item and its context belong to the same syntactic category - "strict sub-categorization features for an item of the category A must involve frames that, together with A, form the single constituent that immediately dominates A," 1 and if the context is a category (e.g. V -»• [Trans]/—NOM). The lexicon is divided into three sections; CONTEXT-SENSITIVE SUB-CATEGORIZATION RULES; SYNTACTIC REDUNDANCY RULES, and LEXICAL LIST; which are unordered relative to each other.

4.3. CONTEXT-SENSITIVE SUB-CATEGORIZATION RULES

In the context-sensitive sub-categorization rules of this grammar, the cover symbol Β is rewritten as a syntactic feature in each of a list of specified contexts. Thus Β becomes [N] in the context ART—; [N] becomes [Com] in the context Art 2 —NOM, a n d so on.

This set of rules is, strictly speaking, redundant to the grammar, because the syntactic features might equally well be represented directly as the contexts which distinguish them (e.g., [ART—] instead of [N]..) However, these rules are maintained in this grammar for two reasons. Firstly, if categories are given traditional labels such as [N], [Trans] etc., the grammar is more intelligible than if the relevant contexts are baldly stated. Secondly, these rules state that there is a set of lexical formatives that occur in the context ART—etc. ; if they 1

Chomsky, 1965, pp. 121-22.

158

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RTJLES

are eliminated, this generalization can only be inferred from inspecting the formatives individually listed in the lexicon. Strict sub-categorization features and selectional features are not separately described in this set of rules. I t appears t h a t this distinction was largely motivated b y Chomsky's presentation of [V] formatives as mirroring the contextfree categories of [N] formatives. [N] and [V] have not been maintained as distinct cover symbols in t h e categorial rules of this grammar, for reasons t h a t were presented in detail above (cf. Categorial Rule 6a), and the separation of strict sub-categorization and selectional features consequently loses much of its force. Rule 1 Β —>• [V] [Ν]

I TA— /

ART—

[Loe] I Prep L — : Base is associated with the features [Verb] in the context TA—; [Noun] in the context Article—; and [Locative] in the Context Prep L —. This rule is a compression of three strict sub-categorization rules; in each case, Β and context belong to a single syntactic category (VERBAL, NOM and LOC respectively). The three contexts specified are adequate to categorize initially all lexical formatives as occurring in one or more of them. In the extremely unusual cases where formatives occur in none of these contexts, they are listed as exceptions. E a c h of t h e definitive contexts ( T A — , A R T — , P r e p t — ) was established in the categorial rules as divisive of a major constituent t y p e (VERBAL, NOM and LOC, respectively). By inference, therefore Rules 1 claims t h a t bases with t h e syntactic feature [V] may function as head of VERBAL; [N] as head of NOM, and [L] as head of LOC. If a formative is associated with [Ν, V] features, it m a y then function as the head in both NOM a n d VERBAL constructions: VERBAL

kar\i [Ν, V]

/ αηαη / e

'weep.'

'Γ

har\ì kar\i

geni

'weep' NOM

TA

¡αηαη Ί'

/ e

haa'

geni caus TA

Ιοηο 'hear'

Ί hear t h e weeping.'

/

/ ke def sing Art

kár¡i kdr¡i cry' 'cry'

/

JUSTIFICATION Ο ΐ LEXICAL RULES

159

Although ART, TA, and Prep L may all be deleted from the phrase under specified conditions, these deletions are handled by transformations and are thus a feature of surface structure. They do not affect the sub-categorization of lexical formatives, which is an operation performed in the base and consequently a feature of deep structure. The only two formatives that appear to occur in none of the contexts specified are listed here, and classified according to the major constituents in which they occur: ka'ele haakoa Rule 2a [V]

[N] [V]

'earth' 'all'

[Trans] [ + Cont] [-f-Dir] [+Pass]

[+A]

[+Num] [Odd] [Even]

— N O M moa

PREP

r 2,3

— ' % PREP

—"lia (Passive suffix) Ko'o"— (human no.) Kau"— (odd no.) hoo"— (odd no.) —"aoa ( χ two)

: [Verb] is associated with one of the above features in its cited context. This rule lists a series of contextual categories to which [V] formatives can be assigned. It is obvious, however, that this classification is quite incomplete, and that a complex mesh of selectional relations operate between [V] bases and other items in the utterance. Until sub-categorization can be empirically investigated in LUA, the list of categories presented will only be a partial and impressionistic selection from the very large number of possible classifications. 1. [Trans] verbs are defined by their selection of an object-functioning nominal, or an instrumental PREP. vuhu ike li'i laku r¡oho kapu moe

[Trans] [Trans] [Trans] [Trans] [Intrans] [Intrans] [Intrans]

'hit' 'see' 'beat' 'throw' 'sit' 'sacred' 'sleep'

160

J U S T I F I C A T I O N OP L E X I C A L NOM

VERBAL

kama la ¡ e 'he'

[Trans]/

NOM

ke

mea

geni TA

def 'thing' sing Art 'He - the thing with the thing.'

¡

RULES

maa

PREP

mai

lee

mea

'with'

def sing Art

'thing'

/

kama la ¡ e

I ke mea/maa ke mea / vuhu 'hit' [Trans] 'He hit the thing with the thing.'

But:

* kama la j e

r¡oho

/

ke mea / maa ke mea /

'sit' [Intrans] 2. [-j-Cont] delimits a restricted set of Verbs; not all [V] bases can be reduplicated: 'whistle' [+Cont] keiho 'fall' [ + Cont] 'cry' kar\i [+Cont] 'stand' kuu [—Cont] /αψιιι e νίηί" virji R3 [ + Cont]/ Ί keep whistling.'

iho I ke* | ke R 2 [ + Cont] Ί keep falling.'

\ar\au / e

/ajjau j e kat\i" R3 Ί keep crying.'

kar\i / [+Cont]

But:

*Ιαηαιι

/ e kuu

kuu Ra [—Cont] * Ί keep standing.'

3. [-(-Dir] was discussed in detail in the discussion of Categorial Rule 1. Only some [V] bases may be followed by '» P R E P (directional movement):

haele Me

[+Dir] [-(-Dir]

'go' ί t run

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RTTLES

kolo moe

[+Dir] [—Dir]

161

'crawl' 'sleep' PREP

Ike poi/ u [-f Dir] / 'i ke def 'dog' immed [Dir] def sing ta sing Art Art 'The dog - to the house.'

hale/ 'house'

[Dir] ¡ke poi I

u

kolo / 'i 'crawl' [ + D i r ] 'The dog crawled to the house.'

But not: * I ke poi I

u

moe [-Dir] 'sleep'

ke hale/

j 'i ke halej

4. [-j-Pass] delimits that set of Verbs that may take a passive suffix in the passive construction: ηοα [+Pass] kalo [-fPass] umi [+Pass] apulo [—Pass] ¡ke mea / «[-f-PassJ'Zia/ 'The thing was —.'

'knot' 'stab' 'smoke' 'capsize'

i.e.: ¡ke mea/ u ηοα 'lia/ [+Pass] 'The thing was knotted.' But not: *¡ke mea / u

| apulo

[—Pass 'The thing was capsized.' ¡ke mea / u apulo/ 'The thing was capsized.'

'lia/

162

JUSÏIFÎCATÏOÎÎ Ο ΐ LEXICAL ROLES

5. [ + A ] defines the set of [ V ] formatives that can follow another base as its modifier: helo

[+A]

βα'ίηο

[+A]

lahi

[+A]

'yellow' 'bad'

'big' [—A] 'dig' ¡ke poi [+A] I u haele/ def 'dog' immed 'go' sing TA Art 'The — dog went.' 'eli

i.e.: jke poi

lahi

I u

haele /

[

-A] 'big' 'The big dog went.' But: * jke poi

'eli

I u haelej

[—A] 'dig' The analysis of [ + A ] bases is incomplete. I t seems probably that some [ + A ] bases may follow Nouns only; and others may follow Verbs only etc., but this is conjectural at present. 6. [+Numeral]: I t is possible that [Numeral] bases constitute a semantic set rather than a fully contextual category, since ko'o' (human no.) rarely occurs before numbers over ten. The numerical system oí LUA can conveniently be outlined at this point. Basically, it operates in multiples o f t e n : kahi lua kolu haa lima οηο hiku valu sivo earjahulu

'one' 'two' 'three' 'four' 'five' 'six' 'seven' 'eight' 'nine' ten'

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RÜLES

163

sar¡ahulu maa kahi 'eleven' sarfihulu maa lua 'twelve' etc. : . . . kipu -f Numeral from two through ten multiplies the number by ten: kipu lua X 'ten' 'two' kipu kolu X 'ten'

'three'

=

20

=

30

Numeral from two through ten plus hui kalau multiplies the numeral by 100. lua hui 'two' kolu hui

kalau X100 kalau

=

200

'three'

χ 100

=

300

Numeral from two through ten plus simaka multiplies the numeral by 1000: lua simaka 'two' XlOOO

= 2,000

However, for counting coconuts, fish or other products, a distinctive set of affixes are added to the cardinal numerals from one through nine: (a) hoo' kahi si "aoa kau' kolu

'one' 'two' 'three'

(b) lua 'aoa kau' lima

'four' 'five' < • y six

(c) kolu 'ηαοα kau' οηο (d) haa "ηαοα kau" sivo se hui

'seven 'eight' 'nine' 'ten'

"aoa ~ Ληαοα multiplies the preceding numeral by two; it is suffixed only to the even numbers two, four, six, eight and therefore provides a divisive context for the feature [even]. hoo' is prefixed to kahi; all the other odd numbers are prefixed by kau" : These two prefixes therefore provide the divisive contexts for the feature [odd no.].

164

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RULES

The ORDINAL numbers oî LU A also operate with a prefix system; but 'first' is expressed by the LOC i mua 'before' ; and 'second' by the product-counting numeral si 'aoa. All other ordinals are cardinal numbers prefixed by haa" : haa" kolu haa" haa Rule 2bl [N]-

third fourth

[Com] I Art2—NOM

[Prop] / Art 1 — : [N] formative is associated with one of the cited features in its associated context. [Com] Nouns only may follow Art 2 : ke saa ηαα he ηίί

[def, sing] [def, dual] [def, pl.] [indef, sing] [indef, pl.]

[Com] — — — —

i.e. ke

hale [Com]

But not: * ke

Maleva [Prop]

Only [Com] Nouns may be possessed: sapusapu sa'asar\a saalupe hale Maaleva ke def sing Art

[Com] [Com] [Com] [Com] [Prop]

'Jew's harp' 'ear ring' 'stingray' 'house' (woman's name)

[Com] I αηαη la / my'

i.e.: I ke

sapusapu [Com] 'My Jew's harp.'

I ar¡au la /

JUSTIFICATION OF L E X I C A L RULES

165

But not: */ ke

I αηαη la j

Maaleva [Prop]

Only [Prop] Nouns may occur after Art t : Veve'u'ala Pita Honiala poi :

[Prop] [Prop] [Prop] [Com]

(woman's name) (man's name) (place name) 'dog'

I a [Prop]/ e kauale'a / [Prop] geiil 'beautiful' Art TA

i.e.: I e kauale'a / Veve'u'ala [Prop] 'Veve'u'ala is beautiful.'

I β

But: I e

poi [Com] 'dog'

j e kauale'a /

Rule 2b2 [Prop]

[ + P l a c e N] / haa — 'from'

: [Prop] formatives occurring in the context haa — are associated with the feature [+P1. N]. This rule claims that formatives following haa (place of origin) are Place Names, and that Place Names are [Prop] Nouns. In the categorial rules, haa is classified as Prep L , and place names are therefore [L] bases, not [N]. The analysis of haa was queried in the discussion of categorial Rule 8b; it now appears that haa may be a [Prop] article like a, that applies solely to the [Prop] names of places: Limr\iua Saavo ΗβηηαΙϊί Maaleva

[-j-Pl. N] [+P1. N] [ + P I . Ν] [Prop, - Pl. N]

(Island) (Island) (Island) (woman's name)

166

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL

:

jke ku'u / haa def 'chief (pi. of sing origin) Art 'The chief of

RULES

[Pl. N]/

i.e.: jke ku'u I haa

ΗβηιιαΙϊϊ

/

' [Pl. N] 'The chief of Hej/uali'i.' But not: *

jke ku'u I haa

Maaleva [Prop, - Pl. N]

Rule 2b3 [Prop] — [Pron] / so'o" — 'alone' : A [Prop] formative occurring in the context so'o1— will be associated with the feature [Pronoun]. Only Pronouns may follow the prefix so'o" — 'alone': αηαη maakou laaua Veve'u'ala

[Pron] [Pron] [Pron] [Prop, - Pron]

. . . I me haele / so'o" fut 'go' 'alone' TA '. . . Will go by — . '

Ύ 'we' (pi. excl.) 'they' (dual) (woman's name)

[Prn]/

i.e. I me haele / so'o'

maakou [Pron] 'Will go by ourselves.'

But not: * I me haele / so'o"

Veve'u'ala [Prop,—Pron]

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RULES

Rule 2b4 [Pron]

[3rd, sing]

/

167

ko' (specific)

: Only the third person singular pronoun may follow ko", the specifier prefix. aia ~ ta a'oe

[3rd, sing] [2nd, sing]

Iko* [3rd, sing] / e haele / specific geni 'go' TA ' I t is — t h a t i.e.: ¡ko" I jg I

I e haele /

[3rd, sing] I t is he t h a t goes. B u t not: I ko"

I e haele / [2nd, sing]

Rule 2c [L] — [Pos]

I

pee'— 'like'

: [Loc] bases are associated with the feature [Positional] in the context pee' — 'like'. This rule delimits the positional bases ηβί 'near speaker'; ηαα 'near audience' and laa 'distant from both' as a distinct category. The only other formative that can occur in this context is the interrogative heel 'which?', which is introduced by a substitution transformation, and is therefore a part of surface structure. ηβί ηαα laa Ιιιηα

[+ [+ [+ [L,

Pos] Pos] Pos] -Pos]

\ar\au / β hele ¡ pee' Τ geni 'run' 'like' TA Ί run like —

'near speaker' 'near audience' 'distant from both' 'up' [Pos]

168

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RULES

i.e.: / αηαη / e Icele pee* 1

ηβι [Pos]

I

Ί run like this.' But not: * I αηατι / e hele pee*

lur¡a I / [L, -Pos] 'up'

4.4. SYNTACTIC REDUNDANCY RULES

The syntactic redundancy rules of this grammar show how syntactic features are related to each other - either hierarchically, or by cross-classification, (for an outline of the hierarchies established, refer to Chapter 2). Where features are hierarchically related as below: Ν [Com]

[Prop] I [PI. N]

1

1 [An]

[Per]

[Pron] [1st]

[—1st] [2nd]

[3rd]

the lowest feature on the hierarchy ([3rd]) is predictive of all the other features that a [3rd] formative may have in the hierarchy - [e.g., [—1st, Pron, An, Prop, N].) These hierarchies are specified, so that one may adopt the convenient convention of listing only the lowest feature of each hierarchy to which a particular lexical formative belongs, in its gloss: laakou [3rd]. Features specified in these rules may be either CONTEXTUAL or INHERENT, for example [N], [Prop] and [Pron] above are contextual features; while [An], [1st], [3rd] etc. are inherent features that have no divisive context, but form categories that are subject to selectional relations with other categories.

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RULES

169

Syntactic features are most commonly presented as [ ± X ] ; however, in this grammar, a slightly different convention is adopted. Instead of labelling categories as [ ¿ C o m ] for example, a more informative notation appears to be one that maintains traditional grammatical labels: [N] -

[Com] [Prop]

Rule 1 [V, Ν, L] : Β may be associated with the features [V], [N], [L]. The base (or lexical) formatives of LUA are extensively cross-classified: e.g., Luarjiua [Ν, Loe] 'Place' Β

[Ν, Prop]:/ a I Σιιαηίιια / ke [Prop] [N, Prop] def Art sing Art 'Luangiua is the good country.'

lie-qua kauale'aj 'country' 'good'

LOC

[Loe]/atiera / me

r¡oho / i

Σιιαηίιια

/

'Γ

f u t 'stay' LOO Luarçiua TA [Loe] Ί shall stay at Luangiua. samalio [Ν, V]

'cold' VERBAL

[V]:/ αηα,υ, j e samalio Τ geni [V] 'cold' TA Ί am cold.' [N]:/ ke samalio def [Ν, Com] sing Art 'cold is unpleasant.'

I e sa'ir¡o / geni 'bad' TA

Although [Ν, V] and [N, Loc] cross-classifications are prolific, there appear to be few bases functioning as both [V] and [Loc]. Only the formatives mao 'distant' and kapili 'close' appear to have both [V] and [Loc] features:

170

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL BULES VERBAL

[V]:/ αηαυ, / e

mao geni 'distant' TA Ί am far away.' 'Γ

LOC

[Loc]: ar\au / e haele / i 'go' loc Ί am going far away.'

mao

VERBAL

[V]: I αηαυ, / e

¡capili

/

'close' Ί am close.' LOC

[L]:/ αηαυ, / e haamai / i 'come'

kapili

loc

Ί come close.' Rule 2a [V] -*

[Trans] ; ± Cont; [Dir] [Intrans] [Loc] : Verbs may be Transitive or Intransitive, Continuative or Non-Continuative, Directional or Locational. Verbs may be quite intricately cross-classified in LUA, but only a few of the categories are clear at present. Since each of the features specified in this rule is context-sensitive, they have already been outlined in the context-sensitive sub-categorization rules of the Lexicon (cf. Rule 2a.). There are eight possible combinations of these features: 1. [Trans, + Cont, + Dir] e.g.: kaa 'tattoo': R3

NOM

PREP

i'a I 'i ka'upu la / lcaalcaa ¡Ice [Trans, def 'fish' Dir 'girl' 'that' -fCont. sing +Dir] Art 'The old man tattooed a fish on t h a t girl.'

I kama makua / u 'man' 'old' immed TA

JUSTIFICATION

OP L E X I C A L

171

BULES

2. [Trans, -Cont, + D i r ] 'ae climb PREP

¡kaupiala

la

j u

a'e I 'i

ae

ke

amakuu /

'boy'

'that' immed [Trans, 'up' 'to' def 'ripe coconut' TA [-Cont, sing +Dir] Art 'He climbed up to the ripe coconut.' NOM

¡kaupiala

/ u

|

'ae

/ ke mowr\a /

[Trans] 'mountain' 'He climbed the mountain.' 3. [Trans, + Cont, — Dir]: ahu 'clothe' NOM

E3

I Ηίηα

la

j

e

'mother' 'that'

ahuahu

geni TA

[Trans, +Cont, —Dir] 'The mother dresses her baby.'

Ike

memea

def sing Art

'baby' 'her' 'that'

4. [Trans, — Cont, — Dir]: αβηοα

'ask' NOM

¡αηαιι / me

'Γ

αβηοα

fut TA

[Trans, —Cont, —Dir] Ί will ask the chief.'

/ ke

def sing Art

maakua /

'chief'

5. [Intrans, — Cont, —Dir] ahoka 'sweat' ¡karna

malcauj

e

'person' 'fisher' geni TA

ahoka

kahi

'sweat' continual [Intrans, —Cont, —Dir] 'The fisherman keeps sweating.'

I

aiia

la /

172

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RULES

6. [Intrans, — Cont, -f Dir] masi'e 'stand' PREP

¡αηαιι / e Τ geni TA

/ 'i Ιηηα / masi e 'stand' [Dir] 'up' [Intrans, Prep —Cont, +Dir]

Ί stand up.' 7. [Intrans, + Cont, apulu 'sink'

Dir] Ra

¡ke va'a / u def 'canoe' immed sing TA Art 'The canoe sank.'

apulupulu I 'sink' [Intrans, +Cont, —Dir]

8. [Intrans, + Cont, -f- Dir] haa' kar¡u 'dive' PREP

I ka'upu 'girl'

la 'that'

/ 'oi Cont TA

hankar¡ukariw 'dive' [Intrans,-fCont, + Dir] 'That girl still kept diving into the ocean.'

I 'i ke [Dir] def prep sing Art

moar¡a / 'ocean'

I t is interesting that 'haa' kar\u' with a related meaning ('bury'), has quite a different feature analysis, [Trans, +Cont, —Dir]. This example shows the influence of semantic factors upon syntax. Rule 2b [Ν] -ν [Com]; [Animate] [Prop] [Inanimate] : Nouns may be common or proper; animate or inanimate. One of the [V] sub-categorizations not yet established is an apparent distinction between [V] bases that are associated with an [An] object, and those associated with an [Inan] object: [An] object:

li'i vuhu πιαΜηο

'beat' 'fight' 'to know' (person)

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RULES

[Inan] object:

sele υ,ητι 'eli ailoa

'cut top off" 'drink' 'dig' 'to know' (something)

[An]/[Inan]:

'ike kur¡i see

'see' 'burn' 'hunt for'

[Com, An] bases: poi ηηη si'i

'dog' 'hermit crab' 'mid-wife'

[Prop, An] bases: Maaleva Auve'e

woman's name name

[Com, Inan] bases: haku 'stone' 'hinge, joint' su'ui si'a 'needle' [Prop, Inan] bases: Her¡uali'i country Luar¡iua country

Rule 2c [Loc] [Time, Place] : Locative bases may be associated with Time, Place f [Time] kahaka 'morning' kaiao 'tomorrow' : There are very few inherent locatives of Time. [Place] Ιηηα lalo makahale loko lakorju mao kapili

'up' 'down' 'outside' 'inside' 'middle' 'distant' 'near, close'

174

JUSTIFICATION OP LEXICAL RULES

[Time, Place] mua muli

'before, in front' 'after, behind'

Rule 3al [Intrans] -»- [ ± A ] : Intransitive Verbs may be Adjectives, or not. All Adjectives when functioning as head of VERBAL, are Intransitive: I αηαη / e ma ΐηΐ I 'Γ geni 'white' TA [A, Intrans] Ί am white.' But:

NOMN

¡αηαη / e

ma ιηι

I

Ice mea

la

Some Adjectives can however be [+Dir]: PREP

¡αηαυ·Ι Τ

e

sa ιηο [A, Dir]

geni TA Ί am awful to him.'

I

'i [Dir]

kama 'him'

la /

PREP

¡αηαη / ηίί helo / 'i Τ past [Dir, A] [Dir] TA Ί coloured that girl yellow.'

ka'upu la / 'girl' 'that'

Rule 3a2 [+A] - [+Num] : Adjectives may be numerals or non-numerals. The [ + N u m ] bases of LUA have already been outlined in some detail in the lexicon (cf. Rule 2a.). The [—Num] Adjectives can be roughly sub-categorized into Dimensional; Colour; Quality categories, but since these are little more than impressionistic semantic sets, they are not specified in the formal rules: (Dimensional] laho so'ao makolo

'wide' 'narrow' 'thick'

JUSTlflCATlOIÎ Of LEXICAL RULES

papakua r¡oko paka'ee

175

'thin' 'deep' 'shallow'

[Colour] mea helo pallaa

'red' 'yellow' 'black'

[Quality] laoi kaule'a ίιαατηαοηΐ sala kor¡u makau vale maluu

'good' 'good' 'true' 'wrong' 'right' 'strong' 'weak' 'patient'

Rule 3a3 [ + N u m ] — [Odd] [Even] : Numerals may be either odd or even. Odd numbers are marked by the prefixes kau" and hoo"\ even numbers by suffix *aoa ( χ two) (cf. Context-sensitive Lexical Rule 2a.). Rule 3b [Trans] [±Pass] : Transitive Verbs may or may not take the Passive suffix in a passive construction. Most Transitive Verbs take the passive suffix "lia in a passive construction, but some do not:

176

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RULES

[+Pass]

saasae solo vasili arflku haakuu

'rip' 'drag' 'ask' 'call' 'burn'

[—Pass]

ailoa apo haalahi sili ulu pawpau

'know' 'panic' 'pass' 'forget' 'enter' 'count'

The Passive transformation operates only on [Trans] verbs, whether it is marked by the Passive Suffix or not: jke lolo I u 'lia I haakuu pass def 'coconut' immed 'burn' [V, Trans, sing ta Art Pass] 'The coconut milk was burnt.' jke lolo J u

I [V, Trans, —Pass] 'forget' 'The coconut milk was forgotten.'

But: * I ke lolo I u

£ asa "lia I [V, Intrans] 'overflow'

Rule 3cl [Prop]

[Animate] [Pl. N] : Proper Nouns may be Animate, or Place Names. Animate Proper Nouns include pronouns and the names of people or pets; Place Names are the proper names given to any location. [An]

Auve'e Kimoka'u maakou kaaua laakou

(Name) (Name) (Name) pronoun 'we' (pi. excl.) pronoun 'we' (dual incl.) pronoun 'they' (pi.)

JUSTIFICATION OF LEXICAL RULES

Ke Loma Kella Ke Malu KePae Ke'e kele ΚαΙαηίη Sauma Haleaiku

177

(Place) (Place) (Place) (Place) (Place) (Place) (Place) (Place)

Rule 3c2 [An] — [Pron] [Personal N.] : Animate proper nouns may be Pronouns or proper names (cf. Rule 3cl list). Rule 3c2 [Pron] - [ i Sing, ± l s t ] , : Pronouns may be singular or non-singular; first person or non-first. Syntactic features have commonly been applied as a binary system of classification; a formative is either i a specified feature. This type of categorization, however, seems both arbitrary and unnatural for LUA. There are many cases where there are not two alternatives at a particular point in a hierachy, but three (although they do not appear to exceed this number). The Pronoun system is a case in point; it exhibits two sets of intersecting features that have three values each. 1.

Sing: Dual : Plural

NUMBER

2.

1st

PERSON

: 2nd

: 3rd

SING

1st incl. excl. 2nd 3rd

at\au a'oe aiia

DUAL

kaaua maaua oolua laaua

The rules presented here, therefore, are misleading: [Pron] -

'look' 'up' 'The old man sat beside the pool'

'The child looked up'

200

TEANSFORMATIONAL

SUB-COMPONENT

4^.kar\aka makua/u ηοήο/ί Ice vahi ke vai/

keeηa\ kamali'iju 'ila

a'e#

'The old man sat beside the pool, then the child looked up.' S2 Sl à&ke makua aiiaj u make Φ4Φ kamali'i la j haahaelej 'i maolfc=> def 'father' 'his' immed 'die' 'child' 'that' 'travelled' 'to' 'distant' sing TA Art 'His father died' 'The child journeyed a great distance.'

s2 jkamali'i la\haahmle\i mao^ ια maakua aiiaju makej 'His father died, then the chi d travelled far away.' Si

5.3.2.

1. T.

Sentence Linking and partial deletion

'Shared Subject [V]' Sentence-Linking and Partial Deletion Transformation OPT. iftNOMi/TA [ V J # # N O M A T A [ V ] 2 # = ) - # N 0 M 1 / T A [ V J / ηοο\ [V 2 ] #

r\

: Two sentences having identical subject Nomináis, and [ V ] bases in the Verbal constituent may be linked by deleting one of the Nomináis, and changing the Tense-Aspect marker of the second Verbal to ηοο or i. NOMj

NOM 1

[V]2

[V]2

àfrka'upu la / u haele aku# φ ka'upu la /u 'girl' 'that' immed 'go' 'away' 'girl' 'that' immed ΤΑ ΤΑ 'She went away' 'She slept' NOM!

[V] x

moeáfc => 'sleep'

[V] 2

áfcka'upu la I u haele aku | ηοο | moejfc 'She went away and slept.' NOM!

[V]i

NOMi

[V]2

X2

#kama laj u haamaiφ Ricama la / u 'ikej ke soa aiia#=> 'he' immed 'come' 'he' immed 'see' def 'friend' 'his' TA TA sing Art 'He came' 'He saw his friend' NOMx

[V]i

Ricama la j u haamai / 'He came to see his friend.'

[VJ

x2

| j [ 'ike/ ke soa aiia^p

201

TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT

ηοο might be translated as 'and'; i as 'in order to'. This transformation serves to link two Verbals, both with [V] bases. 2. 'Shared Subject [ + A ] ' Sentence-Linking and Partial Deletion Transformation τ. opt. # ν ο μ χ / τ α [ + A ] j # # nomata [+A]¡¡ #=>-#noMj/ta [+A]i/ma¿TA [+A]2# : Two sentences, having identical subject Nomináis and [ + A ] bases in the Verbal constituent, may be linked by deleting one of the Nomináis, and adding mai between each consecutive Verbal. ΝΟΜχ [+A] X NOMj [ + A] 2 #αηαη / e lahi # ήζαηαυ, / e τπαίΜηααηαβ #=> 'Γ geni 'fat' «Γ geni 'lazy' TA TA Ί am fat' Ί am lazy' NOM! [ + A]i ^αηαΊΐ/β lahi / mai Ί am fat and lazy.'

e

[ + A ]2 makat]oar\ae^

3. 'Shared Verb [Sing]' Sentence-Linking and Partial Deletion Transformation T. OPT. #ΝΟΜχ [Sing]/VERBAL1# #NOM JVERBALj# =>· ^NOMjl [SÍng]/wíOCt NOM 2/VERBAL^ : Two sentences having identical verbals, and the first having a singular subject, can be linked by deleting one Verbal, and linking the two subjects with mua 'and'. NOMx [Sing] VERBALj poi I u kaukali def 'dog' immed 'crawl' sing ta Art 'the dog crawled'

N0M2 VERBALj φ)~ke ur¡u / u kaukali^=> def 'hermit crab' immed 'crawl' sing τα Art 'The hermit crab crawled'

NOM, NOM, VERBAL, poi I maa ke ur\u / u kaukali 'The dog and the hermit crab crawled.' 4.

#

'Shared Verb [3rd] ' Sentence-Linking and Partial Deletion Transformation

Τ. OPT. φ^ΝΟΜ! [3rd, sing]/VERBAL1##NOM2 [3rd] I ^

VERBALj 4Φ =>

TRANSFORMATIONAL

202

#NOMJ

[3rd, sing]/[Pron, 3rd]

SUB-COMPONENT

j ρ" 3 ^

maa

NOM

2

/VERBAL^

: Two sentences with identical Verbals, the first with a singular 3rd person subject and the second with a 3rd person subject that is singular or plural, may be linked by deleting one of the Verbals, and adding laaua (3rd person dual) (for two singular subjects) or laakou (3rd person) (for one singular, one plural subject), plus maa 'and' between the two subject Nomináis. (3rd, sing) V E R B A L 1 x1 Pita j u haelej 'i ke Hoteli##a pers 'Peter' immed 'go' 'to' def 'Hotel' Art TA Art sing 'Peter went to the hotel' NOMJ

4Φ a Pita

laaua maa

Markju

NOM 2

VERBALJ

X2

Mark / u haelej'i ke Hoteli # 'Mark' immed 'go' 'to' 'the' 'Hotel' TA

'Mark went to the Hotel'

haelej i ke Hoteli4±

'Peter and Mark went to the hotel.' NOMJ

VERBAL

NOM 2

VERBAL^

áfcMaalevaj'oi uaka## 'Maaleva' cont 'work'

ηαα hir¡e haa Luar¡iuaj'oi uaka^φ=> def 'women' 'from' LUA 'still' 'work' TA art pi. 'Maaleva is still working.' 'The Luangiua women are still working'. -^Maaleva

laakou maa

ηαα hir¡e haa Luatjiua

'oi uaka~|φ

'Maaleva and the Luangiua women are still working.' Thus if the two subjects add up to two people, the dual [3rd] pronoun laaua is used; if they add up to three or more people, the plural 3rd pronoun laakou is used. 5. 'Shared Object-Subject' Sentence-Linking and Partial Deletion Tranformation T. OPT.

# X !

NOM 0 L # # N O M

G

1 X2#=>-#X1NOM1

X

2

#

: Two sentences whose object and subject Nomináis respectively are identical, can be linked by deleting one of the Nomináis. #αηακ/ 'Γ

e 'ikej a 'see' pers Art Ί saw Pasia'

Pasia## 'Pasia'

a Pasiaj e haele/i kai => pers 'Pasia' geni 'go' 'to' 'beach' Art TA 'Pasia was going to the beach'

^aηau|e'ike ja Pasia j e haele j i kai Ί saw Pasia going to the beach.'

#

TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT

203

#Μηβ makuaj u hcmlcn¡o¡ke sisi'o ## ke sisi'o / e haarnai / i 'lady' 'old' immed 'hear' def 'hurricane' def 'hurricane' geni 'came' 'to' TA Art Art sing sing 'The old lady heard the hurricane The hurricane was coming this way.' ηβί # here' =>#Μηβ makuaju haalor/o/ke sisi'oje haamai/i ηβίή3ρ 'The old lady heard the hurricane coming this way.'

5.3.3. Permutations 1.

'Linking Permutation' Transformation

T. OPT.

#S1/C0nj/N0M/VERBAL/X24t==>-#S1/C0nj/VERBAL/N0M/X2#

: When two sentences are conjoined, the Verbal of the second may precede its subject Nominal. ή^αηαιι) u vaiscnjij ke kaupialaj mai ¡kama la / | j | kauale'a # Ί' immed 'embrace' def 'boy' 'because' 'he' subj 'handsome' TA Art TA sing Ί kissed the boy because he is handsome.' #αηαη}η vaiso^jke kaupìala\ mai | | i | kaule'ajkama Ί kissed the boy because he is handsome.' •-^ΑβϊηαΙ u haele¡maa ke kipua/ 'Asn¡a' immed 'go' 'with' 'the' devil TA

keer\a 'then'

la^

ηαα maakua aiia laju ηοίιοήζ. def 'parent' 'hers' Immed 'wait' Art ΤΑ

Pi· 'Asina went with the devil, then her parents waited.' ή^Αβίηα/ u haele maa ke kipuaj keeηa u ηο/ιοίηαα maakua 'Asina went with the devil, then her parents waited.' 2.

aiia

'Shared Verbal Permutation' Transformation

τ. OPT. #NOMJ/ ([Pron, 3rd]) maa NOMJ/VEBBAL^^^NOMJVERBAL/ 3 r d ] ) maa

([Pron,

NOM2#

: When two sentences with identical Verbs have been conjoined, the subject of the second may follow their shared verbal.

204

TRANSFORMATIONAL

kaupiala maa def 'youth' 'and' Art sing 'The boy and the girl are

SUB-COMPONENT

ke ka'upuj e lue jvaa kai#=> def 'girl' geni 'dance' def 'beach' Art TA loe sing dancing on the beach.'

#ke kaupialaj e lue¡ ke ka'upu/vaa maa 'The boy and the girl are dancing on the beach.'

kai

Auhuki 'Auhuki'

laaua maa Useia/ e laavea^=y ^Auhuki¡e laaveaj 3rd 'and' 'Useia' geni 'sick' dual ΤΑ Pron 'Auhuki and Useia are ill' 'Auhuki and Useia are ill.' laaua maa 3.

Useia #

'Locative Permutation' Transformation

T. OPT.

LOCPL L O C T # = * # L O C T LOCPLJ X

#

: Locative Place and Locative Time categories may permute from sentencefinal to sentence-initial position, where they reverse order. LOCPI

^ar¡au / me

'ai /

Τ

i kai 'at' 'beach'

fut 'eat' TA Ί will eat at the beach tomorrow.' LOC-

LOC_

kaiao 'tomorrow'

LOC„

\ar¡au\ me 'ai i kai # kaiao Ί will eat at the beach tomorrow.' LOC„R

#kaaua¡ 'We(2)'

e moe j geni 'sleep' TA

LOCT

ke hale 'at' def 'house' loe sing Art 'We sleep in the house every night.' LOC„

#

#

η aa poo haakoa def 'night' 'all' pl. Art

LOC„

ηαα poo haakoa ke hale 'We sleep in the house every night.'

jkaauaje moe #

#=

TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT

205

5.3.4. Deletions

1. 'Verbal Deletion' Transformation τ. OPT. # N O M / V E R B A L / ( N O M ) / ( L O C ) # = > - # N O M / ( T A ) / ( N O M ) / ( L O C ) # : choose one o f (NOM), (LOC).

: Verbal may be deleted wholly from the sentence, or leaving Tense-Aspect marker; either object Nominal or Locative or both must be selected. Of all the Transformational rules, this is perhaps the most debatable. In LUA utterances, NOM NOM and NOM LOC sentences are extremely common, and at first sight one is tempted to consider this type of construction a basic kernel structure, different from the NOM VERBAL (NOM) (PREP) (LOC) - structured sentence. There are some data, however, which appear to support the notion of an optional Verbal Deletion. The first of these is the frequent appearance of a tense-aspect marker between NOM and NOM; or NOM and LOC: NOM

LOC

#kama 'he'

la / | me | / i fut loc 'here' TA 'He will be here.' NOM

^kaupiala 'boy'

NOM

la

¡

me fut

'that'

/

ku'u# 'chief'

TA

'That boy will be chief.' NOM

LOC

papa / 'box'

ηίί / i lolco hale # past loc 'inside' 'house'

def Art ΤΑ sing 'The box was inside.' NOM

NOM

#keela / | 'pj | / kau hale# 'that' cont 'my' 'house' TA 'That is still my house.' The Tense-Aspect set occur only before the Verbal Nucleus, except in aberrant examples of this kind. Now, a transformation cannot delete lexical items irre-

206

TRANSFORMATIONAL

SUB-COMPONENT

coverably, and if this Verbal deletion is to be supported, some recoverable Verb must be found to fill the slot between Tense-Aspect marker and NOM or LOO. When the Verbal is deleted, the relationship between NOM and NOM or LOC is one of equation, very like the English verb 'to be'. When a NOM LOC construction has a Negative LOC, moreover, the Negative has an unusual form; se ai, and this Negative form may take a Tense-Aspect marker: ή^/ce marju

la j

u

se | gj |

def 'bird' 'that' immed Neg sing TA Art 'That bird is not up in the tree.'

?

/ i loc

Ιιιηα

ke

laa'au

up'

def sing Art

'tree'

se ai occurs in another interesting construction: ύ^αηαη / se ai ^φ 'Γ Neg ? Ί am not' I t may be t h a t ai is a [V] base with approximately the meaning 'to be', but t h a t has phonemic form only after the Negative formative. In this case, the empty Verbal slot is explained as a zero variant of ai, and the solution becomes a morphophonemic one. However, this argument is by no means established. Impressionistic evidence, from informants and acquired intuition, argues t h a t NOM NOM and NOM LOC constructions are somehow incomplete, and t h a t a Verb is 'understood'. A pause between the two constituents is often marked, though the exact significance of this is not clear. The rule as presently framed presents a Verbal deletion of some sort, without making any claims about the operation involved. I t is to be understood as extremely hypothetical. ή^αηαν,Ι me [V] / i Τ fut loc TA Ί will - here'

ά^αηαη / me / i

ηβϊ#

'here' Ί will be here'

#Maaleva 'Maaleva'

/ 'oi [V] / kau soa ^^>-$pMaaleva¡'oi¡kau soadfe cont 'my' 'friend' TA 'Maaleva - still my friend' 'Maaleva is still my friend'

^lkeeηei| e [V]/ ke να'αή£=>^ββηβίΙ ke va'aQ 'this' geni def 'canoe' TA Art sing 'This - the canoe.' 'This is the canoe.'

207

TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT

2.

'Tense-Aspect Deletion' Transformation

τ . OPT. TA

Neg

Affix

I β

Neg I Affix

β

: When Base is affixed, or preceded by Negative, the Tense-Aspect marker may be deleted. When the Base is preceded by a Negative, the causative prefix haa*, desiderative prefix Mi", or when it has the Reduplication infix r, or the passive suffix "lia, it is likely that the Tense-Aspect marker will be deleted. This is extremely common in all samples of Luangiua verbal behaviour. As has previously been tentatively suggested, this type of deletion may correlate with the information value of the element deleted; moreover, the Tense-Aspect marker is recoverable as e, the general τα marker, which merely signals a [V] base is to follow. It is possible that the presence of affixes exclusive to [V] bases may render the e redundant; or the information value of a Negative marker may over-shadow this very general particle and encourage its omission. Certainly, however, e is quite dispensable to the sentence. 4f αηαιι / e | se | 'aka # =• # αηαιι / | se | 'akatfp Τ geni Neg 'laugh' TA Ί am not laughing.' Ί am not laughing.' memeaj e def 'baby' geni desid Art ta prefix sing 'The baby wants to cry.' ^Auhukij 'Auhuki'

&a»7¿:j£=>#ie memeaj 'cry'

e υϊηϊ νΐηί^ geni 'whistle' TA

hii*

kar¡i φ}:

'The baby wants to cry.' =>^Auhuki / νίηϊνίηί 4Ë r

R

'Auhuki is whistling.' poi I e li'i def 'dog' geni 'whip' pass Art ta suffix sing 'The dog was whipped.'

'Auhuki is whistling.' #=>

poijli'i

#

'The dog was whipped.'

208

3.

TRANSFORMATION AL SUB-COMPONENT

Singular Article Deletion Transformations

(a) τ. OB. ART [Sing]

kapuae kuaalima ka'ele pu'ua

'foot' 'hand' 'earth' 'mouth'

=>

kapuae kuaalima ka'ele pu'ua

: Before the above words, the Singular Article must be deleted. Certain [N, Com] bases cannot take a Singular Article: * #ke kapuae αηαιι/ e vaìe^=> %kapuae ar¡au¡e vale# def 'foot' 'mine' geni 'weak' Art ΤΑ sing 'My foot is weak.' 'My foot is weak.' *^ke pu'ua Auhukij e pii lo'ia^=>^pu'ua Auhuki/e pii lo'ia# def 'mouth' 'Auhuki' geni 'full' 'very' Art TA sing 'Auhuki's mouth is quite full.' 'Auhuki's mouth is quite full.' (b) τ. OPT. Art [Sing]

kama ka'upu kaupiala kanaka hir¡e

'person' 'girl' 'youth' 'man' 'woman'

kama ka'upu kaupiala km\aka Μηβ

: Before the above words, the singular Article may be deleted. Before [Com] formatives referring to people, the singular article is most commonly omitted unless the speaker is being specific: #kama 'he'

la /

e haa" hii"aka geni 'funny' TA

'He is funny.' But: # I ke I kama la / e haa'hii" 'That particular man is funny.' ^kaupiala 'boy'

'aka^

la / e laku / ke haku =)Φ 'that' geni 'throw' def 'stone' TA Art sing 'The boy threw the stone.'

209

TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT

But: kaupiala laj e lalcu j ke haku 4φ ke 'That particular boy threw the stone.' 4.

'i (General Location) Deletion' Transformation

Τ. OPT.

LOC,,

LOC,τ

%

i : Before Locative Time category, or before a locative-functioning Nominal category preceded by LOCATIVE PLACE category, ¿(general location) may be deleted. The general place-time location marker i appears to be another formative with relatively little information value. Before LOCt it is generally omitted, and its signalling value is taken over by the [TIME] feature of the Base. Between two LOCpl categories, i is redundant, since the recursive series has already been initiated by a Preposition. LOC„

#αηαη/ Τ

NOM

u lolosij immed 'look TA after'

ke memeaj def 'baby' Art sing

m

LOC„

ke poo ίαφ|==> def 'night' 'that' Art [Time] sing

loc

L0C T

Ί looked after the baby last night.' ή^αηαη/ u lolosi / ke memeaj ke poo la Ί looked after the baby last night.'

# LOC„

^par¡au¡ u

/ 'ike Ice

kaa

huki ¡i lalo

LOC„

/

| j [ ke s evolo

Ί'

immed 'see' def 'bunch' 'banana' loc 'below' loc def 'table' sing TA sing Art Art Ί saw the bunch of bananas under the table.' ή^αηαη / u 'ike j ke kaa huki / i lalo / ke sevoloj Ί saw the bunch of bananas under the table.' 5.3.5. Embedding 1.

Nominal Embedding Transformations

(a)

τ . OB PRÉNOM [ C o m ] A (MOD 3 ) =>· PRÉNOM

[Com]

(MOD 3 ) LOC

L

VERBAL

[A] (Q)

J

210

TRANSFORMATIONAL

SUB-COMPONENT

: When the dummy symbol A occurs in a Nominal string with a [Com] base it symbolizes the embedding of LOC, VERBAL, or [Adjective] plus optional Qualifiers in that position. Embedding in the Nominal produces a Relative construction, where the Relative string is usually 'nested' between [N] and one of the Positional formatives, ηβϊ, ηαα or laa [Reí. Pos]; and it acts as a modifier of [N]: NOM

poi r¡ei ke def 'dog' 'this' sing Art 'This dog is hopeless.' NOM:

/

/ e βα'ίηο / geni 'hopeless' ΤΑ

^ar¡au¡ e li'i j ke poi/ i kai Ί ' geni 'beat' def 'dog' loc 'beach' TA sing Art Ί beat the dog at the beach.' #s

#

#

Ie βα'ϊηο / αηαα / e li'i / i kai ψί ke poi 'The dog that I beat on the beach, is hopeless.' Ii laloj=> #

ke poi 'below' 'This dog down here is hopeless.' 4£LOC#

VERBAL / e

kar\i\ => #

ke poi

i lalo

e

kar¡i

ψΐ

¡e sa'wjotf:

r¡ei

/e βα'ίηο

'This howling dog is hopeless.' [ + A ] Q u a l I lahi loo /=> #

ke poi

lahi loo

ψΐ

je βα'ίηο^:

'This very fat dog is hopeless.' These strings can be embedded only after a [N, Com] base. When LOC is embedded after an object-functioning NOM, an ambiguity results: VERBAL

¡ar¡au / β vuhu / ke poi Ί' geni 'hit' def 'dog' TA sing Art

NOM

kai loc'beach'

TRANSFORMATIONAL

SUB-COMPONENT

211

can be interpreted either as: 'At the beach, I hit the dog', in which case it is a free LOG, or Ί hit the dog which was at the beach', in which case it is an embedded LOC. This ambiguity can be resolved by applying the LOC Transformation. If the LOO is embedded in NOM, it can not take the characteristic permutation to sentence-initial position without ceasing to modify the NOM:

I

LOC„

i kai

I αηαη/ e viihu ] ke poi /

can only be interpreted as 'at the beach, I hit the dog'. Actually, it seems quite likely that the Embedding Transformations are less simple than this rule would indicate. There are probably two kernel sentences involved in each embedding, which share an identical subject or object:

(1) jke poi αηαη e li'i i kai ηβί/ e άα'ΐψΙ 'The dog I beat on the beach is terrible' This example may have the kernel sentences: NOM.

I ke poi ψι I e βα'ιηοΙ 'This dog is hopeless.' NOM,

¡αηαη/β li'ij ke poi ηβί / i kaij Ί beat this dog on the beach.' (2) jke poi

e kar\i

e βα'ϊηο /

'This howling dog is hopless.' This example may have the kernel sentences:

'This dog is hopless.' There are probably at least two kernel sentences involved, not only in the specific embedding transformation described here, but also in the two subsequent embedding transformations. This conjecture, though, has not been carefully tested with the LUA data, and until such tests are made, the present and probably inadequate rules will be retained.

212

TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT

1(b) ko'o* Embedding in Nominal. τ. OPT. # ART [ComJ^TA ko'o" [Num]# #ART [Com]1/x#=> he ko'o" [NumJfCom^/x^ : When two sentences have an identical subject Nominal with a common base, and when the Verbal of the first consists of a human numeral prefix plus Numeral, the prefix plus Numeral can be embedded between ART and [Com] of one subject nominal, the other is deleted, and ART is always ke [def, sing]. One unusual feature of this embedding is the lack of concord between the ART and the embedded Numeral. The ART is always the singular Definite Article he, even before plural numerals: 41-ke km\aka\ e ko'o' sing 'man' geni human def TA no. Art 'There are four men.' #ke

ko'o' haa 'The four men . . .'

haa 4Φ 'four'

kanaka /

Moreover, ko'o' [Num], precede the [N], although they act as a modifier, and the typical modifier position in this language is following the Base. 2.

'Verbal Embedding' Transformation

T. OB. PREVERB [ V ] A =» PREVERB [ V ]

[+A]

: When the dummy symbol A occurs in a Verbal string, it symbolizes the embedding of a [ + A ] Verbal, whose Tense-Aspect marker is deleted. VERBAL

I

Β

geni TA

kele 'run'

1 [+A]

le

vave 'fast'

kele run

vave fast'

I

The most convincing support for this transformation is found in the Nominalim s at ion of a VERBAL with an embedded [ - F A ] : kele 'The running is fast.'

NOMT: =>

jke

'αηα / e

vave

I

Under this transformation, the embedded [ + A ] base verbal is separated from the original Verbal, and so the original embedding transformation is reversed.

TRANSFORMATIONAL

5.3.6. Marker 1.

SUB-COMPONENT

213

Transformations

'Causative Marker' Transformation [V] haa"

τ . B.

[N]

haa' [V, Trans]

[Loc] : haa" before any base transforms it automatically into a Transitive Verb. haa" has a transformative effect on the syntactic features of lexical formati ves. It may be prefixed to any formative, which then becomes a [V, Trans] base, capable of functioning as head of a VERBAL both in active and passive constructions: oho

=>·

[N, —Pos] [L, —Rei. Τ]

'day'

poo I u haa" aho "lia^ 'night' immed caus 'day' pass TA prefix suffix

def Art sing 'Day was turned to night.'

huli [+Pass, -fCont, +Dir] 'turn' =>• #ar¡au¡ e haa" huli I ke 'turn' def Ί' geni caus art TA prefix sing Ί turn over the rock'

hakudfc 'rock'

hie [Inan] 'firewood' => 3fckar¡aka la / 'man' 'that'

hie /ke laa'au la 4t haa" caus 'firewood' 'the' 'log' 'that' prefix 'He cuts that log into firewood.'

pi'o [ + A ] (bent) => ^kaupiala ivi / u 'boy' 'strong' immed TA

haa" caus prefix

'The strong boy bent the knife.'

pi'o I ke 'bend' def 'knife' art sing

214

TRANSFORMATIONAL S U B -COMPONENT

Ιιΐηα [ L , Rei. Place] (up) pisikolo / u def 'bicycle' immed art TA

haa" caus prefix

Ιυ,ηα *lia / Auhuki^ 'up' pass 'Auhuki' prefix

sing 'Auhuki p u t the bicycle u p there.' 2.

'Passive Marker' Transformations ( liq or variants)

(a)

τ . OB. ^ N O M J T A [ T r a n s ] " l i a (MOD^/NOMJ

#

NOM 2 /TA [ T r a n s ] ' l i a (MODJ)/ ( i )

#=>-

NOM^

: When * l i a follows a Transitive Verb, subject a n d object Nomináis automatically change positions, and the subject Nominal m a y be preceded b y i (Agent). NOM G

NOM 0

¡αηαιιΙ e ' Γ geni

haa" caus

kor\u / lee kuar¡iw / => 'straight' 'the' 'spear'

TA

Ί straighten the spear.' NOM 0

i^ke

NOMQ

kuar¡iu / haa" koy\u \~lia

/

(i)

ar¡au

'The spear was straightened by me.' The optional i is introduced into the sentence to emphasize the role of the agent. NOM S

NOM 0

-$.kar\aka la 'man' 'that'

/

u 'aij ke immed 'eat' def TA sing Art 'He a t e the fish brain.' NOM,

4[ke pulolo ke i'a la/ u 'ai

pulolo ke i'a la # => 'brain' def 'fish' 'that' sing Art NOM S

*ηαj | | j | kar¡aka Ιαή^

'The fish brain was eaten by that man.' (b)

Τ. OPT. # N O M 2 / T A [ T r a n s ] 'lia

MOD X Ψ => 4£ΝΟΜ 2 /TA [ T r a n s ] MODX "lia -FF

: 'lia m a y occur after Transitive Verb, or alternatively after the Verbal Modifiers. The significance of this rule with respect to the constituent structure of the NUC unit was discussed a t length under the justification of Categorial R u l e 5a.

TRANSFORMATIONAL

215

SUB-COMPONENT

#αηαιι/ e haa" kcn¡u kahi Ί ' geni caus 'straight' MOD TA contin.

I ke def sing Art

kuay\iu # 'spear'

Ί kept straightening the spear.' #ke kvm\iu\ e haa' kcn¡u Or:

kwar\iu\e haa" hor\u

"lia

kahi

I αηαυ,-lfc

kahi

"lia

I ar¡au^z

'The spear is always being straightened by me.' amakuu / áfrke memea / e r\amu haamau I ke kahi def 'baby' geni 'chew' 'continual' 'incessant' def 'ripe coconut' sing TA sing Art Art 'The baby keeps chewing the coconut meat.' amakuu / e ηamu Or:

"lia

kahi haamau

amakuu / e r¡amu kahi haamau *lia 'The coconut is always being chewed by the baby.'

/ ke memea # I ke memea

3. 'Nominalizer Marker* Transformations (a) τ. OB. [ ν γ α η α ( M O D ^ => [Com] "αηα (MOD X ) : When "αηα is selected after a [Y] base it automatically converts it to a [Com] base. The Nominal Transformation is problematical. The difficulties of placing "αηα in the expansions of the categorial component have already been discussed at length (cf. Categorial Rule 5c). Moreover, it appears that when a sentence is nominalized by the rule presented here, it is incomplete: i^ar¡au¡ e vuhu # Ί hit.'

# ηαα vuhu "αηα / 'My hitting.'

αηαη/....

This suggests that two kernel sentences are involved in the transformation. One is obviously # αηαη/ e vuhu # in this case, but the possible identity of the other is less easy to establish. If the sentence above is completed: #ηαα vuhu "αηα αηαη\ e 'ivi# geni 'strong' TA 'My blows are powerful.'

216

TRANSFORMATIONAL

SUB-COMPONENT

part of its second kernel must be the VERBAL 'e'ivi'. However, it is difficult to identify its possible NOMs. If might possibly be a pro-form meaning "my action" or something of that sort, except that there is no cover term in LUA for [V] bases. Until the dilemma is resolved, the present rule will be retained, even though it is quite obviously inadequate. The Nominalizer suffix "αηα has a transformative effect upon the syntactic features of bases. I t is used to convert [V] bases to [N, Com]: ar¡au¡ e 'ike \ ke mar¡u / e Ί ' geni 'see' def 'bird' geni TA Art TA Ί see the bird flying down.' Uee "αηα

#αηαη/ e 'ike I he

llee

iho

[V] 'down'

iho / Ice mar/u

[N] Ί saw the bird's downward flight.' ^icar¡aka

la

'man' 'that'

/ e

kalcala 'talk'

geni

'true'

[V]

TA

'He speaks truly.' #ηαα

JcorjU^ç.

kaηaka la / e kor¡u-^

kakala "αηα

[Ν]

'What he says is true.' (b) τ. OPT. ή^ηαα [V] "αηα MODJ => #ηαα [V] : ά^'αηα may follow [V] or its modifiers. ή^αηαιι / e 'ike / ke llee iho Β

MODJ

"αηα

"αηα / ke τηαηη^t

MOD

Ί saw the bird's downward flight.' This transformation was offered as evidence for a valid Nucleus unit in the justification of the Categorial Rules. 4. 'Imperative Marker' Transformation (a) τ. OB. # N O M [2nd]/ 'au Neg [V]#=> # 'au Neg [ V ] # ! : When 'au is selected as tense-aspect marker of a negative verbal, the second-person subject Nominal is automatically deleted. #'a'oe I e se 'aha =£=>•#: 'au se 'aka^ç. ! 'you' geni Neg 'laugh' (3rd pi) TA You're not laughing 'Don't laugh.'

TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT

217

Since an Imperative is a direct command, the deleted subject is always understood as second person ('a'oe (sing); oolua (dual); or ookou (pi)). ^ookouj me se haelej i 'you' (pi) fut Neg 'go' 'to' 'beach' 'You're not going to the beach.' (b)

'au

se haeleji kaitfz !

'Don't go to the beach !'

# 'au [ Y ] # ! =» # [V] # ! : When 'au does not precede a negative, it is automatically deleted. 'au has a zero variant before a Positive [V] formative: T.OB.

tfpooluaj e ham\ai\ he kamali'i#=> 0 haar¡aijke kamali'i# 'you' geni 'feed' def 'child' TA Art sing 'You (two) are feeding the child.' '0 Feed the child !'

!

4t'a'oe/ 'aa sosoloj ηαα susipaηϊ #=>• # 0 sosoloj ηαα susipa^#\ 'you' incept 'scrub' def 'saucepan' Art TA pi. 'You are scrubbing the pots.' 'Scrub the pots !' 5.3.7. 'Possessive Substitution' 1. ( a ) τ . OPT. D e f . A r t NUC 3

'αηαη 'a'oe aiia

'Γ 'you' 'he'

Transformation " Def Art "

=>

[PRONOUN]

0

au 0 αηα [PRONOUN]

: When Nominal Nucleus is followed by a possessor pronoun, the pronoun may be embedded between ART and Nucleus 3, the Article is deleted if the pronoun is plural, and if the pronoun is first person, it alters form as shown above. ke hale ar¡au => ke au hale 'My house' 'My house' ηαα hale ar\au => ηαα au hale 'My houses' 'My houses' ke leo a'oe 'Your voice' ke k^ikama 'His body'

=> ke o leo 'Your voice' aiia

=> ke αηα k^ikama 'His body'

218

TRANSFORMATIONAL

ηαα paamalo maakou def 'lavalava' Ours' Art pi. 'Our lavalavas'

SUB-COMPONENT

maakou paamalo

'Our lavalavas'

[def, sing] V [def, plural] 0 : After the Possessive substitution Transformation, Article alters form as shown above.

(b) T. OB. ART

ke au hale 'My house'

k'au hale 'My house'

ηαα au hale 'My houses'

au hale 'My houses'

ke o leo 'Your voice'

k'o leo 'Your voice'

This rule is a morphophonemic one, that gives the correct phonemic shape of the definite articles before possessive singular pronoun forms. 2. 'Pronoun Substitution' Transformation τ. OB. aiia ana ι Γ kama la laaua VERBAL ko'o'lua la VERBAL laakou ηαα kama la In the Subject position, the third person pronouns are replaced by the corresponding [Human] Nomináis: aiia laaua laakou

'he' 'they two' 'they' (pi)

by kama la 'that man' by ko'o'lua la 'those two' by ηαα kama la 'those men'

The 3rd person pronouns never occur in the subject-functioning NOM, but are rather replaced by their equivalent [Com] Nominal strings: NOMG

* ^laakou / 'they'

e haele^=>^r¡aa kama laj e haele4Φ 'go' 'they' 'go' NOM S

*Qlaaua

/ e sa'^o^^^pko'o" lua la / e βα'ίηο# 'Human 'two' 'that' geni 'bad' Numeral' TA 'they (two) are evil' 'They (two) are evil,'

TRANSFORMATIONAL

219

SUB-COMPONENT

NOMG

*tfpaiia I u make 'He died'

Ricama la j u 'He died'

make#

3. Interrogative Substitution Transformations (a) 'What?' T.OPT.

PREVERB

NUCX

X

Γ PREVERB

A

(MODJ)

(X)

PRENOM

NTTCJ

X

L PRENOM

A

(M0D3)

(X)

? 'What?'

: a? 'what?' may replace [N] or [V] base; N U C J or NTJC3; or the entire sentence contents following these categories. The Interrogative a ? 'what V may substitute for a single base, leaving modifiers and the rest of the sentence intact, or for base plus modifiers, or for Base plus the rest of the sentence, apparently depending on how much the questioner did not hear, or know: 4^ke poi I u kele vave / i Ιηηα def 'dog' immed 'run' 'fast' 'to' 'top' Art ΤΑ sing 'The dog raced to the top of the hill.' #ke

ke mour¡a φ)= def 'hill' Art sing

I u kele vave / i Ιν,ηα ke mour¡a

' W H A T raced to the top of the hill?' ke poi j u

vave I i Ιηηα ke τηοιίηα

'The dog quickly W H A T to the top of the hill?' => 4 T - k e poi I u

j g | / ί Ιηηα ke mourja

ft

'The dog W H A T to the top of the hill?' => áfcke poi ¡ u

I a

fi

' W H A T did the dog do?' if 'WHAT?' (b) 'How many?' τ. O P T . P R E V E R B [Num] => P R E V E R B hia? 'how many?' : Numerals may be replaced by hia\ 'how many?' I e kolu geni 'three' TA [Num] 'three'

hia

ft

'how many?'

220

TRANSFORMATIONAL

jIco'o* haa¡ => ko'o'

hia

SUB-COMPONENT

ft

[Num] 'four (people)' (c)

'how m a n y (people) ?'

'Where?'

τ. OPT. [Loc] => heeì

'where?'

: Locative bases can be replaced b y hee?

I i

kai I => j i

hee

'where?'

ft

geni [Loc] loc ' A t the beach.' ' W h e r e ? ' (general loc)

vaa Ιηηα / =» / vaa def

ft

hee

'up'

loc 'Up'

' W h e r e ? ' ( d e f . loc)

\aa

lalo

emph

'below'

/ => jaa

hee

ft

loc 'below' (d)

'Where? (emphatic loc)'

'Which?'

τ. OPT.

[Pos]

Aee?

'which?' I

\ 'when?' : Positionais ηβί, ηαα,

loa

\

'where?' J

either as bases or modifiers, can be replaced

b y hee ? /¿ee·

ηβί

def

'this'

jkee"

hee

Art sing 'This'

Ike

'Which?'

papa

ηβί j => jhe papa

'This box'

jke 'the'

ualoko

'Which box?'

ηβί / => jke

'time' 'this'

'Now'

ualoko

'the' 'time' 'When?'

¡pee" ηβί / => ¡pee" 'like' 'like this.'

hee

'How?'

hee 'which'

ft

hee 'which'

221

TRANSFORMATIONAL STTB-COMPONENT

(β)

'Who?' τ. OPT. (ART) [Person] => o ait 'who?' : Optional Personal Article plus Personal base can be replaced by o ait 'who?' I a Maaleva / =>· o | gj | ff pers 'Maaleva' Art 'Maaleva.' ¡ηαα kama

'Who?' la j => / ο

[Pers] 'They' (f)

| gj | if

'Who?'

'Whose?' τ. OPT. NOM NOM => NOM α ai? 'Whose?' : Possessor Nominal can be replaced by o ai? 'Whose?' NOM

NOM

Ike mea / ar¡au / => ¡ke mea j a | ai | ft def 'thing' 'mine' Art sing 'My thing.' 'Whose thing ?' jke ivi I ke poi / =>• ¡ke ivi ¡ a | gj | ff 'the' 'bone' 'the' 'dog' 'The dog's bone.' 'Whose bone ?' (g)

'Why?' ηαα laa ieea? 'Why?' 'aa : Sentence can be rendered interrogative by adding ηααΐββα, laaieea, or 'aieea 'why?' =>

T. OPT.

^fka'upu la I e 'girl' 'that' geni TA

s

kar\i #=> φ[ka'upu la j e kar¡i j 'cry'

'She is crying' #ke

marpo ¡hii'ai

ηαιββα

ft

ma^oo/e hii'ai kahi / ateea

ft

'Why is she crying?' kahi

def 'shark' 'hungry' 'always' Art sing 'Sharks are always hungry.'

'Why are sharks always hungry?'

222

TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT #'α'οβ/ e áa'¿^o#=>#'a'oe/ e sa'ir¡o¡ laaieea 'You are bad.' 'Why are you bad?' 5.3.8. Interrogative Permutation

Transformation

τ. opt. Interrog # = > #Interrog S # : Interrogative normally occurs sentence-finally, but may occur sentenceinitially. # a ' o e je άα'ιηο/ laaieea if ==>*## laaieea /a'oe/e sa'irjO ft ti 'Why are you bad?' 'Why are you bad?' Ricama

la /

o ai 'who'

'person'

o ai

'Who is that ? ' Qkeelajke

I kama la

ft

'Who is that ? '

mea | a i | 1)

'Whose is that ? ' #a'oe I e kele /

| a i | / lee mea la

ft

'Who is that ? ' | j hee ft # | i hee / 'a'oeje kele

'you' 'run' 'to' 'where' 'Where are you running?' 5.3.9. Reduplication

ft

'Where are you running?' Transformations

Strictly speaking, all the transformations that follow (Reduplication, Contextual Formative variant, and Phoneme Deletion Transformations) describe morphophonemic processes at the word level. However, in the absence of a phonological component, and because these rules are relevant to the syntax, they are included in the Transformational sub-component as a set that may potentially be detached, and relocated in a Phonological component. The symbols C (consonant) and V (vowel) are used throughout as alternatives to [ + 1 ] (consonantal) and [—1] (non-consonantal), since it is felt that they are useful traditional labels that help promote the intelligibility of these rules, without altering their implications in any way. 1.

'âj' Transformation τ. ob. r x CVj X => CVjVjX : Where X = rest of the formative. : Reduplication 1 infixed in a formative beginning with consonant + vowel, reduplicates the first vowel. Reduplication 1 applies to a small sub-set of [An] Nouns: kanaka makua

'man' 'parent'

=> kaar¡aka => maakua

'men' 'parents'

Rj indicates 'plural', and is in concord with plural articles.

TRANSFORMATIONAL SUB-COMPONENT

223

2. 'R2' Transformations (a) τ. OB. R2 CjViX => C ^ C ^ X : Reduplication 2 infixed in a formative beginning with consonant + vowel, reduplicates the first CV. Reduplication 2 applies to [V, + Cont] formatives: solo keiho haele

'rub' 'fall' 'go'

=> sosolo => kekeiho => hahaele

'keep rubbing' 'keep falling' 'keep going'

(b) τ.

OPT. CjVAViX => C J A C ^ X : The first vowel of a formative reduplicated by Type 2, may be devoiced.

sosolo =• sasolo kekeiho => kdkeiho itahaele => hahaele /»/ is represented in Distinctive Feature analysis as [ + 1 , —4]. 3. 'R3' Transformations (a) τ. OB. R3 C1V1C2V2 => C1V1C2V2C1V1C2V2 : Reduplication 3 reduplicates the entire formative. Reduplication 3 also applies to [-j- Cont] Verbs, but only to those that have a CVCV shape. sapu karji νίηϊ

(b)

'suck' 'cry' 'whistle'

=> sapusapu => ka^ka^ =>· νίηίυίηί

'keep sucking' 'keep crying' 'keep whistling'

C1V1C2V2C1V1C2V2 => c1v1c2c1v1C2v2 : The final vowel of a formative reduplicated by Type 3 may be deleted from the first occurrence of the formative in the reduplicated form. T. OPT.

sapusapu ka^ka^ νίηίυίηί

=> sapsapu => kaηkaηί => νίηνίηί 5.3.10. Phoneme

1.

Deletion

¡'I Deletion Transformations τ. OPT. 'VX =• VY : In normal to fast speech, an initial / ' / may be deleted. 'i [Dir] (prep) =>· i 'i'ai 'knife' => i'ai 'a'oe [Pron, sing, 2nd] 'You' => a'oe This rule caused the confusion between 'i (towards, [Dir]) and ¿ (general Timeplace prep) mentioned in the justification of Categorial Rule 1.

224

TRANSFORMATIONAL 5.3.11.

1.

SUB-COMPONENT

Contextual formative

variants

Τ. OB. ηii [V] avale => ηαα [V] avale [Past] 'instead' [Past] 'instead' TA

TA

: The [Past] Tense-Aspect marker ηϋ has the form ηαα when avale 'instead' follows the Verb. */αηαη/

ηιι haele past 'go' Τ TA Ί went instead.'

2.

/=> \ar\au\ avale 'instead'

ηαα

τ. OPT. Neg A R T => Neg Mi : Article may be replaced by hii after Negative. ΙαηαηΙ I se I I Ice I ku'u / neg def 'chief' Τ sing Art Ί am not the chief.'

Or: ¡αηαη /

se hii Ί am not the chief.'

ku'uj

/ieer^ei / se ke poi / 'this' neg def 'dog' sing Art 'This is not the dog.' Or:

3.

Ikeer/ei jse hii poi / 'This is not the dog.' T.

OB

kee' Γ ke 1 (def. sing Art) p Q g = aa \ηαα\ (dei. pl. Art) kee"ηei 'this (near sp.)' kee"ηaa 'that (near hearer)' kee'Laa 'that (distant)' aa " r¡ei 'these (near sp)'

POS

haele

avale

I

APPENDIX 1

SOME NOTES ON PHONOLOGY A Transformational Generative Phonological component operates upon "The surface of a string in phonological representation, and converts it into a phonetic representation". 1 The surface structure is " a properly-labeled bracketing of formatives, which are represented in terms of 'categorial' distinctive features". 2 The Phonological component converts it into phonetic form by a linearlyordered set of rules, which apply to the surface structure in the following manner: in the first cycle, the rules apply in their given order to a maximal continuous part of the surface structure containing no internal brackets. In the surface structure: [S[KOM[(N]

? ][N]][uoM][ VKRBAlίτΑβ·1τλ[[ν]

a, aw

Τ

'geni ta'

'¿ae^el[V)] [ VERBAL]IsIl 'go'

αηαη, e or haele are such units. After the last of the rules have applied, the innermost brackets are erased, and the second cycle of application is initiated. The rules again apply in the order specified, to a maximal continuous part of the surface structure containing no internal brackets. When the last rule has applied, the innermost brackets are erased, and the third cycle is initiated. This process continues until the maximal domain is reached. The rules function "to supply values to non-phonemic features, change the values of certain features, and assign phonetic interpretation to different rules of a matrix" 3 in the surface structure. "Thus, a phonetic representation of the entire sentence is formed on the basis of the intrinsic abstract phonological properties of its formatives, and the categories represented in its surface structure". 4 1 Chomsky, 1967a, p. 102. « Chomsky, 1967b, p. 415. » Halle, 1964a, p. 332. « Chomsky, 1966, p. 143.

226

APPENDIX 1

The formulation of a Phonological component under these terms requires a mass of rigorously-tested data for the possible orderings of phonological rules; a clear discrimination between rules that may apply only to categories at specified levels, and those which may reapply in each cycle; and much other information that is not available for LUA at the moment. Some information is available, however, and it seems inadvisable to completely ignore it. I t will be presented below in an unformalized state.

1. INVENTORY OF PHONOLOGICAL SIGNALS

1.1. Articulatory

Analysis

Consonants : ρ voiceless, bilabial stop k voiceless, dorso-velar stop ' voiced, glottal stop ν voiced, labio-dental fricative s voiceless, apico-alveolar groove fricative h voiceless, glottal fricative m voiced, bilabial nasal η voiced, velar nasal 1 voiced, apico-alveolar lateral, with a wide variant range. May be laterally or centrally released; sometimes is a lateral velar fricative or resonant. Vowels: i e a o u

high front unrounded mid front unrounded low central unrounded mid back unrounded high back unrounded

Junctures: All junctures, according to this analysis, share certain features - potential pause, volume decrescendo, and a stress on the penultimate preceding vowel and each alternate preceding vowel. Stress is realized as increased volume, raised pitch, and the slight lengthening of a stressed vowel. If a formative preceding a juncture has only one vowel, then the penultimate rule cannot apply, and the formative is inherently unstressed (e.g., many grammatical formatives). This stress prediction rule is not wholly accurate, but no more accurate generalization has been found for LUA.

APPENDIX 1

+

11

! ff

227

Word juncture is realized as a pulse of rearticulation intervocalically (V + V): or devoicing of the prejunctural vowel when juncture falls between vowel and consonant (V + C). Non-final juncture is realized as the general junctural features plus level pitch. (2) Declarative final juncture is realized as the general junctural features, plus pitch falling from 2 on the penultimate vowel to 1 on the final vowel. Exclamatory final juncture is realized as the general junctural features, plus pitch falling from 3 to 1 on the final vowel, Interrogative final juncture is realized as the general junctural features, plus pitch rising from 2 to 3 on the final vowel.

Pitch: 1. Low Pitch 2. Medium Pitch 3. High Pitch 1.2. Distinctive Features Analysis of Segmental Signals List of Signals: [ + 1,+ 2 , - 4 , - 5 ] Ρ [ + 1 , - 2 , - 4 , + 5] k / [+l,+2,+4] 1 [ + 1,-2,—3,+ 4 , - 6 ] [ + 1,-2,-3,+4,+6] V [ + 1,-2,-3,-4,-5] s h [+1,-2,-3,—4,+5] [ + 1,-2, + 3 , - 5 ] m [+1,-2,+3,+5] V i [-1,-5,-6] e t-1,+5,-6] [-1,-5,+6] u o [ - l , ± 5 , + 6] a [ - 1 . + 5] Articulatory Characteristics of Distinctive Features: 1. 2. 4

Halle5 distinguishes four degrees of narrowing in the vocal tract: CONTACT - when two opposite parts of the vocal tract touch. OCCLUSION - a less extreme degree of narrowing, capable of producing turbulence. Halle, 1964.

228

APPENDIX

1

3. OBSTRUCTION - a lesser degree of narrowing, that produces glides. 4. CONSTRUCTION - a lesser degree of narrowing, that produces 'high' vowels The 'distinctive features' described below are adapted from Roman Jakobsen's universal inventory of approximately 13 features; six of these are needed to distinguish the LUA phonological signals: (1)

CONSONANTAL-NON-CONSONANTAL:

[ + 1 ] Occlusion, contact or obstruction (C). [—1] Periodic excitation and open vocal cavity: the most extreme narrowing is constriction (V). (2)

INTERRUPTED-CONTINUANT:

[ + 2 ] The passage from glottis to lips is effectively closed by contact. [—2] There is no narrowing in excess of occlusion. (3)

NASAL-ORAL:

[ + 3] The velum is lowered, allowing air to pass through the nasal pharynx and nose. [— 3] The velum is raised, shutting off the nasal pharynx and nose from the rest of the vocal tract. (4)

VOICED-VOICELESS :

[ + 4 ] Vocal cords are vibrated [—4] There is no vibration of the vocal cords. (5)

COMPACT-DIFFUSE:

[ + 5 ] Constriction, located in the front of the vocal tract. [—5] No narrowing, located in the front of the vocal tract. (6)

GRAVE-ACUTE:

[ + 6 ] Primary narrowing is located at the periphery of the oral cavity. [—6] Primary narrowing is located in the central region of the oral cavity. 2. SOME EVIDENCE FOR THE DIFFERENTIATION OF PHONOLOGICAL SIGNALS (MINIMAL PAIRS)

2.1. Consonants Initial: ραα koa 'aa vaa aaa haa tnaa ηαα loa

'slap' 'kill' 'inceptive Tense-Aspect' 'definite location' 'dual definite article' 'four' 'light-skinned' 'plural definite article' 'sun*

APPENDIX

Medial: apa aka *

/

a a ava asa aha ama αηα ala

1

'embrace' 'snake' 'root' 'channel' 'overflow' 'coconut string in ball' 'outrigger' '3rd person pi. possession theins' 'path' 2.2. Vowels

V kili kele kala kolo kulu V^VV pipi piipii se see papa paapaa popo poopoo pupu puupuu

'bang, meet' 'run, sail' 'open' 'sugar-cane' 'drip, leak' 'shellfish sp.' 'senior chief' 'negative' 'seek' 'box' 'slap' 'decay' 'round off' 'bush' 'netting fibre' 2.3. Junctures

parents ^ maa + Kua 'for Kua' maakua kekeke quiver ^ ke -f eke 'the cake' 11 αηαη hii" 'ai / / mai ar\au u se 'ai Ύ desid 'eat' 'because' T immed neg 'eat' prefix ta

-f

Ί am hungry because I haven't eaten.' ψ: at\au hii" 'ai φ(= 'I'm hungry'

229

230

APPENDIX

1

φ !: αηα,ιι hii* 'ai ! Ί a m hungry !' ff

αηαη hii" 'ai ff 'Am I hungry?'

3. LIMITS ON THE COMBINATION OF PHONOLOGICAL SIGNALS INTO FOMATIVES (C a n d V are used throughout this section a s more familiar symbols for [ + 1 ] a n d [—1])· 1. All CV combinations occur. 2. All V V combinations occur. 3. A formative m a y contain no more than eight (C) V combinations. kaakaumakaηϊ 'white-lined rock cod' haalaalaaei 'variegated colours' 4. No more than 5 V signals m a y be consecutive within a formative: seuoua 'sad' aieea 'why' 5. N o more than two identical V signals m a y be consecutive within a formative. paamalo 'loin-cloth' ραηααιια 'neck' 6. I f more than two V signals are consecutive, only CV m a y follow within the formative: paiolo 'hip' 3.7 A formative may begin with C or V, but ends only with V: maka ('look') ake ('liver')

4. SOME PHONETIC CONDITIONING R U L E S 1. In any V cluster, the first vowel partially anticipates the articulation of the second. 2. Before another V, /1/ is palatalized. eiyeea ? ( ' what for ? ' ) (aieea) hiye ('firewood') (hie) 3.

Before another V, /o/ and /u/ are labialized:

s e u

w

o

w

u

w

a

('sad')

(seuoua)

APPENDIX

1

231

4. When a formative ends with V1( and the following formative begins with Vj, the two vowels merge and / + / is lost: kar/i + kar\ïho 'cry' 'down' malea + a'e maka'e 'look' 'up' larji + ¿ + kai —>· Ιαηί -f- kai 'sing love song at beach' 5. In a word with four or more (C) V, the antepenultimate vowel is lost when the consonant preceding it is /»?/. kir¡ikama τπαηηρϊΐο αψίΐοαία

— τηαηρϊΐο —* ατφαΐα

'body' 'stink of toilet' 'fish up'

5. CONCLUSION

The limited data available on LOA phonology have been presented as unordered prose rules, which may in the future be formalized. In their present state, however, these rules make no claims of adequacy or formal rigour.

APPENDIX 2

TEXTUAL MATERIAL 1 Two folk tales have been selected as sample material; they are simple syntactically, and represent a down-to-earth narrative genre. A more general collection of textual material would be included if space were available, but since it is not, these short stories must suffice - they are complete, interesting in their own right, and illustrate most of the base rules as well. The Luangiua text is presented in the first line; in the second line, each grammatical formative is glossed according to its appropriate base rule, and each lexical formative is given a simple equivalent in English (since no adequate semantic analysis is available) ; and the third line gives a running translation which tries to recapture the spirit and content of the Luangiua original in idiomatic, fluent English. These Luangiua 'yarns' are told at night, in huts packed with people or out on the beach. If the story-teller is expert, he will carry the people with him; they join in the chants, correct all his mistakes, and start laughing even before the familiar twists of the plot are reached. It is to be hoped that these short texts will restore some life to the language of Luarjiua.

1

A collection of Luar)iua folk-tales is available in the library of Auckland, New Zealand.

of the University

233

APPENDIX 2

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235

APPENDIX 2

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